,,the ,,mediaeval ,,mind ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,limited ,london ,bombay ,calcutta ,melbourne ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,new ,york ,boston ,chicago ,atlanta ,san ,francisco ,,the ,,macmillan ,,co4 ,,of ,,canada1 ,,ltd4 ,,toronto ,,the ,,mediaeval ,,mind ,a ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,development ,,of ,,thought ,,and ,,emotion ,,in ,,the ,,middle ,,ages ,,by ,,henry ,,osborn ,,taylor ,,in ,,two ,,volumes ,,vol4 ,,ii ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,limited ,,st4 ,,martin',s ,,street1 ,,london #aiaa ,,contents ,,page ,,book ,,iv ,,the ,,ideal ,,and ,,the ,,actual3 ,,society 7continued7 ,,chapter ,,xxv ,,the ,,heart ,,of ,,helo,,se #c ,,chapter ,,xxvi ,,german ,,considerations3 ,,walther ,,von ,,der ,,vogelweide #bh ,,book ,v ,,symbolism ,,chapter ,,xxvii ,,scriptural ,,allegories ,,in ,,the ,,early ,,middle ,,ages2 ,,honorius ,,of ,,autun #da ,,chapter ,,xxviii ,,the ,,rationale ,,of ,,the ,,visible ,,world3 ,,hugo ,,of ,,st4 ,,victor #fj ,,chapter ,,xxix ,,cathedral ,,and ,,mass2 ,,hymn ,,and ,,imaginative ,,poem #gf ,i4 ,guilelmus ,durandus and ,vincent of ,beauvais4 ,,ii4 ,the ,hymns of ,adam of ,st4 ,victor and the ,anticlaudianus of ,alanus of ,lille4 ,,book ,,vi ,,latinity ,,and ,,law ,,chapter ,,xxx ,,the ,,spell ,,of ,,the ,,classics #ajg ,i4 ,classical ,reading4 ,,ii4 ,grammar4 ,,iii4 ,the ,effect upon the ,mediaeval ,man2 ,hildebert of ,lavardin4 ,,chapter ,,xxxi ,,evolution ,,of ,,mediaeval ,,latin ,,prose #adh ,,chapter ,,xxxii ,,evolution ,,of ,,mediaeval ,,latin ,,verse #ahf ,i4 ,metrical ,verse4 ,,ii4 ,substitution of ,accent for ,quantity4 ,,iii4 ,sequence-,hymn and ,student-,song4 ,,iv4 ,passage of ,themes into the ,vernacular4 ,,chapter ,,xxxiii ,,mediaeval ,,appropriation ,,of ,,the ,,roman ,,law #bca ,i4 ,the ,fontes ,juris ,civilis4 ,,ii4 ,roman and ,barbarian ,codification4 ,,iii4 ,the ,mediaeval ,appropriation4 ,,iv4 ,church ,law4 ,v4 ,political ,theorizing4 ,,book ,,vii ,,ultimate ,,intellectual ,,interests ,,of ,,the ,,twelfth ,,and ,,thirteenth ,,centuries ,,chapter ,,xxxiv ,,scholasticism3 ,,spirit1 ,,scope1 ,,and ,,method #bhc ,,chapter ,,xxxv ,,classification ,,of ,,topics2 ,,stages ,,of ,,evolution #caa ,i4 ,philosophic ,classification of the ,sciences2 the ,arrangement of ,vincent's ,encyclopaedia1 of the ,lombard's ,sentences1 of ,aquinas's ,summa theologiae4 ,,ii4 ,the ,stages of ,development3 ,grammar1 ,logic1 ,metalogics4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvi ,,twelfth-,,century ,,scholasticism #cch ,i4 ,the ,problem of ,universals3 ,abaelard4 ,,ii4 ,the ,mystic ,strain3 ,hugo and ,bernard4 ,,iii4 ,the ,later ,decades3 ,bernard ,silvestris2 ,gilbert de la ,porre2 ,william of ,conches2 ,john of ,salisbury1 and ,alanus of ,lille4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvii ,,the ,,universities1 ,,aristotle1 ,,and ,,the ,,mendicants #cgh ,,chapter ,,xxxviii ,,bonaventura #djb ,,chapter ,,xxxix ,,albertus ,,magnus #dbj ,,chapter ,,xl ,,thomas ,,aquinas #dcc ,i4 ,thomas's ,conception of ,human ,beatitude4 ,,ii4 ,man's ,capacity to know ,god4 ,,iii4 ,how ,god knows4 ,,iv4 ,how the ,angels know4 ,v4 ,how ,men know4 ,,vi4 ,knowledge through ,faith perfected in ,love4 ,,chapter ,,xli ,,roger ,,bacon #dhd ,,chapter ,,xlii ,,duns ,,scotus ,,and ,,occam #eji ,,chapter ,,xliii ,,the ,,mediaeval ,,synthesis3 ,,dante #ebe ,,index #efa ,,book ,,iv ,,the ,,ideal ,,and ,,the ,,actual3 ,,society 7,continued7 ,,chapter ,,xxv ,,the ,,heart ,,of ,,helo,,se ,the romantic growth and imaginative shaping of chivalric love having been followed in the fortunes of its great exemplars1 ,tristan1 ,iseult1 ,lancelot1 ,guinevere1 ,parzival1 a different illustration of mediaeval passion may be had by turning from these creations of literature to an actual woman1 whose love for a living man was thought out as keenly and as tragically felt as any heart-break of imagined lovers1 and was impressed with as entire a self-surrender as ever ravished the soul of nun panting with love of the ,god-man4 ,there has never been a passion between a man and woman more famous than that which brought happiness and sorrow to the lives of ,abaelard and ,helose4 ,here fame is just4 ,it was a great love1 and its course was a perfect soul's tragedy4 ,abaelard was a celebrity1 the intellectual glory of an active-minded epoch4 ,his love-story has done as much for his posthumous fame as all his intellectual activities4 ,helose became known in her time through her relations with ,abaelard2 in his songs her name was wafted far4 ,she has come down to us as one of the world's love-heroines4 ,yet few of those who have been touched by her story have known that ,helose was a great woman1 possessed of an admirable mind1 a character which proved its strength through years1 and1 above all1 a capacity for loving--for loving out to the full conclusions of love's convictions1 and for feeling in their full range and power whatever moods and emotions could arise from an unhappy situation and a passion as deeply felt as it was deeply thought upon4 ,abaelard was not a great character--aside from his intellect4 ,he was vain and inconsiderate1 a man who delighted in confounding and supplanting his teachers1 and in being a thorn in the flesh of all opponents4 ,but he became chastened through his misfortunes and through ,helose's high and self-sacrificing love4 ,in the end1 perhaps1 his love was worthy of the love of ,helose4 ,yet her love from the beginning was nobler and deeper than his love of her4 ,love was for him an incident in his experience1 then an element in his life4 ,love made the life of ,helose2 it remained her all4 ,moreover1 in the records of their passion1 ,helose's love is unveiled as ,abaelard's is not4 ,for all these reasons1 the heart of ,helose rather than the heart of ,abaelard discloses the greatness of a love that wept itself out in the twelfth century1 and it is her love rather than his that can teach us much regarding the mediaeval capacity for loving4 ,hers is a story of mediaeval womanhood1 and sin1 and repentance perhaps1 with peace at last1 or at least the lips shut close and further protest foregone4 ,abaelard's stormy intellectual career#a and the story of the love between him and the canon's niece are well known4 ,let us follow him in those parts of his narrative which disclose the depth and power of ,helose's love for him4 ,we draw from his ,historia calamitatum1 written 8to a friend10 apparently an open letter intended to circulate4 8,there was10 writes he1 referring to the time of his sojourn in ,paris1 when he was about thirty-six years old1 and at the height of his fame as a lecturer in the schools-- 8,there was in ,paris a young girl named ,helose1 the niece of a canon1 ,fulbert4 ,it was his affectionate wish that she should have the best education in letters that could be procured4 ,her face was not unfair1 and her knowledge was unequalled4 ,this attainment1 so rare in women1 had given her great reputation4 8,i had hitherto lived continently1 but now was casting my eyes about1 and ,i saw that she possessed every attraction that lovers seek2 nor did ,i regard my success as doubtful1 when ,i considered my fame and my goodly person1 and also her love of letters4 ,inflamed with love1 ,i thought how ,i could best become intimate with her4 ,it occurred to me to obtain lodgings with her uncle1 on the plea that household cares distracted me from study4 ,friends quickly brought this about1 the old man being miserly and yet desirous of instruction for his niece4 ,he eagerly entrusted her to my tutorship1 and begged me to give her all the time ,i could take from my lectures1 authorizing me to see her at any hour of the day or night1 and punish her when necessary4 ,i marvelled with what simplicity he confided a tender lamb to a hungry wolf4 ,as he had given me authority to punish her1 ,i saw that if caresses would not win my object1 ,i could bend her by threats and blows4 ,doubtless he was misled by love of his niece and my own good reputation4 ,well1 what need to say more3 we were united first by the one roof above us1 and then by our hearts4 ,our hours of study were given to love4 ,the books lay open1 but our words were of love rather than philosophy1 there were more kisses than aphorisms2 and love was oftener reflected in our eyes than the lettered page4 ,to avert suspicion1 ,i struck her occasionally--very gentle blows of love4 ,the joy of love1 new to us both1 brought no satiety4 ,the more ,i was taken up with this pleasure1 the less time ,i gave to philosophy and the schools--how tiresome had all that become6 ,i became unproductive1 merely repeating my old lectures1 and if ,i composed any verses1 love was their subject1 and not the secrets of philosophy2 you know how popular and widely sung these have become4 ,but the students6 what groans and laments arose from them at my distraction6 ,a passion so plain was not to be concealed2 every one knew of it except ,fulbert4 ,a man is often the last to know of his own shame4 ,yet what everybody knows cannot be hid forever1 and so after some months he learned all4 ,oh how bitter was that uncle's grief6 and what was the grief of the separated lovers6 ,how ashamed ,i was1 and afflicted at the affliction of the girl6 ,and what a storm of sorrow came over her at my disgrace4 ,neither complained for himself1 but each grieved at what the other must endure40 ,although ,abaelard was moved at the plight of ,helose1 he bitterly felt his own discomfiture in the eyes of the once admiring world4 ,but the sentence touching ,helose is a first true note of her devoted love3 what a storm of sorrow 7moeroris aestus7 came over her at my disgrace4 ,through this trouble and woe1 ,helose never thought of her own pain save as it pained her to be the source of grief to ,abaelard4 ,abaelard continues3 8,the separation of our bodies joined our souls more closely and inflamed our love4 ,shame spent itself and made us unashamed1 so small a thing it seemed compared with satisfying love4 ,not long afterwards the girl knew that she was to be a mother1 and in the greatest exultation wrote and asked me to advise what she should do4 ,one night1 as we agreed on1 when ,fulbert was away ,i bore her off secretly and sent her to my own country1 ,brittany1 where she stayed with my sister till she gave birth to a son1 whom she named ,astralabius4 8,the uncle1 on his return to his empty house1 was frantic4 ,he did not know what to do to me4 ,if he should kill or do me some bodily injury1 he feared lest his niece1 whom he loved1 would suffer for it among my people in ,brittany4 ,he could not seize me1 as ,i was prepared against all attempts4 ,at length1 pitying his anguish1 and feeling remorse at having caused it1 ,i went to him as a suppliant and promised whatever satisfaction he should demand4 ,i assured him that nothing in my conduct would seem remarkable to any one who had felt the strength of love or would take the pains to recall how many of the greatest men had been thrown down by women1 ever since the world began4 ,whereupon ,i offered him a satisfaction greater than he could have hoped1 to wit1 that ,i would marry her whom ,i had corrupted1 if only the marriage might be kept secret so that it should not injure me in the minds of men4 ,he agreed and pledged his faith1 and the faith of his friends1 and sealed with kisses the reconciliation which ,i had sought--so that he might more easily betray me60 ,it will be remembered that ,abaelard was a clerk1 a clericus1 in virtue of his profession of letters and theology4 ,never having taken orders1 he could marry2 but while a clerk's slip could be forgotten1 marriage might lead people to think he had slighted his vocation1 and would certainly bar the ecclesiastical preferment which such a famous clericus might naturally look forward to4 ,nevertheless1 he at once set out to fetch ,helose from ,brittany1 to make her his wife4 ,the stand which she now took shows both her mind and heart3 8,she strongly disapproved1 and urged two reasons against the marriage1 to wit1 the danger and the disgrace in which it would involve me4 ,she swore--and so it proved--that no satisfaction would ever appease her uncle4 ,she asked how she was to have any glory through me when she should have made me inglorious1 and should have humiliated both herself and me4 ,what penalties would the world exact from her if she deprived it of such a luminary2 what curses1 what damage to the ,church1 what lamentations of philosophers1 would follow on this marriage4 ,how indecent1 how lamentable would it be for a man whom nature had made for all1 to declare that he belonged to one woman1 and subject himself to such shame4 ,from her soul1 she detested this marriage which would be so utterly ignominious for me1 and a burden to me4 ,she expatiated on the disgrace and inconvenience of matrimony for me and quoted the ,apostle ,paul exhorting men to shun it4 ,if ,i would not take the apostle's advice or listen to what the saints had said regarding the matrimonial yoke1 ,i should at least pay attention to the philosophers--to ,theophrastus's words upon the intolerable evils of marriage1 and to the refusal of ,cicero to take a wife after he had divorced ,terentia1 when he said that he could not devote himself to a wife and philosophy at the same time4 #8,or1' she continued1 laying aside the disaccord between study and a wife1 #8consider what a married man's establishment would be to you4 ,what sweet accord there would be between the schools and domestics1 between copyists and cradles1 between books and distaffs1 between pen and spindle6 ,who1 engaged in religious or philosophical meditations1 could endure a baby's crying and the nurse's ditties stilling it1 and all the noise of servants8 ,could you put up with the dirty ways of children8 ,the rich can1 you say1 with their palaces and apartments of all kinds2 their wealth does not feel the expense or the daily care and annoyance4 ,but ,i say1 the state of the rich is not that of philosophers2 nor have men entangled in riches and affairs any time for the study of ,scripture or philosophy4 ,the renowned philosophers of old1 despising the world1 fleeing rather than relinquishing it1 forbade themselves all pleasures1 and reposed in the embraces of philosophy4'0 ,speaking thus1 ,helose fortified her argument with quotations from ,seneca1 and the examples of ,jewish and ,gentile worthies and ,christian saints1 and continued3 8,it is not for me to point out--for ,i would not be thought to instruct ,minerva--how soberly and continently all these men lived who1 according to ,augustine and others1 were called philosophers as much for their way of life as or their knowledge4 ,if laymen and ,gentiles1 bound by no profession of religion1 lived thus1 surely you1 a clerk and canon1 should not prefer low pleasures to sacred duties1 nor let yourself be sucked down by this ,charybdis and smothered in filth inextricably4 ,if you do not value the privilege of a clerk1 at least defend the dignity of a philosopher4 ,if reverence for ,god be despised1 still let love of decency temper immodesty4 ,remember1 ,socrates was tied to a wife1 and through a nasty accident wiped out this blot upon philosophy1 that others afterwards might be more cautious2 which ,jerome relates in his book against ,jovinianus1 how once when enduring a storm of ,xanthippe's clamours from the floor above1 he was ducked with slops1 and simply said1 #8,i knew such thunder would bring rain4' 8,finally she said that it would be dangerous for me to take her back to ,paris2 it was more becoming to me1 and sweeter to her1 to be called my mistress1 so that affection alone might keep me hers and not the binding power of any matrimonial chain2 and if we should be separated for a time1 our joys at meeting would be the dearer for their rarity4 ,when at last with all her persuasions and dissuasions she could not turn me from my folly1 and could not bear to offend me1 with a burst of tears she ended in these words3 #8,one thing is left3 in the ruin of us both the grief which follows shall not be less than the love which went before4' ,nor did she here lack the spirit of prophecy40 ,helose's reasonings show love great and true and her absolute devotion to ,abaelard's interests4 ,none the less striking is her clear intelligence4 ,she reasoned correctly2 she was right1 the marriage would do great harm to ,abaelard and little good to her4 ,we see this too1 if we lay aside our sense of the ennobling purity of marriage--a sentiment not commonly felt in the twelfth century4 ,marriage was holy in the mind of ,christ4 ,but it did not preserve its holiness through the centuries which saw the rise of monasticism and priestly celibacy4 ,a way of life is not pure and holy when another way is holier and purer2 this is peculiarly true in ,christianity1 which demands the ideal best with such intensity as to cast reflection on whatever falls below the highest standard4 ,from the time of the barbarian inroads1 on through the ,carolingian periods1 and into the later ,middle ,ages1 there was enough barbarism and brutality to prevent the preservation1 or impede the development1 of a high standard of marriage4 ,not monasticism1 but his own half-barbarian1 lustful heart led ,charlemagne to marry and remarry at will1 and have many mistresses besides4 ,it was the same with the countless barons and mediaeval kings1 rude and half civilized4 ,this was barbarous lust1 not due to the influence of monasticism4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it was always the virgin or celibate state that the ,church held before the eyes of all this semi-barbarous laity as the ideal for a ,christian man or woman4 ,the ,church sanctioned marriage1 but hardly lauded it or held it up as a condition in which lives of holiness and purity could be led4 ,such were the sentiments in which ,helose was born and bred4 ,they were subconscious factors in her thoughts regarding herself and her lover4 ,devoted and unselfish was her love2 undoubtedly ,helose would have sacrificed herself for ,abaelard under any social conditions4 ,nevertheless1 with her1 marriage added little to love2 it was a mere formal and binding authorization2 love was no purer for it4 ,to her mind1 for a man in ,abaelard's situation to be entangled in a temporary amour was better than to be chained to his passion1 with his career irrevocably ruined1 in marriage4 ,in so far as her thoughts or ,abaelard's were influenced by the environment of priestly thinking1 marriage would seem a rendering permanent of a passionate and sinful state1 which it were best to cast off altogether4 ,for herself1 as she said truly1 the marriage would bring obloquy rather than reinstatement4 ,she had been mistress to a clerk2 marriage would make her the partner of his abandonment of his vocation1 the accomplice of broken purposes if not of broken vows4 ,and finally1 as there was then no line of disgrace as now between bastard and lawful issue1 ,helose had no thought that the interests of her son demanded that his mother should become his father's wife4 8,leaving our son in my sister's care1 we stole back to ,paris1 and shortly after1 having in the night celebrated our vigils in a certain church1 we were married at dawn in the presence of her uncle and some of his and our friends4 ,we left at once separately and with secrecy1 and afterwards saw each other only in privacy1 so as to conceal what we had done4 ,but her uncle and his household began at once to announce the marriage and violate his word2 while she1 on the contrary1 protested vehemently and swore that it was false4 ,at that he became enraged and treated her vilely4 ,when ,i discovered this ,i sent her to the convent of ,argenteuil1 near ,paris1 where she had been educated4 ,there ,i had her take the garb of a nun1 except the veil4 ,hearing this1 the uncle and his relations thought that ,i had duped them1 ridding myself of ,helose by making her a nun4 ,so having bribed my servant1 they came upon me by night1 when ,i was sleeping1 and took on me a vengeance as cruel and irretrievable as it was vile and shameful4 ,two of the perpetrators were pursued and vengeance taken4 8,in the morning the whole town was assembled1 crying and lamenting my plight1 especially the clerks and students2 at which ,i was afflicted with more shame than ,i suffered physical pain4 ,i thought of my ruined hopes and glory1 and then saw that by ,god's just judgment ,i was punished where ,i had most sinned1 and that ,fulbert had justly avenged treachery with treachery4 ,but what a figure ,i should cut in public6 how the world would point its finger at me6 ,i was also confounded at the thought of the ,levitical law1 according to which ,i had become an abomination to the ,church4#b ,in this misery the confusion of shame--,i confess it--rather than the ardour of conversion drove me to the cover of the cloister1 after she had willingly obeyed my command to take the veil4 ,i became a monk in the abbey of ,st4 ,denis1 and she a nun in the convent of ,argenteuil4 ,many begged her not to set that yoke upon her youth2 at which1 amid her tears1 she broke out in ,cornelia's lament3 #8,o great husband6 undeserving of my couch6 ,has fortune rights over a head so high8 ,why did ,i1 impious1 marry thee to make thee wretched8 ,accept these penalties1 which ,i gladly pay4'#c ,with these words1 she went straight to the altar1 received the veil blessed by the bishop1 and took the vows before them all40 ,abaelard's ,historia calamitatum now turns to troubles having no connection with ,helose3 his difficulties with the monks of ,st4 ,denis1 with other monks1 with every one1 in fact1 except his scholars2 his arraignment before the ,council of ,soissons1 the public burning of his book1 ,de ,unitate et ,trinitate divina1 and various other troubles1 till1 seeking a retreat1 he constructed an oratory on the bank of the ,ardisson4 ,he named it the ,paraclete1 and there he taught and lectured4 ,he was afterwards elected abbot of a monastery in ,brittany1 where he discovered that those under him were savage beasts rather than monks4 ,here the ,historia calamitatum was written4 ,the monks of ,st4 ,denis had never ceased to hate ,abaelard for his assertion that their great ,saint was not really ,dionysius the ,areopagite who heard ,paul preach4 ,their abbot now brought forward and proved an ancient title to the land where stood the convent of ,argenteuil1 8in which10 to resume ,abaelard's account1 8she1 once my wife1 now my sister in ,christ1 had taken the veil1 and was at this time prioress4 ,the nuns were rudely driven out4 ,news of this came to me as a suggestion from the ,lord to bethink me of the deserted ,paraclete4 ,going thither1 ,i invited ,helose and her nuns to come and take possession4 ,they accepted1 and ,i gave it to them4 ,afterward ,pope ,innocent ,,ii4 confirmed this grant to them and their successors in perpetuity4 ,there for a time they lived in want2 but soon the ,divine ,pity showed itself the true ,paraclete1 and moved the people of the neighbourhood to take compassion on them1 and they soon knew no lack4 ,indeed as women are the weaker sex1 their need moves men more readily to pity1 and their virtues are the more grateful to both ,god and man4 ,and on our sister the ,lord bestowed such favour in the eyes of all1 that the bishops loved her as a daughter1 the abbots as a sister1 the laity as a mother2 and all wondered at her piety1 her wisdom1 and her gentle patience in everything4 ,she rarely let herself be seen1 that she might devote herself more wholly to prayers and meditations in her cell2 but all the more persistently people sought her spiritual counsel40 ,what were those meditations and those prayers uttered or unuttered in that cell8 ,they did not always refer to the kingdom of heaven1 judging from the abbess's first letter to her former lover4 ,after the installation of ,helose and her nuns1 ,abaelard rarely visited the ,paraclete1 although his advice and instruction was desired there4 ,his visits gave rise to too much scandal4 ,in the course of time1 however1 the ,historia calamitatum came into the hands of ,helose1 and occasioned this letter1 which seems to issue forth out of a long silence2 ten years had passed since she became a nun4 ,the superscription is as follows3 8,to her master1 rather to a father1 to her husband1 rather to a brother1 his maid or rather daughter1 his wife or rather sister1 to ,abaelard1 ,helose4 8,your letter1 beloved1 written to comfort a friend1 chanced recently to reach me4 ,seeing by its first lines from whom it was1 ,i burned to read it for the love ,i bear the writer1 hoping also from its words to recreate an image of him whose life ,i have ruined4 ,those words dropped gall and absinthe as they brought back the unhappy story of our intercourse and thy ceaseless crosses1 ,o my only one4 ,truly the letter must have convinced the friend that his troubles were light compared with yours1 as you showed the treachery and persecutions which had followed you1 the calumnies of enemies and the burning of your glorious book1 the machinations of false brothers1 and the vile acts of those worthless monks whom you call your sons4 ,no one could read it with dry eyes4 ,your perils have renewed my griefs2 here we all despair of your life and each day with trembling hearts expect news of your death4 ,in the name of ,christ1 who so far has somehow preserved thee for himself1 deign with frequent letters to let these weak servants of ,him and thee know of the storms overwhelming the swimmer1 so that we who alone remain to thee may be participators of thy pain or joy4 ,one who grieves may gain consolation from those grieving with him2 a burden borne by many is more lightly borne4 ,and if this tempest abates1 how happy shall we be to know it4 ,whatever the letters may contain they will show at least that we are not forgotten4 ,has not ,seneca said in his letter to ,lucilius1 that the letters of an absent friend are sweet8 ,when no malice can stop your giving us this much of you1 do not let neglect prove a bar4 8,you have written that long letter to console a friend with the story of your own misfortunes1 and have thereby roused our grief and added to our desolation4 ,heal these new wounds4 ,you owe to us a deeper debt of friendship than to him1 for we are not only friends1 but friends the dearest1 and your daughters4 ,after ,god1 you alone are the founder of this place1 the builder of this oratory and of this congregation4 ,this new plantation for a holy purpose is your own2 the delicate plants need frequent watering4 ,he who gives so much to his enemies1 should consider his daughters4 ,or1 leaving out the others here1 think how this is owing me from thee3 what thou owest to all women under vows1 thou shalt pay more devotedly to thine only one4 ,how many books have the holy fathers written for holy women1 for their exhortation and instruction6 ,i marvel at thy forgetfulness of these frail beginnings of our conversion4 ,neither respect of ,god nor love of us nor the example of the blessed fathers1 has led thee by speech or letter to console me1 cast about1 and consumed with grief4 ,this obligation was the stronger1 because the sacrament of marriage joined thee to me1 and ,i--every one sees it--cling to thee with unmeasured love4 8,dearest1 thou knowest--who knows not8--how much ,i lost in thee1 and that an infamous act of treachery robbed me of thee and of myself at once4 ,the greater my grief1 the greater need of consolation1 not from another but from thee1 that thou who art alone my cause of grief may be alone my consolation4 ,it is thou alone that canst sadden me or gladden me or comfort me4 ,and thou alone owest this to me1 especially since ,i have done thy will so utterly that1 unable to offend thee1 ,i endured to wreck myself at thy command4 ,nay1 more than this1 love turned to madness and cut itself off from hope of that which alone it sought1 when ,i obediently changed my garb and my heart too in order that ,i might prove thee sole owner of my body as well as of my spirit4 ,god knows1 ,i have ever sought in thee only thyself1 desiring simply thee and not what was thine4 ,i asked no matrimonial contract1 ,i looked for no dowry2 not my pleasure1 not my will1 but thine have ,i striven to fulfil4 ,and if the name of wife seemed holier or more potent1 the word mistress 7amica7 was always sweeter to me1 or even--be not angry6--concubine or harlot2 for the more ,i lowered myself before thee1 the more ,i hoped to gain thy favour1 and the less ,i should hurt the glory of thy renown4 ,this thou didst graciously remember1 when condescending to point out in that letter to a friend some of the reasons 7but not all67 why ,i preferred love to wedlock and liberty to a chain4 ,i call ,god to witness that if ,augustus1 the master of the world1 would honour me with marriage and invest me with equal rule1 it would still seem to me dearer and more honourable to be called thy strumpet than his empress4 ,he who is rich and powerful is not the better man3 that is a matter of fortune1 this of merit4 ,and she is venal who marries a rich man sooner than a poor man1 and yearns for a husband's riches rather than himself4 ,such a woman deserves pay and not affection4 ,she is not seeking the man but his goods1 and would wish1 if possible1 to prostitute herself to one still richer4 ,aspasia put this clearly when she was trying to effect a reconciliation between ,xenophon and his wife3 #8,until you come to think that there is nowhere else a better man or a woman more desirable1 you will be continually looking for what you think to be the best1 and will wish to be married to the man or woman who is the very best4' ,this is indeed a holy1 rather than a philosophical sentiment1 and wisdom1 not philosophy1 speaks4 ,this is the holy error and blessed deception between man and wife1 when affection perfect and unimpaired keeps marriage inviolate not so much by continency of body as by chastity of mind4 ,but what with other women is an error1 is1 in my case1 the manifest truth3 since what they suppose in their husbands1 ,i--and the whole world agrees--know to be in thee4 ,my love for thee is truth1 being free from all error4 ,who among kings or philosophers can vie with your fame8 ,what country1 what city does not thirst to see you8 ,who1 ,i ask1 did not hurry to see you appearing in public and crane his neck to catch a last glimpse as you departed8 ,what wife1 what maid did not yearn for you absent1 and burn when you were present8 ,what queen did not envy me my joys and couch8 ,there were in you two qualities by which you could draw the soul of any woman1 the gift of poetry and the gift of singing1 gifts which other philosophers have lacked4 ,as a distraction from labour1 you composed love-songs both in metre and in rhyme1 which for their sweet sentiment and music have been sung and resung and have kept your name in every mouth4 ,your sweet melodies do not permit even the illiterate to forget you4 ,because of these gifts women sighed for your love4 ,and1 as these songs sung of our loves1 they quickly spread my name in many lands1 and made me the envy of my sex4 ,what excellence of mind or body did not adorn your youth8 ,no woman1 then envious1 but now would pity me bereft of such delights4 ,what enemy even would not now be softened by the compassion due me8 8,i have brought thee evil1 thou knowest how innocently4 ,not the result of the act but the disposition of the doer makes the crime2 justice does not consider what happens1 but through what intent it happens4 ,my intent towards thee thou only hast proved and alone canst judge4 ,i commit everything to thy weighing and submit to thy decree4 8,tell me one thing3 why1 after our conversion1 commanded by thee1 did ,i drop into oblivion1 to be no more refreshed by speech of thine or letter8 ,tell me1 ,i say1 if you can1 or ,i will say what ,i feel and what every one suspects3 desire rather than friendship drew you to me1 lust rather than love4 ,so when desire ceased1 whatever you were manifesting for its sake likewise vanished4 ,this1 beloved1 is not so much my opinion as the opinion of all4 ,would it were only mine and that thy love might find defenders to argue away my pain4 ,would that ,i could invent some reason to excuse you and also cover my cheapness4 ,listen1 ,i beg1 to what ,i ask1 and it will seem small and very easy to you4 ,since ,i am cheated of your presence1 at least put vows in words1 of which you have a store1 and so keep before me the sweetness of thine image4 ,i shall vainly expect you to be bountiful in acts if ,i find you a miser in words4 ,truly ,i thought that ,i merited much from you1 when ,i had done all for your sake and still continue in obedience4 ,when little more than a girl ,i took the hard vows of a nun1 not from piety but at your command4 ,if ,i merit nothing from thee1 how vain ,i deem my labour6 ,i can expect no reward from ,god1 as ,i have done nothing from love of ,him4 ,thee hurrying to ,god ,i followed1 or rather went before4 ,for1 as you remembered how ,lot's wife turned back1 you first delivered me to ,god bound with the vow1 and then yourself4 ,that single act of distrust1 ,i confess1 grieved me and made me blush4 ,god knows1 at your command ,i would have followed or preceded you to fiery places4 ,for my heart is not with me1 but with thee2 and now more than ever1 if not with thee it is nowhere1 for it cannot exist without thee4 ,that my heart may be well with thee1 see to it1 ,i beg2 and it will be well if it finds thee kind1 rendering grace for grace--a little for much4 ,beloved1 would that thy love were less sure of me so that it might be more solicitous2 ,i have made you so secure that you are negligent4 ,remember all ,i have done and think what you owe4 ,while ,i enjoyed carnal joy with you1 many people were uncertain whether ,i acted from love or lust4 ,now the end makes clear the beginning2 ,i have cut myself off from pleasure to obey thy will4 ,i have kept nothing1 save to be more than ever thine4 ,think how wicked it were in thee where all the more is due to render less1 nothing almost2 especially when little is asked1 and that so easy for you4 ,in the name of ,god to whom you have vowed yourself1 give me that of thee which is possible1 the consolation of a letter4 ,i promise1 thus refreshed1 to serve ,god more readily4 ,when of old you would call me to pleasures1 you sought me with frequent letters1 and never failed with thy songs to keep thy ,helose on every tongue2 the streets1 the houses re-echoed me4 ,how much fitter that you should now incite me to ,god than then to lust8 ,bethink thee what thou owest2 heed what ,i ask2 and a long letter ,i will conclude with a brief ending3 farewell only one60 ,remarks upon this letter would seem to profane a shrine--had the man profaned that shrine8 ,he had not always worshipped there4 ,helose knew this1 for all her love4 ,she said it too1 writing in phraseology which had been brutalized through the denouncing spirit of ,latin monasticism4 ,how truly she puts the situation and how clearly she thinks withal1 discerning as it were the beautiful and true in love and marriage4 ,the whole letter is well arranged1 and written in a style showing the writer's training in ,latin mediaeval rhetoric4 ,it was not the less deeply felt because composed with care and skill4 ,evidently the writer is of the ,middle ,ages2 her occasional prolixity was not of her sex but of her time2 and she quotes the ancients so naturally2 what they say should be convincing4 ,how the letter bares the motives of her own conduct3 not for ,god's sake1 or the kingdom of heaven's sake1 but for ,abaelard's sake she became a nun4 ,she had no inclination thereto2 her letters do not indicate that she ever became really and spontaneously devoted to her calling4 ,abaelard was her ,god1 and as her ,god she held him to the end2 though she applied herself to the consideration of religious topics1 as we shall see4 ,moreover1 her position as nun and abbess could not fail to force such topics on her consideration4 ,is there another such love-letter1 setting forth a situation so triple-barred and hopeless8 ,and the love which fills the letter1 which throbs and burns in it1 which speaks and argues in it1 how absolute is this love4 ,it is love carried out to its full conclusions2 it includes the whole woman and the whole of her life2 whatever lies beyond its ken and care is scorned and rejected4 ,this love is extreme in its humility1 and yet realizes its own purity and worth2 it is grieved at the thought of rousing a feeling baser than itself4 ,helose had been and still was ,helose1 devoted and self-sacrificing in her love4 ,but the situation has become torture2 her heart is filled with all manner of pain1 old and new1 till it is driven to assert its right at least to consolation4 ,thus ,helose's love becomes insistent and requiring4 ,was it possibly burdensome to the man who now might wish to think no more of passion8 who might wish no longer to be loved in that way8 ,in his reply ,abaelard does not unveil himself2 he seems to take an attitude which may have been the most faithful expression that he could devise of his changed self4 8,to ,helose his beloved sister in ,christ1 ,abaelard her brother in the ,same40 ,this superscription was a gentle reminder of their present relationship--in ,christ4 ,the writer begins3 his not having written since their conversion was to be ascribed not to his negligence1 but to his confidence in her wisdom2 he did not think that she who1 so full of grace1 had consoled her sister nuns when prioress1 could as abbess need teaching or exhortation for the guidance of her daughters2 but if1 in her humility1 she felt the need of his instruction in matters pertaining to ,god1 she might write1 and he would answer1 as the ,lord should grant4 ,thanks be to ,god who had filled their hearts--hers and her nuns--with solicitude for his perils1 and had made them participators in his afflictions2 through their prayers the divine pity had protected him4 ,he had hastened to send the ,psalter1 requested by his sister1 formerly dear to him in the world and now most dear in ,christ1 to assist their prayers4 ,the potency of prayer1 with ,god and the saints1 and especially the prayer of women for those dear to them1 is frequently declared in ,scripture2 he cites a number of passages to prove it4 ,may these move her to pray for him4 ,he refers with affectionate gratitude to the prayers which the nuns had been offering for him1 and encloses a short prayer for his safety1 which he begs and implores may be used in their daily canonical hours4 ,if the ,lord1 however1 delivers him into the hands of his enemies to kill him1 or if he meet his death in any way1 he begs that his body may be brought to the ,paraclete for burial1 so that the sight of his sepulchre may move his daughters and sisters in ,christ to pray for him2 no place could be so safe and salutary for the soul of one bitterly repenting of his sins1 as that consecrated to the true ,paraclete--the ,comforter2 nor could fitter ,christian burial be found than among women devoted by their vows to ,christ4 ,he begs that the great solicitude which they now have for his bodily safety1 they will then have for the salvation of his soul1 and by the suffrage of their prayer for the dead man show how they had loved him when alive4 ,the letter closes1 not with a personal word to ,helose1 but with this distich3 8,vive1 vale1 vivantque tuae valeantque sorores1 ,vivite1 sed ,christo1 quaeso1 mei memores40 ,thus as against ,helose's beseeching love1 ,abaelard lifted his hands1 palms out1 repelling it4 ,his letter ignored all that filled the soul and the letter of ,helose4 ,his reply did not lack words of spiritual affection1 and its tone was not as formal then as it now seems4 ,when ,abaelard asked for the prayers of ,helose and her nuns1 he meant it2 he desired the efficacy of their prayers4 ,then he wished to be buried among them4 ,we are touched by this2 but1 again1 ,abaelard meant it1 as he said1 for his soul's welfare2 it was no love sentiment4 ,the letter stirred the heart of ,helose to a rebellious outcry against the cruelty of ,god1 if not of ,abaelard1 a soul's cry against life and the calm attitude of one who no longer was--or at least meant to be no longer--what he had been to her4 8,to her only one1 next to ,christ1 his only one in ,christ4 8,i wonder1 my only one1 that contrary to epistolary custom and the natural order of things1 in the salutation of your letter you have placed me before you1 a woman before a man1 a wife before a husband1 a servant before her lord1 a nun before a monk and priest1 a deaconess before an abbot4 ,the proper order is for one writing to a superior to put his own name last1 but when writing to an inferior1 the writer's name should precede4 ,we also marvelled1 that where you should have afforded us consolation1 you added to our desolation1 and excited the tears you should have quieted4 ,how could we restrain our tears when reading what you wrote towards the end3 #8,if the ,lord shall deliver me into the hand of my enemies to slay me'6 ,dearest1 how couldst thou think or say that8 ,may ,god never forget ,his handmaids1 to leave them living when you are no more6 ,may ,he never allot to us that life1 which would be harder than any death6 ,it is for you to perform our obsequies and commend our souls to ,god1 and send before to ,god those whom you have gathered for ,him--that you may have no further anxiety1 and follow us the more gladly because assured of our safety4 ,refrain1 my lord1 ,i beg1 from making the miserable most miserable with such words2 destroy not our life before we die4 #8,sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof'--and that day will come to all with bitterness enough4 #8,what need1' says ,seneca1 #8to add to evil1 and destroy life before death8' 8,thou askest1 only one1 that1 in the event of thy death when absent from us1 we should have thy body brought to our cemetery1 in order that1 being always in our memory1 thou shouldst obtain greater benefit from our prayers4 ,did you think that your memory could slip from us8 ,how could we pray1 with distracted minds8 ,what use of tongue or reason would be left to us8 ,when the mind is crazed against ,god it will not placate ,him with prayer so much as irritate ,him with complaints4 ,we could only weep1 pressing to follow rather than bury you4 ,how could we live after we had lost our life in you8 ,the thought of your death is death to us2 what would be the actuality8 ,god grant we shall not have to pay those rites to one from whom we look for them2 may we go before and not follow6 ,a heart crushed with grief is not calm1 nor is a mind tossed by troubles open to ,god4 ,do not1 ,i beg1 hinder the divine service to which we are dedicated4 8,what remains of hope for me when thou art gone8 ,or what reason to continue in this pilgrimage1 where ,i have no solace save thee8 and of thee ,i have but the bare knowledge that thou dost live1 since thy restoring presence is not granted me4 ,oh6--if it is right to say it--how cruel has ,god been to me6 ,inclement ,clemency6 ,fortune has emptied her quiver against me1 so that others have nothing to fear6 ,if indeed a single dart were left1 no place could be found in me for a new wound4 ,fortune fears only lest ,i escape her tortures by death4 ,wretched and unhappy6 in thee ,i was lifted above all women2 in thee am ,i the more fatally thrown down4 ,what glory did ,i have in thee6 what ruin have ,i now6 ,fortune made me the happiest of women that she might make me the most miserable4 ,the injury was the more outrageous in that all ways of right were broken4 ,while we were abandoned to love's delights1 the divine severity spared us4 ,when we made the forbidden lawful and by marriage wiped out fornication's stains1 the ,lord's wrath broke on us1 impatient of an unsullied bed when it long had borne with one defiled4 ,a man taken in adultery would have been amply punished by what came to you4 ,what others deserved for adultery1 that you got from the marriage which you thought had made amends for everything4 ,adulteresses bring their paramours what your own wife brought you4 ,not when we lived for pleasure1 but when1 separated1 we lived in chastity1 you presiding at the ,paris schools1 ,i at thy command dwelling with the nuns at ,argenteuil2 you devoted to study1 ,i to prayer and holy reading2 it was then that you alone paid the penalty for what we had done together4 ,alone you bore the punishment1 which you deserved less than ,i4 ,when you had humiliated yourself and elevated me and all my kin1 you little merited that punishment either from ,god or from those traitors4 ,miserable me1 begotten to cause such a crime6 ,o womankind ever the ruin of the noblest men6#d 8,well the ,tempter knows how easy is man's overthrow through a wife4 ,he cast his malice over us1 and the man whom he could not throw down through fornication1 he tried with marriage1 using a good to bring about an evil where evil means had failed4 ,i thank ,god at least for this1 that the ,tempter did not draw me to assent to that which became the cause of the evil deed4 ,yet1 although in this my mind absolves me1 too many sins had gone before to leave me guiltless of that crime4 ,for long a servant of forbidden joys1 ,i earned the punishment which ,i now suffer of past sins4 ,let the evil end be attributed to ill beginnings6 ,may my penitence be meet for what ,i have done1 and may long remorse in some way compensate for the penalty you suffered6 ,what once you suffered in the body1 may ,i through contrition bear to the end of life1 that so ,i may make satisfaction to thee if not to ,god4 ,to confess the infirmities of my most wretched soul1 ,i can find no penitence to offer ,god1 whom ,i never cease to accuse of utter cruelty towards you4 ,rebellious to ,his rule1 ,i offend ,him with indignation more than ,i placate ,him with penitence4 ,for that cannot be called the sinner's penitence where1 whatever be the body's suffering1 the mind retains the will to sin and still burns with the same desires4 ,it is easy in confession to accuse oneself of sins1 and also to do penance with the body2 but hard indeed to turn the heart from the desire of its greatest joys6#e ,love's pleasures1 which we knew together1 cannot be made displeasing to me nor driven from my memory4 ,wherever ,i turn1 they press upon me1 nor do they spare my dreams4 ,even in the solemn moments of the ,mass1 when prayer should be the purest1 their phantoms catch my soul4 ,when ,i should groan for what ,i have done1 ,i sigh for what ,i have lost4 ,not only our acts1 but times and places stick fast in my mind1 and my body quivers4 ,o truly wretched me1 fit only to utter this cry of the soul3 #8,wretched that ,i am1 who shall deliver me from the body of this death8' ,would ,i could add with truth what follows3--#8,i thank ,god through ,jesus ,christ our ,lord4' ,such thanksgiving1 dearest1 may be thine1 by one bodily ill cured of many tortures of the soul1 and ,god may have been merciful where ,he seemed against you2 like a good physician who does not spare the pain needed to save life4 ,but ,i am tortured with passion and the fires of memory4 ,they call me chaste1 who do not know me for a hypocrite4 ,they look upon purity of the flesh as virtue--which is of the soul1 not of the body4 ,having some praise from men1 ,i merit none from ,god1 who knows the heart4 ,i am called religious at a time when most religion is hypocrisy1 and when whoever keeps from offence against human law is praised4 ,perhaps it seems praiseworthy and acceptable to ,god1 through decent conduct1--whatever the intent--to avoid scandalizing the ,church or causing the ,lord's name to be blasphemed or the religious ,order discredited4 ,perhaps it may be of grace just to abstain from evil4 ,but the ,scripture says1 #8,refrain from evil and do good'2 and vainly he attempts either who does not act from love of ,god4 ,god knows that ,i have always feared to offend thee more than ,i feared to offend ,him2 and have desired to please thee rather than ,him4 ,thy command1 not the divine love1 put on me this garb of religion4 ,what a wretched life ,i lead if ,i vainly endure all this here and am to have no reward hereafter4 ,my hypocrisy has long deceived you1 as it has others1 and therefore you desire my prayers4 ,have no such confidence2 ,i need your prayers2 do not withdraw their aid4 ,do not take away the medicine1 thinking me whole4 ,do not cease to think me needy2 do not think me strong2 do not delay your help4 ,cease from praising me1 ,i beg4 ,no one versed in medicine will judge of inner disease from outward view4 ,thy praise is the more perilous because ,i love it1 and desire to please thee always4 ,be fearful rather than confident regarding me1 so that ,i may have the help of your care4 ,do not seek to spur me on1 by quoting1 #8,for strength is made perfect in weakness1' or #8,he is not crowned unless he have contended lawfully4' ,i am not looking for the crown of victory2 enough for me to escape peril2--safer to shun peril than to wage war6 ,in whatever little corner of heaven ,god puts me1 that will satisfy me4 ,hear what ,saint ,jerome says3 #8,i confess my weakness2 ,i do not wish to fight for the hope of victory1 lest ,i lose4' ,why give up certainties to follow the uncertain80 ,this letter gives a view of ,helose's mind1 its strong grasp and its capacity for reasoning1 though its reasoning is here distraught with passion4 ,scathingly1 half-blinded by her pain1 she declares the perversities of ,providence1 as they glared upon her4 ,such a disclosure of the woman's mind suggests how broadly based in thought and largely reared was that great love into which her whole soul had been poured1 the mind as well as heart4 ,her love was great1 unique1 not only from its force of feeling1 but from the power and scope of thought by which passion and feeling were carried out so far and fully to the last conclusions of devotion4 ,the letter also shows a woman driven by stress of misery to utter cries and clutch at remedies that her calmer self would have put by4 ,it is not hypocrisy to conceal the desires or imaginings which one would never act upon4 ,to tell these is not true disclosure of oneself1 but slander4 ,torn by pain1 ,helose makes herself more vile and needy than in other moments she knew herself to be4 ,yet the letter also uncovers her1 and in nakedness there is some truth4 ,doubtless her nun's garb did clothe a hypocrite4 ,whatever she felt--and here we see the worst she felt--before the world she had to act the nun4 ,we shall soon see how she forced herself to act1 or be1 the nun toward ,abaelard4 ,abaelard replied in a letter filled with religious argument and consolation4 ,it was self-controlled1 firm1 authoritative1 and strong in those arguments regarding ,god's mercy which have stood the test of time4 ,if they sometimes fail to satisfy the embittered soul1 at least they are the best that man has known4 ,and withal1 the letter is calmly and nobly affectionate--what place was there for love's protestations8 ,they would have increased the evil1 adding fuel to ,helose's passionate misery4 ,the master-note is struck in the address3 8,to the spouse of ,christ1 ,his servant40 ,the letter seeks to turn ,helose's thoughts to her nun's calling and her soul's salvation4 ,it divides her expressions of complaint under four heads4 ,first1 he had put her name first1 because she had become his superior from the moment of her bridal with his master ,christ4 ,jerome writing to ,eustochium called her ,lady1 when she had become the spouse of ,jerome's ,lord4 ,abaelard shows1 with citations from the ,song of ,songs1 the glory of the spouse1 and how her prayers should be sought by one who was the servant of her ,husband4 ,second1 as to the terrors roused in her by his mention of his peril and possible death1 he points out that in her first letter she had bidden him write of those perils2 if they brought him death1 she should deem that a kind release4 ,she should not wish to see his miseries drawn out1 even for her sake4 ,third1 he shows that his praise of her was justified even by her disclaimer of merit--as it is written1 ,who humbles himself shall be exalted4 ,he warns her against false modesty which may be vanity4 ,he turns at last to the old and ceaseless plaint which she makes against ,god for cruelty1 when she should rather glorify ,him2 he had thought that that bitterness had departed1 so dangerous for her1 so painful to him4 ,if she wished to please him1 let her lay it aside2 retaining it1 she could not please him or advance with him to blessedness2 let her have this much religion1 not to separate herself from him hastening to ,god2 let her take comfort in their journeying to the same goal4 ,he then shows her that his punishment was just as well as merciful2 he had deserved it from ,god and also from ,fulbert4 ,if she will consider1 she will see in it ,god's justice and ,his mercy2 ,god had saved them from shipwreck2 had raised a barrier against shame and lust4 ,for himself the punishment was purification1 not privation2 will not she1 as his inseparable comrade1 participate in the workings of this grace1 even as she shared the guilt and its pardon8 ,once he had thought of binding her to him in wedlock2 but ,god found a means to turn them both to ,him2 and the ,lord was continuing ,his mercy towards her1 causing her to bring forth spiritual daughters1 when otherwise she would only have borne children in the flesh2 in her the curse of ,eve is turned to the blessing of ,mary4 ,god had purified them both2 whom ,god loveth ,he correcteth4 ,oh6 let her thoughts dwell with the ,son of ,god1 seized1 dragged1 beaten1 spit upon1 crowned with thorns1 hung on a vile cross4 ,let her think of ,him as her spouse1 and for ,him let her make lament2 ,he bought her with himself1 ,he loved her4 ,in comparison with ,his love1 his own 7,abaelard's7 was lust1 seeking the pleasure it could get from her4 ,if he1 ,abaelard1 had suffered for her1 it was not willingly nor for her sake1 as ,christ had suffered1 and for her salvation4 ,let her weep for ,him who made her whole1 not for her corrupter2 for her ,redeemer1 not for her defiler2 for the ,lord who died for her1 not for the living servant1 himself just freed from the death4 ,let his sister accept with patience what came to her in mercy from ,him who wounded the body to save the soul4 8,we are one in ,christ1 as through marriage we were one flesh4 ,whatever is thine is not alien to me4 ,christ is thine1 because thou art ,his spouse4 ,and now thou hast me for a servant1 who formerly was thy master--a servant united to thee by spiritual love4 ,i trust in thy pleading with ,him for such defence as my own prayers may not obtain4 ,that nothing may hinder this petition ,i have composed this prayer1 which ,i send thee3 #8,o ,god1 who formed woman from the side of man and didst sanction the sacrament of marriage2 who didst bestow upon my frailty a cure for its incontinence2 do not despise the prayers of thy handmaid1 and the prayers which ,i pour out for my sins and those of my dear one4 ,pardon our great crimes1 and may the enormity of our faults find the greatness of thy ineffable mercy4 ,punish the culprits in the present2 spare1 in the future4 ,thou hast joined us1 ,lord1 and hast divided us1 as it pleased thee4 ,now complete most mercifully what thou hast begun in mercy2 and those whom thou hast divided in this world1 join eternally in heaven1 thou who art our hope1 our portion1 our expectation1 our consolation1 ,lord blessed forever4 ,amen4' 8,farewell in ,christ1 spouse of ,christ2 in ,christ farewell and in ,christ live4 ,amen40 ,in her next letter ,helose obeys1 and turns her pen if not her thoughts to the topics suggested by ,abaelard's admonitions4 ,the short scholastically phrased address cannot be rendered in any modern fashion3 8,domino specialiter sua singulariter40 8,that you may have no further reason to call me disobedient1 your command shall bridle the words of unrestrained grief2 in writing ,i will moderate my language1 which ,i might be unable to do in speech4 ,nothing is less in our power than our heart2 which compels us to obey more often than it obeys us4 ,when our affections goad us1 we cannot keep the sudden impulse from breaking out in words2 as it is written1 #8,from the fulness of the heart the mouth speaketh4' ,so ,i will withhold my hand from writing whenever ,i am unable to control my words4 ,would that the sorrowing heart were as ready to obey as the hand that writes6 ,you can afford some remedy to grief1 even when unable to dispel it quite4 ,as one nail driven in drives out another1 a new thought pushes away its predecessor1 and the mind is freed for a time4 ,a thought1 moreover1 takes the mind up and leads it from others more effectually1 if the subject of the thought is excellent and of great importance40 ,the rest of this long letter shows ,helose putting her principles in practice4 ,she is forcing her mind to consider and her pen to discourse upon topics which might properly occupy an abbess's thoughts--topics1 moreover1 which would satisfy ,abaelard and call forth long letters in reply4 ,whether she cared really for these matters or ever came to care for them2 or whether she turned to them to distract her mind and keep up some poor makeshift of intercourse with one who would and could no longer be her lover2 or whether all these motives mingled1 and in what proportion1 perhaps may best be left to ,him who tries the heart4 ,the abbess writes3 8,all of us here1 servants of ,christ and thy daughters1 make two requests of thy fathership which we deem most needful4 ,the one is1 that you would instruct us concerning the origins of the order of nuns and the authority for our calling4 ,the other is1 that you would draw up a written regula1 suitable for women1 which shall prescribe and set the order and usages of our convent4 ,we do not find any adequate regula for women among the works of the holy ,fathers4 ,it is a manifest defect in monastic institutions that the same rules should be imposed upon both monks and nuns1 and that the weaker sex should bear the same monastic yoke as the stronger40 ,helose1 having set this task for ,abaelard1 proceeds to show how the various monastic regulae1 from ,benedict's downward1 failed to make suitable provision for the habits and requirements and weaknesses of women1 the regulae hitherto having been concerned with the weaknesses of men4 ,she enters upon matters of clothing and diet1 and everything concerning the lives of nuns4 ,she writes as one learned in ,scripture and the writings of the ,fathers1 and sets the whole matter forth1 in its details1 with admirable understanding of its intricacies4 ,she concludes1 reminding ,abaelard that it is for him in his lifetime to set a regula for them to follow forever2 after ,god1 he is their founder4 ,they might thereafter have some teacher who would build in alien fashion2 such a one might have less care and understanding1 and might not be as readily obeyed as himself2 it is for him to speak1 and they will listen4 ,vale4 ,the first of ,helose's letters is a great expression of a great love2 in the second1 anguish drives the writer's hand2 in the third1 she has gained self-control2 she suppresses her heart1 and writes a letter which is discursive and impersonal from the beginning to the little ,vale at the end4 ,abaelard returned a long epistle upon the ,scriptural origin of the order of nuns1 and soon followed it with another1 still longer1 containing instruction1 advice1 and rules for the nuns of the ,paraclete4 ,he also wrote them a letter upon the study of ,scripture4 ,from this time forth he proved his devotion to ,helose and her nuns by the large body of writings which he composed for their edification4 ,helose sent him a long list of questions upon obscure phrases and knotty points of ,scripture1 which he answered diligently in detail4#f ,he then sent her a collection of hymns written or 8rearranged0 by himself for the use of the nuns1 accompanied by a prefatory letter3 8,at thy prayers1 my sister ,helose1 once dear to me in the world1 now most dear in ,christ1 ,i have composed what in ,greek are called hymns1 and in ,hebrew tillim40 ,he then explains why1 yielding to the requests of the nuns1 he had written hymns1 of which the ,church had such a store4 ,next he composed for them a large volume of sermons1 which he also sent with a letter to ,helose3 8,having completed the book of hymns and sequences1 revered in ,christ and loved sister ,helose1 ,i have hastened to compose some sermons for your congregation2 ,i have paid more attention to the meaning than the language4 ,but perhaps an unstudied style is well suited to simple auditors4 ,in composing and arranging these sermons ,i have followed the order of ,church festivals4 ,farewell in the ,lord1 servant of ,his1 once dear to me in the world1 now most dear in ,christ3 in the flesh then my wife1 now my sister in the spirit and partner in our sacred calling40 ,at a subsequent period1 when his opinions were condemned by the ,council of ,sens1 he sent to ,helose a confession of faith4 ,shortly afterward his stormy life found a last refuge in the monastery of ,cluny4 ,his closing years 7of peace87 are described in a letter to ,helose from the good and revered abbot1 ,peter the ,venerable4 ,he writes that he had received with joy the letter which her affection had dictated1#g and now took the first opportunity to express his recognition of her affection and his reverence for herself4 ,he refers to her keenly prosecuted studies 7so rare for women7 before taking the veil1 and then to the glorious example of her sage and holy life in the nun's sacred calling--her victory over the proud ,prince of this ,world4 ,his admiration for her was deep2 his expression of it was extreme4 ,a learned1 wise1 and holy woman could not be praised more ardently than ,helose is praised by this good man4 ,he had spoken of the advantages his monastery would have derived from her presence1 and then continued3 8,but although ,god's providence denied us this1 it was granted us to enjoy the presence of him--who was yours--,master ,peter ,abaelard1 a man always to be spoken of with honour as a true servant of ,christ and a philosopher4 ,the divine dispensation placed him in ,cluny for his last years1 and through him enriched our monastery with treasure richer than gold4 ,no brief writing could do justice to his holy1 humble1 and devoted life among us4 ,i have not seen his equal in humility of garb and manner4 ,when in the crowd of our brethren ,i forced him to take a first place1 in meanness of clothing he appeared as the last of all4 ,often ,i marvelled1 as the monks walked past me1 to see a man so great and famous thus despise and abase himself4 ,he was abstemious in food and drink1 refusing and condemning everything beyond the bare necessities4 ,he was assiduous in study1 frequent in prayer1 always silent unless compelled to answer the question of some brother or expound sacred themes before us4 ,he partook of the sacrament as often as possible4 ,truly his mind1 his tongue1 his act1 taught and exemplified religion1 philosophy1 and learning4 ,so he dwelt with us1 a man simple and righteous1 fearing ,god1 turning from evil1 consecrating to ,god the latter days of his life4 ,at last1 because of his bodily infirmities1 ,i sent him to a quiet and salubrious retreat on the banks of the ,saone4 ,there he bent over his books1 as long as his strength lasted1 always praying1 reading1 writing1 or dictating4 ,in these sacred exercises1 not sleeping but watching1 he was found by the heavenly ,visitor2 who summoned him to the eternal wedding-feast not as a foolish but as a wise virgin1 bearing his lamp filled with oil--the consciousness of a holy life4 ,when he came to pay humanity's last debt1 his illness was brief4 ,with holy devotion he made confession of the ,catholic ,faith1 then of his sins4 ,the brothers who were with him can testify how devoutly he received the viaticum of that last journey1 and with what fervent faith he commended his body and soul to his ,redeemer4 ,thus this master1 ,peter1 completed his days4 ,he who was known throughout the world by the fame of his teaching1 entered the school of ,him who said1 #8,learn of me1 for ,i am meek and lowly of heart'2 and continuing meek and lowly he passed to ,him1 as we may believe4 8,venerable and dearest sister in the ,lord1 the man who was once joined to thee in the flesh1 and then by the stronger chain of divine love1 him in thy stead1 or as another thee1 the ,lord holds in ,his bosom2 and at the day of ,his coming1 ,his grace will restore him to thee40 ,the abbot afterwards visited the ,paraclete1 and on returning to ,cluny received this letter from the abbess3 8,god's mercy visiting us1 we have been visited by the favour of your graciousness4 ,we are glad1 kindest father1 and we glory that your greatness condescended to our insignificance4 ,a visit from you is an honour even to the great4 ,the others may know the great benefit they received from the presence of your highness4 ,i cannot tell in words1 or even comprehend in thought1 how beneficial and how sweet your coming was to me4 ,you1 our abbot and our lord1 celebrated mass with us the sixteenth of the ,calends of last ,december2 you commended us to the ,holy ,spirit2 you nourished us with the ,divine ,word2--you gave us the body of the master1 and confirmed that gift from ,cluny4 ,to me also1 unworthy to be your servant1 though by word and letter you have called me sister1 you gave as a pledge of sincere love the privilege of a ,tricenarium1 to be performed by the brethren of ,cluny1 after my death1 for the benefit of my soul4 ,you have promised to confirm this under your seal4 ,may you fulfil this1 my lord4 ,might it please you also to send to me that other sealed roll1 containing the absolution of the master1 that ,i may hang it on his tomb4 ,remember also1 for the love of ,god1 our--and your--,astralabius1 to obtain for him a prebend from the bishop of ,paris or another4 ,farewell4 ,may ,god preserve you1 and grant to us sometime your presence40 ,the good abbot replied with a kind and affectionate letter1 confirming his gift of the ,tricenarium1 promising to do all he could for ,astralabius1 and sending with his letter the record of ,abaelard's absolution1 as follows3 8,i1 ,peter1 ,abbot of ,cluny1 who received ,peter ,abaelard to be a monk in ,cluny1 and granted his body1 secretly transported1 to the ,abbess ,helose and the nuns of the ,paraclete1 absolve him1 in the performance of my office 7pro officio7 by the authority of the omnipotent ,god and all the saints1 from all his sins40 ,abaelard died in the year #aadb1 aged sixty-three4 ,twenty-one years afterward ,helose died at the same age1 and was buried in the same tomb with him at the ,paraclete3 8,hoc tumulo abbatissa jacet prudens ,helossa40 ,,chapter ,,xxvi ,,german ,,considerations3 ,,walther ,,von ,,der ,,vogelweide ,a criticism of the world of feudalism1 chivalry1 and love may be had from the impressions and temperamental reactions of a certain thinking atom revolving in the same4 ,the atom referred to was ,walther von der ,vogelweide1 a ,german1 a knight1 a ,minnesinger1 and a national poet whose thoughts were moved by the instincts of his caste and race4 ,in language1 temperament1 and character1 the ,germans east of the ,rhine were ,germans still in the thirteenth century4 ,they had accepted1 and even vitally appropriated1 ,latin ,christianity2 those of them who were educated had received a ,latin education4 ,yet their natures1 though somewhat tempered1 showed largely and distinctly ,german4 ,moreover1 through the centuries1 they had acquired--or rather they had never lost--a national antipathy toward those ,roman papal well-springs of authority1 which seemed to suck back ,german gold and lands in return for spiritual assurance and political betrayal4 ,a different and already mediaevalized element had also become part of ,german culture1 to wit1 the matter of the ,french ,arthurian romances and the lyric fashions of ,provence1 which1 working together1 had captivated modish ,german circles from the ,rhine to the ,danube4 ,nevertheless the ,german character maintained itself in the ,minnelieder which followed ,provenal poetry1 and in the hfisch 7courtly7 epics which were palpable translations from the ,french4#h ,the distinguished group of ,german poets whose lives fall around the year #abjj1 were as ,german as their language1 although they borrowed from abroad the form and matter of their compositions4 ,there could be no better ,germans than the two most thoughtful of this group1 ,wolfram von ,eschenbach and ,walther von der ,vogelweide4 ,most ,germanically the former wrestled with that ancient theme1 8from suffering1 wisdom10 which he pressed into the tale of ,parzival4 ,his great poem1 achieved with toil and sweat1 was mighty in its climaxes1 and fit to strengthen the hearts of those men who through sorrow and loneliness and despair's temptations were growing 8slowly wise40 ,the virtues which ,wolfram praised and embodied in his hero were those praised in the verses1 and even1 one may think1 strugglingly exemplified in the conduct1 of ,walther von der ,vogelweide1#i most famous of ,minnesingers1 and a power in the ,german lands through his ,sprche1 or verses personal and political4 ,less is known of his life than of his whole and manly views1 his poetic fancies1 his musings1 his hopes1 and great depressions4 ,many places have claimed the honour of his birth1 which took place somewhat before #aagj4 ,he was poor1 and through his youth and manhood moved about from castle to castle1 and from court to court1 seeking to win some recompense for his excellent verses and good company4 ,thus he learned much of men1 8climbing another's stairs10 with his fellows1 at the ,landgraf ,hermann's ,wartburg1 or at the ,austrian ducal ,court4 ,walther's ,sprche render his moods most surely1 and reflect his outlook on the world4 ,his charming ,minnelieder bear more conventional evidence4 ,the courtly ,german love-songs passing by this name were affected by the conceits and conventions of the ,provenal poetry upon which they were modelled4 ,a strong nature might use such with power1 or break with their influence4 ,walther made his own the high convention of trouvre and troubadour1 that love uplifts the lover's being4 ,besides this1 and besides the lighter forms and phrases current in such poetry1 his ,lieder carry natural feeling1 joy1 and moral levity1 according to the theme2 they also may express ,walther's convictions4 ,to take examples3 ,walther's ,tagelied#aj imitates the ,provenal alba 7dawn71 in which knight and truant lady bewail the coming of the light and the parting which it brings4 ,far more joyous1 and as immoral as one pleases1 is ,unter der ,linde1 most famous of his songs4 ,marvellously it gives the mood of love's joy remembered--and anticipated too4 ,the immorality is complete 7if we will be serious71 and is rendered most alluring by the utter gladness of the girl's song--no repentance1 no regret2 only joy and roguish laughter4 ,walther was young1 he was a knight and a ,minnesinger2 he had doubtless loved1 in this way6 ,his love-songs have plenty to say of the red mouth1 good for kissing--,i care not who knows it either4 ,but he also realizes1 and greatly sings1 the height and breadth and worth of love the true and stable1 the blessing and completion of two lives1 which comes to a false heart never4#aa ,he seems to feel it necessary to defend love for itself1 perhaps because marriage was taken more seriously in this imitative ,german literature than in the ,french and ,provenal originals3 8,who says that love is sin1 let him consider well4 ,many an honour dwells with her1 and troth and happiness4 ,if one does ill to the other1 love is grieved4 ,i do not mean false love2 that were better named un-love4 ,no friend of that1 am ,i40 ,but his thoughts turn quickly to love as a lasting union3 8,he happy man1 she happy woman1 whose hearts are to each other true2 both lives increased in price and worth2 blessed their years and all their days40#ab ,giving play to his caustic temper1 ,walther puts scorn upon the light of love3 8,fool he who cannot understand what joy and good1 love brings4 ,but the light man is ever pleased with light things1 as is fit60#ac ,this ,minnesinger applied most earnest standards to life2 lofty his praise of the qualities of womanhood1 which are better than beauty or riches3 8woman0 is a higher word than 8lady0#ad--;it took a ,german to say this4 8,he who carries hidden sorrow in his heart1 let him think upon a good woman--he is freed40#ae ,with a burst of patriotism1 in one of his greatest poems ,walther praises ,german women as the best in all the world4#af ,but even in the ,minnelieder1 ,walther has his despondencies4 ,one of the most definite1 and possibly conventional1 was regret for love's labour lost1 and the days of youth spent in service of an ungracious fair4 ,the poet wonders how it is that he who has helped other men is tongue-tied before his lady4 ,again1 his reflections broaden from thoughts of unresponsive fair ones to a conviction of life's thanklessness4 8,i have well served the ,world 7,frau ,welt1 ,society71 and gladly would serve her more1 but for her evil thanks and her way of preferring fools to me4444 ,come1 ,world1 give me better greeting--the loss is not all mine40 ,he knows his good unbending temper which will not endure to hear ill spoken of the upright4 ,but he thinks1 what is the use8 why speak so sweetly1 why sing1 when virtue and beauty are so lightly held1 and every one does evil1 fearing nought8 ,the verse which carries these reflections is tossing in the squally haven of ,society2 soon the poet will encounter the wild sea without4 ,still from the windy harbour comes one grand lament over art's decline3 8,the worst songs please1 frogs' voices6 ,oh1 ,i laugh from anger6 ,lady ,world1 no score of mine is on your devil's slate4 ,many a life of man and woman have ,i made glad--might ,i so have gladdened mine6 ,here1 ,i make my ,will1 and bequeath my goods--to the envious my ill-luck1 my sorrows to the liars1 my follies to false lovers1 and to the ladies my heart's pain40#ag ,he makes a solemn offering of his poems3 8,good women1 worthy men1 a loving greeting is my due4 ,forty years have ,i sung fittingly of love2 and now1 take my songs which gladden1 as my gift to you4 ,your favour be my return4 ,and with my staff ,i will fare on1 still wooing worth with undisheartened work1 as from my childhood4 ,so shall ,i be1 in lowly lot1 one of the ,noble--for me enough40 ,to relish ,walther's love-songs1 one need not know whether she was dark or fair1 kept forest-tryst or listened by some castle's hearth1 or in what ,german land that castle stood4 ,likewise in his ,sprche1 which have other bearing1 the roll of his protesting voice carries the universal human4 ,to comprehend them it were well to know that life was then as now niggardly in rewarding virtue2 beyond this1 one needs to have the type-idea of the ,empire and the ,papacy1 those two powers which were set1 somewhat antagonistically1 on the decree of ,god2 both claiming the world's headship2 the one1 ,roman in tradition1 but in strength and temper ,german1 and of this world decidedly4 ,the other1 ,roman in the genius of its organization1 and ,christian in its subordination of the life below to the life to come1 if not in the methods of establishing this consummation2 ,christian too1 but more especially mediaeval1 in its formal disdain for whatever belonged to earth4 ,in ,germany these two partial opposites were further antagonized1 since the native resources recoiled from the foreign drain upon them1 and the struggling patriotism of a broken land resented the pressure of a state within and above the state of duke and king and emperor4 ,in ,walther's time ,innocent ,,iii4 swayed the nations from ,peter's throne4 ,just before ,innocent's accession1 ,germany's able emperor1 ,henry ,,vi41 died suddenly in ,sicily 7,september #aaig71 leaving an heir not two years old4 ,the queen-mother1 dying the next year1 bequeathed this child1 ,frederick1 to the paternal care of ,innocent1 his feudal as well as ghostly lord1 since the queen1 for herself and child1 had accepted the ,pope as the feudal suzerain of their kingdom of ,sicily4 ,in ,germany 7using that name loosely and broadly7 ,philip ,hohenstauffen1 ,henry's brother and ,duke of ,suabia1 claimed the throne4 ,his unequal opponent was ,otto of ,brunswick1 of the ever-rebellious house of ,henry the ,lion4 ,the ,pope opposed the ,hohenstauffen2 but was obliged to acknowledge him when the course of the ten years of wasting civil war in ,germany decided in his favour--whereupon1 alack6 ,philip was murdered 7#abjg74 ,quickly the ,pope turned back to ,otto2 but the latter1 after he had been crowned king and emperor1 became intolerable to ,innocent through the compulsion of his position as the head of an empire inherently hostile to the papacy4 ,to thwart him ,innocent set up his own ward1 ,frederick4 ,soon this precocious youth began to make head against pope-forsaken ,otto2 and then the excommunicated emperor was overthrown in #abad by ,philip ,augustus of ,france1 who had intervened in ,frederick's favour4 ,so ,otto passed away1 and1 some time after1 ,frederick was crowned ,german king at ,aix-la-,chapelle4#ah ,in the meanwhile ,innocent died 7#abaf71 and amity followed between ,frederick and the gentle ,honorius ,,iii41 who crowned ,frederick emperor at ,rome in #abbj4 ,this peace ended quickly when the sterner ,gregory ,,ix4 ascended the papal throne on the death of ,honorius in #abbg4 ,walther's life extended through these events4 ,though apparently changing sides under the stress of his necessities1 he was patriotically ,german to the end4 ,first he clave to the ,hohenstauffen1 ,philip1 as the true upholder of ,german interests against ,otto and the ,pope4 ,on ,philip's death1 he turned to ,otto2 but with all the world left him at last for ,frederick4 ,it is known that ,walther1 an easily angered man1 felt himself ill-used by ,otto and justified in turning to the open-handed ,frederick1 who finally gave him a small fief4 ,to the last1 ,walther upheld him as ,germany's sovereign4 ,probably the poet died in the year #abbh1 just as ,gregory was succeeding ,honorius1 and the death-struggle of the ,empire with the ,papacy was opening4 ,with no light heart1 as well may be imagined1 had ,walther looked about him on the death of the emperor ,henry in #aaig4 8,i sat upon a rock1 crossed knee on knee1 and with elbow so supported1 chin on hand ,i leaned4 ,anxiously ,i pondered4 ,i could see no way to win gain without loss4 ,honour and riches do not go hand in hand1 both of less value than ,god's favour4 ,would ,i have them all8 ,alas6 riches and worldly honour and ,god's favour come not within the closure of one heart's wishes4 ,the ways are barred2 perfidy lurks in secret1 and might walks the highroads4 ,peace and law are wounded40#ai ,the personal dilemma of the poet with his fortune to make1 but desirous of doing right1 mirrors the desperate situation of the ,state3 8,woe is thee1 ,german tongue2 ill stand thy order and thy honour6--,i hear the lies of ,rome betraying two kings60 ,and in verses of wrath ,walther inveighs against the ,pope4 ,the sweeping nature of his denunciation raises the question whether he merely attacked the supposed treachery of the reigning pope1 or was opposed to the papacy as an institution hostile to the ,german nation4 ,the answer is not clear4 ,mediaeval denunciations of the ,church range from indictments of particular abuses1 on through more general invectives1 to the clear protests of heretics impugning the ecclesiastical system4 ,it is not always easy to ascertain the speaker's meaning4 ,usually the abuse and not the system is attacked4 ,hostility to the latter1 however sweeping the language of satirist or preacher1 is not lightly to be inferred4 ,the invectives of ,st4 ,bernard and ,damiani are very broad2 but where had the ,church more devoted sons8 ,even the satirists composing in ,old ,french rarely intended an assault upon her spiritual authority4 ,it would seem as if1 at least in the ,romance countries1 one must look for such hostility to heretical circles1 the ,waldenses for example4 ,and from the orthodox mediaeval standpoint1 this was their most accursed heresy4 ,it would have been hard for any ,german to use broader language than some of the ,french satirists and ,latin castigators4 ,if there was a difference1 it must be sought in the specific matter of the ,german disapproval viewed in connection with the political situation4 ,was a position ever taken incompatible with the ,church's absolute spiritual authority8 or one intrinsically irreconcilable with the secular power of the papacy8 ,at any time1 in any country1 papal claims might become irreconcilable with the royal prerogative--as ,william the ,conqueror had held those of ,gregory ,,vii4 in ,england1 and as1 two centuries afterwards1 ,philip the ,fair was to hold those of ,boniface ,,viii4 in ,france4 ,but in neither case was there such sheer and fundamental antagonism as men felt to exist between the ,empire and the ,papacy4 ,perhaps it was possible in the early thirteenth century for a ,german whose whole heart was on the ,german side to dispute even the sacerdotal principle of papal authority4 ,it is hard to judge otherwise of ,freidank1 the very ,german composer or collector of trenchant sayings in the early thirteenth century4 ,many of these sneer at ,rome and the ,pope1 and some of them strike the gist of the matter3 8,sunde nieman mac vergeben wan ,got alein0 78,god alone can forgive sins074 ,this is the direct statement2 he gives its scornful converse3 8,could the ,pope absolve me from my oaths and duties1 ,i'd let other sureties go and fasten to him alone40#bj ,such words mean denial of the ,church's authority to forgive1 and the ,pope's to grant absolution from oaths of allegiance4 ,freidank is very near rejecting the principles of the ecclesiastical system4 ,walther1 ,freidank's contemporary1 is more picturesque3 8,king ,constantine1 he gave so much--as ,i will tell you--to the ,chair of ,rome3 spear1 cross1 and crown4 ,at once the angels cried3 #8,alas6 ,alas6 ,alas6 ,christendom before stood crowned with righteousness4 ,now is poison fallen on her1 and her honey turned to gall--sad for the world henceforth6' ,to-day the princes all live in honour2 only their highest languishes--so works the priest's election4 ,be that denounced to thee1 sweet ,god6 ,the priests would upset laymen's rights3 true is the angels' prophecy40#ba ,on ,constantine's apocryphal gift1 symbolized by the emblems of ,christ's passion1 rested the secular authority of the popes1 which ,walther laments with the angels4 8,the ,chair of ,rome was first set up by ,sorcerer ,gerbert6 ,queer history this1 but we see what he means4 ,he destroyed his own soul only2 but this one would bring down ,christendom with him to perdition4 ,when will all tongues call ,heaven to arms1 and ask ,god how long ,he will sleep8 ,they bring to nought ,his work1 distort ,his ,word4 ,his steward steals ,his treasure2 ,his judge robs here and murders there2 ,his shepherd has become a wolf among ,his sheep40#bb ,the clergy point their fingers heavenward while they travel fast to hell4#bc ,how laughs the ,pope at us1 when at home with his ,italians1 at the way he empties our ,german pockets into his 8poor boxes40#bd ,walther's hatred of the foreign ,pope is roused at every point4 ,and at last1 in a ,spruch full of implied meaning1 he declares that ,christ's word as to the tribute money meant that the emperor should receive his royal due4#be ,these utterances1 considered in the light of the political and racial situation1 seem to deny1 at least implicitly1 the secular power of the papacy4 ,yet in matters of religion ,walther apparently was entirely orthodox1 and a pious ,christian4 ,he has left a sweet prayer to ,christ1 with ample recognition of the angels and the saints1 and a beautiful verse of penitent contrition1 in which he confesses his sins to ,god very directly--how that he does the wrong1 and leaves the right1 and fails in love of neighbour4 8,father1 ,son1 may thy ,spirit lighten mine2 how may ,i love him who does me ill8 ,ever dear to me is he who treats me well60#bf ,walther's questing spirit also pondered over ,god's greatness and incomprehensibility4#bg ,his open mind is shown by the famous line3 8,him 7,god7 ,christians1 ,jews1 and heathen serve10#bh a breadth of view shared by his friend ,wolfram von ,eschenbach1 who speaks of the chaste virtue of a heathen lady as equal to baptism4#bi ,the personal lot of this proud heart was not an easy one2 homelessness broke him down1 and the bitterness of eating others' bread4 ,too well had he learned of the world and all its changing ways1 and how poor becomes the soul that follows them4 ,mortality is a trite sorrow2 there are worse3 8,we all complain that the old die and pass away2 rather let us lament taints of another hue1 that troth and seemliness and honour are dead40#cj ,at the last ,walther's grey memory of life and his vainly yearning hope took form in a great elegy4 ,after long years he seemed1 with heavy steps1 and leaning on his wanderer's staff1 to be returning to a home which was changed forever3 8,alas6 whither are they vanished1 my many years6 ,did ,i dream my life1 or is it real8 what ,i once deemed it1 was it that8 ,and now ,i wake1 and all the things and people once familiar1 strange6 ,my playmates1 dull and old6 ,and the fields changed2 only that the streams still flow as then they flowed1 my heart would break with thinking on the glad days1 vanished in the sea4 ,and the young people6 slow and mirthless6 and the knights go clad as peasants6 ,ah6 ,rome6 thy ban6 ,our groans have stilled the song of birds4 ,fool ,i1 to speak and so despair1--and the earth looks fair6 ,up knights again3 your swords1 your armour6 would to ,god ,i might fare with your victor band1 and gain my pay too--not in lands of earth6 ,oh6 might ,i win the eternal crown from that sweet voyage beyond the sea1 then would ,i sing ,o joy6 and never more1 alas--never more1 alas40#ca ,,book ,v ,,symbolism ,,chapter ,,xxvii ,,scriptural ,,allegories ,,in ,,the ,,early ,,middle ,,ages2 ,,honorius ,,of ,,autun ,words1 pictures1 and other vehicles of expression are symbols of whatever they are intended to designate4 ,a certain unavoidable symbolism also inheres in human mental processes2 for the mind in knowing 8turns itself to images10 as ,aquinas says following ,aristotle2 and every statement or formulation is a casting together of data in some presentable and representative form4 ,an example is the ,apostles' ,creed1 called also by this very name of ,symbol1 being a casting together1 an elementary formula1 of the essentials of the ,christian ,faith4 ,in the same sense the 8law of gravitation0 or a moral precept is a deduction1 induction1 or gathering together into a representative symbol1 of otherwise unassembled and uncorrelated experience4 ,in the present and following chapters1 however1 the term symbol will be used in its common acceptation to indicate a thing1 an act1 or a word invested with an adventitious representative significance4 ,all statements or expressions 7through language or by means of pictures7 which are intended to carry1 besides their palpable meaning1 another which is veiled and more spiritual1 are symbolical or figurative1 and more specifically are called allegories4#cb ,these devices of the mind have a history as old as humanity4 ,from inscrutable beginnings1 in time they become recognized as makeshifts2 yet they remain prone to enter new stages of confusion4 ,the mind seeking to express the transcendental1 avails itself of symbols4 ,all religions have teemed with them1 in their primitive phases scarcely distinguishing between symbol and fact2 then a difference becomes evident to clearer-minded men1 while perhaps at the same time others are elaborately maintaining that the symbol magically is1 or brings to pass1 that which it represents4 ,such obscuring mysticism existed not merely in confused ,egypt and ,brahminical ,india1 but everywhere--in antique ,greece and ,rome1 and then afterwards through the times of the ,christian ,church ,fathers and the entire ,middle ,ages4 ,fact and symbol are seen constantly closing together and becoming each other like the serpent-souls in the twenty-fifth canto of ,dante's ,inferno4 ,allegory properly speaking1 which involves a conscious and sustained effort to invest concrete or material statements with more general or spiritual meaning1 played an interesting rle in epochs antecedent to the patristic and mediaeval periods4 ,even before ,plato's time the personal myths of the gods shocked the ,greek ethical intellect1 which thereupon proceeded to convert them into allegories4 ,greek allegorical interpretation of ancient myth was apologetic to both the critical mind and the moral sense4 ,with ,philo1 the ,hellenizing ,jew of ,alexandria1 whose philosophy revolted from the literal text of ,genesis1 the motive for allegorical interpretation was similar4 ,but the document before him was most unlike the ,iliad and ,odyssey4 ,genesis contained no palpably immoral stories of ,jehovah to be explained away4 ,its account of divine creation and human beginnings merely needed to be invested with further ethical meaning4 ,so ,philo made cardinal virtues of the four rivers of ,eden1 and through like allegorical conceits transformed the ,book of ,genesis into a system of ,hellenistic ethics4 ,not cosmogonic myths1 but moral meanings1 he had discovered in his document4 ,advancing along the path which ,philo found1 ,christian allegorical interpretation undertook to substantiate the validity of the ,gospel4 ,to this end it fixed special symbolical meanings upon the ,old ,testament narratives1 so as to make them into prefigurative testimonies to the truth of ,christian teachings4#cc ,allegory was also called on to justify1 as against educated pagans1 certain acts of that heroic but peccant 8type0 of ,christ1 ,david1 the son of ,jesse4 ,such special apologetic needs hardly affected the allegorical interpretation of the ,gospel itself1 which began at an early day1 and from the first was spiritual and anagogic1 constantly straining on to educe further salutary meaning from the text4 ,the ,greek and ,latin ,church ,fathers created the mass of doctrine1 including ,scriptural interpretation1#cd upon which mediaeval theologians were to expend their systematizing and reconstructive labours4 ,through the ,middle ,ages1 the course of allegory and symbolism strikingly illustrates the mediaeval way of using the patristic heritage--first painfully learning it1 then making it their own1 and at last creating by means of that which they had organically appropriated4 ,allegory and symbolism were to impress the ,middle ,ages as perhaps no other element of their inheritance4 ,the mediaeval man thought and felt in symbols1 and the sequence of his thought moved as frequently from symbol to symbol as from fact to fact4 ,the allegorical faculty with the ,fathers was dogmatic and theological2 ingenious in devising useful interpretations1 but oblivious to all reasonable propriety in the meaning which it twisted into the text3 controversial necessities readily overrode the rational and moral requirements of the 8historical0 or 8literal0 meaning4 ,for the deeply realized allegorical significance was a law unto itself4 ,these characteristics of patristic allegory passed over to the ,middle ,ages1 which in the course of time were to impress human qualities upon the patristic material4 ,the ,bathsheba and ,uriah episode in the life of ,david was of course taken allegorically1 and affords a curious example of a patristic interpretation originating in the exigencies of controversy1 and then becoming authoritative for later periods when the echoes of the old controversy had long been silent4 ,augustine was called upon to answer the book of the clever ,manichaean1 ,faustus1 the stress of whose attacks was directed against the ,old ,testament4 ,faustus declared that he did not blaspheme 8the law and the prophets10 but rejected merely the special ,hebrew customs and the vile calumnies of the ,old ,testament writers1 imputing shameful acts to prophets and patriarchs4 ,in his list of shocking narratives to be rejected1 was the story 8that ,david after having had such a number of wives1 defiled the little woman of ,uriah his soldier1 and caused him to be slain in battle40#ce ,augustine responds with a general exclamation at the ,manichaean's failure to understand the sacramental symbols 7sacramenta7 of the ,law and the deeds of the prophets4 ,he then speaks of certain ,old ,testament statements regarding ,god and ,his demands1 and proceeds to consider the nature of sin and the questionable deeds of the prophets4 ,some of the reprehended deeds he justifies1 as1 for instance1 ,abraham's intercourse with ,hagar and his deceit in telling ,abimelech that ,sara was his sister when she was his wife4 ,he also declares that ,sara typifies the ,church1 which is the secret spouse of ,christ4 ,proceeding further1 he does not justify1 but palliates1 the conduct of ,lot and his daughters1 and then introduces its typological significance4 ,at length he comes to ,david4 ,first he gives a noble estimate of ,david's character1 his righteousness1 his liability to sin1 and his quick penitence4#cf ,afterwards he considers1 briefly as he says1 what ,david's sin with ,bathsheba signifies prophetically4#cg ,the passage may be given to show what a mixture of banality and disregard of moral propriety in drawing analogies might emanate from the best mind among the ,latin ,fathers1 and be repeated by later transitional and mediaeval commentators4 8,the names themselves when interpreted indicate what this deed prefigured4 ,david is interpreted #8,strong of hand' or #8,desirable4' ,and what is stronger than that ,lion of the tribe of ,judah that overcame the world8 and what is more desirable than him of whom the prophet says3 #8,the desired of all nations shall come' 7,hag4 ii4 #g78 ,bathsheba means #8well of satiety1' or #8seventh well4' ,whichever of these interpretations we adopt will suit4 ,for in ,canticles the ,bride who is the ,church is called a well of living water 7,cant4 iv4 #ae72 and to this well the name of the seventh number is joined in the sense of ,holy ,spirit2 and this because of ,pentecost 7the fiftieth71 the day on which the ,holy ,spirit came4 ,for that same festival is of the weeks 7de septimanis constare7 as the ,book of ,tobit testifies4 ,then to forty-nine1 which is seven times seven1 one is added1 whereby unity is commended4 ,by this spiritual1 that is #8,seven-natured' 7septenario7 gift the ,church is made a well of satiety2 because there is made in her a well of living water springing up unto everlasting life1 which whoso has shall never thirst 7,john iv4 #ad74 ,uriah1 indeed1 who had been her husband1 what but devil does his name signify8 ,in whose vilest wedlock all those were bound whom the grace of ,god sets free1 that the ,church without spot or wrinkle may be married to her own ,saviour4 ,for ,uriah is interpreted1 #8,my light of ,god'2 and ,hittite means #8cut off1' or he who does not stand in truth1 but by the guilt of pride is cut off from the supernal light which he had from ,god2 or it means1 he who in falling away from his true strength which was lost1 nevertheless fashioneth himself into an angel of light 7#b ,cor4 xi4 #ad71 daring to say3 #8,my light is of ,god4' ,therefore this ,david gravely and wickedly sinned2 and ,god rebuked his crime through the prophet with a threat2 and he himself washed it away by repenting4 ,yet likewise ,he1 the desired of all nations1 was enamoured of the ,church bathing upon the roof1 that is cleansing herself from the filth of the world1 and in spiritual contemplation surmounting and trampling on her house of clay2 and knowledge of her having been had at their first meeting1 ,he afterwards killed the devil1 apart from her1 and joined her to himself in perpetual marriage4 ,therefore we hate the sin but will not quench the prophecy4 ,let us love that 7illum7 ,david1 who is so greatly to be loved1 who through mercy freed us from the devil2 and let us also love that 7istum7 ,david who by the humility of penitence healed in himself so deep a wound of sin40#ch ,augustine's interpretation of the story of ,david and ,bathsheba was embodied verbatim in a work upon the ,old ,testament by ,isidore of ,seville4#ci ,the voluminous commentator ,rabanus ,maurus took the same1 also verbatim1 either from ,isidore or ,augustine4#dj ,his pupil1 ,walafrid ,strabo1 in his famous ,glossa ordinaria1 cited1 probably from ,rabanus1 the first part of the passage as far as the reference to the well of living water from ,john's ,gospel4 ,he abridged the matter somewhat1 thus showing the smoothing compiler's art which was to bring his ,glossa ordinaria into such general use4 ,walafrid omitted the lines declaring that ,uriah signified the devil4 ,he did cite1 however1 again probably from ,rabanus1 part of a long passage1 taken by ,rabanus from ,gregory the ,great1 where ,bathsheba is declared to be the letter of the ,law1 united to a carnal people1 which ,david 7,christ7 joins to himself in a spiritual sense4 ,uriah is that carnal people1 to wit1 the ,jews4#da ,thus far as to the comments on the narrative from the eleventh chapter of the ,second ,book of ,samuel1 otherwise called the ,second ,book of ,kings4 ,when ,rabanus came to explain the sixth verse of the first chapter of ,matthew--8,and ,david begat ,solomon from her who was the wife of ,uriah0--he said3 8,uriah indeed1 that is interpreted #8,my light of ,god1' signifies the devil1 who fashions himself into an angel of light1 daring to say to ,god3 #8,my light of ,god1' and #8,i will be like unto the ,most ,high' 7,isaiah xiv4740#db ,here pupil ,walafrid follows his master1 but adds3 8,whose bewedded ,church ,christ became enamoured of from the terrace of ,his paternal majesty and joined her1 made beautiful1 to himself in matrimony40#dc ,with ,rabanus and ,walafrid1 as with ,isidore and the ,venerable ,bede who were the links between these ,carolingians and the ,fathers1 the interest in ,scripture relates to its allegorical significance4 ,unmindful of the obvious and literal meaning of the text1 they were unabashed by the incongruity of their allegorical interpretations4#dd ,rabanus1 for instance1 had unbounded enthusiasm for ,exodus1 because of its rich symbolism3 8,among the ,scriptures embraced in the ,pentateuch of the ,law1 the ,book of ,exodus excels in merit2 in it almost all the sacraments by which the present ,church is founded1 nourished1 and ruled1 are figuratively set forth4 ,for there1 through the corporeal exit of the children of ,israel from the terrestrial ,egypt1 our exit from the spiritual ,egypt is made clear4 ,there again1 through the crossing of the ,red ,sea and the submersion of ,pharaoh and the ,egyptians1 the mystery of ,baptism and the destruction of spiritual enemies are figured4 ,there the immolation of the typifying lamb and the celebration of the ,passover suggest the passion of the true ,lamb and our redemption4 ,there manna from heaven and drink from a rock are given in order to teach us to desire the heavenly bread and the drink of life4 ,there precepts and judgments are delivered to the people of ,god upon a mountain in order that we may learn to be subject to supernal discipline4 ,there the construction of the tabernacle and its vessels is ordered to take place with worship and sacrifices1 that therein the adornment of the marvellous ,church and the rites of spiritual sacrifices may be indicated4 ,there the perfumes of incense and anointment are prepared1 in order that the sanctification of the ,holy ,spirit and the mystery of sacred prayers may be commended to us40#de ,the same commentator compiled a dictionary of allegories entitled ,allegoriae in universam sacram scripturam1#df saying in his lumbering ,preface3 8,whoever desires to arrive at an understanding of ,holy ,scripture should consider when he should take the narrative historically1 when allegorically1 when anagogically1 and when tropologically4 ,for these four ways of understanding1 to wit1 history1 allegory1 tropology1 anagogy1 we call the four daughters of wisdom1 who cannot fully be searched out without a prior knowledge of these4 ,through them ,mother ,wisdom feeds her adopted children1 giving to tender beginners drink in the milk of history2 to those advancing in faith1 the food of allegory2 to the strenuous and sweating doers of good works1 satiety in the savoury refection of tropology2 and finally1 to those raised from the depths through contempt of the earthly and through heavenly desire progressing towards the summit1 the sober intoxication of theoretical contemplation in the wine of anagogy4444 ,history1 through the ensample which it gives of perfect men1 incites the reader to the imitation of holiness2 allegory1 in the revelation of faith1 leads to a knowledge of truth2 tropology1 in the instruction of morals1 to a love of virtue2 anagogy1 in the display of everlasting joys1 to a desire of eternal felicity4 ,in the house of our soul1 history lays the foundation1 allegory erects the walls1 anagogy puts on the roof1 while tropology provides ornament1 within through the disposition1 without through the effect of the good work40#dg ,this work1 alphabetically arranged1 gave the allegorical significations of words used in the ,vulgate1 with examples2 for instance3 8,ager 7field7 is the world1 as in the ,gospel3 #8,to the man who sowed good seed in his field1' that is to ,christ1 who sows preaching through the world4 8,amicus 7friend7 is ,christ1 as in ,canticles3 #8,he is my friend1 daughters of ,jerusalem1' for ,he loved ,his ,church so much that ,he would die for her4444 8,ancilla 7handmaid7 is the ,church1 as in the ,psalms3 #8,make safe the son of thine handmaid1' that is me1 who am a member of the ,church4 ,ancilla1 corruptible flesh1 as in ,genesis3 #8,cast out the handmaid and her son1' that is1 despise the flesh and its carnal fruit4 ,ancilla1 preachers of the ,church1 as in ,job3 #8,he will bind her with his handmaids1'#dh because the ,lord through ,his preachers conquered the devil4 ,ancilla1 the effeminate minds of the ,jews1 as in ,job3 #8,thy handmaids hold me as a stranger1' because the effeminate minds of the ,jews knew me through faith4#di ,ancilla1 the lowly1 as in ,genesis1 #8and meal for his handmaids1' because ,holy ,church affords spiritual refection to the lowly4 8,aqua is the ,holy ,spirit1 ,christ1 subtle wisdom1 loquacity1 temporal greed1 baptism1 the hidden speech of the prophets1 the holy preaching of ,christ1 compunction1 temporal prosperity1 adversity1 human knowledge1 this world's wealth1 the literal meaning carnal pleasure1 eternal reflection1 holy angels1 souls of the blessed1 saints1 humility's lament1 the devotions of the saints1 sins of the elect which ,god condones1 knowledge of the heretics1 persecutions1 unstable thoughts1 the blandishments of temptations1 the pleasures of the wicked1 the punishments of hell4 8,mons1 mountain 7in the singular7 the ,virgin ,mary1 montes 7in the plural7 angels1 apostles1 sublime precepts1 the two ,testaments1 inner meditations1 proud men1 the ,gentiles1 evil spirits40#ej ,thus ,rabanus dragged into his compilation every meaning that had ever been ascribed to the words defined4 ,in him and his contemporaries1 the allegorical material1 apart from its utility for salvation1 seems void of human interest or poetic quality1 as yet unstirred by a breath of life4 ,that was to enter1 as allegory and all manner of symbolism began to form the temper of mediaeval thought1 and became a chosen vessel of the mediaeval spirit in poetry and art4 ,the vital change had taken place before the twelfth century had turned its first quarter4#ea ,there flourished at this time a worthy monk named ,honorius of ,autun1 also called 8the ,solitary40 ,it has been argued1 and vehemently contradicted1 that he was of ,german birth4 ,at all events1 monk he was and teacher at ,autun4 ,those about him sought his instruction1 and also requested him to put his discourses into writing for their use2 their request reads as if at that time ,honorius had retired from among them4#eb ,this is all that is known of the man who composed the most popular handbook of sermons in the ,middle ,ages4 ,it was called the ,speculum ecclesiae4 ,honorius may never have preached these sermons2 but still his book exists with sermons for ,sundays1 saints' days1 and other ,church festivals2 a sermon also to be preached at ,church dedications1 and one 8sermo generalis10 very useful1 since it touched up all orders of society in succession1 and a preacher might take or omit according to his audience4 ,before beginning1 the preacher is directed to make the sign of the cross and invoke the ,holy ,spirit3 he is admonished first to pronounce his text of ,scripture in the ,latin tongue1 and then expound it in the vernacular2#ec he is instructed as to what portions of certain sermons should be used under special circumstances1 and what parts he may omit in winter when the church is cold1 or when in summer it is too hot2 or this is left quite to his discretion3 8,here make an end if you wish2 but if time permits1 continue thus40 ,most of these sermons are short1 and contain much excellent moral advice put simply and directly4 ,they also make constant use of allegory1 and evidently ,honorius's chief care in their composition was to expound his text allegorically and point the allegory's application to the needs of his supposed audience4 ,neither he nor any man of his time devised many novel allegorical interpretations2 but the old ones had at length become part of the mediaeval spirit and the regular means of apprehending the force and meaning of ,scripture4 ,consequently ,honorius handles his allegories more easily1 and makes a more natural human application of them1 than ,rabanus or ,walafrid had done4 ,sometimes the allegory seems to ignore the moral lesson of the literal facts2 but while a smile may escape us in reading ,honorius1 the allegories in his sermons are rarely strained and shocking1 likewise rarely dull4 ,a general point from which he regards the narratives and institutions of the ,old ,testament is summed up in his statement1 that for us ,christ turned all provisions of the law into spiritual sacraments4#ed ,the whole ,old ,testament has pre-figurative significance and spiritual meaning2 and likewise every narrative in the ,gospels is spiritual4 ,two or three examples will illustrate ,honorius's edifying way of using allegory4 ,his sermon for the eleventh ,sunday after ,pentecost is typical of his manner4 ,the text is from the thirty-first#ee ,psalm3 8,blessed is the man to whom the ,lord will not impute sin40 ,opening with an exhortation to penitence and tears and almsgiving1 the preacher turns to the self-righteous 8whose obstinacy the ,lord curbs in the ,gospel for the day1 telling how two went up into the temple to pray1 the one a ,pharisee1 to wit1 one of the ,jewish clergy1 the other a ,publican40 ,after proceeding for a while with sound and obvious comment on the situation1 ,honorius says3 8,by the two men who went up into the temple to pray1 two peoples1 the ,jewish and the ,gentile1 are meant4 ,the ,pharisee who went close to the altar is the ,jewish people1 who possessed the ,sanctuary and the ,ark4 ,he tells aloud his merits in the temple1 because in the world he boasts of his observance of the law4 8,the ,publican who stands afar off is the ,gentile people1 who were far off from the worship of ,god4 ,he did not lift up his eyes to heaven1 because the ,gentile was agape at the things of earth4 ,he beat his breast when he bewailed his error through penitence2 and because he humbled himself in confession1 ,god exalted him through pardon4 ,let us also1 beloved1 thus stand afar off1 deeming ourselves unworthy of the holy sacraments and the companionship of the saints4 ,let us not lift up our eyes to heaven1 but deem ourselves unworthy of it4 ,let us beat our breasts and punish our misdeeds with tears4 ,let us fall prostrate before ,god2 and let us weep in the presence of the ,lord who made us1 so that ,he may turn our lament to joy1 rend asunder our garb of mourning1 and clothe us with happiness40 ,honorius lingers a moment with some further exhortations suggested by his parable1 and then turns to the edification to be found in fables wisely composed by profane writers4 ,let not the congregation be scandalized2 for the children of ,israel despoiled the ,egyptians of gold and gems and precious vesture1 which they afterwards devoted to completing the tabernacle4 ,pious ,christians spoil the ,egyptians when they turn profane studies to spiritual account4 ,the philosophers tell of a woman bound to a revolving wheel1 her head now up now down4 ,the wheel is this world's glory1 and the woman is that fortune which depends on it4 ,again1 they tell of one who tries to roll a stone to the top of a mountain2 but1 near the top1 it hurls the wretch prostrate with its weight and crashes back to the bottom2 and again1 of one whose liver is eaten by a vulture1 and1 when consumed1 grows again4 ,the man who pushes up the stone is he who toilsomely amasses dignities1 to be plunged by them to hell2 and he of the liver is the man upon whose heart lust feeds4 ,from that pest1 they say1 ,medusa sprang1 with noble form exciting many to lust1 but with her look turning them to stone4 ,she is wantonness1 who turns to stone the hearts of the lewd through their lustful pleasure4 ,perseus slew her1 covering himself with his crystalline shield2 for the strong man1 gazing into virtue's mirror1 averts his heart's countenance 7i4e4 from wantonness74 ,the sword with which he kills her is the fear of everlasting fire4 ,then1 continues ,honorius1 we read of a boy brought up by one of the ,fathers in a hermitage2 but as he grew to youth he was tickled with lust4 ,the ,father commanded him to go alone into the desert and pass forty days in fasting and prayer4 ,when some twenty days had passed1 there appeared a naked woman foul and stinking1 who thrust herself upon him1 and he1 unable to endure her stench1 began to repel her4 ,at which she asked3 8,why do you shudder at the sight of me for whom you burned8 ,i am the image of lust1 which appears sweet to men's hearts4 ,if you had not obeyed the ,father1 you would have been overthrown by me as others have been40 ,so he thanked ,god for snatching him from the spirit of fornication4 ,many other examples lead us to the path of life4 ,honorius closes with the story of the 8,three ,fools10 observed by a certain ,father3 the first an ,ethiopian who was unable to move a faggot of wood1 which he would continually unbind and make still heavier by adding further sticks2 the second1 a man pouring water into a vase which had no bottom2 and1 thirdly1 the two men who came bearing before them crosswise a beam of wood2 as they neared the city gate neither would let the other precede him even a little1 and so both remained without4 ,the ,ethiopian who adds to his insupportable faggot is he who continually increases his weight of sin1 adding new sins to old ones unrepented of2 he who pours water into the vase with no bottom is he who by his uncleanness loses the merit of his good acts2 and the two who bear the beam crosswise are those bound by the yoke of ,pride4#ef ,such are good examples of the queer stories to which preachers resorted4 ,one notices that whatever be the source from which ,honorius draws1 his interest is always in the allegory found in the narratives4 ,another very apt example of his manner is his treatment of the story of the ,good ,samaritan1 so often depicted on ,gothic church windows4 ,for us this parable carries an exhaustless wealth of direct application in human life2 it was regarded very differently by ,honorius and the glass painters1 whose windows are a pictorial transcription of the first half of his sermon4#eg 8,blessed is the man who walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly0--this is the text2 and ,honorius proceeds3 8,adam was the unhappy man who through the counsel of the wicked departed from his native land of ,paradise and dragged all his descendants into this exile4 ,he thus stood in the way of sinners1 because he remained stable in sin4 ,he sat #8in the seat of the scornful1' because by evil example he taught others to sin4 ,but ,christ arose1 the blessed man who walketh in the counsel of the ,father from the hall of heaven into prison after the lost servant4 ,he did not walk in the counsel of the ungodly when the devil showed ,him all the kingdoms of the world2 ,he did not stand in the way of sinners1 because ,he committed no sin2 ,he did not sit in the seat of the scornful1 since neither by word nor deed did ,he teach evil4 ,thus as that unhappy man drew all his carnal children into death1 this blessed man brought all ,his sons to life4 ,as ,he himself sets forth in the ,gospel3 #8,a certain man went down from ,jerusalem to ,jericho1 and robbers attacked and wounded him1 stripped him and went away4 ,and by chance there came that way a certain priest1 who seeing him half-dead1 crossed to the other side4 ,likewise a ,levite passed by when he had seen him4 ,but a ,samaritan coming that same way1 had compassion on the poor wretch1 bound up his wounds and poured in oil and wine1 and setting him on his own beast1 brought him to an inn4 ,the next day he gave the innkeeper two pence and asked that he care for him1 and if more was needed ,he promised to repay the innkeeper on ,his return4' 8,surely man went down from ,jerusalem to ,jericho when our first parent from the joys of ,paradise entered death's eclipse4 ,for ,jericho1 which means moon1 designates the eclipse of our mortality4 ,whereby man fell among thieves1 since a swarm of demons at once surrounded the exile4 ,wherefore also they despoiled him1 since they stripped him of the riches of ,paradise and the garment of immortality4 ,they gave him wounds1 for sins flowed in upon him4 ,they left him half-dead1 because dead in soul4 ,the priest passed down the same way1 as the ,order of ,patriarchs proceeded along the path of mortality4 ,the priest left him wounded1 having no power to aid the human race while himself sore wounded with sins4 ,the ,levite went that way1 inasmuch as the ,order of ,prophets also had to tread the path of death4 ,he too passed by the wounded man1 because he could bear no human aid to the lost while himself groaning under the wounds of sin4 ,the wretch half-dead was healed by the ,samaritan1 for the man set apart through ,christ is made whole4 8,samaria was the chief city of the ,israelitish kingdom whose chiefs were led away to idolatry in ,nineveh1 and ,gentiles were placed in her4 ,the ,jews abhorred their fellowship1 making them a byword of malediction4 ,so when reviling the ,lord1 they called ,him a ,samaritan4 ,the ,lord was the true ,samaritan1 being called guardian 7custos7 since the human race is guarded by ,him4 ,he went down this way when from heaven ,he came into this world4 ,he saw the wounded traveller1 inasmuch as ,he saw man held in misery and sin4 ,he was moved with compassion for him1 since for man ,he undergoes all pains4 ,approaching1 ,he bound his wounds when1 proclaiming eternal life1 ,he taught man to cease from sin4 ,he bound his wounds together with the two parts of the bandage when ,he quelled sins through two fears--the servile fear which forbids through penalties1 and the filial fear which exhorts the holy to good works4 ,he drew tight the lower part of the bandage when ,he struck men's hearts with fear of hell4 ,their worm1 ,he said1 does not die1 and their fire is not quenched4 ,he drew tight the upper part when ,he taught the fear which belongs to the study of good4 #8,the children of the kingdom1' said ,he1 #8shall be cast into outer darkness1 where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth4' ,he poured in wine and oil when ,he taught repentance and pardon4 ,he poured in wine when ,he said1 #8,repent ye'2 ,he added oil when ,he said1 #8for the kingdom of heaven is at hand4' ,he set him upon ,his beast when ,he bore our sins in ,his body on the ,cross4 ,he led him to the inn when ,he joined him to the supernal ,church4 ,the inn1 in which living beings are assembled at night1 is the present ,church1 where the just are harboured amid the darkness of this life until the ,day of ,eternity blows and the shadows of mortality give way4 8,the next day ,he tendered the two pence4 ,the first day was of death1 the next of life4 ,the day of death began with ,adam1 when all die4 ,the day of life took its beginning from ,christ1 in whom all shall be made alive4 ,before ,christ's resurrection all men were travelling to death2 since ,his resurrection all the faithful have been rising to life4 ,he tendered the two pence the next day--when after ,his resurrection ,he taught that the two ,testaments were fulfilled by the two precepts of love4 ,he gave the pence to the innkeeper when ,he committed the doctrine of the law of life to the ,order of ,doctors4 ,he directed him to tend the sick man when ,he commanded that the human race should be saved from sin4 ,the stench drove the sick man from the inn1 because this world's tribulation drives the righteous to seek the things celestial4 ,two pence are given to the innkeeper when the ,doctors are raised on high by ,scriptural knowledge and temporal honour4 ,if they should require more1 ,he repays them on ,his return2 for if they exemplify good preaching with good works1 when the true ,samaritan returns to judgment and leads him1 aforetime wounded but now healed1 from the inn to the celestial mansion1 ,he will repay the zealous stewards with eternal rewards40#eh ,here ,honorius proceeds to expound the allegory contained in the healing of the dumb man and the ten lepers1 and closes his sermon with two narratives1 one of a poor idiot who sang the ,gloria without ceasing1 and was seen in glory after death2 the other of a lay nun 7conversa7 around whose last hours were shed sweet odours and a miraculous light1 while those present heard the chant of heavenly voices4 ,the parables of ,christ present types which we may apply in life according to circumstances4 ,in the concrete instance of the parable we find the universal1 and we deem ,christ meant it so4 ,thus we also view the parables as symbols1 which they were4 ,honorius1 with the vast company of mediaeval and patristic expounders1 ordinarily directs the symbolism of the parables in a special mode1 whereby--like the stories of the ,old ,testament--they become figurative of ,christ and the needy soul of man1 or figurative of the ,christian dispensation with its historical antecedents and its ,day of ,judgment at the end4 ,the like may be said of ,honorius's allegorical interpretation of ,greek legends4 ,these ancient stories have the perennial youth of human charm and meaning ever new4 ,they had been good old stories to the ,greeks1 and then acquired further intendment as later men discerned a broader symbolism in them4 ,even in classic times1 ,homer's stories had been turned to allegories1 philosophers and critics sometimes finding in them a spiritual significance not unlike that which the same tales may bear for us4 ,but with this difference3 the later ,greeks usually were trying to explain away the somewhat untrammelled ways of the ,homeric pantheon1 and therefore maintained that ,homer's stories were composed as allegories1 the wise and mystic poet choosing thus to veil his meaning4 ,to-day we find the clarity of daybreak in ,homer's tales1 and if we make symbols of them we know the symbolism is not his but ours4 ,honorius chooses to think that allegory had always lain in the old story2 he will not deem it the invention of himself or other ,christian writers4 ,here his attitude is not unlike that of the apologetic ,greek critics4 ,but his interpretations are apt to differ from theirs as well as from our own4 ,for his symbolism tends to abandon the broadly human1 and to become1 like the mediaeval ,biblical interpretations1 figurative of the tenets of the ,christian ,faith4 ,there is an interesting example of this in the sermon for ,septuagesima ,sunday1 which was written on a somewhat blind text from the twenty-eighth chapter of ,job4 ,honorius proceeds expounding it through a number of strained allegories1 which he doubtless drew from ,gregory's ,moralia2 for that great pope was the recognized expositor of ,job1 and the ,book of ,job was simply ,gregory through all the ,middle ,ages4 ,perhaps ,honorius felt that this sermon was rather soporific4 ,at all events he stops in the middle to give a piece of advice to the supposed preacher3 8,often put something of this kind in your sermon2 for so you will relieve the tedium40 ,and he continues thus3 8,brethren1 on this holy day there is much to say which ,i must pass over in silence1 lest disgusted you should wish to leave the church before the end4 ,for some of you have come far and must go a long way to reach your houses4 ,or perhaps1 some have guests at home1 or crying babies2 or others are not swift and have to go elsewhere1 while to some a bodily infirmity brings uneasiness lest they expose themselves4 ,so ,i omit much for everybody's sake1 but still would say a few words4 8,because to-day1 beloved1 we have laid aside the song of gladness and taken up the song of sadness1 ,i would briefly tell you something from the books of the pagans1 to show how you should reject the melody of this world's pleasures in order that hereafter with the angels you may make sweet harmonies in heaven4 ,for one should pick up a gem found in dung and set it as a kingly ornament2 thus if we find anything useful in pagan books we should turn it to the building up of the ,church1 which is ,christ's spouse4 ,the wise of this world write that there were three ,syrens in an island of the sea1 who used to chant the sweetest song in divers tones4 ,one sang1 another piped1 the third played upon a lyre4 ,they had the faces of women1 the talons and wings of birds4 ,they stopped all passing ships with the sweetness of their song2 they rent the sailors heavy with sleep2 they sank the ships in the brine4 ,when a certain duke1 ,ulysses1 had to sail by their island1 he ordered his comrades to bind him to the mast and stuff their ears with wax4 ,thus he escaped the peril unharmed1 and plunged the ,syrens in the waves4 ,these1 beloved1 are mysteries1 although written by the enemies of ,christ4 ,by the sea is to be understood this age which rolls beneath the unceasing blasts of tribulations4 ,the island is earth's joy1 which is intercepted by crowding pains1 as the shore is beat upon by crowding waves4 ,the three ,syrens who with sweet caressing song overturn the navigators in sleep1 are three delights which soften men's hearts for vice and lead them into the sleep of death4 ,she who sings with human voice is ,avarice1 and to her hearers thus she tunes her song3 #8,thou shouldst get together much1 so as to be able to spread wide thy fame1 and also visit the ,lord's sepulchre and other places1 restore churches1 aid the poor and thy relatives as well4' ,with such baneful song she charms the miser's heart1 until the sleep of death oppresses him4 ,then she tears his flesh1 the wave devours the ship1 and the wretch by fierce pains is waked from his riches and plunged in eternal flame4 ,she who plays upon the pipe is ,vainglory 7,jactantia71 and thus she pipes her lay for hers3 #8,thou art in thy youth1 and noble2 make thyself appear glorious4 ,spare no enemies1 but kill them all when able4 ,then people will call thee a good knight4' ,again will she chant3 #8,thou shouldst win ,jerusalem1 and give great alms4 ,then thou wilt be famous1 and wilt be called good by all4' ,to the lay brethren 7conversis7 she sings3 #8,thou must fast and pray always1 singing with loud voice4 ,then wilt thou hear thyself lauded as a saint by all4' ,such song with vain heart she makes resound till the whirlpool of death devours the wretch emptied of worth4 8,she who sings to a lyre is ,wantonness 7,luxuria71 and she chants melodies like these to her parasites3 #8,thou art in thy youth2 now is the time to sport with the girls--old age will do to reform in4 ,here is one with a fine figure2 this one is rich2 from this one you would gain much4 ,there is plenty of time to save your soul4' ,in such way she melts the hearts of the wanton till ,cocytus's waves engulf them suddenly tripped by death4 8,they have the faces of women1 because nothing so estranges man from ,god as the love of women4 ,they have wings of birds1 because the desire of worldlings is always unstable1 their appetites now craving one thing1 and again their lust flying to another object4 ,they have also the talons of birds1 because they tear their victims as they snatch them away to the torments of hell4 ,ulysses is called ,wise4 ,unharmed he steers his course by the island1 because the truly wise ,christian swims over the sea of this world1 in the ship of the ,church4 ,by the fear of ,god he binds himself to the mast of the ship1 that is1 to the cross of ,christ2 with wax1 that is with the incarnation of ,christ1 he seals the ears of his comrades1 that they may turn their hearts from lusts and vices and yearn only for heavenly things4 ,the ,syrens are submerged1 because he is protected from their lusts by the strength of the ,spirit4 ,unharmed the voyagers avoid the peril1 inasmuch as through victory they reach the joys of the saints40#ei ,,chapter ,,xxviii ,,the ,,rationale ,,of ,,the ,,visible ,,world3 ,,hugo ,,of ,,st4 ,,victor ,just as the ,middle ,ages followed the allegorical interpretation of ,scripture elaborated by the ,church ,fathers1 so they also accepted1 and even made more precise1 the patristic inculcation of the efficacy of such most potent symbols as the water of baptism and the bread and wine transubstantiated in the ,eucharist4#fj ,passing onward from these mighty bases of conviction1 the mediaeval genius made fertile use of allegory in the polemics of ,church and ,state1 and exalted the symbolical principle into an ultimate explanation of the visible universe4 ,notable was the career of allegory in politics4 ,throughout the long struggle of the ,papacy with the ,empire and other secular monarchies1 arguments drawn from allegory never ceased to carry weight4 ,a very shibboleth was the witness of the 8two swords0 7,luke xxii4 #ch71 both of which1 the temporal as well as spiritual1 the ,church held to have been entrusted to her keeping for the ordering of earthly affairs1 to the end that men's souls should be saved4 ,still more fluid was the argumentative nostrum of mankind conceived as an ,organism1 or animate body 7unum corpus1 corpus mysticum74 ,this metaphor was found in more than one of the ,latin classics2 but patristic and mediaeval writers took it from the works of ,paul4#fa ,the likeness of the human body to the body politic or ecclesiastic was carried out in every imaginable detail1 and used acutely or absurdly by politicians and schoolmen from the eleventh century onward4#fb ,we turn to the symbolical explanation of the universe4 ,in the first half of the twelfth century1 a profoundly meditative soul1 ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor by name1 attempted a systematic exposition of the symbolical or sacramental plan inhering in ,god's scheme of creation4 ,of the man1 as with so many monks and schoolmen whose names and works survive1 little is known beyond the presentation of his personality afforded by his writings4 ,he taught in the monastic school of ,st4 ,victor1 a community that had a story1 with which may be connected the scanty facts of the short and happy pilgrimage to ,god1 which made ,hugo's life on earth4#fc ,when ,william of ,champeaux1 according to ,abaelard's account1 was routed from his logical positions in the cathedral school of ,paris1#fd he withdrew from the school and from the city to the quiet of a secluded spot on the left bank of the ,seine1 not far distant from ,notre-,dame4 ,here was an ancient chapel dedicated to ,saint-,victor1 and here ,william1 with some companions1 organized themselves into a monastic community according to the rule of the canons of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,this was in #aajh4 ,if for a time ,william laid aside his studies and lecturing1 he soon resumed them at the solicitations of his scholars1 joined to those of his friend ,hildebert1 ,bishop of ,le ,mans4#fe ,and so the famous school of ,saint-,victor began4 ,william remained there only four years1 being made ,bishop of ,chalons in #aaab1 and thereafter figuring prominently in ,church councils1 frequent in ,france at this epoch4 ,under ,william's disciple and successor1 ,gilduin1 the community flourished and increased4 ,king ,louis ,,vi41 whose confessor was ,gilduin himself1 endowed it liberally1 and other donors were not lacking4 ,saint-,victor became rich1 and its fame for learning and holiness spread far and wide4#ff ,abbot ,gilduin lived to see more than forty houses of monks or regular canons#fg flourishing as dependencies of ,saint-,victor4 ,he died in #aaee1 some years after the death of the young man whose scholarship and genius was the pride of the ,victorine community4 ,notwithstanding a statement in an old manuscript1 that ,hugo was born near ,ypres in ,flanders1 the ancient tradition of ,saint-,victor1 confirmed by the records of the cathedral of ,halberstadt1 shows him to have been a son of the ,count of ,blankemberg1 and born at ,hartingam in ,saxony4#fh ,his uncle ,reinhard was ,bishop of ,halberstadt1 where his great-uncle1 named ,hugo like himself1 was archdeacon4 ,reinhard had been a pupil of ,william of ,champeaux at ,saint-,victor1 and after becoming bishop continued to cherish a profound esteem for him4 ,the young ,hugo renounced his inheritance and entered a monastery not far from ,halberstadt2 but soon1 in view of the disturbed affairs of ,saxony1 his uncle ,reinhard urged him to go and pursue his studies at ,saint-,victor4 ,the young man persuaded his great-uncle ,hugo to accompany him4 ,by circuitous routes1 visiting various places of pious interest on the way1 the two reached ,saint-,victor1 where they were received with all honour by the abbot ,gilduin4 ,this was not far from the year #aaae1 and ,hugo was about twenty at the time4 ,he was already an accomplished scholar1 and doubtless it is to his previous studies that he refers when he speaks as follows in his book of elementary instruction1 called the ,didascalicon3 8,i dare say that ,i never despised anything pertaining to learning1 and learned much that might strike others as light and vain4 ,i practised memorizing the names of everything ,i saw or heard of1 thinking that ,i could not properly study the nature of things unless ,i knew their names4 ,daily ,i examined my notes of topics1 that ,i might hold in my memory every proposition1 with the questions1 objections1 and solutions4 ,i would inform myself as to controversies and consider the proper order of the argument on either side1 carefully distinguishing what pertained to the office of rhetoric1 oratory1 and sophistry4 ,i set problems of numbers2 ,i drew figures on the pavement with charcoal1 and with the figure before me ,i demonstrated the different qualities of the obtuse1 the acute and the right angle1 and also of the square4 ,often ,i watched out the nocturnal horoscope through winter nights4 ,often ,i strung my harp 7,saepe ad numerum protensum in ligno magadam ducere solebam7 that ,i might perceive the different sounds and likewise delight my mind with the sweet notes4 ,all these were boyish occupations 7puerilia7 but not useless4 ,nor does it burden my stomach to know them now40#fi ,not long after ,hugo's arrival at ,saint-,victor he began to teach at the monastery school1 and upon the death of its director1 in #aacc1 succeeded to the office1 which he held until his death in #aada4gj ,colourless and grey are the outer facts of a monk's life1 counting but little4 ,the soul of a ,hugo of ,saint-,victor did not soil itself with any interest in the pleasures of the world3 8,he is not solitary with whom is ,god1 nor is the power of joy extinguished because his appetite is kept from things abject and vile4 ,he rather does himself an injustice who admits to the society of his joy what is disgraceful or unworthy of his love40#ga ,hugo belonged to the aristocracy of contemplative piety1 with its scorn of whatever lies without the pale of the soul's companionship with ,god4 ,in his independent way he followed ,augustine1 and ,augustine's ,platonism1 which was so largely the ,neo-,platonism of ,plotinus and ,porphyry4 ,he also followed the real ,plato speaking in the ,timaeus1 with which he was acquainted4 ,plato would have nothing to do with allegorical interpretation as a defence of ,homer's gods2 but he could himself make very pretty allegories1 and his theory of ideas as at once types and creative intelligences lent itself to ,christian systems of symbolism4 ,in this way he was a spiritual ancestor of ,hugo1 who found in ,god the type-ideas of all things that ,he created4 ,moreover1 if not ,plato1 at least his spiritual children--,clement of ,alexandria1 ,origen1 ,plotinus--recognized that the highest truths must be known in modes transcending reason and its syllogisms1 although these were the necessary avenues of approach4 ,hugo likewise regarded rational knowledge as but the path by which the soul ascends to the plateau of contemplation4 ,the general aspects of his philosophy will be considered in a later chapter4 ,here he is to be viewed as a mediaeval symbolist1 upon whom pressed a sense of the symbolism of all visible things4 ,an examination of his great ,de sacramentis ,christianae fidei will disclose that with ,hugo the material creation in its deepest verity is a symbol2 that ,scripture1 besides its literal meaning1 is allegory from ,genesis to ,revelation2 that the means of salvation provided by the ,church are sacramental1 and thus essentially symbolical1 consisting of perfected and potent symbols which have been shadowed forth in the unperfected sacramental character of all ,god's works from the beginning4#gb ,hugo's little ,preface 7praefatiuncula7 mentions certain requests made to him to write a book on the ,sacraments4 ,in undertaking it1 he proposes to present in better form many things dictated from time to time rather negligently4 ,whatever he has taken from his previous writings he has revised as seemed best4 ,should there appear any inconsistency between what he may have said elsewhere and the language of the present work1 he begs the reader to regard the present as the better form of statement4 ,his method will be to treat his matter in the order of time2 and to this end his work is divided into two ,books4 ,the first discusses the subject from the ,beginning of the ,world until the ,incarnation of the ,word2 the second continues it from the ,incarnation to the final ,consummation of all things4 ,he explains that as he has elsewhere spoken at length upon the primary or historical meaning of ,holy ,writ1#gc he will devote himself here rather to its secondary or allegorical significance4 ,hugo further explains the subject of his treatise in a ,prologue3 8,the work of man's restoration is the subject-matter 7materia7 of all the ,scriptures4 ,there are two works1 the work of foundation and the work of restoration1 which include everything whatsoever4 ,the former is the creation of the world with all its elements2 the latter is the incarnation of the ,word with all its sacraments1 those which went before from the beginning and those which follow even to the end of the world4 ,for the incarnate ,word is our ,king1 who came into this world to fight the devil4 ,and all the saints who were before ,his coming1 were as soldiers going before ,his face2 and those who have come and will come after1 until the end of the world1 are as soldiers who follow their king4 ,he is the ,king in the centre of ,his army1 advancing girt by ,his troops4 ,and although in such a multitude divers shapes of arms appear in the sacraments and observances of those who precede and come after1 yet all are soldiers under one king and follow one banner2 they pursue one enemy and with one victory are crowned4 ,in all of this may be observed the work of restoration4 8,scripture gives first a brief account of the work of creation4 ,for it could not aptly show how man was restored unless it had previously explained how he had fallen2 nor could it show how he had fallen1 without first showing how ,god had made him1 for which in turn it was necessary to set forth the creation of the whole world1 because the world was made for man4 ,the spirit was created for ,god's sake2 the body for the spirit's sake1 and the world for the body's sake1 so that the spirit might be subject to ,god1 the body to the spirit1 and the world to the body4 ,in this order1 therefore1 ,holy ,scripture describes first the creation of the world which was made for man2 then it tells how man was made and set in the way of righteousness and discipline2 after that1 how man fell2 and finally how he was restored 7reparatus740 ,in these first little chapters of his ,prologue1 ,hugo has grouped his topics suggestively4 ,the world was made for man1 and therefore the account of its creation is needed in order to understand man4 ,moreover1 that man's body exists for his spirit's sake1 at once suggests that a significance beyond the literal meaning is likely to dwell in that account of the material creation which enables us to understand man4 ,the soul needs instruction and guidance2 and ,god in creating the world for man surely had in view his most important interests1 which were not those of his mortal body1 but those of his soul4 ,so the creation of the world subserves man's spiritual interests1 and the divine account of it carries spiritual instruction4 ,the allegorical significance of the world's creation1 which answers to man's spiritual needs1 is as veritable and real as the facts of the world's material foundation1 which answers to the needs of his body4 ,thus symbolism is rooted in the character and purpose of the material creation2 it lies in the ,god-implanted nature of things2 therefore the allegorical interpretation of the ,scriptures corresponds to their deepest meaning and the revealed plan of ,god4 ,these principles underlie ,hugo's exposition of the ,christian sacraments1 whose unperfected prototypes existed in the work of the ,creation4 ,no fact of sacred history1 no single righteous pre-,christian observance1 was unaffiliated with them4 ,an adequate understanding of their nature involves a full knowledge not only of ,christian doctrine1 but of all other knowledge profitable to men--as ,hugo clearly indicates in the remaining portion of his ,prologue3 8,whence it appears how much divine ,scripture in subtle profundity surpasses all other writings1 not only in its matter but in the way of treating it4 ,in other writings the words alone carry meaning3 in ,scripture not only the words1 but the things may mean something4 ,wherefore just as a knowledge of the words is needed in order to know what things are signified1 so a knowledge of the things is needed in order to determine their mystical signification of other things which have been or ought to be done4 ,the knowledge of words falls under two heads3 expression1 and the substance of their meaning4 ,grammar relates only to expression1 dialectic only to meaning1 while rhetoric relates to both4 ,a knowledge of things requires a knowledge of their form and of their nature4 ,form consists in external configuration1 nature in internal quality4 ,form is treated as number1 to which arithmetic applies2 or as proportion1 to which music applies2 or as dimension1 to which geometry applies2 or as motion1 to which pertains astronomy4 ,but physics 7physica7 looks to the inner nature of things4 8,it follows that all the natural arts serve divine science1 and the lower knowledge rightly ordered leads to the higher4 ,history1 i4e4 the historical meaning1 is that in which words signify things1 and its servants1 as already said1 are the three sciences1 grammar1 dialectic1 and rhetoric4 ,when1 however1 things signify facts mystically1 we have allegory2 and when things mystically signify what ought to be done1 we have tropology4 ,these two are served by arithmetic1 music1 geometry1 astronomy1 and physics4 ,above and beyond all is that divine something to which divine ,scripture leads1 either in allegory or tropology4 ,of this the one part 7which is in allegory7 is right faith1 and the other 7which is in tropology7 is good conduct3 in these consist knowledge of truth and love of virtue1 and this is the true restoration of man40#gd ,hugo has now stated his position4 ,the rationale of the world's creation lies in the nature of man4 ,the ,seven ,liberal ,arts1 and incidentally all human knowledge1 in handmaidenly manner1 promote an understanding of man as well as of the saving teaching contained in ,scripture4 ,this was the common mediaeval view2 but ,hugo proves it through application of the principles of symbolism and allegorical interpretation4 ,by these instruments he orders the arts and sciences according to their value in his ,christian system1 and makes all human knowledge subserve the intellectual economy of the soul's progress to ,god4 ,an exposition of the ,work of the ,six ,days opens the body of ,hugo's treatise4 ,god created all things from nothing1 and at once4 ,his creation was at first unformed2 not absolutely formless1 but in the form of confusion1 out of which in the six days ,he wrought the form of ordered disposition4 ,the first creation included the matter of corporeal things and 7in the angelic nature7 the essence of things invisible2 for the rational creature may be said to be unformed until it take form through turning unto its ,creator1 whereby it gains beauty and blessedness from ,him through the conversion which is of love4 ,thus the matter of every corporeal thing which ,god afterwards made1 existed from the time of ,his first creation1 and likewise the image of everything invisible4 ,for although new souls are still created every day1 their image existed previously in the angelic spirits4 ,then ,god made light1 the unformed material of which ,he had created in the beginning4 8,and at the very moment when light was visibly and corporeally separated from darkness1 the good angels were invisibly set apart from the wicked angels who were falling in the darkness of sin4 ,the good were illumined and converted to the light of righteousness1 that they might be light and not darkness4 ,thus we ought to perceive a consonance in the works of ,god1 the visible work conforming to the issue of the invisible in such wise that the ,wisdom which worked in both may in the former instruct by an example and in the latter execute judgment40 ,the severance of light from darkness is the material example of how ,god executes judgment in dividing the good from the evil4 ,in this visible work of ,god a 8sacrament0 is discernible1 since every soul1 so long as it is in sin1 is in darkness and confusion4 ,all the visible works of ,god offer spiritual lessons 7spiritualia praeferunt documenta74 ,they have sacramental qualities1 and yet are not perfected and completed sacraments1 as will hereafter appear from ,hugo's definition4 ,following the order of creation1 ,hugo now speaks of the firmament which ,god set in the midst of the waters to divide them3 8,he who believes that this was made for his sake will not look for the reason of it outside of himself4 ,for it all was made in the image of the world within him2 the earth which is below1 is the sensual nature of man1 and the heaven above is the purity of his intelligence quickening to immortal life40 ,the rational and unseen are a world as well as the material and visible4 ,the sacramental quality of the material world lies in its correspondence to the unseen world4 ,when ,hugo speaks of the 8sacramenta0 in the creation of light and the waters divided by the firmament1 he means that in addition to their material nature as light and water1 they are essentially symbols4 ,their symbolism is as veritably part of their nature as the symbolical character of the ,eucharist is part of the nature of the consecrated bread and wine4 ,the sacraments are among the deepest verities of the ,christian ,faith4 ,and the same representative verity that exists in them1 exists1 in less perfected mode1 throughout ,god's entire creation4 ,so the argument carries out the principles of the sacraments and the principles of symbolism to a full explanation of the world2 and ,hugo's work upon the ,sacraments presents his theory of the universe4 8,many other mysteries10 says ,hugo1 closing the first 8,part0 of his first ,book1 8could be pointed out in the work of the creation4 ,but we briefly speak of these matters as a suitable approach to the subject set before us4 ,for our purpose is to treat of the sacrament of man's redemption4 ,the work of creation was completed in six days1 the work of restoration in six ages4 ,the latter work we define as the ,incarnation of the ,word and what in and through the flesh the ,word performed1 with all ,his sacraments1 both those which from the beginning prefigured the ,incarnation and those which follow to declare and preach it till the end40 ,it is unnecessary to follow ,hugo through the discussion1 upon which he now enters1 of the will1 knowledge1 and power of the ,trinity1 or through his consideration of the knowledge which man may have of ,god4 ,in ,part ,v4 of the first ,book1 he considers the creation of angels1 their qualities and nature1 and the reasons why a part of them fell4 ,with ,part ,,vi4 the creation of man is reached1 which ,hugo shows to have been causally prior1 though later in time1 to the creation of the world which ,god made for man4 ,from love ,god created rational creatures1 the angels purely spiritual1 and man a spirit clothed with earth4#ge ,hugo considers the corporeal as well as the spiritual nature and qualities of man1 and his condition before the ,fall4 ,the seventh ,part is devoted to the ,fall itself1 and discusses its character and sinfulness4 ,at length1 in the eighth ,part1 ,hugo reaches the true subject of his treatise1 the restoration of man4 ,man's first sin of pride was followed by a triple punishment1 consisting in a penalty1 and two entailed defects1 the penalty being bodily mortality1 the defects carnal concupiscence and mental ignorance4 8,regarding his reparation three matters are to be considered1 the time1 the place1 the remedy4 ,the time is the present life1 from the beginning to the end of the world4 ,the place is this world4#gf ,the remedy is threefold1 and consists in faith1 the sacraments1 and good works4 ,long is the time1 that man may not be taken unprepared4 ,hard is the place1 that the transgressor may be castigated4 ,efficacious is the remedy1 that the sick one may be healed40 ,hugo then sets forth the situation1 the case in court as it were1 to which ,god1 the devil1 and man1 are the three parties4 ,in this trial 8444 the devil is convicted of an injury to ,god in that he seduced ,god's servant by fraud and holds him by violence4 ,man also is convicted of an injury to ,god in that he despised ,his command and wickedly gave himself to evil servitude4 ,likewise the devil is convicted of an injury toward man1 in first deceiving him and then bringing evil upon him4 ,the devil holds man unjustly1 though man is justly held40 ,since the devil's case against man was unjust1 man might defeat his lordship2 but he needed an advocate 7patronus71 which could be only ,god4 ,god1 angry at man's sin1 did not wish to undertake man's cause4 ,he must be placated2 and man had no equivalent to offer for the injury he had done ,him2 for he had deserted ,god when rational and innocent1 and could deliver himself back to ,god only as an irrational and sinful creature4 ,therefore1 in order that man might have wherewithal to placate ,god1 ,god through mercy gave man a man whom man might give in place of him who had sinned4 ,god became man for man and as man gave himself for man4 ,thus ,he who had been man's ,creator became also his ,redeemer4 ,god might have redeemed man in some other way1 but took the way of human nature as best suited to man's weakness4 ,after our first parent had been exiled from ,paradise for his sin1 the devil possessed him violently4 ,but ,god's providence tempered justice with mercy1 and from the penalty itself prepared a remedy4 8,he set for man as a sign the sacraments of his salvation1 in order that whoever would apprehend them with right faith and firm hope1 might1 though under the yoke1 have some fellowship with freedom4 ,he set ,his edict informing and instructing man1 so that whoever should elect to expect a saviour1 should prove his vow of election in observance of the sacraments4 ,the devil also set his sacraments1 that he might know and possess his own more surely4 ,the human race was at once divided into opposite parties1 some accepting the devil's sacraments and some the sacraments of ,christ4444 ,hence it is clear1 that from the beginning there were ,christians in fact1 if not in name40 ,hugo proceeds to show that the time of the institution of the sacraments began when our first parent1 expelled from ,paradise1 was subjected to the exile of this mortal life1 with all his posterity until the end4 8,as soon as man had fallen from his first state of incorruption1 he began to be sick1 in body through his mortality1 in mind through his iniquity4 ,forthwith ,god prepared the medicine of his reparation through ,his sacraments4 ,in divers times and places ,god presented these for man's healing1 as reason and the cause demanded1 some of them before the ,law1 some under the ,law and some under grace4 ,though different in form they had the one effect and accomplished the one health4 ,if any one inquires the period of their appointment he may know that as long as there is disease so long is the time of the medicine4 ,the present life1 from the beginning to the end of the world1 is the time of sickness and the time of the remedy4 ,when a sacrament has fulfilled its time it ceases1 and others take its place1 to bring about that same health4 ,these in turn have been succeeded at last by others1 which are not to be superseded40 ,having followed ,hugo's plan thus far1 one sees why it is only at the commencement of the ninth ,part of his first ,book that he reaches the definition and discussion of those final and enduring sacraments which followed the ,incarnation4 ,he has hitherto been developing his theme1 and now takes up its very essence4 ,laying out the matter scholastically1 he says 8there are four things to consider3 first1 what is a sacrament2 second1 why they were instituted2 third1 what may be the material of each sacrament1 in which it is made and sanctified2 and fourth1 how many sacraments there are4 ,this is the definition1 cause1 material1 and classification40 ,proceeding to the definition1 he says that the doctors have briefly described a sacrament as the token of the sacred substance 7sacrae rei signum74 8,for as there is body and soul in man1 and in ,scripture the letter and the sense1 so in every sacrament there is the visible external which may be handled and the invisible within1 which is believed and taught4 ,the material external is the sacrament1 and the invisible and spiritual is the sacrament's substance 7res7 or virtus4 ,the external is handled and sanctified2 that is the signum of the spiritual grace1 which is the sacrament's res and is invisibly apprehended40 ,having thus explained the old definition1 ,hugo objects to it on the ground that not every signum rei sacrae is a sacrament2 the letters of the sacred text and the pictures of holy things are signa rei sacrae1 and yet are not sacraments4 ,he therefore offers the following definition as adequate3 8,the sacrament is the corporeal or material element set out sensibly1 representing from its similitude1 signifying from its institution1 and containing from its sanctification1 some invisible and spiritual grace40#gg ,this1 he maintains1 is a perfect definition1 since all sacraments possess these three qualities1 and whatever lacks them cannot properly be called a sacrament4 ,as an example he instances the baptismal water3 8,there is the visible element of water1 which is the sacrament2 and these three are found in one3 representation from similitude1 significance from appointment1 virtue from sanctification4 ,the similitude is from creation1 the appointment from dispensation1 the sanctification from benediction4 ,the first is imparted to it through the ,creator1 the second is added through the ,saviour1 the third is given through the administrator40#gh ,passing to the second consideration1 ,hugo finds that the sacraments were instituted with threefold purpose1 for man's humiliation1 instruction1 and discipline or exercise4 ,the man contemning them cannot be saved4 ,yet ,god has saved many without them1 as ,jeremiah was sanctified in the womb1 and ,john the ,baptist1 and those who were righteous under the natural law4 8,for those who under the natural law possessed the substance 7res7 of the sacrament in right faith and charity1 did not to their damnation lack the sacrament40 ,and ,hugo warns whoever might take a narrower view1 to beware lest in honouring ,god's sacraments1 ,his power and goodness be made of no avail4 8,dost thou tell me that he who has not the sacraments of ,god cannot be saved8 ,i tell thee that he who has the virtue of the sacraments of ,god cannot perish4 ,which is greater1 the sacrament or the virtue of the sacrament--water or faith8 ,if thou wouldst speak truly1 answer1 #8faith4'0 ,one notes that the twelfth century had its broad-mindedness1 as well as the twentieth4 ,while passing on discursively to consider the classification of the sacraments1 ,hugo considers many matters1#gi and then opens his treatment of the sacraments of the natural law with a recapitulation3 8,the sacraments from the beginning were instituted for the restoration and healing of man1 some under the natural law1 some under the written law1 and others under grace4 ,those which are later in time will be found more worthy means of spiritual grace4 ,for all those sacraments of the former time1 under the natural or the written law1 were signs and figures of those now appointed under grace4 ,the spiritual effect of the former in their time was wrought through the virtue and sanctification drawn from the latter4 ,if any one therefore would deny that those prior sacraments were effectual for sanctification1 he does not seem to me to judge aright40#hj ,the sacraments of the natural law were as the umbra veritatis2 those of the written law as the imago vel figura veritatis2 but those under grace are the corpus veritatis4#ha ,the written law1 though given fully only through ,moses1 began with ,abraham1 upon whom circumcision was enjoined as a sacrament and sign of separation from the heathen peoples4 ,in obedience to its precepts lies the merit1 in its promises lies the reward1 while its sacraments aid men to fulfil its precepts and obtain its reward4 ,hugo discusses the sacraments of circumcision and burnt-offerings which were necessary for the remission of sins2 then those which exercised the faithful people in devotion--the peace-offering is an example2 and again those which aided the people to cultivate piety1 as the tabernacle and its utensils4 ,hugo's second ,book1 which makes the second half of his work1 is devoted to the 8time of grace0 inaugurated by the ,incarnation4 ,it treats in detail the ,christian sacraments and other topics of the ,faith1 down to the ,last ,judgment1 when the wicked are cast into hell1 and the blessed enter upon eternal life1 where ,god will be seen eternally1 praised without weariness1 and loved without satiety4 ,this blessed lot flows from the grace of the salvation brought by ,christ1 and is dependent on the sacraments1 the enduring means of grace4 ,on their part1 the sacraments1 whatever more they are1 are symbols1 in essence and function connected with the symbolical nature of ,god's creation1 with the prefigurative significance of the fortunes of ,god's chosen people until the coming of ,christ1 with the import and symbolism of ,christ's life and teachings1 and with the symbolism inherent in the organization and building up of ,christ's holy ,church4 ,symbolism and allegory are made part of the constitution of the world and man2 they connect man's body and environment with his spirit1 and link the life of this world with the life to come4 ,hugo has thus grounded and established symbolism in the purposes of ,god1 in the universal scheme of things1 and in the nature and destinies of man4#hb ,,chapter ,,xxix ,,cathedral ,,and ,,mass2 ,,hymn ,,and ,,imaginative ,,poem ,i4 ,,guilelmus ,,durandus ,,and ,,vincent ,,of ,,beauvais4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,hymns ,,of ,,adam ,,of ,,st4 ,,victor ,,and ,,the ,anticlaudianus of ,,alanus ,,of ,,lille4 ,under sanction of ,scriptural interpretation and the sacraments1 allegory and symbolism became accepted principles of spiritual verity1 sources of political argument1 and modes of transcendental truth4 ,they penetrated the ,liturgy1 charging every sentence and ceremonial act with saving significance and power2 and as plastic influences they imparted form and matter to religious art and poetry1 where they had indeed been potent from the beginning4 ,i ,in the early ,church the office of the ,mass1 the ordination of priests1 and the dedication of churches were not charged with the elaborate symbolism carried by these ceremonies in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1#hc when the ,liturgy1 or speaking more specifically1 the ,mass1 had become symbolical from the introit to the last benediction2 and ,gothic sculpture and glass painting1 which were its visible illustration1 had been impressed with corresponding allegory4 ,mediaeval liturgic lore is summed up by ,guilelmus ,durandus in his ,rationale divinorum officiorum1 which was composed in the latter part of the thirteenth century1 and contains much that is mirrored in the art of the ,french cathedrals4 ,it is impossible to review the elaborate symbolical significance of the ,mass as set forth in the authoritative work of one who was a bishop1 theologian1 jurist1 and papal regent4#hd ,but a little of it may be given4 ,the office of the ,mass1 says ,durandus1 is devised with great forethought1 so as to contain the major part of what was accomplished by and in ,christ from the time when ,he descended from heaven to the time when ,he ascended into heaven4 ,in the sacrifice of the ,mass all the sacrifices of the ,ancient ,law are represented and superseded4 ,it may be celebrated at the third hour1 because then1 according to ,mark1 ,christ ascended the cross1 and at that hour also the ,holy ,spirit descended upon the ,apostles in tongues of fire2 or at the sixth hour1 when1 according to ,matthew1 ,christ was crucified2 or at the ninth hour1 when on the cross ,he gave up ,his spirit4 ,the first part of the ,mass begins with the introit4 ,its antiphonal chanting signifies the aspirations and deeds1 the prayers and praises of the patriarchs and prophets who were looking for the coming of the ,son of ,god4 ,the chorus of chanting clergy represents this yearning multitude of saints of the ,ancient ,law4 ,the bishop1 clad in his sacred vestments1#he at the end of the procession1 emerging from the sacristy and advancing to the altar1 represents ,christ1 the expected of the nations1 emerging from the ,virgin's womb and entering the world1 even as the ,spouse from ,his secret chamber4 ,the seven lights borne before him on the chief festivals are the seven gifts of the ,holy ,spirit descending upon the head of ,christ4 ,the two acolytes preceding him signify the ,law and the ,prophets1 shown in ,moses and ,elias who appeared with ,christ on ,mount ,tabor4 ,the four who bear the canopy are the four evangelists1 declaring the ,gospel4 ,the bishop takes his seat and lays aside his mitre4 ,he is silent1 as was ,christ during ,his early years4 ,the ,book of the ,gospels lies closed before him4 ,around him in the company of clergy are represented the ,magi and others4 ,the services proceed1 every word and act filled with symbolic import4 ,the reading of the ,epistle is reached--that is the preaching of ,john the ,baptist1 who preaches only to the ,jews2 so the reader turns to the north1 the region of the ,ancient ,law4 ,the reading ended1 he bows before the bishop1 as the ,baptist humbled himself before ,christ4 ,after the ,epistle comes the ,gradual or responsorium1 which relates to penitence and the works of the active life4 ,the ,baptist is still the main figure1 until the solemn moment when the ,gospel is read1 which signifies the beginning of ,christ's preaching4 ,the ,creed follows the ,gospel1 as faith follows the preaching of the truth4 ,its twelve parts refer to the calling of the twelve apostles4 ,then the bishop begins his sermon2 that is to say1 after the calling of the ,twelve1 the ,word of ,god is preached to the people1 and it henceforth behoves the ,church to hold fast to the ,creed which has just been recited4#hf ,the authoritative allegorizing of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries extended the symbolism of the ,mass to the edifice in which it was celebrated2 as the ,rationale sets forth in its opening chapter entitled 8,de ecclesia et eius partibus40 ,there it is shown that the corporeal church is the edifice1 while the ,church1 spiritually taken1 signifies the faithful people drawn together from all sorts of men as the edifice is constructed of all sorts of stones4 ,the various names ecclesia1 synagogue1 basilica1 and tabernacle are explained2 and then why the ,church is called the ,body of ,christ1 and also ,virgin1 also ,spouse1 ,mother1 ,daughter1 ,widow1 and indeed ,meretrix1 as it shuts its bosom against no one seeking it4 ,the form of the church conforms to that of ,solomon's temple1 in the anterior part of which the people heard and prayed1 while the clergy prayed and preached1 gave thanks and ministered1 in the sanctuary or sacred place4 ,solomon's temple in turn was modelled on the ,tabernacle of the ,exodus1 which1 because it was constructed on a journey1 is the type of the world which passes away and the lust thereof4 ,it was made with the four colours of the arch of heaven1 as the world consists of the four elements4 ,since ,god is in the world1 ,he is in the tabernacle 7which also means the ,church militant7 and in the midst of the faithful congregation4 ,the anterior part of the tabernacle1 where the people sacrificed1 is also the ,vita activa1 in which the laity labour in neighbourly love2 and the portion where the ,levites ministered is the ,vita contemplativa4 ,the church should be erected in the following manner3 the place of its foundation should be made ready--well-founded is the house of the ,lord upon a rock--and the bishop or licensed priest should sprinkle it with holy water to dispel the demons1 and should lay the first stone1 on which should be carved a cross4 ,the head of the church1 that is the chancel1 should be set toward the rising sun at the time of the equinox4 ,now if the ,jews were commanded to build walls for ,jerusalem1 how much more ought we to build the walls of our churches8 ,the material church signifies the ,holy ,church built of living stones in heaven1 with ,christ the corner-stone1 upon which are set the foundations of ,apostles and ,prophets4 ,the walls above are the ,jews and ,gentiles1 who believing come to ,christ from the four quarters of the world4 ,the faithful people predestined to life are the stones thereof4 ,the mortar in which the stones are set is made of lime1 sand1 and water4 ,lime is fervent love1 which takes to itself the sand1 that is1 earthly toil2 then water1 which is the ,spirit1 unites the lime and sand4 ,as the stones of the wall would have no stability without the mortar1 so men cannot be set in the walls of the heavenly ,jerusalem without love1 which the ,holy ,spirit brings4 ,the stones of the wall are hewn and squared1 which means sanctified and made clean4 ,some stones are borne1 but do not themselves bear any