,transcriber's ,notes3 ,variations in   
spelling and hyphenation have been  left
 as in the original4 ,words in italics  
in the original are surrounded  by      
underscores4 ,a row of asterisks        
represents a thought break4 ,letters    
superscripted in the original are       
surrounded by braces4 ,ellipses match   
the original4 ,a complete list of       
corrections follows the text4    ,the   
original has two different kinds of     
blockquotes3 one uses a smaller  font   
than the main text1 and the other has   
wider margins4 ,in this text1  the      
blockquotes in a smaller font have wider
 margins1 and the other  blockquotes    
have two blank lines before and after   
the quotation4 ,an  explanation of the  
different kinds of quotations can be    
found at the end  of the                
,,advertisement4    ,the ,index that was
 printed at the end of ,volume ,,ii4 of 
this series has  been included at the   
end of this ,volume for reference       
purposes4                               

,,life ,,and                            
,,correspondence ,,of                   
,,david ,,hume4                         
,illustration3 ,bust of ,david ,hume    
,,life                                  
,,and                                   
,,correspondence                        
,,of                             ,,david
 ,,hume4           ,,from ,,the ,,papers
 ,,bequeathed ,,by ,,his ,,nephew ,,to  
,,the              ,,royal ,,society    
,,of ,,edinburgh2 ,,and ,,other         
,,original ,,sources4                   
,,by ,,john ,,hill ,,burton1 ,,esq4     
,,advocate4                             
,,volume ,i4                            
,,edinburgh3               ,,william    
,,tait1 #ajg1 ,,prince',s ,,street4     
,,mdcccxlvi4                            
,,edinburgh3          ,printed by       
,,william ,,tait1 #ajg1 ,prince's       
,street4                           ,,to 
,,the ,,president ,,and ,,council       
,,of                   ,,the ,,royal    
,,society ,,of ,,edinburgh1             

,,this ,,work ,,is ,,respectfully       
,,dedicated                             
,,by                 ,,their ,,most     
,,obedient ,,humble ,,servant1          
,j4 ,h4 ,,burton4                       
,,advertisement4      ,in this work1 an 
attempt has been made to connect        
together a series of  original          
documents1 by a narrative of events in  
the life of him to whom  they relate2 an
 account of his literary labours2 and a 
picture of his  character1 according to 
the representations of it preserved by  
his  contemporaries4 ,the scantiness of 
the resources at the command of         
previous biographers1 and the extent and
 variety of the new materials  now      
presented to the world1 render          
unnecessary any other apology for the   
present publication4 ,how far these     
materials have been rightly used1       
readers and critics must judge2 but ,i  
may be perhaps excused for  offering a  
brief explanation of the spirit in which
 ,i desired to  undertake the task2 and 

the responsibility ,i felt attached to  
the duty1  of ushering before the       
public1 documents of so much importance 
to  literature4    ,the critic or       
biographer1 who writes from materials   
already before the  public1 may be      
excused if he give way to his           
prepossessions and  partialities1 and   
limit his task to the representation of 
all that  justifies and supports them4  
,if he have any misgivings1 that1 in    
following the direction of his          
prepossessions1 he may not have taken   
the  straight line of truth1 he may be  
assured1 that if the cause be one of    
any interest1 an advocate1 having the   
same resources at his command1  will    
speedily appear on the other side4 ,but 
when original manuscripts  are for the  
first time to be used1 it is due to     
truth1 and to the desire  of mankind to 
satisfy themselves about the real       
characters of great men1  that they     
should be so presented as to afford the 
means of impartially  estimating those  

to whom they relate4 ,we possess many   
brilliant  ,eulogiums of the leaders of 
our race--many vivid pictures of their  
virtues and their vices--their greatness
 or their weakness4 ,but if a  humbler1 
it is perhaps a no less useful task1 to 
represent these  men--their character1  
their conduct1 and the circumstances of 
their  life1 precisely as they were2    
rejecting nothing that truly exemplifies
  them1 because it is beneath the       
dignity of biography1 or at variance    
with received notions of their character
 and the tendency of their  public      
conduct4 ,the desire to have a closer   
view of the fountain head  whence the   
outward manifestations of a great       
intellect have sprung1 is  but one of   
the many examples of man's spirit of    
inquiry from effects to  their causes2  
and the desire will not be gratified by 
reproducing the  object of inquiry in   
all the pomp and state of his public    
intercourse  with the world1 and keeping
 the veil still closed upon his inner   

nature4  ,it is difficult to write with 
mere descriptive impartiality1 and      
without  exhibiting any bias of opinion1
 on matters which are1 at the same time1
  the most deeply interesting to        
mankind1 and the objects of their       
strongest partialities4 ,though the task
 that was before me was simply to       
describe1 and never to controvert1 ,i do
 not profess to have avoided all        
indications of opinion in the           
departments of the work which have the  
character of original authorship4 ,i    
have the satisfaction1 however1 of      
reflecting1 that the documents1 which   
are the real elements of value in  this 
work1 are impartially presented to the  
reader1 and that nothing is  omitted    
which seemed to bear distinctly on the  
character and conduct of  ,david ,hume4 
,i now offer a few words in explanation 
of the nature of these original         
documents4 ,the late ,baron ,hume had   
collected together his uncle's  papers1 
consisting of the letters addressed to  

him1 the few drafts or  copies he had   
left of letters written by himself1 the 
letters addressed  by him to his        
immediate relations1 and apparently all 
the papers in  his handwriting1 which   
had been left in the possession of the  
members of  his family4 ,to these the   
,baron seems to have been enabled to add
 the  originals of many of the letters  
addressed by him to his intimate        
friends1 ,adam ,smith1 ,blair1 ,mure1   
and others4 ,the design with which this 
interesting collection was made1 appears
 to have been that of preparing  a work 
of a similar description to the present2
 and it is a misfortune  to literature  
that this design was not accomplished4  
,on the death of  ,baron ,hume1 it was  
found that he had left this mass of     
papers at the  uncontrolled disposal of 
the ,council of the ,royal ,society of  
,edinburgh4  ,this learned body1 after  
having fully considered the course      
proper to be  adopted in these          
circumstances1 determined that they     

would permit the  papers to be made use 
of by any person desirous to apply them 
to a  legitimate literary purpose1 who  
might enjoy their confidence4 ,having   
for some time indulged in a project of  
writing a life of ,hume1 postponed  from
 time to time1 on account of the        
imperfect character of the  materials at
 my disposal1 ,i applied to the ,council
 of the ,royal ,society  for access to  
the ,hume papers2 and after having      
considered my  application with that    
deliberation which their duty to the    
public as  custodiers of these documents
 seemed to require1 they acceded to my  
request4 ,the ordinary form of returning
 thanks for the privilege of  using     
papers in the possession of private     
parties1 appears not to be  applicable  
to this occasion2 and ,i look on the    
concession of the ,council  as          
conferring on me an honour1 which is    
felt to be all the greater1 that  it was
 bestowed in the conscientious discharge
 of a public duty4    ,the ,hume papers1

 besides a manuscript of the ,dialogues 
on ,natural  ,religion1 and of a portion
 of the ,history1 fill seven quarto     
volumes of  various thickness1 and two  
thin folios4 ,in having so large a mass 
of  private and confidential            
correspondence committed to their       
charge1 the  ,council naturally felt    
that they would be neglecting their     
duty1 if they  did not keep in view the 
possibility that there might be in the  
collection1 allusions to the domestic   
conduct or private affairs of  persons  
whose relations are still living2 and   
that good taste1 and a  kind            
consideration for private feelings      
should prevent the accidental           
publication of such passages4 ,on       
inspection1 less of this description of 
matter was found than so large a mass of
 private documents might be  supposed to
 contain4 ,there is no passage which ,i 
have felt any  inclination to print1 as 
being likely to afford interest to the  
reader1  of which the use has been      

denied me2 and ,i can therefore say that
 ,i have  had in all respects full and  
unlimited access to this valuable       
collection4 ,before leaving this matter1
 ,i take the opportunity of  returning  
my thanks for the kind and polite       
attention ,i have received  from those  
gentlemen of the ,council1 on whom the  
arrangements for my  getting access to  
these papers1 imposed no little labour  
and sacrifice  of valuable time4    ,a  
rumour has obtained currency regarding  
the contents of these papers1  which    
seems to demand notice on the present   
occasion4    ,it is stated in ,the      
,quarterly ,review1xi3#a that those who 
have  examined the ,hume papers--which  
we know only by report--speak highly of 
their interest1 but add1 that they      
furnish painful disclosures  concerning 
the opinions then prevailing amongst the
 clergy of the  northern metropolis3    
distinguished ministers of the gospel   
encouraging  the scoffs of their        
familiar friend1 the author of 'the     

,essay upon  ,miracles2' and echoing the
 blasphemies of their associate1 the    
author of  the ',essay upon ,suicide6'  
,i have the pleasing task of removing   
the  painful feelings which1 as this    
writer justly observes1 must attend the 
belief in such a rumour1 by saying that 
,i could not find it justified  by a    
single sentence in the letters of the   
,scottish clergy contained in  these    
papers1 or in any other documents that  
have passed under my eye4 ,i  make this 
statement as an act of simple justice to
 the memory of men to  whose character1 
being a member of a different church1 ,i
 have no  partisan attachment3 and ,i   
may add that1 in the whole course of my 
pretty extensive researches in connexion
 with ,hume and his friends1 ,i  found  
no reason for believing that letters    
containing evidence of any  such        
frightful duplicity ever existed4       
,among these papers1 a variety of       
letters1 chiefly from eminent           
foreigners1 though interesting in       

themselves1 were entitled to no place   
in the body of this work1 as            
illustrative of the life and character  
of  ,hume4 ,these ,i had intended to    
print in an appendix1 believing that1   
though not directly connected with my   
own project1 the lovers of  literature  
would not readily excuse me for         
neglecting the opportunity  afforded by 
my access to these papers1 for adding to
 the stock of the  letters of celebrated
 men4 ,but the work1 according to its   
original scope  and design1 continuing  
to increase under my hands1 ,i found    
that if it  contained the documents     
specially referred to in the text1 its  
bulk  would be sufficiently extended1   
and ,i have determined to let the other 
papers here alluded to follow in a      
separate volume1 which will contain     
letters to ,hume from ,d',alembert1     
,turgot1 ,diderot1 ,helvtius1 ,franklin1
  ,walpole1 and other distinguished     
persons4    ,the reader will find that  
many original documents printed in this 

collection have been obtained from other
 sources than the ,hume papers4  ,my    
acknowledgments are particularly due to 
the ,earl of ,minto1 for the  liberality
 with which he allowed me the           
uncontrolled use of the large  and      
valuable collection of correspondence   
between ,hume and ,sir ,gilbert         
,elliot4 ,for the letters in the        
,kilravock collection ,i am indebted to 
,cosmo ,innes1 ,esq41 sheriff of        
,morayshire2 and ,i obtained access to  
those  addressed to ,colonel            
,edmondstoune1 through the polite       
intervention of  ,george ,dundas1 ,esq41
 sheriff of ,selkirkshire4 ,i am obliged
 to the  kindness of ,lord ,murray for  
much assistance in obtaining materials  
and  information for this work2 and to  
,robert ,chambers1 ,esq41 who has been  
accustomed from time to time1 to        
preserve such letters and other         
documents connected with ,scottish      
biography1 as came under his notice1 ,i 
have to offer my thanks for the whole of

 his collections regarding ,hume1  which
 he generously transferred to me4    ,in
 the use of printed books1 where the    
,advocates' ,library1 to which ,i  have 
professional access1 has failed me1 ,i  
have found the facilities for           
consulting the select and well arranged 
collection of the ,writers to the       
,signet of great service4    ,i owe     
acknowledgments to many friends for     
useful advice in the conduct  of the    
work4 ,to one especially1 who1 after    
having long occupied a  distinguished   
place in the literature of his country1 
permits his  friends still to enjoy the 
social exercise of those intellectual   
qualities that have delighted the world1
 ,i am indebted for such critical       
counsel as no other could have given1   
and few would have had the  considerate 
kindness to bestow1 were they able4     
,of the two portraits engraved for this 
work1 that which will1 probably1  most  
strikingly attract attention1 is taken  
from a bust1 of coarse and  unartistic  

workmanship1 but bearing all the marks  
of a genuine likeness4  ,it was moulded 
by a country artist1 at the desire of   
,hume's esteemed  friend1 ,professor    
,ferguson2 and ,i am under obligations  
to his son1 ,sir  ,adam1 for the        
privilege of using it on this occasion1 
and to ,sir ,george  ,mackenzie1 for    
having kindly mentioned its existence1  
and exerted  himself in its recovery1   
after it had been long lost sight of4   
,the  medallion1 from which the other   
portrait is taken1 is in the possession 
of ,charles ,kirkpatrick ,sharpe1 ,esq41
 by whom ,i was presented with the      
engraved plate1 from which the fac      
simile of a letter1 addressed by ,hume  
to his collateral ancestor1 is printed4 
,edinburgh1 ,february1 #ahdf4           
99499 ,it may be right to explain1 that 
the two sizes of type1       used in    
this work1 were first adopted with the  
design of       presenting all letters  
addressed to ,hume1 all extracts1 and   
all letters from him with which the     

public is already       familiar1 in the
 smaller type1 in order that the reader 
coming       to a document with which he
 is already acquainted1 might see       
at once where it ends4 ,this arrangement
 was accidentally       broken through1 
several letters having been printed in  
the       larger that should have       
appeared in the smaller type4           
,,footnotes3    xi3#a ,no4 ,,lxxiii4 p4 
#eee4          ,,contents ,,of ,,volume 
,,first4      ,,illustrations ,,to      
,,vol4 ,i4      ,portrait of ,hume from 
a ,medallion1                           
,frontispiece4      ,fac simile of a    
letter by ,hume1                        
,page #agh      ,,chapter ,i4           
#agaa-agcd4 ,t4 #j-bc4                  
,birth--,parentage--,his own account of 
his ,ancestors--,local    associations  
of                                      
,ninewells--,education--,studies--,early
    ,correspondence--,the               
,ramsays--,specimen of his early        
,writings--    ,essay on ,chivalry--,why

 he deserted the ,law--,early ambition  
to    found a ,school of                
,philosophy--,letter to a ,physician    
describing    his studies and           
habits--,criticism on the               
,letter--,supposition    that it was    
addressed to ,dr4 ,cheyne--,hume goes to
 ,bristol4         #a      ,,chapter    
,,ii4    #agcd-agci4 ,t4 #bc-bg4        
,hume leaves ,bristol for               
,france--,paris--,miracles at the ,tomb 
of    the ,abb ,paris--,rheims--,la     
,flche--,associations with the ,abb     
,pluche and ,des ,cartes--,observations 
on ,french ,society and    ,manners     
--,story of ,la ,roche--,return to      
,britain--,correspondence    with ,henry
 ,home--,publication of the first and   
second volume of    the ,treatise of    
,human ,nature--,character of that      
,work--,its    influence on ,mental     
,philosophy4                            
#dh      ,,chapter ,,iii4    #agci-agda4
 ,t4 #bg-bi4      ,letters to his       
friends after the publication of the    

first and    second volume of the       
,treatise--,returns to                  
,scotland--,reception    of his         
,book--,criticism in ,the ,works of the 
,learned--,charge    against ,hume of   
assaulting the                          
publisher--,correspondence with         
,francis ,hutcheson--,seeks a           
situation--,connexion with ,adam        
,smith--,publication of the third volume
 of the ,treatise--    ,account of      
it--,hume's notes of his                
reading--,extracts from his             
,note-books4                            
#aje      ,,chapter ,,iv4    #agda-agde4
 ,t4 #cj-cd4      ,publication of the   
,essays1 ,moral and ,political--,their  
,character--,correspondence with ,home  
and ,hutcheson--,hume's    ,remarks on  
,hutcheson's ,system--,education and    
,accomplishments    of the ,scottish    
,gentry--,hume's ,intercourse with ,mure
 of    ,caldwell and ,oswald of         
,dunnikier--,opinions on a ,sermon by   
,dr4    ,leechman--,attempts to succeed 

,dr4 ,pringle in the ,chair of ,moral   
,philosophy in ,edinburgh4              
#acf      ,,chapter ,v4    #agde-agdg4  
,t4 #cd-cf4      ,hume's ,residence with
 the ,marquis of ,annandale--,his       
,predecessor    ,colonel                
,forrester--,correspondence with ,sir   
,james ,johnstone and    ,mr4 ,sharp of 
,hoddam--,quarrel with ,captain         
,vincent--,estimate of    his ,conduct1 
and ,inquiry into the ,circumstances in 
which he was    placed--,appointed      
,secretary to ,general ,st4             
,clair--,accompanies    the expedition  
against the ,court of ,france as        
,judge-,advocate--    ,gives an ,account
 of the ,attack on ,port ,l',orient--,a 
tragic    ,incident4                    
#agj      ,,chapter ,,vi4    #agdf-agdh4
 ,t4 #ce-cg4      ,hume returns to      
,ninewells--,his domestic               
,position--,his attempts    in          
,poetry--,inquiry as to his             
,sentimentalism--,takes an interest     
in ,politics--,appointed ,secretary to  

,general ,st4 ,clair on his    mission  
to ,turin--,his journal of his          
,tour--,arrival in ,holland--           
,rotterdam--,the ,hague--,breda--,the   
,war--,french ,soldiers--,nimeguen      
--,cologne--,bonn--,the ,rhine and its  
scenery--,coblentz--,wiesbaden          
--,frankfurt--,battle of                
,dettingen--,wurzburg--,ratisbon--,desce
nt    of the ,danube--,observations on  
,germany--,vienna--,the ,emperor and    
,empress                                
,queen--,styria--,carinthia--,the       
,tyrol--,mantua--,cremona--    ,turin4  
#bbe      ,,chapter ,,vii4              
#agdh-agea4 ,t4 #cg-dj4                 
,publication of the ,inquiry concerning 
,human ,understanding--    ,nature of   
that ,work--,doctrine of                
,necessity--,observations on            
,miracles--,new ,edition of the ,essays1
 ,moral and ,political--    ,reception  
of the new ,publications--,return       
,home--,his ,mother's    ,death--,her   
,talents and ,character--,correspondence

 with ,dr4                              
,clephane--,earthquakes--,correspondence
 with ,montesquieu--    ,practical jokes
 in connexion with the ,westminster     
,election--    ,john ,home--,the        
,bellman's ,petition4                   
#bga      ,,chapter ,,viii4             
#agea-ageb4 ,t4 #dj-da4      ,sir       
,gilbert ,elliot--,hume's intimacy with 
him--,their ,philosophical              
,correspondence--,dialogues on ,natural 
,religion--,residence in                
,edinburgh--,jack's ,land--,publication 
of the ,inquiry concerning    the       
,principles of ,morals--,the            
,utilitarian ,theory--,attempt to       
obtain the ,chair of ,moral ,philosophy 
in ,glasgow--,competition    with       
,burke--,publication of the ,political  
,discourses--,the    foundation of      
,political ,economy--,french            
,translations4            #cai          
,,chapter ,,ix4    #ageb-agee4 ,t4      
#da-dd4      ,appointment as keeper of  
the ,advocates' ,library--,his ,duties--

    ,commences the ,history of          
,england--,correspondence with ,adam    
,smith and others on the                
,history--,generosity to ,blacklock     
the ,poet--,quarrel with the ,faculty of
 ,advocates--,publication of    the     
,first ,volume of the ,history--,its    
reception--,continues the               
,history--,controversial and ,polemical 
attacks--,attempt to subject    him1    
along with ,kames1 to the ,discipline of
 ,ecclesiastical    ,courts--,the leader
 of the attack--,home's ,douglas--,the  
first    ,edinburgh ,review4            
#cfg      ,,appendix4      ,fragments of
 a ,paper in ,hume's handwriting1       
describing the    ,descent on the ,coast
 of ,brittany1 in #agdf1 and the causes 
of    its failure4                      
#dda      ,letters from ,montesquieu to 
,hume1                                  
#def      ---- the ,abb le ,blanc to    
,hume1                                  
#deh      ,documents relating to the    
,poems of ,ossian1                      

#dfb       ,essay on the ,genuineness of
 the ,poems1                            
#dga          ,,the ,,life    ,,of      
,,david ,,hume4          ,,chapter ,i4  
#agaa-agcd4 ,t4 #j-bc4                  
,birth--,parentage--,his own account of 
his ,ancestors--,local                  
associations of                         
,ninewells--,education--,studies--,early
       ,correspondence--,the            
,ramsays--,specimen of his early        
,writings--       ,essay on             
,chivalry--,why he deserted the         
,law--,early ambition to       found a  
,school of ,philosophy--,letter to a    
,physician describing       his studies 
and habits--,criticism on the           
,letter--,supposition       that it was 
addressed to ,dr4 ,cheyne--,hume goes to
 ,bristol4      ,david ,hume was born at
 ,edinburgh1 on the #bfth of ,april1#a3a
 #agaa4 ,he  was the second son of      
,joseph ,hume1 or ,home1 proprietor of  
the estate of  ,ninewells1 in the parish
 of ,chirnside1 in ,berwickshire4 ,his  

mother was a  daughter of ,sir ,david   
,falconer of ,newton1 who filled the    
office of ,lord  ,president of the      
,court of ,session from #afhb to #afhe1 
and is known to  lawyers as the         
collector of a series of decisions of   
the ,court of  ,session1 published in   
#agja4 ,his son1 the brother of ,hume's 
mother1  succeeded to the barony of     
,halkerton in #agbg4 ,mr4 ,hume the     
elder1 was a  member of the ,faculty of 
,advocates4#a3b ,he appears1 however1 if
 he  ever intended to follow the legal  
profession as a means of livelihood1  to
 have early given up that view1 and to  
have lived1 as his eldest son  ,john    
afterwards did1 the life of a retired   
country gentleman4    ,it is an         
established rule1 that all biographical 
attempts of  considerable length1 shall 
contain some genealogical inquiry       
regarding  the family of their subject4 
,the present writer is relieved both of 
the  labour of such an investigation1   
and the responsibility of adjusting it  

to the appropriate bounds1 by being able
 to print a letter in which the         
philosopher has himself exhibited the   
results of an inquiry into the  subject4
      ,,david ,,hume to ,,alexander     
,,home of ,whitfield4    ,edinburgh1    
#abth ,april1 #ageh4    ,,dear          
,,sir1--,i was told by ,mrs4 ,home1 when
 she was in town1 that you  intended to 
make some researches into our family1 in
 order to give them  to ,mr4 ,douglas1  
who must insert them1 or the substance  
of them1 into his  account of the       
,scottish nobility4#b3a ,i think that   
your purpose is very  laudable1 and is  
very obliging to us all2 and for this   
reason ,i shall  inform you of what ,i  
know of the matter4 ,these hints will at
 least serve  to point out to you more  
authentic documents4    ,my brother has 
no very ancient charters3 the oldest he 
has1 are some  charters of the lands of 
,horndean4 ,there he is designated      
,home1 or ,hume1  of ,ninewells4 ,the   
oldest charters of ,ninewells are lost4 

,it was always  a tradition in our      
family1 that we were descended from     
,lord ,home1 in  this manner4 ,lord     
,home gave to his younger son the lands 
of ,tinningham1  ,east ,lothian4 ,this  
gentleman proved a spendthrift and      
dissipated his  estate1 upon which ,lord
 ,home provided his grandchild1 or      
nephew1 in the  lands of ,ninewells as a
 patrimony4 ,this1 probably1 is the     
reason why1 in  all the books of        
heraldry1 we are styled to be cadets of 
,tinningham2 and  ,tinningham was       
undoubtedly a cadet of ,home4 ,i was    
told by my grand-aunt1  ,mrs4 ,sinclair 
of ,hermiston1 that ,charles earl of    
,home told her1 that he  had been       
looking over some old papers of the     
family1 where the ,lord ,home  designs  
,home of ,ninewells either his grandson 
or nephew1 ,i do not  precisely remember
 which4    ,the late ,sir ,james ,home  
of ,blackadder showed me a paper1 which 
he  himself had copied a few days before
 from a gravestone in the churchyard  of

 ,hutton3 the words were these--',here  
lies ,john ,home of ,bell1 son of  ,john
 ,home of ,ninewells1 son of ,john ,home
 of ,tinningham1 son of ,john ,lord     
,home1 founder of ,dunglas4'    ,i find 
that this ,lord ,home1 founder of       
,dunglas1 was the very person  whom     
,godscroft says went over to ,france    
with the ,douglas1 and was father  to   
,tinningham3 so thus the two stories    
tally exactly4 ,he was killed  either in
 the battle of ,crevant or ,verneuil1   
gained by the ,duke of  ,bedford1 the   
regent1 against the ,french4 ,douglas   
fell in the same  battle4 ,i think it   
was the battle of ,verneuil4 ,all the   
,french and  ,english histories1 as well
 as the ,scotch1 contain this fact4     
,this ,lord  ,home was your ancestor1   
and ours1 lived in the time of ,james   
the ,first  and ,second of ,scotland1   
,henrys the ,fifth and ,sixth of        
,england4    ,i have asked old ,bell the
 descent of his family4 ,he said he was 
really  sprung from ,ninewells1 but that

 the lands fell to an heiress who       
married  a brother of ,polwarth's4      
,by ,godscroft's account1 ,tinningham   
was the third son of ,home in the  same 
generation that ,wedderburn was the     
second1 so that the difference  of      
antiquity is nothing1 or very           
inconsiderable4    ,the readiest way of 
vouching these facts would be for you to
 take a  jaunt to the churchyard of     
,hutton1 and inquire for ,bell's        
monument1 and  see whether the          
inscription be not obliterated2 for it  
is above  twenty-five years ago that ,i 
saw the paper in ,sir ,james ,home's    
hand1 and  he told us1 at that time1    
that the inscription was somewhat       
difficult to  be read4 ,if it be still  
legible it would be very well done to   
take a  copy of it in some authentic    
manner1 and transmit it to ,mr4         
,douglas1 to  be inserted in his volume4
 ,if it be utterly effaced1 the next1   
but most  difficult task would be to    
search for the paper above-mentioned in 

the  family of ,home3 it must be some   
time about the year #addj or #adej4 ,if 
both these means fail1 we must rest upon
 the tradition4    ,i am not of the     
opinion of some1 that these matters are 
altogether to  be slighted4 ,though we  
should pretend to be wiser than our     
ancestors1  yet it is arrogant to       
pretend that we are wiser than the other
 nations  of ,europe1 who1 all of them1 
except perhaps the ,english1 make great 
account of their family descent4 ,i     
doubt that our morals have not much     
improved since we began to think riches 
the sole thing worth  regarding4#d3a    
,if ,i were in the country ,i should be 
glad to attend you to ,hutton1 in  order
 to make the inquiry ,i propose4 ,i     
doubt whether my brother will  think of 
doing it3 he has such an extreme        
aversion to every thing that  savours of
 vanity1 that he would not willingly    
expose himself to  censure2 but this is 
a justice that one owes to their        
posterity1 for we  are not certain that 

these matters will be always so little  
regarded4    ,i shall farther observe to
 you1 that the ,lord ,home1 founder of  
,dunglas1  married the heiress of that  
family1 of the name of ,pepdie1 and from
 her  we always bear the ,pepingos in   
our arms4    ,i find in ,hall's         
,chronicle that the ,earl of ,surrey1 in
 an inroad upon  the ,merse1 made during
 the reign of ,henry the ,eighth1 after 
the battle  of ,flouden1 destroyed the  
castles of ,hedderburn1 ,west ,nisgate1 
and  ,blackadder1 and the towers of     
,east ,nisgate1 and ,winwalls4 ,the     
names1 you  see1 are somewhat           
disfigured2 but ,i cannot doubt but he  
means ,nisbet and  ,ninewells3 the      
situation of the places leads us to that
 conjecture4    ,i have reason to       
believe1 notwithstanding the fact1 as   
,ninewells lay  very near ,berwick1 our 
ancestors commonly paid contributions to
 the  governor of that place1 and       
abstained from hostilities and were     
prevented from ravages4 ,there is1 in   

,hayne's ,state ,papers1 a very         
particular account of the ravages       
committed by an inroad of the ,english1 
during the minority of ,queen ,mary4#f3a
 ,not a village1 scarce a single  house 
in the ,merse1 but what is mentioned as 
burnt or overthrown1 till  you come to  
,whitwater4 ,east of the river1 there   
was not one destroyed4  ,this reason    
will perhaps explain why1 in none of the
 histories of that  time1 even the more 
particular1 there is any mention made of
 our  ancestors2 while we meet with     
,wedderburn1 ,aiton1 ,manderston1       
,cowdenknows1 ,sprot1 and other cadets  
of ,home4    ,i have learned from my    
mother1 that my father1 in a lawsuit    
with  ,hilton1 claimed an old apprizing 
upon the lands of ,hutton-,hall1 upon   
which there had been no deed done for   
#adj years4 ,hilton thought that it     
must necessarily be expired2 but my     
father was able to prove that1  during  
that whole time there had not been forty
 years of majority in the  family4 ,he  

died soon after1 and left my mother very
 young2 so that there  was near #afj    
years during which there was not forty  
years of  majority4#f3b ,now we are upon
 this subject1 ,i shall just mention to 
you a trifle1 with regard to the        
spelling of our name4 ,the practice of  
spelling ,hume is by far the most       
ancient and most general till about the 
,restoration1 when it became common to  
spell ,home contrary to the             
pronunciation4 ,our name is frequently  
mentioned in ,rymer's ,foedera1  and    
always spelt ,hume4 ,i find a           
subscription of ,lord ,hume in the      
memoirs  of the ,sidney family1 where it
 is spelt as ,i do at present4 ,these   
are a  few of the numberless authorities
 on this head4    ,i wish the materials 
,i give you were more numerous and more 
satisfactory2 but such as they are1 ,i  
am glad to have communicated them  to   
you4--,i am1 c4#g3a      ,a competent   
authority in such matters gives the     
following partly  heraldic1 partly      

topographical account of the ,humes and 
their  territory3--    ,hume of         
,ninewells1 the family of the great     
historian1 bore ',vert a lion  rampant1 
argent1 within a bordure or1 charged    
with nine wells1 or  springs1 barry-wavy
 and argent4'    ,the estate of         
,ninewells is so named from a cluster of
 springs of that  number4 ,their        
situation is picturesque4 ,they burst   
forth from a gentle  declivity in front 
of the mansion1 which has on each side a
 semicircular  rising bank1 covered with
 fine timber1 and fall1 after a short   
time1  into the bed of the river        
,whitewater1 which forms a boundary in  
the  front4 ,these springs1 as          
descriptive of their property1 were     
assigned to  the ,humes of this place1  
as a difference in arms from the chief  
of their  house4#h3a    ,the scenes     
amidst which ,hume passed his boyhood1  
and many of the years  of his later     
life1 have subsequently1 in the light of
 a national  literature1 become a       

classic land1 visited by strangers1 with
 the same  feeling with which ,hume     
himself trod the soil of ,mantua4 ,in   
his own  days1 the elements of this     
literature were no less in existence2   
but it  was not part of his mental      
character to find any pleasing          
associations  in spots1 remarkable only 
for the warlike or adventurous          
achievements  they had witnessed4       
,intellect was the material on which his
 genius  worked3 with it were all his   
associations and sympathies2 and what   
had  not been adorned by the feats of   
the mind had no charm in his eye4 ,had  
he been a stranger of another land1     
visiting at the present1 or some  later 
day1 the scenes of the ,lay and of      
,marmion1 they would1 without  doubt1   
like the land of ,virgil1 have lit in   
his mind some sympathetic  glow2 but the
 scenes illustrated solely by deeds of  
barbarous warfare1  and by a rude       
illiterate minstrelsy1 had nothing in   
them to rouse a  mind1 which was yet far

 from being destitute of its own        
peculiar  enthusiasm4 ,he had often1 in 
his history1 to mention great historical
  events that had taken place in the    
immediate vicinity of his paternal      
residence1 and in places to which he    
could hardly have escaped1 if he  did   
not court occasional visits4 ,about six 
miles from ,ninewells1 stands  ,norham  
castle4 ,three or four miles farther    
off1 are ,twisel bridge1 where  ,surrey 
crossed the ,till to engage the ,scots1 
and the other localities  connected with
 the battle of ,flodden4 ,in the same   
neighbourhood is  ,holiwell ,haugh1     
where ,edward ,i4 met the ,scottish     
nobility1 when he  professed himself to 
be the arbiter of the disputes between  
,bruce and  ,baliol4 ,in his notices of 
these spots1 in connexion with the      
historical  events which he describes1  
he betrays no symptom of having passed  
many  of his youthful days in their     
vicinity1 but is as cold and general as 
when he describes ,agincourt or ,marston

 ,moor2 and it may safely be said1  that
 in none of his historical or           
philosophical writings does any         
expression used by him1 unless in those 
cases where a ,scoticism has  escaped   
his vigilance1 betray either the        
district or the country of his          
origin4#i3a ,hume tells us1 in his short
 autobiography1 ,my family was  not     
rich1 and being myself a younger        
brother1 my patrimony1 according to  the
 mode of my country1 was of course very 
slender4 ,my father1 who  passed for a  
man of parts1 died when ,i was an       
infant1 leaving me1 with  an elder      
brother and a sister1 under the care of 
our mother1 a woman of  singular merit1 
who1 though young and handsome1 devoted 
herself entirely  to the rearing and    
education of her children4 ,he says no  
more of his  education1 than that he    
passed through the ordinary course of   
education  with success4 ,in a document 
which will be immediately quoted at     
length1  we find him speaking of having 

received the usual college education of 
,scotland1 which terminates when the    
student is fourteen or fifteen years    
old4 ,it is probable that he studied at 
the ,university of ,edinburgh1 in  the  
matriculation book of which the name of 
,david ,home appears1 as  intrant of the
 class of ,william ,scott1 ,professor of
 ,greek1 on #bgth  ,february1 #agbc4    
,holding the year to commence on #ast   
,january1 which was  then the practice  
in ,scotland1 though not in ,england1 he
 would be at  that time nearly twelve   
years old4 ,the name does not appear in 
any of  the subsequent matriculation    
lists3 it was probably not then the     
practice for the student to be entered  
more than once1 at the  commencement of 
his curriculum2 and neither the name of 
,hume1 nor of  ,home1 occurs in the list
 of graduates4    ,of his method of     
studying1 and of his habits of life1    
after he left the  university1 as of his
 literary aspirations and projects1 we  
fortunately  possess some curious       

notices in his correspondence4 ,the     
earliest letter  written by ,hume1 known
 to be extant1 is in a scroll which has 
been  apparently preserved by himself4  
,it is addressed to ,michael ,ramsay1   
with  whom it will be seen1 from the    
letters quoted in the course of this    
work1 that the friendship formed1 when  
both were young1 remained  uninterrupted
 and vigorous during their mature years4
 ,i have been unable  to discover any   
thing of the history of this ,michael   
,ramsay1 beyond what  may be gathered   
from the internal evidence supplied by  
the  correspondence4 ,he must have been 
destined for the ,english ,church1 but  
he appears not to have taken orders2 as 
in a letter from ,hume1 which1  though  
undated1 must have been written at an   
advanced period of both  their lives1 he
 is addressed ,michael ,ramsay1 ,esq4   
,writing on #eth ,june1  #agfd1 he says 
to ,hume1 ,i continue in the old        
wandering way in which ,i  have passed  
so much of my life1 and in which it is  

likely ,i shall end  it4 ,he appears to 
have had many connexions well to do in  
the world1 and  to have died before the 
year #aggi1 leaving his papers in the   
possession  of a nephew having his own  
,christian name of ,michael2 which was  
also1 it  may be observed1 the name of  
the ,chevalier ,ramsay1 of whom ,hume's 
correspondent was perhaps a             
relation4#ab3a      ,,hume to ,,michael 
,,ramsay4    ,july #d1 #agbg4    ,d,r   
,m4--,i received all the books you writ 
of1 and your ,milton among  the rest4   
,when ,i saw it1 ,i perceived there was 
a difference betwixt  preaching and     
practising3 you accuse me of niceness1  
and yet practise it  most egregiously   
yourself4 ,what was the necessity of    
sending your  ,milton1 which ,i knew you
 were so fond of8 ,why1 ,i lent your's  
and can't  get it4 ,but would you not1  
in the same manner1 have lent your own8 
,yes4  ,then1 why this ceremony and good
 breeding8 ,i write all this to show you
  how easily any action may be brought  

to bear the countenance of a fault4     
,you may justify yourself very well1 by 
saying it was kindness2 and ,i am       
satisfied with it1 and thank you for it4
 ,so1 in the same manner1 ,i may        
justify myself from your reproofs4 ,you 
say that ,i would not send in my        
papers1 because they were not polished  
nor brought to any form3 which  you say 
is nicety4 ,but was it not reasonable8  
,would you have me send in  my loose    
incorrect thoughts8 ,were such worth the
 transcribing8 ,all the  progress that  
,i made is but drawing the outlines1 on 
loose bits of  paper3 here a hint of a  
passion2 there a phenomenon in the mind 
accounted for3 in another the alteration
 of these accounts2 sometimes a  remark 
upon an author ,i have been reading2 and
 none of them worth to any  body1 and ,i
 believe scarce to myself4 ,the only    
design ,i had of  mentioning any of them
 at all1 was to see what you would have 
said of  your own1 whether they were of 
the same kind1 and if you would send    

any2  and ,i have got my end1 for you   
have given a most satisfactory reason   
for  not communicating them1 by         
promising they shall be told viv voce--a
  much better way indeed1 and in which  
,i promise myself much satisfaction2    
for the free conversation of a friend is
 what ,i would prefer to any            
entertainment4 ,just now ,i am entirely 
confined to myself and library for      
diversion since we parted4              
----ea sola voluptus1       ,solamenque 
mali--#ad3a    ,and indeed to me they   
are not a small one3 for ,i take no more
 of them  than ,i please2 for ,i hate   
task-reading1 and ,i diversify them at  
pleasure--sometimes a philosopher1      
sometimes a poet--which change is not   
unpleasant nor disserviceable neither2  
for what will more surely engrave  upon 
my mind a ,tusculan disputation of      
,cicero's ,de gritudine ,lenienda1  than
 an eclogue or georgick of ,virgil's8   
,the philosopher's wise man and  the    
poet's husbandman agree in peace of     

mind1 in a liberty and  independency on 
fortune1 and contempt of riches1 power1 
and glory4 ,every  thing is placid and  
quiet in both3 nothing perturbed or     
disordered4         ,at secura quies1 et
 nescia fallere vita----       ,spelunc1
 vivique laci2 at frigida ,tempe1       
,mugitusque boum1 mollesque sub arbore  
somnos       ,non absint4#ad3b    ,these
 lines will1 in my opinion1 come nothing
 short of the instruction  of the finest
 sentence in ,cicero3 and is more to me1
 as ,virgil's life is  more the subject 
of my ambition1 being what ,i can       
apprehend to be more  within my power4  
,for the perfectly wise man1 that       
outbraves fortune1 is  surely greater   
than the husbandman who slips by her2   
and1 indeed1 this  pastoral and         
saturnian happiness ,i have in a great  
measure come at just  now4 ,i live like 
a king1 pretty much by myself1 neither  
full of action  nor                     
perturbation1--molles somnos4 ,this     
state1 however1 ,i can foresee  is not  

to be relied on4 ,my peace of mind is   
not sufficiently confirmed  by          
philosophy to withstand the blows of    
fortune4 ,this greatness and  elevation 
of soul is to be found only in study and
 contemplation--this  can alone teach us
 to look down on human accidents4 ,you  
must allow me  to talk thus1 like a     
philosopher3 'tis a subject ,i think    
much on1 and  could talk all day long   
of4 ,but ,i know ,i must not trouble    
you4 ,wherefore  ,i wisely practise my  
rules1 which prescribe to check our     
appetite2 and1  for a mortification1    
shall descend from these superior       
regions to low  and ordinary life2 and  
so far as to tell you1 that ,john has   
bought a  horse3 he thinks it neither   
cheap nor dear4 ,it cost six guineas1   
but  will be sold cheaper against       
winter1 which he is not resolved on as  
yet4  ,it has no fault1 but bogles a    
little4 ,it is tolerably well favoured1 
and  paces naturally4 ,mamma bids me    
tell you1 that ,sir ,john ,home is not  

going  to town2 but he saw ,eccles in   
the country1 who says he will do nothing
  in that affair1 for he is only taking 
off old adjudications1 so it is         
needless to let him see the papers4 ,he 
desires you would trouble  yourself to  
inquire about the ,earle's affairs1 and 
advise us what to do  in this affair4   
,if it were not breaking the formal rule
 of connexions ,i have prescribed       
myself in this letter--and it did not   
seem unnatural to raise myself  from so 
low affairs as horses and papers1 to so 
high and elevate things  as books and   
study--,i would tell you that ,i read   
some of ,longinus  already1 and that ,i 
am mightily delighted with him4 ,i think
 he does  really answer the character of
 being the great sublime he describes4  
,he  delivers his precepts with such    
force1 as if he were enchanted with the 
subject2 and is himself an author that  
may be cited for an example to  his own 
rules1 by any one who shall be so       
adventurous as to write upon  his       

subject4#af3a      ,this is certainly a 
remarkable letter to have been written  
by a youth  little more than sixteen    
years old4 ,if it had been written by   
one less  distinguished by the          
originality of his mature intellect1 it 
might be  looked upon as one of those   
illustrations of the faculty of         
imitation1  for which some young persons
 display peculiar powers2 but its grave 
and  high-toned philosophical feeling is
 evidently no echo of other people's    
words1 but the deeply felt sentiments of
 the writer4 ,in some measure1  perhaps1
 he deceived himself in believing that  
he had attuned his mind  to pastoral    
simplicity1 and had weeded it of all    
ambitious longings4 ,if  he had a       
sympathy with ,virgil1 it was not1 as he
 has represented1 with  the poet's ideas
 of life1 but with his realizations of  
it2 not with the  quiet sphere of a     
retired and unnoticed existence1 but    
with the lustre  of a well-earned fame4 
,through the whole1 indeed1 of the      

memorials of  ,hume's early feelings1 we
 find the traces of a bold and          
far-stretching  literary ambition2 and  
though he believed that he had seared   
his mind to  ordinary human influences1 
it was because this one had become so   
engrossing as to overwhelm all others4  
,i was seized very early1 he  tells us1 
in his 'own life1' with a passion for   
literature1 which has  been the ruling  
passion of my life1 and a great source  
of my  enjoyments4 ,joined to this      
impulse1 we find a practical philosophy 
partaking far more of the stoical than  
of that sceptical school with  which his
 metaphysical writings have identified  
him2 a morality of  self-sacrifice and  
endurance1 for the accomplishment of    
great ends4 ,in  whatever light we may  
view his speculative opinions1 we gather
 from the  habits of his life1 and from 
the indications we possess of his       
passing  thoughts1 that he devotedly    
acted up to the principle1 that his     
genius  and power of application should 

be laid out with the greatest prospect  
of permanent advantage to mankind4 ,he  
was an economist of all his  talents    
from early youth3 no memoir of a        
literary man presents a more  cautious  
and vigilant husbandry of the mental    
powers and acquirements4  ,there is no  
instance of a man of genius who has     
wasted less in idleness  or in          
unavailing pursuits4 ,money was not his 
object1 nor was temporary  fame2 though1
 of the means of independent livelihood1
 and a good repute  among men1 he never 
lost sight3 but his ruling object of    
ambition1  pursued in poverty and       
riches1 in health and sickness1 in      
laborious  obscurity and amidst the     
blaze of fame1 was to establish a       
permanent  name1 resting on the         
foundation of literary achievements1    
likely to live  as long as human thought
 endured1 and mental philosophy was     
studied4    ,there is among ,hume's     
papers a fragment of ,an ,historical    
,essay on  ,chivalry and ,modern        

,honour4 ,it is evidently a clean copy  
from a  corrected scrawl1 written with  
great precision and neatness1 and no    
despicable specimen of caligraphy4 ,from
 the pains that appear to have  been    
bestowed on the penmanship1 and from    
many rhetorical defects and  blemishes  
which do not appear in any of his       
published works1 it may be  inferred    
that this is a production of very early 
years1 and properly  applicable to this 
period of his life2 although its matured
 thought1 and  clear systematic         
analysis1 might1 in other circumstances1
 have indicated  it as the fruit of a   
mind long and carefully cultivated4 ,it 
is scarcely  necessary to frame an      
excuse for quoting such a document on   
the present  occasion4 ,it could not be 
legitimately incorporated with his      
works2  because1 whatever is given to   
the public in that shape1 is presumed to
  consist of those productions which the
 author himself1 or those entitled  to  
represent him1 have thought fit to lay  

before the public1 as the  efforts by   
which the full stretch and compass of   
his intellectual powers  are to be      
tested4 ,from such collections1 the     
editor who performs his  functions with 
a kind and respectful consideration for 
the reputation of  the illustrious dead1
 will exclude whatever is characterized 
by the  crudeness of youth1 or the      
feebleness of superannuation4 ,to the   
reputation of ,hume it would be         
peculiarly unjust to publish among his  
acknowledged and printed works1 any     
productions of extreme youth2  because1 
from his earliest years to an advanced  
period of his life1 his  mind was       
characterized by constant improvement1  
and he was every now and  then reaching 
a point from which he looked back with  
regret and  disapprobation at the       
efforts of earlier years4    ,but in a  
biographical work1 where the chief      
object is the tracing the  history of   
the author's mind1 not the              
representation of its matured  efforts1 

these early specimens of budding genius 
have their legitimate  place1 and       
receive that charitable consideration   
for the circumstances  in which they    
were written1 which their author's      
reputation demands4    ,the essay       
commences with a sketch of the decline  
of virtue1 and the  prevalence of luxury
 among the ,romans2 and describes their 
possession of  the arts which they had  
learned in their better days1 when not  
seconded  by bravery and enterprise1 as 
furnishing1 like the fine clothes of a  
soldier1 a temptation to hostile        
cupidity4 ,he then represents the       
conquerors adapting themselves1 after   
the manner peculiar to their own        
barbarous state1 to the habits and ideas
 of the civilized people whom  they had 
subdued4 ,he represents the conquered   
people as sunk in  indolence1 but       
imperfectly preserving the arts and     
elegancies  transmitted to them by their
 ancestors2 and the conquerors full of  
energy and activity1 as the sources of  

whatever impulse was thereafter  given  
to thought or action4 ,they came with   
freshness and alacrity to  the business2
 and being encouraged both by the       
novelty of these subjects  and by the   
success of their arms1 would naturally  
ingraft some new kind  of fruit on the  
ancient stock4 ,he then proceeds with   
the following  train of reflections3--  
',tis observable of the human mind1 that
 when it is smit with any idea  of merit
 or perfection beyond what its faculties
 can attain1 and in the  pursuit of     
which it uses not reason and experience 
for its guide1 it  knows no mean1 but as
 it gives the rein1 and even adds the   
spur1 to  every florid conceit or fancy1
 runs in a moment quite wide of nature4 
,thus we find1 when1 without discretion1
 it indulges its devote terrors1  that  
working in such fairy-ground1 it quickly
 buries itself in its own  whimsies and 
chimeras1 and raises up to itself a new 
set of passions1  affections1 desires1  
objects1 and1 in short1 a perfectly new 

world of  its own1 inhabited by         
different beings1 and regulated by      
different laws  from this of ours4 ,in  
this new world 'tis so possessed that it
 can  endure no interruption from the   
old2 but as nature is apt still on every
  occasion to recall it thither1 it must
 undermine it by art1 and retiring      
altogether from the commerce of mankind1
 if it be so bent upon its  religious   
exercise1 from the mystic1 by an easy   
transition1 degenerate  into the        
hermite4 ,the same thing is observable  
in philosophy1 which  though it cannot  
produce a different world in which we   
may wander1 makes  us act in this as if 
we were different beings from the rest  
of mankind2  at least makes us frame to 
ourselves1 though we cannot execute     
them1  rules of conduct different from  
those which are set to us by nature4 ,no
  engine can supply the place of wings1 
and make us fly1 though the  imagination
 of such a one may make us stretch and  
strain and elevate  ourselves upon our  

tiptoes4 ,and in this case of an        
imagined merit1 the  farther our        
chimeras hurry us from nature1 and the  
practice of the  world1 the better      
pleased we are1 as valuing ourselves    
upon the  singularity of our notions1   
and thinking we depart from the rest of 
mankind only by flying above them4      
,where there is none we excel1 we are   
apt to think we have no excellency2 and 
self-conceit makes us take every        
singularity for an excellency4    ,when1
 therefore1 these barbarians came first 
to the relish of some  degree of virtue 
and politeness beyond what they had ever
 before been  acquainted with1 their    
minds would necessarily stretch         
themselves into  some vast conceptions  
of things1 which1 not being corrected by
  sufficient judgment and experience1   
must be empty and unsolid4 ,those who   
had first bred these conceptions in them
 could not assist them in their  birth1 
as the ,grecians did the ,romans2 but   
being themselves scarce half  civilized1

 would be rather apt to entertain any   
extravagant misshapen  conceit of their 
conquerors1 than able to lick it into   
any form4 ',twas  thus that that monster
 of romantic chivalry1 or               
knight-errantry1 by the  necessary      
operation of the principles of human    
nature1 was brought into  the world2 and
 it is remarkable that it descended from
 the ,moors and  ,arabians1 who1        
learning somewhat of the ,roman civility
 from the province  they conquered1 and 
being themselves a southern people1     
which are  commonly observed to be more 
quick and inventive than the northern1  
were  the first who fell upon this vein 
of achievement4 ,when it was once       
broken upon it ran like wild-fire over  
all the nations of ,europe1 who1  being 
in the same situation with these        
nations1 kindled with the least  spark4 
,what kind of monstrous birth this of   
chivalry must prove1 we may learn  from 
considering the different revolutions in
 the arts1 particularly in              

architecture1 and comparing the ,gothic 
with the ,grecian models of it4  ,the   
one are plain1 simple1 and regular1 but 
withal majestic and  beautiful1 which   
when these barbarians unskilfully       
imitated1 they ran  into a wild         
profusion of ornaments1 and by their    
rude embellishments  departed far from  
nature and a just simplicity4 ,they were
 struck with  the beauties of the       
ancient buildings2 but1 ignorant how to 
preserve a  just mean1 and giving an    
unbounded liberty to their fancy in     
heaping  ornament upon ornament1 they   
made the whole a heap of confusion and  
irregularity4 ,for the same reason1 when
 they would rear up a new scheme  of    
manners1 or heroism1 it must be         
strangely overcharged with ornaments1   
and no part exempt from their unskilful 
refinements2 and this we find to  have  
been actually the case1 as may be proven
 by running over the  several parts of  
it4      ,he then inquires into the     
reason1 why courage is the principal    

virtue of  barbarous nations1 and why   
they esteem deeds of heroism1 however   
useless  or mischievous1 as far more    
meritorious than useful efforts of      
government or internal organization4 ,he
 contrasts the heroism of the  barbarous
 periods of the ancient world1 with     
those of the dark ages of  modern       
,europe2 and finding the former selfish 
and aggrandizing1 while  the latter is  
characterized by the more generous      
features of chivalry1  he thus accounts 
for this characteristic4      ,the      
method by which these courteous knights 
acquired this extreme  civility of      
theirs1 was by mixing love with their   
courage4 ,love is a  very generous      
passion1 and well fitted both to that   
humanity and  courage they would        
reconcile4 ,the only one that can       
contest with it is  friendship1 which1  
besides that it is too refined a passion
 for common  use1 is not by many degrees
 so natural as love1 to which almost    
every  one has a great propensity1 and  

which it is impossible to see a         
beautiful woman1 without feeling some   
touches of4 ,besides1 as love is a      
capricious passion1 it is the more      
susceptible of these fantastic forms1   
which it must take when it mixes with   
chivalry4 ,friendship is a solid  and   
serious thing1 and1 like the love of    
their country in the ,roman  heroes1    
would dispel and put to flight all the  
chimeras1 inseparable  from this spirit 
of adventure4 ,so that a mistress is as 
necessary to a  cavalier or             
knight-errant1 as a god or saint to a   
devotee4 ,nor would he  stop here1 or be
 contented with a submiss reverence and 
adoration to one  of the sex1 but would 
extend in some degree the same civility 
to the  whole1 and by a curious         
reversement of the order of nature1 make
 them  the superior4 ,this is no more   
than what is suitable to that infinite  
generosity of which he makes profession4
 ,every thing below him he treats  with 
submission1 and every thing above him1  

with contumacy4 ,thus he  carries these 
double symptoms of generosity which     
,virgil makes mention  of into          
extravagance4         ,parcere subjectis
 et debellare superbos4    ,hence arises
 the knight-errant's strong and         
irreconcileable aversion to  all giants1
 with his most humble and respectful    
submission to all  damsels4 ,these two  
affections of his1 he unites in all his 
adventures1  which are always designed  
to relieve distressed damsels from the  
captivity and violence of giants4    ,as
 a cavalier is composed of the greatest 
warmth of love1 tempered with  the most 
humble submission and respect1 his      
mistress's behaviour is in  every point 
the reverse of this2 and what is        
conspicuous in her temper  is the utmost
 coldness along with the greatest       
haughtiness and disdain2  until at last1
 gratitude for the many deliverances she
 has met with1 and  the giants and      
monsters without number that he has     
destroyed for her  sake1 reduces her1   

though unwilling1 to the necessity of   
commencing a  bride4 ,here the chastity 
of women1 which1 from the necessity of  
human  affairs1 has been in all ages and
 countries an extravagant point of      
honour with them1 is run into still     
greater extravagance1 that none of  the 
sexes may be exempt from this fantastic 
ornament4    ,such were the notions of  
bravery in that age1 and such the       
fictions by  which they formed models of
 it4 ,the effects these had on their    
ordinary  life and conversation was1    
first1 an extravagant gallantry and     
adoration  of the whole female sex1 and 
romantic notions of extraordinary       
constancy1 fidelity1 and refined passion
 for one mistress4 ,secondly1 the       
introduction of the practice of single  
combat4 ,how naturally this sprung  up  
from chivalry may easily be understood4 
,a knight-errant fights1 not  like      
another man full of passion and         
resentment1 but with the utmost         
civility mixed with his undaunted       

courage4 ,he salutes you before he cuts 
your throat2 and a plain man1 who       
understood nothing of the mystery1      
would take him for a treacherous        
ruffian1 and think that1 like ,judas1 he
  was betraying with a kiss1 while he is
 showing his generous calmness and      
amicable courage4 ,in consequence of    
this1 every thing is performed with  the
 greatest ceremony and order2 and       
whenever either chance or his  superior 
bravery make either of them victorious1 
he generously gives his  antagonist his 
life1 and again embraces him as his     
friend4 ,when these  fantastic practices
 have come in use1 the amazed world1    
who1 merely  because there is nothing   
real in all this1 must certainly imagine
 there  is a great deal1 could not but  
look upon such a courteous enmity as the
  most heroic and sublime thing in      
nature2 and instead of punishing any    
murder that might ensue1 as the law     
directs in such cases1 would praise  and
 applaud the murderer4#be3a             

,perhaps the reader of these passages   
will have come to the conclusion  that  
the powers of reason displayed in them  
are as bold and original as  the        
imagination is meagre and servile4 ,the 
reflections on ,gothic  architecture are
 the commonplace opinions of the day1   
uttered by one who  was singularly      
destitute of sympathy with the human    
intellect1 in its  early efforts to     
resolve itself into symmetry and        
elegance2 whose mind  shrunk from the   
contemplation of any work of man that   
did not bear the  stamp of high         
intellectual culture4 ,the same want of 
sympathy with man  in his rude and      
grand1 though inharmonious efforts1 here
 attends both  the chivalric manners and
 the solemn architecture of the dark    
ages4 ,of  the former1 he has made a    
cold1 clear1 unsympathizing1 perhaps    
accurate  estimate4 ,the latter1 unless 
a large proportion of the architectural 
enthusiasts of the present day have     
raised the taste of the age upon  false 

foundations1 he utterly misappreciated4 
,it must have been about his seventeenth
 year that ,hume commenced1 and         
abruptly relinquished the practical     
study of the law1--a curious episode  in
 his history1 which he thus describes in
 his own life3 ,my studious             
disposition1 my sobriety1 and my        
industry1 gave my family a notion that  
the law was a proper profession for me2 
but ,i found an insurmountable  aversion
 to every thing but the pursuits of     
philosophy and general  learning2 and   
while they fancied ,i was poring upon   
,voet and ,vinnius1  ,cicero and ,virgil
 were the authors which ,i was secretly 
devouring4    ,but this by no means     
gives the reader a full and faithful    
impression of  his motives4 ,the passage
 calls up the vision of a contemplative1
 gentle1  unambitious youth1 shrinking  
from the arid labours that lead to      
wealth  and distinction1 and content to 
dream away his life in obscurity with   
the companionship of his favourite      

books4 ,the document already referred   
to1 and immediately to be quoted1 shows 
that far other thoughts were in  his    
mind2 that he did not shrink from the   
professional labours of the  bar1 to    
sink into studious ease1 but rejected   
them to encounter higher  and more      
arduous toils--that he did not drop     
passively from the path of  ambition    
opened to him1 but deserted it for a    
higher and more  adventurous course4 ,he
 had indeed already before him the      
prospect of  being a discoverer in      
philosophy1 and his mind1 crowded with  
the images  of his new system1 could see
 nothing else in life worthy of pursuit4
    ,without this clue1 ,hume's aversion
 to the study of the law would have     
been a problem not to be easily solved4 
,had he lived in the present day1  when 
the mass of statute and precedent that  
have accumulated even within  the narrow
 domain of ,scottish law1 have          
completely precluded those  luxurious   
digressions into the field of           

speculation and theory1 which           
characterized the legal practice of our 
ancestors1 one might readily  comprehend
 the aversion of his fastidiously       
cultivated logical mind to  such hard   
and coarse materials4 ,but a lawyer's   
library1 in his days1  consisted of the 
classics1 the philosophers of mind1 and 
the civilians4  ,the advocate often     
commenced his pleadings with a quotation
 from the  young philosopher's favourite
 poet ,virgil1 and then digressed into a
  speculative inquiry into the general  
principles of law and government3  the  
philosophical genius of ,themis long    
soaring sublime1 until at last1  folding
 her wings1 she rested on some vulgar   
question about dry multures  or an      
irritancy of a tailzie1 to the          
settlement of which the wide  principles
 so announced were applied4 ,surely that
 science1 within the  boundaries of     
which the speculative spirit of ,lord   
,kames had room for  its flights1 could 
not have been rejected on the ground    

that it cramped  and restrained the     
faculty of generalizing4#bh3a ,yet in a 
letter to  ,smith1 of #abth ,april1     
#agei1 which shows that ,hume retained  
his antipathy  to the study to an       
advanced period of his life1 he says1 ,i
 am afraid of  ,kames' ,law ,tracts4 ,a 
man might as well think of making a fine
 sauce by a  mixture of wormwood and    
aloes1 as an agreeable composition by   
joining  metaphysics and ,scottish law4 
,however1 the book ,i believe has merit1
  though few people will take the pains 
of inquiring into it4    ,in truth there
 appear to have been in ,hume all the   
elements of which a  good lawyer is     
made3 clearness of judgment1 power of   
rapidly acquiring  knowledge1 untiring  
industry1 and dialectic skill2 and1 if  
his mind had  not been preoccupied1 he  
might have fallen into that gulf in     
which many  of the world's greatest     
geniuses lie buried--professional       
eminence1 and  might have left behind   
him a reputation limited to the         

traditional  recollections of the       
,parliament ,house1 or associated with  
important  decisions4 ,he was through   
life an able1 clear-headed man of       
business1  and ,i have seen several     
legal documents written in his own hand 
and  evidently drawn by himself4 ,they  
stand the test of general professional  
observation2 and their writer1 by       
preparing documents of such a  character
 on his own responsibility1 showed that 
he had considerable  confidence in his  
ability to adhere to the forms adequate 
for the  occasion4 ,he talks of it as an
 ancient prejudice industriously        
propagated by the dunces in all         
countries1 that a man of genius is      
unfit for business2#bi3a and he showed1 
in his general conduct  through life1   
that he did not choose to come          
voluntarily under this  proscription4   
,his writings1 however1 bear but slight 
traces of his juridical studies4  ,in   
analysing the foundations of our notions
 of property1 he criticises  some of the

 subtleties of the early civilians1 but 
shows no more  intimate acquaintance    
with their works than any well-informed 
scholar of  the day might be supposed to
 exhibit4 ,he shows no pleasure in      
dwelling  on matters connected with this
 study1 but rather appears disposed to  
release himself and his reader from a   
subject so little congenial to his      
taste4 ,the particular law of ,scotland 
is one of those subjects to which  he   
would be careful to avoid a reference1  
as carrying with it that tone  of       
provincial thought and education which  
he was always anxious to  avoid4 ,it may
 be perhaps an unfortunate result of    
this early prejudice  against the study 
of jurisprudence1 that in after life he 
failed to  acquire that knowledge of the
 progress of the law of ,england1 which 
would have made his history much less   
amenable than it has been to  censorious
 criticism4    ,it is now time that the 
reader should be possessed of the       
document above  alluded to1 as throwing 

much light on ,hume's early studies and 
habits of  life2 and it is here         
presented1 without any introductory     
explanation1 as  it first appeared to me
 in going through the papers in the     
possession of  the ,royal ,society4     
,a ,letter to a ,physician4             
,,sir1--,not being acquainted with this 
handwriting1 you will probably  look to 
the bottom to find the subscription1 and
 not finding any1 will  certainly wonder
 at this strange method of addressing to
 you4 ,i must  here in the beginning beg
 you to excuse it1 and1 to persuade you 
to read  what follows with some         
attention1 must tell you1 that this     
gives you an  opportunity to do a very  
good-natured action1 which ,i believe is
 the  most powerful argument ,i can use4
 ,i need not tell you1 that ,i am your  
countryman1 a ,scotsman2 for without any
 such tie1 ,i dare rely upon your       
humanity even to a perfect stranger1    
such as ,i am4 ,the favour ,i beg of    
you is your advice1 and the reason why  

,i address myself in particular to  you1
 need not be told1--as one must be a    
skilful physician1 a man of  letters1 of
 wit1 of good sense1 and of great       
humanity1 to give me a  satisfying      
answer4 ,i wish fame had pointed out to 
me more persons1 in  whom these         
qualities are united1 in order to have  
kept me some time in  suspense4 ,this ,i
 say in the sincerity of my heart1 and  
without any  intention of making a      
compliment2 for though it may seem      
necessary1  that1 in the beginning of so
 unusual a letter1 ,i should say some   
fine  things1 to bespeak your good      
opinion1 and remove any prejudices you  
may  conceive at it1 yet such an        
endeavour to be witty1 would ill suit   
with  the present condition of my mind2 
which1 ,i must confess1 is not without  
anxiety concerning the judgment you will
 form of me4 ,trusting1 however1  to    
your candour and generosity1 ,i shall1  
without further preface1  proceed to    
open up to you the present condition of 

my health1 and to do  that the more     
effectually1 shall give you a kind of   
history of my life1  after which you    
will easily learn why ,i keep my name a 
secret4    ,you must know then that1    
from my earliest infancy1 ,i found      
always a  strong inclination to books   
and letters4 ,as our college education  
in  ,scotland1 extending little further 
than the languages1 ends commonly  when 
we are about fourteen or fifteen years  
of age1 ,i was after that  left to my   
own choice in my reading1 and found it  
incline me almost  equally to books of  
reasoning and philosophy1 and to poetry 
and the  polite authors4 ,every one who 
is acquainted either with the           
philosophers  or critics1 knows that    
there is nothing yet established in     
either of  these two sciences1 and that 
they contain little more than endless   
disputes1 even in the most fundamental  
articles4 ,upon examination of  these1  
,i found a certain boldness of temper   
growing in me1 which was not  inclined  

to submit to any authority in these     
subjects1 but led me to  seek out some  
new medium1 by which truth might be     
established4 ,after  much study and     
reflection on this1 at last1 when ,i was
 about eighteen  years of age1 there    
seemed to be opened up to me a new scene
 of thought1  which transported me      
beyond measure1 and made me1 with an    
ardour natural  to young men1 throw up  
every other pleasure or business to     
apply  entirely to it4 ,the law1 which  
was the business ,i designed to follow1 
appeared nauseous to me1 and ,i could   
think of no other way of pushing my     
fortune in the world1 but that of a     
scholar and philosopher4 ,i was         
infinitely happy in this course of life 
for some months2 till at last1  about   
the beginning of ,september1 #agbi1 all 
my ardour seemed in a moment  to be     
extinguished1 and ,i could no longer    
raise my mind to that pitch1  which     
formerly gave me such excessive         
pleasure4 ,i felt no uneasiness or  want

 of spirits1 when ,i laid aside my book2
 and therefore never imagined  there was
 any bodily distemper in the case1 but  
that my coldness  proceeded from a      
laziness of temper1 which must be       
overcome by  redoubling my application4 
,in this condition ,i remained for nine 
months1  very uneasy to myself1 as you  
may well imagine1 but without growing   
any  worse1 which was a miracle4 ,there 
was another particular1 which           
contributed1 more than any thing1 to    
waste my spirits and bring on me  this  
distemper1 which was1 that having read  
many books of morality1 such  as        
,cicero1 ,seneca1 and ,plutarch1 and    
being smit with their beautiful         
representations of virtue and           
philosophy1 ,i undertook the improvement
 of  my temper and will1 along with my  
reason and understanding4 ,i was        
continually fortifying myself with      
reflections against death1 and  poverty1
 and shame1 and pain1 and all the other 
calamities of life4  ,these no doubt are

 exceeding useful1 when joined with an  
active life1  because the occasion being
 presented along with the reflection1   
works it  into the soul1 and makes it   
take a deep impression2 but in solitude 
they  serve to little other purpose1    
than to waste the spirits1 the force of 
the mind meeting with no resistance1 but
 wasting itself in the air1 like  our   
arm when it misses its aim4 ,this1      
however1 ,i did not learn but by        
experience1 and till ,i had already     
ruined my health1 though ,i was not     
sensible of it4 ,some scurvy spots broke
 out on my fingers the first  winter ,i 
fell ill1 about which ,i consulted a    
very knowing physician1 who  gave me    
some medicine that removed these        
symptoms1 and at the same time  gave me 
a warning against the vapours1 which1   
though ,i was labouring  under at that  
time1 ,i fancied myself so far removed  
from1 and indeed  from any other        
disease1 except a slight scurvy1 that ,i
 despised his  warning4 ,at last1 about 

,april #agcj1 when ,i was nineteen years
 of age1 a  symptom1 which ,i had       
noticed a little from the beginning1    
increased  considerably2 so that1 though
 it was no uneasiness1 the novelty of it
  made me ask advice2 it was what they  
call a ptyalism or wateryness in  the   
mouth4 ,upon my mentioning it to my     
physician1 he laughed at me1 and  told  
me ,i was now a brother1 for that ,i had
 fairly got the disease of  the learned4
 ,of this he found great difficulty to  
persuade me1 finding  in myself nothing 
of that lowness of spirit1 which those  
who labour  under that distemper so much
 complain of4 ,however upon his advice  
,i went  under a course of bitters1 and 
anti-hysteric pills1 drank an ,english  
pint of claret wine every day1 and rode 
eight or ten ,scotch miles4 ,this  ,i   
continued for about seven months after4 
,though ,i was sorry to find myself     
engaged with so tedious a distemper1    
yet the knowledge of it set me very much
 at ease1 by satisfying me that  my     

former coldness proceeded not from any  
defect of temper or genius1  but from a 
disease to which any one may be subject4
 ,i now began to take  some indulgence  
to myself2 studied moderately1 and only 
when ,i found my  spirits at their      
highest pitch1 leaving off before ,i was
 weary1 and  trifling away the rest of  
my time in the best manner ,i could4 ,in
 this  way1 ,i lived with satisfaction  
enough2 and on my return to town next   
winter found my spirits very much       
recruited1 so that1 though they sank    
under me in the higher flights of       
genius1 yet ,i was able to make         
considerable progress in my former      
designs4 ,i was very regular in my  diet
 and way of life from the beginning1 and
 all that winter made it a  constant    
rule to ride twice or thrice a-week1 and
 walk every day4 ,for  these reasons1 ,i
 expected1 when ,i returned to the      
country1 and could  renew my exercise   
with less interruption1 that ,i would   
perfectly  recover4 ,but in this ,i was 

much mistaken2 for next summer1 about   
,may  #agca1 there grew upon me a very  
ravenous appetite1 and as quick a       
digestion1 which ,i at first took for a 
good symptom1 and was very much         
surprised to find it bring back a       
palpitation of heart1 which ,i had felt 
very little of before4 ,this appetite1  
however1 had an effect very  unusual1   
which was to nourish me extremely2 so   
that in six weeks' time1  ,i passed from
 the one extreme to the other2 and being
 before tall1 lean1  and raw-boned1     
became on a sudden the most sturdy1     
robust1  healthful-like fellow you have 
seen1 with a ruddy complexion and a     
cheerful countenance4 ,in excuse for my 
riding1 and care of my health1 ,i       
always said that ,i was afraid of       
consumption1 which was readily believed 
from my looks1 but now every body       
congratulated me upon my thorough       
recovery4 ,this unnatural appetite wore 
off by degrees1 but left me as a  legacy
 the same palpitation of the heart in a 

small degree1 and a good  deal of wind  
in my stomach1 which comes away easily1 
and without any bad  got1 as is         
ordinary4 ,however1 these symptoms are  
little or no  uneasiness to me4 ,i eat  
well2 ,i sleep well2 have no lowness of 
spirits1  at least never more than what 
one of the best health may feel from too
  full a meal1 from sitting too near a  
fire1 and even that degree ,i feel  very
 seldom1 and never almost in the morning
 or forenoon4 ,those who live  in the   
same family with me1 and see me at all  
times1 cannot observe the  least        
alteration in my humour1 and rather     
think me a better companion  than ,i was
 before1 as choosing to pass more of my 
time with them4 ,this  gave me such     
hopes1 that ,i scarce ever missed a     
day's riding1 except in  the winter     
time2 and last summer undertook a very  
laborious task1 which  was to travel    
eight miles every morning1 and as many  
in the forenoon1 to  and from a mineral 
well of some reputation4 ,i renewed the 

bitter and  anti-hysteric pills twice1  
along with anti-scorbutic juice1 last   
spring1 but without any considerable    
effect1 except abating the symptoms  for
 a little time4    ,thus ,i have given  
you a full account of the condition of  
my body2 and  without staying to ask    
pardon1 as ,i ought to do1 for so       
tedious a story1  shall explain to you  
how my mind stood all this time1 which  
on every  occasion1 especially in this  
distemper1 have a very near connexion   
together4 ,having now time and leisure  
to cool my inflamed imagination1 ,i     
began to consider seriously how ,i      
should proceed in my philosophical      
inquiries4 ,i found that the moral      
philosophy transmitted to us by         
antiquity laboured under the same       
inconvenience that has been found in    
their natural philosophy1 of being      
entirely hypothetical1 and depending    
more upon invention than experience3    
every one consulted his fancy in        
erecting schemes of virtue and of       

happiness1 without regarding human      
nature1 upon which every moral          
conclusion must depend4 ,this1          
therefore1  ,i resolved to make my      
principal study1 and the source from    
which ,i would  derive every truth in   
criticism as well as morality4 ,i       
believe it is a  certain fact1 that most
 of the philosophers who have gone      
before us1  have been overthrown by the 
greatness of their genius1 and that     
little  more is required to make a man  
succeed in this study1 than to throw off
  all prejudices either for his own     
opinions or for those of others4 ,at    
least this is all ,i have to depend on  
for the truth of my reasonings1  which  
,i have multiplied to such a degree1    
that within these three years1  ,i find 
,i have scribbled many a quire of paper1
 in which there is nothing  contained   
but my own inventions4 ,this1 with the  
reading most of the  celebrated books in
 ,latin1 ,french1 and ,english1 and     
acquiring the  ,italian1 you may think a

 sufficient business for one in perfect 
health1  and so it would had it been    
done to any purpose2 but my disease was 
a  cruel encumbrance on me4 ,i found    
that ,i was not able to follow out any  
train of thought1 by one continued      
stretch of view1 but by repeated        
interruptions1 and by refreshing my eye 
from time to time upon other  objects4  
,yet with this inconvenience ,i have    
collected the rude materials  for many  
volumes2 but in reducing these to words1
 when one must bring  the idea he       
comprehended in gross1 nearer to him1 so
 as to contemplate  its minutest parts1 
and keep it steadily in his eye1 so as  
to copy these  parts in order1--this ,i 
found impracticable for me1 nor were my 
spirits  equal to so severe an          
employment4 ,here lay my greatest       
calamity4 ,i had  no hopes of delivering
 my opinions with such elegance and     
neatness1 as  to draw to me the         
attention of the world1 and ,i would    
rather live and  die in obscurity than  

produce them maimed and imperfect4      
,such a miserable disappointment ,i     
scarce ever remember to have heard  of4 
,the small distance betwixt me and      
perfect health makes me the more  uneasy
 in my present situation4 ,it is a      
weakness rather than a lowness  of      
spirits which troubles me1 and there    
seems to be as great a  difference      
betwixt my distemper and common vapours1
 as betwixt vapours  and madness4 ,i    
have noticed in the writings of the     
,french mystics1 and  in those of our   
fanatics here1 that when they give a    
history of the  situation of their      
souls1 they mention a coldness and      
desertion of the  spirit1 which         
frequently returns2 and some of them1 at
 the beginning1  have been tormented    
with it many years4 ,as this kind of    
devotion depends  entirely on the force 
of passion1 and consequently of the     
animal  spirits1 ,i have often thought  
that their case and mine were pretty    
parallel1 and that their rapturous      

admirations might discompose the  fabric
 of the nerves and brain1 as much as    
profound reflections1 and  that warmth  
or enthusiasm which is inseparable from 
them4    ,however this may be1 ,i have  
not come out of the cloud so well as    
they  commonly tell us they have done1  
or rather began to despair of ever      
recovering4 ,to keep myself from being  
melancholy on so dismal a  prospect1 my 
only security was in peevish reflections
 on the vanity of  the world and of all 
human glory2 which1 however just        
sentiments they  may be esteemed1 ,i    
have found can never be sincere1 except 
in those who  are possessed of them4    
,being sensible that all my philosophy  
would never  make me contented in my    
present situation1 ,i began to rouse up 
myself2  and being encouraged by        
instances of recovery from worse degrees
 of this  distemper1 as well as by the  
assurances of my physicians1 ,i began to
  think of something more effectual than
 ,i had hitherto tried4 ,i found1  that 

as there are two things very bad for    
this distemper1 study and  idleness1 so 
there are two things very good1 business
 and diversion2 and  that my whole time 
was spent betwixt the bad1 with little  
or no share of  the good4 ,for this     
reason ,i resolved to seek out a more   
active life1 and  though ,i could not   
quit my pretensions in learning but with
 my last  breath1 to lay them aside for 
some time1 in order the more effectually
  to resume them4 ,upon examination1 ,i 
found my choice confined to two  kinds  
of life1 that of a travelling governor1 
and that of a merchant4  ,the first1    
besides that it is in some respects an  
idle life1 was1 ,i  found1 unfit for me2
 and that because from a sedentary and  
retired way  of living1 from a bashful  
temper1 and from a narrow fortune1 ,i   
had been  little accustomed to general  
companies1 and had not confidence and   
knowledge enough of the world to push my
 fortune1 or to be serviceable  in that 
way4 ,i therefore fixed my choice upon a

 merchant2 and having got               
recommendation to a considerable trader 
in ,bristol1 ,i am just now  hastening  
thither1 with a resolution to forget    
myself1 and every thing  that is past1  
to engage myself1 as far as is possible1
 in that course of  life1 and to toss   
about the world1 from the one pole to   
the other1 till  ,i leave this distemper
 behind me4    ,as ,i am come to ,london
 in my way to ,bristol1 ,i have         
resolved1 if  possible1 to get your     
advice1 though ,i should take this      
absurd method of  procuring it4 ,all the
 physicians ,i have consulted1 though   
very able1  could never enter into my   
distemper2 because not being persons of 
great  learning beyond their own        
profession1 they were unacquainted with 
these  motions of the mind4 ,your fame  
pointed you out as the properest person 
to resolve my doubts1 and ,i was        
determined to have somebody's opinion1  
which ,i could rest upon in all the     
varieties of fears and hopes1  incident 

to so lingering a distemper4 ,i hope ,i 
have been particular  enough in         
describing the symptoms to allow you to 
form a judgment2 or  rather1 perhaps1   
have been too particular4 ,but you know 
it is a symptom  of this distemper1 to  
delight in complaining and talking of   
itself4 ,the  questions ,i would humbly 
propose to you are3 ,whether1 among all 
those  scholars you have been acquainted
 with1 you have ever known any affected 
in this manner8 ,whether ,i can ever    
hope for a recovery8 ,whether ,i must   
long wait for it8 ,whether my recovery  
will ever be perfect1 and my  spirits   
regain their former spring and vigour1  
so as to endure the  fatigue of deep and
 abstruse thinking8 ,whether ,i have    
taken a right way  to recover8 ,i       
believe all proper medicines have been  
used1 and therefore  ,i need mention    
nothing of them4    ,the history of this
 eventful period in the mental biography
 of ,hume1 is  very briefly narrated in 
his own life4 ,alluding to his adoption 

of the  life of a student1 he says1 ,my 
very slender fortune1 however1 being    
unsuitable to this plan of life1 and my 
health being a little broken by  my     
ardent application1 ,i was tempted1 or  
rather forced1 to make a very  feeble   
trial for entering into a more active   
scene of life4 ,in #agcd1 ,i  went to   
,bristol1 with some recommendations to  
eminent merchants1 but in  a few months 
found that scene totally unsuitable to  
me4      ,i am sure the reader will     
sympathize with me in esteeming it a    
high  privilege to be the humble        
instrument of ushering into the world so
  curious a piece of literary           
autobiography as that which he has just 
perused4 ,we are here admitted into the 
confessional4 ,so secret is the         
communication of thought by the writer  
to the receiver1 that the latter1  who  
was made acquainted with so much of the 
internal meditations of the  former1 was
 not to be allowed to know with what    
outward man this mind of  which he      

obtained a description was connected4   
,the individual mind was  fully and     
minutely described--to what individual  
man this mind belonged  was to be       
preserved a profound secret4 ,the writer
 shrunk from the  admission of any man  
to a participation with him in his      
self-conferences1 and he planned that by
 keeping his name a secret1 the  link   
which would connect this knowledge of   
the inner to an acquaintance  with the  
outer man should be broken4 ,we have    
surely in this an argument  in favour of
 the candour and explicitness of his    
narrative4 ,he felt that  to be known1  
in the ordinary acceptation of the term1
 by the person he  addressed1 would be a
 restraint on the freedom of his        
revelations--he  threw off this         
restraint1 and we are entitled to infer 
that his letter  is a piece of full and 
candid self-examination4 ,every word of 
it1 as it  was originally written1 is   
here printed1 and it will perhaps be    
admitted  that there is not one word of 

it that does not do honour to its       
writer4  ,to ,aristotle and others it is
 attributed that they taught esoteric   
doctrines to a chosen few--doctrines not
 to be promulgated to the world  at     
large1 because they were likely to have 
a dangerous influence on  minds not     
skilfully trained for their reception4  
,for any vestiges of  these hidden      
doctrines the world searches1           
anticipating that in them  will be found
 a nearer approach to that which the    
philosopher believed  in his own mind1  
as distinct from that which he desired  
to inculcate on  others4 ,in all ages   
there has been a natural and a          
praiseworthy  curiosity to know the     
hidden thoughts of great teachers4      
,mankind in  general admit1 that truth  
is what is valuable in all philosophy1  
and if  a man entertained thoughts in   
his own mind in any way different from  
those which he taught1 it has been a    
conclusion certainly quite  legitimate1 
that truth is more likely to be found in

 the former than in  the latter4 ,but   
certainly there can hardly be found any 
other instance  in which a document1 so 
likely to be the honest impress of a    
philosopher's own mind1 has been laid   
before the world2 and it is an          
attestation of the sincerity with which 
the opinions then in the course  of     
formation in his mind were believed4    
,but1 independently of the philosophical
 value of the document1 to be  thus     
admitted into the secrecy of the        
thoughts of a man ambitious of  high    
literary distinction1 and who has       
attained his object1 is a rare          
privilege4 ,the revelation1             
notwithstanding its foreboding tone1 is 
calculated to give far more pleasure    
than pain4 ,the future1 which seemed  to
 the desponding philosopher for a moment
 so dark1 we know to have  brightened on
 him4 ,hume was of the happy few who    
lived to see their airy  castles        
substantially realized4 ,comparing what 
it reveals of the inner  man1 with the  

subsequent history of his achievements1 
the picture  supplied by this fragment  
of autobiography is a happy one4 ,we    
sympathize  with the aspiring dreams of 
the young man1 without feeling that they
  were afterwards doomed to             
disappointment4 ,the immediate occasion 
of his  earnest appeal is undoubtedly   
one of despondency2 but it was preceded 
by  hope1 as we know it was followed by 
success2 and notwithstanding this       
passing cloud1 it may fairly be         
pronounced1 that though ,hume enjoyed   
through life more than the average      
portion of human happiness1 he had no   
moments of purer felicity than those in 
which1 in the retirement of his         
paternal home1 he was sketching the airy
 outline of his subsequent  career4     
,perhaps the feature that will most     
forcibly strike the reader1 is the      
evidence of the deep-rooted ambition to 
found a philosophical  reputation1 that 
seems to have filled the mind of the    
writer of this  document4 ,the          

consciousness that the receiver of the  
paper must at once  perceive this       
circumstance1 and the desire not to let 
a stranger  penetrate his aspiring      
thoughts1 must have been the reasons of 
his  desire for secrecy3 it was natural 
that one who had not entered the  lists 
to struggle for literary distinction1   
should wish to conceal how  strong and  
inextinguishable was his desire to      
obtain the prize4 ,the  intensity of his
 anxiety on this subject seems to have  
made him1 in  relation to his mind1 what
 the ordinary hypochondriac is as to his
  physical constitution4 ,the desire to 
preserve the elements of  distinction   
was so intense1 that it disturbed him   
with vain fears for  their              
disappearance4 ,feeling within him1 at  
times1 the consciousness of  possessing 
an original genius1--that it should     
depart from him1 and that  his lot      
should be cast among that of ordinary   
mortals1 with good  physical health and 
commonplace abilities1 appeared to him  

the most  awful calamity which fate     
could have in store for him4 ,of the    
excellent  physical health which        
accompanied these unpleasant variations 
of his  mental capacity1 he speaks with 
an almost sardonic scorn1 as one who1 in
  the bitterness of being bereft of what
 is all in all to him1 talks of  some   
paltry trifle which fortune in her      
sarcastic malice has chosen to  leave   
untouched4 ,in short1 the manner in     
which he speaks of the  departure of his
 cunning1 must almost necessarily convey
 to the reader a  considerable portion  
of that ludicrous character which is    
always  presented by a scene in which a 
man appears to be dreadfully anxious    
about the safety of that which either is
 of no importance1 or is not in  danger4
    ,it may be a question whether this  
strange letter was ever sent to its     
destination1 as the version from which  
it is here printed is not a rough       
draught1 but a neatly written copy1 such
 as might have been prepared for        

transmission4 ,but this does not afford 
so full a presumption in ,hume's  case1 
as it would in that of the average of   
literary men1 as he seems to  have felt 
a sort of enjoyment in his earlier years
 in having his papers  neatly written   
out4 ,the first name that suggested     
itself as that of the  person to whom   
the paper was addressed was ,arbuthnot1 
whose fine genius  was just then        
flickering in the socket4 ,but a more   
full consideration  showed to my        
satisfaction that it must have been     
destined for ,dr4 ,george  ,cheyne1 and 
that it was suggested by that eminent   
physician's  publication1 in the        
preceding year1 of ,the ,english        
,malady2 or1 a  ,treatise of ,nervous   
,diseases of all kinds1 as ,spleen1     
,vapours1 ,lowness  of ,spirits1        
,hypochondriacal ,distempers1 c4 ,there 
is a certain unison  of tone between    
,hume's letter and this book1 that1     
added to other  coincidences1 strongly  
impresses on the mind their connexion   

with each  other2 and though it is      
perhaps necessary1 before this is fully 
seen1 to  enter into the whole tenor and
 tone of ,cheyne's book1 the reader will
  perhaps find the following passage    
sufficient to render the conjecture     
probable3--    ,it is a common          
observation1 7and ,i think has great    
probability on its  side17 that fools1  
weak or stupid persons1 heavy and dull  
souls1 are  seldom much troubled with   
vapours or lowness of spirits4 ,the     
intellectual faculty1 without all manner
 of doubt1 has material and  animal     
organs1 by which it mediately works1 as 
well as the animal  functions4 ,what    
they are1 and how they operate1 as ,i   
believe very few  know1 so it is very   
little necessary to know them for my    
present  purpose4 ,as a philosophical   
musician may understand proportions and 
harmony1 and yet never be in a condition
 to gratify a company with a  fine piece
 of music1 without the benefit of sounds
 from proper organs1  so the            

intellectual operations 7as long as the 
present union between  soul and body    
lasts7 can never be performed in the    
best manner without  proper instruments4
 ,the works of imagination and memory1  
of study1  thinking1 and reflecting1    
from whatever source the principle on   
which  they depend springs1 must        
necessarily require bodily organs4 ,some
 have  these organs finer1 quicker1 more
 agile1 and sensible1 and perhaps more  
numerous than others2 brute animals have
 few or none1 at least none that  belong
 to reflection2 vegetables certainly    
none at all4 ,there is no  account to be
 given how a disease1 a fall1 a blow1 a 
debauch1 poisons1  violent passions1    
astral and aerial influences1 much      
application1 and  the like1 should      
possibly alter or destroy these         
intellectual operations  without this   
supposition4 ,it is evident1 that in    
nervous distempers1 and  a great many   
other bodily diseases1 these faculties  
and their operations  are impaired1 nay1

 totally ruined and extinguished to all 
appearance2  and yet1 by proper         
remedies1 and after recovery of health1 
they are  restored and brought to their 
former state4 ,now1 since this present  
age  has made efforts to go beyond      
former times1 in all the arts of        
ingenuity1 invention1 study1 learning1  
and all the contemplative and  sedentary
 professions1 7,i speak only here of our
 own nation1 our own  times1 and of the 
better sort1 whose chief employments and
 studies these  are17 the organs of     
these faculties being thereby worn and  
spoiled1 must  affect and deaden the    
whole system1 and lay a foundation for  
the  diseases of lowness and weakness4  
,add to this1 that those who are        
likeliest to excel and apply in this    
manner1 are most capable and most  in   
hazard of following that way of life    
which ,i have mentioned1 as the         
likeliest to produce these diseases4    
,great wits are generally great         
epicures1 at least1 men of taste4 ,and  

the bodies and constitutions of  one    
generation are still more corrupt1      
infirm1 and diseased1 than those  of the
 former1 as they advance in time and the
 use of the causes  assigned4    ,then  
there are the farther coincidences1 that
 ,cheyne was a ,scotsman1  that he was  
an eminent man in his profession1 and   
that he had bestowed  some attention on 
mental philosophy4 ,i passed my youth1  
he tells us1  in close study1 and almost
 constant application to the abstracted 
sciences1 wherein my chief pleasure     
consisted4 ,having1 he elsewhere  says1 
had a liberal education1 with the       
instruction and example of  pious       
parents1 7who at first had designed me  
for the church17 ,i had  preserved a    
firm persuasion of the great and        
fundamental principles of  all virtue   
and morality3 viz4 the existence of a   
supreme and infinitely  perfect ,being1 
the freedom of the will1 the immortality
 of the spirits  of all intellectual    
beings1 and the certainty of future     

rewards or  punishments4 ,these         
doctrines ,i had examined carefully1 and
 had been  confirmed in1 from abstracted
 reasonings1 as well as from the best   
natural philosophy1 and some clearer    
knowledge of the material system of  the
 world in general1 and the wisdom1      
fitness1 and beautiful contrivance  of  
particular things animated and          
inanimated2 so that the truth and       
necessity of these principles was so    
riveted in me1 7which may be seen  by   
the first edition of my ',philosophical 
,principles1' published some  years     
before that happened1#de3a7 as never    
after to be shaken in all my  wanderings
 and follies4#de3b ,it may be mentioned 
also1 as a  circumstance likely to bring
 ,cheyne's work early under ,hume's     
observation1 that it contains a long    
statement of the case of ,dr4  ,william 
,cranstoun1 an eminent medical man then 
residing at ,jedburgh1 in  the same     
district of country with ,ninewells4    
,,footnotes3    #a3a ,old ,style4       