burden1 and these are the feeble in the ,church4 ,other stones are borne1 yet also bear2 while still others bear1 but are not borne1 save by ,christ alone1 the one foundation2 and the last are the perfect4 ,the ,jews were subject to hostile attack while building the walls of ,jerusalem1#hg so that with one hand they set stones1 while they fought with the other4 ,likewise are we surrounded by hostile vices as we build the walls of the ,church2 but we oppose them with the shield of faith and the breastplate of righteousness1 and the sword of the ,word of ,god in our hands4 ,the church edifice is disposed like the human body4 ,the chancel1 where the altar is1 represents the head1 and the cross 7transept7 the arms and hands4 ,the western portion 7nave and aisles7 is the rest of the body4 ,but indeed ,richard of ,st4 ,victor deems that the three parts of the edifice represent in order of sanctity1 first the virgins1 then the continent1 and lastly married people4 ,again1 the ,church is built with four walls2 that is1 by the teaching of the four evangelists it rises broad and high into the altitude of the virtues4 ,its length is the long-suffering with which it endures adversity2 its breadth is love1 with which it embraces its friends in ,god1 and loves its enemies for ,his sake2 its height is the hope of future reward4 ,again1 in ,god's temple the foundation is faith1 which is as to what is not seen2 the roof is charity1 which covers a multitude of sins4 ,the door is obedience--keep the commandments if thou wilt enter into life4#hh ,the pavement is humility4 ,the four walls are the four virtues1 righteousness1 7justitia71 fortitude1 prudence1 and temperance4 ,the windows are glad hospitality and free-handed pity4 ,some churches are cruciform1 to teach us that we are crucified to the world1 or should follow the ,crucified4 ,some are circular1 which signifies that the ,church is spread through the circle of the world4 ,the apse signifies the faithful laity2 the crypts1 the hermits4 ,the nave signifies ,christ1 through whom lies the way to the heavenly ,jerusalem2 the towers are the preachers and prelates1 and the pinnacles represent the prelates' minds which soar on high4 ,also a weather-cock on top of the church signifies the preachers1 who rouse the sleeping from the night of sin1 and turning ever to the wind1 resist the rebellious4 ,the iron rod upholding the cock is the preacher's sermon2 and because this rod is placed above the cross on the church1 it indicates the word of ,god finished and confirmed1 as ,christ said in ,his passion1 8,it is finished40 ,the lofty dome on which the cross is set1 signifies how perfect and inviolate should be the preaching and observance of the ,catholic ,faith4 ,the glass windows of the church are the divine ,scriptures1 which repel the wind and rain1 but admit the light of the true sun1 to wit ,god1 into the church1 that is1 into the hearts of the faithful4 ,the windows also signify the five senses of the body4#hi ,the door of the church 7again7 is ,christ--8,i am the ,door02 the doors are also the ,apostles4 ,the pillars are the bishops and doctors2 their bases are the apostolic bishops2 their capitals are the minds of the doctors and bishops4 ,the pavement is the foundation of faith1 and also signifies the 8poor in spirit10 also the common crowd by whose labours the church is upheld4 ,the rafters are the princes and preachers in the world1 who defend the church by deed and word4 ,the seats in a church are the contemplative in whom ,god rests without offence4 ,the panels in the ceiling are also preachers who adorn and strengthen4 ,the chancel1 the head of the church1 by being lower than the rest1 indicates how great should be the humility of the clergy4 ,the screens by which the altar is separated from the choir signify the separation of heavenly beings from things of earth4 ,the choir stalls indicate the body's need of recreation4 ,the pulpit is the life of the perfect4 ,the horologe signifies the diligence with which the priests should say the canonical hours4 ,the tiles of the roof are the knights who protect the church from pagans4 ,the spiral stairways concealed within the walls are the secret knowledge had only by those who ascend to the heavenly places4 ,the sacristy1 where the holy utensils are kept and the priest puts on his vestments1 signifies the womb of the most holy ,virgin1 in which ,christ put on ,his sacred garb of flesh4 ,from thence the priest emerges before the public1 as ,christ went forth from the ,virgin's womb into the world4 ,the lamp signifies ,christ1 who is the light of the world2 or the lamps signify the ,apostles and other doctors1 whose doctrine lights the church4 ,moses also made seven lights1 which are the seven gifts of the ,holy ,spirit4 ,durandus next devotes a whole chapter to the symbolism of the altar1 and another to the significance and function of ornaments1 pictures1 and sculpture4 ,the latter opens with the words3 8,the pictures and ornaments in a church are the texts and scriptures 7lectiones et scripturae7 of the laity40 ,this chapter is long2 it explains how ,christ and the angels1 also saints1 ,apostles and others1 should be represented1 and describes the proper kinds of church ornament and utensils4 ,much of the detail is symbolical4 ,thus ,durandus devised or brought together meanings to fit each bit of the church edifice1 its materials and furnishings4 ,in the work of a contemporary are stored the allegorical meanings of the subjects of ,gothic sculpture and painted glass4 ,the thirteenth century had a weakness for the word 8,speculum10 and the idea it carried of a mirror or compendium of all human knowledge4 ,the chief of mediaeval encyclopaedists was ,vincent of ,beauvais1 a protg of the saintly ,king ,louis ,,ix4 ,an analysis of his huge ,speculum majus is given elsewhere4#ij ,it was made up of the ,mirror of ,nature1 the ,mirror of human ,knowledge and ,ethics1 and the ,mirror of ,history4 ,the compiler and his assistants laboured during the best period of ,gothic art1 and from their work1 industry may draw an exhaustive commentary upon the series of topics presented by the sculpture and glass of a cathedral4#ia ,the ,mirror of ,nature appears carved in the sculpture of ,chartres or ,bourges4 ,in rendering the work of the ,six ,days1 the ,creator is shown 7under the form of ,christ7#ib contemplating ,his work1 or resting from ,his toil2 here and there a lion1 sheep1 or goat1 suggests the animal creation1 and a few trees the vegetable world4 ,this is the necessary symbolism of the sculptor's art4 ,but ,gothic animals and plants sometimes have other definite symbolic meanings1 as in the instance of the well-known signs of the four ,evangelists1 the man1 the lion1 the ox1 the eagle4 ,the allegorical interpretations of ,scripture were an exhaustless source of symbolism for ,gothic sculptors2 another was the ,physiologus and its progeny of ,bestiaries1 with their symbolic explanations of the legendary attributes of animals4 ,intentional symbolism1 however1 did not inhere in all this carving1 much of which is sheer fancy and decoration4 ,such was the character of the splendid ,gothic flora1 of the birds and beasts that move in it1 and of the grotesque monsters4 ,they were not out of place1 since the ,gothic cathedral was itself a ,speculum or ,summa1 and should include the whole of ,god's creation1 not omitting even the devils who beset men's souls4 ,vincent may have drawn from ,hugo of ,st ,victor the current doctrine that the arts have part in the work of man's restoration2 a doctrine abundantly justifying the presence of the sciences and crafts 7composing the ,mirror of ,knowledge7 in the sculpture and painting of the cathedral4 ,there the ,seven ,liberal ,arts are rendered1 through allegorical figures2 and the months of the year are symbolized in the ,zodiac and the labours of the field which make up man's annual toil4 ,philosophy is shown and ,fortune's wheel2 the ,virtues and ,vices are represented in personifications1 and even their conflict1 the ,psychomachia1 may be shown4 ,at last the ,mirror of ,history is reached4 ,this will teach in concrete examples what has been learned from the figures of the abstract ,virtues and ,vices4 ,its chief source is the ,bible4 ,those ,old ,testament incidents were selected which for centuries had been interpreted as prefigurements of the life of ,christ2 and each was presented as a pendant to the ,gospel scene which it typified4 ,these make the chief subjects of the coloured glass of ,chartres and ,bourges and other cathedrals where the windows are preserved4 ,here may be seen the ,passion of ,christ1 surrounded by scenes from the ,old ,testament typifying it2 likewise ,his ,resurrection and its ancient types2 and other significant incidents in the life of the ,saviour and ,his virgin mother4#ic ,the latter is typified by the burning bush1 by the fleece of ,gideon1 by the rod of ,aaron1 even as in the hymns of ,adam of ,saint-,victor4#id ,besides these incidents1 leading personages of the ,old ,testament are presented as prefigurative of ,christ1 as in the great series of statues of ,melchizedek1 ,abraham1 ,moses1 ,samuel1 ,david1 on the north portal of ,chartres2 while the four greater and twelve minor prophets are shown as types of the four ,evangelists and the twelve ,apostles4 ,christ himself is depicted on a window at ,st4 ,denis1 between the allegorical figures of the ,ancient ,law and the ,gospel1--figures which are allied to those of the uncrowned and blinded ,synagogue and the triumphant ,church1 so frequently seen together upon cathedrals4 ,everywhere the tendency to symbolize is strong4 ,parts of the ,crucifixion scene are rendered symbolically1 and many of the parables4 ,that of the ,good ,samaritan constantly appears upon the windows1 and is always designed so as to convey the allegorical teaching drawn from it in ,honorius's sermon4#ie ,obviously this ,mirror of ,history was chiefly sacred history4 ,pagan antiquity was scantily suggested by the ,sibyls1 who stand for the dumb pagan prophecy of ,christ4 ,scenes from the history of ,christian nations were more frequent2 but they always told of some victory for ,christ1 like the baptism of ,clovis1 or the crusading deeds of ,charlemagne1 ,roland or ,godfrey of ,bouillon4 ,god's drama closed with the ,last ,judgment1 the damnation of the damned and the beatitude of the elect4 ,the ,last ,judgments1 usually over-arching the tympanums above cathedral doors1 are known to all--as at ,rheims1 at ,chartres1 at ,bourges4 ,they are full of symbolism1 and full of 8historic0 reality as well4 ,the treatment becomes entirely allegorical when the sculptor enters ,paradise with the redeemed1 and portrays in lovely personifications the beatitudes of the blessed1 as on the north portal of ,chartres4 ,those bands of nameless men who carved the statues and designed the coloured glass which were to make ,gothic cathedrals speak1 faithfully presented the teachings of the ,church4 ,they rendered the sacred drama of mankind's creation1 fall1 redemption1 and final judgment unto hell or heaven3 they rendered it in all its dogmatic symbolism1 and with a plastic adequacy showing how completely they thought and felt in the allegorical medium in which they worked4 ,they also created matchless ideals of symbolism in art4 ,the statuary of the portals and faades of ,rheims and ,chartres are in their way comparable to the sculptures of the pediment of the ,parthenon4 ,but unlike those masterpieces of antique idealism1 these ,christian masterpieces do not seek to set forth mortal man in his natural strength and beauty and completeness4 ,rather they seek to show the working of the human spirit held within the power and grace of ,god4 ,theirs is not the strength and beauty of the flesh1 or the excellence of the unconquerable mind of man2 but in them man's mind and spirit are palpably the devout creatures of ,god's omnipotence1 obedient to ,his will1 sustained and redeemed by ,his power and grace4 ,attitude1 form1 feature1 alike designed to express the sacred beauty of the soul1 are not invested with physical excellence for its own sake2 but every physical quality of these statues is a symbol of some holy and beautiful quality of spirit4 ,these statues attain a symbolic1 and not a natural1 ideal in art4 ,yet many of them possess the physical beauty of form and feature1 inasmuch as such may be the proper envelope for the chaste and eager soul4#if ,on the other hand1 in the filling out of the illustrative detail of life on earth1 of handicraft and art1 the sculptor showed how he could carve these actualities1 and present earth's beauty in the cathedral's wealth of vine and flower and leaf4 ,the level commonplace of humanity is deftly rendered1 the daily doings of the forge and field and market-place1 the tugging labourer1 the merchant with his stuffs1 the scholar with his scrolls4 ,he knew life well1 this artist1 and had an eye for every catching scene1 also for ,nature's subtle beauties4 ,sometimes a certain passing show was represented because a window was given by some drapers' guild1 desirous of seeing its craft shown in a place of honour2 and the artist loved his scenes from busy life1 as he loved his ornament from ,nature4 ,such scenes 7which rarely held specific allegory7 were not unconnected with the rest of the drama of creation and redemption mirrored in the cathedral1 nor was the exquisitely cut leaf and rose without its suggestion of the grace incarnate in the ,virgin and her ,son4 ,daily life and natural ornament had at least an illustrative pertinency to the whole1 of which they were unobtrusive and lovely elements2 and since that whole was primarily a visible symbol of the unseen and divine power1 these humble elements had part in its unutterable mystery1 and were likewise symbols4 ,finally1 have not these nameless artists--even as ,dante and our ,english ,bunyan--presented by their art a synthesis of life's realities8 ,their feet were on the earth2 with sympathy and knowledge their hands worked in the media of things seen and handled1 and fashioned the little human matters which are bounded by the cradle and the grave4 ,such were the materials from which ,dante formed his ,commedia1 and ,bunyan drew the ,progress of his ,pilgrim soul to ,god4 ,yet as with ,bunyan and ,dante1 so with these artists in stone and coloured light1 the mortal and the tangible were but the elements through which the poem or story1 or the carved or painted picture1 was made the realizing symbol of the unseen and eternal ,spirit4 ,,ii ,beneath the ,abbey ,church of ,saint-,victor there was a crypt consecrated to the ,mother of ,god4 ,here a certain monk was wont to retire and compose hymns in her honour4 ,one day his lips uttered the lines3 8,salve1 mater pietatis1 ,et totius ,trinitatis ,nobile triclinium2 ,verbi tamen incarnati ,speciale majestati ,praeparans hospitium60 ,whereupon a flood of light filled the crypt1 and the ,virgin1 appearing to him1 inclined her head4 ,the monk's name was ,adam1#ig and he is deemed the best of ,latin hymn-writers4 ,breton born1 he entered ,saint-,victor in his youth1 about the year #aacj4 ,he was favoured with the instruction of ,hugo till the master's death in #aada4 ,adam must have been of nearly the same age as ,richard of ,saint-,victor1 that other pupil of ,hugo who makes the third member of the great ,victorine trio4 ,their works have been the monastery's fairest fame4 ,hugo was a ,saxon2 ,adam a ,breton2 ,richard was ,scotch4 ,so ,saint-,victor drew her brilliant sons from many lands4 ,richard1 whose writings worthily supplemented those of his master ,hugo1#ih died in #aagc2 his friend ,adam outlived him1 and died an old man as the twelfth century was closing4 ,he was buried in the cloister1 and over him was placed an elegiac epitaph upon human vanity and sin1 in part his own composition4 ,adam's hymns were ,sequences#ii intended for church use4 ,their author was learned in ,christian doctrine1 skilled in the ,liturgy1 and saturated with the spirit of devotional symbolism4 ,his symbolism1 which his gift of verse made into imagery1 was that of the mediaeval church and its understanding of the ,liturgy2 he also shows the special influence of ,hugo4 ,adam's hymns1 with their powerful ,latin rhymes1 cannot be reproduced in ,english2 but a translation may give the contents of their symbolism4 ,the hymn for ,easter1 beginning 8,zyma vetus expurgetur10#ajj is an epitome of the symbolic prefiguration of ,christ in the ,old ,testament4 ,each familiar allegorical interpretation flashes in a phrase4 ,literally translated1 or rather maltreated1 it is as follows3 8,let the old leaven be purged away that a new resurrection may be celebrated purely4 ,this is the day of our hope2 wonderful is the power of this day by the testimony of the law4 8,this day despoiled ,egypt1 and liberated the ,hebrews from the fiery furnace2 for them in wretched straits the work of servitude was mud and brick and straw4#aja 8,now as praise of divine virtue1 of triumph1 of salvation1 let the voice break free6 ,this is the day which the ,lord made1 the day ending our grief1 the day bringing salvation4 8,the ,law is the shadow of things to come1 ,christ the goal of promises1 who completes all4 ,christ's blood blunts the sword the guardians removed4#ajb 8,the ,boy1 type of our laughter1 in whose stead the ram was slain1 seals life's joy4#ajc ,joseph issues from the pit2#ajd ,christ returns above after death's punishment4 8,this serpent devours the serpents of ,pharaoh secure from the serpent's spite4#aje ,whom the fire wounded1 them the brazen serpent's presence freed4#ajf 8,the hook and ring of ,christ pierce the dragon's jaw2#ajg the sucking child puts his hand into the cockatrice's den1 and the old tenant of the world flees affrighted4#ajh 8,the mockers of ,elisha ascending the house of ,god1 feel the bald-head's wrath2#aji ,david1 feigning madness1 the goat cast forth1 and the sparrow escape4#aaj 8,with a jaw-bone ,samson slays a thousand and spurns the marriage of his tribe4 ,samson bursts the bars of ,gaza1 and1 carrying its gates1 scales the mountain's crest4#aaa 8,so the strong ,lion of ,judah1 shattering the gates of dreadful death1 rises the third day2 at ,his father's roaring voice1 ,he carries aloft ,his spoils to the bosom of the supernal mother4#aab 8,after three days the whale gives back from his belly's narrow house ,jonas the fugitive1 type of the true ,jonas4 ,the grape of ,cyprus#aac blooms again1 opens and grows apace4 ,the synagogue's flower withers1 while flourishes the ,church4#aad 8,death and life fought together3 truly ,christ arose1 and with ,him many witnesses of glory4 ,a new morn1 a glad morn shall wipe away the tears of evening3 life overcame destruction2 it is a time of joy4 8,jesu victor1 ,jesu life1 ,jesu life's beaten way1 thou whose death quelled death1 bid us to the paschal board in trust4 ,o ,bread of life1 ,o living ,wave1 ,o true and fruitful ,vine1 do thou feed us1 do thou cleanse us1 that thy grace may save us from the second death4 ,amen40 ,from the time of that old third-century hymn ascribed to ,clement of ,alexandria1#aae hymns to ,christ had been filled with symbolism1 the symbolism of loving personification of ,his attributes1 as well as with the more formal symbolism of ,his ,old ,testament prefigurements4 ,adam's symbolism is of both kinds4 ,it has feeling even when dogmatic1#aaf and throbs with devotion as its theme approaches the ,gospel ,christ4 ,prevailing modes of thought and feeling may prescribe topics for verse which a succeeding age will find curiously unpoetic4 ,yet if the later time have a sympathetic understanding for the past1 it will recognize how fervid and how songful was that bygone verse--the verse of ,adam's hymns1 for instance4 ,in one for ,christmas ,day1 beginning3 8,potestate1 non natura1 ,fit ,creator creatura10#aag a stanza touches on the reason why the ,creator thus became creature4 ,it would be impossible to render its feeling in ,english1 and much circumlocution would be needed to express even its literal meaning in any language but mediaeval ,latin4 ,this stanza has twelve lines3 8,causam quaeris1 modum rei3 ,causa prius omnes rei1 ,modus justum velle ,dei1 ,sed conditum gratia40 8,thou askest cause and modus of the fact3 the causa rei was before all1 the modus was ,god's righteous willing1 but seasoned with grace40 ,these lines are scholastic4 ,in the next four1 the feeling begins to rise1 yet the phrases repel rather than attract us3 8,o quam dulce condimentum ,nobis mutans in pigmentum1 ,cum aceto fel cruentum ,degustante ,messya60 8,oh6 how sweet the condiment changing for us into juice1 as the ,messiah tastes the bloody gall and vinegar40 ,the feeling touches its climax with the four concluding lines1 in which the parable of the ,good ,samaritan is invested with the special allegorical significance set forth in the sermon of ,honorius3#aah 8,o salubre sacramentum1 ,quod nos ponit in jumentum ,plagis nostris dans unguentum ,ille de ,samaria40 8,o health-giving sacrament which sets us on a beast1 giving ointment for our stripes1--he of ,samaria40#aai ,two stanzas from another of ,adam's ,christmas hymns will show how curiously intricate could be his symbolism4 ,having spoken of the ineffable wonder of the ,incarnation1 he proceeds3 8,frondem1 florem1 nucem sicca ,virga profert1 et pudica ,virgo ,dei ,filium4 ,fert coelestem vellus rorem1 ,creatura creatorem1 ,creaturae pretium4 8,frondis1 floris1 nucis1 roris ,pietati ,salvatoris ,congruunt mysteria4 ,frons est ,christus protegendo1 ,flos dulcore1 nux pascendo1 ,ros coelesti gratia40#abj 8,a dry rod puts forth leafage1 flower1 nut1#aba and a chaste ,virgin brings forth the ,son of ,god4 ,a fleece bears heavenly dew1#abb a creature the ,creator1 the creature's price4 8,the mysteries of leafage1 flower1 nut1 dew are suited to the ,saviour's tender love 7pietas74 ,the foliage by its protecting is ,christ1 the flower is ,christ by its sweetness1 the nut as it yields food1 the dew by its celestial grace40 ,one observes that here the symbolism first touches ,christ's birth1 the dry rod and the fleece representing the ,virgin4 ,then the leafage1 flower1 nut and dew typify ,his qualities4 ,the remaining stanzas of this hymn carry out in further detail the symbolism of the nut4 ,besides the hymns devoted to the ,saviour1 the greater part of ,adam's hymns are symbolical throughout4 ,those written for the dedication of churches are among the most interesting4 ,one beginning 8,quam dilecta tabernacula0#abc sketches the ,old ,testament facts which prefigure ,christ's holy ,church4 ,the keynote is in the lines3 8,quam decora fundamenta ,per concinna sacramenta ,umbra praecurrentia60 8,how seemly the foundations through the appropriate sacraments1 the forerunning shadow40 ,the shadow is the ,old ,testament1 and these three lines sum up the teaching of ,hugo as to the sacramental nature of the ,old ,testament narratives4 ,throughout this hymn ,adam follows ,hugo closely4#abd ,in another dedicatory hymn#abe ,adam gives the prefigurative meaning of the parts of ,solomon's temple4 ,there is likewise much symbolism in the grand hymns addressed to the ,virgin4 ,one for the festival of the ,assumption#abf gives the figures of the ,virgin in the ,old ,testament--the throne of ,solomon1 the fleece of ,gideon1 the burning bush4 ,then with more feeling the metaphorical epithets pour forth1 voicing the heart's gratitude to the ,virgin's saving aid to man4 ,a still more splendid example of like symbolism and ardent metaphor is the great hymn beginning3 8,salve mater ,salvatoris1 ,vas electum1 vas honoris10 which won the ,virgin's greeting for the poet4#abg ,the lives of ,honorius1 of ,hugo1 of ,adam1 from whose works we have been drawing illustrations of mediaeval symbolism1 vie with each other in obscurity2 and properly enough since they were monks1 for whom self-effacement is becoming4 ,this personal obscurity culminates with one last example to be drawn from monastic sources4 ,the man himself was an impressive figure in his time2 a sight of him was not to be forgotten3 he was called magnus and doctor universalis4 ,nevertheless it has been questioned whether he lived in the twelfth or the thirteenth century1 and whether one man or two bore the name of ,alanus de ,insulis4 ,there was in fact but one1 and he belongs to the twelfth century1 dying almost a centenarian1 in the year #abjb4 ,the cognomen de ,insulis has also been an enigma4 ,from it he has been dubbed a ,sicilian1 and then a ,scot1 born on the island of ,mona4 ,but the name in reality refers to the chief town of ,flanders1 which is called ,lisle2 and ,alanus doubtless was a ,fleming4 ,he became a learned man1 and lectured at ,paris4 ,that he was possessed with no small opinion of his talents would appear from the legend told of him as well as of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,he had announced that on a certain day in a single lecture he would set forth the complete doctrine of the mystery of the most ,holy ,trinity4 ,the afternoon before the day appointed1 he walked by the river1 thinking how he should arrange his subject so as to include it all4 ,he chanced upon a child who was dipping up the river water with a snail shell and dropping it into a little trench4 ,smiling1 he asked what should be the object of this2 and the child told him that he was putting the whole river into his trench4 ,as the great scholar was explaining that this could not be done1 he suddenly felt himself chidden and taught--how much less might he perform what he had set for the next morning4 ,he stood speechless at his presumption1 and burst into tears4 ,the next day ascending the platform he said to the crowd of auditors1 8,let it suffice you to have seen ,alanus02#abh and with that he left them all astonished1 and himself hastily set out for ,citeaux4 ,on arrival he asked to be admitted as a conversus1 and was given charge of the monastery's sheep4 ,patient and unknown1 he long plied this humble vocation4 ,but at length it chanced that the abbot took him to a council at ,rome1 in the capacity of hostler4 ,and there he beat down the arrogance of a heretic with such arguments that the latter cried out that he was disputing either with the devil or ,alanus1 and would say no more4 ,such is one story4 ,by another he is made to seek the monastery of ,clairvaux1 and there become a monk under ,st4 ,bernard4 ,it is also written that he became an abbot1 and then a bishop1 but afterwards resigned his bishopric4 ,however all this may have been1 he died and was buried1 and was subjected to many epitaphs4 ,on what purports to be an old copy of his tomb at ,citeaux1 he is shown with ,st4 ,bernard1 and called ,alanus ,magnus4 ,the title ,doctor universalis has always clung to his memory1 which will not altogether fade4 ,for if ,adam of ,saint-,victor was the greatest of ,latin mediaeval hymn-writers1 ,alanus has good claim to be called the greatest of mediaeval ,latin poets in the field of didactic and narrative poetry4#abi ,the many works ascribed to ,alanus include an allegorical ,commentary on ,canticles1 a treatise on the art of preaching1 a book of sententiae1 another of theologicae regulae1 sundry sermons1 and a lengthy work 8contra haereticos02 also a large dictionary of ,biblical allegorical interpretations1 entitled ,liber in distinctionibus dictionum theologicalium4#acj ,all these are prose4 ,he composed besides his ,liber de planctu naturae1#aca and his ,anticlaudianus1 a learned and profound1 and likewise highly imaginative allegorical poem upon man4#acb ,its ,preface in prose casts a curious light upon the author's enigmatical personality1 which combined the wonted or conventional humility of a monk with the towering self-consciousness of a man of genius4 8,the lightning scorns to spend its force on twigs1 but breaks the proud tops of exalted trees4 ,the wind's imperious rage passes over the reed and drives the assaults of its wild blasts against the highest summits4 ,wherefore let not envy's flame strike the pinched humility of my work1 nor detraction's breath overwhelm the driven poverty of my little book1 where misery's wreck demands a port of pity1 far more than felicity provokes the sting of spite40 ,more sentences of turgid deprecation follow1 and the author begs the reader not to approach his book with disgust and irritation1 but with pleasant anticipations of novelty 7not all a monk speaks here674 8,for although the book may not bloom with the purple vestment of flowering speech1 nor shine with the constellated light of the flashing period1 still in the tenuity of the fragile reed the honey's sweetness may be found1 and parched thirst can be tempered with the scant water of a rill4 ,in this book let nothing be made vulgar 7plebescat7 with ribaldry1 nor let anything be open to biting reproof1 as if it smacked of the coarseness of the moderns to whom does he refer82 but let the flower of my talent be presented1 and the dignity of diligence2 for pigmy humility1 thus raised upon a height1 may overtop the giant4 ,let not those dare to tire of this work1 who are squalling in the cradles of elementary instruction1 sucking milk from nurses' paps2 nor let those seek to cry it down1 who are pledged to the service of the higher learning2 nor those presume to discredit it1 who strike heaven from the top-notch of philosophy4 ,for in this work1 the sweetness of the literal meaning will tickle the puerile ear2 moral teaching will instruct the more proficient understanding2 and the finer subtilty of allegory will sharpen the finished intellect4 ,wherefore let all those be kept from ingress who1 abandoned to the mirrors of the senses1 are not charioteered by reason1 and1 pursuing the sense-image1 have no appetite for reason's truth1--lest indeed what is holy be defiled by dogs1 and the pearl be trampled by the feet of swine4 ,but such as will not suffer the things of reason to rest with the base images1 and dare to lift their view to forms divine1 may thread the narrow passes of my book1 while they weigh with discretion's scales what is suited to the common ear1 and what should be buried in silence40 ,this ,preface of strained sentence and laboured metaphor1 of forced humility and overweening self-consciousness1 hardly augurs well for the poem of which it is the prelude4 ,but prefaces are authors' pitfalls1 and1 moreover1 many writers have floundered in one medium of speech while in another they have moved with ease4 ,from the ungainly prose of the ,persones ,tale1 no one would expect the ease and force of ,chaucer's verse4 ,and the reader of ,alanus's ,preface need not be discouraged from entering upon his poem4 ,its subject is man2 its philosophic or religious purpose is to expound the functions of ,god1 of ,nature1 of ,fortune1 of ,virtue and ,vice1 in making man and shaping his career4 ,the poem is an allegory1 original in its general scheme of composition1 but in many of its parts following earlier allegorical writings4 ,the opening lines tell of ,nature's solicitude to bestow her gifts so that the finished work may present a fair harmony3 as a patient workman she forges1 trims and files1 and fashions with reason's chisel4 ,but when she seeks to invest her work with qualities beyond her giving1 she is obliged to call on the ,celestial ,council of her ,sisters4 ,responding1 pilgrim-like the ,crown of ,heaven's soldiery comes from on high1 brightens the earth with its light1 and clothes the ground with blessed footprints4 ,leading this galaxy1 ,concord advances1 foster-child of ,peace2 then ,plenty comes1 and ,favour1 and ,youth with favour anointed1 and ,laughter1 banisher of mental mists2 then ,shame and ,modesty1 and ,reason the measure of good1 and ,honesty1 ,reason's happy comrade2 then ,dignity 7decus7 and ,prudence balancing her scales1 and ,piety and true ,faith1 and ,virtue4 ,last of all ,nobility 7nobilitas71 in grace not quite the others' equal4#acc ,in the midst of a great wood blessed with fountains and multitudinous bird-song1 a cloud-kissing mountain rose with level top4 ,nature's palace was erected here1 gemmed and golden2 and within was a great hall hung upon bronze columns4 ,here the painter's art had rendered the ways of men1 and inscriptions made plain the pictured story4 8,o new wonders of painting10 exclaims the poet2 8what cannot be1 comes into being2 and painting1 the ape of truth1 deluding with novel art1 turns shadows to realities1 and transforms particular falsehood into 7general7 truth40#acd ,there might be seen the power of logic pressing its arguments and conquering sophistry4 ,there ,aristotle was preparing his arms1 and1 more divinely1 ,plato mused on heaven's secrets4 ,there ,seneca moralized1 and ,ptolemy explained the stars in their times and courses4 ,there spoke the word of ,tully1 while ,virgil's muse painted many lies1 and put truth's garb on falsehood4 ,there was also shown the might of ,alcides and ,ulysses' wisdom1 ,turnus's valour prodigal of life1 and ,hippolytus's shame1 undone by ,venus's reins4#ace ,such and many other tropes of things and dreams of truth1 this royal art set forth4 ,here1 standing in the midst of her ,council1 ,nature1 with bowed head1 spoke her solemn words3 8,painfully ,i remake what my hand's solicitude has wrought4 ,but the hand's penitence does not wipe out the flaws4 ,the shortcomings of our works must be repaired by some perfect model1 some man divine1 not smelling of the earth and earthly1 but whose mind shall hold to heaven while his body walks the earth4 ,let him be the mirror in which we may see what our faith1 our potency1 and virtue ought to be4 ,as it is1 our shame is over all the earth40 ,when the ,council had approved these words1 ,prudence arose in all her beauty4#acf ,she discoursed upon man's dual nature1 spirit and body4 ,nature and her helpers may be the artificers of his mortal body1 but the soul demands its heavenly ,artificer1 and laughs at our rude arts4 ,god's wisdom alone can create the soul1 as ,prudence shows by an exposition of its qualities4 ,now ,reason raised his reverend form1 holding his triple glass in which appear the causes and effects and qualities of things4 ,he humbly disclaimed the power to instruct ,minerva1#acg and applauded the plan by which a new ,lucifer should sojourn in the world4 ,may he unite all the gifts which they can bestow1 and be their champion against the ,vices4 ,now let their suppliant vows be sped to ,him who alone can create the divine mind4 ,a legate should be despatched above1 bearing their request4 ,for this office none is so fit as ,prudence1 to whom the secrets of ,heaven are known1 and whose energy and wisdom will surmount the difficulties of the way4 ,prudence at first refuses2 but ,concordia rises1 the inspirer of chaste loves1 she who knit the souls of ,david and ,jonathan1 ,pirithous and ,theseus1 ,nisus and ,euryalus1 ,orestes and ,pylades4 ,persuasively she speaks1 and points out all the ills the world had suffered by disobedience to her behests4 ,prudence is won over to the task1 and now wills only as her sisters will4 ,she thinks upon the means and way4 ,wisdom orders a chariot to be made1 in which the sea1 the stars1 the heavens may be traversed4 ,its artificers are her seven daughters1 wise and fair1 who unite the skill and knowledge of all those wise ancients who had excelled in any ,art4 ,first ,grammar 7her functions and great writers being told7 forms the pole which goes before the axle-tree 7temo praeambulus axis74 ,then ,logic makes the axle-tree2 and ,rhetoric adorns the pole with gems and the axle with flowers4 ,arithmetic constructs one wheel of the chariot1 and ,music the second1 ,geometry the third1 and the fourth wheel is made by ,astronomy4#ach ,now ,reason1 at ,nature's nod1 yokes to the chariot the five horses1 to wit1 the ,senses disciplined and controlled1 ,sight1 ,hearing1 ,smell1 ,taste1 and ,touch4 ,he himself mounts as charioteer1 and bids ,prudence follow4 ,amid the farewells and plaudits of all1 the chariot soars aloft4 ,as it speeds along1 ,prudence investigates atmospheric phenomena1 and then the spirits of evil who wander through the air4 ,they passed on through the upper ether1 reached the citadel and fount of light1 where the ,sun holds sway2 next was reached the region where ,venus and the star of ,mercury sing together and ,lucifer exults1 the herald of the day4 ,then to their rapid flight appeared ,mars' flaming palace1 seething with fire and wrath4 ,onward they passed to the glad light and unhurtful flames of ,jupiter1 and then to ,saturn's sphere4 ,at length they ascended the stellar region where the ,pole stars contend in brightness1 where are seen ,hercules and ,orion1 ,leda's twins1 the fiery ,crab1 the ,lion1 and the rest of the ,zodiac's constellations4#aci ,here at heaven's entrance the chariot halted4 ,those five horses of the ,senses1 charioteered by ,reason1 could ascend no farther4 ,but a damsel was seen1 seated upon the summit of the ,pole4 ,she scrutinizes the hidden ,cause and ,end of all things1 holding scales in her right hand and in her left a sceptre4 ,on her vestments a subtile point traces ,god's secrets1 and the formless is figured in form4 ,reverently ,phronesis1 that is ,prudence1 saluted this ,queen of the ,pole1 and set forth the purpose of her journey1 telling of ,nature's desire and her limitations4 ,in reply ,theology1 for it is she1#adj offered herself as a companion1 and bade ,prudence leave her chariot1 but keep the second courser 7,hearing7 to bear her on4 ,prudence now surmounted the starry citadels1 and marvelled at heaven's nodes1 where the four ways begin and the crystalline waters flow1 shot with agreeing fires2 for here1 in universal harmony transcending ,nature's laws and ,reason's power1 ,concord unites those elements which war below4 ,onward leads the way among those joys celestial which know no tears1 where there is peace without hate1 and light above all brightness4 ,here dwell the angel bands1 the ,thunderer's princes1 regulators of the world2 here glow the seraphim1 and cherubim drain draughts from the mind of ,god2 and here are the ,thrones whereon ,god balances ,his weighed decrees1 and with ,his band of ,powers conquers the tyrants4#ada ,here also rest the saints1 freed from earth's dross and passion1 clothed in virgin white or martyr's purple1 or wearing the ,doctor's laurel4 ,joyful alike are they1 yet diverse in merit1 shining with unequal splendour4#adb ,here finally1 in honour surpassing all1 is the ,virgin ,mother1 clad in the garb of our salvation--,star of the ,sea1 ,way of ,life1 ,port of ,salvation1 ,limit of ,piety1 ,mother of ,pity1 ,garden closed1 ,sealed ,font1 ,fruitful ,olive1 ,sweet ,paradise1 ,rose without ,thorn1 ,guiltless ,grace1 ,way of the ,wanderer1 ,light of the ,blind1 ,rest of the ,tired--untold1 unnumbered1 and unspeakable are her praises4#adc ,phronesis cannot bear the sight4 ,queen ,theology calls to her sister ,faith to aid the fainting one4 ,faith comes and holds her ,mirror before the eyes of ,phronesis2 and in this glass her eyes can endure the shaded glory of the overpowering vision4 ,she staggers on1 her trembling steps supported by ,faith and ,theology4 ,in the glass she sees the eternal and divine1 the enduring1 moveless1 sure2 species unborn1 celestial ideas1 the forms of men and principles of things1 causes of causes and the course of fate1 the ,thunderer's mind2 why ,god condemns some1 predestines others1 prepares that one for life and from this one withdraws ,his rewards2 why poverty presses upon some and want is filled only with tears2 why riches pour on others1 why one is wise1 another lacking1 and why the worthies of the past have been endowed each with his several gifts4#add ,marvelling at all these sights1 ,prudence1 supported by the sisters1 reached at last the palace of the ,king1 and fell prostrate before ,god himself4 ,he bade her rise1 and speak4 ,humbly she set forth ,nature's plight and the evil upon earth1 and presented her petition4 ,god accedes benignantly4 ,he will not destroy the earth again1 but will send a human spirit endowed with heavenly gifts1 a pilgrim to the earth1 a medicine for the world4 ,prudence worships4 ,god summons ,mind1 and orders him to fashion the type-form1 the idea of the human mind4 ,mind searches among existing beings for the traces of this new idea or type4#ade ,his difficult search succeeds at last1 and in the ,mirror which he constructs1 every grace takes its abode3 ,joseph's form1 the intelligence of ,judith1 the patience of righteous ,job1 the modesty of ,moses1 ,jacob's simplicity1 ,abraham's faith1 ,tobias's piety4 ,he presents this pattern-type to ,god1 who sets an accordant soul therein1 and then entrusts the new-made being to ,phronesis1 while ,mind anoints it with an unguent against the attacks of the ,vices4 ,phronesis1 with her prize1 turned to the way by which she had ascended1 regained her chariot and ,reason her charioteer4 ,together they sped back to the congratulations of ,nature and her ,council4 ,for this perfect soul ,nature now forms a beautiful body4 ,concord unites the two1 and a new man is formed1 perfect and free from flaw4 ,chastity and guardian ,modesty endow him with their gifts2 ,reason adds his1 and ,honesty4 ,these ,logic follows1 with her gift of skill in argument2 ,rhetoric brings her stores1 then ,arithmetic1 next ,music1 next ,geometry1 next ,astronomy2#adf while ,theology and ,piety are not behind with theirs2 and to these ,faith joins her gifts of fidelity and truth4 ,last of all comes ,nobility1 ,fortune's daughter4 ,but because she has nothing of her own to give1 and must receive all from her mother1 she betakes herself to ,fortune's house of splendid mutability4 ,what will ,fortune give8 ,the two return to ,nature's palace1 and ,fortune's magnificence is proffered by her daughter2 but ,reason1 standing by1 will allow only a measured acceptance4#adg ,the report of this richly endowed creature reached ,alecto4 ,raging she summoned her pests1 the chiefs of ,tartarus1 doers of ill1 masters of every sin--,injury1 ,fraud1 ,perjury1 ,theft1 ,rapine1 ,fury and ,anger1 ,hate1 ,discord1 ,strife1 ,disease and ,melancholy1 ,lust1 ,wantonness and ,need1 ,fear and ,old ,age4 ,she roused them with a harangue3 their rule is threatened by this upstart ,creature1 whom ,parent ,nature has prepared for war2 but what can his untried imbecility do against them in arms8 ,all clamour assent1 and in a tumult of rage make ready for the strife4 ,the hostile ranks approach4 ,the first attack is made by ,folly 7,stultitia7 and her comrades1 ,sloth1 ,gaming1 ,idle ,jesting1 ,ease and ,sleep4 ,but faithful ,virtues protect the constant youth against these foes4 ,next ,discord leads its mutinous band1 but only to defeat4 ,onslaughts follow from ,poverty1 next from ,ill-,repute1 from ,old ,age and ,disease4 ,then ,grieving advances1 and is overthrown by ,laughter4 ,more deadly still are the attacks of ,venus and ,lust2 then ,excess and ,wantonness take up the fray2 and at the end ,impiety and ,fraud and ,avarice4 ,but still the man conquers with the aid of his ,virtues ever true4 ,the fight is over4 ,the ,virtues triumph and receive their ,kingdoms2 ,vice succumbs2 ,love reigns instead of ,discord2 the man is blessed2 and the earth1 adorned with flowers in a new spring of youth1 brings forth abundance4 ,the ,poet sums up his poem's teaching3 ,from ,god must everything begin and in ,him end4 ,but our genius may not stand inert2 ours is the strife as well1 according to our strength and faculty4 ,let the mind attach itself to the things which are and do not pass1 even as ,plato sings1 from things of sense reaching on ever to the grades ,angelic and ,olympus's steeps4 ,then it shall behold the universal praise of ,god and the true ascription of all good to ,him4 ,he in himself is perfect1 ,part and likewise ,whole1 and everywhere uncircumscribed4 ,nothing has power in itself1 but all would fall to nothing1 did ,he close the flux of hidden power4 ,alanus1 a good ,christian ,doctor1 is also an eclectic in his thought4 ,a consistent system is hardly to be drawn from his poem4 ,it suggests ,christ4 ,but its hero is not the ,god-man of the ,incarnation4 ,its figures are semi-pagan4 ,the virtue ,faith1 for example1 is the ,fides1 the ,good ,faith1 of the antique ,roman1 though it is the ,christian virtue ,faith as well4 ,in language the poem is antique2 its verse has vigorous flow2 its imagery lacks neither beauty nor sublimity4 ,it is in fact a poem1 a creation1 having a scheme and unity of its own1 although the author borrows continually4 ,martianus ,capella is there and ,dionysius the ,areopagite2 there also is the ,psychomachia of ,prudentius and its progeny of symbolic battles between the ,virtues and the ,vices4#adh ,yet ,alanus has achieved2 for he has woven his material into a real poem and has reared his own lofty allegory4 ,his work is another grand example of mediaeval symbolism4 ,thus we see the ceaseless sweep of allegory through men's minds4 ,they felt and thought and dreamed in allegories2 and also spent their dry ingenuity on allegorical constructions4 ,it was reserved for one supreme poet to create1 out of this atmosphere1 a supreme poem which is as complete an allegory as the ,anticlaudianus4 ,but the ,divina ,commedia has also the power of its human realities of actually experienced pain and joy1 and hate and love4 ,compared with it1 the ,anticlaudianus betrays the vapourings of monk and doctor1 imaginative indeed1 but thin4 ,the author's feet were not planted on the earth of human life4 ,but the ,middle ,ages did not demand that allegory should have its feet planted on the earth1 so long as its head nodded high among the clouds--or its sentiments wandered sweetly in fancy's gardens4 ,in one of these dwelt that lovely ,rose1 whose ,roman once had vogue4 ,in structure the ,roman de la rose is an allegory from the beginning of the first part by ,de ,lorris to the very end of that encyclopaedic sequel added by ,de ,meun4 ,the story is well known4#adi ,one may recall the fact that in ,de ,lorris's poem and ,de ,meun's sequel every quality and circumstance of ,love's sentiment and fortunes are figured in allegorical personifications--all the lover's hopes and fears and the wavering chances of his quest4 ,in this respect the poem is the courtly and romantic counterpart of such a philosophical or religious allegory as the ,anticlaudianus4 ,personifications of the arts and sciences1 the vices and virtues1 current since the time of ,prudentius's ,psychomachia and ,capella's ,nuptials of ,philology1 were all in the ,anticlaudianus1 while in the ,roman de la rose figure their secular and romantic kin3 in ,de ,lorris's part1 ,love1 ,fair-,welcome1 ,danger1 ,reason1 ,franchise1 ,pity1 ,courtesy1 ,shame1 ,fear1 ,idleness1 ,jealousy1 ,wicked-,tongue2 then1 with ,de ,meun1 others besides3 ,richesse1 ,false-,seeming1 ,hypocrisy1 ,nature1 and ,genius4#aej ,the figures of the ,roman de la rose have diverse antecedents scattered through the entire store of knowledge and classic literature possessed by the ,middle ,ages2 perhaps their immediate source of inspiration was the scheme of courtly love which the mediaeval imagination elaborated and revelled in4#aea ,the poem of ,de ,lorris was a veritable romantic allegory4 ,de ,meun1 in his sequel1 rather plays with the allegorical form1 which he continues2 it has become a frame for his stores of learning1 his knowledge of the world1 his views of life1 his wit and satire1 and his great literary and poetic gifts4 ,yet it ends in a regular ,psychomachia1 in which ,love's barons are hard beset by all the foes of ,love's delight1 though ,love has its will at last4 ,,book ,,vi ,,latinity ,,and ,,law ,,chapter ,,xxx ,,the ,,spell ,,of ,,the ,,classics ,i4 ,,classical ,,reading4 ,,ii4 ,,grammar4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,effect ,,upon ,,the ,,mediaeval ,,man2 ,,hildebert ,,of ,,lavardin4 ,i ,during all the mediaeval centuries1 men approached the ,classics expecting to learn from them4 ,the usual attitude toward the classical heritage was that of docile pupils looking for instruction4 ,one may recall the antecedent reasons of this1 which have already been stated at length4 ,in ,italy1 letters survived as the most impressive legacy from an overshadowing past4 ,in the north1 save where they lingered on from the antique time1 they came in the train of ,latin ,christianity1 and were offered to men under the same imposing conditions of a higher civilization authoritatively instructing ruder peoples4 ,moreover1 between the ancient times which produced the classic literature and the ,carolingian period there intervened centuries of degeneracy and transition1 when the ,classics were used pedagogically to teach grammar and rhetoric4 ,then grammars were composed or revised1 and other handbooks of elementary instruction4 ,the ,classics still were loved2 but how shall men love beyond their own natures8 ,gifted ,jerome1 great ,augustine1 loved them with an ardour bringing its own misgivings4 ,other lovers1 like ,ausonius and ,apollinaris ,sidonius1 were pedantic imitators4 ,both north and south of the ,alps another and obviously enduring cause fostered the habit of regarding the ,classics as storehouses of knowledge3 the fact that they were such for all the mediaeval centuries4 ,they included not only poetry and eloquence1 but also history1 philosophy1 natural knowledge1 law and polity4 ,the knowledge contained in them exceeded what the men of western ,europe otherwise possessed4 ,as century after century passed1 mediaeval men learned more for themselves1 and also drew more largely on the classic store4 ,yet it remained unexhausted4 ,the twelfth and thirteenth centuries constitute the great mediaeval epoch4 ,men were then opening their eyes a little to observe the natural world1 and were thinking a little for themselves4 ,nevertheless the chief increase in knowledge issued from the gradual discovery and mastering of the works of ,aristotle4 ,these centuries1 like their predecessors1 make clear that men who inherit from a greater past a universal literature containing the best they can conceive and more knowledge than they can otherwise attain1 will be likely to regard every part of this literature as in some way a source of knowledge1 physical or metaphysical1 historical or ethical4 ,and the ,classics merited such regard2 for where they did not instruct in science1 they imparted knowledge of life1 and norms and instances of conduct1 from which men still may draw guidance4 ,we have outlearned the physics1 and perhaps the metaphysics of the ,greeks2 their knowledge of nature1 in comparison with ours1 was but as a genial beginning2 their polities and their formal ethics we have tried and tested2 but we have not risen above the power and inspiration of the story of ,greece and ,rome1 and the exemplifications of life in the ,greek and ,latin ,classics4 ,it has not ceased to be true that he who best loves the ,classics1 and most deeply feels and glories in their unique excellence as literature1 is he who still draws life from them1 and discipline and knowledge4 ,their true lovers1 like the true lovers of all noble literature1 are always in a state of pupilage to the poems and the histories they love4 ,obviously then no final word lies in the statement that through the ,middle ,ages men turned to the ,classics for instruction4 ,they did indeed turn to them for all kinds of knowledge1 and for discipline4 ,often they looked for instruction from ,ovid or ,virgil in a way to make us smile4 ,often they were like schoolboys1 dully conning words which they did not feel and so did not understand4 ,but in the tenth century1 and in the twelfth1 some men admired and loved the ,latin ,classics1 and drew from them1 as we may1 lessons which are learned only by those who love aright4 ,it would be hard to say what the men of the ,middle ,ages did not thus gain4 ,the pagan classical literature was one of humanity in its full range of interests4 ,this was true of the ,greek2 and from the ,greek1 the universal human passed to the ,latin1 which the ,middle ,ages were to know4 ,in both literatures1 man was a denizen of earth4 ,the laws of mortality and fate were held before his eyes2 and the action of the higher powers bore upon mortal happiness1 rather than upon any life to come4 ,when reflecting upon the use and influence of the ,classics through the ,middle ,ages1 it is always to be kept in mind that the antique literature was the literature of this life and of this world2 that it was universal in its humanity1 and still in the ,middle ,ages might touch every human love and human interest not directly connected with the hopes and terrors of the ,judgment ,day4 ,so whenever educated mediaeval men were drawn by the ambitions or moved by the finer joys of human life1 it lay in their path to seek instruction or satisfaction from some antique source4 ,if a man wished the common education of a clerk1 he drew it from antique text-books and their commentaries4 ,grammar and rhetoric meant ,latin grammar and ,latin rhetoric2 dialectic also was ,latin and antique4 ,likewise the quadrivium of arithmetic1 geometry1 astronomy1 and music1 could be studied only in ,latin4 ,these ordinary branches of education having been mastered1 if then the man's tastes or ambitions turned to the interests of earth 7and who except the saintly recluse was not so drawn87 he would still look to the antique4 ,a civilian or an ecclesiastic would need some knowledge of law1 which for the most part was ,roman1 even when disguised as ,canon law4#aeb ,did a man incline toward philosophy1 and the scrutiny of life's deeper problems1 again the source was the antique2 and when he lifted his mind to theology1 he would still find himself reasoning in categories of antique dialectic4 ,finally1 and this was a broad field of humane inclination1 if a clerkly educated man loved poetry1 eloquence1 and history1 for their own sakes1 he also would turn to the antique4 ,there is scarcely need to revert again to the use of the ,classics in the earlier ,middle ,ages4 ,we have seen that in ,italy they never ceased to form the conscious background to all intellectual life2 and that in the north1 letters came a handmaid in the train of ,latin ,christianity--a handmaid that was apt to assert her own value1 and also charm the minds of men4 ,from the first1 it was the orthodox view that ,latin letters should provide the education enabling men to understand the ,christian religion adequately4 ,this is the object set forth in ,charlemagne's ,capitularies upon education4#aec ,three hundred years later ,honorius of ,autun says in his sermonizing way3 8,not only1 beloved1 do the sacred writings lead us to eternal life1 but profane letters also teach us2 for edifying matter may be drawn from them4 ,in view of sacred examples no one should be scandalized at this4 ,for the children of ,israel spoiled the ,egyptians2 they took gold and silver1 gems and precious vestments1 which they afterwards turned into ,god's treasury to build the tabernacle40#aed ,honorius used ,augustine's reference to the ,egyptians1 and followed this ,augustinian view1 always recognized as orthodox in the ,middle ,ages4 ,it was narrower than the practice among those who followed letters4 ,gerbert at the close of the tenth century loved to teach and read the pagan writers1 and drew from them training and discipline4#aee ,in the next century1 the ,german monk ,froumund of ,tegernsee1 with ,bernward and ,godehard1 bishops of ,hildesheim1 are instances of ,german love of antique letters4#aef ,yet lofty souls might choose to limit their reading of the ,classics1 at least in theory1 to the needs of their ,latinity4 ,such a one was ,hugo of ,st4-,victor1 scholar1 theologian1 man of genius2#aeg he professed to care more for the ,christian ardours of the soul than for learning even as a means of righteousness1 and chose to take the side of those who would read the classic authors only so far as the needs of education demanded3 8,there are two kinds of writings1 first those which are termed the artes proper1 secondly1 those which are the supplements 7appendentia7 of the artes4 ,artes comprise the works grouped under 7supponuntur7 philosophy1 those which contain some fixed and determined matter of philosophy1 as grammar1 dialectic and the like4 ,appendentia artium are those writings which touch philosophy less nearly and are occupied with some subject apart from it2 and yet sometimes offer flotsam and jetsam from the artes1 or simply as narratives smooth the road to philosophy4 ,all the songs of poets are such--tragedies1 comedies1 satires1 heroics1 and lyrics too1 and iambics1 besides certain didactic works 7didascalica72 tales likewise1 and histories2 also the writings of those nowadays called philosophers1 who extend a brief matter with lengthy circumlocution1 and thus darken a simple meaning4 8,note then well the distinction ,i have drawn for thee3 distinct and different 7duo7 are the artes and their appenditia1 444 and often from the latter the student will gain much labour and little fruit4 ,the artes1 without their appenditia1 may make the reader perfect2 but the latter1 without the artes1 can bring no whit of perfection4 ,wherefore one should first of all devote himself to the artes1 which are so fundamental1 and to the aforesaid seven above all1 which are the means and instruments 7instrumenta7 of all philosophy4 ,then let the rest be read1 if one has leisure1 since sometimes the playful mingled with the serious especially delights us1 and we are apt to remember a moral found in a tale40#aeh ,temperament affected ,hugo's view4 ,he was of the spiritual aristocracy1 who may be somewhat disdainful of the common means by which men get their education and round out their natures4 ,the mechanical monotony of pedagogy grated on him and evoked the ironical sketch of a school-room1 which he put in his dialogue on the ,vanity of the ,world4 ,the little ,discipulus1 directed by his ,magister1 is surveying human things4 8,turn again1 and look10 says the latter1 8and what do you see80 8,i see the schools of learners4 ,there is a great crowd1 and of all ages1 boys and youths1 men young and old4 ,they study various things4 ,some practise their rude tongue at the alphabet and at words new to them4 ,others listen to the inflection of words1 their composition and derivation2 then by reciting and repeating them they try to commit them to memory4 ,others furrow the waxen tablets with a stylus4 ,others1 guiding the calamus with learned hand1 draw figures of different shapes and colours on parchments4 ,still others with sharper zeal seem to dispute on graver matters and try to trip each other with twistings and impossibilities 7gryphis874 ,i see some also making calculations1 and some producing various sounds upon a cord stretched on a frame4 ,others1 again1 explain and demonstrate geometric figures2 and yet others with various instruments show the positions and courses of the stars and the movement of the heavens4 ,others1 finally1 consider the nature of plants1 the constitution of men1 and the properties and powers of things40 ,the ,disciple is captivated with this many-coloured show of learning2 but the ,master declares it to be mostly foolishness1 distracting the student from understanding his own nature1 his ,creator1 and his future lot4#aei ,these are examples1 which might be multiplied indefinitely1 of the pious mediaeval view that the artes1 with a very little reading of the auctores1 were proper for the educated ,christian1 whose need was to understand ,scripture4 ,sometimes1 stung1 at least rhetorically1 by fear of the lust and idolatry of the antique1 mediaeval souls cry out against its lures1 even as ,jerome's ,christianly protesting nature dreamed that famous dream of exclusion from heaven as a 8,ciceronian40 ,alcuin1 who led the educational movement under ,charlemagne1 gently chides one whose fondness for ,virgil made him forget his friend--8would that the ,gospels rather than the ,aeneid filled thy breast40#afj ,three hundred years later1 ,st4 ,peter ,damiani1 himself a virtuoso in letters and a sometime teacher of rhetoric1 arraigns the monks for teaching grammar rather than things spiritual4#afa ,damiani speaks with the harshness of one who fears what he loves4 ,in ,france1 about the same time1 our worthy sermon-writer1 ,honorius of ,autun1 liked the profanities well enough1 and drew from them apt moral tales1 which preachers might introduce to rouse drowsy congregations4 ,yet he directs his pulpit-thunder at the cives ,babyloniae1 the superbi1 who after their several tastes finger profane literature to their peril3 8,those delighting in quibbling learn ,aristotle3 the lovers of war have ,maro1 and the lustful idlers their ,naso4 ,lucan and ,statius incite discords1 while ,horace and ,terence equip the pert and wanton 7petulantes7--but since the names of these are blotted from the book of life1 ,i shall not commemorate them with my lips40#afb ,this with the excellent ,honorius was pious rhetoric4 ,yet the love and fear of antique letters caused anxiety in many a mediaeval soul1 deflected by them from its narrow path to the heavenly ,jerusalem4 ,indeed the love of letters and of knowledge was to play its part1 and might take one side or the other1 according to the motive of their pursuit1 in the great mediaeval psychomachia between the cravings of mortal life and the militant insistencies of the soul's salvation4 ,this conflict1 not confined to mediaeval monks1 has its universal aspects4 ,it echoes in the sigh of ,michelangelo over the 8affectuosa fantasia1 ,che l' arte si fece idolo e monarca10 --which had so long drawn his heart from ,eternity4#afc ,commonly1 however1 this conflict did not greatly disturb scholars who felt in some degree the classic spell so manifold of delight in themes delightful1 of pleasure somehow drawn from clear statement and convincing sequence of thought1 of even deeper happiness springing from the stirring of those faculties through which man rejoices in knowledge4 ,to be sure1 readers of the ,classics1 who drew joy from them or satisfaction1 or humane instruction1 were comparatively few in the mediaeval centuries1 as they are to-day4 ,and undoubtedly in the ,middle ,ages the ,classics usually were read in unenlightened schoolboy fashion4 ,yet making these reservations1 we may be sure that letters yielded up their joys to the chosen few in every mediaeval century4 8,amor litterarum ab ipso fere initio pueritiae mihi est innatus10 wrote ,lupus in the ninth4#afd ,gerbert might have said the same1 and many of the men who taught at ,chartres in the generations following4 ,so likewise might have said ,john of ,salisbury4 ,in studying the ,classics he certainly looked to them for instruction4 ,but he also loved them1 and found companionship and solace in them1 as he says1 and as ,cicero before him had said of letters4 ,we may ask ourselves what sort of pleasure do we get from reading the ,classics8 not necessarily a light distracting of the mind1 but rather a deeper gratification3 thought is aroused and satisfied1 and our nature is appeased by the admirable presentation of things admirable4 ,at the same time we may be conscious of discipline and benefit4 ,there is good reason to suppose that a like pleasure1 or satisfaction1 with discipline and instruction1 came to this exceedingly clever ,john from reading ,terence1 ,virgil and ,ovid1 ,horace1 ,juvenal1 ,lucan1 ,persius and ,statius1 ,cicero1 ,seneca and ,quintilian--for he read them all4#afe ,john is affected1 impressed1 and trained by his classic reading2 he has absorbed his authors2 he quotes from them as spontaneously and aptly as he quotes from ,scripture4 ,a quotation from the one or the other may give final point to an argument1 and have its own eloquent suggestions4 ,sometimes the tone of one of his own letters--which usually are excellent in form and language--may agree with that of the pithy antique quotation garnishing it4 ,a mediaeval writer was not likely to say just what we should when expressing ourselves on the same matter4 ,yet ,john makes quite clear to us how he cared for antique letters1 in the ,prologue to his ,polycraticus1 his chief work on philosophy and life2 and we may take his word as to the satisfaction which he drew from them1 since his own writings prove his assiduity in their cult4 ,this prologue is somewhat cherch1 and imbued with a preciosity of sentiment putting one in mind of ,cicero's oration ,pro ,archia poeta4 8,most delightful in many ways1 but in this especially1 is the fruit of letters1 that banishing the reserve of intervening place and time1 they bring friends into each other's presence1 and do not suffer noteworthy things to be obliterated by dust4 ,for the arts would have perished1 laws would have vanished1 the offices of faith and religion would have fallen away1 and even the correct use of language would have failed1 had not the divine pity1 as a remedy for human infirmity1 provided letters for the use of mortals4 ,ancient examples1 which incite to virtue1 would have corrected and served no one1 had not the pious solicitude of writers transmitted them to posterity4444 ,who would know the ,alexanders and the ,caesars1 or admire ,stoics and ,peripatetics1 had not the monuments of writers signalized them8 ,triumphal arches promote the glory of illustrious men from the carved inscription of their deeds4 ,thereby the observer recognizes the ,liberator of his ,country1 the ,establisher of ,peace4 ,the light of fame endures for no one save through his own or another's writing4 ,how many and how great kings thinkest thou there have been1 of whom there is neither speech nor cogitation8 ,vainly have men stormed the heights of glory1 if their fame does not shine in the light of letters4 ,other favour or distinction is as fabled ,echo1 or the plaudits of the ,play1 ceasing the moment it has begun4 8,besides all this1 solace in grief1 recreation in labour1 cheerfulness in poverty1 modesty amid riches and delights1 faithfully are bestowed by letters4 ,for the soul is redeemed from its vices1 and even in adversity refreshed with sweet and wondrous cheer1 when the mind is intended upon reading or writing what is profitable4 ,thou shalt find in human life no more pleasing or more useful employment2 unless perchance when1 with heart dilated through prayer and divine love1 the mind perceives and arranges within itself1 as with the hand of meditation1 the great things of ,god4 ,believe one who has tried it1 that all the sweets of the world1 compared with these exercises1 are wormwood40#aff ,hereupon1 still addressing himself to his friend and patron1 ,thomas ,becket1 ,john suggests that these recreations are peculiarly beneficial to men in their circumstances1 burdened with affairs2 and he puts his principles in practice1 by launching forth upon his lengthy work of learned and philosophic disquisition4 ,to supplement this outline of ,john's appreciation of the ,classics1 it will be interesting to look into the literary interpretation of a classical poem1 from the pen of one of his contemporaries4 ,so little is known of the author1 ,bernard ,silvestris1 that he usually has been confused with his more famous fellow1 ,bernard of ,chartres4 ,we may refer to both of them again4#afg ,here our business is solely with the ,commentum ,bernardi ,silvestris super sex libros ,aeneidos ,virgilii4#afh ,the writer draws from the ,saturnalia of the fifth-century grammarian1 ,macrobius2 but his allegorical interpretation of the ,aeneid seems to be his own4 ,he finds in the ,aeneid a twofold consideration1 in that its author meant to teach philosophic truth1 and at the same time was not inattentive to the poetic plot4 8,since then ,virgil in this poem is both philosopher and poet1 we shall first expound the purpose and method of the poet4444 ,his aim is to unfold the calamities of ,aeneas and other ,trojans1 and the labours of the exiles4 ,herein disregarding the truth of history as told by ,dares the ,phrygian1#afi and seeking to win the favour of ,augustus1 he adorns the facts with figments4 ,for ,virgil1 greatest of ,latin poets1 wrote in imitation of ,homer1 greatest of ,greek poets4 ,as ,homer in the ,iliad narrates the fall of ,troy and in the ,odyssey the exile of ,ulysses2 so ,virgil in the second ,book briefly relates the overthrow of ,troy1 and in the rest the labours of ,aeneas4 ,consider the twin order of narration1 the natural and the artistic 7artificialem74 ,the natural is when the narrative proceeds according to the sequence of events1 telling first what happened first4 ,lucan and ,statius keep to this order4 ,the artistic is when we begin in the middle of the story1 and thence revert to the commencement4 ,terence writes thus1 and ,virgil in this work4 ,it would have been the natural order to have described first the destruction of ,troy1 and then brought the ,trojans to ,crete1 from ,crete to ,sicily1 and from ,sicily to ,libya4 ,but he first brings them to ,dido1 and introduces ,aeneas relating the overthrow of ,troy and the other things that he has suffered4#agj 8,up to this point we show how he proceeds3 next let us observe why he does it so4 ,with poets there is the reason of usefulness1 as with a satirist2 the reason of pleasure1 as with a writer of comedies2 and again these two combined1 as with the historical poet4 ,as ,horace says3 #8,aut prodesse volunt aut delectare poetae1 ,aut simul et iucunda et idonea dicere vitae4' 8,this kind of a historical poem is shown by its figurative and polished diction and in the various mischances and deeds narrated4 ,if any one will study to imitate it he will gain skill in writing4 ,the narrative also contains instances and arguments for following the right and avoiding what is evil4 ,hence a twofold profit to the reader3 skill in writing1 gained through imitation1 and prudence in conduct1 drawn from example and precept4 ,for instance1 in the labours of ,aeneas we have an example of endurance2 and one of piety1 in his affection for ,anchises and ,ascanius4 ,from the reverence which he shows the gods1 from the oracles which he supplicates1 from the sacrifices which he offers1 from the vows and prayers which he pours forth1 we feel drawn to religion3 while through ,dido's unbridled love1 we are recalled from desire for the forbidden40 ,the above is excellent1 but not particularly original4 ,it shows1 however1 that ,bernard could appreciate the ,aeneid in this way4 ,his allegorical interpretation is of a piece with current mediaeval methods4 ,yet to take a poem allegorically was not distinctively mediaeval2 for ,homer and other poets had been thus expounded from the days of ,plato1 who did not himself approve4 ,with ,bernard1 each ,book of the ,aeneid represents one of the ages of man1 the first ,book betokening infancy1 the second boyhood1 and so forth4 ,allegorical etymologies are applied to the names of the personages2 and in general the whole natural course and setting of the poem is taken allegorically4 8,the sea is the human body moved and tossed by drunkenness and lusts1 which are represented by waves40 ,aeneas1 to wit1 the human soul joined to its body1 comes to ,carthage1 the mundane city where ,dido reigns1 which is lust2 this allegory is unfolded in detail4 ,so the interpretation ambles on1 not more and not less jejune than such ingenuities usually are4 99 99 99 99 99 ,classical studies reached their zenith in the twelfth century4 ,for in every way that century surpassed its predecessors2 and in classical studies it excelled the thirteenth1 which devoted to them a smaller portion of its intellectual energies4 ,the twelfth century1 to be sure1 was prodigiously interested in dialectic and theology4 ,yet these had not quite engulfed the humanities2 nor had any newly awakened interest in physical or experimental science distracted the eyes of men from the charms of the ancient written page4 ,the change took place in the thirteenth century4 ,its best intellectual efforts1 north of the ,alps at least1 were directed to the study and theological appropriation of the ,aristotelian encyclopaedia of metaphysics and universal knowledge4#aga ,the effect of ,aristotle was totally unliterary4 ,and the minds of men1 absorbed in mastering this giant mass of knowledge and argument1 ceased to regard literary form and the humane aspects of ,latin literature4 ,until the thirteenth century1 dialectic and theology were not completely severed from belles lettres4 ,the ,platonic-,augustinian theology of the twelfth century had been idealizing and imaginative1 not to say poetical4 ,such an interesting exponent of it as ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor appears as a literary personage1 despite his stinted advocacy of classical study4 ,one notes that for his time the chief single source of physical knowledge was the ,latin version of the ,timaeus1 certainly not a prosaic composition4 ,thus1 for the twelfth century1 an effective cause of the continuance of the study of letters lay herein3 whatever branch of natural knowledge might allure the student1 he could not draw it bodily from a serious but unliterary repository1 like the ,physics or ,de animalibus of ,aristotle1 which were not yet available2 he must follow his bent through the writings of various ,latin poets as well as prose-writers4 ,in fine1 the sources of profane knowledge open to the twelfth century were literary in their nature1 and might form part of the literature which would be read by a student of grammar or rhetoric4 ,one sees this in ,john of ,salisbury4 ,there may have been a few men who knew more than he did of some particular topic4 ,but his range and readiness of knowledge were unique4 ,and it is evident from his writings that his knowledge 7except in logic7 had no special or scientific source1 but was derived from a promiscuous reading of ,latin literature4 ,as a result1 he is himself a literary man4 ,one may say much the same of his younger contemporary1 ,alanus de ,insulis4#agb ,he too has gathered knowledge from literary sources1 and he himself is one of the best ,latin poets of the ,middle ,ages4 ,another extremely poetic philosopher was ,bernard ,silvestris1 the interpreter of ,virgil4 ,his ,de mundi unitate is a ,pantheistic exposition of the ,universe2 it is also a poem2 and incidentally it affords another illustration of the general fact1 that before the works of ,aristotle were made known and expounded in the thirteenth century1 all kinds of natural and quasi-philosophic knowledge were drawn from a variety of writings1 some of them poor enough from any point of view1 but none of them distinctly scientific and unliterary1 like the works of ,aristotle4 ,formal logic or dialectic1 as cultivated by ,abaelard for example1 appears as an exception4 ,it had been specialized and more scientifically treated than any branch of substantial knowledge2 for indeed it was based on the logical treatises of ,aristotle1 most of which were in use before ,abaelard's death1 and all of which were known to ,thierry of ,chartres and ,john of ,salisbury4#agc ,the contrast between the cathedral school of ,chartres and the ,university of ,paris illustrates the change from the twelfth to the thirteenth century4 ,the former has been spoken of in a previous chapter1 where its story was brought down to the times of its great teachers1 ,bernard and ,thierry1 of whom we shall have to speak in connection with the teaching of grammar and the reading of classical authors4 ,the school flourished exceedingly until the middle of the twelfth century4#agd ,by that time the schools of ,paris had received an enormous impetus from the popularity of ,abaelard1 and scholars had begun to push thither from all quarters4 ,but it was not till the latter part of the century that the ,university1 with its organization of ,masters and ,faculties1 began visibly to emerge out of the antecedent cathedral school4#age ,chartres was a home of letters2 and there ,latin literature was read enthusiastically4 ,but in ,paris ,abaelard was pre-eminently a dialectician2 and after he died1 through those decades when the ,university was coming into existence1 the tide of study set irresistibly toward theology and metaphysics4 ,students and masters of the ,faculty of ,arts outnumbered all the other ,faculties2 nevertheless1 counting not by tumultuous numbers1 but by intellectual strength1 the great matter was ,theology1 and the majority of the ,masters in the ,arts were students in the divine science4 ,the ,arts were regarded as a preparatory discipline4 ,so through its great period1 which roughly coincides with the thirteenth century1 the ,university of ,paris was for all ,europe the supreme seat of ,dialectic1 ,metaphysics1 and ,theology1 and yet no kindly nurse of belles lettres4 ,the tendencies of ,oxford were not quite the same as those of ,paris1 yet ,latin literature as such does not seem to have been cultivated there for its own fair sake4 ,this apparently was unaffected by the fact that a movement for 8close0 or exact scholarship existed at the ,english university4 ,grosseteste1 its first great chancellor1 teacher and inspirer1 unquestionably introduced1 or encouraged1 the study of ,greek2 and his famous pupil1 ,roger ,bacon1 was a serious ,greek scholar1 and wrote a grammar of that tongue4 ,but neither ,grosseteste nor ,bacon appears to have been moved by any literary interest in ,greek literature2 both one and the other urged the importance of ,greek1 and of ,hebrew too and ,arabic1 in order to reach a surer knowledge of ,scripture and ,aristotle4 ,they sought to open the veritable founts of theology and natural knowledge1 an intelligent aim indeed1 but quite unliterary4 ,in spirit both these men belong to the thirteenth century1 not to the twelfth4#agf ,in ,italy1 one does not find that the passage from the twelfth to the thirteenth century displays the decline in classical studies which is apparent north of the ,alps4 ,the reasons seem obvious4 ,the passion for metaphysical theology did not invade this land of practical ecclesiasticism and urban living1 where pagan antiquity1 dumb1 broken1 and defaced1 yet everywhere surviving1 was the medium of life and thought and temperamental inclination in the thirteenth as well as in the twelfth century4 ,nor was ,italy as yet becoming scientific1 or greatly interested in physical hypothesis2 although medicine was cultivated in various centres1 ,salerno1 for example1 and ,bologna4 ,but for the twelfth1 and for the thirteenth century as well1 ,italy's great intellectual achievement was in the two closely neighbouring sciences of canon and civil law4 ,these made the ,university of ,bologna as pre-eminent in law as ,paris was in theology4 ,there had been schools of grammar and rhetoric at ,bologna and ,ravenna1 before the lecturing of ,irnerius on the ,pandects drew to the first-named town the concourse of mature and seemly students who were gradually to organize themselves into a university4#agg ,thus at ,bologna law flourished and grew great1 springing upward from an antecedent base of grammatical if not literary studies4 ,the study of the law never cut itself away from this foundation4 ,for the exigencies of legal business demanded training in the scrivener's and notarial arts of inditing epistles and drawing documents1 for which the ars dictaminis1 to wit1 the art of composition was of primary utility4 ,this ars1 teaching as it did both the general rules of composition and the more specific forms of legal or other formal documents1 pertained to law as well as grammar4 ,of the latter study it was perhaps in ,italy the main element1 or1 rather1 end4 ,but even without this hybrid link of the dictamen1 grammar was needed for the interpretation of the ,pandects2 and indeed some of the glosses of ,irnerius and other early glossators are grammatical rather than legal explanations of the text4 ,we should bear in mind that this august body of jurisprudential law existed not in the inflated statutory ,latin of ,justinian's time1 but in the sonorous and correct language of the earlier empire1 when the great ,jurists lived1 as well as ,quintilian4 ,accordingly a close study of the ,pandects required1 as well as yielded1 a knowledge of classical ,latinity4 ,thus law tended to foster1 rather than repress1 grammar and rhetoric2 and had no unfavourable effect on classical studies4 ,and even as such studies 8flourished0 in ,italy in the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 they did not cease to 8flourish10 there in the thirteenth1 in the same general though rather dull and uncreative way4 ,for it will hereafter appear that the productions of the ,latin poets and rhetoricians of ,italy were below the literary level of those composed north of the ,loire in ,france1 or in ,england4 ,,ii ,from the days of the ,roman ,empire1 the study of grammar was1 and never ceased to be1 the basis of the conscious and rational knowledge of the ,latin tongue4 ,the ,roman boys studied it at ,rome2 the ,latin-speaking provincials studied it1 and all people of education who remained in the lands of western ,europe which once had formed part of the ,empire2 its study was renewed under ,charlemagne2 he and ,alcuin and all the scholars of the ninth century were deeply interested in what to them represented tangible ,latinity1 and in fact was to be a chief means by which their mediaeval civilization should maintain its continuity with its source4 ,for grammar was most instrumental in preserving mediaeval ,latin from violent deflections1 which would have left the ancient literature as the literature of a forgotten tongue4 ,had mediaeval ,latin failed to keep itself veritable ,latin2 had it instead suffered transmutation into local ,romance dialects1 the ,latin classics1 and all that hung from them1 might have become as unknown to the ,middle ,ages as the ,greek1 and even have been lost forever4 ,it was the study of ,latin grammar1 with classic texts to illustrate its rules1 that kept ,latin ,latin1 and preserved standards of universal usage throughout western ,europe1 by which one language was read and spoken everywhere by educated people4 ,from century to century this language suffered modification1 and varied according to the knowledge and training of those who used it2 yet its changes were never such as to destroy its identity as a language1 or prevent the ,latin writer of one age or country from understanding whatever in any land or century had been written in that perennial tongue4 ,therefore fortunately1 as the ,carolingian scholars studied ,latin grammar1 so likewise did those of all succeeding mediaeval generations1 thereby holding themselves to at least a homogeneity1 though not an unvarying uniformity1 of usage4 ,evidently1 however1 the method of grammatical instruction had to vary with the needs of the learners and the teachers' skill4 ,the ,romans prattled ,latin on their mothers' knees2 and so1 with gradually widening deflections1 did the ,latinized provincials4 ,neither ,roman nor ,provincial prattled ,ciceronian periods1 or used quite the vocabulary of ,virgil2 yet it was ,latin that they talked4 ,thenceforward there was to be a difference between the people who lived in countries where ,romance dialects had emerged from the spoken ,latin and prevailed1 and those people who spoke a ,teuton speech4 ,although always drawing away1 the natal speech of ,romance peoples was so like ,latin1 that in learning it they seemed rather to correct their vulgar tongue than to acquire a new language4 ,so it was in the ,christian parts of ,spain1 in ,gaul1 and1 above all1 in ,italy1 where the vulgar dialects were tardiest in taking distinctive form4 ,nevertheless1 as the ,romance dialects1 for instance in the country north of the ,loire1 developed into the various forms of what is called ,old ,french1 young people at school would have to learn ,latin as a quasi-foreign tongue4 ,across the ,rhine in ,germany boys ordinarily had to learn it at school1 as a strange language1 just as they must to-day2 and every effort was devoted to this end4#agh ,it was not likely that the grammars composed for ,roman boys1 or at least for boys who spoke ,latin from their infancy1 would altogether meet the needs of ,german1 or even ,french1 youth4 ,yet only gradually and slowly in the ,middle ,ages were grammars put together to make good the insufficiencies of ,donatus and ,priscian4 ,the former was the teacher of ,st4 ,jerome4 ,he composed a short work1 in the form of questions and answers1 explaining the eight parts of speech1 but giving no rules of gender1 or forms of declension and conjugation1 needed for the instruction of those who1 unlike the ,roman youth1 could not speak the language4 ,this little book went by the name of the ,ars minor4 ,the same grammarian composed a more extensive work1 the third book of which was called the ,barbarismus1 after its opening chapter4 ,it defined the figures of speech 7figurae1 locutiones71 and was much used through the mediaeval period4 ,the ,ars minor explained in simple fashion the elements of speech4 ,but the ,institutiones grammaticae of ,priscian1 a contemporary of ,cassiodorus1 offered a mine of knowledge4 ,of its eighteen books the first sixteen were devoted to the parts of speech and their forms1 considered under the variations of gender1 declension1 and conjugation4 ,the remaining two treated of constructio or syntax4 ,as early as the tenth century ,priscian was separated into these two parts1 which came to be known as ,priscianus major and minor4 ,the ,priscian manuscripts1 whose name is legion1 usually present the former4 ,diffuse in language1 confused in arrangement1 and overladen perhaps with its thousands of examples1 it was berated for its labyrinthine qualities even in the ,middle ,ages2 yet its sixteen books remained the chief source of etymological knowledge4 ,priscianus minor was less widely used4 ,the grammarians of the ninth1 tenth1 and eleventh centuries followed ,donatus and ,priscian1 making extracts from their works1 or abridgements1 and now and then introducing examples of deviation from the ancient usage4 ,the last came usually from the ,vulgate text of ,scripture1 which sometimes departed from the idioms or even word-forms approved by the old authorities4#agi ,the ,ars minor of ,donatus became enveloped in commentaries2 but ,priscian was so formidable that in these early centuries he was merely glossed1 that is1 annotated in brief marginal fashion4 ,it would be tedious to dwell upon mediaeval grammatical studies4 ,but the tendencies characterizing them in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries may be indicated briefly4 ,the substance of the ,priscianus major was followed by mediaeval grammarians4 ,that is to say1 while admitting certain novelties1#ahj they adhered to its rules and examples relating to the forms of words1 their declension and conjugation4 ,but the ,priscianus minor1 although used1 was departed from4 ,in the first place its treatment of its subject 7syntax7 was confused and inadequate4 ,there was1 however1 a broader reason for seeking rules elsewhere4 ,mediaeval ,latin1 in its progress as a living or quasi-living language1 departed from the classical norms far more in syntax and composition than in word-forms4 ,the latter continued much the same as in antiquity4 ,but the popular and so to speak ,romance tendencies of mediaeval ,latin brought radical changes of word-order and style1 which worked back necessarily upon the rules of syntax4 ,these had been but hazily stated by the old writers1 and the task of constructing an adequate ,latin syntax remained undone4 ,it was a task of vital importance for the preservation of the ,latin tongue4 ,word-forms alone will not preserve the continuity of a language2 it is essential that their use in speech and writing should be kept congruous through appropriate principles of syntax4 ,such were intelligently formulated by mediaeval grammarians4 ,the result was not exactly what it would have been had the task been carried out in the fourth century3 yet it has endured in spite of the attacks1 pseudo-attacks indeed1 of the cinquecento2 and the mediaeval treatment of ,latin syntax is the basis of the modern treatment4 ,one may add that syntax or constructio was taken broadly as embracing not only the agreements of number and gender1 and the governing#aha of cases1 but also the order of words in a sentence1 which had changed so utterly between the time of ,cicero and ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,these general statements find illustration in the famous ,doctrinale of ,alexander de ,villa-,dei1 whose author was born in ,normandy in the latter half of the twelfth century4 ,he studied at ,paris1 and in course of time was summoned by the ,bishop of ,dol to instruct his nepotes in grammar4 ,while acting as their tutor1 he appears to have helped their memory by setting his rules in rhyme2 and the bishop asked him to write a ,summa of grammar in some such fashion4 ,complying1 he composed the ,doctrinale in the year #aaii1 putting his work into leonine or rhyming hexameter1 to make it easier to memorize4 ,rarely has a school-book met with such success4 ,it soon came into use in ,paris and elsewhere1 and for some three hundred years was the common manual of grammatical teaching throughout western ,europe4 ,it was then attacked and apparently driven from the field by the so-called ,humanists1 who1 however1 failed to offer anything better in its place1 and plagiarized from the work which they professed to execrate4#ahb ,the etymological portions of the ,doctrinale follow the teachings of the ,priscianus major2 the part devoted to syntax1 or constructio1 shows traces of the influence of the ,priscianus minor4 ,but ,alexander's treatment of syntax is more systematic and elaborate than ,priscian's2 and he did not hesitate to defer to the ,vulgate and other ,christian ,latin writings4 ,thus he made his work conform to contemporary usage1 which its purpose was to set forth4 ,he did the same in the section on ,prosody1 in which he says that the ancient metricians distinguished a number of feet no longer used1 and he will confine himself to six--the dactyl1 spondee1 trochee1 anapaest1 iambus1 and tribrach4#ahc ,in contradiction to classical usage he condemns elision2#ahd and in his chapter on accent he throws over the ancient rules3 8,accentus normas legitur posuisse vetustas2 ,non tamen has credo servandas tempore nostro40#ahe ,alexander was not really an innovator4 ,he followed previous grammarians in condemning elision1 and in what he says of quantity and accent4 ,in his syntax he endeavoured to set forth rules conforming to the best ,latin usage of his time1 like other mediaeval grammarians before him4 ,he was indeed vehement in his advocacy of recent and ,christian authors as standards of writing1 and he inveighed against the scholars of ,orleans1 who read the ,classics1 and would have us sacrifice to the gods and observe the indecent festivals of ,faunus and ,jove4#ahf ,but others defended the ,orleans school1 and perhaps still regarded the ,classics as the best arbiters of grammar and eloquence4 ,there exist thirteenth-century grammars which follow ,priscian more closely than ,alexander does4#ahg ,yet his work represents the dominant tendencies of his time4 ,twelfth and thirteenth century grammarians recommended to their pupils a variety of reading1 in which mediaeval and early ,christian compositions held as large a place as ,virgil and ,ovid4 ,the ,doctrinale advocates no work more emphatically than ,petrus ,riga's ,aurora1 a versified paraphrase of ,scripture4 ,its author was a chorister in ,rheims1 and died in #abji4ahh ,the works of scholastic philosophers were not cited as frequently as the compositions of verse-writers2 yet mediaeval grammarians were influenced by the language of philosophy1 and drew from its training principles which they applied to their own science4 ,grammar could not help becoming dialectical when the intellectual world was turning to logic and metaphysics4 ,commencing in the twelfth century1 overmasteringly in the thirteenth1 logic penetrated grammar and compelled an application of its principles4 ,often grammarians might better have looked to linguistic usage than to dialectic2 yet if grammar was to become a rational science1 it had to systematize itself through principles of logic1 and make use of dialectic in its endeavour to state a reason for its rules4 ,those who applied logic to grammar at least endeavoured to distinguish between the two1 not always fruitfully4 ,but a real difference could not fail to assert itself inasmuch as logic was in truth of universal application1 while mediaeval grammar never ceased to be the grammar of the ,latin language4 ,nevertheless its terminology was largely drawn from logic4#ahi ,so dialectic brought both good and ill1 proving itself helpful in the regulation of syntax1 but banefully affecting grammarians with the conviction that language was the creature of reason1 and must conform to principles of logic4 ,one likewise notes with curious interest1 that1 from their dialectic training apparently1 grammarians first found as many species of grammar as languages1#aij and then forsook this idea for the view that1 in order to be a science1 grammar must be universal1 or1 as they phrased it1 one1 and must possess principles not applicable specially to ,greek or ,latin1 but to congruous construction in the abstract2 8de constructione congrua secundum quod abstrahit ab omni lingua speciali10 are the words of the ,english thirteenth-century philosopher and grammarian1 ,robert ,kilwardby4#aia ,a like idea affected ,roger ,bacon1 who composed a ,greek grammar1#aib which appears to have been intended as the first part of a work upon the grammars of the learned languages other than ,latin4 ,it was adapted to afford a grounding in the elements of ,greek3 yet it touches matters in a way showing that the writer had thought deeply on the affinities of languages and the common principles of grammar4 ,of this the following passage is evidence3 8,therefore1 because ,i wish to treat of the properties of ,greek grammar1 it should be known that there are differences in the ,greek language1 to be hereafter noted in giving the names of these dialects 7idiomata74 ,and ,i call them idiomata and not linguas1 because they are not different languages1 but different properties which are peculiarities 7idiomata7 of the same language4#aic ,wishing to set forth ,greek grammar1 for the use of the ,latins1 it is necessary to compare it with ,latin grammar1 because ,i commonly speak ,latin myself1 seeing that the crowd does not know ,greek2 also because grammar is of one and the same substance in all languages1 although varying in its non-essentials 7accidentaliter71 also because ,latin grammar in a certain special way is derived from ,greek1 as ,priscian says1 and other grammarians40#aid ,the dialecticizing of grammar took place in the north1 under influences radiating from ,paris1 the chief dialectic centre4 ,these did not deeply affect grammatical studies in ,italy1 or in the ,midi of ,france1 which in some respects exhibited like intellectual tendencies4 ,grammar was zealously studied in ,italy1 but it did not there become either speculative or dialectical4 ,to be sure northern manuals were used1 especially the ,doctrinale2 but the study remained practical1 an art rather than a science1 and its chief element1 or end1 was the ars dictaminis or dictandi4 ,the grammatical treatises of ,italians were treatises upon this art of epistolary composition and the proper ways of drawing documents4 ,these works were studied also in the ,north1 where the ars dictaminis was by no means neglected4#aie ,latin grammar1 although over-dialecticized in the ,north1 and in ,italy made very practical1 remained of necessity the foundation of classical studies1 and of mediaeval literary effort1 in prose and verse4 ,as the basis of liberal studies1 it had no truer home than the cathedral school of ,chartres4#aif ,contemporary writers picture the manner in which this study was there made to perform its most liberal office1 under favourable mediaeval conditions1 in the first half of the twelfth century4 ,the time antedates the ,doctrinale1 and one notes at once that the ,chartrian masters used the ancient grammatical authorities4 ,this is shown by the ,eptateuchon of ,thierry1 who was headmaster 7scholasticus7 and then ,chancellor there for a number of years between #aabj and #aaej4 ,as its name implies1 the work was a manual1 or rather an encyclopaedia1 of the ,seven ,arts4 ,thierry compiled it from the writings of the 8chief doctors on the arts40 ,he transcribed the ,ars minor of ,donatus and then portions of his larger work4 ,having commended this author for his conciseness and subtilty1 ,thierry next copied out the whole of ,priscian4 ,as text-books for the second branch of the ,trivium1 he gives ,cicero's ,de inventione rhetorica libri #b1 ,rhetoricorum ad ,herennium libri #d1 ,de partitione oratoria dialogus1 and concludes with the rhetorical writings of ,martianus ,capella and ,j4 ,severianus4#aig ,so much for the books4 ,now for the method of teaching as described by ,john of ,salisbury4 ,he gives the practice of ,bernard of ,chartres1 ,thierry's elder brother1 who was scholasticus and ,chancellor before him1 in the first quarter of the twelfth century4 ,john has been advocating the study of grammar as the fundamentum atque radix of those exercises by which virtue and philosophy are reached2 and he is advising a generous reading of the ,classics by the student1 and their constant use by the professor1 to illustrate his teaching4 8,this method was followed by ,bernard of ,chartres1 exundissimus modernis temporibus fons litterarum in ,gallia4 ,by citations from the authors he showed what was simple and regular2 he brought into relief the grammatical figures1 the rhetorical colours1 the artifices of sophistry1 and pointed out how the text in hand bore upon other studies2 not that he sought to teach everything in a single session1 for he kept in mind the capacity of his audience4 ,he inculcated correctness and propriety of diction1 and a fitting use of congruous figures4 ,realizing that practise strengthens memory and sharpens faculty1 he urged his pupils to imitate what they had heard1 inciting some by admonitions1 others by whipping and penalties4 ,each pupil recited the next day something from what he had heard on the preceding4 ,the evening exercise1 called the declinatio1 was filled with such an abundance of grammar that any one1 of fair intelligence1 by attending it for a year1 would have at his fingers' ends the art of writing and speaking1 and would know the meaning of all words in common use4 ,but since no day and no school ought to be vacant of religion1 ,bernard would select for study a subject edifying to faith and morals4 ,the closing part of this declinatio1 or rather philosophical recitation1 was stamped with piety3 the souls of the dead were commended1 a penitential ,psalm was recited1 and the ,lord's ,prayer4 8,for those boys who had to write exercises in prose or verse1 he selected the poets and orators1 and showed how they should be imitated in the linking of words and the elegant ending of passages4 ,if any one sewed another's cloth into his garment1 he was reproved for the theft1 but usually was not punished4 ,yet ,bernard gently pointed out to awkward borrowers that whoever imitated the ancients 7majores7 should himself become worthy of imitation by posterity4 ,he impressed upon his pupils the virtue of economy1 and the values of things and words3 he explained where a meagreness and tenuity of diction was fitting1 and where copiousness or even excess should be allowed1 and the advantage of due measure everywhere4 ,he admonished them to go through the histories and poems with diligence1 and daily to fix passages in their memory4 ,he advised them1 in reading1 to avoid the superfluous1 and confine themselves to the works of distinguished authors4 ,for1 he said 7quoting from ,quintilian7 that to follow out what every contemptible person has said1 is irksome and vainglorious1 and destructive of the capacity which should remain free for better things4 ,to the same effect he cited ,augustine1 and remarked that the ancients thought it a virtue in a grammarian to be ignorant of something4 ,but since in school exercises nothing is more useful than to practise what should be accomplished by the art1 his scholars wrote daily in prose and verse1 and proved themselves in discussions40#aih ,this passage indicates with what generous use of the auctores ,bernard expounded grammar and explained the orators and poets2 how he assigned portions of their works for memorizing1 and with what care he corrected his pupils' prose and metrical compositions1 criticizing their knowledge and their taste4 ,he was a man mindful of his ,christian piety toward the dead and living1 but caring greatly for the ,classics1 and loving study4 8,the old man of ,chartres 7senex ,carnotensis710 says ,john of ,salisbury1 meaning ,bernard1 8named wisdom's keys in a few lines1 and though ,i am not taken with the sweetness of the metre1 ,i approve the sense3 #8,mens humilis1 studium quaerendi1 vita quieta1 ,scrutinium tacitum1 paupertas1 terra aliena4444'0#aii ,bernard1 ,thierry1 and other masters and scholars of their school1 as the advocates of classical education1 detested the men called by ,john of ,salisbury ,cornificiani1 who were for shortening the academic course1 as one would say to-day1 so that the student might finish it up in two or three years1 and proceed to the business of life4 ,a good many in the twelfth century adopted this notion1 and turned from the pagan classics1 not as impious1 but as a waste of time4 ,some of the good scholars of ,chartres lost heart1 among them ,william of ,conches and a certain ,richard1 both teachers of ,john of ,salisbury4 ,they had followed ,bernard's methods2 8but when the time came that so many men1 to the great prejudice of truth1 preferred to seem1 rather than be1 philosophers and professors of the arts1 engaging to impart the whole of philosophy in less than three years1 or even two1 then my masters vanquished by the clamour of the ignorant crowd1 stopped4 ,since then1 less time has been given to grammar4 ,so it has come about that those who profess to teach all the arts1 both liberal and mechanical1 are ignorant of the first of them1 without which vainly will one try to get the rest40#bjj ,upon these people who seemed charlatans1 and yet may have represented tendencies of the coming time1 ,thierry1 ,gilbert de la ,porre1#bja and ,john of ,salisbury poured their sarcasms4 ,the controversy may have clarified ,bernard's consciousness of the value of classical studies and deepened his sense of obligation to the ancients1 until it drew from him perhaps the finest of mediaeval utterances touching the matter3 8,bernard of ,chartres used to say that we were like dwarfs seated on the shoulders of giants4 ,if we see more and further than they1 it is not due to our own clear eyes or tall bodies1 but because we are raised on high and upborne by their gigantic bigness40#bjb ,echoes of this same controversy--have they ever quite died away8--are heard in letters of the scholarly ,peter of ,blois1 who was educated at ,paris in the middle of the twelfth century1 became a secretary of ,henry ,plantagenet and spent the greater part of his life in ,england1 dying about the year #abjj4 ,he writes to a friend3 8,you greatly commend your nephew1 saying that never have you found a man of subtler vein3 because1 forsooth1 skimming over grammar1 and skipping the reading of the classical authors1 he has flown to the trickeries of the logicians1 where not in the books themselves but from abstracts and note-books1 he has learned dialectic4 ,knowledge of letters cannot rest on such1 and the subtilty you praise may be pernicious4 ,for ,seneca says1 nothing is more odious than subtilty when it is only subtilty4 ,some people1 without the elements of education1 would discuss point and line and superficies1 fate1 chance and free-will1 physics and matter and the void1 the causes of things and the secrets of nature and the sources of the ,nile6 ,our tender years used to be spent in rules of grammar1 analogies1 barbarisms1 solecisms1 tropes1 with ,donatus1 ,priscian1 and ,bede1 who would not have devoted pains to these matters had they supposed that a solid basis of knowledge could be got without them4 ,quintilian1 ,caesar1 ,cicero1 urge youths to study grammar4 ,why condemn the writings of the ancients8 it is written that in antiquis est scientia4 ,you rise from the darkness of ignorance to the light of science only by their diligent study4 ,jerome glories in having read ,origen2 ,horace boasts of reading ,homer over and over4 ,it was much to my profit1 when as a little chap ,i was studying how to make verses1 that1 as my master bade me1 ,i took my matter not from fables but from truthful histories4 ,and ,i profited from the letters of ,hildebert of ,le ,mans1 with their elegance of style and sweet urbanity2 for as a boy ,i was made to learn some of them by heart4 ,besides other books1 well known in the schools1 ,i gained from keeping company with ,trogus ,pompeius1 ,josephus1 ,suetonius1 ,hegesippus1 ,quintus ,curtius1 ,tacitus and ,livy1 all of whom throw into their histories much that makes for moral edification and the advance of liberal science4 ,and ,i read other books1 which had nothing to do with history--very many of them4 ,from all of them we may pluck sweet flowers1 and cultivate ourselves from their urbane suavity of speech40#bjc ,in another letter ,peter writes to his bishop of ,bath1 as touching the accusation of some 8hidden detractor10 that he1 ,peter1 is but a useless compiler1 who fills letters and sermons with the plunder of the ancients and ,holy ,writ3 8,let him cease1 or he will hear what he does not like2 for ,i am full of cracks1 and can hold in nothing1 as ,terence says4 ,let him try his hand at compiling1 as he calls it4--,but what of it6 ,though dogs may bark and pigs may grunt1 ,i shall always pattern on the writings of the ancients2 with them shall be my occupation2 nor ever1 while ,i am able1 shall the sun find me idle40#bjd ,it is evident how broadly ,peter of ,blois1 or ,john of ,salisbury1 or the ,chartrians1 were read in the ,latin ,classics4 ,peter mentions even ,tacitus1 a writer not thought to have been much read in the ,middle ,ages4 ,we have been looking at the matter rather in regard to poetry and eloquence--belles lettres4 ,but one may also note the same broad reading 7among the few who read at all7 on the part of those who sought for the ethical wisdom of the ancients4 ,this is apparent 7perhaps more apparent than real7 with ,abaelard1 who is ready with a store of antique ethical citations4#bje ,it is also borne witness to by the treatise ,moralis philosophia de honesto et utili1 placed among the works of ,hildebert of ,le ,mans1#bjf but probably from the pen of ,william of ,conches1 grammaticus post ,bernardum ,carnotensem opulentissimus1 as ,john of ,salisbury calls him4#bjg ,in some manuscripts it is entitled ,summa moralium philosophorum1 quite appropriately4 ,one might hardly compare it for organic inclusiveness with the ,christian ,summa of ,thomas ,aquinas2 but it may very well be likened to the more compact ,sentences of the ,lombard#bjh which were so solidly put together about the same time4 ,the ,lombard drew his ,sentences from the writings of the ,church ,fathers2 ,william's work consists of moral extracts1 mainly from ,cicero1 ,seneca1 ,sallust1 ,terence1 ,horace1 ,lucan1 and ,bothius4 ,the first part1 ,de honesto1 reviews ,prudentia1 ,justitia1 ,fortitudo1 and under these a number of particular virtues in correspondence with which the extracts are arranged4 ,the ,de utili considers the adventitious goods of circumstance and fortune4 ,the extracts forming the substance of this work were intelligently selected and smoothly joined2 and the treatise was much used by those who studied the antique philosophy of life4 ,it was drawn upon1 for instance1 by that truculent and well-born ,welshman1 ,giraldus ,cambrensis1 in his ,de instructione principum1 which the author wrote partly to show how evilly ,henry ,plantagenet performed the functions of a king4 ,this irrepressible claimant of ,st4 ,david's ,see had been long a prickly thorn for ,henry's side4#bji ,but he was a scholar1 and quotes from the whole range of the ,latin ,classics4 ,,iii ,when a man is not a mere transcriber1 but puts something of himself into the product of his pen1 his work will reflect his personality1 and may disclose the various factors of his spiritual constitution4 ,to discover from the writings of mediaeval scholars the effect of their classical studies upon their characters is of greater interest than to trace from their citations the authors read by them4 ,such a compilation as the ,summa moralium which has just been noticed1 while plainly disclosing the latter information1 tells nothing of the personality of him who strung the extracts together4 ,yet he had read writings which could hardly have failed to influence him4 ,cicero and ,seneca do not leave their reader unchanged1 especially if he be seeking ethical instruction4 ,and there was a work known to this particular compiler which moved men in the ,middle ,ages4 ,deep must have been the effect of that book so widely read and pondered on and loved1 the ,de consolatione of ,bothius with its intimate consolings1 its ways of reasoning and looking upon life1 its setting of the intellectual above the physical1 its insistence that mind rather than body makes the man4 ,imagine it brought home to a vigorous struggling personality--imagine ,alfred reading and translating it1 and adding to it from the teachings of his own experience4#baj ,the study of such a book might form the turning of a mediaeval life2 at least could not fail to temper the convulsions of a soul storm-driven amid unreconcilable spiritual conflicts4 ,one may look back even to the time of ,alfred or ,charlemagne and note suggestions coming from classical reading4 ,for instance1 the antique civilization being essentially urban1 words denoting qualities of disciplined and polished men had sprung from city life1 as contrasted with rustic rudeness4 ,thus the word urbanitas passed over into mediaeval use when the quality itself hardly existed outside of the transmitted ,latin literature4 ,for an ,anglo-,saxon or a ,frank to use and even partly comprehend its significance meant his introduction to a new idea4 ,alcuin writes to ,charlemagne that he knows how it rejoices the latter to meet with zeal for learning and church discipline1 and how pleasing to him is anything which is seasoned with a touch of wit--urbanitatis sale conditum4#baa ,and again1 in more curious phrase1 he compliments a certain worthy upon his metrical exposition of the creed1 8wherein ,i have found gold-spouting whirlpools 7aurivomos gurgites7 of spiritual meanings abounding with gems of scholastic wit 7scholasticae urbanitatis740#bab ,though doubtless this 8scholastic wit0 was flat enough1 it was something for these men to get the notion of what was witty and entertaining through a word so vocalized with city life as urbanitas1 a word that we have seen used quite knowingly by the more sophisticated scholar1 ,peter of ,blois4 ,again1 it is matter of common observation that a feeling for nature's loveliness depends somewhat on the growth of towns4 ,but mediaeval men constantly had the idea suggested to them by the classic poetry of city-dwelling poets4 ,here are some lines by ,alcuin or one of his friends1 expressing sentiments which never came to them from the woods with which they were disagreeably familiar3 8,o mea cella1 mihi habitatio1 dulcis1 amata1 ,semper in aeternum1 o mea cella1 vale4 ,undique te cingit ramis resonantibus arbos1 ,silvula florigeris semper onusta comis40#bac ,these are little hints of the effect of the antique literature upon men who still were somewhat rough-hewn4 ,advancing a century and a half1 the influence of classic study is seen1 as it were1 8in the round0 in ,gerbert4#bad ,it is likewise clear and full in ,john of ,salisbury1 of whom we have spoken1 and shall speak again4#bae ,for an admirable example1 however1 of the subtle working of the antique literature upon character and temperament1 we may look to that scholar-prelate whose letters the youthful ,peter of ,blois studied with profit1 ,hildebert of ,lavardin1 ,bishop of ,le ,mans1 and ,archbishop of ,tours4 ,he shows the effect of the antique not so strikingly in the knowledge which he possessed or the particular opinions which he entertained1 as in the balance and temperance of his views1 and incidentally in his fine facility of scholarship4 ,hildebert was born at ,lavardin1 a village near the mouth of the ,loire1 about the year #ajee4 ,he belonged to an unimportant but gentle family4 ,dubious tradition has it that one of his teachers was ,berengar of ,tours1 and that he passed some time in the monastery of ,cluny1 of whose great abbot1 ,hugh1 he wrote a life4 ,it is more probable that he studied at ,le ,mans4 ,but whatever appears to have been the character of his early environment1 ,hildebert belongs essentially to the secular clergy1 and never was a monk4 ,while comparatively young1 he was made head of the cathedral school of ,le ,mans1 and then archdeacon4 ,in the year #ajif1 the old bishop of ,le ,mans died1 and ,hildebert1 then about forty years of age1 was somewhat quickly chosen his successor1 by the clergy and people of the town1 in spite of the protests of certain of the canons of the cathedral4 ,the none too happy scholar-bishop found himself at once a powerless but not negligible element of a violently complicated feudal situation4 ,there was the noble ,helias1 ,count of ,maine1 who was holding his domain against ,robert de ,bellesme1 the latter slackly supported by ,william ,rufus of ,england1 who claimed the overlordship of the land4 ,helias reluctantly acquiesced in ,hildebert's election4 ,not so ,rufus1 who never ceased to hate and persecute the man that had obtained the see which had been in the gift of his father1 ,william the ,conqueror4 ,it happened soon after that ,count ,helias was taken prisoner by his opponent1 and was delivered over to ,rufus at ,rouen4 ,but ,fulk of ,anjou now thrust himself into this feudal mle1 appeared at ,le ,mans1 entered1 and was acknowledged as its lord4 ,he left a garrison1 and departed before the ,red ,king reached the town4 ,the latter began its siege1 but soon made terms with ,fulk1 by which ,le ,mans was to be given to ,rufus1 ,helias was to be set free1 and many other matters were left quite unsettled4 ,now ,rufus entered the town 7#ajih71 where ,hildebert nervously received him2 ,helias1 set free by the ,king1 offered to become his feudal retainer2 ,rufus would have none of him2 so ,helias defied the ,king1 and was permitted to go his way by that strange man1 who held his knightly honour sacred1 but otherwise might commit any atrocity prompted by rage or greed4 ,it was well for ,helias that trouble with the ,french ,king now drew ,rufus to the north4 ,the next year1 #ajii1 ,rufus in ,england heard that the ,count had renewed the war1 and captured ,le ,mans1 except the citadel4 ,he hurried across the channel1 rushed through the land1 entered ,le ,mans1 and passed on through it1 chasing ,helias4 ,but the war languished1 and ,rufus returned to ,le ,mans1 or to what was left of it4 ,hildebert had cause to tremble4 ,he had met the ,king on the latter's hurried arrival from ,england for the war4 ,rufus had spoken him fair4 ,but now1 at ,le ,mans1 he was accused before the monarch of complicity in the revolt4 ,quickly flared the ,king's anger against the man whom he never had ceased to detest4 ,he ordered him to pull down the towers of his cathedral1 which rose threatening and massive over the city's ruins and the citadel of the ,king4 ,what could the defenceless bishop do to avert disgrace and the desolation of his beloved church8 ,words were left him1 but they did not prove effectual4 ,rufus commanded him to choose between immediate compliance and going to ,england1 there to submit himself to the judgment of the ,english bishops4 ,he accepted the latter alternative1 and followed the ,king1 leaving his diocese ruined and his people dispersed4 ,in ,england1 ,rufus dangled him along between fear and hope1 till at last the disheartened prelate returned to the ,continent1 having ambiguously consented to pull down those towers4 ,but instead1 he set to work to repair the devastation of his diocese4 ,the reiterated mandate of the ,king was not long in following him1 and this time coupled with an accusation of treason4 ,hildebert's state was desperate4 ,his clergy were forbidden to obey him1 his palace was sacked1 his own property destroyed4 ,such were ,william's methods of persuasion4 ,then the ,king proposed that the bishop should purge himself by the ordeal of hot iron4 ,hildebert1 the bishop1 the theologian1 the scholar1 was almost on the verge of taking up the challenge1 when a letter from ,yves1 the saintly ,bishop of ,chartres1 dissuaded him4 ,at this moment1 with ruin for his portion1 and no escape1 an arrow ended the ,red ,king's life in the ,new ,forest4 ,it was the year of grace #aajj4 ,now1 what a change6 ,henry ,beauclerc was from the first his friend1 as ,william ,rufus to the last had been his enemy4 ,hitherto ,hildebert has appeared weakly endeavouring to elude destruction1 and perhaps with no unshaken loyalty in his bosom toward any cause except his dire necessities4 ,henceforth1 sailing a calmer sea1 he repays ,henry's favour with adherence and admiration4 ,he has no support to offer ,anselm of ,canterbury1 still struggling with the ,english monarchy over investitures2 nor has he one word of censure for the clever cold-eyed scholar ,king who kept his brother1 ,robert of ,normandy1 a prisoner for twenty-eight years till he died4 ,hildebert had still thirty years of life before him2 nor were they all to be untroubled4 ,shortly after the ,red ,king's death1 he made a voyage to ,rome1 to obtain the papal benediction4 ,to judge from his poems1 he was deeply impressed with the ruins of the ancient city4 ,returning he devoted himself to the affairs of his diocese and to rebuilding the cathedral and other churches of ,le ,mans4 ,in #aabe1 in spite of his unwillingness1 for he was seventy years old1 he was enthroned ,archbishop of ,tours1 where he was to be worried by disputes with ,louis le ,gros of ,france over investitures4 ,but he acquitted himself with vigour1 especially through his letters4 ,a famous one relates to this struggle of his closing years3 8,in adversity it is a comfort to hope for happier times4 ,long has this hope flattered me2 and as the harvest in the fields cheers the countryman1 the expectation of a fair season has comforted my soul4 ,but now ,i no longer hope for the clearing of the cloudy weather1 nor see where the storm-driven ship1 on whose deck ,i sit1 may gain the harbour of rest4 8,friends are silent2 silent are the priests of ,jesus ,christ4 ,and those also are silent through whose prayers ,i thought the king would be reconciled with me4 ,i thought indeed1 but in their silence the king has added to the pain of my wounds4 ,yet it was theirs to resist the injury to the canonical institutes of the ,church4 ,theirs was it1 if the matter had demanded it1 to raise a wall before the house of ,israel4 ,yet with the most serene king there is call for exhortation rather than threat1 for advice rather than command1 for instruction rather than the rod4 ,by these he should have been drawn to agree1 by these reverently taught not to sheath his arrows in an aged priest1 nor make void the canonical laws1 nor persecute the ashes of a church already buried1 ashes in which ,i eat the bread of grief1 in which ,i drink the cup of mourning1 from which to be snatched away and escape is to pass from death to life4 8,yet amid these dire straits1 anger has never triumphed over me1 that ,i should raise a hue and cry against the anointed of the ,lord1 or wrest peace from him with the strong hand and by the arm of the ,church4 ,suspect is the peace to which high potentates are brought not by love1 but by force4 ,easily is it broken1 and sometimes the final state is worse than the first4 ,there is another way by which1 ,christ leading1 ,i can better reach it4 ,i will cast my thought upon the ,lord1 and ,he will give me the desire of my heart4 ,the ,lord remembered ,joseph1 forgotten by ,pharaoh's chief butler when prosperity had returned to him2 ,he remembered ,david abandoned by his own son4 ,perhaps ,he will remember even me1 and bring the tossing ship to rest on the desired shore4 ,he it is who looks upon the petition of the meek1 and does not spurn their prayers4 ,he it is in whose hand the hearts of kings are wax4 ,if ,i shall have found grace in ,his eyes1 ,i shall easily obtain the grace of the king or advantageously lose it4 ,for to offend man for the sake of ,god is to win ,god's grace40#baf ,hildebert was a classical scholar1 and in his time unmatched as a writer of ,latin prose and verse4 ,many of his elegiac poems survive1 some of them so antique in sentiment and so correct in metre as to have been taken for products of the pagan period4 ,one of the best is an elegy on ,rome obviously inspired by his visit to that city of ruins3 8,par tibi1 ,roma1 nihil1 cum sis prope tota ruina40 ,its closing lines are interesting3 8,hic superm formas superi mirantur et ipsi1 ,et cupiunt fictis vultibus esse pares4 ,non potuit natura deos hoc ore creare ,quo miranda dem signa creavit homo4 ,vultus adest his numinibus1 potiusque coluntur ,artificum studio quam deitate sua4 ,urbs felix1 si vel dominis urbs illa careret1 ,vel dominis esset turpe carere fide60 ,such phrases1 such frank admiration for the idols of pagan ,rome1 are startling from the pen of a contemporary of ,st4 ,bernard4 ,the spell of the antique lay on ,hildebert1 as on others of his time4 8,the gods themselves marvel at their own images1 and desire to equal their sculptured forms4 ,nature was unable to make gods with such visages as man has created in these wondrous images of the gods4 ,there is a look 7vultus7 about these deities1 and they are worshipped for the skill of the sculptor rather than for their divinity40#bag ,hildebert was not only a bishop1 he was a ,christian2 but the sense and feeling of ancient ,rome had entered into him4 ,besides the poem just quoted1 he wrote another1 either in ,rome or after his return1 ,christian in thought but most antique in sympathy and turn of phrase4 8,dum simulacra mihi1 dum numina vana placerent1 ,militia1 populo1 moenibus alta fui2 99 99 99 99 99 ruit alta senatus ,gloria1 procumbunt templa1 theatra jacent40 ,the antique feeling of these lines is hardly balanced by the expressed sentiment3 8plus ,caesare ,petrus60#bah ,and again we hear the echo of the antique in 8,nil artes1 nil pura fides1 nil gloria linguae1 ,nil fons ingenii1 nil probitas sine re40#bai ,hildebert has also a poem 8,on his ,exile10 perhaps written while in ,england with the ,red ,king4 ,quite in antique style it sings the loss of friends and fields1 gardens and granaries1 which the writer possessed while prospera fata smiled4 ,then 8,jurares superos intra mea vota teneri60 --a very antique sentiment4 ,but the ,christian faith of the despoiled and exiled bishop reasserts itself as the poem closes4#bbj ,did ,hildebert also write the still more palpably 8antique0 elegiacs on ,hermaphrodite1 and other questionable subjects8#bba ,that is hard to say4 ,he may or may not have been the author of a somewhat scurrilous squib against a woman who seems to have sent him verses3 8,femina perfida1 femina sordida1 digna catenis4 8,o miserabilis1 insatiabilis1 insatiata1 ,desine scribere1 desine mittere1 carmina blandia1 ,carmina turpia1 carmina mollia1 vix memoranda1 ,nec tibi mittere1 nec tibi scribere1 disposui me4 8,mens tua vitrea1 plumbea1 saxea1 ferrea1 nequam1 ,fingere1 fallere1 prodere1 perdere1 rem putat aequam40#bbb ,with all his classical leanings1 the major part of ,hildebert was ,christian4 ,his theological writings which survive1 his zeal against certain riotous heretics1 and in general his letters1 leave no doubt of this4 ,it is from the ,christian point of view that he gives his sincerest counsels2 it is from that that he balances the advantages of an active or contemplative life1 the claims of the ,christian vita activa and vita contemplativa4 ,yet his classic tastes gave temperance to his ,christian views1 and often drew him to sheer scholarly pleasures and to an antique consideration of the incidents of life4 ,how sweetly the elements were mixed in him appears in a famous letter written to ,william of ,champeaux1 that ,goliath of realism whom ,abaelard discomfited in the ,paris schools4 ,the unhappy ,william retreated a little way across the ,seine1 and laid the foundations of the abbey of ,st4 ,victor in the years between #aajh and #aaac4 ,he sought to abandon his studies and his lectures1 and surrender himself to the austere salvation of his soul1 and yet scarcely with such irrevocable purpose as would rebuff the temperate advice of ,hildebert's letter proffered with tactful understanding4 8,over thy change of life my soul is glad and exults1 that at length it has come to thee to determine to philosophize4 ,for thou hadst not the true odour of a philosopher so long as thou didst not cull beauty of conduct from thy philosophic knowledge4 ,now1 as honey from the honeycomb1 thou hast drawn from that a worthy rule of living4 ,this is to gather all of thee within virtue's boundaries1 no longer huckstering with nature for thy life1 but attending less to what the flesh is able for1 than to what the spirit wills4 ,this is truly to philosophize2 to live thus is already to enter the fellowship of those above4 ,easily shalt thou come to them if thou dost advance disburdened4 ,the mind is a burden to itself until it ceases to hope and fear4 ,because ,diogenes looked for no favour1 he feared the power of no one4 ,what the cynic infidel abhorred1 the ,christian doctor far more amply must abhor1 since his profession is so much more fruitful through faith4 ,for such are stumbling-blocks of conduct1 impeding those who move toward virtue4 8,but the report comes that you have been persuaded to abstain from lecturing4 ,hear me as to this4 ,it is virtue to furnish the material of virtue4 ,thy new way of life calls for no partial sacrifice1 but a holocaust4 ,offer thyself altogether to the ,lord1 since so ,he sacrificed ,himself for thee4 ,gold shines more when scattered than when locked up4 ,knowledge also when distributed takes increase1 and unless given forth1 scorning the miserly possessor1 it slips away4 ,therefore do not close the streams of thy learning40#bbc ,eventually ,william followed this1 or other like advice4 ,one sees ,hildebert's sympathetic point of view2 he entirely approves of ,william's renunciation of the world--a good bishop of the twelfth century might also have wished to renounce its troublous honours6 ,yes1 ,william has at last turned to the true and most disburdened way of living4 ,but this abandonment of worldly ends entails no abandonment of ,christian knowledge or surrender of the cause of ,christian learning4 ,nay1 let ,william resume1 and herein give himself to ,god's will without reserve4 ,so the letter presents a temperate and noble view of the matter1 a view as sound in the twentieth century as in the twelfth4 ,and a like broad consideration ,hildebert brings to a more particular discussion of the two modes of ,christian living1 the vita activa and the vita contemplativa1 ,leah and ,rachel1 ,martha and ,mary4 ,he amply distinguishes these two ways of serving ,god from any mode of life with selfish aims4 ,it happened that a devout monk and friend of ,hildebert was made abbot of the monastery of ,st4 ,vincent1 in the neighbourhood of ,le ,mans4 ,the administrative duties of an abbot might be as pressing as a bishop's1 and this good man deplored his withdrawal from a life of more complete contemplation4 ,so ,hildebert wrote him a long discursive letter1 of which our extracts will give the thread of argument3 8,you bewail the peace of contemplation which is snatched away1 and the imposed burden of active responsibilities4 ,you were sitting with ,mary at the feet of the ,lord ,jesus1 when lo1 you were ordered to serve with ,martha4 ,you confess that those dishes which ,mary receives1 sitting and listening1 are more savoury than those which zealous ,martha prepares4 ,in these1 indeed1 is the bread of men1 in those the bread of angels40 ,and ,hildebert descants upon the raptures of the vita contemplativa1 of which his friend is now bereft4 8,the contemplative and the active life1 my dearest brother1 you sometimes find in the same person1 and sometimes apart4 ,as the examples of ,scripture show us4 ,jacob was joined to both ,leah and ,rachel2 ,christ teaches in the fields1 anon ,he prays on the mountains2 ,moses is in the tents of the people1 and again speaks with ,god upon the heights4 ,so ,peter1 so ,paul4 ,again1 action alone is found1 as in ,leah and ,martha1 while contemplation gleams in ,mary and ,rachel4 ,martha1 as ,i think1 represents the clergy of our time1 with whom the press of business closes the shrine of contemplation1 and dries up the sacrifice of tears4 8,no one can speak with the ,lord while he has to prattle with the whole world4 ,such a prattler am ,i1 and such a priest1 who when ,i spend the livelong day caring for the herds1 have not a moment for the care of souls4 ,affairs1 the enemies of my spirit1 come upon me2 they claim me for their own1 they thieve the private hour of prayer1 they defraud the services of the sanctuary1 they irritate me with their stings by day and infest my sleep2 and what ,i can scarcely speak of without tears1 the creeping furtive memory of disputes follows me miserable to the altar's sacraments1--all such are even as the vultures which ,abraham drove away from the carcases 7,gen4 xv4 #aa74 8,nay more1 what untold loss of virtue is entailed by these occupations of the captive mind6 ,while under their power we do not even serve with ,martha4 ,she ministered1 but to ,christ2 she bustled about1 but for ,christ4 ,we truly1 who like ,martha bustle about1 and1 like ,martha1 minister1 neither bustle about for ,christ nor minister to ,him4 ,for if in such bustling ministry thou seekest to win thine own desire1 art taken with the gossip of the mob1 or with pandering to carnal pleasures1 thou art neither the ,martha whom thou dost counterfeit nor the ,mary for whom thou dost sigh4 8,in that case1 dearest brother1 you would have just cause for grief and tears4 ,but if you do the part of ,martha simply1 you do well2 if1 like ,jacob1 you hasten to and fro between ,leah and ,rachel1 you do better2 if with ,mary you sit and listen1 you do best4 ,for action is good1 whose pressing instancy1 though it kill contemplation1 draws back the brother wandering from ,christ4 ,yet it is better1 sometimes seated1 to lay aside administrative cares1 and amid the irksome nights of ,leah1 draw fresh life from ,rachel's loved embrace4 ,from this intermixture the course to the celestials becomes more inclusive1 for thereby the same soul now strives for the blessedness of men and anon participates in that of the angels4 ,but of the zeal single for ,mary1 why should ,i speak8 ,is not the ,saviour's word enough1 #8,mary hath chosen the best part1 which shall not be taken from her4'0 ,and in closing1 ,hildebert shows his friend the abbot that for him the true course is to follow ,jacob interchanging ,leah and ,rachel2 and then in the watches of his pastoral duties the celestial vision shall be also his4#bbd ,could any one adjust more fairly this contest1 so insistent throughout the annals of mediaeval piety1 between active duties and heavenly contemplation8 ,the only solution for abbot and bishop was to join ,leah with ,rachel4 ,and how clearly ,hildebert sees the pervasive peril of the active life1 that the prelate be drawn to serve his pleasures and not ,christ4 ,many souls of prelates had that cast into hell6 ,in theory ,hildebert is clear as day1 and altogether ,christian1 so far as we have followed the counsels of these letters4 ,but in fact the quiet life had for him a temptation1 to which he yielded himself more generously than to any of the grosser lures of his high prelacy4 ,this temptation1 so alluring and insidious1 so fairly masked under the proffer of learning leading to fuller ,christian knowledge1 was of course the all too beloved pagan literature1 and the all too humanly convincing plausibilities of pagan philosophy4 ,hildebert's writings evince that kind of classical scholarship which springs only from great study and great love4 ,his soul does not appear to have been riven by a consciousness of sin in this behoof4 ,sometimes he passes so gently from ,christian to pagan ethics1 as to lead one to suspect that he did not deeply feel the inconsistency between them4 ,or again1 he seems satisfied with the moral reasonings of paganism1 and sets them forth without a qualm4 ,for there was the antique pagan side of our good bishop2 and how pagan thoughts and views of life had become a part of ,hildebert's nature1 appears in a most interesting letter written to ,king ,henry1 consoling him upon the loss of his son and the noble company so gaily sailing from ,normandy in that ill-starred ,white ,ship in the year #aabj4 ,hildebert begins reminding the ,king how much more it is for a monarch to rule himself than others4 ,hitherto he has triumphed over fortune1 if fortune be anything2 now she has wounded him with her sharpest dart4 ,yet that cannot penetrate the well-guarded mind4 ,it is wisdom not to vaunt oneself in prosperity1 nor be overwhelmed with grief in adversity4 ,hildebert then reasons on the excellence of man's nature and will2 he speaks of the effect of ,adam's sin in loss of grace and entailment of misery on the human race4 ,he quotes from the ,old ,testament and from ,virgil4 ,then he proceeds more specifically with his fortifying arguments4 ,their sum is1 let the breast of man abound in weapons of defence and contemn the thrusts of fortune2 there is nothing over which the triumphant soul may not triumph4 8,unhappy he who lacks this armament2 and most unhappy he who besides does not know it4 ,here ,democritus found matter for laughter1 ,demosthenes 7sic7 matter for tears4 ,far be it from thee that the chance cast of things should affect thee so1 and the loss of wisdom follow the loss of offspring4 ,thou hast suffered on dry land more grievous shipwreck than thy son in the brine1 if fortune's storm has wrested wisdom from the wise40 ,after a while ,hildebert passes on to consider what is man1 and wherein consists his welfare3 8,to any one carefully considering what man is1 nothing will seem more probable than that he is a divine animal1 distinguished by a certain share of divinity 7numinis74 ,by bone and flesh he smacks of the earth4 ,by reason his affinity to ,god is shown4 ,moses1 inspired1 certifies that by this prerogative man was created in the image of ,god4 ,whence it also follows for man1 that he should through reason recognize and love his true good4 ,now reason teaches that what pertains to virtue is the true good1 and that it is within us4 ,the things we temporally possess are good only by opinion 7opinione1 i4e4 not ratione71 and these are about us4 ,what is about us is not within our jus but another's 7alterius juris sunt74 ,chance directs them2 they neither come nor stand under our arbitrament4 ,for us they are at the lender's will 7precaria71 like a slave belonging to another4#bbe ,through such1 true felicity is neither had nor lost4 ,indeed no one is happy1 no one is wretched by reason of what is another's4 ,it is his own that makes a man's good or ill1 and whatever is not within him is not his own40 ,then ,hildebert speaks of dignities1 of wife and child1 of the fruits of the earth and riches--bona vaga1 bona sunt pennata haec omnia4 ,men quarrel and struggle about all these things--ecce vides quanta mundus laboret insania4#bbf ,no one need point out how much more natural this reasoning would have been from the lips of ,seneca than from those of an archiepiscopal contemporary of ,st4 ,bernard4 ,one may1 however1 comment on the patent fact that this reflection of the antique in ,hildebert's ethical consolation reflects a manner of reasoning rather than an emotional mood1 and in this it is an instance of the general fact that mediaeval methods of reasoning consciously or unconsciously followed the antique2 while the emotion1 the love and yearning1 of mediaeval religion was more largely the gift of ,christianity4 ,,chapter ,,xxxi ,,evolution ,,of ,,mediaeval ,,latin ,,prose ,classical antiquity lay far back of the mediaeval period1 while in the nearer background pressed the centuries of transition1 the time of the ,church ,fathers4 ,the patristic material and a crude knowledge of the antique passed over to the early ,middle ,ages4 ,mediaeval progress was to consist1 very largely1 in the mastery and appropriation of the one and the other4 ,the varied illustration of these propositions has filled a large portion of this work4 ,in this and the next chapter we are concerned with literature1 properly speaking2 and with the effect of the ,classics1 the pure literary antique1 upon mediaeval literary productions4 ,the latter are to be viewed as literature2 not considering their substance1 but their form1 their composition1 style1 and temperamental shading1 qualities which show the faculties and temper of their authors4 ,we are to discover1 if we can1 wherein the qualities of mediaeval literature reflect the ,latin ,classics1 or in any way betray their influence4 ,it is an affair of dull diligence to learn what ,classics were read by the various mediaeval writers2 and likewise is it a dull affair to note in mediaeval writings the direct borrowing from the ,classics of fact1 opinion1 sentiment1 or phrase4 ,such borrowing was incessant1 resorted to as of course wherever opportunity offered and the knowledge was at hand4 ,it would not commonly occur to a mediaeval writer to state in his own way what he could take from an ancient author1 save in so far as change of medium--from prose to verse1 or from ,latin to the vernacular--compelled him4 ,so the church builders in ,rome never thought of hewing new blocks of stone1 or making new columns1 when some ancient palace or temple afforded a quarry4 ,the details of such spoliations offer little interest in comparison with the effect of antique architecture upon later styles4 ,so we should like to discover the effect of the ancient compositions upon the mediaeval1 and observe how far the faculties and mental processes of classic authors1 incorporate in their writings1 were transmitted to mediaeval men1 to become incorporate in theirs4 ,unless you are ,virgil or ,cicero1 you cannot write like ,virgil or ,cicero4 ,writing1 real writing1 that is to say1 creative self-expressive composition1 is the personal product and closely mirrored reflex of the writer's temperament and mentality4 ,it gives forth indirectly the influences which have blended in him1 education and environment1 his past and present4 ,his personality makes his style1 his untransmittable style4 ,yet a group of men affected by the same past1 and living at the same time and place1 or under like spiritual influences1 may show a like faculty and taste4 ,having more in common with one another than with men of other time1 their mental processes1 and therefore their ways of writing1 will present more common qualities4 ,around and above them1 as well as through their natal and acquired faculties1 sweeps the genius of the language1 itself the age-long product of a like-minded race4 ,in harmony with it1 not in opposition and repugnancy1 each writer must1 if he will write that language1 shape his more personal diction4 ,obviously the personal elements in classic writings were no more capable of transmission than the personal qualities of the writers4 ,likewise1 the genius of the ,latin language1 though one might think it fixed in approved compositions1 changed with the spiritual fortune of the ,roman people1 and constantly transmitted an altered self and novel tenets of construction to control the linguistic usages of succeeding men4 ,none but himself could have written ,cicero's letters4 ,no man of ,juvenal's time could have written the ,aeneid1 nor any man of the time of ,diocletian the histories of ,tacitus4 ,there were1 however1 common elements in these compositions1 all of them possessing certain qualities which are associated with classical writing4 ,these may be difficult to formulate1 but they become clear enough in contrast with the qualities of mediaeval ,latin literature4 ,the mediaeval man did not feel and reason like a contemporary of ,virgil or ,cicero2 he had not the same training in ,greek literature2 he did not have the same definitude of conception1 did not care so much that a composition should have limit and the unity springing from adherence to a single topic2 he did not1 in fine1 stand on the same level of attainment and faculty and taste with men of the ,augustan time4 ,he had his own heights and depths1 his own temperament and predilections1 his own capacities4 ,reading the ,classics had not transformed him into ,cicero or ,seneca1 or set his feet in the ,roman ,forum4 ,his feet wandered in the ways of the ,middle ,ages1 and whatever he wrote in prose or verse1 in ,latin or in his own vernacular1 was himself and of himself1 and but indirectly due to the antecedent influences which had been transmuted even in entering his nature and becoming part of his temper and faculty4 ,any consideration of the knowledge and appreciation of the ,classics in the ,middle ,ages would be followed naturally by a consideration of their effect upon mediaeval composition2 which in turn forms part of any discussion of the literary qualities of mediaeval ,latin literature4 ,but inasmuch as mediaeval form and diction tend to remove further and further from classical standards1 the whole discussion may seem a lucus a non lucendo for all the light it throws upon the effect of the ,classics on mediaeval literature4 ,our best plan will be to note the beginnings of mediaeval ,latinity in that post-,augustan and largely patristic diction which had been enriched and reinvigorated with many phrases from daily speech2 and then to follow the living if sluggish river as it moves on1 receiving increment along its course1 its currents mottled with the silt of mediaeval ,italy1 ,france1 ,germany4 ,we shall suppose this flood to divide in rivers of ,latin prose and verse2 and we may follow them1 and see where they overflow their channels1 carrying antique flotsam into the ample marshes of vernacular poetry4 ,there has always been a difference in diction between speech and literature4 ,at ,rome1 ,cicero and ,caesar1 and of course the poets1 did not1 in writing1 use quite the language of the people4 ,all the words of daily speech were not taken into the literary or classical vocabulary1 which had often quite other words of its own4 ,moreover the writers1 in forming their prose and verse and constructing their compositions1 were affected deeply by their study of ,greek literature4#bbg ,if ,caesar1 ,cicero1 ,virgil1 and their friends spoke differently from the ,roman shopkeepers1 there was a still greater difference between their writings and the parlance of the town4 ,no one need be told that it was the spoken1 and not the classical ,latin1 which in ,italy1 ,spain1 ,provence1 and ,northern ,france developed into ,italian1 ,spanish1 ,provenal1 and ,french4 ,on the other hand1 the descent of written mediaeval ,latin from the classical diction or the popular speech1 or both1 is not so clear1 or at least not so simple4 ,it cannot be said that mediaeval ,latin came straight from the classical2 and manifestly it cannot have sprung from the popular spoken ,latin1 like the ,romance tongues1 without other influence or admixture2 because then1 instead of remaining ,latin1 it would have become ,romance2 which it did not4 ,evidently mediaeval ,latin1 the literary and to some extent the spoken medium of educated men in the ,middle ,ages1 must have carried classic strains1 or have kept itself ,latin by the study of ,latin grammar and a conscious adherence to a veritable1 if not classical1 ,latin diction4 ,the mediaeval reading of the ,classics1 and the earnest and constant study of ,latin grammar spoken of in the previous chapter1 were the chief means by which mediaeval ,latin maintained its ,latinity4 ,nevertheless1 while it kept the word forms and inflections of classical ,latin1 with most of the classical vocabulary1 it also took up an indefinite supplement of words from the spoken ,latin of the late imperial or patristic period4 ,in order to understand the genesis and qualities of mediaeval ,latin1 one must bear in mind 7as with most things mediaeval7 that its immediate antecedents lie in the transitional fourth1 fifth1 and sixth centuries1 and not in the classical period4#bbh ,those centuries went far toward declassicizing ,latin prose1 by departing from the balanced structure of the classic sentences and introducing words from the spoken tongue4 ,the style became less correct1 freer1 and better suited to the expression of the novel thoughts and interests coming with ,christianity4 ,the change is seen in the works of the men to whom it was largely due1 ,tertullian1 ,jerome1 and other great patristic writers4#bbi ,such men knew the ,classics well1 and regarded them as literary models1 and yet wrote differently4 ,for a new spirit was upon them and new necessities of expression1 and they lived when1 even outside of ,christian circles1 the classic forms of style were loosening with the falling away of the strenuous intellectual temper1 the poise1 the self-reliance and the self-control distinguishing the classical epoch4 ,the stylistic genius of ,augustine and ,jerome was not the genius of the formative beginnings of the ,romance tongues1 with1 for instance1 its inability to rely on the close logic of the case ending1 and its need to help the meaning by the more explicit preposition4 ,yet the spirit of these two great men was turning that way4 ,they were not classic writers1 but students of the ,classics1 who assisted their own genius by the study of what no longer was themselves4 ,so in the following centuries the most careful ,latin writers are students of the ,classics1 and do not study ,jerome and ,augustine for style4 ,yet their writings carry out the tendencies beginning 7or rather not beginning7 with these two4 ,it was not in diction alone that the ,fathers were the forerunners of mediaeval writers4 ,classic ,latin authors1 both from themselves and through their study of ,greek literature1 had the sense and faculty of form4 ,their works maintain a clear sequence of thought1 along with strict pertinency to the main topic1 or adherence to the central current of the narrative1 avoiding digression and refraining from excessive amplification4 ,the classic writer did not lose himself in his subject1 or wander with it wherever it might lead him4 ,but in patristic writings the subject is apt to dominate the man1 draw him after its own necessities1 or by its casual suggestions cause him to digress4 ,the ,fathers in their polemic or expository works became prolix and circumstantial1 intent1 like a lawyer with a brief1 on proving every point and leaving no loophole to the adversary4 ,in their works literary unity and strict sequence of argument may be cast to the winds4 ,above all1 as it seems to us1 and as it would have seemed to ,caesar or ,cicero or ,tacitus1 allegorical interpretation carries them at its own errant and fantastic will into footless mazes4 ,yet whoever will understand and appreciate the writings of the ,fathers and of the mediaeval generations after them1 should beware of inelastic notions4 ,the question of unity hangs on what the writer deems the veritable topic of his work1 and that may be the universal course of the providence of ,god1 which was the subject of ,augustine's ,civitas ,dei4 ,indeed1 the infinite relationship of any ,christian topic was like enough to break through academic limits of literary unity4 ,likewise1 the proper sequence of thought depends on what constitutes the true connection between one matter and another2 it must follow what with the writer are the veritable relationships of his topics4 ,if the visible facts of a man's environment and the narratives of history are to him primarily neither actual facts nor literal narratives1 but symbols and allegories of spiritual things1 then the true sequence of thought for him is from symbol to symbol and from allegory to allegory4 ,he is justified in ignoring the apparent connection of visible facts and the logic of the literal story1 and in surrendering himself to that sequence of thought which follows what is for him the veritable significance of the matter4 ,yet here we must apply another standard besides that of the writer's conception of his subject's significance4 ,he should be wise1 and not foolish4 ,other men and later ages will judge him according to their own best wisdom4 ,and with respect to the writings of the ,fathers viewed as literature1 the modern critic cannot fail to see them entering upon that course of prolixity which in mediaeval writings will develop into the endless2 looking forward1 he will see their errant habits resolving into the mediaeval lack of determined topic1 and their symbolically driven sequences of thought turning into the most ridiculous topical transitions1 as the less cogent faculties of later men permit themselves to be suggested anywhither4 ,the ,fathers developed their distinguishing qualities of style and language under the demands of the topics absorbing them1 and the influence of modes of feeling coming with ,christianity4 ,they were compelling an established language to express novel matter4 ,in the centuries after them1 further changes were to come through the linguistic tendencies moulding the evolution of the ,romance tongues1 through the counter influence of the study of grammar and rhetoric1 and also through the ignorance and intellectual limitations of the writers4 ,but as with the ,latin of the ,fathers1 so with the ,latin of the ,middle ,ages1 the change of style and language was intimately and spiritually dependent upon the minds and temperaments of the writers and the qualities of the subjects for which they were seeking an expression4 ,a profound influence in the evolution of mediaeval ,latin was the continual endeavour of the mediaeval genius to express the thoughts and feelings through which it was becoming itself4 ,with impressive adequacy and power the ,christian writers of the ,middle ,ages moulded their inherited and acquired ,latin tongue to utter the varied matters which moved their minds and lifted up their hearts4 ,we marvel to see a language which once had told the stately tale of ,rome here lowered to fantastic incident and dull stupidity1 then with almost gospel simplicity telling the moving story of some saintly life2 again sonorously uttering thoughts to lift men from the earth and denunciations crushing them to hell2 quivering with hope and fear and love1 and chanting the last verities of the human soul4 ,as to the evolution of various styles of written ,latin from the close of the patristic period on through the following centuries1 one may premise the remark that there would commonly be two opposite influences upon the writer2 that of the genius of his native tongue1 and that of his education in ,latinity4 ,if he lived in a land where ,teutonic speech had never given way to the spoken ,latin of the ,empire1 his native tongue would be so different from the ,latin which he learned at school1 that while it might impede1 it could hardly draw to its own genius the learned language4 ,but in ,romance countries there was no such absolute difference between the vernacular and the ,latin1 and the analytic genius of the growing ,romance dialects did not fail to affect the latter4 ,accordingly in ,france1 for example1 the spoken ,latin dialect1 or one may say the genius that was forming the old ,french dialects to what they were to be1 tends to break up the ancient periods1 to introduce the auxiliary verb in the place of elaborate inflections1 and rely on prepositions instead of case endings1 which were disappearing and whose force was ceasing to be felt4 ,one result was to simplify the order of words in a sentence2 for it was not possible to move a noun with its accompanying preposition wherever it had been feasible to place a noun whose relation to the rest of the sentence was felt from its case ending4 ,gregory of ,tours is the famous example of these tendencies1 with his ,historia francorum1 an ideal forerunner of ,froissart4 ,he became ,bishop of ,tours in the year #egc4 ,in his writings he followed the instincts of the inchoate ,romance tongues4 ,he acknowledges and perhaps overstates his ignorance of ,latin grammar and the rules of composition4 ,such ignorance was destined to become still blanker2 and ignorance in itself was a disintegrating influence upon written ,latin1 and also gave freer play to the gathering tendencies of ,romance speech4 ,evidently1 had all these influences worked unchecked1 they would have obliterated ,latinity from mediaeval ,latin4 ,grammatical and rhetorical education countered them effectively1 and the mighty genius of the ancient language endured in the extant masterpieces4 ,nevertheless the spirit of classical ,latinity was never again to be a spontaneous creative power4 ,the most that men thenceforth could do was to study1 and endeavour to imitate1 the forms in which it had embodied its living self4 ,in brief1 some of the chief influences upon the writing of ,latin in the ,middle ,ages were3 the classical genius dead1 leaving only its works for imitation2 the school education in ,latin grammar and rhetoric2 endeavour to follow classic models and write correctly2 inability to do so from lack of capacity and knowledge2 conscious disregard of classicism2 the spirit of the ,teutonic tongues clogging ,latinity1 and that of the ,romance tongues deflecting it from classical constructions2 and finally1 the plastic faculties of advancing ,christian mediaeval civilization educing power from confusion1 and creating modes of language suited to express the thoughts and feelings of mediaeval men4 ,the life1 that is to say the living development1 of mediaeval ,latin prose1 was to lie in the capacity of successive generations of educated men to maintain a sufficient grammatical correctness1 while at the same time writing ,latin1 not classically1 but in accordance with the necessities and spirit of their times4 ,there resulted an enormous literature which was not dead1 nor altogether living1 and lacked throughout the spontaneity of writings in a mother tongue2 for ,latin was not the speech of hearth and home1 nor everywhere the tongue of the market-place and camp4 ,but it was the language of mediaeval education and acquired culture2 it was the language also of the universal church1 and1 above all other tongues1 expressed the thoughts by which men were saved or damned4 ,more profoundly than any vernacular mediaeval literature1 the ,latin literature of the ,middle ,ages expresses the mediaeval mind4 ,it thundered with the authority that held the keys of heaven2 it was resonant with feeling1 and through long centuries gave voice to emotions1 shattering1 terror-stricken1 convulsively loving4 ,when1 say with the close of the eleventh century1 the mediaeval peoples had absorbed with power the teachings of patristic ,christianity1 and had undergone some centuries of ,latin schooling1 and when under these two chief influences certain distinctive and homogeneous ways of thinking1 feeling1 and looking upon life1 had been reached2 when1 in fine1 the ,middle ,ages had become themselves and had evolved a genius that could create1--then and from that time appears the adaptability and power of mediaeval ,latin to serve the ends of intellectual effort and the expression of emotion4 ,to estimate the literary qualities of classical ,latin is a simpler task than to judge the ,latinity and style of the ,latin literature of the ,middle ,ages4 ,classic ,latin prose has a common likeness4 ,in general one feels that what ,cicero and ,caesar would have rejected1 ,tacitus and ,quintilian would not have admitted4 ,the syntax of these writers shows still greater uniformity4 ,no such common likeness1 or avoidance of stylistic aberration and grammatical solecism1 obtains in mediaeval prose or verse4 ,the one and the other include many kinds of ,latin1 and vary from century to century1 diversified in idiom and deflected from linguistic uniformity by influences of race and native speech1 of ignorance and knowledge4 ,he who would appreciate mediaeval ,latin will be diffident of academic standards1 and mistrust his classical predilections lest he see aberration and barbarism where he might discover the evolution of new constructions and novel styles2 lest he bestow encomium upon clever imitations of classical models1 and withhold it from more living creations of the mediaeval spirit4 ,he will realize that to appreciate mediaeval ,latin literature1 he must shelve his ,virgil and his ,cicero4#bcj ,the following pages do not offer themselves even as a slight sketch of mediaeval ,latin literature4 ,their purpose is to indicate the stages of development of the prose and the phases of evolution of the verse2 and to illustrate the way in which antique themes and antique knowledge passed into vernacular poetry4 ,classical standards will supply us less with a point of view than with a point of departure4 ,nothing more need be said of the ,latin of the ,church ,fathers and ,gregory of ,tours4 ,but one must refer to the ,carolingian period1 in order to appreciate the ,latin styles of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries4 ,the revival of education and classical scholarship under the strong rule and fostering care of the greatest of mediaeval monarchs has not always been rightly judged4 ,the vision of that prodigious personality ruling1 christianizing1 striving to civilize masses of barbarians and barbarized descendants of ,romans and provincials2 at the same time with eager interest endeavouring to revive the culture of the past1 and press it into the service of the ,christian faith2 the striking success of his endeavours1 men of learning coming from ,ireland1 ,england1 ,spain1 and ,italy1 creating a peripatetic centre of knowledge at the imperial court1 and establishing schools in many a monastery and episcopal residence--all this has never failed to arouse enthusiasm for the great achievement1 and has veiled the creative deadness of it all1 a deadness which in some provinces of intellectual endeavour was quite veritably moribund1 while in others it betokened the necessary preparation for creative epochs to come4#bca ,carolingian scholarship was directed to the mastery of ,latin4 ,grammar was taught1 and the rules of composition4 ,then the scholars were bidden1 or bade themselves1 do likewise4 ,so they wrote verse or prose according to their school lessons4 ,they might write correctly2 but they had no style of their own4 ,this was hopelessly true as to their metrical verses2#bcb it was only somewhat less tangibly true of their prose4 ,the 8classic0 of the period1 in the eyes of modern classical scholars and also in the opinion of the mediaeval centuries1 is ,einhard's ,life of ,charlemagne4 ,numberless encomiums have been passed on it1 and justly too4 ,it was an excellent imitation of ,suetonius's ,life of ,augustus2 and the writer had made a careful study of ,caesar and ,livy4#bcc ,there is no need to quote from a writing so accessible and well known4 ,yet one remark may be added to what others have said3 if ,einhard's composition was an excellent copy of classical ,latin it was nothing else2 it has no stylistic individuality4#bcd ,turning from this famous biography1 we will illustrate our point by quoting from the letters of him who stands as the type of the ,carolingian revival1 the ,anglo-,saxon ,alcuin4 ,all praise to this noble educational coadjutor of ,charlemagne2 his learning was conscientious2 his work was important1 his character was lovable4 ,his affectionate nature speaks in a letter to his former brethren at ,york1 where his home had been before he entered ,charlemagne's service4 ,here is a sentence3 8,o omnium dilectissimi patres et fratres1 memores mei estote2 ego vester ero1 sive in vita1 sive in morte4 ,et forte miserebitur mei ,deus1 ut cujus infantiam aluistis1 ejus senectutem sepeliatis40#bce ,it were invidious to find fault with this ,latin1 in which the homesick man expresses his hope of sepulture in his old home4 ,note also the balance of the following1 written to a sick friend3 8,gratias agamus ,deo ,jesu1 vulneranti et medenti1 flagellanti et consolanti4 ,dolor corporis salus est animae1 et infirmitas temporalis1 sanitas perpetua4 ,libenter accipiamus1 patienter feramus voluntatem ,salvatoris nostri40#bcf ,this too is excellent1 in language as in sentiment4 ,so is another1 and last1 sentence from our author1 in a letter congratulating ,charlemagne on his final subjugation of the ,huns1 through which the survivors were brought to a knowledge of the truth3 8,qualis erit tibi gloria1 ,o beatissime rex1 in die aeternae retributionis1 quando hi omnes qui per tuam sollicitudinem ab adolatriae cultura ad cognoscendum verum ,deum conversi sunt1 te ante tribunal ,domini nostri ,jesu ,christi in beata sorte stantem sequentur60#bcg ,again1 the only trouble is stylelessness4 ,in fine1 an absence of quality characterizes ,carolingian prose1 of which a last example may be taken from the ,spaniard ,theodulphus1 ,bishop of ,orleans1 8an accomplished ,latin poet10 and an educator yielding in importance to ,alcuin alone4 ,the sentence is from an official admonition to the clergy1 warning them to attach more value to salvation than to lucre3 8,admonendi sunt qui negotiis ac mercationibus rerum invigilant1 ut non plus terrenam quam viam cupiant sempiternam4 ,nam qui plus de rebus terrenis quam de animae suae salute cogitat1 valde a via veritatis aberrat40#bch ,evidently there was a good knowledge of ,latin among these ,carolingians1 who laboured for the revival of education and the preservation of the ,classics4 ,the nadir of classical learning falls in the succeeding period of break-up1 confusion1 and dawning re-adjustment4 ,in the century or two following the year #hej1 the writers were too unskilled in ,latin and often too cumbered by it1 to manifest in their writings that unhampered and distinctive reflex of a personality which we term style4 ,a rare exception would appear in such a potent scholar as ,gerbert1 who mastered whatever he learned1 and made it part of his own faculties and temperament4 ,his letters1 consequently1 have an individual style1 however good or bad we may be disposed to deem it4#bci ,accordingly1 until after the millennial year ,latin prose shows little beyond a clumsy heaviness resulting from the writer's insufficient mastery of his medium2 and there are many instances of barbarism and corruption of the tongue without any compensating positive qualities4 ,a dreadful example is afforded by the ,chronicon of ,benedictus1 a monk of ,st4 ,andrews in ,monte ,soracte1 who lived in the latter part of the tenth century4 ,he relates1 as history1 the fable of ,charlemagne's journey to the ,holy ,land2 and his own eyes may have witnessed the atrocious times of ,john ,,xii41 of whom he speaks as follows3 8,inter haec non multum tempus ,agapitus papa decessit 7an4 #ief74 ,octabianus in sede sanctissima susceptus est1 et vocatus est ,johannes duodecimi pape4 ,factus est tam lubricus sui corporis1 et tam audaces1 quantum nunc in gentilis populo solebat fieri4 ,habebat consuetudinem sepius venandi non quasi apostolicus sed quasi homo ferus4 ,erat enim cogitio ejus vanum2 diligebat collectio feminarum1 odibiles aecclesiarum1 amabilis juvenis ferocitantes4 ,tanta denique libidine sui corporis exarsit1 quanta nunc 7non87 possumus enarrare40#bdj ,no need to draw further from this writing1 which is characterized throughout by crass ignorance of grammar and all else pertaining to ,latin4 ,it has no individual qualities2 it has no style4 ,leaving this example of illiteracy1 let us turn to a man of more knowledge1 ,odo1 one of the greatest of the abbots of ,cluny1 who died in the year #idc4 ,he left lengthy writings1 one of them a bulky epitome of the famous ,moralia of ,gregory the ,great4#bda ,more original were his three dull books of ,collationes1 or moral comments upon the ,scriptures4 ,they open with a heavy note which their author might have drawn from the dark temperament of that great pope whom he so deeply admired2 but the language has a leaden quality which is not ,gregory's1 but ,odo's4 8,auctor igitur et judex hominum ,deus1 licet ab illa felicitate paradisi genus nostrum juste repulerit1 suae tamen bonitatis memor1 ne totus reus homo quod meretur incurrat1 hujus peregrinationis molestias multis beneficiis demulcet40 ,and1 again1 a little further on3 8,omnis vero ejusdem ,scripturae intentio est1 ut nos ab hujus vitae pravitatibus compescat4 ,nam idcirco terribilibus suis sententiis cor nostrum1 quasi quibusdam stimulis pungit1 ut homo terrore pulsatus expavescat1 et divina judicia quae aut voluptate carnis aut terrena sollicitudine discissus oblivisci facile solet1 ad memoriam reducat40#bdb ,one feels the dull heaviness of this4 ,odo1 like many of his contemporaries1 knew enough of ,latin grammar1 and had read some of the ,classics4 ,but he had not mastered what he knew1 and his knowledge was not converted into power4 ,the tenth century was still painfully learning the lessons of its ,christian and classical heritage4 ,a similar lack of personal facility may be observed in ,ruotger's biography of ,bruno1 the worthy brother of the great emperor ,otto ,i41 and ,archbishop of ,cologne4 ,bruno died in #ife1 and ,ruotger1 who had been his companion1 wrote his ,life without delay4 ,it has not the didactic ponderousness of ,odo's writing1 but its language is clumsy4 ,the following passage is of interest as showing ,bruno's education and the kind of learned man it made him4 8,deinde ubi prima grammaticae artis rudimenta percepit1 sicut ab ipso in ,dei omnipotentis gloriam hoc saepius ruminante didicimus1 ,prudentium poetam tradente magistro legere coepit4 ,qui sicut est et fide intentioneque catholicus1 et eloquentia veritateque praecipuus1 et metrorum librorumque varietate elegantissimus1 tanta mox dulcedine palato cordis ejus complacuit1 ut jam non tantum exteriorum verborum scientiam1 verum intimi medullam sensus1 et nectar ut ita dicam liquidissimum1 majori quam dici possit aviditate hauriret4 ,postea nullum penitus erat studiorum liberalium genus in omni ,graeca vel ,latina eloquentia1 quod ingenii sui vivacitatem aufugeret4 ,nec vero1 ut solet1 aut divitiarum affluentia1 aut turbarum circumstrepentium assiduitas1 aut ullum aliunde subrepens fastidium ab hoc nobili otio animum ejus unquam avertit4444 ,saepe inter ,graecorum et ,latinorum doctissimos de philosophiae sublimitate aut de cujuslibet in illa florentis disciplinae subtilitate disputantes doctus interpres medius ipse consedit1 et disputantibus ad plausum omnium1 quo nihil minus amaverat1 satisfecit40#bdc ,the gradual improvement in the writing of ,latin in the ,middle ,ages1 and the evolution of distinctive mediaeval styles1 did not result from a larger acquaintance with the ,classics1 or a better knowledge of grammar and school rhetoric4 ,the range of classical reading might extend1 or from time to time contract1 and ,donatus and ,priscian were used in the ninth century as well as in the twelfth4 ,it is true that the study of grammar became more intelligent in the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 and its teachers deferred less absolutely to the old rules and illustrations4 ,they recognized ,christian standards of diction3 first of all the ,vulgate2 next1 early ,christian poets like ,prudentius2 and then gradually the mediaeval versifiers who wrote and won approval in the twelfth century4 ,thus grammar sought to follow current usage4#bdd ,this endeavour culminated at the close of the twelfth century in the ,doctrinale of ,alexander of ,villa ,dei4#bde ,before this1 much of the best mediaeval ,latin prose and verse had been written1 and the period most devoted to the ,classics had come and was already waning4 ,that period was this same twelfth century4 ,during its earlier half1 ,latinity gained doubtless from such improvement in the courses of the ,trivium as took place at ,chartres1 for example1 an improvement connected with the intellectual growth of the time4 ,but the increase in the knowledge of ,latin was mainly such as a mature man may realize within himself1 if he has kept up his ,latin reading1 however little he seem to have added to his knowledge since leaving his ,alma ,mater4 ,so the development of mediaeval ,latin prose 7and also verse7 advanced with the maturing of mediaeval civilization4 ,that which was at the same time a living factor in this growth and a result of it1 was the more organic appropriation of the classical and ,christian heritages of culture and religion4 ,as intellectual faculties strengthened1 and men drew power from the past1 they gained facility in moulding their ,latin to their purposes4 ,writings begin to reflect the personalities of the writers2 the diction ceases to be that of clumsy or clever school compositions1 and presents an evolution of tangible mediaeval styles4 ,henceforth1 although a man be an eager student of the ,classics1 like ,john of ,salisbury for example1 and try to imitate their excellences1 he will still write mediaeval ,latin1 and with a personal style if he be a strong personality4 ,the classical models no longer trammel1 but assist him to be more effectively himself on a higher plane4 ,if mediaeval civilization is to be regarded as that which the peoples of western ,europe attained under the two universal influences of ,christianity and antique culture1 then nothing more mediaeval will be seen than mediaeval ,latin4 ,to make it1 the antique ,latin had been modified and reinspired and loosed by the ,christian energies of the ,fathers2 and had then passed on to peoples who never had been1 or no longer were1 antique4 ,they barbarized the language down to the rudeness of their faculties4 ,as they themselves advanced1 they brought up ,latin with them1 as it were1 from the depths of the ninth and tenth centuries1 but a ,latin which in the crude natures of these men had been stripped of classical quality2 a ,latin barbarous and naked1 and ready to be clothed upon with novel qualities which should make it a new creature4 ,throughout all this process1 while ,latin was sinking and re-emerging1 it was worked upon and inspired by the spirit of the uses to which it was predominantly applied1 which were those of the ,roman ,catholic ,church and of the intimacies of the ,christian soul1 pressing to expression in the learned tongue which they were transforming4 ,in considering the ,latin writings of the ,middle ,ages one should bear in mind the differences between ,italy and the ,north with respect to the ancient language4 ,these were important through the earlier ,middle ,ages1 when modes of diction sufficiently characteristic to be called styles1 were forming4 ,the men of ,latin-sodden ,italy might have a fluent ,latin when those of the ,north still had theirs to learn4 ,thus there were ,italians in the eleventh century who wrote quite a distinctive ,latin prose4#bdf ,among them were ,st4 ,peter ,damiani1 and ,st4 ,anselm of ,aosta1 ,bec1 and ,canterbury4 ,the former died full of virtue in the year #ajgb4 ,we have elsewhere observed his character and followed his career4#bdg ,he was1 to his great anxiety1 a classical scholar1 who had earned large sums as a teacher of rhetoric before natural inclination and fears for his soul drove him to an ascetic life4 ,he was a master of the ,latin which he used4 ,his style is intense1 eloquent1 personal to himself as well as suited to his matter1 and reflects his ardent character and keen perceptions4 ,the following is a rhetorical yet beautiful description of a 8last leaf10 taken from one of his compositions in praise of the hermit way of salvation4 8,videamus in arbore folium sub ipsis pruinis hiemalibus lapsabundum1 et consumpto autumnalis clementiae virore1 jamjam pene casurum1 ita ut vix ramusculo1 cui dependet1 inhaereat1 sed apertissima levis ruinae signa praetendat3 inhorrescunt flabra1 venti furentes hic inde concutiunt1 brumalis horror crassi aeris rigore densatur3 atque1 ut magis stupeas1 defluentibus reliquis undique foliis terra sternitur1 et depositis comis arbor suo decore nudatur2 cum illud solum nullo manente permaneat1 et velut cohaeredum superstes in fraternae possessionis jura succedat4 ,quid autem intelligendum in hujus rei consideratione relinquitur1 nisi quia nec arboris folium potest cadere1 nisi divinum praesumat imperium80#bdh ,anselm's diction1 in spite of its frequent cloister rhetoric1 has a simple and modern word-order4 ,an account has already been given of his life and of his thoughts1 so beautifully sky-blue1 unpurpled with the crimson of human passion1 which made the words of ,augustine more veritably incandescent4#bdi ,the great ,african was the strongest individual influence upon ,anselm's thought and language4 ,but the latter's style has departed further from the classical sentence1 and of itself indicates that the writer belongs neither to the patristic period nor to the ,carolingian time1 busied with its rearrangement of patristic thought4 ,the following is from his ,proslogion upon the existence of ,god4 ,through this discourse1 ,deity and the ,soul are addressed in the second person after the manner of ,augustine's ,confessions4 8,excita nunc1 anima mea1 et erige totum intellectum tuum1 et cogita quantum potes quale et quantum sit illud bonum 7i4e4 ,deus74 ,si enim singula bona delectabilia sunt1 cogita intente quam delectabile sit illud bonum quod continet jucunditatem omnium bonorum2 et non qualem in rebus creatis sumus experti1 sed tanto differentem quanto differt ,creator a creatura4 ,si enim bona est vita creata1 quam bona est vita creatrix6 ,si jucunda est salus facta1 quam jucunda est salus quae fecit omnem salutem6 ,si amabilis est sapientia in cognitione rerum conditarum1 quam amabilis est sapientia quae omnia condidit ex nihilo6 ,denique1 si multae et magnae delectationes sunt in rebus delectabilibus1 qualis et quanta delectatio est in illo qui fecit ipsa delectabilia60#bej ,in a more emotional passage ,anselm arouses in his soul the terror of the ,judgment4 ,it is from a 8,meditatio03 8,taedet animam meam vitae meae2 vivere erubesco1 mori pertimesco4 ,quid ergo restat tibi1 o peccator1 nisi ut in tota vita tua plores totam vitam tuam1 ut ipsa tota se ploret totam8 ,sed est in hoc quoque anima mea miserabiliter mirabilis et mirabiliter miserabilis1 quia non tantum dolet quantum se noscit2 sed sic secura torpet1 velut quid patiatur ignoret4 ,o anima sterilis1 quid agis8 quid torpes1 anima peccatrix8 ,dies judicii venit1 juxta est dies ,domini magnus1 juxta et velox nimis1 dies irae dies illa1 dies tribulationis et angustiae1 dies calamitatis et miseriae1 dies tenebrarum et caliginis1 dies nebulae et turbinis1 dies tubae et clangoris4 ,o vox diei ,domini amara6 ,quid dormitas1 anima tepida et digna evomi80#bea ,damiani wrote in the middle of the eleventh century1 ,anselm in the latter part4 ,the northern lands could as yet show no such characteristic styles1#beb although the classically educated ,german1 ,lambert of ,hersfeld1 wrote as correctly and perspicuously as either4 ,his ,annals have won admiration for their clear and correct ,latinity1 modelled upon the styles of ,sallust and ,livy4 ,he died in #ajgg1 the year of ,canossa1 his ,annals covering the conflict between ,henry ,,iv4 and ,hildebrand up to that event4 ,the narrative moves with spirit1 as one may see by reading his description of ,king ,henry and his consort struggling through ,alpine ice and snow to reach that castle never to be forgotten1 and gain absolution from the ,pope before the ban should have completed ,henry's ruin4#bec ,for the ,north1 the best period of mediaeval ,latin1 prose as well as verse1 opens with the twelfth century4 ,it was indeed the great literary period of the ,middle ,ages4 ,for the vernacular literatures flourished as well as the ,latin4 ,provenal literature began as the eleventh century closed1 and was stifled in the thirteenth by the ,albigensian ,crusade4 ,so the twelfth was its great period4 ,likewise with the ,old ,french literature3 except the ,roland which is earlier1 the chief chansons de geste belong to the twelfth century2 also the romances of antiquity1 to be spoken of hereafter2 also the romances of the ,round ,table1 and a great mass of chansons and fabliaux4 ,the ,old ,german--or rather1 ,mittel ,hochdeutsch--literature touches its height as the century closes and the next begins1 in the works of ,heinrich von ,veldeke1 ,gottfried von ,strassburg1 ,wolfram von ,eschenbach1 and ,walther von der ,vogelweide4 ,the best ,latin writers of the century lived1 or sojourned1 or were educated1 for the most part in the ,france north of the ,loire4 ,not that all of them were natives of that territory2 for some were ,german born1 some saw the light in ,england1 and the birthplace of many is unknown4 ,yet they seem to belong to ,france4 ,nearly all were ecclesiastics1 secular or regular4 ,many of them were notables in theology1 like ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 ,abaelard1 ,alanus de ,insulis 7,lille72 many were poets as well1 like ,alanus and ,hildebert and ,john of ,salisbury too2 one was a thunderer on the earth1 and a most deft politician1 ,bernard of ,clairvaux4 ,some again are known only as poets1 sacred or profane1 like ,adam of ,st4 ,victor1 and ,walter of ,chatillon--but of these hereafter4 ,the best ,latin prose writing of this1 or any other1 mediaeval period1 had its definite purpose1 metaphysical1 theological1 or pietistic2 and the writers have been or will be spoken of in connection with their specific fields of intellectual achievement or religious fervour4 ,here1 without discussing the men or their works1 some favourable examples of their writing will be given4 ,in the last passage quoted from ,anselm1 the reader must have felt the working of cloister rhetoric1 and have noticed the antitheses and rhymes1 to which mediaeval ,latin lent itself so readily4 ,yet it is a slight affair compared with the confounding sonorousness1 the flaring pictures1 and terrifying climaxes of ,st4 ,bernard when preaching upon the same topic--the ,judgment ,day4 ,in one of his famous sermons on ,canticles1 the saint has been suggesting to his audience1 the monks of ,clara ,vallis1 that although the ,father might ignore faults1 not so the ,dominus and ,creator3 8et qui parcit filio1 non parcet figmento1 non parcet servo nequam40 ,listen to the carrying out and pointing of this thought3 8,pensa cujus sit formidinis et horroris tuum atque omnium contempsisse factorem1 offendisse ,dominum majestatis4 ,majestatis est timeri1 ,domini est timeri1 et maxime hujus majestatis1 hujusque ,domini4 ,nam si reum regiae majestatis1 quamvis humanae1 humanis legibus plecti capite sancitum sit1 quis finis contemnentium divinam omnipotentiam erit8 ,tangit montes1 et fumigant2 et tam tremendam majestatem audet irritare vilis pulvisculus1 uno levi flatu mox dispergendus1 et minime recolligendus8 ,ille1 ille timendus est1 qui postquam acciderit corpus1 potestatem habet mittere et in gehennam4 ,paveo gehennam1 paveo judicis vultum1 ipsis quoque tremendum angelicis potestatibus4 ,contremisco ab ira potentis1 a facie furoris ejus1 a fragore ruentis mundi1 a conflagratione elementorum1 a tempestate valida1 a voce archangeli1 et a verbo aspero4 ,feel the climax of this sentence1 which tells the end of the sinner4 ,contremisco a dentibus bestiae infernalis1 a ventre inferi1 a rugientibus praeparatis ad escam4 ,horreo vermem rodentem1 et ignem torrentem1 fumum1 et vaporem1 et sulphur1 et spiritum procellarum2 horreo tenebras exteriores4 ,quis dabit capiti meo aquam1 et oculis meis fontem lacrymarum ut praeveniam fletibus fletum1 et stridorem dentium1 et manuum pedumque dura vincula1 et pondus catenarum prementium1 stringentium1 urentium1 nec consumentium8 ,heu me1 mater mea6 utquid me genuisti filium doloris1 filium amaritudinis1 indignationis et plorationis aeternae8 ,cur exceptus genibus1 cur lactatus uberibus1 natus in combustionem1 et cibus ignis80#bed ,as one recovers from the sound and power of this high-wrought passage1 he notices how readily it might be turned into the form of a ,latin hymn2 and also how very modern is its sequence of words4 ,bernard's ,latin could whisper intimate love1 as well as thunder terror4 ,he says1 preaching on the medicina1 the healing power1 of ,jesu's name3 8,hoc tibi electuarium habes1 o anima mea1 reconditum in vasculo vocabuli hujus quod est ,jesus1 salutiferum1 certe1 quodque nulli unquam pesti tuae inveniatur inefficax40#bee ,with the music of this prose one may compare the sweet personal plaint of the following3 8,felices quos abscondit in tabernaculo suo in umbra alarum suarum sperantes1 donec transeat iniquitas4 ,caeterum ego infelix1 pauper et nudus1 homo natus ad laborem1 implumis avicula pene omni tempore nidulo exsulans1 vento exposita et turbini1 turbatus sum et motus sum sicut ebrius1 et omnis conscientia mea devorata est40#bef ,extracts can give no idea of ,bernard's literary powers1 any more than a small volume could tell the story of that life which1 so to speak1 was magna pars of all contemporary history4 ,but since he was one of the best of ,latin letter-writers1 one should not omit an example of his varied epistolary style1 which can be known in its compass only from a large reading of his letters4 ,the following is a short letter1 written to win back to the cloister a delicately nurtured youth whose parents had lured him out into the world4 8,doleo super te1 fili mi ,gaufride1 doleo super te4 ,et merito4 ,quis enim non doleat florem juventutis tuae1 quem laetantibus angelis ,deo illibatum obtuleras in odorem suavitatis1 nunc a daemonibus conculcari1 vitiorum spurcitiis1 et saeculi sordibus inquinari8 ,quomodo qui vocatus eras a ,deo1 revocantem diabolum sequeris1 et quem ,christus trahere coeperat post se1 repente pedem ab ipso introitu gloriae retraxisti8 ,in te experior nunc veritatem sermonis ,domini1 quem dixit3 ,inimici hominis1 domestici ejus 7,matt4 x4 #cf74 ,amici tui et proximi tui adversum te appropinquaverunt1 et steterunt4 ,revocaverunt te in fauces leonis1 et in portis mortis iterum collocaverunt te4 ,collocaverunt te in obscuris1 sicut mortuos saeculi3 et jam parum est ut descendas in ventrem inferi2 jam te deglutire festinat1 ac rugientibus praeparatis ad escam tradere devorandum4 8,revertere1 quaeso1 revertere1 priusquam te absorbeat profundum1 et urgeat super te puteus os suum2 priusquam demergaris1 unde ulterius non emergas2 priusquam ligatis manibus et pedibus projiciaris in tenebras exteriores1 ubi est fletus et stridor dentium2 priusquam detrudaris in locum tenebrosum1 et opertum mortis caligine4 ,erubescis forte redire1 quia ad horam cessisti4 ,erubesce fugam1 et non post fugam reverti in proelium1 et rursum pugnare4 ,necdum finis pugnae1 necdum ab invicem dimicantes acies discesserunt3 adhuc victoria prae manibus est4 ,si vis1 nolumus vincere sine te1 nec tuam tibi invidemus gloriae portionem4 ,laeti occuremus tibi1 laetis te recipiemus amplexibus1 dicemusque3 ,epulari et gaudere oportet1 quia hic filius noster mortuus fuerat1 et revixit2 perierat1 et inventus est0 7,luc4 xv4 #cb74beg ,the argument of this letter is1 from the standpoint of ,bernard's time1 as resistless as the style4 ,did it win back the little monk8 ,many wonderful examples of loving expression could be drawn from ,bernard's letters2#beh but instead an instance may be given of his none too subtle way of uttering his hate3 8,arnaldus de ,brixia1 cujus conversatio mel et doctrina venenum1 cui caput columbae1 cauda scorpionis est1 quem ,brixia evomuit1 ,roma exhorruit1 ,francia repulit1 ,germania abominatur1 ,italia non vult recipere1 fertur esse vobiscum40#bei ,and then he proceeds to warn his correspondent of the danger of intercourse with this arch-enemy of the ,church4 ,considering that ,latin was a tongue which youths learned at school rather than at their mothers' knees1 such writing as ,bernard's is a triumphant recasting of an ancient language4 ,one notices in him1 as generally with mediaeval religious writers1 the influence of the ,vulgate1 which was mainly in the language of ,st4 ,jerome--of ,jerome when not writing as a literary virtuoso1 but as a scholar occupied with rendering the meaning1 and willing to accept such linguistic innovations as served his purpose4#bfj ,but beyond this influence1 one sees how masterful is ,bernard's diction1 quite freed from observance of classical principles1 quite of the writer and his time1 adapting itself with ease and power to the topic and character of the composition1 and always expressive of the personality of the mighty saint4 ,hildebert of ,le ,mans was a few years older than ,st4 ,bernard4 ,as an example of his prose a letter may be cited1 of which the translation has been given4 ,it was written in #aabh1 when he was ,archbishop of ,tours1 in protest against the encroachments of the royal power of the ,french king1 ,louis the ,fat1 upon the rights of the ,archiepiscopacy of ,tours in the matter of ecclesiastical appointments within that diocese3 8,in adversis nonnullum solatium est1 tempora sperare laetiora4 ,diutius spes haec mihi blandita est1 et velut agricolam messis in herba1 sic animum meum prosperitatis expectatio confortavit4 ,caeterum jam nihil est quo serenitatem nimbosi temporis exspectem1 nihil est quo navis1 in cujus puppi sedeo1 crebris agitata turbinibus1 portum quietis attingat4 8,silent amici1 silent sacerdotes ,jesu ,christi4 ,denique silent et illi quorum suffragio credidi regem mecum in gratiam rediturum4 ,credidi quidem1 sed super dolorem vulnerum meorum rex1 illis silentibus1 adjecit4 ,eorum tamen erat gravamini ecclesiae canonicis obviare institutis4 ,eorum erat1 si res postulasset1 opponere murum pro domo ,israel4 ,verum apud serenissimum regem opus est exhortatione potius quam increpatione1 consilio quam praecepto1 doctrina quam virga4 ,his ille conveniendus fuit1 his reverenter instruendus1 ne sagittas suas in sene compleret sacerdote1 ne sanctiones canonicas evacuaret1 ne persequeretur cineres ,ecclesiae jam sepultae1 cineres in quibus ego panem doloris manduco1 in quibus bibo calicem luctus1 de quibus eripi et evadere1 de morte ad vitam transire est4 8,inter has tamen angustias1 nunquam de me sic ira triumphavit1 ut aliquem super ,christo ,domini clamorem deponere vellem1 seu pacem ipsius in manu forti et brachio ,ecclesiae adipisci4 ,suspecta est pax ad quam1 non amore sed vi1 sublimes veniunt potestates4 ,ea facile rescindetur1 et fiunt aliquando novissima pejora prioribus4 ,alia est via qua compendiosius ad eam ,christo perducente pertingam4 ,jactabo cogitatum meum in ,domino1 et ipse dabit mihi petitionem cordis mei4 ,recordatus est ,dominus ,joseph1 cujus pincerna ,pharaonis oblitus1 dum prospera succederent1 interveniendi pro eo curam abjecit4444 ,fortassis recordabitur et mei1 atque in desiderato littore navem sistet fluctuantem4 ,ipse enim est qui respicit in orationem humilium1 et non spernit preces eorum4 ,ipse est in cujus manu corda regum cerea sunt4 ,si invenero gratiam in oculis ejus1 gratiam regis vel facile consequar1 vel utiliter amittam4 ,siquidem offendere hominem proper ,deum lucrari est gratiam ,dei40#bfa ,john of ,salisbury 7#aaaj-aahj71 much younger than ,hildebert and a little younger than ,bernard1 seems to have been the best scholar of his time4 ,with the ,classics he is as one in the company of friends2 he cites them as readily as ,scripture2 their sententiae have become part of his views of life4 ,john was an eager humanist1 who followed his studies to whatever town and to the feet of whatsoever teacher they might lead him4 ,so he listened to ,abaelard and many others4 ,his writing is always lively and often forcible1 especially when vituperating the set who despised classic reading4 ,his most vivacious work1 the ,metalogicus1 was directed against their unnamed prophet1 whom he dubs 8,cornificus40#bfb ,its opening passage is of interest as ,john's exordium1 and because a somewhat consciously intending stylist like our ,john is likely to exhibit his utmost virtuosity in the opening sentences of an important work3 8,adversus insigne donum naturae parentis et gratiae1 calumniam veterem et majorum nostrorum judicio condemnatam excitat improbus litigator1 et conquirens undique imperitiae suae solatia1 sibi proficere sperat ad gloriam1 si multos similes sui1 id est si eos viderit imperitos2 habet enim hoc proprium arrogantiae tumor1 ut se commetiatur aliis1 bona sua1 si qua sunt1 efferens1 deprimens aliena2 defectumque proximi1 suum putet esse profectum4 ,omnibus autem recte sapientibus indubium est quod natura1 clementissima parens omnium1 et dispositissima moderatrix1 inter caetera quae genuit animantia1 hominem privilegio rationis extulit1 et usu eloquii insignivit3 id agens sedulitate officiosa1 et lege dispositissima1 ut homo qui gravedine faeculentioris naturae et molis corporeae tarditate premebatur et trahebatur ad ima1 his quasi subvectus alis1 ad alta ascendat1 et ad obtinendum verae beatitudinis bravium1 omnia alia felici compendio antecebat4 ,dum itaque naturam fecundat gratia1 ratio rebus perspiciendis et examinandis invigilat2 naturae sinus excutit1 metitur fructus et efficaciam singulorum3 et innatus omnibus amor boni1 naturali urgente se appetitu1 hoc1 aut solum1 aut prae caeteris sequitur1 quod percipiendae beatitudini maxime videtur esse accommodum40#bfc ,one perceives the effect of classical studies2 yet the passage is good twelfth-century ,latin1 quite different from the compositions of the ,carolingian epoch1 those1 for example1 from the pen of ,alcuin1 who had studied the ,classics like ,john1 but unlike him had no personal style4 ,one gains similar impressions from the diction of the ,polycraticus1 a lengthy1 discursive work in which ,john surprises us with his classical equipment4 ,although containing many quoted passages1 it is not made of extracts strung together2 but reflects the sentiments or tells the opinions of ancient philosophers in the writer's own way4 ,the following shows ,john's knowledge of early ,greek philosophers1 and is a fair example of his ordinary style3 8,alterum vero philosophorum genus est1 quod ,ionicum dicitur et a ,graecis ulterioribus traxit originem4 ,horum princeps fuit ,thales ,milesius1 unus illorum septem1 qui dicti sunt sapientes4 ,iste cum rerum naturam scrutatus1 inter caeteros emicuisset1 maxime admirabilis exstitit1 quod astrologiae numeris comprehensis1 solis et lunae defectus praedicebat4 ,huic successit ,anaximander ejus auditor1 qui ,anaximenem discipulum reliquit et successorem4 ,diogenes quoque ejusdem auditor exstitit1 et ,anaxagoras1 qui omnium rerum quas videmus1 effectorem divinum animum docuit4 ,ei successit auditor ejus ,archelas1 cujus discipulus ,socrates fuisse perhibetur1 magister ,platonis1 qui1 teste ,apuleio1 prius ,aristoteles dictus est1 sed deinde a latitudine pectoris ,plato1 et in tantam eminentiam philosophiae1 et vigore ingenii1 et studii exercitio1 et omnium morum venustate1 eloquii quoque suavitate et copia subvectus est1 ut quasi in throno sapientiae residens1 praecepta quadam auctoritate visus est1 tam antecessoribus quam successoribus philosophis1 imperare4 ,et primus quidem ,socrates universam philosophiam ad corrigendos componendosque mores flexisse memoratur1 cum ante illum omnes physicis1 id est rebus naturalibus perscrutandis1 maximam operam dederint40#bfd ,these extracts from the writings of saints and scholars may be supplemented by two extracts from compositions of another class4 ,the mediaeval chronicle has not a good reputation4 ,its credulity and uncritical spirit varied with the time and man4 ,little can be said in favour of its general form1 which usually is stupidly chronological1 or annalistic4 ,the example of classical historical composition was lost on mediaeval annalists4 ,yet their work is not always dull2 and1 by the twelfth century1 their diction had become as mediaeval as that of the theologian rhetoricians1 although it rarely crystallizes to personal style by reason of the insignificance of the writers4 ,a well-known work of this kind is the ,gesta ,dei per ,francos1 by ,guibert of ,nogent1 who wrote his account of the ,first ,crusade a few years after its turmoil had passed by4 ,the following passage tells of proceedings upon the conclusion of ,urban's great crusading oration at the ,council of ,clermont in #ajii3 8,peroraverat vir excellentissimus1 et omnes qui se ituros voverant1 beati ,petri potestate absolvit1 eadem1 ipsa apostolica auctoritate firmavit1 et signum satis conveniens hujus tam honestae professionis instituit1 et veluti cingulum militiae1 vel potius militaturis ,deo passionis ,dominicae stigma tradens1 crucis figuram1 ex cujuslibet materiae panni1 tunicis1 byrris et palliis iturorum1 assui mandavit4 ,quod si quis1 post hujus signi acceptionem1 aut post evidentis voti pollicitationem ab ista benevolentia1 prava poenitudine1 aut aliquorum suorum affectione resileret1 ut exlex perpetuo haberetur omnino praecepit1 nisi resipisceret2 idemque quod omiserat foede repeteret4 ,praeterea omnes illos atroci damnavit anathemate1 qui eorum uxoribus1 filiis1 aut possessionibus1 qui hoc ,dei iter aggrederentur1 per integrum triennii tempus1 molestiam auderent inferre4 ,ad extremum1 cuidam viro omnimodis laudibus efferendo1 ,podiensis urbis episcopo1 cujus nomen doleo quia neque usquam reperi1 nec audivi1 curam super eadem expeditione regenda contulit1 et vices suas ipsi1 super ,christiani populi quocunque venirent institutione1 commisit4 ,unde et manus ei1 more apostolorum1 data pariter benedictione1 imposuit4 ,quod ille quam sagaciter sit exsecutus1 docet mirabilis operis tanti exitus40#bfe ,this ,frenchman ,guibert is almost vivacious4 ,a certain younger contemporary of his1 of ,english birth1 could construct his narrative quite as well4 ,ordericus ,vitalis 7d4 #aadb7 is said to have been born at ,wroxeter1 though he spent most of his life as monk of ,st4 ,evroult in ,normandy4 ,there he wrote his ,historia ,ecclesiastica of ,normandy and ,england4 ,his account of the loss of the ,white ,ship in #aabj tells the story3 8,thomas1 filius ,stephani1 regem adiit1 eique marcum auri offerens1 ait3 #8,stephanus1 ,airardi filius1 genitor meus fuit1 et ipse in omni vita sua patri tuo in mari servivit4 ,nam illum1 in sua puppe vectum1 in ,angliam conduxit1 quando contra ,haraldum pugnaturus1 in ,angliam perrexit4 ,hujusmodi autem officio usque ad mortem famulando ei placuit1 et ab eo multis honoratus exeniis1 inter contribules suos magnifice floruit4 ,hoc feudum1 domine rex1 a te requiro1 et vas quod ,candida-,navis appellatur1 merito ad regalem famulatum optime instructum habeo4' ,cui rex ait3 #8,gratum habeo quod petis4 ,mihi quidem aptam navim elegi1 quam non mutabo2 sed filios meos1 ,guillelmum et ,richardum1 quos sicut me diligo1 cum multa regni mei nobilitate1 nunc tibi commendo4' 8,his auditis1 nautae gavisi sunt1 filioque regis adulantes1 vinum ab eo ad bibendum postulaverunt4 ,at ille tres vini modios ipsis dari praecepit4 ,quibus acceptis1 biberunt1 sociisque abundanter propinaverunt1 nimiumque potantes inebriati sunt4 ,jussu regis multi barones cum filiis suis puppim ascenderunt1 et fere trecenti1 ut opinor1 in infausta nave fuerunt4 ,duo siquidem monachi ,tironis1 et ,stephanus comes cum duobus militibus1 ,guillelmus quoque de ,rolmara1 et ,rabellus ,camerarius1 ,eduardus de ,salesburia1 et alii plures inde exierunt1 quia nimiam multitudinem lascivae et pompaticae juventutis inesse conspicati sunt4 ,periti enim remiges quinquaginta ibi erant1 et feroces epibatae1 qui jam in navi sedes nacti turgebant1 et suimet prae ebrietate immemores1 vix aliquem reverenter agnoscebant4 ,heu6 quamplures illorum mentes pia devotione erga ,deum habebant vacuas #8,qui maris immodicas moderatur et aeris iras4' ,unde sacerdotes1 qui ad benedicendos illos illuc accesserant1 aliosque ministros qui aquam benedictam deferebant1 cum dedecore et cachinnis subsannantes abigerunt2 sed paulo post derisionis suae ultionem receperunt4 8,soli homines1 cum thesauro regis et vasis merum ferentibus1 ,thomae carinam implebant1 ipsumque ut regiam classem1 quae jam aequora sulcabat1 summopere prosequeretur1 commonebant4 ,ipse vero1 quia ebrietate desipiebat1 in virtute sua1 satellitumque suorum confidebat1 et audacter1 quia omnes qui jam praecesserant praeiret1 spondebat4 ,tandem navigandi signum dedit4 ,porro schippae remos haud segniter arripuerunt1 et alia laeti1 quia quid eis ante oculos penderet nesciebant1 armamenta coaptaverunt1 navemque cum impetu magno per pontum currere fecerunt4 ,cumque remiges ebrii totis navigarent conatibus1 et infelix gubernio male intenderet cursui dirigendo per pelagus1 ingenti saxo quod quotidie fluctu recedente detegitur et rursus accessu maris cooperitur1 sinistrum latus ,candidae-,navis vehementer illisum est1 confractisque duabus tabulis1 ex insperato1 navis1 proh dolor6 subversa est4 ,omnes igitur in tanto discrimine simul exclamaverunt2 sed aqua mox implente ora1 pariter perierunt4 ,duo soli virgae qua velum pendebat manus injecerunt1 et magna noctis parte pendentes1 auxilium quodlibet praestolati sunt4 ,unus erat ,rothomagensis carnifex1 nomine ,beroldus1 et alter generosus puer1 nomine ,goisfredus1 ,gisleberti de ,aquila filius4 8,tunc luna in signo ,tauri nona decima fuit1 et fere ix horis radiis suis mundum illustravit1 et navigantibus mare lucidum reddidit4 ,thomas nauclerus post primam submersionem vires resumpsit1 suique memor1 super undas caput extulit1 et videns capita eorum qui ligno utcunque inhaerebant1 interrogavit3 #8,filius regis quid devenit8' ,cumque naufragi respondissent illum cum omnibus collegis suis deperisse3 #8,miserum1' inquit1 #8est amodo meum vivere4' ,hoc dicto1 male desperans1 maluit illic occumbere1 quam furore irati regis pro pernicie prolis oppetere1 seu longas in vinculis poenas luere40#bff ,our examples thus far belong to the twelfth century4 ,as touching its successor1 it will be interesting to observe the qualities of two opposite kinds of writing1 the one springing from the intellectual activities1 and the other from the religious awakening1 of the time4 ,in the thirteenth century1 scientific and scholastic writing was of representative importance1 and deeply affected the development of ,latin prose4 ,very different in style were the ,latin stories and vitae of the blessed ,francis of ,assisi and other saints1 composed in ,italy4 ,roger ,bacon1 of whom there will be much to say1 composed most of his extant works about the year #abfg4bfg ,his language is often rough and involved1 from his impetuosity and eagerness to utter what was in him4 ,but it is always vigorous4 ,he took pains to say just what he meant1 and what was worth saying2 and frequently rewrote his sentences4 ,his writings show little rhetoric2 yet they are stamped with a ,baconian style1 which has a cumulative force4 ,the word-order is modern with scarcely a trace of the antique4 ,perhaps we may say that he wrote ,latin like an ,englishman of vehement temper and great intellect4 ,he is powerful in continuous exposition2 yet instances of his general1 and very striking statements1 will illustrate his diction at its best4 ,in the following sentence he recognizes the progressiveness of knowledge1 a rare idea in the ,middle ,ages3 8,nam semper posteriores addiderunt ad opera priorum1 et multa correxerunt1 et plura mutaverunt1 sicut maxime per ,aristotelem patet1 qui omnes sententias praecedentium discussit40#bfh ,again1 he animadverts upon the duty of thirteenth-century ,christians to supply the defects of the old philosophers3 8,quapropter antiquorum defectus deberemus nos posteriores supplere1 quia introivimus in labores eorum1 per quos1 nisi simus asini1 possumus ad meliora excitari2 quia miserrimum est semper uti inventis et nunquam inveniendis40#bfi ,speaking of language1 he says3 8,impossibile est quod proprietas unius linguae servetur in alia40#bgj 78,the idioms of one language cannot be preserved in a translation407 ,and again3 8,omnes philosophi fuerunt post patriarchas et prophetas 444 et legerunt libros prophetarum et patriarcharum qui sunt in sacro textu40#bga 78,the philosophers of ,greece came after the prophets of the ,old ,testament and read their works contained in the sacred text407 ,in the first of these sentences ,bacon shows his linguistic insight2 in the second he reflects an uncritical view entertained since the time of the ,church ,fathers2 in both1 he writes with an order of words requiring no change in an ,english translation4 ,in his time1 ,bacon had but a sorry fame1 and his works no influence4 ,the writings of his younger contemporary ,thomas ,aquinas exerted greater influence than those of any man after ,augustine4 ,they represent the culmination of scholasticism4 ,he was ,italian born1 and his language1 however difficult the matter1 is lucidity itself4 ,it is never rhetorical2 but measured1 temperate1 and balanced2 properly proceeding from the mind which weighed every proposition in the scales of universal consideration4 ,sometimes it gains a certain fervour from the clarity and import of the statement which it so lucidly conveys4 ,in article eighth1 of the first ,questio1 of ,pars ,prima of the ,summa theologiae1 ,thomas thus decides that ,theology is a rational 7argumentativa7 science3 8,respondeo dicendum quod1 sicut aliae scientiae non argumentantur ad sua principia probanda1 sed ex principiis argumentantur ad ostendendum alia in ipsis scientiis2 ita haec doctrina non argumentatur ad sua principia probanda1 quae sunt articuli fidei2 sed ex eis procedit ad aliquid aliud ostendendum2 sicut ,apostolus ,i ad ,cor4 xv41 ex resurrectione ,christi argumentatur ad resurrectionem communem probandam4 8,sed tamen considerandum est in scientiis philosophicis1 quod inferiores scientiae nec probant sua principia1 nec contra negantem principia disputant1 sed hoc relinquunt superiori scientiae3 suprema vero inter eas1 scilicet metaphysica1 disputat contra negantem sua principia1 si adversarius aliquid concedit3 si autem nihil concedit1 non potest cum eo disputare1 potest tamen solvere rationes ipsius4 ,unde sacra scriptura 7i4e4 ,theology71 cum non habeat superiorem1 disputat cum negante sua principia3 argumentando quidem1 si adversarius aliquid concedat eorum quae per divinam revelationem habentur2 sicut per auctoritates sacrae doctrinae disputamus contra hereticos1 et per unum articulum contra negantes alium4 ,si vero adversarius nihil credat eorum quae divinitus revelantur1 non remanet amplius via ad probandum articulos fidei per rationes1 sed ad solvendum rationes1 si quas inducit1 contra fidem4 ,cum enim fides infallibili veritati innitatur1 impossibile autem sit de vero demonstrari contrarium1 manifestum est probationes quae contra fidem inducuntur1 non esse demonstrationes1 sed solubilia argumenta40#bgb ,of a different intellectual temperament was ,john of ,fidanza1 known as ,st4 ,bonaventura4#bgc ,he also was born and passed his youth in ,italy4 ,this sainted ,general of the ,franciscan ,order was a few years older than the great ,dominican1 who was his friend4 ,both doctors died in the year #abgd4 ,bonaventura's powers of constructive reasoning were excellent4 ,his diction is clear and beautiful1 and eloquent with a spiritual fervour whenever the matter is such as to evoke it4 ,his account of how he came to write his famous little ,itinerarium mentis in ,deum is full of temperament4 8,cum igitur exemplo beatissimi patris ,francisci hanc pacem anhelo spiritu quaererem1 ego peccator1 qui loco ipsius patris beatissimi post eius transitum septimus in generali fratrum ministerio per omnia indignus succedo2 contigit1 ut nutu divino circa ,beati ipsius transitum1 anno trigesimo tertio ad montem ,alvernae tanquam ad locum quietum amore quaerendi pacem spiritus declinarem1 ibique existens1 dum mente tractarem aliquas mentales ascensiones in ,deum1 inter alia occurrit illud miraculum1 quod in praedicto loco contigit ipsi beato ,francisco1 de visione scilicet ,seraph alati ad instar ,crucifixi4 ,in cuius consideratione statim visum est mihi1 quod visio illa praetenderet ipsius patris suspensionem in contemplando et viam1 per quam pervenitur ad eam40#bgd ,and ,bonaventura at the end of his ,itinerarium speaks of the perfect passing of ,francis into ,god through the very mystic climax of contemplation1 concluding thus3 8,si autem quaeras1 quomodo haec fiant1 interroga gratiam1 non doctrinam2 desiderium1 non intellectum2 gemitum orationis1 non studium lectionis2 sponsum1 non magistrum2 ,deum1 non hominem2 caliginem1 non claritatem2 non lucem1 sed ignem totaliter inflammantem et in ,deum excessivis unctionibus et ardentissimis affectionibus transferentem40#bge ,bonaventura's fervent diction will serve to carry us over from the more unmitigated intellectuality of ,bacon and ,thomas to the simpler matter of those personal and pious narratives from which may be drawn concluding illustrations of mediaeval ,latin prose4 ,some of the authors will show the skill which comes from training2 others are quite innocent of grammar1 and their ,latin has made a happy surrender to the genius of their vernacular speech1 which was the lingua vulgaris of northern ,italy4 ,one of the earliest biographers of ,st4 ,francis of ,assisi was ,thomas of ,celano1 a skilled ,latinist1 who was enraptured with the loveliness of ,francis's life4 ,his diction is limpid and rhythmical4 ,a well-known passage in his ,vita prima 7for he wrote two ,lives7 tells of ,francis's joyous assurance of the great work which ,god would accomplish through the simple band who formed the beginnings of the ,order4 ,this assurance crystallized in a vision of multitudes hurrying to join4 ,francis speaks to the brethren3 8,confortamini1 charissimi1 et gaudete in ,domino1 nec1 quia pauci videmini1 efficiamini tristes4 ,ne vos deterreat mea1 vel vestra simplicitas1 quoniam sicut mihi a ,domino in veritate ostensum est1 in maximam multitudinem faciet vos crescere ,deus1 et usque ad fines orbis multipliciter dilatabit4 ,vidi multitudinem magnam hominum ad nos venientium1 et in habitu sanctae conversationis beataeque religionis regula nobiscum volentium conversari2 et ecce adhuc sonitus eorum est in auribus meis1 euntium1 et redeuntium secundum obedientiae sanctae mandatum3 vidique vias ipsorum multitudine plenas ex omni fere natione in his partibus convenire4 ,veniunt ,francigenae1 festinant ,hispani1 ,teuthonici1 et ,anglici currunt1 et aliarum diversarum linguarum accelerat maxima multitudo4 8,quod cum audissent fratres1 repleti sunt gaudio ,salvatoris sive propter gratiam1 quam dominus ,deus contulerat sancto suo1 sive quia proximorum lucrum sitiebant ardenter1 quos desiderabant ut salvi essent1 in idipsum quotidie augmentari40#bgf ,we feel the flow and rhythm1 and note the agreeable balancing of clauses4 ,francis died in #abbf4 ,the ,vita prima by ,celano was approved by ,gregory ,,ix4 in #abbi4 ,already other matter touching the saint was gathering in anecdote and narrative4 ,much of it was brought together in the so-called ,speculum perfectionis1 which has been confidently but very questionably ascribed to ,francis's personal disciple1 ,brother ,leo4 ,brother ,leo1 or whoever may have been the narrator or compiler1 was no scholar2 his ,latin is naively incorrect1 and has also the simplicity of ,gospel narrative4 ,indeed this ,latin is as effectively 8vulgarized0 as the ,greek of ,matthew's ,gospel4 ,an interesting passage tells with what loving wisdom ,francis interpreted a text of ,scripture3 8,manente ipso apud ,senas venit ad eum quidam doctor sacrae theologiae de ordine ,praedicatorum1 vir utique humilis et spiritualis valde4 ,quum ipse cum beato ,francisco de verbis ,domini simul aliquamdiu contulissent interrogavit eum magister de illo verbo ,ezechielis3 ,si non annuntiaveris impio impietatem suam animam ejus de manu tua requiram4 ,dixit enim3 #8,multos1 bone pater1 ego cognosco in peccato mortali quibus non annuntio impietatem eorum1 numquid de manu mea ipsorum animae requirentur8' 8,cui beatus ,franciscus humiliter dixit se esse idiotam et ideo magis expedire sibi doceri ab eo quam super scripturae sententiam respondere4 ,tunc ille humilis magister adjecit3 #8,frater1 licet ab aliquibus sapientibus hujus verbi expositionem audiverim1 tamen libenter super hoc vestrum perciperem intellectum4' ,dixit ergo beatus ,franciscus3 #8,si verbum debeat generaliter intelligi1 ego taliter accipio ipsum quod servus ,dei sic debet vita et sanctitate in seipso ardere vel fulgere ut luce exempli et lingua sanctae conversationis omnes impios reprehendat4 ,sic1 inquam1 splendor ejus et odor famae ipsius annuntiabit omnibus iniquitates eorum4' 8,plurimum itaque doctor ille aedificatus recedens dixit sociis beati ,francisci3 #8,fratres mei1 theologia hujus viri puritate et contemplatione subnixa est aquila volans1 nostra vero scientia ventre graditur super terram4'0#bgg ,another passage has ,francis breaking out in song from the joy of his love of ,christ3 8,ebrius amore et compassione ,christi beatus ,franciscus quandoque talia faciebat1 nam dulcissima melodia spiritus intra se ipsum ebulliens frequenter exterius gallice dabat sonum et vena divini susurrii quam auris ejus suscipiebat furtive gallicum erumpebat in jubilum4 8,lignum quandoque colligebat de terra ipsumque sinistro brachio superponens aliud lignum per modum arcus in manu dextera trahebat super illud1 quasi super viellam vel aliud instrumentum atque gestus ad hoc idoneos faciens gallice cantabat de ,domino ,jesu ,christo4 ,terminabatur denique tota haec tripudiatio in lacrymas et in compassionem passionis ,christi hic jubilus solvebatur4 8,in his trahebat continue suspiria et ingeminatis gemitibus eorum quae tenebat in manibus oblitus suspendebatur ad caelum40#bgh ,this ,latin is as childlike as the ,old ,italian of the ,fioretti of ,st4 ,francis2 it has a like word-order1 and one might almost add1 a like vocabulary4 ,the simple1 ignorant writer seems as if held by a direct and personal inspiration from the familiar life of the sweet saint4 ,his language reflects that inspiration1 and mirrors his own childlike character4 ,hence he has a style1 direct1 effective1 moving to tears and joy1 like his impression of the blessed ,francis4 ,a not dissimilar kind of childlike ,latin could attain to a remarkable symmetry and balance4 ,the ,legenda aurea is before us1 written by the ,dominican ,jacobus ,voragine1 by race a ,genoese1 and living toward the close of the thirteenth century4 ,this book was the most popular compend of saints' lives in use in the later ,middle ,ages4 ,its stories are told with fascinating navet4 ,we cite the opening sentences from its chapter on the ,annunciation1 just to show the harmony and balance of its periods4 ,the passage is exceptional and almost formal in these qualities3 8,annunciatio dominica dicitur1 quia in tali die ab angelo adventus filii ,dei in carnem fuit annuntiatus1 congruum enim fuit1 ut incarnationem praecederet angelica annuntiatio1 triplici ratione4 ,primo ratione ordinis connotandi1 ut scilicet ordo reparationis responderet ordini praevaricationis4 ,unde sicut dyabolus tentavit mulierem1 ut eam pertraheret ad dubitationem et per dubitationem ad consensum et per consensum ad lapsum1 sic angelus nuntiavit virgini1 ut nuntiando excitaret ad fidem et per fidem ad consensum et per consensum ad concipiendum ,dei filium4 ,secundo ratione ministerii angelici1 quia enim angelus est ,dei minister et servus et beata virgo electa erat1 ut esset ,dei mater1 et congruum est ministrum dominae famulari1 conveniens fuit1 ut beatae virgini annuntiatio per angelum fieret4 ,tertio ratione lapsus angelici reparandi4 ,quia enim incarnatio non tantum faciebat ad reparationem humani lapsus1 sed etiam ad reparationem ruinae angelicae1 ideo angeli non debuerunt excludi4 ,unde sicut sexus mulieris non excluditur a cognitione mysterii incarnationis et resurrectionis1 sic etiam nec angelicus nuntius4 ,imo ,deus utrumque angelo mediante nuntiat mulieri1 scilicet incarnationem virgini ,mariae et resurrectionem ,magdelenae40#bgi ,these extracts bring us far into the thirteenth century4 ,two hundred years later1 mediaeval ,latin prose1 if one may say so1 sang its swan song in that little book which is a last1 sweet1 and composite echo of all mellifluous mediaeval piety4 ,yet perhaps this ,de imitatione ,christi of ,thomas ,kempis can scarcely be classed as prose1 so full is it of assonances and rhythms fit for chanting4 ,,chapter ,,xxxii ,,evolution ,,of ,,mediaeval ,,latin ,,verse ,i4 ,,metrical ,,verse4 ,,ii4 ,,substitution ,,of ,,accent ,,for ,,quantity4 ,,iii4 ,,sequence-,,hymn ,,and ,,student-,,song4 ,,iv4 ,,passage ,,of ,,themes ,,into ,,the ,,vernacular4 ,in mediaeval ,latin poetry the endeavour to preserve a classical style and the irresistible tendency to evolve new forms are more palpably distinguishable than in the prose4 ,for there is a visible parting of the ways between the retention of the antique metres and their fruitful abandonment in verses built of accentual rhyme4 ,moreover1 this formal divergence corresponds to a substantial difference1 inasmuch as there was usually a larger survival of antique feeling and allusion in the mediaeval metrical attempts than in the rhyming poems4 ,as in the prose1 so in the poetry1 the lines of development may be followed from the ,carolingian time4 ,but a difference will be found between ,italy and the ,north2 for in ,italy the course was quicker1 but a less organic evolution resulted in verse less excellent and less distinctly mediaeval4 ,by the end of the eleventh century ,latin poetry in ,italy1 rhyming or metrical1 seems to have drawn itself along as far as it was destined to progress2 but in the ,north a richer growth culminates a century later4 ,indeed the most originative line of evolution of mediaeval ,latin verse would seem to have been confined to the ,north1 in the main if not exclusively4 ,the following pages offer no history of mediaeval ,latin poetry1 even as the previous chapter made no attempt to sketch the history of the prose4 ,their object is to point out the general lines along which the verse-forms were developed1 or were perhaps retarded4 ,three may be distinguished4 ,the first is marked by the retention of quantity and the endeavour to preserve the ancient measures4 ,in the second1 accent and rhyme gradually take the place of metre within the old verse-forms4 ,the third is that of the ,sequence1 wherein the accentual rhyming hymn springs from the chanted prose1 which had superseded the chanting of the final a of the ,alleluia4#bhj ,i ,the lover of classical ,greek and ,latin poetry knows the beautiful fitness of the ancient measures for the thought and feeling which they enframed4 ,if his eyes chance to fall on some twelfth-century ,latin hymn1 he will be struck by its different quality4 ,he will quickly perceive that classic forms would have been unsuited to the ,christian and romantic sentiment of the mediaeval period1#bha and will realize that some vehicle besides metrical verse would have been needed for this thoroughly declassicized feeling1 even had metrical quantity remained a vital element of language1 instead of passing away some centuries before4 ,metre was but resuscitation and convention in the time of ,charlemagne4 ,yet it kept its sway with scholars1 and could not lack votaries so long as classical poetry made part of the ,ars grammatica or was read for delectation4 ,metrical composition did not cease throughout the ,middle ,ages4 ,but it was not the true mediaeval style1 and became obviously academic as accentual verse was perfected and made fit to carry spiritual emotion4 ,nevertheless the simpler metres were cultivated successfully by the best scholars of the twelfth century4 ,most of the ,latin poetry of the ,carolingian period was metrical1 if we are to judge from the mass that remains4 ,reminiscence of the antique enveloped educated men1 with whom the mediaeval spirit had not reached distinctness of thought and feeling4 ,so the poetry resembled the contemporary sculpture and painting1 in which the antique was still unsuperseded by any new style4 ,following the antique metres1 using antique phrase and commonplace1 often copying antique sentiment1 this poetry was as dull as might be expected from men who were amused by calling each other ,homer1 ,virgil1 ,horace1 or ,david4 ,usually the poets were ecclesiastics1 and interested in theology2#bhb but many of the pieces are conventionally profane in topic1 and as humanistic as the ,latin poetry of ,petrarch4#bhc ,moreover1 just as ,petrarch's ,latin poetry was still-born1 while his ,italian sonnets live1 so the ,carolingian poetry1 when it forgets itself and falls away from metre to accentual verse1 gains some degree of life4 ,at this early period the ,romance tongues were not a fit poetic vehicle1 and consequently living thoughts1 which with ,dante and ,petrarch found voice in ,italian1 in the ninth century began to stammer in ,latin verses that were freed from the dead rules of quantity1 and were already vibrant with a vital feeling for accent and rhyme4#bhd ,through the tenth century metrical composition became rougher1 yet sometimes drew a certain force from its rudeness4 ,a good example is the famous ,waltarius1 or ,waltharilied1 of ,ekkehart of ,st4 ,gall1 composed in the year #ifj as a school exercise4#bhe ,the theme was a ,german story found in vernacular poetry4 ,ekkehart's hexameters have a strong ,teuton flavour1 and doubtless some of the vigour of his paraphrase was due to the ,german original4 ,the metrical poems of the eleventh century have been spoken of already1 especially the more interesting ones written in ,italy4#bhf ,most of the ,latin poetry emanating from that classic land was metrical1 or so intended4 ,frequently it tells the story of wars1 or gives the ,gesta of notable lives1 making a kind of versified biography4 ,one feels as if verse was employed as a refuge from the dead annalistic form4 ,this poetry was a semi-barbarizing of the antique1 without new formal or substantial elements4 ,italy1 one may say1 never became essentially and creatively mediaeval3 the pressure of antique survival seems to have barred original development2 ,italians took little part in the great mediaeval military religious movements1 the ,crusades2 no strikingly new architecture arose with them2 their first vernacular poetry was an imitation or a borrowing from ,provence and ,france2 and by far the greater part of their ,latin poetry presents an uncreative barbarizing of the antique metres4 ,these remarks find illustration in the principal ,latin poems composed in ,italy in the twelfth century4 ,among them one observes differences in skill1 knowledge1 and tendency4 ,some of the writers made use of leonine hexameters1 others avoided the rhyme4 ,but they were all akin in lack of excellence and originality both in composition and verse-form4 ,there was the monk ,donizo of ,canossa1 who wrote the ,vita of the great ,countess ,matilda2#bhg there was ,william of ,apulia1 ,norman in spirit if not in blood1 who wrote of the ,norman conquests in ,apulia and ,sicily2#bhh also the anonymous and barbarous ,de bello et excidio urbis ,comensis1 in which is told the destruction of ,como by ,milan between #aaah and #aabg2bhi then the metrically jingling ,pisan chronicle narrating the conquest of the island of ,majorca1 and beginning 7like the ,aeneid67 with 8,arma1 rates1 populum vindictam coelitus octam ,scribimus1 ac duros terrae pelagique labores40#bij ,we also note ,peter of ,ebulo1 with his narrative in laudation of the emperor ,henry ,,vi41 written about #aaid2 ,henry of ,septimella and his elegies upon the checkered fortunes of divers great men2#bia and lastly the more famous ,godfrey of ,viterbo1 of probable ,german blood1 and notary or scribe to three successive emperors1 with his cantafable ,pantheon or ,memoria saecularum4#bib ,godfrey's poetry is rhymed after a manner of his own4 ,in the ,north1 or more specifically speaking in the land of ,france north of the ,loire1 the twelfth century brought better metrical poetry than in ,italy4 ,yet it had something of the deadness of imitation1 since the vis vivida of song had passed over into rhyming verse4 ,still from the academic point of view1 metre was the proper vehicle of poetry2 as one sees1 for instance1 in the ,ars versificatoria of ,matthew of ,vendome1#bic written toward the close of the twelfth century4 8,versus est metrica descriptio10 says he1 and then elaborates his1 for the most part borrowed1 definition3 8,verse is metrical description proceeding concisely and line by line through the comely marriage of words to flowers of thought1 and containing nothing trivial or irrelevant40 ,a neat conception this of poetry2 and the same writer denounces leonine rhyming as unseemly1 but praises the favourite metre of the ,middle ,ages1 the elegiac2 for he regards the hexameter and pentameter as together forming the perfect verse4 ,it was in this metre that ,hildebert wrote his almost classic elegy over the ruins of ,rome4 ,a few lines have been quoted from it2#bid but the whole poem1 which is not long1 is of interest as one of the very best examples of a mediaeval ,latin elegy3 8,par tibi1 ,roma1 nihil1 cum sis prope tota ruina2 ,quam magni fueris integra fracta doces4 ,longa tuos fastus aetas destruxit1 et arces ,caesaris et superum templa palude jacent4 ,ille labor1 labor ille ruit quem dirus ,araxes ,et stantem tremuit et cecidisse dolet2 ,quem gladii regum1 quem provida cura senatus1 ,quem superi rerum constituere caput2 ,quem magis optavit cum crimine solus habere ,caesar1 quam socius et pius esse socer1 ,qui1 crescens studiis tribus1 hostes1 crimen1 amicos ,vi domuit1 secuit legibus1 emit ope2 ,in quem1 dum fieret1 vigilavit cura priorum3 ,juvit opus pietas hospitis1 unda1 locus4 ,materiem1 fabros1 expensas axis uterque ,misit1 se muris obtulit ipse locus4 ,expendere duces thesauros1 fata favorem1 ,artifices studium1 totus et orbis opes4 ,urbs cecidit de qua si quicquam dicere dignum ,moliar1 hoc potero dicere3 ,roma fuit4 ,non tamen annorum series1 non flamma1 nec ensis ,ad plenum potuit hoc abolere decus4 ,cura hominum potuit tantam componere ,romam ,quantam non potuit solvere cura deum4 ,confer opes marmorque novum superumque favorem1 ,artificum vigilent in nova facta manus1 ,non tamen aut fieri par stanti machina muro1 ,aut restaurari sola ruina potest4 ,tantum restat adhuc1 tantum ruit1 ut neque pars stans ,aequari possit1 diruta nec refici4 ,hic superum formas superi mirantur et ipsi1 ,et cupiunt fictis vultibus esse pares4 ,non potuit natura deos hoc ore creare ,quo miranda deum signa creavit homo4 ,vultus adest his numinibus1 potiusque coluntur ,artificum studio quam deitate sua4 ,urbs felix1 si vel dominis urbs illa careret1 ,vel dominis esset turpe carere fide40#bie ,the elegiac metre was used by ,abaelard in his didactic poem to his son ,astralabius1#bif and by ,john of ,salisbury in his ,entheticus4 ,the hexameter also was a favourite measure1 used1 for instance1 by ,alanus of ,lille in the ,anticlaudianus1 perhaps the noblest of mediaeval narrative or allegorical poems in ,latin4#big ,another excellent composition in hexameter was the ,alexandreis of ,walter1 born1 like ,alanus1 apparently at ,lille1 but commonly called of ,chatillon4 ,as poets and as classical scholars1 these two men were worthy contemporaries4 ,walter's poem follows1 or rather enlarges upon the ,life of ,alexander by ,quintus ,curtius4#bih ,he is said to have written it on the challenge of ,matthew of ,vendome1 him of the ,ars versificatoria4 ,the ,ligurinus of a certain ,cistercian ,gunther is still another good example of a long narrative poem in hexameters4 ,it sets forth the career of ,frederick ,barbarossa1 and was written shortly after the opening of the thirteenth century4 ,its author1 like ,walter and ,alanus1 shows himself widely read in the ,classics4#bii ,the sapphic was a third not infrequently attempted metre1 of which the ,de planctu naturae of ,alanus contains examples4 ,this work was composed in the form of the ,de consolatione philosophiae of ,bothius1 where lyrics alternate with prose4 ,the general topic was ,nature's complaint over man's disobedience to her laws4 ,the author apostrophizes her in the following sapphics3 8,o ,dei proles1 genitrixque rerum1 ,vinculum mundi1 stabilisque nexus1 ,gemma terrenis1 speculum caducis1 ,lucifer orbis4 ,pax1 amor1 virtus1 regimen1 potestas1 ,ordo1 lex1 finis1 via1 dux1 origo1 ,vita1 lux1 splendor1 species1 figura ,regula mundi4 ,quae tuis mundum moderas habenis1 ,cuncta concordi stabilita nodo ,nectis et pacis glutino maritas ,coelica terris4 ,quae noys 77 plures recolens ideas ,singulas rerum species monetans1 ,res togas formis1 chlamidemque formae ,pollice formas4 ,cui favet coelum1 famulatur aer1 ,quam colit ,tellus1 veneratur unda1 ,cui velut mundi dominae tributum ,singula solvunt4 ,quae diem nocti vicibus catenans ,cereum solis tribuis diei1 ,lucido lunae speculo soporans ,nubila noctis4 ,quae polum stellis variis inauras1 ,aetheris nostri solium serenans ,siderum gemmis1 varioque coelum ,milite complens4 ,quae novis coeli faciem figuris ,protheans mutas aridumque vulgus ,aeris nostri regione donans1 ,legeque stringis4 ,cujus ad nutum juvenescit orbis1 ,silva crispatur folii capillo1 ,et tua florum tunicata veste1 ,terra superbit4 ,quae minas ponti sepelis1 et auges1 ,syncopans cursum pelagi furori ,ne soli tractum tumulare possit ,aequoris aestus40#cjj ,practically all of our examples have been taken from works composed in the twelfth century1 and in the land comprised under the name of ,france4 ,the pre-excellence of this period will likewise appear in accentual rhyming ,latin poetry1 which was more spontaneous and living than its loftily descended relative4 ,,ii ,the academic vogue of metre in the early ,middle ,ages did not prevent the growth of more natural poetry4 ,the ,irish had their ,gaelic poems2 people of ,teutonic speech had their rough verse based on alliteration and the count of the strong syllables4 ,the ,romance tongues emerging from the common ,latin were as yet poetically untried4 ,but in the proper ,latin1 which had become as unquantitative and accentual as any of its vulgar forms1 there was a tonic poetry that was no longer unequipped with rhyme4 ,three rhythmic elements made up this natural mode of ,latin versification3 the succession of accented and unaccented syllables2 the number of syllables in a line2 and that regularly recurring sameness of sound which is called rhyme4 ,the source of the first of these seems obvious4 ,accent having driven quantity from speech1 came to supersede it in verse1 with the accented syllable taking the place of the long syllable and the unaccented the place of the short4 ,in the ,carolingian period accentual verse followed the old metrical forms1 with this exception3 the metrical principle that one long is equivalent to two shorts was not adopted4 ,consequently the number of syllables in the successive lines of an accentual strophe would remain the same1 where in the metrical antecedent they might have varied4 ,this is also sufficient to account for the second element1 the observance of regularity in the number of syllables4 ,for this regularity seems to follow upon the acceptance of the principle that in rhythmic verse an accented syllable is not equal to two unaccented ones4 ,the query might perhaps be made why this ,latin accentual verse did not take up the principle of regularity in the number of strong syllables in a line1 like ,old ,high ,german poetry for example1 where the number of unaccented syllables1 within reasonable limits1 is indifferent4 ,a ready answer is that these ,latin verses were made by people of ,latin speech who had been acquainted with metrical forms of poetry1 in which the number of syllables might vary1 but was never indifferent2 for the metrical rule was rigid that one long was equivalent to two short2 and to no more and no less4 ,hence the short syllables were as fixed in number as the long4#cja ,the origin of the third element1 rhyme1 is in dispute4 ,in some instances it may have passed into ,greek and ,latin verses from ,syrian hymns4#cjb ,but on the other hand it had long been an occasional element in ,greek and ,latin rhetorical prose4 ,probably rhyme in ,latin accentual verse had no specific origin4 ,it gradually became the sharpening1 defining element of such verse4 ,accentual ,latin lent itself so naturally to rhyme1 that had not rhyme become a fixed part of this verse1 there indeed would have been a fact to explain4 ,these1 then1 were the elements3 accent1 number of syllables1 and rhyme4 ,most interesting is the development of verse-forms4 ,rhythmic ,latin poetry came through the substitution of accent for quantity1 and probably had many prototypes in the old jingles of ,roman soldiers and provincials1 which so far as known were accentual1 rather than metrical4 ,christian accentual poetry retained those simple forms of iambic and trochaic verse which most readily submitted to the change from metre to accent1 or perhaps one should say1 had for centuries offered themselves as natural forms of accentual verse4 ,apparently the change from metre to accent within the old forms gradually took place between the sixth and the tenth centuries4 ,during this period there was slight advance in the evolution of new verses2 nor was the period creative in other respects1 as we have seen4 ,but thereafter1 as the mediaeval centuries advanced from the basis of a mastered patristic and antique heritage1 and began to create1 there followed an admirable evolution of verse-forms3 in some instances apparently issuing from the old metrico-accentual forms1 and in others developing independently by virtue of the faculty of song meeting the need of singing4 ,this factor wrought with power--the human need and cognate faculty of song1 a need and faculty stimulated in the ,middle ,ages by religious sentiment and emotion4 ,in the fusing of melody and words into an utterance of song--at last into a strophe--music worked potently1 shaping the composition of the lines1 moulding them to rhythm1 insisting upon sonorousness in the words1 promoting their assonance and at last compelling them to rhyme so as to meet the stress1 or mark the ending1 of the musical periods4 ,thus the exigencies of melody helped to evoke the finished verse1 while the words reciprocating through their vocal capabilities and through the inspiration of their meaning1 aided the evolution of the melodies4 ,in fine1 words and melody1 each quickened by the other1 and each moulding the other to itself1 attained a perfected strophic unison2 and mediaeval musician-poets achieved at last the finished verses of hymns or ,sequences and student-songs4 ,there were two distinct lines of evolution of accentual ,latin verse in the ,middle ,ages2 and although the faculty of song was a moving energy in both1 it worked in one of them more visibly than in the other4 ,along the one line accentual verse developed pursuant to the ancient forms1 displacing quantity with accent1 and evolving rhyme4 ,the other line of evolution had no connection with the antique4 ,it began with phrases of sonorous prose1 replacing inarticulate chant4 ,these1 under the influence of music1 through the creative power of song1 were by degrees transformed to verse4 ,the evolution of the ,sequence-hymn will be the chief illustration4 ,with the finished accentual ,latin poetry of the twelfth century it may become impossible to tell which line of rhythmic evolution holds the antecedent of a given poem4 ,in truth1 this final and perfected verse may often have a double ancestry1 descending from the rhythms which had superseded metre1 and being also the child of mediaeval melody4 ,yet there is no difficulty in tracing by examples the two lines of evolution4 ,to illustrate the strain of verse which took its origin in the displacement of metre by accent and rhyme1 we must look back as far as ,fortunatus4 ,he was born about the year #ecj in northern ,italy1 but he passed his eventful life among ,franks and ,thuringians4 ,a scholar and also a poet1 he had a fair mastery of metre2 yet some of his poems evince the spirit of the coming mediaeval time both in sentiment and form4 ,he wrote two famous hymns1 one of them in the popular trochaic tetrameter1 the other in the equally simple iambic dimeter4 ,the first1 a hymn to the ,cross1 begins with the never-to-be-forgotten 8,pange1 lingua1 gloriosi proelium certaminis02 and has such lines as 8,crux fidelis1 inter omnes arbor una nobilis 99 99 99 99 99 ,dulce lignum1 dulce clavo dulce pondus sustinens60 ,in these the mediaeval feeling for the ,cross shows itself1 and while the metre is correct1 it is so facile that one may read or sing the lines accentually4 ,in the other hymn1 also to the ,cross1 assonance and rhyme foretell the coming transformation of metre to accentual verse4 ,here are the first two stanzas3 8,vexilla regis prodeunt1 ,fulget crucis mysterium1 ,quo carne carnis conditor ,suspensus est patibulo4 ,confixa clavis viscera ,tendens manus1 vestigia ,redemtionis gratia ,hic immolata est hostia40 ,passing to the ,carolingian epoch1 some lines from a poem celebrating the victory of ,charlemagne's son ,pippin over the ,avars in #gif1 will illustrate the popular trochaic tetrameter which had become accentual1 and already tended to rhyme3 8,multa mala iam fecerunt ab antico tempore1 ,fana dei destruxerunt atque monasteria1 ,vasa aurea sacrata1 argentea1 fictilia40#cjc ,next we turn to a piece by the persecuted and interesting ,gottschalk1 written in the latter part of the ninth century4 ,a young lad has asked for a poem4 ,but how can he sing1 the exiled and imprisoned monk who might rather weep as the ,jews by the waters of ,babylon8#cjd yet he will sing a hymn to the ,trinity1 and bewail his piteous lot before the highest pitying ,godhead4 ,the verses have a lyric unity of mood1 and are touching with their sad refrain4 ,their rhyme1 if not quite pure1 is abundant and catching1 and their nearest metrical affinity would be a trochaic dimeter4 8#a4 ,ut quid iubes1 pusiole1 quare mandas1 filiole1 carmen dulce me cantare1 cum sim longe exul valde intra mare8 o cur iubes canere8 #b4 ,magis mihi1 miserule1 fiere libet1 puerule1 plus plorare quam cantare carmen tale1 iubes quale1 amor care1 o cur iubes canere8 #c4 ,mallem scias1 pusillule1 ut velles tu1 fratercule1 pio corde condolere mihi atque prona mente conlugere4 o cur iubes canere8 #d4 ,scis1 divine tyruncule1 scis1 superne clientule1 hic diu me exulare1 multa die sive nocte tolerare4 o cur iubes canere8 #e4 ,scis captive plebicule ,israheli cognomine praeceptum in ,babilone decantare extra longe fines ,iude4 o cur iubes canere8 #f4 ,non potuerunt utique1 nec debuerunt itaque carmen dulce coram gente aliene nostri terre resonare4 o cur iubes canere8 #g4 ,sed quia vis omnimode1 consodalis egregie1 canam patri filioque simul atque procedente ex utroque4 hoc cano ultronee4 #h4 ,benedictus es1 domine1 pater1 nate1 paraclite1 deus trine1 deus une1 deus summe1 deus pie1 deus iuste4 hoc cano spontanee4 #i4 ,exul ego diuscule hoc in mare sum1 domine3 annos nempe duos fere nosti fore1 sed iam iamque miserere4 hoc rogo humillime4 #aj4 ,interim cum pusione psallam ore1 psallam mente1 psallam voce 7psallam corde71 psallam die1 psallam nocte carmen dulce tibi1 rex piissime40#cje ,gottschalk 7and for this it is hard to love him7 was one of the initiators of the leonine hexameter1 in which a syllable in the middle of the line rhymes with the last syllable4 8,septeno ,augustas decimo praeeunte ,kalendas0 is the opening hexameter in his ,epistle to his friend ,ratramnus4#cjf ,to what horrid jingle such verses could attain may be seen from some leonine hexameter-pentameters of two or three hundred years later1 on the ,fall of ,troy1 beginning3 8,viribus1 arte1 minis1 ,danaum clara ,troja ruinis1 ,annis bis quinis fit rogus atque cinis40#cjg ,hector and ,troy1 and the dire wiles of the ,greeks never left the mediaeval imagination4 ,a poem of the early tenth century1 which bade the watchers on ,modena's walls be vigilant1 draws its inspiration from that unfading memory1 and for us illustrates what iambics might become when accent had replaced quantity4 ,the lines throughout end in a final rhyming a4 8,o tu1 qui servas armis ista moenia1 ,noli dormire1 moneo1 sed vigila4 ,dum ,hector vigil extitit in ,troia1 ,non eam cepit fraudulenta ,graecia40#cjh ,and from a scarcely later time1 for it also is of the tenth century1 rise those verses to ,roma1 that old 8,roma aurea et eterna10 and forever 8caput mundi10 sung by pilgrim bands as their eyes caught the first gleam of tower1 church1 and ruin3 8,o ,roma nobilis1 orbis et domina1 ,cunctarum urbium excellentissima1 ,roseo martyrum sanguine rubea1 ,albis et virginum liliis candida3 ,salutem dicimus tibi per omnia1 ,te benedicimus3 salve per secula40#cji ,this verse1 which still lifts the heart of whosoever hears or reads it1 may close our examples of mediaeval verses descended from metrical forms4 ,it will be noticed that all of them are from the early mediaeval centuries2 a circumstance which may be taken as a suggestion of the fact that by far the greater part of the earlier accentual ,latin poetry was composed in forms in which accent simply had displaced the antique quantity4 ,,iii ,we turn to that other genesis of mediaeval ,latin verse1 arising not out of antique forms1 but rather from the mediaeval need and faculty of song4 ,in the chief instance selected for illustration1 this line of evolution took its inception in the exigencies and inspiration of the ,alleluia chant or jubilation4 ,during the celebration of the ,mass1 as the ,gradual ended in its last ,alleluia1 the choir continued chanting the final syllable of that word in cadences of musical exultings4 ,the melody or cadence to which this final a of the ,alleluia was chanted1 was called the sequentia4 ,the words which came to be substituted for its cadenced reiteration were called the prosa4 ,by the twelfth century the two terms seem to have been used interchangeably4 ,thus arose the prose ,sequence1 so plastic in its capability of being moulded by melody to verse4 ,its songful qualities lay in the sonorousness of the words and in their syllabic correspondence with the notes of the melody to which they were sung4#caj ,in the year #hfj1 ,norsemen sacked the cloister of ,jumiges in ,normandy1 and a fleeing brother carried his precious ,antiphonary far away to the safe retreat of ,st4 ,gall4 ,there a young monk named ,notker1 poring over its contents1 perceived that words had been written in the place of the repetitions of the final a of the ,alleluia4 ,taking the cue1 he set to work to compose more fitting words to correspond with the notes to which this final a was sung4 ,so these lines of euphonious and fitting words appear to have had their beginning in ,notker's scanning of that fugitive ,antiphonary1 and his devising labour4 ,their primary purpose was a musical one2 for they were a device--mnemotechnic1 if one will--to facilitate the chanting of cadences previously vocalized with difficulty through the singing of one simple vowel sound4 ,notker showed his work to his master1 ,iso1 who rejoiced at what his gifted pupil had accomplished1 and spurred him on by pointing out that in his composition one syllable was still sometimes repeated or drawn out through several successive notes4 ,one syllable to each note was the principle which ,notker now set himself to realize2 and he succeeded4 ,he composed some fifty ,sequences4 ,in his work1 as well as in that of others after him1 the device of words began to modify and develop the melodies themselves4 ,sometimes ,notker adapted his verbal compositions to those cadences or melodies to which the ,alleluia had long been sung2 sometimes he composed both melody and words2 or1 again1 he took a current melody1 sacred or secular1 to which the ,alleluia never had been sung1 and composed words for it1 to be chanted as a ,sequence4 ,in these borrowed melodies1 as well as in those composed by ,notker1 the musical periods were more developed than in the ,alleluia cadences4 ,thus the musical growth of the ,sequences was promoted by the use of sonorous words1 while the improved melodies in turn drew the words on to a more perfect rhythmic ordering4 ,notker died in #iab4 ,his ,sequences were prose1 yet with a certain parallelism in their construction2 and1 even with ,notker in his later years1 the words began to take on assonances1 chiefly in the vowel sound of a4 ,thereafter the melodies1 seizing upon the words1 as it were1 by the principle of their syllabic correspondence to the notation1 moulded them to rhythm of movement and regularity of line2 while conversely with the better ordering of the words for singing1 the melodies in turn made gain and progress1 and then again reacted on the words1 until after two centuries there emerged the finished verses of an ,adam of ,st4 ,victor4 ,thus these ,sequences have become verse before our eyes1 and we realize that it is the very central current of the evolution of mediaeval ,latin poetry that we have been following4 ,how free and how spontaneous was this evolution of the ,sequence4 ,it was the child of the ,christian ,middle ,ages1 seeing the light in the closing years of the ninth century1 but requiring a long period of growth before it reached the glory of its climacteric4 ,it was born of musical chanting1 and it grew as song1 never unsung or conceived of as severable from its melody4 ,only as it attained its perfected strophic forms1 it necessarily made use of trochaic and other rhythms which long before had changed from quantity to accent and so had passed on into the verse-making habitudes of the ,middle ,ages4#caa ,if there be any ,latin composition in virtue of origin and growth absolutely un-antique1 it is the mediaeval ,sequence1 which in its final forms is so glorious a representative of the mediaeval ,hymn4 ,and we shall also see that much popular ,latin poetry1 8,carmina ,burana0 and student-songs1 were composed in verses and often sung to tunes taken--or parodied--from the ,sequence-hymns of the ,liturgy4 ,there were many ways of chanting ,sequences4 ,the musical phrases of the melodies usually were repeated once1 except at the beginning and the close2 and the ,sequence would be rendered by a double choir singing antiphonally4 ,ordinarily the words responded to the repetition of the musical phrases with a parallelism of their own4 ,the lines 7after the first7 varied in length by pairs1 the second and third lines having the same number of syllables1 the fourth and fifth likewise equal to each other1 but differing in length from the second and third2 and so on through the ,sequence1 until the last line1 which commonly stood alone and differed in length from the preceding pairs4 ,the ,sequence called 8,nostra tuba0 is a good example4 ,probably it was composed by ,notker1 and in his later years2 for it is filled with assonances1 and exhibits a regular parallelism of structure4 8,nostra tuba ,regatur fortissime ,dei dextra et preces audiat ,aura placatissima et serena2 ita enim nostra ,laus erit accepta1 voce si quod canimus1 canat pariter et pura conscientia4 ,et1 ut haec possimus1 omnes divina nobis semper flagitemus adesse auxilia4 99 99 99 99 99 ,o bone ,rex1 pie1 juste1 misericors1 qui es via et janua1 ,portas regni1 quaesumus1 nobis reseres1 dimittasque facinora ,ut laudemus nomen nunc tuum atque per cuncta saecula40#cab ,here1 after the opening1 the first pair has seventeen syllables1 and the next pair twenty-six4 ,the last pair quoted has twenty2 and the final line of seventeen syllables has no fellow4 ,a further rhythmical advance seems reached by the following ,sequence from the abbey of ,st4 ,martial at ,limoges4 ,it may have been written in the eleventh century4 ,it is given here with the first and second line of the couplets opposite to each other1 as strophe and antistrophe2 and the lines themselves are divided to show the assonances 7or rhymes7 which appear to have corresponded with pauses in the melody3 87#a7 ,canat omnis turba 7#b;a7 ,fonte renata 7#b;b7 ,laude jucunda ,spiritusque gratia et mente perspicua 7#c;a7 ,jam restituta 7#c;b7 ,sicque jactura pars est decima coelestis illa fuerat quae culpa completur in laude perdita4 divina4 7#d;a7 ,ecce praeclara 7#d;b7 ,enitet ampla dies dominica per orbis spatia1 7#e;a7 ,exsultat in qua 7#e;b7 ,quia destructa plebs omnis redempta1 mors est perpetua40#cac ,a ,sequence of the eleventh century will afford a final illustration of approach to a regular strophic structure1 and of the use of the final one-syllable rhyme in a1 throughout the ,sequence3 #a 8,alleluia1 ,turma1 proclama leta2 ,laude canora1 ,facta prome divina1 ,jam instituta ,superna disciplina1 #b ,christi sacra ,per magnalia ,es quia de morte liberata ,ut destructa ,inferni claustra ,januaque celi patefacta6 #c ,jam nunc omnia ,celestia ,terrestria ,virtute gubernat eterna4 ,in quibus sua ,judicia ,semper equa ,dat auctoritate paterna40 99 99 99 99#cad ,as the eleventh century closed and the great twelfth century dawned1 the forces of mediaeval growth quickened to a mightier vitality1 and distinctively mediaeval creations appeared4 ,our eyes1 of course1 are fixed upon the northern lands1 where the ,sequence grew from prose to verse1 and where derivative or analogous forms of popular poetry developed also4 ,up to this time1 throughout mediaeval life and thought1 progress had been somewhat uncrowned with palpable achievement4 ,yet the first brilliant creations of a master-workman are the fruit of his apprentice years1 during which his progress has been as real as when his works begin to make it visible4 ,so it was no sudden birth of power1 but rather faculties ripening through apprentice centuries1 which illumine the period opening about the year #aajj4 ,this period would carry no human teaching if its accomplishment in institutions1 in philosophy1 in art and poetry1 had been a heaven-blown accident1 and not the fruit of antecedent discipline4 ,the poetic advance represented by the ,sequences of ,adam of ,st4 ,victor may rouse our admiration for the poet's genius1 but should not blind our eyes to the continuity of development leading to it4 ,adam is the final artist and his work a veritable creation2 yet his antecedents made part of his creative faculty4 ,the elements of his verses and the general idea and form of the sequence were given him2--all honour to the man's holy genius which made these into poems4 ,the elements referred to consisted in accentual measures and in the two-syllabled ,latin rhyme which appears to have been finally achieved by the close of the eleventh century4#cae ,in using them ,adam was no borrower1 but an artist who perforce worked in the medium of his art4 ,trochaic and iambic rhythms then constituted the chief measures for accentual verse1 as they had for centuries1 and do still4 ,for1 although accentual rhythms admit dactyls and anapaests1 these have not proved generally serviceable4 ,likewise the inevitable progress of ,latin verse had developed assonances into rhymes2 and indeed into rhymes of two syllables1 for ,latin words lend themselves as readily to rhymes of two syllables as ,english words to rhymes of one4 ,there existed also the idea and form of the ,sequence1 consisting of pairs of lines which had reached assonance and some degree of rhythm1 and varied in length1 pair by pair1 following the music of the melodies to which they were sung4 ,for the ,sequence-melody did not keep to the same recurring tune throughout1 but varied from couplet to couplet4 ,in consequence1 a ,sequence by ,adam of ,st4 ,victor may contain a variety of verse-forms4 ,moreover1 a number of the ,sequences of which he may have been the author show survivals of the old rhythmical irregularities1 and of assonance as yet unsuperseded by pure rhyme4 ,before giving examples of ,adam's poems1 a tribute should be paid to his great forerunner in the art of ,latin verse4 ,adam doubtless was familiar with the hymns#caf of the most brilliant intellectual luminary of the departing generation1 one ,peter ,abaelard1 whom he may have seen in the flesh4 ,those once famous love-songs1 written for ,helose1 perished 7so far as we know7 with the love they sang4 ,another fate--and perhaps ,abaelard wished it so--was in store for the many hymns which he wrote for his sisters in ,christ1 the abbess and her nuns4 ,they still exist1#cag and display a richness of verse-forms scarcely equalled even by the ,sequences of ,adam4 ,in the development of ,latin verse1 ,abaelard is ,adam's immediate predecessor2 his verses being1 as it were1 just one stage inferior to ,adam's in sonorousness of line1 in certainty of rhythm1 and in purity of rhyme4 ,the 8prose0 ,sequences were not the direct antecedents of ,abaelard's hymns4 ,yet both sprang from the freely devising spirit of melody and song2 and therefore those hymns are of this free-born lineage more truly than they are descendants of antique forms4 ,to be sure1 every possible accentual rhythm1 built as it must be of trochees1 iambics1 anapaests1 or dactyls1 has unavoidably some antique quantitative antecedent2 because the antique measures exhausted the possibilities of syllabic combination4 ,yet antecedence is not source1 and most of ,abaelard's verses by their form and spirit proclaim their genesis in the creative exigencies of song as loudly as they disavow any antique parentage4 ,for example1 there may be some far echo of metrical asclepiads in the following accentual and rhyme-harnessed twelve-syllable verse3 8,advenit veritas1 umbra praeteriit1 ,post noctem claritas diei subiit1 ,ad ortum rutilant superni luminis ,legis mysteria plena caliginis40 ,but the echo if audible is faint1 and surely no antique whisper is heard in 8,est in ,rama ,vox audita ,rachel flentis ,super natos ,interfectos ,ejulantis40 ,nor in 8,golias prostratus est1 ,resurrexit ,dominus1 ,ense jugulatus est ,hostis proprio2 ,cum suis submersus est ,ille ,pharao40 ,the variety of ,abaelard's verse seems endless4 ,one or two further examples may or may not suggest any antecedents in those older forms of accentual verse which followed the former metres3 8,ornarunt terram germina1 ,nunc caelum luminaria4 ,sole1 luna1 stellis depingitur1 ,quorum multus usus cognoscitur40 ,in this verse the first two lines are accentual iambic dimeters2 while the last two begin each with two trochees1 and close apparently with two dactyls4 ,the last form of line is kept throughout in the following3 8,gaude virgo virginum gloria1 ,matrum decus et mater1 jubila1 ,quae commune sanctorum omnium ,meruisti conferre gaudium40 ,next come some simple five-syllable lines1 with a catching rhyme3 8,lignum amaras ,indulcat aquas ,eis immissum4 ,omnes agones ,sunt sanctis dulces ,per crucifixum40 ,in the following lines of ten syllables a dactyl appears to follow a trochee twice in each line3 8,tuba ,domini1 ,paule1 maxima1 ,de caelestibus dans tonitrua1 ,hostes dissipans1 cives aggrega4 ,doctor gentium es praecipuus1 ,vas in poculum factus omnibus1 ,sapientiae plenum haustibus40 ,these examples of ,abaelard's rhythms may close with the following curiously complicated verse3 8,tu quae carnem edomet ,abstinentiam1 ,tu quae carnem decoret ,continentiam1 ,tu velle quod bonum est his ingeris ,ac ipsum perficere tu tribuis4 ,instrumenta ,sunt his tua ,per quos mira peragis1 ,et humana ,moves corda ,signis et prodigiis40 ,in general1 one observes in these verses that ,abaelard does not use a pure two-syllable rhyme4 ,the rhyme is always pure in the last syllable1 and in the penult may either exist as a pure rhyme or simply as an assonance1 or not at all4#cah ,probably ,abaelard wrote his hymns in #aacj1 perhaps the very year when ,adam as a youth entered the convent of ,st4 ,victor1 lying across the ,seine from ,paris4 ,the latter appears to have lived until #aaib4 ,many ,sequences have been improperly ascribed to him1 and among the doubtful ones are a number having affinities with the older types4 ,these may be anterior to ,adam2 for the greater part of his unquestionable ,sequences are perfected throughout in their versification4 ,yet1 on the other hand1 one would expect some progression in works composed in the course of a long life devoted to such composition--a life covering a period when progressive changes were taking place in the world of thought beyond ,st4 ,victor's walls4 ,we take three examples of these ,sequences4 ,the first contains occasional assonance in place of rhyme1 and uses many rhymes of one syllable4 ,it appears to be an older composition improperly ascribed to ,adam4 ,the second is unquestionably his1 in his most perfect form2 the third may or may not be ,adam's2 but is given for its own sake as a lovely lyric4#cai ,the first example1 probably written not much later than the year #aajj1 was designed for the ,mass at the dedication of a church4 ,the variety in the succession of couplets and strophes indicates a corresponding variation in the melody4 #a 8,clara chorus dulce pangat voce nunc alleluia1 ,ad aeterni regis laudem qui gubernat omnia6 #b ,cui nos universalis sociat ,ecclesia1 ,scala nitens et pertingens ad poli fastigia2 #c ,ad honorem cujus laeta psallamus melodia1 ,persolventes hodiernas laudes illi debitas4 #d ,o felix aula1 quam vicissim ,confrequentant agmina coelica1 ,divinis verbis alternatim ,jungentia mellea cantica6 #e ,domus haec1 de qua vetusta sonuit historia ,et moderna protestatur ,christum fari pagina3 #8,quoniam elegi eam thronum sine macula1 #8,requies haec erit mea per aeterna saecula4 #f ,turris supra montem sita1 ,indissolubili bitumine fundata ,vallo perenni munita1 ,atque aurea columna ,miris ac variis lapidibus distincta1 ,stylo subtili polita6 #g ,ave1 mater praeelecta1 ,ad quam ,christus fatur ita ,prophetae facundia3 #8,sponsa mea speciosa1 #8,inter filias formosa1 #8,supra solem splendida6 #h #8,caput tuum ut ,carmelus #8,et ipsius comae tinctae regis uti purpura2 #8,oculi ut columbarum1 #8,genae tuae punicorum ceu malorum fragmina6 #i #8,mel et lac sub lingua tua1 favus stillans labia2 #8,collum tuum ut columna1 turris et eburnea6' #aj ,ergo nobis ,sponsae tuae ,famulantibus1 o ,christe1 pietate solita ,clemens adesse dignare ,et in tuo salutari nos ubique visita4 #aa ,ipsaque mediatrice1 summe rex1 perpetue1 ,voce pura ,flagitamus1 da gaudere ,paradisi gloria4 ,alleluia60#cbj ,the second example is ,adam's famous ,sequence for ,st4 ,stephen's ,day1 which falls on the day after ,christmas4 ,it is throughout sustained and perfect in versification1 and in substance a splendid hymn of praise4 #a 8,heri mundus exultavit ,et exultans celebravit ,christi natalitia2 ,heri chorus angelorum ,prosecutus est coelorum ,regem cum laetitia4 #b ,protomartyr et levita1 ,clarus fide1 clarus vita1 ,clarus et miraculis1 ,sub hac luce triumphavit ,et triumphans insultavit ,stephanus incredulis4 #c ,fremunt ergo tanquam ferae ,quia victi defecere ,lucis adversarii3 ,falsos testes statuunt1 ,et linguas exacuunt ,viperarum filii4 #d ,agonista1 nulli cede1 ,certa certus de mercede1 ,persevera1 ,stephane2 ,insta falsis testibus1 ,confuta sermonibus ,synagogam ,satanae4 #e ,testis tuus est in coelis1 ,testis verax et fidelis1 ,testis innocentiae4 ,nomen habes coronati3 ,te tormenta decet pati ,pro corona gloriae4 #f ,pro corona non marcenti ,perfer brevis vim tormenti2 ,te manet victoria4 ,tibi fiet mors natalis1 ,tibi poena terminalis ,dat vitae primordia4 #g ,plenus ,sancto ,spiritu1 ,penetrat intuitu ,stephanus coelestia4 ,videns ,dei gloriam1 ,crescit ad victoriam1 ,suspirat ad praemia4 #h ,en a dextris ,dei stantem1 ,jesum pro te dimicantem1 ,stephane1 considera3 ,tibi coelos reserari1 ,tibi ,christum revelari1 ,clama voce libera4 #i ,se commendat ,salvatori1 ,pro quo dulce ducit mori ,sub ipsis lapidibus4 ,saulus servat omnium ,vestes lapidantium1 ,lapidans in omnibus4 #aj ,ne peccatum statuatur ,his a quibus lapidatur1 ,genu ponit1 et precatur1 ,condolens insaniae4 ,in ,christo sic obdormivit1 ,qui ,christo sic obedivit1 ,et cum ,christo semper vivit1 ,martyrum primitiae40 99 99 99 99#cba ,the last example1 in honour of ,st4 ,nicholas's ,day1 is a lovely poem by whomsoever written4 ,its verses are extremely diversified4 ,it begins with somewhat formal chanting of the saint's virtues1 in dignified couplets4 ,suddenly it changes to a joyful lyric1 and sings of a certain sweet sea-miracle wrought by ,nicholas4 ,then it spiritualizes the conception of his saintly aid to meet the call of the sin-tossed soul4 ,it closes in stately manner in harmony with its liturgical function4 #a 8,congaudentes exultemus vocali concordia ,ad beati ,nicolai festiva solemnia6 #b ,qui in cunis adhuc jacens servando jejunia ,a papilla coepit summa promereri gaudia4 #c ,adolescens amplexatur litterarum studia1 ,alienus et immunis ab omni lascivia4 #d ,felix confessor1 cujus fuit dignitatis vox de coelo nuntia6 ,per quam provectus1 praesulatus sublimatur ad summa fastigia4 #e ,erat in ejus animo pietas eximia1 ,et oppressis impendebat multa beneficia4 #f ,auro per eum virginum tollitur infamia1 ,atque patris earumdem levatur inopia4 #g ,quidam nautae navigantes1 ,et contra fluctuum saevitiam luctantes1 ,navi pene dissoluta1 ,jam de vita desperantes1 ,in tanto positi periculo1 clamantes ,voce dicunt omnes una3 #h #8,o beate ,nicolae1 ,nos ad maris portum trahe ,de mortis angustia4 ,trahe nos ad portum maris1 ,tu qui tot auxiliaris1 ,pietatis gratia4' #i ,dum clamarent1 nec incassum1 #8,ecce' quidam dicens1 #8assum ,ad vestra praesidia4' ,statim aura datur grata ,et tempestas fit sedata3 ,quieverunt maria4 #aj ,nos1 qui sumus in hoc mundo1 ,vitiorum in profundo ,jam passi naufragia1 ,gloriose ,nicolae ,ad salutis portum trahe1 ,ubi pax et gloria4 #aa ,illam nobis unctionem ,impetres ad ,dominum1 ,prece pia1 ,qua sanavit laesionem ,multorum peccaminum ,in ,maria4 #ab ,hujus festum celebrantes gaudeant per saecula1 ,et coronet eos ,christus post vitae curricula60#cbb ,the foregoing examples of religious poetry may be supplemented by illustrations of the parallel evolution of more profane if not more popular verse4 ,any priority in time1 as between the two1 should lie with the former2 though it may be the truer view to find a general synchronism in the secular and religious phases of lyric growth4 ,but priority of originality and creativeness certainly belongs to that line of lyric evolution which sprang from religious sentiments and emotions4 ,for the vagrant clerkly poet of the ,court1 the roadside1 and the inn1 used the forms of verse fashioned by the religious muse in the cloister and the school4 ,thus the development of secular ,latin verse presents a derivative parallel to the essentially primary evolution of the ,sequence or the hymn4 ,it was in ,germany that the composition of ,sequences was most zealously cultivated during the century following ,notker's death2 and it was in ,germany that the ,sequence1 in its earlier forms1 exerted most palpable influence upon popular songs4#cbc ,in these so-called ,modi 7,modus song71 as in the ,sequence1 rhythmical compositions may be seen progressing in the direction of regular rhythm1 rhyme1 and strophic form4 ,as in the ,sequences1 the tune moulded the words1 which in turn influenced the melody4 ,the following is from the ,modus ,ottinc1 a popular song composed about the year #ajjj in honour of a victory of ,otto ,,iii4 over the ,hungarians3 8,his incensi bella fremunt1 arma poscunt1 hostes vocant1 signa secuntur1 tubis canunt4 ,clamor passim oritur et milibus centum ,theutones inmiscentur4 ,pauci cedunt1 plures cadunt1 ,francus instat1 ,parthus fugit2 vulgus exangue undis obstat2 ,licus rubens sanguine ,danubio cladem ,parthicam ostendebat40 ,another example is the ,modus florum of approximately the same period1 a song about a king who promised his daughter to whoever could tell such a lie as to force the king to call him a liar4 ,it opens as follows3 8,mendosam quam cantilenam ago1 puerulis commendatam dabo1 quo modulos per mendaces risum auditoribus ingentem ferant4 ,liberalis et decora cuidam regi erat nata quam sub lege hujusmodi procis opponit quaerendam40 99 99 99 99#cbd ,here the rhyme still is rude and the rhythm irregular4 ,the following dirge1 written thirty or forty years later on the death of the ,german emperor1 ,henry ,,ii41 shows improvement3 8,lamentemur nostra1 ,socii1 peccata1 amentemur et ploremus6 ,quare tacemus8 ,pro iniquitate corruimus late2 scimus coeli hinc offensum regem immensum4 ,heinrico requiem1 rex ,christe1 dona perennem40#cbe ,we may pass on into the twelfth century1 still following the traces of that development of popular verse which paralleled the evolution of the ,sequence4 ,we first note some catchy rhymes of a ,german student setting out for ,paris in quest of learning and intellectual novelty3 8,hospita in ,gallia nunc me vocant studia4 ,vadam ergo2 flens a tergo socios relinquo4 ,plangite discipuli1 lugubris discidii tempore propinquo4 ,vale1 dulcis patria1 suavis ,suevorum ,suevia6 ,salve dilecta ,francia1 philosophorum curia6 ,suscipe discipulum in te peregrinum1 ,quem post dierum circulum remittes ,socratinum40#cbf ,this ,suabian1 singing his uncouth ,latin rhymes1 and footing his way to ,paris1 suggests the common1 delocalized influences which were developing a mass of student-songs1 8,carmina ,burana10 or 8,goliardic0 poetry4 ,the authors belonged to that large and broad class of clerks made up of any and all persons who knew ,latin4 ,the songs circulated through western ,europe1 and their home was everywhere1 if not their origin4 ,some of them betray1 as more of them do not1 the author's land and race4 ,frequently of diabolic cleverness1 gibing1 amorous1 convivial1 they show the virtuosity in rhyme of their many makers4 ,like the hymns and later ,sequences1 they employed of necessity those accentual measures which once had their quantitative prototypes in antique metres4 ,but1 again like the hymns and ,sequences1 they neither imitate nor borrow1 but make use of trochaic1 iambic1 or other rhythms as the natural and unavoidable material of verse4 ,their strophes are new strophes1 and not imitations of anything in quantitative poetry4 ,so these songs were free-born1 and their development was as independent of antique influence as the melodies which ever moulded them to more perfect music4 ,many and divers were their measures4 ,but as that great strophe of ,adam's ,heri mundus exultavit 7the strophe of the ,stabat ,mater7 was of mightiest dominance among the hymns1 so for these student-songs there was also one measure that was chief4 ,this was the thirteen-syllable trochaic line1 with its lilting change of stress after the seventh syllable1 and its pure two-syllable rhyme4 ,it is the line of the ,confessio poetae1 or ,confessio ,goliae1 where nests that one mediaeval ,latin verse which everybody still knows by heart3 8,meum est propositum in taberna mori1 ,vinum sit appositum morientis ori1 ,tunc cantabunt laetius angelorum chori1 #8,sit ,deus propitius huic potatori4'0 ,it is also the line of the quite charming ,phyllis and ,flora of the ,carmina ,burana3 8,erant ambae virgines et ambae reginae1 ,phyllis coma libera1 ,flora compto crine3 ,non sunt formae virginum1 sed formae divinae1 ,et respondent facie luci matutinae40#cbg ,another common measure is the twelve-syllable dactylic line of the famous ,apocalypsis ,goliae ,episcopi3 8,ipsam ,pythagorae formam aspicio1 ,inscriptam artium schemate vario4 ,an extra corpus sit haec revelatio1 ,utrum in corpore1 ,deus scit1 nescio4 ,in fronte micuit ars astrologica2 ,dentium seriem regit grammatica2 ,in lingua pulcrius vernat rhetorica1 ,concussis aestuat in labiis logica40 ,an example of the not infrequent eight-syllable line is afforded by that tremendous satire against papal ,rome1 beginning3 8,propter ,sion non tacebo1 ,sed ruinam ,romae flebo1 ,quousque justitia ,rursus nobis oriatur1 ,et ut lampas accendatur ,justus in ecclesia40 ,here the last line of the verse has but seven syllables1 as is the case in the following verse of four lines3 8,vinum bonum et suave1 ,bonis bonum1 pravis prave1 ,cunctis dulcis sapor1 ave1 ,mundana laetitia60 ,but the eight-syllable lines may be kept throughout1 as in the following lament over life's lovely1 pernicious charm1 so touching in its expression of the mortal heartbreak of mediaeval monasticism3 8,heu6 ,heu6 mundi vita1 ,quare me delectas ita8 ,cum non possis mecum stare1 ,quid me cogis te amare8 99 99 99 99 ,vita mundi1 res morbosa1 ,magis fragilis quam rosa1 ,cum sis tota lacrymosa1 ,cur es mihi graciosa80#cbh ,,iv ,our consideration of the different styles of mediaeval ,latin prose and the many novel forms of mediaeval ,latin verse has shown how radical was the departure of the one and the other from ,cicero and ,virgil4 ,through such changes ,latin continued to prove itself a living language4 ,yet its vitality was doomed to wane before the rivalry of the vernacular tongues4 ,the vivida vis1 the capability of growth1 had well-nigh passed from ,latin when ,petrarch was born4 ,in endeavouring to maintain its supremacy as a literary vehicle he was to hold a losing brief1 nor did he strengthen his cause by attempting to resuscitate a classic style of prose and metre4 ,the victory of the vernacular was announced in ,dante's ,de vulgari eloquentia and demonstrated beyond dispute in his ,divina ,commedia4 ,a long and for the most part peaceful and unconscious conflict had led up to the victory of what might have been deemed the baser side4 ,for ,latin was the sole mediaeval literature that was born in the purple1 with its stately lineage of the patristic and the classical back of it4 ,latin was the language of the ,roman world and the vehicle of ,latin ,christianity4 ,it was the language of the ,church and its clergy1 and the language of all educated people4 ,naturally the entire contents of existing and progressive ,christian and antique culture were contained in the mediaeval ,latin literature1 the literature of religion and of law and government1 of education and of all serious knowledge4 ,it was to be the primary literature of mediaeval thought2 from which passed over the chief part of whatever thought and knowledge the vernacular literatures were to receive4 ,for scholars who follow1 as we have tried to1 the intellectual and the deeper emotional life of the ,middle ,ages1 the ,latin literature yields the incomparably greater part of the material of our study4 ,it has been our home country1 from which we have made casual excursions into the vernacular literatures4 ,these existed1 however1 from the earliest mediaeval periods1 beginning1 if one may say so1 in oral rather than written documents4 ,we read that ,charlemagne caused a book to be made of ,germanic poems1 which till then presumably had been carried in men's memories4 ,the ,hildebrandslied is supposed to have been one of them4#cbi ,in the ,norse lands1 the ,eddas and the matter of the ,sagas were repeated from generation to generation1 long before they were written down4 ,the habit1 if not the art1 of writing came with ,christianity and the ,latin education accompanying it4 ,gradually a written literature in the ,teutonic languages was accumulated4 ,of this there was the heathen side1 well represented in ,anglo-,saxon and the ,norse2 while in ,old ,high ,german the ,hildebrandslied remains1 heathen and savage4 ,thereafter1 a popular and even national or rather racial poetry continued1 developed1 and grew large1 notwithstanding the spread of ,latin ,christianity through ,teutonic lands4 ,of this the ,niebelungenlied and the ,gudrun are great examples4 ,but individual still famous poets1 who felt and thought as ,germans1 were also composing sturdily in their vernacular--a lack of education possibly causing them to dictate 7dictieren1 dichten7 rather than to write4 ,of these the greatest were ,wolfram von ,eschenbach and ,walther von der ,vogelweide4 ,with them and after them1 or following upon the ,niebelungenlied1 came a mass of secular poetry1 some of which was popular and national1 reflecting ,germanic story1 while some of it was courtly1 transcribing the courtly poetry which by the twelfth century flourished in ,old ,french4 ,thus bourgeoned the secular branches of ,german literature4 ,on the other hand1 from the time of ,christianity's introduction1 the ,germans felt the need to have the new religion presented to them in their own tongues4 ,the labour of translation begins with ,ulfilas1 and is continued with conscientious renderings of ,scripture and ,latin educational treatises1 and also with such epic paraphrase as the ,heliand and the more elegiac poems of the ,anglo-,saxon ,cynewulf4#ccj ,also1 at least in ,germany1 there comes into existence a full religious literature1 not stoled or mitred1 but popular1 non-academic1 and non-liturgical2 of which quantities remain in the ,middle ,high ,german of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries4#cca ,obviously the ,romance vernacular literatures had a different commencement4 ,the languages were ,latin1 simply ,latin1 in their inception1 and never ceased to be legitimate continuations and developments of the popular or ,vulgar ,latin of the ,roman ,empire4 ,but as the speech of children1 women1 and unlettered people1 they were not thought of as literary media4 ,all who could write understood perfectly the better ,latin from which these popular dialects were slowly differentiating themselves4 ,and as they progressed to languages1 still their life and progress lay among peoples whose ancestral tongue was the proper ,latin1 which all educated men and women still understood and used in the serious business of life4 ,but sooner or later men will talk and sing and think and compose in the speech which is closest to them4 ,the ,romance tongues became literary through this human need of natural expression4 ,there always had been songs in the old ,vulgar ,latin2 and such did not cease as it gradually became what one may call ,romance4 ,moreover1 the clergy might be impelled to use the popular speech in preaching to the laity1 or some unlearned person might compose religious verses4 ,almost the oldest monument of ,old ,french is the hymn in honour of ,ste4 ,eulalie4 ,then as civilization advanced from the tenth to the twelfth century1 in southern and northern ,france for example1 and the langue d'oc and the langue d'oil became independent and developed languages1 unlearned men1 or men with unlearned audiences1 would unavoidably set themselves to composing poetry in these tongues4 ,in the ,north the chansons de geste came into existence2 in the ,south the knightly ,troubadours made love-lyrics4 ,somehow1 these poems were written down1 and there was literature for men's eyes as well as for men's ears4 ,in the twelfth century and the thirteenth1 the audiences for ,romance poetry1 especially through the regions of southern and northern ,france1 increased and became diversified4 ,they were made up of all classes1 save the brute serf1 and of both sexes4 ,the chansons de geste met the taste of the feudal barons2 the ,arthurian ,cycle charmed the feudal dames2 the coarse fabliaux pleased the bourgeoisie2 and chansons of all kinds might be found diverting by various people4 ,if the religious side was less strongly represented1 it was because the closeness of the language to the clerkly and liturgical ,latin left no such need of translations as was felt from the beginning among peoples of ,germanic speech4 ,still the ,gospels1 especially the apocryphal1 were put into ,old ,french1 and miracles de ,notre ,dame without number2 also legends of the saints1 and devout tales of many kinds4 ,the accentual verses of the ,romance tongues had their source in the popular accentual ,latin verse of the later ,roman period4 ,their development was not unrelated to the ,latin accentual verse which was superseding metrical composition in the centuries extending1 one may say1 from the fifth to the eleventh4 ,divergences between the ,latin and ,romance verse would be caused by the linguistic evolution through which the ,romance tongues were becoming independent languages4 ,nor was this divergence uninfluenced by the fact that ,romance poetry was popular and usually concerned with topics of this life1 while ,latin poetry in the most striking lines of its evolution was liturgical2 and even when secular in topic tended to become learned1 since it was the product of the academically educated classes4 ,much of the vernacular 7,romance as well as ,germanic7 poetry in the ,middle ,ages was composed by unlearned men who had at most but a speaking acquaintance with ,latin1 and knew little of the antique literature4 ,this was true1 generally1 of the ,troubadours of ,provence1 of the authors of the ,old ,french chansons de geste1 and of such a courtly poet as ,chrtien de ,troies2 true likewise of the great ,german ,minnesingers1 epic poets rather1 ,gottfried von ,strassburg1 ,wolfram von ,eschenbach1 and ,walther von der ,vogelweide4 ,on the other hand1 vernacular poetry might be written by highly learned men1 of whom the towering though late example would be ,dante ,alighieri4 ,an instance somewhat nearer to us at present is ,jean ,clopinel or de ,meun1 the author of the second part of the ,roman de la rose4 ,his extraordinary ,voltairean production embodies all the learning of the time2 and its scholar-author was a man of genius1 who incorporated his learning and the fruit thereof very organically in his poem4 ,but here1 at the close of our consideration of the mediaeval appreciation of the ,classics1 and the relations between the ,classics and mediaeval ,latin literature1 we are not occupied with the very loose and general question of the amount of classical learning to be found in the vernacular literatures of western ,europe4 ,that was a casual matter depending on the education and learning1 or lack thereof1 of the author of the given piece4 ,but it may be profitable to glance at the passing over of antique themes of story into mediaeval vernacular literature1 and the manner of their refashioning4 ,this is a huge subject1 but we shall not go into it deeply1 or pursue the various antique themes through their endless propagations4 ,antique stories aroused and pointed the mediaeval imagination2 they made part of the never-absent antique influence which helped to bring the mediaeval peoples on and evoke in them an articulate power to fashion and create all kinds of mediaeval things4 ,but with antique story as with other antique material1 the ,middle ,ages had to turn it over and absorb it1 and also had to become themselves with power1 before they could refashion the antique theme or create along its lines4 ,all this had taken place by the middle of the twelfth century4 ,as to choice of matter1 twelfth-century refashioners would either select an antique theme suited to their handling1 or extract what appealed to them from some classic story4 ,in the one case as in the other they might recast1 enlarge1 or invent as their faculties permitted4 ,mediaeval taste took naturally to the degenerate productions of the late antique or transition centuries4 ,the ,greek novels seem to have been unknown1 except the ,apollonius of ,tyre4#ccb ,but the congenially preposterous story of ,alexander by the ,pseudo-,callisthenes was available in a sixth-century ,latin version1 and was made much of4 ,equally popular was the debasement and intentional distortion of the ,tale of ,troy in the work of 8,dares0 and 8,dictys02 other tales were aptly presented in ,ovid's ,metamorphoses2 and the stories of ,hero and ,leander1 of ,pyramus and ,thisbe1 of ,narcissus1 ,orpheus1 ,cadmus1 ,daedalus1 were widely known and often told in the ,middle ,ages4 ,the mediaeval writers made as if they believed these tales4 ,at least they accepted them as they would have their own audiences accept their recasting1 with little reflection as to whether truth or fable4 ,but was the work of the refashioners conscious fiction8 ,scarcely1 when it simply recast the old story in mediaevalizing paraphrase2 but when the poet went on and wove out of ten lines a thousand1 he must have known himself devising4 ,the mediaeval treatment of classic themes of history and epic poetry shows how the ,middle ,ages refashioned and reinspired after their own image whatever they took from the antique4 ,if it was partly their fault1 it was also their unavoidable misfortune that they received these great themes in the literary distortions of the transition centuries4 ,doubtless they preferred encyclopaedic dulness to epic unity2 they loved fantasy rather than history1 and of course delighted in the preposterous1 as they found it in the ,latin version of the ,life and ,deeds of ,alexander4 ,as for the ,tale of ,troy1 the real ,homer never reached them3 and perhaps mediaeval peoples who were pleased1 like ,virgil's ,romans1 to draw their origins from ,trojan heroes1 would have rejected ,homer's story just as 8,dares0 and 8,dictys10 whoever they were1 did4#ccc ,the true mediaeval rifacimenti1 to wit1 the retellings of these tales in the vernacular1 mirror the mediaeval mind1 the mediaeval character1 and the whole panorama of mediaeval life and fantasy4 ,the chief epic themes drawn from the antique were the ,tales of ,troy and ,thebes and the story of ,aeneas4 ,in verse and prose they were retold in the vernacular literatures and also in mediaeval ,latin4#ccd ,we shall1 however1 limit our view to the primary ,old ,french versions1 which formed the basis of compositions in ,german1 ,italian1 ,english1 as well as ,french4 ,they were composed between #aaej and #aagj by ,norman-,french trouvres4 ,the names of the authors of the ,roman de ,thebes and the ,eneas are unknown2 the ,roman de ,troie was written by ,benoit de ,st4 ,more4 ,these poems present a universal substitution of mediaeval manners and sentiment4 ,for instance1 one observes that the epic participation of the pagan gods is minimized1 and in the ,roman de ,troie even discarded2 necromancy1 on the other hand1 abounds4 ,a more interesting change is the transformation of the love episode4 ,that had become an epic adjunct in ,alexandrian ,greek literature as early as the third century before ,christ4 ,it existed in the antique sources of all these mediaeval poems4 ,nevertheless the romantic narratives of courtly love in the latter are mediaeval creations4 ,the ,eneas relates the love of ,lavinia for the hero1 most correctly reciprocated by him4 ,the account of it fills fourteen hundred lines1 and has no precedent in ,virgil's poem1 which in other respects is followed closely4 ,lavinia sees ,aeneas from her tower1 and at once understands a previous discourse of her mother on the subject of love4 ,she utters love's plaints1 and then faints because ,aeneas does not seem to notice her4 ,after which she passes a sleepless night4 ,the next morning she tells her mother1 who is furious1 since she favours ,turnus as a suitor4 ,the girl falls senseless1 but coming to herself when alone1 she recalls love's stratagems1 and attaches a letter to an arrow which is shot so as to fall at ,aeneas's feet4 ,aeneas reads the letter1 and turns and salutes the fair one furtively1 that his followers may not see4 ,then he enters his tent and falls so sick with love that he takes to his bed4 ,the next day ,lavinia watches for him1 and thinks him false1 till at last1 pale and feeble1 he appears1 and her heart acquits him2 amorous glances now fly back and forth between them4#cce ,to have this jaded jilt grow sick with love is a little too much for us1 and ,aeneas is absurd2 but the universal human touches us quite otherwise in the sweet changing heart of ,briseida in the ,roman de ,troie4 ,there is no ground for denying to ,benoit of ,st4 ,more his meed of fame for creating this charming person and starting her upon her career4 ,following 8,dares10 ,benoit calls her ,briseida2 but she becomes the ,griseis of ,boccaccio's ,filostrato2 and what good man does not sigh and love her under the name of ,cressid in ,chaucer's poem1 though he may deplore her somewhat brazen heartlessness in ,shakespeare's play4 ,it is not given to all men1 or women1 in presence or absence1 in life and death1 to love once and forever4 ,one has the stable heart1 another's fancy is quickly turned4 ,sometimes1 of course1 our moral sledge-hammers should be brought to bear2 but a little hopeless smile may be juster1 as we sigh 8she 7it is more often 8he07 couldn't help it40 ,such was ,briseida1 the sweet1 loving1 helpless--coquette8 jilt8 flirt8 these words are all too belittling to tell her truly4 ,benoit knew better4 ,he took her dry-as-dust characterization from 8,dares02 he gave it life1 and then let his fair creature do just the things she might1 without ceasing to be she4 ,the abject 8,dares0 7,benoit may have had a better story under that name7 in his catalogue of characters has this3 8,briseidam formosam1 alta statura1 candidam1 capillo flavo et molli1 superciliis junctis1 oculis venustis1 corpore aequali1 blandam1 affabilem1 verecundam1 animo simplici ,o ye gods61 piam40 ,he makes no other mention of this tall1 graceful girl1 with her lovely eyes and eyebrows meeting above1 her modest1 pleasant mien1 and simple soul2 for simple she was1 and therein lies the direst bit of truth about her4 ,for it is simple and uncomplex to take the colour of new scenes and faces1 and of new proffered love when the old is far away4 ,now see what ,benoit does with this dust3 ,briseida is the daughter of ,calchas1 a ,trojan seer who had passed over to the ,greeks1 warned by ,apollo4 ,he is in the ,grecian host1 but his daughter is in ,troy4 ,benoit says1 she was engaging1 lovelier and fairer than the fleur de lis--though her eyebrows grew rather too close together4 8,beaux yeux0 she had1 8de grande manire10 and charming was her talk1 and faultless her breeding as her dress4 ,much was she loved and much she loved1 although her heart changed2 and she was very loving1 simple1 and kind3 8,molt fu ame et molt ameit1 ,mes sis corages li changeit2 ,et si esteit molt amorose1 ,simple et almosniere et pitose40#ccf ,calchas wants his daughter1 and ,priam decides to send her4 ,there is truce between the armies4 ,troilus1 ,troy's glorious young knight1 matchless in beauty1 in arms second only to his brother ,hector1 is beside himself4 ,he loves ,briseida1 and she him4 ,what tears and protestations1 and what vows6 ,but the girl must go to her father4 ,on the morrow the young dame has other cares--to see to the packing of her lovely dresses and put on the loveliest of them2 over all she threw a mantle inwoven with the flowers of ,paradise4 ,the ,trojan ladies add their tears to the damsel's2 for she is ready to die of grief at leaving her lover4 ,benoit assures us that she will not weep long2 it is not woman's way1 he continues somewhat mediaevally4 ,the brilliant cortge is met by one still more distinguished from the ,grecian host4 ,troilus must turn back1 and the lady passes to the escort of ,diomede4 ,she was young2 he was impetuous2 he looks once1 and then greets her with a torrential declaration of love4 ,he never loved before66 ,he is hers1 body and soul and high emprize4 ,briseida speaks him fair3 8,at this time it would be wrong for me to say a word of love4 ,you would deem me light indeed6 ,why1 ,i hardly know you6 and girls so often are deceived by men4 ,what you have said cannot move a heart grieving1 like mine1 to lose my--friend1 and others whom ,i may never see again4 ,for one of my station to speak to you of love6 ,i have no mind for that4 ,yet you seem of such rank and prowess that no girl under heaven ought to refuse you4 ,it is only that ,i have no heart to give4 ,if ,i had1 surely ,i could hold none dearer than you4 ,but ,i have neither the thought nor power1 and may ,god never give it to me60#ccg ,one need not tell the flash of joy that then was ,diomede's1 nor the many troubles that were to be his before at last ,briseida finds that her heart has indeed turned to this new lover1 always at hand1 courting danger for her sake1 and at last wounded almost to death by ,troilus's spear4 ,the end of the story is assured in her first discreetly halting words4 ,enough has been said to show how far ,benoit was from ,omers qui fu clers merveillos1 and what a story in some thirty thousand lines he has made of the dry data of 8,dares0 and 8,dictys40 ,his ,briseida1 with her changing heart1 was to rival steadier-minded but not more lovable women of mediaeval fiction--,iseult or ,guinevere4 ,and although the far-off echo of ,briseid's name comes from the ancient centuries1 none the less she is as entirely a mediaeval creation as ,lancelot's or ,tristram's queen4 ,thus the ,middle ,ages took the antique narrative1 and created for themselves within the altered lines of the old tale4#cch ,the transformation of themes of epic story in vernacular mediaeval versions is paralleled by mediaeval refashionings of historical subjects which had been fictionized before the antique period closed4 ,a chief example is the romance of ,alexander the ,great4 ,the antique source was the conqueror's ,life and ,deeds1 written by one who took the name of ,alexander's physician1 ,callisthenes4 ,the author was some ,egyptian ,greek of the first century after ,christ4 ,his work is preposterous from the beginning to the end1 and presents a succession of impossible marvels performed by the somewhat indistinguishable heroes of the story4 ,its qualities were reflected in the ,latin versions1 which in turn were drawn upon by the ,old ,french rhyming romancers4 ,the latter mediaevalized and feudalized the tale4 ,nor were they halted by any absurdity1 or conscious of the characterlessness of the puppets of the tale4#cci ,further to pursue the fortunes of antique themes in mediaeval literature would lead us beyond bounds4 ,yet mention should be made of the handling of minor narratives1 as the ,metamorphoses of ,ovid4 ,they were very popular1 and from the twelfth century on1 paraphrases or refashionings were made of many of them4 ,these added to the old tale the interesting mediaeval element of the moral or didactic allegory4 ,the most prodigious instance of this moralizing of ,ovid was the work of ,chrtien ,lgouais1 a ,french ,franciscan who wrote at the beginning of the fourteenth century4 ,in some seventy thousand lines he presented the stories of the ,metamorphoses1 the allegories which he discovered in them1 and the moral teaching of the same4#cdj ,equally interesting was the application of allegory to ,ovid's ,ars amatoria4 ,the first translators treated this frivolous production as an authoritative treatise upon the art of winning love4 ,so it was perhaps1 only ,ovid was amusing himself by making a parable of his youthful diversions4 ,mediaeval imitators changed the habits of the gilded youth of ,rome to suit the society of their time4 ,but they did more1 being votaries of courtly love4 ,such love in the ,middle ,ages had its laws which were prone to deduce their lineage from ,ovid's verses4 ,but its uplifted spirit revelled in symbolism2 and tended to change to spiritual allegory whatever authority it imagined itself based upon1 even though the authority were a book as dissolute1 when seriously considered1 as the ,ars amatoria4 ,it is strange to think of this poem as the very far off street-walking prototype of ,de ,lorris's ,roman de la rose4 ,,chapter ,,xxxiii ,,mediaeval ,,appropriation ,,of ,,the ,,roman ,,law ,i4 ,,the ,,fontes ,,juris ,,civilis4 ,,ii4 ,,roman ,,and ,,barbarian ,,codification4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,mediaeval ,,appropriation4 ,,iv4 ,,church ,,law4 ,v4 ,,political ,,theorizing4 ,classical studies1 and the gradual development of mediaeval prose and verse1 discussed in the preceding chapters1 illustrate modes of mediaeval progress4 ,but of all examples of mediaeval intellectual growth through the appropriation of the antique1 none is more completely illuminating than the mediaeval use of ,roman law4 ,as with patristic theology and antique philosophy1 the ,roman law was crudely taken and then painfully learned1 till in the end1 vitally and broadly mastered1 it became even a means and mode of mediaeval thinking4 ,its mediaeval appropriation illustrates the legal capacity of the ,middle ,ages and their concern with law both as a practical business and an intellectual interest4 ,i ,primitive law is practical2 it develops through the adjustment of social exigencies4 ,gradually1 however1 in an intelligent community which is progressing under favouring influences1 some definite consciousness of legal propriety1 utility1 or justice1 makes itself articulate in statements of general principles of legal right and in a steady endeavour to adjust legal relationships and adjudicate actual controversies in accordance4 ,this endeavour to formulate just and useful principles1 and decide novel questions in accordance with them1 and enunciate new rules in harmony with the body of the existing law1 is jurisprudence1 which thus works always for concord1 co-ordination1 and system4 ,there was a jurisprudential element in the early law of ,rome4 ,the ,twelve ,tables are trenchant announcements of rules of procedure and substantial law4 ,they have the form of the general imperative3 8,thus let it be2 ,if one summons another to court1 let him go2 ,as a man shall have appointed by his ,will1 so let it be2 ,when one makes a bond or purchase1#cda as the tongue shall have pronounced it1 so let it be40 ,these statements of legal rules are far from primitive2 they are elastic1 inclusive1 and suited to form the foundation of a large and free legal development4 ,and the consistency with which the law of debt was carried out to its furthest cruel conclusion1 the permitted division of the body of the defaulting debtor among several creditors1#cdb gave earnest of the logic which was to shape the ,roman law in its humaner periods4 ,moreover1 there is jurisprudence in the arrangement of the ,laws of the ,twelve ,tables4 ,nevertheless the jurisprudential element is still but inchoate4 ,the ,romans were endowed with a genius for law4 ,under the later ,republic and the ,empire1 the minds of their jurists were trained and broadened by ,greek philosophy and the study of the laws of ,mediterranean peoples2 ,rome was becoming the commercial as well as social and political centre of the world4 ,from this happy combination of causes resulted the most comprehensive body of law and the noblest jurisprudence ever evolved by a people4 ,the great jurisconsults of the ,empire1 working upon the prior labours of long lines of older praetors and jurists1 perfected a body of law of well-nigh universal applicability1 and throughout logically consistent with general principles of law and equity1 recognized as fundamental4 ,these were in part suggested by ,greek philosophy1 especially by ,stoicism as adapted to the ,roman temperament4 ,they represented the best ethics1 the best justice of the time4 ,as principles of law1 however1 they would have hung in the air1 had not the practical as well as theorizing genius of the jurisconsults been equal to the task of embodying them in legal propositions1 and applying the latter to the decision of cases4 ,thus was evolved a body of practical rules of law1 controlled1 co-ordinated1 and1 as one may say1 universalized through the constant logical employment of sound principles of legal justice4#cdc ,the ,roman law1 broadly taken1 was heterogeneous in origin1 and complex in its modes of growth4 ,the great jurisconsults of the ,empire recognized its diversity of source1 and distinguished its various characteristics accordingly4 ,they assumed 7and this was a pure assumption7 that every civilized people lived under two kinds of law1 the one its own1 springing from some recognized law-making source within the community2 the other the jus gentium1 or the law inculcated among all peoples by natural reason or common needs4 ,the supposed origin of the jus gentium was not simple4 ,back in the time of the ,republic it had become necessary to recognize a law for the many strangers in ,rome1 who were not entitled to the protection of ,rome's jus civile4 ,the edict of the praetor ,peregrinus covered their substantial rights1 and sanctioned simple modes of sale and lease which did not observe the forms prescribed by the jus civile4 ,so this edict became the chief source of the jus gentium so-called1 to wit1 of those liberal rules of law which ignored the peculiar formalities of the stricter law of ,rome4 ,probably foreign laws1 that is to say1 the commercial customs of the ,mediterranean world1 were in fact recognized2 and their study led to a perception of elements common to the laws of many peoples4 ,at all events1 in course of time the jus gentium came to be regarded as consisting of universal rules of law which all peoples might naturally follow4 ,the recognition of these simple modes of contracting obligations1 and perhaps the knowledge that certain rules of law obtained among many peoples1 fostered the conception of common or natural justice1 which human reason was supposed to inculcate everywhere4 ,such a conception could not fail to spring up in the minds of ,roman jurists who were educated in ,stoical philosophy1 the ethics of which had much to say of a common human nature4 ,indeed the idea naturalis ratio was in the air1 and the thought of common elements of law and justice which naturalis ratio inter omnes homines constituit1 lay so close at hand that it were perhaps a mistake to try to trace it to any single source4 ,practically the jus gentium became identical with jus naturale1 which ,ulpian imagined as taught by nature to all animals2 the jus gentium1 however1 belonged to men alone4#cdd ,thus rules which were conceived as those of the jus gentium came to represent the principles of rational law1 and impressed themselves upon the development of the jus civile4 ,they informed the whole growth and application of ,roman law with a breadth of legal reason4 ,and conceptions of a jus naturale and a jus gentium became cognate legal fictions1 by the aid of which praetor and jurisconsult might justify the validity of informal modes of contract4 ,in their application1 judge and jurist learned how and when to disregard the formal requirements of the older and stricter ,roman law1 and found a way to the recognition of what was just and convenient4 ,these fictions agreed with the supposed nature and demands of aequitas1 which is the principle of progressive and discriminating legal justice4 ,law itself 7jus7 was identical with aequitas conceived 7after ,celsus's famous phrase7 as the ars boni et aequi4 ,the ,roman law proper1 the jus civile1 had multifarious sources4 ,first the leges1 enacted by the people2 then the plebiscita1 sanctioned by the ,plebs2 the senatus consulta1 passed by the ,senate2 the constitutiones and rescripta#cde principum1 ordained by the ,emperor4 ,excepting the rescripta1 these 7to cover them with a modern expression7 were statutory4 ,they were laws announced at a specific time to meet some definite exigency4 ,under the ,empire1 the constitutiones principum became the most important1 and then practically the only kind of legal enactment4 ,two or three other sources of ,roman law remain for mention3 first1 the edicta of those judicial magistrates1 especially the praetors1 who had the authority to issue them4 ,in his edict the praetor announced what he held to be the law and how he would apply it4 ,the edict of each successive praetor was a renewal and expansion or modification of that of his predecessor4 ,papinian calls this source of law the 8jus praetorium1 which the praetors have introduced to aid1 supplement1 or correct the jus civile for the sake of public utility40 ,next1 the responsa or auctoritas jurisprudentium1 by which were intended the judicial decisions and the authority of the legal writings of the famous jurisconsults4 ,imperial rescripts recognized these responsa as authoritative for the ,roman courts2 and some of the emperors embodied portions of them in formally promulgated collections1 thereby giving them the force of law4 ,justinian's ,digest is the great example of this method of codification4#cdf ,one need scarcely add that the authoritative writings and responsa of the jurisconsults extended and applied the jus gentium1 that is to say1 the rules and principles of the best-considered jurisprudence1 freed so far as might be from the formal peculiarities of the jus civile strictly speaking4 ,and the same was true of the praetorian edict4 ,the ,roman law also gave legal effect to inveterata consuetudo1 the law which is sanctioned by custom3 8for since the laws bind us because established by the decision of the people1 those unwritten customs which the people have approved are binding40#cdg ,simply naming the sources of ,roman law indicates the ways in which it grew1 and the part taken by the jurisconsults in its development as a universal and elastic system4 ,it was due to their labours that legal principles were logically carried out through the mass of enactments and decisions2 that is1 it was due to their large consideration of the body of existing law1 that each novel decision--each case of first impression--should be a true legal deduction1 and not a solecism2 and that even the new enactments should not create discordant law4 ,and it was due to their labours that as rules of law were called forth1 they were stated clearly and in terms of well-nigh universal applicability4 ,the ,laws of the ,twelve ,tables showed the action of legal intelligence and the result of much experience4 ,they sanctioned a large contractual freedom1 if within strict forms2 they stated broadly the right of testamentary disposition4 ,many of their provisions1 which commonly were but authoritative recognitions1 were expressions of basic legal principles1 the application of which might be extended to meet the needs of advancing civic life4 ,and through the enlargement of this fundamental collection of law1 or deviating from it in accordance with principles which it implicitly embodied1 the jurists of the ,republic and the first centuries of the ,empire formed and developed a body of private and public law from which the jurisprudence of ,europe and ,america has never even sought to free itself4 ,roman jurisprudence was finally incorporated in ,justinian's ,digest1 which opens with a statement of the most general principles1 even those which would have hung in the air but for the ,roman genius of logical and practical application to the concrete instance4 8,jus est ars boni et aequi0--it is better to leave these words untranslated1 such is the wealth of significance and connotation which they have acquired4 8,justitia est constans et perpetua voluntas jus suum cuique tribuendi4 ,juris praecepta sunt haec3 honeste vivere1 alterum non laedere1 suum cuique tribuere4 ,jurisprudentia est divinarum atque humanarum rerum notitia1 justi atque injusti scientia40 ,the first pregnant phrase is from the older jurist ,celsus2 the longer passage is by the later ,ulpian1 and may be taken as an expansion of the first4 ,both the one and the other expressed the most advanced and philosophic ethics of the ancient world4 ,they are both in the first chapter of the ,digest1 wherein they become enactments4 ,an extract from ,paulus follows3 8,jus has different meanings2 that which is always aequum ac bonum is called jus1 to wit1 the jus naturale3 jus also means the jus civile1 that which is expedient 7utile7 for all or most in any state4 ,and in our state we have also the praetorian jus40 ,this passage indicates the course of the development of the ,roman law3 the fundamental and ceaselessly growing core of specifically ,roman law1 the jus civile2 its continual equitable application and enlargement1 which was the praetor's contribution2 and the constant application of the aequum ac bonum1 observed perhaps in legal rules common to many peoples1 but more surely existing in the high reasoning of jurists instructed in the best ethics and philosophy of the ancient world1 and learned and practised in the law4 ,now notice some of the still general1 but distinctly legal1 rather than ethical1 rules collected in the ,digest3 ,the laws cannot provide specifically for every case that may arise2 but when their intent is plain1 he who is adjudicating a cause should proceed ad similia1 and thus declare the law in the case4#cdh ,here is stated the general and important formative principle1 that new cases should be decided consistently and eleganter1 which means logically and in accordance with established rules4 ,yet legal solecisms will exist1 perhaps in a statute or in some rule of law evoked by a special exigency4 ,their application is not to be extended4 ,for them the rule is3 8,what has been accepted contra rationem juris1 is not to be drawn out 7producendum7 to its consequences10#cdi or again3 8,what was introduced not by principle1 but at first through error1 does not obtain in like cases40#cej ,these are true principles making for the consistent development of a body of law4 ,observe the scope and penetration of some other general rules3 8,nuptias non concubitus1 sed consensus facit40#cea ,this goes to the legal root of the whole conception of matrimony1 and is still the recognized starting-point of all law upon that subject4 ,again3 8,an agreement to perform what is impossible will not sustain a suit40#ceb ,this is still everywhere a fundamental principle of the law of contracts4 ,again3 8,no one can transfer to another a greater right than he would have himself10#cec another principle of fundamental validity1 but1 of course1 like all rules of law subject in its application to the qualifying operation of other legal rules4 ,roman jurisprudence recognized the danger of definition3 8,omnis definitio in jure civili periculosa est40#ced ,yet it could formulate admirable ones2 for example3 8,inheritance is succession to the sum total 7universum jus7 of the rights of the deceased40#cee ,this definition excels in the completeness of its legal view of the matter1 and is not injured by the obvious omission to exclude those personal privileges and rights of the deceased which terminate upon his death4 ,thus we note the sources and constructive principles of the ,roman law4 ,we observe that while certain of the former might be called 8statutory10 the chief means and method of development was the declarative edict of the praetor and the trained labour of the jurisconsults4 ,in these appears the consummate genius of ,roman jurisprudence1 a jurisprudence matchless in its rational conception of principles of justice which were rooted in a philosophic consideration of human life2 matchless also in its carrying through of such principles into the body of the law and the decision of every case4 ,,ii ,the ,roman law was the creation of the genius of ,rome and also the product of the complex civilization of which ,rome was the kinetic centre4 ,as the ,roman power crumbled1 ,teutonic invaders established kingdoms within territories formerly subject to ,rome and to her law--a law1 however1 which commonly had been modified to suit the peoples of the provinces4 ,those territories retained their population of provincials4 ,the invaders1 ,burgundians1 ,visigoths1 and ,franks1 planting themselves in the different parts of ,gaul1 brought their own law1 under which they continued to live1 but which they did not force upon the provincial population4 ,on the contrary1 ,burgundian and ,visigothic kings promulgated codes of ,roman law for the latter4 ,and these represent the forms in which the ,roman law first passed over into modes of acceptance and application no longer fully ,roman1 but partly ,teutonic and incipiently mediaeval4 ,they exemplify1 moreover1 the fact1 so many aspects of which have been already noticed1 of transitional and partly barbarized communities drawing from a greater past according to their simpler needs4 ,one may say that these codes carried on processes of decline from the full creative genius of ,roman jurisprudence1 which had irrevocably set in under the ,empire in the fourth and fifth centuries4 ,the decline lay in a weakening of the intellectual power devoted to the law and its development4 ,the living growth of the praetorian edict had long since come to an end2 and now a waning jurisprudential intelligence first ceased to advance the development of law1 and then failed to save from desuetude the achieved jurisprudence of the past4 ,so the jurisprudential and juridical elements 7jus7 fell away from the law1 and the imperial constitutions 7leges7 remained the sole legal vehicle and means of amendment4 ,the need of codification was felt1 and that preserving and eliminating process was entered upon4 ,roman codification never became a reformulation4 ,the ,roman ,codex was a collection of existing constitutions4 ,a certain jurist 78,gregorianus07 made an orderly and comprehensive collection of such as early as the close of ,diocletian's reign2 it was supplemented by the work of another jurist 78,hermogenianus07 in the time of ,constantine4 ,each compilation was the work of a private person1 who1 without authority to restate1 could but compile the imperial constitutions4 ,the same method was adopted by the later codifications1 which were made and promulgated under imperial decree4 ,there were two which were to be of supreme importance for the legal future of western ,europe1 the ,theodosian ,code and the legislation of ,justinian4 ,the former was promulgated in #dch by ,theodosius ,,ii4 and ,valentinianus4 ,the emperors formally announce that 8in imitation 7ad similitudinem7 of the ,code of ,gregorianus and ,hermogenianus we have decreed that all the ,constitutions should be collected0 which have been promulgated by ,constantine and his successors1 including ourselves4#cef ,so the ,theodosian ,code contains many laws of the emperors who decreed it4#ceg ,it was thus a compilation of imperial constitutions already in existence1 or decreed from year to year while the codification was in process 7#dbi-dch74 ,every constitution is given in the words of its original announcement1 and with the name of the emperor4 ,evidently this code was not a revision of the law4 ,the codification of ,justinian began with the promulgation of the ,codex in #ebi4 ,that was intended to be a compilation of the constitutions contained in the previous codes and still in force1 as well as those which had been decreed since the time of ,theodosius4 ,the compilers received authority to omit1 abbreviate1 and supplement4 ,the ,codex was revised and promulgated anew in #ecd4 ,the constitutions which were decreed during the remainder of ,justinian's long reign were collected after his death and published as ,novellae4 ,so far there was nothing radically novel4 ,but1 under ,justinian1 life and art seemed to have revived in the ,east2 and ,tribonian1 with the others who assisted in these labours1 had larger views of legal reform and jurisprudential conservation than the men who worked for ,theodosius4 ,justinian and his coadjutors had also serious plans for improving the teaching of the law1 in the furtherance of which the famous little book of ,institutes was composed after the model1 and to some extent in the words1 of the ,institutes of ,gaius4 ,it was published in #ecc4 ,the great labour1 however1 which ,justinian and his lawyers were as by ,providence inspired to achieve was the encyclopaedic codification of the jurisprudential law4 ,part of the emperor's high-sounding command runs thus3 8,we therefore command you to read and sift out from the books pertaining to the jus ,romanum composed by the ancient learned jurists 7antiqui prudentes7 to whom the most sacred emperors granted authority to indite and interpret the laws1 so that the material may all be taken from these writers1 and incongruity avoided--for others have written books which have been neither used nor recognized4 ,when by the favour of the ,deity this material shall have been collected1 it should be reared with toil most beautiful1 and consecrated as the own and most holy temple of justice1 and the whole law 7totum jus7 should be arranged in fifty books under specific titles40#ceh ,the language of the ancient jurists was to be preserved even critically1 that is to say1 the compilers were directed to emend apparent errors and restore what seemed 8verum et optimum et quasi ab initio scriptum40 ,it was not the least of the providential mercies connected with the compilation of this great body of jurisprudential law1 that ,justinian and his commission did not abandon the phrasing of the old jurisconsults1 and restate their opinions in such language as we have a sample of in the constitution from which the above extract is taken4 ,this jurisprudential part of ,justinian's ,codification was named the ,digest or ,pandects4#cei ,inasmuch as ,justinian's brief reconquest of western portions of the ,roman ,empire did not extend north of the ,alps1 his codification was not promulgated in ,gaul or ,germany4 ,even in ,italy his legislation did not maintain itself in general dominance1 especially in the north where the ,lombard law narrowed its application4 ,moreover1 throughout the peninsula1 the ,pandects quickly became as if they were not1 and fell into desuetude1 if that can be said of a work which had not come into use4 ,this body of jurisprudential law was beyond the legal sense of those monarchically-minded and barbarizing centuries1 which knew law only as the command of a royal lawgiver4 ,the ,codex and the ,novellae were of this nature4 ,they1 and not the ,digest1 represent the influence upon ,italy of ,justinian's legislation until the renewed interest in jurisprudence brought the ,pandects to the front at the close of the eleventh century4 ,but ,codex and ,novellae were too bulky for a period that needed to have its intellectual labours made easy4 ,from the first1 the ,novellae were chiefly known and used in the condensed form given them in the excellent ,epitome of ,julianus1 apparently a ,byzantine of the last part of ,justinian's reign4#cfj ,the cutting down and epitomizing of the ,codex is more obscure2 probably it began at once2 the incomplete or condensed forms were those in common use4#cfa ,it is1 however1 with the ,theodosian ,code and certain survivals of the works of the great jurists that we have immediately to do4 ,for these were the sources of the codes enacted by ,gothic and ,burgundian kings for their ,roman or ,gallo-,roman subjects4 ,apparently the earliest of them was prepared soon after the year #ejb1 at the command of ,gondebaud1 ,king of the ,burgundians4 ,this1 which later was dubbed the ,papianus1#cfb was the work of a skilled ,roman lawyer1 and seems quite as much a text-book as a code4 ,it set forth the law of the topics important for the ,roman provincials living in the ,burgundian kingdom1 not merely making extracts from its sources1 but stating their contents and referring to them as authorities4 ,these sources were substantially the same as those used by the ,visigothic ,breviarium1 which was soon to supersede the ,papianus even in ,burgundy4 ,breviarium was the popular name of the code enacted by the ,visigothic king ,alaric ,,ii4 about the year #ejf for his provinciales in the south of ,gaul4#cfc ,it preserved the integrity of its sources1 giving the texts in the same order1 and with the same rubrics1 as in the original4 ,the principal source was the ,theodosian ,code2 next in importance the collections of ,novellae of ,theodosius and succeeding emperors3 a few texts were taken from the ,codes of 8,gregorianus0 and 8,hermogenianus40 ,these parts of the ,breviarium consisted of leges1 that is1 of constitutions of the emperors4 ,two sources of quite a different character were also drawn upon4 ,one was the ,institutes of ,gaius1 or rather an old epitome which had been made from it4 ,the other was the ,sententiae of ,paulus1 the famous 8,five ,books of ,sentences ad filium40 ,this work of elementary jurisprudence deserved its great repute2 yet its use in the ,breviarium may have been due to the special sanction which had been given it in one of the constitutions of the ,theodosian ,code1 also taken over into the ,breviarium3 8,pauli quoque sententias semper valere praecipimus40#cfd ,the same constitution confirmed the ,institutes of ,gaius1 among other great jurisconsults4 ,presumably these two works were the most commonly known as well as the clearest and best of elementary jurisprudential compositions4 ,an interesting feature of the ,breviarium1 and destined to be of great importance1 was the ,interpretatio accompanying all its texts1 except those drawn from the epitome of ,gaius4 ,this was not the work of ,alaric's compilers1 but probably represents the approved exposition of the leges1 with the exposition of the already archaic ,sentences of ,paulus1 current in the law schools of southern ,gaul in the fifth century4 ,the ,interpretatio thus taken into the ,breviarium had1 like the texts1 the force of royal law1 and soon was to surpass them in practice by reason of its perspicuity and modernity4 ,many manuscripts contain only the ,interpretatio and omit the texts4 ,the ,breviarium became the source of ,roman law1 indeed the ,roman law par excellence1 for the ,merovingian and then the ,carolingian realm1 outside of ,italy4 ,it was soon subjected to the epitomizing process1 and its epitomes exist1 dating from the eighth to the tenth century3 they reduced it in bulk1 and did away with the practical inconvenience of lex and interpretatio4 ,further1 the ,breviarium1 and even the epitomes1 were glossed with numerous marginal or interlinear notes made by transcribers or students4 ,these range from definitions of words1 sometimes taken from ,isidore's ,etymologiae1 to brief explanations of difficulties in the text4#cfe ,in like manner in ,italy1 the ,codex and ,novellae of ,justinian were1 as has been said1 reduced to epitomes1 and also equipped with glosses4 ,these barbaric codes of ,roman law mark the passage of ,roman law into incipiently mediaeval stages4 ,on the other hand1 certain ,latin codes of barbarian law present the laws of the ,teutons touched with ,roman conceptions1 and likewise becoming inchoately mediaeval4 ,freedom1 the efficient freedom of the individual1 belongs to civilization rather than to barbarism4 ,the actual as well as imaginary perils surrounding the lives of men who do not dwell in a safe society1 entail a state of close mutual dependence rather than of liberty4 ,law in a civilized community has the twofold purpose of preserving the freedom of the individual and of maintaining peace4 ,with each advance in human progress1 the latter purpose1 at least in the field of private civil law1 recedes a little farther1 while the importance of private law1 as compared with penal law1 constantly increases4 ,the law of uncivilized peoples lacks the first of these purposes4 ,its sole conscious object is to maintain1 or at least provide a method of maintaining peace2 it is scarcely aware that in maintaining peace it is enhancing the freedom of every individual4 ,the distinct and conscious purpose of early ,teutonic law was to promote peace within the tribe1 or among the members of a warband4 ,thus was law regarded by the people--as a means of peace4 ,its communication or ordainment might be ascribed to a ,god or a divine ,king4 ,but in reality its chief source lay in slowly growing regulative custom4#cff ,the force of law1 or more technically speaking the legal sanction1 lay in the power of the tribe to uphold its realized purpose as a tribe2 for the power to maintain its solidarity and organization was the final test of its law-upholding strength4 ,primarily the old ,teutonic law looked to the tribe and its sub-units1 and scarcely regarded the special claims of an individual1 or noticed mitigating or aggravating elements in his culpability--answerability rather4 ,it prescribed for his peace and protection as a member of a family1 or as one included within the bands of ,sippe 7blood relationship72 or as one of a warband or a chief's close follower1 one of his comitatus4 ,on the other hand1 the law was stiff1 narrow1 and ungeneralized in its recognized rules4 ,the first ,latin codifications of ,teutonic law are not to be compared for breadth and elasticity of statement to the ,law of the ,twelve ,tables4 ,and their substance was more primitive4#cfg ,the earliest of these first codifications was the ,lex ,salica1 codified under ,clovis near the year #ejj4 ,unquestionably1 contact with ,roman institutions suggested the idea1 even as the ,latin language was the vehicle1 of this code4 ,otherwise the ,lex ,salica is un-,christian and un-,roman1 although probably it was put together after ,clovis's baptism4 ,it was not a comprehensive codification1 and omitted much that was common knowledge at the time2 which now makes it somewhat enigmatical4 ,one finds in it lists of thefts of every sort of object that might be stolen1 and of the various injuries to the person that might be done1 and the sum of money to be paid in each case as atonement or compensation4 ,such schedules did not set light store on life and property4 ,on the contrary1 they were earnestly intended as the most available protection of elemental human rights1 and as the best method of peaceful redress4 ,the sums awarded as ,wergeld were large1 and were reckoned according to the slain man's rank4 ,by committing a homicide1 a man might ruin himself and even his blood relatives 7,sippe7 and of course on failure to atone might incur servitude or death or outlawry4 ,the ,salic law is scarcely touched by the law of ,rome4 ,from this piece of intact ,teutonism the codes of other ,teuton peoples shade off into bodies of law partially ,romanized1 that is1 affected by the provincialized ,roman law current in the locality where the ,teutonic tribe found a home4 ,the codes of the ,burgundians and the ,visigoths in southern ,france are examples of this ,teutonic-,romanesque commingling4 ,on the other hand1 the ,lombard codes1 though later in time1 held themselves even harshly ,teutonic1 as opposed to any influence from the law of the conquered ,italian population1 for whom the ,lombards had less regard than ,burgundians and ,visigoths had for their subject provincials4 ,moreover1 as the ,frankish realm extended its power over other ,gallo-,teuton states1 the various ,teuton laws modified each other and tended toward uniformity4 ,naturally the law of the ,franks1 first the ,salic and then the partly derivative ,ribuarian code1 exerted a dominating influence4#cfh ,these ,teuton peoples regarded law as pertaining to the tribe4 ,there was little conscious intention on their part of forcing their laws on the conquered4 ,when the ,visigoths established their kingdom in southern ,france they had no idea of changing the law of the ,gallo-,roman provincials living within the ,visigothic rule2 and shortly afterwards1 when the ,franks extended their power over the still ,roman parts of ,gaul1 and then over ,alemanni1 ,burgundians1 and ,visigoths1 they likewise had no thought of forcing their laws either upon ,gallo-,romans or upon the ,teuton people previously dominant within a given territory4 ,this remained true even of the later ,frankish period1 when the ,carolingians conquered the ,lombard kingdom in upper ,italy4 ,indeed1 to all these ,teutons and to the ,roman provincials as well1 it seemed as a matter of course that tribal or local laws should be permitted to endure among the peoples they belonged to4 ,these assumptions and the conditions of the growing ,frankish ,empire evoked1 as it were1 a more acute mobilization of the principle that to each people belonged its law4 ,for provincials and ,teuton peoples were mingling throughout the ,frankish realm1 and the first obvious solution of the legal problems arising was to hold that provincials and ,teutons everywhere should remain amenable and entitled to their own law1 which was assumed to attend them as a personal appurtenance4 ,of course this solution became intolerable as tribal blood and delimitations were obscured1 and men moved about through the territories of one great realm4 ,archbishop ,agobard of ,lyons remarks that one might see five men sitting together1 each amenable to a different law4#cfi ,the escape from this legal confusion was to revert to the idea of law and custom as applying to every one within a given territory4 ,the personal principle gradually gave way to this conception in the course of the ninth1 tenth1 and eleventh centuries4#cgj ,in the meanwhile during the ,merovingian1 and more potently in the ,carolingian period1 king's law1 as distinguished from people's law1 had been an influence making for legal uniformity throughout that wide conglomerate empire which acknowledged the authority of the ,frankish king or emperor4 ,the king's law might emanate from the delegated authority1 and arise from the practices1 of royal functionaries2 it was most formally promulgated in ,capitularies1 which with ,charlemagne reach such volume and importance4 ,some of these royal ordinances related to a town or district only4 ,others were for the realm1 and the latter not only were instances of law applying universally1 but also tended to promote1 or suggest1 the harmonizing of laws which they did not modify directly4 ,,iii ,the ,roman law always existed in the ,middle ,ages4 ,provincialized and changed1 it was interwoven in the law and custom of the land of the langue d'oc and even in the customary law of the lands where the langue d'oil was spoken4 ,through the same territory it existed also in the ,breviarium and its epitomes4 ,there was very little of it in ,england1 and scarcely a trace in the ,germany east of the ,rhine4 ,in ,italy it was applied when not superseded by the ,lombard codes1 and was drawn from works based on the ,codex and ,novels of ,justinian4 ,but the jurisprudential law contained in ,justinian's ,digest was as well forgotten in ,italy as in any land north of the ,alps1 where the ,codification of ,justinian had never been promulgated4 ,the extent to which the classic forms of ,roman law were known or unknown1 unforgotten or forgotten1 was no accident as of codices or other writings lost accidentally4 ,it hung upon larger conditions--whether society had reached that stage of civilized exigency demanding the application of an advanced commercial law1 and whether there were men capable of understanding and applying it4 ,this need and the capacity to understand would be closely joined4#cga ,the history of the knowledge and understanding of ,roman law in the ,middle ,ages might be resolved into a consideration of the sources drawn upon1 and the extent and manner of their use1 from century to century4 ,in the fifth century1 when the ,theodosian ,code was promulgated1 law was thought of chiefly as the mandate of a ruler4 ,the ,theodosian ,code was composed of constitutiones principum4 ,likewise the ,breviarium1 based upon it1 and other barbarian codes of ,roman law1 were ordained by kings2 and so were the codes of ,teutonic law4 ,for law1 men looked directly to the visible ruler4 ,the jus1 reasoned out by the wisdom of trained jurists1 had lost authority and interest4 ,to be sure1 a hundred years later ,justinian's ,commission put together in the ,digest the body of jurisprudential law2 but even in ,italy where his codification was promulgated1 the ,digest fell still-born4 ,never was an official compilation of less effect upon its own time1 or of such mighty import for times to come4 ,the ,breviarium became par excellence the code of ,roman law for the countries included in the present ,france4 ,with its accompanying ,interpretatio it was a work indicating intelligence on the part of its compilers1 whose chief care was as to arrangement and explanation4 ,but the time was not progressive1 and a gathering mental decadence was shown by the manner in which the ,breviarium was treated and used1 to wit1 epitomized in many epitomes1 and practically superseded by them4 ,here was double evidence of decay2 for the supersession of such a work by such epitomes indicates a diminishing legal knowledge in the epitomizers1 and also a narrowing of social and commercial needs in the community1 for which the original work contained much that was no longer useful4 ,there were1 of course1 epitomes and epitomes4 ,such a work as the ,epitome ,juliani1 in which a good ,byzantine lawyer of ,justinian's time presented the substance of the ,novellae1 was an excellent compendium1 and deserved the fame it won4 ,of a lower order were the later manipulations of ,justinian's ,codex1 by which apparently the ,codex was superseded in ,italy4 ,one of these was the ,summa ,perusina of the ninth or tenth century1 a wretched work1 and one of the blindest4#cgb ,justinian's ,codex and ,julian's ,epitome were equipped with glosses1 some of which are as early as ,justinian's time2 but the greater part are later4 ,the glosses to ,justinian's legislation resemble those of the ,breviarium before referred to4 ,that is to say1 as the centuries pass downward toward the tenth1 the glosses answer to cruder needs3 they become largely translations of words1 often taken from ,isidore's ,etymologiae4#cgc ,indeed many of them appear to have had merely a grammatical interest1 as if the text was used as an aid in the study of the ,latin language4 ,the last remark indicates a way in which a very superficial acquaintance with the ,roman law was kept up through the centuries prior to the twelfth3 it was commonly taught in the schools devoted to elementary instruction1 that is to say1 to the ,seven ,liberal ,arts4 ,in many instances the instructors had only such knowledge as they derived from ,isidore1 that friend of every man4 ,that is1 they had no special knowledge of law1 but imparted various definitions to their pupils1 just as they might teach them the names of diseases and remedies1 a list of which 7and nothing more7 they would also find in ,isidore4 ,it was all just as one might have expected4 ,elementary mediaeval education was encyclopaedic in its childish way2 and1 in accordance with the methods and traditions of the transition centuries1 all branches of instruction were apt to be turned to grammar and rhetoric1 and made linguistic1 so to speak--mere subjects for curious definition4 ,thus it happened to law as well as medicine4 ,yet some of the teachers may have had a practical acquaintance with legal matters1 with an understanding for legal documents and skill to draw them up4 ,the assertion also is warranted that at certain centres of learning substantial legal instruction was given2 one may even speak of schools of law4 ,scattered information touching all the early mediaeval periods shows that there was no time when instruction in ,roman law could not be obtained somewhere in western ,europe4 ,to refer to ,france1 the ,roman law was very early taught at ,narbonne2 at ,orleans it was taught from the time of ,bishop ,theodulphus1 ,charlemagne's contemporary1 and probably the teaching of it long continued4 ,one may speak in the same way of ,lyons2 and in the eleventh century ,angers was famed for the study of law4 ,our information is less broken as to an ,italy where through the early ,middle ,ages more general opportunities offered for elementary education1 and where the ,roman law1 with ,justinian's ,codification as a base1 made in general the law of the land4 ,there is no reason to suppose that it was not taught4 ,contemporary allusions bear witness to the existence of a school of law in ,rome in the time of ,cassiodorus and afterwards1 which is confirmed by a statement of the jurist ,odofredus in the thirteenth century4 ,at ,pavia there was a school of law in the time of ,rothari1 the legislating ,lombard king2 this reached the zenith of its repute in the eleventh century4 ,legal studies also flourished at ,ravenna1 and succumbed before the rising star of the ,bologna school at the beginning of the twelfth century4#cgd ,in these and doubtless many other cities#cge students were instructed in legal practices and formulae1 and some substance of the ,roman law was taught4 ,extant legal documents of various kinds afford1 especially for ,italy1 ample evidence of the continuous application of the ,roman law4#cgf ,as for the merits and deficiencies of legal instruction in ,italy and in ,france1 