#a3b ,he is entered in the list of      
members on #bc;d ,june1 #agje1 as ,mr4  
,joseph ,hume of ,ninewalls4 ,it thus   
appears that the orthography of the     
name adopted by his son1 and which will 
be found to have been so much  the      
subject of dispute1 was not a novelty to
 the family4    #b3a ,both the ,peerage 
and the ,baronage of ,scotland1 by      
,robert  ,douglas1 are well known to    
,scottish genealogical antiquaries4 ,the
 former  was published in #agfd4 ,the   
latter1 in which there is a brief       
account of  the ,ninewells' family1 in  
#agih4    #d3a ,in connexion with this1 
it is not uninteresting to view ,hume's 
opinions on the philosophy of family    
pride4 ,he says1 in the ,treatise of    
,human ,nature1 ,book ii4 p4 i4 sect4   
#i4--',tis evident that1 when any one   
boasts of the antiquity of his family1  
the subjects of his vanity are  not     
merely the extent of time and number of 
ancestors1 but also their  riches and   
credit1 which are supposed to reflect a 

lustre on himself on  account of his    
relation to them4 ,he first considers   
these objects2 is  affected by them in  
an agreeable manner2 and then returning 
back to  himself1 through the relation  
of parent and child1 is elevated with   
the  passion of pride1 by means of the  
double relation of impressions and      
ideas4 ,since1 therefore1 the passion   
depends on these relations1  whatever   
strengthens any of the relations must   
also increase the  passion1 and whatever
 weakens the relations must diminish the
 passion4  ,now 'tis certain the        
identity of the possession strengthens  
the relation  of ideas arising from     
blood and kindred1 and conveys the fancy
 with  greater facility from one        
generation to another1 from the remotest
  ancestors to their posterity1 who are 
both their heirs and their  descendants4
 ,by this facility the impression is    
transmitted more entire1  and excites a 
greater degree of pride and vanity4     
#f3a ,the document is quoted in ,book   

ii4 of ,robertson's ,history of         
,scotland4    #f3b ,a tragic incident   
occurred in the year #afhc1 in which    
,hume of  ,ninewells1 and ,johnston of  
,hilton1 were victims to the revengeful 
passions of a brother of the ,earl of   
,home1 vented under circumstances of    
singular treachery and inhospitality4   
,it is thus narrated in ,law's          
,memorials1 p4 #bei4 ,december1 #afhc1  
about the close of that moneth1 the     
,earl himself being from home1 the      
,lairds of ,hilton and ,nynhools came to
  make a visit to the ,earl of ,home his
 house1 and went to dice and cards  with
 ,mr4 ,william ,home1 the ,earl's       
brother4 ,some sharp words fell amongst 
them at their game1 which were not      
noticed1 as it seemed to them2 yet1     
when the two gentlemen were gone to     
their bed-chambers1 the foresaid ,mr4   
,william comes up with his sword and    
stabs ,hilton with nine deadly  wounds1 
in his bed1 that he dies immediately2   
and wounds ,nynhools  mortally1 so that 

it was thought he could not live1 and   
immediately took  horse and fled into   
,england--a treacherous and villanous   
act done to two  innocent gentlemen1 the
 fruits of dicing and card gaming4      
,joseph ,johnstone of ,hilton was       
stabbed by ,mr4 ,william1 brother to    
,charles earle of ,hume4 ,hilton being  
of a lofty temper1 had given ,mr4  ,hume
 bad words in his own house of ,hilton1 
and a box on the ear4 4 4 4  ,and       
,william ,hume made his escape to       
,england1 on ,hilton's horse4 ,he was   
after killed himself in the wars        
abroad4--,lord ,fountainhall's ,diary1  
p4  #cc4    ,the editor of ,law1 ,mr4   
,kirkpatrick ,sharpe1 appends the       
following farther  notices of this      
incident3--    ,before his death he is  
said to have returned to ,scotland1     
smitten with  remorse1 and anxious to   
obtain pardon of a near male relation of
  ,johnstone's1 then residing in        
,edinburgh4 ,this gentleman1 in the dusk
 of  the evening1 was called forth to   

the outside stairs of the house1 to     
speak with a stranger muffled in a      
cloak4 ,as he proceeded along the       
passage1 the door being open1 he        
recognised the murderer2 and            
immediately drawing his sword1 rushed   
towards him1 on which the other  leapt  
nimbly down from the stairs into the    
street1 and was never again  seen in    
,scotland4 ,these events were made the  
subject of an amusing  sketch in        
,chambers's ,edinburgh ,journal1 ,no4   
#efi4    #g3a ,copy ,,ms4 communicated  
by ,dr4 ,vallange1 ,portobello4    #h3a 
,hist4 and ,allus4 ,arms1 p4 #djj1 where
 the information is derived  from       
,douglas's ,baronage4    #i3a ,unless   
such allusions as the following be held 
as an exception3  ,the north of ,england
 abounds in the best horses of all kinds
 which are  perhaps in the world4 ,in   
the neighbouring counties1 north side of
 the  ,tweed1 no good horses of any kind
 are to be met with4 ,essay on ,national
  ,characters4 ,but he speaks fully as  

distinctly and specifically of local    
matters in ,france or ,spain4    ,the   
remarks in the text may probably be     
considered superfluous1 being           
applicable to by far the greater portion
 of literary men--as those who  have    
attempted to trace1 from the internal   
evidence of their works1 the            
birthplaces of authors not commemorated 
by their contemporaries1 can  testify4  
,thomson1 also a borderer1 and a poet of
 rural life1 has  scarcely any allusion 
that bears a distinct reference to the  
scenery of  his childhood1 and          
celebrates the heroism of almost every  
land but his  own4 ,in that age1        
however1 to be national in ,scotland was
 to be  provincial in ,britain2 and     
unless an author chose to aim at the    
restricted reputation of a ,ramsay or a 
,pennecuik1 he must carefully shun      
allusions to his native country4 ,but   
the very existence of this1 as a        
general characteristic1 seems to render 
it worthy of notice in this  instance1  

which must certainly be held1 like      
,thomson's1 a peculiarly  marked        
illustration of this feature in literary
 history4 ,hume had  frequently to      
record events which had taken place     
close to his home2 and  the whole of the
 surrounding district was full of       
traditional lore1  about the wild life  
of the borderers in the seventeenth     
century1 which  would have afforded     
valuable materials for his history1 and 
some of his  other works1 had he been   
one of those who derive their knowledge 
from  men as well as from books4 ,but   
these volumes will afford ample         
opportunity for observing1 that he      
required to place no great restraint  on
 his pen to keep it free of provincial  
allusions2 and that1 even in  his most  
familiar letters1 though he often speaks
 of the friends of his  youth1 he says  
nothing of the places in which he spent 
his early days4    #ab3a ,among the     
,hume ,papers in the possession of the  
,royal ,society of  ,edinburgh1 there is

 a letter from the chevalier1 addressed 
to ,monsieur  de ,ramsay1  l',htel de   
,provence1 ,rue de ,cond1 ,faubourg ,st4
 ,germain1  dated #ast ,september1      
#agdb4 ,the receiver of this letter was 
probably the  correspondent of ,hume1 to
 whom it may have been sent1 under the  
impression that he was the person       
connected with the ,vindication of the  
,duchess of ,marlborough1 a book now    
well known to have been put into  shape 
by ,hooke1 the historian of ,rome4 ,the 
letter is in ,english2 and it  shows    
that there are works of genius which the
 author of ,the ,travels of  ,cyrus had 
not taste to appreciate4 ,he says3--    
,i have read the first book of ',the    
,history of ,joseph ,andrews1' but      
don't believe ,i shall be able to finish
 the first volume4 ,dull burlesque  is  
still more insupportable than dull      
morality4 ,perhaps my not  understanding
 the language of low life in an ,english
 style is the reason  of my disgust2 but
 ,i am afraid your ,britannic wit is at 

as low an ebb as  the ,french4 ,i hope  
to find some more amusement in my ,lady 
,duchess of  ,marlborough's adventures4 
,they say a friend of ours has some hand
 in  them4 ,i pity his misfortune1 if he
 is obliged to stoop below his fine     
genius and talents1 to please an old    
rich dowager1 that neither deserves     
apology nor praise1 and that would be   
too much honoured for her merit by  an  
ingenious fine satyr4 ,i long to be in a
 condition to travel1 that ,i  may see  
and embrace you1 make acquaintance with 
your amiable young ,lord1  and assure   
you both of the tender zeal1 friendship1
 and attachment with  which ,i am your  
most humble and most obedient servant1  
,the ,ch4 ,,ramsay4    ,perhaps the     
criticism on ,fielding may not be       
thought inconsistent with  the man who  
pronounced ,locke a shallow writer4     
#ad3a ,virg4 n4 iii4 #ffj4    #ad3b     
,at secura quies1 et nescia fallere     
vita1       ,dives opum variarum3 at    
latis otia fundis1       ,spelunc1      

vivique lacus2 at frigida ,tempe1       
,mugitusque boum1 mollesque sub arbore  
somni       ,non absunt4                
,virg4 ,georg4 ii4 #dfg et seq4    ,in  
the course of the correspondence which  
follows1 there will be found  several   
quotations from the ,latin classics4    
,hume's handwriting is so  distinct1    
that we can seldom have any doubt of the
 individual letters  written by him4 ,at
 the same time1 as he appears to have   
always quoted  from memory1 there is    
sometimes a greater difference than even
 that  exhibited above1 between the     
original and his version of it4 ,i have 
thought1 that were ,i to attempt to     
correct his quotations1 ,i would be     
removing valuable data from which the   
reader may form an estimate of his      
mental powers and his education4 ,it    
will perhaps be allowed1 that in  some  
instances he shows a fertile invention  
in substituting words for  those which  
his memory has failed to retain2 while  
in others1 as in the  above quotation1  

the fastidious critics of ,england will 
perhaps detect  traces of the more      
slovenly classical education of         
,scotland4 ,in his  published works1    
,hume appears to have anxiously collated
 his quotations4  ,but in his letters he
 seems to have been always more anxious 
about the  judicious choice of his own  
expressions1 than the accurate          
transcription  of the words of others4  
,his letters appear to have been        
carefully  composed4 ,he wrote in       
constant dread of falling into slovenly 
colloquialisms of style1 and was not    
ashamed to leave on his letters the     
marks of this anxiety1 in corrections   
and interlineations4 ,this  peculiarity 
must be admitted to be at variance with 
the received canon  of the learned      
world1 which excuses mistakes and clumsy
 expressions in  the vernacular language
 of a writer1 but has no mercy for      
irregularities  in the use of the dead  
languages4    #af3a ,from a scroll in   
the ,,mss4 bequeathed by ,baron ,hume to

 the ,royal  ,society of ,edinburgh4    
,an account of these ,,mss4 will be     
found in the ,preface4 ,henceforth1 for 
the sake of brevity1 they will be       
referred to thus--,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4 ,a    
part of  the above letter has been      
already printed in the ,literary        
,gazette for  #ahba1 p4 #gfb4    #be3a  
,it may be interesting to compare these 
extracts with his method  of treating   
the same subject at a later period of   
his life4 ,the  following is taken from 
his ,essay on the ,feudal and           
,anglo-,norman  ,government and         
,manners1 in the two volumes of his     
,history1 first  published in #agfb4    
,the feudal institutions1 by raising the
 military tenants to a kind of          
sovereign dignity1 by rendering personal
 strength and valour requisite1  and by 
making every knight and baron his own   
protector and avenger1  begat that      
martial pride and sense of honour1      
which1 being cultivated  and embellished
 by the poets and romance writers of the

 age1 ended in  chivalry4 ,the virtuous 
knight fought not only in his own       
quarrel1 but in  that of the innocent1  
of the helpless1 and1 above all1 of the 
fair1 whom  he supposed to be for ever  
under the guardianship of his valiant   
arm4  ,the uncourteous knight1 who1 from
 his castle1 exercised robbery on       
travellers1 and committed violence on   
virgins1 was the object of his          
perpetual indignation2 and he put him to
 death without scruple1 or  trial1 or   
appeal1 whenever he met with him4 ,the  
great independence of  men made personal
 honour and fidelity the chief tie among
 them1 and  rendered it the capital     
virtue of every true knight1 or genuine 
professor of chivalry4 ,the solemnities 
of single combat1 as established  by    
law1 banished the notion of every thing 
unfair or unequal in  rencounters1 and  
maintained an appearance of courtesy    
between the  combatants till the moment 
of their engagement4 ,the credulity of  
the age  grafted on this stock the      

notions of giants1 enchanters1 spells1  
and a  thousand wonders1 which still    
multiplied during the time of the       
crusades1 when men1 returning from so   
great a distance1 used the liberty  of  
imposing every fiction on their         
believing audience4 ,these ideas of     
chivalry infected the writings1         
conversations1 and behaviour of men     
during some ages2 and even after they   
were in a great measure banished  by the
 revival of learning1 they left modern  
gallantry1 and the point  of honour1    
which still maintain their influence1   
and are the genuine  offspring of those 
ancient affectations4    #bh3a ,perhaps 
few authors afford so many curious      
illustrations of the  substitution of   
fanciful analogy for the severe logic of
 a practical  lawyer1 as ,lord          
,kames--e4 g4 when1 in his essays on    
,british  antiquities1 he identifies    
hereditary descent with the law of      
gravitation1 and the inclination of the 
mind to continue downwards in a         

straight line1 as a stone falls from a  
height2 so that1 in tracing out  a      
family1 the mind descends by degrees    
from the father1 first to the  eldest   
son1 and so downwards in the order of   
age3 pleasant enough  speculations1 yet 
not likely to serve any good purpose in 
practical law4    #bi3a ,essay on       
,eloquence4    #de3a ,philosophical     
,principles of ,natural ,religion1      
#agje1 #hvo4    #de3b ,the ,english     
,malady1 p4 #ccj-cca4 ,i have run my eye
 over ,cheyne's  ,natural ,method of    
,curing ,diseases of the ,body and      
,mind1 #agdb1  #hvo1--the only work ,i  
am aware of his having published        
subsequently to  the date of ,hume's    
letter1 but ,i have found in it no trace
 of a  reference to ,hume's case4       
,cheyne's works are perhaps better known
 to the  public in general1 than any    
medical books of the same period1 and   
their  curious discursive contents amply
 repay perusal4 ,their science is of    
course held to be completely superseded1

 but the unscientific reader  cannot    
help thinking that there is much        
sagacious good counsel in his  advice1  
notwithstanding the eccentric garrulity 
with which it is  uttered4 ,his account 
of his own experiences1 in experimenting
 on  himself1 is the most interesting   
department of his medical observations4 
,he describes every thing with a sort of
 rude eloquence1 infinitely more        
pleasing to an ordinary reader than     
scientific precision2 and the           
recklessness with which he appears to   
have submitted his own carcass to  the  
most violent changes of regimen1        
inclines one to think that he had       
applied towards it the fiat experimentum
 in compore vili4 ,he tells us  that he 
was disposed to corpulence by the whole 
race of one side of  his family4 ,in the
 quotation given above1 he represents   
himself as  having been studious in his 
youth4 ,he began to practise his        
profession  in ,london1 of which he     
says--,the number of fires1 sulphurous  

and  bituminous2 the vast expense of    
tallow and foetid oil in candles and    
lamps1 under and above ground2 the      
clouds of stinking breaths and          
perspiration1 not to mention the ordure 
of so many diseased1 both  intelligent  
and unintelligent animals2 the crowded  
churches1  churchyards1 and burying     
places1 with putrifying bodies1 the     
sinks1  butcher houses1 stables1        
dunghills1 and the necessary stagnation1
  fermentation1 and mixture of all      
variety of all kinds of atoms1 are more 
than sufficient to putrify1 poison1 and 
infect the air1 for twenty miles  round 
it4 ,having come from the fresh air of  
the country into so hopeful  an         
atmosphere1 he seems to have resolved   
that his habit of living should  be an  
equally great contrast to his previous  
studious abstinence4 ,upon  my coming to
 ,london1 ,i all of a sudden changed my 
whole manner of  living4 ,i found the   
bottle-companions1 the younger gentry1  
and  free-livers1 to be the most easy of

 access1 and most quickly susceptible   
of friendship and acquaintance1--nothing
 being necessary for that  purpose but  
to be able to eat lustily1 and swallow  
down much liquor2 and  being naturally  
of a large size1 a cheerful temper1 and 
tolerable lively  imagination2 and      
having1 in my country retirement1 laid  
in store of  ideas and facts1--by these 
qualifications ,i soon became caressed  
by  them1 and grew daily in bulk1 and in
 friendship with these gay gentlemen    
and their acquaintances4 ,i was tempted 
to continue this course1 no  doubt1 from
 a liking1 as well as to force a trade1 
which method ,i had  observed to succeed
 with some others3 and thus constantly  
dining and  supping in taverns1 and in  
the houses of my acquaintances of taste 
and  delicacy1 my health was in a few   
years brought into great distress1 by   
so sudden and violent a change4 ,i grew 
excessively fat1 short-breathed1        
lethargic1 and listless4    ,the        
consequences were a constant1 violent   

headach1 giddiness1 lowness1  anxiety1  
and terror1 and he went about like a    
malefactor condemned1 or  one who       
expected every moment to be crushed by a
 ponderous instrument of  death hanging 
over his head4 ,these evil symptoms     
prompted him to  abandon suppers and    
restrict himself to a small quantity of 
animal food  and of fermented liquors4  
,he very naturally found that on this   
abrupt  change all his bouncing1        
protesting1 and undertaking companions  
forsook him1 and dropped off like       
autumnal leaves1 leaving him to         
vegetate in temperate dreariness1 while 
they retired to comfort  themselves with
 a cheer-up cup1 so that he pathetically
 tells us1 ,i  was forced to retire into
 the country quite alone1 being reduced 
to the  state of ,cardinal ,wolsey1 when
 he said1 that if he had served his     
,maker  as faithfully and warmly as he  
had his prince1 he would not have       
forsaken him in that extremity4    ,it  
would be difficult to follow out the    

multitudinous course of remedies  he    
adopted1 commencing with volatiles1     
foetids1 bitters1 chalybeats1  and      
mineral waters1 and how he took twenty  
grains of what is called  the prince's  
powder1 and had certainly perished under
 the operation1  but for an over-dose of
 laudanum after it1 having thus         
experienced  something like the good    
fortune of the man of ,thessaly who     
leaped into a  quickset hedge4 ,under   
these circumstances he felt his body    
melting away  like a snow-ball in       
summer4 ,having tried the ,bath waters1 
he appears to  have somewhat revived1   
whereupon by increasing his quantity of 
animal  food and strong liquors1 he was 
heated so1 that he apprehended a        
hectic4 ,his next change was to a milk  
diet1 in which experiment he was        
confirmed by a visit to ,dr4 ,taylor of 
,croydon1 its apostle1 whom he  found at
 home1 at his full quart of cow's milk1 
which was all his  dinner4 ,he found in 
consequence of this change1 that he     

increased in  spirits1 strength1        
appetite and gaiety1 until1 the old     
,adam struggling  within him1 he began  
to find a craving and insufferable      
longing for  more solid and toothsome   
food1 and for higher and stronger       
liquors4  ,hereupon we have him getting 
more generous in his diet1 but still1 as
 he  counts it1 sober1 moderate1 and    
plain1 in so far as he drank not  above 
a quart or three pints at most of wine  
any day4 ,under this  regimen1 he says1 
,i swelled to such an enormous size1    
that upon my last  weighing ,i exceeded 
thirty-two stones4 ,then came fits of   
various kinds1  and a dreary period of  
hypochondria1 with recurrences to the   
low diet  system1 and then such         
startling revulsions from it as the     
following3 ,i  resolved to change my    
half pint of port at dinner1 into the   
same  quantity of ,florence4 ,i ate1 at 
the same time1 a good deal of more      
butter with my vegetables1 and plenty of
 old rich cheese2 and likewise  nuts    

extremely--,i procured from abroad and  
at home1 great plenty of all  kinds1 as 
filberts1 walnuts1 chestnuts1 almonds1  
c41 eating them in  great quantities    
after dinner by way of dessert1 but in  
pity to the  digestive sympathies of the
 reader this subject must be dropped4   
,dr4  ,cheyne is--not the martyr1 but   
the hero of dyspepsia1 and ,mrs4        
,radcliffe  could not have drawn him    
through a longer series of horrors than 
his  inventive genius seems to have     
created for himself4          ,,chapter 
,,ii4    #agcd-agci4 ,t4 #bc-bg4        
,hume leaves ,bristol for               
,france--,paris--,miracles at the ,tomb 
of       the ,abb ,paris--,rheims--,la  
,flche--,associations with the ,abb     
,pluche and ,des ,cartes--,observations 
on ,french ,society and                 
,manners--,story of ,la ,roche--,return 
to ,britain4--,correspondence       with
 ,henry ,home--,publication of the first
 and second volume of       ,the        
,treatise of ,human ,nature--,character 

of that ,work--,its       ,influence on 
mental ,philosophy4      ,we have no    
account of ,hume's sojourn in ,bristol1 
except his own very  brief statement1   
that in a few months1 he found that     
scene totally  unsuitable to him4#dh3a  
,he must have proceeded to ,france about
 the  middle of the year #agcd1 and he  
thus describes in his own life1 his     
motives and intentions4 ,i went over to 
,france1 with a view of  prosecuting my 
studies in a country retreat2 and ,i    
there laid that plan  of life1 which ,i 
have steadily and successfully pursued4 
,i resolved to  make a very rigid       
frugality supply my deficiency of       
fortune1 to  maintain unimpaired my     
independency1 and to regard every object
 as  contemptible1 except the           
improvement of my talents in literature4
    ,his subsequent letters show that he
 proceeded in the first instance to     
,paris1 where he remained for a short   
time4 ,not long before his arrival      
there1 some occurrences had taken place 

which were afterwards  prominently      
referred to in his philosophical        
writings4 ,a ,jansenist1  distinguished 
by his sanctity and the wide circle of  
his charities--the  ,abb ,paris1 having 
died1 a tomb was erected over his       
remains in the  cemetery of ,st4 ,mdard4
 ,thither the poor1 whom the good man   
had  succoured in life1 repaired to     
bless his memory and pray for the state 
of his soul4 ,but it was discovered that
 this devotion was speedily  rewarded2  
for the sick were cured1 the blind saw1 
all manner of miracles  were performed2 
and the evidence of their genuineness   
was considered so  satisfactory1 that   
the ,jesuits were never able to impugn  
them--an  instance which it might be    
well for every one to recall to mind who
 is  told of phenomena out of the       
ordinary course of nature being         
authenticated by the testimony of       
respectable and enlightened people4 ,at 
length1 this series of miracles became  
offensive to the  government--there was 

no saying how far the matter might      
proceed4 ,it was  resolved that there   
should be no more miracles performed at 
the tomb of  the ,abb ,paris3 the gates 
of the cemetery were closed1 and the    
miracles  necessarily came to an end4   
,this occurred in the year #agcb1 just  
two  years before ,hume's visit2 and it 
will easily be imagined that the        
references to these wonderful events    
which he would hear in  conversation1   
suggested many trains of thought to the 
young philosopher4  ,it was not long    
afterwards1 and probably while all this 
was very fresh  in his memory1 that the 
principal theory of his ,essay on       
,miracles was  suggested to him4 ,in    
that ,essay he says3    ,many of the    
miracles of ,abb ,paris were proved     
immediately by witnesses  before the    
officialty or bishop's court at ,paris1 
under the eye of  ,cardinal ,noailles1  
whose character for integrity and       
capacity was never  contested even by   
his enemies4    ,his successor in the   

archbishopric was an enemy to the       
,jansenists1 and  for that reason       
promoted to the see by the court4 ,yet  
twenty-two rectors  or curs of ,paris1  
with infinite earnestness1 press him to 
examine those  miracles1 which they     
assert to be known to the whole world1  
and  indisputably certain4 ,but he      
wisely forbore4    ,and farther on3--   
,no less a man than the ,duc de         
,chatillon1 a duke and peer of ,france1 
of  the highest rank and family1 gives  
evidence of a miraculous cure1          
performed upon a servant of his1 who had
 lived several years in his  house with 
a visible and palpable infirmity4    ,i 
shall conclude with observing1 that no  
clergy are more celebrated for          
strictness of life and manners than the 
secular clergy of ,france1  particularly
 the rectors or curs of ,paris1 who bear
 testimony to these  impostures4    ,an 
illustration of his notice of what was  
passing around him in ,paris1  occurs in
 the following passage in his ,natural  

,history of ,religion4    ,i lodged once
 at ,paris in the same hotel with an    
ambassador from ,tunis1  who1 having    
passed some years at ,london1 was       
returning home that way4  ,one day ,i   
observed his ,moorish excellency        
diverting himself under the  porch1 with
 surveying the splendid equipages that  
drove along2 when  there chanced to pass
 that way some ,capucin friars1 who had 
never seen  a ,turk1 as he1 on his part1
 though accustomed to the ,european     
dresses1  had never seen the grotesque  
figure of a ,capucin3 and there is no   
expressing the mutual admiration with   
which they inspired each other4  ,had   
the chaplain of the embassy entered into
 a dispute with these  ,franciscans1    
their reciprocal surprise had been of   
the same nature4 ,thus  all mankind     
stand staring at one another2 and there 
is no beating it  into their heads1 that
 the turban of the ,african is not just 
as good or  as bad a fashion as the cowl
 of the ,european4--',he is a very      

honest  man1' said the ,prince of       
,sallee1 speaking of ,de ,ruyter2 'it is
 a pity he  were a ,christian4'         
,after leaving ,paris1 he resided at    
,rheims in the province of ,champagne1  
about eighty miles north-east of the    
metropolis4 ,thence he addressed to  his
 friend ,michael ,ramsay the following  
letter1 full of observation and         
thought4      ,,hume to ,,michael       
,,ramsay4    ,rheims1 ,september #ab1   
#agcd4    ,,my ,,dear ,,michael1--,i    
suppose you have received two letters   
from me1  dated at ,paris1 in one of    
which was enclosed a letter to my ,lord 
,stair4  ,i am now arrived at ,rheims1  
which is to be the place of my abode for
  some considerable time1 and where ,i  
hope both to spend my time happily  for 
the present1 and lay up a stock for the 
future4 ,it is a large town1  containing
 about forty thousand inhabitants1 and  
has in it about thirty  families that   
keep coaches1 though1 by the appearance 
of the houses1 you  would not think     

there was one4 ,i am recommended to two 
of the best  families in town1 and      
particularly to a man1 who they say is  
one of the  most learned in             
,france4#eb3a ,he is just now in the    
country1 so that ,i  have not yet seen  
him2 though1 if ,i had seen him1 it     
would be some time  before ,i could     
contract a friendship with him1 not     
being yet sufficient  master of the     
language to support a conversation2     
which is a great  vexation to me1 but   
which ,i hope in a short time to get    
over4 ,as ,i have  little more than this
 to say about business1 ,i shall use the
 freedom to  entertain you with any idle
 thoughts that come into my head1 hoping
 at  least you will excuse them1 if not 
be pleased with them1 because they  come
 from an absent friend4    ,when ,i     
parted from ,paris1 the ,chevalier      
,ramsay gave me as his advice1  to      
observe carefully1 and imitate as much  
as possible1 the manners of  the        
,french4 ,for1 says he1 though the      

,english1 perhaps1 have more of the     
real politeness of the heart1 yet the   
,french certainly have the better  way  
of expressing it4 ,this gave me occasion
 to reflect upon the matter1  and in my 
humble opinion it is just the contrary3 
viz41 that the ,french  have more real  
politeness1 and the ,english the better 
method of  expressing it4 ,by real      
politeness ,i mean softness of temper1  
and a  sincere inclination to oblige and
 be serviceable1 which is very          
conspicuous in this nation1 not only    
among the high but low2 in so much  that
 the porters and coachmen here are      
civil1 and that1 not only to  gentlemen1
 but likewise among themselves2 so that 
,i have not yet seen  one quarrel in    
,france1 though they are every where to 
be met with in  ,england4#ec3a ,by the  
expressions of politeness1 ,i mean those
 outward  deferences and ceremonies     
which custom has invented1 to supply the
  defect of real politeness or kindness1
 that is unavoidable towards  strangers1

 or indifferent persons1 even in men of 
the best dispositions  in the world4    
,these ceremonies ought to be so        
contrived1 as that1 though  they do not 
deceive nor pass for sincere1 yet still 
they please by their  appearance1 and   
lead the mind by its own consent and    
knowledge into an  agreeable delusion4  
,one may err by running into either of  
the two  extremes2 that of making them  
too like truth or too remote from it3   
though we may observe1 that the first is
 scarce possible1 because  whenever any 
expression or action becomes customary1 
it can deceive  nobody4 ,thus1 when the 
,quakers say1 'your friend1' they are as
 easily  understood1 as another1 that   
says1 'your humble servant4' ,the       
,french err  in the contrary extreme1   
that of making their civilities too     
remote from  truth1 which is a fault1   
though they are not designed to be      
believed2  just as it is a transgression
 of rules in a dramatic poet to mix any 
improbabilities with his fable1 though  

'tis certain that1 in the               
representation1 the scenes1 lights1     
company1 and a thousand other           
circumstances1 make it impossible he can
 ever deceive4    ,another fault ,i find
 in the ,french manners1 is that1 like  
their clothes  and furniture1 they are  
too glaring4 ,an ,english fine gentleman
  distinguishes himself from the rest of
 the world1 by the whole tenor of  his  
conversation1 more than by any          
particular part of it2 so that though   
you are sensible he excels1 you are at a
 loss to tell in what1 and have  no     
remarkable civilities and compliments to
 pitch on as a proof of his  politeness4
 ,these he so smooths over1 that they   
pass for the common  actions of life1   
and never put you to#ee3a trouble of    
returning thanks  for them4 ,the        
,english politeness is always greatest  
where it appears  least4    ,after all1 
it must be confessed that the little    
niceties of ,french  behaviour1 though  
troublesome and impertinent1 yet serve  

to polish the  ordinary kind of people1 
and prevent rudeness and brutality4 ,for
 in the  same manner as soldiers are    
found to become more courageous in      
learning  to hold their muskets within  
half an inch of a place appointed2 and  
your  devotees feel their devotion      
increase by the observance of trivial   
superstitions1 as sprinkling1 kneeling1 
crossing1 c42 so men insensibly  soften 
towards each other in the practice of   
these ceremonies4 ,the mind  pleases    
itself by the progress it makes in such 
trifles1 and while it is  so supported1 
makes an easy transition to something   
more material4 ,and ,i  verily believe  
it is for this reason that you scarce   
ever meet with a  clown or an ill-bred  
man in ,france4    ,you may perhaps     
wonder that ,i1 who have stayed so short
 time in ,france1  and who have         
confessed that ,i am not master of their
 language1 should  decide so positively 
of their manner4 ,but you will please to
 observe1  that it is with nations as   

with particular men1 where one trifle   
frequently serves more to discover the  
character1 than a whole train of        
considerable actions4 ,thus1 when ,i    
compare our ,english phrase of 'humble  
servant1' which likewise we omit upon   
the least intimacy1 with the  ,french   
one of 'the honour of being your most   
humble servant1' which they  never      
forget1--this1 compared with other      
circumstances1 lets me clearly  see the 
different humours of the nations4 ,this 
phrase1 of the honour of  doing or      
saying such a thing to you1 goes so far1
 that my washing-woman  to-day told me1 
that she hoped she would have the honour
 of serving me  while ,i staid at       
,rheims2 and what is still more absurd1 
it is said by  people to those who are  
very much their inferiors4    ,before ,i
 conclude my letter1 ,i must tell you   
that ,i hope you will  excuse my        
rudeness1 if ,i use the freedom 787#ef3a
 to desire of you  that1 the next time  
you do me the honour of writing to me1  

you will be  so good as to sit down a   
day before the post goes away2 for ,i   
cannot  help being afraid that1 in your 
haste1 you have omitted many things1    
which otherwise ,i would have had the   
honour and satisfaction of hearing  from
 you4 ,when you are so good as to       
condescend to write1 please to  direct  
so3--',a ,monsieur--,monsieur ,david    
,hume1 gentilhomme1 ,ecossois1  chez    
,monsieur ,mesier1 au ,peroquet verd1   
proche la porte au ,ferron1             
,rheims4'#ef3b      ,hume states1 in his
 own life1 that he passed three years   
very  agreeably in ,france4 ,we find    
from a letter to ,principal             
,campbell1#eg3a  that two of these years
 were spent at ,la ,flche1 and that he  
had some  communication with the members
 of the ,jesuits' ,college there4 ,he   
says1  ,it may perhaps amuse you to     
learn the first hint1 which suggested to
 me  that argument which you have so    
strenuously attacked4 ,i was walking in 
the cloisters of the ,jesuits' ,college 

of ,la ,flche1 a town in which ,i       
passed two years of my youth1 and       
engaged in a conversation with a        
,jesuit of some parts and learning1 who 
was relating to me1 and urging  some    
nonsensical miracle performed lately in 
their convent1 when ,i was  tempted to  
dispute against him2 and as my head was 
full of the topics of  my ,treatise of  
,human ,nature1 which ,i was at that    
time composing1 this  argument          
immediately occurred to me1 and ,i      
thought it very much  gravelled my      
companion2 but at last he observed to   
me1 that it was  impossible for that    
argument to have any solidity1 because  
it operated  equally against the ,gospel
 as the ,catholic miracles2--which      
observation  ,i thought proper to admit 
as a sufficient answer4 ,i believe you  
will  allow1 that the freedom at least  
of this reasoning makes it somewhat     
extraordinary to have been the produce  
of a convent of ,jesuits1 though        
perhaps you may think the sophistry of  

it savours plainly of the place  of its 
birth4    ,this same ,jesuits' ,college 
of ,la ,flche1 is familiar to the       
philosophical reader as the seminary in 
which ,des ,cartes was educated4  ,the  
place which ,hume had just left1 has    
been seen to be associated with  the    
birth and residence of a distinguished  
opponent of the ,cartesian  theory4 ,we 
now find him perfecting his work in that
 academic solitude1  where ,des ,cartes 
himself was educated1 and where he      
formed his theory of  commencing with   
the doubt of previous dogmatic opinions1
 and framing for  himself a new fabric  
of belief4 ,the coincidence is surely   
worthy of  reflective association1 and  
it is perhaps not the least striking    
instance of ,hume's unimaginative       
nature1 that in none of his works1      
printed or manuscript1 do we find an    
allusion to the circumstance1 that      
while framing his own theories1 he trod 
the same pavement that had  upwards of a
 century earlier borne the weight of one

 whose fame and  influence on human     
thought was so much of the same         
character as he  himself panted to      
attain4    ,it is to ,hume's early      
sojourn in ,france that we must assign  
the time and  the scene of ,mackenzie's 
pleasant fiction1 called the ,story of  
,la  ,roche1 published in the ,mirror of
 #aggi4 ,it is generally admitted that  
the writer's materials were merely the  
character and habits of the             
philosopher1 and that there was no      
groundwork for the narrative in any     
incident that had actually occurred4    
,but the story must be taken as the     
observations of an acute perception1 and
 a finely adjusted taste1 upon  ,hume's 
character2 and our reliance on the      
accuracy of the picture is  enhanced by 
the circumstance that ,smith1 deceived  
by its air of reality1  expressed his   
wonder that ,hume had never told him of 
the incident4#eh3a    ,the opening      
description is in these words3--        
,more than forty years ago1 an ,english 

philosopher1 whose works have  since    
been read and admired by all ,europe1   
resided at a little town in  ,france4   
,some disappointments in his native     
country had first driven him  abroad1   
and he was afterwards induced to remain 
there1 from having found  in this       
retreat1 where the connexions even of   
nature and language were  avoided1 a    
perfect seclusion and retirement1 highly
 favourable to the  development of      
abstract subjects1 in which he excelled 
all the writers  of his time4           
,perhaps in the structure of such a mind
 as ,mr4 ----'s1 the fine and  more     
delicate sensibilities are seldom known 
to have place2 or1 if  originally       
implanted there1 are in a great measure 
extinguished by the  exertions of       
intense study and profound              
investigation4 ,hence the idea of       
philosophy and unfeelingness being      
united1 has become proverbial2 and1  in 
common language1 the former word is     
often used to express the latter4  ,our 

philosopher had been censured by some1  
as deficient in warmth and  feeling3 but
 the mildness of his manners has been   
allowed by all2 and it  is certain1 that
 if he was not easily melted into       
compassion1 it was at  least not        
difficult to awaken his benevolence4    
,the impression of the actions of a     
kind1 charitable1 and tolerant          
disposition1 conveyed by the            
circumstances of the narrative1 cannot  
be  represented without incorporating it
 in full2 and it will probably be       
thought that one or two passing sketches
 of character1 such as the  above1 are  
all that should be taken into a work    
like the present1 from a  book          
accessible to every reader4 ,thus1 when 
the housekeeper comes with  the account 
of the distresses of the poor protestant
 clergyman and his  daughter3    ,her   
master laid aside the volume in his     
hand1 and broke off the chain  of ideas 
it had inspired4 ,his night-gown was    
exchanged for a coat1 and  he followed  

his gouvernante to the sick man's       
apartment4    ,again1--    ,la ,roche   
found a degree of simplicity and        
gentleness in his companion1  which is  
not always annexed to the character of a
 learned or a wise man4  ,his daughter1 
who was prepared to be afraid of him1   
was equally  undeceived4 ,she found in  
him nothing of that self-importance     
which  superior parts1 or great         
cultivation of them1 is apt to confer4  
,he  talked of every thing but          
philosophy or religion2 he seemed to    
enjoy  every pleasure and amusement of  
ordinary life1 and to be interested in  
the most common topics of discourse3    
when his knowledge or learning at  any  
time appeared1 it was delivered with the
 utmost plainness1 and  without the     
least shadow of dogmatism4    ,and not  
less distinctly are the following       
sentences the echo of  ,mackenzie's own 
observations of the character and habits
 of the  philosopher1 that they are put 
in the varied shape of dialogue and     

narrative4    ,you regret1 my friend1   
said ,la ,roche1 when my daughter and ,i
 talk  of the exquisite pleasure derived
 from music1 you regret your want of    
musical powers and musical feelings2 it 
is a department of soul1 you  say1 which
 nature has almost denied you1 which1   
from the effects you see  it have on    
others1 you are sure must be highly     
delightful4 ,why should  not the same   
thing be said of religion8 ,trust me1 ,i
 feel it in the same  way1 an energy1 an
 inspiration1 which ,i would not lose   
for all the  blessings of sense or      
enjoyments of the world4 4 4 4 4 4 ,and 
it would  have been inhuman in our      
philosopher to have clouded1 even with a
 doubt1  the sunshine of this belief4   
,his discourse was very remote from     
metaphysical disquisition or  religious 
controversy4 ,of all men ,i ever knew1  
his ordinary conversation  was the least
 tinctured with pedantry or liable to   
dissertation4 ,with ,la  ,roche and his 
daughter it was perfectly familiar4 ,the

 country round  them1 the manners of the
 villagers1 the comparison of both with 
those of  ,england1 remarks on the works
 of favourite authors1 or the sentiments
  they conveyed1 and the passions they  
excited1 with many other topics in      
which there was an equality1 or         
alternate advantage among the speakers1 
were the subjects they talked on4       
,nor can one1 after having quoted so    
much1 avoid giving the concluding       
sentence1 in which the philosopher      
contemplates the old clergyman's  grief 
for the loss of his daughter1 and at the
 same time that he  perceives its       
bitterness and intensity1 is made aware 
of the  consolations which the bereaved 
old man finds in religion1 and rejoices 
that such consolation is his4    ,mr4   
----'s heart was smitten2 and ,i have   
heard him long after confess1  that     
there were moments when the remembrance 
overcame him even to  weakness2 when1   
amidst all the pleasures of             
philosophical discovery1 and  the pride 

of literary fame1 he recalled to his    
mind the venerable figure  of the good  
,la ,roche1 and wished that he had never
 doubted4    ,the account of his sojourn
 in ,france is thus given in his own    
life3--,during my retreat in ,france1   
first at ,rheims1 but chiefly at ,la    
,flche1 in ,anjou1 ,i composed my       
',treatise of ,human ,nature4' ,after   
passing three years very agreeably in   
that country1 ,i came over to  ,london  
in #agcg4    ,we must now follow him to 
,london1 where we find him occupied in  
carrying  his ,treatise of ,human       
,nature1 through the press4 ,one of his 
early  friends was his namesake ,henry  
,home1 afterwards ,lord ,kames1 who     
pursued1 but with unequal step1 the same
 path with himself4 ,home was  fifteen  
years the elder of the two1 and had     
joined the bar in #agbc4 ,he  had       
already published some of his           
professional works2 but it was at a     
subsequent period of his life1 and when 
he perhaps became emulous of the  fame  

of his friend1 that he attempted works  
in ethics1 metaphysics1 and  criticism4 
,during many years of continued         
intimacy1 these two  distinguished men  
enjoyed each other's mutual respect2    
but1 in their  early intercourse1 when  
his senior had for some time occupied a 
prominent position in the eye of the    
public1 we naturally find ,hume  writing
 about his great project in a tone of   
modest deference4      ,,hume to ,,henry
 ,,home4    ,london1 ,december #b1      
#agcg4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i am sorry ,i 
am not able to satisfy your curiosity by
 giving  you some general notion of the 
plan upon which ,i proceed4 ,but my     
opinions are so new1 and even some terms
 ,i am obliged to make use of1  that ,i 
could not propose1 by any abridgment1 to
 give my system an air of  likelihood1  
or so much as make it intelligible4 ,it 
is a thing ,i have in  vain attempted   
already1 at a gentleman's request in    
this place1 who  thought it would help  
him to comprehend and judge of my       

notions1 if he  saw them all at once    
before him4 ,i have had a greater desire
 of  communicating to you the plan of   
the whole1 that ,i believe it will not  
appear in public before the beginning of
 next winter4 ,for1 besides that  it    
would be difficult to have it printed   
before the rising of the  parliament1 ,i
 must confess ,i am not ill pleased with
 a little delay1  that it may appear    
with as few imperfections as possible4  
,i have been  here near three months1   
always within a week of agreeing with my
  printers2 and you may imagine ,i did  
not forget the work itself during  that 
time1 where ,i began to feel some       
passages weaker for the style and       
diction than ,i could have wished4 ,the 
nearness and greatness of the  event    
roused up my attention1 and made me more
 difficult to please1 than  when ,i was 
alone in perfect tranquillity in        
,france4 ,but here ,i must tell  you one
 of my foibles4 ,i have a great         
inclination to go down to ,scotland     

this spring to see my friends2 and have 
your advice concerning my  philosophical
 discoveries2 but cannot overcome a     
certain shamefacedness  ,i have to      
appear among you at my years1 without   
having yet a settlement1  or so much as 
attempted any4 ,how happens it that we  
philosophers cannot  as heartily despise
 the world as it despises us8 ,i think  
in my  conscience the contempt were as  
well founded on our side as on the      
other4    ,having a franked letter1 ,i  
was resolved to make use of it2 and     
accordingly enclose some ',reasonings   
concerning ,miracles1'#fc3a which  ,i   
once thought of publishing with the     
rest1 but which ,i am afraid will  give 
too much offence1 even as the world is  
disposed at present4 ,there  is         
something in the turn of thought1 and a 
good deal in the turn of  expression1   
which will not perhaps appear so proper1
 for want of knowing  the context3 but  
the force of the argument you'll be     
judge of1 as it  stands4 ,tell me your  

thoughts of it4 ,is not the style too   
diffuse8  though1 as that was a popular 
argument1 ,i have spread it out much    
more  than the other parts of the work4 
,i beg of you to show it to nobody1     
except to ,mr4 ,hamilton1 if he pleases2
 and let me know at your leisure  that  
you have received it1 read it1 and burnt
 it4 ,your thoughts and mine  agree with
 respect to ,dr4 ,butler1 and ,i would  
be glad to be introduced  to him4 ,i am 
at present castrating my work1 that is1 
cutting off its  nobler parts2 that is1 
endeavouring it shall give as little    
offence as  possible1 before which1 ,i  
could not pretend to put it into the    
,doctor's  hands4 ,this is a piece of   
cowardice1 for which ,i blame myself1   
though ,i  believe none of my friends   
will blame me4 ,but ,i was resolved not 
to be  an enthusiast in philosophy1     
while ,i was blaming other enthusiasms4 
,if  ever ,i indulge myself in any1     
'twill be when ,i tell you that ,i am1  
dear  ,sir1 yours4#fd3a      ,butler1 to

 whom ,hume is thus found desiring an   
introduction1 had1 in the  immediately  
preceding year1 published ,the ,analogy 
of ,religion1 ,natural  and ,revealed1  
to the ,constitution and ,course of     
,nature2 and it appears  that ,hume     
courted the attention of the author of  
that clear logical work  to those       
speculations of his own1 which1 in the  
opinion of the world in  general1 have  
so opposite a tendency to that of the   
,analogy4 ,the  following letter1       
acknowledging an introduction from      
,home1 and dated #dth  ,march1 #agch1   
tells its own tale4      ,i shall not   
trouble you with any formal compliments 
or thanks1 which  would be but an ill   
return for the kindness you have done me
 in writing  in my behalf1 to one you   
are so little acquainted with as ,dr4   
,butler2  and1 ,i am afraid1 stretching 
the truth in favour of a friend4 ,i have
  called upon the ,doctor1 with a design
 of delivering him your letter1  but    
find he is at present in the country4 ,i

 am a little anxious to have  the       
,doctor's opinion4 ,my own ,i dare not  
trust to2 both because it  concerns     
myself1 and because it is so variable1  
that ,i know not how to  fix it4        
,sometimes it elevates me above the     
clouds2 at other times1 it  depresses me
 with doubts and fears2 so that1        
whatever be my success1 ,i  cannot be   
entirely disappointed4 ,somebody has    
told me that you might  perhaps be in   
,london this spring4 ,i should esteem   
this a very lucky  event2 and           
notwithstanding all the pleasures of the
 town1 ,i would  certainly engage you to
 pass some philosophical evenings with  
me1 and  either correct my judgment1    
where you differ from me1 or confirm it 
where we agree4 ,i believe ,i have some 
need of the one1 as well as the  other2 
and though the propensity to diffidence 
be an error on the better  side1 yet    
'tis an error1 and dangerous as well as 
disagreeable4--,i am1  c4    ,i lodge at
 present in the ,rainbow ,coffeehouse1  

,lancaster ,court4#fe3a      ,the       
transactions between authors and        
booksellers are seldom accompanied  by  
any formidable array of legal           
formalities2 but ,hume and his          
publishers seem to have thought it      
necessary to bind each other in the     
most stringent manner1 to the           
performance of their respective         
obligations1 by articles of agreement1  
made1 concluded1 and agreed1  upon the  
#bfth day of ,september1 in the year of 
our ,lord one thousand  seven hundred   
and thirty-eight1 and in the twelfth    
year of the reign of  our sovereign lord
 ,king ,george the ,second1--between    
,david ,hume of  ,lancaster ,court of   
the one part1 and ,john ,noone of       
,cheapside1 ,london1  bookseller1 of the
 other part4 ,by this very precise      
document1 it is  provided1 that the said
 ,david ,hume shall and will permit and 
suffer the  said ,john ,noone to have1  
hold1 and enjoy1 the sole property1     
benefit1  and advantage of printing and 

publishing the first edition of the said
  book1 not exceeding one thousand      
copies thereof4 ,the author1 in return1 
receives #ej1 and twelve bound copies of
 the book4#ff3a ,the transaction  is on 
the whole creditable to the discernment 
and liberality of ,mr4  ,noone4 ,it may 
be questioned1 whether1 in this age1    
when knowledge has  spread so much      
wider1 and money is so much less        
valuable1 it would be  easy to find a   
bookseller1 who1 on the ground of its   
internal merits1  would give #ej for an 
edition of a new metaphysical work1 by  
an unknown  and young author1 born and  
brought up in a remote part of the      
empire4  ,these articles refer to the   
first and second of the three volumes of
 the  ,treatise of ,human ,nature2 and  
they were accordingly published in      
,january1 #agci4 ,they include ,book ,i4
 ,of the ,understanding1 and ,book      
,,ii4 ,of the ,passions4    ,it has been
 generally and justly remarked1 that the
 ,treatise is among  the least          

systematic of philosophical works--that 
it has neither a  definite and          
comprehensive plan1 nor a logical       
arrangement4 ,it was1  indeed1 so       
utterly deficient in the former--there  
was so complete a want  of any projected
 scope of subject which the author was  
bound to exhaust  in what he wrote--that
 an attempt to divide and subdivide the 
matter  after it had been written1      
according to a logical arrangement1     
would  only1 as a sort of experimentum  
crucis1 have exposed the imperfect      
character of the original plan4 ,the    
author1 therefore1 very discreetly      
allowed his matter to be arranged as the
 subjects of which he treated  had      
respectively suggested themselves1 and  
bestowed on his work a title  rather    
general than comprehensive1--a title1 of
 which all that can be  said of its     
aptness to the subject is1 that no part 
of his book can be  said to be wholly   
without it1 while he might have included
 an almost  incalculable multitude of   

other subjects within it4 ,he called it 
simply  ,a ,treatise of ,human ,nature2 
and by a subsidiary title1 explanatory  
rather of his method than definitive of 
his matter1 he called it an  attempt to 
introduce the experimental method of    
reasoning into moral  subjects4    ,the 
purely metaphysical1#fg3a and1 at the   
same time1 the most original  portion of
 the work1 and that which has most      
conspicuously rendered  itself a        
constituent part of the literature of   
intellectual philosophy1  is ,book ,i4  
,of the ,understanding4 ,book ,,ii4 ,of 
the ,passions1 contains  mixed          
metaphysics and ethics1 with occasional 
notices of phenomena1  which1 though    
,hume does not1 other writers would be  
likely to connect  with physiological   
inquiries4 ,the third book1 ,of ,virtue 
and ,vice in  ,general1 published a year
 later1 is of an ethical character1     
being an  inquiry into the origin and   
proper system of morals1 and an         
application  of the system to government

 and politics4    ,the ,treatise of     
,human ,nature afforded materials for   
the criticism of  two very distinct     
classes of writers4 ,the one consisted  
of men imbued  with a spirit of inquiry 
kindred to that of ,hume1 and a genius  
capable  of appreciating his services in
 the cause of truth2 who1 as the        
teachers  of systems of which they were 
themselves the architects1 had to attack
  or to defend the principles           
promulgated in the ,treatise1 according 
as  these differed from or corresponded 
with their own4 ,it is in the  writings 
of these men that the true immortality  
of ,hume as a philosopher  consists4    
,whether they find in him great truths  
to acknowledge1 or  subtle and plausible
 errors to attack1 they are the vital   
evidence of  the originality of his     
work1 of the genius that inspired it1   
and of its  great influence on human    
thought and action4 ,the other class of 
critics  are those who1 in pamphlets1 or
 works more ambitious but not rising in 

real solidity above that fugitive class1
 or in occasional digressions  from     
other topics1 have endeavoured to       
prejudice the minds of their  readers   
against the principles of the ,treatise1
 by exaggeration1 or by  the            
misapplication of their metaphysical    
doctrines to the proceedings of         
every-day life1--a set of literary      
efforts of quick production and as      
quick decay4    ,to the former class of 
authors1 it is of course not within the 
scope of  the present writer's ambition 
to belong1 and he sees no occasion to   
attempt to imitate the latter4 ,in a    
work1 however1 which professes to  give 
a life of ,david ,hume1 it is necessary 
to say something about the  ,treatise of
 ,human ,nature2 and as a preliminary to
 such an attempt1 it  may be well to    
mark the boundaries within which the    
writer conceives  that the duty he has  
assumed calls on him for a description  
of the work1  neither impugning nor     
defending any of the opinions it sets   

forth4    ,it seems to be right that    
some attempt should be made to describe 
the  character and strength of the      
author's intellect1 and the method of   
its  operations2 and to give a view of  
the fundamental characteristic          
principles by which he professes to     
distinguish his own philosophy from     
that of other writers on metaphysical   
subjects4 ,an attempt should also  be   
made to tell in what respect ,hume has  
made incidental suggestions  which have 
either been admitted as new truths in   
metaphysics1 or have1  as original but  
perhaps fallacious suggestions1 afforded
 to other  thinkers the means of        
establishing truths4 ,these being the   
general  objects to be kept in view1    
there is no intention to take them in   
any  precise order1 or to exhaust them  
in remarks on this one work4 ,to        
attempt an analysis of the work would be
 out of place4 ,there can be no  more   
repulsive matter for reading than       
condensed metaphysics2 and  probably    

there is nothing less instructive than  
those abridgments1  which1 necessarily  
suppressing the author's discursive     
arguments1 appeal  almost entirely to   
the memory4 ,to seize on and give a     
descriptive rather  than an analytical  
account of the prominent features of the
 system1 will  be the chief aim of these
 remarks4 ,moreover1 the ,treatise bears
 on  subjects which are nearly all      
recalled in its author's subsequent     
works2  and while there are some things 
in the critical history of ,hume's      
opinions which may be appropriately     
viewed in connexion with his first      
publication1 there are others which it  
may be more expedient to examine  when  
he is found reconsidering the subjects  
in his later works2 and  again1 others  
which may be viewed in a general attempt
 to describe the  extent of his literary
 achievements4    ,the ,treatise has    
been already spoken of as embracing two 
great objects1  metaphysics and ethics2 
or three1 if politics be considered as  

distinct  from ethics4 ,the great       
leading principle of the metaphysical   
department1  and a principle which is   
never lost sight of in any part of the  
book1  is1 that the materials on which  
intellect works are the impressions     
which represent immediate sensation1    
whether externally as by the  senses1 or
 internally as by the passions1 and     
ideas which are the  faint reflections  
of these impressions4 ,thus to speak    
colloquially1 when  ,i see a picture1 or
 when ,i am angry with some one1 there  
is an  impression2 but when ,i think    
about this picture in its absence1 or   
call to recollection my subsided anger1 
what exists in either case is an  idea4 
,hume looked from words to that which   
they signified1 and he  found that where
 they signified any thing1 it must be   
found among the  things that either are 
or have been impressions4 ,the whole    
varied and  complex system of           
intellectual machinery he found occupied
 in the  representation1 the            

combination1 or the arrangement of these
 raw  materials of intellectual matter4 
,if ,i say ,i see an object1 ,i give    
expression to the fact1 that a certain  
impression is made on the retina  of my 
eye4 ,if ,i convey to the person ,i am  
speaking to an accurate notion  of what 
,i mean1 ,i awaken in his mind ideas    
left there by previous  impressions1    
brought thither by his sense of         
sight4#gj3a ,thus1 in the  particular   
case of the external senses1 when they  
are considered as in  direct            
communication between the mind and any  
object1 there are  impressions3 when the
 senses are not said to be in           
communication with  the object1 the     
operations of the mind in connexion with
 it1 are from  vestiges which the       
impressions have left on the mind2 and  
these vestiges  are called ideas1 and   
are always more faint than the original 
impressions themselves4 ,and a material 
circumstance to be kept in view  at the 
very threshold of the system is1 that   

there is no specific and  distinct line 
drawn between impressions and ideas4    
,their difference is  in degree         
merely--the former are stronger1 the    
latter weaker4 ,there is  no difference 
in kind2 and there is sometimes doubt   
whether that which  is supposed to be an
 impression may not be a vivid idea1 and
 that which  is supposed to be an idea a
 faint impression4    ,when ,hume       
examined1 with more and more minuteness1
 the elements of the  materials on which
 the mind works1 he could still find    
nothing but these  impressions and      
ideas4 ,looking at language as a        
machinery for giving  expression to     
thought1 he thus established for himself
 a test of its  adaptation to its right 
use1--a test for discovering whether in 
any  given case it really served the    
purpose of language1 or was a mere      
unmeaning sound4 ,as he found that there
 was nothing on which thought  could    
operate but the impressions received    
through sensation1 or the  ideas left by

 them1 he considered that a word which  
had not a meaning to  be found in either
 of these things1 had no meaning at all4
 ,he looked  upon ideas as the goods    
with which the mind was stored2 and on  
these  stores1 as being of the character
 of impressions1 while they were in the 
state of coming into the mind4 ,when any
 one1 then1 in reasoning1 or any  other 
kind of literature1 spoke of any thing  
as existing1 the principle  of his      
theory was1 that this storehouse of     
idealized impressions should  be        
searched for one corresponding to the   
term made use of4 ,if such an           
impression were not found1 the word was1
 so far as our human faculties  were    
concerned1 an unmeaning one4 ,whether   
there was any existence  corresponding  
to its meaning1 no one could say3 all   
that the sceptical  philosopher could   
decide was1 that1 so far as human       
intellect was put in  possession of     
materials for thought1 it had nothing to
 warrant it in  saying1 that this word  

represented any thing of which that     
intellect had  cognizance4    ,this     
limitation of the material put at the   
disposal of the mind1 was  largely      
illustrated in the course of the work2  
and the illustrations  assumed some such
 character as this3--,imaginative       
writers present us  with descriptions of
 things which never1 within our own     
experience1 have  existed1--of things   
which1 we believe1 never have had       
existence4 ,yet1  however fantastic and 
heterogeneous may be the representations
 thus  presented to our notice1 there is
 no one part1 of which we form a        
conception1 that is any thing more than 
a new arrangement of ideas that  have   
been left in the mind by impressions    
deposited there by sensation4  ,the most
 extravagant of eastern or classical    
fictions there find their  elements4 ,if
 it be a three-headed dog1 a winged     
horse1 a fiery dragon1  or a golden     
palace1 that is spoken of1 the reader   
who forms a conception  of the narrative

 puts it together with the ideas left in
 his mind by  impressions conveyed      
through the external senses4 ,if a      
spectre is said  to be raised1 it may be
 spoken of as not denser than the       
atmosphere1 yet  the attributes that    
bring a conception of it to the         
intellect are the  form and proportions 
of a human being1--expression1 action1  
and  habiliments3 all elements the ideas
 of which the mind has received  through
 the impressions of the senses4 ,if     
words were used in a book of  fiction   
which did not admit of being thus       
realized by the mind putting  together a
 corresponding portion of the ideas     
stored up within  it--supplying1 as it  
were1 the described costume from this   
wardrobe--then1 according to ,hume's    
philosophy1 the word would be a  sound  
without meaning4 ,he maintained a like  
rule as to books of  philosophy4 ,if the
 authors used terms which were not thus 
represented in  the storehouse of the   
matter of thought and language1 they    

were not  reasoning on what they knew2  
they were not using words as the signs  
of  things signified1 but printing      
unmeaning collections of letters1 or    
uttering senseless sounds4    ,the      
system1 if it were to be classed under  
the old metaphysical  divisions1 was one
 of nominalism4 ,such words as shape1   
colour1 hardness1  roughness1 c4 the    
author of the ,treatise could only admit
 to have a  meaning in as far as they   
signified ideas in the mind2 and these  
ideas  could only be there as the relics
 of impressions derived through the     
senses4 ,thus1 general terms1 such as   
the categories of ,aristotle1 could     
have no existence except in so far as   
they represented and called up          
particulars4 ,of the abstract term      
colour1 our notion is derived solely    
from the ideas left in the mind by the  
actual impressions made through  the    
senses4 ,heat1 cold1 and largeness1 so  
far as these words represent  what is   
really in the mind1 have no other       

foundation4    ,the application of this 
system to the mathematics1 and to       
natural  philosophy1 was so startling as
 to afford to some readers almost a     
reductio ad absurdum4 ,the infinite     
divisibility of matter was  arraigned by
 ,hume as so far from being a truth1    
that it was not even  capable of being  
conceived by the mind1 which had never  
yet received any  impressions through   
the senses corresponding to the         
expression4 ,every  man had seen matter 
divided--some into smaller fragments    
than others2  but where our ideas1      
derived from actual experiment1 stopped 
in  minuteness of division1 the         
conception of divisibility stopped also4
 ,the  truth of geometrical             
demonstration1 as applicable to         
practice1 he did  not deny2 but he      
maintained1 or rather seemed to         
maintain1 for his  reasoning here is of 
a highly subtle order1 that we have a   
conception of  these operations only in 
as far as they concur with really       

existing  things1 or1 more properly     
speaking1 with the ideas in the mind    
conveyed  thither by the senses4 ,of the
 point1 which has no breadth1 depth1 or 
length2 of the straight line1 which is  
deficient in the first and  second1 and 
not in the last of these qualities1 he  
denied that we could  have an idea1     
unless that idea were just as much the  
representative of  an actual existence  
as any other idea is4    ,infinity of   
space was an expression to which he had 
an objection on  similar grounds2 it had
 no idea corresponding to it lodged in  
the mind4  ,of space finite in various  
quantities1 the mind possessed ideas    
stored  up from repeated impressions1   
and by adding these ideas together1 more
  or less vastness in the conception of 
finite space was afforded4 ,but any     
thing beyond this definitive increase1  
attested as it was by the senses1  the  
mind had no means of conceiving4        
,whatever might be in another           
intellectual world1 there was no idea   

corresponding to infinity of space  in  
the mind of man4 ,it thence followed1   
that space unoccupied was a  conception 
of which the mind was incapable1 because
 the impressions  originally conveyed to
 the mind were the medium through which 
the  conception of space existed1 and   
where there were no ideas of such       
impressions1 an aggregate idea of space 
was wanting4 ,in the same manner  it was
 held1 that it was in a succession of   
impressions1 with ideas  corresponding1 
that the conception of time consisted1  
and that without  such a succession1    
time would be a thing unknown and       
unconceived4 ,our  ideas of numbers he  
found to be but the collected ideas of  
the  impressions of the units of which  
the senses have received distinct       
impressions2 and in confirmation of this
 he appealed to the distinctness  of our
 notion of small numbers1 which our mind
 has been accustomed to  find           
represented by units1 and our imperfect 
conception of those large  numbers1     

which we have never had presented to us 
in detail4 ,how readily  we have a      
notion of six1 but how imperfectly the  
mind receives the  conception of six    
millions2 how clearly we perceive1 in   
units1 the  difference between six and  
twelve1 but how imperfect is our notion 
of  the difference between six millions 
and twelve millions4#ge3a    ,all human 
consciousness being of these two        
materials1 impressions and  ideas1 the  
answer to the question1 ,what knowledge 
have we of an external  world1 resolved 
itself into this1 that there were       
certain impressions  and ideas which we 
supposed to relate to it--further we    
knew not4 ,when  we turn1 according to  
this theory1 from the external world1   
and1 looking  into ourselves1 ask what  
certainty we have of separate           
self-existence1  we find but a string of
 impressions and ideas1 and we have no  
means of  linking these together into   
any notion of a continuous existence4   
,such  is that boasted thing the human  

intellect1 when its elements are        
searched out by a rigid application of  
the sceptical philosophy of ,hume4  ,not
 a thing separate and self-existent1    
which was1 and is1 and shall  continue2 
but a succession of mere separate       
entities1 called in one view            
impressions1 in another ideas4#gf3a     
,it may make this brief sketch more     
clear1 to notice a circumstance in  the 
history of philosophy1 which1 perhaps1  
serves better in an  incidental manner  
to mark the boundaries of the field of  
,hume's inquiry1  than many pages of    
discursive description4 ,the            
transcendentalists took  him up as      
having examined the materials solely1 on
 which pure reason  operates2 not pure  
reason itself4 ,they said that he had   
examined the  classes of matter which   
come before the judge1 but had omitted  
to  describe the judge himself1 the     
extent of his jurisdiction1 and his     
method of enforcing it4 ,they           
maintained1 that all these things1 which

  with ,hume appeared to be the         
constituent elements of philosophy1 were
  nothing but the materials on which    
philosophy works1--that to presume  them
 to be of service presupposed a reason  
which could make use of  them1--that    
,hume himself1 while thus speculating   
and telling us that his  mind consisted 
but of a string of ideas1 left behind by
 certain  impressions1 was himself      
making use of that pure reason which was
 in him  before the ideas or impressions
 existed1 and was through that power    
adapting the impressions and ideas to   
use4 ,he characterized his system  as an
 attempt to introduce the experimental  
method of reasoning into  moral         
subjects3 but they said that there was  
another and a preliminary  matter of    
inquiry--the faculty1 to speak          
popularly1 which suggested what         
experiments should be made1 and judged  
of their results4    ,hume may be found 
indirectly lamenting the fate of his own
 work on  metaphysics1 in his remarks on

 other works of a kindred character2 and
  in these criticisms we have a clue to 
the expectations he had formed4 ,in  his
 well-known rapid criticism on the      
literature of the epoch of the  civil   
wars1 he says of ,hobbes3 ,no author in 
that age was more  celebrated both      
abroad and at home than ,hobbes4 ,in our
 times1 he is much  neglected3 a lively 
instance how precarious all reputations 
founded on  reasoning and philosophy6 ,a
 pleasant comedy which paints the       
manners of  the age1 and exposes a      
faithful picture of nature1 is a durable
 work1  and is transmitted to the latest
 posterity4 ,but a system1 whether      
physical or metaphysical1 owes commonly 
its success to its novelty2 and  is no  
sooner canvassed with impartiality1 than
 its weakness is  discovered4    ,like  
the majority of literary prophecies     
dictated by feeling and not by          
impartial criticism1 this one1 whether  
as it refers to ,the ,leviathan1  of    
which it is ostensibly uttered1 or to   

the ,treatise of ,human ,nature1  the   
fate of which doubtless suggested it1   
has proved untrue4 ,the  influence of   
,hobbes has revived1 as that of the     
,treatise remained  undiminished from   
the time when it was first fully        
appreciated4 ,and in  both cases their  
influence has arisen from that element  
which seems  alone to be capable of     
giving permanent value to metaphysical  
thought4  ,it is not that in either case
 the fundamental theory of the author is
  adopted1 as the disciples of old      
imbibed the system of their masters1    
but that each has started some novelties
 in thought1 and1 either by  themselves 
sweeping away prevailing fallacies1 or  
suggesting to others  the means of doing
 so1 have cleared the path of           
philosophy4 ,as a general  system1 the  
philosophy of ,hobbes has been perhaps  
most completely  rejected at those times
 when its incidental discoveries and    
suggestions  made it most serviceable to
 philosophy1 and were the cause of its  

being  most highly esteemed4 ,harm ,i   
can do none1 says ,hobbes1 when speaking
  of the metaphysicians who preceded    
him1 though ,i err not less than  they1 
for ,i leave men but as they are1 in    
doubt and dispute4 ,there is  indeed    
nothing in the later history of         
metaphysical writing to show that  the  
triumphs in that department of thought  
are to stretch beyond the  establishment
 of incidental truths1 the removal of   
fallacies1 and the  suggestion of       
theories that may teach men to think4   
,the field is a  republic3 incidental   
merit has its praise1 and is allowed its
  pre-eminence2 but no one mind1 it may 
safely be pronounced1 holds in it  that 
monarchical sway which ,adam ,smith     
retains over the empire of  political   
economy4 ,the ancient systems anterior  
to ,christianity allowed  of such       
empire4 ,the pupil did not follow his   
master merely in this and  that         
incidental truth developed1 but adopted 
the system in all its  details and      

proportions as his system and his creed4
 ,in later times it  would probably be  
found that the most devoted admirers of 
great writers  on metaphysics do not    
adopt their opinions in the mass2 and it
 seems  that men must now go elsewhere  
than to the produce of human reason1 for
  the grand leading principles of the   
philosophy of belief and disbelief4     
,to those who hold that the writings of 
the great metaphysicians are thus  to be
 esteemed on account1 not of their      
fundamental principles1 but of  the     
truths they bring out in detail1 a new  
theory is like a new road  through an   
unfrequented country1 valuable1 not for 
itself1 but for the  scenery which it   
opens up to the traveller's eye4 ,the   
thinker who adopts  this view1 often    
wonders at the small beginnings of      
philosophical  systems--wonders1        
perhaps1 at the circumstance of ,kant   
having believed  that his own system    
started into life at one moment as he   
was reading  ,hume's views of ,cause and

 ,effect4 ,but the solution is ready at 
hand4 ,we  feel that the philosopher of 
,knigsberg had in his mind the impulses 
that would have driven him into a new   
path had no ,hume preceded him4 ,we  owe
 it to the ,essay on ,cause and ,effect 
that it was the starting-point  at which
 he left the beaten track2 but1 had it  
not attracted his  attention1 his path  
would have been as original1 though not1
 perhaps1 in  the same direction4 ,and  
so of ,hume himself4 ,if the main       
outline of his  theory had never        
occurred to him1 he would still have    
been a great  philosopher2 for in some  
form or other he would have found his   
way to  those incidental and subsidiary 
discoveries1 which are admitted to have 
reality in them by many who repudiate   
his general theory4    ,of all the      
secondary applications of the leading   
principle of the  ,treatise1 none has   
perhaps exercised so extensive an       
influence on  philosophy1 as this same  
doctrine of cause and effect4 ,looking  

to those  separate phenomena1 of which  
in common language we call the one the  
cause of the other1 and the other the   
effect of that cause1 he could see  no  
other connexion between them than that  
the latter immediately  followed the    
former4 ,he found that the mind1        
proceeding on the inductive  system1    
when it repeatedly saw two phenomena    
thus conjoined1 expected1  when that    
which had been in use to precede the    
other made its  appearance1 that the    
other would follow2 and he found that by
 repeated  experiment this expectation  
might be so far strengthened1 that      
people  were ready to stake their most  
important temporal interests on the     
occurrence of the phenomenon called the 
effect1 when that called the  cause had 
taken place4 ,but if there were any     
thing else but this  conjunction1 of    
which a knowledge was demanded--if the  
unsatisfied  investigator sought for    
some power in the one phenomenon which  
enabled  it to be the fabricator of the 

other--the sceptical reasoner would     
answer1 that for all he could say to the
 contrary such a thing might be1  but he
 had no clue to that knowledge--no      
impression of any such quality  passed  
into his intellect through              
sensation--his mind had no material     
committed to it by which the existence  
or non-existence of any such  thing     
could be argued4    ,the vulgar notion  
of this theory was1 that it destroyed   
all our notions  of regularity and      
system in the order of nature2 that it  
made no  provision for unseen causes1   
and contemplated only the application of
  the doctrines of cause and effect to  
things which were palpably seen         
following each other4 ,but the inventor 
of the theory never questioned  the     
regularity of the operations of nature  
as established by the  inductive        
philosophy2 he only endeavoured to show 
how far and within  what limits we could
 acquire a cognizance of the machinery  
of that  regularity4 ,he denied not that

 when the spark was applied1 the        
gunpowder  would ignite1 or that when   
the ball was dropped1 it would proceed  
to the  earth with the accelerated      
motion of gravitation2 but he denied    
that we  could see any other connexion  
between the cause and effect in either  
case1 than that of uniform sequence4    
,when it was scientifically adopted1    
the theory was found to be productive of
 the most important results4 ,the  view 
that when any effect was observed1 that 
phenomenon which was most  uniform in   
its precedence was the one entitled to  
be termed the cause1  was a salutary    
incentive to close and patient          
investigation1 by laying  before the    
philosopher the simple1 numerical       
question--what was that  phenomenon     
which1 by the uniformity of its         
precedence1 was entitled to  be termed  
the cause8#ha3a ,the test became of the 
simplest kind2 and1 if  the             
experimentalist had at a particular time
 considered some phenomenon  as a       

cause1--if the farther progress of      
patient and unprejudiced inquiry  showed
 that another1 by the occurrence of     
instances in which it  preceded the     
effect while the former did not1 had a  
preferable title to  be termed the      
cause1 the mind in its unbiassed        
estimate of numbers at  once admitted   
the claim4 ,but when1 according to the  
antagonist  system1#hb3a it became      
settled that any given phenomenon had in
 it the  power of bringing into         
existence another1 that power was viewed
 as a  quality of the object4 ,when     
things are admitted to have qualities1  
it is  not easy for the mind at once to 
assent to their non-existence and to    
admit that others have the proper title 
to these qualities4 ,analogy1 the  great
 source of fallacies1 comes to increase 
the difficulty1 by a  confusion of what 
are termed the qualities of bodies1 and 
those  endowments with which we invest  
our fellow-creatures4 ,in this respect  
,hume's theory of cause and effect has  

been of great service to inductive      
philosophy4    ,it was an objection to  
it that it made no allowance for unseen 
causes2  but it was part of its author's
 system1 that the uniformity which our  
observation teaches us1 proceeds unseen 
in those cases to which our  observation
 cannot penetrate4 ,it was part of the  
theory1 that where  there is a want of  
the absolute uniformity in the sequence 
of two  phenomena1 they are not         
respectively cause and effect4 ,this    
principle is  of vital importance in    
physical science4 ,it is a notion with  
the vulgar1  and one that sometimes     
perhaps lurks unseen in scientific      
operations1  that the cause sometimes   
does not produce its effect by reason of
 some  failure in the operating power4  
,it is from a vague amplification of    
this  heresy1 that the popular notion of
 chance is derived4 ,hume's theory  nips
 the bud of such a fallacy by denying1  
whenever there is a break in  the       
sequence1 that the phenomena which have 

in other instances followed  each other1
 really are cause and effect4 ,it is    
perhaps in the  unscientific application
 of therapeutics1 that the popular      
fallacy is  most widely and most        
dangerously exemplified4 ,the whole of  
the  complexity of that wondrous science
 consists in the immediate causes and   
effects being unseen--in the phenomena  
immediately conjoined not being         
ascertained1 but in attempts being made 
to estimate them through the  connexion 
between those external causes to which  
the internal causes may  have had the   
relation of effects1 and those external 
effects of which  these internal effects
 may have been the causes4 ,the         
character of unseen  causes was aptly   
illustrated by ,hume himself1 from the  
throwing of a  die4 ,the vulgar mind can
 see no cause and effect in the         
operation1  because there is a series of
 causes and effects1 which are hidden   
from  the sight1 in the interior of the 
box2 but the philosopher knows not the  

less1 that those laws of motion1 which  
induction has established to him  as    
truths1 are taking place2 and that there
 is no turn made by the die1  which is  
not as much the effect of some cause1 as
 the turning of the  hands of a watch1  
or the parallel motion in a steam       
engine4    ,it is one of the peculiar   
features of the history of mental       
philosophy1  that there is scarcely ever
 a new principle1 associated with the   
name of  a great author1 but it is shown
 that it has been anticipated1 in some  
oracular sentence1 probably by an       
obscure writer4 ,joseph ,glanvill is    
pretty well known as the author of      
,saducismus ,triumphatus1 a  vindication
 of the belief in witches and           
apparitions1 which must have  been      
perused by all the curious in this      
species of lore4 ,glanvill was  the     
author of various tracts on biblical    
subjects1 but it was not  generally     
known that he wrote a book on sceptical 
philosophy1 called  ,scepsis            

,scientifica1 or1 ,confest ,ignorance   
the ,way to ,science1 until  it was     
unearthed by the persevering inquiries  
of ,mr4 ,hallam4 ,in that  book there is
 the passage1 all knowledge of causes is
 deductive1 for  we know none by simple 
intuition1 but through the medium of    
their  effects2 so that we cannot       
conclude any thing to be the cause of   
another  but from its continual         
accompanying it1 for the causality      
itself is  insensible4#hd3a ,this is an 
addition to the many instances where    
writers have almost1 as it were by      
chance1 laid down principles1 of  which 
they show1 by neglecting to follow them 
to their legitimate  conclusions1 that  
they have not understood their full     
meaning2 if it do  not rather illustrate
 the view already noticed1 that in      
metaphysics our  assent is secured1 not 
to general propositions as such1 but to 
their  particular applications2 and that
 it is not in the laying down of first  
principles that important truths are    

exhibited to the world1 but in  those   
subsidiary expositions by which the     
discoverer endeavours to show  their    
application4    ,the subsequent history 
of ,hume's theory of ,cause and ,effect1
 is a marked  illustration of the danger
 of bringing forward as an argument     
against  theories purely metaphysical1  
the statement that they are dangerous to
  religion4 ,it is difficult to see     
where there is a difference between     
adducing that argument in the sphere of 
natural philosophy1 from which  it has  
been long scouted by common consent1 and
 bringing it forward as  an answer to   
the theories of the metaphysician4 ,in  
either case it is a  threat1 which1 in  
the days of ,galileo1 bore the terror of
 corporal  punishment1 and in the       
present day carries the threat of       
unpopularity1  to the person against    
whom it is used4#hf3a ,if any one should
 suppose  that he finds lurking in the  
speculations of some metaphysical       
writer1  opinions from which it may be  

inferred that he is not possessed of the
  hopes and consolations of the         
,christian1 humanity to the unhappy     
author  should suggest that he ought    
rather to be pitied than condemned1 and 
respect for the religious feelings of   
others should teach that there is  no   
occasion to endeavour1 by a laborious   
pleading1 to demonstrate that a  man who
 has said nothing against religion is in
 reality an enemy to  ,christianity4    
,they are surely no enlightened friends 
to religion1 who  maintain that the     
suppression of inquiry as to the        
material or the  immaterial world1 is   
favourable to the cause of revealed     
truth4 ,the  blasphemer who raises his  
voice offensively and contentiously     
against  what his fellow citizens hold  
sacred1 invokes the public wrath1 and is
  no just object of sympathy4 ,the      
extent of his punishment is regretted   
only when1 by its vindictive excess1 it 
is liable to excite retaliatory  attacks
 from the same quarter4 ,but the        

speculative philosopher1 who does  not  
directly interfere with the religion of 
his neighbours1 should be  left to the  
peaceful pursuit of his inquiries2 and  
those who1 instead of  meeting him by   
fair argument1 cry out irreligion1 and  
call in the mob to  their aid1 should   
reflect first1 whether it is absolutely 
certain that  they are right in their   
conclusion1 that his inquiries1 if      
carried out1  would be inimical to      
religion--whether some mind more acute  
and  philosophical than their own1 may  
not either finally confute the          
sceptical philosopher's argument1 or    
prove that it is not inimical to        
religion2 and secondly1 whether they are
 not likely to be themselves the        
greatest foes to religion1 by holding   
that it requires such defence1 and  the 
practical blasphemers1 by proclaiming   
that religion is in danger8    ,kant1   
the most illustrious opponent of ,hume1 
in allusion to those who  have appealed 
against him to our religious feelings1  

asks1 what the man  is doing that we    
should meddle with him2 says he is but  
trying the  strength of human reason1   
and bids us leave him to combat with    
those who  are giving him specimens of  
the fabric on which to try his          
skill--tells  us to wait and see who    
will produce one too strong to be broken
 to  pieces--and not cry treason1 and   
appeal to the angry multitude1 who are  
strangers to these refined reasonings1  
to rush in4 ,shall we ask reason  to    
give us lights1 and prescribe beforehand
 what they are to show  us8#hh3a ,the   
observation of human blindness and      
weakness1 says ,hume  himself1 is the   
result of all philosophy1 and meets us  
at every turn1  in spite of our         
endeavours to elude or avoid it4 ,a     
solemn saying1 and  characteristic of   
one who has done more than any other man
 to show the  feebleness of poor human  
reason1 and to teach man that he is not 
all  sufficient to himself4    ,those   
revelations in astronomy and geology1   

the first glimmerings of  which made the
 timid if not doubting friends of their 
cause tremble1  have enlarged year by   
year in rapid progression2 but revealed 
religion  is not less firm on her       
throne2 and many of those who held that 
,hume's  theory of ,cause and ,effect   
was inimical to revelation1 lived to see
 how  startlingly that argument could be
 turned against themselves4 ,it has     
been well observed by ,dugald ,stewart1 
that this theory is the most  effectual 
confutation of the gloomy materialism of
 ,spinoza1 as it lays  the axe to the   
very root from which ,spinozism springs4
 ,the cardinal  principle1 he says1 on  
which the whole of that system turns is1
 that  all events1 physical and moral1  
are necessarily linked together as      
causes and effects2 from which principle
 all the most alarming  conclusions     
adopted by ,spinoza follow as           
unavoidable and manifest  corollaries4  
,but if it be true1 as ,mr4 ,hume       
contends1 and as most  philosophers now 

admit1 that physical causes and effects 
are known to us  merely as antecedents  
and consequents2 still more if it be    
true that  the word necessity1 as       
employed in this discussion1 is         
altogether  unmeaning and insignificant1
 the whole system of ,spinoza is nothing
  better than a rope of sand1 and the   
very proposition which it professes  to 
demonstrate is incomprehensible by our  
faculties4#hi3a    ,it will be          
remembered how signally1 in the question
 in the ,general  ,assembly of the      
,church of ,scotland1 as to ,sir ,john  
,leslie's  professorship1 the argument  
of irreligion was retaliated2 and it was
  shown that1 in the theory of an       
existing machinery in nature enabling   
the universe to proceed in its regular  
course1 the cause having within  it the 
adequate power for producing its effect1
 the omnipresence of a  ,deity was      
dispensed with1 and there was           
substituted for the  all-pervading      
influence of a superior wisdom1 a mere  

material machine1  having within itself 
the elements of its own regular motion4 
,thus1 in  instances where writers have 
claimed credit for having aided the     
cause  of religion by carrying out the  
principles of natural theology1 this    
merit has in many cases1 and among      
certain classes of devout religious     
thinkers1 been sternly denied them2 and 
it has been said that their  labours are
 rather adverse than favourable to      
revealed religion1  because1 through    
their tendency to make people believe in
 an established  order in nature1 by    
which causes produce their effects      
according to a  fixed system1 they have 
the effect of making mankind forget the 
existence of a revealed1 omnipresent    
,deity1 whose all-competent             
superintendence regulates the world1 and
 they supply a religion  independent of 
the religion of revelation4    ,perhaps 
in this little history we may find an   
illustration of the view1  that the     
greatest service which the ,treatise has

 done to philosophy is  that purely     
incidental one of teaching human reason 
its own weakness--of  showing how easily
 the noblest fabric of human thought may
 be  undermined1 by a destroying agency 
of power not greater than that of the   
constructive genius which has raised it4
 ,in this respect it has done to        
philosophy the invaluable service of    
teaching philosophers their own         
fallibility4 ,in all the departments of 
thought1 and not only in the  world of  
thought but in that of action1 the      
spirit of human  infallibility is the   
greatest obstacle to truth and goodness4
 ,whether it  appear to protect a system
 which the thinker has framed for       
himself1 or  assume the more modest     
shape of maintaining1 that among        
conflicting  systems he has made choice 
of that which is absolutely and         
certainly  right1 while all others which
 in any way differ from it are as       
absolutely and certainly wrong2 this    
offspring of the pride of human         

intellect is an equally dangerous enemy 
of human improvement2 and to  have      
contributed to its downfal is of itself 
no small achievement for  one mind4     
,such are a few remarks on the matter of
 the first part of the ,treatise  of    
,human ,nature--given not by any means  
as an analysis of the doctrines  there  
taught1 but merely as an attempt to     
characterize them by their  prominent   
features4 ,it will naturally be expected
 that a similar attempt  should be made 
to characterize the form in which these 
doctrines were  promulgated4 ,as to the 
style of the ,treatise1 it possesses the
  clearness1 flexibility1 and simplicity
 that distinguish the maturity of  its  
author's literary career1 though not    
quite in all the perfection in  which   
they afterwards attended his pen4 ,there
 are occasional  ,scoticisms--a defect  
which he took infinite pains to cure1   
but of which  he was never entirely rid4
 ,he uses a few obsolete and now harsh  
sounding  forms of expression1 from     

which he afterwards abstained3 such as  
the  elliptical combination 'tis1 for it
 is4 ,here1 and in the first editions   
of his ,history1 he frequently neglects 
the increment on the perfect  tense1 as 
by saying1 ,i have forgot1 instead of1  
,i have forgotten2 ,i  have wrote1      
instead of ,i have written4    ,the     
,treatise has that happy equality of    
flight1 which distinguishes the         
author's maturer productions4 ,there is 
no attempt to soar1 and none of  those  
ambitious inequalities which often      
deform the works of young  authors4 ,his
 imagination and language seem indeed to
 have been kept  permanently chained    
down by the character of his inquiries4 
,his constant  aim is to make his       
meaning clear2 and in the subtleties of 
a new and  intricate system of          
metaphysics1 he seems to have felt that 
there lay  upon him so heavy a          
responsibility to make use on all       
occasions of the  clearest and simplest 
words1 that any flight of imagination or

 eloquence  would be a dangerous        
experiment4    ,there is a corresponding
 absence of pedantic ornament4 ,a young 
writer  who has read much1 is generally 
more anxious to show his learning and   
information than his own power of       
thought4 ,with many the defect lasts    
through maturer years1 and they write as
 if to find a good thing in some        
unknown author1 were more meritorious   
than to have invented it4  ,montesquieu1
 whom ,hume has been accused of         
imitating1 carried this  defect to a    
vice1 and often distorted the order of  
his reasoning1 that  he might introduce 
an allusion to something discovered in  
the course of  his peculiar learning4   
,that ,hume had read much in philosophy 
before he  undertook his great work1    
cannot be doubted1 but he does not drag 
his  readers through the minuti of his  
studies1 and is content with giving     
them results4 ,in many respects1 indeed1
 one would have desired to know  more of
 his appreciation of his predecessors4  

,the name of ,aristotle is1  it is      
believed1 not once mentioned in the     
work1 and there are only some  indirect 
allusions to him1 and these not very    
respectful1 in casual  remarks on the   
opinions of the ,peripatetics4 ,one     
would have expected  from ,hume a       
kindred sympathy with the great master  
of intellectual  philosophy1 and a      
respectful appreciation of one whose    
inquiries were  conducted with a like   
acute severity1 but whose mind took so  
much more  wide and comprehensive a     
grasp of the sources of human knowledge4
    ,it has been often observed1 that a 
person so original in his opinions as   
,hume1 ought to have made a new         
nomenclature for the new things which he
  taught4 ,but he has no philosophical  
nomenclature2 he appears indeed to  have
 despised that useful instrument of     
method1 and means of  communicating     
clear ideas to learners4 ,this want has 
prevented his  system from being clearly
 and fully learned by the student1 while

 it has  at the same time probably made 
his works less repulsive to the general 
reader4 ,he seems indeed hardly to have 
been conscious of the advantage  to all 
philosophy1 of uniformity of expression4
 ,using the words force1  vivacity1     
solidity1 firmness1 and steadiness1 all 
with the same  meaning1 he speaks of    
this usage as a variety of terms which  
may seem  so unphilosophical2 and then  
observes1 more in the style of one who  
is  tired of philosophical precision    
than of a philosopher1 ,provided we     
agree about the thing1 'tis needless to 
dispute about the terms4    ,this is a  
kindred defect to that absence of method
 which has been  already taken notice   
of4 ,a fixed nomenclature is a beacon   
against  repetition and discursiveness4 
,but the ,treatise has no pretension to 
be  a work of which he who omits paying 
attention to any part1 thereby drops  a 
link in a chain1 the loss of which will 
make the whole appear broken  and       
inconsistent4 ,there are1 it is true1   

places where the essential  parts of the
 author's philosophy are developed1 the 
omission of which  would render that    
which follows hard to be understood1 but
 in general  each department of the work
 is intelligible in itself4 ,its author 
appears to have composed it in separate 
fragments2 holding in view1  while he   
was writing each part1 the general      
principle of his theory1 but  not taking
 it for granted that the reader is so   
far master of that  principle1 as not to
 require it to be generally explained in
 connexion  with the particular matter  
under consideration4 ,he seems indeed   
rather  desirous to dwell on it1 as     
something that the reader may have seen 
in  the earlier part of the work1 but   
may have neglected to keep in his mind  
while he reads the other parts4 ,perhaps
 the true model of every  philosophical 
work is to be found in the usual systems
 of geometry1  where1 whatever is once  
proposed and proved1 is held a fixed    
part of  knowledge1 and is never        

repeated2 but as far as psychological   
reasoning  is from the certainty of     
geometrical1 so distant perhaps1 will   
ever be  the precision of its method    
from that of geometry4    ,it may safely
 be pronounced1 that no book of its age 
presents itself to  us at this day1 more
 completely free from exploded opinions 
in the  physical sciences4 ,with the    
exception perhaps of occasional         
allusions to  animal spirits1 as a      
moving influence in the human body1 the 
author's  careful sifting sceptical mind
 seems1 without having practically      
tested  them1 to have turned away from  
whatever doctrines were afterwards      
destined to fall before the test of     
experiment and induction4 ,it was not   
that he was so much of a natural        
philosopher himself as to be able to    
test their truth or falsehood1 but that 
with a wholesome jealousy1              
characteristic of the mind in which the 
,disquisition on ,miracles was  working 
itself into shape1 he avoided them as   

things neither coming  within the scope 
of his own analysis1 nor bearing the    
marks of having  been satisfactorily    
established by those whose more peculiar
 province it  was to investigate their  
claims to be believed4 ,at a later date1
 his  friend ,d',alembert admitted      
judicial astrology and alchemy as       
branches of  natural philosophy in his  
,systme ,figur des ,connoissances       
,humaines4  ,cudworth1 and even the     
scrutinizing ,locke1 dealt gravely with 
matters  doomed afterwards to be ranked 
among popular superstitions1 and ,sir   
,thomas ,browne1 in some respects a     
sceptic1 eloquently defended more       
vulgar errors than he exposed4 ,hobbes  
was1 in the midst of the darkest        
scepticism1 a practical believer in the 
actual presence of the spirits  of the  
air2 and ,johnson1 whose name1 however1 
it may scarcely be fair to  class in    
this list1 as he did not profess1 except
 for conversational  triumph1 to be a   
reducer and demolisher of unfounded     

beliefs1 along  with his partial        
admission of the existence of spectres1 
has left behind  him many dogmatic      
announcements of physical doctrines1    
which the  progress of science has now  
long buried under its newer systems4    
,it is by no means maintained that ,hume
 was beyond his age--or even on a  par  
with its scientific ornaments1 in       
physical knowledge2 but merely  that he 
showed a judicious caution in           
distinguishing1 in his published  work1 
those parts of physical philosophy which
 had been admitted within  the bounds of
 true and permanent science1 from those 
which were still in  a state of mere    
hypothesis4 ,his knowledge of physical  
science was  probably not very          
extensive4 ,a small portion of a        
collection of his  notes on subjects    
that attracted his attention bear on    
this subject4 ,the  collection from     
which they are taken will be noticed in 
the next  chapter2 but as those which   
are set apart from the others1 and are  

headed ,natural ,philosophy1 seem to    
have been written at an earlier  period 
than the rest of the collection1 and are
 appropriate to the  present subject1   
they are here given4 ,it is not expected
 that they will  awaken in the natural  
philosopher any great respect for the   
extent of  ,hume's inquiries in this    
department of knowledge4      ,,natural 
,,philosophy4    ,a ship sails always   
swiftest when her sides yield a little4 
,two pieces of timber1 resting upon one 
another1 will bear as much as  both of  
them laid across at the distance of     
their opening4    ,calcined antimony    
more heavy than before4#ie3a    ,a proof
 that natural philosophy has no truth in
 it1 is1 that it has  only succeeded in 
things remote1 as the heavenly bodies2  
or minute1 as  light4    ',tis probable 
that mineral waters are not formed by   
running over beds  of minerals1 but by  
imbibing the vapours which form these   
minerals1  since we cannot make mineral 
waters with all the same qualities4     

,hot mineral waters come not a-boiling  
sooner than cold water4    ,hot iron put
 into cold water soon cools1 but becomes
 hot again4    ,there falls usually at  
,paris1 in ,june1 ,july1 and ,august1 as
 much rain  as in the other nine months4
    ,this seems to be a strong          
presumption against medicines1 that they
 are  mostly disagreeable1 and out of   
the common use of life4 ,for the weak   
and  uncertain operation of the common  
food1 c4 is well known by experience4   
,these others are the better objects of 
quackery4      ,the system of philosophy
 to which the foregoing remarks apply1  
was  published when its author was      
twenty-six years old1 and he completed  
it  in voluntary exile1 and in that     
isolation from the counsel and sympathy 
of early friends1 which is implied by a 
residence in an obscure spot in  a      
foreign country4 ,while he was framing  
his metaphysical theory1 ,hume  appears 
to have permitted no confidential       
adviser to have access to the  workings 

of his inventive genius2 and as little  
did he take for granted  any of the     
reasonings and opinions of the          
illustrious dead1 as seek  counsel of   
the living4 ,nowhere is there a work of 
genius more completely  authenticated1  
as the produce of the solitary labour of
 one mind2 and  when we reflect on the  
boldness and greatness of the           
undertaking1 we  have a picture of      
self-reliance calculated to inspire both
 awe and  respect4 ,the system seems to 
be characteristic of a lonely mind--of  
one  which1 though it had no enmity with
 its fellows1 had yet little sympathy   
with them4 ,it has few of the features  
that characterize a partaker in  the    
ordinary hopes and fears1 the joys and  
sorrows1 of humanity2 little  to give   
impulse to the excitement of the        
enthusiast2 nothing to dry the  tear of 
the mourner4 ,it exposes to poor human  
reason her own weakness  and nakedness1 
and supplies her with no extrinsic      
support or protection4  ,such a work1   

coming from a man at the time of life   
when our sympathies  with the world are 
strongest1 and our anticipations        
brightest1 would  seem to indicate a    
mind rendered callous by hardship and   
disappointment4  ,but it was not so with
 ,hume4 ,his coldness and isolation were
 in his  theories alone2 as a man he was
 frank1 warm1 and friendly4 ,but the    
same  impulses which gave him resolution
 to adopt so bold a step1 seem at the   
same time to have armed him with a hard 
contempt for the opinions of the  rest  
of mankind4 ,hence1 though his          
philosophy is sceptical1 his manner  is 
frequently dogmatical1 even to          
intolerance2 and while illustrating  the
 feebleness of all human reasoning1 he  
seems as if he felt an innate           
infallibility in his own4 ,he afterwards
 regretted this peculiarity2 and  in a  
letter1 written apparently at an        
advanced period of life1 we find  him   
deprecating not only the tone of the    
,inquiry1 but many of its  opinions4 ,he

 says3--      ,allow me to tell you1    
that ,i never asserted so absurd a      
proposition as  that any thing might    
arise without a cause4 ,i only          
maintained that our  certainty of the   
falsehood of that proposition proceeded 
neither from  intuition nor             
demonstration1 but from another source4 
,that ,csar  existed1 that there is such
 an island as ,sicily1--for these       
propositions1 ,i affirm1 we have no     
demonstration nor intuitive             
proof1--would you infer that ,i deny    
their truth1 or even their  certainty8  
,there are many different kinds of      
certainty2 and some of them  as         
satisfactory to the mind1 though perhaps
 not so regular as the  demonstrative   
kind4    ,where a man of sense mistakes 
my meaning1 ,i own ,i am angry2 but it  
is  only with myself1 for having        
expressed my meaning so ill1 as to have 
given occasion to the mistake4    ,that 
you may see ,i would no way scruple of  
owning my mistakes in  argument1 ,i     

shall acknowledge 7what is infinitely   
more material7 a very  great mistake in 
conduct1 viz4 my publishing at all the  
',treatise of  ,human ,nature1' a book  
which pretended to innovate in all the  
sublimest  paths of philosophy1 and     
which ,i composed before ,i was         
five-and-twenty2  above all1 the        
positive air which prevails in that     
book1 and which may  be imputed to the  
ardour of youth1 so much displeases me1 
that ,i have  not patience to review it4
 ,but what success the same doctrines1  
better  illustrated and expressed1 may  
meet with1 adhuc sub judice lis est4    
,the arguments have been laid before the
 world1 and by some philosophical  minds
 have been attended to4 ,i am willing to
 be instructed by the  public2 though   
human life is so short1 that ,i despair 
of ever seeing the  decision4 ,i wish ,i
 had always confined myself to the more 
easy parts of  erudition2 but you will  
excuse me from submitting to a          
proverbial  decision1 let it even be in 

,greek4#ih3a      ,the reader1 who      
passes from the first book of the       
,treatise1 on the  ,understanding1 to   
the second1 on the ,passions1 will1 in  
many  instances1 feel like one who is   
awakened from a dream1 or as if1 after  
penetrating in solitude and darkness    
into the unseen world of thought1  he   
had come forth to the cheerful company  
of mankind1 and were holding  converse  
with a shrewd and penetrating observer  
of the passing world4 ,as  ,hume was    
never totally insensible to the elements
 of social enjoyment1  but had indeed an
 ample sympathy with the joys and       
sorrows of his fellow  men1 he appears  
occasionally1 in the midst of his most  
subtle  speculations1 to experience a   
desire to burst from the dark prison of 
solitude1 into which he had voluntarily 
immured himself1 and bask in the        
sunshine of the world4 ,man1 he says1 in
 his ,treatise1 is the creature  of the 
universe who has the most ardent desire 
of society1 and is fitted  for it by the

 most advantages4 ,we can form no wish  
which has not a  reference to society4  
,a perfect solitude is1 perhaps1 the    
greatest  punishment we can suffer4     
,every pleasure languishes when enjoyed 
apart  from company1 and every pain     
becomes more cruel and intolerable4 ,in 
a  remarkable passage1 in which1 after  
having long proceeded in enthusiasm     
with his solitary labours1 he seems to  
have stopped for a moment1 and          
recalling within himself the feelings   
and sympathies of an ordinary man1  to  
have reflected on the scope and tendency
 of the system in which he  was         
involving himself1 he thus expresses    
himself1 regarding its gloomy  tendency1
 and the effect it has in destroying1 in
 the mind of its  fabricator1 those     
stays of satisfactory belief in which it
 is so  comfortable for the wearied     
intellect to find a resting-place3--    
,before ,i launch out into those immense
 depths of philosophy       which lie   
before me1 ,i find myself inclined to   

stop a moment       in my present       
station1 and to ponder that voyage which
 ,i have       undertaken1 and which    
undoubtedly requires the utmost art and 
industry to be brought to a happy       
conclusion4 ,methinks ,i am       like a
 man1 who1 having struck on many shoals1
 and having       narrowly escaped      
shipwreck in passing a small frith1 has 
yet       the temerity to put out to sea
 in the same leaky       weather-beaten 
vessel1 and even carries his ambition so
 far as       to think of compassing the
 globe under these disadvantageous      
circumstances4 ,my memory of past errors
 and perplexities makes       me        
diffident for the future4 ,the wretched 
condition1 weakness1       and disorder 
of the faculties1 ,i must employ in my  
inquiries1       increase my            
apprehensions4 ,and the impossibility of
 amending       or correcting these     
faculties1 reduces me almost to despair1
       and makes me resolve to perish on
 the barren rock1 on which ,i       am  

at present1 rather than venture myself  
upon that boundless       ocean which   
runs out into immensity4 ,this sudden   
view of my       danger strikes me with 
melancholy2 and1 as 'tis usual for that 
passion1 above all others1 to indulge   
itself1 ,i cannot forbear       feeding 
my despair with all those desponding    
reflections which       the present     
subject furnishes me with in such       
abundance4         ,i am first          
affrighted and confounded with that     
forlorn       solitude in which ,i am   
placed in my philosophy1 and fancy      
myself some strange uncouth monster1    
who1 not being able to       mingle and 
unite in society1 has been expelled all 
human       commerce1 and left utterly  
abandoned and disconsolate4 ,fain       
would ,i run into the crowd for shelter 
and warmth1 but cannot       prevail    
with myself to mix with such deformity4 
,i call upon       others to join me1 in
 order to make a company apart1 but no  
one will hearken to me4 ,every one keeps

 at a distance1 and       dreads that   
storm which beats upon me from every    
side4 ,i have       exposed myself to   
the enmity of all metaphysicians1       
logicians1       mathematicians1 and    
even theologians2 and can ,i wonder at  
the       insults ,i must suffer8 ,i    
have declared my disapprobation of      
their systems2 and can ,i be surprised  
if they should express a       hatred of
 mine and of my person8 ,when ,i look   
abroad1 ,i foresee       on every side  
dispute1 contradiction1 anger1 calumny1 
and       detraction4 ,when ,i turn my  
eye inward1 ,i find nothing but         
doubt and ignorance4 ,all the world     
conspires to oppose and       contradict
 me2 though such is my weakness1 that ,i
 feel all my       opinions loosen and  
fall of themselves1 when unsupported by 
the approbation of others4 ,every step  
,i take is with       hesitation1 and   
every new reflection makes me dread an  
error       and absurdity in my         
reasoning4         ,for with what       

confidence can ,i venture upon such bold
       enterprises1 when1 beside those  
numberless infirmities       peculiar to
 myself1 ,i find so many which are      
common to human       nature8 ,can ,i be
 sure that1 in leaving all established  
opinions1 ,i am following truth8 and by 
what criterion shall ,i                 
distinguish her1 even if fortune should 
at last guide me on       her footsteps8
 ,after the most accurate and exact of  
my       reasonings1 ,i can give no     
reason why ,i should assent to it1      
and feel nothing but a strong propensity
 to consider objects       strongly in  
that view under which they appear to    
me4#aja3a    ,occasionally1 seduced by  
some impulse of playful candour1 we find
 him  giving us admission as it were    
into the chamber of his thoughts1 and   
desiring that some one would drag him   
into the common circle of the  world4   
,when there1 he consents for a short    
time to comport himself as a  man1 is   
social and sympathetic with his kind1   

and pleased with what is  passing       
around2 when anon the ambition which had
 prompted his solitary  musings stirs   
his soul1 tells him that in active life 
and the world at  large1 the sphere of  
his true greatness is not placed1 and   
prompts him  to reimprison himself1 and 
pursue the great aim of his existence4  
,but what have ,i here said1 that       
reflections very refined and            
metaphysical have little or no influence
 upon us8 ,this opinion       ,i can    
scarce forbear retracting1 and          
condemning from my       present feeling
 and experience4 ,the intense view of   
these       manifold contradictions and 
imperfections in human reason has       
so wrought upon me1 and heated my brain1
 that ,i am ready to       reject all   
belief and reasoning1 and can look upon 
no opinion       even as more probable  
or likely than another4 ,where am ,i1 or
       what8 ,from what causes do ,i    
derive my existence1 and to what        
condition shall ,i return8 ,whose favour

 shall ,i court1 and       whose anger  
must ,i dread8 ,what beings surround me8
 and on whom       have ,i any          
influence1 or who have any influence on 
me8 ,i am       confounded with all     
these questions1 and begin to fancy     
myself       in the most deplorable     
condition imaginable1 environed with    
the deepest darkness1 and utterly       
deprived of the use of every            
member and faculty4         ,most       
fortunately it happens1 that since      
,reason is incapable of       dispelling
 these clouds1 ,nature herself suffices 
to that       purpose1 and cures me of  
this philosophical melancholy and       
delirium1 either by relaxing this bent  
of mind1 or by some       avocation1 and
 lively impression of my senses1 which  
obliterate all these chimeras4 ,i dine1 
,i play a game of       backgammon1 ,i  
converse1 and am merry with my friends2 
and       when1 after three or four     
hours' amusement1 ,i would return to    
these speculations1 they appear so cold1

 and strained1 and       ridiculous1    
that ,i cannot find in my heart to enter
 into them       any farther4           
,here1 then1 ,i find myself absolutely  
and necessarily       determined to     
live1 and talk1 and act like other      
people in the       common affairs of   
life4 ,but notwithstanding that my      
natural       propensity1 and the course
 of my animal spirits and passions      
reduce me to this indolent belief in the
 general maxims of the       world1 ,i  
still feel such remains of my former    
disposition1       that ,i am ready to  
throw all my books and papers into the  
fire1 and resolve never more to renounce
 the pleasures of life       for the    
sake of reasoning and philosophy4 ,for  
those are my       sentiments in that   
splenetic humour which governs me at    
present4 ,i may1 nay ,i must yield to   
the current of nature1 in               
submitting to my senses and             
understanding2 and in this blind        
submission ,i show most perfectly my    

sceptical disposition and               
principles4 ,but does it follow that ,i 
must strive against the       current of
 nature1 which leads me to indolence and
 pleasure2       that ,i must seclude   
myself1 in some measure1 from the       
commerce       and society of men1 which
 is so agreeable2 and that ,i must      
torture my brain with subtilties and    
sophistries1 at the very       time that
 ,i cannot satisfy myself concerning the
       reasonableness of so painful an  
application1 nor have any               
tolerable prospect of arriving by its   
means at truth and       certainty8     
,under what obligation do ,i lie of     
making such an       abuse of time8 ,and
 to what end can it serve1 either for   
the       service of mankind1 or for my 
own private interest8 ,no3 if ,i        
must be a fool1 as all those who reason 
or believe any thing       certainly    
are1 my follies shall at least be       
natural and       agreeable4 ,where ,i  
strive against my inclination1 ,i shall 

have       a good reason for my         
resistance2 and will no more be led     
a-wandering into such dreary solitudes1 
and rough passages1 as       ,i have    
hitherto met with4         ,these are   
the sentiments of my spleen and         
indolence2 and       indeed ,i must     
confess1 that philosophy has nothing to 
oppose       to them1 and expects a     
victory more from the returns of a      
serious good-humoured disposition1 than 
from the force of       reason and      
conviction4 ,in all the incidents of    
life1 we ought       still to preserve  
our scepticism4 ,if we believe that fire
       warms1 or water refreshes1 'tis  
only because it costs us too       much 
pains to think otherwise4 ,nay1 if we   
are philosophers1 it       ought only to
 be upon sceptical principles1 and from 
an       inclination which we feel to   
the employing ourselves after       that
 manner4 ,where reason is lively1 and   
mixes itself with       some propensity1
 it ought to be assented to4 ,where it  

does       not1 it never can have any   
title to operate upon us4         ,at   
the time1 therefore1 that ,i am tired   
with amusement and       company1 and   
have indulged a reverie in my chamber1  
or in a       solitary walk by a river  
side1 ,i feel my mind all collected     
within itself1 and am naturally inclined
 to carry my view       into all those  
subjects1 about which ,i have met with  
so many       disputes in the course of 
my reading and conversation4 ,i         
cannot forbear having a curiosity to be 
acquainted with the       principles of 
moral good and evil1 the nature and     
foundation       of government1 and the 
cause of those several passions and     
inclinations which actuate and govern   
me4 ,i am uneasy to think       ,i      
approve of one object1 and disapprove of
 another2 call one       thing          
beautiful1 and another deformed2 decide 
concerning truth       and falsehood1   
reason and folly1 without knowing upon  
what       principles ,i proceed4 ,i am 

concerned for the condition of the      
learned world1 which lies under such a  
deplorable ignorance in       all these 
particulars4 ,i feel an ambition to     
arise in me of       contributing to the
 instruction of mankind1 and of         
acquiring a       name by my inventions 
and discoveries4 ,these sentiments      
spring       up naturally in my present 
disposition2 and should ,i              
endeavour to banish them1 by attaching  
myself to any other       business or   
diversion1 ,i feel ,i should be a loser 
in point       of pleasure2 and this is 
the origin of my philosophy4#ajd3a      
,the acuteness which the solitary       
metaphysician brought to his aid when   
he chose to contemplate mankind1 is not 
the least interesting feature in  his   
book4 ,that he could have seen much of  
men1 since his life had been  but brief 
and his converse with books great1 is   
not probable2 yet  ,chesterfield and    
,rochefoucauld did not observe men more 
clearly and  truly1 though they may have

 done so more extensively4 ,the         
following  sketch of the mental features
 of a vain man1 would not have been     
unworthy of ,theophrastus4              
,every thing belonging to a vain man is 
the best that is any       where to be  
found4 ,his houses1 equipage1 furniture1
 clothes1       horses1 hounds1 excel   
all others in his conceit2 and 'tis easy
       to observe1 that from the least  
advantage in any of these1 he           
draws a new subject of pride and vanity4
 ,his wine1 if you'll       believe him1
 has a finer flavour than any other2 his
 cookery       is more exquisite2 his   
table more orderly2 his servant more    
expert2 the air in which he lives more  
healthful2 the soil he       cultivates 
more fertile2 his fruits ripen earlier1 
and to       greater perfection2 such a 
thing is remarkable for its             
novelty2 such another for its antiquity3
 this is the       workmanship of a     
famous artist2 that belonged to such a  
prince       or great man2 all objects1 

in a word1 that are useful1             
beautiful1 or surprising1 or are related
 to such1 may1 by       means of        
property1 give rise to this passion4    
,these agree in       giving pleasure1  
and agree in nothing else4 ,this alone  
is       common to them1 and therefore  
must be the quality that       produces 
the passion1 which is their common      
effect4#ajd3b      ,,footnotes3    #dh3a
 ,a literary friend suggests that ,hume 
has a quiet allusion to the             
intellectual faculties of the people of 
,bristol1 in the description of  ,james 
,naylor's attempts to personify our     
,saviour1 where it is said1 he  entered 
,bristol mounted on a horse--,i suppose 
from the difficulty in  that place of   
finding an ass4 ,retrospect of manners  
c41 at the end of  the ,history of the  
,commonwealth4    #eb3a ,it is not      
improbable that the person here alluded 
to is the ,abb  ,pluche1 a native of    
,rheims1 the greatest literary ornament 
of that city1  and one who filled no    

small place in the lettered aristocracy 
of ,france1  where he held in many      
respects the position which ,paley      
occupied in  ,england4 ,he filled       
successively the chairs of ,humanity and
 ,rhetoric1 in  the ,university of      
,rheims4 ,his promotion in the ,church  
was checked by his  partiality for      
,jansenism4 ,he had the rare merit of   
uniting to a firm  belief in the great  
truths of ,christianity a wide and full 
toleration  for the conscientious       
opinions of others2 and he enjoyed1 what
 is no  less rarely possessed by those  
who meddle in theological disputes1 the 
good opinion of his opponents4 ,he was a
 great scholar1 and wrote some  works on
 etymological and archological subjects2
 but he is chiefly  known for his       
writings on natural theology1 celebrated
 for their clear  and animated          
enunciation of the harmonies of nature1 
and not only  popular in their own      
country1 but translated into most of the
 ,european  languages4 ,his ,spectacle  

de la ,nature1 written in a series of   
dialogues1 was sketched while he acted  
as instructor to the son of ,lord       
,stafford2 and the master and pupil1    
with the father and mother of the       
latter1 are the interlocutors4 ,one of  
its main objects is1 by tracing  effects
 in the operations of nature to their   
causes1 to prove and  illustrate the    
beneficence and wisdom of the ,deity4   
,this work has been a  treasure to many 
an ,english schoolboy1 in its well-known
 translation1  with the title1 ,nature  
,displayed4 ,an answer by ,pluche to    
some esprits  forts1 who wondered why a 
philosopher could believe so much1 has  
been  preserved by his contemporaries3  
,it is more reasonable1 he said1 to     
believe in the dictates of the ,supreme 
,being than to follow the feeble  lights
 of a reason bounded in its operations  
and subject to error4    ,it must be    
granted that what ,hume calls the       
association of contrariety  has in some 
measure caused this digression1 and that

 the ,abb ,pluche  would not have been  
so amply discussed as the possible      
learned man that  ,hume had an          
introduction to1 had there not been so  
much that is common  in the subjects    
treated of by both1 and so much that is 
contrasted in  the mode of treatment4   
,pluche was an opponent of ,des ,cartes1
 and thus a  name far greater than his1 
and as many will hold greater than      
,hume's1 is  introduced into the circle 
of these local associations4    #ec3a   
,the following passage in a recent work1
 ,mrs4 ,shelley's ,rambles  in ,germany 
and ,italy1 seems appropriate to this   
observation3--    ,by this time ,i      
became aware of a truth which had dawned
 on me before1  that the ,french common 
people have lost much of that grace of  
manner  which once distinguished them   
above all other people4 ,more courteous 
than the ,italians they could not be2   
but1 while their manners were more      
artificial1 they were more playful and  
winning4 ,all this has changed4 ,i  did 

not remark the alteration so much with  
regard to myself1 as in their  mode of  
speaking to one another4 ,the ',madame1'
 and ',monsieur1' with  which stable    
boys1 and old beggar women1 used to     
address each other with  the deference  
of courtiers1 has vanished4 ,no trace of
 it is to be found  in ,france2 a shadow
 faintly exists among the ,parisian     
shopkeepers when  speaking to their     
customers1 but only there is the        
traditional  phraseology still used3    
,the courteous accent1 the soft manner1 
erst so  charming1 exists no longer4 ,i 
speak of a thing known and acknowledged 
by  the ,french themselves4 4 4 4 4 4   
,their phraseology1 once so delicately  
and even to us more straightforward     
people1 amusingly deferential 7not  to  
superiors only1 but toward one another17
 is become blunt1 and almost  rude4 ,the
 ,french allege several causes for this 
change1 which they date  from the       
,revolution of #ahcj3 some say it arises
 from every citizen  turning out as one 

of the national guard in his turn1 so   
that they all  get a ton de garnison3   
others attribute it to their imitation  
of the  ,english4 ,of course1 in the    
times of the ancien regime1 the courtly 
tone found an echo and reflexion1 from  
the royal anti-chambers down to  the    
very ends of the kingdom4 ,this has     
faded by degrees1 till the  ,revolution 
of #ahcj gave it the coup-de-grce4      
#ee3a ,sic in ,,ms4    #ef3a ,this word 
is nearly obliterated4 ,the passage     
appears to be a sort  of caricatured    
pompous politeness4    #ef3b ,,ms4      
,r4,s4,e4    #eg3a ,dated #gth ,january1
 #agfb1 and written in relation to a    
copy of  ,campbell's ,dissertation on   
,miracles1 sent to him by ,dr4 ,blair4  
#eh3a ,it may be said1 that1 as         
,mackenzie's description of ,hume's     
character1 this subject belongs to a    
later period of his life--the time  when
 ,mackenzie was acquainted with him4    
,but ,mackenzie intended it to be  a    
true view of ,hume's character as a     

young man2 and it appears that it       
properly belongs to that chronological  
period to which its author  assigned it4
    #fc3a ,see above1 p4 #ej4 ,these    
reasonings appeared probably in a shape 
more consonant with the author's later  
views in the ,philosophical  ,essays1   
#agdh4    #fd3a ,tytler1 ,life of       
,kames1 i4 #hd4    #fe3a ,tytler1 ,life 
of ,kames1 i4 #hh4    #ff3a ,original   
,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #fg3a ,according to  
some acceptations of the word           
metaphysical1 which  seem to make it    
synonymous with transcendental1 and     
referable solely to  the operations of  
pure reason1 to the rejection of        
whatever is founded  on experiment1 none
 of ,hume's works are properly          
metaphysical2 and by  the very          
foundation he has given to his          
philosophy1 he has made it  empirical   
and consequently not metaphysical4 ,the 
word metaphysical is1  however1 here    
used in its ordinary1 and1 as it may be 
termed1 popular  acceptation1 and as    

applicable to any attempt to analyze    
mind or  describe its elements1--a      
subject in relation to which the word   
ontology  is also sometimes used4       
#gj3a ,the term ideas1 in the           
philosophical nomenclature of ,hume1 is 
thus used in a sense quite distinct from
 its previous current  acceptations1 and
 as different from its vernacular use by
 ,plato1 in  reference to the archetypes
 of all the empirical objects of        
thought1 as  from its employment by     
,locke1 who used it to express          
whatsoever is the  object of the        
understanding when a man thinks4        
#ge3a ,if we take as the utmost bounds  
of this system the orbit ,uranus1  we   
shall find that it occupies a portion of
 space not less than three  thousand six
 hundred millions of miles in extent4   
,the mind fails to form  an exact notion
 of a portion of space so immense2 but  
some faint idea of  it may be obtained  
from the fact1 that1 if the swiftest    
race-horse ever  known1 had begun to    

traverse it at full speed1 at the time  
of the birth  of ,moses1 he could only  
as yet have accomplished half his       
journey4--,vestiges of the ,natural     
,history of ,creation1 pp4 #a-b4 ,here  
an  attempt is made to give a conception
 of abstract numbers1 by calling up  in 
the mind the ideas deposited there from 
actual impressions4 ,hume had1  in the  
application of his theory to            
mathematics1 to struggle with the  fact 
that no truths had a clearer and more   
distinct existence in the  mind than the
 abstract truths of the exact sciences2 
and feeling the  difficulty he thus had 
to encounter1 he did not recur in his   
subsequent  works to this part of the   
sceptical theory4 ,kant seems to have   
filled up  the blank for him1 by        
treating those truths as synthetical    
intuitions  anterior to experience in   
their abstract existence1 though        
depending on  experience in the         
knowledge of their concrete application2
 but it may be  observed1 that at the   

beginning of sect4 #d4 of his ,inquiry1 
,hume seems  to have nearly anticipated 
some such principle4    #gf3a ,if any   
impression gives rise to the idea of    
self1 that  impression must continue    
invariably the same1 through the whole  
course  of our lives3 since self is     
supposed to exist after that manner4    
,but  there is no impression constant   
and invariable4 ,pain and pleasure1     
grief  and joy1 passions and sensations1
 succeed each other1 and never all      
exist at the same time4 ,it cannot1     
therefore1 be from any of these         
impressions1 or from any other1 that the
 idea of self is derived2  and          
consequently there is no such idea4 4 4 
4 4 ,for my part1 when  ,i enter most   
intimately into what ,i call myself1 ,i 
always stumble  on some perception or   
other1 of heat or cold1 light or shade1 
love  or hatred1 pain or pleasure4 ,i   
never can catch myself at any time      
without a perception1 and never can     
observe any thing but the               

perception4--,treatise1 ,b4 i4 p4 iv4   
sect4 #f4    #ha3a ,one cannot escape a 
feeling of astonishment on finding so   
great a  philosopher as ,reid saying1   
7,active ,powers1 ch4 ix47 that on this 
theory  day and night might be called   
mutually the cause and effect of each   
other1 on account of their mutual       
sequence3 as if the observation of      
those who have gone so far in           
civilisation as just to have seen       
ignited  bodies1 had not data for       
concluding that that phenomenon which   
most  uniformly preceded the            
ramification of rays of light1 was the  
appearance  of a luminous body4    #hb3a
 ,this refers to the notion1 which may  
now be termed obsolete1 at  least in    
philosophy1 of an inherent power in the 
cause to produce the  effect--not to    
,kant's theory1 which does not appear to
 be inconsistent  with the scientific   
application of ,hume's4    #hd3a        
,scepsis ,scientifica2 or1 ,confest     
,ignorance the ,way to ,science1  in an 

essay of the vanity of dogmatizing and  
confident opinion4 ,by  ,joseph         
,glanvill1 ,m4,a4 #affe1 #dto1 p4 #adb4 
,see this coincidence commented  on in  
the ,penny ,cyclopdia1 art4 ,scepticism4
 ,the style of ,glanvill's  work1 in its
 rich variety of logical imagery and its
 powerful use of  antithesis1 is formed 
on that of ,sir ,thomas ,browne1 whose  
,vulgar  ,errors had been first         
published fifteen years earlier4 ,that  
one who  wrote a book so full of        
wisdom--so bold1 original1 and firm in  
its  attacks on received fallacies1     
should also have been the champion of   
belief in witchcraft1 in which his      
prototype1 ,sir ,thomas ,browne1 was    
also a believer1 is one of those        
inconsistencies in poor human nature1   
which elicit much wonder1 but no        
explanation4 ,the following passages    
from this curious and rare book are     
offered for the reader's  amusement3--  
,we conclude many things                
impossibilities1 which yet are easie    

feasables4 ,for by an unadvised         
transiliency1 leaping from the effect   
to its remotest cause1 we observe not   
the connexion through the  interposal of
 more immediate causalities1 which yet  
at last bring the  extremes together    
without a miracle4 ,and hereupon we     
hastily conclude  that impossible which 
we see not in the proximate capacity of 
its  efficient4--pp4 #hc-hd4    ,from   
this last-noted head ariseth that other 
of joyning causes with  irrelevant      
effects1 which either refer not at all  
unto them1 or in a  remoter capacity4   
,hence the ,indian conceived so grossly 
of the letter  that discovered his      
theft2 and that other who thought the   
watch an  animal4 ,from hence grew the  
impostures of charmes and amulets1 and  
other insignificant ceremonies2 which to
 this day impose upon common  belief1 as
 they did of old upon the barbarism of  
the uncultivate  heathen4 ,thus effects 
unusual1 whose causes run under ground1 
and are  more remote from ordinary      

discernment1 are noted in the book of   
vulgar  opinion with digitus ,de1 or    
,dmonis2 though they owe no other       
dependence to the first than what is    
common to the whole syntax of  beings1  
nor yet any more to the second than what
 is given it by the  imagination of     
those unqualified judges4 ,thus1 every  
unwonted meteor  is portentous2 and the 
appearance of any unobserved star1 some 
divine  prognostick4 ,antiquity thought 
thunder the immediate voyce of          
,jupiter1 and impleaded them of impiety 
that referred it to natural             
causalities4 ,neither can there happen a
 storm at this remove from  antique     
ignorance1 but the multitude will have  
the ,devil in  it4--pp4 #hd-he4      ,on
 the ,influence of ,education4    ,we   
judge all things by our anticipations2  
and condemn or applaud  them1 as they   
agree or differ from our first          
receptions4 ,one country  laughs at the 
laws1 customs1 and opinions of another  
as absurd and  ridiculous2 and the other

 is as charitable to them in its conceit
 of  theirs4--pp4 #ic-id4    ,thus1 like
 the hermite1 we think the sun shines   
nowhere but in our  cell1 and all the   
world to be darkness but ourselves4 ,we 
judge truth to  be circumscribed by the 
confines of our belief1 and the         
doctrines we  were brought up in2 and1  
with as ill manners as those of ,china1 
repute  all the rest of the world       
monoculous4 ,so that1 what some         
astrologers  say of our fortunes and the
 passages of our lives1 may1 by the     
allowance of a metaphor1 be said of our 
opinions--that they are  written in our 
stars1 being to the most as fatal as    
those involuntary  occurrences1 and as  
little in their power as the placits of 
destiny4  ,we are bound to our country's
 opinions as to its laws2 and an        
accustomed assent is tantamount to an   
infallible conclusion4 ,he that  offers 
to dissent shall be an outlaw in        
reputation2 and the fears of  guilty    
,cain shall be fulfilled on him--whoever

 meets him shall slay  him4--pp4 #ie-if4
    ,we look with superstitious         
reverence upon the accounts of          
preterlapsed  ages1 and with a          
supercilious severity on the more       
deserving products of  our own--a vanity
 which hath possessed all times as well 
as ours2 and  the golden age was never  
present4 4 4 4 ,we reverence gray-headed
  doctrines1 though feeble1 decrepit1   
and within a step of dust3 and on  this 
account maintain opinions which have    
nothing but our charity to  uphold      
them4--p4 #ajb4    #hf3a ,had ,i done   
but half as much as he ,hume in         
labouring to subvert  principles which  
ought ever to be held sacred1 ,i know   
not whether the  friends of truth would 
have granted me any indulgence1 ,i am   
sure they  ought not4 ,let me be treated
 with the lenity due to a good citizen  
no  longer than ,i act as becomes       
one4--,beattie's ,essay on the ,nature  
and  ,immutability of ,truth1 c4 p4 #bj4
    ,on this ,priestley says1 ,certainly

 the obvious construction of this       
passage is1 that ,mr4 ,hume ought not to
 be treated with the indulgence  and    
lenity due to a good citizen1 but ought 
to be punished as a bad one4  ,and what 
is this but what a ,bonner and a        
,gardiner might have put into  the      
preamble of an order for his execution4 
4 4 ,i for my part am truly  pleased    
with such publications as those of ,mr4 
,hume1 and ,i do not think  it requires 
any great sagacity or strength of mind1 
to see that such  writings must be of   
great service to religion1 natural and  
revealed4  ,they have actually          
occasioned the subject to be more       
thoroughly  canvassed1 and consequently 
to be better understood than ever it was
  before1 and thus vice cotis           
funguntur4#hf3;,a         #hf3;,a       
,examination of ,dr4 ,reid's ,inquiry1  
c4 ,dr4 ,beattie's       ,essay1 c4 and 
,dr4 ,oswald's ,appeal1 c4 #aggd1 pp4   
#aia-aic4    #hh3a ,critik der reinen   
,vernunft1 7,methodenlehre17 #gth ed4 p4

 #ega4    #hi3a ,preliminary            
,dissertation to the ,encyclopdia       
,britannica1 #baj4    #ie3a ,a          
scientific friend observes1 that this is
 the germ of the theory  of oxidation4  
#ih3a ,i have been favoured by ,mr4     
,chambers with an old copy of this      
letter1 in which it is titled as a      
letter to ,gilbert ,stuart4 ,the        
original is among the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4  
where there is a note in ,baron ,hume's 
handwriting1 with a supposition that it 
was addressed to ,dr4 ,traill4    #aja3a
 ,b4 i4 part iv4 sect4 #g4    #ajd3a ,b4
 i4 part iv4 sect4 #g4    #ajd3b ,b4 ii4
 part i4 sect4 #aj4          ,,chapter  
,,iii4    #agci-agda4 ,t4 #bg-bi4       
,letters to his friends after the       
publication of the first and            
second volume of the ,treatise--,returns
 to ,scotland--,reception       of his  
,book--,criticism in ,the ,works of the 
,learned--,charge       against ,hume of
 assaulting the                         
publisher--,correspondence with         

,francis ,hutcheson--,seeks a           
situation--,connexion with ,adam        
,smith--,publication of the third volume
 of the ,treatise--,account       of    
it--,hume's notes of his                
reading--,extracts from his ,note       
books4      ,immediately after the      
publication of his work we find ,hume   
thus writing  to ,henry ,home3--        
,london1 ,february #ac1 #agci4          
,,sir1--,i thought to have wrote this   
from a place nearer you than ,london1   
but have been detained here by contrary 
winds1 which have kept all  ,berwick    
ships from sailing4 ',tis now a         
fortnight since my book was  published2 
and1 besides many other considerations1 
,i thought it would  contribute very    
much to my tranquillity1 and might spare
 me many  mortifications1 to be in the  
country while the success of the work   
was  doubtful4 ,i am afraid 'twill      
remain so very long4 ,those who are     
accustomed to reflect on such abstract  
subjects1 are commonly full of          

prejudices2 and those who are           
unprejudiced are unacquainted with      
metaphysical reasonings4 ,my principles 
are also so remote from all the  vulgar 
sentiments on the subject1 that were    
they to take place1 they  would produce 
almost a total alteration in philosophy2
 and you know1  revolutions of this kind
 are not easily brought about4 ,i am    
young enough  to see what will become of
 the matter2 but am apprehensive lest   
the  chief reward ,i shall have for some
 time will be the pleasure of studying  
on such important subjects1 and the     
approbation of a few judges4 ,among  the
 rest1 you may believe ,i aspire to your
 approbation2 and next to  that1 to your
 free censure and criticism4 ,i shall   
present you with a  copy as soon as ,i  
come to ,scotland2 and hope your        
curiosity1 as well as  friendship1 will 
make you take the pains of perusing it4 
,if you know any body that is a judge1  
you would do me a sensible  pleasure in 
engaging him to a serious perusal of the

 book4 ',tis so rare  to meet with one  
that will take pains on a book1 that    
does not come  recommended by some great
 name or authority1 that ,i must confess
 ,i am as  fond of meeting with such a  
one as if ,i were sure of his           
approbation4 ,i  am1 however1 so        
doubtful in that particular1 that ,i    
have endeavoured all  ,i could to       
conceal my name2 though ,i believe ,i   
have not been so cautious  in this      
respect as ,i ought to have been4    ,i 
have sent the ,bishop of ,bristol#ajf3a 
a copy1 but could not wait on  him with 
your letter after he had arrived at that
 dignity4 ,at least ,i  thought it would
 be to no purpose after ,i began the    
printing4 ,you'll  excuse the frailty of
 an author in writing so long a letter  
about  nothing but his own performances4
 ,authors have this privilege in common 
with lovers2 and founded on the same    
reason1 that they are both besotted     
with a blind fondness of their object4  
,i have been upon my guard against  this

 frailty2 but perhaps this has rather   
turned to my prejudice4 ,the  reflection
 on our caution is apt to give us a more
 implicit confidence  afterwards1 when  
we come to form a judgment4 ,i am1      
c4#ajg3a      ,to the same year we must 
attribute a letter from ,hume to        
,michael ,ramsay1  bearing no more      
precise date than #bgth ,february4 ,he  
says3--,as to  myself1 no alteration has
 happened to my fortune3 nor have ,i    
taken the  least step towards it4 ,i    
hope things will be riper next winter2  
and ,i  would not aim at any thing till 
,i could judge of my success in my grand
  undertaking1 and see upon what footing
 ,i shall stand in the world4 ,i am     
afraid1 however1 that ,i shall not have 
any great success of a sudden4  ,such   
performances make their way very heavily
 at first1 when they are  not           
recommended by any great name or        
authority4    ,in the same letter he    
speaks of ,ramsay as being then a tutor 
in the  ,marchmont family1 and offers   

him this sage and business-like         
advice3--,should a living fall to the   
gift of the ,duchess of  ,marlborough1  
or any other of your friends and        
patrons1 'twould have but  an ill air to
 say that the gentleman was in the      
,south of ,france1 and  that he should  
be informed of the matter4 ,besides1 you
 know how  necessary a man's presence is
 to quicken his friends1 to make them   
unite  their interests1 and to save them
 the trouble of contriving and thinking 
about his affairs4 ,many a one may      
endeavour to serve you when you point   
out the service you desire of them1 who 
would not take the pains to find  it out
 themselves4#ajg3b    ,early in the year
 #agci1 desiring apparently to await in 
retirement the  effect of his work on   
the mind of the public1 he proceeded to 
,scotland1  and took up his residence at
 ,ninewells1 whence we find him writing 
to  ,henry ,home on #ast ,june4         
,,dear ,,sir1--,you see ,i am better    
than my word1 having sent you two papers

  instead of one4 ,i have hints for two 
or three more1 which ,i shall  execute  
at my leisure4 ,i am not much in the    
humour of such compositions  at present1
 having received news from ,london of   
the success of my  ,philosophy1 which is
 but indifferent1 if ,i may judge by the
 sale of the  book1 and if ,i may       
believe my bookseller4 ,i am now out of 
humour with  myself2 but doubt not1 in a
 little time1 to be only out of humour  
with  the world1 like other unsuccessful
 authors4 ,after all1 ,i am sensible of 
my folly in entertaining any discontent1
 much more despair1 upon this  account1 
since ,i could not expect any better    
from such abstract  reasoning2 nor1     
indeed1 did ,i promise myself much      
better4 ,my fondness  for what ,i       
imagined new discoveries1 made me       
overlook all common rules  of prudence2 
and1 having enjoyed the usual           
satisfaction of projectors1  'tis but   
just ,i should meet with their          
disappointments4 ,however1 as 'tis      

observed with such sort of people1 one  
project generally succeeds  another1 ,i 
doubt not but in a day or two ,i shall  
be as easy as ever1 in  hopes that truth
 will prevail at last over the          
indifference and  opposition of the     
world4    ,you see ,i might at present  
subscribe myself your most humble       
servant  with great propriety3 but1     
notwithstanding1 shall presume to call  
myself  your most affectionate friend as
 well as humble servant4#ajh3a      ,his
 account of the success of his work in  
his own life1 is contained  in these    
well-known sentences3 ,never literary   
attempt was more  unfortunate than my   
',treatise of ,human ,nature4' ,it fell 
dead born from  the press1 without      
reaching such distinction as even to    
excite a murmur  among the zealots4 ,but
 he was never easily satisfied with the 
success  of his works2 and we know that 
this one was not so entirely unnoticed  
by  the periodical press1 such as it    
then was1 but that it called forth a    

long review in the number for ,november1
 #agci1 of ,the ,history of the  ,works 
of the ,learned1 a periodical which may 
be said to have set the  example in     
,england1 of systematic reviews of new  
books4 ,this review is  written with    
considerable spirit1 and has a few      
pretty powerful strokes  of sarcasm--as 
where1 in relation to ,hume's sceptical 
examination of the  results of the      
demonstrations of the geometricians1 the
 writer says1 ,i  will have nothing to  
do in the quarrel2 if they cannot       
maintain their  demonstrations against  
his attacks1 they may even perish4 ,the 
paper is  of considerable length1 and it
 has throughout a tone of clamorous     
jeering and vulgar raillery that        
forcibly reminds one of the writings of 
,warburton4 ,but it is the work of one  
who respects the adversary he has  taken
 arms against2 and1 before leaving the  
subject1 the writer makes a  manly      
atonement for his wrath1 saying of the  
,treatise1--,it bears1  indeed1         

incontestable marks of a great capacity1
 of a soaring genius1  but young and not
 yet thoroughly practised4 ,the subject 
is vast and  noble as any that can      
exercise the understanding2 but it      
requires a very  mature judgment to     
handle it as becomes its dignity and    
importance3 the  utmost prudence1       
tenderness1 and delicacy are requisite  
to this  desirable issue4 ,time and use 
may ripen these qualities in our author2
  and we shall probably have reason to  
consider this1 compared with his  later 
productions1 in the same light as we    
view the juvenile works of  ,milton1 or 
the first manner of a ,raphael or other 
celebrated painter4    ,immediately     
after ,hume's death1 there appeared in  
,the ,london ,review1  the following    
account of the manner in which he had   
acknowledged the  article in ,the ,works
 of the ,learned3 ,it does not appear   
our author  had acquired1 at this period
 of his life1 that command over his     
passions  of which he afterwards makes  

his boast4 ,his disappointment at the   
public  reception of his ',essay on     
,human ,nature1' had1 indeed1 a violent 
effect  on his passions in a particular 
instance2 it not having dropped so dead 
born from the press but that it was     
severely handled by the reviewers of    
those times1 in a publication entitled  
,the ,works of the ,learned4 ,a         
circumstance this which so highly       
provoked our young philosopher1 that  he
 flew in a violent rage to demand       
satisfaction of ,jacob ,robinson1 the   
publisher1 whom he kept1 during the     
paroxysm of his anger1 at his  sword's  
point1 trembling behind the counter lest
 a period should be put  to the life of 
a sober critic by a raving              
philosopher4#aaj3a    ,this statement is
 in a note to a ,review of ,hume's own  
life1 and it has  after it the letters  
,rev4 which serve to give it the        
attestation of  ,william ,shakespeare   
,kenrick1 the editor of ,the ,london    
,review1 and a  man whose sole title to 

literary remembrance rests on the hardy 
effrontery and deadly spite of his      
falsehoods4 ,there is nothing in the    
story to make it in itself              
incredible--for ,hume was far from being
 that  docile mass of imperturbability1 
which so large a portion of the world   
have taken him for4 ,but the anecdote   
requires authentication2 and has it     
not4 ,moreover1 there are circumstances 
strongly against its truth4 ,hume  was  
in ,scotland at the time when the       
criticism on his work was  published3 he
 did not visit ,london for some years   
afterwards2 and1 to  believe the story1 
we must look upon it not as a momentary 
ebullition of  passion1 but as a        
manifestation of long-treasured         
resentment1--a  circumstance            
inconsistent with his character1        
inconsistent with human  nature in      
general1 and not in keeping with the    
modified tone of  dissatisfaction with  
the criticism1 evinced in his           
correspondence4    ,while ,hume was     

preparing for the press the third part  
of his ,treatise  of ,human ,nature1--on
 the subject of ,morals1 ,francis       
,hutcheson1 then  professor of moral    
philosophy in the university of         
,glasgow1 was enjoying  a reputation in 
the philosophical world scarcely        
inferior to that of  either of his great
 contemporaries1 ,berkeley and ,wolff4  
,from the  following correspondence it  
will be seen that ,hume submitted the   
manuscript of his forthcoming volume to 
,hutcheson's inspection2 and he  shows  
more inclination to receive with        
deference the suggestions of that       
distinguished man1 than to allow himself
 to be influenced from any other        
quarter4 ,but still1 it will be observed
 that it is only in details that  he    
receives instruction1 and that he       
vigorously supports the fundamental     
principles of his system4 ,the          
correspondence illustrates the method in
  which he held himself as working with 
human nature--not as an artist1  but an 

anatomist1 whose minute critical        
examinations might be injured by  any   
bursts of feeling or eloquence4#aaa3a   
,the letters show how far he  saw into  
the depths of the utilitarian system2   
and prove that it was  more completely  
formed in his mind than it appeared in  
his book4  ,notions of prudence appear  
to have restrained him1 at that time1   
from  issuing so full a development of  
the system as that which he afterwards  
published2 but he soon discovered that  
it was not in that department of  his   
works that he stood on the most         
dangerous ground4      ,,hume to        
,,francis ,,hutcheson4    ,ninewells1   
#agth ,sept4 #agci4    ,,sir1--,i am    
much obliged to you for your reflections
 on my papers4 ,i  have perused them    
with care1 and find they will be of use 
to me4 ,you  have mistaken my meaning in
 some passages1 which1 upon examination1
 ,i  have found to proceed from some    
ambiguity or defect in my expression4   
,what affected me most in your remarks1 

is your observing that there  wants a   
certain warmth in the cause of virtue1  
which you think all good  men would     
relish1 and could not displease amidst  
abstract inquiries4 ,i  must own this   
has not happened by chance1 but is the  
effect of a  reasoning either good or   
bad4 ,there are different ways of       
examining the  mind1 as well as the     
body4 ,one may consider it either as an 
anatomist or  as a painter3 either to   
discover its most secret springs and    
principles1  or to describe the grace   
and beauty of its actions4 ,i imagine it
  impossible to conjoin these two views4
 ,where you pull off the skin1 and      
display all the minute parts1 there     
appears something trivial1 even in  the 
noblest attitudes and most vigorous     
actions2 nor can you ever render  the   
object graceful or engaging1 but by     
clothing the parts again with  skin and 
flesh1 and presenting only their bare   
outside4 ,an anatomist1  however1 can   
give very good advice to a painter or   

statuary4 ,and1 in  like manner1 ,i am  
persuaded that a metaphysician may be   
very helpful to  a moralist1 though ,i  
cannot easily conceive these two        
characters united  in the same work4    
,any warm sentiment of morals1 ,i am    
afraid1 would have  the air of          
declamation amidst abstract reasonings1 
and would be esteemed  contrary to good 
taste4 ,and though ,i am much more      
ambitious of being  esteemed a friend to
 virtue than a writer of taste1 yet ,i  
must always  carry the latter in my eye1
 otherwise ,i must despair of ever being
  serviceable to virtue4 ,i hope these  
reasons will satisfy you2 though at  the
 same time ,i intend to make a new      
trial1 if it be possible to make  the   
moralist and metaphysician agree a      
little better4    ,i cannot agree to    
your sense of natural4 ',tis founded on 
final  causes1 which is a consideration 
that appears to me pretty uncertain and 
unphilosophical4 ,for1 pray1 what is the
 end of man8 ,is he created for         

happiness1 or for virtue8 for this life1
 or for the next8 for himself1  or for  
his ,maker8 ,your definition of natural 
depends upon solving  these questions1  
which are endless1 and quite wide of my 
purpose4 ,i have  never called justice  
unnatural1 but only artificial4 ',atque 
ipsa  utilitas1 justi prope mater et    
qui1'#aac3a says one of the best        
moralists of antiquity4 ,grotius and    
,puffendorf1 to be consistent1 must     
assert the same4    ,whether natural    
abilities be virtue1 is a dispute of    
words4 ,i think ,i  follow the common   
use of language2 virtus signified       
chiefly courage  among the ,romans4 ,i  
was just now reading this character of  
,alexander ,,vi4  in ,guicciardin4 ',in 
,alessandro sesto fu solertia et sagacit
 singulare3  consiglio eccellente1      
efficacia a persuadere maravigliosa1 et 
a tutte  le faccende gravi1             
sollicitudine1 et destrezza incredibile4
 ,ma erano  queste virt avanzate di     
grande intervallo da vitii4'#aad3a ,were

  benevolence the only virtue1 no       
characters could be mixed1 but would    
depend entirely on their degrees of     
benevolence4 ,upon the whole1 ,i  desire
 to take my catalogue of virtues from   
',cicero's ,offices1' not from  ',the   
,whole ,duty of ,man4' ,i had indeed the
 former book in my eye in all  my       
reasonings4    ,i have many other       
reflections to communicate to you2 but  
it would be  troublesome4 ,i shall      
therefore conclude with telling you1    
that ,i intend  to follow your advice in
 altering most of those passages you    
have  remarked as defective in point of 
prudence2 though1 ,i must own1 ,i think 
you a little too delicate4 ,except a man
 be in orders1 or be immediately        
concerned in the instruction of youth1  
,i do not think his character  depends  
upon his philosophical speculations1 as 
the world is now  modelled2 and a little
 liberty seems requisite to bring into  
the public  notice a book that is       
calculated for few readers4 ,i hope you 

will allow  me the freedom of consulting
 you when ,i am in any difficulty1 and  
believe me1 c4    ,p4,s4--,i cannot     
forbear recommending another thing to   
your  consideration4 ,actions are not   
virtuous nor vicious1 but only so far as
  they are proofs of certain qualities  
or durable principles in the mind4      
,this is a point ,i should have         
established more expressly than ,i have 
done4 ,now1 ,i desire you to consider if
 there be any quality that is  virtuous1
 without having a tendency either to the
 public good or to the  good of the     
person who possesses it4 ,if there be   
none without these  tendencies1 we may  
conclude that their merit is derived    
from sympathy4 ,i  desire you would only
 consider the tendencies of qualities1  
not their  actual operations1 which     
depend on chance4 ,brutus riveted the   
chains  of ,rome faster by his          
opposition2 but the natural tendency of 
his  noble dispositions--his public     
spirit and magnanimity--was to establish

  her liberty4    ,you are a great      
admirer of ,cicero as well as ,i am4    
,please to review  the fourth book ,de  
,finibus ,bonorum et ,malorum3 where you
 find him  prove against the ,stoics1   
that if there be no other goods but     
virtue1  'tis impossible there can be   
any virtue1 because the mind would then 
want all motives to begin its actions   
upon2 and 'tis on the goodness or       
badness of the motives that the virtue  
of the action depends4 ,this  proves1   
that to every virtuous action there must
 be a motive or  impelling passion      
distinct from the virtue1 and that      
virtue can never be  the sole motive to 
any action4 ,you do not assent to this3 
though ,i think  there is no proposition
 more certain or important4 ,i must own 
my proofs  were not distinct enough and 
must be altered4 ,you see with what     
reluctance ,i part with you1 though ,i  
believe it is time ,i should ask  your  
pardon for so much trouble4      ,in the
 mean time we find ,hume anxious to be  

employed in the capacity of  a          
travelling governor or tutor1 and       
writing to ,mr4 ,george ,carre of       
,nisbet1 intimating his readiness to    
officiate to that gentleman's  cousins1 
,lord ,haddington and ,mr4 ,baillie1 if 
there are no favoured  candidates for   
the situation4 ,there is nothing in the 
letter to excite  much interest4#aaf3a  
,he says1 he hears the young gentlemen  
are  proposing to travel2 observes that 
he has the honour to be their  relation1
 which gives a governor a better air in 
attending his pupils1  and that he has  
some leisure time4 ,in his letter to a  
physician1 in the  preceding chapter1 we
 find him mentioning this office as one 
of the few  to which his prospects were 
limited1 and1 at the same time1 as one  
for  which his knowledge of the world   
scarcely fitted him4 ,his six years'    
farther experience of life had perhaps  
in his own opinion provided him  with   
opportunities of better qualifying      
himself for the duties of this  office4 

,it was held by many able and           
accomplished men at that time1 and      
appears to have been the profession of  
his friend ,michael ,ramsay4 ,there  are
 no traces of the manner in which his   
application was received4    ,from such 
matters as these1 one readily turns with
 interest to the most  trifling notices 
connected with his literary history4 ,on
 #dth ,march1  #agdj1 we find him thus  
writing to ,hutcheson4    ,my bookseller
 has sent to ,mr4 ,smith a copy of my   
book1 which ,i hope he  has received1 as
 well as your letter4 ,i have not yet   
heard what he has  done with the        
abstract2 perhaps you have4 ,i have got 
it printed in  ,london1 but not in ,the 
,works of the ,learned1 there having    
been an  article with regard to my book1
 somewhat abusive1 printed in that work1
  before ,i sent up the abstract4#aaf3b 
,the ,smith here mentioned as receiving 
a copy of the ,treatise1 we may  fairly 
conclude1 notwithstanding the           
universality of the name1 to be  ,adam  

,smith1 who was then a student in the   
university of ,glasgow1 and  not quite  
seventeen years old4#aag3a ,it may be   
inferred from ,hume's  letter1 that     
,hutcheson had mentioned ,smith as a    
person on whom it would  serve some good
 purpose to bestow a copy of the        
,treatise3 and we have  here1 evidently1
 the first introduction to each other's 
notice1 of two  friends1 of whom it can 
be said1 that there was no third person 
writing  the ,english language during   
the same period1 who has had so much    
influence upon the opinions of mankind  
as either of these two men4    ,the     
correspondence with ,hutcheson is       
continued as follows3      ,,hume to    
,,francis ,,hutcheson4    #afth         
,march1#agdj4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i must 
trouble you to write that letter you was
 so kind as  to offer to ,longman the   
bookseller4 ,i concluded somewhat of a  
hasty  bargain with my bookseller1 from 
indolence and an aversion to            
bargaining3 as also because ,i was told 

that few or no bookseller would  engage 
for one edition with a new author4 ,i   
was also determined to keep  my name a  
secret for some time1 though ,i find ,i 
have failed in that  point4 ,i sold one 
edition of these two volumes for fifty  
guineas1 and  also engaged myself       
heedlessly in a clause1 which may prove 
troublesome1  viz4 that upon printing a 
second edition ,i shall take all the    
copies  remaining upon hand at the      
bookseller's price at the time4 ',tis in
 order  to have some check upon my      
bookseller1 that ,i would willingly     
engage  with another3 and ,i doubt not  
but your recommendation would be very   
serviceable to me1 even though you be   
not personally acquainted with  him4    
,i wait with some impatience for a      
second edition1 principally on  account 
of alterations ,i intend to make in my  
performance4 ,this is an  advantage that
 we authors possess since the invention 
of printing1 and  renders the nonum     
prematur in annum not so necessary to us

 as to the  ancients4 ,without it ,i    
should have been guilty of a very great 
temerity1  to publish at my years so    
many novelties in so delicate a part of 
philosophy2 and at any rate1 ,i am      
afraid that ,i must plead as my excuse  
that very circumstance of youth which   
may be urged against me4 ,i assure  you1
 that without running any of the heights
 of scepticism1 ,i am apt in  a cool    
hour to suspect1 in general1 that most  
of my reasonings will be  more useful by
 furnishing hints and exciting people's 
curiosity1 than as  containing any      
principles that will augment the stock  
of knowledge1 that  must pass to future 
ages4#aah3a ,i wish ,i could discover   
more fully the  particulars wherein ,i  
have failed4 ,i admire so much the      
candour ,i have  observed in ,mr4       
,locke1 yourself1 and a very few more1  
that ,i would be  extremely ambitious of
 imitating it1 by frankly confessing my 
errors4 ,if  ,i do not imitate it1 it   
must proceed neither from my being free 

from  errors nor want of inclination1   
but from my real unaffected ignorance4  
,i  shall consider more carefully all   
the particulars you mention to me3      
though with regard to abstract ideas1   
'tis with difficulty ,i can  entertain a
 doubt on that head1 notwithstanding    
your authority4 ,our  conversation      
together has furnished me a hint1 with  
which ,i shall  augment the second      
edition4 ',tis this--the word simple    
idea is an  abstract term1 comprehending
 different individuals that are similar4
 ,yet  the point of their similarity1   
from the very nature of such ideas1 is  
not distinct nor separable from the     
rest4 ,is not this a proof1 among  many 
others1 that there may be a similarity  
without any possible  separation even in
 thought4    ,i must consult you in a   
point of prudence4 ,i have concluded a  
reasoning  with these two sentences3    
',when you pronounce any action or      
character to  be vicious1 you mean      
nothing but that1 from the particular   

constitution  of your nature1 you have a
 feeling or sentiment of blame from the 
contemplation of it4 ,vice and virtue1  
therefore1 may be compared to  sounds1  
colours1 heat1 and cold1 which1         
according to modern philosophy1  are not
 qualities in objects1 but perceptions  
in the mind4 ,and this  discovery in    
morals1 like that other in physics1 is  
to be regarded as a  mighty advancement 
of the speculative sciences1 though like
 that too it  has little or no influence
 on practice4'#aai3a    ,is not this    
laid a little too strong8 ,i desire your
 opinion of it1  though ,i cannot       
entirely promise to conform myself to   
it4 ,i wish from my  heart ,i could     
avoid concluding1 that since morality1  
according to your  opinion1 as well as  
mine1 is determined merely by sentiment1
 it regards  only human nature and human
 life4 ,this has been often urged       
against you1  and the consequences are  
very momentous4 ,if you make any        
alterations in  your performances1 ,i   

can assure you1 there are many who      
desire you would  more fully consider   
this point1 if you think that the truth 
lies on the  popular side4 ,otherwise   
common prudence1 your character1 and    
situation1  forbid you to touch upon it4
 ,if morality were determined by reason1
  that is the same to all rational      
beings2 but nothing but experience can  
assure us that the sentiments are the   
same4 ,what experience have we with     
regard to superior beings8 ,how can we  
ascribe to them any sentiments at  all8 
,they have implanted those sentiments in
 us for the conduct of life  like our   
bodily sensations1 which they possess   
not themselves4 ,i expect  no answer to 
these difficulties in the compass of a  
letter4 ',tis enough  if you have       
patience to read so long a letter as    
this4--,i am4 c4      ,the third volume 
of the ,treatise of ,human ,nature being
 the part  relating to morals1 was      
published by ,thomas ,longman in #agdj4 
,it is not  so original as the          

metaphysical part of the work1 nor are  
its principles  so clearly and decidedly
 laid down4 ,its author's metaphysical  
theories  were rather modified than     
confirmed in his subsequent works4 ,but 
his  opinions on ethical subjects1 only 
indistinctly shadowed forth in his      
early work1 were afterwards reduced to a
 more compact system1 and were  more    
clearly and fully set forth4    ,the    
metaphysical department of the ,treatise
 is a system with a great  leading      
principle throughout1 of which its      
author intended that all the  details   
should be but the individual            
applications4 ,if his reasoning in  that
 department of his work be accurate1 he 
sweeps away all other  systems of the   
foundation of knowledge1 and substitutes
 another in their  stead4 ,but the third
 book1 on ,morals1 like the second1 on  
the  ,passions1 has no such pretension4 
,the leading principles of the          
metaphysical department are certainly   
kept in view1 but the details are  not  

necessarily parts of it4 ,they have a   
separate existence of their  own3 they  
are an analysis of phenomena which we   
witness in our daily  life2 and the     
reader assents or dissents as the       
several opinions  expressed correspond  
with or diverge from his own observation
 of what he  sees passing in the world  
around him1 without1 in that mental     
operation1  either receiving or         
rejecting any general theory4 ,in short1
 it is to a  considerable extent a      
series of observations of human conduct 
and  character2 and as such they are    
admitted or denied1 are sympathized with
  or contemned1 according to the        
previous feelings and opinions of the   
reader4 ,among the prominent features of
 the theoretical part of this  book1 is 
the admission of a moral sense1#aba3a   
but the negation of an  abstract code of
 morality1 separately existing1 and     
independent of the  position of the     
persons who are applying this sense4    
,the work in some  measure foreshadows  

the systems which have been respectively
 called the  utilitarian and the        
selfish2 the former applying as the     
scale of moral  excellence the extent to
 which an action is beneficial or       
hurtful to the  human race2 the latter  
referring the actions of mankind1       
whether good or  bad1 interested or     
disinterested1 to self1 and to impulses 
which are  always connected with the    
individual in whom they act1 and his    
passions  or desires4    ,in this       
respect it had its influence1 when      
joined to other hints thrown  out by    
philosophers1 in supplying the texts on 
which ,helvetius1  ,beccaria1 and       
,bentham discoursed at greater length   
and with a clearer  application to      
definite systems4 ,the utilitarian      
principle ,hume  afterwards extended and
 rendered systematic1 in pursuance of   
the views  announced in his             
correspondence with ,hutcheson4 ,in     
connexion with what  is called the      
selfish system of morals1 he went no    

farther than to  point out that the     
source of every impulse must have its   
relation to the  individual person on   
whom that impulse acts4 ,if it be the   
sordid impulse  of the miser1 it must be
 because the man who feels it loves     
gold2 if it  be the profuse impulse of  
the spendthrift1 it must be because the 
individual who spends has a             
corresponding desire within himself2 if 
it  be the charitable impulse of the    
person who feeds the poor1 it must be   
because that person is under the        
influence of inducements which incline  
him rather to do so than not do so4 ,if 
the principle be applied to a  martyr   
suffering for conscience sake1 or to a  
soldier who prefers death  to           
submission1 it is still because the     
person who acts fulfils impulses  acting
 on himself4 ,but this is a subject from
 which ,hume appears to have  shrunk in 
his subsequent works4 ,he seems to have 
disliked the character  of being        
connected with the selfish school2 and  

he thus failed to  revert to a subject  
on which his rigid and clear examination
 would have  been a matter of greater   
interest1 than his merely arguing       
against  self-interest being the proper 
rule of action--an argument that with   
him  amounts to nothing more than a     
protest against that vulgarization of   
the  system1 which charges it with such 
a doctrine for the purpose of  rendering
 it odious4 ,we shall afterwards find   
that he had a  correspondence on this   
subject with ,helvetius1 who wished to  
bring him  over to the admission of his 
own opinions4    ,in this department of 
the ,treatise there are some inquiries  
into the  first principles of law and   
government4 ,here1 if any where1 he     
shows the  influence over his mind of   
his reading in the works of the         
civilians4  ,his own utilitarian        
principle1 when carried out on these    
subjects1 shows  that the best          
government is that which is most        
conducive to the welfare  of the        

community4 ,but he occasionally mixes up
 this principle with  elements totally  
heterogeneous to it--as in those        
instances where he  considers the       
privilege of governing as held by the   
same tenure with the  right of property1
 and views the question whether any     
particular  government is good or bad1  
in its effect upon the persons governed1
 as  secondary to the question whether  
it is or is not held by a good tenure   
when it is considered as if it were a   
matter of private property4 ,but1       
notwithstanding these inconsistencies1  
which he afterwards amended when  he had
 more fully investigated the principles 
of politics1 the general  aim of his    
observations on the sources of          
government is to show that  they are to 
be found in reason1 and to dispel the   
various irrational and  superstitious   
notions of political authority1 which   
are comprehended in  the use of the term
 ,divine ,right4 ,indeed1 the           
observations which he  makes with a     

practical application to governments1   
are a partial  anticipation of the clear
 good sense which distinguished his     
subsequent  political essays4 ,in       
connexion with the motives of that      
insurrection  which occurred within     
eight years after the publication of the
 ,treatise1  and with the partiality for
 high monarchical principles with which 
,hume's name is so much associated1 the 
following remarks are interesting  and  
instructive4         ,whoever considers 
the history of the several nations of   
the       world1 their revolutions1     
conquests1 increase and diminution1     
the manner in which their particular    
governments are       established1 and  
the successive right transmitted from   
one       person to another1 will soon  
learn to treat very lightly all         
disputes concerning the rights of       
princes1 and will be       convinced    
that a strict adherence to any general  
rules1 and       the rigid loyalty to   
particular persons and families1 on     

which some people set so high a value1  
are virtues that hold       less of     
reason than of bigotry and superstition4
 ,in this       particular1 the study of
 history confirms the reasonings of     
true philosophy1 which1 showing us the  
original qualities of       human       
nature1 teaches us to regard the        
controversies in       politics as      
incapable of any decision in most cases1
 and as       entirely subordinate to   
the interests of peace and liberty4     
,where the public good does not         
evidently demand a change1 'tis         
certain that the concurrence of all     
those titles1 original       contract1  
long possession1 present possession1    
succession1 and positive laws1 forms the
 strongest title       to sovereignty1  
and is justly regarded as sacred and    
inviolable4 ,but when these titles are  
mingled and opposed in       different  
degrees1 they often occasion perplexity1
 and are       less capable of solution 
from the arguments of lawyers and       

philosophers1 than from the swords of   
the soldiery4 ,who shall       tell me1 
for instance1 whether ,germanicus or    
,drusus ought to       have succeeded   
,tiberius1 had he died while they were  
both       alive1 without naming any of 
them for his successor8 ,ought the      
right of adoption to be received as     
equivalent to that of       blood1 in a 
nation where it had the same effect in  
private       families1 and had already1
 in two instances1 taken place in       
the public8 ,ought ,germanicus to be    
esteemed the eldest son1       because  
he was born before ,drusus2 or the      
younger1 because he       was adopted   
after the birth of his brother8 ,ought  
the right of       the elder to be      
regarded in a nation1 where the eldest  
brother       had no advantage in the   
succession to private families8 ,ought  
the ,roman empire at that time to be    
esteemed hereditary1       because of   
two examples2 or ought it1 even so      
early1 to be       regarded as belonging

 to the stronger1 or the present        
possessor1 as being founded on so recent
 an usurpation8 ,upon       whatever    
principles we may pretend to answer     
these and       such-like questions1 ,i 
am afraid we shall never be able to     
satisfy an impartial inquirer1 who      
adopts no party in       political      
controversies1 and will be satisfied    
with nothing       but sound reason and 
philosophy4#abd3a    ,some of ,hume's   
notes1 of matters which have occurred to
 him in the  course of his reading as   
worthy of observation1 or of remarkable 
thoughts passing through his mind1 have 
been preserved4#abe3a ,they  appear to  
be merely a few stray leaves1 which have
 accidentally survived  the loss of many
 others1 as the number of subjects to   
which they refer  is limited in         
comparison with the wide compass of     
knowledge embraced in  ,hume's various  
works4 ,the specimens so preserved1     
appear generally to  have been written  
at this period of his life1 with the    

exception1  perhaps1 of those which are 
printed above1 and which have reference 
to  physical science4#abe3b ,they are   
set down with clearness and precision1  
as if by one who knew both the step in a
 series of reasoning to which  each of  
them belongs1 and the form in which it  
should be expressed4 ,they  are written 
on long sheets of paper2 and unless the 
few that appear  under the head ,natural
 ,philosophy1 and some which have the   
general  heading ,philosophy1 they      
appear to have been subjected to no     
system of  pre-arrangement1 such as that
 which ,locke suggested1 but to have    
been  set down according as the fruits  
of the annotator's reading or thought   
presented themselves to him4 ,a few     
specimens are here given3 they will  be 
found to have been chiefly made use of  
in the ,natural ,history of  ,religion1 
and in the ,essay on the ,populousness  
of ,ancient ,nations1  while a few of   
them--as for instance that relating to  
,gustavus  ,vasa--make their appearance 

in the little volume of ,essays1 ,moral 
and  ,political1 published in           
#agda4abe3c ,a considerable proportion  
of them  have not been made use of in   
,hume's printed works1 and some of them 
contain information which is embodied in
 ,smith's ,wealth of ,nations4  ,it is  
an occurrence quite characteristic of   
the friendship of these two  great men1 
that either of them should have supplied
 the other with facts  or ideas         
applicable to the subjects on which he  
might be engaged4      ,,extracts ,,from
 ,a ,,collection ,,of ,,memorandums4    
,perhaps the custom of allowing parents 
to murder their infant children1  though
 barbarous1 tends to render a state more
 populous1 as in ,china4  ,many marry by
 that inducement2 and such is the force 
of natural  affection1 that none make   
use of that privilege but in extreme    
necessity4    ,a pound of steel1 when   
manufactured1 may become of #aj1jjj     
value4    ,no hospitals in ,holland have
 any land or settled revenue1 and yet   

the  poor better provided for than any  
where else in the world4    ,the ,romans
 had two ways chiefly of levying their  
taxes1--by public  lands1 which were all
 dissipated by popular tribunes about   
the end of  the republic2 or by customs 
upon importation1 which were different  
in  different places2 in some the       
fortieth part of the value2 in ,sicily  
the  twentieth4    ,they had also a kind
 of excise1 which began with the        
emperors1 and was  the two-hundredth or 
one-hundredth part of the value of all  
goods sold1  the fiftieth of slaves4    
,beside this1 they had pretty early1    
even in the time of the republic1       
duties upon mines and salt2 and in order
 to levy the former more easily1  they  
forbid all mines in ,italy4 ,their mines
 near ,carthagena yielded  them #be1jjj 
drachms a-day4 ,burman de ,vict4 ,rom4  
,in the time of the monarchy1 the kings 
had the sole power of imposing  taxes4  
,in the time of the republic1 'tis      
strange to see this power  belonging    

sometimes to the magistrates1 sometimes 
to the senate1 or to  the people4 ,we   
learn from ,livy1 in the second ,punic  
,war1 that the senate  could contract   
debt alone4 ,polybius says1 that all    
money matters  belonged to the senate4  
,the censors levied all the taxes1 and  
farmed  them out to the ,roman knights4 
,the ,romans could be no great          
politicians2  since the senate could not
 gain the sovereignty1 nor the censors  
the  supreme magistracy1 notwithstanding
 these advantages4    ,all ,french      
projectors take it for granted that 'tis
 equally dangerous to  make the people  
too easy as to oppress them too much4   
,comte de  ,boulainvilliers4    ,the    
charter governments in ,america1 almost 
entirely independent of  ,england4      
,those north of ,virginia interfere most
 with us in manufactures1 which         
proceeds from the resemblance of soil   
and climate4    ,gustavus ,vasa is      
perhaps the only instance of a prince   
who humbled the  clergy while he aspired

 to arbitrary power4    ,from #agbi to  
#agcj1 imported of corn into ,ireland to
 the value of  #bgd1jjj1--;ascribed to  
the want of a drawback by the ,irish    
,house of  ,commons4    ,the exchange to
 ,holland always against us4 ,craftsman4
 ,not true4    ,our exports no rule to  
judge of our trade3 masters enter more  
than they  export1 to persuade others   
that their ship is near full4    ,the   
,east ,india ,company have offered to   
pay all the duties upon tea1  provided  
it may be sold duty free4 ,the interest 
the crown has in  seizures thought to be
 the cause why they were                
refused4--,never asked2  because        
afterwards they cannot expect the       
execution of the laws against  foreign  
tea4    ,the government of ,england     
perhaps the only one1 except ,holland1  
wherein  the legislature has not force  
enough to execute the laws without the  
good-will of the people4 ,this is an    
irregular kind of check upon the        
legislature4    ,men have much oftener  

erred from too great respect to         
government than  from too little4       
,the ,french sugar colonies supplied    
entirely with provisions from our       
northern colonies4    #aejjj-bjjjj      
,hogsheads of tobacco exported to       
,france at #bj a hogshead2  at #e4      
,the gross produce of the ,english      
customs #c1jjj1jjj a-year2 the neat     
produce #a1hjj1jjj4    ,in all the      
,british ,leeward ,islands1 the         
muster-roll exceeded not two  thousand  
five hundred men a few years ago1 and   
yet there are twenty  thousand blacks in
 ,antigua alone4    ,the ,french fish on
 the coasts of ,newfoundland in the     
winter1 which gives  them an advantage  
above us4    ,our bustle about the      
,ostend company1 the cause of the great 
progress of  the ,french company4       
,the ,east ,india ,company have desired 
to have ,china raw silk put upon the    
same footing as to duty with the        
,italian1 but have been refused4    ,the
 reason why the court has a greater     

superiority among the ,lords than       
,commons1 beside the bishops1 is that   
the court gives places to the  ,lords1  
chiefly for their interest among the    
,commons4    ,eighteen hundred children 
put upon the parishes at ,dublin in five
 years1  of which1 upon inquiry1 there  
remained only twenty-eight4             
,ninety-five thousand seamen computed to
 be in ,france2 only sixty  thousand in 
,england4    ,ships formerly lasted     
twenty-seven years in the ,english navy2
 now only  thirteen4    ,within the last
 two thousand years1 almost all the     
despotic governments  of the world have 
been improving1 and the free ones       
degenerating2 so  that now they are     
pretty near a par4    ,there must be a  
balance in all governments2 and the     
inconvenience of  allowing a single     
person to have any share is1 that what  
may be too  little for a balance in one 
hand will be too much in another4       
,the fiars of wheat1 in #adjj1 were     
fixed at ,edinburgh1 #f sh4 #g p4 ,scots

  money4    ,banks first invented in    
,sweden on account of their copper      
money4    ,there is not a word of trade 
in all ,machiavel1 which is strange1    
considering that ,florence rose only by 
trade4    ,about twenty thousand tun of 
wine imported into ,england about the   
time  of the first ,dutch war4--,sir    
,josiah ,child4    ,one per cent4 in    
interest1 worse than two per cent4 in   
customs2 because  ships pay the         
interest1 not the customs4    ,eight    
hundred thousand ,jews chased from      
,spain by ,ferdinand the                
,catholic4--,geddes4#abi3a    ,about    
#ajj1jjj ,moors condemned for apostacy1 
by the ,inquisition1 in forty  years4   
#djjj burned4--,id4    ,near a million  
of ,moors expelled ,spain4--,id4    ,the
 ,commons of ,castile1 in taking arms   
against ,charles the ,fifth1 among      
other things petition1 that no sheep nor
 wool shall be allowed to go out  of the
 kingdom4--,id4    ,the interest in     
,rome reduced to six per cent4 under    

,tiberius4--,tacit4    ,the laws of     
,arragon required a public trial for the
 subjects3 but  allowed the king a kind 
of despotic power over his servants and 
ministers1 in order to render the great 
men less fond of court                  
preferment4--,geddes4    ',twould be    
more easy for the ,english liberties to 
recover themselves  than the ,roman1    
because of the mixed government4 ,the   
transition is not  so violent4    ,the  
farms were large among the ancients4    
,the ,leontine farms in ,sicily         
contained #acj1jjj acres1 and were      
farmed to eighty-three                  
farmers4--,cicero in ,verrem4    ,after 
the conquest of ,egypt by ,augustus1 the
 prices of every thing  doubled in      
,rome4    ,the ,roman colonies1 in the  
time of ,augustus1 voted in their       
colonies1  and sent their votes to      
,rome4    ,the ,romans very exact in    
their book-keeping2 in so much1 that a  
crime1  such as bribery or poisoning1   
could be proved or refuted from their   

books4--,cic4 pro ,cluentio4    ,they   
also kept commentaries or ephemerides1  
wherein every action or word  was wrote 
down2 at least ,augustus practised this 
with his daughters and                  
nieces4--,sueton4    ,in ,nero's time1  
#cj1jjj buried in one autumn1 while     
there was a plague4    ,machiavel makes 
it a question1 whether absolute power is
 best founded on  the nobility or the   
people4 ,in my opinion1 a subject who   
usurps upon a  free state1 cannot trust 
the nobles1 and must caress the people4 
,this  was the case with the ,roman     
emperors4 ,but an established monarchy  
is  better founded on the nobles4       
,when the ,lex ,licinia was promulgated1
 the senate voted that it should be     
binding from that moment1 as if it had  
been voted by the people4    ,in #agba1 
the ,english and ,dutch drew more money 
from ,spain than ,france  did4--,dict4  
de ,com4    ,there is computed to be    
#cjjj tun of gold in the bank of        
,amsterdam1 at  #ajj1jjj florins a      

tun4--,id4    ,a ship of #ej or #fj tun 
has commonly seven hands1 and increases 
a man  every #aj tun4--,id4    ,the     
,french commerce sunk much about the    
middle of the seventeenth  century1 by  
reason of their infidelity in their     
goods4--,id4    ,there seems to have    
been a very bad police in ,rome2 for    
,cicero says1  that if ,milo had waylaid
 ,clodius1 he would have waited for him 
in the  neighbourhood1 where his death  
might have been attributed to robbers1  
by  reason of the commonness of the     
accident2 and yet ,clodius had above    
sixty servants with him1 all armed4     
,thirty-eight holidays in the year in   
,france4--,vauban4 ,one hundred and     
eighty working days at a medium4--,id4  
,the people commonly live poorest in    
countries which have the richest        
natural soil4    #fjj slaves1 working in
 the silver mines of ,athens1 yielded a 
mina a-day  to their master ,xenophon4  
,he computes that #aj1jjj slaves would  
produce a  revenue of #ajj talents      

a-year4    ,the holidays in ,athens made
 two months in the year4--,salmasius4   
,the public in ,athens paid #bj per     
cent4 for money4--,xenophon4    ,many of
 the chief officers of the army were    
named by the people in old              
,rome4--,liv4 lib4 ix4 and lib4 vii4    
,the ,roman senate were obliged by law  
to give their authority to the  ,comitia
 ,centuriata before the suffrages were  
called4--,id4 lib4 viii4  cap4 #ab4     
,the ,pontifices of old ,rome suppressed
 the records of their religion on       
purpose1 as well as those of new        
,rome4--,id4 lib4 ix4    ,every part of 
the office of the senate could be       
brought before the  people2 even the    
distribution of provinces4 ,an evident  
part of the  executive4--,id4 lib4 x4   
cap4 #bd4    #fj1jjj sterling amassed   
beforehand for building the             
,capitol4--,id4  lib4 i4    ,plays1 a   
part of religious service for a         
pestilence4--,id4 lib4 vii4    ,the     
senators were forbid trade among the    

,romans4--,id4 lib4 viii4 cap4  #fc4    
,in the ,roman government1 there was a  
great restraint on liberty1 since a  man
 could not leave his colony1 or live    
where he pleased4--,id4 lib4  xxxix4    
cap4 #c4    ,external superstition      
punished by the ,romans4--,id4 lib4     
xxxix4 cap4  #af4    ,they were very    
jealous of the established              
religion4--,id4 lib4 xl4 cap4  #bi4     
,robbers established in legal companies 
in ,egypt2 and such captains as         
,jonathan ,wyld established4--,diodorus 
,siculus4    ,whoever consecrated the   
tenth of their goods to ,hercules1 was  
esteemed  sure of happiness by the      
,romans4--,id4    ,jupiter1 according to
 the ,cretan tradition1 was a pious     
worshipper of  the gods2 a clear proof  
that those people had a preceding       
religion4--,id4 lib4 v4    ,gradenigo's 
change of the ,venetian republic was    
made in #abhj4--,st4  ,didier4    ,the  
clergy are chosen by a popular          
call4--,id4    ,vossius says he saw in  

,rome1 that1 digging forty foot         
underground1 they  found the tops of    
columns buried4    ,horses were very    
rare among the ancients1 7before the    
,romans17 and not  employed in any thing
 but war4 #ast1 ,in the retreat of the  
ten thousand1  'twould have been easy to
 have mounted the whole army1 if horses 
had  been as common as at present4 #b;d1
 ,they had about fifty horses1 which1   
instead of increasing1 diminished during
 the road1 though very useful4  #c;d1   
,in the spoils of villages1 ,xenophon   
frequently mentions sheep and  oxen2    
never horses4 #dth1 ,cleombrotus' army1 
in lib4 v4 ,hist4 made use of  asses for
 the carriages4    ,demosthenes tells   
the ,athenians1 that a very honest man  
of ,macedonia1  who would not lie1 told 
him such and such things of ,philip's   
situation3  a kind of style that marks  
but bad intelligence1 and little        
communication among the different       
states4--,olynth4 #b4    ,the #cj       
tyrants killed about #aejj citizens     

untried4--schines4    ,thrasybulus      
restoring the people1 and ,csar's       
conquest1 the only  instances in ancient
 history of revolutions without         
barbarous cruelty4    ,there seems to be
 a natural course of things which brings
 on the  destruction of great empires4  
,they push their conquests till they    
come  to barbarous nations1 which stop  
their progress by the difficulty of     
subsisting great armies4 ,after that1   
the nobility and considerable men  of   
the conquering nation and best provinces
 withdraw gradually from the  frontier  
army1 by reason of its distance from the
 capital1 and barbarity  of the country 
in which they quarter4 ,they forget the 
use of war4 ,their  barbarous soldiers  
become their masters4 ,these have no law
 but their  sword1 both from their bad  
education1 and from their distance from 
the  sovereign to whom they bear no     
affection4 ,hence disorder1 violence1   
anarchy1 tyranny1 and a dissolution of  
empire4    ,perseus's ambassadors to the

 ,rhodians spoke a style like the       
modern1  with regard to the balance of  
power1 but are condemned by             
,livy4--,lib4  xlii4 cap4 #df4          
,herodotus makes a scruple of so much as
 delivering an account of the           
difference of religion among foreigners1
 lest he should give  offence4--,lib4   
ii4    ,the ,egyptians more careful of  
preserving their cats than their houses 
in  time of fire4--,id4    ,plutarch    
says1 that the effect of the naval power
 of ,athens1 established  by            
,themistocles1 was to render their      
government more popular3 and that       
husbandmen and labourers are more       
friends to nobility than merchants and  
seamen are4--,in ,vita ,themist4        
,solon is the first person mentioned in 
history to have raised the value  of    
money1 which1 says ,plutarch1 was a     
benefit to the poor in paying  their    
debts1 and no loss to the rich4--,in    
,vita ,solon4      ,,philosophy4    ,men
 love pleasure more than they hate      

pain4--,bayle4    ,men are vicious1 but 
hate a religion that authorizes         
vice4--,id4    ,the accounts we have of 
the sentiments of the ancient           
philosophers not  very distinct nor     
consistent4 ,cicero contradicts himself 
in two  sentences3 in saying that       
,thales allowed the ordering of the     
world by a  mind1 and in saying that    
,anaxagoras was the first4    ,strato's 
atheism the most dangerous of the       
ancient--holding the origin  of the     
world from nature1 or a matter endued   
with activity4 ,bayle thinks  there are 
none but the ,cartesians can refute this
 atheism4    ,a ,stratonician could     
retort the arguments of all the sects of
  philosophy4 ,of the ,stoics1 who      
maintained their ,god to be fiery and   
compound2 and of the ,platonicians1 who 
asserted the ideas to be distinct  from 
the ,deity4 ,the same question1--,why   
the parts or ideas of ,god had  that    
particular arrangement8--is as difficult
 as why the world had4    ,some pretend 

that there can be no necessity1         
according to the system of  atheism1    
because even matter cannot be determined
 without something  superior to         
determine it4--,fenelon4    ,three      
proofs of the existence of a ,god3 #ast1
 ,some thing necessarily  existent1 and 
what is so is infinitely perfect4 #b;d1 
,the idea of infinite  must come from an
 infinite being4 #c;d1 ,the idea of     
infinite perfection  implies that of    
actual existence4    ,there is a        
remarkable story to confirm the         
,cartesian philosophy of the  brain4 ,a 
man hurt by the fall of a horse1 forgot 
about twenty years of  his life1 and    
remembered what went before in a much   
more lively manner  than usual4         
,,footnotes3    #ajf3a ,dr4 ,butler was 
consecrated bishop1 #c;d ,december1     
#agci1 and was  afterwards translated to
 the see of ,durham1 #afth ,october1    
#agej4 ,he died  #afth ,june1 #ageb1 in 
the #fjth year of his age4    #ajg3a    
,tytler's ,life of ,kames1 i4 #ij4      

#ajg3b ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #ajh3a        
,tytler's ,life of ,kames1 i4 #ic4      
#aaj3a ,london ,review1 v4 #bjj4        
#aaa3a ,see above1 p4 #ia4    #aac3a    
,horat4 ,lib4 i4 ,sat4 iii4 l4 #ih4     
#aad3a ,edit4 #afcf1 p4 #e4 ,alexander  
the ,sixth was endowed with  wonderful  
cunning and extraordinary sagacity2 had 
a surprising genius in  suggesting      
expedients in the cabinet1 and uncommon 
efficacy in  persuading2 and in all     
matters of consequence an incredible    
earnestness  and dexterity4--,goddard's 
,translation4    #aaf3a ,dated1 #abth   
,november1 #agci4 ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4       
#aaf3b ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #aag3a ,he was
 born on #eth ,june1 #agbc4    #aah3a   
,see above1 p4 #gh4    #aai3a ,see this 
passage in the ,treatise of ,human      
,nature1 ,book iii4  part i4 sect4 #a4  
where it appears with no other variation
 than the  substitution of the word     
considerable1 for mighty4 ,it thus      
appears  that whatever remarks          
,hutcheson made on the passage1 they    

were not such  as to induce the author  
materially to alter it4    #aba3a ,it   
may be questioned if any reader of      
,hume's works has been able  to         
reconcile this admission of the         
existence of a moral sense1 which1      
according to his own account of it is an
 intuition1 with his  metaphysical      
theory of impressions and ideas1        
notwithstanding his  ingenuity in       
ranking it among the impressions4       
#abd3a ,book iii4 part ii4 sect4 #aj4   
#abe3a ,in the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4         
#abe3b ,see p4 #ie4    #abe3c ,this     
circumstance1 showing that a portion of 
the manuscript has  been written before 
the publication of these essays1 points 
to the  present as the period to which a
 collection of extracts from the notes  
will most aptly apply1 although some of 
them may have been made at a  later     
date4    #abi3a ,miscellaneous ,tracts1 
by ,michael ,geddes4 #agcj4             
,,chapter ,,iv4    #agda-agde4 ,t4      
#cj-cd4         ,publication of the     

,essays1 ,moral and ,political--,their  
,character--,correspondence with ,home  
and ,hutcheson--,hume's       ,remarks  
on ,hutcheson's ,system--,education and 
,accomplishments       of the ,scottish 
,gentry--,hume's ,intercourse with ,mure
 of       ,caldwell and ,oswald of      
,dunnikier--,opinions on a ,sermon by   
,dr4       ,leechman--,attempts to      
succeed ,dr4 ,pringle in the ,chair of  
,moral ,philosophy in ,edinburgh4       
,a small duodecimo volume1 the first of 
the ,essays ,moral and ,political1  was 
published at ,edinburgh in #agda1 and   
the second was published in  #agdb4 ,the
 publication was anonymous2 and it is   
remarkable that1 although  thus         
shielded1 ,hume appears to have1 at that
 early period1 been so  anxious to      
disconnect himself with the authorship  
of the ,treatise1 that1  in the         
advertisement1 he addresses his readers 
as if he were then  appearing as an     
author for the first time4 ,most of     
these essays1 he  says1 were wrote with 

a view of being published as weekly     
papers1 and  were intended to comprehend
 the designs both of the ,spectators and
  ,craftsmen4 ,but1 having dropt that   
undertaking1 partly from laziness1      
partly from want of leisure1 and being  
willing to make trial of my  talents for
 writing before ,i ventured upon any    
more serious  compositions1 ,i was      
induced to commit these trifles to the  
judgment of  the public4 ,like most new 
authors1 ,i must confess ,i feel some   
anxiety  concerning the success of my   
work2 but one thing makes me more       
secure1--that the reader may condemn my 
abilities1 but must approve of  my      
moderation and impartiality in my method
 of handling political  subjects2 and1  
as long as my moral character is in     
safety1 ,i can1 with  less anxiety1     
abandon my learning and capacity to the 
most severe  censure and examination4   
,some of the subjects of these essays   
were not less untrodden at the time     
when they appeared1 than they are       

hackneyed in the present day4 ,of these 
may be cited1 ,the ,liberty of the      
,press2 ,the ,parties of ,great         
,britain2 ,the ,independency of         
,parliament4 ,when they are compared    
with  the ,craftsman1 with ,mist's      
,journal1 and with the other periodicals
  of the day1 which had set the example 
of discussing such subjects1 these      
essays as little resemble their         
precursors1 as ,de ,lolme's ,remarks on 
the ,british ,constitution do the       
articles in a daily ,london party paper4
  ,whatever he afterwards became1 ,hume 
was at that time no party  politician4  
,he retained the ,stoic severity of     
thought with which we have  found that  
he had sixteen years previously invested
 himself2 and would  allow the          
excitements or rewards of no party in   
the state to drag him  out of the even  
middle path of philosophical            
observation4 ,there is  consequently a  
wonderful impartiality in these essays1 
and an acuteness  of observation1 which 

to the reader1 who keeps in view how    
little the  true workings of the        
constitution were noticed in that day1  
is not less  remarkable4 ,how           
completely1 for instance1 has the wisdom
 of the  following observations in the  
essay on ,the ,liberty of the ,press1   
been  justified by the experience of a  
century4         ,we need not dread from
 this liberty any such ill consequences 
as followed from the harangues of the   
popular demagogues of       ,athens and 
tribunes of ,rome4 ,a man reads a book  
or pamphlet       alone and coolly4     
,there is none present from whom he can 
catch       the passion by contagion4   
,he is not hurried away by the force    
and energy of action4 ,and should he be 
wrought up to never so       seditious a
 humour1 there is no violent resolution 
presented       to him by which he can  
immediately vent his passion4 ,the      
liberty of the press1 therefore1 however
 abused1 can scarce       ever excite   
popular tumults or rebellion4 ,and as to

 those       murmurs or secret          
discontents it may occasion1 'tis better
       they should get vent in words1   
that they may come to the               
knowledge of the magistrate before it be
 too late1 in order to       his        
providing a remedy against them4        
,mankind1 'tis true1 have       always a
 greater propension to believe what is  
said to the       disadvantage of their 
governors than the contrary2 but this   
inclination is inseparable from them    
whether they have liberty       or not4 
,a whisper may fly as quick1 and be as  
pernicious as a       pamphlet4 ,nay1 it
 will be more pernicious1 where men are 
not       accustomed to think freely1 or
 distinguish betwixt truth and          
falsehood4         ,it has also been    
found1 as the experience of mankind     
increases1 that the people are no such  
dangerous monster as       they have    
been represented1 and that 'tis in every
 respect       better to guide them like
 rational creatures1 than to lead or    

drive them like brute beasts4 ,before   
the ,united ,provinces set       the    
example1 toleration was deemed          
incompatible with good       government2
 and 'twas thought impossible that a    
number of       religious sects could   
live together in harmony and peace1 and 
have all of them an equal affection to  
their common country       and to each  
other4 ,england has set a like example  
of civil       liberty2 and though this 
liberty seems to occasion some small    
ferment at present1 it has not as yet   
produced any pernicious       effects2  
and it is to be hoped that men1 being   
every day more       accustomed to the  
free discussion of public affairs1 will 
improve in their judgment of them1 and  
be with greater       difficulty seduced
 by every idle rumour and popular       
clamour4         ',tis a very           
comfortable reflection to the lovers of 
liberty1       that this peculiar       
privilege of ,britain is of a kind that 
cannot easily be wrested from us1 and   

must last as long as our                
government remains in any degree free   
and independent4 ',tis       seldom that
 liberty of any kind is lost all at     
once4 ,slavery       has so frightful an
 aspect to men accustomed to freedom1   
that       it must steal in upon them by
 decrees1 and must disguise       itself
 in a thousand shapes in order to be    
received4 ,but if       the liberty of  
the press ever be lost1 it must be lost 
at       once4 ,the general laws against
 sedition and libelling are at          
present as strong as they possibly can  
be made4 ,nothing can       impose a    
farther restraint but either the        
clapping an       imprimatur upon the   
press1 or the giving very large         
discretionary powers to the court to    
punish whatever       displeases them4  
,but these concessions would be such a  
barefaced violation of liberty1 that    
they will probably be the       last    
efforts of a despotic government4 ,we   
may conclude that       the liberty of  

,britain is gone for ever when these    
attempts       shall succeed4    ,the   
opinion generally acceded to at the     
present day1 that ministerial  and      
judicial functions should be intrusted  
to responsible individuals1  and not to 
bodies of men who may individually      
escape from a joint  responsibility1 is 
anticipated in the following            
passage3--,honour  is a great check upon
 mankind2 but where a considerable body 
of  men act together1 this check is in a
 great measure removed1 since  a man is 
sure to be approved of by his own party 
for what promotes  the common interest1 
and he soon learns to despise the       
clamour of  adversaries4#aci3a ,the     
,grenville ,act1 and the subsequent     
measures for  reducing the number of the
 judges on controverted elections1 are a
  practical commentary on the truth of  
this remark4    ,it has often been      
observed1 that foreigners have been the 
first to  remark the leading            
peculiarities of the ,british           

constitution1 and of the  administration
 of justice in this country1 in a manner
 rational and  unimpassioned1 yet so as 
to give them greater prominence1 and a  
more  full descriptive development than 
they obtain from our own impassioned    
party writers--an observation attested  
by the character which the works  of    
,montesquieu and ,de ,lolme held in the 
preceding century1 and those of         
,thierry1 ,cottu1 ,meyer1 and ,raumer1  
have obtained in the present4  ,the     
reason of this superiority is to be     
sought in the circumstance that  the    
acuteness of these foreign observers was
 not obscured1 or their  feelings       
excited1 by any connexion with the      
workings of the systems they  have      
described2 and the isolation from active
 life in which ,hume was  placed1       
appears to have in some measure given   
him like qualifications  for the        
examination of our political            
institutions4 ,he expresses a  general  
partiality for the monarchical          

government of ,britain1 but it is  a    
partiality of a calm utilitarian        
character1 which would not be           
inconsistent with an equally great      
esteem for a well-ordered republic4  ,on
 his philosophical appreciation of its  
merits1 the monarchy has no  stronger   
claims than these--that to have an      
individual at the head of  the          
government who is merely the name       
through which other persons act1  and   
who is not amenable to any laws1 while  
the real actors are  personally         
responsible for what they do in his     
name1 is an expedient  arrangement4     
,that it is very convenient to have some
 fixed criterion  such as the hereditary
 principle1 which shall obviate the     
trouble and  danger of a competition for
 this elevated station4 ,but that these 
are  all recommendations on the ground  
of expediency1 which may be outweighed  
by others1 and the misconduct of a weak 
or tyrannical prince will  justify an   
alteration in that arrangement1 which   

convenience only1 and  the avoidance of 
occasions for turbulence and anarchy1   
have sanctioned4    ,it may be observed1
 that in the edition of these essays    
which he  directed to be published after
 his death1 many of those passages which
  bear a democratic tendency are        
suppressed4 ,such was the fate of the   
passage in ,the ,liberty of the ,press  
quoted above1 and of the remarks  put   
within brackets in the quotation which  
follows1 from the essay on  ,the        
,parties of ,great ,britain4            
,some who will not venture to assert1   
that the real difference       between  
,whig and ,tory1 was lost at the        
,revolution1 seem       inclined to     
think that the difference is now        
abolished1 and       that affairs are so
 far returned to their natural state1   
that       there are at present no other
 parties amongst us but court and       
country2 that is1 men who1 by interest  
or principle1 are       attached either 
to monarchy or to liberty4 ,it must     

indeed be       confessed1 that the     
,tory party has of late decayed much in 
their numbers1 still more in their zeal1
 and ,i may venture to       say1 still 
more in their credit and authority4     
,there is no       man of knowledge or  
learning1 who would not be ashamed to be
       thought of that party2 and in    
almost all companies1 the name       of 
,old ,whig is mentioned as an           
incontestible appellation of            
honour and dignity4 ,accordingly1 the   
enemies of the ministry1       as a     
reproach1 call the courtiers the true   
,tories2 and1 as       an honour1       
denominate the gentlemen in the         
,opposition the       true ,whigs4 ,the 
,tories have been so long obliged to    
talk in       the republican style1 that
 they seem to have made converts of     
themselves by their hypocrisy1 and to   
have embraced the       sentiments as   
well as language of their adversaries4  
,there       are1 however1 very         
considerable remains of that party in   

,england1 with all their old prejudices2
 and a proof that court       and       
country are not our only parties1 is1   
that almost all our       dissenters    
side with the court1 and the lower      
clergy1 at least       of the ,church of
 ,england1 with the opposition4 ,this   
may       convince us that some bias    
still hangs upon our constitution1      
some extrinsic weight which turns it    
from its natural course1       and      
causes a confusion in our parties4#ada3a
    ,perhaps the most ambitious of the  
essays1 and those on which the author   
bestowed most of his skill and          
attention1 are ,the ,epicurean1 ,the    
,stoic1 ,the ,sceptic1 and ,the         
,platonist4 ,these are productions of   
the  imagination1 suggested apparently  
by the style and method of ,the         
,spectator4 ,there is no attempt either 
to support or to attack the  systems    
represented by the names of the essays1 
nor is there a  description or          
definition of them2 but on each occasion

 a member of one  of these celebrated   
schools speaks in his own person1 and   
describes the  nature of the            
satisfaction that he finds in his own   
code of philosophy1  as a solution of   
the great difficulty of the right rule  
of thought and  action4 ,the ,epicurean 
takes a flight of imagination beyond    
that of  ,hume's other works4 ,it       
departs from the cold atmosphere of     
philosophy1  and desires to fascinate as
 well as enlighten4 ,but though it      
possesses  all the marks of a fine      
intellect1 the reader is apt to feel how
 far  more sweetly and gracefully the   
subject would have been handled by      
,addison1 to whose department of        
literature it seems rightly to belong4  
,the follower of ,epicurus is not       
represented1 as indulging in that gross 
licentiousness1 as wallowing in that    
disgusting stye which the               
representations of ,diogenes ,laertius1 
and others1 have impressed on the       
vulgar associations with the name of    

that master4 ,on the other hand1 the    
picture is far from embodying what many 
maintain to be the fundamental  precept 
of ,epicurus1 that happiness being the  
great end sought by man1  the proper    
method of reaching it is by the just    
regulation of the  passions and         
propensities2 a precept embodied in the 
,sperne voluptates4 ,nocet empta dolere 
voluptas4    ,hume1 who was not         
correcting errors1 or instructing his   
readers in the  true meaning of terms1  
or appreciation of characters1 draws in 
,the  ,epicurean a picture of one who is
 not gross or grovelling in his         
pleasures1 and who restrains himself    
lest he should outrun enjoyment2  but   
whose ruling principle is still that of 
the voluptuary4    ,the reader expects  
to find an attempt to draw his own      
picture in ,the  ,sceptic2 but it is not
 to be found there4 ,the sceptic of the 
essays is  not a man analyzing the      
principles of knowledge1 to find wherein
 they  consist1 but one who is          

dissatisfied with rules of morality1 and
 who1  examining the current codes one  
after another1 tosses them aside as     
unsatisfactory4 ,it is into ,the ,stoic 
that the writer has thrown most  of his 
heart and sympathy2 and it is in that   
sketch that1 though  probably without   
intention1 some of the features of his  
own character  are portrayed4 ,there are
 passages which have considerable unison
 of tone  with those autobiographical   
documents already quoted1 in which he   
describes himself as having laboured to 
subdue the rebellious passions1  to     
reduce the mind to a regulated system1  
to drive from it the influence  of petty
 impressions1--to hold one great object 
of life in view1 and to  sacrifice      
before that object whatever stood in the
 way of his firmly  settled purpose4    
,of the success of these essays1 and the
 method in which he occupied  himself   
after their publication1 he thus speaks 
in his own life3--,the  work was        
favourably received1 and soon made me   

entirely forget my former               
disappointment4 ,i continued with my    
mother and brother in the country1  and 
in that time recovered the knowledge of 
the ,greek language1 which ,i  had too  
much neglected in my early youth4 ,on   
#acth ,june1 #agdb1 he says  to ,henry  
,home3--,the ,essays are all sold in    
,london1 as ,i am informed  by two      
letters from ,english gentlemen of my   
acquaintance4 ,there is a  demand for   
them2 and1 as one of them tells me1     
,innys1 the great  bookseller in ,paul's
 ,churchyard1 wonders there is not a new
 edition1 for  that he cannot find      
copies for his customers4 ,i am also    
told that ,dr4  ,butler has every where 
recommended them2 so that ,i hope they  
will have  some success4 ,they may prove
 like dung with marl1 and bring forward 
the  rest of my ,philosophy1 which is of
 a more durable1 though of a harder  and
 more stubborn nature4 ,you see ,i can  
talk to you in your own style4  ,in     
consequence of this favourable          

reception1 a second edition appeared  in
 #agdb4    ,the communication of which  
the above is a part1 contains the       
following  short essay on the ,orations 
of ,cicero3--         ,i agree with you1
 that ,cicero's reasonings in his       
,orations       are very often loose1   
and what we should think to be wandering
       from the point2 insomuch1 that   
now-a-days a lawyer1 who should         
give himself such liberties1 would be in
 danger of meeting       with a         
reprimand from the judge1 or at least of
 being       admonished of the point in 
question4 ,his ,orations against        
,verres1 however1 are an exception2     
though that plunderer was       so      
impudent and open in his robberies1 that
 there is the less       merit in his   
conviction and condemnation4 ,however1  
these       orations have all a very    
great merit4 ,the ,oration for ,milo is 
commonly esteemed ,cicero's masterpiece1
 and indeed is1 in many       respects1 
very beautiful2 but there are some      

points in the       reasoning of it that
 surprise me4 ,the true story of the    
death       of ,clodius1 as we learn    
from the ,roman historians1 was         
this3--,it was only a casual rencontre  
betwixt ,milo and him2       and the    
squabble was begun by their servants1 as
 they passed       each other on the    
road4 ,many of ,clodius's servants were 
killed1 the rest dispersed1 and himself 
wounded1 and obliged       to hide      
himself in some neighbouring shops2 from
 whence he was       dragged out by     
,milo's orders1 and killed in the       
street4 ,these       circumstances must 
have been largely insisted on by the    
prosecutors1 and must have been proved  
too1 since they have       been received
 as truth by all antiquity4 ,but not a  
word of       them in ,cicero1 whose    
oration only labours to prove two       
points1 that ,milo did not waylay       
,clodius1 and that ,clodius was       a 
bad citizen1 and it was meritorious to  
kill him4 ,if you read       his        

oration1 you'll agree with me4 ,i       
believe that he has       scarce spoke  
any thing to the question1 as it would  
now be       conceived1 by a court of   
judicature4         ,the ,orations for  
,marcellus and ,ligarius1 as also that  
for       ,archias1 are very fine1 and  
chiefly because the subjects do         
not require or admit of close reasoning4
         ',tis worth your while to read 
the conclusion of the ,oration       for
 ,plancius1 where ,i think the passions 
are very well       touched4 ,there are 
many noble passages in the ,oration for 
,murna1 though 'tis certain that the    
prosecutors 7who1       however1 were   
,servius ,sulpicius1 and ,cato17 must   
either have       said nothing to the   
purpose1 or ,cicero has said nothing4   
,there       is some of that oration    
lost4         ',twould be a pleasure to 
read and compare the two first          
philippics1 that you may judge of the   
manners of those times1       compared  
to modern manners4 ,when ,cicero spoke  

the first       philippic1 ,antony and  
he had not broke all measures with each 
other1 but there were still some remains
 of a very great       intimacy and     
friendship betwixt them2 and besides1   
,cicero       lived in close            
correspondence with all the rest of     
,csar's       captains2 ,dolabella had  
been his son-in-law2 ,hirtius and ,pansa
       were his pupils2 ,trebasius was  
entirely his creature4 ,for this        
reason1 prudence laid him under great   
restraints at that time       in his    
declamations against ,antony2 there is  
great elegance       and delicacy in    
them2 and many of the thoughts are very 
fine1       particularly where he       
mentions his meeting ,brutus1 who had   
been obliged to leave ,rome4 ,i was     
ashamed1 says he1 that ,i       durst   
return to ,rome after ,brutus had left  
it1 and that ,i       could be in safety
 where he could not4 ,in short1 the     
whole       oration is of such a strain1
 that the ,duke of ,argyle might        

have spoke it in the ,house of ,peers   
against my ,lord ,orford2       and     
decency would not allow the greatest    
enemies to go       farther4 ,but this  
oration is not much admired by the      
ancients4       ,the ,divine ,philippic1
 as ,juvenal calls it1 is the second1   
where he gives a full loose to his      
scurrility2 and without       having any
 point to gain by it1 except vilifying  
his       antagonist1 and without       
supporting any fact by witnesses 7for   
there was no trial or accusation7 he    
rakes into all the filth       of       
,antony's character2 reproaches him with
 drunkenness and       vomiting1 and    
cowardice1 and every sort of debauchery 
and       villany4 ,there is great      
genius and wit in many passages of      
this oration2 but ,i think the whole    
turn of it would not now       be       
generally admired4#ade3a    ,in #agdb1  
,hutcheson published his celebrated     
outline of a system of  ethics1         
,philosophi ,moralis ,institutio        