an idea may be gained from the various manuals that were prepared either for use in the schools of law or for the practitioner4 ,because of the uncertainty1 however1 of their age and provenance1 it is difficult to connect them with a definite foyer of instruction4 ,until the opening of the twelfth century1 or at all events until the last quarter of the eleventh1 the legal literature evinces scarcely any originality or critical capacity4 ,there are glosses1 epitomes1 and collections of extracts1 more or less condensed or confused from whatever text the compiler had before him4 ,little jurisprudential intelligence appears in any writings which are known to precede the close of the eleventh century2 none1 for instance1 in the epitomes of the ,breviarium and the glosses relating to that code2 none in those works of ,italian origin the material for which was drawn directly or indirectly from the ,codex or ,novels of ,justinian1 for instance the ,summa ,perusina and the ,lex ,romana canonice compta1 both of which probably belong to the ninth century4 ,such compilations were put together for practical use1 or perhaps as aids to teaching4 ,thus1 so far as inference may be drawn from the extant writings1 the legal teaching in any school during this long period hardly rose above an uncritical and unenlightened explanation of ,roman law somewhat mediaevalized and deflected from its classic form and substance4 ,there was also practical instruction in current legal forms and customs4 ,interest in the law had not risen above practical needs1 nor was capacity shown for anything above a mechanical handling of the matter4 ,legal study was on a level with the other intellectual phenomena of the period4 ,in an opusculum#cgg written shortly after the middle of the eleventh century1 ,peter ,damiani bears unequivocal1 if somewhat hostile1 witness to the study of law at ,ravenna2 and it is clear that in his time legal studies were progressing in both ,france and ,italy4 ,it is unsafe to speak more definitely1 because of the difficulty in fixing the time and place of certain rather famous pieces of legal literature1 which show a marked advance upon the productions to be ascribed with certainty to an earlier time4 ,the reference is to the ,petri exceptiones and the ,brachylogus4 ,the critical questions relating to the former are too complex even to outline here4 ,both its time and place are in dispute4 ,the ascribed dates range from the third quarter of the eleventh century to the first quarter of the twelfth1 a matter of importance1 since the opening of the twelfth century is marked by the rise of the ,bologna school4 ,as for the place1 some scholars still adhere to the south of ,france1 while others look to ,pavia or ,ravenna4 ,on the whole1 the weight of argument seems to favour ,italy and a date not far from #ajge4cgh ,the ,petrus1 as it is familiarly called1 is drawn from immediately prior and still extant compilations4 ,the compiler wished to give a compendious if not systematic presentation of law as accepted and approved in his time1 that is to say1 of ,roman law somewhat mediaevalized in tone1 and with certain extraneous elements from the ,lombard codes4 ,the ultimate ,roman sources were the ,codification of ,justinian1 and indeed all of it1 ,digest1 ,codex1 and ,novels1 the last in the form to which they had been brought in ,julian's ,epitome4 ,the purpose of the compilation is given in the ,prologue1#cgi which in substance is as follows3 8,since for many divers reasons1 on account of the great and manifold difficulties in the laws1 even the ,doctors of the laws cannot without pains reach a certain opinion1 we1 taking account of both laws1 to wit1 the jus civile and the jus naturale1 unfold the solution of controversies under plain and patent heads4 ,whatever is found in the laws that is useless1 void1 or contrary to equity1 we trample under our feet4 ,whatever has been added and surely held to1 we set forth in its integral meaning so that nothing may appear unjust or provocative of appeal from thy judgments1 ,odilo2#chj but all may make for the vigour of justice and the praise of ,god40 ,the arrangement of topics in the ,petrus hardly evinces any clear design4 ,the substance1 however1 is well presented4 ,if there be a question to be solved1 it is plainly stated1 and the solution arrived at may be interesting4 ,for example1 a case seems to have arisen where the son of one who died intestate had seized the whole property to the exclusion of the children of two deceased daughters4 ,the sons of one daughter acquiesced4 ,the sons of the other per placitum et guerram forced their uncle to give up their share4 ,thereupon the supine cousins demanded to share in what had so been won4 ,the former contestants resisted on the plea that the latter had borne no aid in the contest and that they had obtained only their own portion4 ,the decision was that the supine cousins might claim their heritage from whoever held it1 and should receive their share in what the successful contestants had won2 but that the latter could by counter-actions compel them to pay their share of the necessary expenses of the prior contest4#cha ,sometimes the ,petrus seems to draw a general rule of law from the apparent instances of its application in ,justinian's ,codification4 ,therein certain formalities were prescribed in making a testament1 in adopting a son1 or emancipating a slave4 ,the ,petrus draws from them the general principle that where the law prescribes formalities1 the transaction is not valid if they are omitted4#chb ,in fine1 unsystematized as is the arrangement of topics1 the work presents an advance in legal intelligence over mediaeval law-writings earlier than the middle of the eleventh century4 ,if the ,petrus was adapted for use in practice1 the ,brachylogus1 on the other hand1 was plainly a book of elementary instruction1 formed on the model of ,justinian's ,institutes4 ,but it made use of his entire codification1 the ,novels1 however1 only as condensed in ,julian's ,epitome4 ,the influence of the ,breviarium is also noticeable2 which might lead one to think that the treatise was written in ,orleans or the neighbourhood1 since the ,breviarium was not in use in ,italy1 while the ,codification of ,justinian was known in ,france by the end of the eleventh century4 ,the beginning of the twelfth is the date usually given to the ,brachylogus4 ,it does not belong to the ,bologna school of glossators1 but rather immediately precedes them1 wherever it was composed4#chc ,the ,brachylogus1 as a book of ,institutes1 compares favourably with its model1 from the language of which it departed at will4 ,both works are divided into four libri2 but the libri of the ,brachylogus correspond better to the logical divisions of the law4 ,again1 frequently the author of the ,brachylogus breaks up the chapters of ,justinian's ,institutes and gives the subject-matter under more pertinent headings4 ,sometimes the statements of the older work are improved by rearrangement4 ,the definitions of the ,brachylogus are pithy and concise1 even to a fault4 ,often the exposition is well adapted to the purposes of an elementary text-book1#chd which was meant to be supplemented by oral instruction4 ,on the whole1 the work shows that the author is no longer encumbered by the mass or by the advanced character of his sources4 ,he restates their substance intelligently1 and thinks for himself4 ,he is no compiler1 and his work has reached the rank of a treatise4 ,the merits of the ,brachylogus as an elementary text-book are surpassed by those of the so-called ,summa ,codicis ,irnerii1 a book which may mark the beginning of the ,bologna school of law1 and may even be the composition of its founder4 ,many arguments are adduced for this authorship4#che ,the book has otherwise been deemed a production of the last days of the school of law at ,rome just before the school was broken up by some catastrophe as to which there is little information4 ,in that case the work would belong to the closing years of the eleventh century1 whereas the authorship of ,irnerius would bring it to the beginning of the twelfth4 ,at all events1 its lucid jurisprudential reasoning precludes the likelihood of an earlier origin4 ,this ,summa is an exposition of ,roman law1 following the arrangement and titles of ,justinian's ,codex1 but making extensive use of the ,digest4 ,it thus contains ,roman jurisprudential law1 and may be regarded as a compendious text-book for law students1 forming apparently the basis of a course of lectures which treated the topics more at length4#chf ,the author's command of his material is admirable1 and his presentation masterly4 ,whether he was ,irnerius or some one else1 he was a great teacher4 ,his work may be also called academic1 in that his standpoint is always that of the ,justinianean law1 although he limits his exposition to those topics which had living interest for the twelfth century4 ,private substantial law forms the chief matter1 but procedure is set forth and penal law touched upon4 ,the author appreciates the historical development of the ,roman law and the character of its various sources--praetorian law1 constitutiones principum1 and responsa prudentium4 ,he also shows independence1 and a regard for legal reasoning and the demands of justice4 ,while he sets forth the jus civile1 his exposition and approval follow the dictates of the jus naturale4 8,the established laws are to be understood benignly1 so as to preserve their spirit1 and prevent their departure from equity2 for the ,judge recognizes ordainments as legitimate when they conform to the principles of justice 7ratio equitatis74444 ,interpretation is sometimes general and imperative1 as when the lawgiver declares it3 then it must be applied not only to the matter for which it is announced1 but in all like cases4 ,sometimes an interpretation is imperative1 but only for the special case1 like the interpretation which is declared by those adjudicating a cause4 ,it is then to be accepted in that cause1 but not in like instances2 for not by precedents1 but by the laws are matters to be adjusted4 ,there is another kind of interpretation which binds no one1 that made by teachers explaining an ambiguous law1 for although it may be admissible because sound1 still it compels no one4 ,for every interpretation should so be made as not to depart from justice1 and that all absurdity may be avoided and no door opened to fraud40#chg ,one must suppose that such concise statements were explained and qualified in the author's lectures4 ,but even as they stand1 they afford an exposition of ,roman principles of interpretation4 ,not only under the ,roman ,empire1 but subsequently in mediaeval times1 the ,roman lawyer or the canonist did not pay the deference to adjudicated precedent which is felt by the ,english or ,american judge4 ,the passage in the ,codex which 8,irnerius0 was expounding commands that the judge1 in deciding a case1 shall follow the laws and the reasoning of the great jurists1 rather than the decision of a like controversy4 ,since the author of this ,summa weighs the justice1 the reason1 and the convenience of the laws1 and compares them with each other1 his book is a work of jurisprudence4 ,its qualities may be observed in its discussion of possession and the rights arising therefrom4 ,the writer has just been expounding the usucapio1 an institution of the jus civile strictly speaking1 whereby the law of ,rome in certain instances protected and1 after three years1 perfected1 the title to property which one had in good faith acquired from a vendor who was not the owner3 8,now we must discuss the ratio possessionis4 ,usucapio in the jus civile hinges on possession1 and ownership by the jus naturale may take its origin in possession4 ,there are many differences in the ways of acquiring possession1 which must be considered4 ,and since in the constitutiones and responsa prudentium divers reasons are adduced regarding possession1 my associates have begged that ,i would expound this important and obscure subject in which is mingled the ratio both of the civil and the natural law4 ,so ,i will do my best4 ,first one must consider what possession is1 how it is acquired1 maintained1 or lost4 ,possession 7here the author follows ,paulus and ,labeo in the ,digest7 is as when one's feet are set upon a thing1 when body naturally rests on body4 ,to acquire possession is to begin to possess4 ,herein one considers both the fact and the right4 ,the fact arises through ourselves or our representative4 ,it is understood differently as to movables and as to land2 for the movable we take in our hand1 but we take possession of a farm by going upon it with this intent and laying hold of a sod4 ,the intent to possess is crucial4 ,thus a ring put in the hand of a sleeper is not possessed for lack of intent on his part4 ,you possess naturally when with mind and body 7yours or another's who represents you7 you hold or sit upon with intent to possess4 ,corporeal things you properly possess1 and acquire possession of1 by your own or your agent's hand4 ,in the same manner you retain4 ,incorporeal things cannot be possessed properly speaking1 but the civil law accords a quasi possession of them40 ,then follows a discussion of the persons through whom another may have possession1 and of the various modes of possessing longa manu without actual touch3 8,it is one thing when the possession begins with you1 and another when it is transferred to you by a prior possessor3 for possession begins in three ways1 by occupation1 accession1 and transfer4 ,you occupy the thing that belongs to no one4 ,by accession you acquire possession in two ways4 ,thus the increment may be possessed1 as the fruit of thy handmaid2 or the accession consists in the union with a larger thing which is yours1 as when alluvium is deposited on your land4 ,again possession is transferred to you10 voluntarily or otherwise4 ,he now discusses the various modes in which possession is acquired by transfer1 then the nature of the justa or injusta causa with which possession may begin1 and the effect on the rights of the possessor1 and then some matters more peculiar to the time of ,justinian4 ,after which he passes to the loss of possession1 and concludes with saying that he has endeavoured to go over the whole subject1 and whatever is omitted or insufficiently treated1 he begs that it be laid to the fault of humanae imbecillitatis4 ,the discussion reads like a carefully drawn outline which his lecture should expand4#chh ,the knowledge and understanding of the ,roman law in the mediaeval centuries should be viewed in conjunction with the general progress of intellectual aptitude during the same periods4 ,the growth of legal knowledge will then show itself as a part of mediaeval development1 as one phase of the flowering of the mediaeval intellect4 ,for the treatment of ,roman law presents stages essentially analogous to those by which the ,middle ,ages reached their understanding and appropriation of other portions of their great inheritance from classical antiquity and the ,christianity of the ,fathers4 ,let us recapitulate3 the ,roman law1 adapted1 or corrupted if one will1 epitomized and known chiefly in its later enacted forms1 was never unapplied nor the study of it quite abandoned4 ,it constituted a great part of the law of ,italy and southern ,france2 in these two regions likewise was its study least neglected4 ,we have observed the superficial and mainly linguistic nature of the glosses which this early mediaeval period interlined or wrote on the margins of the source-books drawn upon1 also the rude and barbarous nature of the earlier summaries and compilations4 ,they were helps to a crude practical knowledge of the law4 ,gradually the treatment seems to become more intelligent1 a little nearer the level of the matter excerpted or made use of4 ,through the eleventh century it is evident that social conditions were demanding and also facilitating an increase in legal knowledge2 and at that century's close a by no means stupid compilation appears1 the ,petri exceptiones1 and perhaps such a fairly intelligent manual for elementary instruction as the ,brachylogus4 ,these works indicate that the instruction in the law was improving4 ,we have also the sparse references to schools of law1 at ,rome1 at ,ravenna1 at ,orleans4 ,then we come upon the ,summa ,codicis called of ,irnerius1 of uncertain provenance1 like the ,petrus and ,brachylogus4 ,but there is no need to be informed specifically of its place and date in order to recognize its advance in legal intelligence1 in veritable jurisprudence4 ,the writer was a master of the law1 an adept in its exposition1 and his oral teaching must have been of a high order4 ,with this book we have unquestionably touched the level of the strong beginnings of the greatest of mediaeval schools of ,roman law4 ,its seat was ,bologna1 one of the chief centres of the civic and commercial life of ,lombardy4 ,the ,lombards themselves had shown a persistent legal genius3 their own ,teutonic codes1 enacted in ,italy1 had maintained themselves in that land of ,roman law and custom4 ,lombard codification had almost reached a jurisprudence of its own1 at ,pavia1 the juridical centre of ,lombardy4 ,the provisions of various codes had been compared and put together in a sort of ,concordia1 as early as the ninth century4#chi ,possibly the rivalry of ,lombard law might stimulate those learned in the law of ,rome to sharper efforts to expound it and prove its superiority4 ,moreover1 all sides of civic life and culture were flourishing in that region where novel commercial relations were calling for a corresponding progress in the law1 and especially for a better knowledge of the ,roman law which alone afforded provision for their regulation4 ,as some long course of human development approaches its climax1 the advance apparently becomes so rapid as to give the impression of something suddenly happening1 a sudden leap upward of the human spirit4 ,the velocity of the movement seems to quicken as the summit is neared4 ,one easily finds examples1 for instance the fifth century before ,christ in ,greek art1 or the fourth century in ,greek philosophy1 or again the excellence so quickly reached apparently by the ,middle ,high ,german poetry just about the year #abjj4 ,but may not the seeming suddenness of the phenomenon be due to lack of information as to antecedents8 and the flare of the final achievement even darken what went before8 ,yet1 in fact1 as a movement nears its climax1 it may become more rapid4 ,for1 as the promoting energies and favouring conditions meet in conjunction1 their joint action becomes more effective4 ,forces free themselves from cumbrances and draw aid from one another4 ,thus when the gradual growth of intellectual faculty effects a conjunction with circumstances which offer a fair field1 and the prizes of life as a reward1 a rapid increase of power may evince itself in novel and timely productivity4 ,this may suggest the manner of the apparently sudden rise of the ,bologna school of ,roman law1 which1 be it noted1 took place but a little before the time of ,gratian's achievement in the ,canon law1 itself contemporaneous with the appearance of ,peter ,lombard's novel ,books of ,sentences4#cij ,the preparation1 although obscure1 existed2 and the school after its commencement passed onward through stages of development1 to its best accomplishment1 and then into a condition of stasis1 if not decline4 ,irnerius apparently was its first master2 and of his life little is known4 ,he was a native of ,bologna4 ,his name as causidicus is attached to a ,state paper of the year #aaac4 ,thereafter he appears in the service of the ,german emperor ,henry ,v4 ,we have no sure trace of him after #aaah1 though there is no reason to suppose that he did not live and labour for some further years4 ,he had taught the ,arts at ,ravenna and ,bologna before teaching1 or perhaps seriously studying1 the law4 ,but his career as a teacher of the law doubtless began before the year #aaac1 when he is first met with as a man of affairs4 ,accounts agree in ascribing to him the foundation of the school4 ,unless the ,summa ,codicis already mentioned1 and a book of ,quaestiones1 be really his1 his glosses upon ,justinian's ,digest1 ,codex1 and ,novels1 are all we have of him2#cia of the rest we know by report4 ,the glosses themselves indicate that this jurist had been a grammarian1 and used the learning of his former profession in his exposition of the law4 ,his interlinear glosses are explanations of words1 and would seem to represent his earlier1 more tentative1 work when he was himself learning the meaning of the law4 ,but the marginal glosses are short expositions of the passages to which they are attached1 and perhaps belong to the time of his fuller command over the legal material4 ,they indicate1 besides1 a critical consideration of the text1 and even of the original connection which the passage in the ,digest held in the work of the jurisconsult from which it had been taken4 ,some of them show an understanding of the chronological sequence of the sources of the ,roman law1 e4g4 that the law-making power had existed in the people and then passed to the emperors4 ,these glosses of ,irnerius represent a clear advance in jurisprudence over any previous legal comment subsequent to the ,interpretatio attached to the ,breviarium4 ,it was also part of his plan to equip his manuscripts of the ,codex with extracts taken from the text of the ,novels1 and not from the ,epitome of ,julian4 ,he appears also as a lawyer versed in the practice of the law4 ,for he wrote a book of forms for notaries and a treatise on procedure1 neither of which is extant4#cib ,the accomplishment of the ,bologna school may be judged more fully from the works1 still extant1 of some of its chief representatives in the generations following ,irnerius4 ,a worthy one was ,placentinus1 a native of ,piacenza4 ,the year of his birth is unknown1 but he died in #aaib1 after a presumably full span of life1 passed chiefly as a student and teacher of the law4 ,he taught in ,mantua and ,montpellier1 as well as in ,bologna4 ,he was an accomplished jurist and a lover of the classic literature4 ,his work entitled ,de varietate actionum was apparently the first attempt to set forth the ,roman law in an arrangement and form that did not follow the sources4#cic ,he opens his treatise with an allegory of a noble dame1 hight ,jurisprudentia1 within the circle of whose sweet and honied utterances many eager youths were thronging4 ,placentinus drew near1 and received from her the book which he now gives to others4#cid ,this little allegory savours of the ,de consolatione of ,bothius1 or1 if one will1 of ,capella's ,de nuptiis ,philologiae4 ,the most admirable surviving work of ,placentinus is his ,summa of the ,codex of ,justinian4 ,his autobiographical proemium shows him not lacking in self-esteem1 and tells why he undertook the work4 ,he had thought at first to complete the ,summa of ,rogerius1 an older glossator1 but then decided to put that book to sleep1 and compose a full ,summa of the ,codex himself1 from the beginning to the end4 ,this by the favour of ,god he has done2 it is the work of his own hands1 from head to heel1 and all the matter is his own--not borrowed4 ,next he wrote for beginners a ,summa of the ,institutes4 ,after which he returned to his own town1 and shortly proceeded thence to ,bologna1 whither he had been called4 8,there in the citadel 7in castello7 for two years ,i expounded the laws to students2 ,i brought the other teachers to the threshold of envy2 ,i emptied their benches of students4 ,the hidden places of the law ,i laid open1 ,i reconciled the conflicts of enactments1 ,i unlocked the secrets most potently40 ,his success was great1 and he was besought to continue his course of lectures4 ,he complied1 and remained two years more1 and then returned to ,montpellier1 in order to compose a ,summa of the ,digest4#cie ,if indeed ,placentinus speaks bombastically of his work1 its excellence excuses him4 ,his well-earned reputation as a jurist and scholar long endured4 ,quaestiones1 ,distinctiones1 ,libri disputationum1 ,summae of the ,codex or the ,institutions1 and other legal writings1 are extant in goodly bulk and number from the ,bologna school4 ,the names of the men are almost legion1 and many were of great repute in their day both as jurists and as men of affairs4 ,we may mention ,azo and ,accursius1 of a little later time4 ,azo's name appears in public documents from the year #aaij to #abbj--;and he may have survived the latter date by some years4 ,his works were of such compass and excellence as to supersede those of his predecessors4 ,his glosses still survive1 and his ,lectura on the ,codex1 his ,summae of the ,codex and the ,institutes1 and his ,quaestiones1 and ,brocarda1 the last a sort of work stating general legal propositions and those contradicting them4 ,azo's glosses were so complete as to constitute a continuous exposition of the entire legislation of ,justinian4 ,his ,summae of the ,codex and ,institutes drove those of ,placentinus out of use1 which we note with a smile4#cif ,none of the glossators is better known than ,accursius4 ,he comes before us as a ,florentine1 and apparently a peasant's son4 ,he died an old man rich and famous1 about the year #abfj4 ,azo was his teacher4 ,in #abeb he was ,podesta of ,bologna1 which indicates the respect in which men held him4 ,villani1 the ,florentine historian1 describes him as of martial form1 grave1 thoughtful1 even melancholy in aspect1 as if always meditating2 a man of brilliant talents and extraordinary memory1 sober and chaste in life1 but delighting in noble vesture4 ,his hearers drank in the laws of living from his mien and manners no less than from the dissertations of his mouth4#cig ,late in life he retired to his villa1 and there in quiet worked on his great ,glossa till he died4 ,this famous1 perhaps all too famous1 ,glossa ordinaria was a digest and1 as it proved1 a final one1 of the glosses of his predecessors and contemporaries4 ,he drew not only from their glosses1 but also on their ,summae and other writings4 ,he added a good deal of his own4 ,great as was the feat1 the somewhat deadened talent of a compiler shows in the result1 which flattened out the individual labours of so many jurists4 ,it came at once into general use in the courts and outside of them2 for it was a complete commentary on the ,justinianean law1 so compendious and convenient that there was no further need of the glosses of earlier men4 ,this book marked the turning-point of the ,bologna school1 after which its productivity lessened4 ,its work was done3 ,codex1 ,novels1 and above all the ,pandects were rescued from oblivion1 and fully expounded1 so far as the matter in them was still of interest4 ,when the labours of the school had been conveniently heaped together in one huge ,glossa1 there was no vital inducement to do this work again4 ,the school of the glossators was functus officio4 ,naturally with the lessening of the call1 productivity diminished4 ,little was left to do save to gloss the glosses1 an epigonic labour which would not attract men of talent4 ,moreover1 treating the older glosses1 instead of the original text1 as the matter to be interpreted was unfavourable to progress in the understanding of the latter4 ,yet1 for a little1 the breath of life was still to stir in the school of the glossators4 ,there was a man of fame1 a humanist indeed1 named ,cino1 whose beautiful tomb still draws the lover of things lovely to ,pistoia4 ,cino was also a jurist1 and it came to him to be the teacher of one whose name is second to none among the legists of the ,middle ,ages4 ,this was ,bartolus1 born probably in the year #acad at ,sassoferrato in the duchy of ,urbino4 ,he was a scholar1 learned in geometry and ,hebrew1 also a man of affairs4 ,he taught the law at ,pisa and ,perugia1 and in the last-named town he died in #aceg1 not yet forty-four years old4 ,bartolus wrote and compiled full commentaries on the entire ,corpus juris civilis2 and yet he produced no work differing in kind from works of his predecessors4 ,moreover1 between him and the body of the law rose the great mass of gloss and comment already in existence1 through which he did not always penetrate to the veritable ,corpus4 ,yet his labours were inspired with the energy of a vigorous nature1 and he put fresh thoughts into his commentaries4#cih ,the school of glossators presented the full ,roman law to ,europe4 ,the careful and critical interpretation of the text of ,justinian's ,codification1 of the ,digest above all1 was their great service4 ,in performing it1 these jurists also had educated themselves and developed their own intelligence4 ,they had also put together in ,summae the results of their own education in the law4 ,these works facilitated legal study and sharpened the faculties of students and professors4 ,books of ,quaestiones1 legal disputations1 works upon legal process and formulae1 served the same ends4#cii ,these men were deficient in historical knowledge4 ,yet they compared ,digest1 ,codex1 and ,novels2 they tried to re-establish the purity of the text2 they weighed and they expounded4 ,theirs was an intellectual effort to master the jurisprudence of ,rome3 their labours constituted a renaissance of jurisprudence2 and the fact that they were often men of affairs as well as professors1 kept them from ignoring the practical bearings of the matters which they taught4 ,the work of the glossators may be compared with that of the theologian philosophers of the thirteenth century--,alexander of ,hales1 ,albertus ,magnus1 ,thomas ,aquinas--who were winning for the world a new and comprehensive knowledge of ,aristotle4 ,both jurists and philosophers1 in their different spheres1 carried through a more profound study1 and reached a more comprehensive knowledge1 of a great store of antique thought1 than previous mediaeval centuries conceived of4 ,moreover1 the interpretation of the ,corpus juris was quite as successful as the interpretation of ,aristotle4 ,it was in fact surer1 because freer from the deflections of religious motive4 ,no consideration of agreement or disagreement with ,scripture troubled the glossators' interpretation of the ,digest1 though indeed they may have been interested in finding support for whatever political views they held upon the claims of emperor and pope4 ,but this did not disturb them as much as ,aristotle's opinion that the universe was eternal1 worried ,albertus and ,aquinas4 ,,iv ,the ,church1 from the time of its first recognition by the ,roman ,empire1 lived under the ,roman law2#djj and the constitutions safeguarding its authority were large and ample before the ,empire fell4 ,constantine1 to be sure1 never dreamed of the famous 8,donation of ,constantine0 forged by a later time1 yet his enactments fairly launched the great mediaeval ,catholic ,church upon the career which was to bring it more domination than was granted in this pseudo-charter of its power4 ,a number of ,constantine's enactments were preserved by the ,theodosian ,code1 in which the powers and privileges of ,church and clergy were portentously set forth4 ,the ,theodosian ,code freed the property of the ,church from most fiscal burdens1 and the clergy from taxes1 from public and military service1 and from many other obligations which sometimes the ,code groups under the head of sordida munera4 ,the ,church might receive all manner of bequests1 and it inherited the property of such of its clergy as did not leave near relatives surviving them4 ,its property generally was inalienable2 and the clergy were accorded many special safeguards4 ,slaves might be manumitted in a church4 ,the church edifices were declared asylums of refuge from pursuers1 a privilege which had passed to the churches from the heathen fanes and the statues of the emperors4 ,constitution after constitution was hurled against the ,church's enemies4 ,the ,theodosian ,code has one chapter containing sixty-six constitutions directed against heretics1 the combined result of which was to deprive them1 if not of life and property1 at least of protected legal existence4 ,of enormous import was the sweeping recognition on the ,empire's part of the validity of episcopal jurisdiction4 ,no bishop might be summoned before a secular court as a defendant1 or compelled to give testimony4 ,falsely to accuse one of the clergy rendered the accuser infamous4 ,all matters pertaining to religion and church discipline might be brought only before the bishop's court1 which likewise had plenary jurisdiction over controversies among the clergy4 ,it was also open to the laity for the settlement of civil disputes4 ,the command not to go to law before the heathen came down from ,paul 7#a ,cor4 vi471 and together with the severed and persecuted condition of the early ,christian communities1 may be regarded as the far source of the episcopal jurisdiction1 which thus divinely sanctioned tended to extend its arbitrament to all manner of legal controversies4#dja ,to be sure1 under the ,christian ,roman ,empire the authority of the ,church as well as its privileges rested upon imperial law4 ,yet the emperors recognized1 rather than actually created1 the ecclesiastical authority4 ,and when the ,empire was shattered1 there stood the ,church erect amid the downfall of the imperial government1 and capable of supporting itself in the new ,teutonic kingdoms4 ,the constitutions of ,christian emperors did not from their own force and validity become ,ecclesiastical or ,canon law--the law relating to ,christians as such1 and especially to the ,church and its functions4 ,the source of that law was ,god2 the ,church was its declarative organ4 ,acceptance on the ,church's part was requisite before any secular law could become a law of the ,church4 ,canon law may be taken to include theology1 or may be limited to the law of the organization and functions of the ,church taken in a large sense as inclusive of the laity in their relations to the religion of ,christ4#djb ,obviously part comes from ,christ directly1 through the ,old ,testament as well as ,new4 ,the other part1 and in bulk far greater1 emanates from ,his foundation1 the ,church1 under the guidance of ,his ,spirit1 and may be added to and modified by the ,church from age to age4 ,it is expressed in custom1 universal and established1 and it is found in written form in the works of the ,fathers1 in the decrees of ,councils1 in the decretals of the popes1 and in the concordats and conventions with secular sovereignties4 ,from the beginning1 canon law tacitly or expressly adopted the constitutions of the ,christian emperors relating to the ,church1 as well as the ,roman law generally1 under which the ,church lived in its civil relations4 ,the ,church arose within the ,roman ,empire1 and who shall say that its wonderfully efficient and complete organization at the close of the patristic period was not the final creation of the legal and constructive genius of ,rome1 newly inspired by the spirit of ,christianity8 ,but the centre of interest had been transferred from earth to heaven1 and human aims had been recast by the ,gospel and the understanding of it reached by ,christian doctors4 ,evidently since the ideals of the ,church were to be other than those of the ,roman ,empire1 the law which it accepted or evolved would have ideals different from those of the ,roman law4 ,if the great ,roman jurists created a legal formulation and rendering of justice adequate for the highly developed social and commercial needs of ,roman citizens1 the law of the ,church1 while it might borrow phrases1 rules1 and even general principles1 from that system1 could not fail to put new meaning in them4 ,for example1 the constant will to render each his due1 which was justitia in the ,roman law1 might involve different considerations where the soul's salvation1 and not the just allotment of the goods of this world1 was the law's chief aim4 ,again1 what new meaning might attach to the honeste vivere and the alterum non laedere of pagan legal ethics4 ,honeste vivere might mean to do no sin imperilling the soul2 alterum non laedere would acquire the meaning of doing nothing to another which might impede his progress toward salvation4 ,injuries to a man in his temporalities were less important4 ,further1 ,christianity although conceived as a religion for all mankind1 was founded on a definite code and revelation4 ,the primary statement was contained in the canonical books of the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,these were for all men1 universal in application and of irrefragable validity and truth4 ,here was some correspondence to the conception of the jus gentium as representative of universal principles of justice and expediency1 and therefore as equivalent to the jus naturale4 ,there was something of logical necessity in the transference of this conception to the law of ,christ4 ,says ,gratian at the beginning of his ,decretum3 8,it is jus naturae which is contained in the ,law and the ,gospel1 by which every one is commanded to do to another as he would be done by1 and forbidden to inflict on him what he does not wish to happen to himself40 ,since the ,law and the ,gospel represent the final law of life for all men1 they are par excellence the jus naturae1 as well as lex divina4 ,gratian quotes from ,augustine3 8,divinum jus in scripturis divinis habemus1 humanum in legibus regum40#djc ,and then adds3 8,by its authority the jus naturale prevails over custom and constitution4 ,whatever in customs or writings is contrary to the jus naturale is to be held vain and invalid40 ,again he says more explicitly3 8,since therefore nothing is commanded by natural law other than what ,god wills to be1 and nothing is forbidden except what ,god prohibits1 and since nothing may be found in the canonical ,scripture except what is in the divine laws1 the laws will rest divinely in nature 7divine leges natura consistent74 ,it is evident1 that whatever is proved to be contrary to the divine will or canonical ,scripture1 is likewise opposed to natural law4 ,wherefore whatever should give way before divine will or ,scripture or the divine laws1 over that ought the jus naturale to prevail4 ,therefore whatever ecclesiastical or secular constitutions are contrary to natural law are to be shut out40#djd ,the canon law is a vast sea4 ,its growth1 its age-long agglomerate accretion1 the systematization of its huge contents1 have long been subjects for controversialists and scholars4 ,its sources were as multifarious as those of the ,roman law4 ,first the ,scriptures and the early quasi-apostolic and pseudo-apostolic writings2 then the traditions of primitive ,christianity and also the writings of the ,fathers2 likewise ecclesiastical customs1 long accepted and legitimate1 and finally the two great written sources1 the decretals or decisions of the popes and the decrees of councils4 ,from patristic times collections were made of the last4 ,these collections from a chronological gradually acquired a topical and more systemic arrangement1 which the compilers followed more completely after the opening of the tenth century4 ,the decisions of the popes also had been collected1 and then were joined to conciliar compilations and arranged after the same topical plan4 ,in all of them there was unauthentic matter1 accepted as if its pseudo-authorship or pseudo-source were genuine4 ,but in the stormy times of the ninth century following the death of ,charlemagne1 the method of argument through forged authority was exceptionally creative4 ,it produced two masterpieces which won universal acceptance4 ,the first was a collection of false ,capitularies ascribed to ,charlemagne and ,louis the ,pious1 and ostensibly the work of a certain ,benedictus ,levita1 deacon of the ,church of ,mainz1 who worked in the middle of the century4 ,far more famous and important was the book of ,false ,decretals1 put together and largely written1 that is forged1 about the same time1 probably in the diocese of ,rheims1 and appearing as the work of ,saint ,isidore of ,seville4 ,this contained many forged letters of the early popes and other forged matter1 including the ,epistle or 8,donation0 of ,constantine2 also genuine papal letters and conciliar decrees4 ,these false collections were accepted by councils and popes1 and formed part of subsequent compilations4 ,from the tenth century onward many such compilations were made1 all of them uncritical as to the genuineness of the matter taken1 and frequently ill-arranged and discordant4 ,they were destined to be superseded by the great work in which appears the better methods and more highly trained intelligence developing at the ,bologna ,school in the first part of the twelfth century4 ,its author was ,gratianus1 a monk of the monastery of ,st4 ,felix at ,bologna4 ,he was a younger contemporary of ,irnerius and of ,peter ,lombard4 ,legend made him the latter's brother1 with some propriety2 for the compiler of those epoch-making ,sentences represents the same stage in the appropriation of the patristic theological heritage of the ,middle ,ages1 that ,gratian represents in the handling of the canon law4 ,the ,lombard's ,sentences made a systematic and even harmonizing presentation of the theology of the ,fathers in their own language2 and the equally immortal ,decretum of ,gratian accomplished a like work for the canon law4 ,this is the name by which his work is known1 but not the name he gave it4 ,that appears to have been ,concordia discordantium canonum1 which indicates his methodical presentation of his matter and his endeavour to reconcile conflicting propositions4 ,the first part of the ,decretum was entitled 8,de jure naturae et constitutionis40 ,it presents the sources of the law1 the ,church's organization and administration1 the ordination and ranking of the clergy1 the election and consecration of bishops1 the authority of legates and primates4 ,the second part treats of the procedure of ecclesiastical courts1 also the law regulating the property of the ,church1 the law of monks and the contract of marriage4 ,the third part is devoted to the ,sacraments and the ,liturgy4 ,gratian's usual method is as follows3 ,he will open with an authoritative proposition4 ,if he finds it universally accepted1 it stands as valid4 ,but if there are opposing statements1 he tries to reconcile them1 either pointing out the difference in date 7for the law of the ,church may be progressive71 or showing that one of the discordant rules had but local or otherwise limited application1 or that the first proposition is the rule1 while the others make the exceptions4 ,if he still fails to establish concord1 he searches to find which rule had been followed in the ,roman ,church1 and accepts that as authoritative4 ,a rule being thus made certain1 he proceeds with subdivisions and distinctions1 treating them as deductions from the main rule and adjusting the supporting texts4 ,or he will suppose a controversy 7causa7 and discuss its main and secondary issues4 ,throughout he accompanies his authoritative matter with his own commentary--commonly cited as the ,dicta ,gratiani4#dje ,the ,decretum was characterized by sagacity of interpretation and reconcilement1 by vast learning1 and clear ordering of the matter4 ,only it was uncritical as to the genuineness of its materials2 and a number of ,gratian's own statements were subsequently disapproved in papal decretals4 ,the ,dicta ,gratiani never received such formal sanction by pope or council as the writings of ,roman jurists received by being taken into ,justinian's ,digest4 ,the papal decretals had become the great source of canonical law4 ,gratian's work was soon supplemented by various compilations known as ,appendices ad ,decretum or ,decretales extravagantes1 to wit1 those which the ,decretum did not contain4 ,these1 however1 were superseded by the collection1 or rather codification1 made at the command of the great canonist ,gregory ,,ix4 and completed in the year #abcd4 ,this authoritative work preserved ,gratian's ,decretum intact1 but suppressed1 or abridged and reordered1 the decretals contained in subsequent collections4 ,arranged in five books1 it forms the second part of the ,corpus juris canonici4 ,in #abih ,boniface ,,viii4 promulgated a supplementary book known as the ,sextus of ,boniface4 ,this with a new collection promulgated under the authority of ,clement ,v4 in #acac1 called the ,clementinae1 and the ,extravagantes of his successor ,john ,,xxii4 and certain other popes1 constitute the last portions of the ,corpus juris canonici4#djf ,according to the law of the ,empire the emperor's authority extended over the ,church1 its doctrine1 its discipline1 and its property4 ,such authority was exercised by the emperors from ,constantine to ,justinian4 ,but the ,church had always stood upon the principle that it was better to obey ,god rather than man4 ,this had been maintained against the power of the pagan ,empire1 and was not to be sunned out of existence by imperial favour4 ,it was still better to obey ,god rather than the emperor4 ,the ,church still should say who were its members and entitled to participate in the salvation which it mediated4 ,ecclesiastical authorities could excommunicate2 that was their engine of coercion4 ,these principles were incarnate in ,ambrose1 ,bishop of ,milan1 withstanding and prohibiting ,theodosius from ,christian fellowship until he had done penance for the massacre at ,thessalonica4 ,of necessity they inhered in the ,church2 they were of the essence of its strength to fulfil its purpose2 they stood for the duly constituted power of ,christian resolution to uphold and advance the peremptory truth of ,christ4 ,so such principles persisted through the time of the hostile and then the favouring ,roman ,empire4 ,and when the ,empire in fact crumbled and fell1 what de facto and de jure authority was best fitted to take the place of the imperial supremacy8 ,the ,empire represented a universal secular dominion2 the ,church was also universal1 and with a universality now reaching out beyond the ,empire's shrinking boundaries4 ,in the midst of political fragments otherwise disjoined1 the ,church endured as the universal unity4 ,the power of each ,teutonic king was great in fact and law within his realm4 ,yet he was but a local potency1 while the ,church existed through his and other realms4 ,and when the power of one ,teutonic line 7the ,carolingian7 reached something like universal sway1 the ,church was also there within and without4 ,it held the learning of the time1 and the culture which large-minded seculars respected2 and quite as much as the empire of ,charlemagne1 it held the prestige of ,rome4 ,witness the attitude of ,charles ,martel and ,pippin toward ,boniface the great apostle1 and the attitude of ,boniface toward the ,gregories whose legate he proclaimed himself1 and upon whose central authority he based his claims to be obeyed4 ,through the reforms of the ,frankish ,church1 carried out by him with the support of ,charles ,martel and ,pippin1 the ecclesiastical supremacy of ,rome was established4 ,charlemagne1 indeed1 from the nature and necessities of his own transcendent power1 possessed in fact the ecclesiastical authority of the ,roman emperors1 whom men deemed his predecessors4 ,but after him the secular power fell again into fragments scarcely locally efficient1 while the ,church's universality of authority endured4 ,in the unstable fragmentation of secular rule in the ninth century1 the ,isidorean ,decretals presented the truth of the situation as it was to be1 although not as it had been in the times of the ,church dignitaries whose names were forged for that collection4 ,and thereafter1 as the ,church recovered from its tenth-century disintegration1 it advanced to the pragmatic demonstration of the validity of those false ,decretals1 on through the tempests of the age of ,hildebrand to the final triumph of ,innocent ,,iii4 at the opening of the thirteenth century4 ,evidently the canon law1 whatever might be its immediate or remote source1 drew its authority from the sanction of the ,roman ,catholic ,church1 which enunciated it and made it into a body corresponding to the ,church's functions4 ,it was what the ,church promulgated as the law of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and the kingdom of ,god on earth4 ,it should be the temporal and legal counterpart of the ,church's spiritual purposes4 ,its general tendency and purpose was the promotion of the ,church's saving aim1 which regarded all things in the light of their relationship to life eternal4 ,therefore the ,church's law could not but define and consider all worldly interests1 all personal and property rights and secular authority1 with constant regard to men's need of salvation4 ,the advancement of that must be the final appellate standard of legal right4 ,such was the event4 ,the entire canon law might be lodged within those propositions which ,hildebrand enunciated and ,innocent ,,iii4 realized4 ,for the salvation of souls1 all authority on earth had been entrusted by ,christ to ,peter and his successors4 ,theirs was the spiritual sword2 secular power1 the sword material1 was to be exercised under the pope's mandate and permission4 ,no king or emperor1 no layman whatsoever1 was exempt from the supreme authority of the pope1 who also was the absolute head of the ,church1 which had become a monarchy4 8,the ,lord entrusted to ,peter not only the universal ,church1 but the government of the whole world10 writes ,innocent ,,iii41 whose pontificate almost made this principle a fact4 ,in private matters no member of the clergy could be brought before a secular court2 and the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts over the laity threatened to reduce the secular jurisdiction to narrow functions4#djg ,the property of the ,church might not be taxed or levied on by any temporal ruler or government2 nor could the ,church's functions and authority be controlled or limited by any secular decree4 ,universally throughout every kingdom the ,church was a sovereignty1 not only in matters spiritual1 but with respect to all the personal and material relationships that might be connected in any way with the welfare of souls4#djh ,v ,the exposition of the ,corpus juris civilis in the school of the glossators was of great moment in the evolution of mediaeval political theory1 which in its turn yields one more example of the mediaeval application of thoughts derived from antique and patristic sources4 ,political thinking in the ,middle ,ages sought its surest foundation in theology2 then it built itself up with concepts drawn from the philosophy and social theory of the antique world2 and lastly it laid hold on jurisprudence1 using the substance and reasoning of the ,roman and the ,canon law4 ,mediaeval ideas upon government and the relations between the individual and his earthly sovereign1 started from theological premises1 of patristic origin3 e4g4 that the universe and man were made by ,god1 a miraculous creation1 springing from no other cause1 and subject to no other fundamental law1 than ,god's unsearchable will1 which never ceases to direct the whole creation to the ,creator's ends4 ,a further premise was the ,scriptural revelation of ,god's purpose as to man1 with all the contents of that revelation touching the overweening importance of man's deathless soul4 ,unity--the unity of the creation--springs from these premises1 or is one of them4 ,the principle of this unity is ,god's will4 ,within the universal whole1 mankind also constitutes a unit1 a community1 specially ordained and ordered4 ,the ,middle ,ages1 following the example of the patristic time1 were delivered over to allegory1 and to an unbridled recognition of the deductions of allegorical reasoning4 ,mankind was a community4 ,mankind was also an organism1 the mystical body whereof the head was ,christ4 ,here was an allegory potent for foolishness or wisdom4 ,it was used to symbolize the mystery of the oneness of all mankind in ,god1 and the organic co-ordination of all sorts and conditions of men with one another in the divine commonwealth on earth2 it was also drawn out into every detail of banal anthropomorphic comparison4 ,from ,john of ,salisbury to ,nicholas ,cusanus1 ,occam and ,dante1 no point of fancied analogy between the parts and members of the body and the various functions of ,church and ,state was left unexploited4#dji ,mankind then is one community2 also an organism4 ,but within the human organism abides the duality of soul and body2 and the ,community of ,mankind on earth is constituted of two orders1 the spiritual and temporal1 ,church and ,state4#daj ,there must be either co-ordination between ,state and ,church1 body and soul1 or subordination of the temporal and material to the eternal and spiritual4 ,to evoke an adjustment of what was felt to be an actually universal opposition1 was the chief problem of mediaeval polity1 and forms the warp and woof of conflicting theories4 ,the ,church asserted a full spiritual supremacy even in things temporal1 and1 to support the claim1 brought sound arguments as well as foolish allegory--allegory pretending to be horror-stricken at the vision of an animal with two heads1 a bicephalic monstrosity4 ,but does not the ,church comprise all mankind8 ,did not ,god found it8 ,is not ,christ its head1 and under ,him his vicegerent ,peter and all the popes8 ,then shall not the pope who commands the greater1 which is the spiritual1 much more command the less1 the temporal8 ,and all the argumentation of the two swords1 delivered to ,peter1 comes into play4 ,that there are two swords is but a propriety of administration4 ,secular rulers wield the secular sword at the pope's command4 ,they are instruments of the ,church4 ,fundamentally the ,state is an ecclesiastical institution1 and the bounds of secular law are set by the law spiritual3 the canon law overrides the laws of every ,state4 ,true1 in this division1 the ,state also is ordained of ,god1 but only as subordinate4 ,and divinely ordained though it be1 the origin of the ,state lies in sin2 for sin alone made government and law needful for man4#daa ,on the other hand1 the partisans of the ,state upheld co-ordination as the true principle4#dab ,the two swords represent distinct powers1 ,sacerdotium and ,imperium4 ,the latter as well as the former is from ,god2 and the two are co-ordinates1 although of course the ,church which wields the spiritual sword is the higher4 ,this theory creates no bicephalic monster4 ,god is the universal head4 ,and even as man is body as well as soul1 the human community is ,state as well as ,church2 and the ,state needs the emperor for its head1 as the ,church has the pope4 ,the ,roman ,dominion1 imperium mundi1 was legitimate1 and by divine appointment has passed over to the ,roman-,german emperor4 ,other views sustaining the scheme of co-ordination upheld a plurality of states1 rather than one universal ,imperium4 ,of course these opposing views of subordination or co-ordination of ,state and ,church took on every shade of diversity4 ,as to both ,church and ,state1 mediaeval political theory was predominantly monarchical4 ,ideally this flowed from the thought of ,god as the true monarch of the universe4 ,practically it comported with mediaeval social conditions4 ,under ,innocent ,,iii41 if not under ,gregory ,,vii41 the ,church had become a monarchy well-nigh absolute4#dac ,the pope's power continued plenary until the great schism and the age of councils evoked by it4 ,for the secular state1 the common voice likewise favoured monarchy4 ,the unity of the social organism is best effected by the singleness of its head4 ,thomas ,aquinas authoritatively reasons thus1 and ,dante maintains that as the unifying principle is ,will1 the will of one man is the best means to realize it4#dad ,but monarchy is no absolute right existing for the ruler's benefit1 rather it is an office to be righteously exercised for the good of the community4 ,the monarch's power is limited1 and if his command outrages law or right1 it is a nullity2 his subjects need not obey1 and the principle applies1 that it is better to obey ,god than man4 ,even when1 as in the days of the ,hohenstaufen1 the civil jurists claimed for the emperor the plenitudo potestatis of a ,roman ,caesar1 the opposite doctrine held strong1 which gave him only a limited power1 in its nature conditioned on its rightful exercise4 ,moreover1 rights of the community were not unrecognized1 and indeed were supported by elaborate theories as the ,middle ,ages advanced to their climacteric4 ,the thought of a contract between ruler and people frequently appears1 and reference to the contract made at ,hebron between ,david and the people of ,israel 7#b ,sam4 v4 #c74 ,the civil jurist also looked back to the principle of the jus gentium giving to every free people the right to choose a ruler2 also to that famous text of the ,digest1 where1 through the lex regia1 the people were said to have conferred their powers upon the princeps4#dae ,with such thoughts of the people's rights came theories of representation and of the monarch as the people's representative2 and ,roman corporation law supplied the rules for mediaeval representative assemblies1 lay and clerical4#daf ,the old ,germanic state was a conglomerate of positive law and specific custom1 having no existence beyond the laws1 which were its formative constituents4 ,such a conception did not satisfy mediaeval publicists1 imbued with antique views of the ,state's further aims and potency4 ,nor were all men satisfied with the ,state's divinely ordered origin in human sinfulness4 ,an ultimate ground for its existence was sought1 commensurate with its broadest aims4 ,such was found1 not in positive1 but in natural law--again an antique conception4 ,that a veritable natural law existed1 all men agreed2 also that its source lay back of human conventions1 somehow in the nature of ,god4 ,all admitted its absolute supremacy1 binding alike upon popes and secular monarchs1 and rendering void all acts and positive laws contravening it4 ,it must be the ,state's ultimate constituent ground4 ,god was the source of natural law4 ,some argued that it proceeded from ,his will1 as a command1 others that its source was eternal ,reason announcing her necessary and unalterable dictates2 again its source was held to lie more definitely in the ,reason that was identical with ,god the summa ratio in ,deo existens1 as ,aquinas puts it4 ,from that springs the ,lex naturalis1 ordained to rest on the participation of man1 as a rational creature1 in the moral order which he perceives by the light of natural reason4 ,this lex naturalis 7or jus naturale7 is a true promulgated law1 since ,god implants it for recognition in the minds of men4#dag ,absolute unconditional supremacy was ascribed to it1 and also to the jus divinum1 which ,god revealed supernaturally for a supramundane end4 ,a cognate supremacy was ascribed to the jus commune gentium1 which was composed of rules of the jus naturale adapted to the conditions of fallen human nature4 ,such law was above the ,state1 to which1 on the other hand1 positive law was subject4 ,whenever the ruler was conceived as sovereign or absolute1 he likewise was deemed above positive law1 but bound by these higher laws4 ,they were the source and sanction of the innate and indestructible rights of the individual1 to property and liberty and life as they were formulated at a later period4 ,it is evident how the recognition of such rights fell in with the ,christian revelation of the absolute value of every individual in and for himself and his immortal life4 ,on the other hand1 certain rights of the ,state1 or the community1 were also indestructible and inalienable by virtue of the nature of their source in natural law4#dah ,this abstract of political theory has been stated in terms generalized to vagueness1 and with no attempt to follow the details or trace the historical development4 ,the purpose has been to give the general flavour of mediaeval thought concerning ,church and ,state1 and the ,individual as a member of them both4 ,one observes how the patristic and mediaeval ,christian thought mingles with the antique2 and one may assume the intellectual acumen applied by legist1 canonist1 and scholastic theologian to the discussion and formulation of these high arguments4 ,the mediaeval genius for abstractions is evident1 and the mediaeval faculty of linking them to the affairs of life2 clear also is the baneful effect of mediaeval allegory4 ,even as men now-a-days are disposed to rest in the apparent reality of the tangible phenomenon1 so the mediaeval man just as commonly sought for his reality in what the phenomenon might be conceived to symbolize4 ,therefore in the higher political controversies1 even as in other interests of the human spirit1 argument through allegory was accepted as legitimate1 if not convincing2 and a proper sequence of thought was deemed to lie from one symbolical meaning to another1 with even a deeper validity than from one palpable fact to that which followed from it4 ,,book ,,vii ,,ultimate ,,intellectual ,,interests ,,of ,,the ,,twelfth ,,and ,,thirteenth ,,centuries ,,chapter ,,xxxiv ,,scholasticism3 ,,spirit1 ,,scope1 ,,and ,,method ,the religious philosophy or theology of the ,middle ,ages is commonly called scholasticism1 and its exponents are called the scholastics4 ,the name applies most properly to the respectable academic thinkers4 ,these1 in the early ,middle ,ages1 usually were monks living in monasteries1 like ,st4 ,anselm1 for instance1 who was ,abbot of ,bec in ,normandy before1 to his sorrow1 he was made ,archbishop of ,canterbury4 ,in the thirteenth century1 however1 while these respected thinkers still were monks1 or rather mendicant friars1 they were also university professors4 ,albertus ,magnus and ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 the great ,dominicans1 and their friend ,st4 ,bonaventura1 who became the head of the ,franciscan ,order1 all lectured at the ,university of ,paris1 the chief university of the ,middle ,ages in the domain of philosophy and theology4 ,moreover1 as the scholastics were respectable and academic1 so they were usually orthodox ,churchmen1 good ,roman ,catholics4 ,the conduct or opinions of some of them1 ,abaelard for example1 became suspect to the ,church authorities2 yet ,abaelard1 although his book had been condemned1 kept within the ,church's pale1 and died a monk of ,cluny4 ,there were plenty of obdurate heretics in the ,middle ,ages2 but their bizarre ideas1 sometimes coming down from ,manichaean sources1 were scarcely germane to the central lines of mediaeval thought4#dai ,one hears of scholastic philosophy and scholastic theology2 and assuredly these mediaeval theologian-philosophers endeavoured to distinguish between the one and the other phase of the matters which occupied their minds4 ,the distinction was intelligibly drawn and1 in many treatises1 doubtless affected the choice and ordering of topics4 ,whether it was consistently observed in the handling of those topics1 is another question1 which perhaps should be answered in the negative4 ,at all events1 to attempt to observe this distinction in considering the ultimate intellectual interests of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 might sap the matter of the human interest attaching to it1 to wit1 that interest and validity possessed by all serious effort to know--and to be saved4 ,these were the motives of the scholastics1 whether they used their reason1 or clung to revelation1 or did both1 as they always did4 ,mediaeval methods of thinking and topics of thought are no longer in vogue4 ,for the time1 men have turned from the discussion of universals and the common unity or separate individuality of mind1 and are as little concerned with transubstantiation as with the old dispute over investitures4 ,but the scholastics were men and so are we4 ,our humanity is one with theirs4 ,men are still under the necessity of reflecting upon their own existence and the world without1 and still feel the need to reach conclusions and the impulse to formulate consistently what seem to them vital propositions4 ,herein we are blood kin to ,gerbert and ,anselm1 to ,abaelard and ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 to ,thomas ,aquinas as well as ,roger ,bacon3 and our highest nature is one with theirs in the intellectual fellowship of human endeavour to think out and present that which shall appease the mind4 ,because of this kinship with the scholastics1 and the sympathy which we feel for the struggle which is the same in us and them1 their intellectual endeavours1 their achieved conclusions1 although now appearing as but apt or necessitated phrases1 may have for us the immortal interest of the eternal human4 ,let us then approach mediaeval thought as man meets man1 and seek in it for what may still be valid1 or at least real to us1 because agreeing with what we find within ourselves4 ,being men as well as scholars1 we would win from its parchment-covered tomes those elements which if they do not represent everlasting verities1 are at least symbols of the permanent necessities of the human mind4 ,whatever else there is in mediaeval thought1 as touching us less nearly1 may be considered by way of historical setting and explanation4 ,in different men the impulse to know bears different relationships to the rest of life4 ,it sometimes seems self-impelled1 and again palpably inspired by a motive beyond itself4 ,in some form1 however1 it winds itself into every action of our mental faculties1 and no province of life appears untouched by this craving of the mind4 ,nevertheless to know is not the whole matter2 for with knowledge comes appetition or aversion1 admiration or contempt1 love or abhorrence2 and other impulses--emotional1 desiderative1 loving--impel the human creature to realize its nature in states of heightened consciousness that are not palpable modes of knowing1 though they may be replete with all the knowledge that the man has gained4 ,these ultimate cravings which we recognize in ourselves1 inspired mediaeval thought4 ,its course1 its progress1 its various phases1 its contents and completed systems1 all represent the operation of human faculty pressing to expression and realization under the accidental or 8historical0 conditions of the mediaeval period4 ,we may be sure that many kinds of human craving and corresponding faculty realized themselves in mediaeval philosophy1 theology1 piety and mysticism--the last a word used provisionally1 until we succeed in resolving it into terms of clearer significance4 ,and we also note that in these provinces1 realization is expression4 ,every faculty1 every energy1 in man seeks to function1 to realize its power in act4 ,the sheer body--if there be sheer body--acts bodily1 operates1 and so makes actual its powers4 ,but those human energies which are informed with mind1 realize themselves in ardent or rational thought1 or in uttered words1 or in products of the artfully devising hand4 ,all this clearly is expression1 and corresponds1 if it is not one and the same1 with the passing of energy from potency to the actuality which is its end and consummation4 ,thus love1 seeking its end1 thereby seeks expression1 through which it is enhanced1 and in which it is realized4 ,likewise1 impelled by the desire to know1 the faculties of cognition and reason realize themselves in expression2 and in expression each part of rational knowledge is clarified1 completed1 rendered accordant with the data of observation and the laws or necessities of the mind4 ,human faculties form a correlated whole2 and this composite human nature seeks to act1 to function4 ,thus the whole man strives to realize the fullest actuality of his being1 and satisfy or express the whole of him1 and not alone his reason1 nor yet his emotions1 or his appetites4 ,this uttermost realization of human being--man's summum bonum or summa necessitas--cannot unite the incompatible within its synthesis4 ,it must be kept a consistent ideal1 a possible whole4 ,here the demiurge is the discriminating and constructive intelligence1 which builds together the permanent and valuable elements of being1 and excludes whatever cannot coexist in concord with them4 ,yet the intelligence does not always set its own rational activities as man's furthest goal of realization4 ,it may place love above reason4 ,and1 of course1 its discriminating judgment will be affected by current knowledge and by dominant beliefs as to man and his destiny1 the universe and ,god4 ,manifestly whatever the thoughtful idealizing man in any period 7and our attention may at once focus itself upon the ,middle ,ages7 adjudges to belong to the final realization of his nature1 will become an object of intellectual interest for him2 and he will deem it a proper subject for study and meditation4 ,the rational1 spiritual1 or even physical elements1 which may enter and compose this1 his summum bonum1 represent those intellectual interests which may be termed ultimate1 for the very reason1 that they relate to what the thinker deems his beatitude4 ,these ultimate intellectual interests possess an absolute sanction1 for the lack of which whatever lies outside of them tends to adjudge itself vain4 ,the philosophy1 theology1 and the profoundly felt and reasoned piety1 of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries made up that period's ultimate intellectual interests4 ,we are not concerned with other matters occupying its attention1 save as they bore on man's supreme beatitude1 which was held to consist in his everlasting salvation and all that might constitute his bliss in that unending state4 ,the elements of this blessedness were not deemed to lie altogether in rational cognition and its processes2 for the conception of the soul's beatitude was catholic2 and while with some men the intellectual elements were dominant1 with others salvation's summit was attained along the paths of spiritual emotion4 ,obviously1 from the side of the emotions1 there could come no large and lasting happiness1 unless emotional desire and devotion were directed to that which might also satisfy the mind1 or at all events1 would not conflict with its judgment4 ,hence the emotional side of the ultimate mediaeval ideal was pietistic2 because the mediaeval dogmatic faith regarded the emotional impulses between one human being and another as distracting1 if not wicked4 ,such mortal impulses were so very difficult to harmonize with the eternal beatitude which consisted in the cognition and love of ,god4 ,this principle was proclaimed by monks and theologians1 or philosophers2 it was even recognized 7although not followed7 in the literature which glorified the love of man and woman1 but in which the lover-knight so often ends a hermit1 and the convent at last receives his sinful mistress4 ,on the other hand1 reason1 with its practical and speculative knowledge1 is sterile when unmixed with piety and love4 ,this is the sum of ,bonaventura's fervid arguments1 and is as clearly1 if more quietly1 recognized by ,aquinas1 with whom fides without caritas is informis1 formless1 very far indeed from its true actuality or realization4 ,thus1 for the full realization of man's highest good in everlasting salvation1 the two complementary phases of the human spirit had to act and function in concord4 ,together they must realize themselves in such catholic expression as should exclude only the froward or evil elements1 non-elements rather1 of man's nature4 ,both represent ultimate mediaeval interests and desires2 and perhaps deep down and very intimately1 even inscrutably1 they may be one1 even as they clearly are complementary phases of the human soul4 ,yet with certain natures who perhaps fail to hold the balance between them1 the two phases seem to draw apart1 or1 at least1 to evince themselves in distinct expression1 and indeed in all men they are usually distinguishable4 ,generally speaking1 the conception of man's divinely mediated salvation1 and of the elements of human being which might be carried on1 and realized in a state of everlasting beatitude1 prescribed the range of ultimate intellectual interests for the ,middle ,ages4 ,the same had been despotically true of the patristic period4 ,augustine would know ,god and the soul2 ,ambrose expressed equally emphatic views upon the vanity of all knowledge that did not contribute to an understanding of the ,christian ,faith4 ,this view was held with temperamental and barbarizing narrowness by ,gregory the ,great4 ,it was admitted1 as of course1 throughout the ,carolingian period1 although humanistically-minded men played with the pagan literature4 ,nor was it seriously disputed in the eleventh or twelfth century1 when men began to delight in dialectic1 and some cared for pagan literature2 nor yet in the thirteenth when an increasing number were asking many things from philosophy and natural knowledge1 which had but distant bearing on the soul's salvation4 ,one of these men was ,roger ,bacon1 whose scientific studies were pursued with ceaseless energy4 ,but he could also state emphatically the principle of the worthlessness of whatever does not help men to understand the divine truths by which they are saved4 ,in ,bacon's time1 the love of knowledge was enlarging its compass1 while1 really or nominally as the individual case might be1 the criterion of relevancy to the ,faith still obtained1 and set the topics with which men should occupy themselves4 ,all matters of philosophy or natural science had to relate themselves to the summum bonum of salvation in order to possess ultimate human interest4 ,therefore1 if philosophy was to preserve the strongest reason for its existence1 it had to remain the handmaid of theology4 ,still1 to be sure1 the conception of man's beatitude would become more comprehensive with the expansion and variegation of the desire for knowledge4 ,as the summum bonum of salvation prescribed the topics of ultimate intellectual interest for the ,middle ,ages1 so the stress which it laid upon one topic rather than another tended to direct their ordering or classification1 as well as the proportion of attention devoted to each one4 ,likewise the form or method of presentation was controlled by the authority of the ,scriptural statement of the way and means of salvation1 and the well-nigh equally authoritative interpretation of the same by the beatified ,fathers4 ,thus the nature of the summum bonum and the character of its ,scriptural statement and patristic exposition suggested the arrangement of topics1 and set the method of their treatment in those works of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries which afford the most important presentations of the ultimate intellectual interests of that time4 ,obvious examples will be ,abaelard's ,sic et non and his ,theologia1 ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor's ,de sacramentis1 the ,lombard's ,books of ,sentences1 and the ,summa theologiae of ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,it will be seen in the next chapter that the arrangement of topics in these comprehensive treatises differed from what would have been evolved through the requirements of a systematic presentation of human knowledge4 ,aquinas sets forth the reasons why one mode of treatment is suitable to philosophy and another to sacred science1 and why the latter may omit matters proper for the former1 or treat them from another point of view4 ,the supremacy of sacred science is incidentally shown by the argument4 ,in his ,contra ,gentiles#dbj chapter four1 book second1 bears the title3 8,quod aliter considerat de creaturis ,philosophus et aliter ,theologus0 78,that the philosopher views the creation in one way and the theologian in another074 ,in the text he says3 8,the science 7doctrina7 of ,christian faith considers creatures so far as there may be in them some likeness of ,god1 and so far as error regarding them might lead to error in things divine4444 ,human philosophy considers them after their own kind1 and its parts are so devised as to correspond with the different classes 7genera7 of things2 but the faith of ,christ considers them1 not after their own kind1 as for example1 fire as fire1 but as representing the divine altitude4444 ,the philosopher considers what belongs to them according to their own nature2 the believer 7fidelis7 regards in creatures only what pertains to them in their relationship to ,god1 as that they are created by ,him and subject to ,him4 ,wherefore the science of the ,faith is not to be deemed incomplete1 if it passes over many properties of things1 as the shape of the heaven or the quality of motion4444 ,it also follows that the two sciences do not proceed in the same order4 ,with philosophy1 which regards creatures in themselves1 and from them draws on into a knowledge of ,god1 the first consideration is in regard to the creatures and the last is as to ,god4 ,but in the science of faith1 which views creatures only in their relationship to ,god 7in ordine ad ,deum71 the first consideration is of ,god1 and next of the creatures40 ,obviously sacra doctrina1 which is to say1 theologia1 proceeds differently from philosophia humana1 and evidently it has to do with matters of ultimate importance1 and therefore of ultimate intellectual interest4 ,the passage quoted from the ,contra ,gentiles may be taken as introductory to the more elaborate statement at the beginning of his ,summa theologiae1 where ,thomas sets forth the principles by which sacra doctrina is distinguished from the philosophicae disciplinae1 to wit1 the various sciences of human philosophy3 8,it was necessary to human salvation that there should be a science 7doctrina7 according with divine revelation1 besides the philosophical disciplines which are pursued by human reason4 ,because man was formed 7ordinatur7 toward ,god as toward an end exceeding reason's comprehension4 ,that end should be known to men1 who ought to regulate their intentions and actions toward an end4 ,wherefore it was necessary for salvation that man should know certain matters through revelation1 which surpass human reason40 ,thomas now points out that1 on account of many errors1 it also was necessary for man to be instructed through divine revelation as to those saving truths concerning ,god which human reason was capable of investigating4 ,he next proceeds to show that sacra doctrina is science4 8,but there are two kinds of sciences4 ,there are those which proceed from the principles known by the natural light of the mind1 as arithmetic and geometry4 ,there are others which proceed from principles known by the light of a superior science3 as perspective proceeds from principles made known through geometry1 and music from principles known through arithmetic4 ,and sacra doctrina is science in this way1 because it proceeds from principles known by the light of a superior science or knowledge which is the knowledge belonging to ,god and the beatified4 ,thus as music believes the principles delivered to it by arithmetic1 so sacred doctrine believes the principles revealed to it from ,god40 ,the question then is raised whether sacra doctrina is one science1 or many4 ,and ,thomas answers1 that it is one1 by reason of the unity of its formal object4 ,for it views everything discussed by it as divinely revealed2 and all things which are subjects of revelation 7revelabilia7 have part in the formal conception of this science2 and so are comprehended under sacra doctrina1 as under one science4 ,nevertheless it extends to subjects belonging to various departments of knowledge so far as they are knowable through divine illumination4 ,as some of these may be practical and some speculative1 it follows that sacred science includes both the practical and the speculative1 even as ,god with the same knowledge knows himself and also the things ,he makes4 8,yet this science is more speculative than practical1 because on principle it treats of divine things rather than human actions1 which it treats in so far as man by means of them is directed 7ordinatur7 to perfect cognition of ,god1 wherein eternal beatitude consists4 ,this science in its speculative as well as practical functions transcends other sciences1 speculative and practical4 ,one speculative science is said to be worthier than another1 by reason of its certitude1 or the dignity of its matter4 ,in both respects this science surpasses other speculative sciences1 because the others have certitude from the natural light of human reason1 which may err2 but this has certitude from the light of the divine knowledge1 which cannot be deceived2 likewise by reason of the dignity of its matter1 because primarily it relates to matters too high for reason1 while other sciences consider only those which are subjected to reason4 ,it is worthier than the practical sciences1 which are ordained for an ulterior end2 for so far as this science is practical1 its end is eternal beatitude1 unto which as an ulterior end all other ends of the practical sciences are ordained 7ordinantur74 8,moreover although this science may accept something from the philosophical sciences1 it requires them merely for the larger manifestation of the matters which it teaches4 ,for it takes its principles1 not from other sciences1 but immediately from ,god through revelation4 ,so it does not receive from them as from superiors1 but uses them as servants4 ,even so1 it uses them not because of any defect of its own1 but because of the defectiveness of our intellect which is more easily conducted 7manuducitur7 by natural reason to the things above reason which this science teaches40 ,thomas now shows1 with scholastic formalism1 that ,god is the subjectum of this science2 since all things in it are treated with reference to ,god 7sub ratione ,dei71 either because they are ,god himself1 or because they bear relationship 7habent ordinem7 to ,god as toward their cause and end 7principium et finem74 ,the final question is whether this science be argumentativa1 using arguments and proofs2 and ,thomas thus sets forth his masterly solution3 8,i reply1 it should be said that as other sciences do not prove their first principles1 but argue from them in order to prove other matters1 so this science does not argue to prove its principles1 which are articles of ,faith1 but proceeds from them to prove something else1 as the ,apostle1 in #a ,corinthians xv41 argues from the resurrection of ,christ to prove the resurrection of us all4 ,one should bear in mind that in the philosophic sciences the lower science neither proves its own first principles nor disputes with him who denies them1 but leaves that to a higher science4 ,but the science which is the highest among them1 that is metaphysics1 does dispute with him who denies its principles1 if the adversary will concede anything2 if he concede nothing it cannot thus argue with him1 but can only overthrow his arguments4 ,likewise sacra ,scriptura 7or doctrina or sacred science1 theology71 since it owns no higher science1 disputes with him who denies its principles1 by argument indeed1 if the adversary will concede any of the matters which it accepts through revelation4 ,thus through ,scriptural authorities we dispute against heretics1 and adduce one article against those who deny another4 ,but if the adversary will give credence to nothing which is divinely revealed1 sacred science has no arguments by which to prove to him the articles of faith1 but has only arguments to refute his reasonings against the ,faith1 should he adduce any4 ,for since faith rests on infallible truth1 its contrary cannot be demonstrated3 manifestly the proofs which are brought against it are not proofs1 but controvertible arguments4 8,to argue from authority is most appropriate to this science2 for its principles rest on revelation1 and it is proper to credit the authority of those to whom the revelation was made4 ,nor does this derogate from the dignity of this science2 for although proof from authority based on human reason may be weak1 yet proof from authority based on divine revelation is most effective4 8,yet sacred science also makes use of human reason2 not indeed to prove the ,faith1 because this would take away the merit of believing2 but to make manifest other things which may be treated in this science4 ,for since grace does not annul nature1 but perfects it1 natural reason should serve faith1 even as the natural inclination conforms itself to love 7caritas74 ,hence sacred science uses the philosophers also as authority1 where they were able to know the truth through natural reason4 ,it uses authorities of this kind as extraneous arguments having probability4 ,but it uses the authorities of the canonical ,scriptures arguing from its own premises and with certainty4 ,and it uses the authorities of other doctors of the ,church1 as arguing upon its own ground1 yet only with probability4 ,for our faith rests upon the revelation made to the ,apostles and ,prophets1 who wrote the canonical books2 and not upon the revelation1 if there was any1 made to other doctors40#dba ,mediaeval thought was beset behind and before by the compulsion of its conditions4 ,its mighty antecedents lived in it1 and wrought as moulding forces4 ,well we know them1 two in number1 the one1 of course1 the antique philosophy2 the other1 again of course1 the dogmatic ,christian ,faith1 itself shot through and through with antique metaphysics1 in the terms of which it had been formulated4 ,these two1 very dual and yet joined1 antagonistic and again united1 constituted the form-giving principles of mediaeval thinking4 ,they were1 speaking in scholastic phrase1 the substantial as well as accidental forms of mediaeval theology1 philosophy1 and knowledge4 ,which means that they set the lines of mediaeval theology or philosophy1 and caused the one and the other to be what it became1 rather than something else2 and also that they supplied the knowledge which mediaeval men laboured to acquire1 and attempted to adjust their thinking to4 ,thus1 through the twelfth1 the thirteenth1 and the fourteenth centuries1 they remained the inworking formal causes of mediaeval thought2 while1 on the other hand1 the moving and efficient causes 7still speaking in scholastic-,aristotelian phrase7 were the human impulses which those formal causes moulded1 or indeed suggested1 and the faculties which they trained4 ,the patristic system of dogma with the antique philosophy1 set the forms of mediaeval expression1 fixed the distinctive qualities of mediaeval thought1 furnished its topics1 and even necessitated its problems--in two ways3 ,first1 through the specific substance which passed over and filled the mediaeval productions2 and secondly1 simply by reason of the existence of such a vast authoritative body of antique and patristic opinion1 knowledge1 dogma1 which the ,middle ,ages had to accept and master1 and beyond which the substance of mediaeval thinking was hardly destined to advance4 ,the first way is obvious enough1 inasmuch as patristic and antique matter palpably make the substance of mediaeval theology and philosophy4 ,the second is less obvious1 but equally important4 ,this mass of dogma1 knowledge1 and opinion1 existed finished and complete4 ,men imperfectly equipped to comprehend it were brought to it by the conviction that it was necessary to their salvation1 and then gradually by the persuasion also that it offered the only means of intellectual progress4 ,the struggle to master such a volume of knowledge issuing from a more creative past1 gave rise to novel problems1 or promoted old ones to a novel prominence4 ,the problem of universals was taken directly from the antique dialectic4 ,it played a monstrous rle in the twelfth century because it was in very essence a fundamental problem of cognition1 of knowing1 and so pressed upon men who were driven by the need to master continually unfolding continents of thought4#dbb ,this is an instance of a problem transmitted from the past1 but blown up to extraordinary importance by mediaeval intellectual conditions4 ,so throughout the whole scholastic range1 attitude and method alike are fixed by the fact that scholasticism was primarily an appropriation of transmitted propositions4 ,in considering the characteristics of mediaeval thought1 it is well to bear in mind these diverse ways in which its antecedents made it what it was3 through their substance transmitted to it2 through the receptive attitude forced upon men by existing accumulations of authoritative doctrine1 and the method entailed upon mediaeval thought by its scholastic rather than originative character4 ,also one will not omit to notice which elements came from the action of the patristic body of antecedents1 rather than from the antique group1 and vice versa4 ,since the antique and patristic constituted well-nigh the whole substance of philosophy and theology in the ,middle ,ages1 a separate consideration of what was thus transmitted would amount to a history of mediaeval thought from a somewhat unilluminating point of view4 ,on the other hand1 one may learn much as to the qualities of mediaeval thought from observing the attitudes of various men in successive centuries toward ,greek philosophy and patristic theology4 ,the ,fathers had used the concepts of the former in the construction of their systems of acceptance of the ,christian ,faith4 ,but the spirit of inquiry from which ,greek philosophy had sprung1 was very different from the spirit in which the ,fathers used its concepts and arguments1 in order to substantiate what they accepted on the authority of ,scripture and tradition4 ,it is true that ,greek philosophy in the ,neo-,platonism of ,porphyry and ,iamblicus was not far from the patristic attitude toward knowledge4 ,but the spirit of these declining moods of ,neo-,platonism was not the spirit which had carried the philosophy of the ,greeks to its intellectual culmination in ,plato and ,aristotle1 and to its attainment of the ethically rational in ,stoicism and the system of ,epicurus4 ,thus patristic thinking was essentially different in purpose and method from the philosophy which it forced to serve its uses2 and the two differed by every difference of method1 spirit1 and intent which were destined to appear among the various kinds of mediaeval thinkers4 ,but the difference between ,greek philosopher and ,church ,father was deeper than any that ever could exist among mediaeval men4 ,some of the last might be conventionally orthodox and passionately pious1 while others cared more distinctly for the fruits of knowledge4 ,but even these could not be as ,greek philosophers1 because they were accustomed to rely on authority1 and because they who drew their knowledge from an existing store would not have the independence and originality distinguishing the ,greeks1 who had created so much of that store from which they drew4#dbc ,moreover1 while neither ,plato's inquiry for truth1 nor ,aristotle's catholic search for knowledge1 was isolated from its bearing on either the conduct or the event of life1 nevertheless with them rational inquiry was a final motive representing in itself that which was most divinely human1 and so the best for man4#dbd ,but with the philosophers of the ,middle ,ages1 it never was quite so4 ,for the need of salvation had worked in men's blood for generations4 ,and salvation1 man's highest good1 did not consist in humanly-attained knowledge or in virtue won by human strength2 but was divinely mediated and had to be accepted upon authority4 ,hence1 even in the great twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 intellectual inquiry was never unlimbered from bands of deference1 nor ever quite dispassionately rational or unaffected by the mortal need to attain a salvation which was bestowed or withheld by ,god according to ,his plan authoritatively declared4 ,accordingly all mediaeval variances of thought show common similitudes3 to wit1 some consciousness of need of super-rational and superhuman salvation2 deference to some authority2 and finally a pervasive scholasticism1 since mediaeval thought was of necessity diligent1 acceptant1 reflective1 rather than original4 ,one will be impressed with the formal character of mediaeval thought4 ,for being thus scholastic1 it was occupied with devising forms through which to express1 or re-express1 the mass of knowledge proffered to it4 ,besides1 formal logic was a prominent part of the transmitted contents of antique philosophy2 and became a chief discipline for mediaeval students2 because they accepted it along with all the rest1 and found its training helpful for men burdened with such intellectual tasks as theirs4 ,within the lines of these universal qualities wind the divergencies of mediaeval thought2 and one will notice how they consist in leanings toward the ways of ,greek philosophy1 or a reliance more or less complete upon the contents and method of patristic theology4 ,one common quality1 of which we note the variations1 is that of deference to the authority of the past4 ,the mediaeval scholar could hardly read a classic poet without finding authoritative statements upon every topic brushed by the poet's fancy1 and of course the matter of more serious writings1 history1 logic1 natural science1 was implicitly accepted4 ,if the pagan learning was thus regarded1 how much more absolute was the deference to sacred doctrine4 ,here all was authority4 ,scripture was the primary source2 next came the creed1 and the dogmas established by councils2 and then the expositions of the ,fathers4 ,thus the meaning of the authoritative ,scripture was pressed into authoritative dogma1 and then authoritatively systematized4 ,the process had been intellectual and rational1 yet with the driven rationality of ,church ,fathers struggling to formulate and express the accepted import of the ,faith delivered to the saints4 ,authority1 faith1 held the primacy1 and in two senses1 for not only was it supreme and final1 but it was also prior in initiative efficiency4 ,tertullian's certum est1 quia impossibile est1 was an extreme paradox4 ,but ,augustine's credimus ut cognoscamus was fundamental1 and remained unshaken4 ,anselm lays it at the basis of his arguments2 with ,bernard and many others it is credo first of all1 let the intelligere come as it may1 and as it will according to the fulness of our faith4 ,the same principle of faith's efficient primacy is temperamentally as well as logically fundamental with ,bonaventura4 ,here then was a first general quality of mediaeval thought3 deference to authority4 ,now for the variances4 ,scarcely diverging1 save in emphasis1 from ,augustine and ,bonaventura1 are the greatest of the schoolmen1 ,albert and ,thomas4 ,they defer to authority and recognize the primacy of faith1 and yet they will1 with abundant use of reason1 deliminate the respective provinces of grace and human knowledge1 and distinguish the absolute authority of ,scripture from the statements even of the saints1 which may be weighed and criticized4 ,in secular philosophy1 these two will1 when their faith admits1 accept the views of the philosophers--,aristotle above all--yet using their own reason4 ,they are profoundly interested in knowledge and metaphysical dialectic1 but follow it with deferential tempers and believing ,christian souls4 ,outside the company of such1 are men of more independent temper1 whose attitude tends to weaken the principle of acceptance of authority in sacred doctrine4 ,the first of these was ,eriugena with his explicit statement that reason is greater than authority2 yet we may assume that he was not intending to impugn ,scripture4 ,centuries later another chief example is ,abaelard1 whose dialectic temper leads him to wish to prove everything by reason4 ,not that he stated1 or would have admitted this2 yet the extreme rationalizing tendency of the man is projected through such a passage as the following from his ,historia calamitatum1 where he alludes to the circumstances of the composition of his work upon the ,trinity4 ,he had become a monk in the monastery of ,st4 ,denis1 but students were still thronging to hear him1 to the wrath of some of his superiors4 8,then it came about that ,i was brought to expound the very foundation of our faith by applying the analogies of human reason1 and was led to compose for my pupils a theological treatise on the divine ,unity and ,trinity4 ,they were calling for human and philosophical arguments1 and insisting upon something intelligible1 rather than mere words1 saying that there had been more than enough of talk which the mind could not follow2 that it was impossible to believe what was not understood in the first place2 and that it was ridiculous for any one to set forth to others what neither he nor they could rationally conceive 7intellectu capere740 ,and ,abaelard cites the verse from ,matthew about the blind leaders of the blind1 and goes on to tell of the success of his treatise1 which pleased everybody1 yet provoked the greater envy because of the difficulty of the questions which it elucidated2 and at last envy blew up the condemnation of his book1 at the ,council of ,soissons1 in the year of grace #aaba4dbe ,here one has the plain reversal4 ,we must first understand in order to believe4 ,doubtless the demands of ,abaelard's students to have the principles of the ,christian ,faith explained1 that they might be understood and accepted rationally1 echoed the master's imperative intellectual need4 ,not that ,abaelard would breathe the faintest doubt of these verities2 they were absolute and unquestionable4 ,he accepted them upon authority just as implicitly 7he might think7 as ,st4 ,bernard4 ,herein he shows the mediaeval quality of deference4 ,but he will understand with his mind the profoundest truths enunciated by authority2 he will explain them rationally1 that the mind may rationally comprehend them4 ,men of an opposite cast of mind foresaw the outcome of this rationalization of dogma more surely than the subtle dialectician for whom this process was both peremptory and proper4 ,and the ,church acted with a true instinct in condemning ,abaelard in spite of his protestations of belief1 just as with a like true instinct ,friar ,bacon's own ,franciscan ,order looked askance on one whose mind was suspiciously set upon observation and experiment--and cavilling at others4 ,celui-ci tuera cela6 ,the ultra-scientific spirit is dangerous to faith--and ,bacon's asseverations that no knowledge was of value save as it helped the soul's salvation1 was doubtless regarded as a conventional insincerity4 ,yet ,roger ,bacon had his mediaeval deferences1 as will appear4#dbf ,neither one extreme view nor the other was to represent the attitude of thoughtful and believing ,christendom2 not ,william of ,st4 ,thierry and ,st ,bernard1 nor yet 7on these points7 ,abaelard and ,friar ,bacon should prevail2 but the all-balancing and all-considering ,aquinas4 ,he will draw the lines between faith and reason1 and bulwark them with arguments which shall seem to render unto reason the things of reason1 and unto faith its due4 ,yet it is actually ,roger ,bacon who accuses ,thomas of making his ,theology out of dialectic and very human reasonings4 ,it was true2 and we are again reminded how variant views shaded into each other in the ,middle ,ages1 and all within certain lines of similarity4 ,practically all mediaeval thinkers defer to authority--more or less2 and all hold to some principle of faith1 to the necessity of believing something1 for the soul's salvation4 ,there is likewise some similarity in their attitudes toward intellectual interests4 ,for all recognized their propriety1 and gave credit to the human desire to know4 ,likewise all saw that salvation1 the summum bonum for man1 included more than intellection2 and felt that it held some consummation of other human impulses2 that it held love--the love of ,god along with the intellectual ardour of contemplation2 and well-nigh all recognized also that the faith held mystery1 not to be solved by reason4 ,thus all were rational--some more1 some less2 and all were devotional and believing1 pietistic1 ardent--some more1 some less2 according as the intellectual nature dominated over the emotional1 or the emotions quelled the conscious exercise of reason1 yet reached out and upward from what knowledge and reason had given as a base to spring from4 ,thus the mediaeval spirit1 variant within its lines of likeness2 and of a piece with it was the field it worked in1 which made its range and scope4 ,here as well1 a saving knowledge of ,god and the soul was central and chief among all intellectual interests4 ,none denied this4 ,augustine1 the universal prototype of the mediaeval mind1 had cried1 8,god and the soul1 these will ,i know1 and these are all40 ,but wide had been the scope of his knowledge of ,god and the soul2 and in the centuries which hung upon his words1 wide also was the range of knowledge subsumed under those capitals4 ,how would one know ,god and the soul8 ,might one not know ,god in all ,his universe1 in the height and breadth thereof1 and backwards and forwards through the reach of time8 ,might not one also know the soul in all its operations1 all its queries and desires2 would not it and they1 and their activities1 make up the complementary side of knowledge--complementary to the primal object1 ,god1 known in ,his eternity1 in ,his temporal creation1 in ,his everlasting governance8 ,wide or narrow might be the intellectual interests included within a knowledge of ,god and the soul4 ,and while many men kept close to the centre and saving nexus of these potentially universal themes1 others might become absorbed with data of the creature-world1 or with the manifold actions of the mind of man1 so as to forget to keep all duly ordered and connected with the central thought4 ,so the search for knowledge might roam afield4 ,likewise as to its motive2 practically with many men it was1 in itself1 a joy and end2 although they might continue to connect this end formally with the salvation of the soul4 ,roger ,bacon of a surety was such a one4 ,another was ,albertus ,magnus4 ,the laborious culling of twenty tomes of universal knowledge surely had the joy of knowing as the active motive4 ,and ,aquinas too2 no one could be such an acquisitive and reasoning genius1 without the love of knowledge in his soul4 ,yet ,thomas never let this love point untrue to its goal of research and devotion1 to wit1 sacred doctrine1 theology1 the ,christian ,faith in its very widest compass1 yet in its unity of saving purpose4 ,in ,thomas ,aquinas the certitude of faith1 the sense of grace1 the ardour of love1 never quenched the conscious action of the reasoning and knowing mind2 nor did reasoning quench devotion4 ,a balance too1 though perhaps with one scale higher than the other1 was kept by ,bonaventura1 whose mind had reason's faculty1 but whose heart burned perpetually toward ,god4 ,another rationally ardent soul was ,bonaventura's intellectual forerunner1 ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor4 ,in these men intellect did not outstrip the fervours of contemplation4 ,but such catholic balance did not hold with ,abaelard and ,bacon1 who lacked the pietistic temperament4 ,with others1 conversely1 the strength of the pietistic and emotional nature overbore the intellect2 the mind was less exacting2 and devotional ardour used reason solely for its purposes4 ,the mightiest of these were ,bernard and ,francis4 ,to the same key might chime the woman1 ,st4 ,hildegard of ,bingen4 ,we narrow down from these to hectic souls content with a few thoughts which serve as a basis for the heart's fervours4 ,the varying attitudes of mediaeval thinkers toward reason and authority1 and even their different views upon the limits of the field of salutary knowledge1 are exemplified in their methods1 or rather in the variations of their common method4 ,here the factors were again authority and the intellect which considers the authority1 and in terms of its own rational processes reacts upon the proposition under view4 ,the intellect might simply accept authority2 or1 on the other hand1 it might1 through dialectic1 seek a conclusion of its own4 ,but midway between a mere acceptance of authority1 and the endeavour of dialectic for a conclusion of its own1 there is the reasoning process which perceives divergence among authorities1 compares1 discriminates1 interprets1 and at last acts as umpire4 ,this was the combined and catholic scholastic method4 ,it contained the two factors of its necessary duality2 and its variations 7besides the gradual perfecting of its form from one generation to another7 consisted in the predominant employment of one factor or the other4 ,the beginning was in the ,carolingian time1 when ,rabanus compiled his authorities from sources sacred and profane1 scarcely discriminating except to maintain the pre-eminence of the sacred matter4 ,his younger contemporary1 ,eriugena1 was a translator of his own chief source1 ,pseudo-,dionysius1 him of the ,hierarchies1 ,celestial and ,ecclesiastical4 ,yet he composed also a veritable book1 ,de divisione naturae1 in which he put his matter together organically and with argument4 ,and while professing to hold to the authority of ,scripture and the ,fathers1 he not only took upon himself to select from their statements1 but propounded the proposition that the authority which is not confirmed by reason appears weak4 ,eriugena made his authorities yield him what his reason required4 ,his argumentative method became an independent rehandling of matter drawn from them4 ,it was very different from the plodding excerpt-gathering of ,rabanus4 ,we pass down the centuries to ,anselm4 ,contemplative and religious1 his reverence for authority was unimpaired by any conscious need to refashion its meaning4 ,though he possessed creative intellectual powers1 they were incited and controlled by his deep piety4 ,hence his works were constructed of original and lofty arguments1 but such as did not infringe upon either the efficient or the final priority of faith4 ,with ,abaelard of many-sided fame the duality of method becomes explicit1 and is1 if one may say so1 set by the ears4 ,on the one hand1 he advances in his constructive theological treatises toward a portentous application of reason to explain the contents of the ,christian ,faith2 on the other1 somewhat sardonically1 he devises a scheme for the employment and presentation of authorities upon these sacred matters1 a scheme so obviously apt that once made known it could not but be followed and perfected4 ,the divers works of a man are likely to bear some relation and resemblance to each other4 ,abaelard was a reasoner1 more specifically speaking1 a dialectician according to the ways of ,aristotelian logic4 ,and in categories of formal logic he sought to rationalize every matter apprehended by his mind4 ,swayed by the master-interest of the time1 he turned to theology2 and his own nature impelled him to apply a constructive dialectic to its systematic formulation4 ,the result is exemplified in the extant portion of his ,theologia 7mis-called ,introductio ad ,theologiam71 which was condemned by the ,council of ,sens in #aada1 the year before the master's death4 ,the spirit of this work appears in the passage already quoted from the ,historia calamitatum1 referring to what was substantially an earlier form of the ,theologia4#dbg ,the ,theologia argues for a free use of dialectic in expounding dogma1 especially in order to refute those heretics who will not listen to authority1 but demand reasons4 ,like ,abaelard's previous theological treatises1 it is filled with citations of authority1 principally ,augustine2 and the reader feels the author's hesitancy to reveal that dialectic is the architect4 ,nor1 in fact1 is the work an exclusively dialectic structure2 yet it illustrates 7if it does not always inculcate7 the application of the arguments of human reason to the exposition and substantiation of the fundamental and most deeply hidden contents of the ,christian ,faith4 ,obviously ,abaelard was not an initiator here4 ,augustine had devoted his life to fortifying the ,faith with argument and explanation2 ,eriugena1 with a far weaker realization of its contents1 had employed a more distorting metaphysics in its presentation2 and saintly ,anselm had flown his veritable eagle flights of reason4 ,but ,abaelard's more systematic work represents a further stage in the application of independent dialectic to dogma1 and an innovating freedom in the citation of pagan philosophers to demonstrate its philosophic reasonableness4 ,nevertheless his statement that he had gathered these citations from writings of the ,fathers1 and not from the books of the philosophers 7quorum pauca novi71#dbh shows that he was only using what the ,fathers had made use of before him1 and also indicates the slightness of his independent knowledge of ,greek philosophy4 ,on the other hand1 ,abaelard's way of presenting authorities for and against a theological proposition was more distinctly original4 ,he seems to have been the first purposefully to systematize the method of stating the problem1 and then giving in order the authorities on one side and the other--sic et non2 as he entitled his famous work4 ,but the trail of his nature lay through this apparently innocent composition1 the evident intent of which was to emphasize1 if not exaggerate1 the opposition among the patristic authorities1 and without a counterbalancing attempt to show any substantial accord among them4 ,this1 of course1 is not stated in the ,prologue1 which however1 like everything that ,abaelard wrote1 discloses his fatal facility of putting his hand on the raw spot in the matter2 which unfortunately is likely to be the vulnerable point also4 ,in it he remarks on the difficulty of interpreting ,scripture1 upon the corruption of the text 7a perilous subject71 and the introduction of apocryphal writings4 ,there are discrepancies even in the sacred texts1 and contradictions in the writings of the ,fathers4 ,with a profuse backing of authority he shows that the latter are not to be read cum credendi necessitate1 but cum judicandi libertate4 ,assuredly1 as to anything in the canonical ,scriptures1 8it is not permitted to say3 #8,the ,author of this book did not hold the truth'2 but rather #8the codex is false or the interpreter errs1 or thou dost not understand4' ,but in the works of the later ones 7posteriorum1 ,abaelard's inclusive designation of the ,fathers71 which are contained in books without number1 if passages are deemed to depart from the truth1 the reader is at liberty to approve or disapprove40 ,this view was supported by ,abaelard's citations from the ,fathers themselves2 and yet1 so abruptly made1 it was not a pleasant statement for the ears of those to whom the writings of the holy ,fathers were sacred4 ,nothing was sacred to the man who wrote this prologue--so it seemed to his pious contemporaries4 ,and who among them could approve of the ,prologue's final utterance upon the method and purpose of the book8 8,wherefore we decided to collect the diverse statements of the holy ,fathers1 as they might occur to our memory1 thus raising an issue from their apparent repugnancy1 which might incite the teneros lectores to search out the truth of the matter1 and render them the sharper for the investigation4 ,for the first key to wisdom is called interrogation1 diligent and unceasing4444 ,by doubting we are led to inquiry2 and from inquiry we perceive the truth40 ,to use the discordant statements of the ,fathers to sharpen the wits of the young6 ,was not that to uncover their shame8 ,and the character of the work did not salve the ,prologue's sting4 ,abaelard selected and arranged his extracts from pagan as well as ,christian writers1 and prepared sardonic titles for the questions under which he ordered his material4 ,time and again these titles flaunt an opposition which the citations scarcely bear out4 ,for example1 title iv43 8,quod sit credendum in ,deum solum1 et contra0--certainly a flaming point2 yet the excerpts display merely the verb credere1 used in the palpably different senses borne by the word 8believe40 ,there is no real repugnancy among the citations4 ,and again1 in title lviii43 8,quod ,adam salvatus sit1 et contra0--there is no citation contra4 ,and the longest chapter in the book 7cxvii47 has this bristling title3 8,de sacramento altaris1 quod sit essentialiter ipsa veritas carnis ,christi et sanguinis1 et contra40 ,because of such prickly traits the ,sic et non did not itself come into common use4 ,but the suggestions of its method once made1 were of too obvious utility to be abandoned4 ,first1 among ,abaelard's own pupils the result appears in ,books of ,sentences1 which1 in the arrangement of their matter1 followed the topical division not of the ,sic et non1 but of ,abaelard's ,theologia1 with its threefold division of ,theology into ,fides1 ,caritas1 and ,sacramentum4#dbi ,but the arrangement of the ,theologia was not made use of in the best and most famous of these compositions1 ,peter ,lombard's ,sententiarum libri quatuor4 ,this work employed the method 7not the arrangement7 of the ,sic et non1 and expounded the contents of ,faith methodically1 8,distinctio0 after 8,distinctio10 stating the proposition1 citing the authorities bearing upon it1 and ending with some conciliating or distinguishing statement of the true result4 ,in canon law the same method was applied in ,gratian's ,decretum1 of which the proper name was ,concordia discordantium canonum4 ,these ,books of ,sentences have sometimes been called ,summae1 inasmuch as their scope embraced the entire contents of the ,faith4 ,but the term ,summa may properly be confined to those larger and still more encyclopaedic compositions in which this scholastic method reached its final development4 ,the chief makers of these1 the veritable ,summae theologiae1 were1 in order of time1 ,alexander of ,hales1 ,albertus ,magnus1 and ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,the ,books of ,sentences were books of sentences4 ,the ,summa proceeded by the same method1 or rather issued from it1 as its consummation and perfect logical form2 thus the scholastic method arrived at its highest constructive energy4 ,in the ,sentences one excerpted opinion was given and another possibly divergent1 and at the end an adjustment was presented4 ,this comparative formlessness attains in the ,summa a serried syllogistic structure4 ,thomas1 who finally perfects it1 presents his connected and successive topics divided into quaestiones1 which are subdivided into articuli1 whose titles give the point to be discussed4 ,he states first1 and frequently in his own syllogistic terms1 the successive negative arguments2 and then the counter-proposition1 which usually is a citation from ,scripture or from ,augustine4 ,then with clear logic he constructs the true positive conclusion in accordance with the authority which he has last adduced4 ,he then refutes each of the adverse arguments in turn4 ,thus the method of the ,sentences is rendered dialectically organic2 and with the perfecting of the form of quaestio and articulus1 and the logical linking of successive topics1 the whole composition1 from a congeries1 becomes a structure1 organic likewise1 a veritable ,summa1 and a ,summa of a science which has unity and consistency4 ,this science is sacra doctrina1 theologia4 ,moreover1 as compared with the ,sentences1 the contents of the ,summa are enormously enlarged4 ,for between the time of the ,lombard and that of ,thomas1 there has come the whole of ,aristotle1 and what is more1 the mastery of the whole of ,aristotle1 which ,thomas incorporates in a complete and organic statement of the ,christian scheme of salvation4#dcj ,,chapter ,,xxxv ,,classification ,,of ,,topics2 ,,stages ,,of ,,evolution ,i4 ,,philosophic ,,classification ,,of ,,the ,,sciences2 ,,the ,,arrangement ,,of ,,vincent',s ,,encyclopaedia1 ,,of ,,the ,,lombard',s ,,sentences1 ,,of ,,aquinas',s ,,summa ,,theologiae4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,stages ,,of ,,development3 ,,grammar1 ,,logic1 ,,metalogics4 ,i ,having considered the spirit1 the field1 and the dual method1 of mediaeval thought1 there remain its classifications of topics4 ,the problem of classification presented itself to ,gerbert as one involved in the rational study of the ancient material4#dca ,but as scholasticism culminated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries1 the problem became one of arrangement and presentation of the mass of knowledge and argument which the ,middle ,ages had at length made their own1 and were prepared to re-express4 ,this ordering was influenced by a twofold principle of classification2 for1 as abundantly shown by ,aquinas1#dcb theology in which all is ordered with reference to ,god1 will properly follow an arrangement of topics quite unsuitable to the natural or human sciences1 which treat of things with respect to themselves4 ,but the mediaeval practice was more confused than the theory2 because the interest in human knowledge was apt to be touched by motives sounding in the need of divine salvation2 and speculation could not free itself of the moving principles of ,christian theology4 ,on the other hand1 an enormous quantity of human dialectic1 and a prodigious mass of what strikes us as profane information1 or misinformation1 was carried into the mediaeval ,summa1 and still more into those encyclopaedias1 which attempted to include all knowledge1 and still were influenced in their aim by a religious purpose4#dcc ,as the human sciences came from the pagan antique1 the accepted classifications of them naturally were taken from ,greek philosophy4 ,they followed either the so-called ,platonic division1 into ,physics1 ,ethics1 and ,logic1#dcd or the ,aristotelian division of philosophy into theoretical and practical4 ,the former scheme1 of which it is not certain that ,plato was the author1 passed on through the ,stoic and ,epicurean systems of philosophy1 was recognized by the ,church ,fathers1 and received ,augustine's approval4 ,it was made known to the ,middle ,ages through ,cassiodorus1 ,isidore1 ,alcuin1 ,rabanus1 ,eriugena and others4 ,nevertheless the ,aristotelian division of philosophy into theoretical and practical was destined to prevail4 ,it was introduced to the western ,middle ,ages through ,bothius's ,commentary on ,porphyry's ,isagoge1#dce and adopted by ,gerbert2 later it passed over through translations of ,arabic writings4 ,it was accepted by ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 by ,albertus ,magnus and by ,thomas1 to mention only the greatest names2 and was set forth in detail with explanation and comment in a number of treatises1 such as ,gundissalinus's ,de divisione philosophiae1 and ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor's ,eruditio didascalica1#dcf which were formal and schematic introductions to the study of philosophy and its various branches4 ,the usual subdivisions of these two general parts of philosophy were as follows4 ,theoretica 7or ,theorica7 was divided into 7#a7 ,physics1 or scientia naturalis1 7#b7 ,mathematics1 and 7#c7 ,metaphysics or ,theology1 or divina scientia1 as it might be called4 ,physics and ,mathematics were again divided into more special sciences4 ,practica was divided commonly into ,ethics1 ,economics1 ,politics1 or into ,ethics and ,artes mechanicae4 ,there was a difference of opinion as to what to do with ,logic4 ,it had1 to be sure1 its position in the current ,trivium1 along with grammar and rhetoric4 ,but this was merely current1 and might not approve itself on deeper reflection4 ,gundissalinus speaks of three propaedeutic sciences1 the scientiae eloquentiae1 grammar1 poetics1 and rhetoric1 and then puts ,logic after them as a scientia media between these primary educational matters and philosophy1 i4e4 the whole range of knowledge1 theoretical and practical4 ,again1 over against philosophia realis1 which contains both the theoretica 7or speculativa7 and the practica1 ,thomas ,aquinas sets the philosophia rationalis1 or logic2 and ,richard ,kilwardby opposes logica1 the scientia rationalis1 to practica1 in his division4#dcg ,the last-named philosopher was the pupil and then the hostile critic of ,aquinas1 and also became ,archbishop of ,canterbury4 ,he was the author of a careful and elaborate classification of the parts of philosophy1 entitled ,de ortu et divisione philosophiae4#dch ,in it1 following the broad distinction between res divinae and res humanae1 ,kilwardby divides philosophy into speculativa and practica4 ,speculativa is divided into naturalis 7physics71 mathematica1 and divina 7metaphysics74 ,he does not divide the first and third of these2 but he divides mathematica into those sciences which treat of quantity in continuity and separation respectively 7quantitas continua and quantitas discreta74 ,the former embrace geometry1 astronomy and astrology1 and perspective2 the latter1 music and arithmetic4 ,practica1 which is concerned with res humanae1 is divided into activa and sermocinalis3 because res humanae consist either of operationes or locutiones4 ,the activa embraces ,ethics and mechanics2 the scientia sermocinalis embraces grammar1 logic1 and rhetoric4 ,such are ,kilwardby's bare captions2 his treatise lengthily treats of the interrelations of these various branches of knowledge4 ,an idea of the scholastic discussion of the classification of sciences may be had by following ,albertus ,magnus's ponderous approach to a consideration of logic3 whether it be a science1 and1 if so1 what place should be allotted it4 ,we draw from the opening of his liber on the ,predicables1#dci that is to say1 his exposition of ,porphyry's ,introduction4 ,albert will consider 8what kind of a science 7qualis scientia7 logic may be1 and whether it is any part of philosophy2 what need there is of it1 and what may be its use2 then of what it treats1 and what are its divisions40 ,the ancients seem to have disagreed1 some saying that logic is no science1 since it is rather a modus 7mode1 manner or method7 of every science or branch of knowledge4 ,but these1 continues ,albertus1 have not reflected that although there are many sciences1 and each has its special modus1 yet there is one modus common to all sciences1 pertaining to that which is common to them all3 the principle1 to wit1 that through reason's inquiry1 from what is known one arrives at knowledge of the unknown4 ,this mode or method common to every science may be considered in itself1 and so may be the subject of a special science4 ,after further balancing of the reasons and authorities pro and con1 ,albertus concludes3 8,it is therefore clear that logic is a special science just as in ironworking there is the special art of making a hammer1 yet its use pertains to everything made by the ironworker's craft4 ,so this process of discovering the unknown through the known1 is something special1 and may be studied as a special art and science2 yet the use of it pertains to all sciences40 ,he next considers whether logic is a part of philosophy4 ,some say no1 since there are 7as they say7 only three divisions of philosophy1 physics1 mathematics1 and metaphysics2 others say that logic is a modus of philosophy and not one of its divisions4 ,but1 on the contrary1 it is shown by others that this view of philosophy omits the practical side1 for philosophy's scope comprehends the truth of everything which man may understand1 including the truth of that which is in ourselves1 and strives to comprehend both truth and the process of advancing from the known to a knowledge of the unknown4 ,these point out that 8444 the ,peripatetics divided philosophy first into three parts1 to wit1 into physicam generaliter dictam1 and ethicam generaliter dictam and rationalem likewise taken broadly4 ,i call physica generaliter dicta that which embraces scientia naturalis1 disciplinalis1 and divina 7i4e4 physics in a narrower sense1 mathematics which is called scientia disciplinalis1 and metaphysics which is scientia divina74 ,and ,i call ethica1 that which1 broadly taken1 contains the scientia monastica1 oeconomica and civilis4 ,and ,i call that the scientia rationalis1 broadly taken1 which includes every mode of proceeding from the known to the unknown4 ,from which it is evident that logic is a part of philosophy40 ,and finally it may be shown that 8if anything is within the scope of philosophy it must be that without which philosophy cannot reach any knowledge4 ,he who is ignorant of logic can acquire no perfect cognition of the unknown1 because he is ignorant of the way in which he should proceed from the known to the unknown40 ,from these latter arguments1 approved by him and in part stated as his own1 ,albertus advances to a classification of the parts of logic1 which he makes to include rhetoric1 poetics1 and dialectic1 and to be demonstrative1 sophistical or disputatious1 according to the use to which logic 7broadly taken7 is applied and the manner in which it may in each case proceed1 in advancing from the known to some farther ascertainment or demonstration4#ddj ,soon after this1 in discussing the subject of this science1 ,albertus points out how logic differs from rhetoric and poetics1 although with them it may treat of sermo1 or speech1 and be called a scientia sermonalis2 for1 unlike them1 it treats of sermo merely as a means of drawing conclusions1 and not in and for itself4 ,from the purely philosophical division of the sciences we pass to the hybrid arrangement adopted by ,vincent of ,beauvais1 who died in #abfd4 ,this man was a prodigious devourer of books1 and for a sufficient pabulum1 ,st4 ,louis set before him his collection of twelve hundred volumes4 ,thereupon ,vincent compiled the most famous of mediaeval encyclopaedias1 employing in that labour enormous diligence and a number of assistants4 ,his ponderous ,speculum majus is drawn from the most serviceable sources1 including the works of ,albertus1 his contemporary1 and great scholastics like ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 who were no more4 ,it consisted of the ,speculum naturale1 doctrinale1 and historiale2 and a fourth1 the ,speculum morale1 was added by a later hand4#dda ,turning its leaves1 and reading snatches here and there1 especially from its ,prologues1 we shall gain a sufficient illustration of the arrangement of topics followed by this writer1 whose faculties seem to drown in his shoreless undertaking4#ddb ,in his turgid generalis prologus to the ,speculum naturale1 ,vincent presents his motives for collecting in one volume 8444 certain flowers according to my modicum of faculty1 gathered from every one ,i have been able to read1 whether of our ,catholic ,doctors or the ,gentile philosophers and poets4 ,especially have ,i drawn from them what seemed to pertain either to the building up of our dogma1 or to moral instruction1 or to the incitement of charity's devotion1 or to the mystic exposition of divine ,scripture1 or to the manifest or symbolical explanation of its truth4 ,thus by one grand opus ,i would appease my studiousness1 and perchance1 by my labours1 profit those who1 like me1 try to read as many books as possible1 and cull their flowers4 ,indeed of making many books there is no end1 and neither is the eye of the curious reader satisfied1 nor the ear of the auditor40 ,he then refers to the evils of false copying and the ascription of extracts to the wrong author4 ,and it seems to him that ,church ,history has been rather neglected1 while men have been intent on expounding knotty problems4 ,and now considering how to proceed and group his various matters1 ,vincent could find no better method than the one he has chosen1 8to wit1 that after the order of ,holy ,scripture1 ,i should treat first of the ,creator1 next of the creation1 then of man's fall and reparation1 and then of events 7rebus gestis7 chronologically40 ,he proposes to give a summary of titles at the end of the work4 ,sometimes he may state as his own1 things he has had from his teachers or from very well-known books2 and he admits that he did not have time to collate the gesta martyrum1 and so some of the abstracts which he gives of these are not by his own hand1 but by the hand of scribes 7notariorum74 ,vincent proposes to call the whole work ,speculum majus1 a ,speculum indeed1 or an ,imago mundi1 8containing in brief whatever1 from unnumbered books1 ,i have been able to gather1 worthy of consideration1 admiration1 or imitation as to things which have been made or done or said in the visible or invisible world from the beginning until the end1 and even of things to come40 ,he briefly adverts to the utility of his work1 and then gives his motive for including history4 ,this he thinks will help us to understand the story of ,christ2 and from a perusal of the wars which took place 8before the advent of our pacific ,king1 the reader will perceive with what zeal we should fight against our spiritual foes1 for our salvation and the eternal glory promised us40 ,from the great slaughter of men in many wars1 may be realized also the severity of ,god against the wicked1 who are slain like sheep1 and perish body and soul4#ddc ,as to nature1 ,vincent says3 8,moreover ,i have diligently described the nature of things1 which1 ,i think1 no one will deem useless1 who1 in the light of grace1 has read of the power1 wisdom and goodness of ,god1 creator1 ruler and preserver1 in that same book of the ,creation appointed for us to read40 ,moreover1 to know about things is useful for preachers and theologians1 as ,augustine says4 ,but ,vincent is conscious of another motive also3 8,verily how great is even the humblest beauty of this world1 and how pleasing to the eye of reason diligently considering not only the modes and numbers and orders of things1 so decorously appointed throughout the universe1 but also the revolving ages which are ceaselessly uncoiled through abatements and successions1 and are marked by the death of what is born4 ,i confess1 sinner as ,i am1 with mind befouled in flesh1 that ,i am moved with spiritual sweetness toward the creator and ruler of this world1 and honour ,him with greater veneration1 when ,i behold at once the magnitude1 and beauty and permanence of ,his creation4 ,for the mind1 lifting itself from the dunghill of its affections1 and rising1 as it is able1 into the light of speculation1 sees as from a height the greatness of the universe containing in itself infinite places filled with the divers orders of creatures40 ,here ,vincent feels it well to apologize for the limitlessness of his matter1 being only an excerptor1 and not really knowing even a single science2 and he refers to the example of ,isidore's ,etymologiae4 ,he proceeds to enumerate the various sources upon which he relies1 and then to summarize the headings of his work2 which in brief are as follows3 ,the ,creator4 ,the empyrean heaven and the nature of angels2 the state of the good1 and the ruin of the proud1 angels4 ,the formless material and the making of the world1 and the nature and properties of each created being1 according to the order of the ,works of the ,six ,days4 ,the state of the first man4 ,the nature and energies of the soul1 and the senses and parts of the human body4 ,god's rest and way of working4 ,the state of the first man and the felicity of ,paradise4 ,man's fall and punishment4 ,sin4 ,the reparation of the ,fall4 ,the properties of faith and other virtues in order1 and the gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 and the beatitudes4 ,the number and matter of all the sciences4 ,chronological history of events in the world1 and memorable sayings1 from the beginning to our time1 with a consideration of the state of souls separated from their bodies1 of the times to come1 of ,antichrist1 the end of the ,world1 the resurrection of the dead1 the glorification of the saints and the punishments of the wicked4 ,one may stand aghast at the programme4 ,yet practically all of it would go into a ,summa theologiae1 excepting the human history1 and the matter of what we should call the arts and sciences6 ,a programme like this might be handled summarily1 according to the broad captions under which it is stated2 or it might be carried out in such detail as to include all available information1 or opinion1 touching every part of every topic included under these universal heads4 ,the latter is ,vincent's way4 ,practically he tries to include all knowledge upon everything4 ,the first of his tomes 7the ,speculum naturale7 is to be devoted to a full description of the forms and species of created beings1 which make up the visible world4 ,yet it includes much relating to beings commonly invisible2 for ,vincent begins with a treatment of the angels4 ,he then passes to a consideration of the seven heavens2 and then to the physical phenomena of nature2 then on to every known species of plant1 the cultivation of trees and vines1 and the making of wine2 then to the celestial bodies1 and after this to living things1 birds1 fishes1 savage beasts1 reptiles1 the anatomy of animals1--and at last comes to man4 ,he discusses him body and soul1 his psychology1 and the phenomena of sleep and waking2 then human anatomy--nor can he keep from considerations touching the whole creation2 then human generation1 and a description of the countries and regions of the earth1 with a brief compendium of history until the time of ,antichrist and the ,last ,judgment4 ,of course he is utterly uncritical1 even the pseudo-,turpin's fictions as to ,charlemagne serving him for authority4 ,vincent's ,prologue to his second tome1 the ,speculum doctrinale1 briefly mentions the topics of the tota naturalis historia1 contained in his first giant tome4 ,in that he had brought his matter down to ,god's creation of humana natura1 omnium rerum finis ac summa--and its spoliation 7destitutio7 through sin4 ,humana natura as constituted by ,god1 was a universitas of all nature or created being1 corporeal and spiritual4 ,now 8in this second part1 in like fashion we propose to treat of the plenary restitution of that destitute nature4444 ,and since that restitution1 or restoration1 is effected and perfected by doctrina 7imparted knowledge1 science71 this part not improperly is called the ,speculum doctrinale4 ,for of a surety everything pertaining to recovering or defending man's spiritual or temporal welfare 7salutem7 is embraced under doctrina4 ,in this book1 the sciences 7doctrinae7 and arts are treated thus3 ,first concerning all of them in general1 to wit1 concerning their invention1 origin1 and species2 and concerning the method of acquiring them4 ,then concerning the singular arts and sciences in particular4 ,and here first concerning those of the ,trivium1 which are devoted to language 7grammar1 rhetoric1 logic72 for without these1 the others cannot be learned or communicated4 ,next concerning the practical ones 7practica71 because through them1 the eyes of the mind being clarified1 one ascends to the speculative 7theorica74 ,then also concerning the mechanical ones2 since1 as they consist in making 7operatio71 they are joined by affinity to the practica4 ,finally concerning the speculative sciences 7theorica71 because the end and aim 7finis7 of all the rest is placed by the wise in them4 ,and since 7as ,jerome says7 one cannot know the power 7vis7 of the antidote unless the power of the poison first is understood1 therefore to the reparatio doctrinalis of the human race1 the subject of the book1 something is prefixed as a brief epilogue from the former book1 concerning the fall and misery of man1 in which he still labours1 as the penalty for his sin1 in lamentable exile40 ,so ,vincent begins with the fall and misery of man2 the peccatum and the supplicium4 ,then he proceeds to discuss the goods 7bona7 which ,god bestows1 like the mental powers1 by which man may learn wisdom1 and how to strive against error and vice1 and be overcome solely by the desire of the highest and immutable good4 ,he speaks also of the corporeal goods bestowed on man1 and the beauty and utility of visible things2 and then of the principal evils2--ignorance which corrupts the divine image in man1 concupiscence which destroys the divine similitude1 sickness which destroys his original bodily immortality4 8,and the remedies are three by which these three evils may be repelled1 and the three goods restored1 to wit1 ,wisdom1 ,virtue1 and ,need40 ,here we touch the gist of the ordering of topics in the ,speculum doctrinale1 which treats of all the arts and sciences3 8,for the obtaining of these three remedies every art and every disciplina was invented4 ,in order to gain ,wisdom1 ,theorica was devised2 and ,practica for the sake of virtue2 and for ,need's sake1 ,mechanica4 ,theorica driving out ignorance1 illuminates ,wisdom2 ,practica shutting out vice1 strengthens ,virtue2 ,mechanica providing against penury1 tempers the infirmities of the present life4 ,theorica1 in all that is and that is not1 chooses to investigate the true4 ,practica determines the correct way of living and the form of discipline1 according to the institution of the virtues4 ,mechanica occupied with fleeting things1 strives to provide for the needs of the body4 ,for the end and aim of all human actions and studies1 which reason regulates1 ought to look either to the reparation of the integrity of our nature or to alleviating the needs to which life is subjected4 ,the integrity of our nature is repaired by ,wisdom1 to which ,theorica relates1 and by ,virtue1 which ,practica cultivates4 ,need is alleviated by the administration of temporalities1 to which ,mechanica attends4 ,last found of all is ,logic1 source of eloquence1 through which the wise who understand the aforesaid principal sciences and disciplines1 may discourse upon them more correctly1 truly and elegantly2 more correctly1 through ,grammar2 more truly through ,dialectic2 more elegantly through ,rhetoric40#ddd ,thus the entire round of arts and sciences is connected with man's corporeal and spiritual welfare1 and is made to bear directly or indirectly on his salvation4 ,all constitutes doctrina1 and by doctrina man is saved4 ,this is the reason for including the arts and sciences in one tome1 rightly called the ,speculum doctrinale4 ,we need not follow the detail1 but may view as from afar the long course ploughed by ,vincent through his matter4 ,he first sketches the history of antique philosophy1 and then turns to books and language1 and presents a glossary of ,latin synonyms4 ,book ,,ii4 treats of ,grammar1 ,book ,,iii4 of ,logic1 ,book ,,iv4 of ,practica scientia or ,ethica1 first giving pagan ethics and then passing on to the virtues of the monastic life4 ,book ,v4 is a continuation of this subject4 ,book ,,vi4 concerns the ,scientia oeconomica1 treating of domestic economy1 then of agriculture4 ,books ,,vii4 and ,,viii4 take up ,politica1 and1 having discussed political institutions1 proceed to a treatment of law--the law of persons1 things1 and actions1 according to the canon and the civil law4 ,books ,,ix4 and ,x4 consider ,crimes--simony1 heresy1 perjury1 sacrilege1 homicide1 rape1 adultery1 robbery1 usury4 ,book ,,xi4 is more cheerful1 ,de arte mechanica1 and tells of building1 the military art1 navigation1 alchemy1 and metals4 ,book ,,xii4 is ,medicine1 and ,books ,,xiii4 and ,,xiv4 discuss ,physics1 in connection with the healing art4 ,book ,,xv4 is ,natural ,philosophy--animals and plants4 ,book ,,xvi41 ,de mathematica1 treats of arithmetic1 music1 geometry1 astronomy1 and metaphysics cursorily4 ,book ,,xvii4 likewise thins out in a somewhat slight discussion of ,theology1 which was to form the topic of the tome that ,vincent did not write4 ,but ,vincent did complete another tome1 the ,speculum historiale4 ,it is a loosely chronological compilation of tradition1 myth1 and history1 with discursions upon the literary works of the characters coming under review4 ,it would be tedious to follow its excerpted presentation of the profane and sacred matter4 ,we may leave ,vincent1 with the obvious reflection that his work is a conglomerate1 both in arrangement and contents4 ,it has the pious aim of contributing to man's salvation1 and yet is an attempted universal encyclopaedia of human knowledge1 much of which is plainly secular and mundane4 ,the monstrous scope and dual purpose of the work prevented any unity in method and arrangement4 ,more single in aim1 and better arranged in consequence1 are the ,sentences of ,peter ,lombard and the ,summa theologiae of ,aquinas4 ,for although their scope1 at least the scope of the ,summa1 is wide1 all is ordered with respect to the true aim of sacra doctrina1 just as ,thomas explained in the passage which we have already given4 ,the alleged principle of the ,lombard's division strikes one as curious2 yet he got it from ,augustine3 ,signum and res--the symbol and the thing3 verily an age-long play of spiritual tendency lay back of these contrasted concepts4 ,christian doctrina related1 perhaps chiefly1 to the significance of signa1 signs1 symbols1 allegories1 mysteries1 sacraments4 ,it was not so strange that the ,lombard made this antithesis the ground of his arrangement4 ,quite as of course he begins by saying it is clear to any one who considers1 with ,god's grace1 that the 8contents of the ,old and ,new ,law are occupied either with res or signa4 ,for as the eminent doctor ,augustine says in his ,doctrina ,christiana1 all teaching is of things or signs2 but things also are learned through signs4 ,properly those are called res which are not employed in order to signify something2 while signa are those whose use is to signify40 ,then the ,lombard separates the sacraments from other signa1 because they not only signify1 but also confer saving aid2 and he points out that evidently a signum is also some sort of a thing2 but not everything is a signum4 ,he will treat first of res and then of signa4 ,as to res1 one must bear in mind1 as ,augustine says1 that some things are to be enjoyed 7fruendum71 as from love we cleave to them for their own sake2 and others are to be used 7utendum7 as a means2 and still others to be both enjoyed and used4 8,those which are to be enjoyed make us blessed 7beatos72 those which are to be used1 aid us striving for blessedness4444 ,we ourselves are the things which are both to be enjoyed and used1 and also the angels and the saints4444 ,the things which are to be enjoyed are ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit2 and so the ,trinity is summa res40 ,so the ,lombard's first two ,books consider res in the descending order of their excellence2 the third considers the ,incarnation1 which1 if not itself a sacrament1 and the chief and sum of all sacraments1 is the source of those of the ,new ,law1 considered in the fourth ,book4 ,the scheme is single and orderly2 the difficulty will be in actually arranging the various topics within it4 ,endeavouring to do so1 the ,lombard in ,book ,i4 puts together the doctrine of the ,trinity1 the three ,persons composing it1 and their attributes and qualities4 ,book ,,ii4 considers in order1 the ,angels1 and very briefly1 the work of the ,six ,days down to the creation of man2 then the ,christian doctrina as to man is presented3 his creation and its reasons2 the creation of his anima2 the creation of woman2 the condition of man and woman before the ,fall2 their sin2 next free-will and grace4 ,book ,,iii4 treats of the ,incarnation1 in all the aspects in which it may be known1 and of the nature of ,christ1 ,his saving merit1 and the grace which was in ,him2 also of the virtues of faith1 hope1 and charity1 the seven gifts of the ,spirit1 and the existence of them all in ,christ4 ,book ,,iv4 considers the ,sacraments of the ,new ,law3 ,baptism1 ,confirmation1 the ,eucharist1 penance1 extreme unction1 ordination to holy orders1 marriage4 ,it concludes with setting forth the ,resurrection and the ,last ,judgment4 ,the first chapters of ,genesis were the ultimate source of the ,lombard's actual arrangement4 ,and the ,summa will follow the same order of treatment4 ,one may perceive how naturally the adoption of this order came to ,christian theologians by glancing over ,augustine's ,de ,genesi ad litteram4#dde ,this ,commentary was partially constructive1 and not simply exegetical2 and afforded a cadre1 or frame1 of topical ordering1 which could readily be filled out with the contents of the ,sentences or even of the ,summa3 ,god1 in ,his unity and trinity1 the ,creation1 man especially1 his fall1 the ,incarnation as the saving means of his restoration1 and then the ,sacraments1 and the final ,judgment unto heaven and hell4 ,one may say that this was the natural and proper order of presenting the contents of the ,christian sacra doctrina4 ,so the great ,summa theologiae of ,thomas ,aquinas adopts the same order which the ,lombard had followed4 ,the ,pars prima begins with defining sacra doctrina4#ddf ,it then proceeds to consider ,god--whether ,he exists2 then treats of ,his simplicitas and perfectio2 next of ,his attributes2 ,his bonitas1 infinitas1 immutabilitas1 aeternitas1 unitas2 then of our knowledge of ,him2 then of ,his knowledge1 and therein of truth and falsity2 thereupon are considered the divine will1 love1 justice1 and pity2 the divine providence and predestination2 the divine power and beatitude4 ,all this pertains to the unitas of the divine essence2 and now ,thomas passes on to the ,trinitas personarum1 or the more distinctive portions of ,christian theology4 ,he treats of the processio and relationes of the divinae ,personae1 and then of themselves--,father1 ,son1 ,holy ,spirit1 and then of their essential relationship and properties4 ,next he discusses the missio of the divine ,persons1 and the relations between ,god and ,his ,creation4 ,first comes the consideration of the principle of creation1 the processio creaturarum a ,deo1 and of the nature of created things1 with some discussion of evil1 whether it be a thing4 ,among created beings1 ,thomas treats first of angels1 and at great length2 then of the physical creation1 in its order--the work of the six days1 but with no great detail4 ,then man1 created of spiritual and corporeal substance--his complex nature is to be analysed and fathomed to its depths4 ,thomas discusses the union of the anima ad corpus2 then the powers of the anima1 in generali and in speciali--the intellectual faculties1 the appetites1 the will and its freedom of choice2 how the anima knows--the full ,aristotelian theory of cognition is given4 ,next1 more specifically as to the creation of the soul and body of the first man1 and the nature of the image and similitude of ,god within him2 then as to man's condition and faculties while in a state of innocence2 also as to ,paradise4 ,this closes the treatment of the creatio et distinctio rerum2 and ,thomas passes to their gubernatio1 and the problem of how ,god conserves and moves the corporeal and spiritual2 then concerning the action of one creature on another1 and how the angels are ranged in hierarchies1 and although purely spiritual beings1 minister to men and guard them2 then concerning the action of corporeal things1 concerning fate1 and the action of men upon men4 ,here ends ,pars prima4 ,the first section of the second part 7,prima secundae7 begins4 ,in a short ,prologue ,thomas says3 8,because man is made in the image of ,god1 that is1 free in his thought and will1 and able to act through himself 7per se potestativum71 after what has been said concerning the ,exemplar1 ,god1 and everything proceeding from the divine power according to ,his will1 it remains for us to consider ,his image1 to wit1 man1 in so far as he is the source or cause 7principium7 of his own works1 having free-will and power over them40 ,hereupon ,thomas takes up in order3 the ultimate end of man2 the nature of man's beatitude1 and wherein it consists1 and how it may be attained2 then voluntary and involuntary acts1 and the nature and action of will2 then fruition1 intention1 election1 deliberation1 consent1 and actions good and bad1 flowing from the will2 then the passions2 concupiscence and pleasure1 sadness1 hope and despair1 fear1 anger2 next habits 7habitus7 and the virtues1 intellectual1 cardinal1 theological2 the gifts of the ,spirit1 and the beatitudes2 the vices1 and sin1 and penalty4 ,thereupon it becomes proper to consider the external causes 7principia7 of acts3 8,the external cause 7principium7 moving toward good is ,god2 who instructs us through law1 and aids us through grace4 ,therefore we must speak1 first of law1 then of grace40 ,so ,thomas discusses3 the essentia of law1 and the different kinds of law--lex aeterna1 lex naturalis1 lex humana--their effect and validity2 then the precepts of the ,old ,law 7of the ,old ,testament72 then as to the law of the ,gospel and the need of grace2 and lastly1 concerning grace and human merit4 ,the ,secunda secundae 7the second division of the second part7 opens with a ,prologue1 in which the author says that1 having considered generally the virtues and vices1 and other things pertaining to the matter of ethics1 it is needful to consider these same matters more particularly1 each in turn2 8for general moral statements 7sermones morales universales7 are less useful1 inasmuch as actions are always in particularibus40 ,a more special statement of moral rules may proceed in two ways3 the one from the side of the moral material1 discussing this or that virtue or vice2 the other considers what applies to special orders 7speciales status7 of men1 for instance prelates and the lower clergy1 or men devoted to the active or contemplative religious life4 8,we shall1 therefore1 consider specially1 first what applies to all conditions of men1 and then what applies to certain orders 7determinatos status740 ,thomas adds that it will be best to consider in each case the virtue and corresponding gift1 and the opposing vice1 together2 also that 8virtues are reducible to seven1 the three theological1#ddg and the four cardinal virtues4 ,of the intellectual virtues1 one is ,prudence1 which is numbered with the cardinal virtues2 but ars does not pertain to morals1 which relate to what is to be done1 while ars is the correct faculty of making things 7recta ratio factibilium74#ddh ,the other three intellectual virtues1 sapientia1 intellectus1 et scientia1 bear the names of certain gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 and are considered with them4 ,moral virtues are all reducible to the cardinal virtues2 and therefore1 in considering each cardinal virtue1 all the virtues related to it are considered1 and the opposite vices40 ,this classification of the virtues seems anything but clear4 ,and perhaps the weakest feature of the ,summa is this scarcely successful ordering1 or combination1 of the ,aristotelian virtues with those more germane to the ,christian scheme4 ,however this may be1 the author of the ,summa proceeds to consider in order3 fides1 and the gifts 7dona7 of intellectus and scientia which correspond to the virtue faith2 next the opposing vices3 infidelitas1 haeresis1 apostasia1 blasphemia1 and caecitas mentis 7spiritual blindness74 ,next in order come the virtue spes1 and the corresponding gift of the ,spirit1 timor1 and the opposing vices of desperatio and praesumptio4#ddi ,next1 caritas1 with its dilectio1 its gaudium1 its pax1 its misericordia1 its beneficentia and eleemosyna1 and its correctio fraterna2 then the opposite vices1 odium1 acedia1 invidia1 discordia1 contentio1 schisma1 bellum1 rixa1 seditio1 scandalum4 ,next the donum sapientiae1 and its opposite1 stultitia2 next1 prudentia1 and its correspondent gift1 consilium2 and its connected vices1 imprudentia1 negligentia1 and its evil semblances1 dolus and fraus4 ,says ,thomas3 ,consequenter post prudentiam considerandum est de ,justitia4 ,whereupon follows a juristic treatment of jus1 justitia1 judicium1 restitutio1 acceptio personarum2 then homicide and other crimes recognized by law4 ,then come the virtues1 connected with justitia1 to wit1 religio1 and its acts1 devotio1 oratio1 adoratio1 sacrificium1 oblatio1 decimae1 votum1 juramentum2 then the vices opposed to religio3 superstitio1 idolatria1 tentatio ,dei1 perjurium1 sacrilegium1 simonia4 ,next is considered the virtue of pietas2 then observantia1 with its parts1 i4e4 dulia 7service71 obedientia1 and its opposite1 inobedientia4 ,next1 gratia 7thanks7 or gratitudo1 and its opposite1 ingratitudo2 next1 vindicatio 7punishment72 next1 veritas1 with its opposites1 hypocrisis1 jactantia 7boasting71 and ironia2 next1 amicitia1 with the vices of adulatio and litigium4 ,next1 the virtue of liberalitas1 and its vices1 avaritia and prodigalitas2 next1 epieikeia 7aequitas74 ,finally1 closing this discussion of all that is connected with ,justitia1 ,thomas speaks of its corresponding gift of the ,spirit1 pietas4 ,now comes the third cardinal virtue1 ,fortitudo--under which martyrium is the type of virtuous act2 intimiditas and audacia are the two vices4 ,then the parts of ,fortitudo1 to wit1 magnanimitas1 magnificentia1 patientia1 perseverantia1 and the obvious opposing vices4 ,next1 the fourth cardinal virtue1 ,temperantia1 its obvious opposing vices1 and its parts1 to wit1 verecundia1 honestas1 abstinentia1 sobrietas1 castitas1 clementia1 modestia1 humilitas1 and the various appropriate acts and opposing vices related to these special virtues4 ,so far1#dej ,thomas has been considering the virtues proper for all men2 and now he comes to those specially pertaining to certain kinds of men1 according to their gifts of grace1 their modes of life1 or the diversity of their offices1 or stations4 ,of the special virtues related to gifts of grace1 the first is prophetia1 next raptus 7vision71 then gratia linguarum1 and gratia miraculorum4 ,after this1 the vita activa and contemplativa1 with their appropriate virtues1 are considered4 ,and then ,thomas proceeds to speak ,de officiis et statibus hominum1 and their respective virtues4 ,here ends the ,secunda secundae1 and ,pars tertia opens with this ,prologue3 8,inasmuch as our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ 7as witnesseth the ,angel1 populum suum salvum faciens a peccatis eorum7 has shown in himself the way of truth1 through which we are able to come to the beatitude of immortal life by rising again1 it is necessary1 for the consummation of the whole theological matter1 after the consideration of the final end of human life1 and of the virtues and vices1 that our attention should be fixed upon the ,saviour of all and ,his benefactions to the human race4 8,as to which1 first one must consider the ,saviour himself2 secondly1 ,his sacraments1 by which we obtain salvation2 thirdly1 concerning the end 7finis71 immortal life1 to which we come by rising again through ,him4 8,as to the first1 one has to consider the mystery of the ,incarnation1 in which ,god was made man for our salvation1 and then those things that were done and suffered by our ,saviour1 that is1 ,god incarnate40 ,this ,prologue indicates sufficiently the order of topics in the ,pars tertia of the ,summa1 through ,quaestio xc41 at which point the hand of the ,angelic ,doctor was folded to eternal rest4 ,he was then considering penance1 the fourth in his order of ,sacraments4 ,all that he had to say as to the person1 and attributes1 and acts and passion of ,christ had been written2 and he had considered the ,sacraments of baptism1 confirmation1 and the eucharist2 he was occupied with poenitentia2 and still other sacraments remained1 as well as his final treatment of the matters which lie beyond the grave4 ,so he left his work unfinished1 and1 in spite of many efforts1 unfinishable by any of his pupils or successors4#dea ,,ii ,inasmuch as the matter of their thoughts was transmitted to the men of the ,middle ,ages1 and was not drawn from their own observation or constructive reasoning1 the fundamental intellectual endeavour for mediaeval men was to apprehend and make their own1 and re-express4 ,their intellectual progress followed this process of appropriation1 and falls into three stages--learning1 organically appropriating1 and re-expressing with added elements of thought4 ,logically1 and generally in time1 these three stages were successive4 ,yet1 of course1 they overlapped1 and may be observed progressing simultaneously4 ,thus1 for example1 what was known of ,aristotle at the beginning of the twelfth century was slight compared with the knowledge of his philosophy that was opened to western ,europe in the latter part of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth4 ,and while1 by the middle of the twelfth century1 the elements of ,aristotle's logic had been thoroughly appropriated1 the substantial ,aristotelian philosophy had still to be learned and mastered1 before it could be reformulated and re-expressed as part of mediaeval thought4 ,looking solely to the outer form1 the three stages of mediaeval thought are exemplified in the ,scriptural ,commentary of the later ,carolingian time1 in the twelfth-century ,books of ,sentences1 and at last in the more organic ,summa theologiae4 ,with this significant evolution and change of outer form1 proceeded the more substantial evolution consisting in learning1 appropriating1 and re-expressing the inherited material4 ,in both cases1 these three stages were necessitated by the greatness of the transmitted matter2 for the intellectual energies of the mediaeval period were fully occupied with mastering the data proffered so pressingly1 with presenting and re-presenting this superabundant material1 and recasting it in new forms of statement1 which were also expressions1 or realizations1 of the mediaeval genius4 ,so the mediaeval product may be regarded as given by the past1 and by the same token necessitated and controlled4 ,but1 on the other hand1 each stage of intellectual progress rendered possible the next one4 ,the first stage of learning is represented by the ,carolingian period1 which we have considered4 ,it was then that the patristic material was extracted from the writings of the ,fathers1 and rearranged and reapplied1 to meet the needs of the time4 ,the mastery of this material had scarcely made such vital progress as to enable the men of the ninth and tenth and eleventh centuries to re-express it largely in terms of their own thinking4 ,in the ninth century1 ,eriugena affords an extraordinary exception with his drastic restatement of what he had drawn from ,pseudo-,dionysius and others2 and at the end comes ,anselm1 whose genius is metaphysically constructive4 ,but ,anselm touches the coming time2 and the springs of ,eriugena's genius are hidden from us4 ,as for the antique thought during these ,carolingian centuries1 ,eriugena dealt in his masterful way with what he knew of it through patristic and semi-patristic channels4 ,but let us rather seek it in the curriculum of the ,trivium and ,quadrivium4 ,what progress ,gerbert made in the ,quadrivium1 that is1 in the various branches of mathematics which he taught1 has been noted1 and to what extent his example was followed by his pupil ,fulbert1 at the cathedral school of ,chartres4#deb ,the courses of the ,trivium--grammar1 rhetoric1 logic--demand our closer attention2 for they were the key of the situation4 ,we must keep in mind that we are approaching mediaeval thought from the side of the innate human need of intellectual expression--the impulse to know and the need to formulate one's conceptions and express them consistently4 ,for mediaeval men the first indispensable means to this end was grammar1 including rhetoric1 and the next was logic or dialectic4 ,the ,latin language contained the sum of knowledge transmitted to the ,middle ,ages4 ,and it had to be learned4 ,this was true even in ,italy and ,spain and ,france1 where each year the current ways of ,romance speech were departing more definitely from the parent stock2 it was more patently true in the countries of ,teutonic speech4 ,centuries before1 the ,roman youth had studied grammar that they might speak and write correctly4 ,now it was necessary to study ,latin grammar1 to wit1 the true forms and literary usages of the ,latin tongue1 in order to acquire any branch of knowledge whatsoever1 and express one's corresponding thoughts4 ,and men would not at first distinguish sharply between the mediating value of the learned tongue and the learning which it held4#dec ,thus grammar1 the study of the ,latin language1 represented the first stage of knowledge for mediaeval men4 ,this was to remain true through all the mediaeval centuries2 since all youths who became scholars had to learn the language before they could study what was contained in it alone4 ,one may also say1 and yet not speak fantastically1 that grammar1 the study of the correct use of the language itself1 corresponded spiritually with the main intellectual labour of the ,carolingian period4 ,alcuin's attention is commonly fixed upon the significance of language1 ,latin of course4 ,and the labours of his pupil ,rabanus1 and the latter's pupil ,walafrid1 are as it were devoted to the grammar of learning4 ,that is to say1 they read and endeavour to understand the works of the ,fathers2 they compare and collate1 and make volumes of extracts1 which they arrange for the most part as ,scripture commentaries2 commentaries1 that is1 upon the significance of the canonical writings which were the substance of all wisdom1 but needed much explication4 ,such works were the very grammar of knowledge1 being devoted to the exposition of the meaning of the ,scriptures and the vast burden of patristic thought4 ,a like purpose was evinced in the efforts of the great emperor himself to re-establish schools of grammar1 in order that the ,scriptures might be more correctly understood1 and the expositions of the holy ,fathers4 ,in fine1 just as knowledge of the ,latin tongue was the end and aim of grammar1 so a correct understanding of what was contained in ,latin books was the aim of the intellectual labours of this period4 ,it all represented the first stage in the mediaeval acquisition of knowledge1 or in the presentation or expression of the same2 and thus the first stage in the mediaeval endeavour to realize the human impulse to know4 ,the next course of the ,trivium was logic2 and likewise its study will represent truly the second stage in the mediaeval realization of the human impulse to know1 to wit1 the second stage in the appropriation and expression of the knowledge transmitted from the past4 ,we have spoken at some length of the logical studies of ,gerbert1 and his endeavours to adjust his thinking and classify the branches of knowledge by means of formal logic4#ded ,those discussions of his which seem somewhat puerile to us1 were essential to his endeavours to formulate what he had learned1 and present it as rational and ordered knowledge4 ,logic is properly the stage succeeding grammar in the formulation of rational knowledge4 ,at least it was for men of ,gerbert's time1 and the following centuries4 ,rightly enough they looked on logic as a scientia sermotionalis1 which on one side touched sheer linguistics1 and on the other1 had for its field the further processes of reason4 ,thus ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 ,abaelard's very great contemporary1 says3 8,logic is named from the ,greek word logos1 which has a twofold interpretation4 ,for logos means either sermo or ratio2 and therefore logic may be termed either a scientia sermotionalis or a scientia rationalis4 ,logica rationalis embraces dialectic and rhetoric1 and is called discretiva 7argumentative and exercising judgment72 logica sermotionalis is the genus which includes grammar1 dialectic and rhetoric1 to wit1 discursive science 7disertiva740#dee ,the close connection between grammar and logic is evident4 ,logic treats of language used in rational expression1 as well as of the reasoning processes carried on in language4 ,its elementary chapters teach a rational use of language1 whereby men may reach a more deeply consistent expression of their thoughts than is gained from grammar4 ,yet grammar also is logic1 and based on logical principles4 ,all this is exemplified in the logical treatises composing the ,aristotelian ,organon1 which the ,middle ,ages used4 ,first comes ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 which clearly is bound up in language4 ,likewise ,aristotle's ,categories