,compendiaria4 ,the following  letter   
contains ,hume's remarks on the work2   
and to render them more  intelligible1  
the passages he had particularly in view
 are printed in  notes4 ,it is not1     
however1 as pieces of detached          
criticism1 so much as  in the character 
of an elucidation of those features of  
his own system  in which it differs from
 that of ,hutcheson1 that the letter is 
valuable4  ,it is an argument for the   
utilitarian system of morality--an      
argument  that there is no summum bonum 
which should be the object of moral     
conduct1 apart from the good of the     
human species4      ,,hume to ,,francis 
,,hutcheson4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i       
received your very agreeable present1   
for which ,i esteem  myself much obliged
 to you4 ,i think it needless to express
 to you my  esteem of the performance1  
because both the solidity of your       
judgment1  and the general approbation  
your writings meet with1 instruct you   
sufficiently what opinion you ought to  

form of them4 ,though your good  nature 
might prompt you to encourage me by some
 praises1 the same reason  has not place
 with me1 however justice might require 
them of me4 ,will  not this prove that  
justice and good nature are not the     
same8 ,i am  surprised you should have  
been so diffident about your ,latin4 ,i 
have not  wrote any in that language    
these many years1 and cannot pretend to 
judge  of particular words and phrases4 
,but the turn of the whole seems to me  
very pure1 and even easy and elegant4   
,i have subjoined a few reflections1    
which occurred to me in reading  over   
the book4 ,by these ,i pretend only to  
show you how much ,i thought  myself    
obliged to you for the pains you took   
with me in a like case1 and  how willing
 ,i am to be grateful4    ,p4 #i1 l4    
ult4 et qu seq4#adg3a ,these instincts  
you mention seem not  always to be      
violent and impetuous1 more than        
self-love or benevolence4  ,there is a  
calm ambition1 a calm anger or hatred1  

which1 though calm1  may likewise be    
very strong1 and have the absolute      
command over the  mind4 ,the more       
absolute they are1 we find them to be   
commonly the  calmer4 ,as these         
instincts may be calm without being     
weak1 so self-love  may likewise become 
impetuous and disturbed1 especially     
where any great  pain or pleasure       
approaches4    ,p4 #ba4 l4 #aa4adg3b ,in
 opposition to this1 ,i shall cite a    
fine  writer1--not for the sake of his  
authority1 but for the fact1 which you  
may have observed4 ',les hommes comptent
 presque pour rien toutes les  vertus du
 coeur1 et idoltrent les talens du corps
 et de l'esprit3  celui qui dit         
froidement de soi1 et sans croire       
blesser la modestie1  qu'il est bon1    
qu'il est constant1 fidle1 sincre1      
quitable1  reconnoissant1 n'ose dire    
qu'il est vif1 qu'il a les dents belles 
et la  peau douce3 cela est trop        
fort4'--,la ,bruyere4#adh3a    ,i fancy1
 however1 this author stretches the     

matter too far4 ,it seems  arrogant to  
pretend to genius or magnanimity1 which 
are the most shining  qualities a man   
can possess4 ,it seems foppish and      
frivolous to pretend  to bodily         
accomplishments4 ,the qualities of the  
heart lie in a medium2  and are neither 
so shining as the one1 nor so little    
valued as the  other4 ,i suppose the    
reason why good nature is not more      
valued1 is its  commonness1 which has a 
vast effect on all our sentiments4      
,cruelty and  hardness of heart is the  
most detested of all vices4 ,i always   
thought  you limited too much your ideas
 of virtue2 and ,i find ,i have this    
opinion in common with several that have
 a very high esteem for your            
philosophy4    ,p4 #cj1 l4 antepen4 et  
qu seq4#adh3b ,you seem here to embrace 
,dr4  ,butler's opinion in his ,sermons 
on ,human ,nature1 that our moral sense 
has an authority distinct from its force
 and durableness2 and that  because we  
always think it ought to prevail4 ,but  

this is nothing but  an instinct or     
principle1 which approves of itself upon
 reflection1 and  that is common to all 
of them4 ,i am not sure that ,i have not
 mistaken  your sense1 since you do not 
prosecute this thought4    ,p4 #eb4 l4  
#a4 ,i fancy you employ the epithet     
rumnosam#adi3a more  from custom than   
your settled opinion4    ,p4 #abi1 et qu
 seq4#adi3b ,you sometimes1 in my       
opinion1 ascribe the  original of       
property and justice to public          
benevolence1 and sometimes to  private  
benevolence towards the possessors of   
the goods2 neither of  which seem to me 
satisfactory4 ,you know my opinion on   
this head4 ,it  mortifies me much to see
 a person who possesses more candour and
  penetration than any almost ,i know1  
condemn reasonings of which ,i  imagine 
,i see so strongly the evidence4 ,i was 
going to blot out this  after having    
wrote it1 but hope you will consider it 
only as a piece of  folly1 as indeed it 
is4    ,p4 #bdd1 l4 #g4adi3c ,you are so

 much afraid to derive any thing of     
virtue from artifice or human           
conventions1 that you have neglected    
what  seems to me the most satisfactory 
reason1 viz4 lest near relations1       
having so many opportunities in their   
youth1 might debauch each other1  if the
 least encouragement or hope was given  
to these desires1 or if  they were not  
easily repressed by an artificial horror
 inspired against  them4    ,p4 #bfc1 l4
 #ad4 ,as the phrase is true ,latin1 and
 very common1 it seemed  not to need an 
apology1 as when necessity obliges one  
to employ modern  words4#aej3a    ,p4   
#bff1 l4 #ah1 et qu seq4#aej3b ,you     
imply a condemnation of ,locke's        
opinion1 which1 being the received one1 
,i could have wished the  condemnation  
had been more express4    ,these are the
 most material things that occurred to  
me upon a perusal  of your ethics4 ,i   
must own ,i am pleased to see such just 
philosophy1 and  such instructive morals
 to have once set their foot in the     

schools4 ,i  hope they will next get    
into the world1 and then into the       
churches4         ,nil desperandum1     
,teucro duce et auspice ,teucro4        
,edinb4 ,jan4 #aj1 #agdc4      ,among   
the ,scottish gentry of ,hume's day1    
there were many men of high  education  
and accomplishments2 and the glimpses we
 occasionally obtain  into the society  
which he frequented1 show us a circle   
possessing a much  less provincial tone 
than later times would probably have    
exhibited in  the same class4 ,the      
notion that a university was a seat of  
learning1  where the scholarship of all 
the world should meet1 and not a        
provincial  school1 still lingered in   
our country1 and prompted the gentry to 
educate their sons abroad4 ,in the      
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries1    
the registers of the universities of    
,paris1 ,bourgs1 ,bologna1 and  ,leyden1
 were crowded with familiar ,scottish   
names1 whom we find holding  as great a 
proportion among the teachers as among  

the learners2 and thus  a ,wilson1 a    
,barclay1 a ,bellenden1 a ,jack1 and    
many others1 whose fame  hardly reached 
their native country1 are conspicuous   
among the literary  ornaments of the    
foreign universities4 ,it is perhaps in 
a great measure  to the lingering       
continuance of this practice through    
part of the  eighteenth century1 that we
 may attribute the learning and         
accomplishments of the society in       
,scotland during that period4#aea3a     
,many are poets who have never penned   
their inspiration1 and perchance  the   
best4 ,many also are philosophers who   
have never either penned their          
philosophy1 or put it into shape in     
their own minds4 ,the two operations  of
 induction and analysis proceed in every
 human mind with more or less  success2 
but it is only when literary ambition1  
or pecuniary necessity1  or the desire  
to head a system1 prompts a man to      
collect and put into  shape their       
results1 that they are given to the     

world4 ,instances have  occurred in     
which they have appeared very nearly in 
their raw unwrought  form4 ,thus1       
,tucker's ,light of ,nature is nothing  
more than the  reflections of an        
,english country gentleman1 collected   
and strung  together4 ,paley and ,reid  
used them as if they had themselves gone
  through the operation1 and put the    
results into shape2 while the late      
,william ,hazlitt was at the pains of   
writing an abridgment of the book4  ,it 
was fortunate for philosophy that these 
disconnected observations and  thoughts 
were collected and preserved4 ,and the  
reflection leads to the  recollection of
 the quantity of valuable thoughts that 
any man1 who  notices the course of     
conversation around him1 hears produced 
and  dropped4 ,in after-dinner social   
intercourse1 in general verbal criticism
  of books or men1 how much of the gold 
of true philosophy is scattered  away   
with the dross2 lost almost at the      
moment it is uttered1 and  forgotten    

both by hearer and speaker4    ,it is   
interesting to have so much of this     
valuable matter1 as may have  found its 
way into epistolary correspondence1     
preserved4 ,the  conversation of ,hume's
 friends we have unfortunately lost1 for
 there was  no ,boswell at his elbow4   
,but their letters show how much of     
scholarship1  and elegant literature1   
and philosophy slumbered in the minds of
 the  ,scottish gentry of that age2 and 
assure us that in his intercourse with  
an ,elliot1 a ,mure1 an ,edmonstone1 an 
,elibank1 a ,macdonald1 an ,oswald1     
,hume was exchanging ideas with men not 
unworthy of literary fellowship  with a 
mind even so highly cultivated as his   
own4    ,william ,mure of ,caldwell1 who
 was in #agfa made a ,baron of the      
,exchequer  in ,scotland1 was among     
those who seem to have earliest secured 
and  longest retained ,hume's esteem4   
,the letters which passed between them  
are not often dated1 but the            
circumstances under which many of them  

are  written are attested by internal   
evidence4 ,the following is one of the  
few which do not admit of being thus    
tested1 but its merit is in a vein  of  
quiet1 easy1 epistolary humour1 rather  
than in its connexion with the  events  
of the writer's life4      ,,hume to    
,,william ,,mure of ,caldwell4          
,september #aj4    ,i made a pen1 dipt  
it in ink1 and set myself down in a     
posture of  writing1 before ,i had      
thought of any subject1 or made         
provision of one  single thought1 by    
which ,i might entertain you4 ,i trusted
 to my better  genius that he would     
supply me in a case of such urgent      
necessity2 but  having thrice scratched 
my head1 and thrice bit my nails1       
nothing  presented itself1 and ,i threw 
away my pen in great indignation4 ',o6  
thou  instrument of dulness1' says ,i1  
'doest thou desert me in my greatest    
necessity8 and1 being thyself so false a
 friend1 hast thou a secret  repugnance 
at expressing my friendship to the      

faithful ,mure1 who knows  thee too well
 ever to trust to thy caprices1 and who 
never takes thee in  his hand without   
reluctance4 ,while ,i1 miserable wretch 
that ,i am1 have  put my chief          
confidence in thee2 and1 relinquishing  
the sword1 the gown1  the cassock1 and  
the toilette1 have trusted to thee alone
 for my fortune  and my fame4 ,begone6  
avaunt6 ,return to the goose from whence
 thou  camest4 ,with her thou wast of   
some use1 while thou conveyedst her     
through the etherial regions4 ,and why1 
alas6 when plucked from her wing1  and  
put into my hand1 doest thou not        
recognise some similitude betwixt  it   
and thy native soil1 and render me the  
same service1 in aiding the  flights of 
my heavy imagination8'    ,thus accused1
 the pen erected itself upon its point1 
placed itself  betwixt my fingers and my
 thumb1 and moved itself to and fro upon
 this  paper1 to inform you of the      
story1 complain to you of my injustice1 
and  desire your good offices to the    

reconciling such ancient friends4 ,but  
not to speak nonsense any longer1 7by   
which1 however1 ,i am glad ,i have      
already filled a page of paper17 ,i     
arrived here about three weeks ago1  am 
in good health1 and very deeply immersed
 in books and study4 ,tell  your sister1
 ,miss ,betty1 7after having made her my
 compliments17 that ,i  am as grave as  
she imagines a philosopher should       
be1--laugh only once a  fortnight1 sigh 
tenderly once a week1 but look sullen   
every moment4 ,in  short1 none of       
,ovid's metamorphoses ever showed so    
absolute a change  from a human creature
 into a beast2 ,i mean1 from a gallant  
into a  philosopher4    ,i doubt not but
 you see my ,lord ,glasgow very often1  
and therefore ,i  shall suppose1 when ,i
 write to one1 ,i pay my respects to    
both4 ,at least1  ,i hope he will so far
 indulge my laziness4 ,hanc veniam      
petimusque  damusque vicissim4    ,did  
you receive my letter from ,glasgow8 ,i 
hope it did not displease  you4 ,what   

are your resolutions with regard to that
 affair8    ,remember me to your sister1
 ,miss ,nancy1 to ,miss ,dunlop1 and to 
,mr4  ,leechman4 ,tell your mother1 or  
sisters1 or whoever is most concerned   
about the matter1 that their cousin1    
,john ,steuart1 is in ,england1 and1  as
 'tis believed1 will return with a great
 fortune4    ,i say not a word of ,mr4  
,hutcheson1 for fear you should think ,i
 intend  to run the whole circle of my  
,west-country acquaintance1 and to make 
you  a bearer of a great many formal    
compliments4 ,but ,i remember you all   
very kindly1 and desire to be remembered
 by you1 and to be spoke of  sometimes1 
and to be wrote to4#aee3a      ,the     
following letter is in reference to ,mr4
 ,mure having been chosen  member of    
,parliament for ,renfrewshire as        
successor to ,alexander  ,cunningham1 on
 whose death a new writ was moved on    
#bb;d ,november1 #agdb4  ,the advice    
which this letter offers to a young     
statesman1 seems to be  both sagacious  

and honest4      ,,hume to ,,william    
,,mure of ,caldwell4    ,i have wrote to
 ,mr4 ,oswald#aee3b by this post1 in    
order to promote an  intimacy and       
friendship betwixt you4 ,i exhort you to
 persevere in your  intention of        
cultivating a friendship with him4 ,you 
cannot possibly find  a man of more     
worth1 of a gentler disposition1 or     
better understanding4  ,there are       
infinite advantages attending an        
intimacy with such persons2  among which
 this is not the least1 as far as ,i can
 judge by my own  experience1 that ,i   
always derive from it an additional     
motive to  preserve my character for    
honour and integrity2 because ,i know   
that  nothing else can preserve their   
friendship4 ,should ,i give you an      
exhortation of this kind1 you might     
think me very impertinent2 though       
really you ought to ascribe it more to  
my friendship1 than my  diffidence4     
',tis impossible ever to think ourselves
 secure enough1 where  our concern is   

extremely great2 and1 though ,i dare be 
confident of your  good conduct1 as of  
my own1 yet you must also allow me to be
 diffident  of it1 as ,i should be of my
 own4 ,when ,i consider your disposition
 to  virtue1 cultivated by letters1     
together with your moderation1 ,i cannot
  doubt of your steadiness4 ,the        
delicacy of the times does not diminish 
this assurance1 but only dashes it with 
a few fears1 which rise in me  without  
my approbation1 and against my judgment4
 ,let a strict frugality  be the        
guardian of your virtue2 and preserve   
your frugality by a close  application  
to business and study4 ,nothing would so
 effectually throw  you into the lumber 
and refuse of the house as your         
departure from your  engagements at this
 time2 as a contrary behaviour will     
secure your own  good opinion1 and that 
of all mankind4 ,these advantages are   
not too  dearly purchased even by the   
loss of fortune1 but it belongs to your 
prudence and frugality to procure them1 

without paying so dear a  purchase for  
them4 ,i say no more2 and hope you will 
ascribe what ,i have  said1 not to the  
pedagogue1 or even to the philosopher1  
but to the  friend4 ,i make profession  
of being such with regard to you2 and   
desire  you to consider me as such no   
longer than ,i shall appear to be a man 
of  honour4 ,yours4    ,january         
#bf4aef3a      ,among ,hume's friends in
 early life1 we find ,james ,oswald of  
,dunnikier1  who is mentioned in the    
foregoing letter--a name pretty well    
known in  the political history of      
,scotland4 ,he was elected member for   
the  ,kirkaldy district of burghs in    
#agda4 ,he filled successively the      
situations of ,commissioner of the      
,navy1 ,member of the ,board of ,trade1 
,lord of the ,treasury1 and ,treasurer  
of ,ireland4 ,he was well read in the   
sources of literary information1 and    
brought to his official duties a        
sagacious1 practical understanding1     
which made him infinitely  serviceable  

to the speculative labours of his two   
illustrious friends1  ,hume and ,smith4 
,i know1 says ,hume1 you are the most   
industrious and  the most indolent man  
of my acquaintance2 the former in       
business1 the  latter in ceremony4#aeg3a
 ,we have occasional glimpses of        
philosophical  rambles1 not unmixed with
 a little conviviality1 in which ,oswald
  sometimes embarked with his           
speculative friends4 ,you will remember1
 he  says1 writing to ,henry ,home in   
#agdb1 how your friend ,david ,hume and 
you1 used to laugh at a most sublime    
declamation ,i one night made1 after  a 
drunken expedition to ,cupar1 on the    
impotency of corruption in certain      
circumstances2 how ,i maintained1 that  
on certain occasions1 men felt1 or      
seemed to feel1 a certain dignity in    
themselves1 which made them disdain  to 
act on sordid motives3 and how ,i       
imagined it to be extremely  possible1  
in such situations1 that even the lowest
 of men might become  superior to the   

highest temptations4#aeg3b ,the         
political course which  he afterwards   
adopted1 however1 was not precisely of  
this soaring cast1  but savoured more of
 the school of practical expedients     
founded by ,sir  ,robert ,walpole4 ,we  
shall afterwards have occasion to see   
his intercourse  with ,hume illustrated 
at greater length4    ,the following    
letter to ,mure1 contains a pretty      
sagacious division of  the prominent    
political movements of the day1 into    
those which a  supporter of the court   
party would advocate1 and those which he
 would  oppose4 ,hume seems to have had 
some dread lest the spirit of what was  
then termed patriotism1 might sway an   
inexperienced1 young1 and aspiring      
politician into devious paths1          
inconsistent with the straight road of  
duty and devotion to an adopted party4  
,but ,mure seems to have been a         
sagacious steady-minded man1 not likely 
to be seduced out of the path he  had   
chosen4 ,he was subsequently much relied

 on by ,lord ,bute1 and rose  to        
eminence and distinction as a ,tory     
politician4 ,the letter exhibits a      
playful practice of talking of his      
correspondents as his pupils1 which     
,hume adopted sometimes with those who  
had least sympathy with his  principles1
 unless they were clergymen1 or         
otherwise likely to take the            
familiarity in bad part4      ,,hume to 
,,william ,,mure of ,caldwell4    ,i am 
surprised you should find fault with my 
letter4 ,for my part1 ,i  esteem it the 
best ,i ever wrote4 ,there is neither   
barbarism1 solecism1  equivoque1        
redundancy1 nor transgression of one    
single rule of grammar  or rhetoric1    
through the whole4 ,the words were      
chosen with an exact  propriety to the  
sense1 and the sense was full of        
masculine strength and  energy4 ,in     
short1 it comes up fully to the ,duke of
 ,buckingham's  description of fine     
writing1--,exact propriety of words and 
thought4  ,this is more than what can be

 said of most compositions4 ,but ,i     
shall not  be redundant in the praise of
 brevity1 though much might be said on  
that  subject4 ,to conclude all1 ,i     
shall venture to affirm1 that my last   
letter  will be equal in bulk to all the
 orations you shall deliver1 during the 
two first sessions of parliament4 ,for1 
let all the letters of my epistle  be   
regularly divided1 they will be found   
equivalent to a dozen of ,no's  and as  
many ,ay's4 ,there will be found a ,no  
for the triennial bill1  for the pension
 bill1 for the bill about regulating    
elections1 for the  bill of pains and   
penalties against ,lord ,orford1 c4     
,there will also be  found an ,ay for   
the standing army1#aeh3a for votes of   
credit1 for the  approbation of         
treaties1 c4 ,as to the last ,no ,i     
mentioned1 with  regard to ,lord        
,orford1 ,i beg it of you as a          
particular favour4 ,for1  having        
published to all ,britain my sentiments 
on that affair1 it will be  thought by  

all ,britain that ,i have no influence  
on you1 if your  sentiments be not      
conformable to mine4 ,besides1 as you   
are my disciple  in religion and morals1
 why should you not be so in politics8  
,i entreat  you to get the bill about   
witches repealed1 and to move for some  
new  bill to secure the ,christian      
religion1 by burning ,deists1           
,socinians1  ,moralists1 and            
,hutchinsonians4    ,i shall be in town 
about ,christmas1 where1 if ,i find not 
,lord ,glasgow1  ,i shall come down     
early in the spring to the borders of   
the ,atlantic  ,ocean1 and rejoice the  
,tritons and sea-gods with the prospect 
of  ,kelburn#aei3a in a blaze4 ,for ,i  
find1 that is the only way to unnestle  
his lordship4 ,but ,i intend to use the 
freedom to write to himself on  this    
subject1 if you will tell me how to     
direct to him4 ,in the meantime  do you 
make use of all your eloquence and      
argument to that purpose4    ,make my   
humble compliments to the ladies1 and   

tell them1 ,i should  endeavour to      
satisfy them1 if they would name the    
subject of the essay  they desire4 ,for 
my part1 ,i know not a better subject   
than themselves2  if it were not1 that  
being accused of being unintelligible in
 some of my  writings1 ,i should be     
extremely in danger of falling into that
 fault1  when ,i should treat of a      
subject so little to be understood as   
women4 ,i  would1 therefore1 rather have
 them assign me the deiform fund of the 
soul1 the passive unions of nothing with
 nothing1 or any other of those         
mystical points1 which ,i would         
endeavour to clear up1 and render       
perspicuous to the meanest readers4     
,allow not ,miss ,dunlop to forget1 that
 she has a humble servant1 who  has the 
misfortune to be divided from her1 by   
the whole breadth of this  island4 ,i   
know she never forgets her friends2 but1
 as ,i dare not pretend  to that        
relation1 upon so short an acquaintance1
 ,i must be beholden to  your good      

offices for preserving me in her memory2
 because ,i suspect  mightily that she  
is apt to forget and overlook those who 
can aspire no  higher than the relation 
,i first mentioned4    ,this1 ,i think1 
is enough in all conscience4 ,i see you 
are tired with my  long letter1 and     
begin to yawn4 ,what6 can nothing       
satisfy you1 and must  you grumble at   
every thing8 ,i hope this is a good     
prognostic of your  being a             
patriot4#afj3a    ,nov4 #adth4      ,in 
the course of these ,memoirs there will 
be many occasions for  exhibiting       
,hume's acquaintance with some of the   
most distinguished  clergymen of his    
time1 and the mutual esteem which he and
 they  entertained towards each other4  
,among those members of the             
,presbyterian  church1 with whom he     
appears to have had the most early      
intercourse1 we  find the name of ,dr4  
,leechman1 who was his senior by about  
five years4  ,they probably got         
acquainted with each other in the family

 of the ,mures  of ,caldwell1 where     
,leechman had been tutor to ,hume's     
friend and  correspondent4 ,whatever    
other jealousies or distastes may have  
occurred  between them1 it would be no  
drawback to their subsequent intimacy1  
that  ,leechman was by his marriage with
 ,miss ,balfour1 the brother-in-law of  
one of ,hume's most zealous             
controversial opponents1 ,mr4 ,balfour  
of  ,pilrig4 ,dr4 ,leechman was for many
 years professor of divinity in the     
university of ,glasgow1 of which he     
afterwards became principal4  ,his      
sermons1 now little known1 stood at one 
time in formidable rivalry  with those  
of ,blair4 ,he appears to have been a   
man who united settled  religious       
principles with a calm conscientious    
inquiring mind2 and the  account which  
his biographer1 the ,rev4 ,james        
,wodrow1 gives of his  lectures1 is     
characteristic of one who had too much  
respect for truth to  hate or contemn   
any man engaged in purely metaphysical  

inquiries1  whatever might be the       
opinions to which they led him4 ,we are 
told1 that  no dictatorial opinion1 no  
infallible or decisive judgment on any  
great  controverted point1 was ever     
delivered from that theological chair4  
,after the point had undergone a full   
discussion1 none of the students  yet   
knew the particular opinion of this     
venerable professor1 in any  other way  
than by the superior weight of the      
arguments which he had  brought under   
their view2 so delicately scrupulous was
 he to throw any  bias at all upon      
ingenuous minds1 in their inquiries     
after sacred  truth4#afa3a    ,there is 
a letter by ,hume to ,baron ,mure1      
containing a criticism on the           
composition and substance of a sermon by
 ,dr4 ,leechman4 ,from the general      
tenor of the letter1 it would appear    
that the sermon was placed in  ,hume's  
hands that the author might have the    
advantage of his suggestions  in        
preparing a second edition for the      

press4 ,the criticisms on style and     
collocation are careful and minute1 but 
they all indicate blemishes  peculiar to
 the piece of composition before the    
critic1 and suggest  corresponding      
improvements2 and none of them appear so
 far to illustrate  any canon of        
criticism as to be intelligible to a    
reader who has not  the sermon in his   
hands1 in the same state as that in     
which it was  inspected by ,hume4 ,these
 corrective annotations precede the     
following  general remarks on the sermon
 and its subject4 ,there may be seen in 
these remarks a desire1 which haunts the
 whole of ,hume's writings on  kindred  
subjects2 a desire to call forth        
argument and evidence in  support of    
that side from which he himself feels   
inclined to dissent2  like the          
unsatisfied feeling of one who would    
rather find refuge in the  argumentative
 fortress of some other person1 than    
remain a sceptical  wanderer at his own 
free will4      ,,hume to ,,william     

,,mure of ,caldwell4    ,these are all  
the minute faults ,i could observe in   
the sermon4 ,mr4  ,leechman has a very  
clear and manly expression2 but1 in my  
humble  opinion1 he does not consult his
 ear enough1 nor aim at a style which   
may be smooth and harmonious1 which1    
next to perspicuity1 is the chief       
ornament of style2 vide ,cicero1        
,quinctilian1 ,longinus1 c4 c4 c4 ,if   
this sermon were not a popular          
discourse1 ,i should also think it might
  be made more concise4    ,as to the   
argument1 ,i could wish ,mr4 ,leechman  
would1 in the second  edition1 answer   
this objection both to devotion and     
prayer1 and indeed  to every thing we   
commonly call religion1 except the      
practice of  morality1 and the assent of
 the understanding to the proposition   
that  ,god exists4    ,it must be       
acknowledged1 that nature has given us a
 strong passion of  admiration for      
whatever is excellent1 and of love and  
gratitude for  whatever is benevolent   

and beneficial2 and that the ,deity     
possesses  these attributes in the      
highest perfection3 and yet ,i assert1  
he is not  the natural object of any    
passion or affection4 ,he is no object  
either  of the senses or imagination1   
and very little of the understanding1   
without which it is impossible to excite
 any affection4 ,a remote  ancestor1 who
 has left us estates and honours        
acquired with virtue1 is a  great       
benefactor2 and yet 'tis impossible to  
bear him any affection1  because unknown
 to us3 though in general we know him to
 be a man or a  human creature1 which   
brings him vastly nearer our            
comprehension than an  invisible1       
infinite spirit4 ,a man1 therefore1 may 
have his heart  perfectly well disposed 
towards every proper and natural object 
of  affection--friends1 benefactors1    
country1 children1 c4--and yet1 from    
this circumstance of the invisibility   
and incomprehensibility of the  ,deity1 
may feel no affection towards him4 ,and1

 indeed1 ,i am afraid that  all         
enthusiasts mightily deceive themselves4
 ,hope and fear perhaps  agitate their  
breast when they think of the ,deity2 or
 they degrade him  into a resemblance   
with themselves1 and by that means      
render him more  comprehensible4 ,or    
they exult with vanity in esteeming     
themselves his  peculiar favourites2 or 
at best they are actuated by a forced   
and  strained affection1 which moves by 
starts and bounds1 and with a very      
irregular1 disorderly pace4 ,such an    
affection cannot be required of any  man
 as his duty4 ,please to observe1 that  
,i not only exclude the  turbulent      
passions1 but the calm affections4      
,neither of them can operate  without   
the assistance of the senses and        
imagination2 or at least a more         
complete knowledge of the object than we
 have of the ,deity4 ,in most men  this 
is the case2 and a natural infirmity can
 never be a crime4 ,but1  secondly1 were
 devotion never so much admitted1 prayer

 must still be  excluded4 ,first1 the   
addressing of our virtuous wishes and   
desires to  the ,deity1 since the       
address has no influence on him1 is only
 a kind of  rhetorical figure1 in order 
to render these wishes more ardent and  
passionate4 ,this is ,mr4 ,leechman's   
doctrine4 ,now1 the use of any figure   
of speech can never be a duty4          
,secondly1 this figure1 like most       
figures  of rhetoric1 has an evident    
impropriety in it2 for we can make use  
of no  expression1 or even thought1 in  
prayers and entreaties1 which does not  
imply that these prayers have an        
influence4 ,thirdly1 this figure is very
  dangerous1 and leads directly1 and    
even unavoidably1 to impiety and        
blasphemy4 ',tis a natural infirmity of 
men to imagine that their prayers  have 
a direct influence2 and this infirmity  
must be extremely fostered  and         
encouraged by the constant use of       
prayer4 ,thus1 all wise men have        
excluded the use of images and pictures 

in prayer1 though they certainly        
enliven devotion2 because 'tis found by 
experience1 that with the vulgar  these 
visible representations draw too much   
towards them1 and become the  only      
objects of devotion4#afd3a      ,the    
literary history of this sermon is      
curious and instructive4 ,when its      
author received his appointment of      
professor of divinity in #agdd1 a  party
 in the church opposed his being        
admitted in the usual manner as a       
member of the presbytery of ,glasgow2   
and one of their methods of attack  was 
to charge him with heretical opinions1  
promulgated in this sermon1  of which   
the first edition had been then         
published4 ,it is singular  enough1 in  
comparing their charge with ,hume's     
criticism1 to find the two  attacks     
brought against the same point1 though  
with different weapons4  ,the purport of
 the whole went to charge ,mr4 ,leechman
 with having laid  too little stress on 
the merit of the satisfaction and       

intercession of  our blessed ,saviour1  
as the sole ground of our acceptance    
with ,god in  prayer1 and with teaching 
,christians to look for pardon and      
acceptance  on other grounds than       
this4#afe3a    ,at this time1 we find   
,hume making an effort to obtain a      
professorship in  ,edinburgh4 ,dr4      
,pringle1 subsequently ,sir ,john       
,pringle1 and ,president of  the ,royal 
,society of ,london1--                  
,who sat in ,newton's chair1       ,and 
wonder'd how the devil he got there1--  
held the chair of ethics and pneumatic  
philosophy#afe3b in the  university of  
,edinburgh4 ,in #agdb1 he was appointed 
physician to the ,earl  of ,stair1      
commander of the ,british troops in the 
,low ,countries2 and  through this      
circumstance it will be seen1 from the  
following letter1  that ,hume           
contemplated a vacancy1 and that he was 
employing the usual  means for securing 
his own appointment to the chair4       
,,hume to ,,william ,,mure of ,caldwell4

    ,,dear ,,will1--,i shall tell you   
how my affair stands4 ,dr4 ,pringle has 
been  absent two years by allowance1 and
 about six weeks ago wrote a letter to  
the provost1 in which he seemed in a    
manner to have resigned his office2  and
 desired the council1 if they thought   
the university any way a  sufferer by   
his absence1 to send him over a         
resignation in form1 which  he would    
sign1 and then they might proceed to the
 choice of a successor4  ,mr4           
,couts1#afe3c upon receiving this1      
mentioned me to several of the  council1
 and desired me to mention myself as a  
candidate to all my  friends2 not with a
 view of soliciting or making interest1 
but in order  to get the public voice on
 my side1 that he might with the more   
assurance employ his interest in my     
behalf4 ,i accordingly did so2 and      
being allowed to make use of the        
provost's name1 ,i found presently that 
,i should have the whole council on my  
side1 and that1 indeed1 ,i should  have 

no antagonist4 ,but when the provost    
produced the doctor's letter to  the    
council1 he discovered that he had in   
secret wrote differently to  some of his
 friends1 who still insisted that the   
town should give him  allowance to be   
absent another year4 ,the whole council1
 however1 except  two or three1         
exclaimed against this proposal1 and it 
appeared  evidently1 that if the matter 
had been put to a vote1 there would have
  been a majority of ten to one against 
the doctor4 ,but ,mr4 ,couts1 though    
his authority be quite absolute in the  
town1 yet makes it a rule to  govern    
them with the utmost gentleness and     
moderation3 and this good  maxim he     
sometimes pushes even to an extreme4    
,for the sake of unanimity1  therefore1 
he agrees to an expedient1 started by   
one of the doctor's  friends1 which he  
thought would be a compliment to the    
doctor1 and yet  would serve the same   
purpose as the immediate declaration of 
a vacancy  in the office4 ,this         

expedient was to require either the     
doctor's  resignation1 or a declaration 
upon honour1 that whether it were peace 
or  war1 or in any event1 he would      
against ,november1 #agde1 return to his 
office1 and resign his commission of    
physician to the army1 or any other     
employment incompatible with his        
attendance in this place4 ,this last    
condition1 ,mr4 ,couts thinks it        
impossible he will comply with1 because 
he has a guinea a-day at present1 as    
physician to the army1 along with a     
good deal of business and half-pay      
during life4 ,and there seems at        
present to be small chance for a peace  
before the term here assigned4 ,i  find1
 however1 that some are of a contrary   
opinion2 and particularly  several of   
the doctor's friends say that he will   
sign the obligation  above-mentioned4   
,we shall receive his answer in a       
fortnight1 upon which  my success seems 
entirely to depend4    ,in the mean     
time1 ,i have received another offer1   

which ,i shall tell you  as a friend1   
but desire you may not mention to any   
body4 ,my ,lord  ,garlees#afg3a received
 a commission from ,mr4 ,murray of      
,broughton#afg3b  to look out for a     
travelling tutor to his son1 who is at  
present at  ,glasgow4 ,my lord inclines 
to give me the preference1 but ,i could 
not  positively accept1 till ,i had seen
 the end of this affair1 which is so    
near a crisis4 ,please to inform me of  
any particulars that you know with      
regard to the young man1 his family1 c41
 that in case the former  project fail1 
,i may deliberate upon the other4 ,the  
accusation of heresy1  deism1           
scepticism1 atheism1 c4 c4 c41 was      
started against me2 but  never took1    
being bore down by the contrary         
authority of all the good  company in   
town4 ,but what surprised me extremely1 
was to find that this  accusation was   
supported by the pretended authority of 
,mr4 ,hutcheson and  even ,mr4          
,leechman1 who1 'tis said1 agreed that  

,i was a very unfit person  for such an 
office4 ,this appears to me absolutely  
incredible1 especially  with regard to  
the latter gentleman4 ,for1 as to ,mr4  
,hutcheson1 all my  friends think that  
he has been rendering me bad offices to 
the utmost  of his power4 ,and ,i know  
that ,mr4 ,couts1 to whom ,i said rashly
 that ,i  thought ,i could depend upon  
,mr4 ,hutcheson's friendship and        
recommendation1--,i say1 ,mr4 ,couts now
 speaks of that professor rather as  my 
enemy than as my friend4 ,what can be   
the meaning of this conduct in  that    
celebrated and benevolent moralist1 ,i  
cannot imagine4 ,i shall be  glad to    
find1 for the honour of philosophy1 that
 ,i am mistaken3 and1  indeed1 ,i hope  
so too2 and beg of you to inquire a     
little into the  matter1 but very       
cautiously1 lest ,i make him my open and
 professed  enemy1 which ,i would       
willingly avoid4 ,here then it behoves  
you to be  very discreet4    ',tis      
probable ,mr4 ,murray of ,broughton may 

consult ,mr4 ,hutcheson and the  other  
professors of ,glasgow1 before he fix   
absolutely on a tutor for his  son4 ,we 
shall then see whether he really        
entertains a bad opinion of my          
orthodoxy1 or is only unwilling that ,i 
should be ,professor of ,ethics in      
,edinburgh2 lest that town1 being in the
 neighbourhood of ,glasgow1 should      
spread its contagion all around it1 and 
even infect the students of the  latter 
university4    ,i have passed a week    
with ,mr4 ,oswald at ,kirkcaldy4 ,he    
makes his  compliments to you4 ,he has  
shown me the whole economy of the navy1 
the  source of the navy debt1 with many 
other branches of public business4 ,he  
seems to have a great genius for these  
affairs1 and ,i fancy will go far  in   
that way if he perseveres4              
,edinburgh1 ,august #d1 #agdd4afh3a     
,it may easily be imagined that both    
,mr4 ,hutcheson and ,dr4 ,leechman would
  be opposed to the appointment of      
,david ,hume as a teacher of moral      

philosophy in one of the universities2  
and that they might entertain  this     
opinion along with an honest admiration 
of his character1 and an  appreciation  
of the value of his talents when        
exercised in another  sphere4 ,it is at 
all events gratifying to find1 that     
whatever opposition  ,hutcheson may have
 made1 he was influenced by no sordid   
motive1 as he  was offered the chair1   
and refused it4 ,on #bgth ,march1 #agde1
 a letter in  which ,dr4 ,pringle       
resigned the chair1 was read to the     
,town ,council4 ,on  #c;d ,april1 a     
nomination to the chair was transmitted 
to ,hutcheson4#afi3a  ,he declined the  
honour1 in a rather verbose letter1 in  
which he speaks  in the tone of one     
whose tenure of life cannot be expected 
to be strong  enough to fit him for new 
labours3 yet he was then only fifty     
years old4  ,his death occurred two     
years later1 and he probably felt that  
his long  series of intellectual labours
 had exhausted too much of the stamina  

of  life to leave him the prospect of a 
successful career in a new sphere of    
duty4 ,on ,hutcheson's letter being read
 to the council1 on #ajth ,april1       
#agde1 the minutes bear1 that several   
other persons having been named as      
proper candidates1 it was thereupon     
moved in council1 whether to proceed  to
 take the ministers' avisamentum betwixt
 and next council day1 in  order to     
facilitate their choice1 or to delay the
 same for a month or  six weeks1 so that
 the members of council might with the  
greater leisure  deliberate thereanent2 
and the rolls having thereupon been     
called1 and  the vote marked1 it carried
 delay for said space4    ,it is        
probable that the ministers'            
avisamentum1 whatever may be  precisely 
designed by that phrase1 was not such a 
recommendation as  would turn the minds 
of the members of council in favour of  
,hume4 ,his  name is not mentioned in   
the council records in connexion with   
the  proceedings1 and the vacancy was   

filled up on #eth ,june1 #agde1 by the  
appointment of ,william ,cleghorn1 who  
had acted for ,dr4 ,pringle in his      
absence4    ,the date of these          
transactions1 brings us into the middle 
of a very  curious episode in ,hume's   
history1 which must now be examined4    
,,footnotes3    #aci3a ,essay on the    
,independency of ,parliament4    #ada3a 
,this concluding sentence was added in  
the third ,edition1 7#agdh17  in which  
also the passage within brackets was    
modified4    #ade3a ,tytler's ,life of  
,kames1 i4 #ih1 et seq4    #adg3a ,ab   
his animi motibus purioribus1 et        
tranquillo stabilique suae  beatitudinis
 appetitione1 quae ratione utitur duce1 
diversi plane sunt  motus quidam        
vehementiores et perturbati1 quibus1    
secundum naturae suae  legem1 saepe     
agitatur mens1 ubi certa species ipsi   
obversatur1 atque  bruto quodam impetu1 
fertur ad quaedam agenda1 prosequenda1  
aut  fugienda1 quamvis nondum1 adhibita 
in consilium ratione1 secum statuerat   

haec ad vitam facere vel beatam vel     
miseram4 ,hos motus quisque  intelliget1
 qui1 in se descendens1 in memoriam     
revocaverit quali animi  impetu fuerat  
abreptus1 quae passus1 quum libidine1   
ambitione1 ira1  odio1 invidia1 amore1  
laetitia1 aut metu1 agitabatur2 etiam   
ubi nihil de  earum rerum1 quae mentem  
commoverant1 cursu ad vitam beatam aut  
miseram  serio cogitarat4 ,quid quod    
saepe in partes contrarias distineantur 
et  distrahantur homines1 cum aliud     
cupido1 mens vero1 ejusque appetitus    
tranquillus1 aliud suadeat4    #adg3b   
,diximus ex virtutis comprobatione      
ardentiorem efflorescere  amorem1 in eos
 qui virtute videntur praediti4 ,quumque
 in omnes suas  vires1 affectiones1     
sensus1 vota1 appetitiones1 reflectere  
possit mens1  eaque contemplari2 ille   
ipse decori et honesti sensus acrior1   
ardentior  virtutis appetitio1 et       
honestiorum omnium amor et caritas1     
omnino  comprobabitur2 neque ulla animi 
affectio magis1 quam optimi cujusque    

dilectiones et caritates4    #adh3a ,see
 ,caractres ,ch4 #aa4 ,de ,l'homme4     
#adh3b ,qui multiplicem sensuum horum   
perspexerit varietatem1 quibus res  adeo
 dispares hominibus commendantur        
appetendae2 animique propensiones       
pariter multiplices1 et mutabiles2 et   
inter se saepe pugnantes  appetitus1 et 
desideria1 quibus suam quisque          
insequitur utilitatem1  eamque variam1  
aut non minus variam voluptatem2 eam    
etiam ingenii  humanitatem1             
affectionesque benignas multiplices2    
humana huic natura  prima specie        
videbitur1 chaos quoddam1 rudisque rerum
 non bene junctarum  moles1 nisi altius 
repetendo1 nexum quendam1 et ordinem a  
natura  constitutum1 et principatum     
deprehenderit1 aut  aliquod1 ad  modum  
caeteris ponendum idoneum4 ,philosophiae
 munus et hoc investigare1  atque       
monstrare qua demum ratione haec sint   
ordinanda2 miro enim  artificio         
,hanc ,deus1 et melior litem natura     
diremit4    #adi3a ,hanc vitam caducam  

et aerumnosam4    #adi3b ,the chapter   
,de ,dominii acquirendi ,rationibus4    
#adi3c ,de nuptiis consanguineorum in   
linea transversa1 quas adferunt         
rationes viri docti1 vix quiquam        
affirmant4 ,quia vero apud plurimas     
gentes legis ,judaicae ignaras1 ejusmodi
 nuptiae habebantur impurae et          
nefariae1 credibile est et eas in prima 
mundi aetate lege aliqua  positiva1     
cujus diu manserunt vestigia1 fuisse a  
,deo vetitas4 ,ea autem  lex hoc        
praecipue spectasse videtur1 ut plures  
familiae gentesque ea  devinciantur     
caritate et benevolentia1 quae ex       
affinitate et sanguinis  conjunctione   
oriri solet4 ,alia forte commoda        
hominibus nascituris  prospexit ,deus1  
ex eo quod gentes variae1 conjugiis     
inter se misceantur4    #aej3a ,this is 
in reference to the word despotica being
 put in  italics as a modern barbarism4 
#aej3b ,civium quisque non sibi solum1  
verum et liberis1 a civitate            
defensionem stipulatur1 et omnia vitae  

civilis commoda4 ,liberis gestum  est   
negotium utilissimum2 unde citra suum   
consensum1 ad ea omnia pro  ipsorum     
viribus1 facienda praestanda            
adstringuntur1 quae ob istiusmodi       
commoda ab adultis jure flagitari       
poterant4 ,nihil autem aequius quam ut  
singuli1 pro virili parte1 eam tueantur 
civitatem1 neque ab ea  intempestive    
discedant1 cujus beneficio diu protecti1
 innumeris potiti  fuerant vitae        
excultae commodis2 utque haec a         
majoribus accepta ad  posteros          
transmittant4    #aea3a ,the practice of
 sending young men to the continental   
universities1 seems to have continued   
for a longer time in the north  than in 
the south4 ,within these few years it   
was not uncommon north of  the          
,grampians1 to meet with elderly country
 gentlemen1 recalling to each  other the
 memorable events of their student life 
at ,leyden4 ,the practice  appears to be
 reviving in a favour for the ,german   
universities2 but  perhaps it is now    

more frequently followed by the         
commercial classes  than by the country 
gentlemen4    #aee3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    
,this letter is printed in the ,literary
 ,gazette for  #ahbb1 p4 #fce4    #aee3b
 ,mr4 ,oswald of ,dunnikier4    #aef3a  
,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4 ,literary ,gazette1     
#ahbb1 p4 #fce4    #aeg3a ,memorials of 
,james ,oswald1 p4 #hb4    #aeg3b ,ib4  
p4 #ai-bj4    #aeh3a ,this refers to the
 taking ,hanoverian troops into ,british
 pay1  warmly debated in the ,house of  
,commons on #ajth ,december1 #agdb4     
#aei3a ,the ,earl of ,glasgow's house1  
on the coast of ,ayrshire4    #afj3a    
,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4 ,literary ,gazette1     
#ahbb1 p4 #fcf4    #afa3a ,sermons by   
,william ,leechman1 ,d4,d4 to which is  
prefixed some  account of the author's  
life1 and his character1 by ,james      
,wodrow1 ,d4,d4  #aghi1 i4 #cd4         
#afd3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #afe3a        
,memoir1 ut supra1 p4 #bc4    #afe3b    
,pneumatic ,philosophy must here be     
taken in its old sense1 as  meaning     

,psychology4    #afe3c ,john ,couts or  
,coutts1 a native of ,dundee1 at that   
time ,lord  ,provost of ,edinburgh4 ,he 
was the father of ,thomas ,coutts1 the  
celebrated  banker4    #afg3a ,the title
 of courtesy of the eldest son of the   
,earl of ,galloway4    #afg3b ,there    
were two ,murrays of ,broughton4 ,the   
one had a small piece  of property in   
,tweeddale1 between ,noblehouse and     
,moffat2 and soon after  the date of    
this letter acquired an infamous        
celebrity by giving  evidence against   
the rebels1 after having acted as       
secretary to the  ,pretender4 ,the      
other1 who was probably the person ,hume
 had in view1 had  a considerable estate
 in ,galloway4    #afh3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4
    #afi3a ,town ,council ,records1     
where he is called ,george ,hutcheson1  
instead of ,francis4          ,,chapter 
,v4    #agde-agdg4 ,t4 #cd-cf4          
,hume's ,residence with the ,marquis of 
,annandale--,his       ,predecessor     
,colonel ,forrester--,correspondence    

with ,sir ,james       ,johnstone and   
,mr4 ,sharp of ,hoddam--,quarrel with   
,captain       ,vincent--,estimate of   
his ,conduct1 and ,inquiry into the     
,circumstances in which he was          
placed--,appointed ,secretary to        
,general ,st4 ,clair--,accompanies the  
expedition against the       ,court of  
,france as ,judge-,advocate--,gives an  
,account of the       ,attack on ,port  
,l',orient--,a tragic ,incident4        
,hume's history of his residence with   
the ,marquis of ,annandale1 is given  in
 the following brief terms1 in his own  
life4 ,in #agde1 ,i received a  letter  
from the ,marquis of ,annandale1        
inviting me to come and live with  him  
in ,england3 ,i found1 also1 that the   
friends and family of that young        
nobleman were desirous of putting him   
under my care and direction1 for  the   
state of his mind and health required   
it4 ,i lived with him a  twelvemonth4   
,my appointments during that time made a
 considerable  accession to my small    

fortune4    ,it might have been         
favourable perhaps to the dignity of his
 position in  the world of letters1 that
 this episode in his history had never  
been  more fully narrated2 for a        
philosopher conducting a litigation for 
#ge  of arrears of salary1 is apt to    
experience that diminution of respect in
  the eyes of the public1 which the     
prince of ,cond discovered that a hero  
suffered in those of his valet4 ,since1 
however1 many statements have  been     
given to the world1 connected with that 
part of ,hume's life1 and  many charges 
and countercharges among the persons    
connected with it are  preserved1 it is 
necessary to give such a brief view of  
the whole  affair1 as may enable the    
reader to estimate the respective merits
 of  the parties in the dispute4 ,a     
collection of documents on the subject  
was  lately published by a gentleman to 
whom the literary history of ,scotland  
is indebted for many other              
services2#aga3a and from his book the   

following statement is compiled4    ,the
 person with whom ,david ,hume was thus 
connected was the last ,marquis  of     
,annandale1 on whose death that title   
became dormant4 ,on the #eth of  ,march1
 #agdh1 he was found1 on an inquest from
 the ,court of ,chancery in  ,england1  
to be a lunatic1 incapable of governing 
himself and managing  his own affairs1  
and to have been so since #abth         
,december1 #agdd1 a few  months anterior
 to ,hume's engagement with him4 ,the   
correspondence does  not give the reader
 the notion of one reduced to so abject 
a mental  state1 but rather that of a   
man nervously timid and reserved2       
distrustful of himself and his ability  
to transact business with other  people1
 but not quite incapable of managing his
 affairs1 though  exciteable1 and liable
 to be driven into fits of passion by   
causes not  susceptible of being        
anticipated4 ,a party to the            
correspondence1 talking  of him as in an
 improved condition1 says3 ,my ,lord    

walked out with me  lately two or three 
miles1 received and returned the        
compliments of the  hat of those we met1
 and without any shyness or reserve3 and
 bears to  stand by1 and hear me talk   
with any farmer or countryman4 ,this is 
a vast  change for the better1 and the  
greatest appearance that it will        
continue4#agb3a ,he appears to have been
 haunted by a spirit of  literary       
ambition4 ,hume says in a letter to     
,lord ,elibank1 ,i have copied  out half
 a dozen of epigrams1 which ,i hope will
 give you entertainment4  ,the thought  
in them is indeed little inferior to    
that in the celebrated  ,epigrams of    
,rousseau2 though the versification be  
not so correct4 ,what a  pity6 ,i say   
this on account both of the author and  
myself2 for ,i am  afraid ,i must leave 
him4 ,and on another occasion he alludes
 at length  to a far more extensive     
literary achievement1 a novel1 which the
  excited ,marquis had written1 and     
which those about him had found it      

necessary to print1 circulating a few   
copies1 and advertising it in one       
newspaper to allay any suspicions in the
 author's mind that a thousand  copies  
had not been printed4 ,hume says3       
,you would certainly be a little        
surprised and vexed on receiving a      
printed copy of the novel1 which was in 
hands when you left ,london4 ,if ,i  did
 not explain the mystery to you1 ,i     
believe ,i told you1 that ,i hoped  that
 affair was entirely over1 by my        
employing ,lord ,marchmont and ,lord    
,bolingbroke's authority against        
publishing that novel2 though you will  
readily suppose that neither of these   
two noble ,lords ever perused it4  ,this
 machine operated for six weeks2 but the
 vanity of the author  returned with    
redoubled force1 fortified by           
suspicions1 and increased by  the delay4
 ',pardie1' dit il1 'je crois que ces   
messieurs veulent tre  les seules       
,seigneurs d',angleterre qui eussent de 
l'esprit4 ,mais je leur  montrerai ce   

que le petit ,a---- peut faire aussi4'  
,in short1 we were  obliged to print off
 thirty copies1 to make him believe that
 we had  printed a thousand1 and that   
they were to be dispersed all over the  
kingdom4    ,my ,lady ,marchioness will 
also receive a copy1 and ,i am afraid it
 may  give her a good deal of           
uneasiness1 by reason of the story      
alluded to in  the novel1 and which she 
may imagine my ,lord is resolved to     
bring to  execution4 ,be so good1       
therefore1 as to inform her1 that ,i    
hope this  affair is all over4 ,i       
discovered1 about a fortnight ago1 that 
one of the  papers sent to that damsel  
had been sent back by her under cover to
 his  rival1 ,mr4 ,m'----1 and that she 
had plainly1 by that step1 sacrificed   
him to her other lover4 ,this was real  
matter of fact1 and ,i had the  good    
fortune to convince him of it2 so that  
his pride seems to have got  the better 
of his passion1 and he never talks of   
her at present4    ,the novel appears to

 have referred to some little event in  
its  author's private history4 ,if there
 be a copy of it now any where          
existing1 it is to be feared that it    
wastes its fragrance on the desert  air1
 as the existence of so choice a flower 
of literature1 were it in  the          
possession of any collector1 could not  
fail to have been rumoured  through the 
bibliographical world4    ,the ,marquis 
had previously been attended by a       
succession of hired  companions1 of whom
 one was a man of considerable          
distinction1 ,colonel  ,james           
,forrester1#agd3a a person who1 in the  
,scottish society of the  age1 seems to 
have united some of the qualities of a  
,chesterfield to a  like proportion of  
those of a ,beau ,fielding4 ,he was the 
author of ,the  ,polite ,philosopher2 a 
lively little essay1 sometimes published
 along  with ,chesterfield's ,advice1 in
 which the author is so much at ease    
with his reader1 that he discourses in  
prose or poetry as his own humour       

dictates4 ,johnson said1 with reference 
to the man and the book1 that he  was   
himself the great polite he drew2 and if
 it did not happen that his  coxcombry  
excited the poor invalid's irritable    
nerves to distraction1 he  was probably 
an infinitely more suitable man for the 
office of companion  to the ,marquis of 
,annandale1 than ,david ,hume4    ,the  
overtures to ,hume were made by the     
,marquis himself2 who was1  according to
 an expression used by ,sir ,james      
,johnstone1 when writing to  ,hume1     
charmed with something contained in his 
,essays4 ,the place of  residence of the
 ,marquis was ,weldhall1 near ,st4      
,alban's1 in  ,hertfordshire4 ,hume had 
to go to ,london to make the            
anticipatory  arrangements1 and he      
commenced his companionship on #ast     
,april1 #agde4 ,the  insurrection1      
headed by ,prince ,charles ,edward in   
,scotland1 commenced  four months       
afterwards2 and there is perhaps nothing
 more curious in  the whole dispute than

 the indifference with which this       
matter1 fraught  with so much importance
 to his countrymen1 is spoken of by     
,hume2 while  there could not probably  
be a better answer to those who         
afterwards  insinuated that he was a    
,jacobite1 than an account of the manner
 in  which his thoughts were occupied   
during that struggle4 ,he occasionally  
complains that he is prevented from     
personally discussing1 with the         
individuals interested1 the matters he  
is writing about1 on account of  the    
present unhappy troubles2 and the       
following portion of a letter to  ,sir  
,james ,johnstone of ,westerhall1 the   
brother of the ,marquis's  stepfather1  
written immediately after he had left   
his attendance on the  ,marquis1 is the 
only occasion in which he appears to    
show the least  sympathy in the conflict
 or its results4      ,portsmouth1 ,june
 #f1 #agdf4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i have   
always sympathized very cordially with  
you1 whenever  ,i met with any of the   

names1 wherein you was interested1 in   
any of the  public papers2 but ,i hope  
that one of the persons is now safe by  
his  escape1 and the other protected by 
her sex and innocence4#agf3a ,we live   
not now in a time1 when public crimes   
are supposed to cancel all private      
ties1 or when the duties of relation1   
even though executed beyond the  usual  
bounds1 will render the persons         
criminal4 ,i am willing1  therefore1 to 
flatter myself1 that your anxiety must  
now be in a great  measure over1 and    
that a more happy conclusion of so      
calamitous an  affair could not be      
expected1 either for private individuals
 or for the  public4 ,some little time  
ago1 we had here a conversation with    
regard to  ,l----1 and other persons in 
her condition1 when ,general ,st4 ,clair
 said1  that he heard1 from some of the 
ministers1 that the intentions of the   
menaces1 or even of the intended        
prosecutions 7if they went so far17     
were not to proceed to execution2 but   

only to teach our countrywomen  7many of
 whom had gone beyond all bounds7 that  
their sex was no absolute  protection to
 them1 and that they were equally       
exposed to the law with  the other sex4 
,however1 ,i doubt not but your friend  
has no occasion for  their clemency1    
whatever may be the case with the other 
ladies in the  same situation1 who had  
particularly valued themselves upon     
their  activity and courage4      ,it is
 now necessary to enter on a subject1   
which one feels a natural  inclination  
to postpone1 as long as the order of    
events will afford any  excuse for      
looking at other things3 the treatment  
,hume experienced in  this his          
self-adopted slavery4 ,he had to deal   
with a capricious  unreasonable         
employer2 to that he would1 in the      
circumstances1  philosophically         
reconcile himself4 ,he states in one of 
his letters1 that  he lived with him in 
a more equal way of complaisance and    
good humour  than could well have been  

expected4 ,some little disgusts and     
humours  could not be prevented1 and    
never were proposed to be of any        
consequence4 ,but he had another and a  
far more unpleasant person to  deal     
with1 in a certain ,philip ,vincent1 a  
captain in the navy1#agh3a a  relation  
of the ,dowager-marchioness of          
,annandale4 ,for some months  matters   
appear to have gone smoothly with all   
concerned4 ,the following  letter to one
 of his esteemed friends1 shows that    
,hume was consoling  himself for the    
probable dissipation of his hopes of a  
professorship1 by  reflecting on his    
good fortune in being connected with so 
amiable and  excellent a man as ,captain
 ,vincent3--    ,illustration3          
handwritten letter1 text of which       
follows      ,,hume to ,,matthew ,,sharp
 of ,hoddam4#agh3b    ,,my ,,dear       
,,sir1--,i am informed that such a      
popular clamour has been raised  against
 me in ,edinburgh1 on account of        
scepticism1 heterodoxy1 and other  hard 

names1 which confound the ignorant1 that
 my friends find some  difficulty1 in   
working out the point of my             
professorship1 which once  appeared so  
easy4 ,did ,i need a testimonial for my 
orthodoxy1 ,i should  certainly appeal  
to you2 for you know that ,i always     
imitated ,job's  friends1 and defended  
the cause of ,providence when you       
attacked it1 on  account of the headachs
 you felt after a debauch4 ,but1 as a   
more  particular explication of that    
particular seems superfluous1 ,i shall  
only apply to you for a renewal of your 
good offices with your  nephew1 ,lord   
,tinwal1#agi3a whose interest with      
,yetts and ,allan may be  of service to 
me4 ,there is no time to lose2 so that  
,i must beg you to be  speedy in writing
 to him1 or speaking to him on that     
head4 ,a word to the  wise4 ,even that  
is not necessary to a friend1 such as ,i
 have always  esteemed and found you to 
be4    ,i live here very comfortably    
with the ,marquis of ,annandale1 who1 ,i

  suppose you have heard1 sent me a     
letter of invitation1 along with a  bill
 of one hundred pounds1 about two months
 ago4 ,every thing is much  better than 
,i expected1 from the accounts ,i heard 
after ,i came to  ,london2 for the      
secrecy with which ,i stole away from   
,edinburgh1 and  which ,i thought       
necessary for preserving my interest    
there1 kept me  entirely ignorant of his
 situation4    ,my lord never was in so 
good a way before4 ,he has a regular    
family1  honest servants1 and every     
thing is managed genteelly and with     
economy4  ,he has intrusted all his     
,english affairs to a mighty honest     
friendly  man1 ,captain ,vincent1 who is
 cousin-german to the ,marchioness4 ,and
 as my  lord has now taken so strong a  
turn to solitude and repose1 as he      
formerly had to company and agitation1  
'tis to be hoped that his good  parts   
and excellent dispositions may at last1 
being accompanied with  more health and 
tranquillity1 render him a comfort to   

his friends1 if  not an ornament to his 
country4 ,as you live in the            
neighbourhood of the  ,marchioness1 it  
may give her a pleasure to hear these   
particulars4 ,i  am1#ahj3a c4           
,weldehall1 near ,st4 ,albans1    ,april
 #be1 #agde4      ,on the other hand1 we
 find ,captain ,vincent1 when he speaks 
of ,hume1  saying1 ,i think it very     
happy that he is with my lord1 and still
 more  so if he is constantly to remain 
with him1 which ,i do not foresee but   
that he may2 and ,i must do him the     
justice to say1 that after having had   
time enough to weigh the temper1        
situation1 and circumstances of the     
person he has to deal with1 he very     
candidly owned that it was what he      
could cheerfully abide with4 ,and again 
in ,august1 ,mr4 ,hume is almost  wholly
 taken up with our friend personally1 so
 that he can scarce have  the resource  
of amusement1 or even of business1 which
 is somewhat hard  upon a man of        
erudition and letters1 whom indeed ,i   

think very deserving  and good natured2 
and whilst he can be his companion1     
there could not be  a better made choice
 of4 ,the captain1 in other letters1    
speaks of ,hume  as a very worthy and   
knowing man1 and as ,my friend ,mr4     
,hume2 and  seems at one time to have   
wished that an annuity of #ajj a-year   
should  be settled upon him1 without    
reference to his continuance in his     
office1  and in addition to the salary  
he might receive while he did so4 ,but  
the  dawn was soon afterwards overcast4 
,hume1 in the first place1 disliked some
 of ,captain ,vincent's proposed        
arrangements1 as to the disposal of the 
person of the ,marquis1 and  seems to   
have soon suspected him of wishing to   
carry through designs  which would      
materially affect the interest of some  
of the ,marquis's  relations4 ,it is    
probable that a feeling of friendliness1
 or of duty1  may have prompted him to  
interfere4 ,it may be so1 and he may in 
reality  have done good2 but the        

impression produced by the              
correspondence is1  regret that ,hume   
did not at once retire in lofty scorn   
from the scene of  these paltry cabals4 
,captain ,vincent held a commission from
 the ,marquis to hire and dismiss       
servants1 and perform other like        
functions4 ,it was in virtue of this    
authority that he dealt with ,hume2 and 
he seems at first to have  thought1 that
 in the person of the philosopher he had
 met with a sort of  superior and       
valuable member of the fraternity of    
upper-servants4 ,though  ,hume had then 
written the works on which a large      
portion of his ,european  reputation was
 afterwards built1 this man seems to    
have regarded his  literary abilities as
 merely an enhancement of the qualities 
which  suited him for his servile       
office4 ,looking upon himself as a      
member of  the family1 he appears to    
have had much the same disposition to   
admit  that ,hume's literary distinction
 put them on a par with each other1 as  

he might have had to admit that the     
display of an unexpected degree of      
musical talent in the servants' hall    
would qualify one of its  frequenters to
 be hail-fellow well met with him in the
 dining-room4  ,whether ,hume was right 
or wrong in the suspicions he           
entertained of  ,vincent1 the conduct of
 ,vincent to ,hume was brutal1 and that 
on his own  showing4    ,one of ,hume's 
views1 as to the proper treatment of the
 ,marquis1 was1  that the isolation of  
,weldhall was unsuitable to his         
condition3 that he  should be in a a    
more cheerful residence1 and one in     
other respects  more suitable2 and the  
dispute appears to have been for some   
time  suspended on this peg4 ,on the    
#cast ,october1 ,hume writes3--    ,what
 is the mighty matter in dispute8 ,only 
about hiring a few carts to  remove the 
family to another house1 in order to    
quit this2 which1 for  very good        
reasons1 is infinitely disagreeable to  
your friend1 very  dangerous1 will be   

uninhabitable for cold during the winter
 season1 and  costs #cjj to #djj a-year1
 at least1 to the family1 more than is  
requisite4 ,and afterwards he says of   
,vincent3--,he said1 when he was  here1 
that we shall live in this house till   
the lease was out1 in spite  of all     
opposition4    ,in the letter from which
 the preceding passage is taken1 he says
 to ,sir  ,james ,johnstone1--      ,i  
must begin by complaining of you for    
having yoked me here with a man  of the 
,captain's character1 without giving me 
the least hint concerning  it1 if it was
 known to you1 as1 indeed1 it is no     
secret to the world4  ,you seemed       
satisfied with his conduct1 and even    
praised him to me2 which  ,i am fully   
persuaded was the effect of your        
caution1 not your  conviction4 ,however1
 ,i1 who was altogether a stranger1     
entered into the  family with so gross a
 prepossession4 ,i found a man who took 
an infinite  deal of pains for another1 
with the utmost professions both of     

disinterestedness and friendship to him 
and me2 and ,i readily concluded  that  
such a one must be either one of the    
best1 or one of the worst of  men4 ,i   
can easily excuse myself for having     
judged at first on the  favourable side2
 and must confess that1 when light first
 began to break  in upon me1 ,i resisted
 it as ,i would a temptation of the     
devil4 ,i  thought it1 however1 proper  
to keep my eyes open for farther        
observation2 till the strangest and most
 palpable facts1 which ,i shall  inform 
you of at meeting1 put the matter out of
 all doubt to me4    ,there is nothing  
he would be fonder of than to sow       
dissension betwixt  my ,lady and you1   
whom he hates and fears4 ,he flatters1  
and caresses1 and  praises1 and hates me
 also2 and would be glad to chase me    
away1 as doing  me the honour1 and1 ,i  
hope1 the justice of thinking me a      
person very  unfit for his purposes4 ,as
 he wants all manner of pretext from my 
conduct and behaviour1 he has broken his

 word4      ,that these statements are  
not those of a secret foe emitting      
calumnies  in the dark1 is made clear by
 the concluding terms of the letter1 in 
which the writer1 instead of asking his 
correspondent to keep its  contents     
secret--a very common clause when       
people1 thrown much in each  other's    
way1 write about each other's conduct to
 third parties--says1 ,i  wish you would
 bring this letter south with you1 that1
 if you will allow  it1 ,i may show it  
to him1--that is1 to ,vincent4    ,the  
excitement communicated to ,hume's      
nerves on this occasion1 is shown  by   
the following short letter to ,sir      
,james1 so much at variance with the    
usual character of his writings3--      
,god forgive you1 dear ,sir1 ,god       
forgive you1 for neither coming to us1  
nor writing to us4 ,the unaccountable1  
and1 ,i may say1 the inhuman  treatment 
we meet with here1 throws your friend   
into rage and fury1 and  me into the    
greatest melancholy4 ,my only comfort is

 when ,i think of your  arrival2 but    
still ,i know not when ,i can propose to
 myself that  satisfaction4 ,i flatter  
myself you have received two short      
letters ,i  wrote within this month2    
though the uncertainty of the post gives
 me  apprehension4 ,i must again entreat
 you to favour me with a short line1  to
 let me know the time you can propose to
 be with us2 for1 if it be  near1 ,i    
shall wait with patience and with       
pleasure2 if distant1 ,i shall  write   
you at length1 that you and my ,lady    
,marchioness may judge of our           
circumstances and situation4--,i am1    
,dear ,sir1 yours1 with great           
sincerity1 ,d4 ,h4      ,unfortunately1 
the precise objects which the parties   
respectively  desired to accomplish     
cannot be distinctly ascertained1 as the
 letters  generally refer to            
explanations which it will be necessary 
for the  parties to make when they meet1
 because the troubled character of the  
times made private letters liable to be 

opened and inspected4 ,hume at  the same
 time1 being in the midst of a          
considerable retinue of servants  under 
the control and management of his enemy1
 was in dread that spies  were set on   
his motions4 ,thus he says to ,sir      
,james ,johnstone1--    ,i did write you
 the very first occasion after ,i came  
out thither4 ,but ,i  find my letters   
have great difficulty to reach you2 for 
which reason ,i  shall put this into the
 post-house myself1 to prevent such     
practices as  ,i suspect are used in    
this family4 ,i have some reason also to
 think that  spies are placed upon my   
most indifferent actions4 ,i told you   
that ,i had  had more conversation with 
one of the servants than was natural1   
and for  what reason4 ,perhaps this     
fellow had the same privilege granted   
him as  other spies1 to rail against his
 employer1 in order to draw in an       
unguarded man to be still more          
unguarded4 ,but such practices1 if real1
  7for ,i am not altogether certain17   

can only turn to the confusion of  those
 who use them4 ,where there is no       
arbitrary power1 innocence must  be     
safe2 and if there be arbitrary power in
 this family1 'tis long since  ,i knew  
,i could not remain in it4 ,what a scene
 is this for a man  nourished in        
philosophy and polite letters to enter  
into1 all of a  sudden1 and unprepared6 
,but ,i can laugh1 whatever happens2 and
 the  newness of such practices rather  
diverts me4 ,at first they caused       
indignation and hatred2 and even 7though
 ,i am ashamed to confess it7           
melancholy and sorrow4    ,what a scene 
indeed6    ,the chief incidental light  
that can be thrown on the nature of the 
suspicions which ,hume entertained of   
,vincent1 is derived from the  position 
of the person to whom the greater part  
of these letters were  addressed--,sir  
,james ,johnstone1 who has already been 
alluded to as a  connexion of the       
,annandale family4 ,his brother1        
,colonel ,john ,johnstone1  had married 

the ,marchioness-dowager1 the mother of 
the ,marquis1 and by  her had three     
children4 ,she was an heiress2 and      
though the ,scottish  estates1 following
 an entail1 were destined to pass to    
another family1  her own property would 
be inherited by the children of her     
second  marriage1 on the death of the   
,marquis4 ,the accumulated rents of his 
estates1 being movable property1 would  
also be the subject of  succession1     
different from that of the entail2 and  
therefore the  management of this       
property1 during his imbecility1 was a  
matter of much  moment to some of his   
connexions4 ,the public had ample       
opportunity of  knowing the extent of   
these accumulated funds4 ,they rose to  
the sum of  #dae1jjj1 and were the      
subject of long litigation both in      
,england and  ,scotland4 ,the ,annandale
 cases had a material effect in settling
 in  ,britain the important principle   
which had been previously adopted over  
the greater part of ,europe1 that the   

movable or personal estate of a         
deceased person must be distributed     
according to the law of the country     
where he had his domicile or permanent  
residence at the time of his  death4    
,it is pretty evident that ,vincent had 
certain family projects in view in      
connexion with the management of the    
estate1 and that ,hume wished to  defeat
 them4 ,before the outbreak of the      
quarrel1 the latter had written  to ,sir
 ,james3    ,i shall endeavour to give  
you my opinion1 which ,i am certain     
would be  yours1 were you to pass a day 
amongst us4 ,i am sorry1 therefore1 to  
inform you1 that nothing now remains but
 to take care of your friend's  person1 
in the most decent and convenient       
manner2 and1 with regard to  his        
fortune1 to be attentive that the great 
superplus1 which will remain  after     
providing for these purposes1 should be 
employed by my ,lady and  your nephews1 
as the true proprietors1 for their      
honour and advantage4    ,having written

 a civil letter to ,vincent1 stating    
that he desired the  intervention of    
,sir ,james ,johnstone1 and that he     
believed1 in the mean  time1 that the   
,marquis was satisfied with the         
engagement1 and did not  wish him to be 
dismissed1 he thus hints to ,sir ,james 
his suspicions of  ,vincent's views4    
,i must own it was with excessive       
reluctance ,i wrote so softening and    
obliging a letter to this man2 but as ,i
 knew that such a method of  proceeding 
was conformable to your intentions1 ,i  
thought it my duty to  comply4 ,however1
 ,i easily saw it would all be vain1 and
 would only  fortify him in his         
arrogance4 ,do you think that the       
absolute possession  of so ample a      
fortune1 to which this is the first     
requisite step1 is a  prize to be       
resigned for a few fair words or        
flattering professions8 ,he  deals too  
much in that bait himself ever to be    
caught with it by others4    ,i think   
this is the last opportunity that will  

ever offer of retrieving  the family and
 yourself 7as far as you are concerned  
with the family17  from falling into    
absolute slavery to so odious a master4 
,if1 in the  beginning1 and while he is 
watched by jealous eyes1 he can attempt 
such  things1 what will he not do when  
he has fixed his authority1 and has no  
longer any inspector over him8    ',tis 
lucky1 therefore1 that this1 as it seems
 the last1 is so good an  opportunity4  
,nothing was ever so barefaced as his   
conduct4 ,to quarrel  with me1 merely   
because ,i civilly supported a most     
reasonable project2  to threaten me with
 his vengeance1 if ,i opened my lips to 
you concerning  your friend's affairs2  
to execute that threat1 without a       
pretext1 or  without consulting you2    
these steps give us such advantages over
 him as  must not be neglected4    ,i   
hope you will not take it amiss1 if ,i  
say1 that your conduct1 with  regard to 
your friend1 and to those who have at   
different times been  about him1 has all

 along been too gentle and cautious4 ,i 
had  considerably shaken the authority  
of this man 7though ,i had no authority 
myself17 merely by my firmness and      
resolution4 ,he now assumes more1 when  
he observes your precautions4    ,but1  
as ,i do not believe that1 though your  
firmness may daunt him1 it  will ever   
engage him to loose hold of so fine a   
prize1 it will be  requisite to think of
 more effectual remedies4 ,happily there
 is time  enough both to contrive and to
 execute4 ,for1 though he makes me the  
offer of present payment1 7which ,i hope
 you observed17 in order to  engage me  
to leave you presently1 he shall not get
 rid of me so easily4    ,hume appears1 
with a marvellous degree of             
self-restraint--marvellous in  a man of 
independent spirit--to have felt that it
 was his duty not to be  driven from his
 post by the insults of ,vincent4 ,he   
says to ,sir ,james  ,johnstone1 when   
apparently wearied out1 ,i fancy he must
 prevail at  last2 and ,i shall take    

care not to be a bone of contention     
betwixt you1  unless you think ,i am the
 most advantageous piece of ground on   
which you  can resist him4 ,his opinion1
 that the interests of the other        
relations  were concerned in his        
resisting ,vincent's designs1 is        
confirmed by the  following letter1 also
 addressed to ,sir ,james ,johnstone3-- 
,he ,vincent desired you should         
intermeddle as little as possible in    
these affairs2 adding1 that he intended1
 by keeping my ,lord's person and  his  
,english affairs in his own hands1 to   
free my ,lady from all slavery  to you4 
,ever since1 no entreaties1 no          
threatenings have been spared to make me
  keep silence to you2 to which my      
constant answer was1 that ,i thought not
  that consistent with my duty4 ,i told 
him freely1 that ,i would lay all  the  
foregoing reasons before you1 when you  
came to ,london1 and hoped you  would   
prevail with him to alter his opinion4  
,if not1 we should all  write1 if you   

thought proper1 to my ,lady             
,marchioness1 in order to have  her     
determination4 ,the endeavouring1 then1 
to make me keep silence to  you1 was    
also to keep my ,lady in the dark about 
such material points1  since ,i could   
not have access to let her know the     
situation of our  affairs1 by any other 
means4    ,he offered to let me leave   
your friend in the beginning of winter1 
if ,i  pleased1 provided ,i would make  
no opposition to his plan1--that is1    
would not inform you2 for ,i was not    
capable of making any other  opposition4
 ,he added1 he would allow me my salary 
for the whole year1  and that he would  
himself supply my place1 leave his house
 in ,london1  and live with your friend4
 ,can all this pains be taken1 merely   
for the  difference betwixt one house   
and another8    ,an evening or two      
before his departure from ,weldehall1 he
 offered me  the continuance of the same
 friendship1 which had always subsisted 
betwixt us1 if ,i would promise not to  

open my lips to you about this  matter4 
,the morning of his departure1 he burst 
out all of a sudden1 when the  subject  
was not talked of1 into threatenings1   
and told me1 that1 if ,i  ever entered  
upon this subject with you1 ,i should   
repent it4 ,he went out  of the house   
presently1 and these were almost his    
last words4    ,the circumstance of     
these threatenings is amply confirmed by
 a letter  of ,vincent himself1         
addressed to the ,marchioness2 an       
admirable specimen  of the outpouring of
 a vulgar and insolent mind3--      ,i  
will venture to say ,i have the knack of
 parrying and managing him1  but that   
,mr4 ,hume1 who is so extraordinarily   
well paid1 only for his  company1 and   
lodged and lives1 that1 if it was at his
 own expense1 he  could not do it for   
#bjj a-year1 should be gloomy and       
inconsolable for  want of society1 and  
show1 for this good while past1 little  
or no sign  of content or gratitude to  
me for all ,i have done1 and the best   

intentions to serve him1 and principally
 promoted his being in this  station1   
and repeatedly offered to come out      
frequently during the winter  and stay  
two or three days at a time1 whilst he  
should be in town4 ,i  shall do so1 but 
nowise in consideration to him1 but out 
of tenderness  and regard to our friend4
 ,mr4 ,hume is a scholar1 and ,i believe
 an honest  man2 but one of his best    
friends at ,edinburgh at first wrote me1
 he had  conversed more with books than 
the world1 or any of the elegant part of
  it1 chiefly owing to the narrowness of
 his fortune4 ,he does not in this  case
 seem to know his own interest1 though  
,i have long perceived it is  what he   
mostly has a peculiar eye to4 ,hereafter
 ,i shall consider him no  more than if 
,i had never known him4 ,our friend in  
reality does not  desire he should stay 
with him4 ,i don't see his policy in    
offering to  oppose my pleasure1 and    
think it very wrong in him to mention   
his  appealing to ,sir ,james           

,johnstone4 ,i dare say your ladyship   
thinks as ,i  do1 that it is unbecoming 
for me to be in a subservient state1 in 
such a  case1 to any body4 ,i am very   
zealously disposed to be accountable to 
you2 both regard1 civility1 justice1    
long friendship and acquaintance1  as   
well as near relationship1 are all the  
motives in the world for it2  and ,i    
hoped my being concerned would produce  
all possible good effects  in your      
having constant1 true1 and satisfactory 
accounts1 as well as  that1 in due time1
 those advantages in your own affairs   
might be  accruing1 which you are so    
justly entitled to1 and which ,i have   
before  declared to be one of the main  
ends to be accomplished1 and which ,i   
believe you think ,i could effect better
 than another4 ,it is not one of  the   
most pleasing circumstances that1 in the
 situation of our friend1 it  is an     
inlet to strangers1 taken in by         
accident1 to be too much  acquainted    
with private family affairs4 ,i         

certainly desire that ,sir  ,james and  
,i should be in good correspondence1 and
 ,i believe he is  satisfied of that2   
but this man1 taking it into his head to
 thwart my  methods1 and all to gratify 
his own desire of being near town in the
  winter forsooth1 after the offer ,i   
have made of giving him relief          
sometimes1 and as nothing will satisfy  
some dispositions1 ,i shall1 at  the end
 of the year1 close all accounts1 in    
which there will be done  what was never
 done before1 a complete state of the   
receipt and the  expense1 and then very 
willingly desire to be excused from     
having any  farther concern4 ,most      
certainly ,i would do every thing in my 
power to  serve and oblige you2 but if  
you desire the continuance of my care1  
please to write to ,sir ,james to       
signify occasionally to ,mr4 ,hume that 
the management is left to me1 and not to
 a stranger1 who1 if he is not          
satisfied1 is at his liberty to remove  
from such attendance4      ,this        

illustration of character would be      
incomplete without a passage in  a      
subsequent letter1 in which1 after ,hume
 had ceased to attend on the  ,marquis1 
,vincent characterizes the sort of      
person who would be a  desirable        
successor4    ,if any proper person is  
about him again whilst ,i am concerned1 
terms  for their behaviour must be      
specified1 and as they wax fat and are  
encouraged1 they must be discreet enough
 and reasonable in their nature1  so as 
not to kick4 ,such deportment would     
engage any good offices of  mine1 in    
favour of a worthy man1 fit for the     
purpose1 which1 ,i confess1  is very    
hard to find1 and possibly my ,lord will
 not care to have any  body put upon him
 by way of terms of continuance4        
,that the iron of this bondage entered  
into his soul1 is apparent in many      
passages of ,hume's letters4 ,he        
regretted that he had left independence 
in a humble home1 for dependence in a   
lordly mansion3 he regretted that  he   

had been led to meddle with intrigues1  
in which a vulgar selfish man1  who knew
 the world1 was far more than a match   
for a profound  philosopher4 ,how wise  
it had been for him had he never        
deserted the  humble prospects of an    
independent life1 the following         
complaints1  addressed to ,lord         
,elibank1 testify3--      ,meanwhile1 ,i
 own to you1 that my heart rebels       
against this unworthy  treatment2 and   
nothing but the prospect of depending   
entirely on you1  and being independent 
of him1 could make me submit to it4 ,i  
have fifty  resolutions about it4 ,my   
loss1 in ever hearkening to his         
treacherous  professions1 has been very 
great2 but1 as it is now irreparable1 ,i
 must  make the best of a bad bargain4  
,i am proud to say that1 as ,i am no    
plotter myself1 ,i never suspect others 
to be such1 till it be too late2  and1  
having always lived independent1 and in 
such a manner as that it  never was any 
one's interest to profess false         

friendship to me1 ,i am not             
sufficiently on my guard in this        
particular4 4 4 4 4 ,my way of living is
  more melancholy than ever was         
submitted to by any human creature1 who 
ever had any hopes or pretensions to any
 thing better2 and if to  confinement1  
solitude1 and bad company1 be also added
 these marks of  disregard1 4 4 4 4 ,i  
shall say nothing1 but only that books1 
study1  leisure1 frugality1 and         
independence1 are a great deal better4  
,the filling up of the cup of his       
slights and injuries1 and the           
termination of his servitude1 is thus   
described by ,hume2 and one reads  it   
with a feeling of relief1 as an event   
long protracted1 and for the  occurrence
 of which the reader of the narrative is
 impatient4 ,he says1  writing to ,sir  
,james ,johnstone1 on #agth ,april1     
#agdf1--    ,you'll be surprised1       
perhaps1 that ,i date my letters no     
longer from  ,weldehall2 this happened  
from an accident1 if our inconstancies  

and  uncertainties can be called such4  
,you may remember in what humour you saw
 your friend a day or two before  you   
left us4 ,he became gay and             
good-humoured afterwards1 but more      
moderately than usual4 ,after that1 he  
returned to his former  disposition4    
,these revolutions1 we have observed1   
are like the hot and  cold fits of an   
ague3 and1 like them too1 in proportion 
as the one is  gentle1 the other is     
violent4 ,but the misfortune is1 that   
this prejudice  continued even after he 
seemed1 in other respects1 entirely     
recovered4  ,so that1 having tried all  
ways to bring him to good humour1 by    
talking  with him1 absenting myself for 
some days1 c41 ,i have at last been     
obliged yesterday to leave him4 ,he is  
determined1 he says1 to live  altogether
 alone2 and ,i fancy1 indeed1 it must   
come to that4 ,as far as ,i  can judge1 
this caprice came from nobody1 and no   
cause1 except physical  ones4 ,the      
wonder only is1 that it was so long     

a-coming4    ,there is a stroke of      
generosity in his thus attributing the  
impulse to  physical causes1 and not    
only abstaining from an accusation of   
his  enemy1 but expressly exempting him 
from all blame4 ,the readers of the     
correspondence have not probably all    
seconded the charitable exemption2  and 
the exulting tones in which ,vincent    
speaks of the dismissal1 foster  the    
suspicion that he had paved the way for 
it4 ,he says1 on the #aith  ,april1--   
,this day was a fortnight1 my ,lord told
 ,mr4 ,hume to be gone1 and that in     
terms which ,i shall not repeat2 the    
,monday following1 the same  directions 
were renewed in a very peremptory       
manner1 attended with such  expressions 
of resentment1 that ,i advised ,hume to 
go away the next day1  which he did1 the
 #hth2 and on the #aeth ,i went out     
thither1 and had told  my ,lord before1 
that1 if he could be reconciled to have 
him return1 ,i  was very willing to     
contribute towards it1 which proposal   

was not in  the least agreed to4 4 4 4 4
 ,hume has not for many months stomached
  depending in any respect upon my      
decision1 who was originally the cause  
of his being received at all1 and had   
very great difficulty1 long since  and  
at different times1 to get my ,lord to  
bear him4 ,he has mistaken the  point2  
for there is nothing irritates his      
,lordship so much1 as the  thought of   
any one showing some tokens of          
authority1 and looking on what  he says 
as caprice1 and of no consequence2 and  
,i really believe it is  some such      
notion as this1 which has produced so   
thorough an aversion4      ,there are   
two different views that may be taken of
 ,hume's motives for  not having at once
 resigned his appointment1 at the very  
commencement of  the train of           
indignities to which he was subjected4  
,whoever anticipates  that a man who had
 tutored his mind by the rules of       
philosophy1 and who  lived an upright   
and independent life1 may be actuated by

 some better  views than those of mere  
pecuniary aggrandizement1 will give him 
credit  for having believed it to be his
 duty to watch over certain interests of
  the ,annandale family at the sacrifice
 of his own feelings4 ,those who1       
strongly disapproving of his opinions as
 a philosopher1 believe them to  be     
therefore the dictate of a corrupted    
mind1 will probably search for  base and
 selfish motives2 and will have little  
difficulty in identifying  them with a  
pure love of gain1 sufficiently strong  
to absorb all  gentlemanly feeling and  
all spirit of independence4 ,the        
favourable and  charitable view admits  
of no direct demonstration on which an  
opponent  could not be able to throw    
doubt2 and1 the circumstances being     
stated1  each reader is left to form his
 own opinion4    ,there is one thing    
that ,hume never attempts to            
conceal--his feeling that  the situation
 was in a pecuniary point of view       
advantageous to him1 and  his consequent

 desire to preserve it for his own sake1
 so long as he  could do so with honour4
 ,that it should be so is one of those  
inconsistencies often exhibited in fine 
geniuses1 which ordinary men of  the    
world find it difficult to appreciate4  
,it frequently proceeds from  this      
circumstance1 that1 not being acquainted
 with the ordinary beaten  tracks       
towards wealth and independence1 which  
other men so easily find2  yet desiring 
the latter1 although perhaps they care  
not for the former  endowment1 they lay 
hold with avidity on any guide that is  
likely to  lead them1 by however devious
 and unpleasant a path1 to the desired  
object4 ,men whose minds are much       
occupied with abstract subjects1 if     
they be poor and desire to be free of   
unpleasant obligations1 are thus  apt to
 grasp at trifling rights with a        
pertinacity which has the air of        
selfishness4 ,they feel a timidness of  
their own ability to make way in a      
bustling active world2 and1 conscious   

that it would be vain to compete  with  
hard-headed acute men of business in the
 enlargement of their  fortune1 treat   
with an undue importance any            
comparatively trifling  claims and      
advantages2 while the sagacious world1  
which sees before it  so many more      
advantageous paths to the objects of    
men's secondary  ambition1 ridicules    
their much ado about nothing4 ,it was   
,hume's first  and chief desire to be   
independent4 ,that if he had enjoyed a  
choice of  means1 to be the hired       
companion of the ,marquis of ,annandale 
would have  been among the last on which
 he would have fixed1 will easily be    
believed4 ,but this occupation was the  
only method of gaining a  livelihood    
that offered itself at the time2 it was 
an honest one1 and  the disagreeable    
circumstances attending the means were  
overlooked in  the desirableness of the 
end4    ,it is necessary1 also1 along   
with the account of ,hume's efforts to  
gain  a humble livelihood1 to keep in   

mind the state of society in ,scotland  
at  that time4 ,the union with ,england 
had introduced new habits of living1    
which made the means of the smaller     
aristocracy insufficient for the        
support of their younger children4 ,on  
the other hand1 ,england was  jealous of
 ,scottish rivalry in foreign trade3    
neither agriculture nor  manufactures   
had made any considerable progress in   
,scotland2 while  ,indian enterprise was
 in its infancy1 and ,scottish          
adventurers in the  ,east had not yet   
found a ,pactolus in the ,ganges4 ,at   
that period the  gentleman-merchant1    
manufacturer1 or money dealer2 the civil
 engineer1  architect1 editor1 or       
artist1 were nearly unknown in          
,scotland4 ,the only  form in which a   
man poor and well born could retain the 
rank of a  gentleman1 if he did not     
follow one of the learned professions1  
was by  obtaining a commission in the   
army1 or a government civil             
appointment4#aif3a    ,here ended the   

channels to subsistence along with      
gentility1 and he who  had none of these
 paths open to him1 and had resolved to 
make an  independent livelihood by his  
own talents or labour1 had at once1 as  
the  ,german nobles frequently do in the
 present day1 to abandon his rank1 and  
become a shopkeeper or small farmer1    
probably with the intention of          
returning to the bosom of his former    
social circle when he had realized  an  
independence1 but more commonly ending  
his days with the  consciousness that he
 was1 in the words of ,henry ,hunt1 the 
first of a  race of gentlemen who had   
become a tradesman4 ,any lawyer who pays
  attention to the statistics of the    
,scottish decisions in mercantile       
cases1 during the earlier part of the   
eighteenth century1 will have  noticed  
how frequently it occurs that the       
younger sons of some good  family are   
mentioned as fulfilling the humblest    
duties of village  tradesmen4#aig3a ,the
 practice is now comparatively unknown4 

,the well  educated gentleman's son1 if 
he be brought up to commerce1 connects  
himself with those more liberal         
departments of it1 in which he may reap 
the advantage of his education and      
training4 ,to the practice which        
distinguished the period of depression  
above alluded to1 aided perhaps  by the 
spirit of clanship1 we may owe the      
existence of so many  aristocratic names
 among the humbler tradesmen in         
,scotland4 ,in ,england  the            
nomenclature of a city directory will as
 surely indicate the court  and the     
tradesmen end of the town1 as the       
,norman name used to indicate  nobility 
and the ,saxon vassalage4 ,we do not    
find ,edward ,plantagenet  keeping an   
oyster shop1 or ,henry ,seymour cobbling
 shoes2 but it would  not be difficult  
to exemplify these humble occupations1  
in the regal  names of a ,robert ,bruce 
or a ,james ,stuart4 ,in his essay on   
,the ,parties  of ,great ,britain1      
published in #agda1 ,hume alludes to the

 absence of a  middle class in          
,scotland1 where he says there are only 
two ranks of  men1 gentlemen who have   
some fortune and education1 and the     
meanest  starving poor3 without any     
considerable number of the middling rank
 of  men1 which abounds more in         
,england1 both in cities and in the     
country1  than in any other quarter of  
the world4#aih3a    ,the history of the 
miserable quarrels and intrigues        
connected with  ,hume's residence in the
 ,annandale family1 is a sad picture1   
not only of  the position of the        
individual1 but of his class1--the poor 
scholars1  the servile drudges for      
bread4 ,the modern literary labourer--or
 hack1 as  he is called by those who    
deem the word labourer too respectable  
to be  employed on such an occasion--may
 look from the narrow bounds of his own 
independent home1 with a feeling of     
sincere though not boastful  superiority
 on ,david ,hume1 living in the splendid
 bondage of a peer's  mansion4 ,but in  

drawing the comparison on which the     
reflection rests1  let him keep in view 
the state of literature and of society  
at that  period1 and ask where lay the  
hopes of the literary labourer8 ,if he  
remained in the less conspicuous walks  
of learned industry1 and became a       
divine or a teacher1 there was before   
him the career of ,parson ,adams1       
taking his pot and pipe with the upper  
servants2 or that of the  threadbare    
tutor1 subjected to the caprice and     
insolence of young men1  who1 if they do
 not happen to be endowed with a high   
tone of sentiment1  must imbibe from all
 around them this feeling1 that they are
 as far  beyond the parallel of rank of 
their instructor1 as the ,brahmin is    
beyond that of the ,pariah2 or1 thirdly1
 he might be the hired victim of  a     
semi-maniac1 whose few rays of remaining
 reason are but sufficient to  indicate 
his own immeasurable superiority to the 
bought attendant of his  humours4 ,these
 were the resources of the man who      

distrusted the power of  his own genius 
to soar into the higher flights of      
original literature2  the man1 who might
 perhaps be too conscientious1 not to   
say also too  timid1 to throw the chance
 of his being able to meet his          
obligations to  society and to perform  
his social duties1 on the chance of his 
succeeding in the race for literary     
distinction4    ,but suppose the race   
run and gained1 and the laurels on the  
victor's  brow1--for what1 then1 has all
 been risked1 all encountered8 ,true1   
,hume  himself became one of the        
distinguished few who gained both fame  
and  fortune2 but in the ordinary case1 
if the former were achieved1 the  latter
 did not follow2 and in seeking the     
types of literary distinction  in his   
age1 ,fielding1 ,goldsmith1 and ,johnson
 are the names that rise  before us4    
,was the garden in which these flowers  
bloomed so genial that  we would have   
others transplanted thither8    ,let    
not1 then1 the considerate and          

charitable reader overlook all these    
palliations of the motives which may    
have induced a great man to humble      
himself and bear so much contumely4 ,let
 us suppose that he who reads  this     
narrative is an editor of a newspaper1  
with a salary of say two or  three      
hundred a-year2 or that he writes       
articles for the periodicals1  and      
neither in name nor in reality bound to 
any one1 gets the fair price  of his    
independent labour2 or that he is a     
teacher in an active  commercial        
academy1 who1 after the harassing       
labours of the day1 can  retire to the  
bosom of his own family1 without fearing
 the frown or  desiring the smile of any
 great man1--let him1 if such should be 
his  lot1 indulge1 in all its luxury1   
the consciousness of his superior       
independence and happier fate2 but in   
looking from its elevation to  ,david   
,hume1 a bondman in the house of an     
insane lord1 let compassion  rather than
 contempt tinge his estimate of the     

illustrious victim's  motives1 and let  
him thank the better times1 that with   
all the drudgery  of his lot1 its       
disappointed aspirations1 and the       
bitterness of  unavailing efforts to    
raise it to a higher and more           
justly-respected  position in the eye of
 the world1 have yet enabled him to     
quaff the  sweet cup of independence4   
,before entirely leaving the subject of 
,hume's connexion with the ,marquis  of 
,annandale1 it is necessary to take a   
view of his conduct regarding a         
pecuniary dispute which arose out of the
 transaction4 ,the terms of the         
agreement were very distinctly set forth
 by ,captain ,vincent in the  following 
letter3--    ,,sir1--,you desire to have
 a letter from me1 expressing all the   
conditions of the agreement concluded   
betwixt us1 with regard to your  living 
with the ,marquis of ,annandale4 ,in    
compliance with so reasonable a         
request1 ,i hereby acknowledge that1 by 
virtue of powers committed to me  by the

 said ,marquis1 and with the approbation
 and consent of his  ,lordship and ,sir 
,james ,johnstone1 ,i engaged that my   
,lord should pay you  three hundred     
pounds sterling a-year1 so long as you  
continued to live  with him1 beginning  
from the first of ,april1 one thousand  
seven hundred  and forty-five3 also that
 the said ,marquis1 or his heirs1 should
 be  engaged to pay you1 or your heirs1 
the sum of three hundred pounds1 as  one
 year's salary1 even though the ,marquis
 should happen to die any time  in the  
first year of your attendance1 or should
 embrace any new scheme  or plan of     
life1 which should make him choose that 
you should not  continue to live out the
 first year with him4 ,another condition
 was1  that1 if you should1 on your     
part1 choose to leave the ,marquis any  
time  in the first or subsequent years1 
you should be free to do it2 and that   
the ,marquis should be bound to pay you 
your salary for the time you had        
attended him1 and also the salary for   

that quarter in which you should  leave 
him1 in the same manner as if that      
quarter should be fully  expired4       
,these were the conditions of our       
agreement about the end of ,february    
last1 on your first coming up to ,london
 for the purposes here mentioned1  and  
which ,i have committed to writing for  
your satisfaction and  security1 this   
first day of ,september1 at ,weldehall1 
four miles south of  ,st4 ,alban's1 in  
the county of ,hertford1 and in the year
 one thousand  seven hundred and        
forty-five4    ,vincent1 in             
continuation1 and for ,hume's           
information1 gives him a copy  of the   
agreement1 under which one of his       
predecessors in office1 by name  ,peter 
,young1 had been engaged2 an agreement1 
containing terms rather  more favourable
 to the stipendiary than those of which 
,hume had  consented to accept4 ,and he 
concludes1--    ,you see the latter part
 of ,mr4 ,young's agreement are more    
advantageous  terms than the latter part

 of yours2 but ,i have done as much as  
,i  thought reasonable and proper for   
me1 and as much as you desired4 ,i make 
no doubt but1 in any contingency1 all   
the ,marquis's friends and  relations1  
would be far from reducing your         
conditions less than that of  others in 
the same case1 as1 in my opinion1 and ,i
 dare believe in  theirs1 your character
 and conduct would rather entitle you to
 a  preference4    ,hume had in the mean
 time received a present of #ajj from   
the ,marquis of  ,annandale1 no         
reference to which is made in the       
agreement1 and which he  considered as a
 gratuity to induce him to leave        
,scotland1 and enter on  those          
negotiations with ,lord ,annandale and  
his friends1 which ended in  his being  
engaged1 but might have ended otherwise2
 as an indemnity1 in  short1 for the    
time wasted and the trouble taken in the
 preliminary  arrangements4 ,indeed1 it 
will have been noticed in his letter to 
,mr4  ,sharp1 quoted above1#bjb3a that  

this gratuity was sent by the ,marquis  
along with the invitation to ,hume to   
repair to ,london and hold a  conference
 on the subject4 ,hume1 then1 was       
engaged at #cjj a-year1 with  the       
condition that for any broken quarter a 
full quarter's salary should  be paid4  
,his engagement commenced on #ast       
,april1 #agde4 ,it terminated on  the   
#aeth ,april1 #agdf4 ,he thus considered
 himself entitled to #cjj as a  year's  
salary1 and to #ge as the salary of the 
quarter1 of which fifteen  days had run4
 ,in the mean time1 however1 just after 
the expiry of the  first year1 it had   
occurred to the magnanimous ,vincent1   
that though  better terms than those    
given to ,hume1 had been obtained by the
 ,peter  ,youngs and others1 ,hume's    
salary was twice as much as it should   
be1 and  ought to be reduced by a half4 
,hume1 as if he had been subdued in     
spirit1 by the life he had been         
leading--feeling as if his lot were     
cast1 and his fate fixed--oblivious of  

the glorious dreams of ambition  that   
had dawned on him ten years earlier in  
life and were yet to be  realized1 seems
 to have calmly contemplated this       
pecuniary reduction1  and to have been  
inclined to agree to it if it should    
form the prelude  to a permanent        
engagement4 ,he thus wrote to the mother
 of the ,marquis4    ,i had the honour  
of a letter from my ,lord ,marquis last 
spring1 inviting  me to ,london1 which  
,i accordingly obeyed4 ,he made me      
proposals of living  with him2 and ,mr4 
,vincent1 in concert with ,sir ,james   
,johnstone1  mentioned at first the     
yearly salary of #cjj as an allowance   
which they  thought reasonable2 because 
my ,lord had always paid so much to all 
the  other gentlemen that attended him1 
even when his way of living1 in other   
particulars1 was much more expensive    
than at present4 ,since that1 ,mr4      
,vincent thinks this allowance too much1
 and proposes to reduce it from  #cjj to
 #aej4 ,my answer was1 that whatever    

your ,ladyship and my ,lord  should     
think my attendance merited1 that ,i    
would very willingly accept  of4 ,as he 
still insisted on the reasonableness of 
his opinion1 ,i have  used the freedom  
to apply to your ,ladyship1 to whose    
sentiments every  one1 that has the     
honour of being connected with the      
family of  ,annandale1 owe so entire a  
deference4 ,i shall not insist on any   
circumstances in my own favour4 ,your   
,ladyship's penetration will easily  be 
able to discover those1 as well as what 
may be urged in favour of ,mr4          
,vincent's opinion4 ,and your           
determination shall be entirely         
submitted to  by me4    ,at the same    
time he appears to have submitted his   
grievances to the  consideration of his 
kind friend ,henry ,home1 who1 in a     
letter to ,sir  ,james ,johnstone1      
expresses views which will probably meet
 with more  sympathy than those         
announced by ,hume himself4      ,kames1
 #adth ,april1 #agdf4    ,,sir1--,i have

 a letter from ,mr4 ,david ,hume lately1
 which surprised me  not a little1 as if
 there were a plot formed against him to
 diminish his  salary4 ,for my part1 ,i 
was never hearty in his present         
situation2 as ,i  did not consider the  
terms offered as any sufficient         
temptation for him  to relinquish his   
studies1 which1 in all probability1     
would redound more  to his advantage    
some time or other4 ,for this reason1   
though ,i had a  good deal of           
indignation at the dishonourable        
behaviour of the author of  this motion1
 yet underhand ,i was not displeased    
with any occasion1 not  blameable on my 
friend's part1 to disengage him4 ,i     
thought instantly of  writing him a     
letter not to stay upon any terms after 
such an affront2  but1 reflecting upon  
your interest in this matter1 ,i found  
such an  advice would be inconsistent   
with the duty ,i owe you1 and therefore 
stopped short till ,i should hear from  
you4 ,i'm well apprized of the  great   

tenderness you have for your poor chief2
 and it is certainly of  some           
consequence that he should have about   
him at least one person of  integrity2  
and it should have given me pain to be  
the author of an  advice that might     
affect you1 though but indirectly4 ,at  
the same time1 ,i  cannot think of      
sacrificing my friend1 even upon your   
account1 to make  him submit to         
dishonourable terms2 and1 therefore1 if 
you esteem his  attendance of any use to
 the ,marquis1 ,i beg you'll interpose  
that no  more attempts of this kind be  
made4 ,for ,i must be so free to declare
  that1 should he himself yield to      
accept of lower terms1 which ,i trust he
  will not be so mean-spirited to do1 he
 shall never have my consent1 and  ,i   
know he will not act without it4        
,the ,marchioness declined to interfere1
 and thus the award by which ,hume      
agreed to abide was not made4 ,he had   
thus began the first quarter of a  new  
year under the old agreement1 and he had

 not consented either to  abandon the   
terms of that agreement for the time    
that was running1 or  even to make new  
terms applicable to any subsequent      
period1 though he  had shown a          
disposition to accept1 under certain    
circumstances1 of these  new terms4 ,his
 abrupt dismissal1 however1 put an end  
to the negotiation2  and1 as the terms  
of his agreement entitled him to the #ge
 if he had  chosen to throw up his      
appointment1 he thought he was not the  
less  entitled to the money that he had 
been dismissed1 and that the            
ignominious and insulting treatment     
connected with his dismissal should  not
 be any inducement to him to abandon his
 claim4 ,he could not lose  sight1      
moreover1 of the circumstance1 that to  
place the parties more at  their ease in
 dealing with him1 he had abandoned his 
claims on the  professorship in         
,edinburgh4 ,it is true that he had     
small chance of  obtaining it1 but that 
chance1 such as it was1 he was desired  

by the  friends of the ,marquis to      
abandon1 and he did so4 ,the question   
with him  then was1 how much injury he  
should allow to be added to the insults 
he  had received4 ,the #cjj1 for his    
year's services1 were paid4 ,the payment
  of the #ge1 for the subsequent        
quarter1 was resisted4    ,on the #ith  
,june1 #agdf1 ,henry ,home wrote a      
sensible and kind letter on  the subject
 to ,sir ,james ,johnstone1 in which he 
laid down the law of the  case1 that    
,hume's claim of salary for the broken  
quarter must be on the  old agreement1  
and could not be upon the footing of a  
proposal or  offer1 which never came the
 length of a covenant1 and which1       
therefore1  never had any effect2 and he
 says1--,the question then is1 whether  
he  is entitled to #ge1 for the broken  
quarter1 or only to #cg1 #ajs4 ,the     
thing is a mere trifle to the ,marquis  
of ,annandale1 but of some  importance  
to a young gentleman who has not a large
 stock2 and supposing  the claim to be  

doubtful1 ,i have great confidence in   
your generosity1  that for a trifle you 
would not choose to leave a grudge in   
the young  gentleman's mind1 of a       
hardship done to him4    ,but to deal   
with you after that plain manner which  
,i know you love1 ,i  will speak out my 
mind to you1 that in strict justice1 and
 in the direct  words of the agreement1 
,mr4 ,hume is entitled to #ge4    ,hume 
never entirely abandoned this claim4 ,he
 was not in a position to  urge it      
forward immediately after his dismissal1
 as another and more  agreeable official
 appointment called him abroad4 ,so late
 as #agfj and  during the next ensuing  
year1 we find him urging his demand1 and
  allusion is made to an action having  
been raised in the ,court of  ,session4 
,the case1 says ,dr4 ,murray1 must have 
been settled  extrajudicially or by     
reference2 for1 after a careful search  
in the  minute book of the ,court of    
,session1 we do not find that it was    
ever  enrolled4    ,there has been a    

general tendency to consider this       
pertinacious  adherence to a pecuniary  
claim1 as a proceeding unworthy of a    
philosopher4 ,in any ordinary man1      
whether wise or foolish after the       
wisdom of the world1 such conduct would 
have appeared but just and  natural2 but
 a philosopher is presumed to have no   
more respect for money  and its value1  
than the generous and sympathizing      
gentleman on the  stage1 who on the     
impulse of the moment1 always tosses a  
heavy purse to  somebody1 without having
 any more distinct notion of its        
contents than  the admiring audience can
 have4 ,hume's notions of these matters 
were  different4 ,am ,i1 he said1 in a  
condition to make the ,marquis of       
,annandale a present of #ge1 that of    
right belongs to me4 ,it is true  that  
in the interval between the debt being  
incurred1 and his insisting  on its     
payment1 he had by frugality and        
industry made himself  independent4 ,in 
#agdg1 he tells us that he was possessed

 of #ajjj1 and in  #agfj1 his fortune   
had probably considerably increased1    
though the  sources of emolument which  
made him subsequently worth #ajjj       
a-year1 had  not been then opened up4   
,the surplus of the ,marquis of         
,annandale's  estate had in the mean    
time accumulated in the manner that has 
been  already mentioned1 and ,hume      
probably thought it was an action more  
truly  worthy of a philosopher1 to make 
over his salary of librarian to the     
poor blind poet ,blacklock1 than to     
abandon a claim of #ge1 justly due  by  
an estate which had developed a surplus 
of #djj1jjj4           99       99      
99       99       99    ,early in the   
year #agdf1 ,hume received an invitation
 from ,general ,st4  ,clair1 to attend  
him as a secretary to his expedition1   
which was at  first meant against       
,canada1 but ended in an incursion on   
the coast of  ,france4#bjh3a ,before his
 departure1 and while he expected to    
have to  cross the ,atlantic1 he wrote  

the following letter1 addressed to ,mr4 
,alexander ,home1 ,advocate1 ,his       
,majesty's ,solicitor for ,scotland1 at 
,edinburgh4 ,the concluding remarks     
evidently relate to the state           
prosecutions following on the           
insurrection in ,scotland4              
,portsmouth1 ,may #bc1 #agdf4    ,,dear 
,,solicitor1--,a letter you have good   
reason to expect from me1  before my    
departure for ,america2 but a long one  
you cannot look for1 if  you consider   
that ,i knew not a word of this matter  
till ,sunday last at  night1 that we    
shall begin to embark from hence in two 
or three days1  and that ,i had very    
ingeniously stripped myself of every    
thing1 by  sending down my whole baggage
 for ,scotland on ,sunday morning4 ,such
 a  romantic adventure1 and such a hurry
 ,i have not heard of before4 ,the      
office is very genteel--#ajs4 a day1    
perquisites1 and no expenses4  ,remember
 me kindly to your brothers4 ,tell      
,frank ,i ask him ten thousand  pardons4

 ,let ,mr4 ,dysart1 and ,mrs4 ,dysart   
know of my good wishes4 ,be  assured    
yourself of my friendship4 ,i cannot    
leave ,europe without giving  you one   
instance of it1 and so much the greater 
that with regard to any  other person   
but you1 it would be a dangerous one4   
,in short1 ,i have  been told1 that the 
zeal of party has been apt sometimes to 
carry you  too far in your expressions1 
and that fools are afraid of your       
violence  in your new office4 ,seek the 
praise1 my dear ,sandy1 of humanity and 
moderation4 ',tis the most durable1 the 
most agreeable1 and in the end  the most
 profitable4    ,i am1 dear ,sandy1     
yours most sincerely4    ,for ,god's    
sake1 think of ,willy ,hamilton4#bji3a  
,at the same time we find him writing to
 ,henry ,home1 and speculating on  the  
possibility of himself joining the      
military service4    ,as to myself1 my  
way of life is agreeable2 and though it 
may not be so  profitable as ,i am told1
 yet so large an army as will be under  

the  general's command in ,america1 must
 certainly render my perquisites very   
considerable4 ,i have been asked1       
whether ,i would incline to enter into  
the service8 ,my answer was1 that at my 
years ,i could not decently accept  of a
 lower commission than a company4 ,the  
only prospect of working this  point    
would be1 to procure at first a company 
in an ,american regiment1  by the choice
 of the colonies4 ,but this ,i build not
 on1 nor indeed am ,i  very fond of     
it4#bji3b ,d4 ,h4    ,the person to whom
 we thus find ,hume acting in the       
capacity of  secretary1 was the         
,honourable ,james ,st4 ,clair1 one of  
those commanders  whose fortune it is to
 have passed through a long life of     
active  military service1 without having
 one opportunity of performing a        
distinguished action2 for though1 on the
 present occasion1 the path to  honour  
appeared to be at last opened to him1 it
 was closed by the  mismanagement of    
others4 ,he was the second son of ,henry

 ,lord ,st4 ,clair4  ,his elder brother 
being engaged in the rebellion of #agae1
 was attainted  by act of ,parliament4  
,the father left the family estates to  
,general ,st4  ,clair1 who1 with a      
generous devotion to the hereditary     
principle1  conveyed them to his elder  
brother1 on that gentleman obtaining a  
pardon  and a statutory removal of the  
disabilities of the attainder4 ,he      
obtained the rank of colonel on #bfth   
,july1 #agbb1 of major-general on  #aeth
 ,august1 #agda1 and of                 
lieutenant-general on #dth ,june1 #agde4
 ,during  the last named year he was    
quarter-master general of the ,british  
forces  in ,flanders4 ,he was for many  
years a member of ,parliament1 having   
been  elected for the ,dysart burghs in 
#agbb1 and subsequently for the counties
  of ,sutherland and ,fife4 ,he died at 
,dysart on #cjth ,november1 #agfb4baj3a 
,the marine force connected with the    
proposed expedition was commanded by    
,admiral ,richard ,lestock1 a man whose 

professional fate was in some  respects 
of a like character with that of his    
military colleague4 ,the  intended      
object of the armament was an attack on 
the ,french possessions  in ,canada1 and
 steps had been taken to second its     
efforts on the other  side of the       
,atlantic1 by bringing together a       
,british ,american force4 ,but  the     
indolence or negligence of the          
authorities at home1 delayed the        
departure of the fleet until it was too 
late to attempt such an  enterprise2 and
 then1 as if to furnish a vivid         
illustration of weak and  blundering    
counsels1 that all these preparations   
might not be thrown  away1 the force    
prepared for operations in ,america was 
sent to attempt a  descent on the coast 
of ,france4    ,the naval force1        
consisting of sixteen ships of the line1
 eight  frigates1 and two bomb-ketches1 
accompanied by five thousand eight      
hundred land troops1 including matrosses
 and bombardiers1 set sail from         

,plymouth on #adth ,september4#baa3a    
,its destination was the town of ,port  
,l',orient1 then a flourishing port1 as 
the depot of the ,french ,east ,india   
,company1 which has since fallen to     
decay in common with the great          
establishment with which it was         
connected4 ,the history and fate of the 
expedition will be best described in    
,hume's own words4 ,it afforded no      
harvest of military glory to either     
country2 and while it is but  slightly  
described by our own historians1 it is  
scarcely ever mentioned  by those of    
,france4 ,national partiality will      
hardly make any lover of  the true glory
 of his country regret that such an     
attempt was a failure4  ,the method of  
conducting war by descents upon an      
enemy's coast1 is a  relic of barbarism 
which it is to be hoped the progress of 
humanity and  civilisation will not     
permit either false enthusiasm or the   
auspices of  a great name to revive     
among the nations of ,europe4 ,it is    

precisely the  warlike tactic of the    
scalping knife--the wreaking against the
 weak that  vengeance which cannot reach
 the strong4 ,the rules of civilized war
 are  to strike such blows as will      
annihilate the power of an enemy's      
government1 with the least injury to the
 peaceful inhabitants of the  country4  
,descents on a coast do much injury to  
individuals--they do  little harm to the
 enemy's government4 ,it is a system by 
which the vital  parts are not attacked 
until they suffer by exhaustion from the
 injuries  done to the extremities4     
,such expeditions do a grievous injury  
to our  enemies1 to accomplish a very   
small good to ourselves4 ,but if they   
cannot be avoided1 the next step of     
mercy is to make them effectual by      
energetic and well-organized measures   
which render resistance hopeless1  and  
subject the places attacked only to the 
modified license of a  well-disciplined 
army4 ,the blunders that made the       
present attempt as  contemptible as it  

was cruel1 are amply recorded by ,hume1 
and may be a  lesson of the             
responsibility incurred by those who fit
 out warlike  expeditions4    ,in this  
expedition ,hume not only acted as      
secretary to the general1 but  was      
appointed by him judge advocate of all  
the forces under his command1  by a     
commission given on board his majesty's 
ship ,superb1 the third day  of ,august1
 #agdf1bab3a in virtue of the power     
which the commander of  an army         
possesses to fill up a vacancy in that  
office4 ,the mixed  ministerial and     
judicial duties of a judge advocate     
require a general  knowledge of the     
great principles of law and justice1    
with a freedom  from that technical     
thraldom of the practical lawyer which  
would be  unsuitable to the rapidity of 
military operations2 and there can be   
little doubt that these delicate and    
important functions were in this        
instance committed to one in every way  
capable of performing them in a         

satisfactory manner4    ,some of ,hume's
 permanent friendships appear to have   
been formed during  this expedition4    
,general ,abercromby1 with whom we will 
afterwards find  him corresponding1 was 
quarter-master general1 ,harry ,erskine 
was deputy  quarter-master1 and         
,edmonstoune of ,newton was a captain in
 the ,royal  ,scottish regiment4 ,of the
 operations of the expedition1 and some 
other  incidents of deep interest       
connected with it1 he sent the following
  narrative to his brother1 ,john ,hume1
 or ,home1 of ,ninewells4      ,,hume to
 his ,brother4    ,our first warlike    
attempt has been unsuccessful1 though   
without any  loss or dishonour4 ,the    
public rumour must certainly have       
informed you  that1 being detained in   
the ,channel1 till it was too late to go
 to  ,america1 the ministry1 who were   
willing to make some advantage of so    
considerable a sea and land armament1   
sent us to seek adventures on the  coast
 of ,france4 ,though both the general   

and admiral were totally  unacquainted  
with every part of the coast1 without   
pilots1 guides1 or  intelligence of any 
kind1 and even without the common maps  
of the  country2 yet1 being assured     
there were no regular troops near this  
whole  coast1 they hoped it was not     
possible but something might be         
successfully undertaken4 ,they bent     
their course to ,port ,l',orient1 a fine
  town on the coast of ,britanny1 the   
seat of the ,french ,east ,india trade1 
and which about twenty years ago was but
 a mean1 contemptible village4  ,the    
force of this town1 the strength of its 
garrison1 the nature of the  coast and  
country1 they professed themselves      
entirely ignorant of1  except from such 
hearsay information as they had casually
 picked up at  ,plymouth4 ,however1 we  
made a happy voyage of three days1      
landed in the  face of about #cjjj armed
 militia on the #bjth of ,september1    
marched up  next day to the gates of    
,l',orient1 and surveyed it4    ,it lies

 at the bottom of a fine bay two leagues
 long1 the mouth of  which is commanded 
by the town and citadel of ,port ,louis1
 or ,blavet1 a  place of great strength1
 and situated on a peninsula4 ,the town 
of  ,l',orient itself has no great      
strength1 though surrounded by a new    
wall  of about #cj foot high1 fortified 
with half moons1 and guarded with some  
cannon4 ,they were in prodigious alarm  
at so unexpected an attack by  numbers  
which their fears magnified1 and        
immediately offered to  capitulate1     
though upon terms which would have made 
their conquest of no  significancy to   
us4 ,they made some advances a few hours
 after1 to abate  of their demands2 but 
the general positively refused to accept
 of the  town on any other condition    
than that of surrendering at discretion4
 ,he  had very good reason for this     
seeming rigour and haughtiness4 ,it has 
long been the misfortune of ,english    
armies to be very ill-served in         
engineers2 and surely there never was on

 any occasion such an assemblage  of    
ignorant blockheads as those which at   
this time attended us4 ,they  positively
 affirmed it was easily in their power1 
by the assistance of a  mortar and two  
twelve pounders1 in ten hours' time1    
either to lay the  town and ,east ,india
 magazine in ashes1 or make a breach by 
which the  forces might easily enter4   
,this being laid before the general and 
admiral1 they concluded themselves      
already masters of the  town1and#bad3a  
needed grant no terms4 ,they were       
besides afraid that had  they taken the 
town upon terms1 and redeemed it for a  
considerable sum  of money1 the good    
people of ,england1 who love mischief1  
would not be  satisfied1 but would still
 entertain a suspicion that the success 
of his  majesty's arms had been secretly
 sold by his commanders4 ,besides1      
nothing could be a greater blow to the  
,french trade than the destruction  of  
this town2 nor what#bad3b could imprint 
a stronger terror of the  ,english naval

 power1 and more effectually reduce the 
,french to a  necessity of guarding     
their coast with regular forces1 which  
must  produce a great diversion from    
their ambitious projects on the         
frontiers4 ,but when the engineers came 
to execution1 it was found they  could  
do nothing of what they had promised4   
,not one of their carkasses  or red hot 
balls took effect4 ,as the town could   
not be invested either  by sea or land1 
they got a garrison of irregulars and   
regulars1 which  was above double our   
number1 and played #ce pieces of cannon 
upon us  while we could bring only four 
against them4 ,excessive rains fell1    
which  brought sickness amongst our men 
that had been stowed in transports      
during the whole summer4 ,we were ten   
miles from the fleet1 the roads         
entirely spoilt1 every thing was drawn  
by men1 the whole horses in the  country
 being driven away4 ,so much fatigue and
 duty quite overcame our  little army4  
,the fleet anchored in a very unsafe    

place in ,quimperlay  ,bay4 ,for these  
and other reasons it was unanimously    
determined to raise  the siege on the   
#bgth of ,september2 and to this measure
 there was not  one contradictory       
opinion either in the fleet or army4 ,we
 have not lost  above ten men by the    
enemy in the whole expedition1 and were 
not in the  least molested either in our
 retreat or re-embarkation4 ,we met with
 a  violent storm on the #ast of        
,october1 while we were yet very near   
the  coast1 and have now got into       
,quiberon ,bay south of ,belle-,isle1   
where we  wait for a reinforcement of   
three battalions from ,england4 ,there  
are  five or six of our transports      
amissing4 ,after our ,french projects   
are  over1 which must be very soon      
because of the late season1 we sail to  
,cork and ,kingsale4    ,while we lay at
 ,ploemeur1 a village about a league    
from ,l',orient1  there happened in our 
family one of the most tragical stories 
ever ,i  heard of1 and than which       

nothing ever gave me more concern4 ,i   
know not  if ever you heard of ,major   
,forbes1 a brother of ,sir ,arthur's4   
,he was1  and was esteemed1 a man of the
 greatest sense1 honour1 modesty1       
mildness1 and equality of temper1 in the
 world4 ,his learning was very  great   
for a man of any profession2 but a      
prodigy for a soldier4 ,his  bravery had
 been tried1 and was unquestioned4 ,he  
had exhausted himself  with fatigue and 
hunger for two days1 so that he was     
obliged to leave  the camp and come to  
our quarters1 where ,i took the utmost  
care of him1  as there was a great      
friendship betwixt us4 ,he expressed    
vast anxiety  that he should be obliged 
to leave his duty1 and fear lest his    
honour  should suffer by it4 ,i         
endeavoured to quiet his mind as much as
  possible1 and thought ,i had left him 
tolerably composed at night2 but1       
returning to his room early next        
morning1 ,i found him1 with small       
remains of life1 wallowing in his own   

blood1 with the arteries of his  arm cut
 asunder4 ,i immediately sent for a     
surgeon1 got a bandage tied to  his arm1
 and recovered him entirely to his      
senses and understanding4 ,he  lived    
above four-and-twenty hours after1 and  
,i had several conversations  with him4 
,never a man expressed a more steady    
contempt of life1 nor more  determined  
philosophical principles1 suitable to   
his exit4 ,he begged of  me to unloosen 
his bandage1 and hasten his death1 as   
the last act of  friendship ,i could    
show him3 but1 alas6 we live not in     
,greek or ,roman  times4 ,he told me    
that he knew he could not live a few    
days3 but if he  did1 as soon as he     
became his own master1 he would take a  
more  expeditious method1 which none of 
his friends could prevent4 ',i die1'    
says he1 'from a jealousy of honour1    
perhaps too delicate2 and do you  think1
 if it were possible for me to live1 ,i 
would now consent to it1  to be a       
gazing-stock to the foolish world4 ,i am

 too far advanced to  return4 ,and if   
life was odious to me before1 it must be
 doubly so at  present4' ,he became     
delirious a few hours before he died4   
,he had wrote a  short letter to his    
brother1 above ten hours before he cut  
his arteries4  ,this we found on the    
table4    ,quiberon ,bay in ,britanny1  
,oct4 #d1 #agdf4    ,p4,s4--,the general
 has not sent off his despatches till   
to-day1 so that  ,i have an opportunity 
of saying a few words more4 ,our army   
disembarked  on the #dth of ,october1   
and took possession of the peninsula of 
,quiberon1  without opposition4 ,we lay 
there1 without molestation1 for eight   
days1  though the enemy had formed a    
powerful1 at least a numerous1 army of  
militia on the continent4 ,the          
separation of so many of our transports1
  and the reinforcements not coming1    
determined us to reimbark1 and return   
home1 with some small hopes that our    
expedition has answered the chief  part 
of its intended purpose1 by making a    

diversion from the ,french army  in     
,flanders4 ,the ,french pretend to have 
gained a great victory2 but with  what  
truth we know not4 ,the admiral landed  
some sailors1 and took  possession of   
the two islands of ,houat and ,hedie1   
which were secured by  small forts4 ,the
 governor of one of them1 when he       
surrendered his fort1  delivered up his 
purse to the sea officer1 and begged him
 to take care  of it1 and secure it from
 the pillage of the sailors4 ,the       
officer took  charge of it1 and1 finding
 afterwards a proper opportunity to     
examine  it1 found it contained the     
important sum of ten sous1 which is less
 than  sixpence of our money4#bag3a     
,october #ag4      ,as ,niebuhr was an  
eye-witness of the battle of            
,copenhagen1 so ,hume also  had thus an 
opportunity of observing some practical 
warlike operations1  though they were on
 a much smaller scale1 and were         
witnessed in much  less exciting        
circumstances than those which attended 

the position of  the citizen of         
,copenhagen4 ,thus1 although not        
themselves soldiers1 these  two great   
historians swell the list1 previously   
containing the names of  ,thucydides1   
,xenophon1 ,polybius1 ,guicciardini1    
,davila1 and ,rapin1 of  those          
historians of warfare who have witnessed
 its practical operation4  ,voltaire1   
when the accuracy of his description of 
a battle was  questioned by one who had 
been engaged in it1 bid the soldier keep
 to  his profession of fighting1 and not
 interfere with another man's1 which    
was that of writing2 but there is little
 doubt1 that the person who  would      
accurately describe military manoeuvres1
 will have his task  facilitated by     
having actually witnessed some warlike  
operations1 on  however small a scale1  
and however unlike in character to those
 which he  has to describe4 ,scott      
considered that he had derived much of  
his  facility as a narrative historian  
from his services in the ,mid-,lothian  

yeomanry2 and ,gibbon found that to be  
an active officer in the ,hampshire     
militia was not without its use to the  
historian of the latter days of  ,rome4 
,it is pretty clear that ,hume looked   
upon these operations1 not only as      
events likely to furnish him with some  
critical knowledge of warlike  affairs1 
but with the inquiring eye of one who   
might have an opportunity  of afterwards
 narrating them in some historical work4
 ,in the appendix  there will be found a
 pretty minute account by ,hume1 of the 
causes which  led to the failure of the 
expedition1 in a paper apparently drawn 
up as  a vindication of the conduct of  
,general ,st4 ,clair4 ,it does not      
appear  to have been printed1 although  
it seems to have been designed for the  
press4 ,it contains the following       
passage3 ,a certain foreign writer1     
more anxious to tell his stories in an  
entertaining manner than to  assure     
himself of their reality1 has           
endeavoured to put this expedition  in a

 ridiculous light2 but as there is not  
one circumstance in his  narration that 
has truth in it1 or even the least      
appearance of truth1  it would be       
needless to lose time in refuting it4   
,the following passage in a letter to   
,sir ,harry ,erskine1 dated #bjth       
,january1 #agef1bai3a shows that he here
 alludes to ,voltaire3 ,i have  been set
 upon by several to write something1    
though it were only to be  inserted in  
the ,magazines1 in opposition to this   
account which ,voltaire  has given of   
our expedition4 ,but my answer still is1
 that it is not  worth while1 and that  
he is so totally mistaken in every      
circumstance of  that affair1 and indeed
 of every affair1 that ,i presume nobody
 will pay  attention to him4 ,i hope you
 are of the same opinion4 ,but if       
,voltaire  ever wrote on this subject1  
it must have been in one of those works 
of  which he took the liberty of        
determinedly denying the authorship1 for
  there appears to be nothing bearing on

 the subject in the usual editions  of  
his published and acknowledged works1   
and in his ,prcis du ,siecle de  ,louis 
,,xv41 he passes over the expedition    
with the briefest possible  allusion4   
,we find ,hume1 on the return of the    
expedition1 writing the following       
letter to ,henry ,home4 ,it contains    
some curious notices of its writer's    
views and intentions1 and betrays a sort
 of irresolution as to his  subsequent  
projects1 which seems to have haunted   
him through life4 ,it is  here that we  
find the first allusion to his          
historical studies4 ,the  extracts from 
his notes1 or adversaria1 printed above1
 show that he had  read much in history1
 but chiefly in that of the ancient     
nations4 ,it  does not appear that he   
had yet paid any marked attention to    
,british  history4      ,,hume to       
,,henry ,,home4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i am 
ashamed of being so long in writing to  
you4 ,if ,i should  plead laziness1 you 
would say ,i am much altered2 if        

multiplicity of  business1 you would    
scarce believe me2 if forgetfulness of  
you and our  friendship1 ,i should tell 
a gross untruth4 ,i can therefore plead 
nothing  but idleness1 and a gay1       
pleasurable life1 which steals away hour
 after  hour1 and day after day1 and    
leaves no time for such occupations as  
one's sober reason may approve most of4 
,this is our case while on shore1  and  
even while on board1 as far as one can  
have much enjoyment in that  situation4 
,i wrote my brother from the coast of   
,britanny2 giving him some account  of  
our expedition1 and of the causes of our
 disappointment4 ,i suppose he  received
 it after you had left the country1 but 
,i doubt not he has  informed you of it4
 ,we were very near a great success1 the
 taking of  ,l',orient1 perhaps ,port   
,louis1 which would have been a         
prodigious blow to  ,france2 and1 having
 an open communication with the sea1    
might have made  a great diversion of   
their forces1 and done great service to 

the common  cause4 ,i suppose you are   
become a great general1 by the          
misfortune of  the seat of war being so 
long in your neighbourhood4 ,i shall be 
able  when we meet to give you the just 
cause of our failure4 ,our expedition   
to ,north ,america is now at an end2 we 
are recalled to ,england1 the  convoy is
 arrived1 and we re-embark in a few     
days4 ,i have an invitation  to go over 
to ,flanders with the general1 and an   
offer of table1 tent1  horses1 c4 ,i    
must own ,i have a great curiosity to   
see a real campaign1  but ,i am deterred
 by the view of the expense1 and am     
afraid1 that living  in a camp1 without 
any character1 and without any thing to 
do1 would  appear ridiculous4 ,had ,i   
any fortune which would give me a       
prospect of  leisure and opportunity to 
prosecute my historical projects1       
nothing  could be more useful to me1 and
 ,i should pick up more literary        
knowledge  in one campaign1 by living in
 the general's family1 and being        

introduced  frequently to the duke's1   
than most officers could do after many  
years'  service4 ,but to what can all   
this serve8 ,i am a philosopher1 and so1
 ,i  suppose1 must continue4    ,i am   
very uncertain of getting half pay1 from
 several strange and  unexpected        
accidents1 which it would be too tedious
 to mention2 and if ,i  get it not1     
shall neither be gainer nor loser by the
 expedition4 ,i  believe1 if ,i would   
have begun the world again1 ,i might    
have returned an  officer1 gratis2 and  
am certain1 might have been made        
chaplain to a  regiment gratis2         
but#bba3a 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,i need say no  
more4 ,i shall  stay a little time in   
,london1 to see if any thing new will   
present  itself4 ,if not1 ,i shall      
return very cheerfully to books1        
leisure1 and  solitude1 in the country4 
,an elegant table has not spoiled my    
relish for  sobriety2 nor gaiety for    
study2 and frequent disappointments have
 taught  me that nothing need be        

despaired of1 as well as that nothing   
can be  depended on4 ,you give yourself 
violent airs of wisdom2 you will say1   
,odi hominem ignav oper1 philosophic    
sententi4 ,but you will not  say so when
 you see me again with my ,xenophon or  
,polybius in my hand2  which1 however1  
,i shall willingly throw aside to be    
cheerful with you1  as usual4 ,my kind  
compliments to ,mrs4 ,home1 who1 ,i am  
sorry to hear1 has  not yet got entirely
 the better of her illness4 ,i am1      
c4#bbb3a      ,we find ,hume            
corresponding also with ,oswald and     
,colonel ,abercromby1 as  to his claim  
of half-pay for his services as ,judge  
,advocate in the  expedition2 and this  
subject we find him occasionally        
resuming down to  so late a period as   
#agfc1 when he speaks of insurmountable 
difficulties1 and fears he must despair 
of success4#bbb3b ,it must be  admitted 
that when he thought fit to make a      
pecuniary claim he did not  easily      
resign it4 ,his correspondent1 ,colonel 

,abercromby of ,glassauch1  has already 
been mentioned as having held a command 
in the expedition4  ,he was afterwards  
one of ,hume's intimate friends4        
,besides his rank in  the army1 he held 
the two discordant offices of king's    
painter in  ,scotland1 and              
deputy-governor of ,stirling castle4 ,he
 was elected member  of parliament for  
the shire of ,banff in #agce1bbb3c and  
,hume's letters  contain congratulations
 on his re-election in #agdg1 along with
 some  incidents in his own journey     
towards ,scotland4      ,ninewells4 #gth
 ,august1 #agdg4    ,,dear ,,col,l4--,i 
have many subjects to congratulate you  
upon4 ,the honour  you acquired at      
,sandberg1 your safety1 and your success
 in your  elections4 ,you are equally   
eminent in the arts of peace and war4   
,the  cabinet is no less a scene of     
glory to you than the field4 ,you are a 
hero even in your sports and amusements2
 and discover a superior genius  in     
whist1 as well as in a state intrigue or

 in a battle4    ,i hope you recover    
well of your wound1 and ,i beg of you to
 inform me4 ,i  should be glad to know  
what became of ,forster1 and whether    
,bob ,horne got  the majority4 ,i write 
to you upon the supposition of your     
being at  ,london2 because ,dr4         
,clephane wrote me some time ago1 that  
you was just  setting out for it4 ,if   
that be the case please make my most    
humble  compliments to ,mrs4            
,abercromby4    ,if the ,colonel be     
still detained abroad by any accident1  
,i must beg it  of you1 ,mrs4           
,abercromby1 to take these compliments  
to yourself1 and to  keep this letter   
till the ,colonel comes over1 for it is 
not worth while  to pay postage for it4 
,i suppose1 madam1 that ,lady           
,abercromby informed  you of our happy  
voyage together1 and safe arrival in    
,newcastle3 your  young cousin was a    
little noisy and obstreperous2 our ship 
was dirty2  our accommodation bad2 our  
company sick4 ,there were four spies1   

two  informers1 and three evidences1 who
 sailed in the same ship with us4 ,yet  
notwithstanding all these circumstances1
 we were very well pleased with  our    
voyage1 chiefly on account of its       
shortness1 which indeed is almost  the  
only agreeable circumstance that can be 
in a voyage4 ,i am1 c4    ,to the royal 
in ,bergen-op-zoom8#bbc3a ,have they    
lost any officers8 ,i  hope             
,guidelianus#bbc3b is safe8 ,i hope     
,fraser is converted8      ,in his      
correspondence with ,oswald on the same 
matter of his half-pay1  his remarks on 
public affairs are very desponding4 ,he 
says1--    ,i know not whether ,i ought 
to congratulate you upon the success of 
your election1#bbd3a where you prevailed
 so unexpectedly4 ,i think the  present 
times are so calamitous1 and our future 
prospect so dismal1 that  it is a       
misfortune to have any concern in public
 affairs1 which one  cannot redress1 and
 where it is difficult to arrive at a   
proper degree  of insensibility or      

philosophy1 as long as one is in the    
scene4 ,you know  my sentiments were    
always a little gloomy on that head2 and
 ,i am sorry  to observe1 that all      
accidents 7besides the natural course of
 events7  turn out against us4 ,what a  
surprising misfortune is this           
,bergen-op-zoom1 which is almost        
unparalleled in modern history6 ,i hear 
the ,dutch troops1 besides their common 
cowardice1 and ill-discipline1  are     
seized with an universal panic4 ,this   
winter may perhaps decide the  fate of  
,holland1 and then where are we8 ,i     
shall not be much disappointed  if this 
prove the last parliament1 worthy the   
name1 we shall ever have  in ,britain4  
,i cannot therefore congratulate you    
upon your having a seat  in it3 ,i can  
only congratulate you upon the universal
 joy and  satisfaction it gave to every 
body4#bbd3b      ,,footnotes3    #aga3a 
,letters of ,david ,hume1 and extracts  
from letters referring to  him1 edited  
by ,thomas ,murray1 ,,ll4,d41 author of 

,the ,literary ,history of  ,galloway4  
,edinburgh1 #ahda1 #hvo1 pp4 #hj4 ,dr4  
,murray says of these  letters3 ,the    
originals are supposed to have been     
deposited1 about  eighty years ago1 in  
the hands of a legal gentleman in       
,edinburgh1 as  documents for a         
law-suit1 to which the latter portion of
 them refers4  ,since his death1 they   
have1 we believe1 passed through several
 hands  without having attracted any    
particular attention1 or1 perhaps1      
without  having ever been read4 ,they   
ultimately came into the possession of a
  gentleman who appreciated their value1
 and who1 several years ago1 did  me the
 honour of presenting them              
unconditionally to me4    #agb3a ,the   
,marquis is said to have afforded the   
first example of his  state of mind1 in 
the manner in which he gave a ball at   
,dumfries4 ,he had  the floor covered   
with confections1 as a garden walk is   
laid with  gravel4 ,a lady who was alive
 a few years ago1 remembered having seen

 him  walking about at ,highgate1 near  
,london2 when he was probably in a more 
confirmed state of insanity than even   
his intercourse with ,hume  exhibits3 a 
keeper walked before him1 and a footman 
behind4 ,the latter  would occasionally 
tap his ,lordship on the shoulder1 and  
hand him a  snuff-box1 whence he would  
take a pinch4 ,he was a very handsome   
man4 ,he  had a sister1 who exercised so
 much influence over him1 that in her   
presence a keeper could be dispensed    
with4    #agd3a ,the following1         
discovered by a friend in an old        
newspaper1 is so  amusing1 and so       
descriptive of the man who was ,hume's  
predecessor in  office1 that ,i cannot  
resist inserting it3--      ,on         
,,captain 7,,beau7 ,,forrester',s       
travelling to the ,highlands of         
,scotland  in winter1 anno #agbg1 incog4
         ,o'er ,caledonia's ruder ,alps 
,while ,forrester pursu'd his way1      
,the mountains veil'd their rugged      
scalps1         ,and wrapt in snow and  

wonder lay6         ,each sylvan god1   
each rural power1         ,peep'd out to
 see the raree-show2       ,and all     
confess'd1 that1 till that hour1        
,they ne'er had seen so bright a beau4  
,nay yet1 and more ,i dare advance1     
,the story true as aught in print1      
,all nature round1 in complaisance1     
,and imitation1 took the hint4          
,the fields that whilome only bore      
,wild heath1 or clad at best with oats1 
,despis'd these humble weeds1 and wore  
,rich spangled doublets1 and lac'd      
coats4         ,the hills were          
periwigg'd with snow2         ,pig-tails
 of ice hung on each tree2       ,the   
winds turn'd powder-puffs2 and1 lo1     
,on every shrub a sharp toupee6         
,with silver clocks the river gods      
,appear'd2 and some will take their     
oath1       ,or lay at least a thousand 
odds1         ,the clouds saliving spit 
white froth4         ,the youth abash'd 
thus to survey         ,so rude a scene 
himself outdo1       ,his sprightly     

genius to display1         ,resolv'd on 
something odd and new3         ,all     
things he found were grown genteel1     
,which made him deem it a-propos1       
,to be alone in dishabile1         ,a   
,forrester1 and not a beau4             
,edinburgh ,courant1 ,oct4 #c1 #agha4   
#agf3a ,the baronet's daughter1         
,margaret1 had married the ,earl of     
,airley's eldest son1 ,lord ,ogilvy1    
who1 having engaged in the rebellion1   
had fled to the continent after the     
battle of ,culloden4 ,his wife1         
however1 was among the prisoners2 and in
 ,june #agdf1 she was committed to      
,edinburgh ,castle4 ,in the ensuing     
,november she escaped2 and having joined
  her husband in ,france1 she died      
there1 in #ageg1 at the age of          
thirty-three4 ,douglas's ,peerage of    
,scotland1 vol4 i4 p4 #ce4    #agh3a ,he
 had obtained this rank in #agbi4       
,beatson's ,political ,index4    #agh3b 
,matthew ,sharp1 born #ahth ,feb4 #afic1
 was the second son of ,john  ,sharp of 

,hoddam1 by his wife ,susan1 daughter of
 ,john ,muir of  ,cassencarrie1 ancestor
 of ,sir ,john ,muir ,mackenzie of      
,delvin1 ,bart4 ,mr4  ,sharp joined the 
,jacobite insurgents in the year #agae1 
and made his  escape to ,scotland1 after
 the rout at ,preston1 in the disguise  
of a  pig-driver4 ,he then repaired to  
,france1 where he finally took up his   
residence at ,boulogne4 ,in the year    
#agdj his elder brother ,george died1   
and ,mr4 ,sharp succeeded to the estate 
of ,hoddam4 ,he returned to his  native 
country1 and died1 unmarried1 at ,hoddam
 castle1 in the year #agfi4    #agi3a   
,charles ,erskine of ,tinwald1 third son
 of ,sir ,charles ,erskine of  ,alva1   
,bart41 a ,lord of ,session1 with the   
style of ,lord ,tinwald4 ,his  first    
wife was ,grizel1 daughter of ,john     
,grierson of ,barjarg1 by  ,catherine1  
eldest sister of ,matthew ,sharp of     
,hoddam4 ,lord ,tinwald's  third        
daughter ,jane1 married to ,william     
,kirkpatrick1 second son of ,sir        

,thomas ,kirkpatrick of ,closeburne1    
,bart4 was mother of ,charles           
,kirkpatrick1 to whom ,matthew ,sharp   
bequeathed his estate of ,hoddam4       
#ahj3a ,original in the possession of   
,charles ,kirkpatrick ,sharpe1 ,esq4    
,this letter is printed in ,the         
,edinburgh ,annual ,register for #ahji1 
p4  #eeb4    #aif3a ,so much had it been
 considered a legitimate object of the  
education of a young gentleman to bring 
him up to the expectation of a          
government office1 that in the          
,institute of the ,law of ,scotland1 the
  posthumous work of ,john ,erskine1 who
 had been appointed professor of  ,scots
 law in the university of ,edinburgh in 
#agcg1 it is mentioned as one  of the   
duties of the guardian of a young man of
 good family with a small  patrimony1 to
 advance a yearly sum1 far beyond the   
interest of his  patrimony1 that he may 
appear suitably to his quality1 while he
 is  unprovided of any office under the 
government by which he can live         

decently4 ,b4 i4 ,tit4 #g4  #be4        
#aig3a ,walpole gives a curious         
illustration of the poverty of the      
,scottish nobility1 before the          
forty-five1 saying of ,lord ,kilmarnock1
  ,i don't know whether ,i told you that
 the man at the tennis court  protests  
that he has known him dine with the man 
that sells pamphlets at  ,storey's gate1
 and says he would have often been glad 
if ,i would have  taken him home to     
dinner4 ,he was certainly so poor that  
in one of his  wife's intercepted       
letters1 she tells him she has plagued  
their steward  for a fortnight for      
money1 and can only get three shillings4
 ,can any one  help pitying such        
distress8 ,walpole's ,letters1 ii4 #add4
    ,goldsmith found the holder of a    
,scottish ,peerage keeping a glove shop1
  and in the case of ,lord ,mordington1 
who had been arrested for debt1 and     
claimed his privilege in the ,common    
,pleas1 the bailiff made affidavit1     
that when he arrested the said lord1 he 

was so mean in his apparel1 as  having a
 worn out suit of clothes and a dirty   
shirt on1 and but sixpence  in his      
pocket1 he could not suppose him to be a
 peer of ,great ,britain1  and of       
inadvertency arrested him4 ,fortescue's 
,reports1 #afe4 ,this family  was       
peculiarly celebrated1 ,lady ,mordington
 having raised the question1  whether a 
,scottish peeress who kept a tavern was 
protected by privilege  of peerage from 
being amenable to the laws against      
keeping disorderly  houses4    #aih3a   
,he had an example connected with his   
own neighbourhood1 if not  with his own 
family1 of the practice of the gentry   
following handicraft  trades4 ,george   
,hume1 son of the minister of his native
 parish1  ,chirnside1 who was connected 
with his own family1 followed the humble
  occupation of a baker in the          
,canongate1 and rose to the dignity of  
deacon of his trade4 ,ill-natured       
tradition says1 that the philosopher    
disliked the vicinity to himself of this

 living illustration of the  depression 
of the ,scottish aristocracy1 and       
occasionally put himself to  some       
trouble to avoid meeting him on the     
street2 but this tradition is  not      
consistent with ,hume's manly character4
    #bjb3a ,p4 #agi4    #bjh3a ,my own  
,life4    #bji3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4        
#bji3b ,tytler's ,life of ,kames1 i4    
#abc4    #baj3a ,douglas's ,peerage1 ii4
 #eja-ejb4    #baa3a ,campbell's ,naval 
,history1 iv4 #cbd4 ,appendix1 ,a4 ,it  
appears that  ,rodney commanded one of  
the ships1 the ,eagle4    #bab3a ,,ms4  
,r4,s4,e4    #bad3a ,sic in ,,ms4       
#bad3b ,ibid4    #bag3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4 
#bai3a ,in the possession of ,cosmo     
,innes1 ,esq4    #bba3a ,mr4 ,tytler    
says1 ,the blank is in the manuscript1  
the reader  will be at no loss to supply
 it4    #bbb3a ,tytler's ,life of       
,kames1 #abe4    #bbb3b ,memorials1 c4  
#gf4    #bbb3c ,beatson1 ,parliamentary 
,register4    #bbc3a ,in allusion to the
 ,royal ,scottish                       

,regiment--,bergen-op-zoom had  been    
taken by storm on #afth ,sept4    #bbc3b
 ,this name--probably latinised from    
some joke known only to the  parties1   
applies to ,col4 ,edmonstoune of        
,newton4    #bbd3a ,for ,fifeshire4     
#bbd3b ,memorials1 c4 p4 #ed4           
,,chapter ,,vi4    #agdf-agdh4 ,t4      
#ce-cg4         ,hume returns to        
,ninewells--,his domestic               
,position--,his attempts       in       
,poetry--,inquiry as to his             
,sentimentalism--,takes an interest     
in ,politics--,appointed ,secretary to  
,general ,st4 ,clair on his             
mission to ,turin--,his journal of his  
,tour--,arrival in ,holland             
--,rotterdam--,the ,hague--,breda--,the 
,war--,french ,soldiers--               
,nimeguen--,cologne--,bonn--,the ,rhine 
and its scenery--,coblentz--            
,wiesbaden--,frankfurt--,battle of      
,dettingen--,wurzburg--,ratisbon        
--,descent of the ,danube--,observations
 on ,germany--,vienna--,the             

,emperor and ,empress                   
,queen--,styria--,carinthia--,the       
,tyrol--                                
,mantua--,cremona--,turin4      ,we now 
find ,hume restored1 though but for a   
brief period1 to the  tranquil          
retirement of ,ninewells2 and           
undisturbed by public events1  civil or 
warlike1 sitting down quietly among his 
books in the midst of  his family       
circle1 consisting of his mother1 his   
elder brother1 and his  sister4 ,it     
would be interesting to obtain a glimpse
 of this circle and  its habits2 but the
 lapse of nearly a century has thrown it
 too far into  the shade of time1 to    
permit of these minute objects being    
distinguished4 ,perhaps the following   
scrap from the papers preserved by      
,hume himself1#bbe3a may represent the  
evening diversions of ,ninewells4  ,it  
is written by another hand1 but is      
touched and corrected here and  there by
 ,hume4 ,whether or not it is intended  
to have any reference to  himself1 is a 

matter on which ,i shall not attempt to 
forestall the  reader's judgment4       
,character of ----1 written by himself4 
#a4 ,a very good man1 the constant      
purpose of whose life is to do          
mischief4    #b4 ,fancies he is         
disinterested1 because he substitutes   
vanity in place  of all other passions4 
#c4 ,very industrious1 without serving  
either himself or others4    #d4        
,licentious in his pen1 cautious in his 
words1 still more so in his  actions4   
#e4 ,would have had no enemies1 had he  
not courted them2 seems desirous of     
being hated by the public1 but has only 
attained the being railed at4    #f4    
,has never been hurt by his enemies1    
because he never hated any one of  them4
    #g4 ,exempt from vulgar             
prejudices--full of his own4    #h4     
,very bashful1 somewhat modest1 no way  
humble4    #i4 ,a fool1 capable of      
performances which few wise men can     
execute4    #aj4 ,a wise man1 guilty of 
indiscretions which the greatest        

simpletons  can perceive4    #aa4       
,sociable1 though he lives in solitude4 
#ab4bbf3a    #ac4 ,an enthusiast1       
without religion2 a philosopher1 who    
despairs to  attain truth4    ,a        
moralist1 who prefers instinct to       
reason4    ,a gallant1 who gives no     
offence to husbands and mothers4    ,a  
scholar1 without the ostentation of     
learning4      ,sir ,walter ,scott      
says3--,we visited ,corby castle on our 
return to  ,scotland1 which remains1 in 
point of situation1 as beautiful as when
 its  walks were celebrated by ,david   
,hume1 in the only rhymes he was ever   
known to be guilty of4 ,here they are   
from a pane of glass in an inn at       
,carlisle1--         ,here chicks in    
eggs for breakfast sprawl1       ,here  
godless boys ,god's glories squall1     
,here ,scotchmen's heads do guard the   
wall1       ,but ,corby's walks atone   
for all4#bbg3a    ,in the face1 both of 
this assurance of the limited extent of 
,hume's  poetical efforts1 and of the   

circumstance that he was occasionally in
  the practice of copying such verses as
 pleased his ear1#bbg3b or fancy1  ,i   
venture to offer the following specimens
 of his versification1  admitting the   
possibility but not the probability that
 some minute  investigator might be able
 to identify them as the production of a
 less  distinguished bard4 ,the         
censorious critic will probably admit   
their  genuineness1 on the plea that no 
one but their author would commit such  
verses to writing4 ,but apart from their
 internal evidence1 there is  every     
reason to presume that these efforts are
 by ,hume4 ,the first piece  is dated in
 the writer's hand1 as if to mark the   
day when it was  composed4 ,with the    
exception of the third in order1 they   
all contain1  in corrections and        
otherwise1 decided marks of being       
composed by the  person in whose        
handwriting they are2 and they are in   
the handwriting of  ,david ,hume4#bbh3a 
#dth ,nov4 #agdg4         ,go1 plaintive

 sounds1 and to the fair         ,my    
secret wounds impart1       ,tell all ,i
 hope1 tell all ,i fear1         ,each  
motion in my heart4         ,but she1   
methinks1 is listening now         ,to  
some amusing strain1       ,the smile   
that triumphs o'er her brow1            
,seems not to heed my pain4             
,yet1 plaintive sounds--yet1 yet delay1 
,howe'er my love repine1       ,let this
 gay minute pass away1         ,the     
next1 perhaps1 is mine4         ,yes1   
plaintive sounds1 no longer crost1      
,your griefs shall soon be o'er2        
,her cheek1 undimpled now1 has lost     
,the smile it lately wore4         ,yes1
 plaintive sounds1 she now is yours1    
',tis now your turn to move3            
,essay to soften all her powers1        
,and be that softness love4             
,cease plaintive sounds1 your task is   
done1         ,that serious tender air  
,proves o'er her heart the conquest won1
         ,i see you melting there4      
,return1 ye smiles1--return again1      

,bring back each sprightly grace3       
,i yield up to your charming reign      
,that sweet enchanting face4         ,i 
take no outward shows amiss2            
,rove where you will1 her eyes3         
,still let her smiles each shepherd     
bless1         ,so that she hear my     
sighs4    ,if this piece be deficient in
 fire or polish1 it has at least the    
merit  of simplicity1 and of not being a
 slavish adaptation to the formal  taste
 of the age4 ,the following pieces will 
scarcely perhaps be thought  worthy of  
the like qualified praise4         ,tell
 me1 ,clarinda1 why this scorn1         
,why hatred give for love8       ,why   
for a gentler purpose born1             
,wouldst thou a tyrant prove8           
,why draw a cloud upon that face1       
,made to enslave mankind8       ,why    
through your lips does thunder pass1    
,those lips for love design'd4          
,kindness1 conjoin'd with meaner charms1
         ,will from you conquests gain2 
,we fly into extended arms1         ,in 

close-embraced remain4         ,thus    
when the angry heavens transform        
,to frowns their cheerful smiles1       
,when the dread thunder's voice a storm 
,to trembling swains foretells1         
,if but a humble cottage nigh           
,presents its peaceful shade1       ,we 
scorn the furies of the sky1            
,and court its friendly aid4      ,,to  
,a ,,lady1    ,suspecting that the      
friendship of men to her sex always     
concealed a  more dangerous passion4    
,hang1 my lyre1 upon the willow1        
,sigh to winds thy notes forlorn1       
,or along the foaming billow1           
,float the wrecking tempest's scorn4    
,airs no more thy warbling raises1      
,such as ,laura deigns approve2         
,laura scorns her poet's praises1       
,artless friendship calls it love4      
,impious love1 that1 spurning duty1     
,spurning nature's chastest ties1       
,mocks thy tears1 dejected beauty1      
,sports with fallen virtue's sighs4     
,call it love no more1 profaning        

,truth with dark suspicion's wound2     
,or1 if still the term retaining1       
,change the sense1 preserve the sound4  
,yes1 'tis love1 that name is given1    
,angels1 to your purest flames2         
,such a love as merits ,heaven1         
,heaven's divinest image claims4        
,,laura',s ,,answer4         ,soon be   
thy lyre to winds consign'd4         ,or
 hurl'd beneath the raging deep2        
,for while such strains seduce my mind1 
,how shall my heart its purpose keep4   
,thy artless lays1 which artless seem1  
,with too much fondness ,i approve2     
,oh write no more in such a theme1      
,or ,laura's friendship ends in love4   
,the question1 whether the man          
concerning whom a biographical work is  
written was ever in love1 is an         
important feature in his history1 if any
  light can be thrown upon it4 ,perhaps 
some readers will hold1 that the        
tameness of these verses show that1 at  
all events1 when he wrote them1  ,hume  
was under the impulse of no passion4    

,very little more light can be  brought 
to bear on this subject2 and what can be
 obtained1 is of a like  faint and      
negative cast4 ,he tells us in his own  
life1 ,as ,i took a  particular pleasure
 in the company of modest women1 ,i had 
no reason to  be displeased with the    
reception ,i met with from them4 ,in his
 essays he  frequently discusses the    
passion of love1 dividing it into its   
elements  about as systematically as if 
he had subjected it to a chemical       
analysis1 and laying down rules         
regarding it as distinctly and          
specifically as if it were a system of  
logic4 ,nor do the references in  his   
correspondence to any individuals of the
 other sex1 show any  perceptible warmth
 of sentiment4 ,in a letter to ,henry   
,home1 of which the  other portions are 
printed above1#bcb3a he speaks with     
perhaps as much  appearance of sentiment
 as any where else1 when he says1--     
,i thank ,mrs4 ,home for her            
intelligence1 and have much employed my 

brain  to find out the person she means4
 ,it could not be the widow3 for she    
toasts always the ,duke of ,argyle or   
,lord ,stair1 and never would name a    
young man whom she may reasonably enough
 suppose to be in love with her4  ,i    
shall therefore flatter myself it was   
,miss ,dalrymple4 ,it is now  ,exchequer
 term3 she is among the few very fine   
ladies of ,mrs4 ,home's  acquaintance1  
whom ,i have the happiness of knowing4  
,in short1 many  circumstances1 besides 
my earnest wishes1 concur to make me    
believe it  was she who did me that     
honour4 ,i will persevere in that       
opinion2 unless  you think it proper to 
disabuse me1 for fear of my being too   
much puft  up with vanity by such a     
conceit4    ,his friend ,jardine1       
writing to him when he was secretary of 
legation in  ,france1 says1 evidently in
 ironical reference to his notorious    
want of  sensibility in this respect1   
,an inordinate love of the fair sex1 as 
,i  have often told you1 is one of those

 sins1 that always1 even from your      
earliest years1 did most easily beset   
you4    ,nor does the following passage 
in a letter from ,mr4 ,crawford1#bcc3a  
dated1 ,london1 #ith ,december1 #agff1  
seem to convey any more serious         
charge3--    ,what keeps you in         
,scotland8 ,lord ,ossory says1 it can be
 nothing but the  young beauty for whom 
you had formerly some passion4 ,but we  
are both of  opinion1 that she must now 
be old and ugly1 and cannot be worthy to
  detain you in so vile a country4      
,neither love nor wit can flourish      
there1 otherwise you would not have     
cracked such bad jokes upon             
philosophers1 the best subject in the   
world for joking upon4 ,then1           
--fuge nate ,de--sterili teque abstrahe 
terr4    ,come up here1 and ,i know not 
but what ,i may be able to introduce you
 to  a young beauty1 such as your       
imagination never figured to itself4    
,with  charms and accomplishments       
possessed by no other woman1 she has an 

understanding equal to that of ,madame  
du ,deffand4--,would to ,god she were   
blind like her too1 that ,i might dare  
to avow my passion for her4    ,if there
 be any thing in these passages tending 
to show a slight degree  of interest in 
the sex1 their tendency will perhaps be 
fully neutralized  by ,hume's exultation
 on the fortunate nature of his own     
happy  indifference1 in a letter to     
,oswald1 which will be found a few pages
  farther on4 ,it must be confessed1    
indeed1 that1 according to all          
appearance1 the appellation1 more       
expressive than classical1 frequently   
used on such occasions1 is applicable to
 ,hume1 and that he was a sad           
indifferent dog4    ,to return to the   
verses4--,the following is a specimen of
 a totally  different cast2 and1 if less
 ambitious in its pretensions1 it will  
probably be thought to have more        
successfully accomplished what it aims  
at4 ,it is called ,an ,epistle to ,mr4  
,john ,medina1 a son of ,sir ,john      

,medina1 the celebrated painter1 to     
whom1 probably from the habits hinted   
at in the verses1 he was a far inferior 
artist4 ,he is believed to have  been   
the painter of a large portion of the   
very numerous extant  portraits of      
,queen ,mary4 ,it would be difficult at 
this day to discover  the individual    
whom he is here called upon to portray1 
with attributes  about as grotesque as  
those of his inexplicable countryman1   
,aiken ,drum4  ,as several names of     
persons who were active supporters of   
the measures  of social economy1 and the
 agricultural improvements alluded to in
 the  verses1 might be adduced1 but no  
one can be named to whom they appear    
distinctly and exclusively to apply1 it 
may be less invidious to present  them  
in the form of a purely imaginative     
picture1 than to associate them  with   
any name4      ,,an ,,epistle ,,to ,,mr4
 ,,john ,,medina4         ,now1 dear    
,medina1 honest ,john1       ,since all 
your former friends are gone1       ,and

 even ,macgibbon 's turn'd a            
saint1#bcd3a       ,you now perhaps have
 time to paint4       ,for you1 and for 
your pencil fit1       ,the subject     
shall be full of wit4         ,draw me a
 little lively knight1       ,and place 
the figure full in sight4       ,with   
mien erect1 and sprightly air1       ,to
 win the great1 and catch the fair4     
,make him a wreath of turnip tops1      
,with madder interwove1 and hops2       
,lucerne1 and ,st4 ,foin1 here and      
there1       ,amid the foliage must     
appear2       ,then add potatoes1 white 
and red1       ,a garland for our hero's
 head4         ,his coat be of election 
laws1       ,lined with the patriot's   
good old cause4       ,his waistcoat of 
the linen bill1       ,lapelled with    
flint and lined with tull4       ,the   
turnpike act must serve for breeches2   
,with hose of rape tied up with fetches1
       ,furrows1 new horse-hoed1 hide   
his shoes1       ,as earnest cross the  
fields he goes4         ,draw ,pallas   

offering him a spool1       ,the        
,lemnian god a miner's tool4            
,ceres three stalks of blighted corn1   
,dangling from an inverted horn2        
,and ,plutus every scheme inspiring     
,with proffer'd gold1 but still         
retiring3       ,alike to each important
 call1       ,attentive1 let him grasp  
at all4         ,finish1 my friend1 this
 grand design1       ,and immortality be
 thine4       ,no more obliged1 for     
twenty groats1       ,to draw the ,duke1
 or ,queen of ,scots1       ,your name  
shall rise1 prophetic fame says1        
,above your ,mercis#bce3a or your       
,ramsays4       ,even ,i1 in literary   
story1       ,perhaps shall have my     
share of glory4    ,hume was again      
called away from the studious retirement
 of ,ninewells1 by  being appointed     
secretary to the mission of his friend  
,general ,st4  ,clair1 to the court of  
,turin4 ,the real object of the mission1
 in  whatever aspect it might have been 
openly represented1 certainly was to    

satisfy the ,british court on the       
question1 whether ,sardinia1 and perhaps
  some of the other stipendiary states1 
had furnished their respective  quotas  
of men to the war4 ,the following letter
 by ,hume to his friend  ,oswald1       
details many of his feelings on assuming
 this new duty4 ,it will  be found to be
 as different in tone from his previous 
letters1 as the  life he was entering on
 was different from his hermit          
retirement at  ,ninewells1 or his       
slavery at ,weldhall4 ,this letter1     
indeed1 appears to  mark an epoch in his
 correspondence4 ,it is the first in    
which he  mentions miscellaneous public 
events1 with the feeling of one who     
takes  an interest in the living        
politics of his time2 and shows that the
 brief  episode of active practical     
life1 in which he had just borne a      
share1  and the prospect of a renewal of
 such scenes1 had opened his mind to the
  reception of external impressions4    
,,hume to ,,james ,,oswald4    ,i have  

little more to say to you than to bid   
you adieu before ,i leave  this country4
 ,i got an invitation from ,general ,st4
 ,clair1 to attend him  in his new      
employment at the court of ,turin1 which
 ,i hope will prove an  agreeable1 if   
not a profitable jaunt for me4 ,i shall 
have an opportunity  of seeing courts   
and camps2 and if ,i can afterwards be  
so happy as to  attain leisure and other
 opportunities1 this knowledge may even 
turn to  account to me1 as a man of     
letters1 which1 ,i confess1 has always  
been  the sole object of my ambition4 ,i
 have long had an intention1 in my      
riper years1 of composing some history2 
and ,i question not but some  greater   
experience in the operations of the     
field1 and the intrigues of  the        
cabinet1 will be requisite1 in order to 
enable me to speak with  judgment upon  
these subjects4 ,but1 notwithstanding of
 these flattering  ideas of futurity1 as
 well as the present charms of variety1 
,i must  confess that ,i left home with 

infinite regret1 where ,i had treasured 
up  stores of study and plans of        
thinking for many years4 ,i am sure ,i  
shall  not be so happy as ,i should have
 been had ,i prosecuted these4 ,but1 in 
certain situations1 a man dares not     
follow his own judgment or refuse  such 
offers as these4    ,the subscriptions  
for the stocks were filled up with      
wonderful  quickness this year2 but1 as 
the ministry had made no private        
bargains  with stock-jobbers1 but opened
 books for every body1 these            
money-dealers  have clogged the wheels a
 little1 and the subscribers find       
themselves  losers on the disposal of   
their stock1 to their great surprise4   
,there was a controverted election1 that
 has made some noise1 betwixt  ,john    
,pitt and ,mr4 ,drax of the ,prince's   
family1 when ,mr4 ,pelham1 finding      
himself under a necessity of disobliging
 the heir-apparent1 resolved to  have   
others as deep in the scrape as himself2
 and accordingly obliged  ,fox1 ,pitt1  

,lyttelton1 and ,hume ,campbell1 all to 
speak on the same side4  ,they say their
 speeches were very diverting4 ,an ass  
could not mumble a  thistle more        
ridiculously than they handled this     
subject4 ,particularly  our countryman1 
not being prepared1 was not able to     
speak a word to the  subject1 but spent 
half an hour in protestations of his own
 integrity1  disinterestedness1 and     
regard to every man's right and         
property4    ,his brother1 ,lord        
,marchmont1 has had the most            
extraordinary adventure  in the world4  
,about three weeks ago he was at the    
play1 where he espied  in one of the    
boxes a fair virgin1 whose looks1 air1  
and manner1 made  such a powerful and   
wonderful effect upon him as was visible
 to every  bystander4 ,his raptures were
 so undisguised1 his looks so expressive
 of  passion1 his inquiries so earnest1 
that every body took notice of it4 ,he  
soon was told that her name was         
,crompton1 a linen-draper's daughter1   

that had been bankrupt last year1 and   
had not been able to pay above  five    
shillings in the pound4 ,the fair nymph 
herself was about sixteen or  seventeen1
 and being supported by some relations1 
appeared in every  public place1 and had
 fatigued every eye but that of his     
,lordship1  which1 being entirely       
employed in the severer studies1 had    
never till  that fatal moment opened    
upon her charms4 ,such and so powerful  
was their  effect1 as to be able to     
justify all the ,pharamonds and ,cyruses
 in their  utmost extravagancies4 ,he   
wrote next morning to her father1       
desiring  leave to visit his daughter on
 honourable terms2 and in a few days she
  will be ,countess of ,marchmont4#bch3a
 ,all this is certainly true4 ,they  say
 many small fevers prevent a great one4 
,heaven be praised that ,i have  always 
liked the persons and company of the    
fair sex6 for by that means  ,i hope to 
escape such ridiculous passions4 ,but   
could you ever suspect  the ambitious1  

the severe1 the bustling1 the impetuous1
 the violent  ,marchmont1 of becoming so
 tender and gentle a swain--an          
,artamenes1 an  ,oroondates8    ,the    
officers1 7,i suppose from effeminacy17 
are generally much disgusted  at the    
service4 ,they speak of no less than    
three hundred1 high and low1  who have  
desired leave to sell out4 ,i am1       
c4#bch3b    ,london1 ,january #bi1      
#agdh4      ,on the same occasion he    
writes the following short letter to    
,henry ,home4      ,london1 ,feb4 #i4   
#agdh4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,the doubt and 
ambiguity with which ,i came hither was 
soon  removed4 ,general ,st4 ,clair     
positively refused to accept of a       
secretary  from the ministry2 and ,i go 
along with him in the same station as   
before4 ,every body congratulates me    
upon the pleasure ,i am to reap from    
this jaunt3 and really ,i have little to
 oppose to this prepossession1  except  
an inward reluctance to leave my books1 
and leisure and retreat4  ,however1 ,i  

am glad to find this passion still so   
fresh and entire2 and  am sure1 by its  
means1 to pass my latter days happily   
and cheerfully1  whatever fortune may   
attend me4    ,i leave here two works   
going on3 a new edition of my ,essays1  
all of  which you have seen1 except one1
 ',of the ,protestant ,succession1'     
where ,i  treat that subject as coolly  
and indifferently as ,i would the       
dispute  between ,csar and ,pompey4 ,the
 conclusion shows me a ,whig1 but a very
  sceptical one4 ,some people would     
frighten me with the consequences that  
may attend this candour1 considering my 
present station2 but ,i own ,i  cannot  
apprehend any thing4    ,the other work 
is the ',philosophical ,essays1' which  
you dissuaded me  from printing4 ,i     
won't justify the prudence of this step1
 any other way  than by expressing my   
indifference about all the consequences 
that may  follow4 ,i will expect to hear
 from you2 as you may from me4 ,remember
 me  to ,mrs4 ,home1 and believe me to  

be yours most sincerely4    ,p4,s4--,we 
set out on ,friday next for             
,harwich4#bci3a      ,of his second     
appointment under ,general ,st4 ,clair1 
on the duties of  which he entered at   
the beginning of the year #agdh1 ,hume  
thus speaks in  his own life1 after     
having mentioned the descent on the     
coast of  ,france1--      ,next year1 to
 wit1 #agdg1 ,i received an invitation  
from the ,general to  attend him in the 
same station in his military embassy to 
the courts of  ,vienna and ,turin4 ,i   
then wore the uniform of an officer1 and
 was  introduced at these courts as     
aid-de-camp to the ,general1 along with 
,sir  ,harry ,erskine and ,captain      
,grant1 now ,general ,grant4 ,these two 
years were  almost the only             
interruptions which my studies have     
received during the  course of my life4 
,i passed them agreeably1 and in good   
company2 and my  appointments1 with my  
frugality1 had made me reach a fortune1 
which ,i  called independent1 though    

most of my friends were inclined to     
smile  when ,i said so3 in short1 ,i was
 now master of near a thousand pounds4  
,we fortunately possess a more detailed 
account of his adventures and           
observations on this occasion1 in a     
pretty minute journal which he          
transmitted to his brother1 for the     
amusement of his family at  home4#bdj3a 
,it requires no farther introduction1   
and is as follows3--      ,hague1 #c;d  
,march1 #agdh1 ,n4 ,s4    ,,dear        
,,brother1--,i have taken a fancy1 for  
your amusement1 to write a  sort of     
journal of our travels1 and to send you 
the whole from ,turin1 by  a messenger  
whom we are to despatch from thence4 ,i 
shall endeavour to  find little snatches
 of leisure in the several towns through
 which we  shall pass1 and shall give   
you an account of the appearances of    
things1  more than of our own           
adventures4 ,the former may be some     
entertainment1  but the other will in   
all probability contain little          

diversity1 at least  for some time4     
,we set out from ,harwich the day ,i    
wrote you last1 and in twenty-four      
hours arrived at ,helvoet-,sluys4 ,i had
 the misfortune to be excessively  sick1
 but the consolation to see an admiral  
as sick as myself4 ',twas  ,admiral     
,forbes1 the most agreeable1 sensible   
sea officer in ,england4  ,harwich and  
,helvoet are the general images in      
abridgment of all the  towns in the two 
countries2 both of them small sea-port  
towns1 without  much trade1 or any      
support but passengers2 yet the         
industry1 economy1  and cleanliness of  
the ,dutch1 have made the latter the    
much prettier  town4 ,the day of our    
arrival we lay at ,rotterdam1 and passed
 through the  ,brill and                
,maeslan-,sluys4 ,yesterday we lay at   
this place4 ,holland has the  beauties  
of novelty to a stranger1 as being so   
much different from all  the other parts
 of the world2 but not those of         
diversity1 for every part  of it is like

 another4 ',tis an unbounded plain1     
divided by canals1 and  ditches1 and    
rivers4 ,the sea higher than the        
country1 the towns higher  than the sea1
 and the ramparts higher than the towns4
 ,the country is in  general pretty     
open1 except a few willow trees1 and the
 avenues of elm1  which lead to their   
towns1 and shade the ramparts4 ,but the 
country is at  present covered with     
snow1 so that it is difficult to judge  
of it4 ,were  the season favourable1 the
 way of travelling would be very        
pleasant1  being along the dykes1 which 
gives you a perfect prospect of the     
whole  country4 ,i need not describe the
 beauty and elegance of the ,dutch      
towns1  particularly of the ,hague1     
which nothing can exceed4 ,rotterdam is 
also a  handsome town4 ,the mixture of  
houses1 trees1 and ships1 has a fine    
effect1 and unites town1 country1 and   
sea1 in one prospect4 ,every person  and
 every house has the appearance of      
plenty and sobriety1 of industry  and   

ease4 ,i own1 however1 that the outside 
of their houses are the best2  they are 
too slight1 full of bad windows1 and not
 very well contrived4      ,hague1 #ajth
 ,march4    ,the ,general intended to   
have left this place to-day1 but was    
detained  by the arrival of his ,royal  
,highness1#bdb3a which will retard him a
 day  or two longer4 ,we go first to    
,breda1 where the ,general's two        
battalions  lie1 out of which he will   
endeavour to form one good healthy      
battalion  to remain here4 ,the other   
returns to ,scotland4 ,we go in a day or
 two4  ,the ,prince of ,orange's        
authority seems firmly established1 and 
for the  present is as absolute as that 
of any king in ,europe2 the favour of   
the  people is the foundation of        
it4#bdb3b ,he is certainly a man of     
great  humanity and moderation1 but his 
courage and capacity is perhaps a       
little more doubtful4 ,the present      
emergencies have given him an           
opportunity of establishing his         

authority on a firmer bottom than       
popular favour2 viz4 on foreign and     
mercenary forces4 ,the ,dutch troops    
have behaved so ill1 that the people    
themselves are willing to see them      
disgraced1 and discredited1 and broke2  
so that the prince has been able  to    
make great distinctions in favour of    
foreigners1 with the good will  of the  
people1 who see the necessity of it4    
,he has broke all the ,dutch troops that
 were prisoners in ,france1 but  keeps  
up the foreigners that were in the same 
condition2 and the latter  are chiefly  
encouraged in every thing4 ,great and   
universal joy appeared  on the birth of 
the young prince while we were there1   
though all the  arrangements were taken 
to have the young princess succeed1 and 
particularly1 she was named colonel of a
 regiment of guards4    ,this is a place
 of little or no amusement1 nor has the 
court made much  difference in this     
respect4 ,no balls1 no comedy1 no opera4
 ,the prince  gives great application to

 business1 which1 however1 they pretend 
does  not advance very much4 ,but this  
we may venture to say1 that ,holland was
  undoubtedly ruined by its liberty1 and
 has now a chance of being saved  by its
 prince4 ,let republicans make the best 
of this example they can4    ',tis here 
regarded as a point indisputable1 that  
the old governors were  in concert with 
the ,french1 and were resolved1 by      
delivering up town  after town1 and army
 after army1 to have peace1 though at   
the price of  slavery and dependence4   
',tis a pity that the scrupulous and    
conscientious character of the prince   
has not allowed him to make some        
examples of these rascals1 against whom1
 'tis said1 there could have  been legal
 proofs4 ,it was not the mob1 properly  
speaking1 that made the  revolution1 but
 the middling and substantial tradesmen4
 ,at ,rotterdam  particularly1 these    
sent a regular deputation to the        
magistrates1  requiring the             
establishment of the ,prince of ,orange1

 telling them1 at  the same time1 that  
if their request was refused1 they could
 no longer  answer for the mob4 ,this   
hint was sufficiently understood1 and   
gave an  example to all the other towns 
in the province4    ,the only violence  
offered1 was that of throwing into the  
canals whoever  wore not ,orange        
ribbons4 ,every yellow rag1 woollen1    
silk1 and linen1  were employed2 and    
when these were exhausted1 the flowers  
were made use  of2 and happily the      
revolution began in the spring1 when the
 primroses  and daffodillys could serve 
as ,orange cockades4 ,to this day1 every
  boor1 and tradesman1 and schoolboy1   
wears the ensigns of the prince2 and    
every street in every village1 as well  
as in every town1 has triumphal  arches 
with emblematical figures and ,latin    
inscriptions1 such as1  ',tandem        
justitia triumphat1' ',novus ab integro 
sclorum nascitur ordo1'  ',vox populi1  
vox ,dei4' ,i shall only say1 if this   
last motto be true1 the  ,prince of     

,orange is the only ,jure divino monarch
 in the universe4 ,i  believe1 since the
 time of ,germanicus1 deservedly the    
darling of the  ,romans1 never was a    
people so fond of one man2 surely there 
entered not  the smallest intrigue of   
his own into his election4 ,there is    
something  of innocence and simplicity  
in his character1 which promotes more   
his  popularity than the greatest       
capacity4 ,but1         ,non tali       
auxilio1 nec defensoribus istis         
,tempus eget4      ,breda1 #afth ,march4
    ,we arrived here the day before     
yesterday1 in three days from the       
,hague1  and as the snows were then     
melted1 after the most violent frost in 
the  world1 we discovered ,holland in   
all its native deformity4 ,nothing can  
be  more disagreeable than that heap of 
dirt1 and mud1 and ditches1 and  reeds1 
which they here call a country1 except  
the silly collection of  shells and     
clipped evergreens which they call a    
garden4 ,it gave us a  sensible         

pleasure1 as we came near ,breda1 to    
find ourselves on a dry  barren heath1  
and to see something like a human       
habitation4 ,i have heard  that a man1  
from the aspect of ,holland1 would      
imagine that land and  water1 after many
 struggles which should be master of it1
 had at last  agreed to share it betwixt
 them4 ,if so1 the land has come by much
 the  worst bargain1 and has much the   
smallest share of the possession4 ,i am 
told1 however1 that ,holland is a       
pleasant enough habitation in the       
summer3 though even that beauty lasts a 
very short time2 for1 during the  latter
 end of summer and during the harvest1  
the canals send forth so  disagreeable  
and unwholesome a smell1 that there is  
no enduring of it4    ,we passed over   
the ,maese at ,gorcum1 where it is above
 half a mile  broad2 and as the ice had 
been softened by a thaw of three or four
 days1  we were obliged to make use of  
an ice boat4 ,the operation is after    
this  manner3 you place yourself on your

 ice boat1 which is like an ordinary    
boat1 except only that it runs upon two 
keels1 shod with iron4 ,three or  four  
men push you along in this boat1 very   
cleverly1 as long as the ice  will bear 
you3 but whenever that fails1 plump down
 you go into the water  of a sudden4    
,you are very heartily frightened4 ,the 
men are wet1 up to  the neck sometimes2 
but1 keeping hold of the boat1 leap in1 
row you  through the water1 till they   
come to ice which can bear4 ,there they 
pull  you up1 run along with you1 till  
you sink again2 and so they renew the   
same operation4    ,at ,gorcum we met   
with ,drumlanrig's regiment1 which does 
no great honour  to their country by    
their looks and appearances4 ,there has 
been a mutiny  amongst them1 out of     
discontent to the country4 ,we met with 
some  ,highlanders1 who regretted       
extremely their native hills4    ,the   
night we came to ,breda we supped with  
,lord ,albemarle1 who told us1  in      
entering1 that we might soon expect to  

hear of a battle in the  neighbourhood2 
and accordingly1 in about an hour1 a    
messenger came in  with the news1 which 
is the best we have had in the ,low     
,countries during  the whole war4 ,you  
have no doubt heard of it4 ,it was the  
attack of a  convoy to ,bergen-op-,zoom1
 escorted by about #ejjj ,french1 where 
#djj were  killed1 and about #ajjj taken
 prisoners4#bdf3a ,next day1 the        
prisoners  were led through the town4   
,they were the piquets of several old   
regiments1 and some companies of        
grenadiers2 but such pitiful-looking    
fellows never man set eye on4 ,france is
 surely much exhausted of men1  when she
 can fill her armies with such poor     
wretches4 ,we all said1 when  they      
passed along1 are these the people that 
have beat us so often8    ,i stood      
behind ,lord ,albemarle1 who was looking
 over a low window to see  them4 ,one of
 the ragged scarecrows1 seeing his      
lordship's star and  ribbon1 turned     
about to him1 and said very briskly1    

',aujourd'hui pour  vous1 ,monsieur1    
demain pour le roi4' ,if they have all  
this spirit1 no  wonder they beat us4   
,however1 when one compares to the      
,french the  figures of men that are in 
this town1 ,british1 ,hessians1 and     
,austrians1  they seem almost of a      
different species4 ,their officers      
expect they will  all do much better    
after having had leisure to see their   
enemy4 ,breda is  a strong town1 though 
not near so strong as ,bergen-op-zoom4  
,it is almost  surrounded by water1 and 
inaccessible except in one place1 by    
which it  will be taken1 if the #bjf1jjj
 men1 whom we are to have in the field  
this  year1 in the ,low ,countries1     
cannot save it4 ',tis certain so many   
men are  stipulated by the several      
powers1--the greatest army that ever was
  assembled together in the world1 since
 the ,xerxeses and ,artaxerxeses2 if    
these could be called armies4 ,god      
prosper his royal highness1 and give    
him what he only wants2 ,i mean good    

fortune1 to second his prudence and     
conduct4    ,the ,french certainly have 
laid their account to give up ,flanders 
by  the peace2 they squeeze1 and        
oppress1 and tax and abuse the ,flemings
 so  much1 that 'tis evident they       
consider them not as subjects4 ,they are
  also said to be pretty heartily tired 
of the war1 notwithstanding of  their   
great successes4 ,i suppose the loss of 
their trade pinches them2  so that there
 are some hopes of a peace1 which may   
not be altogether  intolerable4 ,by the 
conversation ,i have had with several   
judicious  officers1 ,i find that       
,mareschal ,saxe and ,lowendahl1 though 
sensible men  and of great experience1  
are not regarded as such mighty generals
 as we  are apt to imagine them at a    
distance1 from their victories and      
conquests4 ,their blunders last campaign
 were many and obvious1 and             
particularly that of besieging          
,bergen-op-zoom4 ',twas a thousand to   
one  they got it1 and it serves them to 

no purpose when they have it3 ,it is    
not by that quarter they can penetrate  
into the ,provinces4      ,nimeguen1    
#bjth ,march4    ,we have come from     
,breda in two days1 and lay last night  
at ,bois-le-duc1  which is situated in  
the midst of a lake1 and is absolutely  
impregnable4  ,that part of ,brabant1   
through which we travelled1 is not very 
fertile1  and is full of sandy heaths4  
,nimeguen is in the ,gueldre1 the       
pleasantest  province of the seven1     
perhaps of the seventeen4 ,the land is  
beautifully  divided into heights and   
plains1 and is cut by the branches of   
the  ,rhine4 ,nimeguen has a very       
commanding prospect1 and the country    
below it  is particularly remarkable at 
present because of the innundation of   
the  ,wahal1 a branch of the ,rhine1    
which covers the whole fields for       
several  leagues2 and you see nothing   
but the tops of trees standing up amidst
  the waters1 which recalls the idea of 
,egypt during the inundations of  the   

,nile4 ,nimeguen is a well-built town1  
not very strong1 though  surrounded with
 a great many works4 ,here we met our   
machines1 which came  hither by a       
shorter road from the ,hague4 ,they are 
a berline for the  general and his      
company1 and a chaise for the servants4 
,we set out  to-morrow1 and pass by     
,cologne1 ,frankfort1 and ,ratisbon1    
till we meet  with the ,danube1 and then
 we sail down that river for two hundred
 and  fifty miles to ,vienna4           
,cologne1 #bc;d ,march4    ,we came     
hither last night1 and have travelled   
through an extreme  pleasant country    
along the banks of the ,rhine4          
,particularly ,cleves1  which belongs to
 the ,king of ,prussia1 is very         
agreeable1 because of the  beauty of the
 roads1 which are avenues bordered with 
fine trees4 ,the  land in that province 
is not fertile1 but is well cultivated4 
,the  bishoprick of ,cologne is more    
fertile and adorned with fine woods as  
well as ,cleves4 ,the country is all    

very populous1 the houses good1 and  the
 inhabitants well clothed and well fed4 
,this is one of the largest  cities in  
,europe1 being near a league in         
diameter4 ,the houses are all  high2 and
 there is no interval of gardens or     
fields4 ,so that you would  expect it   
must be very populous4 ,but it is not   
so4 ,it is extremely  decayed1 and is   
even falling to ruin4 ,nothing can      
strike one with more  melancholy than   
its appearance1 where there are marks of
 past opulence  and grandeur1 but such  
present waste and decay1 as if it had   
lately  escaped a pestilence or famine4 
,we are told1 that it was formerly the  
centre of all the trade of the ,rhine1  
which has been since removed to         
,holland1 ,liege1 ,frankfort1 c4 ,here  
we see the ,rhine in its natural  state2
 being only a little higher 7but no     
broader7 on account of the  melting of  
the snows4 ,i think it is as broad as   
from the foot of your  house to the     
opposite banks of the river4            

,bonne1 #bdth ,march4    ,this is about 
six leagues from ,cologne1 a pleasant   
well-built little  town1 upon the banks 
of the ,rhine1 and is the seat of the   
archbishop4 ,we  have bestowed half a   
day in visiting his palace1 which is an 
extensive  magnificent building2 and he 
is certainly the best lodged prince in  
,europe except the ,king of ,france4    
,for1 besides this palace1 and a sort   
of ,maison de ,plaisance near it1 7the  
most elegant thing in the world17  he   
has also two country houses very        
magnificent4 ,he is the late  emperor's 
brother2 and is1 as they say1 a very    
fine gentleman2--a man of  pleasure1    
very gallant and gay2 he has always at  
his court a company of  ,french         
comedians and ,italian singers4 ,and as 
he always keeps out of  wars1 being     
protected by the sacredness of his      
character1 he has nothing  to hope and  
nothing to fear2 and seems to be the    
happiest prince in  ,europe4 ,however1  
we could wish he took a little more care

 of his  high-ways1 even though his     
furniture1 pictures1 and building were a
  little less elegant4 ,we are got into 
a country where we have no fires  but   
stoves2 and no covering but feather     
beds2 neither of which ,i like1  both of
 them are too warm and suffocating4     
,coblentz1 #bfth ,march4    ,we have    
made the pleasantest journey in the     
world in two days from  ,bonne to this  
town4 ,we travel all along the banks of 
the ,rhine2  sometimes in open1         
beautiful1 well-cultivated plains2 at   
another time  sunk betwixt high         
mountains1 which are only divided by the
 ,rhine1 the  finest river in the world4
 ,one of these mountains is always      
covered with  wood to the top2 the other
 with vines2 and the mountain is so     
steep that  they are obliged to support 
the earth by walls1 which rise one above
  another like terraces to the length of
 forty or fifty stories4 ,every  quarter
 of a mile1 7indeed as often as there is
 any flat bottom for a  foundation17 you

 meet with a handsome village1 situated 
in the most  romantic manner in the     
world4 ,surely there never was such an  
assemblage  of the wild and cultivated  
beauties in one scene4 ,there are also  
several  magnificent convents and       
palaces to embellish the prospects4     
,this is a very thriving well-built     
town1 situated at the confluence of  the
 ,moselle and the ,rhine1 and           
consequently very finely situated4 ,over
  the former river there is a handsome  
stone bridge2 over the latter a  flying 
bridge1 which is a boat fixed by a      
chain3 this chain is fixed by  an anchor
 to the bottom of the middle of the     
river far above1 and is  supported by   
seven little boats placed at intervals  
that keep it along  the surface of the  
water4 ,by means of the rudder1 they    
turn the head of  the large boat to the 
opposite bank1 and the current of the   
river  carries it over of itself4 ,it   
goes over in about four minutes1 and    
will  carry four or five hundred people4

 ,it stays about five or six minutes    
and then returns4 ,two men are          
sufficient to guide it1 and it is       
certainly a very pretty machine4 ,there 
is the like at ,cologne4 ,this town  is 
the common residence of the ,archbishop 
of ,treves1 who has here a  pretty      
magnificent palace4 ,we have now        
travelled along a great part of  that   
country1 through which the ,duke of     
,marlborough marched up his army1  when 
he led them into ,bavaria4 ',tis of this
 country ,mr4 ,addison speaks  when he  
calls the people--         ,nations of  
slaves by ,tyranny debased1       ,their
 ,maker's image more than half-defaced4 
,and he adds that the soldiers were--   
,hourly instructed as they urge their   
toil1       ,to prize their ,queen and  
love their native soil4    ,if any foot 
soldier could have more ridiculous      
national prejudices than  the poet1 ,i  
should be much surprised4 ,be assured   
there is not a finer  country in the    
world2 nor are there any signs of       

poverty among the  people4 ,but ,john   
,bull's prejudices are ridiculous1 as   
his insolence is  intolerable4          
,frankfort1 #bhth ,march4    ,our road  
from ,coblentz to this passes through a 
great many princes'  territories2       
,nassau's1 ,hesse's1 ,baden's1 ,mentz1  
and this ,republic1 c4  and there is as 
great a diversity in the nature of the  
country4 ,the  first part of the road   
from ,coblentz to ,weis-,baden is very  
mountainous  and woody1 but populous and
 well-cultivated4 ,in many places the   
snow is  lying very thick4 ,the road is 
disagreeable for a coach2 sometimes you 
go  along the side of a hill with a     
precipice below you1 and have not an    
inch to spare2 and the road hanging all 
the way towards the precipice1  so that 
one had need to have a good head to look
 out of the windows4  ,nassau1 the      
prince of ,orange's capital1 is but a   
village1 and one of the  most           
indifferent ,i have seen in ,germany4   
,betwixt ,weis-,baden and  ,frankfort we

 travel along the banks of the ,maine1  
and see one of the  finest plains in the
 world4 ,i never saw such rich soil nor 
better  cultivated2 all in corn and sown
 grass4 ,for we have not met with any   
natural grass in ,germany4    ,frankfort
 is a very large town1 well-built and of
 great riches and  commerce4 ,around it 
there are several little country houses 
of the  citizens1 the first of that kind
 we have seen in ,germany2 for every    
body1 except the farmers1 live in towns1
 and these dwell all in  villages4      
,whether this be for company or         
protection1 or devotion1 ,i  cannot     
tell4 ,but it has certainly its         
inconveniences4 ,princes have also      
seats in the country1 and monks have    
their convents2 but no private          
gentleman ever dwells there4 ,to-morrow 
we pass over the field of  ,dettingen4  
,we saw ,heighst ,hchst to-day1 where   
,lord ,stair past the  ,maine1 and was  
recalled4 ,the post he took seems not so
 good as we have  heard it represented4 

,we saw ,general ,mordaunt at ,cologne1 
who was at the  battle of ,dettingen1   
and gave us an exact description of the 
whole1  which we are to-morrow to       
compare with the field4 ,frankfort is a 
,protestant town4      ,wurtzburg1 #cjth
 ,march4    ,the first town we come to  
after leaving ,frankfort is ,hanau1     
which  belongs to the ,landgrave of     
,hesse1 and where there is a palace1    
that may  lodge any king in ,europe1    
though the ,landgrave never almost lives
 there4  ,hanau is a very beautiful1    
well-built1 but not large town1 on the  
banks  of the ,maine4 ,all the houses   
almost in ,germany are of plaster1      
either  upon brick or wood1 but very    
neatly done1 and many of them painted   
over1  which makes them look very gay4  
,their peasants' houses are sometimes   
plaster1 sometimes clay upon wood1 two  
stories high1 and look very well4       
,next post beyond ,hanau is the village 
of ,dettingen1 where we walked out  and 
surveyed the field of battle1#beb3a     

accompanied with the  postmaster1 who   
saw the battle from his windows4 ,good  
,god1 what an  escape we made there6    
,the ,maine is a large river not        
fordable2 this lay  on our left hand4   
,on our right1 high mountains covered   
with thick wood1  for several leagues4  
,the plain is not half a mile broad4    
,the ,french were  posted by ,noailles  
with their right supported by the river 
and the  village of ,dettingen2 their   
left by the mountains2 on their front a 
little rivulet1 which formed some       
marshes and meadows altogether          
impassable for the cavalry1 and passable
 with difficulty by the  infantry4 ,add 
to this1 that their cannon1 played in   
safety on the other  side of the ,maine1
 raked the whole plain before           
,dettingen1 and took our  army in flank4
 ,noailles had past the bridge of       
,aschaffenbourg which was  not broke    
down1 and came up upon our rear2 and our
 army was starving for  want of         
provisions4    ,such an arrangement of  

circumstances1 as it were contrived to  
ruin an  army1 a king and kingdom1 never
 was before found in the world2 and yet 
there we gained a victory1 by the folly 
of ,grammont1 who past that  rivulet1   
and met us in the open plain1 before    
,noailles had come up4 ,we  were        
travelling in great security1           
notwithstanding two repeated            
informations that the ,french had past  
the ,maine2 the baggage of the army  was
 betwixt the two lines2 and when the    
first cannons were fired1  ,neuperg and 
,stair both agreed that it could be     
nothing but the ,french  signal guns4   
,but when they were certain that the    
affair was more in  earnest1 ,stair     
said1 ',go to the king2 ,i take nothing 
upon me4' ,clayton  said1 ',i will take 
it upon me1 to remove the baggage4' ,and
 it was he  that made the little        
disposition that was made that day4 ,the
 ,english  behaved ill3 the ,french     
worse1 which gave us the victory4 ,but  
this  victory so unexpectedly gained1 we

 pushed not as we ought1 by the  counsel
 of ,neuperg4 ,what ,lord ,stair's whim 
was to advance to  ,aschaffenbourg1     
where he was twenty-five miles from     
,frankfort1 the place  of all his       
magazines1 'tis impossible to imagine4  
,surely he could  advance no farther1 as
 he must have been convinced had he     
reconnoitred  the road4 ,it runs over   
high mountains1 and for twenty-five     
miles through  the thickest woods in the
 world4    ,there is a pass three or    
four miles beyond ,aschaffenbourg1 where
 no  army could go with cannon and      
baggage4 ,when we#bed3a came to the foot
  of it a trumpeter met us1 who played a
 tune for joy of our safe arrival2  and 
the like on our ascending the opposite  
hill4 ,the woods beyond are  the finest 
,i ever saw4 ,wurtzburg is a very       
well-built town1 situated in  a fine    
valley on the ,maine4 ,the banks of the 
river are very high1 and  covered with  
vines4 ,the river runs through the town1
 and is passed on a  very handsome      

bridge4 ,but what renders this town     
chiefly remarkable1 is  a building which
 surprised us all1 because we had never 
before heard of  it1 and did not there  
expect to meet with such a thing4 ',tis 
a  prodigious magnificent palace of the 
bishop who is the sovereign4 ',tis  all 
of hewn stone and of the richest        
architecture4 ,i do think the king  of  
,france has not such a house4 ,if it be 
less than ,versailles1 'tis more        
complete and finished4 ,what a          
surprising thing it is1 that these petty
  princes can build such palaces3 but it
 has been fifty years a rearing2  and   
'tis the chief expense of ecclesiastics4
 ,the bishop of ,wurtzburg is  chosen   
from amongst the canons1 who have a very
 good artifice to  exclude princes4     
',tis a rule1 that every one at entering
 shall receive a  very hearty drubbing  
from the rest3 the brother of the       
elector of  ,bavaria offered a million  
of florins1 to be exempted from the     
ceremony1  and could not prevail4       

,ratisbon1 #b;d ,april4    ,we were all 
very much taken with the town of        
,nuremberg1 where we lay  two nights    
ago2 the houses1 though old-fashioned1  
and of a grotesque  figure1 7having     
sometimes five or six stories of        
garrets17 yet are they  solid1 well     
built1 complete1 and cleanly4 ,the      
people are handsome1 well  clothed1 and 
well fed2 an air of industry and        
contentment1 without  splendour1        
prevails through the whole4 ',tis a     
,protestant republic on the  banks of a 
river1 7whose name ,i have              
forgot1#bee3a7 that runs into the       
,maine1 and is navigable for boats4 ,the
 town is of a large extent4 ,on  leaving
 ,nuremberg we entered into the elector 
of ,bavaria's country1  where the       
contrast appeared very strong with the  
inhabitants of the  former republic4    
,there was a great air of poverty in    
every face2 the  first poverty indeed we
 had seen in ,germany4 ,we travelled    
also through  part of the elector       

,palatine's country1 and then returned  
to ,bavaria2  but though the country be 
good and well cultivated1 and populous1 
the  inhabitants are not at their ease4 
,the late miserable wars have no doubt  
hurt them much4 ,ratisbon is a catholic 
republic situated on the banks of  the  
,danube4 ,the houses and buildings1 and 
aspect of the people1 are well  enough1 
though not comparable to those of       
,nuremberg4 ',tis pretended that  the   
difference is always sensible betwixt a 
,protestant and ,catholic  country1     
throughout all ,germany2 and perhaps    
there may be something in  this         
observation1 though it is not every     
where sensible4    ,we descend the      
,danube from this to ,vienna2 we go in a
 large boat about  eighty foot long1    
where we have three rooms1 one for      
ourselves1 a second  for the servants1  
and a third for our kitchen4 ',tis made 
entirely of fir  boards1 and is pulled  
to pieces at ,vienna1 the wood sold1 and
 the  watermen return to ,ratisbon      

a-foot4 ,we lie on shore every night4   
,we are  all glad of this variety1 being
 a little tired of our berline4         
,the ,danube1 #gth of ,april4    ,we    
have really made a very pleasant        
journey1 or rather voyage1 with  good   
weather1 sitting at our ease1 and having
 a variety of scenes  continually       
presented to us1 and immediately        
shifted1 as it were in an  opera4 ,the  
banks of the ,danube are very wild and  
savage1 and have a very  different      
beauty from those of the ,rhine2 being  
commonly high scraggy  precipices1      
covered all with firs4 ,the water is    
sometimes so straitened  betwixt these  
mountains1 that this immense river is   
often not sixty foot  broad4 ,we have   
lain in and seen several very good towns
 in ,bavaria and  ,austria1 such as     
,strauburg1 ,passau1 ,lintz2 but what is
 most remarkable  is the great          
magnificence of some convents1          
particularly ,moelk1 where a  set of    
lazy rascals of monks live in the most  

splendid misery of the  world2 for1     
generally speaking1 their lives are as  
little to be envied  as their persons   
are to be esteemed4    ,we enter ,vienna
 in a few hours1 and the country is here
 extremely  agreeable2 the fine plains  
of the ,danube began about thirty miles 
above1  and continued down1 through     
,austria1 ,hungary1 c4 till it falls    
into  the ,black ,sea4 ,the river is    
very magnificent4 ,thus we have finished
 a  very agreeable journey of #hfj miles
 7for so far is ,vienna from the        
,hague17 have past through many a       
prince's territories1 and have had more 
masters than many of these princes have 
subjects4 ,germany is undoubtedly  a    
very fine country1 full of industrious  
honest people2 and were it  united1 it  
would be the greatest power that ever   
was in the world4 ,the  common people   
are here1 almost every where1 much      
better treated1 and  more at their ease1
 than in ,france2 and are not very much 
inferior to  the ,english1              

notwithstanding all the airs the latter 
give themselves4  ,there are great      
advantages in travelling1 and nothing   
serves more to  remove prejudices2 for  
,i confess ,i had entertained no such   
advantageous  idea of ,germany2 and it  
gives a man of humanity pleasure to see 
that so  considerable a part of mankind 
as the ,germans are in so tolerable a   
condition4      ,vienna1 #aeth ,april4  
,the last week was ,easter week1 and    
every body was at their devotions1  so  
that we saw not the court nor the       
emperor and empress1 till  yesterday1   
when we were all introduced by ,sir     
,thomas ,robinson4#beg3a  ,they are a   
well-looked couple1 the emperor has a   
great air of goodness1  and his royal   
consort of spirit4 ,her voice1 and      
manner1 and address are  the most       
agreeable that can be1 and she made us  
several compliments on  our nation4 ,she
 is not a beauty2 but1 being a          
sovereign1 and a woman of  sense and    
spirit1 no wonder she has met such      

extraordinary support from  her         
subjects1 as well as from some other    
nations of ,europe4 ,however1 the       
,english gallantry towards her is a     
little relaxed2 and the ,king of        
,sardinia is their present favourite4   
,she begged of the general not to be  so
 much her enemy as his predecessor1     
,general ,wentworth1 had been4 ,he      
replied1 that a perfect impartiality was
 recommended him by the king1  his      
master2 and that he was resolved to     
preserve it1 though he confessed  that  
was difficult for a person who had had  
the honour of having had  access to her 
imperial majesty4    ,we were introduced
 to-day to the archdukes and            
archduchesses 7who are  fine children7  
and to the empress-dowager4 ,she had    
seen no company for  two months2 but1   
hearing that ,englishmen desired to be  
introduced to  her1 she immediately     
received us4 ,you must know that you    
neither bow  nor kneel to emperors and  
empresses1 but curtsy2 so that1 after we

 had  had a little conversation with her
 imperial majesty1 we were to walk      
backwards through a very long room1     
curtsying all the way1 and there was    
very great danger of our falling foul of
 each other1 as well as of  tumbling    
topsy-turvy4 ,she saw the difficulty we 
were in2 and immediately  called to us3 
',allez1 allez1 ,messieurs1 sans        
crmonie2 vous n'tes pas  accoutums a ce 
mouvement1 et le plancher est glissant4'
 ,we esteemed  ourselves very much      
obliged to her for this attention1      
especially my  companions1 who were     
desperately afraid of my falling on them
 and  crushing them4    ,this court is  
fine1 without being gay2 and the company
 is very  accessible1 without being very
 sociable4 ,when we were to be          
introduced  to the emperor and empress1 
,sir ,thomas ,robinson gathered us all  
together  into a window1 that he might  
be able to carry us to them at once1    
when  the time should be proper4 ,a lady
 came up to him1 and asked him if these 

were not his chickens he was gathering  
under his wings1 after which she  joined
 conversation with us2 and in a little  
time asked us1 if we had  any           
acquaintance of the ladies of the court1
 and if we should not be  glad to know  
their names4 ,we replied that she could 
not do us a greater  favour4 ',why1     
then1' says she1 ',i shall tell you1    
beginning with myself2  ,i am the       
,countess'--she added her name1 which ,i
 am sorry to have forgot4  ,we have met 
with several instances of these         
agreeable liberties4 ,the  women here   
are many of them handsome2 if you ever  
want toasts1 please to  name1 upon my   
authority1 ,mademoiselle ,staremberg1 or
 the ,countess ,palf4    ,the men are   
ugly and awkward4 ,we have seen all     
those fierce heroes1  whom we have so   
often read of in gazettes1 the          
,lichtensteins1 the  ,esterhasis1 the   
,colloredos2 most of them have red heels
 to their shoes1  and wear very         
well-dressed toupees4    ,i have heard  

,maly ,johnston say she was told that   
she was very like the  empress-queen4   
,please tell her it is not so4 ,the     
empress1 though not  very well shaped1  
is better than ,maly2 but she has not so
 good a face4  ,she looks also as if she
 were prouder and worse tempered4       
,apropos1 to  our friends of ,hutton    
hall1 inform them that they have a very 
near  relation at this court1 who is a  
prodigious fine gentleman1 and a great  
fool4 ,his name is ,sir ,james          
,caldwell4#bfj3a ,he told me his        
grandmother  was a ,hume1 and that he   
expected soon to inherit a very fine    
estate by  her1 which he was to share   
with the ,johnstones in ,scotland4 ,but 
he says  it is only ,wynne that has the 
half1 not the ladies1 who have no share2
  so that you'll please tell ,sophy that
 ,i am off2 and give her her  liberty1  
notwithstanding all vows and promises   
that may have past  betwixt us4         
,vienna1 #beth ,april4    ,we set out   
to-morrow1 but go not by the way of     

,venice1 as we at first  proposed4 ,this
 is some mortification to us4 ,we shall 
go1 however1 by  ,milan4 ,this town is  
very little for a capital1 but          
excessively populous4  ,the houses are  
very high1 the streets very narrow and  
crooked1 so that  the many handsome     
buildings that are here1 make not any   
figure4 ,the  suburbs are spacious and  
open2 but1 on the whole1 ,i can never   
believe  what they tell us1 that there  
are two hundred thousand inhabitants in 
it4 ,it is composed entirely of nobility
 and of lackeys1 of soldiers and  of    
priests4 ,now1 ,i believe you'll allow1 
that in a town inhabited only  by these 
four sets of people above-mentioned1 the
 empress-queen could  not have          
undertaken a more difficult task1 than  
that which she has  magnanimously       
entered upon1 viz4 the producing an     
absolute chastity  amongst them4 ,a     
court of chastity is lately erected     
here1 who send all  loose women to the  
frontiers of ,hungary1 where they can   

only debauch  ,turks and ,infidels4 ,i  
hope you will not pay your taxes with   
greater  grudge1 because you hear that  
her imperial majesty1 in whose service  
they are to be spent1 is so great a     
prude4    ,there has been great noise   
made with us on account of the queen's  
new  palace at ,schnbrunn4 ,it is1      
indeed1 a handsome house1 but not very  
great nor richly furnished4 ,she said to
 the general last night1 that not  a    
single soldier had gone to the building1
 whatever might be said in  ,england1   
but that she liked better to be         
tolerably lodged than to have  useless  
diamonds by her2 and that she had sold  
all her crown jewels to  enable her to  
be at that expense4 ,i think1 for a     
sovereign1 she is none  of the worst in 
,europe1 and one cannot forbear liking  
her for the spirit  with which she      
looks1 and speaks1 and acts4 ,but 'tis a
 pity her  ministers have so little     
sense4    ,prince ,eugene's palace in   
the suburbs is an expensive stately     

building1  but of a very barbarous      
,gothic taste4 ,he was more skilled in  
battering  walls than building1 as was  
said of his friend1 the ,duke of        
,marlborough4 ,there is a room in it1   
where all ,prince ,eugene's battles     
were painted3 upon which the ,portuguese
 ambassador told him1 that the  whole   
house was indeed richly furnished1 but  
that all the kings in  ,europe could not
 furnish such a room as that4 ,i have   
been pretty busy  since ,i came here1   
and have regretted it the less that     
there is no very  great amusement in    
this place4 ,no ,italian opera2 no      
,french comedy2 no  dancing4 ,i have1   
however1 heard ,monticelli1 who is the  
next wonder of  the world to ,farinelli4
      ,knittelfeldt in ,styria1 #bhth   
,april4    ,this is about a hundred and 
twenty miles from ,vienna4 ,the first   
forty  is a fine well-cultivated plain1 
after which we enter the mountains2     
and1 as we are told1 we have three      
hundred miles more of them before we    

reach the plains of ,lombardy4 ,the way 
of travelling through a  mountainous    
country is generally very agreeable4 ,we
 are obliged to trace  the course of the
 rivers1 and are always in a pretty     
valley surrounded  by high hills2 and   
have a constant and very quick          
succession of wild  agreeable prospects 
every quarter of a mile4 ,through       
,styria nothing can  be more curious    
than the scenes4 ,in the valleys1 which 
are fertile and  finely cultivated1     
there is at present a full bloom of     
spring4 ,the hills  to a certain height 
are covered with firs and larch trees1  
the tops are  all shining with snow4    
,you may see a tree white with blossom1 
and1 fifty  fathom farther up1 the      
ground white with snow4 ,these hills1 as
 you may  imagine1 give a great command 
of water to the valleys1 which the      
industrious inhabitants distribute into 
every field1 and render the  whole very 
fertile4 ,there are many iron mines in  
the country1 and the  valleys are upon  

that account extremely populous4 ,but as
 much as the  country is agreeable in   
its wildness1 as much are the           
inhabitants  savage1 and deformed1 and  
monstrous in their appearance4 ,very    
many of  them have ugly swelled throats2
 idiots and deaf people swarm in every  
village2 and the general aspect of the  
people is the most shocking ,i  ever    
saw4 ,one would think1 that as this was 
the great road1 through  which all the  
barbarous nations made their irruptions 
into the ,roman  empire1 they always    
left here the refuse of their armies    
before they  entered into the enemy's   
country1 and that from thence the       
present  inhabitants are descended4     
,their dress is scarce ,european1 as    
their  figure is scarce human4    ,there
 happened1 however1 a thing to-day1     
which surprised us all4 ,the            
empress-queen1 regarding this country as
 a little barbarous1 has sent  some     
missionaries of ,jesuits to instruct    
them4 ,they had sermons to-day  in the  

street1 under our windows1 attended with
 psalms2 and believe me1  nothing could 
be more harmonious1 better tuned1 or    
more agreeable than  the voices of these
 savages2 and the chorus of a ,french   
opera does not  sing in better time4    
,you may infer from thence1 if you      
please1 that  ,orpheus did not civilize 
the savage nations by his music4 ,i know
 not  what progress the ,jesuits have   
made by their eloquence2 but it appears 
to me that religion is not the point in 
which the ,styrians are  defective1 at  
least if we may judge by the number of  
their churches1  crucifixes1 c4 ,we     
shall be detained here some days by ,sir
 ,harry  ,erskine's illness1 who is     
seized with an ague4      ,clagenfurt in
 ,carinthia1 ,may #d4    ,this is a     
mighty pretty little town1 near the     
,drave4 ,it is the capital  of the      
province1 and stands in a tolerable     
large plain1 surrounded with  very high 
hills2 and on the other side the ,drave 
we see the savage  ,mountains of        