treat of the rational and consistent use of language1 or of what may be stated in language4 ,next it is obvious that the ,de interpretatione treats of language used to express thought1 its generic function4 ,the more advanced treatises of the ,organon1 the ,prior and ,posterior ,analytics1 the ,topics1 and ,sophistical ,elenchi1 treat directly and elaborately of the reasoning processes themselves4 ,so one perceives the grammatical affinities of the simpler treatises in the ,organon4 ,the more advanced ones seem to stand to them as oratorical rhetoric stands to elementary grammar4 ,for the ,analytics1 ,topics1 and ,sophistical ,elenchi are a kind of eristic1 training the student to use the processes of thought and their expression in order to attain an end1 commonly argumentative4 ,the prior treatises have taught the elements1 as it were the orthography and etymology of the rational expression of thought in language2 the latter 7even as syntax and rhetoric71 train the student in the use of these elements4 ,and one observes a nice historical fitness in the fact that only the simpler treatises of the ,organon were in common use in the early ,middle ,ages1 since they alone were necessary to the first stage in the appropriation of the substance of patristic and antique thought4 ,the full ,organon was rediscovered1 and retaken into use in the middle or latter part of the twelfth century1 when men had progressed to a more organic appropriation of the patristic material and what they knew of the antique philosophy4 ,thus in mediaeval education1 and in the successive order of appropriating the patristic and the antique1 logic stood on grammar's shoulders4 ,it was grammar's rationalized stage1 and treated language as the means of expressing thought consistently and validly2 that is1 so as not to contravene the necessities of that whereof it was the vehicle4 ,and since language thus treated was in accord with rational thought1 it would accord with the realities to which thought corresponds2 and might be taken as expressing them4 ,this last reflection introduces metaphysics4 ,and properly4 ,for the three stages in the mediaeval appropriation and expression of knowledge were grammar1 logic1 metaphysics4 ,logic has to do with the processes of thought2 with the positing of premises and the drawing of the conclusion4 ,it does not necessarily consider whether the contents of its premises represent realities4 ,this is matter for ontology1 metaphysics4 ,now mediaeval metaphysics1 which were those of ,greek philosophy1 were extremely pre-,kantian1 in assuming a correspondence between the necessities or conclusions of thought and the supreme realities1 ,god and the ,universe4 ,nor did mediaeval logic doubt that its processes could elucidate and express the veritable natures of things4 ,so mediaeval logic readily wandered into the province of metaphysics1 and ignored the line between the two4 ,yet there is little metaphysics in the ,organon2 none in its simpler treatises4 ,so there was none in the elementary logical instruction of the schools before the twelfth century at least4#def ,one may always distinguish between logic and metaphysics2 and it is to our purpose to do so here4 ,for as we have taken logic to represent the second stage in the mediaeval appropriation of knowledge1 so metaphysics1 poised in turn on logic's shoulders1 is very representative of the third stage1 to wit1 the stage of systematic and organic re-expression of the ancient matter1 with elements added by the great schoolmen4 ,metaphysics was very properly the final stage4 ,the grammatical represented an elementary learning of what the past had transmitted2 the logical a further retrying of the matter1 an attempt to understand and express it1 formulate parts of it anew1 with deeper consistency of expression4 ,then follows the attempt for final and universal consistency3 final inasmuch as thought penetrates to the nature of things and expresses realities and the relationships of realities2 and universal1 in that it seeks to order and systematize all its concepts1 and bring them to unity in a ,summa--a perfected scheme of rational presentation of ,god and ,his creation4 ,this will be1 largely speaking1 the final endeavour of the mediaeval man to ease his mind1 and realize his impulse to know and express himself with uttermost consistency4 ,so for mediaeval men1 metaphysics stood on logic's shoulders and represented the final completion of their thought1 in a universal system and scheme of ,god and man and things4#deg ,but the first part of this proposition had not been true with ,greek philosophy4 ,metaphysics is properly occupied with being1 in its ultimate essence and relationships2 with the consistent putting together of things1 to wit1 the presentation or expression of them so as not to disagree with any of the data recognized as pertinent4 ,the thinker considers profoundly1 seeking to penetrate the ultimate reality and relationships of things1 through which a universal whole is constituted4 ,this makes ontology1 metaphysics--the science of being1 of causes1 and so the science of the first ,cause1 ,god4 ,aristotle called this the 8first0 philosophy1 because lying at the base of all branches of knowledge1 and depending on nothing beyond itself4 ,some time after his death1 the ,peripatetics and then the ,neo-,platonists called this first science by the name of ,metaphysics1 8after0 or 8beyond0 physics1 if one will1 perhaps because of the actual order of treatment in the schools4 ,the term ,metaphysics is vague enough2 either 8first0 philosophy or 8ontology0 is preferable4 ,yet as to ,greek philosophy the term has apt historical suggestiveness4 ,for it did come after physics in time1 and was in fact evoked by the imperfect method and consequent contradictions of the earlier philosophies4 ,from the beginning1 ,greek philosophy drove straight at the cause or origin of things--surely the central problem of metaphysics4 ,thales and the other ,ionians began with rational1 though crude1 hypotheses as to the sources of the universe4 ,these were first attempts to reach a consistent expression of its origin and nature4 ,each succeeding philosopher considered further1 from the vantage-ground of the recognized inconsistencies or inadequacies in the theories of his predecessors4 ,he was thus led on to consider more profoundly the essential relationships of things1 the very truth of their relationships1 and on and on into the problem of their being4 ,for the verity of relations must be according to the verity of being of the things related4 ,the world about us consists in relationships1 of antecedents and sequences1 of cause and effect2 and our thought of it is made up of consistencies or contradictions1 which last we struggle to eliminate1 or to transform to consistencies4 ,these early philosophers looked only to the ,aristotelian material cause for the origin and cause of things2 yet reflection plunged them deeper into a consideration of the nature of being and relationships4 ,the other causes were evoked by ,anaxagoras and then by ,plato1 and by them were led into the arena of debate2 and philosophers discussed the efficient and final cause as well as the material4 ,such discussions are recognized by ,plato1 and finally by ,aristotle as relating to the first principles of cognition and being1 and so as constituting metaphysics4 ,the constant search for a deeper consistency of explanation had led on and on through a manifold consideration of those palpable relationships which make up the visible world2 it had disclosed the series of necessary assumptions required by those visible relationships2 and thus the search for causality and origins1 and essential relationships1 became one and the same--metaphysics4 ,metaphysics was not ineptly called so1 since it had in time come after the cruder physical hypotheses4 ,but such was not the order of mediaeval intellectual progress4 ,the ,middle ,ages passed through no preliminary course of physical hypotheses1 explanatory of the universe4 ,not physics1 but logic 7introduced by grammar7 led up to the final construction--or rather adoption and reconstruction--of ultimate hypotheses as to ,god and man1 led up to the all-ordering and all-compassing ,theologia4 ,metalogics1 rather than ,metaphysics1 would be the proper name for these final expressions or actualizations of the mediaeval impulse to know4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvi ,,twelfth-,,century ,,scholasticism ,i4 ,,the ,,problem ,,of ,,universals3 ,,abaelard4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,mystic ,,strain3 ,,hugo ,,and ,,bernard4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,later ,,decades3 ,,bernard ,,silvestris2 ,,gilbert ,,de ,,la ,,porr,e2 ,,william ,,of ,,conches2 ,,john ,,of ,,salisbury1 ,,and ,,alanus ,,of ,,lille4 ,i ,from the somewhat elaborate general considerations which have occupied the last two chapters1 we turn to the representative manifestations of mediaeval thought in the twelfth century4 ,these belong in part to the second or 8logical10 and in part to the third or 8meta-logical10 stage of the mediaeval mind4 ,the first or 8grammatical0 stage was represented by the ,carolingian period2 and in reviewing the mental aspects of the eleventh century1 we entered upon the second stage1 that of logic1 or dialectic1 to use the more specific mediaeval term4 ,toward the close of the tenth century ,gerbert was found strenuously occupying himself with logic1 and using it as a means of ordering the branches of knowledge4 ,at the end of the eleventh1 ,anselm has not only considered certain logical problems1 but has vaulted over into constructive metaphysical theology4 ,looking back over ,anselm's work1 from the vantage-ground of the twelfth century's further reflections1 one may be conscious of a certain genial youthfulness in his reliance upon single arguments1 noble and beautiful soarings of the spirit1 which however pay little regard to the firmness of the premises from which they spring1 and still less to a number of cognate and pertinent considerations1 which the twelfth century was to analyze4 ,anselm's thoughts perhaps overleaped logic4 ,at all events he appears only occasionally absorbed with its formal problems4 ,yet he lived in a time of dawning logical controversy4 ,roscellin was even then blowing up the problem of universals1 a problem occasioned by the entering of mediaeval thought upon the 8logical0 stage of its appropriation of the patristic and antique4 ,the problem of universals1 or general ideas1 from the standpoint of logic1 lies at the basis of consistent thinking4 ,it reverts to the time when ,aristotle's assertion of the pre-eminently real existence of individuals broke away from the ,platonic doctrine of ,ideas4 ,for the early mediaeval philosophers1 it took its rise in a famous passage in ,porphyry's ,introduction to the ,categories1 the concluding sentence of which1 as translated into ,latin by ,bothius1 puts the question thus3 8,mox de generibus et speciebus illud quidem sive subsistant sive in nudis intellectibus posita sint1 sive subsistentia corporalia sint an incorporalia1 et utrum separata a sensibilibus an in sensibilibus posita et circa haec consistentia1 dicere recusabo40 8,next as to genera and species1 do they actually exist or are they merely in thought2 are they corporeal or incorporeal existences2 are they separate from sensible things or only in and of them8--,i refuse to answer10 says ,porphyry2 8it is a very lofty business1 unsuited to an elementary work40 ,thus1 in three pairs of crude alternatives1 the question came over to the early ,middle ,ages4 ,the men of the ,carolingian period took one position or another1 without sensing its difficulties1 or observing how it lay athwart the path of knowledge4 ,students were not as yet attempting such a dynamic appropriation of the ancient material as would evoke this veritable problem of cognition4 ,even ,gerbert at the close of the tenth century was still so busy with the outer forms and figments of logic that he had no time to enter on those ulterior problems where logic links itself to metaphysics4 ,one ,roscellin1 living and teaching apparently at ,besanon in the latter part of the eleventh century1 seems to have been the first to attack the currently accepted 8realism0 with some sense of the matter's thorny intricacies4 ,with his own 8nominalistic0 position we are acquainted only through his adversaries1 who imputed to him views which a thoughtful person could hardly have entertained--that universals were merely words and breath 7flatus vocis74 ,roscellin seems at all events to have been a man strongly held by the reality of individuals1 and one who found it difficult to ascribe a sufficient intellectual actuality to the general idea as distinguished from the perception of things and the demands of the concepts of their individual existences4 ,his logical difficulties impelled him to theological heresy4 ,the unity in the ,trinity became an impossibility2 he could only conceive of three beings1 just as he might think of three angels2 and he would have spoken of three ,gods had usage not forbidden it1 says ,st4 ,anselm4#deh ,as it was1 he said enough to draw on him the condemnation of a ,council held at ,soissons in #ajib1 before which he quailed and recanted4 ,for the remainder of his life he so constrained the expression of his thoughts as to ensure his safety4 ,one may say that ,plato's theory of ideas was a metaphysical presentation of the universe1 sounding in conceptions of reality4 ,but for the ,middle ,ages1 the problem whether genera and species exist when abstracted from their particulars1 sprang from logical controversy4 ,it was a problem of cognition1 cognizance1 understanding3 how should one understand and analyze the contents of a statement1 e4g4 ,socrates is a man4 ,moreover1 it was a fundamental and universal problem of cognition2 for it was not merely occupied1 like all mental processes1 with bringing data to consistent formulation1 but pertained to those processes themselves by which any and all data are stated or formulated4 ,it touched every formulation of truth1 asking1 in fine1 how are we to think our statements8 ,the philosophers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 however1 did not view this problem as one pertaining to the mind's processes1 and as having to do solely with the understanding of the contents of a statement4 ,rather1 even as ,plato had done1 they approached it as if it were a problem of modes of existence2 and for this very reason it had pushed ,roscellin into theological error4 ,the discussion was to pass through various stages2 and each stage may seem to us to represent the point reached by the thinker in his analysis of his conscious meaning in stating a proposition4 ,moreover1 each solution may be valid for him who gives it1 because of its correspondence to the meaning of his utterances so far as he has analyzed them4 ,but mediaeval men could not take it in this way4 ,their intellectual task lay in appropriating1 and in their own way re-expressing1 all that had come to them from an authoritative past4 ,the problem of universals had been stated by a great authority1 who put it as pertaining to the objective reality of genera and species4 ,how then might mediaeval men take it otherwise1 especially when at all events it pertained in all verity to their endeavour to grasp and re-express the contents of transmitted truth8 ,it became for a while the crucial problem1 the answer to which might indicate the thinker's general intellectual attitude4 ,far from keeping to logic1 to the organon or instrumental part of the mediaeval endeavour to know1 it wound itself through metaphysics and theology4 ,obviously the thinker's answer to the problem would bear relation to his thoughts upon the transcendent reality of spiritual essences4 ,the men who first became impressed with the importance of this problem1 gave extreme answers to it1 sometimes crassly denying the real existence of universals1 but more often hailing them as antecedent and all-permeating realities4 ,if ,roscellinus took the former position1 a pupil of his1 ,william of ,champeaux1 held the extreme opposite view1 when both he and the twelfth century were still young4 ,one may1 however1 bear in mind that as the views of the older nominalist are reported only by his enemies1 so our knowledge of ,william's lucubrations comes mainly from the exacerbated pen of ,peter ,abaelard4 ,william held apparently 8that the same thing1 in its totality and at the same time1 existed in its single individuals1 among which there was no essential difference1 but merely a variety of accidents40#dei ,abaelard appears to have performed a reductio ad absurdum upon this view that the total genus exists in each individual4 ,he pointed out that in such case the total genus homo would at the same time exist in ,socrates and also in ,plato1 when one of them might be in ,rome and the other in ,athens4 8,at this ,william changed his opinion10 continues ,abaelard1 8and taught that the genus existed in each individual not essentialiter but indifferenter or as some texts read individualiter40 ,which seems to mean that ,william no longer held that the total genus existed in each individual actually1 but 8indistinguishably10 or 8individually40 ,and the students flocked away with ,abaelard1 he also says2 and ,william fled the lecture chair4 ,william and ,peter2 shall we say of them arcades ambo8 ,this would be but a harmless depreciation of ,abaelard1 in the face of the universal and correct tradition as to his epoch-making intellectual progressiveness4 ,indeed it might be well to let the phrase sound in our ears1 just for the reminder's sake1 that ,abaelard was1 like ,william1 a man of logic1 although far more expert both in manipulating the dialectic processes and in applying them to theology4 ,before endeavouring briefly to reconstruct the intellectual qualities of ,abaelard from his writings1 let us see how the famous open letter to a friend1 in giving an apologetic story of the writer's life1 discloses the fatalities of his character4 ,this ,historia calamitatum suarum makes it plain enough why the crises of his life were all of them catastrophes--even leaving out of view his liaison with ,helose and its penalty4 ,a fatal impulse to annoy seems to drive him from fate to fate2 the old word of ,heraclitus 7character is a man's genius7 was so patently true of him4 ,much that he said was to receive orthodox approval after his time4 ,quite true4 ,it has often been remarked1 that the heresy of one age is the accepted doctrine of the next1 even within the ,church4 ,but would the heretic have been persona grata to the later time8 ,perhaps not4 ,peter ,abaelard at all events would have led others and himself a life of thorns in the thirteenth century1 or the fourteenth had he been born again1 when some of his methods and opinions had become accepted commonplace4 ,did he have an eye for logical and human truth more piercing than his twelfth-century fellows8 ,apparently4 ,was his need to speak out his truth so much the more imperative than theirs8 ,possibly4 ,at all events1 he was certainly possessed with an inordinate impulsion to undo his rivals4 ,he sits down before their fortress walls by night1 and when they see him there1 they know not whether they look on friend or foe--in this auditor4 ,they will find out soon enough4 ,he studied dialectic under ,william of ,champeaux at ,paris1 as all men were to know4 ,he got what ,william had to teach1 and moved on1 to lecture in ,melun and elsewhere4 ,then he returned and sat at ,william's feet awhile to learn rhetoric1 as he announced4 ,but quickly he rose up1 and assailed his master's doctrine of universals1 and overthrew him1 as we have seen4 ,the victim's friends made ,abaelard's eristically won lecturer's seat a prickly one4 ,he left ,paris for a while1 and then returned and taught on ,mount ,st4 ,genevive1 outside the city4 ,up to this time he had not been known to study theology4 ,but in #aaac1 at the age of thirty-four1 he went to ,laon to listen to a famous theologian named ,anselm1 who himself had studied at ,bec under a greater ,anselm4 ,says ,abaelard in his ,historia calamitatum3 8,so ,i came to this old man1 whose repute was a tradition1 rather than merited by talent or learning4 ,any one who brought his uncertainties to him1 went away more uncertain still6 ,he was a marvel in the eyes of his hearers1 but a nobody before a questioner4 ,he had a wonderful wordflow1 but the sense was contemptible and the reasoning abject40 ,well1 ,i didn't listen to him long1 ,abaelard intimates2 but began to absent myself from his lectures1 and was brought to task by his auditors1 to whom jokingly ,i said1 ,i1 too1 could lecture on ,scripture2 and ,i was taken up4 ,nothing loath1 the next day ,i lectured to them on the passage they had chosen from ,ezekiel's obscure prophecies4 ,so1 all unprepared1 and trusting in my genius1 ,i began to lecture1 at first to sparse audiences1 but they quickly grew4 ,such is the substance of ,abaelard's own account1 and he goes on to tell how 8the old man aforesaid was violently moved with envy10 and shortly ,abaelard had to take his lecturings elsewhere4 ,he returned to ,paris1 and we have the episode of ,helose1 for whom1 as his life went on1 he evinced a devoted affection4#dfj ,now he is monk in the abbey of ,st4 ,denis2 and there again he lectures1 and takes up certain themes against ,roscellinus1 whom he seems to resurrect from the quiet of old age to make a target of4 ,this old man1 too1 hits back1 and other vicious people blow up a cloud of envy1 until the gifted lecturer finds himself an accused before the ,council of ,soissons1 and his book condemned4 ,untaught by the burning of his book1 ,abaelard returns to his convent1 and proceeds to unearth statements of the ,venerable ,bede showing that ,dionysius the ,areopagite who heard ,paul preach1 was not the ,st4 ,denis who became patron saint of ,france1 and founder of the great abbey which even now was sheltering a certain ,abaelard1 and drawing power and revenue from the fame of its reputed almost apostolic founder4 ,its abbot and monks did not care to have the abbey walls undermined by truth1 and ,abaelard was hunted forth from among them4 ,it was after this that he made for himself a lonely refuge1 which he named the ,paraclete1 not far from ,troyes1 and thither again his pupils followed him in swarms1 and built their huts around him in the wilderness4 ,but still mightier foes--or their phantoms--rise against this hunted head4 ,the ,historia seems to allude to ,st4 ,norbert and to ,st4 ,bernard4 ,whatever the storm was1 it was escaped by flight to a remote ,breton convent which--still for his sins6--had chosen ,abaelard its abbot4 ,there in due course they tried to murder him1 and again he fled1 this time back to his congenial sphere1 the schools of ,paris1 where he lectured1 now at the summit of fame1 to enthusiastic multitudes of students4 ,some years pass1 and then the pious jackal1 ,william of ,st4 ,thierry1 rouses his lion ,bernard to contend with ,abaelard and crush him1 not with dialectic1 at the ,council of ,sens in #aada4 ,in a year he died1 a broken man1 in ,cluny's shelter4 ,the conflict had not been of his seeking4 ,perhaps1 had he been less vain1 he might have avoided it4 ,when it was upon him1 the unhappy athlete of the schools found himself a pigmy matched against the giant of ,clairvaux--the ,thor and ,loki of the ,church6 ,whether or not the unequal battle raises ,abaelard in our esteem1 its outcome commends him to our pity2 and all our sympathy stays with him to the last days of a life that was1 as if physically1 crushed4 ,this accumulation of sad fortune bears witness enough to the character of the man on whose neck it did not fall by accident4 ,now let us try to reconstruct him intellectually4 ,we have heretofore observed the genius and noted the somewhat swaddling dialectic categories of a certain eager intellect bearing the name of ,gerbert4#dfa ,abaelard's mental processes have advanced beyond such logical stammerings4 ,he and his time are in the fulness of youth1 and feel the strength and joyful assurance of an intellectual progress1 to be brought about by a new-found proficiency in dialectic4 ,in the first half of the twelfth century1 the intellectual genius of the time--and ,abaelard was its quintessence--knew itself advancing by this means in truth4 ,a like intellectual consciousness had rejoiced the disputants in ,plato's academy1 under the inspiration of that beautiful reasoner's exquisite dialectic4 ,the one time1 like the other1 was justified in its confidence4 ,for in such epochs1 language1 reasoning1 and knowledge advance with equal step2 thought clears up with linguistic and logical analysis2 it becomes clear and illuminated because more distinctly conscious of the character of its processes1 and the nature of statement4 ,there is thus a veritable progress1 at least in the methodology of truth4 ,in ,abaelard's time men had already studied grammar1 the grammar of the ,latin tongue1 and the quasi-grammar of rearrangement and first painful learning of the knowledge which it held4 ,they had studied logic too1 its simpler elements1 those which consist mainly in a further clearing up of the meanings of language4 ,some men--,anselm of ,canterbury--had already made sudden flights beyond grammar1 and out of logic's pale4 ,and the labour of logical and organic appropriation1 with some reconstruction of the ancient material1 was to go on in this first half of the twelfth century1 when ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor lived as well as ,abaelard4 ,progress by means of dialectic controversy1 and first attempts at systematic construction1 mark this period intellectually4 ,abaelard lived and moved and had his being in dialectic4 ,the further interest of ,theology was lent him by the spirit of his time4 ,through the medium of the one he reasoned analytically2 and in the province of the other he applied his reasoning constructively1 using patristic materials and the fragments of ,greek philosophy scattered through them4 ,thus ,abaelard1 a true man of the twelfth century1 passes on through logic to theology or metaphysics4 ,for the completeness of his logical knowledge he lived and worked twenty or thirty years too soon4 ,he was unacquainted with the more elaborate logical treatises of ,aristotle1 to wit1 the ,prior and ,posterior ,analytics1 the ,topics1 and ,sophistical ,elenchi4 ,the sources of his own treatises upon ,dialectic are ,porphyry's ,introduction1 ,aristotle's ,categories and ,de interpretatione1 and certain treatises of ,bothius4#dfb ,a first result of the elementary and quasi-grammatical character of the sources of logic upon which he drew1 is that the connection between logic and grammar is very plain with him4 ,note1 for example1 this paragraph of his1 the substance of which is drawn from ,aristotle's ,categories3 8,but neither can substances be compared1#dfc since comparison relates to attribute1 and not to substance2 so it is shown that comparison lies not as to nouns1 but as to their attributes4 ,thus we say whiter but not whitenesser4 ,much more are substances which have no attribute 7adjacentiam7 immune from comparison4 ,more or less cannot be predicated of nouns 7nomina substantiva74 ,for one cannot say more man or less man1 as more or less white40#dfd ,evidently this elementary sort of logic1 whether with ,aristotle or ,abaelard1 represents a clearing up of the mind on current modes of expression4 ,and sometimes from such studies men make discoveries like that of ,molire's ,bourgeois ,gentilhomme1 who discovered that he had always been talking prose4 ,some of the points on which the minds of ,abaelard's contemporaries required clarification1 would be foolish word-play to ourselves1 as1 for instance1 whether the significance of the sentence homo est animal is contained in the subject1 copula1 or predicate1 or only in all three2 and whether when a word is spoken1 the very same word and the whole of it comes to the ears of all the hearers at the same time3 8utrum ipsa vox ad aures diversorum simul et tota aequaliter veniat40#dfe ,such questions1 as was observed regarding the problems of logical arrangement in ,gerbert's mind1 may be pertinent and reasonable enough1 if viewed in connection with the intellectual conditions of a period2 just as many questions now make demand on us for solution1 being links in the chain of our knowledge1 or manner of reasoning4 ,but future men may pass them by as not lying in their path to progressive knowledge of the universe and man4 ,so the problem of universals was still cardinal with ,abaelard and his fellow-logicians1 who through logic were advancing1 as they believed1 along the path of objective truth4 ,its solution would determine the nature of the categories into which logic was fitting whatever might be enunciated or expressed4 ,the inquiry represented an ultimate analysis of statement1 of the general nature of propositions2 and also related to their assumed correspondence with realities4 ,what ,william of ,champeaux had unqualifiedly alleged1 ,abaelard tried to determine more analytically1 to wit1 the value of the proposition 8si aliquid sit ea res quae est species1 id est vel homo vel equus et caetera1 sit quaelibet res quae eorum genus est1 veluti animal aut corpus aut substantia10--if species be something1 as man1 horse1 and so forth1 then that which is the genus of these may be something1 as animal1 body1 or substance4#dff ,abaelard's discussion of this matter is a discussion of the true content of propositions4 ,his conclusion is not so clear as to have occasioned no dispute4 ,one must not think of him as an ,aristotelian--for he knew little of the substantial philosophy of ,aristotle4 ,our dialectician had absorbed more of ,plato1 through turbid patristic channels and the current translation of the ,timaeus4 ,so his solution of the question of genus and species may prove an analytic bit of eclecticism1 an imagined reconcilement of the two great masters4 ,the universal or general is1 says he1 8quod natum est de pluribus praedicari10 that which is by its nature adapted to be predicated of a number of things4 ,the universal consists neither in things as such nor in words as such2 it consists rather in general predicability2 it is sermo1 sermo praedicabilis1 that which may be stated1 as a predicate1 of many4 ,as such it is not a mere word3 sermo is not merely vox2 that is not the true general predicable4 ,on the other hand1 one thing cannot be the predicate of another2 res de re non praedicatur3 therefore sermo is not res4 ,yet ,abaelard does not limit the existence of the universal to the concept of him who thinks it4 ,it surely exists in the individuals1 since substantia specierum is not different from the essentia individuorum4 ,but does not the general concept exist as an objective unity8 ,apparently ,abaelard would answer3 ,yes1 it does thus exist as a common sameness 7consimilitudo74 ,all this is anything but clear4 ,and the various twelfth-century opinions on universals no longer possess human interest4 ,it is hard for us to distinguish between them1 or understand them clearly1 or state them intelligibly4 ,they are bound up in a phraseology untranslatable into modern language1 because the discussion no longer corresponds to modern ways of thought4 ,but one is interested in the human need which drove ,abaelard and his fellows upon the horns of this problem1 and in the nature of their endeavours to formulate their thought so as to escape those opposing horns--of an extreme realism which might issue in pantheism1 and an extreme nominalism which seemed to deprive predication of substance and validity4#dfg ,so much for ,abaelard as sheer logician1 formal adjuster of the instrumental processes of thinking4 ,dialectic was for him a first stage in the actualization of the impulse to know1 and bring knowledge to consistent expression4 ,it was also his way of approach to the further systematic presentation of his thoughts upon ,god and man1 human society and justice1 divine and human4 8,a new calumny against me1 have my rivals lately devised1 because ,i write upon the dialectic art2 affirming that it is not lawful for a ,christian to treat of things which do not pertain to the ,faith4 ,not only they say that this science does not prepare us for the ,faith1 but that it destroys faith by the implications of its arguments4 ,but it is wonderful if ,i must not discuss what is permitted them to read4 ,if they allow that the art militates against faith1 surely they deem it not to be science 7scientia74 ,for the science of truth is the comprehension of things1 whose species is the wisdom in which faith consists4 ,truth is not opposed to truth4 ,for not as falsehood may be opposed to falsity1 or evil to evil1 can the true be opposed to the true1 or the good to the good2 but rather all good things are in accord4 ,all knowledge is good1 even that which relates to evil1 because a righteous man must have it4 ,since he should guard against evil1 it is necessary that he should know it beforehand3 otherwise he could not shun it4 ,though an act be evil1 knowledge regarding it is good2 though it be evil to sin1 it is good to know the sin1 which otherwise we could not shun4 ,nor is the science mathematica to be deemed evil1 whose practice 7astrology7 is evil4 ,nor is it a crime to know with what services and immolations the demons may be compelled to do our will1 but to use such knowledge4 ,for if it were evil to know this1 how could ,god be absolved1 who knows the desires and cogitations of all ,his creatures1 and how the concurrence of demons may be obtained8 ,if therefore it is not wrong to know1 but to do1 the evil is to be referred to the act and not to the knowledge4 ,hence we are convinced that all knowledge1 which indeed comes from ,god alone and from ,his bounty1 is good4 ,wherefore the study of every science should be conceded to be good1 because that which is good comes from it2 and especially one must insist upon the study of that doctrina by which the greater truth is known4 ,this is dialectic1 whose function is to distinguish between every truth and falsity3 as leader in all knowledge it holds the primacy and rule of all philosophy4 ,the same also is shown to be needful to the ,catholic ,faith1 which cannot without its aid resist the sophistries of schismatics40#dfh ,in this passage the man himself is speaking1 and disclosing his innermost convictions4 ,for ,abaelard's nature was set upon understanding all things through reason1 even the mysteries of the ,faith4 ,he does not say1 or quite think1 that he will disbelieve whatever he cannot understand2 but his reasoning and temper point to the conclusion4 ,this was obviously true of ,abaelard's ethical opinions2 his enemies said it was true of his theology4 ,such a man would naturally plead for freedom of discussion1 even for freedom of conclusion2 but within certain bounds2 for who in the twelfth century could maintain that heretics or infidels did rightly in rejecting the ,christian ,faith8 ,yet ,abaelard says heretics should be compelled 7coercendi7 by reason rather than force4#dfi ,and he could at least conceive of the rejection of the ,faith upon1 say1 imperfect rational grounds4 ,in his dialogue between ,philosopher1 ,jew1 and ,christian1 the ,christian says to the ,philosopher3 ,one cannot argue against you from the authority of ,scripture1 which you do not recognize2 for no one can be refuted save with arguments drawn from what he admits3 ,nemo quippe argui nisi ex concessis potest4#dgj ,however this sounded in ,abaelard's time1 the same was enunciated by ,thomas ,aquinas after him1 in a passage already given4#dga ,but it is doubtful whether ,thomas would have cared to follow ,abaelard in some of the arguments of his ,ethics or ,book called1 ,know ,thyself1 in which he maintains that no act is a sin unless the actor was conscious of its sinfulness2 and therefore that killing the martyrs could not be imputed as sin to those persecutors who deemed themselves thereby to be doing a service acceptable to ,god4#dgb ,the titles given by ,abaelard to his various treatises are indicative of the critical insistency of his nature4 ,he called his ,ethica1 ,scito te ipsum1 ,know ,thyself3 understand thy good and ill intentions1 and what may be vice or virtue in thee4 ,through the book1 the discussion of right and wrong directs itself as pertinaciously to considerations of human nature as was possible in an age when theological dogma held the final criteria of human conduct4 ,and ,abaelard is capable of a lofty insight touching the relationship between ,god and man4 8,penitence10 says he1 8is truly fruitful when grief and contrition proceed from love of ,god1 regarded as benignant1 rather than from fear of penalties4 ,sin cannot endure with this groaning and contrition of heart3 for sin is contempt of ,god1 or consent to evil1 and the love of ,god in inspiring our groaning1 suffers no ill40#dgc ,possibly when reading the ,scito te ipsum one is conscious of a dialectician drawing distinctions1 rather than of a moralist searching the heart of the matter4 ,everything is set forth so reasonably4 ,yet ,abaelard's impartial delight in a rational view of belief and conduct shows nowhere quite as obviously as in his ,dialogue between ,philosopher and ,jew and ,christian4 ,each in turn is made to set forth the best arguments his position admits of4 ,the author does his best for each1 and perhaps seems temperamentally drawn to the position of the ,philosopher1 whom he permits to call the ,jews stultos and the ,christians insanos4 ,this philosopher naturally is no ,greek of ,plato's or ,aristotle's time1 but a good ,roman1 who regards moralis philosophia as the finis omnium disciplinarum1 and hangs all intellectual considerations upon a discussion of the summum bonum4 ,his well-worn arguments are put with earnestness4 ,he deprecates the blind acceptance of beliefs by children from their fathers1 and the narrowness of mind which keeps men from perceiving the possible truth in others' opinions3 8so that whomsoever they see differing from themselves in belief1 they deem alien from the mercy of ,god4 ,thus condemning all others1 they vaunt themselves alone as blessed4 ,long reflecting on this blindness and pride of the human race1 ,i have unceasingly besought the ,divine ,pity that ,he would deign to draw me forth from this miserable ,charibdian whirlpool of error1 and guide me to a port of safety4 ,so you addressing both ,jew and ,christian behold me solicitous and attentive as a disciple1 to the documents of your arguments40#dgd ,the qualities cultivated by dialectic1 and the impartial rational temper1 here displayed1 reappear in the works of ,abaelard devoted to sacred doctrine4 ,enough has been said of the method and somewhat captious qualities of the ,sic et non4#dge ,unquestionably its manner of presenting the contradictory opinions of the ,fathers1 without any attempt to reconcile them1 tended to bring into view the difficulties inhering in the formulation of ,christian belief4 ,and indeed the book made prominent all the diabolic insoluble problems of the ,faith1 or rather of life itself and any view of ,god and man3 ,predestination1 for example2 whether ,god causes evil2 whether ,he is omnipotent2 whether ,he is free4 ,the ,lombard's ,sentences and ,thomas's ,summa considered all these questions2 but they strove to solve them2 and ,thomas did solve every one1 leaving no loose ends to his theology4 ,more potently than ,abaelard did the ,angelic ,doctor employ dialectic in his finished scheme4 ,with him1 this propaedeutic discipline1 this tool of truth1 perfectly performs its task of construction4 ,so also ,abaelard intended to work with it2 but his somewhat unconsidered use of the tool did not meet the approval of his contemporaries4 ,accordingly1 in his more constructive theological treatises his impulse to know and state appears finally actualized in the systematic formulation of convictions upon topics of ultimate interest1 to wit1 theology1 the contents of the ,christian ,faith1 the full relationship of ,god and man4 ,did he sever theology from philosophy8 ,nay1 rather1 with him theology was ultimate philosophy4 ,several times ,abaelard rewrote what was substantially the same general work upon ,theology4 ,in one of its earliest forms it was burnt by the ,council of ,soissons in #aaba4dgf ,in another form it exists under the title ,theologia ,christiana2#dgg and the first part of its apparently final revision is now improperly entitled1 ,introductio ad theologiam4#dgh ,the first ,book of the ,theologia ,christiana is an exposition of the ,trinity1 not clinched in syllogisms1 but consisting mainly of an orderly presentation of the patristic authorities supporting the author's view of the matter4 ,the testimonies of profane writers are also given4 ,liber ,,ii4 opens by saying that in the former part of the work 8we have collected the testimonia of prophets and philosophers1 in support of the faith of the ,holy ,trinity40 ,hereupon1 by the same method of adducing authorities1 ,abaelard proceeds to refute those who had blamed him for citing the pagan philosophers4 ,he marshals his supporting excerpts from the ,fathers1 and remarks3 8,that nothing is more needful for the defence of our faith than that as against the importunities of all the infidels we should have witness from themselves wherewith to refute them40 ,then he points to the moral worth of some of the philosophers1 to their true teaching of the soul's immortality1 and quotes ,horace's 8,oderunt peccare boni virtutis amore40 ,he continues at some length setting forth their well-nigh evangelical virtue1 and speaks of the ,gospel as reformatio legis naturalis4 ,at the beginning of ,liber ,,iii4 comes the statement3 8,we set the faith of the blessed ,trinity as the foundation of all good40 ,whereupon ,abaelard breaks out in a denunciation of those who misuse dialectic2 but again he passes to a defence of the art as an art and branch of knowledge1 and shows its need as a weapon against those wranglers who will be quieted neither by the authority of the saints nor the philosophers3 against whom1 he1 ,abaelard1 trusting in the divine aid1 will turn this weapon as ,david did the sword of ,goliath4 ,he now states the true object of his work3 8,first then is to be set forth the theme of our whole labour1 and the sum of faith2 the unity of the divine substance and the ,trinity of persons1 which are in ,god1 and are one ,god4 ,next we state the objections to our theses1 and then the solutions of those objections40 ,and he gives the substance of the ,athanasian ,creed4 ,from this point1 his work becomes more dialectical and constructive1 although of course continuing to quote authorities4 ,he is emboldened to discuss the deepest mysteries1 the very penetralia of the ,trinity1 and in a way which might well alarm men like ,bernard1 who desired acceptance of the ,faith1 with rhetoric1 but without discussion4 ,to be sure ,abaelard pauses to justify himself by reverting to his apologetic purpose3 8,heretics must be coerced with reason rather than by force40 ,however this may be1 the work henceforth shows the passing on of logic to the exercise of its architectonic functions in constructing a systematic theological metaphysics4 ,the miscalled ,introductio ad theologiam1 as might be expected of a last revision of the author's ,theology1 is a more organic work4 ,in the ,prologue1 ,abaelard speaks of it as a ,summa sacrae eruditionis or an ,introductio to ,divine ,scripture4 ,and again he states the justifying purpose of his labour1 or rather puts it into the mouths of his disciples who have asked for such a work from him3 8,since our faith1 the ,christian ,faith1 seems entangled in such difficult questions1 and to stand apart from human reason 7et ab humana ratione longius absistere71 it should be fortified by so much the stronger arguments1 especially against the attacks of those who call themselves philosophers40 ,continuing1 ,abaelard protests that if in any way1 for his sins1 he should deviate from the ,catholic understanding and statement1 he will on seeing his error revise the same1 like the blessed ,augustine4 ,the work itself opens with a statement of its intended divisions3 8,in three matters1 as ,i judge1 rests the sum of human salvation3 ,fides1 caritas1 and sacramentum02 and he gives his definition of faith1 which was so obnoxious to ,bernard and others1 as the existimatio rerum non apparentium4 ,the three extant ,books do not conclude the treatment even of the first of these three topics4 ,but one readily sees that were the work complete1 its arrangement might correspond with that of ,thomas's ,summa4#dgi ,one may reiterate that it was more constructively argumentative than the ,theologia ,christiana1 even in the manner of using the cited authorities4 ,for instance1 ,abaelard's mind is fixed on the analogy between the ,neo-,platonic ,trinity of ,deus1 nous1 and anima mundi1 and that of ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,ghost4 ,the nous fitly represents ,christ1 who is the ,sapientia ,dei--which ,abaelard sets forth2 but then with even greater insistency he identifies the ,holy ,spirit with the world-soul4 ,nothing gave a stronger warrant to the accusations of heresy brought against him than this last doctrine1 with which he was obsessed4 ,yet what roused ,st4 ,bernard and his jackals was not so much any particular opinion of ,abaelard1 as his dialectic and critical spirit1 which insisted upon understanding and explaining1 before believing4 8,the faith of the righteous believes2 it does not dispute4 ,but that man1 suspicious of ,god 7,deum habens suspectum71 has no mind to believe what his reason has not previously argued40#dhj ,still1 when ,bernard says that faith does not discuss1 but believes1 he states a conviction of his mind1 a conviction corresponding with an inner need of his own to formulate and express his thought4 ,only1 with ,abaelard the need to consider and analyse was more consciously imperative4 ,he could not avoid the constant query3 ,how shall ,i think this thing--this thing1 for example1 which is declared by revelation8 ,just as other questioning spirits in other times might be driven upon the query3 ,how shall we think these things which are disclosed by the variegated walls of our physical environment8 ,those yield data1 or refuse them1 and force the mind to put many queries1 and come to some adjustment4 ,so experience presents data for adjustment1 just as dogma1 ,scripture1 revelation present that which reason must bring within the action of its processes1 and endeavour to find rational expression for4 ,,ii ,the greatest dialectician of the early twelfth century felt no problems put him by the physical world4 ,that did not attract his inquiry2 it did not touch the reasonings evolved by his self-consciousness1 any more than it impressed the fervid mind of his great adversary1 ,st4 ,bernard4 ,the natural world1 however1 stirred the mind of ,abaelard's contemporary1 ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor4#dha ,its colours waved before his reveries1 and its visible sublimities drew his mind aloft to the contemplation of ,god3 for him its things were all the things of ,god--opus conditionis or opus restaurationis2#dhb the work of foundation1 whereby ,god created the physical world for the support and edification of its crowning creature man2 and the work of restoration1 to wit1 the incarnation of the ,word1 and all its sacraments4 ,hugo was a ,platonic and very ,christian theologian4 ,he would reason and expound1 and yet was well aware that reason could not fathom the nature of ,god1 or bring man to salvation4 8,logic1 mathematics1 physics teach some truth1 yet do not reach that truth wherein is the soul's safety1 without which whatever is is vain40#dhc ,so ,hugo was not primarily a logician1 like ,abaelard2 nor did he care chiefly for the kind of truth which might be had through logic4 ,nevertheless the productions of his short life prove the excellence of his mind and his large enthusiasm for knowledge4 ,as ,hugo was the head of the school of ,st4 ,victor for some years before his death1 certain of his works cover topics of ordinary mediaeval education1 secular and religious2 while others advance to a more profound expression of the intellectual1 or spiritual1 interests of their author4 ,for elementary religious instruction1 he composed a veritable book of ,sentences1#dhd which preceded the ,lombard's in time1 but was later than ,abaelard's ,sic et non4 ,without striking features1 it lucidly and amiably carried out its general purpose of setting forth the authoritative explanations of the elements of the ,christian ,faith4 ,the writer did not hesitate to quote opposing views1 which were not heralded1 however1 by such danger-signals of contradiction as flare from the chapter headings of the ,sic et non4 ,the corresponding treatise upon profane learning--the ,eruditio didascalica--is of greater interest4#dhe ,it commences in elementary fashion1 as a manual of study3 8,there are two things by which we gain knowledge1 to wit1 reading and meditation2 reading comes first40 ,the book is to be a guide to the student in the study both of secular and divine writings2 it teaches how to study the artes1 and then how to study the ,scriptures4#dhf ,even in this manual1 ,hugo shows himself a meditative soul1 and one who seeks to base his most elementary expositions upon the nature and needs of man4 ,the mind1 says he1 is distracted by things of sense1 and does not know itself4 ,it is renewed through study1 so that it learns again not to look without for what itself affords4 ,learning is life's solace1 which he who finds is happy1 and he who makes his own is blessed4#dhg ,for ,hugo1 philosophy is that which investigates the rationes of things human and divine1 seeking ever the final wisdom1 which is knowledge of the primaeva ratio3 this distinguishes philosophy from the practical sciences1 like agriculture3 it follows the ratio1 and they administer the matter4 ,again and again1 ,hugo returns to the thought that the object of all human actiones and studia is to restore the integrity of our nature or mitigate its weaknesses1 restore the image of the divine similitude in us1 or minister to the needs of life4 ,this likeness is renewed by speculatio veritatis1 or exercitium virtutis4#dhh ,such is a pretty broad basis of theory for a high school manual4 ,hugo proceeds to set forth the scheme1 rather than the substance1 of the arts and sciences1 pausing occasionally to admonish the reader to hold no science vile1 since knowledge always is good2 and he points out that all knowledge hangs together in a common coherency4 ,he sketches#dhi the true student's life3 ,whoever seeks learning1 must not neglect discipline6 ,he must be humble1 and not ashamed to learn from any one2 he must observe decent manners1 and not play the fool and make faces at lecturers on divinity1 for thereby he insults ,god4 ,yea1 and let him mind the example of the ancient sages1 who for learning's sake spurned honours1 rejected riches1 rejoiced in insults1 deserted the companionship of men1 and gave themselves up to philosophy in desert solitudes1 that they might be more free for meditation4 ,diligent search for wisdom in quietude becomes a scholar2 and likewise poverty1 and likewise exile3 he is very delicate who clings to his fatherland2 8,he is brave to whom every land is home 7patria72 and he is perfect to whom the whole world is an exile60#dij ,hugo has much to say of the pulchritudo and the decor of the creature-world4 ,but with him the world and its beauty point to ,god4 ,one should observe it because of its suggestiveness1 the visible suggesting the invisible4 ,hugo has already been followed in his argument that the world1 in its veriest reality1 is a symbol4#dia ,here we follow him along his path of knowledge1 which leads on and upward from cogitatio1 through meditatio1 to contemplatio4 ,the steps in ,hugo's scheme are rational1 though the summit lies beyond4 ,this path to truth1 leading on from the visible symbol to the unseen power1 is for him the reason and justification of study2 drawing to ,god it makes for man's salvation4 ,hugo has put perhaps his most lucid exposition of the three grades of knowledge into the first of his ,nineteen ,sermons on ,ecclesiastes4#dib ,he is fond of certain numbers1 and here his thought revolves in categories of the number three4 ,solomon composed three works1 the ,proverbs1 ,ecclesiastes1 and ,canticles4 ,in the first1 he addresses his son paternally1 admonishing him to pursue virtue and shun vice2 in the second1 he shows the grown man that nothing in the world is stable2 finally1 in ,canticles1 he brings the consummate one1 who has spurned the world1 to the ,bridegroom's arms4 8,three are the modes of cognition 7visiones7 belonging to the rational soul3 cogitation1 meditation1 contemplation4 ,it is cogitation when the mind is touched with the ideas of things1 and the thing itself is by its image presented suddenly1 either entering the mind through sense or rising from memory4 ,meditation is the assiduous and sagacious revision of cogitation1 and strives to explain the involved1 and penetrate the hidden4 ,contemplation is the mind's perspicacious and free attention1 diffused everywhere throughout the range of whatever may be explored4 ,there is this difference between meditation and contemplation3 meditation relates always to things hidden from our intelligence2 contemplation relates to things made manifest1 either according to their nature or our capacity4 ,meditation always is occupied with some one matter to be investigated2 contemplation spreads abroad for the comprehending of many things1 even the universe4 ,thus meditation is a certain inquisitive power of the mind1 sagaciously striving to look into the obscure and unravel the perplexed4 ,contemplation is that acumen of intelligence which1 keeping all things open to view1 comprehends all with clear vision4 ,thus contemplation has what meditation seeks4 8,there are two kinds of contemplation3 the first is for beginners1 and considers creatures2 the kind which comes later1 belongs to the perfect1 and contemplates the ,creator4 ,in the ,proverbs1 ,solomon proceeds as through meditation4 ,in ,ecclesiastes he ascends to the first grade of contemplation4 ,in the ,song of ,songs he transports himself to the final grade4 ,in meditation there is a wrestling of ignorance with knowledge2 and the light of truth gleams as in a fog of error4 ,so fire is kindled with difficulty in a heap of green wood2 but then fanned with stronger breath1 the flame burns higher1 and we see volumes of smoke rolling up1 with flame flashing through4 ,little by little the damp is exhausted1 and the leaping fire dispels the smoke4 ,then victrix flamma darting through the heap of crackling wood1 springs from branch to branch1 and with lambent grasp catches upon every twig2 nor does it rest until it penetrates everywhere and draws into itself all that it finds which is not flame4 ,at length the whole combustible material is purged of its own nature and passes into the similitude and property of fire2 then the din is hushed1 and the voracious fire having subdued all1 and brought all into its own likeness1 composes itself to a high peace and silence1 finding nothing more that is alien or opposed to itself4 ,first there was fire with flame and smoke2 then fire with flame1 without smoke2 and at last pure fire with neither flame nor smoke40 ,so the victrix flamma achieves the three stages of spiritual insight1 fighting its way through the smoke of cogitation1 through the smoke and flame of meditation1 and at last through the flame of creature contemplation1 to the high peace of ,god1 where all is love's ardent vision1 without flame or smoke4 ,it is thus through the grades of knowledge that the soul reaches at last that fulness of intelligence which may be made perfect and inflamed with love1 in the contemplation of ,god4 ,all knowledge is good according to its grade2 only let it always lead on to ,god1 and with humility4 ,hugo makes his principles clear at the opening of his commentary on the ,celestial ,hierarchy of ,dionysius4#dic 8,the ,jews seek a sign1 and the ,greeks wisdom4 ,there was a certain wisdom which seemed such to them who knew not the true wisdom4 ,the world found it1 and began to be puffed up1 thinking itself great in this4 ,confiding in its wisdom1 it presumed1 and boasted that it would attain the highest wisdom4444 ,and it made itself a ladder of the face of the creation1 shining toward the invisible things of the ,creator4444 ,then those things which were seen were known1 and there were other things which were not known2 and through those which were manifest they expected to reach those which were hidden2 and they stumbled and fell into the falsehoods of their own imaginings4444 ,so ,god made foolish the wisdom of this world2 and ,he pointed out another wisdom1 which seemed foolishness1 and was not4 ,for it preached ,christ crucified1 in order that truth might be sought in humility4 ,but the world despised it1 wishing to contemplate the works of ,god1 which ,he had made to be marvelled at1 and it did not wish to venerate what ,he had set for imitation4 ,neither did it look to its own disease1 and seek a medicine with piety2 but presuming on a false health1 it gave itself over with vain curiosity to the study of alien matters40 ,this study made the wisdom of the world1 whereby it devised the arts and sciences which we still learn4 ,but the world in its pride did not read aright the great book of nature4 ,it had not the knowledge of the true ,exemplar1 for the sanitation of its inner vision1 to wit1 the flesh of the eternal ,word in the humanity of ,jesus4 8,there were two images 7simulacra7 set for man1 in which he might perceive the unseen3 one consisting of nature1 the other of grace4 ,the former image was the face of this world2 the latter was the humanity of the ,word4 ,and ,god is shown in both1 but ,he is not understood in both2 since the appearance of nature discloses the artificer1 but cannot illuminate the eyes of him who contemplates it40 ,hugo then classifies the sciences in the usual ,aristotelian way1 and shows that ,christian theology is the end of all philosophy4 ,the first part of philosophia theorica is mathematics1 which speculates as to the visible forms of visible things4 ,the second is physics1 which scrutinizes the invisible causes of visible things4 ,the third1 theology1 alone contemplates invisible substances and their invisible natures4 ,herein is a certain progression2 and the mind mounts to knowledge of the true4 ,through the visible forms of visible things1 it comes to invisible causes of visible things2 and through the invisible causes of visible things1 it ascends to invisible substances1 and to knowing their natures4 ,this is the summit of philosophy and the perfection of truth4 ,in this1 as already said1 the wise of this world were made foolish2 because proceeding by the natural document alone1 making account only of the elements and appearance of the world1 they missed the instructive instances of ,grace3 which in spite of humble guise afford the clearer insight into truth4 ,this is ,hugo's scheme of knowledge2 it begins with cogitatio1 then proceeds through meditatio to contemplatio of the creature world1 and finally of the ,creator4 ,the arts and sciences1 as well as the face of nature1 afford a simulacrum of the unseen ,power2 but all this knowledge by itself will not bring man to the perfect knowledge of ,god4 ,for this he needs the exemplaria of ,grace1 shown through the incarnation of the ,word4 ,only by virtue of this added means1 may man attain to perfect contemplation of the truth of ,god4 ,that end and final summit is beyond reason's reach2 but the attainment of rational knowledge makes part of the path thither4 ,keen as was ,hugo's intellectual nature1 his interest in reason was coupled with a deeper interest in that which reason might neither include nor understand4 ,the intellect does not include the emotional and immediately desiderative elements of human nature2 neither can it comprehend the infinite which is ,god2 and ,hugo drew toward ,god not only through his intellect1 but likewise through his desiderative nature1 with its yearnings of religious love4 ,that love with him was rational1 since its object satisfied his mind as far as his mind could comprehend it4 ,so ,hugo's intellectual interests were connected with the emotional side of human nature1 and also led up to what transcended reason4 ,thus they led to what was a mystery because too great for human reason1 and they included that which also was somewhat of a mystery to reason because lying partly outside its sphere4 ,hugo is an instance of the intellectual nature which will not rest in reason's province1 but feels equally impelled to find expression for matters that either exceed the mind1 or do not altogether belong to it4 ,such an intellect is impelled to formulate its convictions in regard to these2 its negative conviction that it cannot comprehend them1 and why it cannot2 and its more positive conviction of their value--of the absolute worth of ,god1 and of man's need of ,him1 and of the love and fear by which men may come close to ,him1 or avoid ,his wrath4 ,what ,hugo has had to say as to cogitation1 meditation1 and contemplation1 represents his analysis of the stages by which a sufficing sense may be reached of the ,creator and ,his world of creature-kind4 ,in this final wisdom and ardour of contemplation1 both human reason and human love have part4 ,the intellect advances along its lines1 considering the world1 and drawing inferences as to the unseen ,being who created and sustains it4 ,mind's unaided power will not reach4 ,but by the grace of ,god1 supremely manifested in the ,incarnation1 the man is humbled1 and his heart is touched and drawn to love the power of the divine pity and humility4 ,the lesson of the ,incarnation and its guiding grace1 emboldens the heart and enlightens the mind2 and the man's faculties are strengthened and uplifted to the contemplation of ,god1 wherein the mind is satisfied and the heart at rest4 ,we have here the elements of piety1 intellectual and devotional4 ,hugo is an example of their union2 they also preserve their equal weight in ,aquinas4 ,but because ,hugo emphasizes the limitations of the intellect1 and so ardently recognizes the heart's yearning and immediacy of apperception1 he is what is styled a mystic2 a term which we are now in a position to consider1 and to some extent exchange for other phrases of more definite significance4#did ,quite to avoid the term is not possible1 inasmuch as the conception certainly includes what is mysterious because unknowable through reason4 ,for it includes a sense of the supreme1 a sense of ,god1 who is too great for human reason to comprehend1 and therefore a mystery4 ,and it includes a yearning toward ,god1 the desire of ,him1 and the feeling of love4 ,the last is also mysterious1 in that it has not exclusive part with reason1 but springs as well from feeling4 ,yet the essence or nature of this spirit of piety which we would analyse1 consists in consciousness of the reality of the object of its yearning or devotion4 ,not altogether through induction or deduction1 but with an irrational immediacy of conviction1 it feels and knows its object4 ,in place of the knowledge which is mediated through rational processes1 is substituted a conviction upheld by yearning1 love's conviction indeed1 of the reality and presence of that which is all the greater and more worthy because it baffles reason4 ,and the final goal attainable by this mystic love is1 even as the goal of other love1 union with the ,beloved4 ,the mystic spirit is an essential part of all piety or religion1 which relates always and forever to the rationally unknown1 and therefore mysterious4 ,without a consciousness of mystery1 there can be neither piety nor religion4 ,nor can there be piety without some devotion to ,god1 nor the deepest and most ardent forms of piety1 without fervent love of ,god4 ,this devotion and this love supply strength of conviction1 creating a realness of communion with the divine1 and an assurance of the soul's rest and peace therein4 ,but that the intellect has part1 ,hugo abundantly demonstrates4 ,one must have perceptions1 and thought's severest wrestlings--cogitatio and meditatio--before reaching that first stage of wide and sure intelligence1 which relates to the creature world1 and affords a broad basis of assurance1 whence at last the soul shall spring to ,god4 ,intellectual perceptions and rational knowledge1 and all the mind's puttings together of its data in inductions and deductions and constructions1 form a basis for contemplation1 and yield material upon which the emotional side of human nature may exercise itself in yearning and devotion4 ,herein the constructive imagination works2 which is intellectual faculty illuminated and impelled by the emotions4 ,this spirit actualizes itself in the power and scope of its resultant conviction1 by which it makes real to itself the qualities1 attributes1 and actions of its object1 ,god1 and the nature of man's relationship or union with the divine4 ,in its final energy1 when only partly conscious of its intellectual inductions1 it discards syllogisms1 quite dissatisfied with their devious and hesitating approach4 ,instead1 by the power of love1 it springs directly to its ,god4 ,nevertheless the soul which feels the inadequacy of reason even to voice the soul's desires1 will seek means of expression wherein reason still will play a submerged part4 ,the soul is seeking to express what is not altogether expressible in direct and rational statement4 ,it seeks adumbrations1 partial unveilings of its sentiments1 which shall perhaps make up in warmth of colour what they lack in definiteness of line4 ,in fine1 it seeks symbols4 ,such symbolism must be large and elastic1 in order to shadow forth the soul's relations with the ,infinite2 it must also be capable of carrying passion1 that it may satisfy the soul's craving to give voice to its great love4 ,in ,greek thought as well as in the ,hellenizing ,judaism of a ,philo1 symbolism1 or more specifically speaking1 allegorical interpretation1 was obviously apologetic1 seeking to cloud in naturalistic interpretations the doings of the rather over-human gods of ,greece4#die ,but it sprang also from the unresting need of man to find expression for that sense of things which will not fit definite statement4 ,this was the need which became creative1 and of necessity fancifully creative1 with ,plato4 ,though he would have nothing to do with falsifying apologetics1 all the more he felt the need of allegories1 to suggest what his dialectic could not formulate4 ,in the early times of the ,church militant of ,christ1 allegorical interpretation was exploited to defend the ,faith2 in the later patristic period1 the ,faith had so far triumphed1 that allegory as a sword of defence and attack might be sheathed1 or just allowed to glitter now and then half-drawn4 ,but piety's other need1 with increasing energy1 compelled the use of symbols and articulate allegory to express the directly inexpressible4 ,thereafter through the ,middle ,ages1 while the use of allegory as a defence against the ,gentiles slumbered1 so much more the other need of it1 and the sense of the universal symbolism of material things1 filled the minds of men2 and in age-long answer to this need1 allegory1 symbolism1 became part of the very spirit of the mediaeval time4 ,thus it became the universal vehicle of pious expression3 it may be said almost to have co-extended with all mediaeval piety4 ,it was ardently loving1 as with ,st4 ,bernard2 it might be filled with scarlet passion1 as with ,mechthild of ,magdeburg2 or it might be used in the self-conscious1 and yet inspired vision-pictures of ,hildegard of ,bingen4 ,and indeed with almost any mediaeval man or woman1 it might keep talking1 as a way of speech1 obtrusively1 conventionally1 ad nauseam4 ,for indeed in treatise after treatise even of the better men1 allegory seems on the one hand to become very foolish and perverse1 banal1 intolerably talking on and on beyond the point2 or again we sense its mechanism1 hear the creaking of its jaws1 while no living voice emerges1--and we suspect that the mystery of life1 if it may not be compassed by direct statement1 also lies deeper than allegorical conventions4 ,hugo's great ,de sacramentis showed the equipoise of intellectual and pietistic interests in him1 and the ,platonic quality of his mind's sure sense of the reality of the supersensual4#dif ,other treatises of his show his yearning piety1 and the ,augustinian quality of his soul1 8made toward thee1 and unquiet till it rests in thee40 ,the ,de arca ,noe morali1#dig that is to say1 the ,ark of ,noah viewed in its moral significance1 is charming in its spiritual refinement1 and interesting in its catholic intellectual reflections4 ,the ,prologue presents a situation3 8,as ,i was sitting once among the brethren1 and they were asking questions1 and ,i replying1 and many matters had been cited and adduced1 it came about that all of us at once began to marvel vehemently at the unstableness and disquiet of the human heart2 and we began to sigh4 ,then they pleaded with me that ,i would show them the cause of such whirlings of thought in the human heart2 and they besought me to set forth by what art or exercise of discipline this evil might be removed4 ,i indeed wished to satisfy my brethren1 so far as ,god might aid me1 and untie the knot of their questions1 both by authority and by argument4 ,i knew it would please them most if ,i should compose my matter to read to them at table4 8,it was my plan to show first whence arise such violent changes in man's heart1 and then how the mind may be led to keep itself in stable peace4 ,and although ,i had no doubt that this is the proper work of grace1 rather than of human labour1 nevertheless ,i know that ,god wishes us to co-operate4 ,besides it is well to know the magnitude of our weakness and the mode of its repairing1 since so much the deeper will be our gratitude4 8,the first man was so created1 that if he had not sinned1 he would always have beheld in present contemplation his ,creator's face1 and by always seeing ,him1 would have loved ,him always1 and1 by loving1 would always have clung close to ,him1 and by clinging to ,him who was eternal1 would have possessed life without end4 ,evidently the one true good of man was perfect knowledge of his ,creator4 ,but he was driven from the face of the ,lord1 since for his sin he was struck with the blindness of ignorance1 and passed from that intimate light of contemplation2 and he inclined his mind to earthly desires1 as he began to forget the sweetness of the divine4 ,thus he was made a wanderer and fugitive over the earth4 ,a wanderer indeed1 because of disordered concupiscence2 and a fugitive1 through guilty conscience1 which feels every man's hand against it4 ,for every temptation will overcome the man who has lost ,god's aid4 8,so man's heart which had been kept secure by divine love1 and one by loving one1 afterwards began to flow here and there through earthly desires4 ,for the mind which knows not to love its true good1 is never stable and never rests4 ,hence restlessness1 and ceaseless labour1 and disquiet1 until the man turns and adheres to ,him4 ,the sick heart wavers and quivers2 the cause of its disease is love of the world2 the remedy1 the love of ,god40 ,hugo's object is to give rest to the restless heart1 by directing its love to ,god4 ,one still bears in mind his three plains of knowledge1 forming perhaps the three stages of ascent1 at the top of which is found the knowledge that turns to divine contemplation and love4 ,there may be a direct and simple love of ,god for simple souls2 but for the man of mind1 knowledge precedes love4 8,in two ways ,god dwells in the human heart1 to wit1 through knowledge and through love2 yet the dwelling is one1 since every one who knows ,him1 loves1 and no one can love without knowing4 ,knowledge through cognition of the ,faith erects the structure2 love through virtue1 paints the edifice with colour40#dih ,then make a habitation for ,god in thy heart4 ,this is the great matter1 and indeed all3 for this1 ,scripture exists1 and the world was made1 and ,god became flesh1 through ,his humility making man sublime4 ,the ,ark of ,noah is the type of this spiritual edifice1 as it is also the type of the ,church4 ,the piety and allegory of this work rise as from a basis of knowledge4 ,the allegory indeed is drawn out and out1 until it seems to become sheer circumlocution4 ,this was the mediaeval way1 and ,hugo's too1 alas6 ,we will not follow further in this treatise1 nor take up his ,de arca ,noe mystica1#dii which carries out into still further detail the symbolism of the ,ark1 and applies it to the ,church and the people of ,god4 ,hugo has also left a colloquy between man and his soul on the true love1 which lies in spiritual meditation4#ejj ,but it is clear that the reaches of ,hugo's yearning are still grounded in intellectual considerations1 though these may be no longer present in the mind of him whose consciousness is transformed to love4 ,one may discern the same progression1 from painful thought to surer contemplation1 and thence to the heart's devoted communion1 in him whom we have called the ,thor and ,loki of the ,church4 ,no twelfth-century soul loved ,god more zealously than ,st4 ,bernard4 ,he was not strong in abstract reasoning4 ,his mind needed the compulsion of the passions to move it to sublime conclusions4 ,commonly he is dubbed a mystic4 ,but his piety and love of ,god poise themselves on a basis of consideration before springing to soar on other wings4 ,in his ,de consideratione1#eja ,bernard explains that word in the sense given by ,hugo to meditatio1 while he uses contemplatio very much as ,hugo does4 ,it applies to things that have become certain to the mind1 while 8consideratio is busy investigating4 ,in this sense contemplatio may be defined as the true and certain intuition of the mind 7intuitus animi7 regarding anything1 or the sure apprehension of the true3 while consideratio is thought intently searching1 or the mind's endeavour to track out the true40#ejb ,contemplatio1 even though it forget itself in ecstasy1 must be based on prior consideration2 then it may take wings of its own1 or rather 7with orthodox ,hugo and ,bernard7 wings of grace1 and fly to the bosom of its ,god4 ,this flight is the immediacy of conviction and the ecstasy which follows4 ,one may even perceive the thinking going on during the soul's outpour of love4 ,for the mind still supports the soul's ardour with reasonings1 original or borrowed1 as appears in the second sermon of that long series preached by ,bernard on ,canticles to his own spiritual lite of ,clairvaux4#ejc ,the saintly orator is yearning1 yearning for ,christ ,himself2 he will have naught of ,moses or ,isaiah2 nor does he desire dreams1 or care for angels' visits3 ipse1 ipse me osculetur1 cries his soul in the words of ,canticles--let ,him kiss me4 ,the phrasing seems symbolical2 but the yearning is direct1 and at least rhetorically overmastering4 ,the emotion is justified by its reasons4 ,they lie in the personality of ,christ and ,bernard's love of ,him1 rising from all his knowledge of ,him1 even from his experience of ,jesus' whisperings to the soul4 ,he knows how vastly ,jesus surpasses the human prophets who prefigured or foretold ,him3 ipsos longe superat ,jesus meus--the word meus is love's very articulation4 ,the orator cries3 8,listen6 ,let the kissing mouth be the ,word assuming flesh2 and the mouth kissed be the flesh which is assumed2 then the kiss which is consummated between them is the persona compacted of the two1 to wit1 the mediator of ,god and men1 the man ,christ ,jesus40 ,this identical allegory goes back to ,origen's ,commentary on ,canticles4 ,bernard has kindled it with an intimate love of ,jesus1 which is not ,origen's4 ,but the thought explains and justifies ,bernard's desire to be kissed by the kiss of ,his mouth1 and so to be infolded in the divine love which 8gave ,his only-begotten ,son10 and also became flesh4 ,os osculans signifies the ,incarnation3 one realizes the emotional power which that saving thought would take through such a metaphor4 ,at the end of his sermon1 ,bernard sums up the conclusion1 so that his hearers may carry it away3 8,it is plain that this holy kiss was a grace needed by the world1 to give faith to the weak1 and satisfy the desire of the perfect4 ,the kiss itself is none other than the mediator of ,god and men1 the man ,christ ,jesus1 who with the ,father and the ,holy ,spirit lives and reigns ,god1 per omnia saecula saeculorum1 ,amen40 ,,iii ,there is small propriety in speaking of these men of the first half of the twelfth century as ,platonists or ,aristotelians2 nor is there great interest in trying to find in ,plato or ,aristotle or ,plotinus the specific origin of any of their thoughts4 ,they were apt to draw on the source nearest and most convenient2 and one must remember that their immediate philosophic antecedents were not the distinct systems of ,plato and ,aristotle and ,plotinus1 but rather the late pagan eras of eclecticism1 followed by that strongly motived syntheticism of the ,church ,fathers which selected whatever might accord with their ,christian scheme4 ,so ,abaelard must not be called an ,aristotelian4 ,neither he nor his contemporaries knew what an ,aristotelian was1 and when they called ,abaelard ,peripateticus1 they meant one skilled in the logic which was derived from the simpler treatises of ,aristotle's ,organon4 ,nor will we call ,hugo a ,platonist1 in spite of his fine affinities with ,plato2 for many of ,hugo's thoughts1 his classification of the sciences for example1 pointed back to ,aristotle4 ,abaelard1 ,hugo1 ,st4 ,bernard suggest the triangulation of the epoch's intellectual interests4 ,peter ,lombard1 somewhat their junior1 presents its compend of accepted and partly digested theology4 ,he took his method from ,abaelard1 and drew whole chapters of his work from ,hugo2 but his great source1 which was also theirs1 was ,augustine4 ,the ,lombard was1 and was to be1 a representative man2 for his ,sentences brought together the ultimate problems which exercised the minds of the men of his time and after4 ,the early and central decades of the twelfth century offer other persons who may serve to round out our general notion of the character of the intellectual interests which occupied the period before the rediscovery of ,aristotle1 that is1 of the substantial ,aristotelian encyclopaedia of knowledge4 ,among such ,adelard of ,bath 7,england7 was somewhat older than ,abaelard4 ,his keen pursuit of knowledge made him one of its early pilgrims to ,spain and ,greece4 ,he compiled a book of ,quaestiones naturales1 and another called ,de eodem et diverso1#ejd in which he struggled with the problem of universals1 and with palpable problems of psychology4 ,his cosmology shows a genial culling from the ,timaeus fragment of ,plato1 and such other bits of ,greek philosophy as he had access to4 ,adelard was influenced by the views of men who taught or studied at ,chartres4 ,bernard of ,chartres1 the first of the great ,chartrian teachers of the early twelfth century1#eje wrote on ,porphyry1 and after his death was called by ,john of ,salisbury perfectissimus inter ,platonicos saeculi nostri4 ,he was one of those extreme realists whose teachings might bear pantheistic fruit in his disciples2 he had also a ,platonistic imagination1 leading him to see in ,nature a living organism4 ,bernard's younger brother1 ,thierry1 also called of ,chartres1 extended his range of studies1 and compiled numerous works on natural knowledge1 indicating his wide reading and receptive nature4 ,his realism brought him very close to pantheism1 which indeed flowered poetically in his admirer or pupil1 ,bernard ,silvestris of ,tours4 ,if we should analyze the contents of the latter's ,de mundi universitate1 it might be necessary to affirm that the author was a dualistic thinker1 in that he recognized two first principles1 ,god and matter2 and also that he was a pantheist1 because of the way in which he sees in ,god the source of ,nature3 8,this mind 7nous7 of the supreme ,god is soul 7intellectus71 and from its divinity ,nature is born40#ejf ,one should not1 however1 drive the heterogeneous thoughts of these twelfth-century people to their opposite conclusions4 ,a moderate degree of historical insight should prevent our interpreting their gleanings from the past by formulas of our own greater knowledge4 ,doubtless their books--,hugo's as well as ,thierry's and ,bernard ,silvester's--have enough of contradiction if we will probe for it with a spirit not their own4 ,but if we will see with their eyes and perceive with their feelings1 we shall find ourselves resting with each of them in some unity of personal temperament2 and that1 rather than any half-borrowed thought1 is ,hugo or ,thierry or ,bernard ,silvestris4 ,silvester's book1 ,de mundi universitate1 sive ,megacosmus et microcosmus1 is a half poem1 like ,bothius's ,de consolatione and a number of mediaeval productions to which there has been occasion to allude4 ,it is fruitless to dissect such a composite of prose and verse4 ,in it ,natura speaks to ,nous1 and then ,nous to ,natura2 the four elements come into play1 and nine hierarchies of angels2 the stars in their firmaments1 and the genesis of things on earth2 ,physics and her daughters1 ,theorica and ,practica1 and all the figures of ,greek mythology4 ,an analysis of such a book will turn it to nonsense1 and destroy the breath of that twelfth-century temperament which loved to gather driftwood from the wreckage of the ancient world of thought4 ,thus perhaps they expected to draw to themselves1 even from the pagan flotsam1 some congenial explanation of the universe and man4 ,a far more acute thinker was ,gilbert de la ,porre1#ejg who taught at ,chartres for a number of years1 before advancing upon ,paris in #aada4 ,he next became ,bishop of ,poictiers1 and died in #aaed4 ,like ,abaelard1 he was primarily a logician1 and occupied himself with the problem of universals1 taking a position not so different from ,abaelard's4 ,like ,abaelard also1 ,gilbert was brought to task before a council1 in which ,st ,bernard sought to be the guiding1 scilicet1 condemning spirit4 ,but the condemnation was confined to certain sentences1 which when cut from their context and presented in distorting isolation1 the author willingly sacrificed to the flames4 ,he refused1 some time afterwards1 to discuss his views privately with the ,abbot of ,clairvaux1 saying that the latter was too inexpert a theologian to understand them4 ,gilbert's most famous work1 ,de sex principiis1 attempted to complete the last six of ,aristotle's ten ,categories1 which the philosopher had treated cursorily2 it was almost to rival the work of the ,stagirite in authority1 for instance1 with ,albertus ,magnus1 who wrote a ,commentary upon it in the same spirit with which he commented on the logical treatises of the ,organon4 ,in the same year with ,gilbert 7#aaed7 died a man of different mental tendencies1 ,william of ,conches1#ejh who likewise had been a pupil of ,bernard of ,chartres4 ,he was for a time the tutor of ,henry ,plantagenet4 ,william was interested in natural knowledge1 and something of a humanist4 ,he made a ,commentary on the ,timaeus1 and wrote various works on the philosophy of ,nature1 in which he wavered around an atomistic explanation of the world1 yet held fast to the ,biblical ,creation1 to save his orthodoxy4 ,he also pursued the study of medicine1 which was a specialty at ,chartres2 through the treatises of ,constantinus ,africanus#eji he had some knowledge of the pathological theories of ,galen and ,hippocrates4 ,for his interest in physical knowledge1 he may be regarded as a precursor of ,roger ,bacon4 ,on the other hand1 he was a humanist in his strife against those 8,cornificiani0 who would know no more ,latin than was needful2#eaj and he compiled from the pagan moralists a sort of ,summa4 ,it is called1 in fact1 a ,summa moralium philosophorum 7an interesting title1 connecting it with the ,christian ,summae sententiarum74#eaa ,it treats the virtues under the head of de honesto2 and under that of de utile1 reviews the other good things of mind1 body1 and estate4 ,it also discusses whether there may be a conflict between the honestum and the utile4 ,these men of the first half of the twelfth century lived before the new revealing of the ,aristotelian philosophy and natural knowledge coming at the century's close4 ,their muster is finally completed by two younger men1 the one an ,englishman and the other a ,lowlander4 ,the youthful years of both synchronize with the old age of the men of whom we have been speaking4 ,for ,john of ,salisbury was born not far from the year #aaae1 and died in #aahj2 and ,alanus de ,insulis 7,lille7 was probably born in #aabh1 and lived to the beginning of the next century4 ,they are spiritually connected with the older men because they were taught by them1 and because they had small share in the coming encyclopaedic knowledge4 ,but they close the group3 ,john of ,salisbury closing it by virtue of his critical estimate of its achievement2 ,alanus by virtue of his final rehandling of the body of intellectual data at its disposal1 to which he may have made some slight addition4 ,abaelard knew and used the simpler treatises of the ,aristotelian ,organon of logic4 ,he had not studied the ,analytics and the ,topics1 and of course was unacquainted with the body of ,aristotle's philosophy outside of logic4 ,john of ,salisbury and ,alanus know the entire ,organon2 but neither one nor the other knows the rest of ,aristotle1 which ,alexander of ,hales was the first to make large use of4 ,john of ,salisbury1 ,little ,john1 ,johannes ,parvus1 as he was called1 was the best classical scholar of his time4#eab ,his was an acute and active intellect1 which never tired of hearing and weighing the views of other men4 ,he was1 moreover1 a man of large experience1 travelling much1 and listening to all the teachers prominent in his youth4 ,also he was active in affairs1 being at one time secretary to ,thibaut1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 and then the intimate of ,becket1 of ,henry ,,ii41 and ,pope ,adrian ,,iv46 ,a finished scholar1 who knew not one thing1 but whatever might be known1 and was enlightened by the training of the world1 ,little ,john critically estimates the learning and philosophy of the men he learns from4 ,having always an independent point of view he makes acute remarks upon it all1 and admirable contributions to the sum of current thought4 ,but chiefly he seems to us as one who looks with even eye upon whatsoever comes within his vision4 ,he knows the weaknesses of men and the limitations of branches of discipline2 knows1 for instance1 that dialectic is sterile by itself1 but efficient as an aid to other disciplines4 ,so1 as to logic1 ,john keeps his own point of view1 and is always reasonable and practical4#eac ,likewise1 with open mind1 he considers what there may be in the alleged science of the ,mathematicians1 i4e4 diviners and astrologers4 ,he uses such phrases as 8probabilia quidem sunt haec 444 sed tamen the venom lies under the honey60 ,for this science sets a fatal necessity on things1 and would even intrude into the knowledge of the future reserved for ,god's majesty4 ,and as ,john considers the order of events to come1 and the diviner's art1 cornua succrescunt--the horns of more than one dilemma grow4#ead ,john knew more than any man of the ancient philosophies4#eae ,for himself1 of course he loved knowledge2 yet he would not dissever it from its value in the art of living4 8,wisdom indeed is a fountain1 from which pour forth the streams which water the whole earth2 they fill not alone the garden of delights of the divine page1 but flow on to the ,gentiles1 and do not altogether fail even the ,ethiopians4444 ,it is certain that the faithful and wise reader1 who from love keeps learning's watch1 escapes vice and draws near to life40#eaf ,philosophy is the moderatrix omnium 7a favourite phrase with ,john72 the true philosopher1 as ,plato says1 is a lover of ,god3 and so philosophia is amor divinitatis4 ,its precept is to love ,god with all our strength1 and our neighbour as ourselves3 8,he who by philosophizing has reached charitas1 has attained philosophy's true end40#eag ,john goes on to show how deeply they err who think philosophy is but a thing of words and arguments3 many of those who multiply words1 by so doing burden the mind4 ,virtue inseparably accompanies wisdom2 this is ,john's sum of the matter4 ,clearly he is not always1 or commonly1 wrestling with ultimate metaphysical problems2 he busies himself1 acutely but not metaphysically1 with the wisdom of life4 ,he too can use the language of piety and contemplation4 ,in the sixth chapter of his ,de septem septenis 7,the seven ,sevens7 he gives the seven grades of contemplation--meditatio1 soliloquium1 circumspectio1 ascensio1 revelatio1 emissio1 inspiratio4#eah ,he presents the matter succinctly1 thus perhaps giving clarity to current pietistic phraseology4 ,alanus de ,insulis was a man of renown in his life-time1 and after his death won the title of ,doctor ,universalis4 ,although the fame of scholar1 philosopher1 theologian1 poet1 may have uplifted him during his years of strength1 he died a monk at ,citeaux1 in the year #abjb4 ,fame came justly to him1 for he was learned in the antique literature1 and a gifted ,latin poet1 while as thinker and theologian he made skilful and catholic use of his thorough knowledge of whatever the first half of the twelfth century had achieved in thought and system4 ,elsewhere he has been considered as a poet2#eai here we merely observe his position and accomplishment in matters of salvation and philosophy4#ebj ,alanus possessed imagination1 language1 and a faculty of acute exposition4 ,his sentences1 especially his definitions1 are pithy1 suggestive1 and vivid4 ,he projected much thought as well as fantasy into his poem1 ,anticlaudianus1 and his cantafable1 ,de planctu naturae4 ,he showed himself a man of might1 and insight too1 in his ,contra haereticos4 ,his suggestive pithiness of diction lends interest to his encyclopaedia of definitions1 ,distinctiones dictionum theologicalium2 and his keen power of reasoning succinctly from axiomatic premises is evinced in his ,de arte fidei catholicae4 ,the intellectual activities of ,alanus fell in the latter decades of the twelfth century1 when mediaeval thought seemed for the moment to be mending its nets1 and preparing for a further cast in the new waters of ,aristotelianism4 ,alanus is busy with what has already been won2 he is unconscious of the new greater knowledge1 which was preparing its revelations4 ,he is not even a man of the transition from the lesser to the greater intellectual estate2 but is rather a final compendium of the lesser4 ,himself no epoch-making reasoner1 he uses the achievements of ,abaelard and ,hugo1 of ,gilbert de la ,porre and ,william of ,conches1 and others4 ,neither do his works unify and systematize the results of his studies4 ,he is rather a re-phraser4 ,yet his refashioning is not a mere thing of words2 it proceeds with the vitalizing power of the man's plastic and creative temperament4 ,one may speak of him as keen and acquisitive intellectually1 and creative through his temperament4 ,alanus shows a catholic receptivity for all the mingled strains of thought1 ,platonic1 ,aristotelian1 ,neo-,platonic and ,pythagorean1 which fed the labours of his predecessors4 ,he has studied the older sources1 the ,timaeus fragment1 also ,apuleius and ,bothius of course4 ,his chief blunder is his misconception of ,aristotle as a logician and confuser of words 7verborum turbator7--a phrase1 perhaps1 consciously used with poetic license4 ,for he has made use of much that came originally from the ,stagirite4 ,within his range of opportunity1 ,alanus was a universal reader1 and his writings discover traces of the men of importance from ,pseudo-,dionysius and ,eriugena down to ,john of ,salisbury and ,gundissalinus4 ,these remarks may take the place of any specific presentation of ,alanus's work in logic1 of his view of universals1 of his notions of physics1 of nature1 of matter and form1 of man's mind and body1 and of the ,triune ,godhead4#eba ,in his cosmology1 however1 we may note his imaginatively original employment of the conception or personification of ,nature4 ,god is the ,creator1 and ,nature is ,his creature1 and ,his vice-regent or vicarious maker1 working the generation and decay of things material and changeable4#ebb ,this thought1 imaginatively treated1 makes a good part of the poetry of the ,de planctu and the ,anticlaudianus4 ,the conception with him is full of charming fantasy1 and we look back through ,bernardus ,silvestris and other writers to ,plato's divine fooling in the ,timaeus1 not as the specific1 but generic1 origin of such imaginative views of the contents and generation of the world4 ,such imaginings were as fantasy to science1 when compared with the solid and comprehensive consideration of the material world which was to come a few years after ,alanus's death through the encyclopaedic ,aristotelian knowledge presented in the works of ,alexander of ,hales and ,albertus ,magnus4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvii ,,the ,,universities1 ,,aristotle1 ,,and ,,the ,,mendicants ,intellectually1 the thirteenth century in western ,europe is marked by three closely connected phenomena3 the growth of ,universities1 the discovery and appropriation of ,aristotle1 and the activities of ,dominicans and ,franciscans4 ,these movements were universal1 in that the range of none of them was limited by racial or provincial boundaries4 ,yet a line may still be drawn between ,italy1 where law and medicine were cultivated1 and the ,north1 where theology with logic and metaphysics were supreme4 ,absorption in these subjects produced a common likeness in the intellectual processes of men in ,france1 ,england1 and ,germany1 whose writings were to be no longer markedly affected by racial idiosyncrasies4 ,this was true of the logical controversy regarding universals1 so prominent in the first part of the twelfth century4 ,it was very true of the great intellectual movement of the later twelfth and the thirteenth centuries1 to wit1 the coming of ,aristotle to dominance1 in spite of the counter-currents of ,platonic ,augustinianism4 ,the men who followed the new knowledge had slight regard for ties of home1 and travelled eagerly in search of learning4 ,so1 even as from far and wide those who could study ,roman law came to ,bologna1 the study of theology and all that philosophy included drew men to ,paris4 ,thither came the keen-minded from ,italy and from ,england2 from the ,low ,countries and from ,germany2 and from the many very different regions now covered by the name of ,france4 ,wherever born and of whatever race1 the devotees of philosophy and theology at some period of their career reached ,paris1 learned and taught there1 and were affected by the universalizing influence of an international aggregate of scholarship4 ,so had it been with ,breton ,abaelard1 with ,german ,hugo1 and with ,lombard ,peter2 so with ,english ,john1 hight of ,salisbury4 ,and in the following times of culmination1 ,albertus ,magnus comes in his maturity from ,germany2 and his marvellous pupil ,thomas1 born of noble ,norman stock in southern ,italy1 follows his master1 eventually to ,paris4 ,so ,bonaventura of lowly mid-,italian birth likewise learns and teaches there2 and that unique ,englishman1 ,roger ,bacon1 and after him ,duns ,scotus4 ,these few greatest names symbolize the centralizing of thought in the crowded and huddled lecture-rooms of the ,city on the ,seine4 ,the origins of the great mediaeval ,universities can scarcely be accommodated to simple statement4 ,their history is frequently obscure1 and always intricate2 and the selection of a specific date or factor as determining the inception1 or distinctive development1 of these mediaeval creations is likely to be but arbitrary4 ,they had no antique prototype3 nothing either in ,athens or ,rome ever resembled these corporations of masters and students1 with their authoritative privileges1 their fixed curriculum1 and their grades of formally certified attainment4 ,even the ,alexandria of the ,ptolemies1 with all the pedantry of its learned litterateurs and their minute study of the past1 has nothing to offer like the scholastic obsequiousness of the mediaeval ,university1 which sought to set upon one throne the antique philosophy and the ,christian revelation1 that it might with one and the same genuflection bow down before them both4 ,it behoves us to advert to the conditions influencing the growth of ,universities1 and give a little space to those which were chief among them4 ,the energetic human advance distinguishing the twelfth century in western ,europe exhibits among its most obvious phenomena an increased mobility in all classes of society1 and a tendency to gather into larger communities and form strong corporate associations for profit or protection4 ,new towns came into being1 and old ones grew apace4 ,some of them in the north of ,europe wrested their freedom from feudal lords2 and both in the north and south1 municipalities attained a more complex organization1 while within them groups of men with common interests formed themselves into powerful guilds4 ,as strangers of all kinds--merchants1 craftsmen1 students--came and went1 their need of protection became pressing1 and was met in various ways4 ,no kind of men were more quickly touched by the new mobility than the thousands of youthful learners who desired to extend their knowledge1 or1 in some definite field1 perfect their education4 ,in the eleventh century1 such would commonly have sought a monastery1 near or far4 ,in the twelfth and then in the thirteenth1 they followed the human currents to the cities1 where knowledge flourished as well as trade1 and tolerable accommodation might be had for teachers and students4 ,certain towns1 some for more1 some for less1 obvious reasons1 became homes of study4 ,bologna1 ,paris1 ,oxford are the chief examples4 ,irnerius1 famed as the founder of the systematic study of the ,roman law1 and ,gratian1 the equally famous orderer of the ,canon law1 taught or wrote at ,bologna when the twelfth century was young4 ,their fame drew crowds of laymen and ecclesiastics1 who desired to equip themselves for advancement through the business of the law1 civil or ecclesiastical4 ,at the same time1 hundreds1 which grew to thousands1 were attracted to the ,paris schools--the school of ,notre ,dame1 where ,william of ,champeaux held forth2 the school of ,st4 ,victor1 where he afterwards established himself1 and where ,hugo taught2 and the school of ,st4 ,genevive1 where ,abaelard lectured on dialectic and theology4 ,these were palpable gatherings together of material for a ,university4 ,what first brought masters and students to ,oxford a few decades later is not so clear4 ,but ,oxford had been an important town long before a ,university lodged itself there4 ,in the twelfth century1 citizenship scarcely protected one beyond the city walls4 ,a man carried but little safety with him4 ,only an insignificant fraction of the students at ,bologna1 and of both masters and students at ,paris and ,oxford1 were citizens of those towns4 ,the rest had come from everywhere4 ,paris and ,bologna held an utterly cosmopolitan1 international1 concourse of scholar-folk4 ,and these scholars1 turbulent enough themselves1 and dwelling in a turbulent foreign city1 needed affiliation there1 and protection and support4 ,organization was an obvious necessity1 and if possible the erection of a civitas within a civitas1 a ,university within a none too friendly town4 ,this was the primal situation1 and the primal need4 ,through somewhat different processes1 and under different circumstances1 these exigencies evoked a ,university in ,bologna1 ,paris1 and ,oxford4#ebc ,in ,italy1 where the instincts of ancient ,rome never were extinguished1 where some urban life maintained itself through the early helpless mediaeval centuries1 where during the same period an infantile humanism did not cease to stammer2 where 8grammar0 was studied and taught by laymen1 and the 8ars dictaminis0 practised men in the forms of legal instruments1 it was but natural that the new intellectual energies of the twelfth century should address themselves to the study of the ,roman law1 which1 although debased and barbarized1 had never passed into desuetude4 ,and inasmuch as abstract theology did not attract the ,italian temperament or meet the conditions of papal politics in ,italy1 it was likewise natural that ecclesiastical energies should be directed to the equally useful and closely related canon law4 ,such studies with their practical ends could best be prosecuted at some civic centre4 ,in the first part of the twelfth century1 ,irnerius lectured at ,bologna upon the civil law2 a generation later1 ,gratian published his ,decretum there4 ,the specific reasons inducing the former to open his lectures in that city are not known2 but a large and thrifty town set at the meeting of the great roads from central ,italy to the north and east1 was an admirable place for a civil doctor and his audience1 as the event proved4 ,gratian was a monk in a ,bologna convent1 and may have listened to ,irnerius4 ,the publication of his ,decretum from ,bologna1 by that time 7cir4 #aadb7 famous for jurisprudence1 lent authority to this work1 whose universal recognition was to enhance in turn ,bologna's reputation4 ,from the time of this inception of juristic studies1 the talents of the doctors1 and the city's fame1 drew a prodigious concourse of students from all the lands of western ,europe4 ,the ,doctors of the ,civil and ,canon ,laws organized themselves into one1 and subsequently into two1 ,colleges4 ,apparently they had become an efficient association by the third quarter of the twelfth century4 ,but the ,university of ,bologna was to be constituted par excellence1 not of one or more colleges of doctors1 but of societies of students4 ,the persons who came for legal instruction were not boys getting their first education in the ,arts4 ,they were men studying a profession1 and among them were many individuals of wealth and consequence1 holding perhaps civil or ecclesiastic office in the places whence they came4 ,the vast majority had this in common1 that they were foreigners1 with no civil rights in ,bologna4 ,it behoved them to organize for their protection and mutual support1 and for the furtherance of the purposes for which they had come4 ,that a body of men in a foreign city should live under the law of their own home1 or the law of their own making1 did not appear extraordinary in the twelfth century4 ,it was not so long since the principle that men carried the law of their home with them1 had been widely recognized1 and in all countries the clergy still lived under the law of the ,church4 ,the gains accruing from the presence of a great number of foreign students might induce the authorities of ,bologna to permit them to organize as student guilds1 and regulate their affairs by rules of their own1 even as was done by other guilds in most ,italian cities4 ,at ,bologna the power of ,guelf and ,ghibeline clubs1 and of craftsmen's guilds1 rivalled that of the city magistrates4 ,there is some indirect evidence that these students first divided themselves into four ,nationes4 ,if so1 the arrangement did not last4 ,for by the middle of the thirteenth century they are found organized in two ,universitates1 or corporations1 a ,universitas ,citramontanorum and a ,universitas ,ultramontanorum2 each under its own ,rector4 ,these two corporations of foreign students constituted the ,university4 ,the ,professors did not belong to them1 and therefore were not members of the ,university4 ,indeed they fought against the recognition of this ,university of students1 asserting that the students were but their pupils4 ,but the students prevailed1 strong in their numbers1 and in the weapon which they did not hesitate to use1 that of migration to another city1 which cut off the incomes of the ,professors and diminished the repute and revenue of ,bologna4 ,so great became the power of the student body1 that it brought the ,professors to complete subjection1 paying them their salaries1 regulating the time and mode of lecturing1 and compelling them to swear obedience to the ,rectors4 ,the ,professors protested1 but submitted4 ,to make good its domination over them1 and its independence as against the city1 the student ,university migrated to ,arezzo in #abae and to ,padua in #abbb4ebd ,in origin as well as organization1 the ,university of ,paris differed from ,bologna4 ,it was the direct successor of the cathedral school of ,notre ,dame4 ,this had risen to prominence under ,william of ,champeaux4 ,but ,abaelard drew to ,paris thousands of students for ,william's hundreds 7or at least hundreds for ,william's tens72 and ,abaelard at the height of his popularity taught at the school of ,st4 ,genevive1 across the ,seine4 ,therefore this school also1 although fading out after ,abaelard's time1 should be regarded as a causal predecessor of the ,paris ,university4 ,so1 for that matter1 should the neighbouring school of ,st4 ,victor1 founded by the discomfited ,william2 for its reputation under ,hugo and ,richard drew devout students from near and far1 and augmented the scholastic fame of ,paris4 ,it was both the privilege and duty of the ,chancellor of ,notre ,dame to license competent ,masters to open schools near the cathedral4 ,in the course of time1 these ,masters formed an ,association1 and assumed the right to admit to their ,society the licentiates of the ,chancellor1 to wit1 the new ,masters who were about to begin to teach4 ,in the decades following ,abaelard's death1 the ,masters who lectured in the vicinity of ,notre ,dame increased in number4 ,they spread with their schools beyond the island1 and taught in houses on the bridges4 ,they were ,masters1 that is1 teachers1 in the ,arts4 ,as the twelfth century gave way to the thirteenth1 interest in the ,arts waned before the absorbing passion for metaphysical theology4 ,this was a higher branch of study1 for which the ,arts had come to be looked on as a preparation4 ,so the scholars of the schools of ,arts became impatient to graduate1 that is1 to reach the grade of ,master1 in order to pass on to the higher study of theology4 ,a result was that the course of study in the ,arts was shortened1 while ,masters multiplied in number4 ,their ,society seems to have become a definite and formal corporate body or guild1 not later than the year #aage4 ,herein was the beginning of the ,paris ,university4 ,it had become a studium generale1 like ,bologna1 because there were many ,masters1 and students from everywhere were admitted to study in their schools4 ,gradually the ,university came to full corporate existence4 ,from about #abaj1 written statutes exist1 passed by the ,society of ,masters2 at the same date a ,bull of ,innocent ,,iii4 recognizes the ,society as a ,corporation4 ,then began a long struggle for supremacy1 between the ,masters and the ,chancellor3 it was the ,chancellor's function to grant the licence to become a ,master2 but it was the privilege of the ,society to admit the licentiate to membership4 ,the action of both being thus requisite1 time alone could tell with whom the control eventually should rest4 ,was the self-governing ,university to prevail1 or the ,chancellor of the ,cathedral8 ,the former won the victory4 ,the ,masters in ,arts constituted par excellence the ,university1 because they far outnumbered the ,masters in the upper ,faculties of ,theology1 ,law1 and ,medicine4 ,they were the dominant body2 what they decided on1 the other ,faculties acquiesced in4 ,these ,masters in ,arts1 besides being numerous1 were young1 not older than the law students at ,bologna4 ,with their still younger students1#ebe they made the bulk of the entire ,university1 and were the persons who most needed protection in their lawful or unlawful conduct4 ,at some indeterminate period they divided themselves into the four ,nationes1 ,french1 ,normans1 ,picards1 and ,english4 ,they voted by ,nationes in their meetings2 but from a period apparently as early as their organization1 a ,rector was elected for all four ,nationes1 and not one ,rector for each4 ,there were1 however1 occasional schisms or failures to agree4 ,it was to be the fortune of the ,rector thus elected to supplant the ,chancellor of the ,cathedral as the real head of the ,university4 ,the vastly greater number of the ,masters in ,arts were actually students in the higher ,faculties of ,theology1 ,law1#ebf or ,medicine1 for which graduation in the ,arts was the ordinary prerequisite4 ,the ,masters or ,doctors of these three higher ,faculties1 at least from the year #abac1 determined the qualifications of candidates in their departments4 ,nevertheless the ,rector of the ,faculty of ,arts continued his advance toward the headship of the whole ,university4 ,the oath taken by the ,bachelors in the ,arts1 of obedience to that ,faculty and its ,rector1 was strengthened in #abef1 so as to bind the oath-taker so long as he should continue a member of the ,university4 ,the ,university had not obtained its privileges without insistence1 nor without the protest of action as well as word4 ,its first charter of privileges from the king was granted in #abjj1 upon its protests against the conduct of the ,provost of ,paris in attacking riotous students4 ,next1 in combating the jurisdiction of the ,chancellor1 it obtained privileges from the ,pope2 and in #abbi1 upon failure to obtain redress for an attack from the ,provost's soldiers1 ordered by the queen1 ,blanche of ,castile1 the ,university dispersed4 ,thus it resorted to the weapon by which the ,university of ,bologna had won the confirmation of its rights4 ,in the year #abca the great ,papal ,bull1 ,parens scientiarum1 finally confirmed the ,paris ,university in its contentions and demands3 the right to suspend lectures was sanctioned1 whenever satisfaction for outrage had been refused for fifteen days2 likewise the authority of the ,university to make statutes1 and expel members for a breach of them4 ,the ,chancellor of ,notre ,dame and the ,bishop of ,paris were both constrained by the same ,bull4 ,a different struggle still awaited the ,university1 in which it was its good fortune not to be altogether successful2 for it was contending against instruments of intellectual and spiritual renovation1 to wit1 the ,mendicant ,orders4 ,the details are difficult to unravel at this distance of time4 ,but the ,dominicans and ,franciscans1 in the lifetime of their founders1 established themselves in ,paris1 and opened schools of theology4 ,their ,professors were licensed by the ,chancellor1 and yet seem to have been unwilling to fall in with the customs of the ,university1 and1 for example1 cease from teaching and disperse1 when it saw fit to do so4 ,the doctors of the theological ,faculty became suspicious1 and opposed the admission of ,mendicants to the theological ,faculty4 ,the struggle lasted thirty years1 until the ,dominicans obtained two chairs in that ,faculty1 and the ,franciscans perhaps the same number1 on terms which looked like a victory for the ,orders1 but in fact represented a compromise2 for the ,mendicant doctors in the end apparently submitted to the statutes of the ,university4#ebg ,the origin of ,oxford ,university was different1 and one may say more adventitious than that of ,paris or ,bologna4 ,for ,oxford was not the capital of a kingdom1 nor is it known to have been an ancient seat of learning4 ,the city was not even a bishop's seat1 a fact which had a marked effect upon the constitution of the ,university4 ,the old town lay at the edge of ,essex and ,mercia1 and its position early gave it importance politically1 or rather strategically1 and as a place of trade4 ,how or whence came the nucleus of ,masters and students that should grow into a ,university is unknown4 ,an interesting hypothesis#ebh is that it was a colony from ,paris1 shaken off by some academic or political disturbance4 ,this surmise has been connected with the year #aafg4 ,some evidence exists of a school having existed there before4 ,next comes a distinct statement from the year #aahe1 of the reading of a book before the ,masters and students4#ebi ,after this date the references multiply4 ,in #abji1 one has a veritable 8dispersion10 in protest against the hanging of some scholars4 ,a charter from the papal legate in #abad accords certain privileges1 among others that a clerk arrested by the town should be surrendered on demand of the ,bishop of ,lincoln#ecj or the ,archdeacon1 or the ,chancellor1 whom the ,bishop shall set over the scholars4 ,this document points to the beginning of the chancellorship4 ,the title probably was copied from ,paris2 but in ,oxford the office was to be totally different4 ,the ,paris ,chancellor was primarily a functionary of a great cathedral1 who naturally maintained its prerogatives against the encroachments of university privilege4 ,but at ,oxford there was no cathedral2 the ,chancellor was the head of the ,university1 probably chosen from its ,masters1 and had chiefly its interests at heart4 ,making allowance for this important difference in the ,chancellor's office1 the development of the ,university closely resembled that of ,paris4 ,its first extant statute1 of the year #abeb1 prescribes that no one shall be licensed in ,theology who has not previously graduated in the ,arts4 ,to the same year belongs a settlement of disputes between the ,irish and northern scholars4 ,the former were included in the ,australes or southerners1 one of the two ,nationes composing the ,faculty of ,arts4 ,the ,australes included the natives of ,ireland1 ,wales1 and ,england south of the ,trent2 the other ,natio1 the ,boreales1 embraced the ,english and ,scotch coming from north of that river4 ,but the division into ,nationes was less important than in the cosmopolitan ,university of ,paris1 and soon ceased to exist4 ,the ,faculty of ,arts1 however1 continued even more dominant than at ,paris4 ,there was no serious quarrel with the ,mendicant ,orders1 who established themselves at ,oxford--the ,dominicans in #abba1 and the ,franciscans three years later4 ,the curriculum of studies appears much the same at both ,universities1 and1 as followed in the middle of the thirteenth century1 may be thus summarized4 ,for the lower degree of ,bachelor of ,arts1 four or five years were required2 and three or four years more for the ,master's privileges4 ,the course of study embraced grammar 7,priscian71 also rhetoric1 and in logic the entire ,organon of ,aristotle1 preceded by ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 and with the ,sex principia of ,gilbert de la ,porre added to the course4 ,the mathematical branches of the ,quadrivium also were required3 arithmetic1 music1 geometry1 and astronomy4 ,and finally a goodly part of the substantial philosophy of ,aristotle was studied1 with considerable choice permitted to the student in his selection from the works of the philosopher4 ,at ,oxford he might choose between the ,physics or the ,de coelo et mundo1 or the ,de anima or the ,de animalibus4 ,the ,metaphysics and ,ethics or ,politics were also required before the ,bachelor could be licensed as a ,master4 ,in ,theology the course of study was extremely lengthy1 especially at ,paris1 where eight years made the minimum1 and the degree of ,doctor was not given before the candidate had reached the age of thirty-five4 ,the chief subjects were ,scripture and the ,sentences of ,peter ,lombard4 ,besides which1 the candidate had to approve himself in sermons and disputations4 ,the latter might amount to a trial of nerve and endurance1 as well as proficiency in learning1 since the candidate was expected to militare in scholis1 against a succession of opponents from six in the morning till six in the evening1 with but an hour's refreshment at noon4#eca ,in spite of the many resemblances of ,oxford to ,paris in organization and curriculum1 the intellectual tendencies of the two ,universities were not altogether similar4 ,at ,paris1 speculative theology1 with metaphysics and other branches of 8philosophy10 regarded as its adjuncts1 were of absorbing interest4 ,at ,oxford1 while the same matters were perhaps supreme1 a closer scholarship in language or philology was cultivated by ,grosseteste1 and his pupils1 ,adam of ,marsh and ,roger ,bacon4 ,the genius of observation was stirring there2 and a natural science was coming into being1 which was not to repose solely upon the authority of ancient books1 but was to proceed by the way of observation and experiment4 ,yet ,roger ,bacon imposed upon both his philology and his natural science a certain ultimate purpose3 that they should subserve the surer ascertainment of divine and saving truth1 and thus still remain handmaids of theology1 at least in theory4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the year #abjj may be taken to symbolize the middle of a period notable for the enlargement of knowledge4 ,if one should take the time of this increase to extend fifty years on either side of the central point1 one might say that the student of the year #abej stood to his intellectual ancestor of the year #aaej1 as a man in the full possession and use of the ,encyclopaedia ,britannica would stand toward his father who had saved up the purchase money for the same4 ,the most obvious cause of this was an increasing acquaintance with the productions of the so-called ,arabian philosophy1 and more especially with the works of ,aristotle1 first through translations from the ,arabic1 and then through translations from the ,greek1 which were made in order to obviate the insufficiency of the former4 ,it would need a long excursus to review the far from simple course of so-called ,arabian thought1 philosophic and religious4 ,it begins in the ,east1 and follows the setting sun4 ,even before the ,hegira 7#fbb7 the ,arabs had rubbed up against the inhabitants of ,syria1 ,christian in name1 eastern or ,hellenic in culture and proclivity4 ,then in a century or two1 when the first impulsion of ,mohammedan conquest was spent1 the works of ,aristotle and his later ,greek commentators were translated into ,arabic from ,syrian versions1 under the encouragement of the rulers of ,bagdad4 ,the ,syrian versions1 as we may imagine1 were somewhat eclecticized and1 more especially1 ,neo-,platonized4 ,so it was not the pure ,aristotle that passed on into ,arabic philosophy1 but the ,aristotelian substance interpreted through later phases of ,greek and ,oriental thought4 ,still1 ,aristotle was the great name1 and his system furnished the nucleus of doctrine represented in this ,peripatetic eclecticism which was to constitute1 par excellence1 ,arabic philosophy4 ,also ,greek mathematical and medical treatises were translated into ,arabic from ,syrian versions4 ,el-,farabi 7d4 #iej7 and ,avicenna 7#ihj-ajcf7 were the chief glories of the ,arabic philosophy of ,bagdad4 ,these two gifted men were commentators upon the works of the ,stagirite1 and authors of many interesting lucubrations of their own4#ecb ,arabian philosophy declined in the ,east with ,avicenna's death2 but only to revive in ,mussulman ,spain4 ,there its great representative was ,averroes1 whose life filled the last three quarters of the twelfth century4 ,so great became his authority as an ,aristotelian1 with the ,scholastics1 that he received the name of ,commentator1 par excellence1 even as ,aristotle was par excellence1 ,philosophus4 ,we need not consider the ideas of these men which were their own rather than the ,stagirite's2 nor discuss the pietistic and fanatical sects among the ,mussulmans1 who either sought to harmonize ,aristotle with the ,koran1 or disapproved of ,greek philosophy4 ,one readily perceives that in its task of acquisition and interpretation1 with some independent thinking1 and still more temperamental feeling1 ,arabic philosophy was the analogue of ,christian scholasticism1 of which it was1 so to speak1 the collateral ancestor4#ecc ,and in this wise4 ,the ,commentaries of ,averroes1 for example1 were translated into ,latin2 and1 throughout all the mediaeval centuries1 the ,commentary tended to supplant the work commented on1 whether that work was ,holy ,scripture or a treatise of ,aristotle4 ,by the middle of the thirteenth century all the important works of ,averroes had been translated into ,latin1 and he had many followers at ,paris2 and before then1 from the ,college of ,toledo1 had come translations of the principal works of the other chief ,arabian philosophers4 ,of still greater importance for the ,christian ,west was the work of ,jews and ,christians in ,spain and ,provence1 in translating the ,arabic versions of ,aristotle into ,latin1 sometimes directly1 and sometimes first into ,hebrew and then into ,latin4 ,they attempted a literal translation1 which1 however1 frequently failed to give the significance even of the ,arabic version4 ,these ,arabic-,latin translations were of primary importance for the first introduction of ,aristotle to the theologian philosophers of ,christian ,europe4 ,they were not to remain the only ones4 ,in the twelfth century1 a number of ,western scholars made excursions into the ,east2 and the capture of ,constantinople by the ,crusaders in #abjd enlarged their opportunities of studying the ,greek language and philosophy4 ,attempts at direct translation into ,latin began4 ,one of the first translators was the sturdy ,englishman1 ,robert ,grosseteste4 ,he was born in ,suffolk about #aage2 studied at ,lincoln1 then at ,oxford1 then at ,paris1 whence he returned to become ,chancellor of the ,university of ,oxford4 ,he was made ,bishop of ,lincoln in #abcf1 and died seventeen years later4 ,it was he who laid the foundation of the study of ,greek at ,oxford1 and ,roger ,bacon was his pupil4 ,but the most important and adequate translations were the work of two ,dominicans1 the ,fleming1 ,william of ,moerbeke1 and ,henry of ,brabant1 who translated the works of ,aristotle at the instance of ,thomas ,aquinas1 possibly all working together at ,rome1 in #abfc and the years following4 ,aquinas recognized the inadequacy of the older translations1 and based his own ,aristotelian ,commentaries upon these made by his collaborators1 learned in the ,greek tongue4 ,the joint labour of translation and commentary seems to have been undertaken at the command of ,pope ,urban ,,iv41 who had renewed the former prohibitions put upon the use of ,aristotle at the ,paris ,university1 in the older1 shall we say1 ,averroistic versions4 ,if these prohibitions1 which did not touch the logical treatises1 were meant to be taken absolutely1 such had been far from their effect4 ,in #abaj and again in #abae1 an interdict was put upon the naturalis philosophia and the methafisica of the ,stagirite4 ,it was not revoked1 but rather provisionally renewed1 in #abca1 until those works should be properly expurgated4 ,a ,commission was appointed which accomplished nothing2 and the old interdict still hung in the air1 unrescinded1 yet ignored in practice4 ,so ,pope ,urban referred to it as still effective--which it was not--in #abfc4 ,for ,aristotle had been more and more thoroughly exploited in the ,paris ,university1 and by #abee the ,faculty of ,arts formally placed his works upon the list of books to be studied and lectured upon4#ecd ,so the founding of ,universities and the enlarged and surer knowledge brought by a study of the works of ,aristotle were factors of power in the enormous intellectual advance which took place in the last half of the twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth century4 ,yet these factors could not have operated as they did1 but for the antecedent intellectual development4 ,before the first half of the twelfth century had passed1 the patristic material had been mastered1 along with the current notions of antique philosophy1 for the most part contained in it4 ,strengthened by this discipline1 men were prepared for an extension and solidifying of their knowledge of the universe and man4 ,not only had they appropriated what the available sources had to offer1 but1 when we think of ,abaelard and ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 we see that organic restatements had been made of what had been acquired4 ,still1 men really knew too little4 ,it is very well to exploit logic1 and construct soul-satisfying schemes of cosmogonic symbolism1 in order to represent the deepest truth of the material world4 ,but the evident sense-realities of things are importunate4 ,the minds even of spiritual men may1 in time1 crave explanation of this side of their consciousness4 ,abaelard seems to have been oblivious to natural phenomena2 ,hugo recognizes them in order to elicit their spiritual meaning2 and ,alanus de ,insulis1 a generation and more afterwards1 takes a poet's view of ,nature4 ,other men had a more hard-headed interest in these phenomena2 but they knew too little to attempt seriously to put them together in some sense-rational scheme4 ,the natural knowledge presented by the writings of the ,church ,fathers was little more than foolishness2 the early schoolmen were their heirs4 ,they observed a little for themselves2 but very little4 ,there is an abysmal difference in the amount of natural knowledge exhibited by any writing of the twelfth century1 and the works of ,albertus ,magnus belonging say to the middle of the thirteenth4 ,the obvious reason of this is1 that the latter had drawn upon the great volume of natural observation and hypothesis which for the preceding five hundred years had been actually closed to western ,europe1 and for five hundred years before that had been spiritually closed1 because of the ineptitude of men to read therein4 ,that volume was of course the encyclopaedic ,natural ,philosophy of ,aristotle1 completed1 and treated in its ultimate causal relationships1 by his ,metaphysics4 ,the ,metaphysics1 the ,first ,philosophy1 gave completeness and unity to the various provinces of natural knowledge expounded in his special treatises4 ,for this reason1 one finds in the works of ,albertus a fund of natural knowledge solid with the solidity of the earth upon which one may plant his feet1 and totally unlike the beautiful dreaming which drew its prototypal origins from the skyey mind of ,plato4 ,the utilization of ,aristotle's philosophy by the ,englishman1 ,alexander of ,hales1 who became a ,franciscan near the year #abcj1 when he had already lectured for some thirty years at ,paris2 its far more elaborate and complete exposition by the very ,teutonic ,dominican1 ,albertus ,magnus2 and its even closer exposition and final incorporation within the sum of ,christian doctrine1 by ,thomas1--this three-staged achievement is the great mediaeval instance of return to a genuine and chief source of ,greek philosophy4 ,these three schoolmen went back of the accounts and views of ,greek philosophy contained in the writings of the ,fathers4 ,and in so doing they also went back of what was transmitted to the ,middle ,ages by ,bothius and other 8transmitters40#ece ,but the achievement of these schoolmen had other import4 ,their work represents the culmination of the third stage of mediaeval thought3 that of systematic and organic restatement of the substance of the patristic and antique1 with added elements2 for there can be no organic restatement which does not hold and present something from him who achieves it4 ,the result1 attained at least by ,thomas1 was even more than this4 ,based upon the data and assumptions of scholasticism1 it was a complete and final statement of the nature of ,god so far as that might be known1 of the creature world1 corporeal and incorporeal1 and especially of man1 his nature1 his qualities1 his relationship to ,god and final destiny4 ,and herein1 in its completeness1 it was satisfying4 ,the human mind in seeking explanation of the phenomena of its consciousness--presumably a reflex of the universe without--tends to seek a unity of explanation4 ,a unity of explanation requires a completeness in the mental scheme of what is to be explained4 ,thoughtful men in the ,middle ,ages craved a scheme of life complete even in detail1 which should educe life's currents from a primal ,godhead1 and project them compacted1 with none left straying or pointing nowhither1 on toward universal fulfilment of ,his will4 ,mediaeval thought had been preceded by whole views1 entire schemes of life4 ,greek philosophy had held only such from the time when ,thales said that water was the cause of all things4 ,plato's view or scheme also was beautiful in its ideally pyramided structure1 with the ,idea of the ,good at the apex4 ,for ,aristotle1 knowledge was to be a syllogistic1 or at least rational and jointed1 encyclopaedia1 rounded1 unified1 complete4 ,after the pagan times1 another whole scheme was that of ,augustine1 or again1 that of ,gregory the ,great1 though barbarized and hardened4 ,thus as patterns for their own thinking1 mediaeval men knew only of entire schemes of thought4 ,their creed was1 in every sense1 a symbol of a completed scheme4 ,and no mediaeval philosopher or theologian suspected himself of fragmentariness4 ,yet1 in fact1 at first they did but select and compile4 ,after a century and more of this1 they began to make organic statements of parts of ,christian doctrine4 ,so we have ,anselm's ,proslogium and ,cur ,deus ,homo4 ,abaelard's ,theologia is far more complete2 and so is ,hugo's ,de sacramentis1 which offers an entire scheme1 symbolical1 sacramental1 ,christian1 of ,god and the world and man4 ,hugo's scheme might be ideally satisfying2 but little concrete knowledge was represented in it4 ,and when in the generations following his death1 the co-ordinated ,aristotelian encyclopaedia was brought to light and studied1 then and thereafter any whole view of the world must take account of this new volume of argument and concrete knowledge4 ,alexander of ,hales begins the labour of using it in a ,christian ,summa2 ,albertus makes prodigious advance1 at least in the massing and preparation of the full ,aristotelian material4 ,both try for whole views and comprehensive results4 ,then ,thomas1 most highly favoured in his master ,albert1 and gifted with a genius for acquisition and synthetic exposition1 incorporates ,aristotle1 and ,aristotle's whole views1 into the whole view presented by the ,catholic ,faith4 ,thomas's view1 to be satisfying1 had to be complete4 ,it was knowledge united and amalgamated into a scheme of salvation4 ,but a scheme of salvation is a chain1 which can hold only in virtue of its completeness2 break one link1 and it snaps2 leave one rivet loose1 and it may also snap4 ,a scheme of salvation must answer every problem put to it2 a single unanswered problem may imperil it4 ,the problem1 for example1 of ,god's foreknowledge and predestination--that were indeed an open link1 which ,thomas will by no means leave unwelded4 ,hence for us modern men also1 whose views of the universe are so shamelessly partial1 leaving so much unanswered and so much unknown1 the philosophy of ,thomas may be restful1 and charm by its completeness4 ,it is of great interest to observe the apparently unlikely agencies by which this new volume of knowledge was made generally available4 ,in fact1 it was the new knowledge and the demand for it that forced these agencies to fulfil the mission of exploiting it4 ,for they had been created for other purposes1 which they also fulfilled4 ,verily it happened that the chief means through which the new knowledge was gained and published were the two new unmonastic ,orders of monks1 friars rather we may call them4 ,francis of ,assisi was born in #aahb and died in #abbf2 ,dominic was born in #aagg and died in #abba4 ,the ,orders of ,minorites and ,preachers were founded by them respectively in #abji and #abae4 ,neither ,order was founded to promote secular knowledge4 ,francis organized his ,minorites that they might imitate the lives of ,christ and ,his apostles1 and preach repentance to the world4 ,dominic founded his ,order to save souls through preaching3 8,for our ,order is known from the beginning to have been instituted especially for preaching and the saving of souls1 and our study 7studium nostrum7 should have as the chief object of its labour to enable us to be useful to our neighbours' souls 7ut proximorum animabus possimus utiles esse740#ecf ,within an apparent similarity of aim1 each ,order from the first reflected the temper of its founder2 and the temper of ,francis was not that of ,dominic4 ,for our purpose here1 the difference may perhaps be symbolized by the ,dominican maxim to preach the ,gospel throughout the world equally by word and example 7verbo pariter et exemplo72 and the ,franciscan maxim1 to exhort all plus exemplo quam verbo4#ecg ,a generation later ,st ,bonaventura puts it thus3 8,alii 7scilicet1 ,praedicatores7 principaliter intendunt speculationi 444 et postea unctioni4 ,alii 7scilicet1 ,minores7 principaliter unctioni et postea speculationi40#ech ,it is safe to say that ,st ,francis had no thought of secular studies2 and as for the ,order of ,preachers1 the ,constitutions of #abbh forbade the ,dominicans to study libros gentilium and seculares scientias4 ,they are to study libros theologicos4#eci ,francis1 also1 recognized the necessity of ,scriptural study for those ,minorites who were allowed to preach4 ,in these views the early ,franciscans and ,dominicans were not peculiar2 but rather represented the attitude of the older monastic ,orders and of the stricter secular clergy4 ,the ,gospel teaching of ,christ had nothing to do with secular knowledge--explicitly4 ,but the first centuries of the ,church perceived that its defenders should be equipped with the ,gentile learning1 into which indeed they had been born4 ,and while ,francis was little of a theologian1 and ,dominic's personality and career remain curiously obscure1 one can safely say that both founders saw the need of sacred studies1 and left no authoritative expression prohibiting their ,orders from pursuing them to the best advantage for the cause of ,christ4 ,yet we are not called on to suppose that either founder1 in founding his ,order for a definite purpose1 foresaw all the means which after his death might be employed to attain that purpose--or some other6 ,the new ,order cometh1 the old rusteth4 ,so has it commonly been with ,monasticism4 ,undoubtedly these uncloistered ,orders embodied novel principles of efficiency for the upholding of the ,faith3 their soldiers marched abroad evangelizing1 and did not keep within their fastnesses of holiness4 ,the ,mendicant ,orders were still young1 and fresh from the inspiration of their founders4 ,in those years they moved men's hearts and drew them to the ideal which had been set for themselves4 ,the result was1 that in the first half of the thirteenth century the greater part of ,christian religious energy girded its loins with the cords of ,francis and ,dominic4 ,at the commencement of that century1 when the ,orders of ,minorites and ,preachers were founded1 the world of ,western thought was prepared to make its own the new ,aristotelian volume of knowledge and applied reason4 ,once that was opened and its contents perceived1 the old ,augustinian-,neo-,platonic ways of thinking could no longer proceed with their idealizing constructions1 ignoring the pertinence of the new data and their possible application to such presentations of ,christian doctrine as ,hugo's ,de sacramentis or the ,lombard's ,sentences4 ,the new knowledge1 with its methods1 was of such insistent import1 that it had at once to be considered1 and either invalidated by argument1 or accepted1 and perhaps corrected1 and then accommodated within an enlarged ,christian ,philosophy4 ,the spiritual force animating a new religious movement attracts the intellectual energies of the period1 and furnishes them a new reality of purpose4 ,this was true of early ,christianity1 and likewise true of the fresh religious impulse which proceeded from ,francis's energy of love and the organizing zeal of ,dominic4 ,from the very years of their foundation1 #abji and #abae1 the rapid increase of the two ,orders realized their founders' visions of multitudes hurrying from among all nations to become ,minorites or ,preachers4 ,and more and more their numbers were recruited from among the clergy4 ,the lay members1 important in the first years of ,francis's labours1 were soon wellnigh submerged by the clericals2 and the educated or learned element became predominant in the ,franciscan ,order as it was from the first in the ,dominican4 ,consider for an instant the spread of the former4 ,in #abaf1 ,cardinal ,jacques of ,vitry finds the ,minorites in ,lombardy1 ,tuscany1 ,apulia1 and ,sicily4 ,the next year five thousand are reported to have assembled at the general meeting of the ,order4 ,two years later ,francis proceeds to carry out his plan of world-conquest by apportioning the ,christian countries1 and sending the brethren into ,france1 ,germany1 ,hungary1 ,spain1 and throughout ,italy4#edj ,it was a period when in the midst of general ignorance on the part of the clergy as well as laity1 ,universities 7generalia studia7 were rising in ,italy1 ,france1 and ,england4 ,the popes1 ,innocent ,,iii4 7died #abaf71 ,honorius ,,iii4 7died #abba71 and ,gregory ,,ix4 7died #abda71 were seeking to raise the education and even the learning of the ,church4 ,their efforts found in the zeal of the ,mendicants a ready response which was not forthcoming from the secular clergy4 ,the ,mendicants were zealous for the ,faith1 and loyal liegemen of the popes1 who were their sustainers and the guarantors of their freedom from local ecclesiastical interference4 ,what more fitting instruments could be found to advance the cause of sacred learning at the ,universities1 and enlarge it with the new knowledge which must either serve the ,faith or be its enemy4 ,if all this was not evident in the first decades of the century1 it had become so by the middle of it1 when the ,franciscan ,bonaventura and the ,dominicans ,albertus and ,thomas were the intellectual glories of the time4 ,and thus1 while the ardour of the new ,orders drew to their ranks the learning and spiritual energy of the ,church1 the intellectual currents of the time caught up those same ,brotherhoods1 which had so entrusted their own salvation to the mission of saving other souls abroad in the world1 where those currents flowed4 ,the ,universities1 above all the ,university par excellence1 were in the hands of the secular clergy2 and long and intricate is the story of their jealous endeavours to exclude the ,mendicants from ,professors' chairs4 ,the ,dominicans established themselves at ,paris in #abag1 the ,franciscans two years later4 ,the former succeeded in obtaining one chair of theology at the ,university in #abbi1 and a second in #abca2 and about the same time the ,franciscans obtained their first chair1 and filled it with ,alexander of ,hales4 ,when he died an old man1 fifteen years later1 they wrote upon his tomb3 8,gloria ,doctorum1 decus et flos ,philosophorum1 ,auctor scriptorum vir ,alexander variorum10 closing the epitaph with the words3 8primus ,doctor eorum10 to wit1 of the ,minorites4 ,he was the author of the first ,summa theologiae1 in the sense in which that term fits the work of ,albert and ,thomas4 ,and there is no harm in repeating that this ,summa of ,alexander's was the first work of a mediaeval schoolman in which use was made of the physics1 metaphysics1 and natural history1 of ,aristotle4#eda ,he died in #abde1 when the ,franciscans appear to have possessed two chairs at the ,university4 ,one of them was filled in #abdh by ,bonaventura1 who nine years later was taken from his professorship1 to become ,minister-,general of his ,order4 ,it was indeed only in this year #abeg that the ,university itself had been brought by papal injunctions formally to recognize as magister this most eloquent of the ,franciscans1 and the greatest of the ,dominicans1 ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,the latter's master1 ,albert1 had been recognized as magister by the ,university in #abde4 ,before the intellectual achievements of these two men1 the ,franciscan fame for learning paled4 ,but that ,order went on winning fame across the ,channel1 which the ,dominicans had crossed before them4 ,in #abbd they came to ,oxford1 and were received as guests by an establishment of ,dominicans3 this was but nine years after the foundation of the preaching ,order6 ,perhaps the ,franciscan glories overshone the ,dominican at ,oxford1 where ,grosseteste belongs to them and ,adam of ,marsh and ,roger ,bacon4 ,but whichever ,order led1 there can be no doubt that together they included the greater part of the intellectual productivity of the maturing thirteenth century4 ,nevertheless1 in spite of the vast work of the ,orders in the field of secular knowledge1 it will be borne in mind that the advancement of sacra doctrina1 theology1 the saving understanding of ,scripture1 was the end and purpose of all study with ,dominicans and ,franciscans1 as it was universally with all orthodox mediaeval schoolmen2 although for many the nominal purpose seems a mere convention4 ,few men of the twelfth or thirteenth century cared to dispute the principle that the ,carmina poetarum and the ,dicta philosophorum 8should be read not for their own sake1 but in order that we may learn holy ,scripture to the best advantage3 ,i say they are to be offered as first-fruits1 for we should not grow old in them1 but spring from their thresholds to the sacred page1 for whose sake we were studying them for a while40#edb ,within the two ,orders1 especially the ,franciscan1 men differed sharply as to the desirability of learning4 ,so did their contemporaries among the secular clergy1 and their mediaeval and patristic predecessors as far back as ,clement of ,alexandria and ,tertullian4 ,on this matter a large variance of opinion might exist within the compass of orthodoxy2 for ,catholicism did not forbid men to value secular knowledge1 provided they did not cleave to opinions contradicting ,christian verity4 ,this was heresy1 and indeed was the sum of what was called ,averroism1 the chief intellectual heresy of the thirteenth century4 ,it consisted in a sheer following of ,aristotle and his infidel commentator1 wheresoever the opinions of the ,philosopher1 so interpreted1 might lead4 ,they were not to be corrected in the interest of ,christian truth4 ,a representative ,averroist1 and one so important as to draw the fire of ,aquinas1 as well as the censures of the ,church1 was ,siger de ,brabant4 ,he followed ,aristotle and his commentator in maintaining3 ,the universal oneness of the 7human7 intelligence1 the anima intellectiva1 an opinion which involved the denial of an individual immortality1 with its rewards and punishments2 the eternity of the visible world1--uncreated and everlasting2 a rational necessitarianism which precluded freedom of human action and moral responsibility4 ,it would be hard to find theses more fundamentally opposed to the ,christian ,faith4 ,yet ,siger may have deemed himself a ,christian4 ,with other ,averroists1 he sought to preserve his religious standing by maintaining that these opinions were true according to philosophy1 but not according to the ,catholic ,faith3 8,dicunt enim ea esse vera secundum philosophiam1 sed non secundum fidem catholicam40#edc ,with what sincerity ,siger held this untenable position is hard to say4 ,,chapter ,,xxxviii ,,bonaventura ,the range and character of the ultimate intellectual interests of the thirteenth century may be studied in the works of four men3 ,st4 ,bonaventura1 ,albertus ,magnus and ,st4 ,thomas1 and lastly1 ,roger ,bacon4 ,the first and last were as different as might be2 and both were ,franciscans4 ,albertus and ,thomas represent the successive stages of one achievement1 the greatest in the course of mediaeval thought4 ,in some respects1 their position is intermediate between ,bonaventura and ,bacon4 ,bonaventura reflects many twelfth-century ways of thinking2 ,albert and ,thomas embody par excellence the intellectual movement of the thirteenth century in which they all lived2 and ,roger ,bacon stands for much1 the exceeding import of which was not to be recognized until long after he was forgotten4 ,the four were contemporaries1 and1 with the possible exception of ,bacon1 knew each other well4 ,thomas was ,albert's pupil2 ,thomas and ,bonaventura taught at the same time in the ,faculty of ,theology at ,paris1 and stood together in the academic conflict between their ,orders and the ,seculars4 ,albertus and ,bonaventura also must have known each other1 teaching at the same time in the theological faculty4 ,as for ,bacon1 he was likewise at ,paris studying and teaching1 when the others were there1 and may have known them4#edd ,albert and ,thomas came of princely stock1 and sacrificed their fortune in the world for theology's sake4 ,bacon's family was well-to-do2 ,bonaventura was lowly born4 ,john of ,fidanza1 who under the name of ,bonaventura was to become ,minister-,general of his ,order1 ,cardinal1 ,saint1 and ,doctor ,seraphicus1 saw the light in the ,tuscan village of ,bagnorea4 ,that he was of ,italian1 half ,latin-speaking1 stock is apparent from his own fluent ,latin4 ,probably in the year #abch1 when seventeen years old1 he joined the ,franciscan ,order2 and four years later was sent to ,paris1 where he studied under ,alexander of ,hales4 ,in #abdh he was licensed to lecture publicly1 and thenceforth devoted himself at ,paris to teaching and writing1 and defending his ,order against the ,seculars1 until #abeg1 when1 just as the ,university conferred on him the title of ,magister1 he was chosen ,minister-,general of his ,order1 in the thirty-seventh year of his age4 ,the greater part of his writings were composed before the burdens of this primacy drew him from his studies4 ,he was still to become ,prince of the ,church1 for he was made ,cardinal of ,albano in #abgc1 the year before his death4 ,for all the ,middle ,ages the master in theology was ,augustine4 ,either he was studied directly in his own writings1 or his views descended through the more turbid channels of the works of men he influenced4 ,mediaeval theology was overwhelmingly ,augustinian until the middle of the thirteenth century2 and since theology was philosophy's queen1 mediaeval philosophy conformed to that which ,augustine employed in his theology4 ,this1 if traced backward to its source1 should be called ,platonism1 or ,neo-,platonism if we turn our mind to the modes in which ,augustine made use of it4 ,his ,neo-,platonism was not unaffected by ,peripatetic and later systems of ,greek philosophy2 yet it was far more ,platonic than ,stoical or ,aristotelian4 ,those first teachers1 who in the maturity of their powers became ,brothers ,minorites1 were ,augustinians in theology1 and consequently ,platonists1 in so far as ,platonism made part of ,augustine's doctrines4 ,thus it was with the first great teacher at the ,minorites school in ,oxford1 ,robert ,grosseteste1 and with the first great ,minorite teacher at ,paris1 ,alexander of ,hales4 ,both of these men were promoters of the study of ,aristotle2 yet neither became so imbued with ,aristotelianism as to revise either his theological system or the ,platonic doctrines which seemed germane to it4 ,moreover1 in so far as we may imagine ,st4 ,francis to have had a theology1 we must feel that ,augustine1 with his hand on ,plato's shoulder1 would have been more congenial to him than ,aristotle4 ,and so in fact it was to be with his ,order4 ,augustine's fervent piety1 his imagination and religious temperament1 held the ,franciscans fast4 ,surely he was very close to the soul of that eloquent ,franciscan teacher1 who called ,alexander of ,hales 8master and father10 sat at his feet1 and never thought of himself as delivering new teachings4 ,it would have been strange indeed if ,bonaventura had broken from the influences which had formed his soul1 this ,bonaventura whose most congenial precursor lived and wrote and followed ,augustine far back in the twelfth century1 and bore the name of ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor4 ,bonaventura's writings did much to fix ,augustinianism upon his ,order2 rivalry with the ,dominicans doubtless helped to make it fast2 for the latter were following another system under the dominance of their two ,titan leaders1 who had themselves come to maturity with the new ,aristotelian influences1 whereof they were magna pars4 ,but just as ,grosseteste and ,alexander made use of what they knew of ,aristotle1 so ,bonaventura had no thought of misprizing him who was becoming in western ,europe 8the master of those who know40 ,in specific points this wise ,augustinian might prefer ,aristotle to ,plato4 ,for example1 he chose to stand1 with the former1 upon the terra firma of sense perception1 rather than keep ever on the wing in the upper region of ideal concepts4 8,although the anima1 according to ,augustine1 is linked to eternal principles 7legibus aeternis71 since somehow it does reach the light of the higher reason1 still it is unquestionable1 as the ,philosopher says1 that cognition originates in us by the way of the senses1 of memory1 and of experience1 out of which the universal is deduced1 which is the beginning of art and knowledge 7artis et scientiae74 ,hence1 since ,plato referred all certain cognition to the intelligible or ideal world1 he was rightly criticized by ,aristotle4 ,not because he spoke ill in saying that there are ideas and eternal rationes2 but because1 despising the world of sense1 he wished to refer all certain cognition to those ,ideas4 ,and thus1 although ,plato seems to make firm the path of wisdom 7sapientiae7 which proceeds according to the eternal rationes1 he destroys the way of knowledge1 which proceeds according to the rationes of created things 7rationes creatas74 ,so it appears that1 among philosophers1 the word of wisdom 7sermo sapientiae7 was given to ,plato1 and the word of knowledge 7scientiae7 to ,aristotle4 ,for that one chiefly looked to the things above1 and this one considered things below4#ede ,but both the word of wisdom and of knowledge1 through the ,holy ,spirit1 was given to ,augustine1 as the pre-eminent declarer of the entire ,scripture40#edf ,so there is ,aristotelian ballast in ,bonaventura's ,platonic-,augustinian theology4 ,his chief divergence from ,albert and ,thomas 7who1 of course1 likewise held ,augustine in honour1 and drew on ,plato when they chose7 is to be found in his temperamental attitude1 toward life1 toward ,god1 or toward theology and learning4 ,his ,augustinian soul held to the pre-eminence of the good above the true1 and tended to shape the second to the first4 ,so he maintained the primacy of willing over knowing4 ,man attains ,god through goodness of will and through love4 ,the way of knowledge is less prominent with ,bonaventura than with ,aquinas4 ,surely the latter1 and his master ,albert1 saw the main sanction of secular knowledge in its ministry to sacra doctrina2 but their hearts may seem to tarry with the handmaid4 ,bonaventura's position is the same2 but his heart never tarries with the handmaid2 for with him heart and mind are ever constant to the queen1 ,theology4 ,yet he recognizes the queen's need of the handmaid4 ,holy ,writ is not for babes2 the fulness of knowledge is needed for its understanding3 8,non potest intelligi sacra ,scriptura sine aliarum scientiarum peritia40#edg ,and without philosophy many matters of the ,faith cannot be intelligently discussed4 ,there is no knowledge which may not be sanctified to the purpose of understanding ,scripture2 only let this purpose really guide the mind's pursuits4 ,bonaventura wrote a short treatise to emphasize these universally admitted principles1 and to show how every form of human knowledge conformed to the supreme illumination afforded by ,scripture1 and might be reduced to the terms and methods of ,theology1 which is ,scripture rightly understood4 ,he named the tract ,de reductione artium ad theologiam#edh 7,the leading back of the ,arts to ,theology74 8#8,every good and perfect gift is from above1 coming down from the ,father of lights1' says ,james4 ,this indicates the source of all illumination1 and the streaming of all enlightenment from that fontal light4 ,while every illumination is inner knowledge 7omnis illuminatio cognitio interna sit7 we may distinguish the external light1 7lumen exterius71 to wit1 the light of mechanical art2 the lower light1 to wit1 the light of sense perception2 the interior light1 to wit1 the light of philosophical cognition2 the superior light1 to wit1 the light of grace and ,holy ,scripture4 ,the first illuminates as to the arts and crafts2 the second as to natural form2 the third as to intellectual truth2 the fourth as to saving truth40 ,he enumerates the mechanical arts1 drawing from ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor2 then he follows with ,augustine's explanation of the second lumen1 as that which discerns corporeal things4 ,he next speaks of the third lumen which lightens us to the investigation of truths intelligible1 scrutinizing the truth of words 7,logic71 or the truth of things 7,physics71 or the truth of morals 7,ethics74 ,the fourth lumen1 of ,holy ,scripture1 comes not by seeking1 but descends through inspiration from the ,father of lights4 ,it includes the literal1 the spiritual1 moral and anagogic signification of ,scripture1 teaching the eternal generation and incarnation of ,christ1 the way to live1 and the union of ,god and the soul4 ,the first of these branches pertains to faith1 the second to morals1 and the third to the aim and end of both4 8,let us see10 continues ,bonaventura1 8how the other illuminations have to be reduced to the light of ,holy ,scripture4 ,and first as to the illumination from sense cognition1 as to which we consider its means1 its exercise1 and its delight 7oblectamentum740 ,its means is the ,word eternally generated1 and incarnated in time2 its exercise is in the sense perception of an ordered way of living1 following the suitable and avoiding the nocuous2 and as for its object of delight1 as every sense pursues that which delights it1 so the sense of our heart should seek the beautiful1 harmonious1 and sweet-smelling4 ,in this way divine wisdom dwells hidden in sense cognition4 ,next1 as to the illumination of mechanical art1 which is concerned with the production of the works of craft4 ,herein likewise may be observed analogies with the light from ,holy ,scripture1 which reveals the ,word1 the order of living1 and the union of ,god and the soul4 ,no creature proceeds from the great ,artificer1 save through the ,word2 and the human artificer works to produce a beautiful1 useful1 and enduring work2 which corresponds to the ,scriptural order of living4 ,each human artificer makes his work that it may bring him praise or use or delight2 as ,god made the rational soul1 to praise and serve and take delight in ,him1 through love4 ,by similar methods of reasoning ,bonaventura next 8reduces10 or leads back1 ,logic1 and ,natural and ,moral ,philosophy to the ways and purposes of ,theology1 and shows how 8the multiform wisdom of ,god1 which is set forth lucidly by ,scripture1 lies hidden in every cognition1 and in every nature4 ,it is also evident that all kinds of knowledge minister to ,theology2 and that ,theology takes illustrations1 and uses phrases1 pertaining to every kind of knowledge 7cognitionis74 ,it is also plain how ample is the illuminating path1 and how in every thing that is sensed or perceived1 ,god himself lies concealed40#edi ,ways of reasoning change1 while conclusions sometimes endure4 ,bonaventura's reasoning in the above treatise is for us abstruse and fanciful2 yet many will agree with the conclusion1 that all kinds of knowledge may minister to our thought of ,god1 and of man's relationship to ,him4 ,and with ,bonaventura1 all his knowledge1 his study of secular philosophy1 his logic and powers of presentation1 had theology unfailingly in view1 and ministered to the satisfaction1 the actualization 7to use our old word7 of his religious nature4 ,he belongs among those intellectually gifted men--,augustine1 ,anselm1 ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor--whose mental and emotional powers draw always to ,god1 and minister to the conception of the soul's union with the living spring of its being4 ,the life1 the labours of ,bonaventura were as the title of the little book we have just been worrying with1 a reductio artium ad theologiam1 a constant adapting of all knowledge and ways of meditation1 to the sense of ,god and the soul's inclusion in the love divine4 ,no one should expect to find among his compositions any independent treatment of secular knowledge for its own sake4 ,rather throughout his writings the reasonings of philosophy are found always ministering to the sovereign theme4 ,the most elaborate of ,bonaventura's doctrinal works was his ,commentary upon the ,lombard's ,sentences4 ,in form and substance it was a ,summa theologiae4#eej ,he also made a brief and salutary theological compend1 which he called the ,breviloquium4#eea ,the note of devotional piety is struck by the opening sentence1 taken from the ,epistle to the ,ephesians1 and is held throughout the work3 8#8,i bow my knees unto the ,father of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 from whom the whole fatherhood in heaven and earth is named1 that ,he would grant you according to the riches of ,his glory to be strengthened by ,his ,spirit in the inner man2 that ,christ may dwell in your hearts through faith2 that ye1 being rooted and grounded in love1 may be able to comprehend with all saints1 what is the breadth and length and height and depth2 and to know the love of ,christ which passeth knowledge1 that ye might be filled in all the fulness of ,god4' ,the great doctor of the ,gentiles discloses in these words the source1 progress1 and state 7ortus1 progressus1 status7 of ,holy ,scripture1 which is called ,theology2 indicating that the source is to be thought upon according to the grace 7influentiam7 of the most blessed ,trinity2 the progress with reference to the needs of human capacity2 and the state or fruit with respect to the superabundance of a superplenary felicity4 8,for the ,source lies not in human investigation1 but in divine revelation1 which flows from the ,father of lights1 from whom all fatherhood in heaven and earth is named1 from whom1 through ,his ,son ,jesus ,christ1 the ,holy ,spirit flows in us2 and through the ,holy ,spirit bestowing1 as ,he wills1 gifts on each1 faith is given1 and through faith ,christ dwells in our hearts4 ,this is the knowledge of ,jesus ,christ1 from which1 as from a source1 comes the certitude and understanding of the whole ,scripture4 ,wherefore it is impossible that any one should advance in its knowledge1 unless he first has ,christ infused in him4444 8,the ,progress of ,holy ,scripture is not bound to the laws of reasonings and definitions1 like the other sciences2 but1 conformably to supernatural light1 proceeds to give to man the wayfarer 7homini viatori7 a knowledge of things sufficing for his salvation1 by plain words in part1 and in part mystically3 it presents the contents of the universe as in a ,summa1 in which is observed the breadth2 it describes the descent 7from above7 in which is considered the length2 it describes the goodness of the saved1 in which is considered the height2 it describes the misery of the damned1 in which consists the depth not only of the universe itself but of the divine judgment4444 8,the ,state or fruit of ,holy ,scripture is the plentitude of eternal felicity4 ,for the ,book containing words of eternal life was written not only that we might believe1 but that we might have eternal life1 in which we shall see1 we shall love1 and all our desires shall be filled1 whereupon we shall know the love which passeth knowledge1 and be filled in all the fulness of ,god4444 8,as to the progress of ,scripture1 first is to be considered the breadth1 which consists in the multitude of parts4444 ,rightly is ,holy ,scripture divided into the ,old and ,new ,testament1 and not in theorica and practica1 like philosophy2 because since ,scripture is founded on the knowledge of faith1 which is a virtue and the basis of morals1 it is not possible to separate in ,scripture the knowledge of things1 or of what is to be believed1 from the knowledge of morals4 ,it is otherwise with philosophy1 which handles not only the truth of morals1 but the true1 speculatively considered4 ,then as ,holy ,scripture is knowledge 7notitia7 moving to good and recalling from evil1 through fear and love1 so it is divided into two ,testaments1 whose difference1 briefly1 is fear and love4444 8,holy ,scripture has also length1 which consists in the description of times and ages from the beginning to the day of ,judgment4444 ,the progress of the whole world is described by ,scripture1 as in a beautiful poem1 wherein one may follow the descent of time1 and contemplate the variety1 manifoldness1 equity1 order1 righteousness1 and beauty of the multitude of divine judgments proceeding from the wisdom of ,god ruling the world3 and as with a poem1 so with this ordering of the world1 one cannot see its beauty save by considering the whole4444 8,no less has ,sacred ,scripture height 7sublimitatem71 consisting in description of the ranged hierarchies1 the ecclesiastical1 angelic1 and divine4444 ,even as things have being in matter or nature1 they have also being in the anima through its acquired knowledge2 they have also being in the anima through grace1 also through glory2 and they have also being in the way of the eternal--in arte aeterna4 ,philosophy treats of things as they are in nature1 or in the anima according to the knowledge which is naturally implanted or acquired4 ,but theology as a science 7scientia7 founded upon faith and revealed by the ,holy ,spirit1 treats of those matters which belong to grace and glory and to the eternal wisdom4 ,whence placing philosophic cognition beneath itself1 and drawing from nature 7de naturis rerum7 as much as it may need to make a mirror yielding a reflection of things divine1 it constructs a ladder which presses the earth at the base1 and touches heaven at the top3 and all this through that one hierarch ,jesus ,christ1 who through his assumption of human nature1 is hierarch not in the ecclesiastical hierarchy alone1 but also in the angelic2 and is the medial person in the divine hierarchy of the most blessed ,trinity40#eeb ,the depth 7profunditas7 of ,scripture consists in its manifold mystic meanings4 ,it reveals these meanings of the creature world for the edification of man journeying to his fatherland4 ,scripture throughout its breadth1 length1 height1 and depth uses narrative1 threat1 exhortation1 and promise all for one end4 8,for this doctrina exists in order that we may become good and be saved1 which comes not through naked consideration1 but rather through inclination of the will4444 ,here examples have more effect than arguments1 promises are more moving than ratiocinations1 and devotion is better than definition40 ,hence ,scripture does not follow the method and divisions of other sciences1 but uses its own diverse means for its saving end4 ,the ,prologue closes with rules of ,scriptural interpretation4#eec ,in our plan of following what is of human interest in mediaeval philosophy or theology1 prologues and introductions are sometimes of more importance than the works which they preface2 for they disclose the writer's intent and purpose1 and the endeavour within him1 which may be more intimately himself1 than his performance4 ,so more space has been given to ,bonaventura's ,prologue than the body