,carniola4 ,you know the ,alps join with
 the ,pyrenees1 these  with the         
,alps1#bfd3a and run all along the north
 of ,turkey in ,europe to  the ,black   
,sea1 and form the longest chain of     
mountains in the universe4    ,the      
figure of the ,carinthians is not much  
better than that of the  ,styrians4     
,trent1 #hth of ,may4    ,we are still  
amongst mountains1 and follow the tract 
of rivers in order  to find our way4    
,but the aspect of the people is        
wonderfully changed on  entering the    
,tyrol4 ,the inhabitants are there as   
remarkably beautiful as  the ,styrians  
are ugly4 ,an air of humanity1 and      
spirit1 and health1 and  plenty1 is seen
 in every face4 ,yet their country is   
wilder than ,styria1  the hills higher1 
and the valleys narrower and more       
barren4 ,they are  both ,germans1       
subject to the house of ,austria2 so    
that it would puzzle a  naturalist or   
politician to find the reason of so     
great and remarkable a  difference4 ,we 

traced up the ,drave to its source3     
7that river1 you know1  falls into the  
,danube1 and into the ,black ,sea47 ,it 
ended in a small  rivulet1 and that in a
 ditch1 and then in a little bog4 ,on   
the top of  the hill 7though there was  
there a well cultivated plain7 there was
 no  more appearance of spring than at  
,christmas4 ,in about half a mile after 
we had seen the ,drave extinguish1 we   
observed a little stripe of water  to   
move4 ,this was the beginning of the    
,adige1 and the rivers that run  into   
the ,adriatic4 ,we were now turning     
toward the south part of the  hill1 and 
descended with great rapidity4 ,our     
little brook in three or  four miles    
became a considerable river1 and every  
hour's travelling  showed us a new      
aspect of spring2 so that in one day we 
passed through  all the gradations of   
that beautiful season1 as we descended  
lower into  the valleys1 from its first 
faint dawn till its full bloom and      
glory4 ,we  are here in ,italy2 at least

 the common language of the people is   
,italian4 ,this town is not remarkable  
neither for size nor beauty4 ',tis  only
 famous for that wise assembly of       
philosophers and divines1 who           
established such rational tenets for the
 belief of mankind4      ,mantua1 #aath 
of ,may4    ,we are now in classic      
ground2 and ,i have kissed the earth    
that produced  ,virgil1 and have admired
 those fertile plains that he has so    
finely  celebrated4         ,perdidit   
aut quales felices ,mantua campos4#bfe3a
    ,you are tired1 and so am ,i1 with  
the descriptions of countries2 and      
therefore shall only say1 that nothing  
can be more singularly beautiful  than  
the plains of ,lombardy1 nor more       
beggarly and miserable than this  town4 
,cremona1 #abth of ,may4    ,alas1 poor 
,italy6         ,impius haec tam culta  
novalia miles habebit2       ,barbarus  
has segetes8                            
,the poor inhabitant       ,starves1 in 
the midst of ,nature's plenty curst2    

,and in the loaded vineyard dies for    
thirst4    ,the taxes are here          
exorbitant beyond all bounds4 ,we lie   
to-morrow at  ,milan4      ,turin1 ,june
 #afth1 #agdh4    ,i wrote you about    
three weeks ago4 ,this is brought into  
,england by ,mr4  ,bathurst1 a nephew of
 ,lord ,bathurst1 who intended to serve 
a campaign in  our family4 ,we know     
nothing as yet of the time of our       
return4 ,but ,i  believe we shall make  
the tour of ,italy and ,france before we
 come home4  ',tis thought the general  
will be sent as public minister to      
settle ,don  ,philip2 so that we shall  
have seen a great variety of ,dutch1    
,german1  ,italian1 ,spanish1 and       
,french courts in this jaunt4           
,qui mores hominum multorum vidit1 et   
urbes4    ,i say nothing of ,milan1 or  
,turin1 or ,piedmont3 because ,i shall  
have  time enough to entertain you with 
accounts of all these4 ,though you may  
be little diverted with this long       
epistle1 you ought at least to thank  me

 for the pains ,i have taken in         
composing it4 ,i have not yet got my    
baggage4    ,far different was the pomp 
and circumstance in which the writer of 
this  narrative performed his journey1  
from the condition in which ,goldsmith1 
four years afterwards1 pursued nearly   
the same route to--                     
----where the rude ,carinthian boor     
,against the houseless stranger shuts   
the door4    ,and ,hume's motions seem  
to have partaken of the pomp and        
regularity of  his official station2    
for1 even in these familiar letters to  
his  brother1 he is all along the       
secretary of legation2 or when he       
descends  from that height1 it is but to
 mount the chair of the scholar and     
philosopher4 ,there are no escapades4   
,we never hear that he has taken it  in 
his head to diverge from the regular    
route to see an old castle or a         
waterfall4 ,yet he went with an eye for 
scenery4 ,the ,alpine passes  excited   
his admiration1 and his description of  

the banks of the ,rhine  will be        
recognised at this day as very          
accurate--with one material  exception4 
,he says nothing of the feudal          
fortresses perched like the  nests of   
birds of prey1 to which their moral     
resemblance was at least as  close as   
their physical2 and thus one of the     
greatest historians of his  age1 passes 
through a country without appearing to  
have noticed in their  true character1  
this series of prominent marks of a     
remarkable chapter  in the history of   
,europe4 ,he speaks of them simply as   
palaces--a word  not designative of the 
character of the buildings1 or in any   
way  evincing that their historical     
position had occurred to his mind4 ,but 
it  must be admitted1 that later        
tourists on the ,rhine have amply made  
up  for his silence on these matters4   
,he does not condescend to mention any  
one of the fine specimens of  ,gothic   
architecture which he must have         
seen--not even that vast and  beautiful 

fragment the cathedral of ,cologne4 ,one
 wonders whether or not  he was at the  
trouble of inquiring1 what was that huge
 mass which he  must have seen towering 
over the city2 and if1 straying within  
its  gates1 and looking on ,albert      
,durer's painted windows1 he had        
curiosity  enough to inspect the        
reliquary of the tomb of the three      
kings1  containing gems so ancient1 that
 they are conjectured to be older than  
,christianity1 and to have been the     
ornaments of some ,pagan shrine1        
transferred to and historically         
associated with the pure creed which    
displaced the barbarous rites of        
,paganism4 ,this might have at least    
formed a curious topic for his ,natural 
,history of ,religion4 ,but on this  as 
on many other subjects1 he would        
sympathize with ,la ,bruyere when he    
speaks of ,l'ordre ,gothique1 que la    
barbarie avoit introduit pour les       
palais et pour les temples2 and his     
thorough neglect of both the  baronial  

and ecclesiastical architecture of the  
middle ages1 is  characteristic of a    
mind which could find nothing worthy of 
admiration1  in the time which elapsed  
between the extinction of ancient       
classical  literature1 and the rise of  
the arts and sciences in modern ,europe4
    ,but upon scarcely any subject does 
,hume converse as a brother travelling  
into foreign lands might be supposed to 
address a brother residing at  home1 and
 cultivating his ancestral acres4 ,we   
should expect to find him  observing    
that this river is like the ,tweed1 or  
unlike it--larger or  smaller2 or       
comparing some range of hills with the  
,cheviots3 but he is  general and       
undomestic in all his remarks1 save the 
one observation that  the ,rhine is as  
broad as from his brother's house to the
 opposite side  of the river4    ,until 
he comes to the land of ,virgil1 where  
he shows real enthusiasm1  the chief    
object of his interest and observation  
appears to have been  the warlike       

operations in the midst of which he     
found himself4 ,the  mission must have  
been attended with the ordinary dangers 
of a military  enterprise4 ,it was      
undertaken at a time when all ,europe   
was at war1 and  though decisive battles
 were not taking place1 petty conflicts 
and  surprises were of perpetual        
occurrence until the treaty of          
,aix-la-,chapelle1 a few months         
afterwards1 restored repose to the      
exhausted nations4 ,yet we find no      
symptoms of anxiety in the mind of the  
philosophical actor of the military     
character4 ,his tone is generally  that 
of a private traveller in a peaceful    
country1 rather than that of a  member  
of an expedition armed for defence1 and 
likely to be called on to  defend       
itself4 ,when he mentions warlike       
operations1 he adopts the tone  of a    
historical critic1 and never that of a  
person who may find his  personal safety
 or comfort compromised by them4        
,though he seems to have set out with   

the too general notion that  military   
affairs are the main object of attention
 to the man who is  desirous of         
distinction in historical literature1 we
 find already  dawning on him the       
historian's nobler duty as a delineator 
of the state  of society1 and an        
inquirer into the causes of the         
happiness or misery  of the people4 ,and
 his observations are made with a wide  
and generous  benevolence1 strikingly at
 contrast with those prevailing         
doctrines of  his day1 which sought1 in 
the success and happiness of one        
country1 the  elements of the misery of 
another1 and made the good fortune of   
our  neighbours a source of lamentation1
 as indicating calamity to ourselves4   
,his unaffected declaration of pleasure1
 in finding the ,germans so happy  and  
comfortable a people1 marks a heart full
 of genuine kindness and  benevolence1  
and will more than atone for the want of
 a disposition to  range through alpine 
scenery1 or a taste to appreciate the   

beauties of  ,gothic architecture4      
,it will be seen that ,hume had intended
 to continue his journal1 but no        
farther trace of it has been found4 ,the
 results of the mission have not  been  
generally noticed by historians4 ,its   
objects were of a subordinate  nature1  
and the occasion for attending to them  
was obviated by the  completion of the  
treaty of ,aix-la-,chapelle on #gth     
,october4    ,meanwhile1 of ,hume's     
residence in ,turin1 we have some       
notices by an able  observer1 ,lord     
,charlemont1 the celebrated ,irish      
political leader1 who1  then in his     
twentieth year1 was following the       
practice of the higher  aristocracy of  
his age1 and endeavouring to enlarge his
 mind by foreign  travel4 ,in the       
following probably exaggerated          
description it will be  seen that he was
 far mistaken in his estimate of ,hume's
 age4    ,with this extraordinary man ,i
 was intimately acquainted4 ,he had     
kindly  distinguished me from among a   

number of young men1 who were then at   
the  academy1 and appeared so warmly    
attached to me1 that it was apparent he 
not only intended to honour me with his 
friendship1 but to bestow on me  what   
was1 in his opinion1 the first of all   
favours and benefits1 by  making me his 
convert and disciple4    ,nature1 ,i    
believe1 never formed any man more      
unlike his real character  than ,david  
,hume4 ,the powers of physiognomy were  
baffled by his  countenance2 neither    
could the most skilful in that science1 
pretend to  discover the smallest trace 
of the faculties of his mind1 in the    
unmeaning features of his visage4 ,his  
face was broad and fat1 his mouth  wide1
 and without any other expression than  
that of imbecility4 ,his eyes  vacant   
and spiritless1 and the corpulence of   
his whole person1 was far  better fitted
 to communicate the idea of a           
turtle-eating alderman1 than  of a      
refined philosopher4 ,his speech in     
,english was rendered ridiculous  by the

 broadest ,scotch accent1 and his       
,french was1 if possible1 still  more   
laughable2 so that wisdom most certainly
 never disguised herself  before in so  
uncouth a garb4 ,though now near fifty  
years old1 he was  healthy and strong2  
but his health and strength1 far from   
being  advantageous to his figure1      
instead of manly comeliness1 had only   
the  appearance of rusticity4 ,his      
wearing an uniform added greatly to his 
natural awkwardness1 for he wore it like
 a grocer of the trained bands4         
,sinclair was a lieutenant-general1 and 
was sent to the courts of ,vienna  and  
,turin1 as a military envoy1 to see that
 their quota of troops was  furnished by
 the ,austrians and ,piedmontese4 ,it   
was therefore thought  necessary that   
his secretary should appear to be an    
officer1 and ,hume  was accordingly     
disguised in scarlet4#bga3a             
,,footnotes3    #bbe3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4  
#bbf3a ,obliterated4    #bbg3a ,letter  
to ,mr4 ,morritt1 dated ,abbotsford1    

#b;d ,october1 #ahae4  ,lockhart's      
,life4 ,the letter continues3 ,would it 
not be a good quiz to  advertise ,the   
,poetical ,works of ,david ,hume1 with  
notes1 critical1  historical1 and so    
forth1 with a historical inquiry into   
the use of eggs  for breakfast2 a       
physical discussion on the causes of    
their being  addled2 a history of the   
,english ,church music1 and of the choir
 of  ,carlisle in particular2 a full    
account of the affair of #agde1 with the
  trials1 last speeches1 and so forth1  
of the poor plaids who were  strapped up
 at ,carlisle2 and lastly1 a full and   
particular description  of ,corby1 with 
the genealogy of every family who ever  
possessed it8 ,i  think1 even without   
more than the usual waste of margin1 the
 poems of  ,david would make a decent   
twelve shilling touch4    #bbg3b ,for   
instance1 there is preserved in his     
handwriting a very neat  transcript of  
the sweet and sad ,ode to ,indifference1
 by ,mrs4 ,greville1  copied1 probably  

at a time when something in its tone of 
plaintive  imagination was attuned to   
his own feelings1 and called up in him a
  response to the complaint4            
,nor ease nor peace that heart can know1
         ,that1 like the needle true1   
,turns at the touch of joy or wo1       
,but turning trembles too4    ,and a    
desire to join in that prayer that the  
senses may be steeped in  indifference1 
in which the poet says1         ,the    
tears which pity taught to flow1        
,my eyes shall then disown1       ,the  
heart1 that throbb'd at others' wo1     
,shall then scarce feel its own4        
,the wounds that now each moment bleed1 
,each moment then shall close1          
,and tranquil days shall still succeed1 
,to nights of soft repose4         ,oh  
fairy elf1 but grant me this--          
,this one kind comfort send2       ,and 
so may never-fading bliss         ,thy  
flowery paths attend4         ,so may   
the glow-worm's glimmering light        
,thy fairy footsteps lead       ,to some

 new region of delight1         ,unknown
 to mortal tread4         ,and be thy   
acorn goblet fill'd         ,with       
heaven's ambrosial dew2       ,sweetest1
 freshest flowers distill'd1            
,that shed fresh sweets for you4        
,and what of life remains for me1       
,i'll pass in sober ease--              
,half-pleased1 contented will ,i be1    
,content--but half to please4    #bbh3a 
,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4 ,the third piece       
appears to be in ,hume's hand2 but  it  
is written with so much schoolboy       
stiffness1 that one cannot feel  sure of
 its being so3 perhaps it may be a      
production of very early life4    #bcb3a
 ,see p4 #add4    #bcc3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4
 ,probably ,james ,crawford of          
,auchinames4    #bcd3a ,macgibbon was   
the name of a dissipated musical        
composer4    #bce3a ,probably ,philip   
,mercier1 portrait painter1 who died    
#agfj4    #bch3a ,the marriage took     
place accordingly on the day following  
the  date of the letter1 viz4 #cjth     

,january4 ,she was the second wife of   
,lord  ,marchmont2 his first countess1  
whose name was ,western1 having died on 
#ith ,may of the previous year4         
#bch3b ,memorials of the ,right ,hon4   
,james ,oswald1 p4 #ei4    #bci3a       
,tytler's ,life of ,kames1 i4 #abh4     
#bdj3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #bdb3a ,the   
,duke of ,cumberland4    #bdb3b ,the    
revolution by which the ,stadtholdership
 was re-established  in the ,prince of  
,orange1 had taken place during the     
previous year4    #bdf3a ,the ,french1  
under ,lowendahl1 had taken ,bergen by  
storm on the  #eth ,september1 #agdg4   
#beb3a ,this celebrated battle took     
place nearly five years before  ,hume's 
visit to the field4 ,it was fought on   
#bfth ,june1 #agdc4    #bed3a ,the we1  
must now be held no more to apply to our
 army1 as it  has heretofore done1 in   
reference to the battle1 but to ,general
 ,st4  ,clair's party4    #bee3a ,the   
,pegnitz4    #beg3a ,sir ,thomas        
,robinson1 whose name has dropped out of

 recollection  in the ordinary          
biographical dictionaries1 but is still 
familiar to the  readers of the history 
of the period1 was for some time        
ambassador at  ,vienna1 and was         
plenipotentiary from ,britain at the    
treaty of ,aix ,la  ,chapelle in #agdh4 
,in #aged he became secretary of state  
for a few months4  ,in #agfa he was     
raised to the peerage by the title of   
,baron ,grantham4  ,sir ,thomas1 says   
,walpole1 had been bred in ,german      
courts1 and was  rather restored than   
naturalized to the genius of that       
country2 he had  ,german honour1 loved  
,german politics1 and could explain     
himself as  little as if he spoke only  
,german4--,memoires of ,george ,,iii4   
#ccg4  ,according to the same authority1
 he was subjected1 on account of his    
name1 to an identification with         
,robinson ,crusoe1 something like that  
with which ,madame ,talleyrand honoured 
,denon1 owing to the accident of  his   
being a great traveller whose name ended

 in on4    ,sir ,t4 ,robinson was a tall
 uncouth man1 and his stature was often 
rendered still more remarkable by his   
hunting dress1 a postilion's cap1  a    
tight green jacket1 and buckskin        
breeches4 ,he was liable to sudden      
whims2 and once set off on a sudden1 in 
his hunting suit1 to visit his  sister1 
who was married and settled at ,paris4  
,he arrived while there was  a large    
company at dinner4 ,the servant         
announced ,mr4 ,robinson1 and he  came  
in1 to the great amazement of the       
guests4 ,among others a ,french  abb    
thrice lifted his fork to his mouth1 and
 thrice laid it down1 with  an eager    
stare of surprise4 ,unable to restrain  
his curiosity any longer1  he burst out 
with1 ,excuse me1 sir2 are you the      
famous ,robinson ,crusoe  so remarkable 
in history4--,walpoliana4    #bfj3a ,an 
,irish baronet1 grandson of ,sir ,james 
,caldwell who was created  a baronet in 
#afhc1 and distinguished himself in the 
service of ,william  ,,iii4 during the  

,irish revolutionary wars4 ,the person  
commemorated in so  flattering a manner 
by ,hume1 rose to considerable rank in  
the service of  the empress1 and was    
enabled to introduce to that service a  
brother1 who  obtained in it far more   
distinction1 and who1 in connexion with 
the  relationship mentioned above1 was  
called ,hume ,caldwell4 ,he seems to    
have  been strongly endowed with the    
mercurial disposition of his countrymen4
  ,on his first introduction to the     
service1 he took expensive lodgings1    
kept a chariot1 a running footman1 and a
 hussar1 and was admitted into  the     
highest circles2 the natural result of  
which was1 that1 on  preparing to join  
his regiment1 when he paid his debts1 he
 found that he  had just two gold ducats
 left2 whereupon1 as his biographer     
pathetically  narrates1 the companion of
 princes1 the friend of ,count          
,conigsegg1 the  possessor of a splendid
 hotel and a gilt chariot1 who had kept 
a hussar  and an opera girl1 figured at 

court1 and had an audience of the       
empress1  and was possessed of a letter 
of credit for #ajjj1 set out from       
,vienna  alone1 on foot1 in a mean      
habit1 and with an empty pocket1 for    
that army  in which he was to rise by   
his merit to a distinguished command4   
,his  subsequent history is a little    
romance4 ,mr4 ,hume ,caldwell1 being    
lost  sight of by the great world1 is   
searched for hither and thither1 and at 
length an ,irish private soldier being  
questioned about the matter1 turns  out 
to be ,caldwell himself1 who is         
immediately restored to his proper      
station4--,ryan's ,worthies of ,ireland4
    #bfd3a ,sic in ,,ms4 ,perhaps he    
meant to allude to the junction with the
  ,carpathians through the ,bohemian    
ranges4    #bfe3a ,et qualem infelix    
amisit ,mantua campum4 ,georg4 ii4 #aih8
    #bga3a ,memoirs of the ,political   
and ,private ,life of ,james ,caulfield1
  ,earl of ,charlemont1 by ,francis     
,hardy1 p4 #h4          ,,chapter ,,vii4

    #agdh-agea4 ,t4 #cg-dj4             
,publication of the ,inquiry concerning 
,human ,understanding--       ,nature of
 that ,work--,doctrine of               
,necessity--,observations on            
,miracles--,new ,edition of the ,essays1
 ,moral and ,political--                
,reception of the new                   
,publications--,return ,home--,his      
,mother's       ,death--,her ,talents   
and ,character--,correspondence with    
,dr4                                    
,clephane--,earthquakes--,correspondence
 with ,montesquieu--       ,practical   
jokes in connexion with the ,westminster
 ,election--       ,john ,home--,the    
,bellman's ,petition4      ,early in the
 year #agdh1 and while he was on his way
 to ,turin1 ,hume's  ,philosophical     
,essays concerning ,human               
,understanding1#bgb3a which he          
afterwards styled ,inquiry concerning   
,human ,understanding1 were  published  
anonymously in ,london4 ,the preparation
 of this work had  probably afforded him

 a much larger share of genuine         
pleasure1 than  either the excitement of
 travelling1 or the observation of the  
natural  scenery1 the works of art1 and 
the men and manners among which he      
moved4  ,in the tone of a true          
philosophical enthusiast1 he says in the
 first  section of the work1 ,were there
 no advantage to be reaped from these   
studies beyond the gratification of an  
innocent curiosity1 yet ought not  even 
this to be despised1 as being an        
accession to those few safe and         
harmless pleasures which are bestowed on
 the human race4 ,the sweetest  and most
 inoffensive path of life leads through 
the avenues of science  and learning2   
and whoever can either remove any       
obstructions in this  way1 or open up   
any new prospect1 ought so far to be    
esteemed a  benefactor to mankind4 ,and 
though these researches may appear      
painful  and fatiguing1 it is with some 
minds as with some bodies1 which being  
endowed with vigorous and florid health1

 require severe exercise1 and  reap a   
pleasure from what1 to the generality of
 mankind1 may seem  burdensome and      
laborious4    ,on the publication of    
this work1 he says in his own life1--,i 
had  always entertained a notion1 that  
my want of success in publishing the    
',treatise of ,human ,nature1' had      
proceeded more from the manner than the 
matter1 and that ,i had been guilty of a
 very usual indiscretion1 in  going to  
the press too early4 ,i1 therefore1 cast
 the first part of that  work anew in   
the ',inquiry concerning ,human         
,understanding1' which was  published   
while ,i was at ,turin4 ,but this piece 
was at first little more  successful    
than the ',treatise of ,human ,nature4' 
,on my return from ,italy1  ,i had the  
mortification to find all ,england in a 
ferment1 on account of  ,dr4            
,middleton's ',free ,inquiry1'#bgc3a    
while my performance was entirely       
overlooked and neglected4    ,he now    
desired that the ,treatise of ,human    

,nature should be treated as  a work    
blotted out of literature1 and that the 
,inquiry should be  substituted in its  
place4 ,in the subsequent editions of   
the latter work1  he complained that    
this had not been complied with2 that   
the world still  looked at those        
forbidden volumes of which he had       
dictated the  suppression4 ,henceforth1 
he says1 the author desires that the    
following pieces may alone be regarded  
as containing his philosophical         
principles and sentiments2 and he became
 eloquent on the uncandidness  of       
bringing before the world as the        
sentiments of any author1 a work        
written almost in boyhood1 and printed  
at the threshold of manhood4 ,but  it   
was all in vain3 he had to learn that   
the world takes possession of  all that 
has passed through the gates of the     
printing press1 and that  neither the   
command of despotic authority1 nor the  
solicitations of  repentant authorship  
can reclaim it1 if it be matter of      

sterling value4  ,the bold and original 
speculations of the ,treatise have been1
 and to  all appearance ever will be1   
part of the intellectual property of    
man2  great theories have been built    
upon them1 which must be thrown down    
before we can raze the foundation4 ,that
 he repented of having published  the   
work1 and desired to retract its extreme
 doctrines1 is part of the  mental      
biography of ,hume2 but it is           
impossible1 at his command1 to  detach  
this book from general literature1 or to
 read it without  remembering who was   
its author4    ,but1 indeed1 there were 
pretty cogent reasons why the           
philosophical  world1 and ,hume's       
opponents in particular1 should not lose
 sight of his  early work4 ,in the      
,inquiry1 he did not revoke the         
fundamental doctrines  of his first     
work4 ,the elements of all thought and  
knowledge he still  found to be in      
impressions and ideas4 ,but he did not  
on this occasion  carry out his         

principles with the same reckless       
hardihood that had  distinguished the   
,treatise2 and thus he neither on the   
one side gave so  distinct and striking 
a view of his system1 nor on the other  
afforded so  strong a hold to his       
adversaries4 ,this hold they were       
resolved not to  lose2 and therefore    
they retained the original bond1 and    
would not  accept of the offered        
substitute4    ,of those views which are
 more fully developed in the ,inquiry   
than in the  early work1 one of the most
 important is the attempt to establish  
the  doctrine of necessity1 and to      
refute that of free will in relation to 
the springs of human action4 ,to those  
who adopted the vulgar notion of        
,hume's theory of cause and effect1 that
 it left the phenomena of nature        
without a ruling principle1 the attempt 
to show that the human mind was  bound  
by necessary laws appeared to be a      
startling inconsistency--a sort  of     
reversal of the poet's idea1            

,and binding nature fast in fate1       
,left free the human will4    ,it       
appeared to remove the chains of        
necessity from inanimate nature1 and    
rivet them on the will4    ,but there is
 a decided principle of connexion       
between the two doctrines3  whether or  
not it be a principle that will bear    
scrutiny1 is another  question4 ,the two
 systems are identified with each other1
 simply by the  annihilation of the     
notion of power both in the material and
 in the  immaterial world4 ,as we cannot
 find in physical causes any power to   
produce their effect1 so when a man     
moves his arm to strike1 or his  tongue 
to reprimand1 we have no notion of any  
power being exercised2  but we have an  
impression that certain impulses are    
followed1 and we can  no more suppose   
that it was at the choice of the        
individual whether1  when these impulses
 or motives existed1 they should or     
should not be  obeyed1 than that when   
the phenomenon called in the material   

world the  cause1 made its appearance1  
there could be any doubt of its being   
followed by the effect4 ,the inference  
from this was1 that human actions  are  
as much the objects of inductive        
philosophy as the operations of  nature2
 that they are equally regular1 effect  
following cause as much in  the         
operations of the passions as in those  
of the elements4 ,of the  application of
 the theory to his historical           
observation of events1 the  following   
passage is a vivid enunciation3--       
,it is universally acknowledged1 that   
there is a great uniformity among  the  
actions of men1 in all nations and ages1
 and that human nature  remains still   
the same in its principles and          
operations4 ,the same  motives always   
produce the same actions2 the same      
events follow from the  same causes4    
,ambition1 avarice1 self-love1 vanity1  
friendship1  generosity1 public spirit2 
these passions1 mixed in various        
degrees1 and  distributed through       

society1 have been1 from the beginning  
of the world1  and still are1 the source
 of all the actions and enterprises     
which have  ever been observed among    
mankind4 ,would you know the sentiments1
  inclinations1 and course of life of   
the ,greeks and ,romans8 study well  the
 temper and actions of the ,french and  
,english3 you cannot be much  mistaken  
in transferring to the former most of   
the observations which  you have made   
with regard to the latter4 ,mankind are 
so much the same1  in all times and     
places1 that history informs us of      
nothing new or  strange in this         
particular4 ,its chief use is only to   
discover the  constant and universal    
principles of human nature1 by showing  
men in all  varieties of circumstances  
and situations1 and furnishing us with  
materials from which we may form our    
observations1 and become acquainted     
with the regular springs of human action
 and behaviour4 ,these records of  wars1
 intrigues1 factions1 and revolutions1  

are so many collections of  experiments1
 by which the politician or moral       
philosopher fixes the  principles of his
 science1 in the same manner as the     
physician or  natural philosopher       
becomes acquainted with the nature of   
plants1  minerals1 and other external   
objects1 by the experiments which he    
forms  concerning them4 ,nor are the    
earth1 water1 and other elements1       
examined  by ,aristotle and             
,hippocrates1 more like to those which  
at present lie  under our observation1  
than the men described by ,polybius and 
,tacitus  are to those who now govern   
the world4    ,should a traveller1      
returning from a far country1 bring us  
an account  of men wholly different from
 any with whom we were ever acquainted1 
men  who were entirely divested of      
avarice1 ambition1 or revenge1 who knew 
no  pleasure but friendship1 generosity1
 and public spirit1 we should           
immediately1 from these circumstances1  
detect the falsehood1 and prove  him a  

liar1 with the same certainty as if he  
had stuffed his narration  with stories 
of centaurs and dragons1 miracles and   
prodigies4 ,and if we  would explode any
 forgery in history1 we cannot make use 
of a more  convincing argument than to  
prove1 that the actions ascribed to any 
person are directly contrary to the     
course of nature1 and that no human     
motives1 in such circumstances1 could   
ever induce him to such a conduct4  ,the
 veracity of ,quintus ,curtius is as    
much to be suspected1 when he  describes
 the supernatural courage of ,alexander1
 by which he was hurried  on singly to  
attack multitudes1 as when he describes 
his supernatural  force and activity1 by
 which he was able to resist them4 ,so  
readily and  universally do we          
acknowledge a uniformity in human       
motives and actions1  as well as in the 
operations of body4    ,hence1 likewise1
 the benefit of that experience1        
acquired by long life  and a variety of 
business and company1 in order to       

instruct us in the  principles of human 
nature1 and regulate our future conduct1
 as well as  speculation4 ,by means of  
this guide we mount up to the knowledge 
of  men's inclinations and motives1 from
 their actions1 expressions1 and  even  
gestures2 and again descend to the      
interpretation of their  actions1 from  
our knowledge of their motives and      
inclinations4 ,the  general             
observations1 treasured up by a course  
of experience1 give us  the clue of     
human nature1 and teach us to unravel   
all its intricacies4  ,pretexts and     
appearances no longer deceive us4       
,public declarations pass  for the      
specious colouring of a cause4 ,and     
though virtue and honour be  allowed    
their proper weight and authority1 that 
perfect  disinterestedness1 so often    
pretended to1 is never expected in      
multitudes and parties1 seldom in their 
leaders1 and scarcely even in           
individuals of any rank or station4 ,but
 were there no uniformity in  human     

actions1 and were every experiment1     
which we could form of this  kind1      
irregular and anomalous1 it were        
impossible to collect any general       
observations concerning mankind2 and no 
experience1 however accurately  digested
 by reflection1 would ever serve to any 
purpose4 ,why is the aged  husbandman   
more skilful in his calling than the    
young beginner1 but  because there is a 
certain uniformity in the operation of  
the sun1 rain1  and earth1 towards the  
production of vegetables2 and experience
 teaches  the old practitioner the rules
 by which this operation is governed and
  directed8#bgh3a      ,how very clearly
 we find these principles practically   
illustrated in his  ,history6 ,a        
disinclination to believe in the        
narratives of great and  remarkable     
deeds proceeding from peculiar impulses3
 a propensity1 when  the evidence       
adduced in their favour cannot be       
rebutted1 to treat these  peculiarities 
rather as diseases of the mind1 than as 

the operation of  noble aspirations3 a  
levelling disposition to find all men   
pretty much  upon a par1 and none in a  
marked manner better or worse than their
  neighbours3 an inclination to doubt   
all authorities which tended to  prove  
that the ,british people had any        
fundamental liberties not  possessed by 
the ,french and other ,european nations4
 ,such are the  practical fruits of this
 necessitarian philosophy4    ,it was on
 this occasion that ,hume promulgated   
those opinions upon  miracles1 which we 
have found him afraid to make public    
even in that  work of which he          
afterwards regretted the bold and rash  
character4 ,no  part of his writings    
gave more offence to serious and devout 
thinkers2  but the offence was in the   
manner of the promulgation1 not the     
matter of  the opinions4 ,to understand 
how this occurred1 let us cast a glance 
for  a moment at two opposite classes of
 religious thinkers1 into which a  large
 portion of the ,christian world is     

divided1 and find with which1 if  with  
either1 ,hume's opinions coincide4      
,if we suppose a man1 impressed with a  
feeling of devotion and reverence  for a
 ,superior ,being1 who1 seeing in the   
order of the world and all its          
movements1 the omnipotent1 all-wise1 and
 all-merciful guidance of a  divine     
,providence1 believes that the ,great   
,being will give to his  creatures no   
revelation that is not in accordance    
with the merciful  harmony of all his   
ways2 and thus devoutly and submissively
 receives the  word of ,god as          
promulgated in the ,bible2 attempts to  
make it the rule of  his actions and    
opinions2 receives with deference the   
views of those  whom the same power that
 authorized it1 has permitted to be the 
human  instruments of its promulgation  
and explanation2 tries to understand    
what it is within the power of his      
limited faculties to comprehend2 but1   
implicitly believing that in the shadows
 of those mysteries which he is  unable 

to penetrate1 there lie operations as   
completely part of one  great regular   
plan1 as merciful1 as beneficent1 and as
 wise as the  outward and comprehensible
 acts of ,providence2 who thus never for
 one  moment allows his mind to doubt1  
where it is unable to comprehend or     
explain--such a man finds none of his   
sentiments in the writings of  ,hume1   
for he is at once told there that reason
 and revelation are two  disconnected   
things1 that each must act alone1 and   
that the one derives  no aid from the   
other4    ,but take one who believes    
that religion is too sacred to be in any
 way  allied with so poor and miserable 
a thing as erring human reason2 who     
feels that it is not in himself to merit
 any of the boundless mercies of  the   
atonement2 and that to endeavour by his 
actions1 or the direction of  his       
thoughts1 to be made a participator in  
them1 is but setting blind  reason to   
lead the blind appetites and desires2   
who feels that by no act  of his own1   

the true light of the ,christian        
religion has been lighted  within him as
 by a miracle2 who has been adopted by a
 sudden change in  his spiritual nature 
into the family of the faithful--then   
there is  nothing in all ,hume's        
philosophy to militate against the      
religion of  such a man1 but rather many
 arguments in its favour1 both implied  
and  expressed4    ,since this is the   
case1 it may be asked1 why1 if one party
 in religion  attacked the opinions of  
,hume1 another did not defend them8 why1
 if  ,beattie and ,warburton couched the
 lance1 ,whitefield and ,john ,erskine  
did  not come forward as his champions8 
,in the first place1 it was only those  
who united reason and revelation as     
going hand in hand and aiding each      
other1 that looked at books of          
philosophy with an eye to their         
influence  on religion1 and such works  
formed a department of literature in    
which  the advocates of eternal decrees 
would not expect to find much to suit   

their purpose4 ,but1 in the second      
place1 this class of religious  thinkers
 are all1 except the few who are        
hypocrites1 devout and serious  people1 
and ,hume's method of treating these    
subjects was not such as  they could    
feel a sympathy with4 ,a want of proper 
deference for  devotional feeling1 is a 
defect that runs through all his        
works--a  constitutional organic defect 
it might be termed4 ,there is no        
ribaldry1  but at the same time there   
are no expressions of decent reverence2 
while  this religious party knew from   
the manner in which their predecessors  
in  the same doctrines were historically
 treated by ,hume1 that if there were   
any coincidence in abstract opinions1   
there was very little in common  between
 their sympathies and his4    ,in this  
same section on miracles1 there are     
repeated protests against  the reader   
assuming that the writer is arguing     
against the ,christian  faith4 ,against 
some ,catholic miracles1 which were     

asserted to be proved  by testimony as  
strong as that which attested the       
miracles of our  ,saviour1 he says1 ,as 
if the testimony of man could ever be   
put in the  balance with that of ,god   
himself1 who conducted the pen of the   
inspired  writers6 and again1 ,our most 
holy religion is founded on faith1 not  
on reason2 and it is a sure method of   
exposing it to put it to such a  trial  
as it is by no means fitted to endure4  
,these protests however  were made      
briefly and coldly1 and in such a manner
 as made people feel1  that if ,hume    
believed in the doctrines they          
announced1 he certainly had  not his    
heart in them4 ,hence1 although1 since  
the origin of rationalism1  evangelical 
,christians have frequently had recourse
 to the arguments of  ,hume1 there was  
long in that quarter a not unnatural    
reluctance to  appeal to them4    ,it is
 perhaps one of the most remarkable     
warnings against hasty  judgments on the
 effects of efforts of subtle reasoning1

 that1 according  to later scientific   
discoveries1 no two things are in more  
perfect  unison than ,hume's theory of  
belief in miracles1 and the belief that 
miracles1 according to the common       
acceptation of the term1 have actually  
taken place4 ,the leading principle of  
this theory is1 in conformity with  its 
author's law of cause and effect1 that  
where our experience has  taught us that
 two things follow each other as cause  
and effect by an  unvarying sequence1 if
 we hear of an instance in which this   
has not been  the case1 we ought to     
doubt the truth of the narrative4 ,in   
other words1  if we are told of some    
circumstance having taken place out of  
the usual  order of nature1 we ought not
 to believe it2 because the circumstance
 of  the narrator having been deceived1 
or of his designedly telling a          
falsehood1 is more probable than an     
event contradictory to all previous     
authenticated experience4 ,it is a rule 
for marking the boundary and  proper    

application of the inductive system1 and
 one that is highly  serviceable to     
science4 ,but1 in applying it to use1 we
 must not be led  away by the narrow    
application1 in common conversation1 of 
the word  experience4 ,there is the     
experience of the common workman1 and   
there is  the experience of the         
philosopher4 ,there is that observation 
of  phenomena which makes a ditcher know
 that the difficulty of pulling out  a  
loosened stone with a mattock indicates 
it to be so many inches thick2  and that
 observation1 fully as sure1 which shows
 the geologist that the  stratum of the 
,pennsylvanian grauwacke is upwards of a
 hundred miles  thick4 ,the experience  
and observation of the husbandman teach 
him1 that  when the opposite hill is    
distinct to his view1 the intervening   
atmosphere is not charged with vapour2  
but observation1 not less  satisfactory1
 shows the astronomer that ,jupiter and 
the ,moon have around  them no          
atmosphere such as that by which our    

planet is enveloped4 ,now  there is     
nothing more fully founded on           
experimental observation than the  fact1
 that there was a time when the present 
order of the world was not  in          
existence4 ,that there have been        
convulsions1 such as1 did we now hear   
of their contemporary occurrence1       
instead of attesting their past         
existence through the sure course of    
observation and induction1 we would  at 
once maintain to be impossible4 ,to this
 then1 and this only1 comes  the theory 
of miracles1 that at the present day1   
and for a great many  years back1 the   
accounts that are given of circumstances
 having taken  place out of the general 
order of nature1 are to be discredited1 
because  between the two things to be   
believed1 the falsehood of the narrative
 is  more likely than the truth of the  
occurrence4 ,but the very means by      
which we arrive at this conclusion bring
 us to another1 that there was a  time  
to which the rules taken from present   

observation of the course of  nature did
 not apply4#bhc3a    ,that in history1  
in science1 in the conduct of every-day 
life1 and  particularly in the formation
 of the minds of the young1 this rule of
  belief is of the highest practical    
utility1 few will doubt4 ,the parish    
clergyman1 who assists in throwing      
discredit on all the superstitious      
stories of spectres1 witchcrafts1 and   
demoniacal possessions with which  his  
neighbourhood may be afflicted1 is but  
an active promulgator of the  doctrine4 
,it was a narrow view that ,campbell    
adopted when he said1 that  if we heard 
of a ferry boat1 which had long crossed 
the stream in  safety1 having sunk1 we  
would give credit to the testimony      
concerning  it4#bhd3a ,our experience   
teaches us that ferry boats are made of 
perishable materials1 liable to be      
submerged2 and thus1 in this case1      
there is no balance of incredibility    
against the narrator4 ,to have tried    
,campbell's practical faith in ,hume's  

theory1 he should have had before  him a
 person professing to have become aware 
of the sinking of the boat1  by some    
unprecedented means of perception1      
called a magnetic influence1  in the    
absence of a more distinct name2 while  
it is shown that the same  person had an
 opportunity of being informed1 through 
the organs of  hearing1 of the          
circumstance which had taken place4 ,it 
would then be  seen1 whether that       
sagacious philosopher would have given  
the sanction  of his belief to a        
phenomenon contrary to all previous     
experience--the  ascertainment of an    
external event1 without the aid of the  
senses2 or  would have acceded to the   
too commonly illustrated phenomenon1    
that  human beings are capable of       
falsehood and folly4    ,it is much to  
be regretted that ,hume employed the    
word miracles in the  title of this     
inquiry4 ,he thus employed a term which 
had been applied to  sacred subjects1   
and raised a natural prejudice against  

reasonings1  applicable to contemporary 
events1 and to the rules of ordinary    
historical belief4 ,he might have found 
some other title--such as1 ,the         
,principles of ,belief in ,human        
,testimony1 which would have more       
satisfactorily explained the nature of  
the inquiry4    ,but it is not          
improbable that the odium thus          
occasioned first introduced  ,hume's    
philosophical works to controversial    
notoriety4 ,though  disappointed by the 
silence of the public immediately on his
 arrival  from abroad1 he has soon to   
tell us in his own life1--,meanwhile1 my
  bookseller1 ,a4 ,millar1 informed me1 
that my former publications 7all but    
the unfortunate ,treatise7 were         
beginning to be the subject of          
conversation2 that the sale of them was 
gradually increasing1 and that  new     
editions were demanded4 ,answers by     
reverends and right reverends  came out 
two and three in a year2#bhe3a and ,i   
found1 by ,warburton's  railing1 that   

the books were beginning to be esteemed 
in good  company4#bhe3b    ,it was in   
the ,inquiry concerning the ,human      
,understanding1 that ,hume  promulgated 
the theory of association1 which called 
forth so much  admiration of its        
simplicity1 beauty1 and truth4 ,to me1  
he says1  there appear to be only three 
principles of connexion among ideas1    
namely1 ,resemblance1 ,contiguity in    
time or place1 and ,cause or  ,effect4  
,that these principles serve to connect 
ideas1 will not1 ,i believe1 be  much   
doubted4 ,a picture naturally leads our 
thoughts to the original  ,resemblance4 
,the mention of one apartment in a      
building1 naturally  introduces an      
inquiry or discourse concerning the     
others ,contiguity3  and if we think on 
a wound1 we can scarcely forbear        
reflecting on the  pain which follows it
 ,cause and ,effect4#bhf3a    ,in       
connexion with this theory a curious    
charge has been brought forward  by     
,coleridge1 who says1 ,in consulting the

 excellent commentary of ,st4  ,thomas  
,aquinas1 on the ,parva ,naturalia of   
,aristotle1 ,i was struck at  once with 
its close resemblance to ,hume's essay  
on association4 ,the main  thoughts were
 the same in both4 ,the order of the    
thoughts was the  same1 and even the    
illustrations differed only by ,hume's  
occasional  substitution of more modern 
examples4 ,i mentioned the circumstance 
to  several of my literary              
acquaintances1 who admitted the         
closeness of the  resemblance1 and that 
it seemed too great to be explained by  
mere  coincidence2 but they thought it  
improbable that ,hume should have held  
the pages of the angelic doctor worth   
turning over4 ,but some time after1     
,mr4 ,payne of the ,king's ,mews1 showed
 ,sir ,james ,mackintosh some odd       
volumes of ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 partly
 perhaps from having heard that ,sir    
,james1 7then ,mr4 ,mackintosh17 had in 
his lectures passed a high encomium  on 
this canonized philosopher1 but chiefly 

from the fact that the  volumes had     
belonged to ,mr4 ,hume1 and had here and
 there marginal marks  and notes of     
reference in his own handwriting4 ,among
 these volumes was  that which contains 
the ,parva ,naturalia1 in the old ,latin
 version1  swathed and swaddled in the  
commentary aforementioned4    ,on this1 
,sir ,james ,macintosh says1 that the   
manuscript of a part of  ,aquinas1 which
 ,i bought many years ago1 7on the faith
 of a bookseller's  catalogue17 as being
 written by ,mr4 ,hume1 was not a copy  
of the  commentary on the ,parva        
,naturalia1 but of ,aquinas's own       
,secunda  ,secund2 and that1 on         
examination1 it proves not to be the    
handwriting  of ,mr4 ,hume1 and to      
contain nothing written by him4#bhg3a   
,so much for  the external evidence of  
plagiarism4    ,with regard to the      
internal evidence1 the passage of       
,aquinas  particularly referred to1     
which will be found below1#bhg3b refers 
to  memory not imagination2 to the      

recall of images in the relation to each
  other in which they have once had a   
place in the mind1 not to the  formation
 of new associations1 or aggregates of  
ideas there2 nor will it  bring the     
theories to an identity1 that1 according
 to ,hume's doctrine1  nothing can be   
recalled in the mind unless its elements
 have already  been deposited there in  
the form of ideas1 because the          
observations of  ,aquinas apply         
altogether to the reminiscence of       
aggregate objects4 ,but  the            
classification is different3 for ,hume's
 embodies cause and effect1  but not    
contrariety2 while that of ,aquinas has 
contrariety1 but not  cause and effect4 
,in a division into three elements1 this
 discrepancy is  material2 and1 without 
entering on any lengthened reasoning1 it
 may  simply be observed1 that the merit
 of ,hume's classification is1 that it  
is exhaustive1 and neither contains any 
superfluous element1 nor omits  any     
principle under which an act of         

association can be classed4    ,but it  
is remarkable that ,coleridge should    
have failed to keep in view1  in his    
zeal to discover some curious thing to  
reward him for his  researches among the
 fathers1 that the classification is not
 that of  ,aquinas1 but of ,aristotle1  
and is contained in the very work on    
which  the passage in ,aquinas is one of
 the many commentaries4#bhh3a           
99       99       99       99       99  
,the ,essays ,moral and ,political1 had1
 though it is not mentioned by  ,hume in
 his own life1 been so well received1   
that a second edition  appeared in      
#agdb1 the same year in which the second
 volume of the  original edition was    
published4 ,a third edition was         
published in ,london  in #agdh1bhi3a of 
which ,hume1 comparing them with his    
neglected  contemporaneous publication  
of the ,inquiry1 says that they met not 
with  a much better reception4    ,two  
essays1 which had appeared in the       
previous editions1 were omitted in  the 

third4 ,one of these1 ,of ,essay        
,writing1 was evidently written at  the 
time when the author had the design of  
publishing his work  periodically1#bhi3b
 and was meant as a prospectus or       
announcement to  the readers1 of the    
method in which he proposed to address  
them in his  periodical papers4 ,the    
other was a ,character of ,sir ,robert  
,walpole2 a  curious attempt to take an 
impartial estimate of a man who1 at the 
time  of the first publication1 had been
 longer in office1 and was surrounded   
by a more numerous and powerful band of 
enemies1 than any previous  ,british    
statesman4 ,but between the two         
publications the enemies had  triumphed2
 and the statesman of forty years had   
been driven into  retirement1 where     
death speedily relieved him from a scene
 of inaction1  which might have been    
repose to others1 but was to him an     
insupportable  solitude4 ,party rage had
 consequently changed its direction1 and
 that  air of solemn deliberation which1

 while the statesman was moving between 
the admiration of his friends and the   
hatred of his enemies1 had an           
appearance of resolute stoical          
impartiality1 might have appeared       
strained and affected1 if the essay had 
been republished in #agdh4    ,to this  
third edition three essays were added1  
,of ,national ,characters1  ,of the     
,original ,contract1 and ,of ,passive   
,obedience4 ,the first of  these        
contains some very curious incidental   
notices of ancient morals  and habits1  
so adapted to modern colloquial language
 and habits1 as to  make the            
descriptions as clear to the unlearned  
as to the learned2 as1  for example1 the
 following notices of the drinking      
practices of the  ancients3--    ,the   
ancient ,greeks1 though born in a warm  
climate1 seem to have been  much        
addicted to the bottle2 nor were their  
parties of pleasure any  thing but      
matches of drinking among men1 who      
passed their time  altogether apart from

 the fair4 ,yet when ,alexander led the 
,greeks into  ,persia1 a still more     
southern climate1 they multiplied their 
debauches  of this kind1 in imitation of
 the ,persian manners4#bij3a ,so        
honourable  was the character of a      
drunkard among the ,persians1 that      
,cyrus the  younger1 soliciting the     
sober ,lacedemonians for succour against
 his  brother ,artaxerxes1 claims it    
chiefly on account of his superior      
endowments1 as more valorous1 more      
bountiful1 and a better  drinker4#bij3b 
,darius ,hystaspes made it be inscribed 
on his tomb-stone1  among his other     
virtues and princely qualities1 that no 
one could bear a  greater quantity of   
liquor4    ,the other two essays1 though
 bearing on subjects which have now     
almost  dropped out of political        
discussion1 ,the ,original ,contract1   
and  ,passive ,obedience1 trod close on 
the heels of the long conflict in  which
 ,milton1 ,salmasius1 ,hobbes1 ,sidney1 
,locke1 and ,filmer1 had been           

partakers2 and while the din of arms was
 far from being exhausted1 they         
professed to hold the balance equally   
between the combatants1 or1 more        
properly speaking1 to examine           
philosophically the merits of the theory
  of each party1 without taking up the  
angry arguments of either4 ,they  are1  
in truth1 but a farther adaptation to   
politics of those utilitarian  theories 
which ,hume had previously applied both 
to private morals and to  government4   
,and the principle they promulgate is1  
that the citizen's  allegiance to the   
laws and constitution of his country1   
has its proper  foundation neither in an
 acknowledgment of the divine right of  
any  governor1 nor in a contract with   
him by which both parties are bound1    
but in the moral duty of respecting     
internal peace and order1 and of        
avoiding outbreaks which may plunge the 
people into anarchy and misery1  to     
gratify the pride or baser passions of  
turbulent individuals4    ,it must have 

been on his return on this occasion1    
that ,hume rejoined the  family circle  
at ,ninewells1 bereaved of the parent   
whose devotion to his  training and     
education he has so affectionately      
commemorated4 ,i went  down1 he says1 in
 #agdi1 and lived two years with my     
brother at his  country house1 for my   
mother was now dead4#bia3a ,in a letter1
 which  will have to be afterwards      
referred to1 by ,dr4 ,black1 to ,adam   
,smith1  written when ,hume was on his  
death-bed1 and in relation to his final 
illness1 there is the remark1 ,his      
mother1 he says1 had precisely the  same
 constitution with himself1 and died of 
this very disorder4    ,on this subject1
 the ,american traveller1 ,silliman1    
gave currency to a  foolish and         
improbable story1 which he puts in the  
following shape3--    ,it seems that    
,hume received a religious education    
from his mother1 and  early in life was 
the subject of strong and hopeful       
religious  impressions2 but1 as he      

approached manhood1 they were effaced1  
and  confirmed infidelity succeeded4    
,maternal partiality1 however alarmed at
  first1 came at length to look with    
less and less pain upon this            
declension1 and filial love and         
reverence seem to have been absorbed in 
the pride of philosophical scepticism2  
for ,hume now applied himself with      
unwearied1 and unhappily with successful
 efforts1 to sap the foundation  of his 
mother's faith4 ,having succeeded in    
this dreadful work1 he went  abroad into
 foreign countries2 and as he was       
returning1 an express met  him in       
,london1 with a letter from his mother1 
informing him that she was  in a deep   
decline1 and could not long survive3 she
 said1 she found  herself without any   
support in her distress2 that he had    
taken away that  source of comfort1 upon
 which1 in all cases of affliction1 she 
used to  rely1 and that now she found   
her mind sinking into despair4 ,she did 
not  doubt but her son would afford her 

some substitute for her religion2 and   
she conjured him to hasten to her1 or at
 least to send her a letter1  containing
 such consolations as philosophy can    
afford to a dying mortal4  ,hume was    
overwhelmed with anguish on receiving   
this letter1 and hastened  to ,scotland1
 travelling day and night2 but before he
 arrived his mother  expired4 ,no       
permanent impression seems1 however1 to 
have been made on  his mind by this most
 trying event2 and whatever remorse he  
might have  felt at the moment1 he soon 
relapsed into his wonted obduracy of    
heart4    ,this story1 probably told    
after dinner1 and invented on the       
spot1--the  ,american narrator's        
unfortunate name perhaps rendering him  
peculiarly  liable to the machinations  
of the mischievous1--is totally at      
variance  with ,hume's character4 ,he   
was no propagandist2 and1 indeed1 seems 
ever  to have felt1 that a firm faith in
 ,christianity1 unshaken by any doubts1 
was an invaluable privilege1 of which it

 would be as much more cruel to  deprive
 a fellow-creature than to rob him of   
his purse1 as the one  possession is    
more valuable than the other4 ,hence we 
shall find1 that  his conversation was  
acceptable to women and to clergymen1   
who never  feared in his presence to    
encounter any sentiment that might shock
 their  feelings2 and what is more to   
the point1 parents were never afraid of 
trusting their children to his care and 
social attentions1 and indeed  thought  
it a high privilege to obtain them4     
,the appearance of the above passage in 
a notice of ,silliman's ,travels  in    
,the ,quarterly ,review1 called forth a 
remonstrance from ,baron ,hume1  which  
elicited the following statement from   
the editor3--#bic3a    ,that anecdote he
 has shown to be false by unquestionable
 dates1 and by  a circumstance related  
in the manuscript memoirs of the late   
,dr4  ,carlyle1 an eminent clergyman of 
the ,scottish ,church1 and friend of the
  historian4 ,the circumstance1         

interesting in itself1 and decisive on  
the  subject1 we transcribe1 in the     
words of the manuscript1 from the letter
  before us3--    ,david and he 7the    
,hon4 ,mr4 ,boyle1 brother of the ,earl 
of ,glasgow7 were  both in ,london at   
the period when ,david's mother died4   
,mr4 ,boyle1  hearing of it1 soon after 
went into his apartment1 for they lodged
 in  the same house1 where he found him 
in the deepest affliction1 and in a     
flood of tears4 ,after the usual topics 
of condolence1 ,mr4 ,boyle said to  him1
 ',my friend1 you owe this uncommon     
grief to having thrown off the          
principles of religion2 for if you had  
not1 you would have been consoled  with 
the firm belief that the good lady1 who 
was not only the best of  mothers but   
the most pious of ,christians1 was      
completely happy in the  realms of the  
just4' ,to which ,david replied1        
',though ,i throw out my  speculations  
to entertain the learned and            
metaphysical world1 yet1 in  other      

things1 ,i do not think so differently  
from the rest of the world  as you      
imagine4'#bid3a    ,one of ,hume's most 
intimate friends was ,dr4 ,clephane1 a  
physician in  considerable practice in  
,london4 ,they appear to have become    
acquainted  with each other during the  
expedition to ,port ,l',orient1 in which
  ,clephane was probably a medical      
officer1 as ,hume1 in his letters about 
his own half-pay1 speaks of him as in   
the same position with himself4  ,the   
correspondence is characterized by the  
thorough ease and polite  familiarity of
 the camp1 and none of ,hume's letters  
are fuller of his  playful spirit than  
those addressed to his brother officer4 
,,hume to ,,dr4 ,,clephane4             
4#bif3a    ,,dear ,,doctor1--,i have    
here received a great many thanks from  
an honest  man1 who tells me that he and
 all his family have been extremely     
obliged  to me4 ,this is my brother's   
gardener1 who showed me a letter from   
his  son1 wherein he acknowledges that  

he owes his life to your care2 that  you
 placed him in an hospital1 and attended
 him with as much assiduity  as if he   
had been the best nobleman in the land2 
that all he shall ever  be worth will   
never be able to repay you3 and that    
therefore he must  content himself with 
being grateful3 at the same time        
desiring his  father to give me thanks1 
by whose means he was recommended to    
you4    ,these thanks ,i received with  
great gravity1 and replied1 that one    
must  always endeavour to do good when  
it is in one's power4 ,in short1 ,i took
  upon me your part1 and gave myself as 
many airs as if ,i had really shown  the
 same beneficent dispositions4 ,i       
considered that you have good deeds  to 
spare1 and are possessed of greater     
store of merits and works of            
supererogation1 than any church1 ,pagan1
 ,mahometan1 or ,catholic1 ever was     
entitled to1 and that1 therefore1 to rob
 you a little was no great  crime3--    
----cui plura supersunt1       ,et      

fallunt dominum1 et prosunt             
furibus4#big3a    ,i hope1 dear ,doctor1
 you find virtue its own reward--that1  
methinks1 is  but just--considering it  
is the only reward it is ever likely to 
meet  with--in this world ,i mean2 at   
least you may take your own reward      
yourself for me4 ,i shall never trouble 
my head about the matter1 and you  need 
not expect that ,i shall even like or   
esteem you the better for this  instance
 of your charity and humanity4 ,you     
fancy1 ,i suppose1 that ,i  already     
liked and esteemed you so much1 that    
this makes no sensible  addition4 ,you  
may fancy what you please3 ,i shall not 
so much as speak  another word upon this
 subject1 but proceed to a better4 ,you 
shall see4    ,you would perhaps ask1   
how ,i employ my time in this leisure   
and  solitude1 and what are my          
occupations8 ,pray1 do you expect ,i    
should  convey to you an encyclopedia1  
in the compass of a letter8 ,the last   
thing ,i took my hand from was a very   

learned1 elaborate discourse1           
concerning the populousness of          
antiquity2 not altogether in opposition 
to ,vossius and ,montesquieu1 who       
exaggerate that affair infinitely2  but1
 starting some doubts1 and scruples1 and
 difficulties1 sufficient  to make us   
suspend our judgment on that head4      
,amongst other topics1 it  fell in my   
way to consider the greatness of ancient
 ,rome2 and in  looking over the        
discourse1 ,i find the following period4
 ',if we may  judge by the younger      
,pliny's account of his house1 and by   
the plans of  ancient buildings in ,dr4 
,mead's collection1 the men of quality  
had very  spacious palaces1 and their   
buildings were like the ,chinese houses1
  where each apartment is separate from 
the rest1 and rises no higher than  a   
single story4'#bih3a ,pray1 on what     
authority are those plans founded8  ,if 
,i remember right1 ,i was told they were
 discovered on the walls of the  baths1 
and other subterraneous buildings4 ,is  

this the proper method of  citing them8 
,if you have occasion to communicate    
this to ,dr4 ,mead1 ,i beg  that my     
sincere respects may be joined4    ,i   
think the parsons have lately used the  
physicians very ill1 for1 in  all the   
common terrors of mankind1 you used     
commonly both to come in for  a share of
 the profit3 but in this new fear of    
earthquakes1 they have  left you out    
entirely1 and have pretended alone to   
give prescriptions to  the              
multitude4#bih3b ,i remember1 indeed1   
,mr4 ,addison talks of a quack  that    
advertised pills for an earthquake1 at a
 time when people lay under  such       
terrors as they do at present4 ,but ,i  
know not if any of the faculty  have    
imitated him at this time4 ,i see only a
 ,pastoral ,letter of the  ,bishop of   
,london1 where1 indeed1 he recommends   
certain pills1 such as  fasting1 prayer1
 repentance1 mortification1 and other   
drugs1 which are  entirely to come from 
his own shop4 ,and ,i think this is very

 unfair in  him1 and you have great     
reason to be offended2 for why might he 
not have  added1 that medicinal powders 
and potions would also have done        
service8  ,the worst is1 that you dare  
not revenge yourself in kind1 by        
advising  your patients to have nothing 
to do with the parson2 for you are sure 
he  has a faster hold of them than you1 
and you may yourself be discharged  on  
such an advice4#bii3a    ,you'll        
scarcely believe what ,i am going to    
tell you2 but it is  literally true4    
,millar had printed off1 some months    
ago1 a new edition  of certain          
philosophical essays1 but he tells me   
very gravely that he  has delayed       
publishing because of the               
earthquakes4#cjj3a ,i wish you may  not 
also be a loser by the same common      
calamity2 for ,i am told the  ladies    
were so frightened1 they took the       
rattling of every coach for an          
earthquake2 and therefore would employ  
no physicians but from amongst  the     

infantry3 insomuch that some of you     
charioteers had not gained  enough to   
pay the expenses of your vehicle4 ,but  
this may only be waggery  and banter1   
which ,i abhor4 ,please remember to give
 my respects to the  ,general1 and ,sir 
,harry1 and ,captain ,grant1 who ,i hope
 are all in good  health3 indeed1 as to 
the ,captain1 ,i do not know what to    
hope1 or wish2  for if he recover his   
health1 he loses his shape1 and must    
always remain  in that perplexing       
dilemma4--,remember me also to ,suncey  
,glassaugh1#cjj3b and remember me       
yourself4    ,ninewells1 near ,berwick1 
,april #ah1 #agej4    ,p4,s4--,pray1 did
 ,guidelianus#cjj3c get his money1      
allowed him by the  ,pay-office8 ,i     
suppose he is in ,ireland1 poor devil6  
so ,i give you no  commission with      
regard to him4    ,pray1 tell ,glassaugh
 that ,i hope he has not suppressed the 
paper ,i  sent him about the new        
year4#cja3a ,if he has1 pray ask for a  
sight of  it1 for it is very witty4 ,i  

contrived it one night that ,i could not
  sleep for the tortures of rheumatism2 
and you have heard of a great  lady1 who
 always put on blisters1 when she wanted
 to be witty4 ',tis a  receipt ,i       
recommend to you4#cja3b      ,the       
following letter to ,oswald shows us    
that ,hume was1 at the time it  was     
written1 earnestly engaged in the       
preparation of the ,essays on           
,political ,economy1 which he published 
in #ageb4      ,,hume to ,,james        
,,oswald of ,dunnikier4    ,,dear       
,,sir1--,i confess ,i was a little      
displeased with you for neglecting  me  
so long2 but you have made ample        
compensation4 ,this commerce1 ,i find1  
is of advantage to both of us2 to me1 by
 the new lights you communicate1  and to
 you1 by giving you occasion to examine 
these subjects more  accurately4 ,i     
shall here deliver my opinion of your   
reasonings with the  freedom which you  
desire4    ,i never meant to say that   
money1 in all countries which           

communicate1  must necessarily be on a  
level1 but on a level proportioned to   
their  people1 industry1 and            
commodities4 ,that is1 where there is   
double  people1 c4 there will be double 
money1 and so on2 and that the only way 
of keeping or increasing money is1 by   
keeping and increasing the people  and  
industry2 not by prohibitions of        
exporting money1 or by taxes on         
commodities1 the methods commonly       
thought of4 ,i believe we differ  little
 on this head4 ,you allow1 that if all  
the money in ,england were  increased   
fourfold in one night1 there would be a 
sudden rise of prices2  but then1 say   
you1 the importation of foreign         
commodities would soon  lower the       
prices4 ,here1 then1 is the flowing out 
of the money already  begun4 ,but1 say  
you1 a small part of this stock of money
 would suffice  to buy foreign          
commodities1 and lower the prices4 ,i   
grant it would for  one year1 till the  
imported commodities be consumed4 ,but  

must not the  same thing be renewed next
 year8 ,no1 say you2 the additional     
stock of  money may1 in this interval1  
so increase the people and industry1 as 
to  enable them to retain their money4  
,here ,i am extremely pleased with your 
reasoning4 ,i agree with you1 that the  
increase of money1 if not too  sudden1  
naturally increases people and industry1
 and by that means may  retain itself2  
but if it do not produce such an        
increase1 nothing will  retain it except
 hoarding4 ,suppose twenty millions     
brought into  ,scotland2 suppose that1  
by some fatality1 we take no advantage  
of this  to augment our industry or     
people1 how much would remain in the    
quarter  of a century8 not a shilling   
more than we have at present4 ,my       
expression  in the ,essay needs         
correction1 which has occasioned you to 
mistake it4    ,your enumeration of the 
advantages of rich countries above poor1
 in  point of trade1 is very just and   
curious2 but ,i cannot agree with you   

that1 barring ill policy or accidents1  
the former might proceed gaining  upon  
the latter for ever4 ,the growth of     
every thing1 both in art and  nature1 at
 last checks itself4 ,the rich country  
would acquire and retain  all the       
manufactures that require great stock or
 great skill2 but the  poor country     
would gain from it all the simpler and  
more laborious4 ,the  manufactures of   
,london1 you know1 are steel1 lace1     
silk1 books1 coaches1  watches1         
furniture1 fashions2 but the outlying   
provinces have the linen  and woollen   
trade4    ,the distance of ,china is a  
physical impediment to the              
communication1 by  reducing our commerce
 to a few commodities2 and by           
heightening the price  of these         
commodities1 on account of the long     
voyage1 the monopolies1 and  the taxes4 
,a ,chinese works for three-halfpence   
a-day1 and is very  industrious2 were he
 as near us as ,france or ,spain1 every 
thing we used  would be ,chinese1 till  

money and prices came to a level2 that  
is1 to  such a level as is proportioned 
to the numbers of people1 industry1 and 
commodities of both countries4    ,a    
part of our public funds serve in place 
of money2 for our merchants1  but still 
more our bankers1 keep less cash by them
 when they have stock1  because they can
 dispose of that upon any sudden demand4
 ,this is not the  case with the ,french
 funds4 ,the rentes of the ,hotel de    
,ville are not  transferable1 but are   
most of them entailed in the families4  
,at least1 ,i  know there is a great    
difference in this respect betwixt them 
and the  actions of the ,indian         
,company4    ,that the industry and     
people of ,spain1 after the discovery of
 the ,west  ,indies1 at first increased 
more than is commonly imagined1 is a    
very  curious fact2 and ,i doubt not but
 you say so upon good authority1 though 
,i have not met with that observation in
 any author4    ,beside the bad effects 
of the paper credit in our colonies1 as 

it was a  cheat1 it must also be allowed
 that it banished gold and silver1 by   
supplying their place4 ,on the whole1 my
 intention in the ,essay was to  remove 
people's terrors1 who are apt1 from     
chimerical calculations1 to  imagine    
they are losing their specie1 though    
they can show in no  instance that      
either their people or industry         
diminish2 and also to  expose the       
absurdity of guarding money otherwise   
than by watching over  the people and   
their industry1 and preserving or       
increasing them4 ,to  prohibit the      
exportation of money1 or the importation
 of commodities1 is  mistaken policy2   
and ,i have the pleasure of seeing you  
agree with me4    ,i have no more to    
say1 but compliments2 and therefore     
shall conclude4 ,i  am1 c4#cjd3a        
,ninewells1 #ast ,november1 #agej4      
,in #agej there was published in        
,edinburgh1 an edition of ,montesquieu's
  ,esprit des ,loix2 avec les dernieres 
corrections et illustrations de         

l',auteur4#cjd3b ,that ,hume was        
instrumental to this publication1 is    
shown by the letters addressed to him by
 ,montesquieu between the years  #agdi  
and #agec1 printed in the appendix4 ,it 
appears1 that1 as he there  intimates1  
the author sent over a copy of his      
corrections and  illustrations2 but the 
work must have been partly printed      
before their  arrival1 for1 in the      
advertisement to the reader1 it is      
stated that a  few of the earliest      
sheets1 where the more important        
amendments  occurred1 had to be         
reprinted1 while some minor alterations 
are  supplied by a list of corrections4 
,montesquieu's appreciation of some of  
,hume's ethical works will be read  with
 interest4 ,hume appears to have made   
the first advances towards an  intimacy2
 and the great ,frenchman1 then in his  
sixtieth year1 seems to  have hailed    
with satisfaction the appearance of a   
kindred spirit1 and to  have received   
his proffers with warm cordiality4 ,this

 is the  commencement of that           
intercourse with his eminent            
contemporaries in  ,france1 which we    
shall hereafter find to occupy a        
prominent feature in  ,hume's literary  
and social history4    ,at this period  
we find ,hume taking much interest in   
the conduct of a  certain ,james        
,fraser1 in connexion with the          
,westminster election of  #agdi--one of 
the marked epochs in the parliamentary  
history of that  renowned constituency4 
,the candidates were ,lord ,trentham the
 eldest son  of ,earl ,gower1 and ,sir  
,george ,vandeput1 of whom the former   
was returned  by the high bailiff4 ,sir 
,george ,vandeput was the independent   
candidate1 representing the ,english    
interest4 ,lord ,trentham was a         
placeman1 and was accused of a          
partiality for ,french interests4       
,though  the ,jacobites were ranged on  
the ,vandeput side1 ,lord ,trentham was 
by  implication accused of having       
favoured the exiled family2 as by one of

  the election placards issued on the   
occasion1 the voters are desired to  ask
 ,lord ,trentham1 who had his foot in   
the stirrup in the year #agae8  ,he was 
charged with having sacrificed his      
country or ,jacobite principles  for a  
place1 and with being that most abhorred
 of all political  characters1 an       
ex-patriot1 who has ratted to obtain    
office4 ,shortly  before the election1 a
 riotous attack had been made on a small
 ,french  theatre1 which had become     
peculiarly unpopular by obtaining a     
licence1  when some ,english            
establishments had been suppressed under
 ,walpole's  act4 ,it appears that ,lord
 ,trentham had1 with some others1       
endeavoured to  preserve the friendless 
foreigners from the fury of the mob4 ,so
  un-,english an act1 as this harbouring
 and protecting of foreign  vagabonds1  
against the just indignation of true    
born ,britons1 was very  successfully   
displayed as an overt act in favour of  
,popery1 ,jacobitism1  and ,french      

ascendency2 and the skilful manner in   
which it was improved1  in the          
hand-bills1 and pasquinades of the      
,vandeput party1 shows that  this       
department of the electioneering art was
 not then far from its  present state of
 maturity4#cjf3a    ,a pretty minute    
investigation has not enabled me to     
discover what  precise conduct in       
connexion with this affair was important
 enough to  elicit from ,hume the       
elaborate joke against ,fraser embodied 
in the  following papers4 ,he was       
evidently a medical man1 but he does not
 appear  in the list of those who       
attested ,mr4 ,murray's health1 or were 
appointed  to visit him4 ,he certainly  
acted on the ,vandeput side1 yet his    
name is  nowhere mentioned1 in connexion
 with it1 in a pretty large collection  
of  documents relating to this election1
 which ,i have had an opportunity of    
consulting4#cjg3a    ,fraser was        
evidently1 like ,clephane1 one of the   
medical officers in  ,general ,st4      

,clair's expedition1 for1 in a previous 
letter to ,colonel  ,abercromby1 ,hume  
mentions him as an officer in the royal 
regiment4#cjg3b ,he appears to have been
 a thorough ,jacobite1 for1 in  another 
letter1 ,hume speaks of him as one of   
the extreme persons whom  his history   
will displease by its too great         
partiality to the ,whigs4 ,a  very      
pleasing and natural description of his 
character is given by ,hume1  in a      
letter to ,clephane1 a little farther   
on4#cjh3a    ,the following document was
 sent to ,colonel ,abercromby1 along    
with the  explanatory letters which     
immediately follow it4        ,to the   
,right ,honourable the ,lord ,chief     
,justice ,reason1 and the               
,honourable the ,judges ,discretion1    
,prudence1 ,reserve1 and                
,deliberation1 the ,petition of the     
,patients of ,westminster1              
against ,james ,fraser1 ,apothecary4    
,most humbly showeth1    ,that your     
petitioners had put themselves and      

families under the  direction and care  
of the said ,james ,fraser1 and had so  
continued for  several years1 to their  
great mutual benefit and emolument4     
,that many of your petitioners had1     
under his management1 recovered from    
the most desperate and deplorable       
maladies1 such as megrims1 toothaches1  
cramps1 stitches1 vapours1 crosses in   
love1 c4 which wonderful success1  after
 the blessing of ,god1 they can ascribe 
to nothing but his  consummate skill and
 capacity1 since many of their          
neighbours1 labouring  under the same   
distresses1 died every day1 by the      
mistakes of less  learned apothecaries4 
,that there are many disconsolate widows
 among your petitioners1 who  believed  
themselves1 and were believed by all    
their neighbours1 to be  dying of grief2
 but as soon as the said ,james ,fraser 
applied lenitives1  and proper topical  
medicines1 they were observed to recover
 wonderfully4    ,that in all           
hypochondriacal cases he was sovereign1 

in so much that his  very presence      
dispelled the malady1 cheering the      
sight1 exciting a  gentle agitation of  
the muscles of the lungs and thorax1 and
 thereby  promoting expectoration1      
exhilaration1 circulation1 and          
digestion4    ,that your petitioners    
verily believe1 that not many more have 
died from  amongst them1 under the      
administration of the said ,james       
,fraser1 than  actually die by the      
course of nature in places where physic 
is not at  all known or practised2 which
 will scarcely be credited in this      
sceptical and unbelieving age4    ,that 
all this harmony and good agreement     
betwixt your petitioners and  the said  
,james ,fraser had lately been          
disturbed1 to the great detriment  of   
your petitioners and their once numerous
 families4    ,that the said ,james     
,fraser1 associating himself with ----  
,carey1  surgeon1 and ,william ,guthrey1
 ,esq4 and other evil intentioned       
persons1  not having the fear of ,god   

before their eyes1 had given himself    
entirely  up to the care of ,dame       
,,public1 and had utterly neglected your
  petitioners4    ,that the lady above  
mentioned was of a most admirable       
,,constitution1  envied by all who had  
ever seen her or heard of her2 and was  
only  afflicted sometimes with vapours1 
and sometimes with a looseness or  flux1
 which not being of the bloody kind1    
those about her were rather  pleased    
with it4    ,that notwithstanding this1 
the said ,james ,fraser uses all        
diligence and  art to persuade the said 
lady that she is in the most desperate  
case  imaginable1 and that nothing will 
recover her but a medicine he has       
prepared1 being a composition of pulvis 
pyrius1#caj3a along with a  decoction of
 northern steel1 and an infusion of     
southern aqua sacra or  holy water4     
,that the medicine1 or rather poison1   
was at first wrapt up under a wafer     
marked ,patriotism1 but had since been  
attempted to be administrated  without  

any cover or disguise4    ,that a dose  
of it had secretly been poured down the 
throat of the said  ,dame ,public1 while
 she was asleep1 and had been attended  
with the most  dismal symptoms1 visibly 
heightening her vapours1 and increasing 
her  flux1 and even producing some      
symptoms of the bloody kind2 and had she
  not thrown it up with great violence1 
it had certainly proved fatal to  her4  
,that the said ,james ,fraser and his   
associates1 now finding that the        
,catholicon does not agree with the     
constitution of the said ,dame1         
prescribed to her large doses of        
,phillipiacum1 ,cottontium1#caj3b  and  
,vandeputiana1#caj3c in order to alter  
her constitution1 and  prepare her body 
for the reception of the said           
,catholicon4    ,that he had even been  
pleased to see ,lovitium#caj3d applied  
to her1  though known to be a virulent  
caustic1 and really no better than a    
lapis infernalis4    ,that while the    
medicines ,goveriacum and               

,trentuntium#caa3a were very  violent1  
resembling sublimate of high flown      
mercury1 he also much  approved of them1
 but since they were mollified by late  
operations1 and  made as innocent as    
mercurius dulcis1 they were become his  
utter  aversion4    ,that the said      
,james ,fraser1 through his whole       
practice on the said ,dame  ,public1    
entirely rejected all lenitives1        
soporifics1 palliatives1 c4  though     
approved of by the regular and graduate 
physicians1 as ,dr4  ,pelham1 ,dr4 ,fox1
 ,dr4 ,pitt2 and that he prescribed     
nothing but chemical  salts and         
stimulating medicines1 in which regimen 
none but quacks and  empirics who had   
never taken their degrees will agree    
with him4    ,that your petitioners     
remember the story of an ,irish servant 
to a  physician1 which seems fitted to  
the present purpose4 ,the doctor bid    
,teague carry a potion to a patient1 and
 tell him it was the most  innocent in  
the world1 and if it did him no good1   

could do him no harm4  ,the footman     
obeys1 but unluckily transposing a word1
 said1 that if it  did him no harm it   
could do him no good4 ,and your         
petitioners are much  afraid that the   
catholicon above mentioned is much of   
the same nature4      ,may it therefore 
please your worships to discharge the   
said        ,james ,fraser from any     
farther attendance on the said ,dame    
,public1 and to order him to return to  
the care and inspection        of your  
petitioners and their families4         
,the following is entitled1 ,true letter
 to ,colonel ,abercromby1 to be  first  
read4      ,,dear ,,colonel1--,endeavour
 to make ,fraser believe ,i am in       
earnest4 ,if  the thing takes1 you may  
easily find somebody to personate ,mr4  
,cockburn2  and you may swear to the    
truth of the whole4 ,to make it more    
probable1  you may say that you suspect 
too much study has made me crazy2       
otherwise  ,i had never thought of so   
foolish a thing4    ,if there be any    

probability of succeeding1 an           
advertisement1 like that  which is on   
the following page1 may be put into any 
of the public  papers--that is1 if you  
think que le jeu vaut la chandelle4     
,my compliments to ,mrs4 ,abercromby4 ,i
 hope some day to regain her good       
opinion4 ,it shall be the great object  
of my ambition4    ,tell the ,doctor ,i 
shall answer him sooner than he did me4 
,he will  assist you very well in any   
cheat or roguery3 but do not attempt it1
  unless you think you can all be       
masters of your countenance4 ,this is a 
note1 not a letter4 ,yours sincerely4   
,p4,s4 ,read ,fraser the letter1 but do 
not put it into his hands2 he will  tear
 it4 ,show him first my other letter to 
you4           99       99       99     
99       99                             
,,advertisement4--,speedily will be     
published1 price #as4 ,a letter to a    
certain turbulent ,patriot in           
,westminster1 from a friend in the      
country4                                

----,et spargere voces       ,in vulgum 
ambiguas1 et qurere conscius            
arma4--,virgil4      ,the following is  
the letter which1 in pursuance of the   
arrangements for  completing this       
complicated joke1 ,colonel ,abercromby  
was to read to  ,fraser4 ,its tone of   
mock heroic will at once be detected1   
and indeed1  when the spilling of the   
last drop of blood1 or of ink1 is with  
so  much simplicity made an alternative1
 it may be presumed that ,james  ,fraser
 was a very obtuse being1 if he believed
 these protestations to  be serious4    
,,dear ,,sir1--,this will be delivered  
you by ,mr4 ,william ,cockburn1 a friend
  of mine1 who travels to ,london for   
the first time4 ,i have taken the       
opportunity to send up by him a         
manuscript1 which ,i intend to have     
printed4 ,i have ordered him first to   
read it to you2 but not to trust it  out
 of his hands4 ,you can scarce be       
surprised that ,i treat ,mr4 ,fraser so 
roughly in it4 ,no man1 who loves his   

country1 can be a friend to that        
gentleman1 considering his late as well 
as former behaviour4 ,for if ,i be      
rightly informed1 his conduct shows no  
more the spirit of submission and       
tranquillity than that of prudence and  
discretion2 and if he goes on at  this  
rate1 you yourself will be obliged to   
renounce all connexion and  friendship  
with him4    ,i have been ill of late2  
and am very low at present from the loss
 of  blood which they have drawn from   
me4 ,my friends would hinder me from    
reading2 but my books and my pen are my 
only comfort and occupation2 and  while 
,i am master of a drop of blood or of   
ink1 ,i will joyfully spill it  in the  
cause of my country4 ,i am1 ,dear ,sir1 
,your most obedient humble servant4     
,ninewells1 ,feb4 #afth1 #agea4      ,in
 the following letter to ,dr4 ,clephane1
 we find that the practical joke  on    
,james ,fraser1 which seems to have     
given a good deal of employment to  the 
wits of a great philosopher1 a learned  

physician1 and a gallant  colonel1 is   
still a matter which ,hume has very much
 at heart2 while at  the same time he   
seems to have been amusing himself with 
some other  jocular effusions4 ,the     
letter presents us with his first       
commemoration  of the poetical genius of
 his friend1 ,john ,home1 though it     
gives no  forecast of the zeal with     
which he subsequently advocated his     
countryman's claims to originality and  
high genius4 ,the dramatic critic  will 
probably feel an interest in the light  
thrown on ,hume's  appreciation of      
,shakspere by the manner in which his   
name is connected  with that of ,racine4
      ,,hume to ,,dr4 ,,clephane4       
,ninewells1 near ,berwick1 #ahth        
,february1 #agea4    ,,dear             
,,doctor1--,i will not pay you so bad a 
compliment as to say ,i was  not angry  
with you for neglecting me so long2 that
 would be to suppose ,i  was indifferent
 whether ,i had any share in your memory
 or friendship4  ,however1 since there  

is nothing in it but the old vice of    
indolence1         ,non ignara mali1    
miseris succurrere disco4    ,ed io     
anche sno ,pittore1 as ,correggio said2 
,i am therefore resolved to  forgive    
you1 and to keep myself in a proper     
disposition for saying the  ,lord's     
prayer1 whenever ,i shall find space    
enough for it4    ,i must own ,i could  
not but think you excusable1 even before
 you  disarmed me by your submission and
 penitence2 'tis so common an artifice  
for provincials to hook on a            
correspondence with a ,londoner1 under  
pretext of friendship and regard1 that a
 jealousy on that head is very          
pardonable in the latter4 ,but ,i ought 
not to lie under that general           
suspicion2 for the fashionable songs ,i 
cannot sing2 the present or the         
expectant ministers ,i have no interest 
in2 the old good books ,i have not  yet 
all read or pondered sufficiently2 and  
the current stories and bon  mots1 ,i   
would not repeat if ,i knew them4 ,you  

see1 therefore1 that if ,i  were not    
concerned about ,dr4 ,clephane1 ,i never
 should desire to hear  from him1 and   
consequently that a line of his would be
 equally  acceptable whether it comes   
from ,london or ,crookhaven4    ,i have 
executed your desire and the ,colonel's 
as well as ,i could1 but  have not1 ,i  
believe1 succeeded so well as last year3
 the subject1  indeed1 was exhausted1   
and the patient may justly1 ,i fear1 be 
esteemed  incurable4 ,i leave you to    
manage the matter as you best can3 but  
,i beg  of you to conduct it1 so as not 
to make a quarrel betwixt ,fraser and   
me2  he is an honest1 good-humoured1    
friendly1 pleasant fellow1 7though1 it  
must be confessed1 a little turbulent   
and impetuous17 and ,i should be  sorry 
to disoblige him4 ,the ,colonel would be
 heartily bit1 if by this or  any other 
means ,fraser should be cured of his    
politics and patriotism2  all his       
friends would lose a great deal of      
diversion1 and certainly  would not like

 him near so well1 if he were more cool 
and reasonable1  and moderate1 and      
prudent4 ,but these are vices he is in  
no manner of  danger of4 ,is it likely  
that reason will prevail against nature1
 habit1  company1 education1 and        
prejudice8 ,i leave you to judge4       
,but since ,i am in the humour of       
displaying my wit1 ,i must tell you that
  lately1 at an idle hour1 ,i wrote a   
sheet called the ,bellman's ,petition3  
wherein 7if ,i be not partial1 which ,i 
certainly am17 there was some good      
pleasantry and satire4 ,the ,printers in
 ,edinburgh refused to print it1 7a     
good sign1 you'll say1 of my prudence   
and discretion47 ,mr4 ,mure1 the        
member1 has a copy of it2 ask it of him 
if you meet with him1 or bid the        
,colonel1 who sees him every day at the 
house1 ask it1 and if you like it  read 
it to the ,general1 and then return it4 
,i will not boast1 for ,i have  no      
manner of vanity2 but when ,i think of  
the present dulness of ,london1  ,i     

cannot forbear exclaiming1         ,rome
 n'est pas dans ,rome1       ,c'est par 
tout o je suis4    ,a namesake of mine  
has wrote a ,tragedy1 which he expects  
to come on this  winter4#caf3a ,i have  
not seen it1 but some people commend it 
much4 ',tis  very likely to meet with   
success1 and not to deserve it1 for the 
author  tells me1 he is a great admirer 
of ,shakspere1 and never read ,racine4  
,when ,i take a second perusal of your  
letter1 ,i find you resemble the        
,papists1 who deal much in penitence1   
but neglect extremely les bonnes        
oeuvres4 ,i asked you a question with   
regard to the plans of ancient          
buildings in ,dr4 ,mead's               
collection4#caf3b ,pray1 are they       
authentic  enough to be cited in a      
discourse of erudition and reasoning8   
have they  never been published in any  
collection8 and what are the proper     
terms in  which ,i ought to cite them8  
,i know you are a great proficient in   
the  virtu1 and consequently can resolve

 my doubts4 ,this word ,i suppose you   
pretend to speak with an 7e71 which ,i  
own is an improvement3 but  admitting   
your orthography1 you must naturally    
have a desire of doing a  good-natured  
action1 and instructing the ignorant4   
,it appears to me that apothecaries bear
 the same relation to  physicians1 that 
priests do to philosophers2 the         
ignorance of the former  makes them     
positive1 and dogmatical1 and assuming1 
and enterprising1 and  pretending1 and  
consequently much more taking with the  
people4 ,follow my  example--let us not 
trouble ourselves about the matter2 let 
the one  stuff the beasts' guts with    
antimony1 and the other their heads with
  divinity1 what is that to us8         
according to the ,greek proverb1 they   
are  no more1 but as    4    ,you may   
tell me1 indeed1 that ,i mistake the    
matter quite2 that it is  not your      
kindness for the people1 which makes you
 concerned1 but  something else4 ,in    
short1 that if self-interest were not in

 the case1  they might take clysters1   
and physic1 and ipecacuanha1 till they  
were  tired of them4 ,now1 dear ,doctor1
 this mercenary way of thinking ,i never
  could have suspected you of1 and am   
heartily ashamed to find you of such  a 
temper4    ,if you answer this any time 
within the twelve months 'tis           
sufficient1  and ,i promise not to      
answer you next at less than six months'
 interval2  and so1 as the ,germans say1
 je me recomante a fos ponnes craces4   
,yours1  c4      ,the ,bellman's        
,petition1 more than once alluded to in 
,hume's letters1  is a little jeu       
d'esprit1 to which he seems to have     
attributed far more  than its due       
importance4 ,the clergy and             
schoolmasters of ,scotland were  then   
appealing to the legislature for an     
increase of their incomes2 and  in this 
production1 ,hume1 in a sort of parody  
on the representation of  these reverend
 and learned bodies1 shows that         
bell-ringers have the  same1 or even    

greater claims on the liberality of the 
public4 ,it is  perhaps a little too    
like the original1 of which it professes
 to be a  parody2 and though it has some
 wit1 is deficient in the bitter        
ridicule1  which ,swift would have      
thrown into such an effort4 ,the        
following are  some passages3--    ,that
 as your petitioners serve in the       
quality of grave-diggers1 the  great use
 and necessity of their order1 in every 
well regulated  commonwealth1 has never 
yet been called in question by any      
reasoner2 an  advantage they possess    
above their brethren the reverend       
clergy4    ,that their usefulness is as 
extensive as it is great1 for even those
  who neglect religion or despise       
learning1 must yet1 some time or other1 
stand in need of the good offices of    
this grave and venerable order4    ,that
 it seems impossible the landed gentry  
can oppose the interest of  your        
petitioners2 since1 by securing so      
perfectly as they have hitherto  done1  

the persons of the fathers and elder    
brothers of the foresaid  gentry1 your  
petitioners1 next after the physicians1 
are the persons in  the world1 to whom  
the present proprietors of land are the 
most  beholden4    ,that1 as your       
petitioners are but half ecclesiastics1 
it may be  expected they will not be    
altogether unreasonable nor exorbitant  
in  their demands4    ,that the present 
poverty of your petitioners in this     
kingdom is a  scandal to all religion2  
it being easy to prove1 that a modern   
bellman  is not more richly endowed than
 a primitive apostle1 and consequently  
possesseth not the twentieth part of the
 revenues belonging to a  presbyterian  
clergyman4    ,that whatever freedom the
 profane scoffers1 and free thinkers of 
the  age1 may use with our reverend     
brethren the clergy1 the boldest of them
  tremble when they think of us2 and    
that a simple reflection on us has      
reformed more lives than all the sermons
 in the world4    ,that the instrumental

 music allotted to your petitioners1    
being the  only music of that kind left 
in our truly reformed churches1 is a    
necessary prelude to the vocal music of 
the schoolmaster and minister1  and is  
by many esteemed equally significant and
 melodious4    ,that your petitioners   
trust the honourable house will not     
despise them  on account of the present 
meanness of their condition2 for1 having
 heard  a learned man say that the      
cardinals1 who are now princes1 were    
once  nothing but the parish curates of 
,rome1 your petitioners1 observing the  
same laudable measures to be now        
prosecuted1 despair not of being1 one   
day1 on a level with the nobility and   
gentry of these realms4    ,the petition
 of which this is a specimen1 is        
accompanied by a letter1  signed        
,zerubabel ,macgilchrist1 ,bellman of   
,buckhaven2 who kindly says  to the     
members of parliament he addresses1 that
 the brother to whom is  allotted the   
comfortable task of doing you the last  

service in our  power1 shall do it so   
carefully1 that you never shall find    
reason to  complain of him4#cai3a       
,,footnotes3    #bgb3a ,by the author of
 ,the ,essays ,moral and ,political1    
#hvo4 ,printed  for ,andrew ,millar4    
,hume's complaints about the obscurity  
of all his  books anterior to the       
,political ,discourses and the ,history1
 seem to be  confirmed by the absence of
 this ,edition in places where such     
books are  expected to be found4 ,it is 
not in ,the ,advocates' or ,the ,signet 
libraries in ,edinburgh1 nor is it to be
 found in the catalogues of the         
,british ,museum or ,bodleyan4 ,did ,i  
not possess the book1 ,i might have     
found it difficult to obtain an         
authenticated copy of the title-page4   
,it  is not mentioned in ,watt's        
,bibliotheca2 but it will be found      
correctly  set forth in a ,german       
bibliographical work1 infinitely        
superior to any  we possess in this     
country1 but unfortunately not          

completed4 ,adelung's  ,supplement to   
,jchers ,allgemeines ,gelehrten         
,lexicon4 ,it appears in the            
,gentleman's ,magazine1 list of books   
for ,april4    #bgc3a ,a ,free ,inquiry 
into the miraculous powers1 which are   
supposed  to have subsisted in the      
,christian ,church1 from the earliest   
ages  through several successive        
centuries1 by ,conyers ,middleton1      
,d4,d4  ,london1 #agdh-agdi1 #dto4      
,it was encountered by a perfect        
hurricane of controversial tracts1 which
  fill all the book lists of the time4  
#bgh3a ,inquiry concerning ,human       
,understanding1 sect4 viii4    #bhc3a   
,this matter seems on another occasion  
to have passed under his  own view4 ,in 
the ,dialogues concerning ,natural      
,religion he makes ,philo  say1 ,strong 
and almost incontestable proofs may be  
traced over the  whole earth1 that every
 part of this globe has continued for   
many ages  entirely covered with water4 
,and though order were supposed         

inseparable  from matter1 and inherent  
in it1 yet may matter be susceptible of 
many  and great revolutions through the 
endless periods of eternal duration4    
,that even ,hume's argument makes       
allowance for miracles having some time 
or other existed1 and that it can only  
be urged against this or that           
individual statement of an unnatural    
occurrence1 is the weapon which         
,campbell wields with chief effect in   
his admirable dissertation4    #bhd3a   
,let us try how his manner of argument  
on this point can be  applied to a      
particular instance4 ,for this purpose  
,i make the following  supposition4 ,i  
have lived for some years near a ferry4 
,it consists with  my knowledge that the
 passage boat has a thousand times      
crossed the  river1 and as many times   
returned safe4 ,an unknown man1 whom ,i 
have just  now met1 tells me in a       
serious manner that it is lost2 and     
affirms1 that  he himself1 standing on  
the bank1 was a spectator of the scene2 

that he  saw the passengers carried down
 the stream and the boat overwhelmed4   
,no  person1 who is influenced in his   
judgment of things1 not by              
philosophical subtleties1 but by common 
sense1 a much surer guide1 will         
hesitate to declare1 that in such a     
testimony ,i have probable evidence  of 
the fact asserted4--,dissertation on    
,miracles1 #df-dg4    #bhe3a ,perhaps   
the earliest in date of these is1 ,an   
,essay on ,mr4  ,hume's ,essay on       
,miracles1 by ,william ,adams1 ,m4,a4   
chaplain to the ,bishop  of ,llandaff1  
#agea4    #bhe3b ,warburton says to     
,hurd1 on #bhth ,september1 #agdi1--;,i 
am strongly  tempted to have a stroke at
 ,hume in passing4 ,he is the author of 
a  little book called ',philosophical   
,essays2' in one part of which he       
argues against the being of a ,god1 and 
in another 7very needlessly you  will   
say17 against the possibility of        
miracles4 ,he has crowned the  liberty  
of the press3 and yet he has a          

considerable post under the  government4
 ,i have a great mind to do justice on  
his arguments against  miracles1 which  
,i think might be done in a few words4  
,but does he  deserve notice8 ,is he    
known among you8 ,pray answer these     
questions4 ,for  if his own weight keeps
 him down1 ,i should be sorry to        
contribute to his  advancement to any   
place but the pillory4 ,letters from a  
late ,rev4  prelate to one of his       
friends1 #ahjh1 p4 #aa4    #bhf3a ,sect4
 iii4    #bhg3a ,preliminary            
,dissertation1 ,note ,t4    #bhg3b      
,quandoque remeniscitur aliquis         
incipiens ab aliqua re1 cujus           
memoratur1 a qu procedit ad alium       
triplici ratione4 ,quandoque quidem     
ratione similitudinis1 sicut quando     
aliquis memoratur de ,socrate1 et per   
hoc1 occurrit ei ,plato1 qui est similis
 ei in sapientia2 quandoque vero        
ratione contrarietatis1 sicut si aliquis
 memoretur ,hectoris1 et per hoc        
occurrit ei ,achilles4 ,quandoque vero  

ratione propinquitatis cujuscunque1     
sicut cum aliquis memor est patris1 et  
per hoc occurrit ei filius4 ,et  eadem  
ratio est de quacunque alia             
propinquitate1 vel societatis1 vel      
loci1 vel temporis1 et propter hoc fit  
reminiscentia quia motus horum se       
invicem consequuntur4--,aquinatis       
,comment4 in ,aristot4 de ,memoria et   
,remeniscentia2 edit4 ,paris1 #affj1 p4 
#fd4 ,the scope of ,aquinas'  remarks   
have more reference to mnemonics or     
artificial memory than to  association4 
,they explain how a man1 remembering    
what he did yesterday1  may pass to the 
remembrance of what he did the day      
before1 c4    #bhh3a ,see ,dr4 ,brown's 
commentary on the history of theories of
  association1 in his thirty-fourth     
,lecture4 ,sir ,william ,hamilton1 the  
highest living authority on these       
subjects1 while he thinks that          
,aristotle has not got justice for the  
extent to which he has anticipated      
,hume and others in relation to this    

matter1 does not think there is the     
slightest ground for the charge of      
plagiarism1 and observes to me that     
,coleridge's own remarks on association 
are merely an adaptation from the       
,german of ,maas4    #bhi3a #hvo1       
printed for ,a4 ,millar4 ,it is in the  
,gentleman's ,magazine  list for        
,november4    #bhi3b ,see p4 #acf4      
#bij3a ,babylonii maxime in vinum1 et qu
 ebrietatem sequuntur1 effusi  sunt4    
,quint4 ,cur4 lib4 v4 cap4 #a4    #bij3b
 ,plut4 ,symp4 lib4 i4 qust4 #d4        
#bia3a ,from the circumstances to be    
immediately stated regarding this       
event1 it seems to have taken place     
while ,hume was on his way back from    
,turin4 ,in a search in ,the ,scots     
,magazine1 and other quarters where one 
might expect to find mention of the     
decease of a person in the rank of  the 
lady of ,ninewells1 ,i have not been    
able to ascertain the precise  date4    
#bic3a ,quarterly ,review1 xvi4 #bgi4   
#bid3a ,there is a traditional anecdote1

 to the effect that ,mrs4 ,hume1        
expressing her opinion of her son ,david
 and his accomplishments1 said1  ,our   
,davie's a fine good-natured crater1 but
 uncommon wake-minded4 ,i  have heard   
this adduced as a proof of the          
philosopher's gentle1 passive  nature1  
and the effect it had in stamping an    
impression of his character  on one not 
capable of appreciating his genius4 ,but
 the anecdote is not  characteristic of 
either party1 and arises out of the     
common mistake  that ,hume was all his  
life tame1 phlegmatic1 and              
unimpassioned4 ,however  much he had    
tutored himself to stoicism1 and had    
succeeded in conquering  the outward    
demonstrations of strong feelings1 it   
will be seen in  various documents      
quoted in these volumes1 and in the     
incidents  narrated1 that he was a man  
of strong impulses1 full of blood and   
nerve1  and that1 as in a high-mettled  
horse1 his energies were regulated1 not 
extinguished4 ,no one who had the       

training of his youth could have        
escaped observing in him the workings of
 strong aspirations1 and of a  hardy    
resolute temper4    ,but ,mrs4 ,hume was
 evidently an accomplished woman1 worthy
 of the  sympathy and respect of her    
distinguished son1 and could not have   
failed  to see and to appreciate from   
its earliest dawnings the originality   
and  power of his intellect4 ,her       
portrait1 which ,i have seen1 represents
 a  thin but pleasing countenance1      
expressive of great intellectual        
acuteness4 ,some verses1 which a lady1  
who is her direct descendant1           
authenticates as being in her           
handwriting1 are in the curious         
collection  of autographs and           
illustrated portraits1 in the possession
 of ,mr4 ,w4 ,f4  ,watson1 ,prince's    
,street1 ,edinburgh4 ,it has been       
supposed that they are  the composition 
of ,david ,hume himself2 but the use of 
the ,scottish  language almost amounts  
to evidence against that supposition3 he

 would  as readily have walked the      
streets of ,edinburgh in a kilt4 ,the   
lines are  called ,song4--,air1 ,mary's 
,dream1 and begin--         ,what now   
avails the flowery dream1         ,that 
animates my youthful mind1       ,my    
,mary's vows are all a whim1            
,her plighted troth as light as wind4   
,o ,mary1 dearer than the day           
,that cheers the nighted wanderer's ee1 
,through ance-loved scenes ,i lonely    
stray1         ,but lovely ,mary's far  
frae me4         ,what now avails the   
beachen grove1         ,or willow in its
 cloak o' gray1       ,those scenes     
'twas sacred ance to love1         ,now 
fills my heart in grief and wae4        
,o ,mary1 c4    ,perhaps this may be as 
good an opportunity as any other for the
  insertion of some lines1 carefully    
preserved in the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e41 which
  are at least so far to the present    
purpose1 that they give a pleasing  idea
 of the social circle at ,ninewells4    
,they are addressed to a lady who  had  

lived to see her grandchildren2 which   
does not appear to have been  the case  
with the mother of the historian1 as her
 eldest son was not  married till #agea4
 ,a dowager of an elder generation may  
have lived for  some time at ,ninewells 
during ,david ,hume's youth1 though he  
does not  mention her3 or there may have
 been some collateral member of the     
family1 to whom the lines may have been 
addressed2 for1 in a series of  extracts
 which ,i have obtained from the ,kirk  
,session ,records of  ,chirnside1 ,i    
find that a ,david ,home in ,ninewells1 
who cannot have been  a lineal ancestor 
of the philosopher1 had a numerous      
family baptized  between #afia and      
#agja4 ,the lines are entitled ,miss ,a4
 ,b4 to ,mrs4 ,h4 by  her ,black ,boy2  
and however the genealogical questions1 
we have just  been considering1 may     
stand1 their intrinsic merit1 as        
embodying a  beautiful and humane       
sentiment1 entitle them to              
notice4--,query1 is it to  this alone1  

or to some extrinsic interest attached  
to ,miss ,a4 ,b4 that we  are to        
attribute the careful preservation of   
the lines by ,hume8         ,condemn'd  
in infancy a slave to roam1       ,far  
far from ,india's shore1 my native home1
       ,to serve a ,caledonian maid ,i  
come--       ,in me no father does his  
darling mourn--       ,no mother weeps  
me from her bosom torn--       ,both    
grew to dust1 they say to earth below2  
,but who those were1 alas1 ,i ne'er     
shall know4       ,lady1 to thee her    
love my mistress sends1       ,and bids 
thy grandsons be ,ferdnando's friends4  
,bids thee suppose1 on ,afric's distant 
coast1       ,one of those lily-coloured
 favourites lost2       ,doom'd in the  
train of some proud dame to wait1       
,a slave1 as she should will1 for use or
 state4       ,if to the boy you'd wish 
her to be kind1       ,such grace from  
you let ,ferdinando find4    #bif3a     
,hom4 ,il4 4 #eae4 ,a medical man is    
equal in value to many other  men4 ,or1 

as ,pope has it1         ,a wise        
physician1 skill'd our wounds to heal1  
,is more than armies to the public weal4
    #big3a                       ----ubi
 non et multa supersunt1       ,et      
dominum fallunt1 et prosunt furibus4    
,hor4 epist4 i4 #f1 #de4    #bih3a ,see 
this passage nearly verbatim in the     
,essay on the  ,populousness of ,ancient
 ,nations1 7,works1 edit4 #ahbf1 p4     
#dhc47 ,much  light has of course been  
subsequently thrown on this matter by   
the  investigations in ,pompeii1 and    
other places4    #bih3b ,london was kept
 in much excitement1 during the year    
#agej1 by  repeated shocks of           
earthquake4 ,horace ,walpole says1 on   
#aath ,march1 ,in  the night between    
,wednesday and ,thursday last1 7exactly 
a month since  the first shock17 the    
earth had a shivering fit between one   
and two2 but  so slight that1 if no more
 had followed1 ,i don't believe it would
 have  been noticed4 ,i had been awake1 
and had scarce dosed again4 ,on a sudden

  ,i felt my bolster lift up my head3 ,i
 thought somebody was getting from      
under my bed1 but soon found it was a   
strong earthquake1 that lasted  near    
half a minute1 with a violent vibration 
and great roaring4 ,i rang  my bell2 my 
servant came in1 frightened out of his  
senses4 ,in an instant  we heard all the
 windows in the neighbourhood flung up4 
,i got up1 and  found people running    
into the streets2 but saw no mischief   
done4 ,there  has been some3 two old    
houses flung down1 several chimneys1 and
 much  china ware4--,letters to ,sir ,h4
 ,man1 ii4 #cdi4    ,dick ,leveson and  
,mr4 ,rigby1 who had supped and staid   
late at ,bedford  ,house1 the other     
night1 knocked at several doors1 and in 
a watchman's  voice cried1 ',past four  
o'clock1 and a dreadful                 
earthquake4'--,ib4 #ced4    #bii3a      
,there has been a shower of sermons and 
exhortations4 ,secker1  the jesuitical  
,bishop of ,oxford1 begun the mode4 ,he 
heard the women were  all going out of  

town to avoid the next shock3 and so1   
for fear of  losing his ,easter         
offerings1 he set himself to advise them
 to wait ,god's  good pleasure1 in fear 
and trembling4 ,but1 what is more       
astonishing1  ,sherlock1 ,bishop of     
,london1 who has much better sense1 and 
much less  of the popish confessor1 has 
been running a race with him for the old
  ladies1 and has written a ,pastoral   
,letter1 of which ten thousand were     
sold in two days1 and fifty thousand    
have been subscribed for since the  two 
first editions4--,ib4 #cec4    #cjj3a ,a
 second edition of the ,essays          
concerning ,human ,understanding1  was  
published by ,millar in #agea1 with the 
author's name4 ,one of these  essays1   
which1 in the first edition1 had the    
title1 ,of the ,practical  ,consequences
 of ,natural ,religion1 but1 in the     
second1 received a much  less           
appropriate title1 and one likely to    
make its tenor1 as applicable  to the   
reasonings of philosophers anterior to  

,christianity1 be  misunderstood4 ,it   
was called1 ,of a ,particular           
,providence1 and ,future  ,state4       
#cjj3b ,colonel ,abercromby4 ,see above1
 p4 #bbb4    #cjj3c ,colonel            
,edmonstoune4    #cja3a ,probably ,the  
,bellman's ,petition1 mentioned p4 #cag4
    #cja3b ,from the original at        
,kilravock4    #cjd3a ,memorials of     
,oswald1 p4 #fe4    #cjd3b ,two vols4   
#hvo1 ,hamilton and ,balfour4 ,the      
productions of the  ,scottish press1 in 
the middle period of last century1      
deserve to be  looked back upon with    
respect2 and the excellence of its      
matter at that  time1 will go far to    
balance its present fertility4 ,it was  
not only as a  vehicle of native genius1
 that it was respectable4 ,besides the  
eminent  editions of the classics by the
 ,ruddimans and the ,foulises1 it       
supplied  handsome editions of          
celebrated foreign works2 a sure        
indication that it  was surrounded by a 
large class of well educated readers4   

#cjf3a ,the following placard is1 in the
 circumstances1 a master-stroke  in its 
simplicity and ingenuity4      ,,aux    
,,electeurs ,,tr,s ,,dignes ,,de        
,,westminster4                          
,,messieurs1--,vos suffrages et interts 
sont desirs pour ,le       ,trs ,hon4 mi
 ,lord ,,trentham1 un ,v,,ritable       
,anglois4         ,n4 ,b4--,l'on prie   
ses ,amis de ses rendre a l'htel        
,franois       dans le ,march au ,foin4 
,the following acrostic is a specimen of
 the poetic lucubrations of the         
,vandeput party3--         ,t ruant to  
thy promis'd trust2        ,r ebel      
daring where thou durst1        ,e ager 
to promote ,french strollers1        ,n 
one but poltroons are thy pollers4      
,t ribes of nose-led clerks and         
placemen1        ,h ackney voters1      
7bribes disgrace men17        ,a ll     
forswear1 through thick and thin1       
,m eanness theirs1 but thine the sin4   
,this election gave birth to some       
incidents apparently trifling1 which    

yet make a material figure in ,british  
history1 from their connexion  with the 
vindication of the privileges of the    
,house of ,commons4 ,the  ,honourable   
,alexander ,murray1 brother of ,lord    
,elibank1 a gentleman who  will probably
 be again called up in a future part of 
these pages1 was  charged along with    
,mr4 ,crowle1 an attorney1 and another  
person1 with the  use of threatening and
 affronting expressions1 by the high    
bailiff4  ,they were brought before the 
bar of the ,house1 and after some       
discussion  and inquiry1 ,crowle        
confessed1 was submissive1 received the 
usual  reprimand on his knees1 and wiped
 them when he rose1 saying1 it was the  
dirtiest house he had ever been in4     
,murray denied the charge1 and  resisted
 the ,house1 smiled1 as ,walpole says1  
when he was taxed with  having called   
,lord ,trentham and the high bailiff1   
rascals1 and1  finally1 refused to      
kneel1 saying1 ,sir1 ,i beg to be       
excused1 ,i never  kneel but to ,god4   

,then followed imprisonment1 and        
embarrassing  questions about the       
prisoner's health1 which1 sinking under 
his  self-inflicted imprisonment1       
reproached those who could not turn back
 on  the course they had taken2 the     
whole being rendered more complex by the
  difficulty of finding a guiding rule  
in the precedents of the ,house1  until 
parliament was adjourned2 and he left   
,newgate in a triumphant  procession1   
proclaiming the device of ,murray and   
,liberty4    #cjg3a ,viz4 in a volume of
 broadsides and other documents1 in the 
possession of ,james ,maidment1 ,esq4 of
 which the pieces in the preceding  note
 are specimens4 ,to show how such       
inquiries are beset by tantalizing      
coincidences1 there are two ,james      
,frasers mentioned on the ,trentham     
side1 one of them having after his name 
on a printed list of voters1 the        
significant ,,ms4 notandum1 ,don't pay4 
#cjg3b ,p4 #bbc4    #cjh3a ,a gentleman 
of the same name connected with the     

,lovat family1  was for some time an    
apothecary in ,london1 where he lived   
the life of a  genuine ,london bachelor2
 he was a keen ,jacobite1 and died about
 #agfj4  ,note communicated by ,captain 
,fraser1 ,knockie1 who also mentions    
another ,james ,fraser1 who was         
commissioner of the navy during the     
revolutionary war1 and settled in       
,london in #agha2 but this appears to   
have been a person of a later generation
 than ,hume's friend4    #caj3a         
,gunpowder4    #caj3b ,in allusion1     
probably1 to ,sir ,john ,hynd ,cotton4  
#caj3c ,in allusion to ,sir ,george     
,vandeput4    #caj3d ,in allusion1      
probably1 to ,fraser's own family4      
#caa3a ,earl ,gower1 and his son ,lord  
,trentham4    #caf3a ,probably ,agis1   
which appears to have been written      
before  ,douglas4    #caf3b ,see above1 
p4 #bih4    #cai3a ,printed sheet in the
 possession of ,james ,maidment1 ,esq4  
,the  ,bellman's ,petition1 has been    
reprinted in a curious collection of    

scraps1 called ,a ,scots ,haggis1 the   
editor of which does not however  appear
 to have known that ,hume was the author
 of this piece4          ,,chapter      
,,viii4    #agea-ageb4 ,t4 #dj-da4      
,sir ,gilbert ,elliot--,hume's intimacy 
with him--,their       ,philosophical   
,correspondence--,dialogues on ,natural 
,religion--       ,residence in         
,edinburgh--,jack's ,land--,publication 
of the       ,inquiry concerning the    
,principles of ,morals--,the            
,utilitarian       ,theory--,attempt to 
obtain the ,chair of ,moral ,philosophy 
in       ,glasgow--,competition with    
,burke--,publication of the ,political  
,discourses--,the foundation of         
,political ,economy--,french            
,translations4      ,foremost in that   
body of accomplished gentlemen1 whose   
friendship and  companionship afforded  
to ,hume so much pleasure and           
instruction1 was  ,mr4 afterwards ,sir  
,gilbert ,elliot of ,minto4 ,a small    
portion of the  letters1 of which their 

correspondence consists1 has already    
been  embodied in philosophical         
literature2#cbj3a and ,i have now1      
through the  favour of the noble        
descendant of the person to whom they   
were  addressed1 an opportunity of      
presenting the reader with all those    
portions of ,hume's letters to ,sir     
,gilbert ,elliot1 now existing1 which   
have any claim on public attention1     
whether as containing valuable          
philosophical speculations1 or throwing 
light on the social habits and          
intercourse of the two distinguished    
correspondents4#cbj3b    ,sir ,gilbert  
,elliot was the third baronet of the    
family of ,minto1 who  bore the same    
,christian name4#cbj3c ,he joined the   
,scottish bar1 though  he does not seem 
to have sought professional practice4   
,he was1 for a considerable period1 a   
member of ,parliament1 and among  other 
offices held that of treasurer of the   
navy4#cba3a ,in lighter  literature he  
is known as the author of some pretty   

pieces of poetry1  among which1 the     
popular song of ,my ,sheep ,i neglected1
 is well  esteemed by the admirers of   
pastoral lyrics4 ,his acquirements as a 
scholar and philosopher are amply       
attested by his correspondence with     
,hume4      ,,hume to ,,gilbert ,,elliot
 of ,minto4    ,ninewells1 near         
,berwick1 #ajth ,february1 #agea4       
,,dear ,,sir1--,about six weeks ago1 ,i 
gave our friend1 ,jack ,stuart1 the     
trouble of delivering you a letter1 and 
some papers enclosed1 which ,i  was     
desirous to submit to your criticism and
 examination4 ,i say not this  by way of
 compliment and ceremonial1 but         
seriously and in good earnest3  it is   
pretty usual for people to be pleased   
with their own performance1  especially 
in the heat of composition2 but ,i have 
scarcely wrote any  thing more          
whimsical1 or whose merit ,i am more    
diffident of4    ,but1 in sending in    
these papers1 ,i am afraid that ,i have 
not taken the  best step towards        

conveying them to your hand4 ,i should  
also have wrote  you to ask for them1   
otherwise1 perhaps1 our friend may wear 
them out in  his pocket1 and forget the 
delivery of them3 be so good1 therefore1
 as  to desire them from him1 and having
 read them at your leisure1 return  them
 to him in a packet1 and he will send   
them to me by the carrier4 ,you  would  
easily observe what ,i mentioned to you1
 that they had a reference  to some     
other work1 and were not complete in    
themselves3 but1 with this  allowance1  
are they tolerable8#cbb3a      ,the     
paper to which the following letter     
refers1 was published as an  appendix to
 the ,inquiry concerning the ,principles
 of ,morals1 to be  shortly noticed1 and
 was simply termed1 ,a ,dialogue4 ,it   
is1 perhaps1  more imaginative than any 
other of ,hume's works1 ,the ,epicurean 
not  excepted4 ,it draws startling      
contrasts1 by taking from ancient and   
modern times1 two communities of men    
strikingly opposed to each other in     

habits1 and describing those of the one 
in the social language of the  other4   
,in this manner1 it gives an account of 
the vices of the ,greeks1  in the manner
 in which they would be described by a  
modern fashionable  ,englishman1 seeking
 pleasure and companionship in ,greece1 
as it was in  the days of ,alcibiades4  
,this method of exhibiting national     
manners  through the magnifying glass of
 national prejudices1 has1 in later     
times1 been frequently adopted1#cbb3b   
and1 perhaps1 owes its popularity  to   
the success with which it was exhibited 
in ,montesquieu's ,lettres  ,persanes1  
and ,goldsmith's ,citizen of the ,world4
      ,,gilbert ,,elliot of ,minto1 to  
,,hume4         ,february1 #agea4       
,,dear ,,sir1--,i have read over your   
,dialogue1 with all the                 
application ,i am master of4 ,though ,i 
have never looked into       any thing  
of your writing1 which did not either   
entertain or       instruct me2 yet1 ,i 
must freely own to you1 that ,i have    

received from this last piece an        
additional satisfaction1 and       what 
indeed ,i have a thousand times wished  
for in some of your       other         
performances4 ,in the first part of this
 work1 you have       given full scope  
to the native bent of your genius4 ,the 
ancients and moderns1 how opposite      
soever in other respects1       equally 
combine in favour of the most unbounded 
scepticism4       ,principles1 customs1 
and manners1 the most contradictory1 all
       seemingly lead to the same end2  
and agreeably to your laudable          
practice1 the poor reader is left in the
 most disconsolate       state of doubt 
and uncertainty4 ,when ,i had got thus  
far1 what       do you think were my    
sentiments8 ,i will not be so candid as 
to       tell you2 but how agreeable was
 my surprise1 when ,i found you         
had led me into this maze1 with no other
 view1 than to point       out to me    
more clearly the direct road4 ,why can't
 you always       write in this manner8 

,indulge yourself as much as you will in
       starting difficulties1 and       
perplexing received opinions3 but       
let us be convinced at length1 that you 
have not less ability       to establish
 true principles1 than subtlety to      
detect false       ones4 ,this          
unphilosophical1 or1 if you will1 this  
lazy       disposition of mine1 you are 
at liberty to treat as you think        
proper2 yet am ,i no enemy to free      
inquiry1 and ,i would gladly            
flatter myself1 no slave to prejudice or
 authority4 ,i admit       also that    
there is no writing or talking of any   
subject that       is of importance     
enough to become the object of          
reasoning1       without having recourse
 to some degree of subtlety or          
refinement4 ,the only question is1 where
 to stop1--how far we       can go1 and 
why no farther4 ,to this question ,i    
should be       extremely happy to      
receive a satisfactory answer4 ,i can't 
tell       if ,i shall rightly express  

what ,i have just now in my mind3       
but ,i often imagine to myself1 that ,i 
perceive within me a       certain      
instinctive feeling1 which shoves away  
at once all       subtle refinements1   
and tells me with authority1 that these 
air-built notions are inconsistent with 
life and experience1       and1 by      
consequence cannot be true or solid4    
,from this ,i am       led to think1    
that the speculative principles of our  
nature       ought to go hand in hand   
with the practical ones2 and1 for my    
own part1 when the former are so far    
pushed1 as to leave the       latter    
quite out of sight1 ,i am always apt to 
suspect that we       have transgressed 
our limits4 ,if it should be asked--how 
far       will these practical          
principles go8 ,i can only answer1 that 
the former difficulty will recur1 unless
 it be found that       there is        
something in the intellectual part of   
our nature1       resembling the moral  
sentiment in the moral part of our      

nature1 which determines this1 as it    
were1 instinctively4 ,very              
possibly ,i have wrote nonsense4        
,however1 this notion first             
occurred to me at ,london1 in           
conversation with a man of some         
depth of thinking2 and talking of it    
since to your friend ,h4       ,home1 he
 seems to entertain some notions nearly 
of the same       kind1 and to have     
pushed them much farther4         ,this 
is but an idle digression1 so ,i return 
to the ,dialogue4         ,with regard  
to the composition in general1 ,i have  
nothing to       observe1 as it appears 
to me to be conducted with the greatest 
propriety1 and the artifice in the      
beginning occasions1 ,i       think1 a  
very agreeable surprise4 ,i don't know1 
if1 in the       account of the modern  
manners1 you had an eye to ,bruyere's   
introduction to his translation of      
,theophrastes4#cbd3a ,if you       had  
not1 as he has a thought handled pretty 
much in that       manner1 perhaps      

looking into it might furnish some      
farther       hints to embellish that   
part of your work4#cbd3b      ,,hume to 
,,gilbert ,,elliot of ,minto4           
,ninewells1 #aith ,february1 #agea4     
,,dear ,,sir1--,your notion of          
correcting subtlety of sentiment1 is    
certainly very just with regard to      
morals1 which depend upon sentiment2    
and in politics and natural philosophy1 
whatever conclusion is contrary  to     
certain matters of fact1 must certainly 
be wrong1 and there must  some error lie
 somewhere in the argument1 whether we  
be able to show it  or not4 ,but in     
metaphysics or theology1 ,i cannot see  
how either of these  plain and obvious  
standards of truth can have place4      
,nothing there can  correct bad         
reasoning but good reasoning1 and       
sophistry must be opposed  by           
syllogisms4 ,about seventy or eighty    
years ago1 ,i observe1 a principle  like
 that which you advance prevailed very  
much in ,france among some  philosophers

 and beaux esprits4 ,the occasion of it 
was this3 ,the  famous ,mons4 ,nicole of
 the ,port ,royal1 in his ,perptuit de  
la  ,foi1#cbe3a pushed the ,protestants 
very hard upon the impossibility of  the
 people's reaching a conviction of their
 religion by the way of  private        
judgment2 which required so many        
disquisitions1 reasonings1  researches1 
eruditions1 impartiality1 and           
penetration1 as not one in a  hundred   
even among men of education1 is capable 
of4 ,mons4 ,claude and the  ,protestants
 answered him1 not by solving his       
difficulties1 7which seems  impossible17
 but by retorting them1 7which is very  
easy47 ,they showed  that to reach the  
way of authority which the ,catholics   
insist on1 as  long a train of acute    
reasoning1 and as great erudition1 was  
requisite1  as would be sufficient for a
 ,protestant4 ,we must first prove all  
the  truths of natural religion1 the    
foundation of morals1 the divine        
authority of the ,scripture1 the        

deference which it commands to the      
church1 the tradition of the church1 c4 
,the comparison of these  controversial 
writings begot an idea in some1 that it 
was neither by  reasoning nor authority 
we learn our religion1 but by sentiment3
 and  certainly this were a very        
convenient way1 and what a philosopher  
would  be very well pleased to comply   
with1 if he could distinguish sentiment 
from education4 ,but to all appearance  
the sentiment of ,stockholm1  ,geneva1  
,rome ancient and modern1 ,athens and   
,memphis1 have the same  characters2 and
 no sensible man can implicitly assent  
to any of them1  but from the general   
principle1 that as the truth in these   
subjects is  beyond human capacity1 and 
that as for one's own ease he must adopt
 some  tenets1 there is most            
satisfaction and convenience in holding 
to the  ,catholicism we have been first 
taught4 ,now this ,i have nothing to say
  against4 ,i have only to observe1 that
 such a conduct is founded on the  most 

universal and determined scepticism1    
joined to a little indolence2  for more 
curiosity and research gives a direct   
opposite turn from the  same principles4
    ,i have amused myself lately with an
 essay or dissertation on the           
populousness of antiquity1 which led me 
into many disquisitions  concerning both
 the public and domestic life of the    
ancients4 ,having  read over almost all 
the classics both ,greek and ,latin1    
since ,i formed  that plan1 ,i have     
extracted what served most to my        
purpose4 ,but ,i have  not a ,strabo1   
and know not where to get one in this   
neighbourhood4 ,he is  an author ,i     
never read4 ,i know your library--,i    
mean the ,advocates'--is  scrupulous of 
lending classics2 but perhaps that      
difficulty may be got  over4 ,i should  
be much obliged to you1 if you could    
procure me the loan  of a copy1 either  
in the original language or even in a   
good  translation4    ,the ,greeks had  
military dances1 particularly the       

,pyrrhicha2 but these  were not         
practised in their festivals nor amidst 
their jollity4 ,their  way of dancing   
was very good for an indolent fellow2   
for commonly they  rose not from their  
seats1 but moved their arms and head in 
cadence4  ',tis difficult to imagine    
there could be much grace in that kind  
of  dancing4    ,i send you enclosed a  
little endeavour at drollery1 against   
some people  who care not much to be    
joked upon4#cbg3a ,i have frequently had
 it in  my intentions to write a        
supplement to ,gulliver1 containing the 
ridicule  of priests4 ',twas certainly a
 pity that ,swift was a parson2 had he  
been  a lawyer or physician1 we had     
nevertheless been entertained at the    
expense of these professions3 but       
priests are so jealous1 that they       
cannot bear to be touched on that head1 
and for a plain reason1 because  they   
are conscious they are really           
ridiculous4 ,that part of the ,doctor's 
subject is so fertile1 that a much      

inferior genius ,i am confident might   
succeed in it4    ,tell ,jack ,stuart1  
as soon as you see him1 that ,i have    
sent you the  copy1 if he can make any  
thing of it4 ,i intended to have had it 
printed1  but ,i know not how--,i find  
it will not do4 ,if you like the thing1 
,i wish  you would contrive together    
some way of getting over the            
difficulties  that have arisen1 the most
 strangely in the world4 ,i am1 c4#cbg3b
      ,among the papers submitted to the
 inspection of ,mr4 ,elliot1 were the   
,dialogues concerning ,natural          
,religion1 which were not published     
until  after their author's death1 but  
which the following letter shows to have
  been written before the year #agea4   
,the manuscript of this work#cbh3a is   
full of emendations and corrections2 and
 while the sentiments appear to  be     
substantially the same as when they were
 first set down1 the  alterations in the
 method of announcing them are a        
register of the  improvements in their  

author's style1 for a period apparently 
of  twenty-seven years4 ,here at least  
he could not plead the excuse of youth  
and indiscretion4 ,the work1 penned in  
the full vigour of his faculties1  comes
 to us with the sanction of his mature  
years1 and his approval when  he was    
within sight of the grave4 ,whatever    
sentiments1 therefore1 in  this work1   
may be justly found to excite censure1  
carry with them a  reproach from which  
their author's name cannot escape4      
,the ,dialogues are written with a      
solemn simplicity of tone worthy of the 
character of the subject4 ,the structure
 is in a great measure that of  ,cicero1
 though there appears not1 as there     
generally does in the  conversations    
professed to be recorded by the ,roman  
moralist1 any one  mind completely      
predominating over the others4 ,of the  
interlocutors1  ,philo presents himself1
 at first as a materialist of the       
,spinoza school1  who finds that the    
material world has within itself the    

principles of  its own motion and       
development--the operating causes that  
produce its  phenomena2 while he denies 
that these phenomena exhibit an all     
perfect  structure4 ,he is not1 however1
 a man of settled opinions1 but rather a
  sceptical demolisher of other people's
 views2 and we find him saying1 ,i  must
 confess that ,i am less cautious on the
 subject of natural religion  than on   
any other2 both because ,i know that ,i 
can never1 on that head1  corrupt the   
principles of any man of common sense2  
and because no one1 ,i  am confident1 in
 whose eyes ,i appear a man of common   
sense1 will ever  mistake my intentions4
 ,you in particular1 ,cleanthes1 with   
whom ,i live in  unreserved intimacy1   
you are sensible1 that notwithstanding  
the freedom  of my conversation1 and my 
love of singular arguments1 no one has a
  deeper sense of religion impressed on 
his mind1 or pays more profound         
adoration to the ,divine ,being1 as he  
discovers himself to reason1 in the     

inexplicable contrivance and artifice of
 nature4    ,cleanthes1 another speaker1
 has created a natural religion of his  
own--a  system of ,theism1 in which1 by 
induction from the beautiful order and  
mechanism of the world1 he has reasoned 
himself into the belief of an  all-wise 
and all-powerful ,supreme ,being4 ,he   
holds1 that the most  agreeable         
reflection which it is possible for     
human imagination to  suggest1 is that  
of genuine ,theism1 which represents us 
as the  workmanship of a being perfectly
 good1 wise1 and powerful1 who created  
us for happiness2 and who1 having       
implanted in us immeasurable desires  of
 good1 will prolong our existence to all
 eternity1 and will transfer  us into an
 infinite variety of scenes1 in order to
 satisfy those  desires1 and render our 
felicity complete and durable4 ,and1    
strangely  enough1 it is with this one  
that the author shows most sympathy1    
very  nearly professing that the        
doctrine announced by ,cleanthes is his 

own2  while it will be found in his     
correspondence1 that he admits his      
having  designedly endeavoured to make  
the argument of that speaker the most   
attractive4 ,this is another            
illustration of the inapplicability of  
perfectly abstract metaphysical         
disquisitions to religious faith2 for1  
if there is any system of religion that 
is incompatible with ,hume's            
metaphysical opinions on ideas and      
impressions1 it is a system that is1    
like this of ,cleanthes1 the workmanship
 of human reason4 ,the third  speaker1  
,demea1 is a devoutly religious man1    
who1 not venturing to  create a system  
of belief for himself1 sees in the order
 of the world  such a merciful and wise 
dispensation of ,divine ,providence1 as 
induces  him to receive the whole       
revealed scheme of religion without     
questioning  those parts of it which are
 beyond his comprehension1 any more than
 he  questions those of which the wisdom
 and goodness are immediately  apparent4

    ,the general scope and purport of   
the ,dialogues are not unlike those of  
,voltaire's ,jenni4 ,in both1 the       
argument on natural theology1           
illustrating the existence of a ruling  
mind from the general order and  harmony
 of created things1 is adduced1 and is  
measured with its  counterpart1 the     
argument from the imperfection of       
earthly things1 and  the calamities and 
unhappiness of the beings standing at   
the head of the  whole social order1    
mankind4 ,but in the mere similarity of 
the argument  the resemblance stops2 no 
two performances can be more unlike each
 other  in tone and spirit than the     
,english sceptic's honest search after  
truth1  and the ,french infidel's ribald
 sport with all that men love and       
revere4  ,the contrast may be found not 
only in these individual men1 but in the
  two classes of thinkers at the head of
 which they respectively stood4  ,hume  
represented the cautious conscientious  
inquiry1 which has  established many    

truths and gradually ameliorated social 
evils2 the  ,frenchman directed that    
scornful1 careless1 and cruel sport with
  whatever is dear and important to     
humanity1 which one day bowed to        
absolute despotism1 and the next        
destroyed the whole fabric of social    
order4#cca3a      ,,hume to ,,gilbert   
,,elliot of ,minto4    ,ninewells1 near 
,berwick1 ,march #aj1 #agea4    ,,dear  
,,sir1--,you would perceive by the      
sample ,i have given you1 that ,i  make 
,cleanthes the hero of the dialogue3    
whatever you can think of1 to           
strengthen that side of the argument1   
will be most acceptable to me4  ,any    
propensity you imagine ,i have to the   
other side1 crept in upon me  against my
 will2 and 'tis not long ago that ,i    
burned an old manuscript  book1 wrote   
before ,i was twenty1 which contained1  
page after page1 the  gradual progress  
of my thoughts on that head4 ,it began  
with an anxious  search after arguments1
 to confirm the common opinion2 doubts  

stole in1  dissipated1 returned2 were   
again dissipated1 returned again2 and it
 was  a perpetual struggle of a restless
 imagination against inclination1       
perhaps against reason4    ,i have often
 thought1 that the best way of composing
 a dialogue1 would  be for two persons  
that are of different opinions about any
 question of  importance1 to write      
alternately the different parts of the  
discourse1  and reply to each other3 by 
this means1 that vulgar error would be  
avoided1 of putting nothing but nonsense
 into the mouth of the  adversary2 and  
at the same time1 a variety of character
 and genius being  upheld1 would make   
the whole look more natural and         
unaffected4 ,had it  been my good       
fortune to live near you1 ,i should have
 taken on me the  character of ,philo1  
in the dialogue1 which you'll own ,i    
could have  supported naturally enough2 
and you would not have been averse to   
that  of ,cleanthes4 ,i believe1 too1 we
 could both of us have kept our tempers 

very well2 only1 you have not reached an
 absolute philosophical  indifference on
 these points4 ,what danger can ever    
come from ingenious  reasoning and      
inquiry8 ,the worst speculative sceptic 
ever ,i knew1 was a  much better man    
than the best superstitious devotee and 
bigot4 ,i must  inform you1 too1 that   
this was the way of thinking of the     
ancients on  this subject4 ,if a man    
made a profession of philosophy1        
whatever his  sect was1 they always     
expected to find more regularity in his 
life and  manners1 than in those of the 
ignorant and illiterate4 ,there is a    
remarkable passage of ,appian to this   
purpose4 ,that historian observes1  that
 notwithstanding the established        
prepossession in favour of  learning1   
yet some philosophers1 who have been    
trusted with absolute  power1 have very 
much abused it2 and he instances        
,critias1 the most  violent of the      
thirty1 and ,ariston1 who governed      
,athens in the time of  ,sylla3 but ,i  

find1 upon inquiry1 that ,critias was a 
professed ,atheist1  and ,ariston an    
,epicurean1 which is little or nothing  
different4 ,and yet  ,appian wonders at 
their corruption1 as much as if they had
 been ,stoics  or ,platonists4 ,a modern
 zealot would have thought that         
corruption  unavoidable4    ,i could    
wish ,cleanthes' argument could be so   
analyzed1 as to be  rendered quite      
formal and regular4 ,the propensity of  
the mind towards  it1--unless that      
propensity were as strong and universal 
as that to  believe in our senses and   
experience1--will still1 ,i am afraid1  
be  esteemed a suspicious foundation4   
',tis here ,i wish for your assistance2 
we must endeavour to prove that this    
propensity is somewhat different  from  
our inclination to find our own figures 
in the clouds1 our faces in  the moon1  
our passions and sentiments even in     
inanimate matter4 ,such an  inclination 
may1 and ought to be controlled1 and can
 never be a  legitimate ground of       

assent4    ,the instances ,i have chosen
 for ,cleanthes are1 ,i hope1 tolerably 
happy1  and the confusion in which ,i   
represent the sceptic seems natural1    
but--si quid novisti rectius1 c4    ,you
 ask me1 ',if the idea of cause and     
effect is nothing but  vicinity1' 7you  
should have said constant vicinity1 or1 
regular  conjunction17 ,i should be glad
 to know whence is that farther idea of 
causation against which you argue8 ,this
 question is pertinent1 but ,i  hope ,i 
have answered it2 we feel1 after the    
constant conjunction1 an  easy          
transition from one idea to the other1  
or a connexion in the  imagination2 and 
as it is usual for us to transfer our   
own feelings to  the objects on which   
they are dependent1 we attach the       
internal  sentiment to the external     
objects4 ,if no single instances of     
cause and  effect appear to have any    
connexion1 but only repeated similar    
ones1 you  will find yourself obliged to
 have recourse to this theory4    ,i am 

sorry our correspondence should lead us 
into these abstract  speculations4 ,i   
have thought1 and read1 and composed    
very little on such  questions of late4 
,morals1 ,politics1 and ,literature have
 employed all my  time2 but still the   
other topics ,i must think more curious1
 important1  entertaining1 and useful1  
than any geometry that is deeper than   
,euclid4  ,if in order to answer the    
doubts started1 new principles of       
philosophy  must be laid1 are not these 
doubts themselves very useful8 ,are they
 not  preferable to blind1 and ignorant 
assent8 ,i hope ,i can answer my own    
doubts2 but if ,i could not1 is it to be
 wondered at8 ,to give myself  airs1 and
 speak magnificently1 might ,i not      
observe1 that ,columbus did  not conquer
 empires and plant colonies8    ,if ,i  
have not unravelled the knot so well1 in
 those last papers ,i sent  you1 as     
perhaps ,i did in the former1 it has    
not1 ,i assure you1 proceeded  from want
 of good will2 but some subjects are    

easier than others3 at  some times one  
is happier in his researches and        
inquiries than at  others4 ,still ,i    
have recourse to the si quid novisti    
rectius2 not in  order to pay you a     
compliment1 but from a real             
philosophical doubt and                 
curiosity4#ccd3a    ,i do not pay       
compliments1 because ,i do not desire   
them4 ,for this  reason1 ,i am very well
 pleased you speak so coldly of my      
petition4 ,i  had1 however1 given orders
 to have it printed1 which perhaps may  
be  executed1 though ,i believe ,i had  
better have let it alone2 not because   
it will give you offence1 but because it
 will give no entertainment2 not        
because it may be called profane1 but   
because it may perhaps be  deservedly   
called dull4 ,to tell the truth1 ,i was 
always so indifferent  about fortune1   
and especially now1 that ,i am more     
advanced in life1 and  am a little more 
at my ease1 suited to my extreme        
frugality1 that ,i  neither fear nor    

hope any thing from man2 and am very    
indifferent either  about offence or    
favour4 ,not only1 ,i would not         
sacrifice truth and  reason to political
 views1 but scarce even a jest4 ,you may
 tell me1 ,i  ought to have reversed the
 order of these points1 and put the jest
  first3 as it is usual for people to be
 the fondest of their performances  on  
subjects on which they are least made to
 excel1 and that1  consequently1 ,i     
would give more to be thought a good    
droll1 than to have  the praises of     
erudition1 and subtilty1 and            
invention4--,this malicious             
insinuation1 ,i will give no answer to1 
but proceed with my subject4    ,i find1
 however1 ,i have no more to say on it1 
but to thank you for  ,strabo4 ,if the  
carrier who will deliver this to you do 
not find you at  home1 you will please  
send the book to his quarters2 his name 
is ,thomas  ,henderson1 the ,berwick    
carrier2 he leaves town on the          
,thursdays1 about  the middle of the    

day2 he puts up at ,james ,henderson1   
stabler1 betwixt  the foot of ,cant's   
,close and ,blackfriar's ,wynd4 ,after  
you have done with  these papers1 please
 return them by the same carrier2 but   
there is no  hurry2 on the contrary the 
longer you keep them1 ,i shall still    
believe  you are thinking the more      
seriously to execute what ,i desire of  
you4 ,i  am1 dear ,sir1    ,yours most  
sincerely4    ,p4,s4--,if you'll be     
persuaded to assist me with ,cleanthes1 
,i fancy you  need not take matters any 
higher than part #c;d4 ,he allows1      
indeed1 in  part #b;d1 that all our     
inference is founded on the similitude  
of the  works of nature to the usual    
effects of mind1 otherwise they must    
appear  a mere chaos4 ,the only         
difficulty is1 why the other            
assimilations do not  weaken the        
argument2 and indeed it would seem from 
experience and  feeling1 that they do   
not weaken it so much as we might       
naturally  expect4 ,a theory to solve   

this would be very acceptable4#ccf3a    
,,hume to ,,gilbert ,,elliot of ,minto4 
#agea4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i am sorry    
your keeping these papers has proceeded 
from  business and avocations1 and not  
from your endeavours to clear up so     
difficult an argument4 ,i despair not1  
however1 of getting some  assistance    
from you2 the subject is surely of the  
greatest importance1  and the views of  
it so new as to challenge some          
attention4    ,i believe the            
,philosophical ,essays contain every    
thing of consequence  relating to the   
understanding1 which you would meet with
 in the  ,treatise2 and ,i give you my  
advice against reading the latter4 ,by  
shortening and simplifying the          
questions1 ,i really render them much   
more  complete4 ,addo dum minuo4 ,the   
philosophical principles are the same in
  both2 but ,i was carried away by the  
heat of youth and invention to  publish 
too precipitately4--,so vast an         
undertaking1 planned before ,i was      

one-and-twenty1 and composed before     
twenty-five1 must necessarily be  very  
defective4 ,i have repented my haste a  
hundred1 and a hundred times4    ,i     
return ,strabo1 whom ,i have found very 
judicious and useful4 ,i give  you a    
great many thanks for your trouble4 ,i  
am1 c4      ,hume's elder brother1      
,john1 the laird of ,ninewells1 was     
married in #agea2  and the following    
letter1 enlivened by touches of light   
and even elegant  raillery1 scarcely    
excelled in the writings of ,addison1   
evidently refers  to that event4 ,the   
plan of life which he sets forth was    
afterwards  altered1 at least in so far 
as he had then in view a place of       
residence4      ,,hume to ,,mrs4        
,,dysart4#ccg3a    ,ninewells1 ,march   
#aith1 #agea4    ,,dear ,,madam1--,our  
friend at last plucked up a resolution1 
and has  ventured on that dangerous     
encounter4 ,he went off on ,monday      
morning2 and  this is the first action  
of his life wherein he has engaged      

himself1  without being able to compute 
exactly the consequences4 ,but what     
arithmetic will serve to fix the        
proportion between good and bad wives1  
and rate the different classes of each8 
,sir ,isaac ,newton himself1 who  could 
measure the course of the planets1 and  
weigh the earth as in a  pair of        
scales1--even he had not algebra enough 
to reduce that amiable  part of our     
species to a just equation2 and they are
 the only heavenly  bodies whose orbits 
are as yet uncertain4    ,if you think  
yourself too grave a matron to have this
 florid part of  the speech addressed to
 you1 pray lend it to the ,collector1   
and he will  send it to ,miss ,nancy4   
,since my brother's departure1 ,katty   
and ,i have been computing in our  turn1
 and the result of our deliberation is1 
that we are to take up  house in        
,berwick2 where1 if arithmetic and      
frugality don't deceive us1  7and they  
are pretty certain arts7 we shall be    
able1 after providing for  hunger1      

warmth1 and cleanliness1 to keep a stock
 in reserve1 which we  may afterwards   
turn either to the purposes of hoarding1
 luxury1 or  charity4 ,but ,i have      
declared beforehand against the first2  
,i can easily  guess which of the other 
two you and ,mr4 ,dysart will be most   
favourable  to4 ,but we reject your     
judgment2 for nothing blinds one so much
 as  inveterate habits4    ,my          
compliments to his ,solicitorship4#cch3a
 ,unfortunately ,i have not a  horse at 
present to carry my fat carcass1 to pay 
its respects to his  superior obesity4  
,but if he finds travelling requisite   
either for his  health or the captain's1
 we shall be glad to entertain him here1
 as long  as we can do it at another's  
expense2 in hopes we shall soon be able 
to  do it at our own4    ,pray tell the 
,solicitor that ,i have been reading    
lately1 in an old  author called        
,strabo1 that in some cities of ancient 
,gaul1 there was a  fixed legal standard
 established for corpulency2 and that   

the senate  kept a measure1 beyond      
which1 if any belly presumed to         
increase1 the  proprietor of that belly 
was obliged to pay a fine to the public1
  proportionable to its rotundity4 ,ill 
would it fare with his worship and      
,i1#cci3a if such a law should pass our 
parliament2 for ,i am afraid we  are    
already got beyond the statute4    ,i   
wonder1 indeed1 no harpy of the treasury
 has ever thought of this  method of    
raising money4 ,taxes on luxury are     
always most approved of2  and no one    
will say1 that the carrying about a     
portly belly is of any  use or          
necessity4 ',tis a mere superfluous     
ornament2 and is a proof1 too1  that its
 proprietor enjoys greater plenty than  
he puts to a good use2  and1 therefore1 
'tis fit to reduce him to a level with  
his  fellow-subjects1 by taxes and      
impositions4    ,as the lean people are 
the most active1 unquiet1 and ambitious1
 they  every where govern the world1 and
 may certainly oppress their            

antagonists whenever they please4       
,heaven forbid that ,whig and ,tory     
should ever be abolished2 for then the  
nation might be split into fat  and     
lean2 and our faction1 ,i am afraid1    
would be in piteous taking4 ,the  only  
comfort is1 if they oppressed us very   
much1 we should at last  change sides   
with them4    ,besides1 who knows if a  
tax were imposed on fatness1 but some   
jealous  divine might pretend that the  
church was in danger4    ,i cannot but  
bless the memory of ,julius ,csar1 for  
the great esteem he  expressed for fat  
men1 and his aversion to lean ones4 ,all
 the world  allows1 that that emperor   
was the greatest genius that ever was1  
and  the greatest judge of mankind4     
,but ,i should ask your pardon1 dear    
madam1 for this long dissertation on    
fatness and leanness1 in which you are  
no way concerned2 for you are  neither  
fat nor lean1 and may indeed be         
denominated an arrant trimmer4  ,but    
this letter may all be read to the      

,solicitor2 for it contains  nothing    
that need be a secret to him4 ,on the   
contrary1 ,i hope he will  profit by the
 example2 and1 were ,i near him1 ,i     
should endeavour to prove  as good an   
encourager as in this other instance4   
,what can the man be  afraid of8 ,the   
,mayor of ,london had more courage1 who 
defied the  hare4#cdj3a    ,but ,i am   
resolved some time to conclude1 by      
putting a grave epilogue to  a farce1   
and telling you a real serious truth1   
that ,i am1 with great  esteem1 dear    
madam1 your most obedient humble        
servant4#cdj3b    ,p4,s4 ,pray let the  
,solicitor tell ,frank1 that he is a bad
  correspondent--the only way in which  
he can be a bad one1 by his  silence4   
,we find1 through the whole of his acts 
and written thoughts before his  return 
from the embassy to ,turin1 the         
indications of an earnest wish to       
possess the means of independent        
livelihood1 suitable to one belonging   
to the middle classes of life4 ,great   

wealth or ornamental rank he seems      
never to have desired3 but the          
circumstance of his having1 in the year 
#agdh1 achieved the means of            
independence through his official       
emoluments1 seems to have taken so      
strong a hold of his mind1 that  nearly 
thirty years afterwards1 in writing his 
autobiography1 he speaks  with          
exultation of his having been then in   
possession of #ajjj4 ,the  position of  
the man in comfortable circumstances1   
equally removed from  the dread of want1
 and the uneasy pressure of superfluous 
wealth1  appears always to have         
presented itself as the most desirable  
fate  which1 in mere pecuniary matters1 
fortune could have in store for him2    
and no commentary on the sacred text has
 perhaps better illustrated its         
application to the conduct and feelings 
of mankind1 than his adaptation  of     
,agur's prayer to the middle station in 
life1 at a time when he was  far from   
having realized that happy mediocrity of

 fortune1 of which he  gives so pleasing
 a picture4         ,agur's prayer is   
sufficiently noted--,two things have ,i 
required of thee2 deny me them not      
before ,i die3 remove far       from me 
vanity and lies2 give me neither poverty
 nor riches2       feed me with food    
convenient for me1 lest ,i be full and  
deny       thee1 and say1 who is the    
,lord8 or lest ,i be poor1 and steal1   
and take the name of my ,god in         
vain4--,the middle station is       here
 justly recommended1 as affording the   
fullest security for       virtue2 and  
,i may also add1 that it gives          
opportunity for the       most ample    
exercise of it1 and furnishes employment
 for every       good quality which we  
can possibly be possessed of4 ,those who
       are placed among the lower ranks 
of men1 have little       opportunity of
 exerting any other virtue besides those
 of       patience1 resignation1        
industry1 and integrity4 ,those who are 
advanced into the higher stations1 have 

full employment for       their         
generosity1 humanity1 affability1 and   
charity4 ,when a       man lies betwixt 
these two extremes1 he can exert the    
former       virtues towards his        
superiors1 and the latter towards his   
inferiors4 ,every moral quality which   
the human soul is       susceptible of1 
may have its turn1 and be called up to  
action2       and a man may1 after this 
manner1 be much more certain of his     
progress in virtue1 than where his good 
qualities lie dormant1       and without
 employment4#cda3a    ,the following    
letter1 of a somewhat later date1 gives 
a view of his  definitive intentions4   
,,hume to ,,michael ,,ramsay4           
,ninewells1 #bb;d ,june1 #agea4         
,,dear ,,michael1--,i cannot            
sufficiently express my sense of your   
kind  letter4 ,the concern you take in  
your friends is so warm1 even after so  
long absence1 and such frequent         
interruptions as our commerce has       
unhappily met with of late years1 that  

the most recent familiarity of  others  
can seldom equal it4 ,i might perhaps   
pretend1 as well as others1  to complain
 of fortune2 but ,i do not1 and should  
condemn myself as  unreasonable if ,i   
did4 ,while interest remains as at      
present1 ,i have #ej  a-year1 a hundred 
pounds worth of books1 great store of   
linens and fine  clothes1 and near #ajj 
in my pocket2 along with order1         
frugality1 a  strong spirit of          
independency1 good health1 a contented  
humour1 and an  unabating love of study4
 ,in these circumstances ,i must esteem 
myself one  of the happy and fortunate2 
and so far from being willing to draw my
  ticket over again in the lottery of   
life1 there are very few prizes with    
which ,i would make an exchange4 ,after 
some deliberation1 ,i am resolved  to   
settle in ,edinburgh1 and hope ,i shall 
be able with these revenues to  say with
 ,horace--         ,est bona librorum et
 provisae frugis in annum       ,copia4 
,besides other reasons which determine  

me to this resolution1 ,i would not  go 
too far away from my sister1 who thinks 
she will soon follow me2 and  in that   
case1 we shall probably take up house   
either in ,edinburgh1 or  the           
neighbourhood4 ,our sister-in-law       
behaves well1 and seems very  desirous  
we should both stay4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,and as
 she 7my sister7 can  join #cj a-year to
 my stock1 and brings an equal love of  
order and  frugality1 we doubt not to   
make our revenues answer4 ,dr4          
,clephane1 who  has taken up house1 is  
so kind as to offer me a room in it2 and
 two  friends in ,edinburgh have made me
 the same offer4 ,but having nothing to 
ask or solicit at ,london1 ,i would not 
remove to so expensive a place2  and am 
resolved to keep clear of all           
obligations and dependencies1 even  on  
those ,i love the most4#cdc3a      ,in  
fulfilment of the design thus announced1
 he tells us1 in his own  life1 ,in     
#agea1 ,i removed from the country to   
the town1 the true scene  for a man of  

letters4 ,we find1 from the dating of   
his letters1 that  ,hume's residence in 
,edinburgh was for a year or two in     
,riddell's ,land1  and that it was      
afterwards in ,jack's ,land4 ,since the 
plan of numbering  the houses in each   
street extended to the ,scottish        
capital1 these names  have no longer    
been in general use2 but ,i find that   
the former applied  to an edifice in the
 ,lawnmarket1 near the head of the ,west
 ,bow1 and that  the latter was a       
tenement in the ,canongate1 right       
opposite to a house in  which ,smollet  
occasionally resided with his sister4   
,the term ,land  applied to one of those
 edifices--some of them ten or twelve   
stories  high1--in which the citizens of
 ,edinburgh1 pressed upwards as it were 
by  the increase of the population      
within a narrow circuit of walls1 made  
stair-cases supply the place of streets1
 and erected perpendicular              
thoroughfares4 ,a single floor of one of
 these edifices was1 a century  ago1    

sufficient to accommodate the family of 
a ,scottish nobleman2 and  we may be    
certain1 that a very small ,flat would  
suit the economical  establishment of   
,hume4    ,in #agea1 appeared the       
,inquiry concerning the ,principles of  
,morals1#cdd3a the full development1 so 
far as it was made by ,hume1 of  the    
utilitarian system4 ,the leading        
principle kept in view throughout  this 
work1 is1 that its tendency to be useful
 to mankind at large1 is  the proper    
criterion of the propriety of any       
action1 or the justness of  any ethical 
opinion4 ,in this spirit he examines    
many of the social  virtues1 and shows  
that it is their usefulness to mankind  
that gives  them a claim to sympathy1   
and a title to be included in the list  
of  virtues4 ,the defects of this       
exposition of the utilitarian system1   
are  marked by the manner in which it   
was critically attacked4 ,in #agec a    
controversial examination of it was     
made1 with temper and ability1 by       

,james ,balfour of ,pilrig1#cdd3b who in
 #aged succeeded to the chair1 in  the  
university of ,edinburgh1 which ,hume   
had been desirous of  filling4#cde3a    
,mr4 ,balfour's great argument is the   
universality of the  admission by       
mankind1 in some shape or other1 of the 
leading cardinal  virtues1 and the      
unhesitating adoption and practice of   
them by men on  whom the utilitarian    
theory never dawned1 and who are        
unconscious that  their isolated acts   
are the fulfilment of any general or    
uniform law4  ,mr4 ,balfour argued that 
we must thus look to something else than
  utility1 as the criterion of moral    
right and wrong4 ,but a supporter of    
the utilitarian system1 as it has been  
more fully developed in later  days1    
would probably only take from ,mr4      
,balfour's argument a hint to  enlarge  
the scope of ,hume's investigations4 ,to
 the inquiry1 how far  utility is the   
proper end of human conduct1 he would   
add the inquiry1  how far the theory has

 been practically adopted by mankind at 
large4  ,though ,bacon first laid down  
the broad rule of unvarying induction   
from  experiment1 many experiments were 
made1 and many inductions derived from  
them1 before he saw the light2 and so   
before the utilitarian theory was  first
 formally suggested--as it appears to   
have been by ,aristotle in his          
,nicomachean ,ethics--utility may       
frequently have been a rule of action4  
,it does not necessarily follow1 that   
because a practice is universal1        
because it is adopted by saint1 by      
savage1 and by sage1 it is  therefore   
not the dictate of utility1 provided it 
be admitted that  utility was an        
influencing motive with men before the  
days of ,hume4 ,the  followers of       
established customs may often be blind2 
but if we hunt back  a practice to its  
first institution1 we may find that the 
leaders were  quick-sighted1 and kept   
utility in view1 so far as the state of 
things  they had to deal with permitted4

 ,a minute inquiry into national        
prejudices and customs frequently       
surprises the speculative philosopher1  
by developing these practices and       
opinions of the vulgar and illiterate1  
as the fruit of great knowledge and     
forethought4 ,exhibiting1 in their  full
 extravagance1 the contrasts between    
different codes of morality1  was one of
 ,hume's literary recreations2 and it   
might have been worth his  while to have
 inquired1 had it occurred to him1 how  
much of his own  favourite utilitarian  
principle is common to all1 or at least 
to many1  of the systems he has thus    
contrasted with each other4    ,it was a
 consequence1 perhaps1 of the limited   
extent to which he had  carried the     
utilitarian theory1 that ,hume was      
charged with having left  no distinct   
line between talent and virtue4 ,by     
making it seem as if he  held that each 
man was virtuous according as he did    
good to mankind at  large1 and vicious  
in as far as he failed in accomplishing 

this end1 he  made way for the argument1
 that no man can rise high in virtue1   
unless  he also rise high in            
intellectual gifts2 since1 without      
possessing the  latter1 he is not       
capable of deciding what actions are1   
and what are  not1 conducive to the good
 of the human race4 ,many sentiments    
expressed  in the ,inquiry appeared to  
justify this charge4#cdg3a ,there was   
thus no  merit assigned to what is      
called good intention2 and no ground for
  extending the just approbation of     
mankind to those who have never         
attempted to frame a code of morality to
 themselves1 but who1 following  the    
track of established opinions1 or the   
rules laid down by some of the  many    
leaders of the human race1 believe that1
 by a steadfast and  disinterested      
pursuit of their adopted course1 they   
are doing that which  is right in the   
eye of ,god and man4 ,it is certain1    
however1 that in this  way many a man   
may be pursuing a line of conduct       

conducive to the good  of his           
fellow-creatures1 without knowing that  
his actions have that  ultimate end4    
,while he follows the rules that have   
been laid down for  him1 his code of    
morality may be as far superior to that 
of his clever  and aspiring neighbour1  
who has fabricated a system for himself1
 as the  intelligence of the leader1    
followed by the one1 is greater than the
  self-sufficient wisdom of the other4  
,hence multitudes in the humblest       
classes of society1 in any well         
regulated community of modern ,europe1  
will be found1 almost blindly1 following
 a code of morality as much  above what 
the genius either of ,socrates or       
,cicero could devise1 as the  order of  
the universe is superior to the greatest
 efforts of man's  artificial skill4    
,yon cottager1 who weaves at her own    
door1       ,pillow and bobbins all her 
little store2--       ,content though   
mean1 and cheerful if not gay1          
,shuffling her threads about the        

livelong day1       ,just earns a scanty
 pittance2 and at night       ,lies down
 secure1--her heart and pocket light4   
,she1 for her humble sphere by nature   
fit1       ,has little understanding1   
and no wit2       ,receives no          
praise--but1 though her lot be such1    
,toilsome and indigent1 she renders     
much2       ,just knows1 and knows no   
more1 her ,bible true--       ,a truth  
the brilliant ,frenchman never knew2    
,and in that charter reads1 with        
sparkling eyes1       ,her title to a   
treasure in the skies4         ,oh1     
happy peasant6 oh1 unhappy bard6        
,his the mere tinsel1 hers the rich     
reward2       ,he1 praised1 perhaps1 for
 ages yet to come2       ,she never     
heard of half a mile from home2         
,he1 lost in errors his vain heart      
prefers1       ,she1 safe in the        
simplicity of hers4    ,it was1 perhaps1
 from a like want of inquiry into the   
full extent of the  system1 that his    
theory of utility encountered the charge

 of being a  mere system of expediency1 
which estimated actions according as    
they  accomplished what appeared at the 
moment to be good or evil1 without any  
regard to their ultimate consequences4  
,he certainly left for ,bentham the     
task of making a material addition to   
the utilitarian theory1 by  applying it 
to the secondary effects of actions4    
,thus1 according to  ,bentham's view1   
when a successful highway robbery is    
committed1 the  direct evil done to the 
victim is but a part of the mischief    
accomplished4 ,the secondary effects    
have an operation1 if not so deep1  yet 
very widely spread1 in creating terror1 
anxiety1 and distrust on the  part of   
honest people1 and emboldening the      
wicked to the perpetration of  crimes4  
,on the same principle a good measure   
must not be carried through  the        
legislature by corrupt means2 because   
the example so set1 will1 in  the end1  
though not perhaps till the generation  
benefited by the measure  has passed    

away1 produce more bad measures than    
good1 by lowering the  tone of political
 morality4 ,had ,hume kept in view these
 secondary  effects1 he never would have
 vindicated suicide1 thought sudden     
death an  occurrence rather fortunate   
than otherwise1 or used expressions from
  which an opponent could with any      
plausibility infer1 that1 under any     
circumstances1 he held strict female    
chastity in light esteem4 ,but he  was  
always careless about the offensive     
application of his principles2          
forgetting that if there be any thing in
 a set of opinions calculated  deeply   
and permanently to outrage the feelings 
of mankind1 the  probability at least   
is1 that they have something about them 
unsound1--that the mass of the public   
are right1 and the solitary  philosopher
 wrong4    ,hume's account1 in his own  
life1 of this period of his literary    
history1 is contained in the following  
paragraph1 in which1 as in some  other  
instances1 it will be seen that his     

memory has not accurately  retained the 
chronological sequence of his works4    
,in #ageb1 were published at ,edinburgh1
 where ,i then lived1 my ',political    
,discourses1' the only work of mine that
 was successful on the first            
publication4 ,it was well received      
abroad and at home4 ,in the same year   
was published at ,london1 my ',inquiry  
concerning the ,principles of  ,morals2'
 which1 in my own opinion1 7who ought   
not to judge on that  subject17 is of   
all my writings1 historical1            
philosophical1 or literary1             
incomparably the best4 ,it came         
unnoticed and unobserved into the world4
    ,before noticing the ,political     
,discourses1 it is necessary to state1  
that during this winter of #agea1 we    
find ,hume again attempting to obtain   
an academic chair1 and again            
disappointed4 ,adam ,smith1 having been 
,professor of ,logic in the university  
of ,glasgow1 succeeded to the chair  of 
,moral ,philosophy in ,november #agea1  

on the death of ,professor ,craigie1    
its former occupant4 ,that ,hume used   
considerable exertions to be  appointed 
,smith's successor1 is attested by some 
incidental passages in  his             
correspondence1 and particularly by the 
following letter to ,dr4  ,cullen4      
,edinburgh1 #bast ,january1 #ageb4      
,,sir1--,the part which you have acted  
in the late project for my election     
into your college1 gave me so much      
pleasure1 that ,i would do myself the   
greatest violence did ,i not take every 
opportunity of expressing my most       
lively sense of it4 ,we have failed1 and
 are thereby deprived of great          
opportunities of cultivating that       
friendship1 which had so happily        
commenced by your zeal for my interests4
 ,but ,i hope other opportunities  will 
offer2 and ,i assure you1 that nothing  
will give me greater pleasure  than an  
intimacy with a person of your merit4   
,you must even allow me to  count upon  
the same privilege of friendship1 as if 

,i had enjoyed the  happiness of a      
longer correspondence and familiarity   
with you2 for as it  is a common        
observation1 that the conferring favours
 on another is the  surest method of    
attaching us to him1 ,i must1 by this   
rule1 consider you  as a person to whom 
my interests can never be altogether    
indifferent4  ,whatever the reverend    
gentlemen may say of my religion1 ,i    
hope ,i have as  much morality as to    
retain a grateful sentiment of your     
favours1 and as  much sense as to know  
whose friendship will give greatest     
honour and  advantage to me4 ,i am1 c4  
,the distinguished scientific man1 in   
the course of whose researches this     
curious literary incident was divulged1 
informs us that ,burke was also a       
candidate for this chair1#cea3a and that
 the successful competitor was  a ,mr4  
,clow4 ,concerning this fortunate person
 literary history is silent2  but he has
 acquired a curious title to fame1 from 
the greatness of the  man to whom he    

succeeded1 and of those over whom he was
 triumphant4    ,it is not1 perhaps1 to 
be regretted1 that ,hume failed in both 
his  attempts to obtain a professor's   
chair4 ,he was not of the stuff that    
satisfactory teachers of youth are made 
of4 ,although he was beyond all  doubt  
an able man of business1 in matters     
sufficiently important to  command his  
earnest attention1 yet it is pretty     
clear that he had  acquired the outward 
manner of an absent1 good-natured man1  
unconscious  of much that was going on  
around him2 and that he would have thus 
afforded a butt to the mischief and     
raillery of his pupils1 from which  all 
the lustre of his philosophical         
reputation would not have protected     
him4    ,discoverers do not make1 in    
ordinary circumstances1 the best        
instructors  of youth1 because their    
minds are often too full of the         
fermentation of  their own original     
ideas and partly developed systems1 to  
possess the  coolness and clearness     

necessary for conveying a distinct view 
of the  laws and elements of an         
established system4 ,but if this may be 
an  incidental inconvenience in one     
whose discoveries are but extensions of 
admitted doctrines1 the revolutionist   
who is endeavouring to pull to  pieces  
what has been taught for ages within the
 same walls1 and to erect  a new system 
in its stead1 can scarcely ever be a    
satisfactory  instructor of any         
considerable number of young men4 ,the  
teacher of the  moral department of     
science especially must be1 to a certain
 extent1 a  conformist2 if he be not1   
what is taught in the class-room will be
  forgotten or contradicted in the      
closet4 ,the teachers of youth are      
themselves not less irascible and       
sometimes not less prejudiced than      
other mortals4 ,they have their hatreds 
and partisanships1 often  productive of 
acrimonious controversy2 but when there 
is something like  a unity of opinion in
 the systems of those who teach the     

same1 or like  subjects1 these          
superficial discussions produce no evil 
fruit4 ,hume  would have been at peace  
with all who would have let his         
unobtrusive  spirit alone2 but he would 
probably have quietly proceeded to      
inculcate  doctrines to which most of   
his fellow-labourers were strongly      
averse2  and that1 perhaps1 without     
knowing or feeling that he was in any   
way  departing from the simple routine  
of duties which the public expected of  
him4 ,and thus he would probably have   
created in the midst of the rising      
youth of the day1 an isolated circle of 
disciples1 taught to despise the        
acquirements and opinions of their      
contemporaries1 as these  contemporaries
 held theirs in abhorrence4#cec3a       
,this was an important epoch in ,hume's 
literary history2 in #agea1 he  produced
 the work which he himself considered   
the most meritorious of  all his        
efforts2 in #ageb1 he published that    
which obtained the largest  amount of   

contemporary popularity1 the ,political 
,discourses4#ced3a  ,after a series of  
literary disappointments1 borne with the
 spirit of one  who felt within him the 
real powers of an original thinker and  
an  agreeable writer1 and the assurance 
that the world would some day           
acknowledge the sterling greatness of   
his qualifications1 he now at last      
presented them in a form1 in which they 
received the ready homage of the        
public4 ,these ,discourses are in truth 
the cradle of political economy2  and1  
much as that science has been           
investigated and expounded in later     
times1 these earliest1 shortest1 and    
simplest developments of its  principles
 are still read with delight even by    
those who are masters of  all the       
literature of this great subject4#ced3b 
,but they possess a  quality which more 
elaborate economists have striven after 
in vain1 in  being a pleasing object of 
study not only to the initiated but to  
the  ordinary popular reader1 and of    

being admitted as just and true by many 
who cannot or who will not understand   
the views of later writers on  political
 economy4#cee3a ,they have thus the     
rarely conjoined merit1  that1 as they  
were the first to direct the way to the 
true sources of  this department of     
knowledge1 those who have gone farther1 
instead of  superseding them1 have in   
the general case confirmed their        
accuracy4    ,political economy is a    
science of which the advanced           
extremities are the  subject of debate  
and doubt1 while the older doctrines are
 admitted by  all as firm and           
established truths4 ,it may be slippery 
ground1 but it is  not a tread-mill1 and
 no step taken has ever to be entirely  
retraced4 ,it  is owing to this         
characteristic of the science that those
 who oppose the  doctrines of modern    
economists do not think of denying those
 of ,david  ,hume2 and thus1 while in   
these essays the economist finds some of
 the  most important doctrines of his   

peculiar subject set forth with a       
clearness and elegance with which he    
dare not attempt to compete1 the        
ordinary reader1 who has a distaste of  
new doctrines and innovating  theories1 
awards them the respect due to old      
established opinion4    ,that they      
should have been1 with all their        
innovation on received  opinions1 and   
their startling novelty1 so popular in  
their own age1 is  also a matter which  
has its peculiar explanation4 ,the dread
 of  innovation1 simply as change1 and  
without reference to the interests it   
may affect1 sprung up in later times1 a 
child of the ,french revolution4        
,before that event some men were        
republican or constitutional in their   
views1 and declared war against all     
changes which tended to throw power     
into the hands of the monarch4 ,others  
were monarchical1 and opposed to  the   
extension of popular rights4 ,but if an 
alteration were suggested  which did not
 affect these fundamental principles and

 opinions1 it was  welcomed with liberal
 courtesy1 examined1 and adopted or     
rejected on its  own merits4 ,hence both
 ,hume and ,smith1 writing in bold      
denunciation of  all the old cherished  
prejudices in matters of commerce1      
instead of  being met with a storm of   
reproach1 as any one who should publish 
so  many original views in the present  
day would be1 at once received a fair   
hearing and a just appreciation4#cef3a  
,thus there was a period during which   
innovations1 however bold or  extensive1
 received a favourable hearing1 and in  
which the literature  both of ,england  
and of ,france was daily giving         
publicity to new theories  embodying    
sweeping alterations of social systems4 
,in this work the two  countries        
presented their national                
characteristics4 ,the ,english writers  
kept always in view the question how far
 there would be a vital  principle      
remaining in society after the diseased 
part was removed2 how  far there was    

reason to suppose that the small        
quantity of good done to  the public by 
any irrational system1 which at the same
 time did much  evil1 might be          
accomplished after its abolition4 ,the  
,french were  indiscriminate in their   
war against old received opinions1 and  
offered  nothing to fill their place    
when they were gone2 and hence in some  
measure followed results which have made
 change and innovation words of  dread  
throughout a great part of society4     
,of the inquiries through which ,hume   
brought together the materials for      
these essays1 the reader will have found
 a specimen in the notes1 or  adversaria
 quoted above4#ceg3a ,a comparison of   
these fragments of the  raw material1   
with the finished result1 develops this 
marked feature in  ,hume's method of    
working1 that in the way to a short     
proposition1 he has  often read and     
thought at great length4 ,the simplicity
 and unity of his  writings were of more
 importance to him than the appearance  

of  elaboration2 and where others would 
be scattering multitudinous  statements 
and authorities1 he is content with the 
simple embodiment of  results1 conscious
 that inquiry will confirm in the       
reader's mind the  justness of what he  
lays down4 ,in some respects we can     
watch the  progress of ,hume's mind in  
connexion with these subjects2 for in   
his  allusions to commercial matters in 
his earlier works1 he uses the common   
phraseology1 such as balance of trade1  
in a manner indicating an  adherence to 
those ordinary fallacies of the day1    
which1 when he came to  examine them in 
his essays on commerce1 money1 interest1
 the  balance of trade1 taxes1 and      
public credit1 he extensively           
repudiated4 ,his examination of the     
nature and value of money as a medium   
of exchange1 is probably the best and   
simplest that1 even down to this  day1  
can be found4 ,his theory1 so far as it 
goes1 has hardly ever been  questioned2 
and indeed at present it may be said1   

that beyond it we know  little with     
certainty1 and that its author had at   
once discovered the  limits at which    
full and satisfactory knowledge was1 for
 nearly a  century1 to rest4#ceh3a ,he  
shows that money is not in itself       
property  or value2 that it is a mere   
representative1 which1 if cheap or dear 
in  its material1 is just1 in the same  
ratio1 a cheap or a dear method of      
accomplishing a purpose4 ,that if a     
community could conduct its             
transactions with a small quantity of   
money as well as with a large1 it       
would1 so far from being poorer1 be the 
richer by so much as the  superabundant 
money had cost4 ,he examines those      
simple laws which1 when  there is no    
disturbing influence1 have a tendency to
 equalize the  distribution of the      
precious metals1 through the cheapness  
of labour and  commodities where they   
are scarce1 the nominal enhancement     
where they  are abundant4 ,he notices   
with great clearness and precision the  

respective effects upon the community of
 a state of increase1 and of a  state of
 diminution of the available currency of
 a country4 ,but he  enters on few of   
those intricate monetary questions which
 are now so  frequently the subject of  
discussion4 ,of inquiries into the      
causes which  affect the quantity of    
money in a country1 the moving          
influences from  which arise gluts1     
drains1 stagnations1 and all the        
mysteries of  finance1 he shows us that 
he felt diffident2 and on these matters1
 how  little is the quantity of full    
satisfactory undisputed knowledge which 
we yet possess6    ,indeed1 one of the  
great merits of ,hume's ,essays on      
,political ,economy  is1 that he knows  
when he is getting out of his depth1 and
 does not  conceal his position4 ,with  
many writers on this subject1 the point 
where  clear and satisfactory inquiry   
ends1 is that where dogmatism begins2   
but  ,hume stops at that point1 sees and
 admits the difficulty1 and             

acknowledges that he can go no farther  
with safety4    ,among these essays     
there is one which1 like the ,oceana of 
,harrington1  though on a smaller scale1
 is an attempt to construct a system of 
polity4 ,it is called ,idea of a        
,perfect ,commonwealth4 ,the system so  
put  together is liable to practical    
objections at every step1 and is utterly
  destitute of that sagacious           
applicability to the transactions of    
real  business1 for which the efforts in
 hypothetical legislation by ,bentham   
are distinguished4#cfa3a    ,another    
essay of a different character is       
conspicuous for the vast  extent of the 
learning and research which must have   
been expended in  bringing together its 
crowd of apt illustrations1--that on    
,the  ,populousness of ,ancient         
,nations4 ,to afford a choice of so many
  applicable facts1 directly bearing on 
the point1 how wide must have been  the 
research1 how extensive the rejection of
 such fruit of that  research1 as did   

not answer his purpose6 ,in the perusal 
of this essay  one is inclined to regret
 that ,hume afterwards made a portion of
 modern  ,europe the object of his      
historical labours1 instead of taking up
 some  department of the history of     
classical antiquity4 ,the full blown    
lustre  of ,greek and ,roman greatness  
had far more of his sympathy than the   
history of his own countrymen1 and their
 slow progress from barbarism to        
civilisation4 ,the materials were nearly
 all confined to the great  spirits of  
antiquity1 with whom he delighted to    
hold converse1 instead  of involving    
that heap of documentary matter with    
which the historian of  ,britain must   
grapple2 acts of parliament1 journals1  
writs1 legal  documents1 c4--all things 
which his soul abhorred4 ,in such a     
field he  might have escaped the        
imputation of not being a full and fair 
investigator2 and he would1 at all      
events1 have avoided the reproach       
thrown on him by the prying antiquary1  

who1 by the light of newly  discovered  
documents1 could charge him with having 
neglected that of  which he did not1 and
 could not1 know the existence4#cfd3a   
,in a letter to ,henry ,home in #agdh1  
we find ,hume mentioning an essay on    
the ,protestant ,succession1 as one     
which he was to include in the edition  
of his ,essays ,moral and ,political1   
then preparing for the  press4#cfe3a ,he
 speaks of people having endeavoured to 
divert him from  this publication1 as   
one likely to be injurious to him as an 
official  man4 ,perhaps he was prevailed
 on to adopt the view of his prudent    
friends1 for this essay is not among the
 ,essays ,moral and ,political1  but    
forms one of the volume of ,discourses1 
among which it is somewhat              
inharmoniously placed1 as it is the only
 one which bears a reference to  the    
current internal party politics of the  
day4    ,the ,political ,discourses     
introduced ,hume to the literature of   
the  continent4 ,the works of ,quesnay1 

,rivire1 ,mirabeau1 ,raynal1 and        
,turgot1  had not yet appeared1 but the 
public mind of ,france had been opened  
for  novel doctrines by the bold appeal 
of ,vauban1#cfe3b and by the curious    
and original inquiries of ,montesquieu4 
,the ,discourses appear to have  been   
first translated by ,elazer ,mauvillon1 
a native of ,provence1 and  private     
secretary to ,frederic ,augustus1 ,king 
of ,poland1 who published  his          
translation in #agec4cfe3c ,another1 and
 better known translation1  by the ,abb 
,le ,blanc1 was published in #aged4cfe3d
 ,this ,abb had spent  some time in     
,england1 and wrote a work on his       
experiences in ,britain1  called        
,lettres sur les ,anglois4 ,he was the  
author also of a tragedy  called ,aben  
,sid1 which seems to have now lost any  
fame it ever  acquired4 ,his            
translations from ,hume were1 however1  
highly popular1 that  of the ,discourses
 passing through several editions2 and  
we shall find  that they obtained the   

approbation of ,hume himself4 ,the ,abb1
 in a  letter to the author1 gives an   
account of the reception of the         
translation1#cff3a the colour of which  
he may be supposed to have  enriched1 as
 regarding a matter in which he felt    
himself to be pars  magna4 ,he          
prophesies that it will produce a like  
sensation to that  caused by the ,esprit
 des ,loix1 and he finds his prophecy   
fulfilled4 ,he  states1 that it is not  
only read with avidity1 but that it has 
given  rise to a multitude of other     
works4 ,there can be no doubt1 indeed1  
that  as no ,frenchman had previously   
approached the subject of political     
economy with a philosophical pen1 this  
little book was a main  instrument1     
either by causing assent or provoking   
controversy1 in  producing the host of  
,french works on political economy1     
published  between the time of its      
translation1 and the publication of     
,smith's  ,wealth of ,nations1 in       
#aggf4cff3b ,the work of the elder      

,mirabeau in  particular--,l',ami des   
,hommes1 was in a great measure a       
controversial  examination of ,hume's   
opinions on population4                 
,,footnotes3    #cbj3a ,stewart's       
,philosophy of the ,human ,mind1 and    
,preliminary  ,dissertation to the      
,encyclopdia ,britannica4    #cbj3b ,in 
the following pages these papers will be
 cited as the ,minto  ,,mss4    #cbj3c  
,his grandfather distinguished himself  
by his resolute and  skilful defence of 
,william ,veitch1 one of the            
nonconforming clergy1 who  suffered in  
the persecutions of the reign of        
,charles ,,ii4 ,elliot acting  as the   
persecuted man's agent1 made an appeal  
to the feelings of the  ,english        
statesmen1 on the barbarity of the      
measures of their ,scots  colleagues2   
and was so far successful1 that the     
sentence of death  pronounced against   
,veitch1 was commuted to banishment4 ,he
 thenceforth  became1 of course1 a      
marked man1 and an act of forfeiture    

passed against  him in #afhe1 as an     
accessory in ,argyle's rising4 ,he      
afterwards obtained  a remission of his 
sentence1 and on #bb;d ,november1 #afhh1
 he was received  as a member of the    
faculty of advocates4 ,he was created a 
baronet in  #agjj1 and on #beth ,july1  
#agje1 was raised to the bench4         
7,brunton and  ,haig's account of the   
,senators of the ,college of ,justice47 
,in ,dr4  ,m',crie's curious ,memoirs of
 ,mr4 ,william ,veitch1 7p4 #ii7 it is  
stated1  that when the evil days were   
passed1 and the condemned nonconformist 
was  parish minister of ,dumfries1 he   
was occasionally visited by the judge1  
when the following conversation passed  
between them1--,ah ,willie1  ,willie1   
had it no' been for me1 the pyets had   
been pyken your pate on  the ,nether-bow
 ,port2 to which the retort was1 ,ah    
,gibbie1 ,gibbie1 had  it no' been for  
me1 ye would ha'e been yet writing      
papers for a plack  the page4    ,this  
,sir ,gilbert's son1 and the father of  

,hume's correspondent1 was  raised to   
the bench on #dth ,june1 #agbf1 and     
became ,lord ,justice ,clerk on  #c;d   
,may1 #agjc4 ,he died on #afth ,april1  
#agff4    #cba3a ,he was chosen member  
for the county of ,selkirk in #aged1 and
  #agfb1 and for ,roxburghshire in      
#agfe1 #agfh1 and #aggd4 ,he succeeded  
to the  baronetcy on his father's death 
in #agff4 ,he was made a lord of the    
admiralty in #agef1 treasurer of the    
chamber in #agfb1 keeper of the  signet 
in ,scotland in #agfg1 and treasurer of 
the navy in #aggj4 ,he died  in #aggg4  
,collins' ,peerage4 ,beatson's          
,parliamentary ,register4    #cbb3a     
,minto ,,ms4    #cbb3b ,see as          
instances1 ,washington ,irving's        
,salmagundi1 and ,morier's  ,hajji      
,baba4    #cbd3a ,discours sur          
,thophraste1 where there are some bitter
 and just  remarks on the ,parisian     
manners of ,la ,bruyere's day1 as an    
appropriate  introduction to the        
exhibition of the follies of the        

,athenians4    #cbd3b ,scroll1 ,minto   
,,mss4    #cbe3a ,la ,perptuit de la    
,foi1 de l',eglise ,catholique touchant 
,l',eucharistie1 #c vols4 #dto1         
#affi-afgf4 ,a smaller work published by
 the  same author in #affd1 was called  
,la ,petite ,perptuit4 ,its author1     
,pierre ,nicole1 one of the illustrious 
recluses of the ,port ,royal1 was  more 
efficient as a polemical supporter of   
the principles of his church1  than as a
 practical administrator of its         
authority4 ,an amusing story is  told of
 his unguarded habits and absence of    
mind4 ,a lady had brought  under his    
notice1 as her spiritual adviser1 a     
matter of extreme  delicacy1 with which 
he felt it difficult to deal4 ,seeing   
approach at  the moment ,father         
,fouquet1 whom he knew to have much     
judgment and  experience in such        
matters1 he cried out--,ah1 here comes a
 man who can  solve the difficulty1 and1
 running to meet him1 told the whole    
case1  loudly and energetically4 ,the   

feelings of the fair penitent may be    
imagined4    #cbg3a ,probably ,the      
,bellman's ,petition1 mentioned above4  
#cbg3b ,minto ,,mss4    #cbh3a ,in the  
,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4    #cca3a ,the late    
,rev4 ,dr4 ,morehead of ,st4 ,paul's    
,chapel in ,edinburgh1  who was revered 
as a minister1 and respected as a       
scholar and  philosopher1 published in  
#ahcj1 ,dialogues on ,natural and       
,revealed  ,religion1 a pleasing        
continuation of the work we have just   
been  considering1 in which the speakers
 are made to approach a conclusion      
nearer to the reverend author's own     
opinions1 than he found them to be  when
 he had read to the end of ,hume's      
little book4 ,from a note by ,dr4       
,morehead1 ,i am tempted to extract the 
following passage3 ,mr4 ,hume was       
conscious of his own power1 probably    
while his countrymen were making  him a 
theme of their uncouth derision2 and he 
seems to have had a  prescience that he 
had not yet gathered all his fame4 4 4 4

 4 4 4 ,i am  much mistaken if the name 
of this profound thinker does not yet   
receive  the encomiastic epithets of a  
grateful posterity2 and if1 when his    
errors have passed away1 he does not yet
 come to be regarded as the  philosopher
 who has made the most penetrating and  
successful researches  in the intricate 
science of human nature4 ,he is a cool  
anatomist1 who  has dissected it        
throughout every fibre and nerve2 and he
 may be partly  pardoned1 perhaps1 if1  
in this sort of remorseless operation1  
he has too  much lost sight of the      
principle of its moral and intellectual 
life4  ,the ,dialogues on ,natural      
,religion seem to have taken a firm hold
 of ,dr4  ,morehead's mind4 ,he left    
behind him a farther continuation1      
called  ,philosophical ,dialogues1 in   
which he beautifully represented the    
,philo  of the original1 revising his   
old opinions amidst such a serene old   
age1  as the writer was then himself    
enjoying4 ,this little work was         

published  after its author's death1 by 
a distinguished surviving friend1 who   
has  probably done more towards the     
propagation of ,christian philosophy1   
than  any other living writer of the    
,english language4    #ccd3a ,down to   
this point1 the letter is printed in    
,dugald ,stewart's  ,preliminary        
,dissertation to ,the ,encyclopdia      
,britannica1 ,note ccc4    #ccf3a ,minto
 ,,mss4 ,in this collection there is a  
scroll of a letter  written by ,mr4     
,elliot to ,hume1 returning the         
manuscripts to which the  correspondence
 refers4 ,it has been published in the  
notes 7ccc17 to  ,dugald ,stewart's     
,preliminary ,dissertation4 ,it is not  
only a criticism of  the ,dialogues on  
,natural ,religion1 but an examination  
of ,hume's general  theory of           
impressions and ideas1 worthy of the    
perusal of all who take  interest in    
these inquiries4 ,it is of considerable 
length1 and the  temptation to print it 
along with ,hume's letter1 was only     

overcome by  the circumstance that it is
 to be found in a work widely           
circulated1 and  that the disposable    
space in this book may be more          
economically devoted  to some letters of
 ,sir ,gilbert ,elliot which are not to 
be found  elsewhere4    #ccg3a ,mrs4    
,dysart of ,eccles1 a much valued       
relation of ,hume1  according to        
,mackenzie's ,account of the ,life of   
,home1 p4 #ajd4    #cch3a ,alexander    
,home1 ,solicitor-general for           
,scotland4--,mackenzie4    #cci3a ,sic4 
#cdj3a ,in allusion to that mayor who1  
on his first introduction to  field     
sports1 hearing a cry that the hare was 
coming1 exclaimed1 in a  fit of         
magnanimous courage1 ,let him come1 in  
,god's name2 ,i fear him  not6    #cdj3b
 ,mackenzie's ,home1 p4 #ajd4 ,the      
original is in the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4     
#cda3a ,essays ,moral and ,political1   
published in #agda4    #cdc3a ,from a   
copy transmitted by ,ramsay's nephew to 
,baron ,hume1 in the  ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4  

,the blank denoted above is in the copy4
    #cdd3a ,london3 #hvo1 printed for   
,a4 ,millar4 ,it is in the book list of 
the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 for         
,december4    #cdd3b ,a ,delineation of 
the ,nature and ,obligation of          
,morality1 with  ,reflections upon ,mr4 
,hume's book1 entitled an ',inquiry     
concerning the  ,principles of ,morals4'
    ,on the publication of this book1   
,hume wrote the following letter1       
addressed ,to the ,author of the        
,delineation of the ,nature and         
,obligations of ,morality1 and left it  
with the bookseller4    ,,sir1--,when ,i
 write you1 ,i know not to whom ,i am   
addressing myself3 ,i  only know he is  
one who has done me a great deal of     
honour1 and to whose  civilities ,i am  
obliged4 ,if we be strangers1 ,i beg we 
may be acquainted1  as soon as you think
 proper to discover yourself3 if we be  
acquainted  already1 ,i beg we may be   
friends3 if friends1 ,i beg we may be   
more so4  ,our connexion with each other

 as men of letters1 is greater than our 
difference as adhering to different     
sects or systems4 ,let us revive the    
happy times1 when ,atticus and ,cassius 
the epicureans1 ,cicero the  academic1  
and ,brutus the stoic1 could all of them
 live in unreserved  friendship         
together1 and were insensible to all    
those distinctions1  except so far as   
they furnished agreeable matter to      
discourse and  conversation4 ,perhaps   
you are a young man1 and being full of  
those  sublime ideas1 which you have so 
well expressed1 think there can be no   
virtue upon a more confined system4 ,i  
am not an old one2 but1 being of a  cool
 temperament1 have always found1 that   
more simple views were  sufficient to   
make me act in a reasonable manner2 1   
2 in this faith have ,i lived1 and hope 
to die4    ,your civilities to me so    
much overbalance your severities1 that  
,i  should be ungrateful to take notice 
of some expressions which1 in the  heat 
of composition1 have dropped from your  

pen4 ,i must only complain of  you a    
little for ascribing to me the          
sentiments1 which ,i have put into  the 
mouth of the ,sceptic in the ,dialogue4 
,i have surely endeavoured to  refute   
the sceptic1 with all the force of which
 ,i am master2 and my  refutation must  
be allowed sincere1 because drawn from  
the capital  principles of my system4   
,but you impute to me both the          
sentiments of the  sceptic1 and the     
sentiments of his antagonist1 which ,i  
can never admit  of4 ,in every dialogue 
no more than one person can be supposed 
to  represent the author4    ,your      
severity on one head1 that of chastity1 
is so great1 and ,i am so  little       
conscious of having given any just      
occasion to it1 that it has  afforded me
 a hint to form a conjecture1 perhaps   
ill-grounded1  concerning your person4  
,i hope to steal a little leisure from  
my other occupations1 in order to       
defend my philosophy against your       
attacks4 ,if ,i have occasion to give a 

new edition of the work1 which you have 
honoured with an answer1 ,i shall  make 
great advantage of your remarks1 and    
hope to obviate some of your            
criticisms4    ,your style is elegant1  
and full of agreeable imagery4 ,in some 
few  places it does not fully come up to
 my ideas of purity and correctness4  ,i
 suppose mine falls still further short 
of your ideas4 ,in this respect1  we may
 certainly be of use to each other4     
,with regard to our  philosophical      
systems1 ,i suppose we are both so      
fixed1 that there is no  hope of any    
conversions betwixt us2 and for my part1
 ,i doubt not but we  shall both do as  
well to remain as we are4    ,i am1 c4  
,edinburgh1 ,march #ae1 #agec4    #cde3a
 ,it is stated in ,ritchie's ,account of
 the ,life and ,writings of  ,hume1 from
 which the above letter is taken1 and in
 some works of  reference1 which appear 
to have depended on the authority of    
that book1  that ,hume was a competitor 
with ,balfour for the chair4 ,this      

statement  has probably arisen out of   
some misapprehension as to his previous 
competition for the chair4    #cdg3a    
,see the dawning of this view in his    
correspondence with  ,hutcheson1 supra1 
p4 #aab4 ,an essay1 entitled ,of some   
,verbal  ,disputes1 published in the    
later editions of the work now under    
consideration1 contains some curious    
elucidations of it4    #cea3a           
,thomson--,life of ,cullen1             
#gb-gc--where the above letter is first 
printed4 ,dr4 ,thomson tells me1 that   
the evidence of ,burke having been a    
candidate is merely traditional1 but    
that it was enough to satisfy his  own  
mind4 ,in the ,outlines of              
,philosophical ,education1 by ,professor
  ,jardine1 who afterwards filled the   
same chair1 there is this passage1  7p4 
#ba37 ,burke1 whose genius led him      
afterwards to shine in a more  exalted  
sphere1 was thought of by some of the   
electors as a proper  person to fill it4
 ,he did not1 however1 actually come    

forward as a  candidate4    #cec3a ,dr4 
,thomson says1 ,it might afford curious 
matter of speculation  to conjecture    
what effect the appointment of ,mr4     
,hume1 or of ,mr4 ,burke1  to the chair 
of logic in ,glasgow1 would have had    
upon the character of  that university1 
or upon the metaphysical1 moral1 and    
political  inquiries of the age in which
 they lived2 and what consequences were 
likely to have resulted from the        
influence which the peculiar genius and 
talents of either of these great men1   
had they been exerted in that  sphere1  
must necessarily have had in forming the
 minds of such of their  pupils as were 
to be afterwards employed in the        
pursuits of science1 or  the conduct and
 regulation of human affairs4 ,it seems 
difficult to  conceive how1 as          
instructors of youth1 they could either 
of them1  without a considerable        
modification of their opinions1 have    
taught  philosophy upon the sceptical or
 the ,berkeleian systems which they had 

respectively adopted2 while the strict  
purity of their moral characters1  and  
the great reverence which they both     
entertained for established             
institutions1 give the fullest          
assurance1 that1 had either of them been
  appointed to the chair of logic1 their
 academical duties would have been      
executed with an unceasing regard to the
 improvement of their pupils1  and to   
the reputation of the society into which
 they had been admitted4  ,life of      
,cullen1 p4 #gc4    ,smith1 in a letter 
to ,dr4 ,cullen1 says1 ,i should prefer 
,david ,hume to  any man for a          
colleague2 but ,i am afraid the public  
would not be of my  opinion2 and the    
interest of the society will oblige us  
to have some  regard to the opinion of  
the public4 ,if the event1 however1 we  
are  afraid of should happen1 we can see
 how the public receives it4 ,from the  
particular knowledge ,i have of ,mr4    
,elliot's sentiments1 ,i am pretty      
certain ,mr4 ,lindsay must have proposed

 it to him1 not he to ,mr4  ,lindsay4   
,ib4 p4 #fjf4    #ced3a ,edinburgh1     
#ageb1 #hvo4 ,printed for ,kincaid and  
,donaldson4 ,it is  in the ,gentleman's 
,magazine list of books for ,february4  
#ced3b ,lord ,brougham says1 ,of the    
',political ,discourses' it would be    
difficult to speak in terms of too great
 commendation4 ,they combine  almost    
every excellence which can belong to    
such a performance4 ,the  reasoning is  
clear1 and unencumbered with more words 
or more  illustrations than are         
necessary for bringing out the doctrine4
 ,the  learning is extensive1 accurate1 
and profound1 not only as to systems of 
philosophy1 but as to history1 whether  
modern or ancient4 ,the subjects  are   
most happily chosen2 the language is    
elegant1 precise1 and vigorous2  and so 
admirably are the topics selected1 that 
there is as little of  dryness in these 
fine essays as if the subject were not  
scientific2 and  we rise from their     
perusal scarce able to believe that it  

is a work of  philosophy we have been   
reading1 having all the while thought it
 a book  of curiosity and entertainment4
 ,the great merit1 however1 of these    
,discourses1 is their originality1 and  
the new system of politics and          
political economy which they unfold4    
,mr4 ,hume is1 beyond all doubt1 the    
author of the modern doctrines which now
 rule the world of science1  which are  
to a great extent the guide of practical
 statesmen1 and are  only prevented from
 being applied in their fullest extent  
to the affairs  of nations1 by the      
clashing interests and the ignorant     
prejudices of  certain powerful classes4
 ,lives of ,men of ,letters1 p4 #bjd4   
#cee3a ,perhaps a portion of the        
pleasure with which these essays are    
read by those who are not partial to the
 study of political economy1 may  be    
attributed to their having been written 
before that science was in  possession  
of a nomenclature1 and thus appearing   
clothed in the ordinary  language of    

literature4    #cef3a ,it was in the    
most aristocratic quarters that these   
innovating  doctrines were best         
received2 for in them was the greatest  
amount of  education1 and its influence 
was not at that time paralyzed by       
general  prejudices against innovation4 
,they were more in favour with the      
,tories  than with the ,whigs4 ,indeed1 
,archdeacon ,tucker1 one of the boldest 
speculators on the economy of trade1 was
 in state politics one of the  most     
uncompromising ,tories of his age4 ,fox1
 on the other hand1 said of  the ,wealth
 of ,nations1 that there was something  
in all these subjects  which passed his 
comprehension1 something so wide that he
 could never  embrace them himself1 or  
find any one who did4 ,but in the       
,french  treaty1 and in other measures  
regarding trade1 ,pitt was in the fair  
way  of putting them into legislative   
practice1 when1 being arrested by the   
,french revolution1 he entertained      
thenceforward a bitter enmity of        

innovation2 an enmity to which1 in the  
department of political economy1  his   
party became the heirs1 preserving the  
succession down nearly to the  present  
day1 when1 at least by their leader1 old
 prejudices have been  already in a     
great measure1 and are likely soon to be
 altogether  repudiated4    #ceg3a ,p4  
#abf4    #ceh3a ,it is not intended to  
be maintained that ,hume's ,political   
,economy is immaculate1 but merely that 
in the majority of instances he  has    
fixed certain truths which later        
inquiries have not shaken4 ,the         
following passage1 along with much that 
is received as true doctrine1  contains 
some observations1 such as those on the 
tax on ,german linen1  and on brandy1   
which modern economists would pronounce 
to be heterodox4  ,the question of a    
gold or a paper currency was one which  
,hume did not  profess to decide4 ,he   
described with considerable impartiality
 the  advantages and the disadvantages  
of both mediums of exchange4    ,from   

these principles we may learn what      
judgment we ought to form of  those     
numberless bars1 obstructions1 and      
imposts1 which all nations of  ,europe1 
and none more than ,england1 have put   
upon trade1 from an  exorbitant desire  
of amassing money1 which never will heap
 up beyond its  level1 while it         
circulates2 or from an ill-grounded     
apprehension of  losing their specie1   
which never will sink below it4 ,could  
any thing  scatter our riches1 it would 
be such impolitic contrivances4 ,but    
this  general ill effect1 however1      
results from them1 that they deprive    
neighbouring nations of that free       
communication and exchange which the    
,author of the world has intended1 by   
giving them soils1 climates1 and        
geniuses1 so different from each other4 
,our modern politics embrace the only   
method of banishing money1 the  using of
 paper credit2 they reject the only     
method of amassing it1 the  practice of 
hoarding2 and they adopt a hundred      

contrivances1 which serve  to no purpose
 but to check industry1 and rob         
ourselves and our  neighbours of the    
common benefits of art and nature4      
,all taxes1 however1 upon foreign       
commodities1 are not to be regarded as  
prejudicial or useless1 but those only  
which are founded on the jealousy  above
 mentioned4 ,a tax on ,german linen     
encourages home manufactures1 and       
thereby multiplies our people and       
industry4 ,a tax on brandy increases    
the sale of rum1 and supports our       
southern colonies4 ,and as it is        
necessary that imposts should be levied 
for the support of government1  it may  
be thought more convenient to lay them  
on foreign commodities1  which can      
easily be intercepted at the port1 and  
subjected to the  impost4 ,we ought1    
however1 always to remember the maxim of
 ,dr4 ,swift1  that1 in the arithmetic  
of the customs1 two and two make not    
four1 but  often make only one4 ,it can 
scarcely be doubted1 but if the duties  

on  wine were lowered to a third1 they  
would yield much more to the  government
 than at present3 our people might      
thereby afford to drink  commonly a     
better and more wholesome liquor2 and no
 prejudice would  ensue to the balance  
of trade1 of which we are so jealous4   
,the  manufacture of ale beyond the     
agriculture is but inconsiderable1 and  
gives employment to few hands4 ,the     
transport of wine and corn would not  be
 much inferior4    ,the following       
account of a banking practice still in  
lively operation in  ,scotland1 affords 
a specimen of ,hume's capacity to       
grapple with  practical details4        
,there was an invention which was fallen
 upon some years ago by the  banks of   
,edinburgh1 and which1 as it was one of 
the most ingenious ideas  that has been 
executed in commerce1 has also been     
thought advantageous  to ,scotland4 ,it 
is there called a ,bank-,credit1 and is 
of this nature3--,a  man goes to the    
bank1 and finds surety to the amount1 we

 shall suppose1  of a thousand pounds4  
,this money1 or any part of it1 he has  
the liberty  of drawing out whenever he 
pleases1 and he pays only the ordinary  
interest for it while it is in his      
hands4 ,he may1 when he pleases1 repay  
any sum so small as twenty pounds1 and  
the interest is discounted from  the    
very day of the repayment4 ,the         
advantages resulting from this          
contrivance are manifold4 ,as a man may 
find surety nearly to the amount  of his
 substance1 and his bank-credit is      
equivalent to ready money1 a  merchant  
does hereby in a manner coin his houses1
 his household  furniture1 the goods in 
his warehouse1 the foreign debts due to 
him1 his  ships at sea2 and can1 upon   
occasion1 employ them in all payments1  
as if  they were the current money of   
the country4 ,if a man borrow a thousand
  pounds from a private hand1 besides   
that it is not always to be found  when 
required1 he pays interest for it       
whether he be using it or not3  his     

bank-credit costs him nothing except    
during the very moment in which  it is  
of service to him3 and this circumstance
 is of equal advantage as  if he had    
borrowed money at much lower interest4  
,merchants likewise1  from this         
invention1 acquire a great facility in  
supporting each other's  credit1 which  
is a considerable security against      
bankruptcies4 ,a man1  when his own     
bank-credit is exhausted1 goes to any of
 his neighbours who  is not in the same 
condition1 and he gets the money1 which 
he replaces  at his convenience4        
#cfa3a ,indeed1 in all respects1 ,hume's
 political economy is rather  analytical
 of the effect of existing institutions 
and establishments1  than suggestive of 
any views on the practicability of any  
great  amelioration of mankind by       
positive regulations founded on         
principles of  political economy4 ,adam 
,smith pursued the same method4 ,the    
mission of  that school was indeed      
rather to break down than to build      

up--to find  out and eradicate the      
mischief that had been done by empiric  
legislation2 not to attempt new         
arrangements4 ,while so much mischievous
  matter remained to be got rid of1 the 
field was not clear for any  attempts to
 try the effect of plans of social      
organization4 ,it is  perhaps only now  
when the doctrines of the political     
economists1 after  having stood out     
against neglect and hostility1 have been
 nearly brought  into practice by the   
successive abolition of the regulations 
most  objectionable in their eyes1 that 
room has been made for the suggestion   
of plans of internal social             
organization1 founded on inquiries both 
extensive and minute4 ,in the present   
position of measures for the  physical  
and moral purification1 and the social  
organization of this  densely peopled   
empire1--in the approach to an          
adjustment of the poor  law1--the reform
 of the criminal code1--the prison      
discipline1 and the  sanatory           

suggestions2 and still more1 in these   
not being the mere dreams  of utopian   
theorists1 but receiving the countenance
 and support of  practical statesmen1 we
 appear to have witnessed the dawn of a 
new era  in political economy4    ,hume 
seems so far from having himself        
contemplated the application of         
philosophical skill to the organization 
of large masses of human beings1  that  
we frequently find in his writings and  
in his letters1 remarks on  the growth  
of cities1 sometimes speaking of certain
 limits which they  cannot pass1 at     
other times noticing1 in a tone of      
despondency1 the  rapid progress of     
,london1 as if it were exceeding those  
bounds within  which mankind can be kept
 under the dominion of law and order4   
,in the  essay on the ,populousness of  
,ancient ,nations1 he says1 ,london1 by 
uniting extensive commerce and middling 
empire1 has perhaps arrived at a        
greatness1 which no city will perhaps be
 able to exceed2 and he fixes  this     

number at #gjj1jjj inhabitants1--saying 
farther1 from the  experience of past   
and present ages1 one might conjecture  
that there is  a kind of impossibility  
that any city could ever rise much      
beyond this  proportion4 ,london must   
then have been considerably under the   
population he thus assigns to it1 and it
 had not probably reached that  number  
of inhabitants twenty-four years later1 
when we find him1  oppressed by the     
disease of which he died1 saying in a   
letter to ,smith1  should ,london fall  
as much in its size as ,i have done1 it 
will be the  better4 ,it is nothing but 
a hulk of bad and unclean humours4      
,during ,hume's lifetime1 the metropolis
 had been frequently outraged and       
intimidated--on some occasions almost   
desolated1 by mobs of city  savages2    
beings far more formidable and brutal   
than the savages of the  wilderness4 ,at
 the time when he published his         
,political ,discourses1 it  contained   
bands of robbers1 who followed their    

trade as openly as the  brigands of the 
,abruzzi1 committing robberies and      
murders in the middle  of the city1 in  
open day4 ,those who saw the city       
increasing in size1  while it retained  
these evil characteristics1 naturally   
looked upon it  as a cancer1 near the   
most vital part of the empire1 and      
lamented  accordingly its waxing        
prosperity and bulk4 ,but its size was  
not the  cause of the evil4 ,it is now  
three times as populous as when ,hume   
wrote1  yet1 with much poverty1 much    
vice1 and much ignorance1 it is not the 
same diseased and dangerous mass it then
 was4 ,the comparative sober  quietness 
of the streets1--the well ordered       
police1--the facilities for  discovering
 persons who are sought after1 without  
their being subjected  in their         
movements to any control1 inconsistent  
with ,british  liberty1--are all1 when  
practised on so large a scale1          
indications that  human genius has great
 capacities for organization2 and they  

may be1 for  aught that can be seen to  
the contrary1 only the initial          
movements1  which future generations    
will carry to far more wonderful        
results4    #cfd3a ,dr4 ,robert         
,wallace1 a distinguished clergyman of  
the ,church of  ,scotland1 had prepared 
for the ,philosophical ,society1 of     
which he was a  member1 an essay1 which 
he enlarged and published in #ageb1 with
 the  title1 ,dissertations on the      
,numbers of ,mankind in ,ancient and    
,modern  ,times2 adding a supplement1 in
 which he examined ,hume's discourse on 
the ,populousness of ,ancient ,nations4 
,malthus admitted that ,dr4 ,wallace    
was the first to point distinctly to the
 rule1 that to find the limits  of the  
populousness of any given community1 we 
must look at the quantity  of food at   
its disposal4 ,but he was not successful
 in the controversial  application of   
his principle4 ,hume's method of inquiry
 is a double  comparison4 ,the          
statements of numbers in ancient authors

 being compared  with the numbers in    
existing communities1 the relative      
organization for  the supply of food in 
the two cases is examined1 and the      
author finds  reason to believe that the
 statements of numbers are greatly      
exaggerated  by ancient authors1 as the 
state of commerce and transit1 and the  
amount  of stock or capital available   
for the concentration and distribution  
of  food1 are not such as would enable  
such multitudes to be supported4 ,dr4   
,wallace1 laying down1 that where there 
is the most food there will be  the     
greatest number of inhabitants1         
maintains1 that as a much greater       
proportion of the people were employed  
in agriculture among the ancients  than 
the moderns1 there must have been more  
food and consequently more  human       
beings4 ,it is almost needless1 after so
 much has been written on  this matter1 
to explain at length the fallacy of this
 reasoning4 ,the  richest and most      
populous states are those of which the  

smallest  proportion of the people are  
employed in agriculture4 ,a decrease of 
the  comparative number employed in     
procuring the necessaries of life is the
  mark of increase in wealth and        
abundance of all things1 and is         
necessarily accompanied either by a     
proportionally improved agriculture1  or
 the purchase of food from poorer       
communities4    ,in the subsequent      
editions of the ,discourses1 ,hume      
acknowledges the  merit of ,wallace's   
book1 saying1 ,so learned a refutation  
would have  made the author suspect that
 his reasonings were entirely           
overthrown1  had he not used the        
precaution1 from the beginning1 to keep 
himself on  the sceptical side2 and1    
having taken this advantage of the      
ground1 he  was enabled1 though with    
much inferior forces1 to preserve       
himself from  a total defeat4    #cfe3a 
,see above1 p4 #bci4    #cfe3b ,projet  
d'un ,dime ,royale1 #dto1 #agjg--;a     
project for abolishing the  feudal      

imposts and exemptions1 tithes1 and     
internal transit duties1 and  levying a 
general revenue4 ,projet1 says the      
,dictionnaire ,historique1  digne d'un  
bon patriote1 mais dont l'excution est  
trs-difficile4 ,in  ,hume's notes of his
 early reading1 we find him referring to
 ,vauban1 see  p4 #aca4    #cfe3c       
,discours ,politiques traduits de       
,l',anglais1 par ,m4 ,d' ,m999999       
,amsterdam1 #agec4 ,querard--,la ,france
 ,litteraire4    #cfe3d ,with the same  
title as the above4 ,it was reprinted at
 ,berlin in  #agge4    #cff3a ,see the  
letter in the ,appendix4    #cff3b      
,there is evidence of the lasting hold  
which the ,discourses had  taken on the 
minds of the ,french1 in the appearance 
of a new translation  so late as #agff1 
with the title1 ,essais sur le          
,commerce2 le ,luxe2  l'argent2 l'intrt 
de l'argent2 les impots2 le crdit       
public1 et la  balance du commerce2 par 
,m4 ,david ,hume1 published at          
,amsterdam in #agff1  and ,paris in     