of the treatise will require4 ,the order of topics is that of the ,lombard's ,sentences or ,aquinas's ,summa4 ,seven successive partes consider the ,trinity1 the creation1 the corruption from sin1 the ,incarnation1 the grace of the ,holy ,spirit1 the sacramental medicine1 and the ,last ,judgment4 ,each pars is divided into chapters setting forth some special topic4 ,bonaventura's method1 pursued in every chapter1 is to state first the scriptural or dogmatic propositions1 and then give their reason1 which he introduces with such words as3 ,ratio autem ad praedictorum intelligentiam haec est4 ,the work is a complete systematic compend of ,christian theology2 its conciseness and lucidity of statement are admirable4 ,for an example of its method and quality1 the first chapter of the sixth part may be given1 upon the origin of ,sacraments4 8,having treated of the ,trinity of ,god1 of the creation of the world1 the corruption of sin1 the incarnation of the ,word1 and the grace of the ,holy ,spirit1 it is time to treat of the sacramental medicine1 regarding which there are seven matters to consider3 the origin of the sacraments1 their variation1 distinction1 appointment1 dispensation1 repetition1 and the integrity of each4 8,concerning#eed the origin of the ,sacraments this is to be held1 that sacraments are sensible signs divinely appointed as medicaments1 in which under cover of things sensible1 divine virtue secretly operates2 also that from likeness they represent1 from appointment they signify1 from sanctification they confer1 some spiritual grace1 through which the soul is healed from the infirmities of vice2 and for this as their final end they are ordained2 yet they avail for humility1 instruction1 and exercise as for a subsidiary end4 8,the reason and explanation of the aforesaid is this3 ,the reparative principle 7principium71 is ,christ crucified1 to wit1 the ,word incarnate1 that directs all things most compassionately because divine1 and most compassionately heals because divinely incarnate4 ,it must repair1 heal1 and save the sick human race1 in a way suited to the sick one1 the sickness and the occasion of it1 and the cure of the sickness4 ,the physician is the incarnate ,word1 to wit1 ,god invisible in a visible nature4 ,the sick man is not simply spirit1 nor simply flesh1 but spirit in mortal flesh4 ,the disease is original sin1 which through ignorance infects the mind1 and through concupiscence infects the flesh4 ,while the origin of this fault primarily lay in reason's consent1 yet its occasion came from the senses of the body4 ,consequently1 in order that the medicine should correspond to these conditions1 it should be not simply spiritual1 but should have somewhat of sensible signs2 for as things sensible were the occasion of the soul's falling1 they should be the occasion of its rising again4 ,yet since visible signs of themselves have no efficiency ordained for grace1 although representative of its nature1 it was necessary that they should by the author of grace be appointed to signify and should be blessed in order to sanctify2 so that there should be a representation from natural likeness1 a signification from appointment1 and a sanctification and preparedness for grace from the added benediction1 through which our soul may be cured and made whole4 8,again1 since curative grace is not given to the puffed up1 the unbelieving1 and disdainful1 so these sensible signs divinely given1 ought to be such as not only would sanctify and confer grace1 and heal1 but also would instruct by their signification1 humble by their acceptance1 and exercise through their diversity2 that thus through exercise despondency 7acedia7 should be shut out from the desiderative nature1 through instruction ignorance be shut out from the rational nature1 through humiliation pride be shut out from the irascible nature1 and the whole soul become curable by the grace of the ,holy ,spirit1 which remakes us according to these three capacities 7potentias7#eee into the image of the ,trinity and ,christ4 ,finally1 whereas the grace of the ,holy ,spirit is received through these sensible signs divinely appointed1 it is found in them as an accident4 ,hence sacraments of this kind are called the vessels and cause of grace3 not that grace is of their substance or produced by them as by a cause2 for its place is in the soul1 and it is infused by ,god alone2 but because it is ordained by divine decree1 that in them and through them we shall draw the grace of cure from the supreme physician1 ,christ2 although ,god has not fettered ,his grace to the sacraments4#eef 8,from the premises1 therefore1 appears not only what may be the origin of the sacraments1 but also the use and fruit4 ,for their origin is ,christ the ,lord2 their use is the act which exercises1 teaches1 and humbles2 their fruit is the cure and salvation of men4 ,it is also evident that the efficient cause of the sacraments is the divine appointment2 their material cause is the figurement of the sensible sign2 their formal cause the sanctification by grace2 their final cause the medicinal healing of men4 ,and because they are named from their form and end they are called sacraments1 as it were medicamenta sanctificantia4 ,through them the soul is led back from the filth of vice to perfect sanctification4 ,and so1 although corporeal and sensible1 they are medicinal1 and to be venerated as holy because they signify holy mysteries1 and make ready for the holy gifts 7charismata7 given by most holy ,god2 and they are divinely consecrated by holy institution and benediction for the holiest worship of ,god appointed in holy church1 so that rightly they should be called sacraments40 ,the ,breviloquium was ,bonaventura's rational compendium of ,christian theology4 ,it offered in brief compass as complete a system as the bulkiest ,summa could carry out to doctrinal elaboration4 ,quite different in method and intent was his equally famous ,itinerarium mentis in ,deum1#eeg the praise of which1 according to the great ,chancellor ,gerson1 could not fitly be uttered by mortal mouth4 ,we have seen how in the ,reductio artium ad theologiam ,bonaventura conformed all modes of perception and knowledge to the uses and modes of theology2 the final end of which is man's salvation1 consisting in the union of the soul with ,god1 through every form of enlightenment and all the power of love4 ,the ,breviloquium has given the sum of ,christian doctrine1 an intelligent and heart-felt understanding of which leads to salvation4 ,and now the ,itinerarium--well1 it is best to let ,bonaventura tell how he came to compose it1 and of its purpose and character4 8,since1 after the example of our most blessed father ,francis1 ,i pant in spirit for the peace which he preached in the manner of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 ,i a sinner who am the seventh1 all unworthy1 ,minister-,general of the ,brethren1--it happened that by ,god's will in the thirty-third year after our blessed father's death1 ,i turned aside to the mountain of ,alverna1 as to a quiet place1 seeking the spirit's peace4 ,while ,i lingered there my mind dwelt on the ascensions of the spirit1 and1 among others1 on the miracle which in that very spot came to blessed ,francis1 when he saw the winged ,seraph in the likeness of the ,crucified4 ,and it seemed to me his vision represented the suspension of our father in contemplation1 and the way by which he came to it4 ,for by those six wings may be understood the suspensions of the six illuminations1 by which the soul1 as by steps and journeys1 through ecstatic outpourings of ,christian wisdom1 is prepared to pass beyond to peace4 ,for the way lies only through love of the ,crucified1 which so transformed ,paul carried to the third heaven1 that he could say3 #8,i am crucified with ,christ3 nevertheless ,i live2 yet not ,i1 but ,christ liveth in me4' ,so the image of the six seraph's wings represents the six rungs of illumination1 which begin with the creatures and lead on to ,god1 to whom no one can come save through the ,crucified4444 8,for one is not prepared for the divine contemplations1 which lead to the rapt visions of the mind1 unless he be with ,daniel1 a man of desires4#eeh ,desires are stirred within us by the cry of prayer and the bright light of speculation4 ,i shall invite the reader first to the sighings of prayer through ,christ crucified1 lest perchance he believe that study might suffice without unction1 or diligence without piety1 knowledge without charity1 zeal without divine grace1 or the mirror 7speculum7 without the wisdom divinely inspired4 ,then to those humble and devout ones1 to whom grace first has come1 to those lovers of the divine wisdom1 who burn with desire of it1 and are willing to be still1 for the magnifying of ,god1 ,i shall propose pertinent speculations1 showing how little or nothing is it to turn the mirror outward unless the mirror of our mind be rubbed and polished40 ,thus ,bonaventura writes his prologue to this devotional tract1 which will also hold 8pertinent speculations40 ,remarkable is the intellectuality and compacted thought which he fuses in emotional expression4 ,he will write seven chapters1 on the seven steps1 or degrees1 in the ascent to ,god1 which is the mind's true itinerarium4 ,since we cannot by ourselves lift ourselves above ourselves1 prayer is the very mother and source of our upward struggle4 ,prayer opens our eyes to the steps in the ascent4 ,placed in the universe of things1 we find in it the corporeal and temporal footprint 7vestigium7 leading into the way of ,god4 ,then we enter our mind1 which is the everlasting and spiritual image of ,god2 and this is to enter the truth of ,god4 ,whereupon we should rise above us to the eternal most spiritual first cause2 and this is to rejoice in the knowledge of ,god's majesty4 ,this is the threefold illumination1 by which we recognise the triple existence of things1 in matter1 in the intelligence1 and in the divine way--in arte divina4 ,and likewise our mind has three outlooks1 one upon the corporeal world without1 which is called sense1 another into and within itself1 which is called spiritus1 and a third above itself1 which is called mens4 ,by means of all three1 man should set himself to rising toward ,god1 and love ,him with the whole mind1 and heart1 and soul4 ,then ,bonaventura makes further analysis of his triple illumination into 8six degrees or powers of the soul1 to wit1 sense1 imagination1 reason1 intellect1 intelligence1 and apex mentis seu synteresis scintilla4 ,these degrees are planted within us by nature1 deformed through fault1 reformed through grace1 purged through righteousness1 exercised through knowledge1 perfected through wisdom4444 ,whoever wishes to ascend to ,god should shun the sins which deform nature1 and stretch forth his natural powers1 in prayer1 toward reforming grace1 in mode of life1 toward purifying righteousness1 in meditation1 toward illuminating knowledge1 in contemplation toward the wisdom which makes perfect4 ,for as no one reaches wisdom except through grace1 righteousness1 and knowledge1 so no one reaches contemplation1 except through meditation1 a holy life1 and devout prayer40 ,chapter one closes with little that is novel2 for we seem to be retracing the thoughts of ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor4 ,the second chapter is on the 8,contemplation of ,god in ,his ,footprints in the ,sensible ,world40 ,this is the next grade of speculation1 because we shall now contemplate ,god not only through ,his footprints1 but in them also1 so far as ,he is in them through essence1 power1 or presence4 ,the sensible world1 the macrocosmus1 enters the microcosmus1 which is the anima1 through the gates of the five senses4 ,the author sketches the processes of sense-perception1 through which outer facts are apprehended according to their species1 and delighted in if pleasing1 and then adjudged according to the ratio of their delightfulness1 to wit1 their beauty1 sweetness1 salubrity1 and proportion4 ,such are the footprints in which we may contemplate our ,god4 ,all things knowable possess the quality of generating their species in our minds1 through the medium of our perceptions2 and thus we are led to contemplate the eternal generation of the ,word--image and ,son--from the ,father4 ,likewise sweetness and beauty point on to their fontal source4 ,and from speculation on the local1 the temporal1 and mutable1 our reason carries us to the thought of the immutable1 the uncircumscribed and eternal4 ,then from the beauty and delightfulness of things1 we pass to the thought of number and proportion1 and judge of their irrefragable laws1 wherein are ,god's wisdom and power4 8,the creatures of this sensible world signify the invisible things of ,god2 in part because ,god is the source and exemplar and end of every creature2 in part through their proper likeness2 in part from their prophetic prefiguring2 in part from angelic operations2 and in part through superadded ordainment4 ,for every creature by nature is an effigy of the eternal wisdom2 especially whatever creature in ,scripture is taken by the spirit of prophecy as a type of the spiritual2 but more especially those creatures in the likeness of which ,god willed to appear by an angelic minister2 and most especially that creature which he chose to mark as a sacrament40 ,from these first grades of speculation1 which contemplate the footprints of ,god in the world1 we are led to contemplate the divine image in the natural powers of our minds4 ,we find the image of the most blessed ,trinity in our memory1 our rational intelligence1 and our will2 the joint action of which leads on to the desire of the summum bonum4 ,next we contemplate the divine image in our minds remade by the gifts of grace upon which we must enter by the door of the faith1 hope1 and love of the ,mediator of ,god and men1 ,jesus ,christ4 ,as philosophy helped us to see the image of ,god in the natural qualities of our mind1 so ,scripture now is needed to bring us to these three theological virtues 7faith1 hope1 and love71 which enable the mind of fallen man to be repaired and made anew through grace4 ,from this fourth grade1 in which ,god is still contemplated in his image1 we rise to consider ,god as pure being1 wherein there is neither privation1 nor bound1 nor particularity2 and next in his goodness1 the highest communicability 7summam communicabilitatem7 of which may be contemplated1 but not comprehended1 in the mystery of the most blessed ,trinity4 8,in whom the persons of the ,trinity it is necessary because of the summa bonitas that there should be the summa communicabilitas1 and because of the latter1 the summa consubstantialitas1 and because of this the summa configurabilitas1 and from these the summa coaequalitas1 and through this the summa coaeternitas1 and from all the preceding the summa cointimitas1 by which each is in the other1 and one works with the other through every conceivable indivisibility 7indivisionem7 of the substance1 virtue1 and operation of the same most blessed ,trinity44440 8,and when thou contemplatest this10 adds ,bonaventura1 8do not think to comprehend the incomprehensible40 ,from age to age the religious soul finds traces of its ,god in nature and in its inmost self4 ,its ways of finding change1 varying with the prevailing currents of knowledge2 yet still it ever finds these vestigia1 which represent the widest deductions of its reasoning1 the ultimate resultants of its thought1 and its own brooding peace4 ,therefore may we not follow sympathetically the ,itinerarium of ,bonaventura's mind as it traces the footprints of its ,god8 ,thus far the way has advanced by reason1 uplifted by grace1 and yet still reason4 ,this reason has comprehended what it might comprehend of the traces and evidences of ,god in the visible creation and the soul of man2 it has sought to apprehend the being of ,god1 but has humbly recognized its inability to penetrate the marvels of his goodness in the mystery of the most blessed ,trinity4 ,there it stops at the sixth grade of contemplation2 yet not baffled1 or rendered vain1 for it has performed its function and brought the soul on to where she may fling forth from reason's steeps1 and find herself again1 buoyant and blissful1 in a medium of super-rational contemplation4 ,this makes the last chapter of the mind's ,itinerarium2 it is the apex mentis1 the summit of all contemplations in which the mind has rest4 ,henceforth 8,christ is the way and door1 the ladder and the vehicle1 as the propitiation placed on the ,ark of ,god1 and the sacrament hidden from the world4 ,he who looks on this propitiation1 with his look full fixed on him who hangs upon the cross1 through faith1 hope1 and charity1 and all devotion1 he makes his ,passover1 and through the rod of the cross shall pass through the ,red ,sea1 out of ,egypt entering the desert1 and there taste the hidden manna1 and rest with ,christ in the tomb1 dead to all without2 and shall realize1 though as one still on the way1 the word of ,christ to the believing thief3 #8,to-day thou shalt be with me in ,paradise4' ,which was also revealed to the blessed ,francis when in ecstasy of contemplation on the high mountain1 the ,seraph with six wings1 nailed on a cross1 appeared to him4 ,there1 as we have heard from his companion1 he passed into ,god through ecstasy of contemplation1 and was set as an exemplar of perfect contemplation1 whereby ,god should invite all truly spiritual men to this transit and ecstasy1 by example rather than by word4 ,in this passing over1 if it be perfect1 all the ways of reason are relinquished1 and the apex affectus is transferred and transformed into ,god4 ,this is the mystic secret known by no one who does not receive it1 and received by none who does not desire it1 and desired only by him whose heart's core is aflame from the fire of the ,holy ,spirit1 whom ,christ sent on earth4444 ,since then nature avails nothing here1 and diligence but little1 we should give ourselves less to investigation and more to unction2 little should be given to speech1 and most to inner gladness2 little to the written word1 and all to ,god's gift the ,holy ,spirit2 little or nothing is to be ascribed to the creature1 and all to the creative essence1 ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit40 ,here ,bonaventura loses himself in an untranslatable extract from ,eriugena's version of the ,areopagite1 and then proceeds3 8,if thou askest how may these things be1 interrogate grace and not doctrine1 desire and not knowledge1 the groaning of prayer rather than study1 the ,spouse rather than the teacher1 ,god and not man1 mist rather than clarity1 not light but fire all aflame and bearing on to ,god by devotion and glowing affection4 ,which fire is ,god1 and the man ,christ kindles it in the fervour of his passion1 as only he perceives who says3 #8,my soul chooseth strangling and my bones1 death4' ,he who loves this death shall see ,god4 ,then let us die and pass into darkness1 and silence our solicitudes1 our desires1 and phantasies2 let us pass over with ,christ crucified from this world to the ,father2 that the ,father shown us1 we may say with ,philip3 #8it sufficeth us4' ,let us hear with ,paul3 #8,my grace is sufficient for thee4' ,let us exult with ,david1 saying3 #8,defecit caro mea et cor meum1 ,deus cordis mei et pars mea ,deus in aeternum'40#eei ,it is best to leave the saint and doctor here1 and not follow in other treatises the current of his yearning thought till it divides in streamlets which press on their tortuous ways through allegory and the adumbration of what the mind disclaims the power to express directly4 ,those more elaborate treatises of his1 which are called mystic1 are difficult for us to read4 ,as with ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 from whom he drew so largely1 ,bonaventura's expression of his religious yearnings may interest and move us2 but one needs perhaps the cloister's quiet to follow on through the allegorical elaboration of this pietism4 ,bonaventura's ,soliloquium might weary us after the ,itinerarium1 and we should read his ,de septem itineribus aeternitatis with no more pleasure than ,hugo's ,mystic ,ark of ,noah4 ,it is enough to witness the spiritual attitude of these men without tracking them through the 8selva oscura0 to their lairs of meditation4 ,,chapter ,,xxxix ,,albertus ,,magnus ,albert the ,great was prodigious in the mass of his accomplishment4 ,therein lay his importance for the age he lived in2 therein lies his interest for us4 ,for him1 substantial philosophy1 as distinguished from the instrumental rle of logic1 had three parts1 set by nature1 rather than devised by man2 they are physics1 mathematics1 and metaphysics4 8,it is our intention10 says ,albert at the beginning of his exposition of ,aristotle's ,physics1 8to make all the said parts intelligible to the ,latins40 ,and he did4 ,perhaps the world has had no greater purveyor of a knowledge not his own4 ,he is comparable with ,bothius1 who gave the ,latin world the ,aristotelian ,organon1 a gift but half availed of for many centuries4 ,albert gave his ,latin world the rest of ,aristotle1 the philosophia realis4 ,his world was as ready to receive this great donation1 as the time of ,bothius was unready to profit by any intellectual gift demanding mental energies for its assimilation4 ,bothius stood alone in his undertaking2 if his hand failed there was none to take up his task4 ,fate stayed his hand2 and the purpose that was his1 to render the whole of ,plato and ,aristotle intelligible to the ,latin world1 perished with him1 the ,latin world being by no means eager for the whole of ,aristotle and ,plato1 and unfit to receive it had it been proffered4 ,but ,albert's time was eager2 it was importunate for the very enlargement of knowledge which ,albert1 more than any other man1 was bringing it4 ,an age obtains what it demands4 ,albert had fellow-labourers1 some preceding1 some assisting1 and others following him1 to perfect the knowledge in which he worked1 and build it into the scholastic ,christian scheme4 ,but in this labour of purveyorship he overtopped the rest1 the giant of them all4 ,he was born ,count of ,bollstadt1 in ,suabia1 probably in the year #aaic4 ,whether his youth was passed in the profession of arms1 or in study1 is not quite clear4 ,but while still young he began his years of studious travel1 and at ,padua in #abbc he joined the ,dominican ,order4 ,he became a miracle of learning1 reputed also as one who could explain the phenomena of nature4 ,from #abbh to #abde he taught in ,german cities1 chiefly at ,cologne4 ,then the scene changed to ,paris1 where he lectured and won fame from #abde to #abdh4 ,with this period begins the publication of his philosophical encyclopaedia4 ,perhaps it was first completed in #abef4 ,but ,albert kept supplementing and revising it until his death4 ,in #abdh he was remanded to ,cologne to establish a school there4 ,his life continued devoted to study and teaching1 yet with interruptions4 ,for he filled the office of ,provincial of his ,order for ,germany from #abed to #abeg1 and was compelled to be ,bishop of ,regensburg from #abfj to #abfb4 ,then he insisted on resigning1 and retired to a cloister at ,cologne4 ,naturally he was engaged in a number of learned controversies1 and was burdened with numerous ecclesiastical affairs4 ,in #abgg for the last time he set his face toward ,paris1 to defend the doctrines and memory of his great pupil1 who had died three years before4 ,his own illustrious life closed at ,cologne on the fifteenth of ,november1 #abhj4 ,albert was a man of piety1 conforming strictly to the rules of his ,order4 ,it is said that he refused to own even the manuscripts which he indited2 and as ,dominican ,provincial of ,germany he walked barefoot on his journeys through the vast territory set under his supervision4 ,tradition has him exceeding small of stature4 ,albert's labours finally put within reach of his contemporaries the sum of philosophy and science contained in the works of ,aristotle1 and his ancient1 as well as ,arabian1 commentators4 ,the undertaking was grandly conceived2 it was carried out with tireless energy and massive learning4 ,let us observe the principles which informed the mind of this mighty ,teuton scholar4 ,he transcribed approvingly the opinion expressed by ,aristotle at the opening of the ,metaphysics1 that the love of knowledge is natural to man2 and he recognized the pleasure arising from knowledge of the sensible world1 apart from considerations of utility4#efj ,he took this thought from ,aristotle2 but the proof that he made it his own with power lay in those fifty years of intellectual toil which produced the greatest of all mediaeval storehouses of knowledge4 ,in his reliance on his sources1 ,albert is mediaeval2 his tendency is to accept the opinion which he is reproducing1 especially when it is the opinion of ,aristotle4 ,yet he protested against regarding even him as infallible4 8,he who believes that ,aristotle was ,god1 ought to believe that he never erred4 ,if one regards him as a man1 then surely he may err as well as we40#efa ,albert was no ,averroist to adhere to all the views of the ,philosopher2 he pointedly differed from him where orthodoxy demanded it1 maintaining1 for instance1 the creation of the world in time1 contrary to the opinion of the ,peripatetics4 ,albert1 and with him ,aquinas1 had not accepted merely the task of expounding ,aristotle1 but also that of correcting him where ,truth 7with a large ,christian capital7 required it4 ,albert held that ,aristotle might err1 and that he did not know everything4 ,the development of science was not closed by his death3 8,dicendum quod scientiae demonstrativae non omnes factae sunt1 sed plures restant adhuc inveniendae40#efb ,this is not ,roger ,bacon speaking1 but ,albertus2 and still more might one think to hear the voice of the recalcitrant ,franciscan in the words3 8,oportet experimentum non in uno modo1 sed secundum omnes circumstantias probare40#efc ,yet these words too are ,albert's1 and he is speaking of the observation of nature's phenomena2 regarding which one shall not simply transcribe the ancient statement2 but observe with his own eyes and mind4 ,this was in the spirit of ,aristotle2 ,albert recognizes and approves4 ,but did he make the experimental principle his own with power1 as he did the thought that the desire to know is inborn8 ,this is a fundamental question as to ,albert4 ,no one denies his learning1 his enormous book-diligence4 ,but was he also an observer of natural phenomena8 ,one who sought to test from his own observation the statements of the books he read8 ,it is best here to avoid either a categorical affirmation or denial4 ,the standard by which one shapes one's answer is important4 ,are we to compare ,albert with a ,st4 ,bernard1 whose meditations shut his eyes to mountains1 lakes1 and woods8 ,or are we to apply the standards of a natural science which looks always to the tested results of observation8 ,there is sufficient evidence in ,albert's writings to show that he kept his eyes open1 and took notice of interesting phenomena1 seen1 for instance1 on his journeys4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it is absurd to imagine that he dreamed of testing the written matter which he paraphrased1 or of materially adding to it1 by systematic observation of nature4 ,accounts of his observations do not always raise our opinion of his science4 ,he transcribes the description of certain worms1 and says that they may come from horse-hairs1 for he has seen horse-hairs1 in still water1 turning into worms4#efd ,the trouble was that ,albert had no general understanding of the processes of nature4 ,consequently1 in his ,de animalibus for instance1 he gives the fabulous as readily as the more reasonable4 ,nevertheless let no one think that natural knowledge did not really interest and delight him4 ,his study of plants has led the chief historian of botany to assert that ,albert was the first real botanist1 after the ancient ,theophrastus1 inasmuch as he studied for the sake of learning the nature of plants1 irrespective of their medical or agricultural uses4#efe ,the writings of ,albertus ,magnus represent1 perhaps more fully than those of any other man1 the round of knowledge and intellectual interest attracting the attention of western ,europe in the thirteenth century4 ,at first glance they seem to separate into those which in form and substance are paraphrases of ,aristotelian treatises1 or borrowed expositions of ,aristotelian topics2 and those which are more independent compositions4 ,yet the latter1 like the ,summa de creaturis1 for example1 will be found to consist largely of borrowed material2 the matter is rearranged1 and presented in some new connection1 or with a purpose other than that of its source4 ,in his ,aristotelian paraphrases1 which were thickly sown with digressive expositions1 ,albert's method1 as he states at the beginning of the ,physica1 is 8to follow the order and opinions of ,aristotle1 and to give in addition whatever is needed in the way of explanation and support2 yet without reproducing ,aristotle's text 7tamen quod textus eius nulla fiat mentio74 ,and we shall also compose digressiones to expound whatever is obscure40 ,the titles of the chapters will indicate whether their substance is from ,aristotle4 ,thus instead of giving the ,aristotelian text1 with an attached commentary1 ,albert combines paraphrase and supplementary exposition4 ,evidently the former method would have presented ,aristotle's meaning more surely1 and would have thus subserved a closer scholarship4 ,but for this the ,aristotelian commentaries of ,aquinas must be awaited4 ,the compass of ,albert's achievement as a purveyor of ancient knowledge may be seen from a cursory survey of his writings2 which will likewise afford an idea of the quality of his work1 and how much there was of ,albert in it4#eff ,to begin with1 he sets forth with voluminous exposition the entire ,aristotelian ,organon4 ,the preliminary questions as to the nature of logic were treated in the ,de praedicabilibus1#efg which expanded the substance of ,porphyry's ,isagoge4 ,in this treatise ,albert expounds his conclusions as to universals1 the universal being that which is in one yet is fit 7aptum7 to be in many1 and is predicable of many4 8,et hoc modo prout ratio est praedicabilitatis1 ad logicam pertinet de universali tractare2 quamvis secundum quod est natura quaedam et differentia entis1 tractare de ipso pertineat ad metaphysicam40 ,that is to say1 ,it pertains to logic to treat of the universal in respect to its predicability2 but in so far as the question relates to the nature and differences of essential being1 it pertains to metaphysics4 ,this sentence is an example of ,albert's awkward ,latin2 but it shows how firmly he distinguishes between the logical and the metaphysical material4 ,his treatment of logic is exhaustive1 rather than acutely discriminating4 ,he works constantly with the material of others1 and the result is more inclusive than organic4#efh ,in his ponderous treatment of logical themes1 no possible consideration is omitted4 ,the ,de praedicabilibus is followed by the ,de praedicamentis1 ,albert's treatise on the ,categories4 ,next comes his ,liber de sex principiis1 which is a paraphrasing exposition of the work of ,gilbert de la ,porre4 ,then comes his ,perihermenias1 which keeps the ,greek title of the ,de interpretatione4 ,these writings are succeeded by elaborate expositions of the more advanced logical treatises of ,aristotle1 all of them1 of course1 ,analytics 7,prior and ,posterior71 ,topics1 and ,elenchi4 ,the total production is detailed1 exhaustive1 awful2 it is ingens truly1 only not quite informis2 and ,teutonically painstaking and conscientious4 ,thus logic makes ,tome ,i4 of the twenty-one tomes of ,albert's ,opera4 ,tome ,,ii4 contains his expository paraphrases of ,aristotle's ,physics and lesser treatises upon physical topics1 celestial and terrestrial4 ,from the opening chapter we have already taken the programme of his large intention to make known all ,aristotle to the ,latins4 ,in this chapter likewise he proceeds to lay out the divisions of philosophia realis into ,aristotelian conceptions of metaphysica1 mathematica1 and physica4 ,with chapter two he falls into the first of his interminable digressions1 taking up what were called 8the objections of ,heracleitus0 to any science of physics4 ,another digressive chapter considers the proper subject of physical science1 to wit1 corpus mobile1 and another considers its divisions4 ,after a while he takes up the opinions of the ancients upon the beginnings 7principia7 of things1 and then reasons out the true opinion in the matter4 ,liber ,,ii4 of his ,physica is devoted to ,natura1 considered in many ways1 but chiefly as the principium intrinsecum omnium eorum quae naturalia sunt4 ,it is the principle of motion in the mobile substance4 ,next he passes to a discussion of causes2 and in the succeeding books he considers movement1 place1 time1 and eternity4 ,albert's paraphrase is replete with logical forms of thinking2 it seems like formal logic applied in physical science4 ,the world about us still furnishes1 or is1 data for our thoughts2 and we try to conceive it consistently1 so as to satisfy our thinking2 so did ,aristotle and ,albertus4 ,but they avowedly worked out their conceptions of the external world according to the laws determining the consistency of their own mental processes2 and deemed this a proper way of approach to natural science4 ,yet the work of ,aristotle represents a real consideration of the universe1 and a tremendous mass of natural knowledge4 ,the achievement of ,albertus in rendering it available to the scholar-world of the thirteenth century was an extension of knowledge which seems the more prodigious as we note its enormous range4 ,this continues to impress us as we turn over ,albert's next treatises1 paraphrasing those of ,aristotle1 as their names indicate3 ,de coelo et mundo2 ,de generatione et corruptione2 ,libri ,,iv4 meteorum2 ,de mineralibus1 which ends ,tome ,,ii4 and the physical treatises proper4 ,tome ,,iii4 introduces us to another region1 opening with ,albert's exhaustive paraphrase1 ,de anima4 ,it is placed here because the scientia de anima is a part of naturalis scientia1 and comes after minerals and other topics of physics1 but precedes the science of animate bodies--corporum animatorum2 for the last cannot be known except through knowing their animae4 ,in this1 as well as in other works of ,albert1 psychological material is gathered from many sources4 ,one may hardly speak of the psychology of ,albertus ,magnus1 since his matter has no organic unity4 ,it is largely ,aristotelian1 with the thoughts of ,arab commentators taken into it1 as in ,albert's ,aristotelian paraphrases generally4 ,but it is also ,augustinian1 and ,platonic and ,neo-,platonic4 ,albert is capable of defending opposite views in the same treatise2 and in spite of best intentions1 he does not succeed in harmonizing what he draws from ,aristotle1 with what he takes from ,augustine4 ,hence his works nowhere present a system of psychology which might be called ,albert's1 either through creation or consistent selection4 ,but at least he has gathered1 and bestowed somewhere1 all the accessible material4#efi ,tome ,,iii4 of ,albert's ,opera contains also his ,aristotelian paraphrase1 ,metaphysicorum libri ,,xiii4 ,in this vera sapientia philosophiae1 he follows ,aristotle closely1 save where orthodoxy compels deviation4#egj ,tome ,,iv4 contains his paraphrasing expositions1 ,ethica and ,in octo libros politicorum ,aristotelis commentarii4 ,tome ,v4 contains paraphrases of ,aristotle's minor natural treatises1--parva naturalia2 to wit1 the ,liber de sensu et sensato1 treating problems of sense-perception2 next the ,liber de memoria et reminiscentia1 in which the two are thus distinguished3 8,memoria motus continuus est in rem1 et uniformis4 ,reminiscibilitas autem est motus quasi interceptus et abscissus per oblivionem40 ,treatises follow3 ,de somno et vigilia2 ,de motibus animalium2 ,de aetate1 sive de juventute et senectute2 ,de spiritu et respiratione2 ,de morte et vita2 ,de nutrimento et nutribile2 ,de natura et origine animae2 ,de unitate intellectus contra ,averroem 7a controversial tract72 ,de intellectu et intelligibile 7an important psychological writing72 ,de natura locorum2 ,de causis proprietatum elementorum2 ,de passionibus aeris1 sive de vaporum impressionibus2 and next and last1 saving some minor tracts1 ,albert's chief botanical work1 ,de vegetabilibus4 ,aristotle's ,botany was lost1 and ,albert's work was based on the ,de plantis of ,nicolas of ,damascus1 a short compend vulgarly ascribed to ,aristotle1 but really made in the first century1 and passing through numerous translations from one language to another1 before ,albert accepted it as the composition of the ,stagirite4 ,it consisted of two short books2 ,albert's work contained seven long ones1 and made the most important work on botany since the times of ,aristotle and his pupil ,theophrastus4 ,in opening1 ,albert says that generalities applicable to all animate things have been already presented1 and now it is time to consider more especially and in turn1 vegetabilia1 sensibilia1 rationabilia4 ,in the first eight chapters of his first book1 ,albert follows his supposed ,aristotelian source1 and then remarks that the translation of the ,philosopher's treatise is so ignorantly made that he will himself take up in order the six problems thus far incompetently discussed4 ,so he considers whether plants have souls2 whether plant-souls feel and desire2 whether plants sleep2 as to sex in plants2 whether without sex they can propagate their species2 and as to their hidden life4 ,in the second book1 having again bewailed the insufficiency of his source1 ,albert takes up the classification of plants1 and proceeds with a description of their various parts1 then passes on to the shape of leaves1 the generation and nature of flowers1 their colour1 odour1 and shape4 ,liber ,,iii41 still as an independent digressio1 discusses seeds and fruit4 ,in ,liber ,,iv4 ,albert returns to his unhappy source1 and his matter declines in interest2 but again1 in ,liber ,v41 he frees himself in a digressio on the properties and effects of plants1 gathered from many sources1 some of which are foolish enough4 ,his sixth book is a description of trees and other plants in alphabetical order4 ,the last and seventh is devoted to agriculture4#ega ,in the ,de vegetabilibus1 ,albert1 as an expounder of natural knowledge1 is at his best4 ,a less independent and intelligent production is his enormous treatise ,de animalibus libri ,,xxvi41 which fills the whole of ,tome ,,iv4 of ,albert's ,opera4 ,a certain ,thomas of ,cantimpr1 an admiring pupil of ,albert1 may have anticipated the above-named work of his teacher by his own compilation1 ,de naturis rerum1 which appears to have been composed shortly before the middle of the thirteenth century4 ,its descriptions of animals1 although borrowed and uncritical1 were at least intended to describe them actually1 and were not merely fashioned for the moral's sake1 after the manner of the ,physiologus1#egb and many a compilation of the early ,middle ,ages4 ,yet the work contains moralities enough1 and plenty of the fabulous4 ,but ,thomas diligently gathered information as he might1 and from ,aristotle more than any other4 ,thus1 in his lesser way1 he1 as well as ,albert1 represents the tendency of the period to interest itself in the realities1 as well as in the symbolisms1 of the natural world4 ,albert's work is not such an inorganic compilation as ,thomas's4 ,he has paraphrased the ten books of ,aristotle's natural histories1 his four books on the parts of animals1 and his five books on their generation4 ,to these nineteen1 he has added seven books on the nature of animal bodies and on their grades of perfection2 and then on quadrupeds1 birds1 aquatic animals1 snakes1 and small bloodless creatures4 ,besides ,aristotle1 he draws on ,avicenna1 ,galen1 ,ambrose 7671 and others1 including ,thomas of ,cantimpr4 ,thus1 his work is made up mainly of the ancient written material4 ,moreover1 ,albert is kept from a natural view of his subject through the need he feels to measure animals by the standards of human capacity1 and learn to know them through knowing man4 ,his digressiones usually discuss abstract problems1 as1 for instance1 whether beyond the four elements1 any fifth principle enters the composition of animal bodies4 ,as for his anatomy1 he describes the muscles1 and calls the veins nerves1 having no real knowledge of the latter4 ,he corrects few ancient errors1 either anatomical or physiological2 and his own observations1 occasionally referred to in his work1 scarcely win our respect4 ,nor does he exclude fabulous stories1 or the current superstitions as to the medicinal or magical effect of parts of certain animals4 ,on the whole1 ,albert's merit in the province of ,zoology lies in his introduction of the ,aristotelian data and conceptions to the mediaeval ,latin ,west4#egc ,after ,tome ,,iv4 of ,albert's ,opera1 follow many portly tomes1 the contents of which need not detain us4 ,there are enormous commentaries on the ,psalms and ,prophets1 and the ,gospels 7,tomes ,,vii4-,,xi472 then a tome of sermons1 then a tome of commentaries on the ,hierarchies of ,pseudo-,dionysius2 and three tomes of commentaries on the ,lombard's ,sentences1--commentaries1 that is to say1 upon works which stood close to ,scripture in authority4 ,with these we reach the end of ,albert's labours in paraphrase and commentary1 and pass to his more constructive work4 ,of course1 the first and chief is his ,summa theologiae1 contained in ,tomes ,,xvii4 and ,,xviii4 of the ,opera4 ,with ,albert1 theology is a science1 a branch of systematic knowledge1 the highest indeed1 and yet one among others4 ,this science1 says he in the ,prologue to his ,summa1 8444 is of all sciences the most entitled to credence--certissimae credulitatis et fidei4 ,other sciences1 concerning creatures1 possess rationes immobiles1 yet those rationes are mobiles because they are in created things4 ,but this science founded in rationibus aeternis is immutable both secundum esse and secundum rationem4 ,and since it is not constituted of the sensible and imaginable1 which are not quite cleared of the hangings of matter1 plainly it1 alone or supremely1 is science3 for the divine intellect is altogether intellectual1 being the light and cause of everything intelligible2 and from it to us is the divine science40 ,albert's dialectic is turgid enough1 and lacks the lucidity of his pupil4 ,yet his reasoning may be weighty and even convincing4 ,intellect1 ,reason and its realm of that which is known through ,reason1 is higher than sense perceptions and imaginations springing from them3 it affords the surest knowledge2 the science that treats of pure reason1 which is in ,god1 is the surest and noblest of sciences4 ,albert clearly defines the province and nature of theology4 8,it is scientia secundum pietatem2 it is not concerned with the knowable 7scibile7 simply as such1 nor with the knowable universally2 but only as it inclines us to ,piety4 ,piety1 as ,augustine says1 is the worship of ,god1 perfected by faith1 hope1 charity1 prayer1 and sacrifices4 ,thus theology is the science of what pertains to salvation2 for piety conduces to salvation40#egd ,the ,summa theologiae treats of the encyclopaedic matter of the sacred science1 in the order and arrangement with which we are familiar4#ege ,it is followed 7,tome ,,xix47 by ,albert's ,summa de creaturis1 a presentation of ,god's creation1 omitting the special topics set forth in the ,de vegetabilibus and ,de animalibus4 ,it treats of creation1 of matter1 of time and eternity1 of the heavens and celestial bodies1 of angels1 their qualities and functions1 and the hierarchies of them2 of the state of the wicked angels1 of the works of the six days1 briefly2 and then of man1 soul and body1 very fully2 of man's habitation and the order and perfection of the universe4 ,thus the ,summa de creaturis treats of the world and man as ,god's creation2 but it is not directly concerned with man's salvation1 which is the distinguishing purpose of a ,summa theologiae1 however encyclopaedic such a work may be4 ,two tomes remain of ,albert's opera1 containing much that is very different from anything already considered4 ,tome ,,xx4 is devoted to the ,virgin ,mary1 and is chiefly made up of two prodigious tracts3 ,de laudibus beatae ,mariae ,virginis libri ,,xii41 and the ,mariale1 sive quaestiones super evangelium1 ,missus est angelus ,gabriel4 ,these works--it is disputed whether ,albert was their author--are a glorification1 indeed a deification1 of ,mary4 ,they are prodigious2 they are astounding4 ,the worship of ,mary is gathered up in them1 of ,mary the chief and best beloved religious creation of the ,middle ,ages2 only not a creation1 strictly speaking1 for the ,divine ,virgin1 equipped with attribute and quality1 sprang from the fecund matrix of the early ,church4 ,the works before us represent a simpler piety than ,albert's ,summa theologiae4 ,they contain satisfying1 consoling statements1 not woven of dialectic4 ,and the end is all that the ,mary-loving soul could wish4 8,christ protects the servants of ,his genetrix3--and so does ,mary1 as may be read in her miracles1 protect us from our bodily enemies1 and from the seducers of souls40#egf ,the praises of ,mary will seem marvellous indeed to anyone turning over the tituli of books and chapters4 ,there is here a whole mythology1 and a universal symbolism4 ,symbolically1 ,mary is everything imaginable2 she has every virtue and a mass of power and privileges4 ,she is the adorable and chief efficient ,goddess mediating between the ,trinity and the creature man4 ,tome ,,xxi41 last tome of all1 has a variety of writings1 some of which may not be ,albert's4 ,among them is a work of sweet and simple piety1 a work of turning to ,god as a little child2 and one would be loath to take it away from this man of learning4 ,de adhaerendo ,deo is its title1 which tells the story4 ,albert wished at last to write something presenting man's ultimate perfection1 so far as that might be realized in this life4 ,so he writes this little tract of chamber-piety1 as to how one should cling to ,christ alone4 ,yet he cannot disencumber himself of his lifelong methods of composition4 ,he might conceive and desire2 but it was not for him to write a tract to move the heart4 ,the best he can say is that the end of all our study and discipline is intendere et quiescere in ,domino ,deo intra te per purissimum intellectum1 et devotissimum affectum sine phantasmatibus et implicationibus4 ,the great scholar would come home at last1 like a little child1 if he only could4 ,,chapter ,,xl ,,thomas ,,aquinas ,i4 ,,thomas',s ,,conception ,,of ,,human ,,beatitude4 ,,ii4 ,,man',s ,,capacity ,,to ,,know ,,god4 ,,iii4 ,,how ,,god ,,knows4 ,,iv4 ,,how ,,the ,,angels ,,know4 ,v4 ,,how ,,men ,,know4 ,,vi4 ,,knowledge ,,through ,,faith ,,perfected ,,in ,,love4 ,i ,with ,albert it seemed most illuminating to outline the masses of his work of ,aristotelian purveyorship and inchoate reconstruction of the ,christian encyclopaedia in conformity with the new philosophy4 ,such a treatment will not avail for ,thomas4 ,his achievement1 even measured by its bulk1 was as great as ,albert's4 ,but its size and encyclopaedic inclusiveness do not represent its integral excellences4 ,the intellectual qualities of ,thomas1 evinced in his work1 are of a higher order than those included in intelligent diligence1 however exceptional4 ,they must be disengaged from out of the vast product of their energies1 in order that they may be brought together1 and made to appear in the organic correlation which they held in the mind of the most potent genius of scholasticism4 ,we are pleased to find some clue to a man's genius in the race and place from which he draws his origin4 ,so for whatever may be its explanatory value as to ,thomas1 one may note that he came of ,teutonic stocks1 which for some generations had been domiciled in the form-giving ,italian land4 ,the mingled blood of princely ,suabian and ,norman lines flowed in him2 the nobility of his father's house1 the ,counts of ,aquinum1 was equalled by his mother's lineage4 ,probably in #abbe he was born1 in ,southern ,italy1 not far from ,monte ,cassino4 ,thither1 as a child1 he was sent to school to the monks1 and stayed with them through childhood's formative period4 ,his education did not create the mind which it may have had part in directing to sacred study4 ,near his tenth year1 the extraordinary boy was returned to ,naples1 there to study the humanities and philosophy under selected masters4 ,when eighteen1 he launched himself upon the intellectual currents of the age by joining the ,dominican ,order4 ,stories have come down of the violent1 but fruitless opposition of his family4 ,in two years1 with true instinct1 ,thomas had made his way from ,naples to the feet of ,albert in ,cologne4 ,thenceforth the two were to be together1 as their tasks permitted1 and the loyal relationship between master and scholar was undisturbed by the latter's transcendent genius4 ,plato had the greatest pupil1 and ,aristotle the greatest master1 known to fame4 ,that pupil's work was a redirecting of philosophy4 ,the work of pupil ,thomas perfected finally the matter upon which his master laboured2 and the master's aged eyes beheld the finished structure that was partly his1 when the pupil's eyes had closed4 ,thomas1 dying1 left ,albert to defend the system that was to be called 8,thomist10 after him who constructed and finished it to its very turret points1 rather than 8,albertist10 after him who prepared the materials4 ,to return to the time when both still laboured4 ,thomas in #abde accompanied his master to ,paris1 and three years later went back with him to ,cologne4 ,thereafter their duties often separated them4 ,we know that in #abeb ,thomas was lecturing at ,paris1 and that he there received with ,bonaventura the title of magister in #abeg4 ,after this he is found south of the ,alps2 it was in the year #abfc that ,urban ,,iv4 at ,rome encouraged him to undertake a critical commentary upon ,aristotle1 based on a closer rendering into ,latin of the ,greek4 ,in #abfh1 at the height of his academic fame1 he is once more at ,paris2 which he leaves for the last time in #abgb1 having been directed to establish a studium generale at ,naples4 ,two years later he died1 on his way to advise the labours of the ,council assembled at ,lyons4#egg ,thomas wrote commentaries upon the ,aristotelian ,de interpretatione and ,posterior ,analytics2 the ,physics1 the ,de coelo et mundo1 the ,meteorum1 the ,metaphysics1 ,ethics1 ,politics1 and certain other ,aristotelian treatises4 ,his work shows such a close understanding of ,aristotle as the world had not known since the days of the ancient ,peripatetics4 ,of course1 he lectured on the ,sentences1 and the result remains in his ,commentaries on them4 ,he lectured1 and the resulting ,commentaries exist in many tomes1 on the greater part of both the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,it would little help our purpose to catalogue in detail his more constructive and original works1 wherein he perfected a system of philosophy and sacred knowledge4 ,chief among them were the ,summa contra ,gentiles and the ,summa theologiae1 the latter the most influential work of all western mediaeval scholasticism4 ,many of his more important shorter treatises are included in the ,quaestiones disputatae1 and the ,quodlibetalia4 ,they treat of many matters finally put together in the ,summa theologiae4 ,de malo in communi1 de peccatis1 etc42 ,de anima2 ,de virtutibus in communi1 etc42 ,de veritate2 ,de ideis2 ,de cognitione angelorum2 ,de bono2 ,de voluntate2 ,de libero arbitrio2 ,de passionibus animae2 ,de gratia2--such are titles drawn from the ,quaestiones4 ,the ,quodlibetalia were academic disputations held in the theological faculty1 upon any imaginable thesis having theological bearing4 ,some of them still appear philosophical1 while many seem bizarre to us2 for example3 ,whether an angel can move from one extreme to the other without passing through the middle4 ,one may remember that such questions had been put1 and put again1 from the time of the ,church ,fathers4 ,this question answered by ,thomas whether an angel may pass from one extreme to the other without traversing the middle is pertinent to the conception of angels as completely immaterial beings1--a conception upon the elaboration of which theologians expended much ingenious thought4 ,in the earlier ,middle ,ages1 when men were busy putting together the ancient matter1 the personalities of the writers may not clearly appear4 ,it is different in the twelfth century1 and very different in the thirteenth1 when the figures of at least its greater men are thrown out plainly by their written works4 ,bonaventura is seen lucidly reasoning1 but with his ardently envisioning piety ever reaching out beyond2 the personality of ,albert most ,teutonically wrestles itself into salience through the many-tomed results of his very visible efforts2 when we come to ,roger ,bacon1 we shall find wormwood1 and many higher qualities of mind1 flowing in his sentences4 ,and the consummate fashioning faculty1 the devout and intellectual temperament of ,thomas1 are writ large in his treatises4 ,his work has unity2 it is a system2 it corresponds to the scholastically creative personality1 from the efficient concord of whose faculties it proceeded4 ,the unity of ,thomas's personality lay in his conception of man's summum bonum1 which sprang from his ,christian faith1 but was constructed by reason from foundation to pinnacle2 and it is evinced in the compulsion of an intellectual temperament that never let the pious reasoner's energies or appetitions stray loitering or aberrant from that goal4 ,likewise the unity of his system consists in its purpose1 which is to present that same summum bonum1 credited by faith1 empowered1 if not empassioned1 by piety1 and constructed by reason4 ,to fulfil this purpose in its utmost compass1 reason works with the material of all pertinent knowledge2 fashioning the same to complete logical consistency of expression4 ,therefore1 it is from his conception of this summum bonum as from a centre of illumination1 that we may trace the characteristic qualities alike of ,thomas and his work4 ,his faith1 his piety1 and his intellectual nature are revealed in his thought of supreme felicity4 ,man's chief good being the ground of the system1 the thought and study which ,thomas puts upon the created universe and upon ,god1 regarded both as ,creator and in the relationships of ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit1 conduce to make large and sure and ample this same chief good of man4 ,to it likewise conduce the ,incarnation1 and the ,sacraments springing therefrom2 in accord with it1 ,thomas accepts or constructs his metaphysics1 his psychology1 his entire thought of human capacity and destiny1 and sets forth how nearly man's reason may bring him to this goal1 and where there is need of divine grace4 ,in this goal1 moreover1 shall be found the sanction of human knowledge1 and the justification of the right enjoyment of human faculties2 it determines what elements of mortal life may be gathered up and carried on1 to form part of the soul's eternal beatitude4 ,thomas's intellectual powers work together in order to set his thought of man's summum bonum on its surest foundations1 and make clear its scope3 his faculty of arrangement1 and serious and lucid presentation2 his careful reasoning1 which never trips1 never overlooks1 and never either hurries or is taken unprepared2 his marvellous unforgetfulness of everything which might remotely bear on the subject2 his intellectual poise1 and his just weighing of every matter that should be taken into the scales of his determination4 ,observing these1 we may realize how he seemed to his time a new intellectual manifestation of ,god's illuminating grace4 ,there was in him something unknown before2 his argument1 his exposition1 was new in power1 in interest1 in lucidity4 ,on the quality of newness the wretched old biographer rings his reiteration3 8,for in his lectures he put out new topics 7articulos71 inventing a new and clear way of drawing conclusions and bringing new reasons into them1 so that no one1 who had heard him teach new doubts and allay them by new arguments1 would have doubted that ,god had illumined with rays of new light one who became straightway of such sure judgment1 that he did not hesitate to teach and write new opinions1 which ,god had deigned newly to inspire40#egh ,his biographer's view is justified4 ,thomas was the greatest of the schoolmen4 ,his way of teaching1 his translucent exposition1 came to his hearers as a new inspiration4 ,only ,bonaventura 7likewise ,italian-born7 may be compared with him for clearness of exposition--of solution indeed2 and ,thomas is more judicial1 more supremely intellectual2 his way of treatment was a stronger incitement and satisfaction to at least the minds of his auditors4 ,albert1 with his mass of but half-conquered material1 could not fail to show1 whether he would or not1 the doubt-breeding difficulties of the new philosophy1 which was yet to be worked into ,christian theology4 ,thomas exposed every difficulty and revealed its depths2 but then he solved and adjusted everything with an argumentation from whose careful inclusiveness no questions strayed unshepherded4 ,placed with ,thomas1 ,albert shows as the ,titan whose strength assembles the materials1 while ,thomas is the god who erects the edifice4 ,the material that ,thomas works with1 and many of his thoughts and arguments1 are to be found in ,albert2 and the pupil knew his indebtedness to the great master1 who survived him to defend his doctrines4 ,but what is not in ,albert1 is ,thomas1 ,thomas himself1 with his disentangled reasoning1 his clarity1 his organic exposition1 his final construction of the mediaeval ,christian scheme4#egi ,in the third book of his ,summa philosophica contra ,gentiles1 and in the beginning of ,pars prima secundae of his ,summa theologiae1 ,thomas expounds man's final end1 ultimus finis1 which is his supreme good or perfect beatitude4 ,the exposition in the former work1 dating from the earlier years of the author's academic activities1 seems the simpler at first reading2 but the other includes more surely ,thomas's last reasoning1 placed in the setting of argument and relationship which he gave it in his greatest work4 ,we shall follow the latter1 borrowing1 however1 from the former when its phrases seem to present the matter more aptly to our non-scholastic minds4 ,the general position of the topic is the same in both ,summae2 and ,thomas gives the reason in the ,prologus to ,pars prima secundae of the ,summa theologiae4 ,his way of doing this is significant3 8,man is declared to be made in the image of ,god in this sense 7as ,damascenus#ehj says7 that by #8image' is meant intellectual1 free to choose1 and self-potent to act4 ,therefore1 after what has been said of the ,exemplar ,god1 and of those things which proceed from the divine power according to its will1 there remains for us to consider ,his image1 to wit1 man1 in so far as he is himself the source 7principium7 of his acts1 possessing free will and power over them40 ,thereupon ,thomas continues1 opening his first ,quaestio3#eha 8,first one must consider the final end 7ultimus finis7 of human life1 and then those things through which man may attain this end1 or deviate from it4 ,for one must accept from an end the rationale of those things which are ordained to that end40 ,assuming the final end of human life to be beatitude1 ,thomas considers wherein man as a rational creature may properly have one final end1 on account of which he wills all that he wills4 ,quaestio ii4 shows that man's beatitude cannot consist in riches1 honours1 fame1 power1 pleasures of the body1 or in any created good1 not even in the soul4 ,man gains his beatitude through the soul2 but in itself the soul is not man's final end4 ,the next ,quaestio is devoted to the gist of the matter3 what beatitude is1 and what is needed for it4 ,thomas first shows in what sense beatitude is something increate 7increatum74 ,he has already pointed out that end 7finis7 has a twofold meaning3 the thing itself which we desire to obtain1 and the fruition of it4 8,in the first sense1 the final end of man is an increate good1 to wit ,god1 who alone with ,his infinite goodness can perfectly fulfil the wish 7voluntas7 of man4 ,in the second sense the final end of man is something created existing in himself2 which is nought else than attainment or fruition 7adeptio vel fruitio7 of the final end4 ,the final end is called beatitude4 ,if then man's beatitude is viewed as cause or object1 it is something increate2 but if it is considered in its beatific essence 7quantum ad ipsam essentiam beatitudinis7 it is something created40 ,thomas next shows3 8444 that inasmuch as man's beatitude is something created existing in himself1 it is necessary to regard it as action 7operatio74 ,for beatitude is man's ultimate perfection4 ,but everything is perfect in so far as it is actually 7actu1 i4e4 in realized actuality73 for potentiality without actuality is imperfect4 ,therefore beatitude should consist in man's ultimate actuality4 ,but manifestly action 7operatio7 is the final actuality of the actor 7operantis72 as the ,philosopher shows1 demonstrating that everything exists for its action 7propter suam operationem74 ,hence it follows of necessity that man's beatitude is action40 ,the next point to consider is whether beatitude is the action of man's senses or his intellect4 ,drawing distinctions1 ,thomas points out that 8the action of sense cannot pertain to beatitude essentially2 because man's beatitude essentially consists in uniting himself to the increate good2 to which he cannot be joined through the action of the senses4 ,yet sense-action may pertain to beatitude as an antecedent or consequence3 as an antecedent1 for the imperfect beatitude attainable in this life1 where the action of the senses is a prerequisite to the action of the mind2 as a consequence1 in that perfect beatitude which is looked for in heaven2 because1 after the resurrection1 as ,augustine says1 from the very beatitude of the soul1 there may be a certain flowing back into the body and its senses1 perfecting them in their actions4 ,but not even then will the action by which the human mind is joined to ,god depend on sense40 ,beatitude then is the action of man's intellectual part2 and ,thomas next inquires1 whether it is an action of the intelligence or will 7intellectus aut voluntatis74 ,with this inquiry we touch the pivot of ,thomas's attitude1 wherein he departs from ,augustine1 in apparent reliance on the word of ,john3 8,this is eternal life that they should know thee1 the one true ,god40 ,life eternal is man's final end2 and therefore man's beatitude consists in knowledge of ,god1 which is an act of mind4 ,thomas argues this at some length4 ,he refers to the distinction between what is essential to the existence of beatitude1 and what is joined to it per accidens1 like enjoyment 7delectatio74 8,i say then1 that beatitude in its essence cannot consist in an act of will4 ,for it has appeared that beatitude is the obtaining 7consecutio7 of the final end4 ,but obtaining does not consist in any act of will2 for will attaches to the absent when one desires it1 as well as to the present in which one rests delighted4 ,it is evident that the desire for an end is not an obtaining of it1 but a movement toward it4 ,enjoyment attaches to will from the presence of the end2 but not conversely does anything become present because the will shall delight in it4 ,therefore there must be something besides an act of will1 through which the end may become present to the will4 ,this is plain respecting the ends of sense 7fines sensibiles74 ,for if to obtain money were an act of will1 the miser would have obtained it from the beginning4 ,and so it comes to pass with respect to an end conceived by the mind2 we obtain it when it becomes present to us through an act of the intellect2 and then the delighted will rests in the end obtained4 ,thus1 therefore1 the essence of beatitude consists in an act of mind4 ,but the delight which follows beatitude pertains to will1 even in the sense in which ,augustine says3 #8beatitudo est gaudium de veritate1' because indeed joy is the consummation of beatitude40 ,the supremely intellectual attitude of the ,angelic ,doctor1 shows at once1 and as it were universally1 in his conviction of the primacy of the true over the good1 and of knowledge over will4 ,sometimes he argues these points directly2 and again1 his temperamental attitude appears in the course of argument upon other points4 ,for example1 ,quaestio xvi4 of ,pars prima has for its subject ,veritas4 ,and in the first article1 which discusses whether truth is in the thing 7in re7 or only in the mind1 he argues thus3 8,as good signifies that upon which desire 7appetitus7 is bent1 so true signifies that at which understanding aims4 ,there is this difference between desire and understanding or any kind of cognition3 cognition exists in so far as what is known 7cognitum7 is in the knower2 but desire is as the desirous inclines toward the desired4 ,thus the end 7terminus finis7 of desire1 which is the good1 is in the desirable thing2 but the end of knowing1 which is the true1 is in mind itself40 ,in ,articulus #d1 ,thomas comes to his point3 that the true secundum rationem 7i4e4 according to its formal nature7 is prior to the good4 8,although both the good and the true have been taken as convertible with being1 yet they differ in their conception 7ratione72 and that the true is prior to the good appears from two considerations3 ,first1 the true is more closely related to being1 which is prior to the good2 for the true regards being itself1 simply and directly2 while the ratio of the good follows being as in some way perfect1 and therefore desirable4 ,secondly1 cognition naturally precedes desire4 ,therefore1 since the true regards cognition1 and the good regards desire1 the true is prior to the good secundum rationem40 ,this argument1 whatever validity it may have1 is significant of its author's predominantly intellectual temperament1 and consistent with his conception of man's supreme beatitude as the intellectual vision of ,god4 ,obviously1 moreover1 the setting of the true above the good is another way of stating the primacy of knowledge over will1 which is also maintained3 8,will and understanding 7intellectus7 mutually include each other3 for the understanding knows the will2 and the will wills that the understanding should know40#ehb ,evidently all rational beings have will as well as understanding2 ,god wills1 the ,angels will1 man wills4 ,indeed1 how could knowledge progress but for the will to know8 ,yet of the two1 considered in themselves1 understanding is higher than will-- 8for its object is the ratio1 the very essential nature1 of the desired good1 while the object of will is the desired good whose ratio is in the understanding4444 ,yet will may be the higher1 if it is set upon something higher than the understanding4444 ,when the thing in which is the good is nobler than the soul itself1 in which is the rational cognizance 7ratio intellecta71 the will1 through relation to that thing1 is higher than the understanding4 ,but when the thing in which is the good1 is lower than the soul1 then in relation to that thing1 the understanding is higher than the will4 ,wherefore the love of ,god is better than the cognizance 7cognitio72 but the cognizance of corporeal things is better than the love4 ,yet taken absolutely1 the understanding is higher than the will40#ehc ,these positions of the ,angelic ,doctor were sharply opposed in his lifetime and afterwards4 ,without entering the lists1 let us rather follow him on his evidently ,aristotelian path1 which quickly brings him to his next conclusion3 8,that beatitude consists in the action of the speculative rather than the practical intellect1 as is evident from three arguments3 8,first1 if man's beatitude is action1 it ought to be the man's best 7optima7 action4 ,but man's best action is that of his best faculty in respect to the best object4 ,the best faculty is intelligence1 whose best object is the divine good1 which is not an object of the practical1 but of the speculative intelligence4 ,wherefore1 in such action1 to wit1 in contemplation of things divine1 beatitude chiefly consists4 ,and because every one seems to be that which is best in him1 as is said in the ,ethics1 so such action is most proper to man and most enjoyable4 8,secondly1 the same conclusion appears from this1 that contemplation above all is sought on account of itself4 ,the perfection 7actus1 full realization7 of the practical intelligence is not sought on account of itself1 but for the sake of action3 the actions themselves are directed toward some end4 ,hence it is evident that the final end cannot consist in the vita activa1 which belongs to the practical intelligence4 8,thirdly1 it is plain from this1 that in the vita contemplativa man has part with those above him1 to wit1 ,god and the ,angels1 unto whom he is made like through beatitude2 but in those matters which belong to the vita activa1 other animals1 however imperfectly1 have somehow part with him4 8,and so the final and perfect beatitude which is looked for in the life to come1 in principle consists altogether in contemplation4 ,but the imperfect beatitude which may be had here1 consists first and in principle in contemplation1 and secondly in the true operation of the practical intellect directing human actions and passions1 as is said in the tenth book of the ,ethics40 ,it being thus shown that perfect beatitude lies in the action of the speculative intelligence1 ,thomas next shows that it cannot consist in consideration of the speculative sciences-- 8for the consideration of a science does not reach beyond the potency 7virtus7 of the principles of that science1 seeing that the whole science is contained potentially 7virtualiter7 in its principles4 ,but the principles of speculative sciences are received through the senses1 as the ,philosopher makes clear4 ,therefore the entire consideration of the speculative sciences cannot be extended beyond that to which a cognition of sense-objects 7sensibilium7 is able to lead4 ,man's final beatitude1 which is his perfection1 cannot consist in the cognition of sense-objects4 ,for no thing is perfected by something inferior1 except as there may be in the inferior some participation in a superior4 ,evidently the nature 7forma7 of a stone1 or any other sensible thing1 is inferior to man1 save in so far as something higher than the human intelligence has part in it1 like the light of reason4444 ,but since there is in sensible forms some participation in the similitude of spiritual substances1 the consideration of the speculative sciences is1 in a certain way1 participation in true and perfect beatitude40 ,neither can perfect beatitude consist in knowledge of the higher1 entirely immaterial1 or1 as ,thomas calls them1 separate 7separatae7 substances1 to wit1 the ,angels4 ,because it cannot consist in that which is the perfection of intelligence only from participation4 ,the object of the intelligence is the true4 ,whatever has truth only through participation in something else cannot make the contemplating intelligence perfect with a final perfection4 ,but the angels have their being 7esse7 as they have their truth1 from the participation of the divine in them4 ,whence it remains that only the contemplation of ,god1 ,who alone is truth through ,his essential being1 can make perfectly blessed4 8,but10 adds ,thomas1 8nothing precludes the expectation of some imperfect beatitude from contemplating the angels1 and even a higher beatitude than lies in the consideration of the speculative sciences40 ,so the conclusion is that 8the final and perfect beatitude can be only in the vision of the divine essence4 ,the proof of this lies in the consideration of two matters3 first1 that man is not perfectly blessed 7beatus7 so long as there remains anything for him to desire or seek2 secondly1 that the perfection of every capacity 7potentiae71 is adjudged according to the nature 7ratio7 of its object40 ,and a patent line of argument leads to the unavoidable conclusion3 8,for perfect beatitude it is necessary that the intellect should attain to the very essence of the first cause4 ,and thus it will have its perfection through union with ,god as its object40 ,there are few novel thoughts in ,thomas's conception of man's supreme beatitude4 ,but he has taken cognizance of all pertinent considerations1 and put the whole matter together with stable coherency4 ,he continues1 discussing in the succeeding ,quaestiones a number of important matters incidental to his central determination of the nature of man's supreme good4 ,thus he shows how joy 7delectatio7 is a necessary accompaniment of beatitude1 which1 however1 in principle consists in the action of the mind1 which is visio1 rather than in the resulting delectatio4 ,the latter consists in a quieting or satisfying of the will1 through the goodness of that in which it is satisfied4 ,when the will is satisfied in any action1 that results from the goodness of the action2 and the good lies in the action itself rather than in the quieting of the will4#ehd ,here ,thomas's reasoning points to an active ideal1 an ideal of energizing1 rather than repose4 ,but he concludes that for beatitude 8there must be a concurrence of visio1 which is the perfect cognizance of the intelligible end2 the getting it1 which implies its presence2 and the joy or fruition1 which implies the quieting of that which loves in that which is loved40#ehe ,thomas also shows how rectitude of will is needed1 and discusses whether a body is essential2 his conclusion being that a body is not required for the perfect beatitude of the life to come2 yet he gives the counter considerations1 showing the conduciveness of the perfected body to the soul's beatitude even then4 ,next he follows ,aristotle in pointing out how material goods may be necessary for the attainment of the imperfect beatitude possible on earth1 while they are quite impertinent to the perfect beatitude of seeing ,god2 and likewise he shows how the society of friends is needed here1 but not essential hereafter1 and yet a concomitant to our supreme felicity4 ,the course of argument of the ,liber iii4 of the ,contra ,gentiles is not dissimilar4 ,a number of preliminary chapters show how all things tend to an end2 that the end of all is ,god2 and that to know ,god is the end of every intellectual being4 ,next1 that human felicitas does not consist in all those matters1 in which the ,summa theologiae also shows that beatitude does not lie2 but that it consists in contemplation of ,god4 ,he puts his argument simply3 8,it remains that the ultimate felicity of man lies in contemplation of truth4 ,for this is the sole action 7operatio7 of man which is proper to man alone4 ,this alone is directed to nothing else1 as an end2 since the contemplation of truth is sought for its own sake4 ,through this action1 likewise1 man is joined to higher substances 7beings7 through likeness of action1 and through knowing them in some way4 ,for this action1 moreover1 man is most sufficient by himself1 needing but little external aid4 ,to this also all other human acts seem to be directed as to an end4 ,for to the perfection of contemplation1 soundness of body is needed1 to which all the arts of living are directed4 ,also quiet from the disturbance of passions is required1 to which one comes through the moral virtues1 and prudence2 and quiet also from tumults1 to which end all rules of civil life are ordained2 and so1 if rightly conceived1 all human business seems to serve the contemplation of truth4 ,nor is it possible for the final felicity of man to consist in the contemplation which is confined to an intelligence of beginnings 7principiorum71 which is most imperfect and general 7universalis71 containing a knowledge of things potentially3 it is the beginning1 not the end of human study4 ,nor can that felicity lie in the contemplation of the sciences1 which pertain to the lowest things1 since felicity ought to lie in the action of the intelligence in relationship to the noblest intelligible verities4 ,it remains that man's final felicity consists in the contemplation of wisdom pursuant to a consideration of things divine4 ,from which it also is evident by the way of induction1 what was before proved by arguments1 that the final felicity of man consists only in contemplation of ,god40#ehf ,having reached this central conclusion of the ,contra ,gentiles1 as well as of the ,summa theologiae1 ,thomas proceeds to trim it further1 so as clearly to differentiate that knowledge of ,god in which lies the ultimate felicity of intelligent beings from other ways of knowing ,god1 which do not fully represent this supreme and final bliss4 ,he first excludes the sort of common and confused knowledge of ,god1 which almost all men draw from observing the natural order of things2 then he shuts out the knowledge of ,god derived from logical demonstration1 through which1 indeed1 one rather approaches a proper knowledge of ,him2#ehg next1 he will not admit that supreme felicity lies in the cognition of ,god through faith2 since that is still imperfect4 ,this felicity consists in seeing#ehh the divine essence1 an impossibility in this life1 when we see as in a glass4 ,the supreme felicity is attainable only after death4 ,hereupon ,thomas continues with the very crucial discussion of the capacity of the rational creature to know ,god4 ,but instead of following him further in the ,contra ,gentiles1 we will rather turn to his final presentation of this question in his ,summa theologiae4 ,,ii ,the great ,summa1 having opened with an introductory consideration of the character of sacra doctrina1#ehi at once fixes its attention upon the existence and attributes of ,god4 ,these having been reviewed1 ,thomas begins ,quaestio xii4 by saying1 that 8as we have now considered what ,god is in ,his own nature 7secundum se ipsum7 it remains to consider what ,he is in our cognition1 that is1 how ,he is known by creatures40 ,the first question is whether any created intelligence whatsoever may be able to see ,god per essentiam4 ,having stated the counter arguments1 and relying on ,john's 8we shall see ,him as ,he is10 ,thomas proceeds with his solution thus3 8,since everything may be knowable so far as it exists in actuality1#eij ,god1 who is pure actuality1 without any mingling of potentiality1 is in ,himself1 most knowable4 ,but what is most knowable in itself1 is not knowable to every intelligence because of the exceeding greatness of that which is to be known 7propter excessum intelligibilis supra intellectum72 as the sun1 which is most visible1 may not be seen by a bat1 because of the excess of light4 ,mindful of this1 some have asserted that no created intelligence could behold the essential nature 7essentiam7 of ,god4 8,but this is a solecism4 ,for since man's final beatitude consists in his highest action1 which is the action of the intelligence1 if the created intelligence is never to be able to see the essential nature of ,god1 either it will never obtain beatitude1 or its beatitude will consist in something besides ,god3 which is repugnant to the faith4 ,for the ultimate perfection of a rational creature lies in that which is the source or principle 7principium7 of its being4 ,likewise the argument is against reason4 ,for there is in man a natural desire to know the cause1 when he observes the effect2 and from this1 wonder rises in men4 ,if then the intelligence of the rational creature is incapable of attaining to the first cause of things1 an inane desire must be ascribed to nature4 8,wherefore it is simply to be conceded that the blessed may see the essential nature of ,god40 ,so this general conclusion1 or assumption1 is based on faith1 and also leaps1 as from the head of ,jove1 the creature of unconquerable human need1 which never will admit the inaneness of its yearnings4 ,and now1 assuming the possibility of seeing ,god in his true nature1 ,thomas proves that ,he cannot be seen thus through the similitude of any created thing3 in order to behold ,god's essence some divine likeness must be imparted from the seeing power 7ex parte visivae potentiae71 to wit1 the light of divine glory 7which is consummated grace7 strengthening the intelligence that it may see ,god4 ,and he next shows that it is impossible to see ,god by the sense of sight1 or any other sense or power of man's sensible nature4 ,for ,god is incorporeal4 ,therefore ,he cannot be seen through the imagination1 but only through the intelligence4 ,nor can any created intelligence through its natural faculties see the divine essence4 8,cognition takes place in so far as the known is in the knower4 ,but the known is in the knower according to the mode and capacity 7modus7 of the knower4 ,whence any knower's knowledge is according to the measure of his nature4 ,if then the being of the thing to be known exceeds the measure of the knowing nature1 knowledge of it will be beyond the nature of that knower40 ,in order to see ,god in ,his essential nature1 the created intellect needs light created by ,god3 ,in lumine tuo videbimus lumen4 ,and it may be given to one created intellect to see more perfectly than another4 ,do those who see ,god per essentiam1 comprehend ,him8 ,no4 8,to comprehend ,god is impossible for any created intelligence4 ,to have any true thought of ,god is a great beatitude4444 ,since the created light of glory received by any created intelligence1 cannot be infinite1 it is impossible that any created intelligence should know ,god infinitely1 and comprehend ,him40 ,again he reasons2 ,they who shall see ,god in ,his essence will see what they see through the divine essence united to their intelligence2 they will see whatever they see at once1 and not successively2 for the contents of this intellectual1 ,god-granted vision are not apprehended by means of the respective species or general images1 but in and through the one divine essence4 ,but in this life1 man may not see ,god in ,his essential nature3 8,the mode of cognition conforms to the nature of the knower4 ,but our soul1 so long as we live in this life1 has its existence 7esse7 in corporeal matter4 ,wherefore1 by nature1 it knows only things that have material form1 or may through such be known4 ,evidently the divine essence cannot be known through the natures of material things4 ,any cognition of ,god through any created likeness whatsoever1 is not a vision of ,his essence4444 ,our natural cognition draws its origin from sense2 it may extend itself so far as it can be conducted 7manuduci7 by things of sense 7sensibilia74 ,but from them our intelligence may not attain to seeing the divine essence4444 ,yet since sensible creatures are effects1 dependant on a cause1 we know from them that ,god exists1 and that as first cause ,he exceeds all that ,he has caused4 ,from which we may learn the difference between ,himself and ,his creatures1 to wit1 that ,he is not any of those things which ,he has caused4444 8,through grace a more perfect knowledge of ,god is had than through natural reason4 ,for cognition through natural reason needs both images 7phantasmata7 received from things of sense1 and the natural light of intelligence1 through whose virtue we abstract intelligible conceptions from them4 ,in both respects human cognition is aided through the revelation of grace4 ,for the natural light of the intellect is strengthened through the infusion of light graciously given 7luminis gratuiti72 while the images in the man's imagination are divinely formed so that they are expressive of things divine1 rather than of what naturally is received through the senses1 as appears from the visions of the prophets40#eia ,natural reason stops with the unity of ,god1 and can give no knowledge of the ,trinity of divine ,persons4 ,says ,thomas3#eib 8,it has been shown that through natural reason man can know ,god only from ,his creatures4 ,creatures lead to knowledge of ,god as effects lead to some knowledge of a cause4 ,only that may be known of ,god by natural reason which necessarily belongs to ,him as the source of all existences4 ,the creative virtue of ,god is common to the whole ,trinity2 it pertains to the unity of essence1 not to the distinction of persons4 ,through natural reason1 therefore1 those things concerning ,god may be known which pertain to the unity of essence1 but not those which pertain to the distinction of persons4444 ,who strives to prove the ,trinity of ,persons by natural reason1 doubly disparages faith3 first as regards the dignity of faith itself1 which concerns invisible things surpassing human reason2 secondly as derogating from its efficiency in drawing men to it4 ,for when any one in order to prove the faith adduces reasons which are not cogent1 he falls under the derision of the faithless2 for they think that we use such arguments1 and that we believe because of them4 ,one shall not attempt to prove things of faith save by authorities1 and in discussion with those who receive the authorities4 ,with others it is enough to argue that what the faith announces is not impossible40 ,here ,thomas seems rationally to recognize the limits upon reason in discovering the divine nature4 ,in the regions of faith1 reason's feet lack the material footing upon which to mount4 ,so ,thomas would assert4 ,but will he stand to his assertion8 ,the shadowy line between reason and faith wavers with him4 ,at least so it seems to us1 for whom ontological reasoning has lost reality1 and who find proofs of ,god not so much easier than proofs of the ,trinity4 ,but ,thomas and the other scholastics dwelt in the region of the metaphysically ideal4 ,to them it was not only real1 but the most real2 and it was so natural to step across the line of faith1 trailing clouds of reason4 ,the feet of such as ,thomas are as firmly planted on the one side of the line as on the other4 ,and now1 as it might also seem1 ,thomas1 having thus formally reserved the realm of faith1 quickly steps across the line1 to undertake a tremendous metaphysical exposition of the ,trinity1 of the distinctions between its ,persons1 of their properties1 respective functions1 and relationships2 and all this is carried on largely in the categories of ,aristotelian philosophy4 ,yet is he not still consistent with himself8 ,for he surely did not conceive the elements of his discussion to lie in the lucubrations or discoveries of the natural reason2 but in the data of revelation1 and their explanation by saintly doctors4 ,and was not he also a vessel of their inspiration1 a son of faith1 who might humbly hope for the light of grace1 to transfigure and glorify his natural powers in the service of revealed truth8 ,thomas's ideal is intellectual1 and yet ends in faith4 ,his intellectual interests1 by faith emboldened1 strengthened1 and pointed heavenward1 make on toward the realisation of that intellectual beatitude which is to be consummate hereafter1 when the saved soul's grace-illumined eye shall re-awaken where it may see face to face4 ,,iii ,knowledge1 then1 supplemented in this life by faith1 is the primary element of blessedness4 ,we now turn our attention to the forms of knowledge and modes of knowing appropriate to the three rational substances3 ,god1 angel1 man4 ,the first is the absolute incorporeal being1 the primal mover1 in whom there is no potentiality1 but actuality simple and perfect4 ,the second is the created immaterial or 8separated0 substance1 which is all that it is through participation in the uncreate being of its ,creator4 ,the third is the composite creature man1 made of both soul and body1 his capacities conditioned upon the necessities of his dual nature1 his sense-perception and imagination being as necessary to his knowledge1 as his rational understanding2 for whom alone it is true that sense-apprehension may lead to the intelligible verities of ,god3 8etiam sensibilia intellecta manuducunt ad intelligibilia divinorum40#eic ,the earlier ,quaestiones of ,pars prima1 on the nature of ,god1 lead on to a consideration of ,god's knowledge and ways of knowing4 ,those ,quaestiones expounded the qualities of ,god quite as far as comported with ,thomas's realization of the limitation of the human capacity to know ,god in this life4 ,quaestio iii4 upon the ,simplicitas of ,god1 shows that ,god is not body 7corpus72 that in ,him there is no compositeness of form and material2 that throughout ,his nature1 ,he is one and the same1 and therefore that ,he is ,his ,deitas1 ,his vita1 and whatever else may be predicated of ,him4 ,next it is shown 7,qu4 iv47 that ,god is perfect2 that in ,him are the perfectiones of all things1 since whatever there may be of perfection in an effect1 should be found in the effective cause2 and as ,god is self-existent being1 ,he must contain the whole perfection of being in ,himself 7totam perfectionem essendi in se74 ,next1 that ,god is the good 7bonum7 and the summum bonum2 ,he is infinite2 ,he is in all things 7,qu4 viii4 ,art4 #a7 not as a part of their essence1 but as accidens1 and as the doer is in his deeds2 and not only in their beginning1 but so long as they exist2 ,he acts upon everything immediately1 and nothing is distant from ,him2 ,god is everywhere3 as the soul is altogether in every part of the body1 so ,god entire is in all things and in each4 ,god is in all things created by ,him as the working cause2 but ,he is in the rational creature1 through grace2 as the object of action is in the actor1 as the known is in the knower1 and the desired in the wishful4 ,god is immutable 7,qu4 ix472 for as final actuality 7actus purus71 with no admixture of potentiality1 ,he cannot change2 nor can ,he be moved2 since ,his infinitude comprehends the plenitude of all perfection1 there is nothing that ,he can acquire1 and no whither for ,him to extend4 ,god is eternal 7,qu4 x472 for him there is no beginning1 nor any succession of time2 but an interminable now1 an all at once 7tota simul71 which is the essence of eternity1 as distinguished from the successiveness of even infinite time4 ,and ,god is ,one 7,qu4 xi474 8,one does not add anything to being1 save negation of division4 ,for ,one signifies nothing else than undivided being 7ens indivisum74 ,and from this it follows that ,one is convertible with being40 ,that ,god is ,one1 is proved by ,his simplicitas2 by the infiniteness of ,his perfection2 and by the oneness of the world4 8,after a consideration10 now says ,thomas1 8of those matters which pertain to the divine substance1 we may consider those which pertain to its action 7operatio74 ,and because certain kinds of action remain in the doer1 while others pass out into external effect1 we first treat of knowledge and will 7for knowing is in the knower and willing in him who wills72 and then of ,god's power1 which is regarded as the source of the divine action passing out into external effect4 ,then1 since knowing is a kind of living1 after considering the divine knowledge1 the divine life will be considered4 ,and because knowledge is of the true1 there will be need to consider truth and falsity4 ,again since every cognition is in the knower1 the rationes 7types1 essential natures7 of things as they are in ,god the ,knower 7,deo cognoscente7 are called ideas 7ideae72 and a consideration of these will be joined to the consideration of knowledge40#eid ,thus clearly laying out his topic1 ,thomas begins his discussion of ,god's knowledge 7scientia ,dei72 of the modes in which ,god knows and the knowledge which ,he has4 ,in ,god is the most perfect knowledge4 ,god knows ,himself through ,himself2 in ,him knowledge and ,knower 7intellectum and intellectus7 are the same4#eie ,he perfectly comprehends ,himself2 for ,he knows ,himself so far as ,he is knowable2 and ,he is absolutely knowable being utter reality 7actus purus74 ,likewise ,he knows things other than ,himself4 ,for ,he knows ,himself perfectly1 which implies a knowledge of those things to which ,his power 7virtus7 extends4 ,moreover1 ,he knows all things in their special natures and distinctions from each other3 for the perfection1 or perfected actuality1 of everything is contained in ,him2 and therefore ,god in ,himself is able to know all things perfectly1 and the special nature of everything exists through some manner of participation in the divine perfection4 ,god knows all things in one1 to wit1 ,himself2 and not successively1 or by means of discursive reasoning4 8,god's knowledge is the cause of things4 ,it stands to all created beings as the knowledge of the artificer to the things he makes4 ,god causes things through ,his knowledge1 since ,his being is ,his knowing 7cum suum esse sit suum intelligere740 ,his knowledge causes things when it has the will joined with it1 and1 in so far as it is the cause of things1 is called scientia approbationis4 ,god knows things which are not actually 7actu74 ,whatever has been or will be1 ,he knows by the knowledge of sight 7scientia visionis1 which by implication is equivalent to scientia approbationis74 ,for ,god's knowing1 which is ,his being1 is measured by eternity2 and eternity includes all time1 as present1 and without succession2 so the present vision 7intuitus7 of ,god embraces all time and all things existing at any time1 as if present4 ,as for whatever is in the power of ,god or creature1 but which never has been or will be1 ,god knows it not as in vision1 but simply knows it4 ,god also knows evil4 8,whoever knows anything perfectly should know whatever might happen to it4 ,there are some good things to which it may happen to be corrupted through evils3 wherefore ,god would not know the good perfectly1 unless ,he also knew the evil4 ,everything is knowable so far as it is2 but the being 7esse7 of evil is the privation of good3 hence inasmuch as ,god knows good1 ,he knows evil1 as darkness is known through light40 ,thomas now takes up a point curious perhaps to us1 but of importance to him and ,aristotle3 does ,god know individuals 7singularia71 the particular as opposed to the universal8 ,this point might seem disposed of in the argument by which ,thomas maintained that ,god knew things in their special and distinct natures4 ,but he now proves that ,god knows singularia by an argument which bears on his contention that man does not know singularia through the intelligence1 but perceives them through sense2 and as we shall see1 that the angels have no direct knowledge of individuals1 being immaterial substances4 8,god knows individuals 7cognoscit singularia74 ,for all perfections found in creatures pre-exist in higher mode in ,god4 ,to know 7cognoscere7 individuals pertains to our perfection4 ,whence it follows that ,god must know them4 ,the ,philosopher 7,aristotle7 holds it to be illogical that anything should be known to us1 and not to ,god4444 ,but the perfections which are divided in inferior beings1 exist simply and as one in ,god4 ,hence1 although through one faculty we know universals and what is immaterial1 and through another1 individuals and what is material2 yet ,god simply1 through ,his intelligence1 knows both4444 ,one must hold that since ,god is the cause of things through ,his knowledge1 the knowledge of ,god extends itself as far as ,his causality extends4 ,wherefore1 since ,god's active virtue extends itself not only to forms1 from which is received the ratio of the universal1 but also to matter1 it is necessary that ,god's knowledge should extend itself to individuals1 which are such through matter40 ,and replying to a counter-argument ,thomas continues3 8,our intelligence abstracts the intelligible species from the individuating principles4 ,therefore the intelligible species of our intelligence cannot be the likeness of the individual principles2 and1 for this reason1 our intelligence does not know individuals4 ,but the intelligible species of the divine intelligence1 which is the essence of ,god1 is not immaterial through abstraction1 but through itself2 and exists as the principle of all principles entering the composition of the thing1 whether principles of species or of the individual4 ,therefore through ,his essence ,god knows both universals and individuals40#eif ,with these arguments still echoing1 ,thomas shows that ,god can know infinite things2 also future contingencies2 also whatever may be stated 7enuntiabilia74 ,his knowledge1 which is ,his substance1 does not change4 ,it is speculative knowledge1 in so far as relating to ,his own unchangeable nature1 and to whatever ,he can do1 but does not2 it is practical knowledge so far as it relates to anything which ,he does4 ,thomas concludes his direct discussion of ,god's knowledge1 by an application of the ,platonic theory of ideas1 in which he mainly follows ,augustine4 8,it is necessary to place ideas in the divine mind4 ,idea is the ,greek for the ,latin forma4 ,thus through ideas are understood the forms of things existing beyond the things themselves4 ,by which we mean the prototype 7exemplar7 of that of which it is called the form2 or the principle of its cognition1 in so far as the forms of things knowable are said to be in the knower40 ,there must be many ideas or 7as ,augustine phrases it7 stable rationes of things4 ,there is a ratio in the divine mind corresponding to whatever ,god does or knows4 8,ideas were set by ,plato as the principles both of the cognition and the generation of things1 and in both senses they are to be placed in the divine mind4 ,so far as idea is the principle of the making of a thing1 it may be called the prototype 7exemplar71 and pertains to practical knowledge 7practicam cognitionem72 but as the principle of cognition 7principium cognoscitivum71 it is properly called ratio1 and may also pertain to speculative knowledge4 ,in the signification of exemplar1 it relates to everything created at any time by ,god3 but when it means principium cognoscitivum1 it relates to all things which are known by ,god1 although never coming into existence40#eig ,such are the divine modes of knowledge4 ,thomas proceeds to discuss other aspects of the divine nature1 the life and power1 will and love1 which may be ascribed to ,god4 ,he then passes on to a discussion of the ,persons of the ,trinity4 ,this completed1 he turns to the world of created substances2 into which we will follow him so far as to observe the forms of knowledge and ways of knowing proper to angels and mankind4 ,we shall hereafter have to speak of the divine and angelic love1 and of man's love of ,god2 but here1 as our field is intellectual1 we will simply recall to mind that ,thomas applies a like intellectual conception of beatitude to both ,god and ,his rational creatures3 8,beatitude1 as has been said1 signifies the perfect good of the intellectual nature2 as everything desires its perfection1 the intellectual substance desires to be beata4 ,that which is most perfect in every intellectual nature1 is the intellectual operation wherein1 in a measure1 it grasps all things4 ,wherefore the beatitude of any created intellectual nature consists in knowing 7in intelligendo740#eih ,,iv ,thomas regards the creation as a processio1 a going out of all creatures from ,god4 ,every being 7ens7 that in any manner 7quocumque modo7 is1 is from ,god4 8,god is the prima causa exemplaris of all things4444 ,for the production of anything1 there is needed a prototype 7exemplar71 in order that the effect may follow a determined form4444 ,the determination of forms must be sought in the divine wisdom4 ,hence one ought to say that in the divine wisdom are the rationes of all things3 these we have called ideas1 to wit1 prototypal forms existing in the divine mind4 ,although such may be multiplied in respect to things1 yet really they are not other than the divine essence1 according as its similitude can be participated in by divers things in divers ways4 ,thus ,god ,himself is the first exemplar of all4 ,there may also be said to be in created things certain exemplaria of other things1 when they are made in the likeness of such others1 or according to the same species or after the analogy of some resemblance40#eii ,god not only is the efficient and exemplary cause1 but also the final cause of all things 7,divina bonitas est finis omnium rerum74 8,the emanation 7emanatio7 of all being from the universal cause1 which is ,god1 we call creation40#fjj ,god alone may be said to create4 ,the function pertains not to any ,person1 but to the whole ,trinity in common4 ,and there is found some image of the ,trinity in rational creatures in whom is intelligence and will2 and in all creatures may be found some vestiges of the creator4 ,thomas1 after a while1 takes up the distinction between spiritual and corporeal creatures1 and considers first the purely spiritual1 called ,angels4 ,we enter with him upon the contemplation of these conceptions1 which scholasticism did not indeed create1 but elaborated with marvellous logic1 and refined to a consistent intellectual beauty4 ,none had larger share in perfecting the logical conception of the angelic nature1 as immaterial and essentially intellectual1 than our ,angelic ,doctor4 ,a volume might well be devoted to tracing the growth of these beings of the mind1 from their not unmilitant career in the ,old ,testament and the ,jewish ,apocrypha1 their brief but classically beautiful mention in the ,gospels1 and their storm-red action in the ,apocalypse2 then through their treatment by the ,fathers1 to their hierarchic ordering by the great ,pseudo-,areopagite2 and so on and on1 through the earlier ,scholastics1 the ,lombard's ,sentences1 and ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor's appreciative presentation2 up to the gathering of all the angelic matter by ,albertus ,magnus1 its further encyclopaedizing by ,vincent of ,beauvais1 and finally its perfect intellectual disembodiment by ,thomas2--while all the time the people's mythopoeic love went on endowing these guardian spirits with heart and soul1 and fashioning responsive stories of their doings4 ,for men loved and feared them1 and looked to them as ,god's peculiar messengers4 ,thus they flash past us in the ,divina ,commedia2 and their forms become lovely in ,christian art4 ,as we enter upon the contemplation of the angelic nature1 let us not as of course regard angels simply as imaginative conceptions of ,scripture and of the patristic and mediaeval mind4 ,thomas will show his reasons for their necessary existence1 which may not convince us4 ,yet we may believe in angels1 inasmuch as any real conception of the world's governance by ,god requires the fulfilling of ,his thoughts through media that bring them down to move and live and realize themselves with each of us4 ,who1 in striving to express1 can do more than symbolize1 the ways of ,god8 ,what symbols truer than angels have been devised8 8,it is necessary10 opens ,thomas1#fja 8to affirm 7ponere7 that there are incorporeal creatures4 ,for in created things ,god chiefly intends the good1 which consists in assimilation to ,him4 ,perfect assimilation of the effect to the cause is seen when the effect resembles the cause in that through which the cause produces the effect4 ,god produces the creature through intelligence and will4 ,consequently the perfection of the universe requires that there should be intellectual creatures4 ,to know cannot be the act 7actus7 of the body or of any corporeal faculty 7virtus72 because all body is limited to here and now4 ,therefore it is necessary1 in order that the universe may be perfect1 that there should be incorporeal creatures40#fjb ,thomas then argues that the intellectual substance is entirely immaterial4 8,angelic substances are above our understanding4 ,so our understanding cannot attain to apprehending them as they are in themselves2 but only in its own fashion as it apprehends composite things40 ,these immaterial substances exist in exceeding great number1 and each is a species1 because there cannot be several immaterial beings of one species1 any more than there could be separate whitenesses or many humanities4 ,angels in their nature are imperishable4 ,for nothing is corrupted save as its form is separated from its matter4 ,but these immaterial substances are not composed of matter and form1 being themselves subsisting forms and indestructible4 ,brass may have and lose a circular shape2 but the circular shape cannot be separated from the circle1 which it is4 ,thomas next shows 7,pars prima1 ,qu4 li47 that angels have no bodies by nature joined to them4 ,body is not of the ratio of intellectual substances4 ,these 7when perfect and not like the human soul7 have no need to acquire knowledge through sensation4 ,but though angels are intellectual substances1 separate 7separatae7 from bodies1 they sometimes assume bodies4 ,in these they can perform those actions of life which have something in common with other kinds of acts2 as speech1 a living act1 has something in common with inanimate sounds4 ,thus far only can physical acts be performed by angels1 and not when such acts essentially belong to living bodies4 ,angels may appear as living men1 but are not2 neither are they sentient through the organs of their assumed bodies2 they do not eat and digest food2 they move only per accidens1 incidentally to the inanimate motion of their assumed bodies2 they do not beget1 nor do they really speak2 8but it is something like speech1 when these bodies make sounds in the air like human voices40 ,dropping the sole remark1 that scholasticism has no sense of humour1 we pass on to ,thomas's careful consideration of the angelic relations to space or locality 7,qu4 lii4 and liii474 8,equivocally only may it be said that an angel is in a place 7in loco73 through application of the angelic virtue to some corporeal spot1 the angel may be said in some sense to be there40 ,but1 as angels are finite1 when one is said1 in this sense1 to be in a place1 he is not elsewhere too 7like ,god74 ,yet the place where the angel is need not be an indivisible point1 but may be larger or smaller1 as the angel wills to apply his virtue to a larger or smaller body4 ,two angels may not be in the same place at the same time1 8because it is impossible that there should be two complete immediate causes of one and the same thing40 ,angels are said1 likewise equivocally1 to move1 in a sense analogous to that in which they are said to be in a place4 ,such equivocal motion may be continuous or not4 ,if not continuous1 evidently the angel may pass from one place to another without traversing the intervening spaces4 ,the angelic movement must take place in time2 there must be a before and after to it1 and yet not necessarily with any period intervening4 ,now as to angelic knowledge3 ,de cognitione ,angelorum4 ,knowing is no easy thing for man2 and we shall see that it is not a simple matter to know1 without the senses to provide the data and help build up knowledge in the mind4 ,the function of sense1 or its absence1 conditions much besides the mere acquisition of the elements from which men form their thoughts4 ,thomas's exposition of angelic knowledge and modes of knowing is a logical and consistent presentation of a supersensual psychology and theory of knowledge4 ,entering upon his subject1 ,thomas shows 7,qu4 liv47 that knowing 7intelligere7 is not the substantia or the esse of an angel4 ,knowing is actio1 which is the actuality of faculty1 as being 7esse7 is the actuality of substance4 ,god alone is actus purus 7absolute realized actuality71 free from potentiality4 ,his substantia is ,his being and ,his action 7suum esse and suum agere74 8,but neither in an angel1 nor in any creature1 is virtus or the potentia operativa the same as the creature's essentia10 or its esse or substantia4 ,the difficult scholastic-,aristotelian categories of intellectus agens and possibilis do not apply to angelic cognition 7for which the reader and the angels may be thankful74 ,the angels1 being immaterial intelligences1 have no share in those faculties of the human soul1 like sight or hearing1 which are exercised through bodily organs4 ,they possess only intelligence and will4 8,it accords with the order of the universe that the supreme intellectual creature should be intelligent altogether1 and not intelligent in part1 like our souls40 ,quaestio lv41 concerning the medium cognitionis angelicae1 is a scholastic discussion scarcely to be rendered in modern language4 ,the angelic intelligence is capable of knowing all things2 and therefore an angel does not know through the medium of his essentia or substantia1 which are limited4 ,god alone knows all things through ,his essentia4 ,the angelic intellect is made perfect for knowing by means of certain forms or ideas 7species74 ,these are not received from things1 but are part of the angelic nature 7connaturales74 ,the angelic intelligence 7potentia intellectiva7 is completed through general concepts1 of the same nature with itself 7species intelligibiles connaturales74 ,these come to angels from ,god at the same time with their being4 ,such concepts or ideas cover everything that they can know by nature 7naturaliter74 ,and ,thomas proves that the higher angels know through fewer and more universal concepts than the lower4 8,in ,god an entire plenitude of intellectual cognition is held in one1 to wit1 in the divine essence through which ,god knows all things4 ,intelligent creatures possess such cognition in inferior mode and less simply4 ,what ,god knows through one1 inferior intelligences know through many2 and this many becomes more as the inferiority increases4 ,hence the higher angel may know the sum total of the intelligible 7universitatem intelligibilium7 through fewer ideas or concepts 7species72 which1 however1 are more universal since each concept extends to more things4 ,we find illustration of this among our fellows4 ,some are incapable of grasping intelligible truth1 unless it be set forth through particular examples4 ,this comes from the weakness of their intelligence4 ,but others1 of stronger mind1 can seize many things from a few statements0 7,qu4 lv4 ,art4 #c74 ,through this argument1 and throughout the rest of his exposition of the knowledge of ,god1 angel1 and man1 we perceive that1 with ,thomas1 knowledge is superior and more delightful1 as it is abstract in character1 and universal in applicability4 ,by knowing the abstract and the universal we become like to ,god and the angels2 knowledge of and through the particular is but a necessity of our half-material nature4 ,thomas turns now to consider the knowledge had by angels of immaterial beings1 i4e4 themselves and ,god 7,qu4 lvi473 8,an angel1 being immaterial1 is a subsisting form1 and therefore intelligible actually 7actu1 i4e4 not potentially74 ,wherefore1 through its form1 which is its substance1 it knows itself40 ,then as to knowledge of each other3 ,god from the beginning impressed upon the angelic mind the likenesses of things which ,he created4 ,for in ,him1 from the beginning1 were the rationes of all things1 both spiritual and corporeal4 ,through the impression of these rationes upon the angelic mind1 an angel knows other angels as well as corporeal creatures4 ,their natures also yield them some knowledge of ,god4 ,the angelic nature is a mirror holding the divine similitude4 ,yet without the illumination of grace the angelic nature knows not ,god in ,his essence1 because no created likeness may represent that4 ,as for material things 7,qu4 lvii471 angels have knowledge of them through the intelligible species or concepts impressed by ,god on the angelic mind4 ,but do they know particulars--singularia8 ,to deny it1 says ,thomas1 would detract from the faith which accords to angels the ministration of affairs4 ,this matter may be thought thus3 8,things flow forth from ,god both as they subsist in their own natures and as they are in the angelic cognition4 ,evidently what flowed from ,god in things pertained not only to their universal nature1 but to their principles of individuation4444 ,and as ,he causes1 so ,he also knows4444 ,likewise the angel1 through the concepts 7species7 planted in him by ,god1 knows things not only according to their universal nature1 but also according to their singularity1 in so far as they are manifold representations of the one and simple essence40 ,one observes that the whole scholastic discussion of universals lies back of arguments like these4 ,the main principles of angelic knowledge have now been set forth2 and ,thomas pauses to point out to what extent the angels know the future1 the secret thoughts of our hearts1 and the mysteries of grace4 ,he has still to consider the mode and measure of the angelic knowledge from other points of view4 ,whatever the angels may know through their implanted natures1 they know perfectly 7actu72 but it may be otherwise as to what is divinely revealed to them4 ,what they know1 they know without the need of argument4 ,and the discussion closes with remarks on ,augustine's phrase and conception of the matutina and vespertina knowledge of angels3 the former being the knowledge of things as they are in the ,word2 the latter being the knowledge of things as they are in their own natures4#fjc ,v ,that the abstract and the universal is the noble and delectable1 we learn from this exposition of angelic knowledge4 ,we may learn the same from ,thomas's presentation of the modes and contents of human understanding4 ,the ,summa theologiae follows the ,scriptural order of presentation2#fjd which is doubtless the reason why ,thomas1 instead of passing from immaterial creatures to the partly immaterial creature man1 considers first the creation of physical things--the ,scriptural work of the six days4 ,after this he takes up the last act of the ,creation--man4 ,in the ,summa he considers man so far as his composite nature comes within the scope of theology4 ,accordingly the principal topic is the human soul 7anima72 and the body is regarded only in relation to the soul1 its qualities and its fate4 ,thomas will follow ,dionysius 7,pseudo-,areopagite7 in considering first the nature 7essentia7 of the soul1 then its faculties 7virtus sive potentiae71 and thirdly1 its mode of action 7operatio74 ,under the first head he argues 7,pars prima1 ,qu4 lxxv47 that the soul1 which is the primum principium of life1 is not body1 but the body's consummation 7actus7 and forma4 ,further1 inasmuch as the soul is the principium of mental action1 it must be an incorporeal principle existing by itself4 ,it cannot properly be said to be the man2 for man is not soul alone1 but a composite of soul and body4 ,but the soul1 being immaterial and intellectual1 is not a composite of form and matter4 ,it is not subject to corruption4 ,concerning its union with the body 7,qu4 lxxvi471 8it is necessary to say that the mind 7intellectus71 which is the principle of intellectual action1 is the form 7forma7 of the human body40 ,one and the same intellectual principle does not pertain to all human bodies3 there is no common human soul1 but as many souls as there are men4#fje ,yet no man has a plurality of souls4 8,if indeed the anima intellectiva were not united to the body as form1 but only as motor 7as the ,platonists affirm71 it would be necessary to find in man another substantial form1 through which the body should be set in its being4 ,but if1 as we have shown1 the soul is united to the body as substantial form1 there cannot be another substantial form beside it0 7,qu4 lxxvi4 ,art4 #d74 ,the human soul is fitly joined to its body2 for it holds the lowest grade among intellectual substances1 having no knowledge of truth implanted in it1 as the angels have2 it has to gather knowledge per viam sensus4 8,but nature never omits what is necessary4 ,hence the anima intellectiva must have not only the faculty of knowing1 but the faculty of feeling 7sentiendi74 ,sense-action can take place only through a corporeal instrument4 ,therefore the anima intellectiva ought to be united to such a body1 which should be to it a convenient organ of sense0 7,art4 #e74 ,moreover1 8since the soul is united to the body as form1 it is altogether in any and every part of the body0 7,art4 #h74 ,it is a cardinal point 7,qu4 lxxvii47 with ,thomas that the soul's essentia is not its potentia3 the soul is not its faculties4 ,that is true only of ,god4 ,in ,him there is no diversity4 ,there is some diversity of faculty in an angel2 and more in man1 a creature on the confines of the corporeal and spiritual creation1 in whom concur the powers of both4 ,there is order and priority among the powers of the soul3 the potentiae intellectivae are higher than the potentiae sensitivae1 and control them2 while the latter are above the potentiae nutritivae4 ,yet the order of their generation is the reverse4 ,the highest of the sensitive faculties is sight4 ,the anima is the subject in which are the powers of knowing and willing 7potentiae intellectivae72 but the subject in which are the powers of sensation is the combination of the soul and body4 ,all the powers of the soul1 whether the subject be soul alone or soul and body1 flow from the essence of the soul1 as from a source 7principium74 ,thomas follows 7,qu4 lxxviii47 ,aristotle in dividing the powers of the soul into vegetative1 sensitive1 appetitive1 motor1 and intellectual4 ,in taking up the last1 he points out 7,qu4 lxxix47 that intelligence 7intellectus7 is a power of the soul1 and not the soul itself4 ,he then follows the ,philosopher in showing how intelligence 7intelligere7 is to be regarded as a passive power1 and he presents the difficult ,aristotelian device of the intellectus agens1 and argues that memory and reason are not to be regarded as powers distinct from the intelligence 7intellectus74 ,how does the soul1 while united to the body 7the anima conjuncta71 7#a7 know corporeal things which are beneath it8 7#b7 how does it know itself and what is in itself8 and 7#c7 how does it know immaterial substances which are above it8 ,the exposition of these problems is introduced by 7,qu4 lxxxiv47 a historical discussion of the primi philosophi who thought there was nothing but body in the world4 ,then came ,plato1 seeking 8to save some certain cognition of truth0 by means of his theory of ,ideas4 ,but ,plato seems to have erred in thinking that the form of the known must be in the knower as it is in the known4 ,this is not necessary4 ,in sense-perception the form of the thing is not in sense as it is in the thing4 8,and likewise the intelligence receives the species 7,ideas7 of material and mobile bodies immaterially and immutably1 after its own mode2 for the received is in the recipient after the mode of the recipient4 ,hence it is to be held that the soul through the intelligence knows bodies by immaterial1 universal1 and necessary cognition40 ,thomas sets this matter forth in a manner very illuminating as to his general position regarding knowledge3 8,it follows that material things which are known must exist in the knower1 not materially1 but immaterially4 ,and the reason of this is that the act of cognition extends itself to those things which are outside of the knower4 ,for we know things outside of us4 ,but through matter1 the form of the thing is limited to what is single 7aliquid unum74 ,hence it is plain that the ratio 7proper nature7 of cognition is the opposite of the ratio of materiality4 ,and therefore things1 like plants1 which receive forms only materially1 are in no way cognoscitivae1 as is said in the second book of ,de anima4 ,the more immaterially anything possesses the form of the thing known1 the more perfectly it knows4 ,wherefore the intelligence1 which abstracts the species 7,idea7 not only from matter1 but also from individualizing material conditions1 knows more perfectly than sense1 which receives the form of the thing known without matter indeed1 but with material conditions4 ,among the senses themselves1 sight is the most cognoscitivus1 because least material4 ,and among intelligences1 that is the more perfect which is the more immaterial0 7,qu4 lxxxiv4 ,art4 #b74 ,then ,thomas again differs from ,plato1 and holds with ,aristotle1 that the intelligence through which the soul knows has not its ideas written upon it by nature1 but from the first is capable of receiving them all 7sed est in principio in potentia ad hujusmodi species omnes74 ,hereupon1 and with further arguments1 ,thomas shows 8that the species intelligibiles1 by which our soul knows1 do not arise from separate forms0 or ideas4 ,to the converse question1 whether intelligent cognition comes from things of sense1 ,thomas answers1 following ,aristotle3 8,one cannot say that sense perception is the whole cause of intellectual cognition1 but rather in a certain way is the matter of the cause 7materia causae740 ,on the other hand1 8it is impossible that the mind1 in the state of the present life1 wherein it is joined to the passive body 7passibili corpori71 should know anything actually 7actu7 except by turning itself to images 7phantasmata74 ,and this appears from two arguments4 ,in the first place1 since the mind itself is a power 7vis7 using no bodily organ1 its action would not be interrupted by an injury to any bodily organ1 if for its action there was not needed the action of some faculty using a bodily organ4 ,sense and imagination use a bodily organ4 ,hence as to what the mind knows actually 7actu71 there is needed the action of the imagination and other faculties1 both in receiving new knowledge and in using knowledge already acquired4 ,for we see that when the action of the imaginative faculty is interrupted by injury to an organ1 as with the delirious1 the man is prevented from actually knowing those things of which he has knowledge4 ,secondly 7as any one may observe in himself71 whenever he attempts to know 7intelligere7 anything1 he forms images by way of example1 in which he may contemplate what he is trying to know4 ,and whenever we wish to make any one else understand1 we suggest examples1 from which he may make for himself images to know by4 8,the reason of this is that the knowing faculty is suited to the knowable 7potentia cognoscitiva proportionatur cognoscibili74 ,the appropriate object of the intelligence of an angel1 who is separate from all body1 is intelligible immaterial substance 7substantia intelligibilis a corpore separata72 through this kind of intelligible he cognizes also material things4 ,but the appropriate object of the human mind1 which is joined to a body1 is the essence or nature 7quidditas sive natura7 existing in material body2 and through the natures of visible things of this sort it ascends to some cognition of invisible things4 ,it belongs to the idea 7ratio7 of this nature that it should exist in some individual having corporeal matter1 as it is of the concept 7ratio7 of the nature of stone or horse that it should be in this stone or this horse4 ,hence the nature of a stone or any material thing cannot be known completely and truly1 unless it is known as existing in some particular instance4 ,we apprehend the particular through sense and imagination2 and so it is necessary1 in order that the mind should know its appropriate object1 that it should turn itself to images1 in order to behold the universal nature existing in the particular4 ,if1 indeed1 the appropriate object of our intelligence were the separate form1 or if the form of sensible things did not subsist in the particular instances1 as the ,platonists say1 our mind in knowing would have no need always to turn itself to images0 7,qu4 lxxxiv4 ,art4 #g74 ,it is next queried whether the judgment of the mind is impeded through binding 7per ligamentum7 the senses4 ,in view of the preceding argument the answer is1 that since 8all that we know in our present state1 becomes known to us through comparison with sensible things1 it is impossible that there should be in us perfect mental judgment when the senses are tied1 through which we take cognizance of sensible things0 7,qu4 lxxxiv4 ,art4 #h74 ,this entire argument shows in what firm ,aristotelian manner1 scholasticism1 in the person of ,thomas1 set itself upon a basis of sense perception2 through which it still pressed to a knowledge of the supersensible and abstract4 ,in this argument we also see1 as always with ,thomas1 that knowledge is perfect and blessed1 the more immaterial and abstract are its modes4 ,all of which will continue to impress us as we follow ,thomas1 briefly1 through his exposition of the modus and ordo of knowing 7intelligendi7 7,qu4 lxxxv474 ,the first question is whether our mind knows corporeal things by abstracting the species from the images--the type from the particular4 ,there are three grades of the cognizing faculty 7virtutis cognoscitivae74 ,the lowest is sensation1 which is the act of a bodily organ4 ,its appropriate object is form as existing in matter4 ,and since matter is the principle of individuation 7i4e4 the particularizing principle from which results the particular or individual71 sense perception is confined to the particular4 ,the highest grade of the cognitient faculty is that which is independent of bodily organs and separate from matter1 as the angelic intelligence2 and its object is form subsisting without matter4 ,for though angels know material things1 they view them only in the immaterial1 to wit1 themselves or ,god4 ,between the two is the human mind1 which 8is the forma of the body4 ,so it naturally knows form existing individually in corporeal matter1 and yet not as form is in such matter4 ,but to know form1 which is in concrete matter1 and yet know it not as it is in such matter1 is to abstract it from this particular matter which the images represent4 ,it follows that our intelligence knows material things by abstracting them from images2 and through reflecting on these material abstractions we reach some cognition of the immaterial1 just as conversely the angels know the material through the immaterial0 7,qu4 lxxxv4 ,art4 #a74 ,it is next proved that the soul1 through the intelligible species or forms abstracted from particulars1 knows things which are outside the soul4 ,in a way1 intellection arises from sense perception2 therefore the sense perception of the particular precedes the intellectual knowledge of universals4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the intelligence1 in coming to perfect cognition1 proceeds from the undistinguished to the distinguished1 from the more to the less general1 and so knows animal before it knows homo1 and homo before it knows ,socrates4 ,the next conclusion reads very neatly in scholastic ,latin1 but is difficult to paraphrase3 it is that the intelligence may know many things at once 7simul7 per modum unius1 but not per modum multorum2 that is to say1 the mind may grasp at once whatever it may grasp under one species1 but cannot know a number of things at once which fall under different species4 ,next as to what our mind knows in material things 7,qu4 lxxxvi474 ,it does not know the particular or singular 7singularia7 in them directly2 for the principle of singularity in material things is the particular matter4 ,but our mind knows by abstracting from such the species1 that is1 the universal4 ,this it knows directly4 ,but it knows singularia indirectly1 inasmuch as1 when it has abstracted the intelligible species1 it must still1 in order to know completely 7actu71 turn itself to the images in which it knows the species4 ,how does the anima intellectiva know itself1 and those things which are in it 7,qu4 lxxxvii478 ,everything is knowable in so far as it is actually 7in actu7 and not merely potentially4 ,so the human intelligence knows itself not through its essence1 which is still but potential1 but in so far as it has actually realized itself2 knows itself1 that is1 through its actuality4 ,the permanent qualities 7habitus7 of the soul exist in a condition between potentiality and actuality4 ,the mind knows them when they are actually present or operative4 ,does the human intelligence know its own act--know that it knows8 ,in ,god1 knowing and being are one4 ,although this is not true of the angelic intelligence1 nevertheless with an angel the prime object of knowledge is his own essence4 ,with one and the same act an angel knows that it knows1 and knows its essence4 ,but the primal object of the human intelligence is neither its knowledge 7knowing1 intelligere7 nor its essence1 but something extrinsic1 to wit1 the nature of the material thing4 ,hence that is the first object known by the human intelligence2 and next is known its own actus1 by which that first object is known4 ,likewise the human intelligence knows the acts of will4 ,an act of will is nothing but a certain inclination toward some form of the mind 7formam intellectam7 as natural appetite is an inclination toward a natural form4 ,the act of will is in the knowing mind and so is known by it4 ,so far as to how the soul knows material things1 which are below it1 and its own nature and qualities4 ,it is another question whether the soul knows those things which are above it1 to wit1 the immaterial substances4 ,can the soul in the state of the present life know the angels in themselves8 ,with lengthy argument1 differing from ,plato and adhering to ,aristotle1 ,thomas proves the negative3 that in the present life we cannot know substantias separatas immateriales secundum seipsas4 ,nor can we come to a knowledge of the angelic substances through knowing material things4 8,for immaterial substances are altogether of another nature 7ratio7 from the whatnesses 7quidditates7 of material things2 and however much our intelligence abstracts from matter the essence 7quidditas7 of the material thing1 it will never arrive at anything like an immaterial substance4 ,and so1 through material substances1 we cannot know immaterial substances perfectly0 7,qu4 lxxxviii4 ,art4 #b74 ,much less can we thus know ,god4 ,the discussion hitherto has been confined to the intellectual capacities of souls united to their bodies4 ,as to the knowledge which the 8separated0 soul may have1 other considerations arise akin to those touching the knowledge possessed by the separated substances called angels4 ,is the separated soul able to know8 ,thomas has shown that so long as the soul is joined to the body it cannot know anything except by turning itself to images4 ,if this were a mere accident of the soul1 incidental to its existence in the body1 then with that impediment removed1 it would return to its own nature and know simply4 ,but if1 as we suppose1 this turning to images is of the nature of the soul1 the difficulty grows4 ,yet the soul has one mode of existence when united to the body1 and another when separated1 but with its nature remaining4 ,souls united to bodies may know through resort to images of bodies1 which are in the bodily organs2 but when separated1 they may know by turning to that which is intelligible simply1 as other separate substances do4 ,yet still this raises doubt2 for why did not ,god appoint a nobler way for the soul to know than that which is natural to it when joined to the body8 ,the perfection of the universe required that there should be diverse grades among intellectual substances4 ,the soul is the lowest of them4 ,its feeble intelligence was not fit to receive perfect knowledge through universal conceptions1 save when assisted by concrete examples4 ,without these1 souls would have had but a confused knowledge4 ,hence1 for their more perfect knowledge of things1 they are naturally united to bodies1 and so receive a knowledge from things of sense proper to their condition2 just as rude men can be led to know only through examples4 ,so it was for a higher end that the soul was united to the body1 and knows through resort to images2 yet1 when separated1 it will be capable of another way of knowing4#fjf ,separated from the body1 the soul can know itself through itself4 ,it can know other separated souls perfectly1 but the angels1 who are higher natures1 only imperfectly1 at least through the knowledge which the separated soul has from its nature2 but that may be increased through grace and glory4 ,the separated soul will know natural objects through the species 7ideas7 received from the inflowing divine light2 yet less perfectly than the angels4 ,likewise1 less universally than angels1 will separated souls1 by like means of species received from the divine light1 know particular things1 and only such as they previously knew1 or may know through some affection or aptitude or the divine decree4 ,for the habit and aptitude of knowledge1 and the knowledge already acquired1 will remain in the separated soul1 so far as relates to the knowledge which is in the intellect1 and no longer in the lower perceptive faculties4 ,neither will distance from the object affect the soul's knowledge1 since it will know through the influx of forms 7species7 from the divine light4 8,yet through the cognition belonging to their nature1 separated souls do not know what is doing here below4 ,for such souls know the particular and concrete 7singularia7 only as from the traces 7vestigia7 of previous cognition or affection1 or by divine appointment4 ,and the souls of the dead by divine decree1 and in accordance with their mode of existence1 are separated from the intercourse of the living and joined to the society of spiritual substances4 ,therefore they are ignorant of those things which are done among us40 ,nevertheless1 it would seem1 according to the opinions of ,augustine and ,gregory1 8that the souls of the saints who see ,god know all that is done here4 ,yet1 perfectly joined to the divine righteousness1 they are not grieved1 nor do they take part in the affairs of the living1 save as the divine disposition requires40 8,still the souls of the dead are able to care for the affairs of the living1 although ignorant of their condition2 just as we have care for the dead1 though ignorant of their state1 by invoking the suffrages of the ,church4 ,and the souls of the dead may be informed of the affairs of the living from souls lately departed hence1 or through angels or demons1 or by the revealing spirit of ,god4 ,but if the dead appear to the living1 it is by ,god's special dispensation1 and to be reckoned as a divine miracle0 7,qu4 lxxxix4 ,art4 #h74 ,,vi ,we have thus traced ,thomas's view of the faculty of knowledge1 the primary constituent of beatitude in ,god1 and in angels and men4 ,there are other elements which not only supplement the faculty of knowledge1 but even flow as of necessity from a full and true conception of that faculty and its perfect energizing4 ,these needful1 yet supplementary1 factors are the faculties of will and love and natural appetite2 though the last does not exist in ,god or angel or in 8separated soul40 ,the composite creature man shares it with brutes3 it is of enormous importance1 since it may affect his spiritual progress in this life1 and so determine his state after death4 ,let us observe these qualities in ,god1 in the immaterial substances called angels1 and in man4 ,in ,god there is volition as well as intelligence2 for voluntas intellectum consequitur2 and as ,god's being 7esse7 is ,his knowing 7intelligere71 so likewise ,his being is ,his will 7velle74#fjg ,essentially alike in ,god and man and angel are the constituents of spiritual beatitude and existence--knowing1 willing1 loving4 ,from ,creator down to man1 knowledge differs in mode and in degree1 yet is essentially the same4 ,the like is true of will4 ,as to love1 because passion is of the body1 love and every mode of turning from or to an object is passionless in ,god and the angels4 ,yet man through love1 as well as through willing and through knowing1 may prove his kinship with angels and with ,god4 ,god is love1 says ,john's ,epistle4 8,it is necessary to place love in ,god10 says ,thomas4 8,for the first movement of will and any appetitive faculty 7appetitivae virtutis7 is love 7amor740 ,it is objected that love is a passion2 and the passionless ,god cannot love4 ,answers ,thomas1 8,love and joy and delight are passions in so far as they signify acts 7or actualities1 actus7 of the appetitus sensitivi2 but they are not passions when they signify the actus of the appetitus intellectivi2 and thus are they placed in ,god0 7,pars prima1 ,qu4 xx4 ,art4 #a74 ,god loves all existences4 ,now all existences1 in so far as they are1 are good4 ,for being itself 7esse7 is in a sense the good of any thing1 and likewise its perfection4 ,it has been shown that ,god's will is the cause of all things2 and thus it is proper that a thing should have being1 or good1 in so far as it is willed by ,god4 ,god wills some good to every existent thing4 ,and since to love is nothing else than to will good to something1 it is evident that ,god loves all things that are1 yet not in the way we love4 ,for since our will is not the cause of the goodness of things1 but is moved by it as by an object1 our love by which we will good to anything is not the cause of its goodness2 but its goodness calls forth the love by which we wish to preserve and add to the good it has2 and for this we work4 ,but ,god's love imparts and creates goodness in things4 ,the divine love embraces all things in one and the same act of will2 but inasmuch as ,his love creates goodness1 there could be no greater goodness in one thing than in another unless ,he willed greater good to one than to the other3 in this sense ,he may be said to love one creature more than another2 and in this way ,he loves the better things more4 ,besides love1 the order of the universe proves ,god's justitia2 an attribute which is to be ascribed to ,him1 as ,dionysius says1 in that ,he grants to all things what is appropriate1 according to the dignity of the existence of each1 and preserves the nature of each in its own order and virtue4 ,likewise misericordia is to be ascribed to ,god1 not as if ,he were affected by pitying sadness1 but in that ,he remedies the misery or defects of others4 ,thus far as to will and love in ,god4 ,next1 as to these qualities in ,angels4 ,have angels will8 7,pars prima1 ,qu4 lix474 ,thomas argues3 ,all things proceed from the divine will1 and all per appetitum incline toward good4 ,in plants this is called natural appetite4 ,next above them come those creatures who perceive the particular good as of the senses2 their inclination toward it is appetitus sensitivus4 ,still above them are such as know the ratio of the good universally1 through their intelligence4 ,such are the angels2 and in them inclination toward the good is will4 ,moreover1 since they know the nature of the good1 they are able to form a judgment as to it2 and so they have free will3 ubicumque est intellectus1 est liberum arbitrium4 ,and as their knowledge is above that of men1 so in them free will exists more excellently4 ,the angels have only the appetitus intellectivus which is will2 they are not irascible or concupiscent1 since these belong to the appetitus sensitivus4 ,only metaphorically can furor and evil concupiscence be ascribed to demons1 as anger is to ,god--propter similitudinem effectus4 ,consequently amor and gaudium do not exist as passions in angels4 ,but in so far as these qualities signify solely an act of will1 they are intellectual4 ,in this sense1 to love is to will good to anything1 and to rejoice 7gaudere7 is to rest the will in a good obtained4 ,similarly1 caritas and spes1 in so far as they are virtues1 lie not in appetite1 but in will2 and thus exist in angels4 ,with man the virtues of temperance and fortitude may relate to things of sense2 but not so with angels1 who have no passions to be bridled by these virtues4 ,temperance is ascribed to them when they temper their will according to the will divine1 and fortitude1 when they firmly execute it 7,qu4 lix4 ,art4 #d74 ,in a subsequent portion of ,pars prima 7,qu4 cx47 ,thomas has occasion to point out that1 as in human affairs1 the more particular power is governed by the more universal1 so among the angels4 8,the higher angels who preside over the lower have more universal knowledge4 ,it is likewise clear that the virtus of a body is more particular than the virtus of a spiritual substance2 for every corporeal form is form particularized 7individuata7 through matter1 and limited to the here and now4 ,but immaterial forms are unconditioned and intelligible4 ,and as the lower angels1 who have forms less universal1 are ruled by the higher angels1 so all corporeal things are ruled by angels4 ,and this is maintained not only by the holy ,doctors1 but by all philosophers who have recognized incorporeal substances40 ,next ,thomas considers the action of angels upon men1 and shows that men may have their minds illumined by the lower orders of angels1 who present to men intelligibilem veritatem sub similitudinibus sensibilium4 ,god sends the angels to minister to corporeal creatures2 in which mission their acts proceed from ,god as a cause 7principio74 ,they are ,his instruments4 ,they are sent as custodians of men1 to guide and move them to good4 8,to every man an angel is appointed for his guard3 of which the reason is1 that the guardianship 7custodia7 of the angels is an execution of divine providence in regard to men40 ,every man1 while as viator he walks life's via non tuta1 has his guardian angel4 ,and the archangels have care of multitudes of men 7,qu4 cxiii474 ,thus ,thomas's1 or rather1 say the ,christian doctrine as to angels1 becomes a corollary necessary to ,christian theism1 and true at least symbolically4 ,but--and this is the last point as to these ministering spirits--do the angels who love without passion1 grieve and suffer when those over whom they minister are lost8 8,angels grieve neither over the sins nor the punishment of men4 ,for1 as says ,augustine1 sadness and grief arise only from what contravenes the will4 ,but nothing happens in the world that is contrary to the will of the angels and other blessed ones4 ,for their will is entirely fixed 7totaliter inhaeret7 in the order of the divine righteousness 7,justitiae72 and nothing takes place in the world1 save what takes place and is permitted by the same4 ,and so1 in brief1 nothing takes place in the world contrary to the will of the blessed0 7,qu4 cxiii4 ,art4 #g74 ,we come to man4 ,he has will1 and free will or choice1 as the angels have4 ,will is part of the intellectual nature3 it is as the intellectivus appetitus4 ,but man differs from the angels in possessing appetites which belong to his sense-nature and do not perceive the good in its common aspects2 because sense does not apprehend the universal1 but only the particular4#fjh ,sometimes ,thomas speaks of amor as including every form of desire1 intellectual or pertaining to the world of sense4 8,the first movement of will and of any appetitive faculty 7virtus7 is amor40#fji ,so in this most general signification amor 8is something belonging to appetite2 for the object of both is the good40 8,the first effect of the desirable 7appetibilis7 upon the appetitus1 is called amor2 thence follows desiderium1 or the movement toward the desirable2 and at last the quies which is gaudium4 ,since then amor consists in an effect upon the appetitus1 it is evidently passio2 most properly speaking when it relates to the yearning element 7concupiscibile71 but less properly when it relates to will0 7,pars prima1 ,qu4 xxvi4 ,art4 #b74 ,further distinguishing definitions are now in order3 8,four names are applied to what pertains to the same3 amor1 dilectio1 caritas1 et amicitia4 ,of the three first1 amor has the broadest meaning4 ,for all dilectio or caritas is amor2 but not conversely4 ,dilectio adds to amor a precedent choice 7electionem praecedentem7 as its name indicates4 ,hence dilectio is not in the concupiscent nature1 but in the will1 and therefore in the rational nature4 ,caritas adds to amor a certain perfectionem amoris1 inasmuch as what is loved1 is esteemed as very precious1 as the name shows0 7,ibid4 ,art4 #c74 ,moreover1 amor may be divided into amor amicitiae1 whereby we wish good to the amicus1 and amor concupiscentiae1 whereby properly we desire a good to ourselves4 ,the ,good is the object and1 in that sense1 the cause1 of amor 7,qu4 xxvii474 8,but love requires a cognition of the good which is loved4 ,therefore the ,philosopher says1 that bodily sight is the cause of amoris sensitivi4 ,likewise contemplation of spiritual beauty or goodness is the cause of amoris spiritualis4 ,thus1 therefore1 cognition is the cause of love1 inasmuch as the good cannot be loved unless known40 ,from this broad conception of amor the argument rises to amor in its purest phases1 which correspond to the highest modes of knowledge man is capable of4 ,they are considered in their nature1 in their causes1 and effects4 ,it is evident whither we are travelling in this matter4 8,love 7amor7 may be perfect or imperfect4 ,perfect love is that by which some one is loved for himself1 as a man loves a friend4 ,imperfect love is that by which some one loves a thing1 not for itself1 but in order that that good may come to him1 as a man loves the thing he desires4 ,the first love pertains to caritas which cleaves to ,god 7inhaeret ,deo7 for ,himself 7secundum seipsum740#faj ,caritas is one of the theological virtues1 and as such ,thomas treats it4 ,to it corresponds the 8gift0 of sapientia1 likewise a virtue bestowed by ,god1 but more particularly regarded as the 8gift0 of the ,holy ,spirit4 ,caritas is set not in the appetitus sensitivus1 but in the will4 ,yet as it exceeds our natural faculties1 8it is not in us by nature1 nor acquired through our natural powers2 but through the infusion of the ,holy ,spirit1 who is the amor ,patris et ,filii40 ,he infuses caritas according to ,his will2 and it will increase as we draw near to ,god2 nor is there any bound to its augmentation4 ,may caritas be perfect in this life8 ,in one sense it never can be perfect1 because no creature ever can love ,god according to ,his infinite lovableness4 8,but on the part of him who wills to love 7ex parte diligentis71 caritas is perfect when he loves as much as he is able4 ,which may be taken in three ways4 ,in one way1 as the whole heart of man is always borne toward ,god2 and this is the perfection of the love of home 7caritas patriae71 unattainable here1 where because of this life's infirmities it is impossible always actually to think upon ,god1 and be drawn toward ,him by voluntary love 7dilectione74 ,in another way1 as a man may strive to keep himself free for ,god and things divine1 laying other matters aside1 save as life's need requires3 and that is the perfection of caritas1 possible in this life1 yet not for all who have caritas4 ,and the third way1 when any one habitually sets his heart on ,god1 so that he thinks and wills nothing that is contrary to the divine love3 this perfection is common to all who have caritas40#faa ,the caritas with which we love ,god1 extends to our neighbours1 and even to our enemies1 for ,god's sake2 also to ourselves1 including our bodies2 it embraces sinners1 but not their sinfulness4 ,it embraces the angels4 ,there is order and grade in caritas1 according to its relationship to ,god1 the source of beatitude and voluntary love 7dilectionis74 ,god is to be loved ex caritate above all2 for ,he is loved as the cause of beatitude1 while our neighbour is loved as a participant with us in the beatitude from ,god4 ,we should love ,god more than ourselves2 because beatitude is in ,god as in the common and fontal source of all things that participate in beatitude4 8,but1 after ,god1 man should love himself1 in so far as he is spirit 7secundum naturam spiritualem71 more than any one else4 ,this is plain from the very reason of loving4 ,god is loved as the principle of good1 on which the dilectio caritatis is based4 ,man loves himself ex caritate for the reason that he is a participator in that good4 ,he loves his neighbour because of his association 7societas7 in that good4444 ,participation in the divine good is a stronger reason for loving1 than association in this participation4 ,therefore1 man ex caritate should love himself more than his neighbour2 and the mark 7signum7 of this is1 that man should not commit any sin barring his participation in this beatitude1 in order to free his neighbour from sin4444 ,but one should love his neighbour's salvation more than his own body40#fab ,we may love some of our neighbours more than others2 for those bound to us by natural ties and proximity can be loved more and in more actual ways4 ,the order and grades of love will endure when our natures are perfected in glory4 ,love 7caritas7 is the supreme theological virtue4 ,it comes to us in this life through grace2 it can be perfected only when grace is consummated in glory4 ,likewise the highest knowledge possible in this life comes through grace1 to be perfected in glory4 ,all is from ,god1 and that which1 of all the rest1 seems most freely given is the divine influence disposing the intelligence and will toward good1 and illuminating these best ,god-given faculties4 ,this1 as par excellence1 through the exceeding bounty of its free bestowal1 is called gratia 7grace74 ,it is a certain habitual disposition of the soul2 it is not the same as virtus1 but a divinely implanted disposition1 in which the virtues must be rooted2 it is the imparted similitude of the divine nature1 and perfects the nature of the soul1 so far as that has part in likeness to the divine3 it is the medial state between nature and that further consummation of the grace-illumined nature1 which is glory2 and so it is the beginning1 the inchoatio1 of our glorified beatitude4 ,clearly1 grace is no part of our inborn nature1 and does not belong to our natural faculties4 ,it is a divinely bestowed increment1 directing our natural faculties toward ,god and uplifting them to higher capacities of knowing and loving4 ,to follow ,thomas's exposition of grace a little more closely3#fac man1 through his natural powers1 may know truth1 but not the highest2 and without grace1 our fallen nature cannot will all the good belonging to it 7connaturale71 nor love ,god above all else1 nor merit eternal life4 8,grace is something supernatural in man coming from ,god40 ,it 8is not the same as virtue2 and its subject 7i4e4 its possessor1 that in which it is set7 cannot be a faculty 7potentia7 of the soul2 for the soul's faculties1 as perfected1 are conceived to be virtues4 ,grace1 which is prior to virtue1 is set1 not in the faculties1 but in the essence of the soul4 ,thus1 as through his faculty of knowing 7potentiam intellectivam71 man shares the divine knowledge by the virtue of faith1 and through the faculty of will shares the divine love by the virtue of caritas1 so by means of a certain similitude he shares in the divine nature through some regeneration or recreation0 7,pars ,i4 ii41 ,qu4 cx4 ,art4 #d74 ,grace may be conceived either as 8divine aid1 moving us to willing and doing right1 or as a formative and abiding 7habituale7 gift1 divinely placed in us0 7,qu4 cxi4 ,art4 #b74 8,the gift of grace exceeds the power of any created nature2 and is nothing else than a sharing 7participatio7 of the divine nature0 7,qu4 cxii4 ,art4 #a74 ,so it is clear that without grace man cannot rise to the highest knowledge and the purest love of which he is capable in this life2 far less can he reach that final and perfected blessedness which is expected hereafter4 ,for this he must possess the virtue of ,faith1 which comes not without grace4 8,the perfection of the rational creature consists not only in that which may be his1 in accordance with his nature2 but also in that which may come to him from some supernatural sharing in the divine goodness4 ,the final beatitude of man consists in some supernatural vision of ,god4 ,man can attain to that only through some mode of learning from ,god the ,teacher1 and he must believe ,god as a disciple believes his master0 7,pars ,,ii4 ii41 ,qu4 ii4 ,art4 #c74 ,within the province of the ,christian ,faith 8it is necessary that man should accept per modum fidei not only what is above reason1 but also what may be known through reason40 7,art4 #d74 ,he must believe explicitly the prima credibilia1 that is to say1 the ,articles of ,faith2 it is enough if he believes other credibilia implicitly1 by holding his mind prepared to accept whatever ,scripture teaches 7,art4 #e74 8,to believe is an act of the intellect 7actus intellectus7 as moved by will to assenting4 ,it proceeds from the will and from the intellect4444 ,yet it is the immediate act of the intellect1 and therefore faith is in the intellect as in a subject i4e4 possessor0 7,qu4 iv4 ,art4 #b74 ,and ,thomas1 having shown the function of will in any act of faith1 passes on by the same path to connect fides with caritas3 8,voluntary acts take their species from the end which is the object of volition4 ,that from which anything receives its species1 occupies the place held by form in material things4 ,hence1 as it were1 the form of any voluntary act is the end to which it is directed 7ordinatur74 ,manifestly1 an act of faith is directed to the object willed 7which is the good7 as to an end4 ,but good which is the end of faith1 to wit1 the divine good1 is the proper object of caritas4 ,and so caritas is called the form of faith1 in so far as through caritas the act of faith is perfected and given form0 7,qu4 iv4 ,art4 #c74 ,thomas makes his conclusion more precise3 8,as faith is the consummation of the intellect1 that which pertains to the intellect1 pertains1 per se1 to faith4 ,what pertains to will1 does not1 per se1 pertain to faith4 ,the increment making the difference between the faith which has form and faith which lacks it 7fides formata1 fides informis71 consists in that which pertains to will1 to wit1 to caritas1 and not in what pertains to intellect0 7,qu4 iv4 ,art4 #d74 ,only the fides which is formed and completed in caritas is a virtue 7,art4 #e74 ,and ,thomas says concisely 7,qu4 vi4 ,art4 #a7 what in many ways has been made evident before3 ,for ,faith1 it is necessary that the credibilia should be propounded1 and then that there should be assent to them2 but since man1 in assenting to those things which are of the ,faith1 is lifted above his nature1 his assent must proceed from a supernatural principle working within him1 which is ,god moving him through grace4 ,it is not hard to see why two gifts 7dona7 of the ,holy ,spirit should belong to the virtue ,faith1 to wit1 understanding and knowledge1 intellectus et scientia4 ,thomas gives the reasons in an argument germane to his ,aristotelian theory of cognition3 8,the object of the knowing faculty is that which is4444 ,many kinds of things lie hidden within1 to which the intellectus of man should penetrate4 ,beneath the accidens the substantial nature of the thing lies hidden2 beneath words lie their meanings2 beneath similes and figures1 lies the figured truth--veritas figurata 7for things intelligible are1 as it were1 within things sensible72 and in causes lie hidden the effects1 and conversely4 ,now1 since human cognition begins with sense1 as from without1 it is clear that the stronger the light of the intellect1 the further it will penetrate to the inmost depths4 ,but the light of our natural intellect is of finite virtue1 and may reach only to what is limited4 ,therefore man needs the supernatural light1 in order to penetrate to the knowledge which through the natural light he is not able to know2 and that supernatural light given to man is called the donum intellectus0 7,qu4 viii4 ,art4 #a74 ,this gift follows grace4 ,grace is more perfect than nature4 ,it does not abrogate1 but perfects the natural faculties4 ,nor does it fail in those matters in which man's natural power is competent 7,qu4 ix4 ,art4 #a74 ,so1 besides the donum intellectus1 to ,faith belongs the donum scientiae also1 which brings and guides knowledge of human things 7,art4 #b74 ,and now we shall not be surprised to find sapientia1 the very highest gift of the ,spirit1 attached to the grace-given virtue caritas4 ,for caritas is the informing principle of ,faith1 and the highest virtue of the grace-illumined will4 ,the will1 be it remembered1 belongs to man's intellectual nature2 its object is the good which is known by the mind 7bonum intellectum74 8,sapientia 7wisdom1 right knowledge as to the highest cause1 which is ,god7 signifies rectitude of judgment in accordance with the rationes divinae10 the ideas and reasons which exist in ,god4 ,rectitude of judgment regarding things divine may arise from rational inquiry2 in which case it pertains to the sapientia which is an intellectual virtue4 ,but it may also spring from affinity to those things themselves2 and then it is a gift of the ,holy ,spirit 7,,ii4 ii41 ,qu4 xlv4 ,art4 #b74 ,says ,thomas3 8,by the name beatitude is understood the final perfection of the rational or intellectual nature4 ,this consists for this life in such contemplation as we may have here of the highest intelligible good1 which is ,god2 but above this felicity is that other felicity which we expect when we shall see ,god as ,he is0 7,pars ,i41 ,qu4 lxii ,art #a74 ,but mark3 the perfection of the intellectual nature does not consist merely in knowing1 narrowly taken4 ,the right action of will is also essential1 of the will directed toward the highest good1 which is ,god3 and this is caritas1 of which the corresponding gift from the ,spirit is wisdom4 ,in accord with this full consummation of human nature1 comprising the perfection of cognition and will1 ,thomas outlines his conception of the vita contemplativa1 the life of most perfect beatitude attainable on earth3 8,the vita contemplativa is theirs whose resolve is set upon the contemplation of truth4 ,resolve is an act of will2 because resolve is with respect to the end1 which is the object of will4 ,thus the vita contemplativa1 according to the essence of its action1 is of the intelligence2 but so far as it pertains to what moves us to engage in such action1 it is of the will1 which moves all the other faculties1 including the intelligence1 to act4 ,appetitive energy 7vis appetitiva7 moves toward contemplating something1 either sensibly or intellectually3 sometimes from love of the thing seen1 and sometimes from love of the knowledge itself1 which arises from contemplation4 ,and because of this1 ,gregory sets the vita contemplativa in the love of ,god--in caritate ,dei--to wit1 inasmuch as some one1 from a willing love 7dilectio7 of ,god burns to behold ,his beauty4 ,and because any one is rejoiced when he attains what he loves1 the vita contemplativa is directed toward dilectio#fad which lies in affect 7in affectu72 by which amor also is intended0 7,,ii4 ii41 ,qu4 clxxx4 ,art4 #a74 ,the moral virtues1 continues ,thomas1 do not pertain essentially to this vita4 ,but they may promote it1 by regulating the passions and quieting the tumult of outside affairs4 ,in principle it is fixed upon the contemplation of truth1 which here we see but in a glass darkly2 and so we help ourselves along by contemplating the effects of the divine cause in the world4 ,thus final beatitude1 and its mortal approach in the vita contemplativa of this earth1 is of the mind1 both in its knowledge and its love4 ,immateriality1 spirituality1 is with ,thomas primarily intellectual4 ,yet his beatitude is not limited to the knowing faculties4 ,it embraces will and love4 ,the grace of ,god and the gifts of the ,holy ,spirit touch love as well as knowledge1 raising one and both to final unison of aim4 ,thus far in this life1 while in the life to come1 these grace-uplifted qualities of knowledge1 and that choosing love 7dilectio7 which rises from knowledge of the good1 are perfected in gloria4 ,further than this we shall not go with ,thomas1 nor follow him1 for example1 through his exposition of the means of salvation--the ,incarnation and the sacraments4 ,nor need we further mark the prodigious range of his theology1 or his metaphysics1 logic1 or physics4 ,to all this many books have been devoted4 ,we are but seeking to realise his intellectual interests and qualities1 in such way as to bring them within the compass of our sympathy4 ,a more encyclopaedic and systematic presentation of his teaching is proper for those who would trace1 or perhaps attach themselves to1 particular doctrines2 or would find in scholasticism1 even in ,thomas1 some special authoritativeness4 ,for us these doctrines have but the validity of all human striving after truth4 ,moreover1 perhaps a truer view of ,thomas1 the theologian and philosopher1 is gained from following a few typical forms of his teaching presented in his own exposition1 than by analyzing his thought with later solvents which he did not apply1 and presenting his matter classified as he would not have ordered it1 and in modern phrases1 which have as many meanings foreign to scholasticism as scholasticism has thoughts not to be translated into modern ways of thinking4 ,,chapter ,,xli ,,roger ,,bacon ,of all mediaeval men1 ,thomas ,aquinas achieved the most organic and comprehensive union of the results of human reasoning and the data of ,christian theology4 ,he may be regarded as the final exponent of scholasticism1 perfected in method1 universal in scope1 and still integral in purpose4 ,the scholastic method was soon to be impugned and the scholastic universality broken4 ,the premature attack upon the method came from ,roger ,bacon2#fae the fatal breach in the scholastic wholeness resulted from the constructive1 as well as critical1 achievements of ,duns ,scotus and ,occam4 ,bacon is a perplexing personality4 ,with other mediaeval thinkers one quickly feels the point of view from which to regard them4 ,not so with this most disparate genius of the ,middle ,ages4 ,reading his rugged statements1 and trying to form a coherent thought of him1 we are puzzled at the contradictions of his mind4 ,one may not say that he was not of his time4 ,every man is of his time1 and cannot raise himself very far out of the mass of knowledge and opinion furnished by it1 any more than a swimmer can lift himself out of the water that sustains him4 ,yet personal temper and inclination may aline a man with less potent tendencies1 which are obscured and hampered by the dominant intellectual interests of the period4 ,assuredly1 through all the ,middle ,ages1 there were men who noticed such physical phenomena as bore upon their lives1 even men who cared for the dumb beginnings of what eventually might lead to natural science4 ,but they were not representative of their epoch's master energies2 and in the ,middle ,ages1 as always1 the man of evident and great achievement will be one who1 like ,aquinas1 stands upon the whole attainment of his age4 ,roger ,bacon1 on the contrary1 was as one about whose loins the currents of his time drag and pull2 they did not aid him1 and yet he could not extricate himself4 ,it was his intellectual misfortune that he was held by his time so fatally1 so fatally1 at least1 for the proper doing of the work which was to be his contribution to human enlightenment1 a contribution well ignored while he lived1 and for long afterward4 ,bacon accepted the dominant mediaeval convictions3 the entire truth of ,scripture2 the absolute validity of the revealed religion1 with its dogmatic formulation2 also 7to his detriment7 the universally prevailing view that the end of all the sciences is to serve their queen1 theology4 ,yet he hated the ways of mediaeval natural selection and survival of the mediaeval fittest1 and the methods by which ,albert or ,thomas or ,vincent of ,beauvais were at last presenting the sum of mediaeval knowledge and conviction4 ,well might he detest those ways and methods1 seeing that he was ,roger ,bacon1 one impelled by his genius to critical study1 to observation and experiment4 ,he was impassioned for linguistics1 for mathematics1 for astronomy1 optics1 chemistry1 and for an experimental science which should confirm the contents of all these1 and also enlarge the scope of human ingenuity4 ,yet he was held fast1 and his thinking was confused1 by what he took from his time4 ,especially he was obsessed by the idea that philosophy1 including every branch of knowledge1 must serve theology1 and even in that service find its justification4 ,but what has chemistry to do with theology8 ,what has mathematics8 ,and what has the physical experimental method8 ,by maintaining the utility of these for theology1 ,bacon saved his mediaeval orthodoxy1 and it may be1 his skin from the fire4 ,but it wrecked the working of his genius4 ,his writings remain1 such of them as are known1 astounding in their originality and insight1 and almost as remarkable for their inconsistencies2 they are marked by a confusion of method and a distortion of purpose1 which sprang from the contradictions between ,bacon's genius and the current views which he adopted4 ,the career of ,bacon was an intellectual tragedy1 conforming to the old principles of tragic art3 that the hero's character shall be large and noble1 but not flawless1 inasmuch as the fatal consummation must issue from character1 and not happen through chance4 ,he died an old man1 as in his youth1 so in his age1 a devotee of tangible knowledge4 ,his pursuit of a knowledge which was not altogether learning had been obstructed by the ,order of which he was an unhappy and rebellious member2 quite as fatally his achievement was deformed from within by the principles which he accepted from his time4 ,but he was responsible for his acceptance of current opinions2 and as his views roused the distrust of his brother ,friars1 his intractable temper drew their hostility 7of which we know very little7 on his head4 ,persuasiveness and tact were needed by one who would impress such novel views as his upon his fellows1 or1 in the thirteenth century1 escape persecution for their divulgence4 ,bacon attacked dead and living worthies1 tactlessly1 fatuously1 and unfairly4 ,of his life scarcely anything is known1 save from his allusions to himself and others2 and these are insufficient for the construction of even a slight consecutive narrative4 ,born2 studied at ,oxford2 went to ,paris1 studied1 experimented2 is at ,oxford again1 and a ,franciscan2 studies1 teaches1 becomes suspect to his ,order1 is sent back to ,paris1 kept under surveillance1 receives a letter from the pope1 writes1 writes1 writes1--his three best-known works2 is again in trouble1 confined for many years1 released1 and dead1 so very dead1 body and fame alike1 until partly unearthed after five centuries4 ,inference and construction may fill out this sombre outline4 ,england was the land of ,bacon's birth1 and ,ilchester is said to have been the natal spot4 ,the approximate date may be guessed at from his reference to himself as senex in #abfg1 and his remark that he had then been studying forty years4 ,his family seems to have been wealthy4 ,besides the letter of ,pope ,clement1 hereafter to be quoted1 there is one contemporary reference to him4 ,mathew ,paris has a story of a certain clericus de curia1 scilicet ,rogerus ,bacum1 speaking up with bold wit to ,king ,henry ,,iii4 at ,oxford in #abcc4 ,bacon when a young man studied there under ,robert ,grosseteste and ,adam of ,marsh4 ,he frequently refers to both1 and always with respect4 ,his chief enthusiasm is for the former4 ,for years this admirable man was chancellor of ,oxford2 until made bishop of ,lincoln in #abce4 ,although never a ,franciscan1 he was the ,order's devoted friend1 and lectured in its house at ,oxford4 ,grosseteste founded the study of ,greek at ,oxford1 and collected treatises upon ,greek grammar4 ,bacon1 following him1 wrote a ,greek grammar4 ,grosseteste1 before ,bacon1 devoted himself to physics and mathematics1 and all that these many-branched sciences might include4 ,besides a taste for these studies ,bacon may have had from him the idea that they were useful for theology4 8,no one10 says ,bacon1 8knew the sciences save ,lord ,robert1 ,bishop of ,lincoln1 from his length of life and experience1 and studiousness and industry1 and because he knew mathematics and optics1 and was able to know all things2 and he knew enough of the languages to understand the saints and philosophers of antiquity2 but not enough to translate them1 unless towards the end of his life when he invited ,greeks1 and had books of ,greek grammar gathered from ,greece and elsewhere40#faf ,there is evidence that others at ,oxford1 besides ,grosseteste1 were interested in the study of ,greek and natural science4 ,from ,oxford ,bacon went to ,paris1 where apparently he remained for a number of years2 he was made a doctor there1 and afterwards became a ,franciscan4 ,since a monk could own nothing1 one may perhaps infer that ,bacon did not join the ,order until after the lapse of certain twenty years of scientific research1 in which he spent much money1 as he says in #abfg1 in an often-quoted passage of the ,opus tertium3 8,for now ,i have laboured from my youth in the sciences and languages1 and for the furtherance of study1 getting together much that is useful4 ,i sought the friendship of all wise men among the ,latins1 and caused youth to be instructed in languages1 and geometric figures1 in numbers and tables and instruments1 and many needful matters4 ,i examined everything useful to the purpose1 and ,i know how to proceed1 and with what means1 and what are the impediments3 but ,i cannot go on for lack of the funds which are needed4 ,through the twenty years in which ,i laboured specially in the study of wisdom1 careless of the crowd's opinion1 ,i spent more than two thousand pounds in these pursuits on occult books 7libros secretos7 and various experiments1 and languages and instruments1 and tables and other things40#fag ,after his first stay at ,paris ,bacon returned to ,oxford4 ,there he doubtless continued his researches1 and divulged them1 or taught in some way4 ,for he roused the suspicions of his ,order1 and in the course of time was sent or conducted back to ,paris1 where constraint seems to have been put upon his actions and utterances4 ,like the first1 this second1 possibly enforced1 stay was a long one2 he speaks of himself in the first chapter of the ,opus tertium as 8for ten years an exile40 ,yet here as always1 one is not quite certain how literally to take ,bacon's personal statements1 either touching himself or others4 ,a short period of elation was at hand4 ,he had evidently been forbidden to write1 or spread his ideas2 he had been disciplined at times with a diet of bread and water4 ,all this had failed to sweeten his temper1 or conform his mind to current views4 ,in #abfe1 an open-minded man who had been a jurist1 a warrior1 and the counsellor of a king1 before becoming an ecclesiastic1 was made ,pope ,clement ,,iv4 ,while living in ,paris he had been interested in ,bacon's work4 ,soon after the papal election our sore-bestead philosopher managed to communicate with him1 as appears by the pope's reply1 written from ,viterbo1 in ,july #abff3 8,to our beloved son1 ,brother ,roger1 called ,bacon1 of the ,order of ,brothers ,minorites4 ,we have received with pleasure the letter of thy devotion2 and we have well considered what our beloved son called ,bonecor1 ,knight1 has by word of mouth set forth to us1 with fidelity and prudence4 ,so then1 that we may understand more clearly what thou purposest1 it is our will1 and we command thee by our ,apostolic mandate that1 notwithstanding the prohibition of any prelate1 or any constitution of thy ,order1 thou sendest to us speedily in good script that work which1 while we held a minor office1 we requested thee to communicate to our beloved son ,raymond1 of ,laudunum4 ,also1 we command thee to set forth in a letter what remedies thou deemest should be applied to those matters which thou didst recently speak of as fraught with such peril4 ,do this as secretly as possible without delay40#fah ,poor ,bacon6 ,the pope's letter roused him to ecstasy1 then put him in a quandary1 and elicited elaborate apologies1 and the flood of persuasive exposition which he poured forth with tremulous haste in the eighteen months following4 ,delight at being solicited by the head of ,christendom breaks out in hyperbole1 not to be wondered at3 he is uplifted and cast prone2 that his littleness and multiple ignorance1 his tongue-tied mouth and rasping pen1 and himself unlistened to by all men1 a buried man delivered to oblivion1 should be called on by the pope's wisdom for wisdom's writings 7sapientales scripturas76 8,the ,saviour's vicar1 the ruler of the orb1 has deigned to solicit me1 who am scarcely to be numbered among the particles of the world--inter partes universae6 ,yet1 while my weakness is oppressed with the glory of this mandate1 ,i am raised above my own powers2 ,i feel a fervour of spirit2 ,i rise up in strength4 ,and indeed ,i ought to overflow with gratitude since your beatitude commands what ,i have desired1 what ,i have worked out with sweat1 and gleaned through great expenditures40#fai ,the word 8expenditures0 touches one horn of ,bacon's dilemma4 ,he is a ,franciscan2 therefore penniless2 and1 besides that1 apparently under the restraining ban of his own ,order4 ,the pope has enjoined secrecy2 therefore ,bacon cannot set up the papal mandate against the probable interference of his own superiors4 ,the pope has sent no funds2 sitting in culmine mundi he was too busy with high affairs to think of that4#fbj ,and now comes the chief matter for ,bacon's apologies3 his ,beatitude misapprehends1 has been misinformed3 the work is not yet written2 it is still to be composed4 ,in spite of these obstacles the friendless but resourceful philosopher somehow obtained opportunity to write1 and the means needed for the fair copy4 ,and then in those great eighteen1 or perhaps but fifteen1 months1 what a flood of enlightenment1 of reforming criticism1 of plans of study and methods of investigation1 of examples and sketches of the matter to be prepared or discovered1 is poured forth4 ,four works we know of1#fba and they may have made the greater part of all that ,bacon ever actually wrote4 ,with variations of emphasis1 of abridgement and elaboration1 the four have the one purpose to convince the pope of the enormous value of ,bacon's scheme of useful and saving knowledge4 ,to a great extent they set forth the same matters2 indeed the ,opus tertium was intended to convey the substance of the ,opus majus1 should that fail to reach the pope4 ,so there is much repetition and some disorder in these eager1 hurried works1 defects which emphasise the dramatic situation of the impetuous genius whose pent-up utterance was loosed at last4 ,the ,opus minus and the ,vatican ,fragment are as from a man overpowered by the eagerness to say everything at once1 lest the night close in before he have chance of speech4 ,and when the ,opus majus was at last sent forth1 accompanied by the ,opus minus1 as a battleship by a light armed cruiser1 the ,opus tertium was despatched after them1 filled with the same militant exposition1 for fear the former two should perish en voyage4 ,did they ever reach the pope8 ,we may presume so4 ,did he read any one of them8 ,here there is no information4 ,popes were the busiest men in ,europe1 and death was so apt to cut short their industry4 ,clement died the next year1 and so far as known1 no syllable of acknowledgement from him ever reached the feverishly expectant philosopher4 ,a few words will tell the rest4 ,in #abga1 apparently1 ,bacon wrote his ,compendium studii philosophiae1 taking the occasion to denounce the corruptions of ,church and society in unmeasured terms4 ,he rarely measured his vituperation6 ,his life was setting on toward its long last trial4 ,in #abgg1 ,jerome of ,ascoli1 the ,general of the ,franciscan ,order1 held a ,chapter at ,paris1 and ,bacon was condemned to imprisonment 7carceri condempnatus7 because of his teachings1 which contained aliquas novitates suspectas4#fbb ,jerome became ,pope ,nicholas ,,iv4 ,at a ,chapter of the ,order held in ,paris in #abib1 just after his death1 certain prisoners condemned in #abgg1 were set free4 ,roger ,bacon probably was among the number4 ,if so1 it was in the year of his liberation that he wrote a tract entitled ,compendium theologiae2 for that was written in #abib4 ,this is the last we hear of him4 ,but as he must now have been hard on to eighty1 probably he did not live much longer4 ,there seems to have been nothing exceptional in ,bacon's attitude toward ,scripture and the doctrines of the ,church4 ,he deemed1 with other mediaeval men1 that ,scripture held1 at least implicitly1 the sum of knowledge useful or indeed possible for men4 ,true1 neither the ,old ,testament nor the ,new treats of grammar1 or physics1 or of minerals1 or plants1 or animals4 ,nevertheless1 the statements in these revealed writings are made with complete knowledge of every topic or thing considered or referred to--bird1 beast1 and plant1 the courses of the stars1 the earth and its waters1 yea1 the arts of song or agriculture1 and the principles of every science4 ,conversely 7and here ,bacon even gave fresh emphasis and novel pointings to the current view7 all knowledge whatsoever1 every art and science1 is needed for the full understanding of ,scripture1 sacra doctrina1 in a word1 theology4 ,this opinion may hold large truth2 but ,bacon's advocacy of it sometimes affects us as a reductio ad absurdum1 especially when he is proceeding on the assumption that the patriarchs and prophets had knowledge of all sciences1 including astrology and the connection between the courses of the stars and the truth of ,christianity4 ,there was likewise nothing startling in ,bacon's view of the ,fathers1 and their knowledge and authoritativeness4 ,thomas did not regard them as inspired4 ,neither did ,bacon2 he respects them1 yet discerns limitations to their knowledge2 by reason of their circumstances they may have neglected certain of the sciences2 but this is no reason why we should4#fbc ,as for the ancient philosophers1 ,bacon holds to their partial inspiration4 8,god illuminated their minds to desire and perceive the truths of philosophy4 ,he even disclosed the truth to them40#fbd ,they received their knowledge from ,god1 indirectly as it were1 through the prophets1 to whom ,god revealed it directly4 ,more than once and with every detail of baseless tradition1 he sets forth the common view that the ,greek philosophers studied the prophets1 and drew their wisdom from that source4#fbe ,but their knowledge was not complete2 and it behoves us to know much that is not in ,aristotle4#fbf 8,the study of wisdom may always increase in this life1 because nothing is perfect in human discoveries4 ,therefore1 we later men ought to supplement the defects of the ancients1 since we have entered into their labours1 through which1 unless we are asses1 we may be incited to improve upon them4 ,it is most wretched always to be using what has been attained1 and never reach further for one's self40#fbg ,it may be that ,bacon was suspected of raising the philosophers too near the ,christian level2 and perhaps his argument that their knowledge had come from the prophets may have seemed a vain excuse4 ,says he1 for example3 8,there was a great book of ,aristotle upon civil science1#fbh well agreeing with the ,christian law2 for the law of ,aristotle has precepts like the ,christian law1 although much is added in the latter excelling all human science4 ,the ,christian law takes whatever is worthy in the civil philosophical law4 ,for ,god gave the philosophers all truth1 as the saints1 and especially ,augustine1 declare4444 ,and what noble thoughts have they expressed upon ,god1 the blessed ,trinity1 the ,incarnation1 ,christ1 the blessed ,virgin1 and the angels40#fbi ,possibly one is here reminded of ,abaelard1 and his thought of ,christianity as reformatio legis naturalis4 ,yet ,christ had said1 ,he came not to destroy1 but to fulfil2 and the chief ,christian theologians had followed ,augustine in 8despoiling the ,egyptians0 as he phrased it2 the very process which in fact was making the authority of ,aristotle supreme in ,bacon's time4 ,so there was little that was peculiar or suspicious in ,bacon's admiration of the philosophers4 ,the trouble with ,bacon becomes clearer as we turn to his views upon the state of knowledge in his time1 and the methods of contemporary doctors in rendering it worse1 rather than better4 ,these doctors were largely engaged upon sacra doctrina2 they were primarily theologians and expounders of the truth of revelation4 ,bacon's criticism of their methods might disparage that to which those methods were applied4 ,his caustic enumeration of the four everlasting causes of error1 and the seven vices infecting the study of theology1 will show reason enough why his error-stricken and infected contemporaries wished to close his mouth4 ,the anxiousness of some might sour to enmity under the acerbity of his attack2 nor would their hearts be softened by ,bacon's boasting that these various doctors1 of course including ,albert1 could not write in ten years what he is sending to the pope4#fcj ,bacon declares that there is at ,paris a great man 7was it ,albert8 was it ,thomas871 who is set up as an authority in the schools1 like ,aristotle or ,averroes2 and his works display merely 8infinite puerile vanity10 8ineffable falsity10 superfluous verbiage1 and the omission of the most needful parts of philosophy4#fca ,bacon is not content with abusing members of the rival ,dominican ,order2 but includes in his contempt the venerable ,alexander of ,hales1 the defunct light of the ,franciscans4 8,nullum ordinem excludo10 cries he1 in his sweeping denunciation of his epoch's rampant sins4 ,as for the seculars1 why1 they can only lecture by stealing the copy-books of the 8boys0 in the 8aforesaid ,orders40#fcb 8,never10 says ,bacon in the ,compendium studii from which the last phrases are taken1 8has there been such a show of wisdom1 nor such prosecution of study in so many faculties through so many regions as in the last forty years4 ,doctors are spread everywhere1 especially in theology1 in every city1 castle1 and burg1 chiefly through the two student ,orders4 ,yet there was never so great ignorance and so much error--as shall appear from this writing40#fcc ,bacon never loses a chance of stating the four causes of the error and ignorance about him4 ,these causes preyed upon his mind--he would have said they preyed upon the age4 ,they are elaborately expounded in pars i4 of the ,opus majus3#fcd 8,there are four principal stumbling blocks 7offendicula7 to comprehending truth1 which hinder well-nigh every one3 the example of frail and unworthy authority1 long-established custom1 the sense of the ignorant crowd 7vulgi sensus imperiti71 and the hiding of one's own ignorance under the pretence of wisdom4 ,in these1 every man is involved and every state beset4 ,for in every act of life1 or business1 or study1 these three worst arguments are used for the same conclusion3 this was the way of our ancestors1 this is the custom1 this is the common view3 therefore should be held4 ,but the opposite of this conclusion follows much better from the premises1 as ,i will prove through authority1 experience1 and reason4 ,if these three are sometimes refuted by the glorious power of reason1 the fourth is always ready1 as a gloss for foolishness2 so that1 though a man know nothing of any value1 he will impudently magnify it1 and thus1 soothing his wretched folly1 defeat truth4 ,from these deadly pests come all the evils of the human race2 for the noblest and most useful documents of wisdom are ignored1 and the secrets of the arts and sciences4 ,worse than this1 men blinded by the darkness of these four do not see their ignorance1 but take every care to palliate that for which they do not find the remedy2 and what is the worst1 when they are in the densest shades of error1 they deem themselves in the full light of truth40#fce ,therefore they think the true the false1 and spend their time and money vainly1 says ,bacon with many strainings of phrase4 8,there is no remedy10 continues ,bacon1 8against the first three causes of error save as with all our strength we set the sound authors above the weak ones1 reason above custom1 and the opinions of the wise above the humours of the crowd2 and do not trust in the triple argument3 this has precedent1 this is customary1 this is the common view40 ,but the fourth cause of error is the worst of all4 8,for this is a lone and savage beast1 which devours and destroys all reason1--this desire of seeming wise1 with which every man is born40 ,bacon arraigns this cause of evil1 through numerous witnesses1 sacred and profane4 ,it has two sides3 display of pretended knowledge1 and excusing of ignorance4 ,infinite are the verities of ,god and the creation3 let no one boast of knowledge4 ,it is not for man to glory in his wisdom2 faith goes beyond man's knowledge2 and still much is unrevealed4 ,in forty years we learn no more than could be taught youth in one4 ,i have profited more from simple men 8than from all my famous doctors40 ,bacon's four universal causes of ignorance indicate his general attitude4 ,more specific criticisms upon the academic methods of his time are contained in his septem peccata studii principalis quod est theologiae4 ,this is given in the ,opus minus4#fcf ,bacon1 it will be remembered1 says again and again that all sciences must serve theology1 and find their value from that service3 the science of theology includes every science1 and should use each as a handmaid for its own ends4 ,accordingly1 when ,bacon speaks of the seven vices of the studium principale quod est theologia1 we may expect him to point out vicious methods touching all branches of study1 yet with an eye to their common service of their mistress4 8,seven are the vices of the chief study which is theology2 the first is that philosophy in practice dominates theology4 ,but it ought not to dominate in any province beyond itself1 and surely not the science of ,god1 which leads to eternal life4444 ,the greater part of all the quaestiones in a ,summa theologiae is pure philosophy1 with arguments and solutions2 and there are infinite quaestiones concerning the heavens1 and concerning matter and being1 and concerning species and the similitudes of things1 and concerning cognition through such2 also concerning eternity and time1 and how the soul is in the body1 and how angels move locally1 and how they are in a place1 and an infinitude of like matters which are determined in the books of the philosophers4 ,to investigate these difficulties does not belong to theologians1 according to the main intent and subject of their work4 ,they ought briefly to recite these truths as they find them determined in philosophy4 ,moreover1 the other matter of the quaestiones which concerns what is proper to theology1 as concerning the ,blessed ,trinity1 the ,incarnation1 the ,sacraments1 is discussed principally through the authorities1 arguments1 and distinctions of philosophy40 ,evidently1 this first vice of theological study infected the method of ,albert and ,thomas1 and of practically all other theologians6 ,its correction might call for a complete reversal of method4 ,but the reversal desired by ,bacon would scarcely have led back to ,gospel simplicity1 as may be seen from what follows4 8,the second vice is that the best sciences1 which are those most clearly pertinent to theology1 are not used by theologians4 ,i refer to the grammar of the foreign tongues from which all theology comes4 ,of even more value are mathematics1 optics1 moral science1 experimental science1 and alchemy4 ,but the cheap sciences 7scientiae viles7 are used by theologians1 like ,latin grammar1 logic1 natural philosophy in its baser part1 and a certain side of metaphysics4 ,in these there is neither the good of the soul1 nor the good of the body1 nor the good things of fortune4 ,but moral philosophy draws out the good of the soul1 as far as philosophy may4 ,alchemy is experimental and1 with mathematics and optics1 promotes the good of the body and of fortune4444 ,while the grammar of other tongues gives theology and moral philosophy to the ,latins4444 ,oh6 what madness is it to neglect sciences so useful for theology1 and be sunk in those which are impertinent6 8,the third vice is that the theologians are ignorant of those four sciences which they use2 and therefore accept a mass of false and futile propositions1 taking the doubtful for certain1 the obscure for evident2 they suffer alike from superfluity and the lack of what is necessary1 and so stain theology with infinite vices which proceed from sheer ignorance40 ,for they are ignorant of ,greek and ,hebrew and ,arabic1 and therefore ignorant of all the sciences contained in these tongues2 and they have relied on ,alexander of ,hales and others as ignorant as themselves4 ,the fourth vice is that they study and lecture on the ,sentences of the ,lombard1 instead of the text of ,scripture2 and the lecturers on the ,sentences are preferred in honour1 while any one who would lecture on ,scripture has to beg for a room and hour to be set him4 8,the fifth fault is greater than all the preceding4 ,the text of ,scripture is horribly corrupt in the ,vulgate copy at ,paris40 ,bacon goes at some length into the errors of the ,vulgate1 and gives a good account of the various ,latin versions of the ,bible4 ,next1 the 8sextum peccatum is far graver than all1 and may be divided into two peccata maxima3 one is that through these errors the literal sense of the ,vulgate has infinite falsities and intolerable uncertainties1 so that the truth cannot be known4 ,from this follows the other peccatum1 that the spiritual sense is infected with the same doubt and error40 ,these errors1 first in the literal meaning1 and thence in the spiritual or allegorical significance1 spring from ignorance of the original tongues1 and from ignorance of the birds and beasts and objects of all sorts spoken of in the ,bible4 8,by far the greater cause of error1 both in the literal and spiritual meaning1 rises from ignorance of things in ,scripture4 ,for the literal sense is in the natures and properties of things1 in order that the spiritual meaning may be elicited through convenient adaptations and congruent similitudes40 ,bacon cites ,augustine to show that we cannot understand the precept1 ,estote prudentes sicut serpentes1 unless we know that it is the serpent's habit to expose his body in defence of his head1 as the ,christian should expose all things for the sake of his head1 which is ,christ4 ,alack6 is it for such ends as these that ,bacon would have a closer scholarship fostered1 and natural science prosecuted8 ,the text of the ,opus minus is broken at this point1 and one cannot say whether ,bacon had still a seventh peccatum to allege1 or whether the series ended with the second of the vices into which he divided the sixth4 ,bacon's strictures upon the errors of his time were connected with his labours to remedy them1 and win a firmer knowledge than dialectic could supply4 ,to this end he advocated the study of the ancient languages1 which he held to be 8the first door of wisdom1 and especially for the ,latins1 who have not the text1 either of theology or philosophy1 except from foreign languages40#fcg ,his own knowledge of ,greek was sufficient to enable him to read passages in that tongue1 and to compose a ,greek grammar4#fch ,but he shows no interest in the classical ,greek literature1 nor is there evidence of his having studied any important ,greek philosopher in the original4 ,he was likewise zealous for the study of ,hebrew1 ,chaldee1 and ,arabic1 the other foreign tongues which held the learning so inadequately represented by ,latin versions4 ,he spoke with some exaggeration of the demerits of the existing translations2#fci but he recognised the arduousness of the translator's task1 from diversity of idiom and the difficulty of finding an equivalent in ,latin for the statements1 for example1 in the ,greek4 ,the ,latin vocabulary often proved inadequate2 and words had to be taken bodily from the original tongue4 ,likewise he saw1 and so had others1 though none had declared it so clearly1 that the translator should not only be master of the two languages1 but have knowledge of the subject treated by the work to be translated4#fdj ,after the languages1 ,bacon urged the pursuit of the sciences1 which he conceived to be interdependent and corroborative2 the conclusions of each of them susceptible of proof by the methods and data of the others4 8,next to languages10 says ,bacon in chapter xxix4 of the ,opus tertium1 8,i hold mathematics necessary in the second place1 to the end that we may know what may be known4 ,it is not planted in us by nature1 yet is closest to inborn knowledge1 of all the sciences which we know through discovery and learning 7inventionem et doctrinam74 ,for its study is easier than all other sciences1 and boys learn its branches readily4 ,besides1 the laity can make diagrams1 and calculate1 and sing1 and use musical instruments4 ,all these are the opera of mathematics40 ,thus1 with antique and mediaeval looseness1 ,bacon conceived this science4 ,he devotes to it the long ,pars quarta of the ,opus majus3 saying at the beginning that of-- 8the four great sciences the gate and key is mathematics1 which the saints found out 7invenerunt7 from the beginning of the world1 and used more than all the other sciences4 ,its neglect for the past thirty or forty years has ruined the studies 7studium7 of the ,latins4 ,for whoso is ignorant of it cannot know the other sciences1 nor the things of this world4 ,but knowledge of this science prepares the mind and lifts it to the tested cognition 7certificatam cognitionem7 of all things40 ,bacon adduces authorities to prove the need of mathematics for the study of grammar and logic2 he shows that its processes reach indubitable certitude of truth2 and 8if in other sciences we would reach certitude free from doubt1 and truth without error1 we must set the foundations of cognition in mathematics40#fda ,he points out its obvious necessity in the study of the heavens1 and in everything pertaining to speculative and practical astrologia2 also for the study of physics and optics4 ,thus his interest lay chiefly in its application4 ,as human science is nought unless it may be applied to things divine1 mathematics must find its supreme usefulness in its application to the matters of theology4 ,it should aid us in ascertaining the position of paradise and hell1 and promote our knowledge of ,scriptural geography1 and more especially1 sacred chronology4 ,next it affords us knowledge of the exact forms of things mentioned in ,scripture1 like the ark1 the tabernacle1 and the temple1 so that from an accurate ascertainment of the literal sense1 the true spiritual meaning may be deduced4 ,it should not be confused with its evil namesake magic1#fdb yet the true science is useful in determining the influence of the stars on the fortunes of states4 ,moreover1 mathematics1 through astrology1 is of great importance in the certification of the faith1 strengthening it against the sect of ,antichrist2#fdc then in the correction of the ,church's calendar2 and finally1 as all things and regions of the earth are affected by the heavens1 astrology and mathematics are pertinent to a consideration of geography4 ,and ,bacon concludes ,pars quarta with an elaborate description of the regions1 countries1 and cities of the known world4 ,bacon likewise was profoundly interested in optics1 the scientia perspectiva1 which he sets forth elaborately in ,pars quinta of the ,opus majus4 ,much space would be needed to discuss his theories of light and vision1 and the propagation of physical force1 treated in the ,de multiplicatione specierum4 ,he knew all that was to be learned from ,greek and ,arabic sources1 and1 unlike ,albert1 who compiled much of the same material1 he used his knowledge to build with4 ,bacon had a genius for these sciences3 his ,scientia perspectiva is no mere compilation1 and no work used by him presented either a theory of force or of vision1 containing as many adumbrations of later theorizing4#fdd ,yet he fails to cast off his obsession with the 8spiritual meaning0 and the utility of science for theology4 ,he discussed the composition of ,adam's body while in a state of innocence1#fde a point that may seem no more tangible than ,thomas's reasonings upon the movements of ,angels1 which ,bacon ridicules4 ,again in his ,optics1 after an interesting discussion of refraction and reflection1 he cannot forego a consideration of the spiritual significations of refracted rays4#fdf ,even his discussion of experimental science has touches of mediaevalism1 which are peculiarly dissonant in this most original and 8advanced0 product of ,bacon's genius1 which now must be considered more specifically4 ,the speculative intellect of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was so widely absorbed with the matter and methods of the dominant scholasticism1 that no one is likely to think of the eminent scholastics as isolated phenomena4 ,plainly they were but as the highest peaks which somewhat overtop the other mountains1 through whose aggregation and support they were lifted to their supreme altitude4 ,but with ,bacon the danger is real lest he seem separate and unsupported2 for the influences which helped to make him are not over-evident4 ,yet he did not make himself4 ,the directing of his attention to linguistics is sufficiently accounted for by the influence of ,grosseteste and others1 who had inaugurated the study of ,greek1 and perhaps ,hebrew at ,oxford4 ,as for physics or optics1 others also were interested--or there would have been no translations of ,greek and ,arabic treatises for him to use2#fdg and in mathematics there was a certain older contemporary1 ,jordanus ,nemorarius 7not to mention ,leonardo ,fibonacci71 who far overtopped him4 ,it is safe to assume that in the thirteenth1 as in the twelfth and previous centuries1 there were men who studied the phenomena of nature4 ,but they have left scant record4 ,a period is remembered by those features of its main accomplishment which are not superseded or obliterated by the further advance of later times4 ,nothing has obliterated the work of the scholastics for those who may still care for such reasonings2 and ,aquinas to-day holds sway in the ,roman ,catholic ,church4 ,on the other hand1 the sparse footprints of the mediaeval men who essayed the paths of natural science have long since been trodden out by myriad feet passing far beyond them1 along those ways4 ,yet there were these wayfarers1 who made little stir in their own time1 and have long been well forgotten4 ,had it not been for the letter from ,pope ,clement1 ,bacon himself might be among them2 and only his writings keep from utter oblivion the name of an individual who1 according to ,bacon1 carried the practice of 8experimental science0 further than he could hope to do4 ,it may be fruitful to approach ,bacon's presentation of this science1 or scientific method1 through his references to this extraordinary ,picard1 named ,peter of ,maharncuria1 or ,maricourt4 ,in the ,opus tertium1 ,bacon has been considering optics and mathematics1 and has spoken of this ,peter as proficient in them2 and thus he opens chapter xiii41 which is devoted to the scientia experimentalis3 8,but beyond these sciences is one more perfect than all1 which all serve1 and which in a wonderful way certifies them all3 this is called the experimental science1 which neglects arguments1 since they do not make certain1 however strong they may be1 unless at the same time there is present the experientia of the conclusion4 ,experimental science teaches experiri1 that is1 to test1 by observation or experiment1 the lofty conclusions of all sciences40 ,this science none but ,master ,peter knows4 ,by following the text further1 we may be able to appreciate what ,bacon will shortly say of him3 8,another dignity of this science is that it attests these noble truths in terms of the other sciences1 which they cannot prove or investigate3 like the prolongation of human life2 for this truth is in terms of medicine1 but the art of medicine never extends itself to this truth1 nor is there anything about it in medical treatises4 ,but the fidelis experimentator has considered that the eagle1 and the stag1 and the serpent1 and the phoenix prolong life1 and renew their youth1 and knows that these things are given to brutes for the instruction of men4 ,wherefore he has thought out noble plans 7vias nobiles7 with this in view1 and has commanded alchemy to prepare a body of like constitution 7aequalis complexionis71 that he may use it40 ,it may be pertinent to our estimate of ,bacon's experimental science to query where the experimentator ever observed an eagle or a phoenix renewing its youth1 outside of the ,physiologus8 8,the third dignity of this science is that it does not accept truths in terms of the other sciences1 yet uses them as handmaids4444 ,and this science attests all natural and artificial data specifically and in the proper province1 per experientiam perfectam2 not through arguments1 like the purely speculative sciences1 and not through weak and imperfect experientias1 like the operative sciences 7scientiae operativae74#fdh ,so this is the mistress of all1 and the goal of all speculation4 ,but it requires great expenditures for its prosecution2 ,aristotle1 by ,alexander's authority1 besides those whom he used at home in experientia1 sent many thousands of men through the world to examine 7ad experiendum7 the natures and properties of all things1 as ,pliny tells4 ,and certainly to set on fire at any distance would cost more than a thousand marks1 before adequate glasses could be prepared2 but they would be worth an army against the ,turks and ,saracens4 ,for the perfect experimenter could destroy any hostile force by this combustion through the sun's rays4 ,this is a marvellous thing1 yet there are many other things more wonderful in this science2 but very few people are devoted to it1 from lack of money4 ,i know but one1 who deserves praise for the prosecution of its works2 he cares not for wordy controversies1 but prosecutes the works of wisdom1 and in them rests4 ,so what others as purblind men try to see1 like bats in the twilight1 he views in the full brightness of day1 because he is dominus experimentorum4 ,he knows natural matters per experientiam1 and those of medicine and alchemy1 and all things celestial and below4 ,he is ashamed if any layman1 or old woman1 or knight1 or rustic1 knows what he does not4 ,he has studied everything in metal castings1 and gold and silver work1 and the use of other metals and minerals2 he knows everything pertaining to war and arms and hunting2 he has examined into agriculture and surveying2 also into the experiments and fortune-tellings of old women1 knows the spells of wizards2 likewise the tricks and devices of jugglers4 ,in fine1 nothing escapes him that he ought to know1 and he knows how to expose the frauds of magic40 ,it is impossible to complete philosophy1 usefully and with certitude1 without ,peter2 but he is not to be had for a price2 he could have had every honour from princes2 and if he wished to publish his works1 the whole world of ,paris would follow him4 ,but he cares not a whit for honours or riches1 though he could get them any time he chose through his wisdom4 ,this man has worked at such a burning-glass for three years1 and soon will perfect it by the grace of ,god4 ,there is a great deal of ,roger ,bacon in these curious passages2 much of his inductive genius1 much of his sanguine hopefulness1 not to say inventive imagination2 and enough of his credulity4 ,no one ever knew or could perform all he ascribes to this astounding ,peter1 from whom1 apparently1 there is extant a certain intelligent treatise upon the magnet4#fdi ,and as for those burning-glasses1 or possibly reflectors1 by which distant fleets and armies should be set afire--did they ever exist8 ,did ,archimedes ever burn with them the ,roman ships at ,syracuse8 ,were they ever more than a myth8 ,it is1 at all events1 safe to say that no device from the hand and brain of ,peter of ,maharncuria ever threatened ,turk or ,saracen4 ,it is knowledge that gives insight4 ,modern critical methods amount chiefly to this1 that we know more4 ,bacon did not have such knowledge of animal physiology as would assure him of the absurdity of the notion that an eagle or any animal could renew its youth4 ,nor did he know enough to realise the vast improbability of ,greek philosophers drawing their knowledge from the books of ,hebrew prophets4 ,and one sees how loose must have been the practice1 or the dreams1 of his 8experimental science40 ,his fundamental conception seems to waver3 ,scientia experimentalis1 is it a science1 or is it a means and method universally applicable to all scientific investigation8 ,the sciences serve it as handmaids1 says ,bacon2 and he also says1 that it alone can test and certify1 make sure and certain1 the conclusions of the other sciences4 ,perhaps he thought it the master-key fitting all the doors of knowledge2 and held that all sciences1 so far as possible1 should proceed from experience1 through further observation and experiment4 ,but he has not said quite this4 ,he is little to be blamed for his vagueness1 and greatly to be admired for having reached his possibly inconsistent conception4 ,observation and experiment were as old as human thought upon human experience4 ,and ,albert the ,great says that the conclusions of all sciences should be tested by them4 ,but he evinces no formal conception of either an experimental science or method2 though he has much to say as to logic1 and ponderously considers whether it is a science or the means or method of all sciences4#fej ,herein he is discussing consciously with respect to logic1 the very point as to which ,bacon1 in respect to experimental science1 rather unconsciously wavers3 is it a science1 and almost the queen8 ,or is it the true scientific method to be followed by all sciences when applicable8#fea ,bacon had no high regard for the study of logic1 deeming that the thoughts of untaught men naturally followed its laws4#feb ,this was doubtless true1 and just as true1 moreover1 of experimental science as of logic4 ,the one and the other were built up from the ways of the common man and universal processes of thought4 ,yet the logic of the trained mind is the surer2 and so experimental science may reach out beyond the crude observations of unscientific men4 ,manifestly with ,roger ,bacon the scientia experimentalis held the place which logic held with ,albert1 or queenly dialectic with ,abaelard4 ,he repeats himself continually in stating its properties and prerogatives1 yet without advancing to greater clearness of conception4 ,pars sexta of the ,opus majus is devoted to it3 and we may take one last glance to see whether the statements there throw any further light upon the matter4 8,the roots of the wisdom of the ,latins having been placed and set in ,languages1 ,mathematics1 and ,perspective1 ,i now wish to re-examine these radices from the side of scientia experimentalis2 because1 without experientia nothing can be known adequately4 ,there are two modes of arriving at knowledge 7cognoscendi71 to wit1 argument and experimentum4 ,argument draws a conclusion and forces us to concede it1 but does not make it certain or remove doubt1 so that the mind may rest in the perception of truth1 unless the mind find truth by the way of experience40 ,and ,bacon says1 as illustration1 that you could never by mere argument convince a man that fire would burn2 also that 8in spite of the demonstration of the properties of an equilateral triangle1 the mind would not stick to the conclusion sine experientia40 ,after referring to ,aristotle1 and adducing some examples of foolish things believed by learned and common men alike1 because they had not applied the tests of observation1 he concludes3 8,oportet ergo omnia certificari per viam experientiae40 ,he continues with something unexpected3 8,sed duplex est experientia3 one is through the external senses1 and thus those experimenta take place which are made through suitable instruments in astronomy1 and by the tests of observation as to things below4 ,and whatever like matters may not be observed by us1 we know from other wise men who have observed them4 ,this experientia is human and philosophical2 but it is not sufficient for man1 because it does not give plenary assurance as to things corporeal2 and as to things spiritual it reaches nothing4 ,the intellect of man needs other aid1 and so the holy patriarchs and prophets1 who first gave the sciences to the world1 received inner illuminations and did not stand on sense alone4 ,likewise many believers after ,christ4 ,for the grace of faith illuminates much1 and divine inspirations1 not only in spiritual but corporeal things1 and in the sciences of philosophy4 ,as ,ptolemy says1 the way of coming to a knowledge of things is duplex1 one through the experientia of philosophy1 and the other through divine inspiration1 which is much better40#fec ,any doubt as to the religious and ,christian meaning of the last passage is removed by ,bacon's statement of the 8seven grades of this inner science3 the first is through illuminationes pure scientiales2 the next consists in virtues1 for the bad man is ignorant2 444 the third is in the seven gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 which ,isaiah enumerates2 the fourth is in the beatitudes which the ,lord defines in the ,gospel2 the fifth is in the sensibus spiritualibus2 the sixth is in fructibus1 from which is the peace of ,god which passes omnem sensum2 the seventh consists in raptures 7in raptibus7 and their modes1 as in various ways divers men have been enraptured1 so that they saw many things which it is not lawful for man to tell4 ,and who is diligently exercised in these experiences1 or some of them1 can certify both to himself and others not only as to spiritual things1 but as to all human sciences40#fed ,these utterances are religious1 and bring us back to the religious1 or practical1 motive of ,bacon's entire endeavour after knowledge3 knowledge should have its utility1 its practical bearing2 and the ultimate utility is that which promotes a sound and saving knowledge of ,god4 ,the true method of research1 says ,bacon in the ,compendium studii1 8444 is to study first what properly comes first in any science1 the easier before the more difficult1 the general before the particular1 the less before the greater4 ,the student's business should lie in chosen and useful topics1 because life is short2 and these should be set forth with clearness and certitude1 which is impossible without experientia4 ,because1 although we know through three means1 authority1 reason1 and experientia1 yet authority is not wise unless its reason be given 7auctoritas non sapit nisi detur ejus ratio71 nor does it give knowledge1 but belief4 ,we believe1 but do not know1 from authority4 ,nor can reason distinguish sophistry from demonstration1 unless we know that the conclusion is attested by facts 7experiri per opera74 ,yet the fruits of study are insignificant at the present time1 and the secret and great matters of wisdom are unknown to the crowd of students40#fee ,it is as with an echo of this thought1 that ,bacon begins the second chapter of his exposition of experimental science in the sixth part of the ,opus majus1 from which we have but now withdrawn our attention4 ,he anxiously reiterates what he has already said more than once1 as to the properties and prerogatives of this scientia experimentalis4 ,then he gives his most interesting and elaborate example of its application in the investigation of the rainbow1 an example too lengthy and too difficult to reproduce4 ,in stating the three prerogatives1 he makes but slight change of phrasing2 yet his restatement of the last of them3--8,the third dignitas of this science is that it investigates the secrets of nature by its own competency and out of its own qualities1 irrespective of any connection with the other sciences10--signifies an autonomous science1 rather than a method applicable to all investigation4 ,the illustrations which ,bacon now gives1 range free indeed2 yet in the main relate to 8useful discoveries0 as one might say3 to ever-burning lamps1 ,greek fire1 explosives1 antidotes for poison1 and matters useful to the ,church and ,state4 ,along these lines of discovery through experiment1 ,bacon lets his imagination travel and lead him on to surmises of inventions that long after him were realised4 8,machines for navigating are possible without rowers1 like great ships suited to river or ocean1 going with greater velocity than if they were full of rowers3 likewise wagons may be moved cum impetu inaestimabili1 as we deem the chariots of antiquity to have been4 ,and there may be flying machines1 so made that a man may sit in the middle of the machine and direct it by some devise3 and again1 machines for raising great weights40#fef ,the modern reality has outdone this mediaeval dream4 ,,chapter ,,xlii ,,duns ,,scotus ,,and ,,occam ,the thirteenth century was a time of potent ,church unity1 when the papacy1 triumphant over emperors and kings1 was drawing further strength from the devotion of the two ,orders1 who were renewing the spiritual energies of ,western ,christendom4 ,scholasticism was still whole and unbroken1 in spite of ,roger ,bacon1 who attacked its methods with weapons of his own forging1 yet asserting loudly the single-eyed subservience of all the sciences to theology4 ,this assertion from a man of ,bacon's views1 was as vain as the ,unam sanctam of ,pope ,boniface ,,viii41 fulminated in #acjb1 arrogating for the papacy every power on earth4 ,in earlier decades such pretensions had been almost acquiesced in2 but the ,unam sanctam was a senile outcry from a papacy vanquished by the new-grown power of the ,french king1 sustained by the awakening of a ,french nation4 ,the opening years of the fourteenth century1 so fatal for the papacy1 were also portentous for scholasticism4 ,the ,summa of ,thomas was impugned by ,joannes ,duns ,scotus1 whose entire work1 constructive as well as critical1 was impressed with qualities of finality1 signifying that in the forms of reasoning represented by him as well as ,thomas1 thought should advance no farther4 ,bacon's attack upon scholastic methods had proved abortive from its tactlessness and confusion1 and because men did not care for1 and perhaps did not understand1 his arguments4 ,it was not so with the arguments of ,duns ,scotus4 ,throughout the academic world1 thought still was set to chords of metaphysics2 and although men had never listened to quite such dialectic orchestration as ,duns provided1 they liked it1 perceived its motives1 and comprehended the meaning of its themes4 ,so his generation understood and appreciated him4 ,that he was the beginning of the end of the scholastic system1 could not be known until the manner of that ending had disclosed itself more fully4 ,we1 however1 discern the symptoms of scholastic dissolution in his work4 ,his criticism of his predecessors was disintegrating1 even when not destructive4 ,his own dialectic was so surpassingly intricate and dizzy that1 like the choir of ,beauvais1 it might some day collapse4 ,with ,duns ,scotus1 scholasticism reasoned itself out of human reach4 ,and with him also1 the wholeness of the scholastic purpose finally broke4 ,for he no longer maintained the union of metaphysics and theology4 ,the latter1 to be sure1 was valid absolutely2 but1 from a speculative1 it has become a practical science4 ,it neither draws its principles from metaphysics1 nor subordinates the other sciences--all human knowledge--to its service4 ,although rational in content1 it possesses proofs stronger than dialectic1 and stands on revelation4 ,there had always been men who maintained similar propositions4 ,but it was quite another matter that the severance between metaphysics and theology should be demonstrated by a prodigious metaphysical theologian after a different view had been carried to its farthest reaches by the great ,aquinas4 ,henceforth philosophy and theology were set on opposite pinnacles1 only with theology's pinnacle the higher4 ,in spite of the last circumstance1 the coming time showed that men cannot for long possess in peace two standards of truth--philosophy and revelation2 but will be driven to hold to the one and ignore the other4 ,by breaking the rational union of philosophy and theology1 ,duns ,scotus prepared the way for ,occam4 ,the latter also asserts vociferously the superiority of the divine truth over human knowledge and its reasonings4 ,but the popes are at ,avignon1 and the ,christian world no longer bows down before those willing ,babylonian captives4 ,under such a blasted condition of the ,church1 how should any inclusive ,christian synthesis of thought and faith be maintained8 ,duns ,scotus#feg could not have been what he was1 had he not lived after ,thomas4 ,he was indeed the pinnacle of scholasticism2 set upon all the rest4 ,yet this pinnacle had its more particular supports--or antecedents4 ,and their special line may be noted without intending thereby to suggest that the influences affecting the thought of ,duns ,scotus did not include all the men he heard or read1 and criticised4 ,that ,duns ,scotus was educated at ,oxford1 and became a ,franciscan1 and not a ,dominican1 had done much to set the lines of thought reflected in his doctrines4 ,anselm of ,aosta1 of ,bec1 of ,canterbury1 had been an intellectual force in ,england4 ,duns was strongly influenced by his bold realism1 by his emphasis upon the power and freedom of the will1 and by his doctrine of the atonement4#feh ,but ,anselm also affected ,scotus indirectly through the ,english worthy who stands between them4 ,this1 of course1 was ,robert ,grosseteste1 to whom we have had occasion to refer1 yet1 despite of his intrinsic worth1 always in relation to his effect on others4 ,he was a great man2 in his day a many-sided force1 strong in the business of ,church and ,state1 strong in censuring and bridling the wicked1 strong in the guidance of the young university of ,oxford1 and a mighty friend of the ,franciscan ,order1 then establishing itself there4 ,to his pupils1 and their pupils apparently1 he was a fruitful inspiration2 yet the historian of thought may be less interested in the master than in certain of these pupils who brought to explicit form divers matters which in ,grosseteste seem to have been but inchoate4#fei ,one thinks immediately of ,roger ,bacon1 who was his pupil2 and then of ,duns1 the metaphysician1 who possibly may have listened to some aged pupil of ,grosseteste4 ,in different ways1 ,duns as well as ,bacon took much from the master4 ,and it is possible to see how the great teacher and bishop may have incited the genius of ,scotus as well as that of ,bacon to perform its task4 ,for ,grosseteste was a rarely capable and clear-eyed man1 honest and resolute1 who with the entire strength of a powerful personality insisted upon going to the heart of every proposition1 and testing its validity by the surest means obtainable4 ,by virtue of his training and intellectual inheritance1 he was an ,augustinian and a ,platonist2 a successor of ,anselm1 rather than a predecessor of the great ,dominican ,aristotelians4 ,he was accordingly an emphatic realist1 yet one who would co-ordinate the reality of his 8universals0 with the reality of experience4 ,even had he not been an ,augustinian1 such a masterful character would have realised the power of the human will1 and felt the practical insistencies of the art of human salvation1 which was the science of theology4 ,views like these prevailed at ,oxford4 ,they may be found clearly stated by ,richard of ,middleton1 an ,oxford ,franciscan somewhat older than ,duns ,scotus4 ,he declares that theology is a practical science1 and emphasises the primacy and freedom of the will4 ,voluntas est nobilissima potentia in anima4 ,again3 ,voluntas simpliciter nobilior est quam intellectus3 the intellect indeed goes before the ,will1 as the servant who carries the candle before his lord4 ,so the idea of the ,good1 toward which the ,will directs itself1 is higher than that of the ,true1 which is the object of the mind2 and loving is greater than knowing4#ffj ,roger ,bacon had also held that ,will 7,voluntas7 was higher than the knowing faculty 7intellectus72 and so did ,henry of ,ghent1#ffa a man of the ,low ,countries1 doctor solemnis hight1 and a ruling spirit at the ,paris ,university in the latter part of the thirteenth century4 ,many of his doctrines substantially resembled those of ,scotus1 although attacked by him4 ,so we seem to see the pit in which ,duns may have digged4 ,this man1 who was no mere fossor1 but a builder1 and might have deserved the name of ,poliorcetes1 as the overthrower of many bulwarks1 has left few traces of himself1 beyond his twenty tomes of metaphysics1 which contain no personal references to their author4 ,the birthplace of ,johannes ,duns ,scotus1 whether in ,scotland1 ,england or ,ireland1 is unknown4 ,the commonly accepted date1 #abgd1 probably should be abandoned for an earlier year4 ,it is known that he was a ,franciscan1 and that the greater part of his life as student and teacher was passed at ,oxford4 ,in a letter of commendation1 written by the ,general of his ,order in #acjd1 he is already termed subtilissimus4 ,he was then leaving for ,paris1 where1 two or three years later1 in #acjg1 he was made a ,doctor4 ,the following year he was sent to ,cologne1 and there he died an enigmatical death on ,november #h1 #acjh4 ,report has it that he was buried alive while in a trance4#ffb ,probably there was little to tell of the life of ,duns ,scotus4 ,his personality1 as well as his career1 seems completely included and exhausted in his works4 ,yet back of them1 besides a most acutely reasoning mind1 lay an indomitable will4 ,the man never faltered in his labour any more than his reasoning wavered in its labyrinthic course to its conclusions4 ,his learning was complete3 he knew the ,bible and the ,fathers2 he was a master of theology1 of philosophy1 of astronomy1 and mathematics4 ,the constructive processes of his genius appear to issue out of the action of its critical energies4 ,duns was the most penetrating critic produced by scholasticism4 ,whatever he considered from the systems of other men he subjected to tests that were apt to leave the argument in tatters4 ,no logical inconsequence escaped him4 ,and when every point had been examined with respect to its rational consistency1 this dialectic genius was inclined to bring the matter to the bar of psychological experience4 ,on the other hand he was a churchman1 holding that even as ,scripture and dogma were above question1 so were the decrees of the ,church1 ,god's sanctioned earthly ,civitas4 ,having thus tested whatever was presented by human reason1 and accepting what was declared by ,scripture or the ,church1 ,duns proceeds to build out his doctrine as the case may call for4 ,no man ever drove either constructive logic or the subtilties of critical distinctions closer to the limits of human comprehension or human patience than ,duns ,scotus4 ,and here lies the trouble with him4 ,the endless ramification and refinement of his dialectic1 his devious processes of conclusion1 make his work a reductio ad absurdum of scholastic ways of reasoning4 ,logically1 eristically1 the argumentation is inerrant4 ,it never wanders aimlessly1 but winding and circling1 at last it reaches a conclusion from some point unforeseen4 ,would you run a course with this master of the syllogism8 ,if you enter his lists1 you are lost4 ,the right way to attack him1 is to stand without1 and laugh4 ,that is what was done afterwards1 when whoever cared for such reasonings was called a ,dunce1 after the name of this most subtle of mediaeval metaphysicians4 ,thus a man is judged by his form and method1 and by the bulk of his accomplishment4 ,form1 method1 bulk of accomplishment1 with ,scotus were preposterous4 ,when the taste or mania for such dialectics passed away1 this kind of form1 this maze of method1 this hopelessness of bulk1 made an unfit vehicle for a philosophy of life4 ,men would not search it through to find the living principles4 ,yet living principles were there2 or1 at least1 tenable and consistent views4 ,the main positions of ,duns ,scotus1 some of which he held in opposition to ,thomas1 may strike us as quite reasonable3 we may be inclined to agree with him4 ,perhaps it will surprise us to find sane doctrine so well hidden in such dialectic4 ,he held1 for example1 that there is no real difference between the soul and its faculties4 ,thomas never demonstrated the contrary quite satisfactorily4 ,again1 ,duns ,scotus was a realist3 the ,idea exists1 since it is conceived4 ,for the intellect is passive1 and is moved by the intelligible4 ,therefore the ,universal must be a something1 in order to occasion the conception of it4 ,thus the reality of the concept proves the actuality of the ,idea4#ffc ,duns adds further explanations and distinctions regarding the actuality of universals1 which are somewhat beyond the comprehension of the modern mind4 ,but one may remark that he reaches his views of the actuality of universals through analysis of the processes of thought4 ,sense-perception occasions the ,idea in us2 there must exist some objective correspondence to our general concepts1 as there must also be in things some objective correspondence to our perception of them as individuals1 whereby they become to us this or that individual thing4 ,such individual objectivity is constituted by the thisness of the thing1 its haecceitas which is to be contra-distinguished from its general essence1 to wit1 its whatness1 or quidditas4 ,duns holds that we think individual things directly as we think abstract ,ideas2 and so their haecceitas is as true an object of our thought as their quidditas4 ,this seems a reasonable conclusion1 seeing that the individual and not the type is the final end of creation4 ,so our conceptions prove for us the actuality both of the universal and the concrete2 and the proof of one and the other is rooted in sense-perception4 ,nothing was of greater import with ,duns than the doctrine of the primacy of the ,will over the intellect4 ,duns supports it with intricate argument4 ,the soul in substance is identical with its faculties2 but the latter are formally distinguishable from it and from each other4 ,knowing and willing are faculties or properties of the soul4 ,the will is purely spiritual1 and to be distinguished from sense-appetite3 the will1 and the will alone1 is free2 absolutely undetermined by any cause beyond itself4 ,even the intellect1 that is the knowing faculty1 is determined from without4 ,although some cognition precedes the act of willing1 the will is not determined by cognition1 but uses it4 ,so the will1 being free1 is higher than the intellect4 ,it is the will that constitutes man's greatness2 it raises him above nature1 and liberates him from her coercions4 ,not the intellect1 but the will directs itself toward the goal of blessedness1 and is the subject of the moral virtues4 ,such seems to be ,duns's main position2 but he distinguishes and refines the matter beyond the limits of our comprehension4#ffd ,another fundamental doctrine with ,duns ,scotus is that theology is not a speculative1 but a practical1 science--a position which ,duns unfortunately disproved with his tomes of metaphysics6 ,but in spite of the personal reductio ad absurdum of his argument1 the position taken by him betokens the breaking up of the scholastic system4 ,the subject of theology1 at least for men1 is the revelation of ,god contained in ,scripture4 8,holy ,scripture is a kind of knowledge 7quaedam notitia7 divinely given in order to direct men to a supernatural end--in finem supernaturalem40#ffe ,the knowledge revealed in ,scripture relates to ,god's free will and ordainment for man2 which is1 that man should attain blessedness4 ,therefore the truths of ,scripture are practical1 having an end in view2 they are such as are necessary for ,salvation4 ,the ,church has authority to declare the meaning of ,scripture1 and supplement it through its ,catholic tradition4 ,is theology1 then1 properly a science8 ,duns will not deny it2 but thinks it may more properly be called a sapientia1 since according to its nature1 it is rather a knowledge of principles than a method of conclusions4 ,it consists in knowledge of ,god directly revealed4 ,therefore its principles are not those of the human sciences3 for example1 it does not accept its principles from metaphysics1 although that science treats of much that is contained in theology4 ,nor are the sciences--we can hardly say the other sciences--subordinated to it2 since their province is natural knowledge obtained through natural means4 ,theology1 if it be a science1 is one apart from the rest4 ,the knowledge which makes its substance is never its end1 but always means to its end2 which is to say1 that it is practical and not speculative4 ,by virtue of its primacy as well as character1 theology pertains to the ,will1 and works itself out in practice3 practical alike are its principles and conclusions4 ,apparently1 with ,duns1 theology is a science only in this respect1 that its substance1 which is most rational1 may be logically treated with a view to a complete and consistent understanding of it4#fff ,in entire consistency with these fundamental views1 ,duns held that man's supreme beatitude lay in the complete and perfect functioning of his will in accordance with the will of ,god4 ,this was a strong and noble view of man1 free to think and act and will and love1 according to the will1 and aided by the ,grace1 of the ,creator of his will and mind4 ,the trouble lay1 as said before1 in the method by which all was set forth and proved4 ,the truly consequent person who made theology a practical matter1 was such a one as ,francis of ,assisi1 with his ceaselessly-burning ,christlike love actualizing itself in living act and word--or possibly such a one as ,bonaventura with his piety4 ,but can it ever seem other than fantastic1 to state this principle1 and then bulwark it with volumes of dialectic and a metaphysics beyond the grasp of human understanding8 ,not from such does one learn to do the will of ,god4 ,this was scarcely the way to make good the ultimate practical character of religion1 as against ,thomas's frankly intellectual view4 ,duns is as intellectual as ,thomas2 but ,thomas is the more consistent4 ,and shall we say1 that with ,duns all makes toward ,god1 as the final end1 through the strong action of the human will and love8 ,so be it--,thomas said1 through intellection and through love4 ,again one queries1 did the ,scotian reasoning ever foster love8 ,and then ,duns set theology apart1--and supreme4 ,again1 so be it4 ,let the impulsive religion of the soul assert its primacy4 ,but this was not the way of ,duns4 ,theology and philosophy do not rest on the same principles1 says he2 but how does he demonstrate it8 ,by substantiating this severance by means of metaphysical dialectic1 and using the same dialectic and the same metaphysics to prove that theology can do without either4 ,not by dialectic and metaphysics can theology free itself from them1 and set itself on other foundations4 ,duns ,scotus exerted great influence1 both directly and through the reaction occasioned by certain of his teachings4 ,the next generations were full of ,scotists1 who were proud if only they might be reputed more subtle than their master4 ,they succeeded in becoming more inane4 ,there were other men1 whom the critical processes of ,duns led to deny the validity of his constructive metaphysics4 ,of those who profited by his teaching1 yet represented this reaction against parts of it1 the ablest was the ,franciscan1 ,william of ,occam1 a man but few years younger than ,duns4 ,he was born in ,england1 in the county of ,surrey2 and studied under ,duns at ,paris4 ,it is known that in #acbj he was lecturing with distinction at this centre of intellectual life4 ,three years afterward1 he quitted his chair1 and in the controversies then rending his ,order1 hotly espoused the cause of the ,spirituales--the ,franciscans who would carry out the precepts of ,francis to the letter4 ,next1 he threw himself with all the ardour of his temper into the conflict with the papacy1 and became the literary champion of the rights of the ,state4 ,he was cited before the pope1 and imprisoned at ,avignon1 but escaped1 in #acbh1 and fled to the ,court of the emperor1 ,louis of ,bavaria1 to whom1 as the accounts declare1 he addressed the proud word3 ,tu me defendas gladio1 ego te defendam calamo4 ,he died about #acdg4 ,the succession1 as it were1 of ,occam to ,duns ,scotus1 is of great interest4 ,it was portentous for scholasticism4 ,the pupil1 for pupil in large measure he was1 profited by the critical methods and negations of the master4 ,but he denied the validity of the metaphysical constructions whereby ,duns sought to rebuild what his criticism had cast down or shaken4 ,especially1 ,occam would not accept the subtle ,doctor's fabrication of an external world in accord with the apparent necessities of thought4 ,for with all ,duns's critical insistency1 never did a man more unhesitatingly make a universe to fit the syllogistic processes of his reason1 projected into the external world4 ,here ,occam would not follow him1 as ,aristotle would not follow ,plato4 ,it were well to consider more specifically these two sides of ,occam's succession to ,duns ,scotus1 shown in his acceptance and rejection of the master's teaching4 ,he followed him1 of course1 in emphasising the functions of the will2 and accepted the conception of theology as practical1 and not speculative1 in its ends2 and1 like ,duns1 he distinguished1 nay rather1 severed1 theology from philosophy1 widening the cleft between them4 ,if1 with ,duns1 theology was still1 in a sense1 a science2 with ,occam it could hardly be called one4 ,although ,duns denied that theology was to be controlled by principles drawn from metaphysics1 he laboured to produce a metaphysical counterfeit1 wherein theology1 founded on revelation and church law1 should present a close parallel to what it would have been1 had its controlling principles been those of metaphysics4 ,occam quite as resolutely as his master1 proves the untenability of current theological reasonings4 ,more unreservedly than ,duns1 he interdicts the testing of theology by reason3 and goes beyond him in restricting the sphere of rationally demonstrable truth1 denying1 for instance1 that reason can demonstrate ,god's unity1 infinity1 or even existence4 ,unlike ,duns1 he would not attempt to erect a quasi-scientific theology1 in the place of the systems he rejects4 ,to make up for this negative result1 ,occam asserted the verity of ,scripture unqualifiedly1 as ,duns also did4 ,with ,occam1 ,scripture1 revelation1 is absolutely infallible1 neither requiring nor admitting the proofs of reason4 ,to be sure he co-ordinates with it the ,law of ,nature1 which ,god has implanted in our minds4 ,but otherwise theology1 faith1 stands alone1 very isolated1 although on the alleged most certain of foundations4 ,the provinces of science and faith are different4 ,faith's assent is not required for what is known through evidence2 science does not depend on faith4 ,nor does faith or theology depend on scientia4 ,and since1 without faith1 no one can assent to those verities which are to be believed 7veritatibus credibilibus71 there is no scientia proprie dicta respecting them4 ,so the breach in the old scholastic1 ,thomist1 unity was made utter and irreparable4 ,theology stands on the surest of bases1 but isolated1 unsupported2 philosophy1 all human knowledge1 extends around and below it1 and is discredited because irrelevant to highest truth4 ,thus far as to ,occam's loyal and rebellious succession to the theology of ,duns4 ,in philosophy1 it was much the same4 ,he accepted his critical methods1 but would not follow him in his constructive metaphysics4 ,although the older man was pre-eminently a metaphysician1 the critical side of his intellect drew empiric processes within the sweep of its energies4 ,occam1 unconvinced of the correspondence between the logic of concepts and the facts of the external world1 seeks to limit the principles of the former to the processes of the mind4 ,accordingly1 he rejects the inferences of the ,scotian dialectic which project themselves outward1 as proofs of the objective existence of abstract or general ideas4 ,it is thus from a more thoroughgoing application of the ,scotian analysis of mental processes1 and a more thoroughgoing testing of the evidence furnished by experience1 that ,occam refuses to recognise the existence of universals save in the mind1 where evidently they are necessary elements of thinking4 ,manifestly1 he is striving very earnestly not to go beyond the evidence2 and he is also striving to eliminate all unevidenced and unnecessary elements1 and those chimeras of the mind1 which become actual untruths when posited as realities of the outer world4 ,such were the motives of ,occam's far from simple theory of cognition4 ,in it1 mental perceptions1 or cognitions1 were regarded as symbols 7signa1 termini7 of the objects represented by them4 ,they are natural1 as contrasted with the artificial symbols of speech and writing4 ,they fall into three classes2 first1 sense-perception of the concrete object1 and thirdly1 so to speak1 the abstract concept representative of many objects1 or of some ideal figment or quality4 ,intermediate between the two1 ,occam puts notitia intuitiva1 which relates to the existence of concrete things4 ,it serves as a basis for the cognition of their combinations and relationships1 and forms a necessary antecedent to abstract knowledge4 ,notitia abstractiva praesupponit intuitivam4#ffg ,occam holds that notitia intuitiva presents the concrete thing as it exists4 ,otherwise with abstract or general concepts4 ,they are signa of mental presentations1 or processes2 and there is no ground for transferring them to the world of outer realities4 ,their existence is confined to the mind1 where they are formed from the common elements of other signa1 especially those of our notitia intuitiva4 8,and so10 says ,occam1 8the genus is not common to many things through any sameness in them1 but through the common nature 7communitatem7 of the signum1 by which the same signum is common to many things signified40#ffh ,these universals furnish predicates for our judgments1 since through them we conceive of realities as containing a common element of nature4 ,they are not mere words2 but have a real existence in the mind1 where they perform functions essential to thinking4 ,indirectly1 through their bases of notitiae intuitivae1 they even reflect outer realities4 8,the ,universal is no mere figment1 to which there is no correspondence of anything like it 7cui non correspondet aliquod consimile7 in objective being1 as that is figured in the thinker40 ,it results from the foregoing argument1 that science1 ordered knowledge1 which seeks co-ordination and unity1 has not to do with things2 but with propositions1 its object being that which is known1 rather than that which is4 ,things are singular1 while science treats of general ideas1 which are only in the mind4 8,it should be understood1 that any science1 whether realis or rationalis1 is only concerned with propositions 7propositionibus72 because propositions alone are known40#ffi ,it was not so very great a leap from the realism of ,duns1 which ascribed a certain objective existence to general ideas1 to the nominalism1 or rather conceptualism1 of ,occam1 which denied it1 yet recognised the real existence and necessary functions of universals1 in the mind4 ,the metaphysically proved realities of ,duns were rather spectral1 and ,occam's universals1 subjective though they were1 lived a real and active life4 ,one feels that the realities of ,duns's metaphysics scarcely extended beyond the thinker's mind4 ,in many respects ,occam's philosophy was a strenuous carrying out of ,duns's teachings2 and when it was not1 we see the younger man pushed1 or rather repelled1 to the positions which he took1 by the unsatisfying metaphysics of his teacher4 ,history shows other rebounds of thought1 which seem abrupt1 and yet were consequential in the same dual way that ,occam's doctrine followed that of ,duns4 ,out of the ,brahmin ,absolute came the ,buddhist wheel of change2 even as ,parmenides was followed hard by ,heraclitus4 ,and how often ,atheism steps on ,pantheism's heels6 ,thus1 developing1 revising1 and changing1 ,occam carried out the work of ,duns1 and promulgated a theory of knowledge which pointed on to much later phases of thinking4 ,in his school he came to be called venerabilis inceptor1 a proper title for the man who shook loose from so much previous thought1 and became the source of so many novel views4 ,he had1 indeed1 little fear of novelty4 8,novelties 7novitates7 are not altogether to be rejected2 but as what is old 7vetusta71 on becoming burdensome1 should be abolished1 so novelties when1 to the sound judgment1 they are useful1 fruitful1 necessary1 expedient1 are the more boldly to be embraced40#fgj ,it is not1 however1 as the inceptor of new philosophies or of novel views on the relations between ,state and ,papacy that we are viewing ,occam here at the close of this long presentation of the ultimate intellectual interests of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries4 ,but rather as the man who represented the ways in which the old was breaking up1 and embodied the thoughts rending the scholastic system2 who even was a factor in the palpable decadence of scholastic thinking that had set in before his eyes were closed4 ,for from him came a new impulse to a renewed overstudy of formal logic--with ,thomas1 for example1 logic had but filled its proper rle4 ,withdrawing from metaphysics the matter pertaining to the problem of universals and much more besides1 ,occam transferred the same to logic1 which he called omnium artium aptissimum instrumentum4#fga ,this reinstatement of logic as the instrument and means of all knowledge was to be the perdition of emptier-minded men1 who felt no difference between philosophy and the war of words4 ,and in this respect at least the decadence of scholasticism took its inception from this bold and virile mind which had small reverence for popes or for the idols of the schools4 ,we shall not follow the lines of this decay1 but simply notice where they start4 ,in the growth and decline of thought1 things so go hand in hand that it is hard to say what draws and what is drawn4 ,in the scholastic decadence1 the preposterous use of logic was a palpable element4 ,yet was it cause or effect8 ,obviously both4 ,scholasticism was losing its grasp of life2 and the universities in the fourteenth century were crowded with men whose minds mistook words for thoughts2 and because of this they gave themselves to hypertrophic logic4 ,on the other hand1 this windy study promoted the increasing emptiness of philosophy4 ,likewise1 as cause and effect1 inextricably bound together1 the other factors work1 and are worked upon4 ,the number of universities increases2 professors and students multiply2 but there is an awful dearth of thinkers among them4 ,there ceases even to be a thorough knowledge of the scholastic systems2 men study from compendia2 and thereby remain most deeply ignorant1 and unfecundated by the thoughts of their forbears4 ,cause and effect again6 ,we can hardly blame them1 when tomes and encyclopaedias were being heaped mountain high1 with life crushed beneath the monstrous pile1 or escaping from it4 ,but whether cause or effect1 the energies of study slackened1 and even rotted1 both at the universities and generally among the members of the two ,student ,orders1 from whom had come the last creators--and perhaps destroyers--of scholasticism4 ,next3 the language of philosophy deteriorated1 becoming turbid with the barbarisms of hair-splitting technicalities4 ,likewise the method of presentation lost coherence and clarity4 ,all of which was the result of academic decadence1 and promoted it4 ,so decay worked on within the system1 each failing element being both effect and cause1 in a general subsidence of merit4 ,there were also causes1 as it were1 from without2 which possibly were likewise effects of this scholastic decay ,as the life of the world once had gone out of paganism1 and put on the new vigour of ,christianity1 so the life of the world was now forsaking scholasticism1 and deriding1 shall we say1 the womb it had escaped from4 ,was the embryo ripe1 that the womb had become its mephitic prison8 ,at all events1 the fourteenth century brought forth1 and the next was filled with1 these men who called the readers of ,duns ,scotus ,dunces--and the word still lives4 ,men had new thoughts2 the power of the popes was shattered1 and within the ,church1 popes and councils fought for supremacy2 there was no longer any actual unity of the ,church to preserve the unity of thought2 ,wicliffe had risen2 ,huss and ,luther were close to the horizon2 a new science of observation was also stirring1 and a new humanism was abroad4 ,the life of men had not lessened nor their energies and powers of thought4 ,yet life and power no longer pulsed and wrought within the old forms2 but had gone out from them1 and disdainfully were flouting the emptied husks4 ,,chapter ,,xliii ,,the ,,mediaeval ,,synthesis3 ,,dante ,it lies before us to draw the lines of mediaeval development together4 ,we have been considering the ,middle ,ages very largely1 endeavouring to fix in mind the more interesting of their intellectual and emotional phenomena4 ,we have found throughout a certain spiritual homogeneity2 but have also seen that the mediaeval period of western ,europe is not to be forced to a fictitious unity of intellectual and emotional quality--contradicted by a disparity of traits and interests existing then as now4 ,yet just as certain ways of discerning facts and estimating their importance distinguish our own time1 making it an 8age0 or epoch1 so in spite of diversity and conflict1 the same was true of the mediaeval period4 ,from the ninth to the fourteenth century1 inter-related processes of thought1 beliefs1 and standards prevailed and imparted a spiritual colour to the time4 ,while not affecting all men equally1 these spiritual habits tended to dominate the minds and tempers of those men who were the arbiters of opinion1 for example1 the church dignitaries1 or the theologian-philosophers4 ,men who thought effectively1 or upon whom it fell to decide for others1 or to construct or imagine for them1 such1 whether pleasure-loving1 secularly ambitious1 or immersed in contemplation of the life beyond the grave1 accepted certain beliefs1 recognized certain authoritatively prescribed ideals of conduct and well-being1 and did not reject the processes of proof supporting them4 ,the causes making the ,middle ,ages a characterizable period in human history have been scanned4 ,we observed the antecedent influences as they finally took form and temper in the intellectual atmosphere of the latter-day pagan world and the cognate mentalities of the ,church ,fathers4 ,we followed the pre-,christian ,latinizing of ,provence1 ,spain1 ,gaul1 and the diffusion of ,christianity throughout the same countries1 where1 save for sporadic dispossession1 ,christianity and ,latin were to continue1 and become1 in the course of centuries1 mediaeval and ,romance4 ,as waves of barbarism washed over the somewhat decadent society of ,italy and her ,latin daughters1 we saw a new ignorance setting a final seal upon the inability of these epigoni to emulate bygone achievements4 ,plainly there was need of effort to rescue the disjecta membra of the antique and ,christian heritages4 ,the wreckers were famous men1 young ,bothius1 old ,cassiodorus1 the great pope ,gregory1 and princely ,isidore4 ,for their own people they were gatherers and conservers2 but they proved veritable transmitters for ,franks1 ,anglo-,saxons and ,germans1 who were made acquainted with ,christianity and ,latinity between the sixth and the ninth centuries1 the period in the course of which the ,merovingian kingdoms were superseded by the ,carolingian ,empire4 ,with the ,carolingian period the ,middles ,ages unquestionably are upon us4 ,the factors and material of mediaeval development1 howsoever they have come into conjunction1 are found in interplay4 ,it was for the mediaeval peoples1 now in presence of their spiritual fortunes1 to grow and draw from life4 ,their task1 as has appeared from many points of view1 was to master the ,christian and antique material1 and change its substance into personal faculty4 ,under different guises this task was for all1 whether living in ,italy or dwelling where the antique had weaker root or had been newly introduced4 ,this ,carolingian time of so much sheer introduction to the teaching of the past presented little intellectual discrimination4 ,that would come very gradually1 when men had mastered their lesson and could set themselves to further study of the parts suited to their taste4 ,nevertheless1 there was even in the ,carolingian period another sort of discrimination1 towards which men's consciences were drawn by the contrast between their antique and ,christian heritages1 and because the latter held a criterion of selection and rejection1 touching all the elements of human life4 ,whoever reflects upon his life and its compass of thought1 of inclination1 of passion1 action1 and capacity for happiness or desolation1 is likely to consider how he may best harmonize its elements4 ,he will have to choose and reject2 and within him may arise a conflict which he must bring to reconcilement if he will have peace4 ,he may need to sacrifice certain of his impulses or even rational desires4 ,as with a thoughtful individual1 so with thoughtful people of an epoch1 among whom like standards of discrimination may be found prevailing4 ,the ninth century received1 with patristic ,christianity1 a standard of selection and rejection4 ,in conformity with it1 men1 century after century1 were to make their choice1 and try to bring their lives to a discriminating unity and certain peace4 ,yet in every mediaeval century the soul's peace was broken in ways demanding other modes of reconcilement4 ,what profiteth a man to gain the world and lose his eternal life8 ,here was the ,gospel basis of the matter4 ,and1 following their conception of ,christ's teaching1 the ,fathers of the ,church elaborated and defined the conditions of attainment of eternal life with ,god1 which was salvation4 ,this was man's whole good1 embracing every valid and righteous element of life4 ,thus it had been with ,christ2 thus it was with ,augustine2 thus it was with ,benedict of ,nursia and ,gregory the ,great2 only in ,benedict and ,gregory the salvation which represented the true and uncorrupt life of man on earth1 as well as the assured preparation for eternal life with ,god1 had shrunken from the universality of ,christ1 and even from the fulness of desire with which ,augustine sought to know ,god and the soul4 ,in these later men the conception of salvation had contracted through ascetic exclusion and barbaric fear4 ,yet with ,benedict and ,gregory1 in whom there was much constructive sanity1 and indeed with all men who were not maniacally constrained1 there was recognition that salvation was of the mind as well as through faith and love1 or abhorrent fear4 ,it is necessary to know the truth2 and surely it is absolutely good to desire to know the truth forever1 without the cumbrances of fleshly mortality4 ,this desire is a true part of everlasting life4 ,through it ,origen1 ,hilary of ,poictiers1 ,augustine largely1 and after them the great scholastics with ,dante at their close1 achieved salvation4 ,but why should one desire to know the truth utterly and forever1 were not the truth desirable1 lovable8 ,naturally one loves that which through desire and effort one has come to know4 ,love is required and also faith by him who will have and know the salvation which is eternal life2 the emotions must take active part4 ,yet salvation comes not through the unguided sense-desiderative nature4 ,it is for reason to direct passionate desire1 and raise it to desire rationally approved1 which is volition4 ,thus salvation not only requires the action of the whole man1 but is in and of his entire nature4 ,it presents a unity primarily because of its agreement with the will of ,god1 and then because of its unqualified and universal insistence that it1 salvation1 life eternal1 be set absolutely first in man's endeavour4 ,what indeed could be more irrational1 and more loveless and faithless1 than that any desire should prevail over the entire good of man and the will of ,god as well8 ,oneness and peace consist in singleness of purpose and endeavour for salvation4 ,herein lies the standard of conduct and of discrimination as touching every element of mortal life4 ,with mediaeval men1 the application of the criterion of salvation depended on how the will of ,god for man1 and man's accordant conduct1 was conceived4 ,what kind of conduct1 what elements of the intellectual and emotional life were proper for the ,kingdom of ,heaven8 ,what matters barred the way1 or were unfit for the eternal spiritual state8 ,the history of ,christian thought lies within these queries4 ,an authoritative consensus of opinion was represented by the ,church at large1 holding from century to century a juste milieu of doctrine1 by no means lax and yet not going to ascetic extremes4 ,seemingly the ,church maintained varying standards of conduct for different orders of men4 ,yet in truth it was applying one standard according to the responsibilities of individuals and their vows4 ,the ,church 7meaning1 for our purpose1 the authoritative consensus of mediaeval ecclesiastical or religious approvals7 always upheld as the ideal of perfect living the religious life1 led under the sanction and guidance of some recognized monastic regula4 ,so lived monks and nuns1 and in more extreme or sporadic instances1 anchorites and reclusae4 ,the main peril of this strait and narrow path was its forsaking1 the breaking of its vows4 ,less austerely guarded and exposed to further dangers were the secular clergy1 living in the world1 occupied with the care of lay souls1 and with other cares that hardly touched salvation4 ,the world avowedly1 the flesh in reality1 and the devil in all probability1 beset the souls of bishops and other clergy4 ,in view of their exposed positions 8in the world10 a less austerely ascetic life was expected of the seculars1 whose lapses from absolute holiness ,god might--or perhaps might not--condone4 ,around1 and for the most part below1 regulars and seculars were the laity of both sexes1 of all ages1 positions1 and degrees of instruction or ignorance4 ,they had taken no vows of utter devotion to ,god's service1 and were expected to marry1 beget children1 fight and barter1 and fend for themselves amid the temptations and exigencies of affairs4 ,well for them indeed if they could live in communion with the ,church1 and die repentant and absolved1 eligible for purgatory4 ,for all these kinds of men and women like virtues were prescribed1 although their fulfilment was looked for with varying degrees of expectation4 ,for instance1 the distinctly theological virtues1 faith1 hope1 and charity1 especially the first1 could not be completely attained by the ignorance and imperfect consecration of laymen4 ,the vices1 likewise1 were the same for all1 pride1 anger1 hypocrisy1 and the rest2 only with married people a venial unchastity was sacramentally declared not to constitute mortal sin4 ,for this one case1 human weakness1 also mankind's necessity1 was recognized2 while1 in practice1 the ,church1 through its boundless opportunities for penitence and absolution1 mercifully condoned all delinquency save obstinate pride1 impenitence1 and disbelief4 ,these were the bare poles ethical of the orthodox mediaeval ,christian scheme4 ,how as to its intellectual and emotional inclusiveness8 ,the many-phased interest of the mind1 i4e4 the desire to know1 was in principle accepted1 but with the condition that the ultimate end of knowledge should be the attainment of salvation4 ,it was stated and re-emphasized by well-nigh every type of mediaeval thinker1 that ,theology was the queen of sciences1 and her service alone justified her handmaids4 ,all knowledge should make for the knowledge of ,god1 and enlarge the soul's relationship to its ,creator and ,judge4 8,he that is not with me is against me40 ,knowledge which does not aid man to know his ,god and save his soul1 all intellectual pursuits which are not loyal to this end1 minister to the obstinacy and vainglory of man1 stiff-necked1 disobedient1 unsubmissive to the will of ,god4 ,knowledge is justified or condemned according to its ultimate purpose4 ,likewise every deed1 business1 occupation1 which can fill out the active life of man4 ,as they make for ,christ and salvation1 the functions of ruler1 warrior1 lawyer1 artisan1 priest1 are justified and blessed--or the reverse4 ,but how as to the appetites and the emotions8 ,how as to love1 between the sexes1 parent and child1 among friends8 ,the standard of discrimination is still the same1 though its application vary4 ,appetite for food1 if unrestrained1 is gluttony2 it must be held from hindering the great end4 ,one must guard against love's obsession1 against sense-passion1 which is so forgetful of the ultimate good3 concupiscence is sinful4 ,through bodily begetting1 the taint of original sin is transmitted2 and in all carnal desire1 though sanctioned by the marriage sacrament1 is lust and spiritual forgetfulness4 ,when in fornication and adultery its acts contravene ,god's law1 they are mortal sins which will1 if unabsolved1 cast the sinner into hell4 ,few men in the ,middle ,ages were insensible to their future lot1 and therefore the criterion of salvation unto eternal life would rarely be rejected4 ,but often there was conflict within the soul before it acquiesced in what it felt compelled to recognize2 and sometimes there was clear revolt against current convictions1 or practical insistence that a larger volume of the elements of human nature were fit for life eternal4 ,conflict before acquiescence had agitated the natures of sainted ,fathers of the ,church1 who marked out the path to salvation which the ,middle ,ages were to tread4 ,one thinks at once of ,jerome's never-forgotten dream of exclusion from ,paradise because of too great delight in classic reading4 ,another phase was ,augustine's1 set forth somewhat retrospectively in his ,confessions4 ,therein1 as would seem1 the drawings of the flesh were most importunate4 ,yet not without sighs and waverings did the mind of ,augustine settle to its purpose of knowing only ,god and the soul4 ,at all events the chafings of mortal curiosity1 the promptings of cultivated taste1 and the cravings of the flesh1 were the moving forces of the ,psychomachia which passed with ,patristic ,christianity to the ,middle ,ages4 ,thousands upon thousands of ardent souls were to experience this conflict before convincing themselves that classic studies should be followed only as they led heavenward1 and that carnal love was an evil thing which1 even when sacramentally sanctioned1 might deflect the soul4 ,the revolt against the authoritatively accepted standard declared itself along the same lines of conflict1 but did not end in acquiescence and renunciation4 ,it contended rather for a peace and reconcilement which should include much that was looked upon askance4 ,it was not always violent1 and might be dumb to the verge of unconsciousness1 merely a tacit departure from standards more universally recognized than followed4 ,there were countless instances of this silent departure from the standard of salvation4 ,with cultivated men1 it realized itself in classical studies1 as with ,hildebert of ,le ,mans or ,john of ,salisbury4 ,it does not appear that either of them experienced qualms of conscience or suffered rebuke from their brethren4 ,no more did ,gerbert1 an earlier instance of catholic interest in profane knowledge1 though legends of questionable practices were to encircle his fame4 ,other men pursued knowledge1 rational or physical1 in such a way as to rouse hostile attention to its irrelevancy or repugnancy to saving faith1 and this even in spite of formal demonstration by the investigator--,roger ,bacon is in our mind--of the advantage of his researches to the ,queen ,theology4 ,bacon might not have been so suspect to his brethren1 and his demonstration of the theological serviceableness of natural knowledge would have passed1 had he not put forth bristling manifestos denouncing the blind acceptance of custom and authority4 ,moreover1 the obvious tendencies of methods of investigation advocated by him countered methods of faith2 for the mediaeval and patristic conception of salvation1 whatever collateral supports it might find in reason1 was founded on the authority of revelation4 ,indeed it was the lifting up of the standard of rational investigation which distinguished the veritable revolt from those preliminary inner conflicts which often strengthened final acquiescence4 ,and it was the obstinate elevation of one's individual wisdom 7as it appeared to the orthodox7 that separated the accredited supporters of the ,church among theologians and philosophers1 from those who were suspect4 ,we mark the line of the latter reaching back through ,abaelard to ,eriugena4 ,such men1 although possibly narrower in their intellectual interests than some who more surely abode within the ,church's pale1 may be held as broader in principle4 ,for inasmuch as they tended to set reason above authority1 it would seem that there was no bound to their pursuit of rational knowledge1 wherewith to expand and fortify their reason4 ,but if the intellectual side of man pressed upon the absolutism of the standard of salvation1 more belligerent was the insistency of love--not of the ,crucified4 ,to the ,church's disparagement of the flesh1 love made answer openly1 not slinking behind hedges or closed doors1 nor even sheltering itself within wedlock's lawfulness4 ,it1 love1 without regard to priestly sanction1 proclaimed itself a counter-principle of worth4 ,the love of man for woman was to be an inspiration to high deeds and noble living as well as a source of ennobling power4 ,it presented an ideal for knights and poets4 ,it could confer no immortality on lovers save that of undying fame3 but it promised the highest happiness and worth in mortal life4 ,if only knights and ladies might not have grown old1 the supremacy of love and its emprize would have been impregnable4 ,but age must come1 and the ghastly mediaeval fear of death was like to drive lover and mistress at the last within some convent refuge4 ,fear brought compunction and perhaps its tears4 ,renunciation of the joy of life seemed a fit penance to disarm the ,judge's wrath4 ,so at the end of life the ideal of love was prone to make surrender to salvation4 ,asceticism even enters its literature1 as with the monkish ,galahad4 ,there was1 however1 another way of reconcilement between the carnal and the spiritual1 the secular and the eternal1 by which the secular and carnal were transformed to symbols of the spiritual and eternal--the way of the ,vita nuova and the ,divina ,commedia1 as we shall see4 ,so in spite of conflicts or silent treasons within the natures of many who fought beneath the ,christian banner1 in spite of open mutinies of the mind and declared revolts of the heart1 salvation remained the triumphant standard of discrimination by which the elements of mediaeval life were to be esteemed or rejected4 ,what then were these elements to which this standard1 or deflections from it1 should apply8 ,how specify their mediaeval guise and character8 ,it would be possible to pass in review synoptically the contents of this work4 ,we might return1 and then once more travel hitherward over the mediaeval path1 the many paths and byways of mediaeval life4 ,we might follow and again see applied--or unapplied--these standards of discrimination1 salvation over all1 and the deviations of pretended acquiescence or subconscious departure4 ,we might perhaps make one final attempt to draw the currents of mediaeval life together1 or observe the angles of their divergence1 and note once more the disparity of taste and interest making so motley the mediaeval picture4 ,but this has been done so excellently1 in colours of life1 and presented in the person of a man in whom mediaeval thought and feeling were whole1 organic1 living--an achievement by the ,artist moving the antecedent scheme of things which made this man ,dante what he was4 ,we shall find in him the conflict1 the silent departures1 and the reconcilement at last of recalcitrant elements brought within salvation as the standard of universal discrimination4 ,dante accomplishes this reconcilement in personal yet full mediaeval manner by transmuting the material to the spiritual1 the mortal to the eternal1 through the instrumentality of symbolism4 ,he is not merely mediaeval2 he is the end of the mediaeval development and the proper issue of the mediaeval genius4 ,yes1 there is unity throughout the diversity of mediaeval life2 and ,dante is the proof4 ,for the elements of mediaeval growth combine in him1 demonstrating their congruity by working together in the stature of the full-grown mediaeval man4 ,when the contents of patristic ,christianity and the surviving antique culture had been conceived anew1 and had been felt as well1 and novel forms of sentiment evolved1 at last comes ,dante to possess the whole1 to think it1 feel it1 visualize its sum1 and make of it a poem4 ,he had mastered the field of mediaeval knowledge1 diligently cultivating parts of it1 like the ,graeco-,arabian astronomy2 he thought and reasoned in the terms and assumptions of scholastic 7chiefly ,thomist-,aristotelian7 philosophy2 his intellectual interests were mediaeval2 he felt the mediaeval reverence for the past1 being impassioned with the ancient greatness of ,rome and the lineage of virtue and authority moving from it to him and thirteenth-century ,italy and the already shattered ,holy ,roman ,empire4 ,he took earnest joy in the ,latin ,classics1 approaching them from mediaeval points of view1 accepting their contents uncritically4 ,he was affected with the preciosity of courtly or chivalric love1 which ,italy had made her own along with the songs of the ,troubadours and the poetry of northern ,france4 ,his emotions flowed in channels of current convention1 save that they overfilled them2 this was true as to his early love1 and true as to his final range of religious and poetic feeling4 ,his was the emotion and the cruelty of mediaeval religious conviction2 while in his mind 7so worked the genius of symbolism7 every fact's apparent meaning was clothed with the significance of other modes of truth4 ,dante was also an ,italian of the period in which he lived2 and he was a marvellous poet4 ,one may note in him what was mediaeval1 what was specifically ,italian1 and what1 apparently1 was personal4 ,this scholar could not but draw his education1 his views of life and death1 his dominant inclinations and the large currents of his purpose1 from the antecedent mediaeval period and the still greater past which had worked upon it so mightily4 ,his ,italian nature and environment gave point and piquancy and very concrete life to these mediaeval elements2 and his personal genius produced from it all a supreme poetic creation4 ,the ,italian part of ,dante comes between the mediaeval and the personal1 as species comes between the genus and the individual4 ,the tremendous feeling which he discloses for the ,roman past seems1 in him1 specifically ,italian3 child of ,italy1 he holds himself a ,latin and a direct heir of the ,republic4 ,yet often his attitude toward the antique will be that of mediaeval men in general1 as in his disposition to accept ancient myth for fact2 while his own genius appears in his beautifully apt appropriation of the ,virgilian incident or image2 wherein he excels his 8,mantuan0 master1 whose borrowings from ,homer were not always felicitous4 ,frequently the specifically ,italian in ,dante1 his yearning hate of ,florence1 for example1 may scarcely be distinguished from his personal temper2 but its civic bitterness is different from the feudal animosities or promiscuous rages which were more generically mediaeval4 ,as a lighter example1 there are three lines in the fourth canto of the ,purgatorio which do not reflect the ,middle ,ages1 nor yet pertain to ,dante's character1 but are1 we feel1 ,italian4 ,they are these3 8,thither we drew2 and there were persons who were staying in the shadow behind the rock1 as one through indolence sets himself to stay40 ,again1 ,dante's arguments in the ,de monarchia#fgb seem to be those of an ,italian ,ghibelline4 ,yet beyond his intense realization of ,italy's direct succession to the ,roman past1 his reasoning is scholastic and mediaeval1 or springs occasionally from his own reflections4 ,the ,italian contribution to the book tends to coalesce either with the general or the personal elements4 ,dante argues that the rewards or fruits of virtue belonged to the ,roman people because of the pre-eminent virtue1 high lineage1 and royal marriage-connections1 of their ancestor ,aeneas4#fgc ,here1 of course1 the statements of ,virgil are accepted literally1 and one notes that while the argument is mediaeval in its absurdity1 it will be made ,italian in its application4 ,likewise his further arguments making for the same conclusion1 however ,italianized in their pointing1 are mediaeval1 or patristic1 in their provenance3 for example1 that the ,roman ,empire was divinely helped by miracles2 that the divine arbitrament decided the world-struggle or duellum in its favour2 and that ,christ was born and suffered legally to redeem mankind under the ,empire's authority and jurisdiction4#fgd ,moreover1 in refuting the very mediaeval papal arguments from 8the keys10 from 8the two swords10 and from the analogy of the sun and moon1 ,dante himself reasons scholastically4#fge ,the ,de vulgari eloquentia illustrates the difference between ,dante accepting and reproducing mediaeval views1 and ,dante thinking for himself4 ,in opening he speaks of mixing the stronger potions of others with the water of his own talent1 to make a beverage of sweetest hydromel--we have heard such phrases before6 ,then the first chapters give the current ideas touching the nature and origin of speech1 and describe the confusion of language at the building of ,babel3 each group of workmen engaged in the same sort of work found themselves speaking a new tongue understood only by themselves2 while the sacred ,hebrew speech endured with that seed of ,shem who had taken no part in the impious construction4 ,after this foolishness1 the eighth chapter of ,book ,i4 becomes startlingly intelligent as ,dante discusses the contemporary ,romance tongues of ,europe and takes up the idioma which uses the particle si4 ,out of its many dialects he detaches his thought of a volgare1 a mother tongue1 which shall be the illustrious1 noble1 and courtly speech in ,latium1 and shall seem to be of every ,latian city and yet of none1 and afford a standard by which the speech of each city may be criticized4 ,the mediaeval period offers no such penetrating linguistic observation2 and in the ,de ,vulgari ,eloquentia1 as in the ,convito1 ,dante is deeply conscious of the worth of the ,romance vernacular4 ,written in the volgare1 the style of the latter nondescript work bears curious likeness to scientific ,latin writing4 ,the ,latin scholastic thought shows plainly through this involved and scholastic volgare1 while the scholastic substance is rendered in a scarcely altered medium4 ,the ,convito is indeed a curious work which one need not lament that ,dante did not carry out to its mediaeval interminableness in fourteen books4 ,the four that he wrote suffice to show its futility and apparent confusion in conception and form4 ,besides incidentally explaining the thought of the idyllic ,vita nuova1 it professed to be a commentary upon fourteen of ,dante's canzone1 the meaning of which had been misunderstood4 ,indeed they had been suspected of disclosing a passion bearing a morganatic relationship to the love of ,beatrice4 ,truly understood they referred to that love which is the love of knowledge1 philosophy to wit2 and their commentary should expound that1 and might properly set forth the contents of the ,seven ,liberal ,arts and the higher divine reaches of knowledge4 ,the ,convito seems also to mark a stage in ,dante's life3 the time perhaps when he turned1 or imagined himself as turning1 to philosophy for consolation in youthful grief1 or the time perhaps when his nature looked coldly upon its early faith and sought to stay itself with rational knowledge4 ,the book might thus seem a ,de consolatione philosophiae1 after the temper1 if not the manner1 of ,bothius' work1 which then was much in ,dante's mind4 ,yet it was to be a setting forth of knowledge for the ignorant1 a sort of ,summa contra ,gentiles1 as is hinted in the last completed chapter4 ,these three purposes fall in with the fact that the work was apparently the expression of ,dante's intellectual nature1 and of his spiritual condition between the experience of the ,vita nuova and the time or state of the ,commedia4#fgf ,certainly the ,convito gives evidence touching the writer's mental processes and the interests of his mind4 ,except for its lofty advocacy of the volgare and its personal apologetic references1 it contains little that is not blankly mediaeval4 ,and had it kept on to its completion1 so as to have become no torso1 but a full ,summa or ,tesoro of liberal knowledge1 its whimsical form as a commentary upon canzone would have made it one of the most bizarre of mediaeval compositions4 ,one should not take this most repellent of ,dante's writings as an adequate expression of the intellectual side of his nature2 though a significant phrase may be drawn from it3 8,philosophy is a loving use of wisdom 7uno amoroso uso di sapienza7 which chiefly is in ,god1 since in ,him is utmost wisdom1 utmost love1 and utmost actuality40#fgg ,a loving use of wisdom--with ,dante the pursuit of knowledge was no mere intellectual search1 but a pilgrimage of the whole nature1 loving heart as well as knowing mind1 and the working virtues too4 ,this pilgrimage is set forth in the ,commedia1 perhaps the supreme creation of the ,middle ,ages1 and a work that by reason of the beautiful affinity of its speech with ,latin1#fgh exquisitely expressed the matters which in ,latin had been coming to formulation through the mediaeval centuries4 ,the ,commedia 7,inferno1 ,purgatorio1 ,paradiso7 is a ,summa1 a ,summa salvationis1 a sum of saving knowledge4 ,it is such just as surely as the final work of ,aquinas is a ,summa theologiae4 ,but ,aquinas was the supreme mediaeval theologian-philosopher1 while ,dante was the supreme theologian-poet2 and with both ,aquinas and ,dante1 theology includes the knowledge of all things1 but chiefly of man in relation to ,god4 ,such was the matter of the divina scientia of ,thomas1 and such was the subject of the ,commedia1 which was soon recognized as the ,divina ,commedia in the very sense in which ,theology was the divine science4 ,the ,summa of ,thomas was scientia not only in substance1 but in form2 the ,commedia was scientia1 or sapientia1 in substance1 while in form it was a poem1 the epic of man the pilgrim of salvation4 ,in every sense1 ,aristotelian and otherwise1 it was a work of art2 and herein if we cannot compare it with a ,summa1 we may certainly liken it to a ,cathedral1 which also was a work of art and a ,summa salvationis wrought in stone4 ,for a ,cathedral--it is the great ,french type we have in mind--was a ,summa of saving knowledge1 as well as a place for saving acts4 ,and presenting the substance of knowledge in the forms of art1 very true art1 the matter of which had long been pondered on and loved or hated1 the ,cathedral in its feeling and beauty1 as well as in the order of its manifested thought1 was a ,commedia2 for it too was a poem with a happy ending1 at least for those who should be saved4 ,the ,cathedral had grown from dumb barrel-vaulted ,romanesque to ,gothic1 speaking in all the terms of sculpture and painted glass4 ,it grew out of its antecedents4 ,the ,commedia rested upon the entire evolution of the ,middle ,ages4 ,therein had lain its spiritual preparation4 ,to be sure it had its casual forerunners 7precursori73 narratives1 real or feigned1 of men faring to the regions of the dead4#fgi ,but these signified little2 for everywhere thoughts of the other life pressed upon men's minds3 fear of it blanched their hearts2 its heavenly or hellish messengers had been seen1 and not a few men dreamed that they had walked within those gates and witnessed clanging horrors or purgatorial pain4 ,heaven they had more rarely visited4 ,dante gave little attention to any so-called 8forerunners10 save only two1 ,paul and ,virgil4 ,the former was a warrant for the poet's reticence as to the manner of his ascent to ,heaven2#fhj the latter supplied much of his scheme of ,hell4 ,yet there were one or two others possessed of some affinity of soul with the great ,florentine1 who perhaps knew nothing of them4 ,one of these was ,hildegard of ,bingen1 with her vision of the spirits in the cloud1 and her pungent sights of the bitterness of the pains of hell4#fha ,another sort of affinity is disclosed in the allegorical ,anticlaudianus of ,alanus de ,insulis1 in which ,reason can take ,prudentia just so far upon her heavenly journey1 and then gives place to ,theology1 even as ,virgil1 symbol of rational wisdom1 gives place to ,beatrice at the summit of the ,mount of ,purgatory4#fhb ,dante might have drawn still more enlightenment from the ,de sacramentis of ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 in which the rational basis of the universal scheme of things is shown to lie in the principle of allegorical intendment4 ,yet one finds few traces of ,hugo in ,dante except through ,hugo's pupil1 ,richard1 whose works he had read4 ,that such apt forerunners should scarcely have affected him shows how he was taught and inspired1 not by individuals1 but by the entire ,middle ,ages4 ,one observes mediaeval characteristics in the ,commedia raised to a higher power4 ,the mediaeval period was marked by contrasts of quality and of conduct such as cannot be found in the antique or the modern age4 ,and what other poem can vie with the ,commedia in contrasts of the beautiful and the loathsome1 the heavenly and the hellish1 exquisite refinement of expression and lapses into the reverse1#fhc love and hate1 pity and cruelty1 reverence and disdain8 ,these contrasts not only are presented by the story2 they evince themselves in the character of the author4 ,many scenes of the ,inferno are loathsome3#fhd ,dante's own words and conduct there may be cruel and hateful#fhe or show tender pity2 and every reader knows the poetic beauty which glorifies the ,paradiso1 renders lovely the ,purgatorio1 and ever and anon breaks through the gloom of ,hell4 ,another mediaeval quality1 sublimated in ,dante's poem1 is that of elaborate plan1 intended symmetry of composition1 the balance of one incident or subject against another4#fhf ,and finally one observes the mediaeval inclusiveness which belongs to the scope and purpose of the ,commedia as a ,summa of salvation4 ,dante brings in everything that can illuminate and fill out his theme4 ,even as the ,summa of ,st4 ,thomas1 so the ,commedia must present a whole doctrinal scheme of salvation1 and leave no loopholes1 loose ends1 broken links of argument or explanation4 ,the substance of the ,commedia1 practically its whole content of thought1 opinion1 sentiment1 had source in the mediaeval store of antique culture and the partly affiliated1 if not partly derivative1 ,latin ,christianity4 ,the mediaeval appreciation of the ,classics1 and of the contents of ancient philosophy1 is not to be so very sharply distinguished from the attitude of the fifteenth or sixteenth1 nay1 if one will1 the eighteenth1 century1 when the ,federalist in the young inchoately ,united ,states1 and many an orator in the revolutionary assemblies of ,france1 quoted ,cicero and ,plutarch as arbiters of civic expediency4 ,nevertheless1 if we choose to recognize deference to ancient opinion1 acceptance of antique myth and poetry as fact1#fhg unbounded admiration for a shadowy and much distorted ancient world1 as characterizing the mediaeval attitude toward whatever once belonged to ,rome and ,greece1 then we must say that such also is ,dante's attitude1 scholar as he was2#fhh and that in his use of the ,classics he differed from other mediaeval men only in so far as above them all he was a poet4 ,lines of illustrative examples begin with the opening canto of the ,inferno1 where ,dante addresses ,virgil as famoso saggio1 an appellative strictly corresponding with the current mediaeval view of the 8,mantuan40 ,mediaeval also is the grouping of the great poets who rise to meet ,virgil1 first ,homer1 then ,orazio satiro1 and ,ovid and ,lucan4#fhi ,more narrowly mediaeval1 that is1 pertaining particularly to the thirteenth century1 is ,dante's profound reverence for the authority of ,aristotle1 il maestro di color che sanno4#fij ,it may be that the poet's sense of the enormous1 elect1 importance of ,aeneas1#fia and his putting ,rhipeus1 most righteous of the ,trojans1 as the fifth regal spirit in the ,eagle's eye1#fib belonged more especially to ,dante as the ,ghibelline author of the ,de monarchia4 ,but generically mediaeval was his acceptance of antique myth for fact1 a most curious instance of which is his referring to the consuming of ,meleager with the consuming of the brand1 to illustrate a point of physiological psychology4#fic ,antique heroes1 even monsters1 seem as real to him as the people of ,scripture and history4 ,it is not1 however1 his mediaevalism1 but his own greatness that enables him to lift his treatment of them to the level of their presentation in the ,classics4 ,noble as an antique demigod is the damned ,jason1 silent and tearless1 among the scourged2#fid and ,ulysses is as great in the tale he tells from out the lambent flame as he was in the palace of ,alcinoos1 telling the tale which ,dante never read4#fie ,the poet1 especially in the ,purgatorio1 constantly balances moral examples alternately drawn from pagan and sacred story4 ,this propensity was quite mediaeval2 for throughout the ,middle ,ages the antique authority was used to fortify or parallel the ,christian argument4 ,yet herein1 as always1 ,dante is ,dante as well as a mediaeval man2 and his moral examples1 for the aid of souls who are purging themselves for ,heaven1 are interesting and curious enough4 ,on the pavement of the first ledge of ,purgatory1 ,lucifer is figured falling from ,heaven and ,briareus transfixed by the bolt of ,jove2 then ,nimrod1 ,niobe1 ,saul1 ,arachne1 ,rehoboam1 ,eriphyle and ,sennacherib1 the ,assyrians routed after ,holophernes' death1 and ,troy in ashes4#fif ,on the third ledge1 as instances of gentle forgivingness1 he sees in vision the ,virgin ,mary1 and then appear ,peisistratus 7tyrant of ,athens7 refusing to avenge himself1 and ,stephen asking pardon for his slayers4#fig ,but the most wonderful instance of this combining of the ,christian and the antique1 each at its height of feeling1 occurs in the thirtieth canto of the ,purgatorio1 where angels herald the appearance of ,beatrice with the chant1 ,benedictus qui venis1 and1 as they scatter flowers1 sing ,manibus o date lilia plenis4 ,this unison of the hail to ,christ upon ,his sacrificial entry into ,jerusalem and the ,virgilian heartbreak over the young ,marcellus1 shows how ,dante rose in his combinings1 and how potent an element of his imagination was the antique4#fih ,of course the plan of ,hell reflects the sixth ,book of the ,aeneid1 and throughout the whole ,commedia the ,virgilian phrase rises aptly to the poet's lips4 8,thou wouldst that ,i renew the desperate grief which presses my heart even before ,i put it into words10 says ,ugolino1 nearly as ,aeneas speaks to ,dido4#fii ,and in the ,paradiso the power of the ,dantesque reminiscence rouses the reader1 spiritually as it were1 to emulate the glorious ones who passed to ,colchos4#gjj ,a more desperate passage was the lot of those who must drop from ,acheron's bank into ,charon's boat2--the whole scene here is quite reminiscent of ,virgil4 ,the simile3 8,quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo ,lapsa cadunt folia10 is even beautified and made more pregnant with significance in ,dante's 8,come d'autunno si levan le foglie ,l'una appresso dell'altra44440#gja ,on the other hand1 the threefold attempt of ,aeneas to embrace ,anchises is stripped of its beautiful dream-simile in ,dante's use4#gjb ,a lovelier bit of borrowing is that of the quick springing up again of the rush1 the symbol of humility1 l'umile pianta1 with which the poet is girt before proceeding up the ,mount of ,purgatory4#gjc ,with ,dante the pagan antique represented much that was philosophically true1 if not veritably divine4 ,in his mind1 apparently1 the heathen good stood for the ,christian good1 and the conflict of the heathen deities with ,titan monsters symbolized1 if indeed it did not continue to make part of1 the ,christian struggle against the power of sin4#gjd ,we may be jarred by the apostrophe3 8444 ,o sommo ,giove1 ,che fosti in terra per noi crucifisso40#gje ,but this is a kind of ,christian-antique phrase by no means unexampled in mediaeval poetry4 ,and we feel the poetic breadth and beauty of the invocation in which ,apollo symbolizes or represents1 exactly what we will not presume to say1 but at all events some veritable spiritual power1 as ,minerva does1 apparently1 in another passage4#gjf ,in such instances the antique image which beautifies the poem is transfigured to a ,christian symbol1 if it does not present actual truth4 ,yet however universally ,dante's mind was solicited by the antique matter and his poet's nature charmed1 he was profoundly and mediaevally ,christian4 ,the ,commedia is a mediaeval ,christian poem4 ,its fabric1 springing from the life of earth1 enfolds the threefold quasi-other world of damned1 of purging1 and of finally purified1 spirits4 ,it is dramatic and doctrinal4 ,its drama of action and suffering1 like the narratives of ,scripture1 offers literal fact1 moral teaching1 and allegorical or spiritual significance4 ,the doctrinal contents are held partly within the poem's dramatic action and partly in expositions which are not fused in the drama4 ,thus whatever else it is1 the poem is a ,summa of saving doctrine1 which is driven home by illustrations of the sovereign good and abysmal ill coming to man under the providence of ,god4 ,one may perhaps discern a twofold purpose in it1 since the poet works out his own salvation and gives precepts and examples to aid others and help truth and righteousness on earth4 ,the subject is man as rewarded or punished eternally by ,god--says ,dante in the letter to ,can ,grande4 ,this subject could hardly be conceived as veritable1 and still less could it be executed1 by a poet who had no care for the effect of his poem upon men4 ,dante had such care4 ,but whether he1 who was first and always a poet1 wrote the ,commedia in order to lift others out of error to salvation1 or even in order to work out his own salvation1--let him say who knows the mind of ,dante4 ,no divination1 however1 is required to trace the course of the saving teaching1 which1 whether dramatically exemplified or expounded in doctrinal statement1 is embodied in the great poem2 nor is it hard to note how ,dante drew its substance from the mediaeval past4 ,the ,inferno1 which is the most dramatic and realistic1 8,dantesque10 part of the ,commedia1 and replete with terrestrial interest1 is doctrinally the least rich4 ,its doctrine chiefly lies in its scheme of punishment1 or divine vengeance1 for different sins4 ,herein ,dante followed no set series like the seven deadly sins expiated in ,purgatory4 ,neither the ,church nor authoritative writers had laid out the plan of ,hell4 ,dante had in mind ,thomas ,aquinas and ,aristotle1 also ,cicero's ,de officiis1#gjg and1 structurally1 ,virgil4 ,his scheme also was affected by his own character1 situation1 and aversions1 and assuredly by the movement of its own composition4 ,at the mouth of ,hell the worthless nameless ones and the neutral angels receive their due4 ,then after the sad calm of the place of the unbaptized and the great blameless heathen1 the veritable ,hell begins1 and the series of tortures unfold1 the lightest being such as punish incontinence1 while the most awful are reserved for those fraudulent ones who have betrayed a trust4 ,dante's power of presenting the humanly loathsome does not let the progress of hellish torment fail in climax even to the end1 where ,brutus1 ,cassius1 and ,judas are crunched in the dripping mouths of ,lucifer at the bottom of the lowest pit of ,hell4 ,the general idea of hell torments came to the poet from current beliefs and authoritative utterances1 ranging from the 8outer darkness0 of the ,gospel to the lurid oratory of ,st4 ,bernard4 ,dante's thoughts were drawn generically from the stores of mediaeval convictions1 approvals1 and imaginings3 they were given to him by his epoch4 ,of necessity--innocently1 one may say--he made them into concrete realities because he was ,dante4 ,terrifying phrases and crude ghastliness were raised through his dramatic power to living experiences4 ,the reader goes through ,hell1 sees with his own eyes1 hears with his own ears1 and stifles in the choking air4 ,doubtless the narrative brought fear and contrition to the men of ,dante's time4 ,but for us the disproportion of the vengeance to the crime1 the outrage of everlasting torments for momentary1 even impulsive sin1 is shocking and preposterous4#gjh ,the torments themselves present conditions which become unthinkable when we try to conceive them as enduring eternally4 ,human flesh1 or implicated spirit could not last beneath them4 ,and as for our impulses1 there is many a tortured soul with whom we would keep company1 for instance1 with the excellent band of ,sodomites--,priscian 767 ,brunetto ,latini1 and those three ,florentines whose 8honoured names0 the poet greets with reverence and affection4#gji ,one might even wish to make a third in the flame which enwraps ,diomede and ,ulysses4 ,in fact1 ,dante's dramatic genius has brought the mediaeval hell to a reductio ad absurdum1 to our minds4 ,the poet is of it too4 ,he can pity those who touch his pity4 ,and how great he can be1 how absolute4 ,there is compacted in the story of ,francesca all that can be thought or felt over unhappy love4 ,yet ,dante never doubts the justice of the punishment he describes2 sometimes he calmly or cruelly approves4 ,nel mio bel ,san ,giovanni6 ,how many thousands have quoted these detached words to show the poet's love of his beautiful baptistery4 ,but1 in fact1 he refers to the little cylindrical places where stood the baptizing priests1 in order to bring home to the reader the size of the holes in the burning rock from which protruded the quivering feet of ,simoniacs6#gaj ,it appears that the souls of all the damned will suffer more when they shall again be joined to their bodies after the resurrection4#gaa ,the ,inferno fully exemplifies the doctrinal statement obscurely set over the gate which shut out hope3 moved by justice1 the ,trinity1 8divine power1 supreme wisdom1 primal love1 created me 7,hell7 to endure eternally40 ,dante follows this current authoritative opinion1 stated by ,aquinas4 ,here one may repeat that ,dante is the child of the ,middle ,ages1 rather than a disciple of any single teacher4 ,if he follows ,aquinas more than any other scholastic1 he follows ,bonaventura also with breadth and balance4 ,these two1 however1 were themselves final results of lines of previous development4 ,both were rational and also mystically contemplative1 though the former quality predominates in ,thomas and the latter in ,bonaventura4 ,and in ,dante's poem1 at the end of the ,paradiso1 ,theology1 the rational apprehension of divine truth1 gives place to contemplation's loftier insight4 ,dante is kin to both these men2 but when he thinks1 more frequently he thinks like ,thomas1 and the intellectual realization of life is dominant with him4 ,this was evident in the ,convito2 and that the intellectual vision constitutes the substance of the ,commedia1 becomes luminously apparent in the ,paradiso4#gab ,it is even suggested at the gate of ,hell1 within which the wretched people will be seen1 who have lost the good of the ,intellect1#gac by which is meant knowledge of ,god4 ,the ,purgatorio presents more saving doctrine than the cantica of damnation4 ,its ,mount with the earthly paradise at the top1 may have been his own1 but might have been taken from the ,venerable ,bede or ,albertus ,magnus4#gad ,the ante-purgatory appears as a creation of the poet1 influenced by certain passages of the ,aeneid and by ancient disciplinary practices which kept the penitents waiting outside the church4#gae ,the teaching of the whole cantica relates to the purgation of pride1 envy1 anger1 accidia 7sloth71 avarice1 gluttony1 lust4 ,these are the seven deadly sins whose provenance is early monasticism4#gaf ,through their purgation man is made pure and fit to mount to the stars4 ,we shall not follow ,dante through the ,purgatorio and ,paradiso1 or observe in detail the teachings set forth and the sources whence they were derived4#gag ,but a brief reference to the successive incidents and topics of instruction will show how the ,commedia touches every key of saving doctrine4 ,the soul entering ,purgatory goes seeking liberty from sin1#gah and as a first lesson learns to detach itself from memories of the damned4#gai ,it receives some slight suggestion of the limits of human reason2#gbj and is told that according to the correct teaching there is one soul in man with several faculties4#gba ,it learns the risk of repentance in the hour of death2#gbb and the efficacy of the prayers of others to help souls through their purifying expiation2 also1 that1 after death1 souls can advance only by the aid of grace4#gbc ,the symbolism of the gate of ,purgatory teaches the need of contrition and confession4 ,upon the first ledge1 the proud do penance1 disciplined with examples of humility1 and through the ,lord's ,prayer are taught man's entire dependence upon ,god4 ,it is fitting that ,pride should be the first sin expiated1 since it lies at the base of all sins in the ,christian scheme4 ,much doctrine is inculcated by the treatment of the different sins and the appositeness of the hymns sung by the penitents4#gbd ,ascending the second ledge1 ,virgil1 i4e4 human reason1 expounds the first principles of the doctrine of that love which is of the ,good4#gbe ,next is set forth the theory of human free-will and the effect of the spheres in directing human inclination--all in strict accord with the teaching of ,thomas2#gbf and then1 still in accord with ,thomas1 the fuller nature of love 7or desire7 is expounded1 and the allotment of purgatorial pains in expiation of the various modes of evil desire or failure to love aright4#gbg ,these fitting pains are as a solace to the soul yearning to accomplish its purgation4#gbh ,next1 generation is explained1 the creation of the soul1 and the manner of its existence after separation from the body1 according to dominant scholastic theories4#gbi ,in the concluding cantos of the ,purgatorio1 much ,church doctrine is symbolically set forth by the ,mystic ,procession and the rivers of the earthly paradise1 ,lethe and ,eunoe--the latter representing sacramental grace through which good works1 killed by later sins1 are made to live again4#gcj ,the earthly paradise symbolizes the perfect happiness of life in the flesh1 and the state wherein man is fit to pass to the heavenly ,paradise4 ,besides doctrine directly bearing on ,salvation1 the ,commedia contains explanations by the way1 needed to understand ,dante's journey through the earth and heavens1 and give it verisimilitude4 ,apparently these explanations were also intended to afford a sufficient knowledge of the structure of the universe4 ,the ,paradiso abounds in this kind of information1 largely physical and astronomical4 ,its first canto offers a general statement1 beautifully put1 of the ordering of created things4 ,in this instance1 the instruction is not exclusively astronomical or physical1#gca but touches upon animated creatures1 and follows ,thomist teaching4 ,another interesting instance is the explanation in the second canto of the spots on the moon and then of the influence of the heavens4 ,here the astronomical matter runs on into elucidations touching human nature1 even that human nature which is to be saved through saving doctrine4 ,in this way the ,christian-,thomist-,dantesque scheme of knowledge holds together4 ,the ,commedia is the pilgrimage of the soul after all wisdom1 and includes1 implicitly at least1 the matter of the ,convito4 ,the ,paradiso contains the chief store of saving knowledge4 ,it sets forth the ultimate problems of human life and divine salvation1 with due emphasis laid upon the limitations of human understanding4 ,dante1 conscious of the strenuousness of his high argument1 warns off all but the chosen few4 ,a first point learned in the heavenly voyage is that no soul in ,paradise desires aught save what it has2 since such desire would contravene the will of ,god4 ,paradise is everywhere in ,heaven1 though the divine grace rains not upon all in one mode4#gcb ,beatified souls do not dwell in any particular star1 though ,plato seems to say so4 ,scripture condescends to figure the intelligible under the guise of sensible forms1 as ,plato may have done4#gcc ,broken vows and their reparation are now considered4 ,then the history of the ,roman ,eagle brings out the fact that ,christ was crucified under ,tiberius and ,his death avenged by ,titus1 which leads on to the explanation of the ,fall and the ,redemption1 occupying the seventh canto4 ,the next offers comment upon the divine goodness and the diversity of human lots2 and shows how the bitter may rise from the sweet4 ,with deep consistency the poet exclaims against the insensate toilsome reasonings through which mortals beat their wings downward1 away from ,god4#gcd ,in canto thirteen the reader is enlightened regarding the wisdom of ,adam1 of ,solomon1 and of ,christ2 and then as to the existence of the beatified soul before and after it is clothed with the glorified body of the ,resurrection4#gce ,incidentally the justice of eternal punishment is adverted to4#gcf ,the depth of the divine righteousness is next presented1#gcg and its application to the heathen1 with illustrations of ,god's saving ways1 in the instances of certain princes who loved righteousness1 including ,trajan and the ,trojan ,rhipeus4#gch ,the incomprehensibility of ,predestination next receives attention4 ,now intervenes the marvellous and illuminative beauty of canto twenty-three1 preceding ,dante's declaration of his creed1 upon interrogatories from the apostles1 ,peter1 ,james1 and ,john4 ,in this way he states the dogmatic fundamentals of the ,christian ,faith1 and the substantiating rles of philosophic argument and authority4#gci ,after this1 the vision of the hierarchies of angels leads on to discourse upon their creation and nature1 the immediate fall of those who fell1 the exaltation of the steadfast with added grace1 and the mode and measure of their knowledge4 ,thomas is followed in this scholastic argument4 ,with the vision of the ,rose1 rational theology gives place to mystic contemplation2#gdj and further visions of the divine ordering precede the prayer to the ,virgin1 with which the last canto opens--that prayer so beautiful and so expressive of mediaeval thought and feeling as to the most kind and blessed ,lady of ,heaven4 ,this prayer or hymn is made of phrases which the mediaeval mind and heart had been recasting and perfecting for centuries4 ,it is almost a great cento1 like the ,dies ,irae4 ,after the ,lady's answering benediction1 there comes to ,dante1 in grace1 the final mystic vision of the ,trinity1 enfolding all existence--substance1 accidents and their modes1 bound with love in one volume4 ,supreme dogmatic truth is set forth1 and the furthest strainings of reason are stilled in supersensual and super-rational vision1 which satisfies all intellectual desire4 ,this vision1 vouchsafed through the ,virgin's grace1 assures the pilgrim soul3 the goal is reached alike of knowledge and salvation4 ,one may say that the ,commedia begins and ends with the ,virgin4 ,it was she who sent ,beatrice into the gates of ,hell to move ,virgil--meaning human reason--to go to ,dante's aid4 ,the prayer which obtains her benediction1 and the vision following1 close the ,paradiso4 ,so the teaching of the poem ends in mediaeval strains4 ,for the ,virgin was the mediaeval goddess1 beloved and universally adored1 helpful in every way1 and the chief aid in bringing man to ,heaven4 ,but no more with ,dante than with other mediaeval men is she the end of worship and devotion4 ,her eyes are turned on ,god4 ,so are those of ,beatrice1 of ,rachel1 and of all the saints in ,paradise4 ,as for man on earth1 he is viator1 journeying on through discipline1 in righteousness and beneficence1 but above all in faith and hope and love of ,god1 with his eyes of knowledge and desire set on ,god4 ,god is the goal1 even of the vita activa1 which is also training and enlightenment4 ,loving his brother whom he hath seen1 man may learn to love ,god--practising himself in love4 ,even ,christ's parable1 8,inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these10 rightly interpreted1 implies that the end of human charity is ,god3 the human charity is preparation1 obedience1 means of enlightenment4 ,the brother for whom ,christ died--that is he whom thou shalt love1 and that is why thou shalt love him4 ,in themselves human relationships are disciplinary1 ancillary1 as all the sciences are ancillary to ,theology4 ,mediaeval religion is turned utterly toward ,god2 the relationship of the soul to ,god is its whole matter4 ,it is not humanitarian3 not human1 but divina scientia1 fides1 et amor1 make mediaeval ,christianity4 ,thus ,dante's doctrine is mediaeval4 ,toward ,god moves the desire of the viatores in ,purgatory1 though they still are incidentally mindful of earth's memories4 ,in ,paradise the eyes of all the blessed are set on ,him4 ,because of the divine love they may for a moment turn the eyes of their knowledge and desire to aid a fellow-creature2 the occasion past1 they fix them again on ,god3 thus the ,virgin1 thus ,bernard1 thus ,beatrice4 ,as a son of the ,middle ,ages1 ,dante was possessed with the spirit of symbolism4 ,allegory1 with him1 was not merely a way of expressing that which might transcend direct statement3 it embodied a principle of truth4 ,the universally accepted allegorical interpretation of ,scripture justified the view that a deeper verity lay in allegorical significance than in literal meaning4 ,this principle applied to other writings also4 8,now since the literal sense of the first canzone is sufficiently explained1 it is time to proceed to the allegorical and true interpretation40#gda ,in the ,vita ,nuova and somewhat more lifelessly in the ,convito1 ,dante explains that it is his way to invest his poetry with a secondary or allegorical sense4 ,he proposes in the latter work to carry out the formal notion of the four kinds of meaning contained in profound writings--literal1 allegorical1 moral1 anagogical4#gdb ,he never holds himself1 however1 to the lines of any such obsession1 but is content in practice with the literal and the broadly allegorical sense4#gdc ,even then the great ,florentine occasionally can be jejune enough4 ,the conception of the ten heavens figuring the ,seven ,liberal ,arts along with metaphysics1 ethics1 and theology1 as a plan of composition for the ,convito1#gdd was on a level with the structural symbolism of the ,de nuptiis ,philologiae et ,mercurii of ,capella4 ,yet the likening of ,ethics to the primum mobile and ,theology to the ,empyrean has bearing on ,dante's1 and the mediaeval1 scheme of the sciences1 among which ,theology is chief4 ,allegory moulds the structure and permeates the substance of the ,commedia4 ,for this ,dante himself vouches in the famous dedicatory letter to ,can ,grande1 where his thoughts may be heard creaking scholastically1 as he describes the nature of his poem1 and explains why he entitled it ,commedia3 8,literally1 the subject is the state of souls after death taken simply4 ,if1 however1 the work be accepted allegorically1 the subject is man1 according as by merit or demerit through freedom of choice 7arbitrii libertatem7 he is subject to ,justice1 rewarding or punitive40 ,this is the positive statement emanating1 in all probability1 from the poet4 ,perhaps it is as well that he did not live to inaugurate the series of ,commentaries upon his poem1 which began within a few years of his death and show no signs of ceasing4#gde ,so it has been left to others to determine the metes and bounds and special features of the ,commedia's allegorical intent4 ,the task has proved hazardous1 because ,dante was such a great poet1 so realistic in his visualizing and so masterful in forcing the different phases of his many-sided thoughts to combine in concrete creations4 ,his drama is so living that one can hardly think it an allegory4 ,evidently certain matters1 like the ,mystic ,procession and its apocalyptic appurtenances in the last cantos of the ,purgatorio1 are sheer allegory4 ,such1 while suited to suggest theological tenets1 are formal and lifeless1 a little like the hieratic allegorical mosaics of the fourth and fifth centuries1 which were composed before ,christian art had become imbued with ,christian feeling4#gdf ,indeed1 doffing for an instant one's reverence for the great poet1 one may say that from the point of view of art and life1 ,dante's symbolism becomes jejune1 or at least ceases to draw us1 according as it becomes palpable allegory4#gdg ,beyond such incidents one recognizes that the general course of the poem1 its more pointed occurrences1 together with its chief characters and the scenes amid which they move1 have commonly both literal and allegorical meaning4#gdh ,usually it is wise not to press either side too rigorously4 ,the poet's mind worked in the clearly imagined setting and dramatic action of his poem1 where fact and symbolism combined in that reality which is both art and life4 ,surely the ,commedia was completed and rendered real and beautiful through many a touch and incident which had no allegorical intent4 ,even as in a ,french cathedral1 the main sculptured and painted subjects have doctrinal1 that is to say1 allegorical1 significance1 besides their literal truth2 but there is also much lovely carving of scroll and flowered ornament and beast and bird1 which beautifies the building4 ,for ,dante's purpose1 to set out the state of disembodied spirits after death1 allegory might prove prejudicial1 because of the intensity of his artist's vision4 ,much of the poem's symbolism1 especially in the ,paradiso1 belongs to that unavoidable imagery to which every one is driven when attempting to describe spiritual facts4 ,such symbolism1 however1 when constructed with the plastic power of a ,dante1 may become itself so convincing or compelling as to reduce the intended spiritual signification to the terms of its concrete embodiment in the symbol4 ,in view of the carnality of most sin1 one is not surprised to find the place of punishment a converging cavity within the earth4 ,with ,dante1 as with ,hildegard1 the sights and torments of ,hell are realistically given quite as of course4 ,perhaps ,dante's ,mount of ,purgatory begins to give us pause1 and its corniced mise en scne tends to enflesh the idea of spirit and materialize its purgation4 ,but the limiting effect of symbolism is most keenly felt in the ,paradiso1 notwithstanding the beauty of that cantica2 for its very concrete symbolism seems sometimes to ensphere the intended truths of spirit in a sort of crystalline translucency4 ,it is all a marvellously imagined description of the state of blessed souls4 ,yet in the final pure and glorious image of a white rose 7candida rosa7 the company of the glorified spirits is so visualized as to become1 surely not theatrical1 but as if assembled upon the rounding tiers of seats occupied by an audience4#gdi ,there are topics in which the sheer ratiocination of ,thomas is more completely spiritual than the poetic vision of ,dante4 ,dante's most admirable symbolic creation was also his dearest reality--,beatrice4 ,and while this being in which he has immortalized his fame and hers1 is eminently the creation of his genius1 the elements were drawn from the many-chambered mediaeval past4 ,some issued out of the vast matter of chivalric love1 with its high heart of service and sense of its own worth1 its science1 its foolish and most wise reasoning1 its preciosity of temper--,dante and his literary friends were virtuosos in everything pertaining to its understanding4#gej ,this love was of the fine-reasoning mind4 ,the first canzone of the ,vita ,nuova does not begin 8,donne1 che sentite amore10 but3 8,donne1 ch' avete intelletto d' amore40 ,through that book love is what it never ceases to be with ,dante1 intelligenza3 8,intelligenza nuova1 che l' ,amore ,piangendo mette in lui44440 ,the piangendo1 the tears1 have likewise part2 without them love is not had or even understood4 ,the enormous sense of love's supreme worth--that too is in ,dante4 ,it had all been with the ,troubadours of ,provence1 with ,chrtien de ,troies1 and with the great ,minnesingers1 and had been reasoned on1 appreciated1 felt and wept over1 by ladies and knights who listened to their poems4 ,from ,france and ,provence love and its reasonings had come to ,italy even before ,dante's eyes had opened to it and other matters4 ,this was one strain that entered the ,beatrice of the ,vita ,nuova1 of the ,convito1 of the ,commedia4 ,but ,beatrice is something else3 she is1 or becomes1 ,theology1 the ,god-given science of the divine and human4 ,long had ,theologia 7divina scientia7 been a queen2 and even before her1 ,philosophia1 as with ,bothius1 had been a queenly woman gowned with as full symbolical particularity as ever the ,beatrice of ,dante4 ,indeed from the time of the ,psychomachia of ,prudentius to the ,roman de la ,rose of ,de ,lorris and ,de ,meun1 every human quality1 and many an aspect of human circumstance1 had been personified1 for the most part under the forms of gracious or seductive women4 ,above all of these rose1 sweet1 gracious1 and potent1 the ,virgin ,queen of ,heaven4 ,it came as of course to ,dante to symbolize his conception of divine wisdom in a woman's form4 ,the achievement of his genius was the transfusing combination of elements of courtly love1 didactic allegory1 and divina scientia1 in a creature before whom the whole man ,dante1 heart and reason and religious faith1 could stand and gaze and love and worship4 ,beatrice was his and of him always2 but with the visions and experience of that mature and grace-illuminated manhood1 which expressed itself in the ,commedia1 she comes to be much that she had not been when she lived on earth or had just left it1 and ,dante was a maker of exquisite verses in ,florence2 and much too that she had scarce become while the poet was consoling himself with philosophy for his bereavement and the dulling of his early faith4 ,beatrice lives and moves and has her ever more uplifted being as the reality as well as symbol of ,dante's thoughts of life4 ,with all first love's idealism1 he loved a girl2 then she1 having passed from earth1 becomes the inspiration and object of address of the young maker of sonnets and canzoni1 who with such intellectual preciosity was intent on building these verses of fine-spun sentiment4 ,thereafter1 when he is in darker mood1 she does not altogether leave him1 whatever variant attitudes his thought and temper take4 ,and at last the yearning self-fulfilments of his renewed life draw together in the ,beatrice of the ,commedia4 ,it is very beautiful1 and the growth1 as well as work1 of genius2 but it is not strange4 ,for there is no bound to the idealizing of the love which first transfuses a youth's nature with a mortal golden flame1 and awakens it to new understanding4 ,out of whatever of experience of life and joy and sorrow may come to the man1 this first love may still vivify itself anew--often in dreams--and become again living and beautiful1 in tears1 and will awaken new perceptions and disclose further vistas of the intelligenza nuova which love never ceases to impart to him who has loved4 ,dante's mind was always turning from the obvious sense-actuality of the fact to its symbolism2 which held the truer reality4 ,with such a man it is not strange that the beloved and adored woman1 the love of whom was virtue and enlightenment1 should1 when dead to earth1 become that divine wisdom which opens ,heaven to the lover who would follow1 for all eternity1 whither his beloved has so surely gone4 ,no1 it was not strange1 but only as wonderful as all the works of ,god1 that she who while living had been the spring of virtue of all kinds and meanings in the poet's breast1 should after death become the emblem1 even the reality1 of that whereby man is taught how to win his heavenly salvation4 ,passage after passage in the ,purgatorio and ,paradiso show that ,beatrice is this divina scientia1 and yet has never ceased to be one whom the poet loves4#gea ,thus it is clear that mediaeval development converges at last in ,dante4 ,he1 or his ,commedia1 might be the final ,summa1 were not he1 or rather it1 the final poem4 ,man and work include the emotions and the intellectual interests of the ,middle ,ages1 embracing what had been known1--,physics1 ,astronomy1 ,politics1 ,history1 ,pagan ,mythology1 ,christian ,theology1--all bent and moulded at last to the matter of the book4 ,not the contents of the ,commedia is ,dante's own1 but the poem itself--that is his creation4 ,yet even the poem itself was a climax long led up to4 ,the power of its feeling had been preparing in the conceptions1 even in the reasonings1 which through the centuries had been gaining ardour as they became part of the entire natures of men and women4 ,thus had mediaeval thought become emotionalized and plastic and living in poetry and art4 ,otherwise1 even ,dante's genius could not have fused the contents of mediaeval thought into a poem4 ,how many passages in the ,commedia illustrate this--like the lovely picture of ,lia moving in the flowering meadow1 with her fair hands making her a garland4 ,the twenty-third canto of the ,paradiso1 telling of the triumph of ,christ and the ,virgin1 yields a larger illustration2 and within it1 as a very concrete lyric instance1 floats that flower of angelic love1 the song of ,gabriel circling the ,lady of ,heaven with its melody1 and giving quintessential utterance to the love and adoration which the ,middle ,ages had intoned to the ,virgin4 ,yes1 if it be ,dante's genius1 it is also the gathering emotion of the centuries1 which lifts the last cantos of the ,paradiso from glory to glory1 and makes this closing singing of the ,commedia such supreme poetry4 ,nor is it the emotional element alone that reaches its final voice in ,dante4 ,passage after passage of the ,paradiso is the apotheosis of scholastic thought and ways of stating it1 the very apotheosis1 for example1 of those harnessed phrases in which the line of great scholastics had endeavoured to put in words the universalities of substance and accident and the absolute qualities of ,god4 ,yet one more feature of ,dante's typifying inclusiveness of the past4 ,its elements exist in him at first without conscious opposition and yet not subordinated one to another1 the less worthy to those of eternal validity4 ,then conflict arises2 the mediaeval ,psychomachia awakes in ,dante4 ,evidently he who wrote the ,convito after the ,vita ,nuova1 had not continued spiritually undisturbed4 ,had there come dullings of his early faith8 ,did his mind seek too exclusive satisfaction in knowledge8 ,had he possibly swerved a little from some high intention8 ,the facts are veiled4 ,dante wears neither his mind nor his heart upon his sleeve4 ,yet a reconcilement was attained by him1 though perhaps he had to fetch it out of ,hell4 ,he achieved it in his great poem1 which in its long making made the poet into the likeness of itself4 ,fitness for salvation is the ultimate criterion with ,dante respecting the elements of mortal life1 as it had been through the ,middle ,ages4 ,and the ,commedia--truly the ,divina ,commedia--while it presents the scheme of salvation for universal man1 is the achieved salvation of the poet4 ,,index ,,note4--,of several references to the same matter the more important are shown by heavy type4 ,abaelard1 ,peter1 career of1 ii4 #cdb-e2 at ,paris1 ii4 #cdc1 #cdd1 #chc2 popularity there1 ii4 #aai2 love for ,helose1 ii4 #d-e1 #cdd2 love-songs1 ii4 #ac1 #bjg2 ,helose's love for1 i4 #ehe2 ii4 #c1 #e1 #h1 #i1 #ae-af2 early relations with ,helose1 ii4 #d-e2 suggestion of marriage opposed by her1 ii4 #f-i2 marriage1 ii4 #i2 suffers vengeance of ,fulbert1 ii4 #i2 becomes a monk at ,st4 ,denis1 ii4 #aj2 at the ,paraclete1 ii4 #aj1 #cdd2 at ,breton monastery1 ii4 #aj2 ,st4 ,bernard's denunciations of1 i4 #bbi1 #dja2 ii4 #cdd-e1 #cee2 letters to1 from ,helose quoted1 ii4 #aa-ae1 #ag-bj1 #bc1 #bd2 letters from1 to ,helose quoted1 ii4 #af-ag1 #ba-c1 #bd-e2 closing years at ,cluny1 ii4 #be1 #bf1 #cde2 death of1 ii4 #bg1 #cde2 estimate of1 ii4 #d1 #cdb2 rationalizing temper1 i4 #bbi2 ii4 #bih-i2 skill in dialectic1 ii4 #cjc1 #cde-f1 #cec2 not an ,aristotelian1 ii4 #cfi2 works on theology1 ii4 #ceb-e2 ,de ,unitate et ,trinitate divina1 ii4 #aj1 #bih-i1 #ceb and n4 #c2 ,theologia1 ii4 #cjc-d1 #cie2 ,scito te ipsum1 ii4 #cej-a2 ,sic et non1 i4 #ag2 ii4 #cjd-f1 #ceb1 #ceg2 ,dialectica1 ii4 #cdf and nn41 #cdi-ej2 ,dialogue between ,philosopher1 ,jew1 and ,christian1 ii4 #cej1 #cea2 ,historia calamitatum1 ii4 #d-aa1 #bih-i1 #cdc2 ,carmen ad ,astralabium filium1 ii4 #aib2 hymns1 ii4 #bjg-i2 otherwise mentioned1 ii4 #acd1 #bhc and n4 ,abbo1 ,abbot1 i4 #bid and n41 #cbd ,abbots3 ,armed forces1 with1 i4 #dgc ,cistercian1 position of1 i4 #cfb-c and n4 ,investiture of1 lay1 i4 #bdd ,social class of1 i4 #dgc ,accursius1 ,glossa ordinaria of1 ii4 #bfb1 #bfc ,adalberon1 ,abp4 of ,rheims1 i4 #bdj1 #bhb-c1 #bhg ,adam of ,marsh1 ii4 #chi1 #djj1 #dhg ,adam of ,st4 ,victor1 editions of hymns of1 ii4 #hg n4 #a2 examples of the hymns1 ii4 #hg seqq42 ,latin originals1 ii4 #bjf1 #bji-ae ,adamnan cited1 i4 #acd n4 #b1 #acg ,adelard of ,bath1 ii4 #cgj ,aedh1 i4 #acb ,agobard1 ,abp4 of ,lyons1 i4 #bae1 #bcb-c2 cited1 ii4 #bdg ,aidan1 ,st41 i4 #agd ,aimoin1 ,vita ,abbonis by1 i4 #bid and n4 ,aix1 ,synod of1 i4 #cei ,aix-la-,chapelle3 ,chapel at1 i4 #bab n4 ,school at1 see ,carolingian period--,palace school ,alans1 i4 #aac1 #aaf1 #aai ,alanus de ,insulis1 career of1 ii4 #ib-d2 estimate of1 ii4 #cge-f2 works of1 ii4 #dh n4 #a1 #id1 #cge n4 #e1 #cgf2 ,anticlaudianus1 ii4 #id-ajc1 #aib1 #cgg1 #eci2 ,de planctu naturae1 ii4 #aib-c and n4 #a1 #cgf ,alaric1 i4 #aab ,alaric ,,ii41 i4 #aag2 ii4 #bdc ,alberic1 ,card41 i4 #beb n4 #b ,alberic1 ,markgrave of ,camerino1 i4 #bdb ,alberic1 son of ,marozia1 i4 #bdb-c ,albertus ,magnus1 career of1 ii4 #dba2 estimate of1 ii4 #bih1 #cja1 #dba2 estimate of work of1 ii4 #cic1 #cie2 attitude toward ,gilbert de la ,porre1 ii4 #cgb2 compared with ,bacon1 ii4 #dbb2 with ,aquinas1 ii4 #dcc1 #dch2 relations with ,aquinas1 ii4 #dcd2 on logic1 ii4 #cad-ae2 method of1 ii4 #cae n42 edition of works1 ii4 #dbd n4 #a2 ,de praedicabilibus1 ii4 #cad and n41 #cae1 #dbd-e2 work on the rest of ,aristotle1 ii4 #dbj-a2 analysis of this work1 ii4 #dbd seqq42 attitude toward the original1 ii4 #dbb2 ,summa theologiae1 ii4 #dcj1 #dca2 ,summa de creaturis1 ii4 #dcj-a2 ,de adhaerendo ,deo1 ii4 #dcb2 otherwise mentioned1 i4 #ag2 ii4 #hb n4 #b1 #bhc1 #cab1 #djb1 #eda n4 #b ,albigenses1 i4 #di2 persecution of1 i4 #cff-g1 #dfa1 #dha1 #egb2 ii4 #afh ,alboin the ,lombard1 i4 #aae ,alchemy1 ii4 #dif-g ,alcuin of ,york1 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#fb ,monasticism 7,for particular ,monasteries1 ,orders1 etc41 see their names73 ,abuses of1 i4 #ceg-h2 ,rigaud's ,register quoted1 i4 #dgg-dha ,benedictine rule3 ,adoption of--in ,england1 i4 #ahd2 among the ,franks1 i4 #aii1 #bja2 generally1 i4 #ceh ,papal approval of1 i4 #cce ,cassiodorus a pioneer in literary functions of1 i4 #id ,general mediaeval view regarding1 i4 #dgb2 ii4 #ebi ,ideal v4 actual1 i4 #cee ,ireland1 in1 i4 #ace n4 #a ,lament over deprivations of1 ii4 #bah-ai ,modifications of1 by ,st4 ,francis1 i4 #cff ,motives of1 i4 #ceg ,nature of1 i4 #ccf-g ,nuns1 see ,women--monastic life ,origin of1 i4 #cce ,pagan literature condemned by1 i4 #bfj ,popularity of1 in #eth and #fth centuries1 i4 #aie-f ,poverty--of monks1 i4 #cfe2 of ,orders1 i4 #cff1 #dbe1 #dcj ,reforms of1 i4 #ceh seqq4 ,schools1 monastic1 in ,italy1 i4 #bej n4 #b ,sex-relations as regarded by1 i4 #cch ,studies of1 in #fth cent41 i4 #id1 #ie ,subordinate monasteries1 supervision of1 i4 #cfa ,uncloistered1 see ,dominican and ,franciscan ,vita activa accepted by1 i4 #cfc-f ,vita contemplativa1 see that title ,women vilified by devotees of1 i4 #ced n41 #eba n4 #b1 #ecb1 #ecc2 ii4 #eh ,montanists1 #ccb ,monte ,cassino1 i4 #bej n4 #b1 #beb-c ,montfort1 ,countess of1 i4 #eeb-d ,moorish conquest of ,spain1 i4 #i1 #aah ,morimond monastery1 i4 #cfb ,mosaics1 i4 #cde-g ,music3 ,arithmetic in relation to1 ii4 #bia ,chartres studies in1 i4 #bii ,poetry and1 interaction of1 ii4 #aie-f1 #bja-b ,scholastic classification of1 ii4 #cac ,mysticism3 ,hugo's strain of1 ii4 #cfa-c ,nature of1 i4 #ddc n4 #a2 ii4 #cfc and n4 #d ,symbolism as expressing1 see ,symbolism ,narbo1 i4 #bf ,narbonensis1 see ,provincia ,narbonne1 law studies at1 ii4 #bej ,natural history and science1 see ,physical science ,nemorarius1 ,jordanus1 ii4 #eja ,neo-,platonism3 ,arabian versions of ,aristotle touched with1 ii4 #chi ,augustinian1 i4 #ee2 ii4 #djc ,christianity compared with1 i4 #ea2 ,patristic habit of mind compared1 ii4 #bie ,ecstasy as regarded by1 i4 #cca ,metaphysics so named by1 ii4 #ccf ,pseudo-,dionysian1 i4 #ed and n4 #a ,tenets and nature of1 i4 #da-i2 a mediatorial system1 i4 #ej1 #ed1 #eg-h1 #gj ,trinity of1 ii4 #cee ,neustria1 i4 #bjj1 #bji1 #bci ,nibelungenlied1 i4 #ade-f1 #adh-i1 #aeb1 #aic1 #bjc n4 #b2 ii4 #bbj ,nicholas ,,ii41 ,pope1 i4 #bdc n4 #b ,nicholas ,,iii41 ,pope1 i4 #ejd ,nicholas ,,iv41 ,pope 7,jerome of ,ascoli71 ii4 #dia ,nicholas1 ,st41 sequence for festival of1 ii4 #bac-ae ,nicolas of ,damascus1 ii4 #dbg ,nilus1 ,st41 ,abbot of ,crypta-,ferrata1 i4 #cgd n4 ,nithard1 ,count1 i4 #bcd-e ,nominalism1 i4 #cjc ,norbert1 ii4 #cdd ,normandy1 ,norse occupation of1 i4 #aec ,norsemen 7,scandinavians1 ,vikings73 ,characteristics of1 i4 #ach1 #aed-e ,continental and insular holdings of1 i4 #aec ,eddic poems of1 i4 #aed-e and n4 #c ,irish harassed by1 i4 #acc-d2 later relations1 i4 #aeb n4 #c ,jumiges cloister sacked by1 ii4 #bja ,metal-working among1 i4 #aeb n4 #c ,ravages by1 in #hth and #ith centuries1 i4 #aeb-c ,sagas of1 i4 #aee seqq4 ,settling down of1 i4 #bdj ,notker1 i4 #cjh-i and n4 #a2 sequences of1 ii4 #bja-b ,numbers1 symbolic phantasies regarding1 i4 #gb and nn4 #a1 #b2 ii4 #di n4 #c ,oberon1 fairy king1 i4 #efd and n4 ,occam1 ,william of1 career of1 ii4 #eah2 estimate of his work1 ii4 #ebb-c2 attitude toward ,duns1 ii4 #eah seqq42 on faith and reason1 ii4 #eai2 on ,universals1 ii4 #ebj-a ,odilo1 ,abbot of ,cluny1 i4 #bid-e1 #cei2 ,jotsaldus' biography of1 quoted1 i4 #bie-f ,odo1 ,abbot of ,cluny1 i4 #cdc and n4 #c1 #cei2 ,epitome by1 of ,gregory's ,moralia1 i4 #af n4 #d2 ii4 #afa and n4 #b2 ,latin style of ,collationes1 ii4 #afa-b ,odo of ,tournai1 ii4 #cdj n4 ,odoacer1 i4 #aad1 #ade ,olaf1 ,st41 i4 #aef1 #afj-a ,olaf ,tryggvason1 ,king1 i4 #aef1 #afa-b ,old ,french3 ,formation of1 ii4 #aee ,latin as studied by speakers of1 ii4 #abc ,poetry1 ii4 #bbb1 #bbe seqq4 ,ontology1 see ,metaphysics ,ordeal1 trial by1 i4 #bcb-c and n4 #a ,ordericus ,vitalis1 i4 #ebe2 ,historia ecclesiastica by1 ii4 #agf-h ,organon1 see under ,aristotle ,origen1 estimate of1 i4 #ea1 #fb-c2 on ,canticles1 i4 #ccc2 ii4 #cfi2 ,de principiis1 i4 #fh2 otherwise mentioned1 i4 #ec1 #gf1 #hj1 #hg1 #ajd1 #daa2 ii4 #fd ,orleans ,school3 ,classical studies at1 ii4 #aai n4 #b1 #abg ,law studies at1 ii4 #bej ,rivalry of1 with ,chartres1 ii4 #aai n4 #b ,orosius1 i4 #hb and n4 #a1 #ahh ,ostrogoths1 i4 #g1 #aac1 #aad-ae1 #abj ,otfrid the ,frank1 i4 #bjc-d1 #cjh ,other world3 ,irish beliefs as to1 i4 #aca and n4 #b ,voyages to1 mediaeval narratives of1 i4 #ddd n4 #a ,othloh1 i4 #cae2 visions of1 i4 #ddc2 ,book concerning the ,temptations of a certain ,monk1 i4 #caf-bc ,otric1 i4 #bhi-ia ,otto ,i4 7the ,great71 ,emp41 i4 #bda-c1 #bef-g1 #cji ,otto ,,ii41 ,emp41 i4 #bdc1 #bhb-c1 #bhi ,otto ,,iii41 ,emp41 i4 #bdc1 #bhc1 #bhd2 ,modus ,ottinc in honour of1 ii4 #bae-baf ,otto ,,iv4 7of ,brunswick71 ,emp41 i4 #dag2 ii4 #cb-c ,otwin1 ,bp4 of ,hildesheim1 i4 #cab ,ovid1 ,ars amatoria of1 i4 #egd-e2 mediaeval allegorizing of1 and of ,metamorphoses1 ii4 #bcj ,oxford ,university3 ,characteristics of1 ii4 #chh-i ,curriculum at1 ii4 #chg-h ,foundation of1 ii4 #chj1 #chf-g ,franciscan fame at1 ii4 #djj ,greek studies at1 ii4 #abj1 #cia1 #dhg ,palladius1 ,bp41 i4 #agb ,pandects1 see under ,roman law ,papacy 7,see also ,church and ,popes73 ,ascendancy of1 over prelacy1 i4 #cjd ,character of1 ii4 #cb ,denunciations against1 i4 #dge2 ii4 #cd-e1 #bah ,empire's relations with3 ,concordat of ,worms1 i4 #bde n4 #d ,conflict 7#aath cent471 i4 #bdd2 7#abth cent471 i4 #bde n4 #d2 ii4 #bgc2 7#acth cent471 ii4 #cc1 #cd-e2 7#adth cent471 ii4 #eah2 allegory as a weapon in1 ii4 #fj ,recognition of ecclesiastical authority1 ii4 #bfe-g1 #bgb-c ,reforms by ,otto ,i41 i4 #bdc ,gregory ,,vii4's claims for1 i4 #bde2 ii4 #bgd ,mendicant ,orders' relations with1 ii4 #cih1 #eji ,nepotism of1 i4 #ejd-e1 #eaa ,schisms of popes and anti-popes1 i4 #bfd ,temporal power of1 rise of1 i4 #aaf2 claims advanced1 i4 #bde2 realized1 ii4 #bgd1 #bgf-g ,papinian cited1 ii4 #bce ,paraclete oratory3 ,abaelard at1 ii4 #aj1 #cdd ,helose at1 ii4 #aj seqq4 ,paradise3 ,dante's ,paradiso1 see under ,dante ,hildegard's visions of1 i4 #dee-f ,paris3 ,schools3 ,growth of1 ii4 #chj ,notre ,dame and ,st4 ,genevive1 ii4 #chc ,st4 ,victor1 ii4 #fa-c1 #adc1 #chc ,university3 ,aristotle prohibited at1 ii4 #cia-b ,authorities on1 ii4 #cha n4 ,bacon at1 ii4 #dhh ,bonaventura at1 ii4 #djc ,curriculum at1 ii4 #chg-h ,dominicans and ,franciscans at1 ii4 #cii ,prominence of1 in philosophy and theology1 ii4 #bhc1 #cgh-i ,rise1 constitution1 and struggles of1 ii4 #aai-bj1 #chc-f ,viking sieges of1 i4 #aec ,parma1 i4 #dig1 #eje-f ,parsival3 ,chrtien's version of1 i4 #efg1 #ehh-i ,wolfram's version of1 i4 #ab n41 #ega n4 #b1 #ehi-fac2 ii4 #bi ,paschal controversy1 see ,eucharistic ,paschasius1 ,radbertus1 ,abbot of ,corbie i4 #bae1 #bbe-g ,patrick1 ,st41 i4 #agb-c ,patristic thought and doctrine 7,see also ,greek thought1 patristic1 and ,latin ,fathers73 ,abaelard's attitude toward1 ii4 #cje ,achievement of exponents of1 i4 #hf-g ,bacon's attitude toward1 ii4 #dib ,completeness of schemes presented by1 ii4 #cid ,emotion as synthesized by1 i4 #cdj-b ,intellectual rather than emotional1 i4 #cdc-d2 emotionalizing of1 by mediaeval thinkers1 i4 #cde ,latin medium of1 i4 #e ,logic as regarded by1 i4 #ga ,mediaeval attitude toward1 i4 #af ,miracle accepted by1 i4 #ea-c1 #he-f ,natural knowledge as treated by1 i4 #fa seqq41 #gb-c1 #gf-g1 #ii2 ii4 #cic ,pagan philosophy permeating exponents of1 i4 #cc-d1 #eh1 #fa ,philosophy as classified by1 ii4 #cab ,rearrangement of1 undertaken in ,carolingian period1 i4 #bbd1 #bcg ,symbolism of1 see under ,symbolism ,paulinus of ,aquileia1 i4 #bae ,paulinus1 ,st41 of ,nola1 i4 #hf1 #abf n4 #b ,paulus--on jus1 ii4 #bcg3 ,sententiae of1 ii4 #bdc ,paulus1 ,st41 i4 #hd1 #hf ,paulus ,diaconus1 i4 #bad-ae1 #beb ,pavia1 law school at1 ii4 #bea1 #bei ,pedro1 ,don1 of ,castille1 i4 #eed-e ,pelagians1 i4 #bbe ,pelagius1 i4 #agb n4 ,peripatetic ,school1 i4 #ch-i 7,see also ,aristotle7 ,peter1 ,bro41 of ,apulia1 i4 #eab-ad ,peter1 disciple of ,st4 ,francis1 i4 #dbf ,peter ,damiani1 see ,damiani ,peter of ,blois1 ii4 #acc-d ,peter of ,ebulo1 ii4 #aij ,peter of ,maharncuria1 ii4 #ejb-d ,peter of ,pisa1 i4 #bad ,peter the ,venerable1 ,abbot of ,cluny1 i4 #cfj2 letter of1 to ,helose1 ii4 #be-g ,petrarch1 ii4 #ahh1 #bai ,petrus ,riga1 ,aurora of1 ii4 #abg ,philip ,,vi41 ,king of ,france1 i4 #eea ,philip ,augustus1 ,king of ,france1 ii4 #cc ,philip ,hohenstauffen1 ,duke of ,suabia1 i4 #dha2 ii4 #cb1 #cc ,philo1 i4 #cg1 #bca2 allegorizing of1 ii4 #db1 #cfd ,philosophy3 ,division of1 schemes of1 ii4 #cab seqq4 ,end of3 ,abaelard's and ,hugo's views on1 ii4 #ceb1 #cfa ,john of ,salisbury on1 ii4 #cge ,philosophy1 antique3 ,divine source of1 ,bacon's view as to1 ii4 #ejg n4 #b 8,first0 7,aristotelian71 ii4 #cce ,position of1 in ,roman ,empire 7#crd-#fth cent471 i4 #cd 7,see also ,greek thought7 ,philosophy1 ,arabian1 ii4 #chi-ij1 #djj-a ,philosophy1 scholastic3 ,completeness of1 in ,aquinas1 ii4 #cie ,divisions of1 ii4 #cab seqq4 ,importance of1 as intellectual interest1 ii4 #bhg-h ,physical sciences included in1 see ,physical science ,theology as the end of 7,abaelard's and ,hugo's view71 ii4 #ceb1 #cfa ,theology distinguished from1 ii4 #bhd1 #bhh2 by ,aquinas1 ii4 #bij1 #caa2 by ,bonaventura1 ii4 #daj and n42 considered as superior to1 by ,aquinas1 ii4 #bhi-ij1 #bib2 dominated by 7,bacon's contention71 ii4 #dif2 dissociated from1 by ,duns and ,occam1 ii4 #eaj1 #eag1 #eai ,physical science3 ,albertus ,magnus' attitude toward1 ii4 #dbc2 his works on1 ii4 #dbe-i ,bacon's predilection for1 ii4 #dhf-g ,classifications of1 ii4 #cab seqq4 ,experimental science or method1 ii4 #ejb-h ,mediaeval attitude toward1 i4 #cjj ,oxford school of1 ii4 #chi ,patristic attitude toward1 i4 #fc1 #ff-g1 #gb-c1 #gf-g1 #ii2 ii4 #cic ,theology as subserved by1 ii4 #fg1 #aaa1 #bhi1 #dhf1 #dib1 #dif1 #ejj1 #ecj2 denial of the theory--by ,duns1 ii4 #eaj2 by ,occam1 ii4 #eai-bj ,physiologus1 i4 #gf-g and n41 #cjj2 ii4 #hc ,pippin of ,heristal1 i4 #bjh-i2 ii4 #aig ,pippin of ,neustria1 i4 #aae1 #bjj1 #bji1 #baj and n4 #a2 ii4 #bgc ,pippin1 son of ,charlemagne1 ii4 #aig ,placentia 7,piacenza71 i4 #bd ,placentinus1 ii4 #bfa-b ,plato1 supra-rationalism of1 i4 #db2 allegorizing by1 i4 #cf2 ii4 #cfd2 doctrine of ideas1 i4 #ce2 ii4 #cci-cdj2 ,aquinas on this doctrine1 ii4 #dee1 #dfe2 ,augustine of ,hippo as influenced by1 ii4 #djc2 8salvation0 suggestion in1 ii4 #bif n4 #b2 ,republic1 i4 #cf2 ,timaeus1 i4 #ce-f1 #bia2 ii4 #fd1 #fi1 #aah1 #cdh1 #cgj1 #cgb1 #cgg ,platonism3 ,alanus' ,anticlaudianus1 in1 ii4 #ajj n4 #b ,augustinian1 i4 #ee ,nature of1 i4 #ce-f1 #eg1 #ei ,philosophy as classified by1 ii4 #cab ,pliny the ,elder1 ,historia naturalis by1 i4 #ci-dj1 #ge ,plotinus1 estimate of1 i4 #dc1 #de2 personal affinity of ,augustine with1 i4 #ee-g2 philosophic system of1 i4 #db-f1 #ej1 #ea2 ,enneads of1 i4 #ee2 otherwise mentioned1 i4 #ej1 #ea2 ii4 #fd ,plutarch1 i4 #dd ,poetry1 mediaeval3 ,carmina ,burana 7,goliardic poetry71 ii4 #bjc1 #bag-ai and n4 ,chivalric1 see ,chivalry--,literature ,hymns1 see that heading ,italian1 of #aath cent41 i4 #bea seqq42 ii4 #ahf ,latin1 see ,latin verse ,modi1 ii4 #bae-af ,music and1 interaction of1 ii4 #aie-f1 #bja-b ,old ,high ,german1 ii4 #aid ,popular verse1 see sub-headings ,carmina and ,modi2 also ,vernacular ,prosody1 ,alexander de ,villa-,dei on1 ii4 #abf ,vernacular3 ,germanic1 ,norse1 and ,anglo-,saxon1 ii4 #bbj-a ,romance1 ii4 #bba-c1 #bbe seqq4 ,pontigny monastery1 i4 #cfb ,poor of ,lyons 7,waldenses71 i4 #cfd1 #cfe n42 ii4 #cd ,popes 7,see also ,papacy2 and for particular popes see their names73 ,avignon1 at1 ii4 #eaj ,decretals of1 see under ,canon law ,degradation of 7#ajth cent471 i4 #bdb ,election of1 freed from lay control1 i4 #bdc n4 #b ,popular rights1 growth of1 in #abth cent41 i4 #cje ,porphyry1 i4 #db1 #dd-g1 #ej1 #ea1 #ef2 ii4 #bie2 ,isagoge 7,introduction to the ,categories of ,aristotle71 i4 #de1 #ib1 #ajb2 ii4 #cab1 #cad n41 #ccc1 #cci ,preaching ,friars1 see ,dominican ,order ,predestination1 ,gottschalk's controversy as to1 i4 #bbd-e1 #bbg-h ,priscianus1 i4 #ga2 ii4 #aai n4 #b2 ,institutiones grammaticae of 7,priscianus major and minor71 ii4 #abd-e ,prosper of ,aquitaine1 i4 #ajf n4 #a ,provenal literature1 i4 #ega2 ii4 #afh2 ,alba 7aube7 poetry1 i4 #bj1 #ega2 ii4 #cj ,provincia 7,narbonensis73 ,antique1 the1 in relation to1 before ,middle ,ages1 i4 #i ,latinization of1 i4 #bf-g and n4 #a ,ligurian inhabitants of1 i4 #abf ,teutonic invasion of1 i4 #abe ,prudentius1 ii4 #fc2 ,psychomachia of1 ii4 #ajb-d ,pseudo-,callisthenes1 ,life and ,deeds of ,alexander by1 ii4 #bbd1 #bbe1 #bbi-bcj ,pseudo-,dionysius1 ii4 #cjb2 ,celestial ,hierarchy by1 i4 #ed and n4 #a ,pseudo-,turpin1 ii4 #cai ,ptolemy of ,alexandria1 i4 #dj ,purgatory3 ,dante's ,purgatorio1 see under ,dante ,hildegard's visions as to1 i4 #def n4 ,popular belief as to1 i4 #dhf ,quadrivium1 see under ,seven ,liberal ,arts ,rabanus ,maurus1 ,abp4 of ,mainz1 allegorizing of ,scripture by1 ii4 #df-g2 interest in the vernacular1 i4 #cjh2 works of1 i4 #bbb-da2 ,de universo1 i4 #cjj2 ii4 #caf n4 #b2 ,allegoriae in universam sacram scripturam1 ii4 #dh-i2 ,de laudibus sanctae crucis1 ii4 #di n4 #c2 otherwise mentioned1 i4 #af1 #ajj1 #bae2 ii4 #cjb-cjc1 #cab1 #ccb ,race1 tests for determining1 i4 #abd n4 ,radbertus1 see ,paschasius ,raoul de ,cambrai1 i4 #efc-d ,ratherius1 i4 #cji and n4 #b ,ratramnus of ,corbie1 i4 #bae1 #bbg2 ii4 #aii ,ravenna3 ,gerbert's disputation in1 i4 #bhi-ia ,grammar and rhetoric studies at1 ii4 #aba ,law studies at1 ii4 #bea1 #beb ,s4 ,apollinaris in ,classe1 i4 #cgc1 #cgg ,raymond of ,agiles quoted1 i4 #ecf ,realism1 ,duns' exposition of1 ii4 #ead and n4 ,reason v4 authority controversy3 ,berengar's position in1 i4 #cjb-c ,eriugena's contribution to1 i4 #bbi-cj ,reccared1 i4 #aah nn4 ,reinhard1 ,bp4 of ,halberstadt1 ii4 #fb ,relics of saints and martyrs3 ,arms enshrining1 i4 #ebh ,curative use of1 i4 #bii ,patristic attitude toward1 i4 #hf1 #aja n4 ,renaissance1 misleading nature of term1 i4 #baa n4 ,renaud de ,montaubon1 i4 #efd ,rheims cathedral school1 i4 #bic ,rhetoric3 ,chartres study of1 i4 #bih ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor on1 ii4 #fg ,predominance of1 i4 #aji and n4 ,richard1 ,abbot of ,jumiges1 i4 #dhj-a ,richard of ,middleton1 ii4 #eab ,richard of ,st4 ,victor1 ii4 #hj1 #hg and n4 #b1 #cfg n4 #b1 #edj ,richer1 ,abbot of ,monte ,cassino1 i4 #beb1 #cjj n4 #b2 history of ,gerbert by1 quoted1 i4 #bhg-ia ,ricimer1 ,count1 i4 #aac ,riddles1 didactic1 i4 #bah-ai and n4 #a ,rigaud1 ,eude 7,oddo ,rigaldus71 ,abp4 of ,rouen1 i4 #dgf1 #ejh1 #eji2 ,register of1 quoted1 i4 #dgf-ha ,robert1 cousin of ,st4 ,bernard1 i4 #cie-g ,robert of ,normandy1 ii4 #aci ,rollo1 ,duke1 of ,normandy1 i4 #aec1 #bci-dj ,roman de la rose1 i4 #ehf-g2 ii4 #ajc and nn41 #ajd1 #bbc ,roman de ,thebes1 ii4 #bbg1 #bbi n4 ,roman ,empire3 ,barbarization of1 i4 #e1 #g1 #aaa seqq4 ,billeting of soldiers1 custom as to1 i4 #aad n41 #aag ,christianity accepted by1 i4 #cde ,church1 relations with1 ii4 #bfe-g1 #bgb-c ,cities enjoying citizenship of--in ,spain1 i4 #bf and n4 #b2 in ,gaul1 i4 #cj ,city life of1 i4 #bg1 #cbf ,clientage system under1 i4 #aag n4 #b ,dante's views on1 ii4 #ecf ,decadence of1 i4 #hd1 #ig1 #aaa ,eastern1 see ,eastern ,empire ,enduring nature of1 conditions of1 i4 #bch n4 ,greek thought diffused by1 i4 #d ,italian people under1 i4 #g ,jurisconsults of1 authority and capacity of1 ii4 #bcb-c and n41 #bcf ,latinization of ,western ,europe due to1 i4 #bc seqq41 #aaj ,mediaeval attitude toward1 i4 #aa ,scandinavians under influence of1 i4 #aeb n4 #c ,roman law3 ,auditory1 ,imperial or ,praetorian1 ii4 #bcc n41 #bce n4 #a ,bologna famed for study of1 ii4 #aba1 #bea1 #bei-fb1 #cgh ,brachylogus1 ii4 #bed-e ,breviarium and its ,interpretatio1 i4 #aag2 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#abi seqq4 ,universals1 see under ,scholasticism ,universities1 mediaeval 7,for particular universities see their names73 ,increase in 7#adth cent471 ii4 #ebc ,rise of1 ii4 #cgi1 #cha seqq4 ,studies at1 ii4 #chh and n4 ,urban ,,ii41 ,pope1 ii4 #age ,urban ,,iv41 ,pope1 ii4 #cia-b1 #dcd ,utrecht1 bishopric of1 i4 #aig ,vallombrosa1 i4 #cgg ,vandals1 i4 #aab1 #aac1 #abj ,varro1 ,terentius1 i4 #ci1 #ga1 #gh ,vercingetorix1 i4 #bh ,vernacular poetry1 see under ,poetry ,verse1 see ,poetry ,vikings1 see ,danes and ,norsemen ,vilgard1 i4 #bei-fj ,vincent of ,beauvais1 ,speculum majus of1 ii4 #hb and n4 #b1 #cae-bb ,virgil1 ,bernard ,silvestris' ,commentum on1 ii4 #aaf-ag and n4 #b2 ,dante in relation to1 ii4 #ece1 #ecf1 #eci1 #edc ,virgin ,mary3 ,dante's ,paradiso as concerning1 ii4 #eea ,hymns to1 by ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor1 ii4 #hf-g1 #ib ,interventions of1 against the devil1 i4 #dhg1 #dij-b ,mediaeval attitude toward1 i4 #ec1 #ed and n4 #b2 ii4 #dca1 #eea1 #eeh ,virtues3 ,aquinas' classification of1 ii4 #cbf-h ,odilo's ,cardinales disciplinae1 i4 #bie ,virtues and vices1 poetic treatment of--by ,alanus1 ii4 #ajb n42 by ,de ,lorris and ,de ,meun1 ii4 #ajc ,visigoths3 ,arianism of1 i4 #abj ,dacian settlement of1 i4 #aab ,gaul1 ,southern1 kingdom in1 i4 #g1 #aab1 #aaf2 ,clovis' conquest of1 i4 #aba ,roman law code promulgated by1 see ,roman law--,breviarium ,spain1 in1 i4 #i1 #aac1 #aaf-ag and n4 #b1 #aah ,visions3 ,examples of1 i4 #ddd-f1 #dea1 #deb-i ,monastic atmosphere in1 i4 #ahd and n4 #b ,nature of1 i4 #ddc1 #ddi and n4 #c1 #dej1 #dea and n4 ,vita contemplativa3 ,aquinas' views on1 ii4 #ddc1 #dha-b ,hildebert on1 ii4 #add-e ,vitae sanctorum1 see ,saints--,lives of ,walafrid ,strabo1 i4 #ajj1 #bae2 ii4 #ccb2 ,glossa ordinaria of1 i4 #af1 #bba n4 #b2 ii4 #df2 ,de cultura hortorum1 ii4 #ahh n4 #b ,waldenses1 i4 #cfe n42 ii4 #cd ,walter of ,lille 7of ,chatillon71 ,alexandreis of1 ii4 #aib and n4 #c1 #bcj n4 #a ,walther von der ,vogelweide1 political views of1 ii4 #cc2 attitude of1 toward ,papacy1 ii4 #cd-f2 piety and crusading zeal of1 ii4 #cf2 melancholy1 ii4 #cf-g2 ,minnelieder of1 ii4 #bi-ca2 ,sprche1 ii4 #bi1 #cb1 #cf2 ,tagelied1 ii4 #cj2 ,unter der ,linde1 ii4 #cj2 otherwise mentioned1 i4 #dge1 #dhb1 #ehi2 ii4 #bbc ,wergeld1 i4 #abb1 #aci2 ii4 #bdf ,will1 primacy of1 over intellect1 ii4 #eab1 #eae ,william1 ,abbot of ,hirschau1 i4 #cae ,william ,,ii4 7,rufus71 ,king of ,england1 i4 #bgc1 #bge2 ii4 #ach-i ,william of ,apulia1 ii4 #ahi and n4 #c ,william of ,champeaux--worsted by ,abaelard1 ii4 #cdb-c2 founds ,st4 ,victor1 ii4 #fa1 #adc2 ,hildebert's letter to1 quoted1 ii4 #adc ,william of ,conches1 ii4 #acb2 studies and works of1 ii4 #cgb-c2 ,summa moralium philosophorum1 ii4 #acd-e1 #cgc and n4 #b ,william of ,malmsbury cited1 i4 #ebe ,william of ,moerbeke1 ii4 #cia ,william of ,occam1 see ,occam ,william of ,st4 ,thierry1 ii4 #cjj1 #cdd ,willibrord1 ,st41 i4 #aig ,winifried-,boniface1 ,st41 i4 #f1 #aig-bjj1 #cjh2 ii4 #bgc ,wisdom1 ,aquinas on1 ii4 #dha ,witelo1 ,perspectiva by1 ii4 #eja n4 ,witiza of ,aquitaine1 i4 #ceh-i ,wolfram von ,eschenbach1 ii4 #bbc2 ,parzival by1 i4 #ab n41 #adi n4 #a1 #aeb1 #efg1 #ega n4 #b1 #ehi-fac2 ii4 #cf2 estimate of the work1 i4 #ehh2 ii4 #bi ,women3 ,emotion regarding1 i4 #cdi-ej ,emotional ,christ-love experienced by1 i4 #ddb1 #dei seqq4 ,fabliaux' tone toward1 i4 #eba n4 #b ,german prae-mediaeval attitude toward1 i4 #aci1 #aej2 mediaeval1 ii4 #ca ,monastic life1 in3 ,abuses among1 i4 #dia-b2 ,rigaud's ,register as concerning1 i4 #dgi-dhj ,consecration of1 i4 #ccg and n4 ,gandersheim nuns1 i4 #caa ,visions of1 i4 #ddb seqq41 #dfc seqq4 ,monkish vilification of1 i4 #ced n41 #eba n4 #b1 #ecb1 #ecc2 ii4 #eh ,romantic literature as concerned with1 i4 #efd ,romantic poems for audiences of1 i4 #efe ,walther von der ,vogelweide on1 ii4 #ca ,worms1 ,concordat of 7#aabb71 i4 #bde n4 #d ,xenophon's ,cyropaedia1 i4 #gh ,year-books 7,annales71 i4 #bcd and n4 #a ,yves1 ,bp4 of ,chartres1 i4 #bfb n42 ii4 #aci ,zacharias1 ,pope1 i4 #aii ,zoology3 ,albertus ,magnus' works on1 ii4 #dbi ,aristotle's work in1 i4 #ch ,physiologus1 i4 #gf-g and n41 #cjj2 ii4 #hc ,,the ,,end ,printed by ,r4 ,r4 ,,clark1 ,,limited1 ,edinburgh4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,i4 #b ,lev4 xxi4 #bj2 ,deut4 xxiii4 #a4 #c ,lucan1 ,pharsalia1 viii4 #id4 #d ,helose here in mediaeval fashion cites a number of examples from ,scripture showing the ills and troubles brought by women to men4 #e ,again she quotes to prove this1 from ,job and ,st4 ,gregory and ,ambrose4 #f ,helose's last problema did not relate to ,scripture1 and may have been suggested by her own life4 8,we ask whether one can sin in doing what is permitted or commanded by the ,lord80 ,abaelard answers with a discussion of what is permissible between man and wife4 #g ,this letter of ,helose is not extant4 #h ,the ,tristan of ,gottfried von ,strassburg and the ,parzival of ,wolfram von ,eschenbach have been given4 ,one may also refer to works of older contemporaries1 e4g4 to the ,aeneid of ,heinrich von ,veldeke1 translated 7#aahd7 from a ,french rendering of ,virgil2 and the two courtly narrative poems1 the ,erec and ,ivain 7,knight of the ,lion7 taken from ,chrtien of ,troies by ,hartmann von ,aue1 who flourished as the twelfth century was passing into the thirteenth4 #i ,on ,walther von der ,vogelweide1 see ,wilmann1 ,leben und ,dichtung ,walthers1 etc4 7,bonn1 #ahhb72 ,schnbach1 ,walther von der ,vogelweide 7#bnd ed41 ,berlin1 #ahie74 ,the citations from his poems in this chapter follow the ,pfeiffer-,bartsch edition4 #aj ,no4 #c in the ,pfeiffer-,bartsch edition4 #aa #ahd4 #ab #cc4 #ac #bb4 #ad #ad1 #af1 #fi4 #ae #ah4 #af #ci4 #ag ,see ,lieder1 #df1 #ea1 #ef1 #ei1 #fa1 #fb1 #ga1 #gb1 #ge1 #gf1 #gg4 #ah ,a lucid account of this struggle is given in ,luchaire1 ,innocent ,,iii41 vol4 iii4 78,la ,papaut et l',empire071 ,paris1 #aijf4 #ai #ha4 #bj ,from 8,freidank in ,auswahl10 in ,hildebrand's ,didaktik aus der ,zeit der ,kreuzzge1 p4 #ccf 7,deutsche ,nat4 ,lit474 #ba #he1 cf4 #afd4 #bb #aaj4 #bc #aac1 cf4 #aaa1 #aab4 #bd #aae1 #aaf4 #be #acc4 ,my statement of the opposition to the papacy might be much more analytical1 and contain further apt distinctions4 ,but this would remove it too far from the anti-papal feeling of the common man2 and the period1 moreover1 is not yet that of ,occam and ,marsilius of ,padua--as to whom see ,gierke1 ,political ,theories of the ,middle ,age1 trans4 by ,maitland 7,cambridge1 #aijj74 #bf #hh1 #acg4 #bg #aeh4 ,walter shared the crusading spirit4 ,the inference that he was himself a ,crusader is unsafe2 but he wrote stirring crusading poems1 one opening with a line that in sudden power may be compared with ,milton's 8,avenge1 ,o ,lord1 ,thy slaughtered saints40 8,rich1 hrre1 dich und dine muoter1 megede kint40 #afg4 ,see also #gh1 #gi4 #bh #hg4 #bi ,parzival1 i4 #hbd4 #cj #ahf4 #ca #ahh4 #cb ,while an allegory is a statement having another consciously intended meaning1 metaphor is the carrying over or deflection of a meaning from its primary application4 ,according to good usage1 which has kept these terms distinct1 allegory implies a definite and usually a sustained intention1 and suggests the spiritual2 while metaphor suggests figures of speech and linguistic changes often unconscious4 ,language develops through the metaphorical 7not allegorical7 extension or modification of the meanings of words4 ,the original meaning sometimes is obscured 7e4g4 in profane or depend71 and sometimes continues to exist with the new one4 ,in a vast number of languages1 such words as straight1 oblique1 crooked1 seem always to have had both a direct and a metaphorical meaning4 ,moral and intellectual conceptions necessarily are expressed in phrases primarily applicable to physical phenomena4 #cc ,cf4 ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 p4 #ig sqq4 #cd ,ante1 ,chapters ,,iv41 ,v4 #ce ,contra ,faustum1 xxii4 #a-e4 #cf ,contra ,faustum1 xxii4 #ff-fh4 #cg ,augustine's method in this twenty-second ,book is first to consider the actual sinfulness or justification of these deeds1 and afterwards to take up in succession their typological significance4 ,so1 for example1 he discusses the blamefulness of ,judah's conduct with ,tamar in par4 #fa-fd and its typology in #hc-hf4 #ch ,contra ,faustum1 xxii4 #hg4 ,st4 ,ambrose1 in his ,apologia ,prophetae ,david1 cap4 iii4 7,migne #ad1 col4 #heg71 written some years before ,augustine's treatise against ,faustus1 finds ,bathsheba to signify the 8congregatio nationum quae non erat ,christo legitimo quodam fidei copulata connubio40 #ci ,quaestiones in ,vet4 ,testam4 in ,regum ,,ii4 7,migne #hc1 col4 #daa74 ,isidore died ,a4,d4 #fcf 7ante1 ,chapter ,v47 #dj ,comment4 in ,libros ,,iv4 ,regum1 in lib4 ii4 cap4 xi42 ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aji1 col4 #ih 7written in #hcd74 ,on ,rabanus and ,walafrid see ante1 ,chapter ,x4 #da ,glossa ordinaria1 ,lib4 ,regum1 ii4 cap4 xi4 7,migne #aac1 col4 #ega1 #egb74 #db ,comment4 in ,matthaeum 7,migne #ajg1 col4 #gcd74 #dc ,migne #aad1 col4 #fg4 #dd ,it was the way of ,bede in his commentaries to speak briefly of the literal or historic meaning of the text1 and then give the usual symbolical interpretations1 paying special attention to the significance of the ,old ,testament narratives as types of the career of ,christ 7see e4g4 the beginning of the ,commentary on ,exodus1 ,migne #ib1 col4 #bhe sqq42 and ,prologue to the allegorical ,commentary on ,samuel1 ,migne #ib1 col4 #eja1 #ejb74 ,for example1 in the opening of the ,first ,book of ,samuel1 ,elkanah is a type of ,christ1 and his two wives ,peninnah and ,hannah represent the ,synagogue and the ,church4 ,when ,samuel is born to ,hannah he also is a type of ,christ2 and ,bede says it need not astonish one that ,hannah's spouse and ,hannah's son should both be types of ,christ1 since the ,mediator between ,god and man is at once the spouse and son of ,holy ,church3 ,he is her spouse as ,he aids her with ,his confidence and hope and love1 and her son when by grace ,he enters the hearts of those who believe and hope and love4 ,in ,samuelam1 cap4 iii4 7,migne #ia1 col4 #ejh74 ,bede's monastic mind balked at the literal statement that ,elkanah had two wives 7see the ,prologue1 ,migne #ia1 col4 #dii74 #de ,com4 in ,exodum1 ,praefatio 7,migne #ajh1 col4 #i74 #df ,migne #aab1 col4 #hdi-ajhh4 ,a number of these dictionaries were compiled1 the earliest being the ,de formulis spiritalis intellegentiae of ,eucherius1 ,bishop of ,lyons1 who died in #dej1 ed4 by ,pauly #ahhd4 ,in the later ,middle ,ages ,alanus de ,insulis 7post1 ,chapter ,,xxix47 compiled one4 #dg ,these distinctions1 not commonly observed1 are frequently reiterated4 ,says ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor 7see post1 ,chapter ,,xxviii47 in the ,prologue to his ,de sacramentis3 8,divine ,scripture1 with threefold meaning1 considers its matter historically1 allegorically1 and tropologically4 ,history is the narrative of facts1 and follows the primary meaning of words2 we have allegory when the fact which is told signifies some other fact in the past1 present1 or future2 and tropology when the narrated fact signifies that something should be done40 ,cf4 ,hugo's ,didascalicon1 v4 cap4 #b1 where ,hugo illustrates his meaning1 and points out that this threefold significance is not to be found in every passage of ,scripture4 ,in ibid4 v4 cap4 #d1 he gives seven curious rules of interpretation 7,migne #agf1 col4 #ghi-gic74 ,in his ,de ,scripturis1 etc41 praenotatiunculae1 cap4 #c 7,migne #age1 col4 #aa sqq471 ,hugo speaks of the anagogical significance in the place of the tropological4 #dh ,raban's ,latin is 8,ligabit earn ancillis suis0--the verse in ,job xl4 #bd reads 8,ligabis earn ancillis tuis80 ,in the ,english version the verse is ,job xli4 #e1 8,wilt thou bind him for thy maidens80 #di 8,per fidem me cognoverunt02 ,i surmise a non is omitted4 #ej ,the ,scriptural citations are omitted4 ,rabanus wrote an allegorical ,de laudibus sanctae crucis 7,migne #ajg1 col4 #acc-bid71 composed in metre with prose explanations1 which explain very little4 ,the metrical portion is a puzzle consisting of twenty-eight 8figures10 or lineal delineations interwoven in hexameter verses2 the words and letters contained within each figure 8make sense0 when read by themselves1 and form verses in metres other than hexameters4 ,the whole is as incomprehensible in meaning as it is indescribable in form4 ,angels1 cherubim and seraphim1 tetragons1 the virtues1 months1 winds1 elements1 signs of the ,zodiac1 and other twelvefold mysteries1 the days of the year1 the number seven1 the five books of ,moses1 the four evangelists1 the seven gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 the eight beatitudes1 the mystery of the number forty1 the sacrament shown by the number fifty1--all these and much besides contribute to the glory of the ,cross1 and are delineated and arranged in cruciform manner1 so as to be included within the scope of the cross's symbolical significance4 #ea ,since allegory and the spirit of symbolism pervaded all mediaeval thought1 the present and two following chapters aim only at setting forth the elements 7with pertinent examples7 of this quite limitless subject4 #eb ,see prefatory epistle to ,speculum ecclesiae1 ,migne #agb1 col4 #hac4 ,compare the prefatory epistle to the ,gemma animae1 ibid4 col4 #eda1 and the ,preface to the ,elucidarium1 ibid4 col4 #aaji4 ,probably ,honorius died about #aacj4 #ec ,we have these sermons only in ,latin4 ,presumably a preacher using them1 gave them in that language or rendered them in the vernacular as he thought fit4 #ed 8,ommia legalia ,christus nobis convertit in sacramenta spiritualia0 is ,honorius's apt phrase 7which may be borrowed671 ,migne #agb1 col4 #hdb4 ,his special reference is to circumcision4 #ee ,ps4 xxxi4 ,vulgate2 ,ps4 xxxii4 #b1 ,authorized ,version4 #ef ,speculum ecclesiae1 8,dominica ,,xi40 7,migne #agb1 col4 #ajec sqq474 #eg ,yet1 curiously enough1 near the time when ,i was making the following translation1 ,i heard an elderly country clergyman preach substantially this sermon of ,honorius--wherever he may have culled it1 perhaps from some useful 8,homiletical0 ,commentary4 #eh ,speculum ecclesiae1 8,dominica ,,xiii40 7,migne #agb1 col4 #ajei-ajfa74 #ei ,speculum ecclesiae1 8,dominica in ,septuagesima0 7,migne #agb1 col4 #hee-heg74 ,honorius may have forgotten the weariness of his supposed audience2 for his sermon goes on with further admonition as to how the victory is to be won4 ,the allegorical interpretation of ,scripture is exemplified in the whole limitless mass of mediaeval sermons4 ,illustrations from ,st4 ,bernard's sermons on ,canticles are given in ,chapter ,,xvii41 also post1 in ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,ii4 #fj ,for the ,eucharist in the ,carolingian period see ante1 ,chapter ,x4 ,berengar of ,tours is spoken of in ,chapter ,,xii41 ,,iv4 #fa ,many members in one body1 one body in ,christ 7,rom4 xii4 #d1 #e74 #fb ,cf4 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxiii41 ,v4 #fc ,the works of ,hugo of ,saint-,victor are contained in ,migne's ,patrologia ,latina1 #age-agg 7,paris1 #ahed2 the reprint of #ahhb is full of misprints74 ,the ,prolegomena 7in ,french7 of ,mgr4 ,hugonin are elaborate and valuable4 ,mignon1 ,les ,origines de la scholastique et ,hugues de ,saint-,victor 7#b vols41 ,paris1 #ahie71 follows ,hugonin's writing and adds little of value4 ,an exposition of ,hugo's philosophy is to be found in ,stckl1 ,geschichte der ,philosophie des ,mittelalters1 ,band ,i4 pp4 #cje-cee 7,mainz1 #ahfd74 ,on the authenticity of the writings ascribed to him see ,haurau1 ,les uvres de ,hugues de ,saint-,victor 7#bnd ed41 ,paris1 #ahhf74 ,for ,hugo's position in the history of scholasticism and mysticism see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,ii4 #fd ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxi41 ,i4 #fe ,hildebert's letter is given post1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,,iii4 #ff ,on the neighbouring schools of ,notre-,dame and ,st4 ,genevieve see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvii4 #fg ,at the opening of his ,expositio in regulam beati ,augustini1 ,migne #agf1 col4 #hha1 ,hugo explains that the precepts under which a monastic community lives are called the regula1 and what we call a regula is called a canon by the ,greeks2 and those are called canonici or regulares1 who 8juxta regularia praecepta sanctorum ,patrum canonice atque apostolice vivunt40 ,thus the 8regular canons0 of ,st4 ,augustine were monks who lived according to the rule ascribed to that saint4 ,in the case of the ,victorines the rule was drawn up chiefly by ,abbot ,gilduin4 ,see ,prolegomena to the works of ,hugo1 ,migne #age1 col4 xxiv4 sqq4 #fh ,see the ,prolegomena to the works of ,hugo de ,saint-,victor1 by ,hugonin1 ,migne #age1 col4 xl4 sqq4 #fi ,didascalicon1 vi4 #c 7,migne #agf1 col4 #gii74 ,other contents of this work are given post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,i4 #gj ,his death is touchingly described in a letter of ,osbert1 the canon in charge of the infirmary4 ,see ,migne #age1 col4 xlvii and clxi4 #ga ,hugo1 ,de arrha animae1 ,migne #agf1 col4 #ied4 ,yet ,hugo sometimes was stung with an irrelevant pang for the ,german fatherland1 which he had left3 8,i have been an exile since my boyhood1 and ,i know how the mind grieves to forsake some poor hut's narrow hearth1 and how easily it may then despise the marble hall and fretted roof0 7,didascalicon1 iii4 #bj2 ,migne #agf1 col4 #ggh74 ,compare the single letter of ,hugo that has a personal note1 ,ep4 i4 7,migne #agf1 col4 #ajaa74 #gb ,the ,de sacramentis ,christianae fidei is printed in ,migne #agf1 col4 #agd-fah4 ,it is thus a lengthy work4 #gc ,hugo evidently refers to his ,de ,scripturis et scriptoribus sacris praenotatiunculae1 and his various ,adnotationes elucidatoriae1 which will be found printed in vol4 #age of ,migne's ,patrologia ,latina4 ,in chap4 v4 of the work first mentioned 7,migne #age1 col4 #ac7 he speaks sensibly of the folly of those who profess not to care for the literal historical meaning of the sacred text1 but1 in ignorance1 spring at once to very inept allegorical interpretations4 #gd ,de sacramentis1 ,prologus 7,migne #agf1 col4 #ahc-ahe74 ,a more elementary statement may be found in ,de ,scripturis1 etc41 cap4 xiii4 7,migne #age1 col4 #bj74 #ge ,god is perfect and utterly good4 ,his beatitude cannot be increased or diminished1 but it can be imparted4 ,therefore the primal cause for creating rational creatures was ,god's wish that there should be partakers of ,his beatitude4 ,this reasoning may be ,christian2 but it is also close to the doctrine of ,plato's ,timaeus1 which ,hugo had read4 #gf ,hugo also takes a wider view of the 8place0 of mankind's restoration1 and finds that it includes 7#a7 heaven1 where the good are confirmed and made perfect2 7#b7 hell1 where the bad receive their deserts2 7#c7 the fire of purgatory1 where there is correction and perfecting2 7#d7 paradise the place of good beginnings2 and 7#e7 the world1 the place of pilgrimage for those who need restoring4 #gg 8,sacramentum est corporale vel materiale elementum foris sensibiliter propositum ex similitudine repraesentans1 et ex institutione significans1 et ex sanctificatione continens aliquam invisibilem et spiritalem gratiam0 7pars ix4 #b2 ,migne #agf1 col4 #cag74 ,in spite of ,hugo the old definition held its ground1 being adopted by ,peter ,lombard and others after him4 #gh ,here we see clearly that the works of the ,creation have the sacramental quality of similitude and1 in a way1 the quality of institution1 since their similitude to spiritual things was intended by the ,creator for the instruction of man4 ,they lack1 however1 the third quality of sanctification1 which enables the material signum to convey its spiritual res4 #gi e4g4 the material of the sacrament1 which may consist in things1 as in bread and wine1 or in actions 7as in making the sign of the cross71 or in words1 as in the invocation of the ,trinity4 ,he also shows how faith itself may be regarded as a sacrament1 inasmuch as it is that whereby we now see in a glass darkly and behold but an image4 ,but we shall hereafter see clearly through contemplation4 ,faith then is the image1 i4e4 the sacrament1 of the future contemplation which is the sacrament's real verity1 the res4 #hj ,de sacr4 lib4 i4 pars xi4 cap4 #a4 ,the sacraments of the natural law included tithes1 oblations1 and sacrifices4 ,hugo also considers the good works which the natural law prescribed4 ,this period ceases with the written law given implicitly through ,abraham and explicitly through ,moses4 ,see ,de sacr4 lib4 i4 pars xii4 cap4 i4 ,hugo appears to me to vary his point of view regarding the natural law and its time1 for sometimes he regards it as the law prevailing till the time of ,abraham or ,moses1 and again as the law under which pagan peoples lived1 who did not know the ,mosaic law4 #ha ,de sacr4 lib4 i4 pars xi4 cap4 #f 7,migne #agf1 col4 #cdf74 #hb ,whoever should wish for further illustration of ,hugo's allegorical methods may examine his treatises entitled ,de arca ,no morali and ,de arca ,no mystica 7,migne #agf1 col4 #fah-gjb71 where every detail of the ,ark1 which signifies the ,church1 is allegorically applied to the ,christian scheme of life and salvation4 ,with these treatises1 ,hugo's ,de vanitate mundi 7,migne #agf1 col4 #gjc-gdj7 is connected4 ,they will be referred to when considering ,hugo's position in mediaeval philosophy1 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,ii4 #hc ,see ,duchesne1 ,origines du culte chrtien4 #hd ,see the epitaph from his tomb in ,s4 ,maria sopra ,minerva in ,rome1 given by ,savigny1 ,geschichte des ,rmischen ,rechts1 v4 #ega sqq41 who also gives a sketch of his life4 ,with the work of ,durandus1 the ,gemma animae of ,honorius of ,autun 7,books ,i4 ,,ii4 ,,iii42 ,migne #agb1 col4 #eda sqq47 should be compared1 as marking a somewhat earlier stage in the interpretation of the ,liturgy4 ,it also gives the symbolism of the church and its parts1 its ministers1 and services4 #he ,every article worn or borne by the bishop 7or celebrating priest7 has symbolic significance4 #hf ,all this 7which is taken from ,book ,,iv4 of the ,rationale7 is but the first part of the ,mass4 ,the maze of symbolism increases in vastness and intricacy as the office proceeds4 #hg ,neh4 iv4 #hh ,matt4 xix4 #ag4 #hi ,many parts of the church have more than one significance4 ,the windows were said before to represent hospitality and pity4 #ij ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 ,i4 #ia ,the application of ,vincent's work to the sculpture and painting of a ,gothic cathedral is due to ,didron1 ,iconographie chrtienne1 histoire de ,dieu1 ,introduction 7#ahdc74 ,other writers have followed him1 like mile ,male in his ,l',art religieux du ,,xiiie sicle en ,france 7#bnd ed41 ,paris1 #aijb71 to which the present writer is much indebted4 ,it goes without saying1 that the sources from which ,vincent drew 7e4g4 the works of ,albertus ,magnus7 likewise form a commentary upon the subjects of ,gothic glass and sculpture1 and may even have suggested the manner of their presentation4 #ib ,the opening verses of ,john's ,gospel account for this4 ,christ1 or ,god in the person of ,christ1 is shown in ,old ,testament scenes as early as the fourth century upon sarcophagi in the ,lateran at ,rome4 #ic ,these subjects illustrated the series of events celebrated in the calendar of church services4 #id ,post1 pp4 #hf sqq4 #ie ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxvii4 #if ,so the composition and the arrangement of topics in the cathedral sculpture and glass have scarcely the excellence of natural grouping4 ,the arrangement is intended to illustrate the series of successive acts making up ,god's own artist-composition1 itself symbolical of ,his purpose in the creation and redemption of man4 #ig ,adam's hymns are edited with notes and an introductory essay by ,l4 ,gautier1 uvres potiques d',adam de ,s4-,victor 7#crd ed41 ,paris1 #ahid74 ,a number of his hymns will be found in ,migne #aif1 col4 #adbb sqq42 and also in ,clement's ,carmina e poetis christianis excerpta4 ,on ,adam's verse see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii41 ,,iii4 #ih ,dante draws much from ,richard of ,st4 ,victor4 #ii ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii41 ,,iii4 #ajj ,gautier1 o4c4 p4 #df 7,migne #aif1 col4 #adcg74 #aja ,the ,hebrews in bondage to the ,egyptians are the symbol of all men in the bonds of sin4 #ajb ,as ,christ expires the cherubim at the gate of ,eden lower the flaming sword1 so that the men bathed with ,his blood may pass in4 #ajc ,isaac was always a type of ,christ2 his name was interpreted laughter 7risus7 from ,gen4 xxi4 #f3 8,and ,sarah said1 ,god hath made me to laugh1 so that all that hear will laugh with me40 #ajd ,joseph another type of ,christ4 #aje ,this serpent1 i4e4 ,christ the rod of ,aaron1 safe from the devil's spite1 consumes the false idols4 #ajf ,the ,brazen ,serpent1 a type of ,christ4 ,cf4 ,john iii4 #ad4 #ajg ,cf4 ,job xli4 #a4 ,the hook 7hamus7 is ,christ's divinity1 whereby ,he pierces the devil's jaw4 #ajh ,cf4 ,isa4 xi4 #h4 ,the guiltless child is ,christ1 and the cockatrice is the devil4 #aji ,the children who mocked ,elisha represent the ,jews mocking ,christ as ,he ascended ,calvary2 the bear is ,vespasian and ,titus who destroy ,jerusalem4 #aaj ,these again are types of ,christ3 ,david feigning madness among the ,philistines1 #a ,sam4 xxi4 #ab-ae2 the goat cast forth for the people's sins1 ,lev4 xvi4 #ba1 #bb2 and the sparrow in the rite of cleansing from leprosy1 ,lev4 xiv4 #b-g4 #aaa ,samson a type of ,christ1 will not wed a woman of his tribe 7,judges xiv4 #a-c7 as ,christ chooses the ,gentiles2 ,samson bursts open ,gaza's gates as ,christ the gates of death and hell4 #aab ,the allusion here is to the statement of mediaeval ,bestiaries that the lion cub1 when born1 lies lifeless for three days1 till awakened by his father's roar4 ,the supernal mother is the ,church triumphant4 #aac ,the body of ,christ1 i4e4 the ,church4 #aad ,a topic everywhere represented in church windows and cathedral sculpture4 #aae ,printed at the end of his ,paedagogus2 see ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage of the ,middle ,ages1 pp4 #bec-bee1 where it is translated4 #aaf ,although the dogmas of ,christianity were formulated by reason1 they were cradled in love and hate4 ,nowadays1 in a time when dogmas are apt to be thought useless clogs to the spirit1 it is well for the historically-minded to remember the power of emotional devotion which they have inspired in other times4 #aag ,gautier1 uvres d',adam 7#ast ed41 vol4 i4 p4 #aa72 ,gautier 7#crd ed41 p4 #bfi7 doubts whether this hymn is ,adam's4 ,but for the purpose of illustrating the symbolism of the twelfth-century hymn1 the question of authorship is not important4 #aah ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxvii4 #aai ,in these closing lines the 8salubre sacramentum0 is in apposition to 8,ille de ,samaria0--i4e4 the 8sacramentum0 is the ,saviour1 who is also typified by the ,good ,samaritan4 ,in another hymn for ,christmas1 ,adam speaks of the concurrence in one persona of ,word1 flesh1 and spirit1 and then uses the phrase 8,tantae rei sacramentum0 7,gautier1 o4c4 p4 #e74 ,here the sacramentum designates the visible human person of ,christ1 which was the life-giving signum or symbol of so great a marvel 7tantae rei7 as the ,incarnation4 ,adam has ,hugo's teaching in mind1 and the full significance of his phrase will appear by taking it in connection with ,hugo's definition of the ,sacrament1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 #abj ,gautier1 o4c4 p4 #aj4 #aba ,the reference is to ,aaron's rod in ,numbers xvii4 #abb ,the reference is to ,gideon's fleece1 ,judges vi4 #cg1 which is a type of the ,virgin ,mary4 #abc ,gautier1 o4c4 #ast ed41 i4 #aee 7,migne #aif1 col4 #adfd74 ,in his third edition1 ,gautier is doubtful of ,adam's authorship of this hymn because of its irregular rhyme4 #abd ,cf4 ,gautier's notes to this hymn1 ,gautier1 o4c4 #ast ed41 i4 #aei-afg4 #abe ,gautier1 o4c4 i4 #afh4 #abf ,gautier1 o4c4 ii4 #abg4 #abg ,gautier1 #crd ed41 p4 #ahf4 ,this is in ,migne #aif1 col4 #aejb4 #abh ,a charlatan in ,salimbene's ,chronicle1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xxi41 uses a like phrase4 #abi ,for the data as to ,alanus see the ,prolegomena to ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #baj1 which volume contains his works4 ,see also ,haurau1 ,mm4 de l'acad4 des inscriptions et des belles lettres1 tome #cb 7#ahhf71 p4 #a1 etc42 also ,hist4 lit4 de ,france1 tome #af1 p4 #cif1 etc4 ,on ,alanus and his place in scholastic philosophy1 see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,iii4 #acj ,migne #baj1 col4 #fhf-ajab4 #aca ,migne #baj1 col4 #dca-dha4 ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii41 ,i4 #acb ,the significance of the title is not quite clear4 ,the poem is written in hexametre1 and is not far from #dgjj lines in length4 ,it is printed in ,migne #baj1 col4 #dhf-egf2 also edited by ,thos4 ,wright1 ,master of the ,rolls ,series1 vol4 #ei1 ii4 7#ahgb74 #acc ,the poem is highly imaginative in the delineation of its allegorical figures4 #acd ,these curious lines are as follows3 8,o nova picturae miracula1 transit ad esse ,quod nihil esse potest6 picturaque simia veri1 ,arte nova ludens1 in res umbracula rerum ,vertit1 et in verum mendacia singula mutat40 ,anticlaudianus1 i4 cap4 iv4 7,migne #aif1 col4 #dia47 #ace ,the allusion here is to the fate of ,hippolytus1 whose chariot-horses1 maddened by the wiles of ,venus1 dashed the chariot to pieces and caused their lord's death4 #acf i4 cap4 vi4 ,her garb and attributes are elaborately told4 ,in the latter part of the poem she is usually called ,phronesis4 #acg ,a favourite commonplace2 ,helose uses it4 #ach ,the functions of these virgins1 the ,seven ,liberal ,arts1 are poetically told4 ,the ,anticlaudianus is no text-book4 ,but the poet apparently is following the ,de nuptiis ,philologiae et ,mercurii of ,martianus ,capella1 ante1 ,chapter ,,iv4 #aci ,compare the succession of ,heavens in ,dante's ,paradiso4 #adj ,one may recall ,raphael's painting of ,theology on the ceiling of the ,stanza del ,segnatura in the ,vatican4 ,it is impossible not to compare the rles of ,alan's ,reason and ,theology with those of ,virgil and ,beatrice in the ,commedia4 #ada ,here we are back in the ,celestial ,hierarchy of ,dionysius the ,areopagite4 #adb ,as in ,dante's ,paradiso4 #adc ,most of these epithets of the ,virgin come from allegorical interpretations of the text of the ,vulgate4 #add ,compare the final vision of ,dante in ,paradiso1 xxxiii4 #ade ,the reader will notice the ,platonism and ,neo-,platonism of all this4 #adf ,notice that the ,arts are here equipping and perfecting the man for his fight against sin2--which corresponds with the common mediaeval view of the function of education4 #adg ,the poem gives a full description of ,fortune and her house1 and unstable splendid gifts4 #adh ,but the different names of ,alanus's ,virtues and ,vices1 and their novel antagonisms1 indicate an original view of morality with him4 ,on the ,psychomachia see ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 pp4 #bgh sqq4 and #cgi4 ,allegorical combats and dbats 7both in ,latin and in the vernacular tongues7 are frequent in mediaeval literature4 ,cf4 e4g4 post1 ,chapter ,,xxx4 ,again1 in certain parabolae ascribed to ,st4 ,bernard 7,migne #ahc1 col4 #geg sqq47 the various virtues1 ,prudentia1 ,fortitude1 ,discretio1 ,temperantia1 ,spes1 ,timor1 ,sapientia1 are so naturally made to act and speak1 that one feels they had become personalities proper for poetry and art4 ,compare ,hildegard's characterizations of the ,vices1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xix4 #adi ,the ,english reader will derive much pleasure from ,f4 ,s4 ,ellis's admirable verse translation3 ,the ,romance of the ,rose 7,dent and ,co41 ,london1 #aijj74 ,each of the three little volumes of this translation has a convenient synopsis of the contents4 ,those who would know what is known of the tale and its authors should read ,langlois's chapter on it1 in ,histoire de la langue et de la littrature franaise1 edited by ,petit de ,julleville4 ,it may be said here1 for those whose memories need refreshing1 that ,william de ,lorris wrote the first part1 some forty-two hundred lines1 about the year #abcg1 and died leaving it unfinished2 ,john de ,meun took up the poem some thirty years afterwards1 and added his sequel of more than eighteen thousand lines4 #aej ,the names are ,englished after ,ellis's translation4 #aea ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xxiii42 ,de ,meun took much from the ,de planctu naturae of ,alanus4 #aeb ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxiii4 #aec ,ante1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #bac4 #aed ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #agb1 col4 #ajef4 #aee ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii41 ,i4 #aef ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xiii41 ,i4 #aeg ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 #aeh ,didascalicon1 iii4 #d 7,migne #agf1 col4 #gfh-gfi74 #aei ,de vanitate mundi1 i4 7,migne #agf1 col4 #gji1 #gaj74 #afj ,ep4 #afi 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #ajj1 col4 #dda74 #afa ,opusc4 xiii42 ,de perfectione monachi1 cap4 xi4 7,migne #add1 col4 #cjf74 ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xvi4 #afb ,speculum ecclesiae 7,migne #agb1 col4 #ajhe74 #afc ,sonnet #ef4 #afd ,ep4 i4 7,migne #aai1 col4 #dcc74 #afe ,john approved of reading the auctores1 for educational purposes1 and not confining the pupil to the artes4 ,see ,metalogicus1 i4 #bc1 #bd 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aii1 col4 #dec74 ,on ,john1 cf4 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxi4 and ,,xxxvi41 ,,iii4 #aff ,polycraticus1 ,prologus 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aii1 col4 #che74 #afg ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,iii4 #afh ,i draw upon the extracts given in the thesis of ,m4 ,demimuid1 ,de ,bernardo ,carnotensi grammatico professore et interprete ,virgilii 7,paris1 #ahgc71 who1 as appears by his title1 confuses the two ,bernards4 #afi ,the author of a bastard epitome on the ,trojan ,war1 see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii41 ,,iv4 #agj ,the above1 in substance1 is taken from ,macrobius4 #aga ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvii4 #agb ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxix41 ,,ii41 and post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,iii4 #agc ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,i4 #agd ,for a successor or friendly rival to ,chartres1 in the interest taken in grammar and classical literature1 one should properly look to ,orleans1 where apparently those studies continued to flourish4 ,cf4 ,l4 ,delisle1 8,les coles d',orlans au douzime sicle10 ,annuaire-,bulletin de la ,societ de l',histoire de ,france1 t4 vii4 7#ahfi71 p4 #aci sqq4 ,in a ,bataille des septs arts1 by ,henri d',andeli1 of the first half of the thirteenth century1 ,logic1 from its stronghold of ,paris1 vanquishes ,grammar1 whose stronghold is ,orleans4 ,in the conflict1 with much symbolic truth1 ,aristotle overthrows ,priscian1 ,histoire littraire de la ,france1 t4 xxiii4 p4 #bbe4 #age ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvii4 #agf ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xli4 and ,,xlii4 for the work of ,grosseteste4 #agg ,cf4 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxiii4 and ,,xxxvii4 #agh ,cf4 ,specht1 ,geschichte des ,unterrichtswesens in ,deutschland1 etc4 7,stuttgard1 #ahhe71 p4 #ge and passim4 ,yet how soon and with what childish prattle youths might begin to speak and write ,latin is touchingly shown by a boy's letter1 written from a monastic school1 to his parents4 ,it just asks for various little things1 and its superscription is3 8,parentibus suis ,a4 agnus ablactatus pium balatum03 which seems to mean3 8,to his parents1 ,a1 a weaned lamb1 sends a loving bah40 ,this and other curious little letters are ascribed to one ,robertus ,metensis 7cir4 ,a4,d4 #ijj7 7,migne #acb1 col4 #ecc74 #agi ,see ,thurot1 ,histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen ge2 ,notices et extraits des ,,mss4 vol4 #bb1 part #b1 p4 #he4 ,for what is said in the preceding and following pages the writer's obligations are deep to this well-known work of ,thurot1 and to ,reichling's edition of the ,doctrinale of ,alexander de ,villa-,dei 7,mon4 ,germ4 paedagogica1 ,,xii41 ,berlin1 #ahic74 ,paetow's ,arts ,course at ,medieval ,universities 7,university of ,illinois1 #aiaj7 treats learnedly of these matters4 #ahj ,see ,thurot1 o4c4 p4 #bjd sqq4 #aha ,regere1 a mediaeval term not used in this sense by ,priscian4 #ahb ,see the ,einleitung to ,reichling's edition of the ,doctrinale already referred to2 also ,thurot1 ,de ,alexandri de ,villa-,dei doctrinali 7,paris1 #ahej74 ,the chief mediaeval rival of the ,doctrinale was the ,graecismus of ,eberhard of ,bethune1 written a little later4 ,see ,paetow1 o4c4 p4 #ch4 #ahc ,doctrinale1 line #aefa sqq4 #ahd ,doctrinale1 #afjc sqq4 #ahe ,doctrinale1 #bccj-bcca4 #ahf ,see passage in ,reichling's ,einleitung1 p4 xxvii4 #ahg ,see e4g4 ,une ,grammaire latine indite du ,,xiiie sicle1 par ,ch4 ,fierville 7,paris1 #ahhf74 #ahh ,see ,reichling1 o4c4 ,einleitung1 p4 xix2 ,thurot1 ,not4 et extr4 xxii4 #b1 p4 #aab sqq4 #ahi ,see e4g4 ,thurot1 o4c4 p4 #agf sqq42 p4 #baf sqq4 #aij ,thurot1 o4c4 pp4 #abf-abg4 #aia ,thurot1 o4c4 p4 #abg4 #aib ,the ,greek ,grammar of ,roger ,bacon1 ed4 by ,nolan and ,hirsch 7,cambridge1 #aijb74 #aic ,bacon defines idioma 8as the determined peculiarity 7proprietas7 of language1 which one gens uses after its custom2 and another gens uses another idioma of the same language0 7,greek ,grammar1 p4 #bf74 ,dialect is the modern term4 #aid ,greek ,grammar1 p4 #bg4 ,bacon appears to have followed ,priscian chiefly4 ,as to whether he used ,byzantine models1 or other sources1 see the ,introduction to ,nolan and ,hirsch's edition of the ,greek ,grammar4 ,these thoughts inspiring ,bacon's ,grammar became a veritable metaphysics in the ,grammatica speculativa ascribed to ,duns ,scotus1 see post1 ,chapter ,,xlii4 #aie ,cf4 ,l4 ,rockinger1 8,die ,ars ,dictandi in ,italien10 ,sitzungsber4 bayerisch4 ,akad41 #ahfa1 pp4 #ih-aea4 ,for examples of these dictamina1 see ,l4 ,delisle1 8,dictamina ,magistri ,berardi de ,neapoli0 7a papal notary equally versed in law and rhetoric71 ,notices et extraits des ,,mss41 etc41 vol4 #bg1 part #b1 p4 #hg sqq42 ,ch4 ,v4 ,langlois1 8,formulaires de lettres10 etc41 ,not4 et ext4 vol4 #cb 7#b71 p4 #a sqq42 ibid4 vol4 #cd 7#a71 p4 #a sqq4 and p4 #cje sqq4 and vol4 #ce 7#b71 p4 #dji sqq4 #aif ,for the history of this school in the eleventh century1 see ante1 ,chapter ,,xii4 ,,iii4 #aig ,the ,eptateuchon exists in manuscript4 ,i have taken the above from ,clerval1 ,les coles de ,chartres au moyen ge 7,chartres1 #ahie71 p4 #bba sqq4 ,thierry appears to have written a commentary on ,cicero's ,rhetoric4 ,see ,mlanges ,graux1 pp4 #da-df4 #aih ,metalogicus1 i4 cap4 xxiv4 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aii1 col4 #hec-hef74 #aii ,polycraticus1 vii4 #ac 7,migne #aii1 col4 #fff74 #bjj ,metalogicus1 i4 #bd 7,migne #aii1 col4 #hef74 #bja ,cf4 ,clerval1 o4c4 p4 #baa sqq4 and p4 #bbg sqq4 #bjb ,metalogicus1 iii4 #d 7,migne #aii1 col4 #ijj74 #bjc ,petrus ,blesensis1 ,epist4 #aja 7,migne #bjg1 col4 #cab74 #bjd ,epist4 #ib 7,migne #bjg1 col4 #bhi74 ,these letters are cited by ,clerval4 #bje ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,i4 #bjf ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aga1 col4 #ajjg-ajef4 #bjg ,metalogicus1 i4 #e4 #bjh ,see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxv4 ,i4 #bji ,the works of ,giraldus ,cambrensis are published in ,master of ,rolls ,series1 #ba1 in eight volumes4 ,the last contains the ,de instructione principum4 ,giraldus lived from about #aadg to #abbj4 #baj ,ante1 ,chapter ,,viii4 #baa ,alcuin1 ,ep4 #hj 7,migne #ajj1 col4 #bfj74 #bab ,alcuin1 ,ep4 #aac1 ad ,paulinum patriarcham 7,migne #ajj1 col4 #cda74 #bac ,traube1 ,potae ,lat4 ,aevi ,carolini 7,mon4 ,germ471 #a1 p4 #bdc4 ,cf4 8,versus in laude ,larii laci10 by ,paulus ,diaconus1 ibid4 p4 #db4 #bad ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii4 #bae ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,,iii4 #baf ,ep4 ii4 #cc 7,migne #aga1 col4 #bef74 ,for the ,latin text of this letter see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxi4 #bag ,for the entire poem1 which is of interest throughout1 see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,i4 #bah ,for the poem see ,haurau1 ,mlanges potiques d',hildebert de ,lavardin1 p4 #fd 7,paris1 #ahhb74 #bai ,haurau1 o4c4 p4 #ef4 #bbj ,ibid4 p4 #hb4 #bba ,ibid4 p4 #add4 #bbb ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aga1 col4 #adbh4 ,this volume of ,migne also contains the poems criticized and 7some of them7 edited by ,haurau in the book already referred to4 #bbc ,hildebert1 ,epis4 i4 #a 7,migne #aga1 col4 #ada74 #bbd ,hildebert1 ,ep4 i4 #bb 7,migne #aga1 col4 #aig74 #bbe ,a technical illustration from ,roman law4 #bbf ,hildeberti1 ,ep4 ii4 #ab 7,migne #aga1 col4 #agb-agg74 ,compare ,ep4 i4 #ag1 consoling a friend on loss of place and dignities4 ,hildebert's works are in vol4 #aga of ,migne's ,pat4 ,lat4 ,a number of his poems are more carefully edited by ,haurau in ,notices et extraits des ,,mss41 etc41 vol4 #bh1 ii4 p4 #bhi sqq42 and some of them in vol4 #bi1 ii4 p4 #bca sqq4 of the same series4 ,the matter is more conveniently given by ,haurau in his ,mlanges potiques d',hildebert de ,lavardin4 ,on the man and his writings see ,de servillers1 ,hildebert et son temps 7,paris1 #ahgf72 ,hebert ,duperron1 ,de ,venerabilis ,hildeberti vita et scriptis 7,bajocis1 #ahee72 also vol4 xi4 of ,hist4 lit4 de la ,france2 and 7best of all7 ,dieudonn1 ,hildebert de ,lavardin1 sa vie1 ses lettres1 etc4 7,paris1 #ahih74 #bbg ,it is well known that the great ,latin prose1 in spite of variances of stylistic intent and faculty among the individual writers1 was an artistic1 not to say artificial creation1 formed under the influence of ,greek models4 ,cicero is the supreme example of this1 and he is also the greatest of all ,latin prose writers4 ,after his time some great writers 7e4g4 ,tacitus1 ,quintilian7 preserved a like tradition2 others 7e4g4 ,seneca7 paid less attention to it4 ,and likewise on through the patristic period1 and the ,middle ,ages too1 some men endeavoured to preserve a classic style1 while others wrote more naturally4 #bbh ,even as it is necessary1 in order to appreciate some of the methods of the ,latin classical poetry1 to realize that their immediate antecedents lay in ,greek ,alexandrian literature rather than in the older ,greek ,classics4 #bbi ,see ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 chapter viii4 #bcj ,a palpable difficulty in judging mediaeval ,latin literature is its bulk4 ,the extant ,latin classics could be tucked away in a small corner of it4 ,every well-equipped student of the ,classics has probably read them all4 ,one mortal life would hardly suffice to read a moderate part of mediaeval ,latin4 ,and1 finally1 while there are histories of the classic literature in every modern tongue1 there exists no general work upon mediaeval ,latin writings regarded as literature4 ,ebert's indispensable ,allgemeine ,geschichte der ,literatur des ,mittelalters ends with the tenth century4 ,the author died4 ,within the scope of its purpose ,dr4 ,sandys' ,history of ,classical ,scholarship is compact and good4 #bca ,ante1 ,chapter ,x4 #bcb ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxii41 ,i4 #bcc ,see ,sandys1 ,history of ,classical ,scholarship1 i4 #dfc-dfd4 #bcd ,there was no attempt at classicism in the narrative in which he recounted the ,translation of the relics of the martyrs ,marcellinus and ,peter from ,rome to his own new monastery at ,seligenstadt 7,migne #ajd1 col4 #ecg-eid74 ,it was an entertaining story of a pious theft1 and one may be sure that he wrote it more easily1 and in a style more natural to himself than that shown in his consciously imitative masterpiece4 #bce ,ep4 vi4 7,migne #ajj1 col4 #adf74 #bcf ,ep4 xxxii4 7,migne #ajj1 col4 #ahg74 #bcg ,ep4 xxxiii4 7,migne #ajj1 col4 #ahg74 #bch ,capitula ad ,presbyteros 7,migne #aje1 col4 #bjb74 #bci ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xii4 #bdj ,chronicon1 cap4 #ce 7,migne #aci1 col4 #df74 ,the sense is easy to follow1 but the impossible constructions render an exact translation quite impossible4 ,it is doubtful whether this ,benedictus was an ,italian4 ,the ,italian writing of this period1 like that of ,liutprand1 is easier than among more painful students north of the ,alps4 ,but otherwise its qualities are rarely more pronounced4 ,ease is shown1 however1 in the ,chronicon ,venetum of ,john the ,deacon 7d4 cir4 #ajjh74 ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xiii41 ,,iii4 #bda ,migne #acc4 ,this work fills four hundred columns in ,migne4 ,on ,odo see ante1 ,chapter ,,xii41 ,,ii4 #bdb ,odo of ,cluny1 ,collationes1 lib4 i4 cap4 i4 7,migne #acc1 col4 #eai and #ebj74 8,therefore ,god1 ,creator and ,judge of mankind1 although ,he have justly driven our race from that felicity of ,paradise1 yet mindful of ,his goodness1 lest man all guilt should incur what he deserves1 softens the sorrows of this pilgrimage with many benefits4444 ,indeed the purpose of that same ,scripture is to press us from the depravities of this life4 ,for to that end with its dreadful utterances1 as with so many goads1 it pricks our heart1 that man struck by fear may shudder1 and may recall to memory the divine judgments which he is wont so easily to forget1 cut off by lust of the flesh and the solicitudes of earth40 #bdc ,ruotgerus1 ,vita ,brunonis1 cap4 #d and #f2 ,pertz1 ,mon4 ,germ4 ,script4 iv4 p4 #bed1 and ,migne #acd1 col4 #idd and #idf4 ,a translation of this passage is given ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #caj4 ,see ibid41 p4 #cad1 for the scholarship and writings of ,hermannus ,contractus1 an eleventh-century ,german4 ,ruotger's clumsy ,latin is outdone by the linguistic involutions of the ,life of ,wenceslaus1 the martyr duke of ,bohemia1 written toward the close of the tenth century by ,gumpoldus1 ,bishop of ,mantua1 who seems to have cultivated classical rhetoric most disastrously 7,pertz1 ,mon4 ,germ4 ,script4 iv4 p4 #baa1 and in ,migne #ace1 col4 #ibc sqq474 #bdd ,from ,thurot1 ,notices et extraits1 etc41 #bb 7#b71 p4 #hg1 and p4 #cda sqq41 one may see that the principles of construction stated by mediaeval grammarians followed the usage of mediaeval writers in adopting a simpler or more natural order than that of classical prose4 ,an extract1 for example1 from an eleventh-century ,,mss4 indicates the simple order which this grammarian author approved3 e4g4 8,johannes hodie venit de civitate2 ,petrus1 quem ,arnulfus genuit et nutrivit1 intellexit multa0 7,thurot1 p4 #hg74 #bde ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,,ii4 #bdf ,so likewise in regard to verse1 the perfected two-syllable rhyme came first in ,italy1 and more slowly in the ,north1 although the ,north was to produce better ,latin poetry4 #bdg ,ante1 ,chapters ,,xi41 ,,iv41 and ,,xvi4 #bdh ,opusc4 xiv41 ,de ordine erimitarum 7,migne #ade1 col4 #cbi74 8,we may see upon a tree a leaf ready to succumb beneath the wintry frosts1 and1 with the sap of autumnal clemency consumed1 even now about to fall1 so that it barely cleaves to the twig it hangs from1 but displays most evident signs of 7its7 light ruin4 ,the blasts are quivering1 wild winds strike it from all sides1 the mid-winter horror of heavy air congeals with cold2 and that you may marvel the more1 the ground is strewn with the rest of the leaves everywhere flowing down1 and1 with its locks laid low1 the tree is stripped of its grace2 yet that alone1 none other remaining1 endures1 and1 as the survivor of co-heirs1 succeeds to the rights of the brotherhood's possession4 ,what then is left to be understood from consideration of this thing1 save that a leaf of a tree cannot fall unless it receive beforehand the divine command80 ,this description is rhetorically elaborated2 but ,damiani commonly wrote more directly1 as in this sentence from a letter to a nobleman1 in which ,damiani urges him not to fail in his duty to his mother through affection for his wife3 8,sed forte dices3 mater mea me frequenter exasperat1 duris verbis meum et uxoris meae corda perturbat2 non possumus tot injuriarum probra perferre1 non valemus austeritatis ejus et severae correptionis molestias tolerare0 7,ep4 vii4 #c2 ,migne #add1 col4 #dff74 ,this needs no translation4 #bdi ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xi41 ,,iv4 #bej ,proslogion1 cap4 #bd 7,migne #aeh1 col4 #bci74 8,awaken now1 my soul1 and rouse all thy mind1 and consider1 as thou art able1 of what nature and how great is that ,good 7,god74 ,for if single goods are objects of delight1 consider intently how delightful is that good which contains the joy of all goods2 and not such as in things created we have tried1 but differing as greatly as differs the ,creator from the creature4 ,for if life created is good1 how good is the life creatrix6 ,if joyful is the salvation wrought1 how joyful is the salvation which wrought all salvation6 ,if lovely is wisdom in the knowledge of things created1 how lovely is the wisdom which created all from nothing4 ,in fine1 if there are many and great delectations in things delightful1 of what quality and greatness is delectation 7i4e4 the delectation that we take7 in ,him who made the delights themselves60 ,the reader may observe that the word-order of ,anselm's ,latin is preserved almost unchanged in the translation4 #bea 8,meditatio ,,ii40 7,migne #aeh1 col4 #gbb74 8,my soul is offended with my life4 ,i blush to live2 ,i fear to die4 ,what then remains for thee1 ,o sinner1 save that all thy life thou weepest over all thy life1 that it all may lament its whole self4 ,but in this also is my soul miserably wonderful and wonderfully miserable1 since it does not grieve as much as it knows itself 7i4e4 to the full extent of its self-knowledge7 but secure1 is listless as if it knew not what it may be suffering4 ,o barren soul1 what art thou doing8 why art thou drowsing1 sinner soul8 ,the ,day of ,judgment is coming1 near is the great day of the ,lord1 near and too swift the day of wrath1 7that day67 day of tribulation and distress1 day of calamity and misery1 day of shades and darkness1 day of cloud and whirlwind1 day of the trump and the roar6 ,o voice of the day of the ,lord--harsh6 ,why sleepest thou1 soul lukewarm and fit to be spewed out80 #beb ,perhaps it may seem questionable to treat ,anselm as an ,italian1 since he left ,lombardy when a young man4 ,undoubtedly his theological interests were affected by his northern environment4 ,but his temperament and language1 his diction1 his style1 seem to me more closely connected with native temperament4 #bec ,annals for the year #ajgg 7,migne #adf1 col4 #abcd sqq472 also in ,mon4 ,germ4 ,script4 iii4 #bed ,sermo xvi4 7,migne #ahc1 col4 #hea74 ,the power of this passage keeps it from being hysterical4 ,but the monkish hysteria1 without the power1 may be found in the writings of ,st4 ,bernard's jackal1 ,william of ,st4 ,thierry1 printed in ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #ahj4 ,notice his ,meditationes1 for example2 also his ,de contemplando ,deo1 printed among ,st4 ,bernard's works 7,migne #ahd1 col4 #cfe sqq474 #bee ,sermo xv4 7,migne #ahc1 col4 #hdg74 ,translated ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #daa4 #bef ,ep4 xii41 ad ,guigonem 7,migne #ahb1 col4 #aaf74 #beg ,bernard1 ,ep4 #aab1 ad ,gaufridum 7,migne #ahb1 col4 #bee74 ,for translation see ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #cih4 #beh ,e4g4 ,ep4 i4 and #add 7,migne #ahb1 col4 #gj and #cjj74 #bei ,ep4 #aif1 ad ,guidonem 7,migne #ahb1 col4 #cfc74 ,translated ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #dja4 ,see also the preceding letter1 #aie4 #bfj ,as to ,jerome's two styles see ,goelzer1 ,la ,latinit de ,st4 ,jerome1 ,introduction4 #bfa ,ep4 ii4 #cc 7,migne #aga1 col4 #bef74 ,translation ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,,iii4 #bfb ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,i4 #bfc 8,against that signal gift of parent nature and grace1 a shameless wrangler has stirred up an old calumny1 condemned by the judgment of our ancestors2 and1 seeking everywhere comfort for his ignorance1 he hopes to advance himself toward glory1 if he shall see many like himself1 see them ignorant1 that is to say4 ,for he has this special tumour of arrogance1 that he would be making himself the equal of others1 exalting his own good qualities 7if they exist71 and depreciating those of others4 ,and he deems his neighbour's defect to be his own advancement4 8,now it is indubitable to all truly wise1 that ,nature1 kindest parent of all1 and best-ordering directress1 among the other living beings which she brought forth1 distinguished man with the prerogative of reason and ennobled him with the exercise of eloquence 7or #8with the use of speech'73 executing this with unremitting zeal and best-ordering decree1 in order that man who was pressed and dragged to the lowest by the heaviness of a clodlike nature and the slowness of corporeal bulk1 borne aloft as it were by these wings might ascend to the heights1 and by obtaining the crown of true blessedness excel all others in happy reward4 ,while ,grace thus fecundates ,nature1 ,reason watches over the matters to be inspected and considered2 ,nature's bosom gives forth1 metes out the fruits and faculty of individuals2 and the inborn love of good1 stimulating itself by its natural appetite1 follows this 7i4e4 the good7 either solely or before all else1 since it seems best adapted to the bliss descried0 7,metal4 i4 #a2 ,migne #aii1 col4 #hbe74 ,these translations are kept close to the original1 in order to show the construction of the sentences4 #bfd 8,there is another class of philosophers called the ,ionic1 and it took its origin from the more remote ,greeks4 ,the chief of these was ,thales the ,milesian1 one of those seven who were called #8wise4' ,he1 when he had searched out the nature of things1 shone among his fellows1 and especially stood forth as admirable because1 comprehending the laws of astrology1 he predicted eclipses of the sun and moon4 ,to him succeeded his hearer1 ,anaximander1 who 7in turn7 left ,anaximenes as disciple and successor4 ,diogenes1 likewise his hearer1 arose and ,anaxagoras who taught that the divine mind was the author of all things that we see4 ,to him succeeded his pupil ,archelaus1 whose disciple is said to have been ,socrates1 the master of ,plato1 who1 according to ,apuleius1 was first called ,aristotle1 but then ,plato from his breadth of chest1 and was borne aloft to such height of philosophy1 by vigour of genius1 by assiduity of study1 by graciousness in all his ways1 and by sweetness and force of eloquence1 that1 as if seated on the throne of wisdom1 he has seemed to command by a certain ordained authority the philosophers before and after him4 ,and indeed ,socrates is said to have been the first to have turned universal philosophy to the improvement and ordering of manners2 since before him all had devoted themselves chiefly to physics1 that is to examining the things of nature0 7,polycraticus1 vii4 #e2 ,migne #aii1 col4 #fdc74 #bfe 8,the most excellent man concluded his oration1 and by the power of the blessed ,peter absolved all who had taken the vow to go1 and by the same apostolic authority confirmed it2 and he instituted a suitable sign of this so honourable vow2 and as a badge of soldiering 7or knighthood71 or rather1 of being about to soldier1 for ,god1 he took the mark of the ,lord's ,passion1 the figure of a cross1 made from material of any kind of cloth1 and ordered it to be sewed upon the tunics and cloaks of those about to go4 ,but if any one1 after receiving this sign1 or after making open promise1 should draw back from that good intent1 by base repenting or through affection for his kin1 he ordained that he should be held an outlaw utterly and perpetually1 unless he turn and set himself again to the neglected performance of his pledge4 8,furthermore1 with terrible anathema he damned all who within the term of three years should dare to do ill to the wives1 children1 or property of those setting forth on this journey of ,god4 ,and finally he committed to a certain and praiseworthy man 7a bishop of some city on the ,po1 whose name ,i am sorry never to have found or heard7 the care and regulation of the expedition1 and conferred his own authority upon him over the tribute 787 of ,christian people wherever they should come4 ,whereupon giving his benediction1 in the apostolic manner1 he placed his hands upon him4 ,how sagaciously that one executed the behest1 is shown by the marvellous outcome of so great an undertaking0 7,guibert of ,nogent1 ,gesta ,dei per ,francos1 ii4 #b2 ,migne #aef1 col4 #gjb74 #bff ,hist4 ecclesiastica1 pars iii4 lib4 xii4 cap4 #ad 7,migne #ahh1 col4 #hhi-hib74 8,thomas1 son of ,stephen1 approached the king1 and offering him a mark of gold1 said3 #8,stephen1 son of ,airard1 was my sire1 and all his life he served thy father 7,william the ,conqueror7 on the sea4 ,for him1 borne on his ship1 he conveyed to ,england1 when he proceeded to ,england in order to make war on ,harold4 ,in this manner of service serving him until death he gave him satisfaction1 and honoured with many rewards from him1 he flourished grandly among his people4 ,this privilege1 lord king1 ,i claim of thee1 and the vessel which is called ,white ,ship ,i have ready1 fitted out in the best manner for royal needs4' ,to whom the king said3 #8,i grant your petition4 ,for myself indeed ,i have selected a proper ship1 which ,i shall not change2 but my sons1 ,william and ,richard1 whom ,i cherish as myself1 with much nobility of my realm1 ,i commend now to thee4' 8,hearing these words the sailors were merry1 and bowing down before the king's son1 asked of him wine to drink4 ,he ordered three measures of wine to be given them4 ,receiving these they drank and pledged their comrades' health abundantly1 and with deep potations became drunk4 ,at the king's order many barons with their sons went aboard the ship1 and there were about three hundred1 as ,i opine1 in that fatal bark4 ,then two monks of ,tiron1 and ,count ,stephen with two knights1 also ,william of ,rolmar1 and ,rabellus the chamberlain1 and ,edward of ,salisbury1 and a number of others1 went out from it1 because they saw such a crowd of wanton showy youth aboard4 ,and fifty tried rowers were there and insolent marines1 who having seized seats in the ship were brazening it1 forgetting themselves through drunkenness1 and showed respect for scarcely any one4 ,alas6 how many of them had minds void of pious devotion toward ,god6--#8,who tempers the exceeding rages of the sea and air4' ,and so the priests1 who had gone up there to bless them1 and the other ministrants who bore the holy water1 they drove away with derision and loud guffaws2 but soon after they paid the penalty of their mocking4 8,only men1 with the king's treasure and the vessels holding the wine1 filled the keel of ,thomas2 and they pressed him eagerly to follow the royal fleet which was already cutting the waves4 ,and he himself1 because he was silly from drink1 trusted in his skill and that of his satellites1 and rashly promised to outstrip all who were now ahead of him4 ,then he gave the word to put to sea4 ,at once the sailors snatched their oars1 and glad for another reason because they did not know what hung before their eyes1 they adjusted their tackle1 and made the ship start over the sea with a great bound4 ,now while the drunken rowers were putting forth all their strength1 and the wretched pilot was paying slack attention to steering his course over the gulf1 upon a great rock which daily is uncovered by the ebbing wave and again is covered when the sea is at flood1 the left side of ,white ,ship struck violently1 and with two timbers smashed1 all unexpectedly the ship1 alas6 was capsized4 ,all cried out together in such a catastrophe2 but the water quickly filling their mouths1 they perished alike4 ,two only cast their hands upon the boom from which hung the sail1 and clinging to it a great part of the night1 waited for some aid4 ,one was a butcher of ,rouen named ,berold1 and the other a well-born lad named ,geoffrey1 son of ,gislebert of ,aquila4 8,the moon was then at its nineteenth in the sign of the ,bull1 and lighted the earth for nearly nine hours with its beams1 making the sea bright for navigators4 ,captain ,thomas after his first submersion regained his strength1 and bethinking himself1 pushed his head above the waves1 and seeing the heads of those clinging to some piece of wood1 asked1 #8,what has become of the king's son8' ,when the shipwrecked answered that he had perished with all his companions1 #8,miserable1' said he1 #8is my life henceforth4' ,saying this1 and evilly despairing1 he chose to sink there1 rather than meet the fury of the king enraged for the destruction of his child1 or undergo long punishment in chains40 #bfg ,post1 ,chapter ,,xli4 #bfh ,opus majus1 pars i4 cap4 #f4 #bfi ,op4 maj4 ii4 cap4 #ad4 #bgj ,op4 maj4 iii4 #a4 #bga ,op4 maj4 ii4 #ad4 #bgb ,for translation see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxiv4 #bgc ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxviii4 #bgd ,itinerarium mentis in ,deum1 ,prologus1 #b4 #bge ,ibid4 cap4 vii4 #f4 ,for translations see post1 ,chapter ,,xxxviii4 #bgf ,vita prima1 cap4 xi4 ,translated ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #dbg1 note #a4 #bgg ,spec4 perfectionis1 ed4 ,sabatier1 cap4 #ec4 ,translated ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #dbg4 #bgh ,ibid4 cap4 #ic4 ,translated ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #dcb4 #bgi ,cap4 li41 ed4 ,graesse4 8,annunciation ,sunday 7,advent7 is so called1 because on that day by an angel the advent of the ,son of ,god in the flesh was announced1 for it was fitting that the angelical annunciation should precede the incarnation1 for a threefold reason4 ,for the first reason1 of betokening the order1 that to wit the order of reparation should answer to the order of transgression4 ,accordingly as the devil tempted the woman1 that he should draw her to doubt and through doubt to consent and through consent to fall1 so the angel announced to the ,virgin1 that by announcing he should arouse her to faith and through faith to consent and through consent to conceiving ,god's son4 ,for the second reason1 of the angelic ministry1 because since the angel is ,god's minister and servant1 and the blessed ,virgin was chosen in order that she might be ,god's mother1 and it is fitting that the minister should serve the mistress1 so it was proper that the annunciation to the blessed ,virgin should take place through an angel4 ,for the third reason1 of repairing the angelical fall4 ,because since the incarnation was made not only for the reparation of the human fall1 but also for the reparation of the angelical catastrophe1 therefore the angels ought not to be excluded4 ,accordingly as the sex of the woman does not exclude her from knowledge of the mystery of the incarnation and resurrection1 so also neither the angelical messenger4 ,behold1 ,god twice announces to a woman by a mediating angel1 to wit the incarnation to the ,virgin ,mary and the resurrection to the ,magdalene40 ,the order of the ,latin words is scarcely changed in the translation4 #bhj ,in order that no reader may be surprised by the absence of discussion of the antique antecedents of the more particular genres of mediaeval poetry 7,latin and ,vernacular71 ,i would emphasize the impossibility of entering upon such exhaustless topics4 ,probably the very general assumption will be correct in most cases1 that genres of mediaeval poetry 7e4g4 the ,conflicts or ,dbats in ,latin and ,old ,french7 revert to antecedents sufficiently marked for identification1 in the antique ,latin 7or ,greek7 poetry1 or in the 7extant or lost7 productions of the 8low0 ,latin period from the third century downward4 ,an idea of the difficulty and range of such matters may be gained from ,jeanroy1 ,les ,origines de la posie lyrique en ,france au moyen ge 7,paris1 #ahhi71 and the admirable review of this work by ,gaston ,paris in the ,journal des savants for #ahia and #ahib 7four articles74 ,cf4 also ,batiouchkof in ,romania1 xx4 7#ahia71 pages #a sqq4 and #eac sqq4 #bha ,cf4 ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage of the ,middle ,ages1 chap4 ix4 #bhb ,there is much verse from noted men1 ,alcuin1 ,paulus ,diaconus1 ,walafrid ,strabo1 ,rabanus ,maurus1 ,theodulphus4 ,it is all to be found in the collection of ,dmmler and ,traube1 ,poetae ,latini aevi ,carolini 7,mon4 ,germ4 #ahhj-ahif74 #bhc ,it is amusing to find a poem by ,walafrid ,strabo turning up as a favourite among sixteenth-century humanists4 ,the poem referred to1 8,de cultura hortorum0 7,poet4 ,lat4 aev4 ,car4 ii4 #cce-cej71 is a poetic treatment of gardening1 reminiscent of the ,georgics1 but not imitating their structure4 ,it has many allusions to pagan mythology4 #bhd ,post1 p4 #aic sqq4 #bhe ,ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #adg4 #bhf ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xi41 ,,iii4 #bhg ,the following leonine hexameters are attributed to ,donizo3 8,chrysopolis dudum ,graecorum dicitur usu1 ,aurea sub lingua sonat haec ,urbs esse ,latina1 ,scilicet ,urbs ,parma1 quia grammatica manet alta1 ,artes ac septem studiose sunt ibi lectae40 ,muratori1 ,antiquitates1 iii4 p4 #iab4 #bhh ,william was a few years older than ,donizo1 and died about the year #aajj4 ,his hero is ,robert ,guiscard1 and his poem closes with this bid for the favour of his son1 ,roger3 8,nostra1 ,rogere1 tibi cognoscis carmina scribi1 ,mente tibi laeta studuit parere ,poeta3 ,semper et auctores hilares meruere datores2 ,tu duce ,romano ,dux dignior ,octaviano1 ,sis mihi1 quaeso1 boni spes1 ut fuit ille ,maroni40 ,muratori1 ,scriptores1 v4 #bdg-bdh4 #bhi ,muratori1 ,script4 v4 #djg-deg4 #bij ,muratori1 ,script4 vi4 #aaj-afa2 also in ,migne4 #bia ,written at the close of the twelfth century4 ,on these people see ,ronca1 ,cultura medioevale e poesia ,latina d' ,italia 7,rome1 #ahib74 #bib ,muratori1 vii4 pp4 #cdi-dhb2 ,waitz1 ,mon4 ,germ4 xxii4 #a-cch4 ,godfrey lived from about #aabj to the close of the century4 ,the ,pantheon was completed in #aahe4 ,cf4 ,l4 ,delisle1 ,instructions du comit des travaux historiques1 etc42 ,littrature latine1 p4 #da 7,paris1 #ahij74 #bic ,matthaei ,vindocinensis ars versificatoria1 ,l4 ,bourgain 7,paris1 #ahgi74 #bid ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,,iii4 #bie ,text from ,haurau1 ,les ,mlanges poetiques d',hildebert de ,lavardin1 p4 #fj3 also in ,notices des manuscrits de la bib4 nat4 t4 #bh1 #bnd part 7#ahgh71 p4 #cca4 #bif ,haurau gives a critical text of the ,carmen ad ,astralabium filium1 in ,notices et extraits1 etc41 #cd1 part ii41 p4 #aec sqq4 ,other not unpleasing instances of elegiac verse are afforded by the poems of ,baudri1 ,abbot of ,bourgueil 7d4 #aacj74 ,they are occasional and fugitive pieces--nugae1 if we will4 ,see ,l4 ,delisle1 ,romania1 i4 #bb-ej4 #big ,the substance of this poem has been given ante1 ,chapter ,,xxix4 ,on ,alanus see also post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,,iii4 #bih ,it is printed in ,migne #bji4 ,cf4 post1 p4 #bcj1 note #a4 #bii ,the ,ligurinus is printed in tome #bab of ,migne's ,patrol4 ,lat4 ,on its author see ,pannenborg1 ,forschungen zur deutschen ,geschichte1 ,band ii4 pp4 #afa-cja1 and ,band xiii4 pp4 #bbe-cca 7,gttingen1 #ahga and #ahgc74 #cjj ,alanus de ,insulis1 ,de planctu naturae 7,migne #baj1 col4 #ddg74 ,a translation of the work has been made by ,d4 ,m4 ,moffat 7,new ,york1 #aijh74 ,for other examples of ,sapphic and ,alcaic verses see ,haurau in ,notices et extraits1 etc41 #ca 7#b71 p4 #afe sqq4 #cja ,wilhelm ,meyer1 a leading authority upon mediaeval ,latin verse-structure1 derives the principle of a like number of syllables in every line from eastern ,semitic influence upon the early ,christians4 ,see ,fragmenta ,burana 7,berlin1 #aija71 pp4 #aea1 #aff4 ,that may have had its effect2 but ,i do not see the need of any cause from afar to account for the syllabic regularity of ,latin accentual verse4 #cjb ,again ,wilhelm ,meyer's view3 see l4c4 and the same author's 8,anfnge der latein4 und griech4 rhythmischen ,dichtung10 ,abhand4 der ,bairish4 ,akad4 ,philos41 philol4 ,klasse1 #ahhf4 #cjc ,poet4 ,lat4 aev4 ,car4 i4 #aaf4 ,cf4 ,ebert1 ,gesch4 etc4 ii4 #hf4 ,for similar verses see those on the battle at ,fontanetum 7,a4,d4 #hda71 ,poet4 ,lat4 aev4 ,car4 ii4 #ach1 and the carmen against the town of ,aquilegia1 ibid4 p4 #aej4 #cjd ,cf4 ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 pp4 #bbg1 #bbh4 #cje ,traube1 ,poetae ,lat4 aevi ,car4 iii4 p4 #gca4 ,cf4 ,ebert1 ,gesch4 etc4 ii4 #afi and #cbe4 #cjf ,poet4 ,lat4 aev4 ,car4 iii4 #gcc4 #cjg ,du ,meril1 ,posies populaires latines1 i4 #djj4 ,perhaps the most successful attempt to write hexameters containing rhymes or assonances is the twelfth-century poem of ,bernard ,morlanensis1 a monk of ,cluny1 beginning with the famous lines3 8,hora novissima1 tempora pessima sunt1 vigilemus4 ,ecce minaciter imminet arbiter ille supremus40 ,bernardi ,morlanensis1 ,de contemptu mundi1 ed4 by ,thos4 ,wright1 ,master of the ,rolls ,series1 vol4 #ei 7ii471 #ahgb4 ,bernard says in his ,preface1 as to his measures3 8,id genus metri1 tum dactylum continuum exceptis finalibus1 tum etiam sonoritatem leonicam servans44440 #cjh 8,carmina ,mutinensia10 ,poet4 ,lat4 aev4 ,car4 iii4 #gjc4 ,the poem has forty-two lines1 of which the above are the first four4 ,the usual date assigned is #ibd1 but ,traube in ,poet4 aev4 ,car4 has put it back to #hib4 #cji ,see further text and discussion in ,traube1 8,o ,roma nobilis10 ,abhand4 ,bairish4 ,akad4 ,philos41 philol4 ,klasse1 #ahia4 #caj ,the verbal ,sequence or prosa was thus a species of trope4 ,tropes were interpolations or additions to the older text of the ,liturgy4 ,the ,sequences were the tropes appended to the last ,alleluia of the ,gradual1 the psalm chanted in the celebration of the ,mass1 between the reading of the ,epistle and the ,gospel4 ,cf4 ,leon ,gautier1 ,posie liturgique au moyen ge1 chap4 iii4 7,paris1 #ahhf72 ibid4 uvres potiques d',adam de ,saint-,victor1 p4 #bha sqq4 7#crd ed41 ,paris1 #ahid74 #caa ,on the ,sequence see ,leon ,gautier1 ,posie liturgique au moyen ge 7,paris1 #ahhf71 passim1 and especially the comprehensive summary in the notes from p4 #aed to p4 #aei4 ,also see ,schubiger1 ,die ,sngerschule ,st4 ,gallus 7#aheh71 in which many of ,notker's ,sequences are given with the music2 also v4 ,winterfeld1 8,die ,dichterschule ,st4 ,gallus und ,reichenau10 ,neue ,jahrbcher f4 d4 klassisch4 ,altertum1 ,bd4 v4 7#aijj71 p4 #cda sqq4 ,the present writer has found ,wilhelm ,meyer's ,fragmenta ,burana 7,berlin1 #aija7 most suggestive2 and in all matters pertaining to mediaeval ,latin verse-forms1 use has been made of the same writer's exhaustive study3 8,ludus de ,antichristo und ber lat4 ,rythmen10 ,sitzungsber4 ,bairisch4 ,akad4 ,philos41 philol4 ,klasse1 #ahhb4 ,see also ,ch4 ,thurot1 8,notices1 etc41 de divers ,,mss4 latins pour servir l'histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen ge10 in vol4 xxii4 7#b7 of ,notices et extraits des ,,mss4 pp4 #dag-deg4 #cab 8,may our trumpet be guided mightily by ,god's right hand1 and may ,he hear our prayers with gentle and tranquil ear3 for our praise will be accepted if what we sing with the voice a pure conscience sings likewise4 ,and that we may be able1 let us all beseech divine aid to be always present with us4444 ,o good ,king1 kind1 just1 and pitying1 who art the way and the door1 unlock the gates of the kingdom for us1 we beg1 and pardon our offences1 that we may praise thy name now and through all the ages40 #cac ,g4 ,m4 ,dreves1 8,die ,prosen der ,abtei ,st4 ,martial zu ,limoges10 p4 #ei 7vol4 vii4 of ,dreves's ,analecta hymnica medii aevi2 ,leipzig1 #ahhi74 8,let every band sing with fount renewed and the ,spirit's grace with joyful praise and clear mind4 ,now is made good the tenth part 7i4e4 the fallen angels71 undone by fault2 and thus that celestial casting out is made good in divine praise4 ,lo6 the bright day of the ,lord gleams through the broad spaces of the world3 in which all the redeemed people exult because everlasting death is destroyed40 #cad ,published by ,boucherie1 8,mlanges ,latins1 etc410 ,revue des langues romanes1 t4 vii4 7#ahge71 p4 #ce4 8,alleluia6 ,o flock1 proclaim joy2 with melodious praise utter deeds divine now fixed by revealed doctrine4 ,through the great sacrifice of ,christ thou art liberated from death2 the gates of hell destroyed1 opened are heaven's doors4 ,now ,he rules all things celestial and terrestrial by eternal power2 wherein by the ,father's authority ,he gives judgment always just40 #cae ,see ,gautier1 ,posie liturgique1 p4 #adg sqq4 ,it came somewhat earlier in ,italy4 ,see ,ronca1 ,cultura medioevale1 etc41 p4 #cdh sqq4 7,rome1 #ahib74 #caf ,while ,sequences may be called hymns1 all hymns are not ,sequences4 ,for the hymn is the general term designating a verbal composition sung in praise of ,god or ,his saints4 ,a ,sequence then would be a hymn having a peculiar history and a certain place in the ,liturgy4 #cag ,contained in ,migne #agh1 col4 #agga sqq4 ,they have not been properly edited or even fully published4 #cah ,reference should also be made to the six laments 7planctus7 composed by ,abaelard 7,migne #agh1 col4 #ahag-ahbc74 ,they are powerful elegies1 and exhibit a richness and variety of poetic measures4 ,it may be mentioned that the pure two-syllable rhyme is found in hymns ascribed to ,saint ,bernard4 #cai ,leon ,gautier1 the editor of the uvres potiques d',adam de ,saint-,victor1 in his third edition of #ahid1 has thrown out from among ,adam's poems our first and third examples4 ,on ,adam see ante1 ,chapter ,,xxix41 ,,ii4 #cbj ,gautier1 uvres potiques d',adam de ,saint-,victor1 i4 #agd4 #cba ,gautier1 o4c4 #crd edition1 p4 #hg4 #cbb ,gautier1 o4c4 #ast edition1 i4 #bja4 #cbc ,did the ,sequence exert an influence upon ,hrotsvitha1 the tiresome but unquestionably immortal nun of ,gandersheim1 who flourished in the middle and latter part of the tenth century8 ,she wrote narrative poems1 like the ,gesta ,ottonis 7,otto ,i47 in leonine hexameters4 ,her pentameter lines also commonly have a word in the middle rhyming with the last syllable of the line4 ,but it is in those famous pious plays of hers1 formed after the models of ,terence1 that we may look for a kind of writing corresponding to that which was to progress to clearer form in the ,sequence4 ,without discussing to what extent the ,latin of these plays may be called rhythmical1 one or two things are clear4 ,it is filled with assonances and rude rhymes1 usually of one syllable4 ,it has no clear verse-structure1 and the utterances of the dramatis personae apparently observe no regularity in the number of syllables1 such as lines of verse require4 #cbd ,for these and other songs1 written after the manner of ,sequences1 see ,du ,meril1 ,posies pop4 lat4 i4 p4 #bgc sqq4 ,they are also printed by ,piper in ,nachtrge zur lteren deutschen ,lit4 7,deutsche ,nat4 ,lit47 p4 #bjf sqq4 and p4 #bcd sqq4 ,see also ,w4 ,meyer1 ,fragmenta ,burana1 p4 #agd sqq4 and ,ebert1 ,allgemeine ,gesch4 etc4 ii4 #cdc sqq4 #cbe ,du ,meril1 ibid4 i4 p4 #bhe4 #cbf ,wil4 ,meyer1 ,fragmenta ,burana1 p4 #ahj4 #cbg ,the best text of the 8,phillidis et ,florae altercatio0 is ,haurau's in ,notices et extraits1 #cb 7#a71 p4 #bei sqq4 ,the same article has some other disputes or causae1 e4g4 causa pauperis scholaris cum presbytero1 p4 #bhi4 #cbh ,du ,meril1 ,posies pop4 lat4 ii4 p4 #ajh sqq4 ,the piece is a cento1 and its tone changes and becomes brutal further on4 ,the poems1 from which are taken the preceding citations1 are to be found in ,wright's ,latin ,poems commonly attributed to ,walter ,mapes 7,london1 #ahda1 ,camden ,society72 ,carmina ,burana1 ed4 ,j4 ,a4 ,schmeller2 8,gedichte auf ,k4 ,friedrich ,i4 7archipoeta710 in vol4 iii4 of ,grimm's ,kleinere ,schriften4 ,cf4 also ,hubatsch1 ,die lateinischen ,vagantenlieder 7,gorlitz1 #ahgj74 ,the best texts of many of these and other 8,carmina ,burana10 and such like poems1 are to be found in the contributions of ,haurau to the ,notices et extraits1 etc42 especially in tome #bi 7#b71 pp4 #bca-cfh2 tome #ca 7#a71 p4 #ea sqq4 #cbi ,ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #ade4 #ccj ,ante1 ,chapter ,,ix41 ,,ii4 and ,,iii4 #cca ,for generous samples of it1 see ,geistliche ,lit4 des ,mittelalters1 ed4 ,p4 ,piper 7,deutsche ,national ,literatur74 #ccb ,for this novel1 a ,greek original is usually assumed2 but the ,middle ,ages had it only in a sixth-century ,latin version4 ,it was copied in ,jourdain de ,blaie1 a chanson de geste4 ,see ,hagen1 ,der ,roman von ,knig ,apollonius in seinen verschiedenen ,bearbeitungen 7,berlin1 #ahgh74 ,the other ,greek novels doubtless would have been as popular had the ,middle ,ages known them4 ,in fact1 the ,ethiopica of ,heliodorus1 and others of these novels1 did become popular enough through translations in the sixteenth century4 #ccc ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor says in the twelfth century3 8,apud gentiles primus ,darhes ,phrygius ,trojanam historiam edidit1 quam in foliis palmarum ab eo scriptam esse ferunt0 7,erud4 didas4 iii4 cap4 #c2 ,migne #agf1 col4 #gfg74 ,on the ,trojan origin of the ,franks1 ,britons1 and other peoples1 see ,joly in his 8,benoit de ,st4 ,more et le ,roman de ,troie10 pp4 #fjf-fce 7,mem4 de la ,soc4 des ,antiquaires de ,normandie1 vol4 vii4 #cme ser41 #ahfi72 also ,graf1 ,roma nella memoria1 etc41 del medio aevo4 ,the ,trojan origin of the ,franks was a commonplace in the early ,middle ,ages1 see e4g4 ,aimoinus of ,fleury in beginning of his ,historia ,francorum1 ,migne #aci1 col4 #fcg4 ,on ,dares the ,phrygian and ,dictys the ,cretan see 8,dares and ,dictys10 ,n4 ,e4 ,griffin 7,johns ,hopkins ,studies1 ,baltimore1 #aijg72 ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 pp4 #dj and #cfj 7authorities72 also1 generally1 ,l4 ,constans1 8,l'pope antique10 in ,petit de ,julleville's ,histoire de la langue et de la littrature franaise1 vol4 i4 7,paris1 #ahif74 #ccd ,joseph of ,exeter or de ,iscano1 as he is called1 at the close of the twelfth century composed a ,latin poem in six books of hexameters entitled ,de bello ,trojano4 ,it is one of the best mediaeval productions in that metre4 ,the author followed ,dares1 but his diction shows a study of ,virgil1 ,ovid1 ,statius1 and ,claudian4 ,see ,j4 ,j4 ,jusserand1 ,de ,josepho ,exoniensi vel ,iscano 7,paris1 #ahgg72 ,a4 ,sarradin1 ,de ,josepho ,iscano1 ,belli ,trojani1 etc4 7,versailles1 #ahgh74 #cce ,eneas1 ed4 by ,salverda de ,grave 7,halle1 #ahia71 lines #gheg-ibfb4 #ccf ,roman de ,troie1 #ebeg-ebgj1 ed4 ,joly2 8,benoit de ,st4 ,more et le ,roman de ,troie1 etc410 ,mem4 de la ,soc4 des ,antiquaires de ,normandie1 vol4 vii4 #cme ser41 #ahfi4 ,on its sources see also ,l4 ,constans1 in ,petit de ,julleville's ,hist4 de la langue et de la litt4 franaise1 vol4 i4 pp4 #ahh-bbj4 #ccg ,roman de ,troie1 #acbce sqq4 #cch ,the ,roman de ,thebes1 the third of these large poems1 is temperate in the adaptation and extension of its theme4 ,its ten thousand or more lines of eight-syllable rhyming verse are no longer than the ,thebaid of ,statius1 and as a narrative make quite as interesting reading4 ,statius1 who lived under ,domitian1 was a poet of considerable skill1 but with no genius for the construction of an epic4 ,his work reads well in patches1 but does not move4 ,several books are taken up with getting the ,argive army in motion1 and when the reader and ,jove himself are wearied1 it moves on--to the next halt4 ,and so forth through the whole twelve books4 ,see ,nisard1 tudes sur les potes latins de la dcadence1 vol4 i4 p4 #bfa sqq4 7#bnd ed41 ,paris1 #ahdi72 ,pichon1 ,hist4 de la litt4 lat4 p4 #fjf 7#bnd ed41 ,paris1 #ahih74 ,the ,roman de ,thebes was not drawn directly from the work of ,statius1 but through the channels1 apparently1 of intervening prose compendia4 ,it also evidently drew from other works1 as it contains matters not found in ,statius's ,thebaid4 ,it is easy1 if not inspiring reading4 ,the style is clear1 and the narrative moves4 ,of course it presents a general mediaevalizing of the manners of ,statius's somewhat fustian antique heroes2 it introduces courtly love 7e4g4 the love between ,parthonopeus and ,antigone1 lines #cgic sqq471 mediaeval commonplaces1 and feudal customs4 ,it drops the antique conception of accursed fate as a fundamental motive of the plot1 substituting in its place the varied play of romantic and chivalric sentiment4 ,leopold ,constans has made the ,roman de ,thebes his own4 ,having followed the story of ,oedipus through the ,middle ,ages in his ,lgende d'dipe1 etc4 7,paris1 #ahha7 he has corrected some of his views in his critical edition of the poem1 8,le ,roman de ,thbes10 #b vols41 #ahij 7,soc4 des anciens textes franais71 and has treated the same matters more popularly in ,petit de ,julleville's ,hist4 de la langue et de la litt4 franaise1 vol4 i4 pp4 #agj-ahh4 ,these works fully discuss the sources1 date1 and language of the poem1 and the later redactions in prose and verse through ,europe4 #cci ,on ,pseudo-,callisthenes see ,paul ,meyer1 ,alexandre le ,grand dans la littrature franaise du moyen ge 7,paris1 #ahhf72 ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 etc41 pp4 #ch and #cfj4 ,in the last quarter of the twelfth century ,walter of ,lille1 called also ,walter of ,chatillon1 wrote his ,alexandreis in ten books of easy-flowing hexameters4 ,it is printed in ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #bji1 col4 #dfc-egb4 ,cf4 ante1 page #aib4 ,his work shows that a mediaeval scholar-poet could reproduce a historical theme quite soberly4 ,his poem was read by other bookmen2 but the ,alexander of the ,middle ,ages remained the ,alexander of the fabulous vernacular versions4 #cdj ,see ,gaston ,paris1 8,chrtien ,lgouais et autres imitateurs d',ovide10 ,hist4 litt4 de la ,france1 t4 xxix41 pp4 #dee-ebe4 #cda ,the words 8nexum mancipiumque0 are more formal and special than the ,english given above4 #cdb ,the early law had as yet devised no execution against the debtor's property4 #cdc ,the jurisconsults whose opinions were authoritative flourished in the second and third centuries4 ,the great five were ,gaius1 ,julian1 ,papinian1 ,ulpian1 ,paulus4 ,inasmuch as these jurisconsults of the ,empire were members of the ,imperial 7or1 later1 ,praetorian7 ,auditory1 they were judges in a court of last resort1 and their 8responsa0 were decisions of actual cases4 ,they subsequently 8digested0 them in their books4 ,see ,munroe ,smith1 8,problems of ,roman ,legal ,history10 ,columbia ,law ,review1 #aijd1 p4 #ech4 #cdd ,dig4 i4 #a 78,de ,just4 et jure07 #a4 ,see ,savigny1 ,system des heutigen rmischen ,rechts1 i4 p4 #aji sqq4 ,apparently some of the jurists 7e4g4 ,gaius1 ,ins4 i4 #a7 draw no substantial distinctions between the jus naturale and the jus gentium4 ,others seem to distinguish4 ,with the latter1 jus naturale might represent natural or instinctive principles of justice common to all men1 and jus gentium1 the laws and customs which experience had led men to adopt4 ,for instance1 libertas is jure naturali1 while dominatio or servitus is introduced ex gentium jure 7,dig4 i4 #e1 #d2 ,dig4 xii4 #f1 #fd74 ,jus gentium represented common expediency1 but its institutions 7e4g4 servitus7 might or might not accord with natural justice4 ,for manumissio as well as servitus was ex jure gentium 7,dig4 i4 #a1 #d71 and so were common modes and principles of contract4 ,ulpian's notion of the jus naturale as pertaining to all animals1 and jus gentium as belonging to men alone1 was but a catching classification1 and did not represent any commonly followed distinction4 #cde ,constitutio is the more general term1 embracing whatever the emperor announces in writing as a law4 ,the term rescript properly applies to the emperor's written answers to questions addressed to him by magistrates1 and to the decisions of his ,auditory rendered in his name4 #cdf ,for this whole matter1 see vol4 i4 of ,savigny's ,system des heutigen rmischen ,rechts2 ,gaius1 ,institutes1 the opening paragraphs2 and the first two chapters of the first ,book of ,justinian's ,digest4 #cdg ,dig4 i4 #c1 #cb4 #cdh ,dig4 i4 #c1 #aj1 and #ab4 #cdi ,dig4 i4 #c1 #ad4 #cej ,ibid4 #ci4 #cea ,dig4 l4 #ag1 #cj4 #ceb ,dig4 l4 #ag1 #ca4 #cec ,ibid4 #ed4 #ced ,ibid4 #bjb4 #cee ,dig4 l4 #af1 #bd2 ,ibid4 #ag1 #fb4 #cef ,cod4 ,theod4 7ed4 by ,mommsen and ,meyer7 i4 #a1 #e4 #ceg ,with the ,theodosian ,code the word lex1 leges1 begins to be used for the constitutiones or other decrees of a sovereign4 #ceh ,from the constitution directing the compilation of the ,digest1 usually cited as ,deo auctore4 #cei ,the original plan of ,theodosius embraced the project of a ,codex of the jurisprudential law4 ,see his constitution of the year #dbi in ,theod4 ,c4 i4 #a1 #e4 ,had this been carried out1 as it was not1 ,justinian's ,digest would have had a forerunner4 #cfj ,juliani epitome ,latina ,novellarum ,justiniani1 ed4 by ,g4 ,haenel 7,leipzig1 #ahgc74 #cfa ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen und ,lit4 des rm4 ,rechts1 pp4 #dh-ei1 and #afa sqq42 ,mommsen1 ,zeitschrift fr ,rechtsges4 #ba 7#aijj71 ,roman4 ,abteilung1 pp4 #aej-aee4 #cfb ,ed4 by ,bluhme1 ,mon4 ,germ4 leges1 iii4 #egi-fcj4 ,cf4 ,tardif1 ,sources du droit franais1 #abd-abh4 ,a code of ,burgundian law had already been made4 #cfc ,edited by ,haenel1 with the epitomes of it in parallel columns1 under the name of ,lex ,romana ,visigothorum 7,leipzig1 #ahdi74 ,see ,tardif1 o4c4 #abi-adc4 #cfd ,cod4 ,theod4 i4 #d1 #c2 ,brev4 i4 #d1 #a4 #cfe ,on these epitomes and glosses see ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen1 etc41 pp4 #bbb-beb4 ,mention should be made of the ,edict of ,theodoric the ,ostrogoth1 a piece of legislation contemporary with the ,breviarium and the ,papianus4 ,in pursuance of ,theodoric's policy of amalgamating ,goths and ,romans1 the ,edict was made for both 7,barbari ,romanique74 ,its sources were substantially the same as those of the ,breviarium1 except that ,gaius was not used4 ,the sources are not given verbatim1 but their contents are restated1 often quite bunglingly4 ,naturally a ,teutonic influence runs through this short and incomplete code1 which contains more criminal than private law4 ,no further reference need be made to it because its influence practically ceased with the reconquest of ,italy by ,justinian4 ,it is edited by ,bluhme1 in ,mon4 ,ger4 leges1 v4 #ade-afi4 ,see as to it1 ,savigny1 ,geschichte des rm4 ,rechts1 ii4 #agb-aha2 ,salvioli1 ,storia del diritto italiano1 #crd ed41 pp4 #de-dg4 #cff ,cf4 ,brunner1 ,deutsche ,rechtsgeschichte1 i4 p4 #aji sqq4 #cfg ,for the characteristics and elements of early ,teutonic law see ,brunner1 ,deutsche ,rechtsgeschichte1 ,bd4 i4 #cfh ,see ,brunner1 ,deutsche ,rechtsgeschichte1 i4 p4 #bed sqq41 and #cch-cdj4 #cfi 8,adversus ,gundobadi legem10 c4 #d 7,mon4 ,germ4 leges1 iii4 #ejd74 ,as to ,agobard see ante1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #bcb4 #cgj ,the matter is suggested here only in its general aspects4 ,the details present every kind of complication 7for some purposes to-day a court will apply the law of the litigant's domicile74 ,the professio 7professus sum or professa sum71 by which a man or woman formally declares by what law he or she lives1 remained common in ,italy for five centuries after ,pippin's conquest1 and indicates the legal situation there1 especially of the ,teutonic newcomers4 #cga ,one sees an analogy in the fortunes of the ,bothian translations of the more advanced treatises of ,aristotle's ,organon4 ,they fell into disuse 7or never came into use7 and so were 8lost0 until they came to light1 i4e4 into use1 in the last part of the twelfth century4 #cgb ,see ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen1 pp4 #ahb-ahg4 #cgc ,see ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen1 etc41 pp4 #afb-aff1 #afh-ahb1 #aib-bjb1 #bdj-beb4 #cgd ,see ,salvioli1 ,storia di diritto italiano1 #crd ed41 #ahii1 pp4 #hd-ij2 ibid4 ,l' ,istruzione pubblica in ,italia nei secoli ,,viii4 ,,ix4 ,x42 ,tardif1 ,hist4 des sources du droit franais1 p4 #bha sqq42 ,savigny1 ,geschichte1 etc41 iv4 pp4 #a-i2 ,fitting1 8,zur ,geschichte der ,rechtswissenschaft im ,mittelalter10 ,zeitschrift fr ,rges4 ,sav4 ,stift41 ,roman4 ,abteil41 ,bd4 vi41 #ahhe1 pp4 #id-ahf2 ibid4 ,juristische ,schriften des frheren ,mittelalters1 #ajh sqq4 7,halle1 #ahgf74 #cge ,a contemporary notice speaks of the enormous number of judges1 lawyers1 and notaries in ,milan about the year #ajjj4 ,salvioli1 ,l' ,istruzione pubblica1 etc41 p4 #gh4 ,it is hard to imagine that no legal instruction could be had there4 #cgf ,the evidence is gathered in different parts of ,savigny's ,geschichte4 #cgg ,de parentelae gradibus1 see ,savigny1 ,geschichte1 ,bd4 iv4 p4 #a sqq4 #cgh ,see ,savigny1 ,geschichte1 ,bd4 ii4 pp4 #acd-afc 7the text is published in an ,appendix to that volume1 pp4 #cba-dbh72 ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen1 etc41 pp4 #dbj-edi2 ,tardif1 ,hist4 des sources du droit franais1 pp4 #bac-bdf4 #cgi ,this follows the so-called ,tbingen ,,mss41 the largest immediate source of the ,petrus4 ,as well-nigh the entire substance of the ,petrus is drawn from the immediately prior compilations 7which are still unpublished7 its characteristics are really theirs4 #chj ,apparently the chief magistrate of ,valence3 8,valentinae civitatis magistro magnifico40 #cha ,petri exceptiones1 iii4 #fi4 #chb ,petrus1 i4 #ff4 #chc ,see ,conrat1 ,ges4 der ,quellen1 etc41 #eej-ehb2 ,tardif1 ,hist4 des sources1 etc41 pp4 #bjg-bac2 ,fitting1 ,zeitschrift fr ,rges4 ,bd4 vi4 p4 #ada4 ,it is edited by ,bocking 7,berlin1 #ahbi7 under the title of ,corpus legum sive ,brachylogus juris civilis4 #chd ,for instance1 ,brach4 ii4 #ab1 8,de juris et facti ignorantia10 is short and clear4 ,it follows mainly ,digest xxii4 #f4 #che ,summa ,codicis des ,irnerius1 ed4 by ,fitting 7,berlin1 #ahid74 ,see ,introduction1 and also ,fitting in ,zeitschrift fr ,rechtsgeschichte1 ,bd4 xvii4 7#ahif71 ,romanische ,abteilung1 pp4 #a-if4 #chf ,cf4 ,summa ,codicis ,irnerii1 vii4 #bc1 and vii4 #ca4 #a4 #chg ,summa ,codicis ,irnerii1 i4 #ad4 ,the corresponding passages in ,justinian's ,codification are ,dig4 i4 #c1 lex #ab and #ch1 and ,codex vii4 #de1 lex #ac4 #chh ,summa ,codicis ,irnerii1 vii4 #bb and #bc4 ,the chief ,justinianean sources are ,dig4 xli4 #b1 and ,cod4 xii4 #cb4 #chi ,see ,salvioli1 ,manuale1 etc41 pp4 #fe-fh2 ibid4 ,l' ,istruzione pubblica in ,italia1 pp4 #gb-ge2 ,brunner1 ,deutsche ,rechtsgeschichte1 i4 p4 #chg sqq4 #cij ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 ,i4 #cia ,the ,bologna school is commonly called the school of the glossators4 ,their work was to expound the law of ,justinian2 and their glosses1 or explanatory notes1 were the part of their writings which had the most permanent influence4 ,the glosses were originally written between the lines or on the margins of the codices of the ,digest1 ,codex1 ,novels1 and ,institutes4 #cib ,savigny gives examples of ,irnerius's glosses in an appendix to the fourth volume of his ,geschichte4 ,pescatore 7,die ,glossen des ,irnerius1 ,greifswald1 #ahhh7 maintains that ,savigny overstates the difference between the interlinear and the marginal glosses of ,irnerius4 #cic ,on ,placentinus see ,savigny1 ,geschichte1 iv4 pp4 #bdd-bhe4 #cid ,proemium to ,de var4 actionum1 given by ,savigny1 iv4 p4 #edj4 #cie ,this is from the proemium attached to one old edition1 and is given in ,sav4 ,ges4 iv4 p4 #bde4 ,in an appendix1 p4 #edb1 ,savigny gives an even more florid proemium to the ,summa ,codicis from a manuscript4 #cif ,on ,azo1 see ,savigny1 ,ges4 v4 pp4 #a-dd4 #cig ,quoted by ,savigny4 ,on ,accursius see ,sav4 ,ges4 v4 pp4 #bfb-cje4 #cih ,on ,bartolus see ,savigny1 ,ges4 etc4 vi4 pp4 #acg-ahd4 #cii ,cf4 ,savigny1 ,ges4 v4 pp4 #bbb-bfa4 #djj 8,ecclesia vivit lege ,romana10 ,lex ,ribuaria1 #eh4 ,this was universally recognized1 although the individual clericus might remain amenable to the law of his birth4 #dja ,for these matters see primarily the sixteenth book of the ,theodosian ,code1 and book i4 chap4 #bg4 ,also the suspected ,constitutiones ,sirmondianae attached to that ,code4 ,justinian's ,codex and ,novellae add much4 ,zorn1 in his ,kirchenrecht1 p4 #bi sqq41 gives a convenient synopsis of the matter4 #djb ,one observes that the opening chapter of ,justinian's ,digest speaks of jurisprudentia as knowledge of divine as well as human matters4 #djc ,decretum1 i4 dist4 viii4 c4 i4 #djd ,decretum1 i4 dist4 ix4 c4 xi42 see ibid4 dist4 xiii41 opening4 #dje ,tardif1 ,sources du droit canonique1 p4 #age sqq41 has been chiefly followed here4 #djf ,on the above matters see 7with the authorities and bibliographies therein given7 ,maasen1 ,geschichte der ,quellen1 etc41 der canonischen ,rechts 7,bd4 i41 to the middle of the ninth century72 ,tardif1 ,sources du droit canonique 7,paris1 #ahhg72 ,zorn1 ,lehrbuch des ,kirchenrechts 7,stuttgart1 #ahhh72 ,gerlach1 ,lehrbuch des catholischen ,kirchenrechts 7#eth edition1 ,paderborn1 #ahij72 ,hinschius1 ,decretales pseudo-,isidorianae 7,leipzig1 #ahfc72 ,corpus juris canonici1 ed4 by ,friedberg 7,leipzig1 #ahgi-ahha74 #djg ,jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts embraced marriage and divorce1 wills and inheritance1 and1 by virtue of their surveillance of usury and vows and oaths1 practically the whole relationship between debtor and creditor4 #djh ,volume ii4 of ,r4 ,w4 and ,a4 ,j4 ,carlyle's ,history of ,mediaeval ,political ,theory in the ,west 7#aiji7 maintains that the statements of papal pretensions which were incorporated in the recognized collections of ,decretals were less extreme than those emanating from the papacy under stress of controversy4 #dji ,see ,gierke1 ,political ,theories of the ,middle ,ages1 trans4 by ,maitland 7,cambridge1 #aijj71 p4 #bb sqq4 and notes4 ,i would express my indebtedness to this book for these pages on mediaeval political theories4 ,dunning's ,history of ,political ,theories is a convenient outline2 ,carlyle's ,history of ,mediaeval ,political ,theory gives the sources carefully4 #daj ,occasionally studium 7knowledge1 study1 or science7 is introduced as a third part or element of the human community or of human life4 ,thus in the famous statement of ,jordanes of ,osnabrck--the ,romans received the ,sacerdotium1 the ,germans the ,imperium1 the ,french the ,studium4 ,see ,gierke1 ,political ,theories1 p4 #ajd1 note #h4 #daa ,cf4 ,gierke1 o4c4 p4 #aji1 note #af4 ,but compare ,carlyle1 o4c4 vol4 ii4 part ii4 chaps4 vii4-xi4 #dab ,even toward the close of the ,middle ,ages ,marsilius of ,padua was almost alone in positing the absolute supremacy of the ,state1 says ,gierke4 #dac ,see ,gierke1 o4c4 p4 #add1 note #aca1 and compare notes #acb1 #acc1 and #ahc for attacks upon the plenary power of the pope4 #dad ,gierke1 o4c4 pp4 #ca-cb1 and p4 #aci1 notes #ajg and #ajh4 #dae ,dig4 i4 #d1 #a2 ,gierke1 o4c4 p4 #ci and pp4 #adf1 #adg4 #daf ,gierke1 o4c4 p4 #fd4 #dag ,gierke1 o4c4 p4 #agb1 note #bef4 ,cf4 ante1 p4 #bfh4 #dah ,see ,gierke1 o4c4 pp4 #gc-hf1 and corresponding notes4 #dai ,little will be said in these pages of palpable crass heretics like the ,cathari1 for example4 ,the philosophic ideas of such seem gathered from the flotsam and jetsam of the later antique world2 their stock was not of the best1 and bore little interesting fruit for later times4 ,such mediaeval heresies present no continuous evolution like that of the proper scholasticism4 ,progress in philosophy and theology came through academic personages1 who at all events laid claim to orthodoxy4 ,all lines of advance leading on to later phases of philosophic1 scientific1 and religious thought1 lay within the labours of such1 some of whom1 however1 were suspected or even condemned by the ,church1 like ,eriugena1 ,abaelard1 or ,roger ,bacon4 ,but these men did not stand apart from orthodox academic circles1 and were never cast out by the ,church4 ,thought and learning in the ,middle ,ages were domiciled in monastic1 episcopal1 or university circles2 and these were at least conventionally orthodox4 ,it has been said1 to be sure1 that the heresy of one generation becomes the orthodoxy of another2 but this is true only of tendencies like those of ,abaelard1 which represent the gradual expansion and clearing up of scholastic processes4 ,for the time they may be condemned1 perhaps because of the vain and contentious character of the suspected thinker2 but in the end they are recognized as admissible4 ,the ,averroists constitute an apparent exception4 ,yet they were a philosophic and academic sect1 whose heresy consisted in an implicit following of ,aristotle as interpreted by ,averroes4 ,moreover1 they sought to save their orthodoxy by their doctrine of the two kinds of truth1 philosophic and theological or dogmatic4 ,it is not clear that much fruitful thought came from their school4 ,the positions of ,siger de ,brabant1 a prominent ,averroist and contemporary of ,aquinas1 are referred to post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvii4 ,the best account of ,averroism is ,mandonnet's ,siger de ,brabant et l'averroisme latin au ,,xiiie sicle 7a second edition1 ,louvain1 is in preparation74 ,see also ,de ,wulf1 ,hist4 of ,medieval ,philosophy 7#crd4 ed41 ,longmans1 #aiji7 p4 #cgi sqq4 with authorities cited4 #dbj ,called also his ,summa philosophica1 to distinguish it from his ,summa theologiae4 #dba ,summa theologiae1 i4 i41 quaestio i4 art4 #a-h4 #dbb ,post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,i4 #dbc ,even the ,averroists were more mediaeval than ,greek1 inasmuch as they professed to follow ,aristotle implicitly4 ,cf4 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvii41 at the end4 #dbd ,a touch of 8salvation10 or salvation's need1 is on ,plato when his 8philosophy0 becomes a consideration of death 7 7 and a process of growing as like to ,god 7 7 as man can4 ,phaedo1 #hj ,e1 and ,theaetetus1 #agf ,a4 #dbe ,historia calamitatum1 cap4 #i and #aj4 ,cf4 post1 p4 #cjc4 #dbf ,post1 ,chapter ,,xli4 #dbg ,ante1 p4 #bih4 ,i cannot avoid referring to ,abaelard several times before considering the man and his work more specifically1 and in the proper place2 post1 ,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,i4 #dbh ,introductio ad theologiam1 lib4 ii4 7,migne #agh1 col4 #ajci74 #dbi ,see ,denifle1 8,die ,sentenzen ,abaelard's und die ,bearbeitungen seiner ,theologia10 ,archiv fr ,literatur und ,kirchengeschichte1 i4 p4 #djb sqq4 and p4 #ehd sqq4 ,also ,picavet1 8,ablard et ,alexander de ,hales1 crateurs de la mthode scholastique10 ,bib4 de l'cole des hautes tudes1 sciences religieuses1 t4 vii4 p4 #bba sqq4 #dcj ,two extracts1 one from the ,sentences and one from the ,summa1 touching the same matter1 will illustrate the stage in the scholastic process reached by ,peter ,lombard1 about the year #aaej1 and that attained by ,thomas ,aquinas a hundred years later4 ,the ,lombard's ,four ,books of ,sentences are divided into ,distinctiones1 with sub-titles to the latter4 ,distinctio xlvi4 of the first ,book bears the general title3 8,the opinion 7sententia7 declaring that the will of ,god which is himself1 cannot be frustrated1 seems to be opposed by some opinions40 ,the first subdivision of the text begins3 8,here the question rises4 ,for it is said by the authorities above adduced the preceding ,distinctio had discussed 8,the will of ,god which is ,his essence1 one and eternal0 that the will of ,god1 which is himself1 and is called ,his good pleasure 7beneplacitum7 cannot be frustrated1 because by that will fecit quaecumque voluit in caelo et in terra1 which--witness the ,apostle--nihil resistit4 ,i leave the ,scriptural quotations in ,latin1 so as to mark them4 ,it is queried1 therefore1 how one should understand what the ,apostle says concerning the ,lord1 #a ,tim4 #b3 ,qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri4 ,for since all are not saved1 but many are damned1 that which ,god wills to take place1 seems not to take place 7become1 fieri71 the human will obstructing the will of ,god4 ,the ,lord also in the ,gospel reproaching the wicked city1 ,matt1 xxiii41 says3 ,quoties volui congregare filios tuos1 sicut gallina congregat pullos suos sub alis1 et noluisti4 ,thus it might seem from these1 that the will of ,god may be overcome by the will of men1 and1 resisted by the unwillingness of the weakest1 the ,most ,strong may prove unable to do what ,he willed4 ,where then is that omnipotence by which in coelo et terra1 according to the ,prophet1 omnia quaecumque voluit fecit8 ,and how does nothing withstand ,his will1 if ,he wished to gather the children of ,jerusalem1 and did not8 ,for these sayings seem indeed to oppose what has been stated40 ,the second paragraph proceeds3 8,but let us see the solution1 and first hear how what the ,lord said should be understood4 ,for it was not intended to mean 7as ,augustine says1 ,enchiridion1 c4 #ig1 solving this question7 that the ,lord wished to gather the children of ,jerusalem1 and did not do what ,he willed because she would not2 but rather she did not wish her children to be gathered by ,him1 yet in spite of her unwillingness 7qua tamen nolente7 ,he gathered all ,he willed of her children4444 ,and the sense is3 ,as many as ,i have gathered by my will1 always effective1 ,i have gathered1 thou being unwilling4 ,hence it is evident that these words of the ,lord are not opposed to the authorities referred to40 7,paragraph #c7 8,now it remains to see how the aforesaid words do not contradict what the ,apostle said of the ,lord3 ,vult omnes homines salvos fieri4 ,because of these words many have wandered from the truth1 saying that ,god willed many things which did not come to pass4 ,but the saying is not thus to be understood1 as if ,god willed any to be saved1 and they were not4 ,for who can be so impiously foolish as to say that ,god cannot change the evil wills of men to good when and where ,he will8 ,surely what is said in ,psalm #aac1 ,quaecumque voluit fecit1 is not true1 if ,he willed anything and did not accomplish it4 ,or1--7and this is still more shameful7 for that reason ,he did not do it1 because what the ,omnipotent willed to come to pass1 the will of man obstructed4 ,hence when we read in ,holy ,scripture velit omnes homines salvos fieri1 we should not detract from the will of omnipotent ,god1 but understand the text to mean that no man is saved except whom ,he wills to be saved3 not that there is no man whom ,he does not will to be saved1 but that no man may be saved except whom ,he wills should be saved4444 ,thus also is to be understood the text from ,john i43 ,illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum2 not as if there is no man who is not lighted1 but that none is lighted save from ,him44440 ,the next and fourth paragraph takes up the problem whether evil1 that is sin1 takes place by the will of ,god1 or ,he unwilling 7eo nolente74 8,as to this1 divers men thinking diversely have been found in contradiction4 ,for some say that ,god wills evils to be or become 7esse vel fieri7 yet does not will evils4 ,but others say that ,he neither wills evils to be nor to become4 ,yet these and those agree in declaring that ,god does not will evils4 ,yet each with arguments as well as authorities strives to make good his assertion40 ,we will not follow the ,lombard through this thorny problem4 ,he cuts his way with passages from his chief patristic authority1 ,augustine1 and in the end concludes3 8,leaving this and other like foolish opinions1 and favouring the sounder view1 which is more fully sanctioned by the testimonies of the ,saints1 we may say that ,god neither wills evils to become1 nor wills that they should not become1 nor yet is ,he unwilling 7nolle7 that they should become4 ,all that ,he wills to become1 becomes1 and all that ,he wills not to become does not become4 ,yet many things become which ,he does not will to become1 as every evil40 ,thus the ,lombard4 ,now let us see how ,thomas1 in his ,summa theologiae1 ,pars ,prima1 ,quaestio xix4 ,articulus ix4 expounds the point3 utrum voluntas ,dei sit malorum4 8,as to the ninth articulus thus one proceeds4 7#a7 ,it seems ,videtur1 formula for stating the initial argument which will not be approved that the will of ,god is the cause of evils4 ,for ,god wills every good that becomes 7i4e4 comes into existence74 ,but it is good that evils should come2 for ,augustine says in the ,enchiridion3 #8,although those things which are evils1 in so far as they are evils1 are not goods2 yet it is good 7bonum7 that there should be not only goods 7bona7 but evils4' ,therefore ,god wills evils40 87#b7 ,moreover ,praeterea1 ,thomas's regular formula for introducing the succeeding arguments1 which he will not approve ,dionysius says1 iv4 cap4 de divinis nominibus3 #8,there will be evil making for the perfection of the whole4' ,and ,augustine says in the ,enchiridion3 #8,out of all 7things7 the admirable beauty of the universe arises2 wherein even that which is called evil1 well ordered and set in its place1 commends the good more highly2 since the good pleases more1 and is the more praiseworthy1 when compared with evil4' ,but ,god wills everything that pertains to the perfection and grace of the universe2 since this is what ,god chiefly wills in ,his creation4 ,therefore ,god wills evils40 87#c7 ,moreover1 the occurrence and non-occurrence of evils 7mala fieri1 et non fieri7 are contradictory opposites4 ,but ,god does not will evils not to occur2 because since some evils do occur1 the will of ,god would not be fulfilled4 ,therefore ,god wills evils to occur40 8,sed contra est ,thomas's formula for stating the opinion which he will approve what ,augustine says in his book of ,eighty-three ,questions3 #8,no wise man is the author of man's deterioration2 yet ,god is more excellent than any wise man2 much less then1 is ,god the author of any one's deterioration4 ,but ,he is said to be the author when ,he is spoken of as willing anything4 ,therefore man becomes worse1 ,god not willing it4 ,but with every evil1 something becomes worse4 ,therefore ,god does not will evils4'0 8,respondeo dicendum quod ,thomas's formula for commencing his elucidation since the reason 7or ground or cause1 ratio7 of the good is likewise the reason of the desirable 7as discussed previously71 evil is opposed to good3 it is impossible that any evil1 as evil1 should be desired1 either by the natural appetite or the animal1 or the intellectual1 which is will4 ,but some evil may be desired per accidens1 in so far as it conduces to some good4 ,and this is apparent in any appetite4 ,for the natural impulse 7agens naturale7 does not aim at privation or destruction 7corruptio72 but at form1 to which the privation of another form may be joined 7i4e4 needed1 conjungitur72 and at the generation of one1 which is the destruction of another4 ,thus a lion1 killing a stag1 aims at food1 to which is joined the killing of an animal4 ,likewise the fornicator aims at enjoyment1 to which is joined the deformity of guilt4 8,thus evil which is joined to some good1 is privation of another good4 ,never1 therefore1 is evil desired1 not even per accidens1 unless the good to which the evil is joined appears greater than the good which is annulled through the evil4 ,but ,god wills no good more than ,his goodness2 yet ,he wills some one good more than some other good4 ,hence the evil of guilt1 which destroys relationship to divine good 7quod privat ordinem ad bonum divinum71 ,god in no way wills4 ,but the evil of natural defect1 or the evil of penalty1 ,he wills in willing some good to which such evil is joined2 as1 in willing righteousness ,he wills penalty2 and in willing that the order of nature be preserved1 ,he wills certain natural corruptions4 8,ad primum ergo dicendum ,thomas's formula for commencing his reply to the first false argument that certain ones have said that although ,god does not will evils1 ,he wills evils to be or become3 because1 although evils are not goods1 yet it is good that evils should be or become4 ,they said this for the reason that those things which are evil in themselves1 are ordained for some good2 and they deemed this ordainment involved in saying mala esse vel fieri4 ,but that is not said rightly4 ,because evil is not ordained for good per se but per accidens4 ,for it is beyond the sinner's intent1 that good should come of it2 just as it was beyond the intent of the tyrants that from their persecutions the patience of the martyrs should shine forth4 ,and therefore it cannot be said that such ordainment for good is involved in saying that it is good for evil to be or become3 because nothing is adjudged according to what pertains to it per accidens but according to what pertains to it per se40 8,ad secundum dicendum that evil is not wrought for the perfection or beauty of the whole except per accidens1 as has been shown4 ,hence this which ,dionysius says that evil makes for the perfection of the whole may lead to an illogical conclusion40 8,ad tertium dicendum that although the occurrence and non-occurrence of evils are opposed as contradictories2 yet to will the occurrence and to will the non-occurrence of evils1 are not opposed as contradictories1 since both one and the other may be affirmative4 ,god therefore neither wills the occurrence nor the non-occurrence of evils2 but wills to permit their occurrence4 ,and this is good40 #dca ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii4 #dcb ,ante1 pp4 #bhi sqq4 #dcc ,the ,speculum majus of ,vincent of ,beauvais will afford the principal example of the resulting hybrid arrangement4 #dcd ,ludwig ,baur1 ,dominicus ,gundissalinus1 ,de divisione philosophiae 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 ,mnster1 #aijc71 p4 #aic sqq41 to which ,i am indebted for what ,i have to say in the next few pages4 #dce ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #fd1 col4 #aj sqq4 #dcf ,these works were written near the middle of the twelfth century4 ,gundissalinus was ,archdeacon of ,segovia and drew upon ,arab writings4 #dcg ,see ,l4 ,baur1 ,gundissalinus1 etc41 p4 #cgf sqq4 #dch ,the treatise is not printed4 ,its captions are given by ,l4 ,baur in his ,gundissalinus1 pp4 #cfh-cge1 from which ,i have borrowed what ,i give of them4 #dci ,liber de praedicabilibus 7tome #a of ,albertus's works71 which in scholastic logic means the five 8universals10 genus1 species1 difference1 property1 accident1 7also called the quinque voces7 discussed in ,porphyry's ,introduction to the ,categories4 ,the ,categories themselves are called praedicamenta4 #ddj ,the above gives the arguments of chapters i4 and ii4 of the work4 ,one notices that ,albertus in this exposition of the subject of ,porphyry's treatise1 is using the method which ,thomas brings to syllogistic perfection in his ,summa4 #dda ,it was printed1 more than once1 in the late fifteenth century2 the most readable edition is that printed at ,douai in #afbd1 in four huge folios4 #ddb ,boundless as the work appears1 neither in mental powers1 nor learning1 nor in massiveness of achievement1 is its author to be compared with ,albertus ,magnus4 ,the ,de universo of ,rabanus ,maurus1 ,migne #aaa1 col4 #i-fab1 is in its arrangement and method a forerunner of ,vincent's ,speculum4 ,later predecessors were the ,english ,franciscan ,bartolomaeus1 whose encyclopaedic ,de proprietatibus rerum was written a little before the middle of the twelfth century 7see ,felder1 ,studien in ,franciscanerorder1 etc41 pp4 #bea-bec72 and ,lambertus ,audomarensis 7,st4 ,omer7 with his ,liber floridus1 a general digest of knowledge1 historical1 ecclesiastical1 and natural1 taken from many writers1 an account of which is given in ,migne #afc1 col4 #ajjd sqq4 #ddc ,here1 of course1 we have the hands of ,esau1 but the voice of ,augustine and ,orosius6 #ddd ,the above is from cap4 #i of liber i4 of the ,speculum doctrinale4 #dde ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #cd1 col4 #bdf-dhe4 #ddf ,ante1 p4 #bij4 #ddg ,the three theological virtues are fides1 spes1 and caritas4 ,they are called thus because ,deum habent pro objecto2 and because they are poured 7infunduntur7 into us by ,god alone4 ,they are distinguished from the moral and intellectual virtues because their object surpasses our reason1 while the object of the moral and intellectual virtues can be comprehended by human reason 7,summa1 ,pars prima secundae1 ,quaestio lxii41 ,art4 #a-d74 #ddh 1 ,arist4 ,nich4 ,ethics1 vi4 #d4 #ddi ,one notes that these two1 like many other of the vices enumerated1 are vices in that they are extremes1 in the ,aristotelian sense4 #dej ,we are at ,quaestio clxxi4 of ,secunda secundae4 #dea ,the order which ,thomas would have followed in the unfinished conclusion of his ,summa theologiae1 may be inferred from the order of the last half of ,book ,,iv4 of his ,contra ,gentiles1 or indeed from the last part of the fourth ,book of the ,lombard's ,sentences4 #deb ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii4 #dec ,there were1 of course1 attempts at translation1 notably those of ,notker the ,german 7see ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #cjh7 and ,alfred's translation of ,bothius's ,de consolatione4 ,but such were made only of the popular parts of ,scripture 7e4g4 the ,psalms7 or of very elementary profane treatises4 ,to what extent ,notker's translations were used1 is hard to say4 ,but at all events any one really seeking learning1 studied and worked and thought in the medium of ,latin2 for the bulk of the patristic writings never were translated2 and when the works of ,aristotle had at last reached the ,middle ,ages in the ,latin tongue1 they were studied in that tongue4 ,because of the crudeness of the vernacular tongues1 the ,latin classics were even more untranslatable in the tenth or eleventh century than now4 ,one may add1 that it was fortunate for the progress of mediaeval learning that ,latin was the one language used by all scholars in all countries4 ,this facilitated the diffusion of knowledge4 ,how slow and painful would have been that diffusion if the different vernacular tongues had been used in their respective countries1 for serious writing4 #ded ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii41 ,i4 #dee ,eruditio didascalica1 i4 cap4 #ab 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #agf1 col4 #gej74 #def ,cf4 ,abelson1 ,the ,seven ,liberal ,arts 7,new ,york1 #aijf74 #deg ,i am speaking generally1 that is to say1 omitting for the present the aberrant or special or intrusive tendencies found in a man like ,roger ,bacon1 for example4 ,they were of importance for what was to come thereafter2 but are not broadly representative of the ,middle ,ages4 #deh ,st4 ,anselm1 ,epist4 lib4 iii4 #da1 ad ,fulconem 7,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #aeh1 col4 #aaib74 ,so ,roscellin showed in his own case how problems primarily logical could pass over to metaphysics or theology4 ,likewise1 although on the other side of the controversy1 one1 ,odo of ,tournai1 a good contemporary realist1 found realism an efficient aid in explaining the transmission of original sin2 since for him all men formed but one substance1 which was infected once for all by the sin of the first parents4 ,cf4 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philosophie scholastique1 i4 pp4 #big-cjh2 ,de ,wulf1 ,hist4 of ,medieval ,philosophy1 p4 #aef1 #crd ed4 #dei ,abaelard1 ,hist4 calamitatum1 chap4 #b4 #dfj ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxv4 #dfa ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xii41 ,i4 #dfb ,abaelard's ,dialectica was published by ,cousin1 ,ouvrages indits d',ablard 7,paris1 #ahcf74 ,for a thorough exposition of ,abaelard's logic see ,prantl1 ,ges4 der ,logik1 ii4 p4 #afj sqq4 #dfc ,i4e4 as positive1 comparative1 and superlative4 #dfd ,cousin1 ,ouvr4 indits1 p4 #age4 ,cf4 ,aristotle's ,categories1 ii4 v4 #bj4 ,the opening of ,pars tertia of ,abaelard's ,dialectica 7in ,cousin's edition1 p4 #cbd sqq47 affords an interesting example of this logical analysis and reconstruction of statement1 which seems to originate in sheer grammar1 and then advance beyond it4 #dfe ,cousin1 o4c4 pp4 #aij1 #aib4 #dff ,cousin1 o4c4 p4 #cca4 #dfg ,prantl's ,geschichte der ,logik1 vol4 ii41 contains an exhaustive discussion of the various phases of this controversy3 its language is little less difficult than that of the twelfth-century word-twisters4 #dfh ,cousin1 o4c4 pp4 #dcd1 #dce4 #dfi ,theologia ,christiana1 iv4 7,migne #agh1 col4 #abhd74 #dgj ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #agh1 col4 #afda4 #dga ,ante1 p4 #bib4 #dgb ,scito te ipsum1 cap4 #ac 7,migne #agh1 col4 #fec74 #dgc ,scito te ipsum1 cap4 #ai 7,migne #agh1 col4 #ffd74 #dgd ,migne #agh1 col4 #afae4 #dge ,ante1 pp4 #cjd sqq4 #dgf ,this has been published by ,stlzle3 ,abaelards #aaba zu ,soissons verurteilter ,tractatus de ,unitate et ,trinitate divina 7#ahia74 #dgg ,migne #agh1 col4 #aabc-accj2 ,cousin and ,jourdain1 ,p4 ,abaelardi opera1 ii4 pp4 #ceg-eff 7#ahei74 #dgh ,migne #agh1 col4 #igi-aaad2 ,cousin and ,jourdain1 o4c4 pp4 #a-adi4 #dgi ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 ,i4 #dhj ,bernard1 ,ep4 #cch 7,migne #ahb1 col4 #edb74 #dha ,whose sacramental theory of the ,creation has already been given at length1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,for the incidents of ,hugo's life see the same chapter4 ,bibliography1 note to page #fa4 ,see also ,ostler1 8,die ,psychologie des ,hugo von ,st4 ,viktor0 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 ,mnster1 #aijf74 #dhb ,de script4 cap4 #b 7,migne #age1 col4 #aa74 #dhc ,de script4 cap4 #b 7,migne #age1 col4 #aj74 #dhd ,summa sententiarum 7,migne #agf1 col4 #db-agd72 also under title of ,tractatus theologicus1 wrongly ascribed to ,hildebert of ,lavardin1 in ,migne #aga1 col4 #ajfg-aaej4 #dhe ,migne #agf1 col4 #gdj-hch4 #dhf ,i think of no previous work so closely resembling the ,erud4 didas4 as the ,institutiones divinarum et saecularum lectionum of ,cassiodorus4 #dhg ,erud4 did4 i4 #b4 #dhh ,here one sees the source of much that we quoted from ,vincent de ,beauvais1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 #a4 #dhi ,lib4 iii4 cap4 #ac sqq4 #dij ,erud4 did4 iii4 cap4 #bj4 ,cf4 ante1 p4 #fc4 #dia ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 #dib ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #age1 col4 #aae sqq4 #dic ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #age1 col4 #ibc sqq4 #did ,the following consideration of the mysticism of ,christian theologians is not intended to include other forms of 8mysticism0 7,pantheistic1 poetical1 pathological1 neurotic1 intellectual1 and sensuous7 within or without the ,christian pale4 #die ,ante1 p4 #db sqq4 #dif ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxviii4 #dig ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #agf1 col4 #fag-fhj4 #dih ,de arca ,noe morali1 i4 cap4 #b 7,migne #agf1 col4 #fba74 #dii ,migne #agf1 col4 #fha-gjc4 ,with ,hugo's pupil1 ,richard of ,st4 ,victor1 this constant allegory1 especially the constant allegorical use of ,scripture names1 becomes pedantic1 precieux1 impossible4 ,see e4g4 his ,benjamin major in ,migne #aif1 col4 #fd-bjb4 #ejj ,de arrha animae1 ,migne #agf1 col4 #iea-igj4 #eja ,migne #ahb1 col4 #gbg-hjh4 ,a translation is announced by ,george ,lewis in the ,oxford ,library of ,translations4 #ejb ,de consid4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #b4 #ejc ,migne #ahc1 col4 #ghi sqq4 ,chapter ,,xvii41 ante1 is devoted to ,bernard1 and his letters and sermons4 #ejd ,ed4 by ,willner 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 ,mnster1 #aijc74 #eje ,see ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 #a4 #ejf ,bernardus ,silvestris1 ,de mundi universitate1 i4 #b 7ed4 by ,barach and ,wrobel2 ,innsbrck1 #ahgf74 ,as to ,bernard ,silvestris1 see ,clerval1 coles de ,chartres au moyen ge1 p4 #bei sqq4 and passim2 also ,haurau 7who confuses him with ,bernard of ,chartres71 ,hist4 de la phil4 scholastique1 ii4 #djg sqq4 #ejg ,see ,haurau1 ,hist4 etc4 ii4 #ddg-dgb2 ,r4 ,l4 ,poole1 ,illustrations of ,mediaeval ,thought1 chap4 vi4 ,his ,liber de sex principiis is printed in ,migne #ahh1 col4 #abeg-abgj4 #ejh ,werner1 8,die ,kosmologie und ,naturlehre des scholastischen ,mittelalters1 mit specialler ,beziehung auf ,wilhelm von ,conches10 ,sitzungsb4 ,k4 ,akad41 philos4 ,klasse1 #ahgc1 ,bd4 lxxv42 ,haurau1 ,hist4 etc4 i4 #dca-ddf2 ibid4 ,singularits littraires1 etc4 #eji ,ante1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #bea4 #eaj ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxx41 ,i4 #eaa ,under another title1 ,moralis philosophia de honesto et utile1 it has been ascribed to ,hildebert of ,lavardin1 ,migne #aga1 col4 #ajjg-ajef4 #eab ,for examples of ,john's ,latin1 see ante1 p4 #agc4 #eac ,see e4g4 his treatment of logic in ,lib4 ,,iii4 and ,,iv4 of the ,metalogicus 7,migne #aii74 #ead ,polycraticus1 ii4 #ai-ba sqq4 ,there is now a critical edition of this work by ,c4 ,c4 ,j4 ,webb 7,joannis ,saresberiensis ,policratici libri ,,viii42 ,clarendon ,press1 #aiaj74 #eae ,polycraticus1 lib4 vii41 is devoted to a history of antique philosophy4 #eaf ,polycraticus1 vii4 cap4 #aj4 #eag ,polycrat4 vii4 cap4 #aa4 #eah ,migne #aii1 col4 #iee4 #eai ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxix41 #aa4 and ,,xxxii41 #a4 #ebj ,the works of ,alanus are collected in ,migne1 ,pat4 ,lat4 #baj4 ,what follows in the text is much indebted to ,m4 ,baumgartner1 8,die ,philosophie des ,alanus de ,insulis0 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 ,mnster1 #ahif74 #eba ,all this is thoroughly done by ,baumgartner1 o4c4 #ebb ,see ,baumgartner1 p4 #gf sqq4 and citations4 #ebc ,what ,i have felt obliged to say upon the organization of mediaeval ,universities1 ,i have largely drawn from ,rashdall's ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages 7,oxford1 #ahie74 ,the subject is too large and complex for independent investigation1 except of the most lengthy and thorough character4 ,extracts from illustrative mediaeval documents1 with considerable information touching mediaeval ,universities1 are brought together by ,arthur ,o4 ,norton in his ,mediaeval ,universities 7,readings in the ,history of ,education1 ,harvard ,university1 #aiji74 ,for the ,paris ,university1 the most important source is the ,chartularium ,universitatis ,parisiensis1 ed4 by ,denifle and ,chatelain 7#ahhi-ahia74 ,see also ,ch4 ,thurot1 ,l',organisation de l'enseignement dans l',universit de ,paris 7,paris1 #ahej71 and ,denifle1 ,die ,universitten des ,mittelalters 7,berlin1 #ahhe74 #ebd ,what has been said applies to the ,bologna ,law ,university4 ,that had been preceded by a school of ,arts1 and later there grew up a flourishing school of ,medicine1 where surgery was also taught4 ,these schools became affiliated ,universities1 but never equalled the ,law ,university in importance4 #ebe ,the ,masters who taught were called ,regentes4 #ebf ,both civil and canon law were studied till #abai1 when a ,bull of ,honorius ,,iii4 forbade the study of the former at ,paris4 #ebg ,see post1 p4 #cii4 #ebh ,mr4 ,rashdall's4 #ebi ,rashdall1 o4c4 ii4 p4 #cda4 #ecj ,oxford lay in the diocese of ,lincoln4 #eca ,for the course of medicine and the list of books studied or lectured on1 especially at ,montpellier1 from which we have the most complete list1 see ,rashdall1 ii4 p4 #aah sqq4 and ibid4 p4 #ghj4 ,in ,harvard ,studies in ,classical ,philology1 vol4 xx41 #aiji1 ,c4 ,h4 ,haskins publishes ,an unpublished ,list of ,text-books1 belonging to the close of the twelfth century1 when classical studies had not as yet been overshadowed by ,dialectic4 ,see also1 generally1 ,paetow1 ,the ,arts ,course at ,medieval ,universities 7,univ4 of ,illinois1 #aiaj74 #ecb ,see generally1 ,carra de ,vaux1 ,avicenne 7,paris1 #aijj72 also ,gazali1 by the same author4 #ecc ,whoever will read the two monographs of the ,baron ,carra de ,vaux1 ,avicenne and ,gazali1 will be struck by the closely analogous courses of ,moslem and ,christian thought2 each showing the parallel phases of scholastic rationalism 7reliant upon reason and rational authority7 and scholastic theological piety1 or mysticism 7reliant upon the authority of ,revelation and sceptical as to the validity of human reason74 #ecd ,see for this matter ,mandonnet1 ,o4,p41 ,aristote et la mouvement intellectuel du moyen ge1 contained in his ,siger de ,brabant1 and printed separately2 ,de ,wulf1 ,history of ,medieval ,philosophy1 #crd ed41 pp4 #bdc-bec and authorities2 ,c4 ,marchesi1 ,l' ,etica ,nicomachea nella tradizione medievale 7,messina1 #aijd74 #ece ,ante1 ,chapter ,v4 #ecf ,constitutiones des ,prediger-,ordens vom ,jahre #abbh1 ,prologus2 ,h4 ,denifle1 ,archiv fr ,litt4 und ,kirchenges4 des ,mittelalters1 ,bd i4 7#ahhe71 p4 #aid4 #ecg ,see ,felder1 ,wissenschaftlichen ,studien im ,franciskanerorden1 p4 #bd 7,freiburg im ,breisgau1 #aijd72 a valuable work4 #ech ,see ,felder1 o4c4 p4 #bi4 #eci ,constitutiones1 etc41 cap4 #bh-ca4 #edj ,cf4 ,felder1 o4c4 p4 #ajg sqq4 #eda ,cf4 ,felder1 o4c4 p4 #agg sqq4 #edb ,from ,denifle1 ,universitten des ,mittelalters1 i4 #ii1 note #aib4 #edc ,see generally1 ,mandonnet1 ,siger de ,brabant et l'averroisme latin au moyen ge 7,fribourg1 ,switzerland1 #ahii72 ,baeumker 7,beitrge1 #ahih71 ,die ,impossibilia des ,siger von ,brabant2 ,de ,wulf1 ,hist4 of ,medieval ,philosophy1 #crd ed41 p4 #cgi sqq4 7,longmans1 #aiji74 #edd ,albert was born probably in #aaic1 and died in #abhj2 ,bacon was born some twenty years later1 and died about #abib4 ,bonaventura was born in #abba1 and ,thomas in #abbe or #abbg2 they both died in #abgd4 #ede ,so ,raphael represents them in his 8,school of ,athens40 #edf ,bonaventura1 ,sermo ,,iv41 ,quaracchi edition1 tome v4 p4 #egb 7cited by ,de ,wulf1 ,hist4 etc4 p4 #cjd1 note74 ,with all their ,augustinian-,platonism1 the ,franciscans made a good second to the ,dominicans in the study of ,aristotle1 as is proved by the great number of commentaries upon his works by members of the former ,order4 ,see ,felder1 o4c4 p4 #dgi4 #edg ,epist4 de tribus quaestionibus1 #ab4 #edh ,tome v4 7,quaracchi ed47 pp4 #cai-cbe4 #edi ,this is from #bf1 the last in the work4 ,bonaventura has already said 7 #g73 8,omnes istae cognitiones ad cognitionem ,sacrae ,scripturae ordinantur1 in ea clauduntur et in illa perficiuntur1 et mediante illa ad aeternam illuminationem ordinantur40 78,all kinds of knowledge are ordained for the knowledge of ,holy ,scripture1 are in it enclosed and thereby are perfected2 and through its mediation are ordered for eternal illumination407 #eej ,it is contained in tomes i4-iv4 of the ,quaracchi edition4 #eea ,t4 v4 pp4 #bja-bia4 #eeb ,breviloquium1 ,prologus4 #eec ,one feels the reality of ,bonaventura's distinctions here between theology and philosophy4 ,they are enunciations of his religious sense1 and possess a stronger validity than any elaborate attempt to distinguish by argument between the two4 ,thomas distinguishes them with excellent reasoning4 ,it lacks convincingness perhaps from the fact that ,thomas's theology is so largely philosophy1 as ,roger ,bacon said4 #eed ,as this chapter opens a pars1 it begins with a recapitulation of what has preceded and a summary of what is to come4 ,the specific topic of the chapter commences here4 #eee ,i4e4 the desiderative1 rational1 and irascible elements in man4 #eef ,bonaventura closely follows ,hugo of ,st4 ,victor's ,de sacramentis1 see ante1 ,chap4 ,,xxviii41 especially p4 #gb4 #eeg ,opera1 t4 v4 pp4 #bie-cac4 #eeh ,vir desideriorum1 ,dan4 ix4 #bc 7,vulgate74 #eei ,the ,breviloquium and ,itinerarium are conveniently edited by ,hefele in a little volume 7,tbingen1 #ahfa74 #efj ,albertus1 ,metaphysicorum libri ,,xiii41 lib4 i4 tract4 #a1 cap4 #d4 #efa ,physic4 lib4 viii4 tract4 #a1 cap4 #ad4 #efb ,poster4 ,analyt4 lib4 i4 tract4 #a1 cap4 #a4 ,this and the previous citation are from ,mandonnet's ,siger de ,brabant4 #efc ,ethic4 lib4 vi4 tract4 #b1 cap4 #be4 #efd ,carus1 ,ges4 der ,zoologie1 p4 #bca4 #efe ,ernst ,meyer1 ,ges4 der ,botanik1 ,bd4 iv4 p4 #gg4 #eff ,the works of ,albertus were edited by the ,dominican ,jammy in twenty-one volumes 7,lyons1 #afea72 they are reprinted by ,borgnet 7,paris1 #ahij et seq474 ,my references to volumes follow ,jammy's edition4 #efg ,see ante1 pp4 #cad sqq4 #efh ,prantl1 ,ges4 der ,logik1 iii4 #hi sqq41 calls him an 8unklarer ,kopf10 incapable of consistent thinking4 #efi ,this is the view of ,a4 ,schneider1 ,die ,psychologie ,alberts des ,grossen 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 ,mnster1 #aijc74 ,the author presents analytically the disparate elements--,aristotelian1 ,neo-,platonic1 and theological-,augustinian1 which are found in ,albert's writings4 #egj ,see ,endriss1 ,albertus ,magnus als ,interpret der ,aristotelischen ,metaphysik 7,munich1 #ahhf74 #ega ,the above is mainly drawn from ,e4 ,meyer's ,ges4 der ,botanik1 ,bd4 iv4 pp4 #ch-gh4 #egb ,ante1 ,volume ,i4 p4 #gf4 #egc ,see ,carus1 ,geschichte der ,zoologie1 pp4 #baa-bci4 #egd ,sum4 theol4 pars prima1 tract4 ,i1 quaest4 ii4 #ege ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 ,i4 #egf ,tome xx4 p4 #da;a4 #egg ,the ,vita of ,thomas by ,guilielmus de ,thoco1 ,acta sanctorum1 ,martius1 tome i4 folio #feg sqq4 7,march #g71 is wretchedly confused4 #egh ,vita1 cap4 iii4 #ae4 #egi ,one may see the truth of this by comparing the treatment of a matter in ,albert's ,summa theologiae with the corresponding sections in ,thomas4 ,for example1 compare ,albert's ,summa theol4 prima1 ,tract4 vii4 ,quaest4 xxx4-xxxiii41 on generatio1 processio1 missio of the divine persons1 with ,thomas1 ,sum4 theol4 prima1 ,quaest4 xxvii4 and xliii4 #ehj ,john of ,damascus1 an important ,greek theologian of the eighth century1 often cited by ,thomas4 #eha ,quaestiones are the larger divisions of the argument4 #ehb ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xvi4 ,art4 #c4 #ehc ,pars prima1 ,qu4 lxxxii4 ,art4 #c4 #ehd ,prima sec4 ,qu4 iv4 ,art4 #b4 #ehe ,prima sec4 ,qu4 iv4 ,art4 #c4 #ehf ,sum4 ,phil4 contra ,gentiles1 iii4 #cg4 #ehg ,one cannot avoid applying the masculine pronouns to ,god1 and to the angels also4 ,but1 of course1 this is a mere convenience of speech4 ,thomas ascribes no sex either to ,god or the angels4 #ehh ,it will1 of course1 be borne in mind1 that ,thomas's use of videre and visio to express man's perception of ,god's essential nature1 does not mean a physical but an intellectual seeing4 #ehi ,given ante1 pp4 #bij sqq4 #eij ,secundum quod est in actu1 i4e4 in realized actuality as distinguished from potentiality 7,aristotelian conceptions74 #eia ,the foregoing is taken from the thirteen articuli into which ,quaestio xii4 is divided4 #eib ,pars prima1 ,quaestio xxxii4 ,art4 #a4 #eic ,quaestiones disputatae3 ,de ,veritate1 x4 #f4 ,citing ,rom4 i4 #bj4 #eid ,prooemium to ,qu4 xiv4 ,pars prima4 #eie ,qu4 xiv4 ,art4 #b--;a point which ,thomas reasons out in interesting scholastic ,aristotelian fashion1 but in language too technical to translate4 #eif ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xiv4 ,art4 #aa4 #eig ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xv4 ,art4 #a-c4 #eih ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xxvi4 ,art4 #b4 #eii ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xliv4 ,art4 #c4 #fjj ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xlv4 ,art4 #a4 #fja ,summa theol4 pars prima1 ,qu4 l4 ,as heretofore1 ,i follow the exposition of the ,summa theologiae4 ,but ,thomas began a large and almost historical treatment of angels in his unfinished ,tract4 de substantiis separatis1 seu de ,angelorum natura 7unfinished1 in ,opuscula theol474 ,he has another and important tractatus1 ,de cognitione ,angelorum1 ,quaestiones disput4 de veritate1 viii4 #fjb ,pars prima1 ,qu4 l4 ,art4 #a4 ,thomas goes on to contradict ,aristotle1 in holding quod nullum ens esset nisi corpus4 #fjc ,all that has been given concerning the knowledge of angels relates to what they know through their own natures as created4 ,further enlightenment 7as with men7 comes through grace as soon as they become beati through turning to good4 ,pars prima1 ,qu4 lxii4 ,art4 #a sqq4 #fjd ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xxxv41 #a4 #fje ,a burning controversy between the ,averroists and the orthodox schoolmen4 #fjf ,this is the substance of ,qu4 lxxxix4 ,art4 #a4 #fjg ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xix4 ,art4 #a4 #fjh ,pars prima1 ,qu4 lxxxii4 and lxxxiii4 #fji ,pars prima1 ,qu4 xx4 #a4 #faj ,summa theol41 ,pars secunda secundae1 ,qu4 xvii4 ,art #h4 #faa ,pars secunda secundae1 ,qu4 xxiv4 ,art4 #h4 #fab ,pars secunda secundae1 ,qu4 xxvi4 ,art4 #d and #e4 #fac ,pars prima secundae1 ,qu4 cix4 sqq4 #fad ,another reading is delectatio1 i4e4 enjoyment4 #fae ,bacon's ,opus majus was edited in incomplete form by ,jebb in #agcc1 and reprinted in #agej at ,venice4 ,this edition is superseded by that of ,bridges1 in two volumes1 published with the ,moralis philosophia and ,multiplicatio specierum by the ,clarendon ,press in #ahig4 ,the text of this edition had many errors1 which have been corrected by a third volume published in #aijj by ,williams and ,norgate1 who are now the publishers of the three volumes4 ,in #ahei ,brewer edited the ,opus tertium1 the ,opus minus1 and ,compendium philosophiae for the ,master of the ,rolls ,series4 8,an unpublished ,fragment of a work by ,roger ,bacon0 was discovered by ,f4 ,a4 ,gasquet in the ,vatican ,library1 and published in the ,english ,historical ,review for ,july #ahig4 ,it appears to be a letter to ,clement ,,iv41 written in #abfg4 ,in #ahfa appeared the excellent monograph by mile ,charles1 entitled ,roger ,bacon1 sa vie1 ses ouvrages1 ses doctrines4 ,to this one still must turn for extracts from the ,compendium theologiae1 and the ,communia naturalium4 ,the last-named work1 with the ,compendium philosophiae and the ,multiplicatio specierum 7which appears not to be an intrinsic part of the ,opus majus71 may have been composed as parts of what was to be the writer's ,opus principale4 ,bacon's ,greek ,grammar has been edited by ,nolan and ,hirsch 7,cambridge1 #aijb74 #faf ,opus tertium1 chap4 xxv4 p4 #ia 7,brewer's text74 #fag ,opus tertium1 chap4 xvii4 7pp4 #eh-ei1 ,brewer's ed474 #fah ,brewer1 ,r4 ,bacon1 ,opera inedita1 p4 #a4 #fai ,opus tertium1 pp4 #g and #h4 #fbj ,in ,opus tertium1 chap4 iii4 7,brewer1 p4 #ae71 ,bacon plainly tells the pope the difficulties in which he had been placed by this injunction of secrecy3 8,the first cause of delay came through those who are over me4 ,since you have written nothing to them in my excuse1 and ,i could not reveal to them your secret1 they insisted with unspeakable violence that ,i should obey their will2 but ,i refused1 because of the bond of your mandate1 which bound me to your work1 notwithstanding any order from my prelates4 ,and1 of a surety1 as ,i was not excused by you1 ,i met with obstacles too great and many to enumerate4444 ,and another obstacle1 enough to defeat the whole business1 was the lack of funds40 #fba ,these are1 of course1 the ,opus majus1 the ,opus minus1 and the ,opus tertium2 also the ,vatican ,fragment1 the position of which is not quite clear2 but it is part of the writings of this year1 and constitutes apparently the introductory letter to ,clement4 #fbb ,the authority for this is the ,chronica ,,xxiv41 ,generalium ,ordinis ,minorum2 see ,bridges1 vol4 iii4 p4 #aeh4 #fbc ,see ,op4 tertium1 p4 #bf sqq4 7,brewer74 #fbd ,opus majus1 pars ii4 end of chap4 v4 and beginning of chap4 vi4 7,bridges1 iii4 p4 #di72 see ,op4 tertium 7,brewer71 p4 #ha4 #fbe ,op4 maj4 pars ii4 chap4 xv4 7,bridges1 iii4 p4 #ga74 #fbf ,op4 tertium1 p4 #ci4 #fbg ,op4 maj4 pars ii4 7,bridges1 iii4 pp4 #fi-gj74 ,cf4 ante1 p4 #ahj4 #fbh ,the reference seems to be to the ,ethics and ,politics4 #fbi ,compendium studii1 p4 #dbd 7,brewer74 #fcj ,op4 tertium1 p4 #ad4 #fca ,op4 tertium1 p4 #cj4 #fcb ,compendium studii phil41 p4 #dbi 7,brewer74 #fcc ,ibid4 p4 #cih--written in #abga4 #fcd ,i follow the paging of ,bridges1 vol4 iii4 ,these four causes of error are also given in ,opus tertium1 p4 #fi1 ,compendium studii1 p4 #dad 7,brewer71 and the ,gasquet ,fragment1 p4 #ejd4 #fce ,op4 maj4 pp4 #b and #c4 #fcf ,p4 #cbb sqq4 7,brewer74 #fcg ,opus tertium1 p4 #ajb4 #fch ,ante1 p4 #abh4 #fci ,as1 e4g4 where he says that it would have been better for the ,latins 8that the wisdom of ,aristotle should not have been translated1 than to have been translated with such perverseness and obscurity40 ,compend4 studii1 p4 #dfi1 7,brewer74 #fdj ,see ,opus majus1 pars iii4 #fda ,opus majus1 ,bridges1 vol4 i4 p4 #ajf4 #fdb ,commonly called 8mathematica40 #fdc ,opus majus 7,bridges1 i4 p4 #bec74 ,bacon goes into this matter elaborately4 #fdd ,cf4 ,s4 ,vogl1 ,die ,physik ,roger ,bacos 7,erlangen1 #aijf74 ,gives ,bacon's sources4 #fde ,opus minus1 pp4 #cfg-cga4 #fdf ,opus majus1 pars v4 dist4 iii4 7,bridges1 ii4 p4 #aei sqq474 #fdg ,a contemporary of ,bacon named ,witelo composed a ,perspectiva about #abgj1 following an ,arab source2 and a few years later a ,dominican1 ,theodoric of ,freiburg1 was devoted to optics1 and wrote on light1 colour1 and the rainbow4 ,baeumker1 8,witelo1 ein ,philosoph und ,naturforscher des ,,xiii4 ,jahrh40 7,beitrge1 etc41 ,mnster1 #aijh72 ,krebs1 8,meister ,dietrich1 sein ,leben1 etc40 7,baeumker's ,beitrge1 #aijf74 #fdh ,with ,bacon1 experientia does not always mean observation2 and may mean either experience or experiment4 #fdi ,see ,charles1 ,roger ,bacon1 pp4 #ag-ah4 #fej ,ante1 pp4 #cac-cae4 ,duns ,scotus puts clearly the double aspect of logic1 which ,albertus ,magnus approached3 8,it should be understood that logic is to be considered in two ways4 ,first1 in so far as it is docens 7instructs1 holds its own school73 and from its own necessary and proper principles proceeds to necessary conclusions1 and is therefore a science4 ,secondly1 in so far as we use it1 by applying it to those matters in which it is used3 and then it is not a science0 7,super universalia ,porphyrii1 ,quaestrio i41 ,duns ,scotus1 ,opera1 t4 i4 p4 #ea74 #fea ,the two aspects of the experimental science appear in the following statement from the ,gasquet ,fragment3 8,the antepenultima science is called experimental2 and is the mistress of those which precede it2 for it excels the others in three chief prerogatives4 ,one is that all the sciences except this either use arguments alone to prove their conclusions1 like the purely speculative sciences1 or possess general and imperfect experiences4 ,but only the perfect experience 7experientia perfecta1 i4e4 the scientific experiment or observation71 sets the mind at rest in the light of truth2 which is certain and is proved in that part of my work4 ,wherefore it was necessary that there should be one science which should certify for us1 all the magnificent truths of the other sciences1 through the truth of experience1 and this is that whereof ,i say that it is called scientia experimentalis of its own right from the truth of experience 7per autonomasiam ab experienciae veritate72 and ,i show by the illustration of the rainbow and other things1 how this prerogative is reserved to that science4 8,the second prerogative is the dignity which relates to those chief truths which1 although they are to be formulated 7nominandae7 in the terms 7vocabulis7 of the other sciences1 yet the other sciences cannot furnish 7procurare7 them2 and of this character are the prolongation of life through remedies to counteract the lack of a hygienic regimen from infancy1 or constitutional debility inherited from parents who have not followed such a regimen4 ,i shall show how it is possible thus to prolong life to the term set by ,god4 ,but men1 through neglecting the rules of health1 pass quickly to old age1 and die before reaching that term4 ,the art of medicine is not able to furnish 7dare7 these remedies1 nor does it2 but it says they are possible 7sed fatetur ea possibilia71 and so experimental science has devised remedies known to the wisest men alone1 by which the ills of old age are delayed1 or are mitigated when they arrive4 8,the third prerogative of this science belongs to it secundum se et absolute2 for here it leaves the two ways already touched on1 and addresses itself to all things which do not concern the other sciences1 save that often it requires the service of the others4 ,as a mistress it commands the others as servants 444 and orders them to do its work1 and furnish the wise instruments which it uses2 as navigation directs the art of carpentry1 to make a ship for it2 and the military art directs the forger's art to make it a breastplate and other arms4 ,in like manner1 this science the experimental1 as a mistress1 directs geometry to make it a burning-glass1 which shall set on fire things near or far1 one of the most sublime wonders that can come to pass through geometry4 ,so it commands the other sciences in all the wonderful and hidden things of nature and art0 7pp4 #eaj-eaa74 #feb ,opus tertium1 chap4 xxviii4 #fec ,opus majus1 pars vi4 #a 7,bridges1 ii4 p4 #afi74 #fed ,ibid4 p4 #aga4 ,doubtless the meaning of the above is connected with ,bacon's view of the ,aristotelian intellectus agens1 which he takes to signify the direct illumination of the mind of man by ,god4 8,all the wisdom of philosophy is revealed by ,god and given to the philosophers1 and it is ,himself that illuminates the minds of men in all wisdom4 ,that which illuminates our minds is now called by the theologians intellectus agens4 ,but my position is that this intellectus agens is ,god principaliter1 and secondarily1 the angels1 who illuminate us0 7,opus tertium1 p4 #gd2 cf4 ,op4 majus1 pars i4 chap4 v474 #fee ,compendium studii 7,brewer71 p4 #cig4 #fef ,de secretis operibus artis et naturae1 et de nullitate magiae1 p4 #ecc 7,brewer74 ,cf4 ,charles1 ,roger ,bacon1 p4 #bif sqq4 #feg ,the most convenient edition of the works of ,joannes ,duns ,scotus is that published by ,vives1 at ,paris 7#ahia sqq47 in twenty-six volumes4 ,it is little more than a reprint of ,wadding's ,edition4 #feh ,see ,seeberg1 ,die ,theologie des ,johannes ,duns ,scotus 7,leipzig1 #aijj71 p4 #h sqq41 a work to which the following pages owe much4 #fei ,grosseteste's philosophical or theological works are still unpublished or very difficult of access2 and there is no sufficient exposition of his doctrines4 #ffj ,seeberg1 o4c4 p4 #af sqq4 #ffa ,see ,de ,wulf1 ,history of ,medieval ,philosophy1 p4 #cfc sqq4 #ffb ,see ,seeberg1 o4c4 p4 #cd sqq4 #ffc ,the kernel of ,duns's proof is contained in the following passage1 which is rather simple in its ,scotian ,latin3 8,dicendum1 quod ,universale est ens1 quia sub ratione non entis1 nihil intelligitur3 quia intelligibile movet intellectum4 ,cum enim intellectus sit virtus passiva 7per ,aristotelem #c1 de ,anima1 cont4 #e et inde saepe71 non operatur1 nisi moveatur ab objecto2 non ens non potest movere aliquid ut objectum2 quia movere est entis in actu2 ergo nihil intelligitur sub ratione non entis4 ,quidquid autem intelligitur1 intelligitur sub ratione ,universalis3 ergo illa ratio non est omnino non ens0 7,super universalia ,porphyrii1 ,quaestio iv474 #ffd ,cf4 the far from clear exposition in ,seeberg1 o4c4 p4 #hf sqq4 and #ffj sqq4 #ffe ,miscell4 quaest4 #f1 #ah1 cited by ,seeberg1 o4c4 p4 #aad4 #fff ,the last two or three pages have been drawn mainly from ,seeberg1 o4c4 p4 #aac sqq4 ,in discussing ,duns ,scotus1 ,i have given less from his writings than has been my wont with other philosophers4 ,and for two reasons4 ,the first1 as ,i frankly avow1 is that ,i have read less of him than ,i have of his predecessors4 ,with the exception of such a curious treatise as the 7doubtful7 ,grammatica speculativa 7tome i4 of the ,paris edition72 and the elementary1 and comparatively lucid1 ,de rerum principio 7tome iv4 of the ,paris edition7--with these exceptions ,duns is to me unreadable4 ,my second reason for omitting excerpts from his writings1 is that ,i wished neither to misrepresent their quality1 nor to cause my reader to lay down my book1 which is heavy enough anyhow6 ,if ,i selected lucid and simple extracts1 they would give no idea of the intricacy and prolixity of ,duns4 ,his commentary on the ,sentences fills thirteen tomes of the ,paris edition6 ,no short and simple extract will illustrate that6 ,on the other hand1 ,i could not bring myself by lengthy or impossible quotations to vilify ,duns4 ,it is unjust to expose a man's worst features1 nakedly and alone1 to those who do not know his better side and the conditions which partly explain the rest of him4 #ffg ,quodlibetalia1 i4 ,qu4 #ad1 cited by ,de ,wulf1 o4c4 p4 #dbb4 #ffh ,expos4 aurea1 cited by ,de ,wulf1 o4c4 p4 #dbc1 whose exposition of ,occam's theory ,i have followed here4 #ffi ,on ,occam1 see ,seeberg's article in ,hauck's ,encyclopaedia2 ,siebeck1 8,occams ,erkenntnislehre1 etc410 in ,archiv fr ,ges4 der ,philosophie1 ,bd4 x41 ,neue ,folge 7#ahig74 #fgj ,quoted by ,seeberg4 #fga ,de ,wulf1 o4c4 p4 #dbe4 #fgb ,in view of the enormous literature upon ,dante1 popular as well as learned1 it would be absurd to give any bibliographical1 biographical or historical information as to his works1 himself1 or his ,italian circumstances4 #fgc ,de mon4 ii4 #c4 #fgd ,de mon4 ii4 chaps4 #d1 #aj1 #ab4 #fge ,de mon4 iii4 #d sqq4 #fgf ,all this seems supported by ,conv4 i4 #a1 and ii4 #ac1 the main explanatory chapters of the work4 #fgg ,conv4 iii4 #ab4 #fgh e4g4 8benigna volontade10 ,par4 xv4 #a4 #fgi ,cf4 ,a4 d',ancona1 ,i ,precursori di ,dante 7,florence1 #ahgd72 ,m4 ,dods1 ,forerunners of ,dante 7,edinburgh1 #aijc72 ,a4 ,j4 ,butler1 ,forerunners of ,dante 7,oxford1 #aiaj72 ,hettinger1 ,gttliche ,komdie1 p4 #gi 7#bnd ed41 ,freiburg im ,breisgau1 #ahhi74 ,mussafia1 8,monumenti antichi di dialetti italiani10 ,sitzungsber4 philos4 hist4 ,classe 7,vienna ,academy71 vol4 #de1 #ahfd1 p4 #acf sqq41 gives two old ,italian descriptions1 one of the heavenly ,jerusalem1 the other of the infernal ,babylon4 #fhj #b ,cor4 xii4 #b2 ,paradiso1 i4 #gc-ge4 #fha ,ante1 ,chapter ,,xix4 #fhb ,ante1 pp4 #ih-ajj4 #fhc ,the coarseness of ,inf4 xxi4 #acg-aci is of a piece with the way of mediaeval art in making demons horrible through a grotesquely indecent rendering of their persons4 #fhd e4g4 ,inf4 xviii4 #ajj sqq42 and ,inf4 xxviii4 and xxix4 #fhe ,inf4 viii4 #cg sqq42 xxxii4 #ig sqq42 xxxiii4 #aaf and #adi4 #fhf ,cf4 ,moore1 ,dante ,studies1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bff-bfg4 #fhg ,any one who looks through the first volume of ,tiraboschi's great ,storia della letteratura italiana1 written in the early part of the nineteenth century1 will find a generous acceptance of myth as fact2 just as he would find the same in the ,histoire ancienne of the good ,rollin1 written a century or more before4 #fhh ,dante has frequently been spoken of as the 8first scholar0 of his time4 ,i do not myself know enough regarding the scholarship of every scholar in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to confirm or deny this4 ,personally1 ,i do not regard him as a ,titanic scholar1 like ,albertus ,magnus for example4 ,he studied all the classic ,latin authors available4 ,doubtless he had a memory corresponding to his other extraordinary powers4 ,his also was the intellectual point of view1 and the intellectual interest in knowledge and its deductions4 ,his view of life was as intellectual as that of ,aquinas4 ,but as ,dante's powers of plastic visualization were unequalled1 so also1 it seems to me1 were his faculties of using as a poet what he had acquired as a scholar4 ,regarding the extent of ,dante's use and reading of the ,classics1 nothing could be added to ,dr4 ,moore's ,studies in ,dante1 ,first ,series2 though ,i think what ,dr4 ,moore has to say of 8,dante and ,aristotle0 would have cast a more direct light upon the matter1 had he cited as far as possible from the ,latin translation probably used by ,dante1 instead of from the original ,greek4 #fhi ,inf4 iv4 #hh4 ,cf4 ,moore1 ,studies in ,dante1 i4 p4 #f4 ,the application of the term satirist to ,horace is peculiarly mediaeval4 #fij ,inf4 iv4 #aca4 #fia ,inf4 ii4 #bj4 #fib ,par4 xx4 #fh4 #fic ,purg4 xxv4 #bb4 #fid ,inf4 xviii4 #hc sqq4 #fie ,inf4 xxvi4 #hh sqq4 #fif ,purg4 xii4 #fig ,purg4 xv4 #fih ,according to ,dr4 ,moore1 ,dante quotes or refers to the 8,vulgate more than #ejj times1 to ,aristotle more than #cjj1 ,virgil about #bjj1 ,ovid about #ajj1 ,cicero and ,lucan about #ej each1 ,statius and ,bothius between #cj and #dj each1 ,horace1 ,livy1 and ,orosius between #aj and #bj each10--and other scattering references4 #fii ,inf4 xxxiii4 #d2 ,aen4 ii4 #c4 #gjj ,par4 ii4 #af4 #gja ,aen4 vi4 #cji2 ,inf4 iii4 #aab4 #gjb ,aen4 vi4 #gjj2 ,purg4 ii4 #hj4 #gjc ,purg4 i4 #ace2 cf4 ,aen4 vi4 #adc 8,primo avulso non deficit alter1 etc40 #gjd ,see ,inf4 xxxi42 ,purg4 xii4 #be sqq4 #gje ,purg4 vi4 #aah3 8,o highest ,jove that wast on earth crucified for us40 #gjf ,par4 i4 #ac sqq42 ,par4 ii4 #h4 #gjg ,the provenance1 etc41 of ,dante's classification of sins in the ,inferno1 like everything else in ,dante1 has been interminably discussed4 ,the reference to the ,de officiis of ,cicero is due to ,dr4 ,moore4 ,see 8,classification of ,sins in the ,inferno and ,purgatorio10 ,studies in ,dante1 #bnd ,series4 ,also cf4 ,hettinger1 ,die gttliche ,kmdie1 pp4 #aei-afb1 and notes #f and #bc on p4 #bjd and #bjg 7#bnd ed41 ,freiburg in ,breisgau1 #ahhi74 ,dante's main statement is in ,inf4 xi4 #gjh ,in whom does not the awful anguish of the suicides 7,inf4 xiii47 arouse grief and horror8 #gji ,inf4 xvi4 #ei4 ,they are more respectable than the blessed denizens of the ,heaven of ,venus1 ,par4 ix4 #gaj ,inf4 xix4 #gaa ,inf4 vi4 #ajc sqq4 #gab ,the intellectual temperament finds voice in many great expressions1 which are very ,dante and also very ,thomas1 as ,par4 xxviii4 #ajf-aad2 xxix4 #ag2 xxx4 #dj-db4 #gac ,inf4 iii4 #ah4 #gad ,hettinger1 o4c4 p4 #bed4 #gae ,aeneid vi4 #cbg sqq42 ,hettinger1 o4c4 p4 #bbf4 #gaf ,see ,taylor1 ,classical ,heritage1 p4 #afb4 #gag ,these are pointed out in the ,commentaries 7e4g4 ,scartazzini's7 and in many monographs4 ,hettinger's ,gttliche ,kmdie is serviceable3 also ,moore's ,studies in ,dante and ,toynbee's ,dante ,studies4 #gah ,purg4 i4 #ga2 ,john viii4 #cf4 #gai ,purg4 i4 #hi4 #gbj ,purg4 iii4 #cd sqq4 #gba ,purg4 iv4 #d sqq4 #gbb ,purg4 v4 #aje sqq4 #gbc ,purg4 vii4 #ed2 iv4 #acc-ace4 #gbd ,cf4 e4g4 ,purg4 xii4 #aji4 #gbe ,purg4 xv4 #dj sqq4 #gbf ,purg4 xvi4 #fd sqq4 #gbg ,purg4 xvii4 #he sqq41 and xviii42 ,hettinger1 o4c4 p4 #bce sqq41 and pp4 #bfa-bfd4 #gbh ,purg4 xxiii4 #gb2 xxvi4 #ad4 #gbi ,purg4 xxv4 ,the notes in ,hettinger1 o4c41 are quite full in citations of passages from ,thomas and other scholastics4 #gcj ,thomas1 ,summa1 iii4 ,qu4 #hi1 ,art4 #e4 #gca ,as it is rather in ,par4 xxvii4 #gf sqq4 #gcb ,par4 iii4 #eb1 #fd1 #hi4 #gcc ,par4 iv4 #gcd ,par4 xi4 #a sqq4 #gce ,par4 xiv4 #gcf ,par4 xv4 #aj4 #gcg ,par4 xix4 #dj sqq4 #gch ,par4 xx4 #gci ,par4 xxiv4-xxvi4 #gdj ,typified in ,st4 ,bernard1 ,par4 xxxi4 and following4 ,suitable reasons for this choice may be suggested by the extracts from ,bernard's ,de deligendo ,deo and ,sermons on ,canticles1 ante1 ,chapter ,,xvii4 #gda ,conv4 ii4 #ac4 ,the symbolism inherent in all human mental processes seems indicated by the argument of ,aquinas 7ante1 p4 #dff7 that the mind knows 8the particular through sense and imagination2 444 it must turn itself to images in order to behold the universal nature existing in the particular40 ,this is a necessity of our half material nature4 #gdb ,convito ii4 #a4 ,letter to ,can ,grande1 par4 #g4 #gdc ,in the ,can ,grande letter1 having stated this fourfold significance1 ,dante does not proceed to exemplify it in the interpretation which follows of the opening lines of the ,paradiso4 ,possibly those lines did not admit of the fourfold interpretation2 yet1 in general1 ,dante does not try to carry it out in practice1 any more than other mediaeval writers commonly4 #gdd ,convito ii4 ch4 #ad and #ae4 #gde ,doubtless the commentator habit is fixed in the nature of man2 but it was pre-eminently mediaeval4 ,we have seen enough elsewhere of the multiplication of ,commentaries on the ,sentences of the ,lombard and other scholastic works4 ,dante's friend1 ,guido ,cavalcanti1 wrote a little poem beginning ,donna mi priego1 upon which we have eight ,commentaries1 the first from ,egidio ,colonna in #acaf4 #gdf ,yet1 however obvious the meaning1 tying the pole of the ,chariot to the ,tree of ,life was a great stroke 7,purg4 xxxii4 #di74 #gdg ,there is a piece of allegory in the ,paradiso which almost gets on one's nerves1 i4e4 the ceaseless whirling of the blessed spirits1 usually in wheel formations3 e4g4 ,par4 xii4 #c2 xxi4 #ha2 xxiv4 #aj sqq43 cf4 x4 #ade2 xiii4 #bj4 #gdh ,one notes that all the symbolizing personages of the poem--,virgil1 ,statius1 ,matilda1 ,lia1 ,beatrice--have literal reality1 however subtle or far-reaching may be the allegorical intendment with which the poet has invested them4 #gdi ,see e4g4 ,par4 xxxi4 #fg4 #gej ,cf4 ,de ,sanctis1 ,storia della letteratura italiana1 i4 p4 #df sqq4 #gea ,compare ,purg4 xxvii4 #cd sqq42 xxx42 xxxi42 ,par4 xviii4 #ac sqq42 xxiii42 xxx42 xxxi42 xxxii4 #h4 ,,works ,,on ,,philosophy ,,the ,,origin ,,and ,,development ,,of ,,the ,,moral ,,ideas4 ,by ,,edward ,,westermarck1 ,ph4,d4 ,two vols4 #hvo4 #ads4 net each4 ,a ,,short ,,history ,,of ,,ethics4 ,by ,,reginald ,a4 ,p4 ,,rogers1 ,fellow and ,tutor of ,trinity ,college1 ,dublin4 ,crown #hvo4 ,spring1 #aiaa4 ,,the ,,philosophy ,,of ,,gassendi4 ,by ,g4 ,s4 ,,brett4 #hvo4 #ajs4 net4 ,,history ,,of ,,philosophy4 ,with ,especial ,reference to the ,formation and ,development of its ,problems and ,conceptions4 ,by ,dr4 ,w4 ,,windelband4 ,translated by ,j4 ,h4 ,,tufts4 #hvo4 #ags4 net4 ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,problems ,,of ,,philosophy4 ,by ,,paul ,,janet and ,,gabriel ,s,,ailles4 ,translated by ,,ada ,,monahan1 and ,edited by ,,henry ,,jones1 ,,ll4,d4 ,two vols4 #hvo4 #ajs4 net4 each4 ,,idola ,,theatri3 ,a ,criticism of ,oxford ,thought and ,thinkers from the ,standpoint of ,personal ,idealism4 ,by ,,henry ,,sturt4 #hvo4 #ajs4 net4 ,,personal ,,idealism4 ,philosophical ,essays4 ,edited by ,,henry ,,sturt4 #hvo4 #ajs4 net4 ,,humanism4 ,philosophical ,essays4 ,by ,f4 ,c4 ,s4 ,,schiller1 ,m4,a41 ,d4,sc4 #hvo4 #hs4 #f;d4 net4 ,,studies ,,in ,,humanism4 ,by ,f4 ,c4 ,s4 ,,schiller1 ,m4,a41 ,d4,sc4 #hvo4 #ajs4 net4 ,,philosophical ,,remains ,,of ,r4 ,l4 ,,nettleship4 ,edited1 with ,biographical ,sketch1 by ,prof4 ,a4 ,c4 ,,bradley4 ,second ,edition4 ,extra ,crown #hvo4 #hs4 #f;d4 net4 ,,lectures ,,on ,,the ,,republic ,,of ,,plato4 ,by ,r4 ,l4 ,,nettleship4 ,edited by ,g4 ,r4 ,,benson4 ,extra ,crown #hvo4 #hs4 #f;d4 net4 ,a ,,handbook ,,of ,,moral ,,philosophy4 ,by ,rev4 ,,henry ,,calderwood1 ,,ll4,d4 ,third ,edition4 ,crown #hvo4 #fs4 ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,ltd41 ,,london4 ,transcriber's ,notes3 ,passages in italics are indicated by italics4 ,passages in bold are indicated by bold4 ,superscripted characters are indicated by superscript4