#agfg4 ,querard attributes this         
translation to a ,mademoiselle  de la   
,chaux4 ,so far as we are entitled to   
judge of a translation into a  foreign  
language1 this one seems to be very     
spirited1 speaking through  ,french     
idioms and ideas1 and ingeniously       
overcoming the very few                 
conventionalisms which could not have   
been avoided by a native of  ,britain1  
speaking of ,british trade and finance4 
,,chapter ,,ix4    #ageb-agee4 t4       
#da-dd4         ,appointment as keeper  
of the ,advocates' ,library--,his       
,duties--       ,commences the ,history 
of ,england--,correspondence with ,adam 
,smith and others on the                
,history--,generosity to ,blacklock the 
,poet--,quarrel with the ,faculty of    
,advocates--,publication of       the   
,first ,volume of the ,history--,its    
reception--,continues       the         
,history--,controversial and ,polemical 
attacks--,attempt       to subject him1 
along with ,kames1 to the ,discipline of

       ,ecclesiastical ,courts--,the    
,leader of the attack--,home's          
,douglas--,the first ,edinburgh ,review4
      ,in #ageb1 says ,hume in his own  
life1 the ,faculty of ,advocates chose  
me their librarian1 an office from which
 ,i received little or no  emolument1   
but which gave me the command of a large
 library4#cfg3a ,we  have a very glowing
 account of the contest for this        
appointment from  his own pen in the    
following letter3      ,,hume ,,to ,,dr4
 ,,clephane4    ,edinburgh1 ,february   
#dth1 #ageb4    ,,dear ,,doctor1--,i    
have been ready to burst with vanity and
 self-conceit  this week past2 and being
 obliged from decorum to keep a strict  
watch  over myself1 and check all       
eruptions of that kind1 ,i really begin 
to  find my health impaired by it1 and  
perceive that there is an absolute      
necessity for breathing a vein1 and     
giving a loose to my inclination4  ,you 
shall therefore be my physician1 ,dum   
podagricus fit pugil et  medicum urget4 

,you must sustain the overflowings of my
 pride2 and ,i  expect1 too1 that by a  
little flattery you are to help nature  
in her  discharge1 and draw forth a     
still greater flux of the peccant       
matter4  ',tis not on my account alone  
you are to take part in this great      
event2  philosophy1 letters1 science1   
virtue1 triumph along with me1 and have 
now in this one singular instance1      
brought over even the people from the   
side of bigotry and superstition4       
,this is a very pompous exordium1 you   
see2 but what will you say when ,i  tell
 you that all this is occasioned by my  
obtaining a petty office of  forty or   
fifty guineas a-year4 ,since ,caligula  
of lunatic memory1 who  triumphed on    
account of the cockle shells which he   
gathered on the sea  shore1 no one has  
ever erected a trophy for so small an   
advantage4 ,but  judge not by           
appearances6 perhaps you will think1    
when you know all the  circumstances1   
that this success is both as            

extraordinary in itself1 and  as        
advantageous to me1 as any thing which  
could possibly have happened4    ,you   
have probably heard that my friends in  
,glasgow1 contrary to my  opinion and   
advice1 undertook to get me elected into
 that college2 and  they had succeeded1 
in spite of the violent and solemn      
remonstrances of  the clergy1 if the    
,duke of ,argyle had had courage to give
 me the least  countenance4 ,immediately
 upon the back of this failure1 which   
should  have blasted for some time all  
my pretensions1 the office of library   
keeper to the ,faculty of ,advocates    
fell vacant1 a genteel office1 though   
of small revenue2 and as this happened  
suddenly1 my name was immediately  set  
up by my friends without my knowledge4  
,the ,president1 and the ,dean  of      
,faculty his son1 who used to rule      
absolutely in this body of  advocates1  
formed an aversion to the project1      
because it had not come  from them2 and 
they secretly engaged the whole party   

called squadroney  against me4 ,the     
bigots joined them1 and both together   
set up a gentleman  of character1 and an
 advocate1 and who had great favour on  
both these  accounts4 ,the violent cry  
of deism1 atheism1 and scepticism1 was  
raised  against me2 and 'twas           
represented that my election would be   
giving the  sanction of the greatest and
 most learned body of men in this       
country  to my profane and irreligious  
principles4 ,but what was more          
dangerous1  my opponents entered into a 
regular concert and cabal against me2   
while  my friends were contented to     
speak well of their project in general1 
without having once formed a regular    
list of the electors1 or considered  of 
the proper methods of engaging them4    
,things went on in this negligent       
manner till within six days of the      
election1 when they met together and    
found themselves in some danger of being
 outnumbered2 immediately upon  which   
they raised the cry of indignation      

against the opposite party2 and  the    
public joined them so heartily1 that our
 antagonists durst show  their heads in 
no companies nor assemblies3 expresses  
were despatched to  the country1        
assistance flocked to us from all       
quarters1 and ,i carried  the election  
by a considerable majority1 to the great
 joy of all  bystanders4 ,when faction  
and party enter into a cause1 the       
smallest  trifle becomes important4     
,nothing since the rebellion has ever so
 much  engaged the attention of this    
town1 except ,provost ,stewart's trial2 
and  there scarce is a man whose        
friendship or acquaintance ,i would     
desire1  who has not given me undoubted 
proofs of his concern and regard4       
,what is more extraordinary1 the cry of 
religion could not hinder the  ladies   
from being violently my partisans1 and  
,i owe my success in a  great measure to
 their solicitations4 ,one has broke off
 all commerce  with her lover1 because  
he voted against me6 and ,w4 ,lockhart1 

in a  speech to the ,faculty1 said that 
there was no walking the streets1 nor   
even enjoying one's own fireside1 on    
account of their importunate zeal4  ,the
 town says1 that even his bed was not   
safe for him1 though his wife  was      
cousin-german to my antagonist4         
',twas vulgarly given out1 that the     
contest was betwixt ,deists and         
,christians2 and when the news of my    
success came to the ,play-house1 the    
whisper ran that the ,christians were   
defeated4 ,are you not surprised  that  
we could keep our popularity1           
notwithstanding this imputation1  which 
my friends could not deny to be well    
founded8    ,the whole body of cadies   
bought flambeux1 and made illuminations 
to  mark their pleasure at my success2  
and next morning ,i had the drums and   
town music at my door1 to express their 
joy1 as they said1 of my being  made a  
great man4 ,they could not imagine1 that
 so great a fray could be  raised about 
so mere a trifle4    ,about a fortnight 

before1 ,i had published a ,discourse of
 the ,protestant  ,succession1 wherein  
,i had very liberally abused both ,whigs
 and ,tories2  yet ,i enjoyed the favour
 of both parties4    ,such1 dear        
,doctor1 is the triumph of your friend2 
yet1 amidst all this  greatness and     
glory1 even though master of #cj1jjj    
volumes1 and  possessing the smiles of a
 hundred fair ones1 in this very        
pinnacle of  human grandeur and         
felicity1 ,i cast a favourable regard on
 you1 and  earnestly desire your        
friendship and good-will3 a little      
flattery too1  from so eminent a hand1  
would be very acceptable to me4 ,you    
know you are  somewhat in my debt1 in   
that particular4 ,the present ,i made   
you of my  ,inquiry1 was calculated both
 as a mark of my regard1 and as a snare 
to  catch a little incense from you4    
,why do you put me to the necessity of  
giving it to myself8    ,please tell    
,general ,st4 ,clair1 that ,w4 ,st4     
,clair1 the ,advocate1 voted  for me on 

his account2 but his nephew1 ,sir       
,david1 was so excessively  holy1 that  
nothing could bring him over from the   
opposite party1 for  which he is looked 
down upon a little by the fashionable   
company in  town4 ,but he is a very     
pretty fellow1 and will soon regain the 
little  ground he has lost4    ,i am1   
dear ,doctor1 yours sincerely4          
,this letter is evidently but half      
serious4 ,that there was a good deal of 
contest and caballing is pretty clear2  
and it is equally clear that ,hume  took
 a deep interest in the result3 but he  
appears to have been inclined  to laugh 
a little at his own fervour1 and to hide
 the full extent of his  feelings under 
a cloud of playful exaggeration4    ,the
 ,advocates' ,library1 which is now     
probably next in extent in ,britain     
after the ,bodleian1 cannot then have   
borne any great proportion to its       
present size4 ,it had1 however1 existed 
for upwards of seventy years1 and  was  
undoubtedly the largest collection of   

books in ,scotland4 ,it was  rich1      
perhaps unrivalled1 in the works of the 
civilians and canonists1  and possessed1
 what was more valuable to ,hume1 a     
considerable body of  ,british          
historical literature1 printed and      
,,ms4#cgc3a ,hume's duties must  have   
involved some attention1 not only to the
 classification and custody  of the     
books1 but to the arrangements for      
making them accessible to the  members  
of the ,faculty1 as numerous entries in 
his hand are to be found  in the receipt
 book for borrowed books4#cgc3b    ,hume
 informs us1 that the stores thus put at
 his command enabled him to  put his    
historical designs in practice1 by      
commencing the ,history of  ,england4   
,we shall now find a great part of his  
correspondence devoted  to the ,history 
of the ,house of ,stuart1 which appears 
to have been  commenced early in #ageb4 
,the following is the earliest extant   
letter to  ,smith3      ,,hume to ,,adam
 ,,smith4    #bdth ,sept4 #ageb4        

,,dear ,,sir1--,i confess ,i was once of
 the same opinion with you1 and  thought
 that the best period to begin an       
,english history was about ,henry  the  
,seventh4 ,but you will please to       
observe1 that the change which then     
happened in public affairs1 was very    
insensible1 and did not display its     
influence till many years afterwards4   
',twas under ,james that the ,house  of 
,commons began first to raise their     
head1 and then the quarrel betwixt      
privilege and prerogative commenced4    
,the government1 no longer oppressed  by
 the enormous authority of the crown1   
displayed its genius2 and the  factions 
which then arose1 having an influence on
 our present affairs1  form the most    
curious1 interesting1 and instructive   
part of our history4  ,the preceding    
events1 or causes1 may easily be shown1 
in a reflection or  review1 which may be
 artfully inserted in the body of the   
work2 and the  whole1 by that means1 be 
rendered more compact and uniform4 ,i   

confess1  that the subject appears to me
 very fine2 and ,i enter upon it with   
great  ardour and pleasure4 ,you need   
not doubt of my perseverance4    ,i am  
just now diverted for a moment1 by      
correcting my ',essays ,moral and       
,political1' for a new edition4 ,if any 
thing occur to you to be inserted  or   
retrenched1 ,i shall be obliged to you  
for the hint4 ,in case you  should not  
have the last edition by you1 ,i shall  
send you a copy of it4  ,in that edition
 ,i was engaged to act contrary to my   
judgment1 in  retaining the sixth and   
seventh ,essays1#cge3a which ,i had     
resolved to  throw out1 as too frivolous
 for the rest1 and not very agreeable   
neither1 even in that trifling manner3  
but ,millar1 my bookseller1 made  such  
protestations against it1 and told me   
how much he had heard them  praised by  
the best judges1 that the bowels of a   
parent melted1 and ,i  preserved them   
alive4    ,all the rest of              
,bolingbroke's works went to the press  

last week1 as  ,millar informs me4 ,i   
confess my curiosity is not much raised4
    ,i had almost lost your letter by   
its being wrong directed4 ,i received   
it late1 which was the reason why you   
got not sooner a copy of ,joannes       
,magnus4 ,direct to me in ,riddal's     
,land1 ,lawnmarket4 ,i am1 dear ,sir1   
yours  sincerely4#cgf3a      ,,hume to  
,,dr4 ,,clephane4    #agec4    ,,dear   
,,doctor1--,i need not inform you1 that 
in certain polite countries1  a custom  
prevails1 of writing lettres de la      
nouvelle anne1 and that  many advantages
 result from this practice1 which may   
seem merely  ceremonious and formal4    
,acquaintance is thereby kept up1       
friendship  revived1 quarrels           
extinguished1 negligence atoned for1 and
  correspondences renewed4 ,a man who   
has been so long conscious of his  sins1
 that he knows not how to return into   
the way of salvation1 taking  advantage 
of this great jubilee1 wipes off all    
past offences1 and  obtains plenary     

indulgence2 instances are not wanting of
 such reclaimed  sinners1 who have      
afterwards proved the greatest saints1  
and have even  heaped up many works of  
supererogation4 ,will you allow me1     
therefore1  dear ,doctor1 in            
consideration of my present penitence1  
and hopes of my  future amendment1 to   
address myself to you1 and to wish you  
many and  happy new years1 multos et    
felices4 ,may pleasures spiritual       
7spirituels7 multiply upon you without a
 decay of the carnal4 ,may  riches      
increase without an augmentation of     
desires4 ,may your chariot  still roll  
along without a failure of your limbs4  
,may your tongue in due  time acquire   
the social sweet garrulity of age1      
without your teeth  losing the sharpness
 and keenness of youth4 ,may ---- but   
you yourself  will best supply the last 
prayer1 whether it should be for the    
recovery  or continuance of the blessing
 which ,i hint at4 ,in either case1 may 
your  prayer be granted1 even though it 

should extend to the resurrection of    
the dead4    ,i must now set you an     
example1 and speak of myself4 ,by this  
,i mean that  you are to speak to me of 
yourself4 ,i shall exult and triumph to 
you a  little1 that ,i have now at      
last--being turned of forty1 to my own  
honour1 to that of learning1 and to that
 of the present age--arrived at  the    
dignity of being a householder4 ,about  
seven months ago1 ,i got a  house of my 
own1 and completed a regular family2    
consisting of a head1  viz4 myself1 and 
two inferior members1 a maid and a cat4 
,my sister has  since joined me1 and    
keeps me company4 ,with frugality ,i can
 reach1 ,i  find1 cleanliness1 warmth1  
light1 plenty1 and contentment4 ,what   
would  you have more8 ,independence8 ,i 
have it in a supreme degree4 ,honour8   
that  is not altogether wanting4 ,grace8
 that will come in time4 ,a wife8 that  
is none of the indispensable requisites 
of life4 ,books8 that is one of  them2  
and ,i have more than ,i can use4 ,in   

short1 ,i cannot find any  blessing of  
consequence which ,i am not possessed   
of1 in a greater or  less degree2 and   
without any great effort of philosophy1 
,i may be easy  and satisfied4    ,as   
there is no happiness without           
occupation1 ,i have begun a work which  
will employ me several years1 and which 
yields me much satisfaction4  ',tis a   
,history of ,britain1 from the ,union of
 the ,crowns to the present  time4 ,i   
have already finished the reign of ,king
 ,james4 ,my friends  flatter me 7by    
this ,i mean that they don't flatter me7
 that ,i have  succeeded4 ,you know that
 there is no post of honour in the      
,english  ,parnassus more vacant than   
that of history4 ,style1 judgment1      
impartiality1 care--every thing is      
wanting to our historians2 and even     
,rapin1 during this latter period1 is   
extremely deficient4 ,i make my work    
very concise1 after the manner of the   
ancients4 ,it divides into three  very  
moderate volumes3 one to end with the   

death of ,charles the ,first2  the      
second at the ,revolution2 the third at 
the ,accession1#cgh3a for ,i  dare come 
no nearer the present times4 ,the work  
will neither please the  ,duke of       
,bedford nor ,james ,fraser2 but ,i hope
 it will please you and  posterity4   4 
,so1 dear ,doctor1 after having mended  
my pen1 and bit my nails1 ,i return  to 
the narration of parliamentary factions1
 or court intrigues1 or civil  wars1 and
 bid you heartily adieu4    ,edinburgh1 
,riddal's ,land1 #eth ,january1 #agec4  
,p4,s4--,when ,i say that ,i dare come  
no nearer the present time than the     
,accession1 you are not to imagine that 
,i am afraid either of danger or        
offence2 ,i hope1 in many instances1    
that ,i have shown myself to be above   
all laws of prudence and discretion4 ,i 
only mean1 that ,i should be  afraid of 
committing mistakes1 in writing of so   
recent a period1 by  reason of the want 
of materials4#cgi3a      ,,hume to ,,dr4
 ,,clephane4    ,edinburgh1 #fth ,march1

 #agec4    ,,dear ,,doctor1--,this is   
delivered to you by my friend ,mr4      
,wedderburn1#cgi3b who makes a jaunt to 
,london1 partly with a view to  study1  
partly to entertainment4 ,i thought ,i  
could not do him a better  office1 nor  
more suitable to both these purposes1   
than to recommend him  to the friendship
 and acquaintance of a man of learning  
and  conversation4 ,he is young3        
',mais dans les ames bien nes       ,la 
vertue n'attend point le nombre des     
annes4'    ,it will be a great          
obligation1 both to him and me1 if you  
give him  encouragement to see you      
frequently2 and1 after that1 ,i doubt   
not you  will think that you owe me an  
obligation--         ',la in giovenile  
corpo senile senno4'    ,but ,i will say
 no more of him1 lest my letter fall    
into the same fault  which may be       
remarked in his behaviour and conduct in
 life2 the only  fault which has been   
remarked in them1 that of promising so  
much that it  will be difficult for him 

to support it4 ,you will allow that he  
must  have been guilty of some error of 
this kind1 when ,i tell you that the    
man1 with whose friendship and company  
,i have thought myself very much        
favoured1 and whom ,i recommend to you  
as a friend and companion1 is just      
twenty4 ,i am1 dear ,doctor1 your       
affectionate friend and servant4#cgi3c  
,,hume to ,,james ,,oswald4    ,jack's  
,land1 #bhth ,june1 #agec4    ,,dear    
,,sir1--,i am to give you great and very
 hearty thanks for your care  in        
providing for my cousin1 at my desire4  
,the quickness in doing it1 and  the    
many obliging circumstances attending   
that good office1 ,i shall not  readily 
forget4 ,what is usual1 they say1 makes 
little impression2 but  that this rule  
admits of exceptions1 ,i feel upon every
 instance of your  friendship4    ,mr4  
,mure told me that you had undertaken to
 get satisfaction with  regard to the   
old ,english subsidies4 ,i cannot       
satisfy myself on that  head2 but ,i    

find that all historians and            
antiquarians are as much at a  loss4    
,the nobility1 ,i observe1 paid         
according to their rank and quality1    
not their estates4 ,the counties were   
subjected to no valuation2 but it  was  
in the power of the commissioners to    
sink the sums demanded upon  every      
individual1 without raising it upon     
others2 and they practised  this art    
when discontented with the court1 as    
,charles complains of with  regard to   
the subsidies voted by his third        
parliament3 yet it seems  certain that  
there must have been some rule of       
estimation4 ,what was it8  ,why was it  
so variable8 ,lord ,strafford raised an 
,irish subsidy from  #ab1jjj to #dj1jjj1
 by changing the rule of valuation2 but 
the ,irish  ,parliament1 after his      
impeachment1 brought it down again3 if  
,mr4 ,harding  undertakes the solution  
of this matter1 it will be requisite to 
have  these difficulties in his eye4 ,i 
am glad to hear that we are to have     

your company here this summer1 and that 
,i shall have an opportunity of  talking
 over this1 and many other subjects1    
where ,i want your advice and  opinion4 
,the more ,i advance in my work1 the    
more ,i am convinced that the  history  
of ,england has never yet been written2 
not only for style1  which is notorious 
to all the world1 but also for matter2  
such is the  ignorance and partiality of
 all our historians4 ,rapin1 whom ,i had
 an  esteem for1 is totally despicable4 
,i may be liable to the reproach of     
ignorance1 but ,i am certain of escaping
 that of partiality3 the truth  is1     
there is so much reason to blame1 and   
praise1 alternately1 king and           
parliament1 that ,i am afraid the       
mixture of both1 in my composition1     
being so equal1 may pass sometimes for  
an affectation1 and not the  result of  
judgment and evidence4 ,of this you     
shall be judge2 for ,i am  resolved to  
encroach on your leisure and patience2  
,quem vero arripuit1 tenet occiditque   

legendo4    ,let me hear of you as you  
pass through the town1 that we may      
concert  measures for my catching you   
idle1 and without company1 at           
,kirkcaldy4 ,i  am1 c4#cha3a      ,the  
rapidity with which the first volume of 
the ,history of ,england was  composed  
and printed1 has been the object both of
 surprise and censure4  ,hume's labours 
at this time must have been intense2 and
 during the whole  of the period in     
which he was engaged in the different   
departments of  this great work--from   
#ageb to #agfc--;his correspondence is  
more scanty  than at other periods of   
his history4 ,four months elapse between
 the  letter last printed1 and the next 
in order which has been preserved2 and  
in the latter1 we find him very wittily 
alluding to those great labours  which  
he finds absorbing the petty duties of  
social intercourse4      ,,hume to ,,dr4
 ,,clephane4    #bhth ,october1 #agec4  
,,dear ,,doctor1--,i know not if you    
remember the giant in ,rabelais1 who    

swallowed every morning a windmill to   
breakfast1 and at last was choked  upon 
a pound of melted butter1 hot from an   
oven4 ,i am going to compare  myself to 
that giant4 ,i think nothing of         
despatching a quarto in fifteen  or     
eighteen months1 but am not able to     
compose a letter once in two  years2 and
 am very industrious to keep up a       
correspondence with  posterity1 whom ,i 
know nothing about1 and who1 probably1  
will concern  themselves very little    
about me1 while ,i allow myself to be   
forgot by my  friends1 whom ,i value and
 regard4 ,however1 it is some           
satisfaction that  ,i can give you an   
account of my silence1 with which ,i own
 ,i reproach  myself4 ,i have now       
brought down my ,history to the death of
 ,charles the  ,first3 and here ,i      
intend to pause for some time2 to read1 
and think1 and  correct2 to look forward
 and backward2 and to adopt the most    
moderate  and most reasonable sentiments
 on all subjects4 ,i am sensible that   

the  history of the two first ,stuarts  
will be most agreeable to the ,tories2  
that of the two last to the ,whigs2 but 
we must endeavour to be above any       
regard either to ,whigs or ,tories4     
,having thus satisfied your             
curiosity--for ,i will take it for      
granted  that your curiosity extends    
towards me--,i must now gratify my own4 
,i was  very anxious to hear that you   
had been molested with some disorders   
this  summer4 ,i was told that you      
expected they would settle into a fit of
 the  gout4 ,it is lucky where that     
distemper overtakes a man in his        
chariot3  we foot-walkers make but an   
awkward figure with it4 ,i hope nobody  
has  the impertinence to say to you1    
,physician1 cure thyself4 ,all the world
  allows that privilege to the gout1    
that it is not to be cured3 it is       
itself a physician2 and1 of course1     
sometimes cures and sometimes kills4  ,i
 fancy one fit of the gout would much   
increase your stock of  interjections1  

and render that part of speech1 which in
 common grammars  is usually the most   
barren1 with you more copious than      
either nouns or  verbs4    ,i must tell 
you good news of our friend ,sir ,harry4
 ,i am informed that  his talent for    
eloquence will not rust for want of     
employment3 he bids  fair for another   
seat of the house2 and what is the      
charming part of the  story1 it is      
,general ,anstruther's seat which he is 
to obtain4 ,he has  made an attack on   
the ,general's boroughs1 and1 by the    
assistance of his  uncle's interest and 
purse1 is likely to prevail4 ,is not    
this delicious  revenge8 ,it brings to  
my mind the story of the ,italian1 who  
reading that  passage of ,scripture1    
',vengeance is mine1 saith the ,lord1'  
burst forth1  ',ay1 to be sure2 it is   
too sweet for any mortal4' ,i own ,i    
envy ,sir  ,harry3 ,i never can hope to 
hate any body so perfectly as he does   
that  renowned commander2 and no        
victory1 triumph1 vengeance1 success1   

can be  more complete4 ,are not you     
pleased too8 ,pray1 anatomize your own  
mind1  and tell me how many grains of   
your satisfaction is owing to malice1   
and  how many ounces to friendship4 ,i  
leave the rest of this paper to be      
filled up by ,edmonstone4 ,i am1 c4     
,p4,s4--,after keeping this by me eight 
days1 ,i have never been able to  meet  
with ,edmonstone4 ,i must1 therefore1   
send off my own part of a  letter which 
we projected in common4 ,i shall only   
tell you1 that ,i have  since seen ,mr4 
,oswald1 who assures me that            
,anstruther's defeat is                 
infallible4#chc3a      ,the following   
letter to the same friend is a curious  
instance of ,hume's  diligent efforts to
 attain a correct ,english style3--     
,,hume to ,,dr4 ,,clephane4             
,edinburgh1 #hth ,dec4 #agec4    ,,dear 
,,doctor1--,i am at present reduced to  
the utmost straits and  difficulties4 ,i
 know people are commonly ashamed to own
 such distresses4  ,but to whom can one 

have recourse in his misfortunes1 but to
 his  friends8 and who can ,i account my
 friend1 if not ,dr4 ,clephane8 not a   
friend only in the sunshine of fortune1 
but also in the shade of  adversity3 not
 a security only in a calm2 but in a    
storm a sheet-anchor4  ,but1 to cut     
short all prefaces1--though1 commonly1  
beggars and authors  abound with them1  
and ,i unite both these qualities1--the 
occasion of my  distress is as follows3 
,you know that the word enough1 or      
enuff1 as it is pronounced by the       
,english1 we commonly1 in ,scotland1    
when it is applied to number1  pronounce
 enow4 ,thus we would say3 such a one   
has books enow for study1  but not      
leisure enuff4 ,now ,i want to know1    
whether the ,english make the  same     
distinction4 ,i observed the distinction
 already in ,lord  ,shaftesbury2        
',though there be doors enow1' says he1 
'to get out of  life2' and thinking that
 this distinction of spelling words1    
that had  both different letters1 and   

different pronunciation1 was an         
improvement1  ,i followed it in my      
learned productions1 though ,i knew it  
was not usual4  ,but there has lately   
arisen in me a doubt1 that this is a    
mere  ,scotticism2 and that the ,english
 always pronounce the word1 as if it    
were wrote enuff1 whether it be applied 
to numbers or to quantity4 ,to  you1    
therefore1 ,i apply in this doubt and   
perplexity4 ,though ,i make no  question
 that your ear is well purged from all  
native impurities1 yet  trust not       
entirely to it1 but ask any of your     
,english friends1 that  frequent good   
company1 and let me know their opinion4 
,it is a rule of ,vaugelas always to    
consult the ladies1 rather than men1  in
 all doubts of language2 and he asserts1
 that they have a more  delicate sense  
of the propriety of expressions4 ,the   
same author advises  us1 if we desire   
any one's opinion in any grammatical    
difficulty1 not to  ask him directly2   
for that confounds his memory1 and makes

 him forget  the use1 which is the true 
standard of language4 ,the best way1    
says he1  is to engage him as it were by
 accident1 to employ the expression     
about  which we are in doubt4 ,now1 if  
you are provided of any expedient1 for  
making the ladies pronounce the word    
enough1 applied both to quantity  and   
number1 ,i beg you to employ it1 and to 
observe carefully and  attentively1     
whether they make any difference in the 
pronunciation4 ,i  am1 c4    ,p4,s4--,i 
am quite in earnest in desiring a       
solution of my grammatical  doubt4#che3a
      ,the gentle sensitive character1  
and hard fate of poor blind ,thomas     
,blacklock1 the poet1 operated strongly 
on ,hume's kindly feelings4 ,he  busied 
himself with many schemes for enabling  
his unfortunate friend to  gain a       
subsistence which might make him enjoy  
the glorious privilege of  being        
independent3 but with small success4    
,this appears to be the only  pursuit   
which he permitted to divert his        

attention1 at this time1 from  his great
 work4 ,we find him writing the         
following letter to a person  whose     
position in society might enable him to 
do some substantial  service to         
,blacklock4      ,,hume to ,,matthew    
,,sharp of ,hoddam4    ,edinburgh1 #beth
 ,february1 #aged4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i 
have enclosed this letter under one to  
my friend ,mr4  ,blacklock1 who has     
retired to ,dumfries1 and proposes to   
reside there for  some time4 ,his       
character and situation are no doubt    
known to you1 and  challenge the        
greatest regard from every one who has  
either good taste  or sentiments of     
humanity4 ,he has printed a collection  
of poems1 which  his friends are        
endeavouring to turn to the best account
 for him4 ,had he  published them in the
 common way1 their merit would have     
recommended  them sufficiently to common
 sale2 but1 in that case1 the greatest  
part  of the profit1 it is well known1  
would have redounded to the             

booksellers4 ,his friends1 therefore1   
take copies from him1 and  distribute   
them among their acquaintances4 ,the    
poems1 if ,i have the  smallest         
judgment1 are1 many of them1 extremely  
beautiful1 and all of  them remarkable  
for correctness and propriety4 ,every   
man of taste1 from  the merit of the    
performance1 would be inclined to       
purchase them3 every  benevolent man1   
from the situation of the author1 would 
wish to  encourage him2 and1 as for     
those who have neither taste nor        
benevolence1  they should be forced1 by 
importunity1 to do good against their   
will4 ,i  must1 therefore1 recommend it 
to you to send for a cargo of these     
poems1  which the author's great modesty
 will prevent him from offering to you1 
and to engage your acquaintance to      
purchase them4 ,but1 dear sir1 ,i would 
fain go farther3 ,i would fain presume  
upon our friendship1 7which now  begins 
to be ancient between us17 and recommend
 to your civilities a man  who does     

honour to his country by his talents1   
and disgraces it by the  little         
encouragement he has hitherto met with4 
,he is a man of very  extensive         
knowledge and of singular good          
dispositions2 and his  poetical1 though 
very much to be admired1 is the least   
part of his  merit4 ,he is very well    
qualified to instruct youth1 by his     
acquaintance  both with the languages   
and sciences2 and possesses so many arts
 of  supplying the want of sight1 that  
that imperfection would be no           
hinderance4 ,perhaps he may entertain   
some such project in ,dumfries2 and  be 
assured you could not do your friends a 
more real service than by  recommending 
them to him4 ,whatever scheme he may    
choose to embrace1 ,i  was desirous you 
should be prepossessed in his favour1   
and be willing to  lend him your        
countenance and protection1 which ,i am 
sensible would be  of great advantage to
 him4    ,since ,i saw you1 ,i have not 
been idle4 ,i have endeavoured to make  

some  use of the library which was      
intrusted to me1 and have employed      
myself  in a composition of ,british    
,history1 beginning with the union of   
the two  crowns4 ,i have finished the   
reigns of ,james and ,charles1 and will 
soon  send them to the press4 ,i have   
the impudence to pretend that ,i am of  
no  party1 and have no bias4 ,lord      
,elibank says1 that ,i am a moderate    
,whig1  and ,mr4 ,wallace that ,i am a  
candid ,tory4 ,i was extremely sorry    
that ,i  could not recommend your friend
 to ,director ,hume1#chg3a as ,mr4      
,cummin  desired me4 ,i have never      
exchanged a word with that gentleman    
since ,i  carried ,jemmy ,kirkpatrick to
 him2 and our acquaintance has entirely 
dropt4 ,i am1 c4#chg3b      ,another    
letter by ,hume1 longer and fuller of   
detail1 though it has  already appeared 
in a work well known and much           
read1#chg3c seems to  demand insertion  
here4 ,it is addressed to the author of 
,polymetis and  friend of ,pope4        

,,hume to ,,joseph ,,spence4            
,edinburgh1 ,oct4 #ae1 #aged4           
,,sir1--,the agreeable productions1 with
 which you have       entertained the   
public1 have long given me a desire of  
being       known to you3 but this      
desire has been much increased by my    
finding you engage so warmly in         
protecting a man of merit1 so           
helpless as ,mr4 ,blacklock4 ,i hope you
 will indulge me in the       liberty ,i
 have taken of writing to you4 ,i shall 
very willingly       communicate all the
 particulars ,i know of him2 though     
others1       by their longer           
acquaintance with him1 are better       
qualified       for this undertaking4   
,the first time ,i had ever seen or     
heard of ,mr4 ,blacklock was       about
 twelve years ago1 when ,i met him in a 
visit to two young       ladies4 ,they  
informed me of his case1 as far as they 
could in       a conversation carried on
 in his presence4 ,i soon found him to  
possess a very delicate taste1 along    

with a passionate love of               
learning4 ,dr4 ,stevenson had1 at that  
time1 taken him under his               
protection2 and he was perfecting       
himself in the ,latin tongue4       ,i  
repeated to him ,mr4 ,pope's elegy to   
the memory of an       unfortunate lady1
 which ,i happened to have by heart3 and
       though ,i be a very bad reciter1 
,i saw it affected him       extremely4 
,his eyes1 indeed1 the great index of   
the mind1       could express no        
passion3 but his whole body was thrown  
into       agitation4 ,that poem was    
equally qualified to touch the          
delicacy of his taste1 and the          
tenderness of his feelings4 ,i          
left the town a few days after2 and     
being long absent from       ,scotland1 
,i neither saw nor heard of him for     
several years4 ,at       last an        
acquaintance of mine told me of him1 and
 said that he       would have waited on
 me1 if his excessive modesty had not   
prevented him4 ,he soon appeared what ,i

 have ever since found       him1 a very
 elegant genius1 of a most affectionate 
grateful       disposition1 a modest    
backward temper1 accompanied with that  
delicate pride1 which so naturally      
attends virtue in distress4       ,his  
great moderation and frugality1 along   
with the generosity       of a few      
persons1 particularly ,dr4 ,stevenson   
and ,provost       ,alexander1 had      
hitherto enabled him to subsist4 ,all   
his good       qualities are diminished1
 or rather perhaps embellished1 by a    
great want of knowledge of the world4   
,men of very benevolent       or very   
malignant dispositions are apt to fall  
into this       error2 because they     
think all mankind like themselves3 but  
,i       am sorry to say that the former
 are apt to be most egregiously         
mistaken4         ,i have asked him     
whether he retained any idea of light or
       colours4 ,he assured me that     
there remained not the least            
traces of them4 ,i found1 however1 that 

all the poets1 even the       most      
descriptive ones1 such as ,milton and   
,thomson1 were read       by him with   
pleasure4 ,thomson is one of his        
favourites4 ,i       remembered a story 
in ,locke of a blind man1 who said that 
he       knew very well what scarlet    
was3 it was like the sound of a         
trumpet4 ,i therefore asked him1 whether
 he had not formed       associations of
 that kind1 and whether he did not      
connect       colour and sound together4
 ,he answered1 that as he met so        
often1 both in books and conversation1  
with the terms       expressing colours1
 he had formed some false associations1 
which supported him when he read1 wrote1
 or talked of colours3       but that   
the associations were of the            
intellectual kind4 ,the                 
illumination of the sun1 for instance1  
he supposed to resemble       the       
presence of a friend2 the cheerful      
colour of green1 to be       like an    
amiable sympathy1 c4 ,it was not        

altogether easy for       me to         
understand him3 though ,i believe1 in   
much of our own       thinking1 there   
will be found some species of           
association4       ',tis certain we     
always think in some language1 viz4 in  
that       which is most familiar to us2
 and 'tis but too frequent to           
substitute words instead of ideas4      
,if you was acquainted with any mystic1 
,i fancy you would think       ,mr4     
,blacklock's case less paradoxical4 ,the
 mystics certainly       have           
associations by which their discourse1  
which seems jargon       to us1 becomes 
intelligible to themselves4 ,i believe  
they       commonly substitute the      
feelings of a common amour1 in the      
place of their heavenly sympathies3 and 
if they be not belied1       the type is
 very apt to engross their hearts1 and  
exclude the       thing typified4       
,apropos to this passion1 ,i once said  
to my friend1 ,mr4       ,blacklock1    
that ,i was sure he did not treat love  

as he did       colours2 he did not     
speak of it without feeling it4 ,there  
appeared too much reality in all his    
expressions to allow that       to be   
suspected4 ,alas6 said he1 with a sigh1 
,i could never       bring my heart to a
 proper tranquillity on that head4 ,your
       passion1 replied ,i1 will always 
be better founded than ours1       who  
have sight3 we are so foolish as to     
allow ourselves to be       captivated  
by exterior beauty3 nothing but the     
beauty of the       mind can affect you4
 ,not altogether neither1 said he3 the  
sweetness of the voice has a mighty     
effect upon me3 the       symptoms of   
youth too1 which the touch discovers1   
have great       influence4 ,and though 
such familiar approaches would be       
ill-bred in others1 the girls of my     
acquaintance indulge me1       on       
account of my blindness1 with the       
liberty of running over       them with 
my hand4 ,and ,i can by that means judge
 entirely of       their shape4         

,however1 no doubt1 humour1 and temper1 
and sense1       and other beauties of  
the mind1 have an influence upon me as  
upon others4         ,you may see from  
this conversation how difficult it is   
even       for a blind man to be a      
perfect ,platonic4 ,but though ,mr4     
,blacklock never wants his ,evanthe1 who
 is the real object of       his        
poetical addresses1 ,i am well assured  
that all his       passions have been   
perfectly consistent with the purest    
virtue       and innocence4 ,his life   
indeed has been in all respects         
perfectly irreproachable4         ,he   
had got some rudiments of ,latin in his 
youth1 but could not       easily read a
 ,latin author till he was near twenty1 
when ,dr4       ,stevenson put him to a 
grammar school in ,edinburgh4 ,he got a 
boy to lead him1 whom he found very     
docible2 and he taught him       ,latin4
 ,this boy accompanied him to the ,greek
 class in the       ,college1 and they  
both learned ,greek4 ,mr4 ,blacklock    

understands that language perfectly1 and
 has read with a very       lively      
pleasure all the ,greek authors of      
taste4 ,mr4 ,william       ,alexander1  
second son to our late provost1 and     
present member1       was so good as to 
teach him ,french2 and he is quite      
master of       that language4 ,he has a
 very tenacious memory and a quick      
apprehension4 ,the young students of the
 ,college were very       desirous of   
his company1 and he reaped the advantage
 of their       eyes1 and they of his   
instructions4 ,he is a very good        
philosopher1 and in general possesses   
all branches of       erudition1 except 
the mathematical4 ,the lad who first    
attended       him having left him1 he  
has got another boy1 whom he is         
beginning to instruct2 and he writes me 
that he is extremely       pleased with 
his docility4 ,the boy's parents1 who   
are people       of substance1 have put 
him into ,mr4 ,blacklock's service1     
chiefly on account of the virtuous and  

learned education which       they know 
he gives his pupils4         ,as you are
 so generous to interest yourself in    
this poor man's       case1 who is so   
much an object both of admiration and   
compassion1 ,i must inform you entirely 
of his situation4 ,he       has gained  
about one hundred guineas by this last  
edition of       his poems1 and this is 
the whole stock he has in the world4 ,he
       has also a bursary1 about six    
pounds a-year4 ,i begun a               
subscription for supporting him during  
five years2 and ,i made       out twelve
 guineas a-year among my acquaintance4  
,that is a       most terrible          
undertaking2 and some unexpected        
refusals ,i met       with1 damped me1  
though they have not quite discouraged  
me       from proceeding4 ,we have the  
prospect of another bursary of       ten
 pounds a-year in the gift of the       
exchequer2 but to the       shame of    
human nature1 we met with difficulties4 
,noblemen       interpose with their    

valet-de-chambres or nurses' sons1 who  
they think would be burdens on          
themselves4 ,could we ensure but        
thirty pounds a-year to this fine genius
 and man of virtue1 he       would be   
easy and happy3 for his wants are none  
but those       which ,nature has given 
him1 though she has unhappily loaded    
him with more than other men4           
,his want of knowledge of the world1 and
 the great delicacy of       his temper1
 render him unfit for managing boys or  
teaching a       school3 he would retain
 no authority4 ,had it not been for this
       defect1 he could have been made  
professor of ,greek in the              
,university of ,aberdeen4         ,your 
scheme of publishing his poems by       
subscription1 ,i hope       will turn to
 account4 ,i think it impossible he     
could want1       were his case more    
generally known4 ,i hope it will be so  
by       your means4 ,sir ,george       
,lyttleton1 who has so fine a taste1 and
       so much benevolence of temper1   

would certainly1 were the case          
laid before him in a just light1 lend   
his assistance1 or       rather indeed  
quite overcome all difficulties4 ,i know
 not1       whether you have the        
happiness of that gentleman's           
acquaintance4         ,as you are a     
lover of letters1 ,i shall inform you of
 a piece       of news1 which will be   
agreeable to you3 we may hope to see    
good tragedies in the ,english language4
 ,a young man called       ,hume1 a     
clergyman of this country1 discovers a  
very fine       genius for that species 
of composition4 ,some years ago1 he     
wrote a tragedy called ,agis1 which some
 of the best judges1       such as the  
,duke of ,argyle1 ,sir ,george          
,lyttleton1 ,mr4 ,pitt1       very much 
approved of4 ,i own1 though ,i could    
perceive fine       strokes in that     
tragedy1 ,i never could in general bring
 myself       to like it3 the author1 ,i
 thought1 had corrupted his taste by    
the imitation of ,shakspere1 whom he    

ought only to have       admired4 ,but  
the same author has composed a new      
tragedy on a       subject of invention2
 and here he appears a true disciple of 
,sophocles and ,racine4 ,i hope in time 
he will vindicate the       ,english    
stage from the reproach of barbarism4   
,i shall be very glad if the employing  
my name in your account       of ,mr4   
,blacklock can be of any service4 ,i am1
 ,sir1 with great       regard1 c4      
,p4,s4--,mr4 ,blacklock is very docible1
 and glad to receive       corrections4 
,i am only afraid he is too apt to have 
a       deference for other people's    
judgment4 ,i did not see the last       
edition till it was printed2 but ,i have
 sent him some       objections to      
passages1 for which he was very         
thankful4 ,i also       desired him to  
retrench some poems entirely2 such as   
the ,ode       on ,fortitude1 and some  
others1 which seemed to me inferior to  
the rest of the collection4 ,you will   
very much oblige him1 if       you use  

the same freedom4 ,i remarked to him    
some ,scotticisms2       but you are    
better qualified for doing him that     
service4 ,i       have not seen any of  
his essays2 and am afraid his prose is  
inferior to his poetry4 ,he will soon be
 in town1 when ,i shall       be enabled
 to write you further particulars4      
,in #agef1 ,spence published his edition
 of ,blacklock's poems1 with a long     
introduction1 in which all allusion to  
,hume's letter1 and his services  to    
,blacklock1 is carefully avoided4       
,blacklock was subsequently  alienated  
from ,hume1 and was accused by some of  
ingratitude2 while  others threw the    
odium of the dispute on ,hume1 who1 they
 said1 was  mortified because ,spence's 
edition of ,blacklock's ,poems was not  
dedicated to him4 ,whoever may have been
 in the wrong1 the latter  supposition  
is erroneous1 as we shall find ,hume at 
a much later period  conferring services
 on ,blacklock1 who in his turn         
gratefully  acknowledges them4 ,the zeal

 of ,spence to blot from the work any   
mark  that might connect it with the    
name of ,hume1 is alluded to with       
good-natured sarcasm1 in a letter to    
,dr4 ,clephane1 farther on4    ,the     
following letter1 connected with another
 curious circumstance1  describes an    
incident in ,hume's conduct to          
,blacklock4      ,,hume to ,,adam       
,,smith4    ,edinburgh1 #agth ,december1
 #aged4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i told you   
that ,i intended to apply to the        
,faculty for  redress2 and1 if refused1 
to throw up the library4 ,i was assured 
that  two of the curators intended      
before the ,faculty to declare their    
willingness to redress me1 after which  
there could be no difficulty to  gain a 
victory over the other two4 ,but before 
the day came1 the ,dean  prevailed on   
them to change their resolution1 and    
joined them himself  with all his       
interest4 ,i saw it then impossible to  
succeed1 and  accordingly retracted my  
application4 ,but being equally         

unwilling to  lose the use of the books1
 and to bear an indignity1 ,i retain the
  office1 but have given ,blacklock1 our
 blind poet1 a bond of annuity for  the 
salary4 ,i have now put it out of these 
malicious fellows' power to  offer me   
any indignity1 while my motive for      
remaining in this office is  so         
apparent4 ,i should be glad that you    
approve of my conduct4 ,i own ,i  am    
satisfied with myself4#cid3a      ,the  
following minute or memorandum1 in      
,hume's handwriting1#cid3b  explains the
 ground of his disgust4 ,one of the     
malicious fellows  appears to have been 
,lord ,monboddo2 another1 ,sir ,david   
,dalrymple1  afterwards ,lord ,hailes1  
with whom he never was on very cordial  
terms4      ,edinburgh1 #bgth ,june1    
#aged4    ,this day ,mr4 ,james ,burnet1
 ,mr4 ,thomas ,millar1 and ,sir ,david  
,dalrymple1 curators of the library1    
7then follow some arrangement as to     
meetings17 having gone through some     
accounts of books1 lately bought for    

the library1 and finding therein the    
three following ,french books1 ,les     
,contes de ,la ,fontaine1 ,l',histoire  
,amoureuse des ,gaules1 and ,l'cumoire1 
they ordain that the said books be      
struck out of the catalogue of the      
library1 and removed from the shelves as
 indecent books1 and unworthy of  a     
place in a learned library4    ,and to  
prevent the like abuses in time to come1
 they appoint that after  this no books 
shall be bought for the library1 without
 the authority of  a meeting of the     
curators in time of session1 and of two 
of them in time  of vacation4      ,it  
involves no approval of the licentious  
features of ,french literature1  to     
pronounce this resolution of the        
curators pre-eminently absurd4 ,a       
public library1 purged of every book of 
which any portion might offend  the     
taste of a well-regulated mind of the   
present day1 would  unfortunately be    
very barren in the most brilliant       
departments of the  literature of other 

days and other languages4 ,it would be  
wrong in the  guardians of a public     
library to advance to the dignity of its
 shelves1  those loathsome books written
 for the promotion of vice1 of which1   
though they be published by no eminent  
bookseller1 exhibited on no  respectable
 counter1 advertised in no newspaper1   
too many have found  their way1 by      
secret avenues1 into the heart of       
society1 where they  corrupt its        
life-blood4 ,but if ,greece1 ,rome1 and 
,france1--if our own  ancestors1 had a  
freer tone in their imaginative         
literature than we  have1 we must yet   
admit their works to our libraries1 if  
we would have  these institutions       
depositaries of the genius of all times 
and all  places4 ,the ,faculty of       
,advocates are probably not less        
virtuous at this  moment than they were 
in #aged1 yet they have now on their    
shelves the  brilliant edition of all   
,la ,fontaine's works1 published at     
,amsterdam in  #agfb1--so that the      

expurgatory zeal of the three curators1 
had only put  their constituents to the 
expense of replacing the condemned      
book4#cif3a ,l'cumoire may also still be
 found in the ,advocates'  library1     
along with the other still more         
censurable works of its author1         
,crebillon the younger1 who was         
certainly a free writer1 but scarcely   
deserved the very opprobrious name which
 he obtained1 of the ,french            
,petronius4 ,hume was afterwards the    
acquaintance and correspondent of  this 
author1 who was anxious to hear that his
 works were well received  in ,britain4 
,would ,hume tell him that it was       
considered in ,edinburgh an  offence    
against decency1 to admit one of them to
 a national library8 ,the  other        
condemned work1 which is generally      
attributed to ,bussy ,rabutin1 is  not  
now to be found in the catalogues of the
 ,advocates' library4#cif3b    ,amidst  
such unpleasant interruptions he brought
 the first volume of his  ,history to a 

conclusion2 and thus announces the fact 
to a friend1 while  in the midst of his 
satisfaction he does not forget poor    
,blacklock4      ,,hume to ,,dr4        
,,clephane4    ,sept4 #a1 #aged4        
,,dear ,,doctor1--,i desire you to give 
me joy4 ,jamque opus exegi1 c4  ,this   
day ,i received from the press the last 
sheet of the volume of  history which ,i
 intended to publish2 and ,i am already 
well advanced in  composing the second  
volume4 ,it was impossible for the      
booksellers to  refuse to several the   
sight of the sheets as we went on2 and  
,whig and  ,tory1 and ,tory and ,whig1  
7for ,i will alternately give them the  
precedence17 combine as ,i am told in   
approving of my politics4 ,a few        
,christians only 7and but a few7 think  
,i speak like a ,libertine in  religion3
 be assured ,i am tolerably reserved on 
this head4 ,elliot tells  me that you   
had entertained apprehensions of my     
discretion3 what ,i had  done to forfeit
 with you the character of prudence1 ,i 

cannot tell1 but  you will see little or
 no occasion for any such imputation in 
this work4  ,i composed it ad populum1  
as well as ad clerum1 and thought1 that 
scepticism was not in its place in an   
historical production4 ,i shall  take   
care to convey a copy to you by the     
first opportunity1 and shall be  very   
proud of your approbation1 and no less  
pleased with your  reprehensions4       
,our friend ,aber is again to enjoy the 
privilege of franking after a  hiatus   
valde deflendus4 ,edmonstone is at      
,peterhead drinking the waters  for his 
health4 ,sir ,harry lives among his     
boroughs1 but not so assiduous  in his  
civilities as formerly2 an instance of  
ingratitude which one  would not expect 
in a man of such nice honour4 ,i was    
lately told1 that  one day last winter  
he went to pay a visit to a deacon's    
wife1 who  happened in that very instant
 to be gutting fish4 ,he came up to her 
with  open arms1 and said he hoped madam
 was well1 and that the young ladies    

her daughters were in good health4 ',oh1
 come not near me1' cried she1  ',sir   
,harry2 ,i am in a sad pickle1 as nasty 
as a beast4'--',not at all1  madam1'    
replied he1 'you are in a very agreeable
 nglig4' ',well1' said  she1 ',i shall  
never be able to understand your fine   
,english4'--',i mean1  madam1' returned 
he1 'that you are drest in a very       
genteel  deshabill4'    ,there is a     
young man of this country1 ,mr4 ,thomas 
,blacklock1 who has  discovered a very  
fine genius for poetry1 and under very  
extraordinary  circumstances4 ,he is the
 son of a poor tradesman1 and was born  
blind2  yet1 notwithstanding these      
disadvantages1 he has been able to      
acquire a  great knowledge of ,greek1   
,latin1 and ,french1 and to be well     
acquainted  with all the classics in    
these languages1 as well as in our own4 
,he  published last winter a volume of  
,miscellanies1 which all men of taste   
admired extremely for their purity1     
elegance1 and correctness2 nor were     

they devoid of force and invention4 ,i  
sent up half-a-dozen to ,dodsley1       
desiring him to keep one1 and to        
distribute the rest among men of taste  
of his acquaintance4 ,i find they have  
been much approved of1 and that  ,mr4   
,spence1 in particular1 has entertained 
thoughts of printing a new  edition by  
subscription1 for the benefit of the    
author4 ,you are an  acquaintance of    
,mr4 ,spence3 encourage1 ,i beseech you1
 so benevolent a  thought1 and promote  
it every where by your recommendation4  
,the young  man has a great deal of     
modesty1 virtue1 and goodness1 as well  
as of  genius1 and notwithstanding very 
strict frugality1 is in great           
necessities2 but curst1 or blest1 with  
that honest pride of nature1  which     
makes him uneasy under obligations1 and 
disdain all applications4  ,i need say  
no more to you4 ,dear ,doctor1 believe  
me1 with great honesty  and affection1  
your friend and servant4#cii3a          
,before the year #aged came to an end1  

there was published1 in a quarto  volume
 of four hundred and seventy-three      
pages1 ,the ,history of ,great          
,britain4 ,volume ,i4 ,containing the   
reigns of ,james ,i4 and ,charles ,i4   
,by  ,david ,hume1 ,esq4#cii3b ,he had  
now laid the foundation of a title to   
that which all the genius and           
originality of his philosophical works  
would never have procured for him--the  
reputation of a popular author4  ,his   
other works might exhibit a wider and a 
more original grasp of  thought3 but the
 readers of metaphysics and ethics are a
 small number2  while the readers of    
history1 and especially of the history  
of their own  country1 are a community  
nearly as great as the number of those  
who can  read their own language4 ,in   
this large market he produced his ware2 
and  after some hesitation on the part  
of those ordinary readers1 who had      
never known his genius as a philosopher1
 and of those who knew his  previous    
writings1 but did not esteem them1 it   

took the place of a  permanent          
marketable commodity--a sort of         
necessary of literary life4  ,the       
general reader found in it a distinct   
and animated narrative1  announced in a 
style easy1 strong1 and elegant4 ,the   
philosopher and  statesman found in it  
profound and original views1 such as the
 author of  the ,treatise of ,human     
,nature could not wield the pen without 
occasionally dropping on his page4 ,it  
was a work at once great in its         
excellencies and beauties1 and great in 
its defects2 yet even the  latter       
circumstance swelled its fame1 by       
producing a host of  controversial      
attacks1 conducted by no mean champions4
 ,no author or  speaker could launch    
into a defence of monarchical           
prerogative without  triumphantly citing
 the opinion of ,hume2--no friend of any
 popular  cause1 from ,chatham          
downwards1 could appeal to history      
without  condemning his plausible       
perversions4 ,no season of a debating   

society  has ever ended without the     
vexed questions he has started being    
discussed in conjunction with his name4 
,every newspaper has recorded the       
editor's opinion of the tendency of     
,hume's ,history4 ,in reviews and       
magazines1 and political pamphlets1 the 
references1 laudatory or  condemnatory1 
are still1 notwithstanding all that has 
been done for  ,british history in later
 times1 unceasing2 and some books1 of no
 small  bulk1 have been written1 solely 
against the ,history1 as one pamphlet is
  written against another4    ,of a book
 which is so universally known1 and has 
been subjected to so  thorough a        
critical examination1 both in its       
narrative and its  reflective parts1 a  
detailed criticism in a work like the   
present would  be superfluous and       
unwelcome4 ,but the great extent of the 
controversial  writings on the subject1 
the quantity of able criticism which the
  controversy has produced1 the new     
light it has frequently been the means  

of throwing on portions of ,british     
history1 and the variety of  contending 
opinions it has elicited1 do1 in some   
measure1 enable one who  is partial to  
that kind of reading1 to note slightly  
and fugitively the  leading opinions    
which this controversy has developed2   
and thus1 looking  back through the     
whole vista of debate and inquiry1 to   
describe1 in  general terms1 the        
estimate which those who have since     
,hume's time  studied ,british history  
to best effect1 have formed of his great
 work4  ,perhaps1 for casting a glance  
at the general principles he has        
announced  as to the progress of the    
constitution and public opinion in      
,britain1 as  well as the general scope 
and extent of his historical labours1   
his work  may be divided into two       
leading departments2 the history from   
the  accession of the house of ,tudor   
downwards1 which he completed in #agei2 
and the history anterior to that epoch1 
which was published at a later  period  

of his life4 ,in this arrangement1 the  
general observations will  find their   
place in a subsequent portion of this   
work2 while1 in the  meantime1 the      
opinions entertained of the narrative   
department of the  volume1 published in 
#aged1 may be noticed4    ,the chief    
charge brought against it has been1 that
 in describing the  great conflict which
 ended in the protectorate1 the author  
has shown a  partiality to the side of  
the monarch1 and particularly to        
,charles ,i4  and his followers2 and has
 endeavoured to make the opposite       
side--,independents1 ,presbyterians1    
,republicans1 or under whatever name    
they raised the banner of opposition to 
the court--odious and  ridiculous4      
,before ,hume's day1 every historian of 
those times took his side from the      
beginning of the narrative1 and         
proclaimed himself either the champion  
or the opponent of the monarchical      
party4 ,salmon1 ,echard1 and            
,carte#dja3a wrote histories1 in which1 

if they had spoken with decency  or     
temper of ,oliver ,cromwell1 the ,long  
,parliament1 the ,presbyterians1 or  the
 ,independents1 they would have felt    
that they had as much neglected  their  
duty1 as an advocate who1 seeing some   
irregularity in the case of  the        
opposite party1 fails to take advantage 
of it4 ,the title-page of  ,salmon      
announced his project3 it promised      
,remarks on ,rapin1 ,burnet1 and  other 
,republican writers1 vindicating the    
just right of the ,established  ,church1
 and the prerogatives of the crown1     
against the wild schemes of  enthusiasts
 and levellers1 no less active and      
diligent in promoting the  subversion of
 this beautiful frame of government1    
than their artful  predecessors in      
hypocrisy1 c4 ,but ,hume professed to   
approach the  subject as a philosopher1 
and to hold the balance even between    
,salmon  and ,echard on the one side1   
and ,oldmixon and ,rapin on the other4  
,hence1  when it was believed that1     

under this air of impartiality1 he      
masked a  battery well loaded and       
skilfully pointed against the principles
 of the  constitution1 and the efforts  
of those who had fought for freedom1 a  
louder cry of indignation was raised    
against him than had ever assailed  the 
avowed retainers of the anti-popular    
cause4    ,the tendency of the ,history 
was unexpected and inexplicable4 ,in his
  philosophical examination of the      
principles of government1 written in    
times of hot party feeling1 he had      
discarded the theories of arbitrary     
prerogative and divine right with bold  
and calm disdain4 ,his utilitarian      
theory represented the good of the      
people1 not the will or advantage of    
any one man1 or small class of men1 as  
the right object of government4         
,harrison1 ,milton1 and ,sidney1 had not
 expressed opinions more thoroughly     
democratic than his4 ,few things1 says a
 critic1 well accustomed to  trace      
literary anomalies to their causes in   

the minds of their authors1  are more   
unaccountable1 and1 indeed1 absurd1 than
 that ,hume should have  taken part with
 high church and high monarchy men4 ,the
 persecutions  which he suffered in his 
youth from the ,presbyterians1 may1     
perhaps1  have influenced his           
ecclesiastical partialities4#djc3a ,but 
that he  should have sided with the     
,tudors and the ,stuarts against the    
people1  seems quite inconsistent with  
all the great traits of his character4  
,his  unrivalled sagacity must have     
looked with contempt on the preposterous
  arguments by which the jus divinum was
 maintained4 ,his natural  benevolence  
must have suggested the cruelty of      
subjecting the enjoyments  of thousands 
to the caprice of one unfeeling         
individual2 and his own  practical      
independence in private life1 might have
 taught him the value  of those feelings
 which he has so mischievously          
derided4#djc3b    ,in truth1 it does not
 appear that ,hume had begun his work   

with the  intention of adopting a side  
in the politics of the time2 and that   
sympathy1 rather than rational          
conviction or political prejudice1      
dictated his partisanship4 ,his         
misapprehensions regarding the state of 
the constitution1 and the early         
foundation of ,british liberties1 may be
  attributed to another cause2 but in   
his treatment of the question  between  
,charles ,i4 and his opponents1 he      
appears to have set out with  the design
 of preserving a rigid neutrality2 to   
have gradually felt his  sympathies     
wavering1--to have at first restrained  
them1 then let them  sway him slightly  
from the even middle path1 and finally  
allowed them to  take possession of his 
opinions2 opinions which1 in their form 
of  expression1 still preserved that    
tone of calm impartiality with which  he
 had set out4 ,in the work of           
,clarendon--a scholar1 a gentleman1 a   
dignified and elegant writer1 a man of  
high-toned and manly feeling--he  found 

an attractive guide4 ,in looking at the 
structure of ,hume's  narrative1 we can 
see that ,clarendon was the author1     
whose account of  the great conflict was
 chiefly present to his mind2 and       
dwelling on his  words and ideas1 he    
must have in some measure felt the      
influence of that  plausible writer4 ,as
 he went on with his narrative1 he found
 on the one  side refinement and        
heroism1 an elevated and learned        
priesthood1 a  chivalrous aristocracy1 a
 refined court1--all the divinity that  
doth  hedge a king1 followed by all the 
sad solemnity of fallen  greatness1--an 
adverse contest1 borne with steady      
courage1 and  humiliation and death     
endured with patient magnanimity4 ,on   
the other  side appeared plebeian       
thoughts1 rude uncivil speech1 barbarous
 and  ludicrous fanaticism1 and success 
consummated by ungenerous triumphs4     
,his philosophical indifference gave way
 before such temptations1 and he  went  
the way of his sympathies4 ,yet he never

 permitted himself boldly  and          
distinctly to profess partisanship3 he  
still bore the badge of  neutrality2 and
 perhaps believed that he was swerving  
neither to the  right hand nor to the   
left4 ,an eloquent writer has thus      
vividly  described the tone of his      
,history3         ,hume1 without        
positively asserting more than he can   
prove1       gives prominence to all the
 circumstances which can support        
his case4 ,he glides lightly over those 
which are unfavourable       to it4 ,his
 own witnesses are applauded and        
encouraged2 the       statements which  
seem to throw discredit on them are     
controverted2 the contradictions into   
which they fall are       explained     
away2 a clear and connected abstract of 
their       evidence is given4 ,every   
thing that is offered on the other      
side is scrutinized with the utmost     
severity2 every suspicious              
circumstance is a ground for comment and
 invective2 what       cannot be denied 

is extenuated1 or passed by without     
notice4       ,concessions even are     
sometimes made2 but this insidious      
candour only increases the effect of    
this vast mass of       sophistry4#dje3a
    ,yet when there was any thing of a  
grand and solemn character in the       
proceedings of the ,republican          
party1--when they were not connected    
with  the rude guards1 and their insults
 to the fallen majesty of ,england2     
with the long psalms1 long sermons1 and 
long faces of the ,puritans2 with       
,trouble-world ,lilburne1 ,praise-,god  
,barebones1 or eccentric1 stubborn1     
impracticable ,william ,prynne1--he     
could employ the easy majesty of his    
language in surrounding them with a     
suiting dignity of tone2 and he did  so 
with apparent pleasure4 ,witness his    
description of the meeting of the  ,long
 ,parliament1 and of the preparations   
for the king's trial before the  ,high  
,court of ,justice4    ,he seems to have
 felt1 not unfrequently1 the            

inconsistencies that must  be           
perceptible between the tone of his     
historical1 and the political  doctrines
 of his philosophical works2 and his    
attempts to reconcile them  with each   
other1 sometimes only serve to make the 
difference more  conspicuous4 ,speaking 
of the act of holding judgment on       
,charles ,i41 he  says1 ,if ever1 on any
 occasion1 it were laudable to conceal  
truth from  the populace1 it must be    
confessed that the doctrine of          
resistance  affords such an example2 and
 that all speculative reasoners ought to
  observe1 with regard to this          
principle1 the same cautious silence    
which  the laws1 in every species of    
government1 have ever prescribed to     
themselves4 ,one could imagine a        
congress of crowned heads1 or a         
conclave of cardinals1 adopting such a  
view2 and resolving1 at the same        
moment1 that it should be kept as secret
 as the grave4 ,but that a man  should  
speak of the right of resistance as     

existing1 and say the  knowledge of it  
ought not to be promulgated1 and print  
and publish this  in a book in his own  
vernacular language1 is surely as       
remarkable an  anomaly1 as the history  
of practical contradictions can exhibit4
    ,owing to his opinion of the manner 
in which the ,abb ,le ,blanc had        
rendered his ,political ,discourses into
 ,french1 he expressed a wish1 in  the  
following courteous letter1 that the    
,history should have the benefit  of    
being translated by the same hand4      
,,hume to the ,,abb ,,le ,,blanc4       
,edinburgh1 #aeth ,october1 #aged4      
,,sir1--,you will receive1 along with   
this1 a copy of the first volume of  my 
',history of ,great ,britain1' which    
will be published next winter in        
,london4 ,the honour which you did me in
 translating my ',political             
,discourses1' inspires me with an       
ambition of desiring to have this work  
translated by the same excellent hand4  
,the great curiosity of the events      

related in this volume1 embellished by  
your elegant pen1 might challenge  the  
attention of the public4 ,if you do not 
undertake this translation1 ,i  despair 
of ever seeing it done in a satisfactory
 manner4 ,many  intricacies in the      
,english government1--many customs      
peculiar to this  island1 require       
explication2 and it will be necessary to
 accompany the  translation with some   
notes1 however short1 in order to render
 it  intelligible to foreigners4 ,none  
but a person as well acquainted as you  
with ,england and the ,english          
constitution1 can pretend to clear up   
obscurities1 or explain the difficulties
 which occur4 ,if1 at any time1  you    
find yourself at a loss1 be so good as  
to inform me4 ,i shall spare  no pains  
to solve all doubts2 and convey all the 
lights which1 by my  long and assiduous 
study of the subject1 ,i may have       
acquired4 ,the  distance betwixt us need
 be no impediment to this               
correspondence4 ,if you  favour me      

frequently with your letters1 ,i shall  
be able to render you  the same service 
as if ,i had the happiness of living    
next door to you1  and was able to      
inspect the whole translation4 ,in this 
attempt1 the  knowledge of the two      
languages is but one circumstance to    
qualify a man  for a translator4 ,though
 your attainments1 in this respect1 be  
known to  all the world1 ,i own that ,i 
trust more to the spirit of reflection  
and  reasoning which you discover2 and  
,i thence expect that my performance    
will not only have justice done it1 but 
will even receive considerable          
improvements as it passes through your  
hands4 ,i am1 with great regard1  ,sir1 
your most obedient and most humble      
servant4#djg3a      ,the ,abb received  
the proposal with rapture3 he offered to
 translate  with the zeal not only of   
the illustrious author's admirer1 but of
 his  friend4 ,he desired ,hume to      
postpone the publication for a while in 
,london1 and to send him the sheets with

 the utmost rapidity1 lest he  might be 
forestalled by some of that numerous    
host of rapid penmen1 who  are ready1 in
 obedience to the commands of the       
booksellers1 to translate  such works1  
without knowing ,english1 or even       
,french4 ,holland was at that  period a 
great book mart1 and there the ,abb     
found rivals still more  expeditious2   
for he was obliged to write to ,hume1 at
 a time when he  seems to have made     
little or no progress with his work1    
stating that he  is disheartened by the 
prospect of the immediate appearance of 
a  translation in ,holland1 where they  
employ1 in the rendering of excellent   
books into ,french1 people who are only 
fit to manufacture paper4 ,in the  end1 
having encountered a host of            
interruptions1 he intimates that he  has
 placed the work in the hands of another
 person4#djh3a      ,,hume to ,,dr4     
,,clephane4    ,oct4 #ahth1 #aged4      
,,dear ,,doctor1--,i received your kind 
letter1 for which ,i thank you4 ,poor   

,aber#djh3b is disappointed by a train  
of ,norland finesse1 alas--what  you    
will4 ,i have given orders to deliver to
 you a copy of my ,history1  as soon as 
it arrives in ,london1 and before it be 
published4 ,lend it not  till it be     
published4 ,it contains no paradoxes1   
and very little  profaneness1--as little
 as could be expected4 ,the ,abb ,le    
,blanc1 who has  translated some other  
of my pieces1 intends to translate it1  
and the  enclosed is part of a copy ,i  
send him3 excuse the freedom--you may   
perhaps receive some other packets of   
the same kind1 which you will  please to
 send carefully to the post-house4 ,the 
,general and ,sir ,henry  are in town1  
who remember you4 ,edmonstone is well1  
and ,i just now left  him a-bed4 ,i may 
perhaps be in ,london for good and all  
in a year or two4  ,show me that        
frugality could make #abj a-year do1 and
 ,i am with you3 a  man of letters ought
 always to live in a capital1 says      
,bayle4 ,i believe  ,i have no more to  

say4 ,you'll own that my style has not  
become more  verbose1 on account of my  
writing quartos4 ,yours affectionately1 
c4#dji3a      ,,hume to ,,william ,,mure
 of ,caldwell4    ,,dear ,,mure1--,i had
 sent to ,sharpe a copy of my ,history1 
of which ,i hope  you will tell me your 
opinion with freedom2                   
,finding1 like a friend1                
,something to blame1 and something to   
commend4    ,the first quality of an    
historian1 is to be true and impartial4 
,the  next to be interesting4 ,if you do
 not say that ,i have done both parties 
justice1 and if ,mrs4 ,mure be not sorry
 for poor ,king ,charles1 ,i shall  burn
 all my papers and return to philosophy4
    ,i shall send a copy to ,paris to   
,l',abb ,le ,blanc1 who has translated  
some other of my pieces2 and therefore  
your corrections and amendments  may    
still be of use1 and prevent me from    
misleading or tiring the ,french        
nation4 ,we shall also make a ,dublin   
edition2 and it were a pity to put  the 

,irish farther wrong than they are      
already4 ,i shall also be so  sanguine  
as to hope for a second edition1 when ,i
 may correct all errors4  ,you know my  
docility4#daj3a      ,,hume to ,,mrs4   
,,dysart of ,eccles4    #ith ,october4  
,,dear ,,madam1--,as ,i send you a long 
book1 you will allow me to write a      
short letter1 with this fruit of near   
two years' very constant  application1  
my youngest and dearest child4 ,you     
should have read it  sooner2 but1 during
 the fine weather1 ,i foresaw that it   
would produce  some inconvenience3      
either you would attach yourself so much
 to the  perusal of me1 as to neglect   
walking1 riding1 and field diversions1  
which are much more beneficial than any 
history2 or if this beautiful  season   
tempted you1 ,i must lie in a corner1   
neglected and forgotten4 ,i  assure you 
,i would take the pet if so treated4    
,now that the weather has  at last      
broke1 and long nights are joined to    
wind and rain1 and that a  fireside has 

become the most agreeable object1 a new 
book1 especially if  wrote by a friend1 
may not be unwelcome4 ,in expectation1  
then1 that you  are to peruse me first  
with pleasure1 then with ease1 ,i expect
 to hear  your remarks1 and ,mr4        
,dysart's1 and the ,solicitor's4        
,whether am ,i ,whig  or ,tory8         
,protestant or ,papist8 ,scotch or      
,english8 ,i hope you do not all  agree 
on this head1 and that there are        
disputes among you about my  principles4
 ,we never see you in town1 and ,i can  
never get to the  country2 but ,i hope  
,i preserve a place in your memory4 ,i  
am1 c4    ,p4,s4--,i have seen ,john    
,hume's new unbaptized play1#daa3a and  
it is a  very fine thing4 ,he now       
discovers a great genius for the        
theatre4    ,written at the top4 ,i must
 beg of you not to lend the book out of 
your house1 on any account1 till the    
middle of ,november2 any body may  read 
it in the house4#daa3b      ,in a       
continuation of the letter1 of which the

 part relating to ,blacklock  was cited 
above1 he thus desires ,adam ,smith's   
opinion of the ,history3--      ,pray   
tell me1 and tell me ingenuously1 what  
success has my ,history met  with among 
the judges with you4 ,i mean ,dr4       
,cullen1 ,mr4 ,betham1 ,mrs4  ,betham1  
,mr4 ,leichman1 ,mr4 ,muirhead1 ,mr4    
,crawford1 c4 ,dare ,i presume  that it 
has been thought worthy of examination1 
and that its beauties  are found to     
overbalance its defects8 ,i am very     
desirous to know my  errors2 and ,i dare
 swear you think me tolerably docile to 
be so veteran  an author4 ,i cannot1    
indeed1 hope soon to have an opportunity
 of  correcting my errors2 this         
impression is so very numerous4 ,the    
sale1  indeed1 has been very great in   
,edinburgh2 but how it goes on in       
,london1  we have not been precisely    
informed4 ,in all cases ,i am desirous  
of  storing up instruction2 and as you  
are now idle1 7,i mean1 have nothing    
but your class to teach1 which to you is

 comparative idleness17 ,i will  insist 
upon hearing from you4    ,edinburgh1   
#agth ,dec4 #aged4      ,the following  
letter1 still on the same subject1      
introduces the name of  a new           
correspondent4      ,,hume to the ,,earl
 of ,,balcarres4    ,edinburgh1 #agth   
,december1 #aged4    ,,my ,,lord1--,i   
did really intend to have paid my       
respects to your lordship  this harvest2
 but ,i have got into such a recluse1   
studious habit1 that ,i  believe myself 
only fit to converse with books2 and1   
however ,i may  pretend to be acquainted
 with dead kings1 shall become quite    
unsuitable  for my friends and          
cotemporaries4 ,besides1 the great gulf 
that is fixed  between us terrifies me4 
,i am not only very sick at sea1 but    
often can  scarce get over the sickness 
for some days4    ,i am very proud that 
my ,history1 even upon second thoughts1 
appears to  have something tolerable in 
your lordship's eyes4 ,it has been very 
much  canvassed and read here in town1  

as ,i am told2 and it has full as many  
inveterate enemies as partial defenders4
 ,the misfortune of a book1 says        
,boileau1 is not the being ill spoke of1
 but the not being spoken of at  all4   
,the sale has been very considerable    
here1 about four hundred and  fifty     
copies in five weeks4 ,how it has       
succeeded in ,london1 ,i cannot         
precisely tell2 only ,i observe that    
some of the weekly papers have been     
busy with me4--,i am as great an        
,atheist as ,bolingbroke2 as great a    
,jacobite as ,carte2 ,i cannot write    
,english1 c4 ,i do1 indeed1 observe     
that the book is in general rather more 
agreeable to those they call  ,tories2  
and ,i believe1 chiefly for this reason1
 that1 having no places  to bestow1 they
 are naturally more moderate in their   
expectations from a  writer4 ,a ,whig1  
who can give hundreds a-year1 will not  
be contented with  small sacrifices of  
truth2 and most authors are willing to  
purchase  favour at so reasonable a     

price4    ,i wish it were in my power to
 pass this ,christmas at ,balcarres4 ,i 
should be glad to accompany your        
lordship in your rural improvements1    
and return thence to relish with        
pleasure the comforts of your fireside4 
,you enjoy peace and contentment1 my    
lord1 which all the power and wealth  of
 the nation cannot give to our rulers4  
,the whole ministry1 they say1  is by   
the ears4 ,this quarrel1 ,i hope1 they  
will fight out among  themselves1 and   
not expect to draw us in as formerly1 by
 pretending it  is for our good4 ,we    
will not be the dupes twice in our life4
    ,i have the honour to be1 my lord1  
your lordship's most obedient and  most 
humble servant4#dac3a      ,the literary
 success that would satisfy ,hume       
required to be of no small  amount4     
,though neither1 in any sense1 a vain   
man1 nor a caterer for  ephemeral       
applause1 he was greedy of fame2 and    
what would have been to  others         
pre-eminent success1 appears to have1 in

 his eyes1 scarcely risen  above        
failure4 ,his expressions about the     
reception of his ,history1 have  a tinge
 of morbidness4 ,in ,john ,home's       
memorandum of his latest  conversations1
 it is said that he recurred to a       
subject not unfrequent  with him1 that  
is1 the design to ruin him as an author1
 by the people  that were ministers at  
the first publication of his            
,history4#dad3a ,in  his own life1      
written at the same time1 the only      
passage truly bitter  in its tone1 gives
 fuller expression to a like            
feeling3--,i was1 ,i own1  sanguine in  
my expectations of the success of this  
work4 ,i thought that  ,i was the only  
historian that had at once neglected    
present power1  interest1 and authority1
 and the cry of popular prejudices2 and 
as the  subject was suited to every     
capacity1 ,i expected proportional      
applause4  ,but miserable was my        
disappointment3 ,i was assailed by one  
cry of  reproach1 disapprobation1 and   

even detestation2 ,english1 ,scotch1 and
  ,irish1 ,whig and ,tory1 ,churchman   
and ,sectary1 ,freethinker and          
,religionist1 ,patriot and ,courtier1   
united in their rage against the man    
who had presumed to shed a generous tear
 for the fate of ,charles ,i4 and  the  
,earl of ,strafford2 and after the first
 ebullitions of their fury  were over1  
what was still more mortifying1 the book
 seemed to sink into  oblivion4 ,mr4    
,millar told me1 that in a twelvemonth  
he sold only  forty-five copies of it4  
,i scarcely1 indeed1 heard of one man in
 the  three kingdoms1 considerable for  
rank or letters1 that could endure the  
book4 ,i must only except the primate of
 ,england1 ,dr4 ,herring1 and the       
primate of ,ireland1 ,dr4 ,stone1 which 
seem two odd exceptions4 ,these         
dignified prelates separately sent me   
messages not to be discouraged4    ,i   
was however1 ,i confess1 discouraged2   
and had not the war been1 at  that time1
 breaking out between ,france and       

,england1 ,i had certainly  retired to  
some provincial town of the former      
kingdom1 have changed my  name1 and     
never more have returned to my native   
country4 ,but as this  scheme was not   
now practicable1 and the subsequent     
volume was  considerably advanced1 ,i   
resolved to pick up courage1 and to     
persevere4    ,andrew ,millar1 a        
countryman of ,hume1 had1 about this    
time1 formed an  extensive publishing   
connexion in ,london4 ,an arrangement   
was made1 by  which he should take the  
,history under his protection1--publish 
the  subsequent volumes1 and push the   
sale of the first4 ,the arrangement is  
said to have been recommended by ,hume's
 ,edinburgh publishers2 and it  shows   
how much1 in that age1 as probably also 
in this1 even a great work  may depend  
on the publisher's exertions1 for giving
 it a hold on the  public mind4 ,hume   
had a pretty extensive correspondence   
with ,millar4  ,many of the letters are 
purely on business1 and sometimes on    

business  not very important2 but       
others1 such as the following1 have some
  literary interest4 ,hume appears to   
have contemplated a translation of      
,plutarch1 and ,millar seems to have    
wished to make him editor of a ,london  
newspaper4      ,,hume to ,,andrew      
,,millar4    #abth ,april1 #agee4       
,the second volume of my ,history ,i can
 easily find a way of conveying  to you 
when finished and corrected1 and fairly 
copied4 ,perhaps ,i may be  in ,london  
myself about that time4 ,i have always  
said1 to all my  acquaintance1 that if  
the first volume bore a little of a     
,tory aspect1  the second would probably
 be as grateful to the opposite party4  
,the two  first princes of the house of 
,stuart were certainly more excusable   
than  the two second4 ,the constitution 
was1 in their time1 very ambiguous and  
undetermined2 and their parliaments     
were1 in many respects1 refractory  and 
obstinate4 ,but ,charles the ,second    
knew that he had succeeded to a  very   

limited monarchy4 ,his long parliament  
was indulgent to him1 and  even         
consisted almost entirely of royalists4 
,yet he could not be quiet1  nor        
contented with a legal authority4 ,i    
need not mention the oppressions  in    
,scotland1 nor the absurd conduct of    
,king ,james the ,second4 ,these are    
obvious and glaring points4 ,upon the   
whole1 ,i wish the two volumes had  been
 published together4 ,neither one party 
nor the other would1 in that  case1 have
 had the least pretext of reproaching me
 with partiality4    ,i shall give no   
farther umbrage to the godly1 though ,i 
am far from  thinking1 that my liberties
 on that head have been the real cause  
of  checking the sale of the first      
volume4 ,they might afford a pretext for
  decrying it to those who were resolved
 on other accounts to lay hold of       
pretexts4    ,pray tell ,dr4 ,birch1 if 
you have occasion to see him1 that his  
story of  the warrant for ,lord         
,loudon's execution1 though at first ,i 

thought it  highly improbable1 appears  
to me at present a great deal more      
likely4#daf3a ,i find the same story in 
,scotstarvet's ,staggering              
,state1#dag3a which was published here a
 few months ago4 ,the same  story1      
coming from different canals1 without   
any dependence on each  other1 bears a  
strong air of probability4 ,i have spoke
 to ,duke ,hamilton1  who says1 that ,i 
shall be very welcome to peruse all his 
papers4 ,i shall  take the first        
opportunity of going to the bottom of   
that affair2 and if  ,i find any        
confirmation of the suspicion1 will be  
sure to inform ,dr4  ,birch4 ,i own it  
is the strongest instance of any which  
history affords1  of ,king ,charles's   
arbitrary principles4    ,i have made a 
trial of ,plutarch1 and find that ,i    
take pleasure in it2  but cannot yet    
form so just a notion of the time and   
pains which it will  require1 as to tell
 you what sum of money ,i would think an
 equivalent4  ,but ,i shall be sure to  

inform you as soon as ,i come to a      
resolution4 ,the  notes requisite will  
not be numerous1--not so many as in the 
former  edition4 ,i think so bulky a    
book ought to be swelled as little as   
possible2 and nothing added but what is 
absolutely requisite4 ,the little  trial
 ,i have made1 convinces me that the    
undertaking will require time4  ,my     
manner of composing is slow1 and ,i have
 great difficulty to satisfy            
myself4#dag3b      ,,hume to ,,adam     
,,smith4    ,edinburgh1 #ith ,january1  
#agee4     ,,dear ,,sir1--,i beg you to 
make my compliments to the              
,society1#dag3c  and to take the fault  
on yourself1 if ,i have not executed my 
duty1 and  sent them1 this time1 my     
anniversary paper4 ,had ,i got a week's 
warning ,i  should have been able to    
have supplied them4 ,i should willingly 
have  sent some sheets of the history of
 the ,commonwealth1 or ,protectorship2  
but they are all of them out of my hand 
at present1 and ,i have not been  able  

to recall them4    ,i think you are     
extremely in the right1 that the        
,parliament's bigotry  has nothing in   
common with ,hiero's generosity4 ,they  
were1 themselves1  violent persecutors  
at home1 to the utmost of their power4  
,besides1 the  ,hugunots in ,france were
 not persecuted2 they were really       
seditious1  turbulent people1 whom their
 king was not able to reduce to         
obedience4  ,the ,french persecutions   
did not begin till sixty years after4   
,your objection to the ,irish massacre  
is just1 but falls not on the           
execution1 but the subject4 ,had ,i been
 to describe the massacre of  ,paris1 ,i
 should not have fallen into that fault4
 ,but1 in the ,irish  massacre1 no      
single eminent man fell1 or by a        
remarkable death4#dah3a  ,if the        
elocution of the whole chapter be       
blamable1 it is because my  conception  
laboured with too great an idea of my   
subject1 which is there  the most       
important4 ,but that misfortune is not  

unusual4 ,i am1  c4#dah3b      ,we shall
 have farther occasion to notice the    
deep interest which ,hume  took in ,john
 ,home's tragedy of ,douglas4 ,the      
following letter1 which is  without     
date1 was1 probably1 written at the     
beginning of the year #agee1  and before
 ,home made his unsuccessful journey to 
,london1 to submit his  effort to the   
judgment of ,garrick4      ,,hume to    
,,john ,,home4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,with  
great pleasure ,i have more than once   
perused your  tragedy4 ,it is           
interesting1 affecting1 pathetic4 ,the  
story is simple and  natural2 but what  
chiefly delights me1 is to find the     
language so pure1  correct1 and         
moderate4 ,for ,god's sake read         
,shakspere1 but get ,racine and         
,sophocles by heart4 ,it is reserved to 
you1 and you alone1 to redeem our  stage
 from the reproach of barbarism4    ,i  
have not forgot your request to find    
fault2 but as you had neither  numbered 
the pages nor the lines in your copy1 ,i

 cannot point out  particular           
expressions4 ,i have marked the margin1 
and shall tell you my  opinion when ,i  
have the pleasure of seeing you4 ,the   
more considerable  objections seem to be
 these3 ,glenalvon's character is too   
abandoned4  ,such a man is scarce in    
nature2 at least it is inartificial in a
 poet to  suppose such a one1 as if he  
could not conduct his fable by the      
ordinary  passions1 infirmities1 and    
vices of human nature4 ,lord            
,barnet's#dai3a  character is not enough
 decided2 he hovers betwixt vice and    
virtue2  which1 though it be not        
unnatural1 is not sufficiently          
theatrical nor  tragic4 ,after ,anna had
 lived eighteen years with ,lady        
,barnet1 and  yet had been kept out of  
the secret1 there seems to be no        
sufficient  reason why1 at that very    
time1 she should have been let into it4 
,the  spectator is apt to suspect that  
it was in order to instruct him2 a very 
good end1 indeed1 but which might have  

been attained by a careful and          
artificial conduct of the dialogue4     
,there seem to be too many casual       
rencounters4 ,young ,forman#dbj3a       
passing by chance1 saves ,lord ,barnet2 
,old ,forman1 passing that way1  by     
chance1 is arrested4 ,why might not     
,young ,forman be supposed to be  coming
 to the castle1 in order to serve under 
,lord ,barnet1 and ,old  ,forman1 having
 had some hint of his intention1 to have
 followed him  that way8         ,some  
lines torn off and lost4    ,might not  
,anna be supposed to have returned to   
her mistress after long  absence8 ,this 
might account for a greater flow of     
confidence4#dbj3b      ,,hume to        
,,andrew ,,millar4    ,edinburgh1 #abth 
,june1 #agee4    ,,dear ,,sir1--,i give 
you a great many thanks for thinking of 
me in your  project of a weekly paper4  
,i approve very much of the design1 as  
you  explain it to me2 and there is     
nobody ,i would more willingly engage   
with4 ,but1 as ,i have another work in  

hand1 which requires great labour  and  
care to finish1 ,i cannot think of      
entering on a new undertaking1  till ,i 
have brought this to a conclusion4 ,your
 scheme would require me  immediately to
 remove to ,london2 and ,i live here1 at
 present1 in great  tranquillity1 with  
all my books around me2 and ,i cannot   
think of  changing while ,i have so     
great a work in hand as the finishing of
 my  ,history4    ,there are four short 
,dissertations1 which ,i have kept some 
years by me1  in order to polish them as
 much as possible4 ,one of them is that 
which  ,allan ,ramsay mentioned to you4 
,another1 of the ,passions2 a third1 of 
,tragedy2 a fourth1 some ,considerations
 previous to ,geometry and ,natural     
,philosophy4#dba3a ,the whole1 ,i think1
 would make a volume1 a fourth  less    
than my ,inquiry1 as nearly as ,i can   
calculate2 but it would be  proper to   
print it in a larger type1 in order to  
bring it to the same  size and price4 ,i
 would have it published about the new  

year2 and ,i  offer you the property for
 fifty guineas1 payable at the          
publication4  ,you may judge1 by my     
being so moderate in my demands1 that ,i
 do not  propose to make any words about
 the bargain4 ,it would be more         
convenient  for me to print here1       
especially one of the ,dissertations1   
where there  is a good deal of          
literature2 but1 as the manuscript is   
distinct and  accurate1 it would not be 
impossible for me to correct it1 though 
printed at ,london4 ,i leave it to your 
choice2 though ,i believe that it  might
 be as cheaply and conveniently and     
safely executed here4 ,however1  the    
matter is pretty near indifferent to me4
 ,i would fain prognosticate  better    
than you say with regard to my ,history2
 that you expect little  sale till the  
publication of the second volume4 ,i    
hope the prejudices  will dissipate     
sooner4 ,i am1 c4#dbb3a      ,in #agee1 
an effort was made to establish a       
periodical ,review in  ,scotland1       

characterized by a higher literary      
spirit1 and a more original  tone of    
thinking1 than the other periodical     
literature of the day could  boast4 ,it 
assumed the name1 so famous in later    
times1 of ,the ,edinburgh  ,review4     
,with such contributors as ,smith1      
,robertson1 ,blair1 and ,jardine1  it   
could not fail to achieve its object1 so
 far as its own merit was  concerned2   
but the public did not appreciate its   
excellence1 and it died  after two      
half-yearly numbers1 which may now be   
found on the shelves of  the curious4   
,on this matter1 ,mackenzie says1       
,david ,hume was not among the number of
 the writers of the       ,review1      
though we should have thought he would  
have been the       first person whose  
co-operation they would have sought4    
,but ,i       think ,i have heard that  
they were afraid both of his extreme    
good nature1 and his extreme            
artlessness2 that1 from the one1        
their criticisms would have been        

weakened or suppressed2 and1       from 
the other1 their secret discovered4 ,the
 merits of the       work strongly      
attracted his attention1 and he         
expressed his       surprise1 to some of
 the gentlemen concerned in it1 with    
whom       he was daily in the habit of 
meeting1 at the excellence of a         
performance written1 as he presumed1    
from his ignorance on the       subject1
 by some persons out of their own       
literary circle4 ,it       was agreed to
 communicate the secret to him at a     
dinner1 which       was shortly after   
given by one of their number4 ,at that  
dinner       he repeated his wonder on  
the subject of ,the ,edinburgh          
,review4 ,one of the company said he    
knew the authors1 and       would tell  
them to ,mr4 ,hume upon his giving an   
oath of       secrecy4 ,how is the oath 
to be taken1 said ,david1 with his      
usual pleasantry1 of a man accused of so
 much scepticism as ,i       am8 ,you   
would not trust my ,bible oath2 but ,i  

will swear by the         and the       
never to reveal your secret4 ,he        
was then told the names of the authors  
and the plan of the       work2 but it  
was not continued long enough to allow  
of his       contributing any           
articles4#dbc3a    ,it was a strong     
judgment to pass on a man who filled the
 office of  secretary of legation1 and  
under-secretary of state1 that a secret 
was  not safe in his keeping4 ,perhaps  
,hume had acquired absent habits about  
trifles4 ,but he could transact         
important business with ability1 and    
keep  important secrets with strictness4
 ,there is a general propensity to      
find1 in the nature and habits of       
abstruse thinkers1 an innocent          
simplicity about the passing affairs of 
the world1 which is often  dispelled by 
a nearer view of their characters4 ,hume
 was careless about  small matters2 but 
in the serious transactions of life1 he 
was  sagacious1 prompt1 and energetic4  
,though he did not contribute to it1  he

 owed some substantial services to this 
periodical1 in the conflict in  the     
ecclesiastical courts1 which1 in the    
course of events1 comes now to  be      
considered4#dbd3a    ,hume was not one  
of those who1 when they find that the   
opinions they  have formed are at       
variance with those of the rest of      
mankind1 blaze the  unpopular portions  
forth in the light of day1 or fling them
 in the face  of their adversaries4     
,among his intimate friends1 he could   
pass sly  jests about his opinions2     
using1 in regard to them1 those strong  
expressions which he knew his           
adversaries would apply to them4 ,but he
  disliked ostentation of any kind4 ,he 
particularly disliked the  ostentation  
of singularity2 and so little was he    
aware that he was  outraging any of the 
world's opinions1 in promulgating the   
fruits of his  metaphysical             
speculations1 that he appears to have   
been much astonished  that any one      
should find in them any ground for      

serious objection1 and  to have         
marvelled greatly that clergymen and    
others should deem him an  unfit person 
to be a professor of moral philosophy1  
or a teacher of  youth4 ,rara temporum  
felicitas1 ubi sentire qu velis1 et qu  
sentias  dicere1 licet1 was the motto of
 his first work2 and he seems to have   
thought that he lived in an age when    
speculation might soar with  unclipped  
wings1 and when his opinions would be   
questioned only before  the tribunal of 
reason4    ,in all this1 however1 he now
 found that he was mistaken1 and that   
there  were persons who1 professing to  
have charge of these matters1 and to    
know the final judgment concerning them1
 thought right to execute it on  earth1 
by punishing the man whose opinions were
 different from their  own4 ,the soul of
 this crusade was a certain ,reverend   
,george ,anderson1 a  restless1 fiery1  
persevering being1 probably of great    
polemical note in  his day1 the observed
 of all observers as he passed through  

the city1 a  ,boanerges in church       
courts2 but now only known through the  
eminence of  those against whom the fury
 of his zeal was directed4 ,hume was not
 the  only object of pursuit4 ,other    
game was started at the same time in the
  person of his friend1 ,lord ,kames4   
,it is somewhat remarkable1 that it was 
against the latter that the pursuit was 
most persevering and bitter4 ,he  was   
certainly not a man likely to have      
provoked such attacks4 ,it is true  that
 he meddled with dangerous subjects1 but
 he did so with great  caution and      
skill4 ,bred to the practice of the bar1
 at a time when the  advocate often felt
 a temptation to insinuate doctrines    
which could not  be proclaimed without  
risk1 he became like a chemist who is   
expert in  the safe manipulation of     
detonating materials4 ,yet he made a    
narrow  escape2 for as he had been      
raised to the bench in #ageb1 any       
proceeding  by a church court1          
professing to subject him to punishment1

 temporal or  eternal1 however lightly  
it might have fallen on a philosopher1  
might  have tended materially to injure 
the usefulness of a judge4    ,kames'   
work1 which was published in #agea1 and 
entitled ,essays on the  ,principles of 
,morality and ,natural ,religion1 bears 
evident marks of  having been written in
 opposition to the opinions laid down by
 ,hume1  although the author probably   
did not wish to expose the works of his 
kind friend to odium1 by making a       
particular reference to them4 ,it is    
clear that he considered his own        
opinions likely to be so very popular   
among the orthodox1 that it would be    
doing an evil turn to his friend1  to   
mention him as the promulgator of views 
on the other side4 ,in his              
advertisement1 he said1 the object of   
his book was to prepare the way  for a  
proof of the existence of the ,deity1   
and the ,essays end with a  prayer4     
,their leading principle is1 that       
according to the doctrine of            

predestination1 there can be no liberty 
to human beings1 in the ordinary        
acceptation of the term1 while the      
,deity has nevertheless1 for wise       
purposes1 which we cannot fathom1       
implanted in our race the feeling that  
we are free4 ,some have held that1 while
 the scheme of predestination was       
exhibited by ,hume as a mere            
metaphysical theory1 ,kames united it to
  vital religion4 ,he had the           
misfortune1 however1 to write in a      
philosophical tone2 and those who       
constituted themselves judges of the    
matter1 seem to have taken example from 
the stern father1 who1 when  there is a 
quarrel in the nursery1 punishes both   
sides1 because  quarrelling is a thing  
not allowed in the house4 ,in a letter  
to ,michael  ,ramsay1 ,hume says1 in    
continuation of a passage printed       
above1#dbg3a  ,have you seen our friend 
,harry's ,essays8 ,they are well wrote1 
and are  an unusual instance of an      
obliging method of answering a book4    

,philosophers must judge of the         
question2 but the clergy have already   
decided it1 and say he is as bad as me6 
,nay1 some affirm him to be  worse1--as 
much as a treacherous friend is worse   
than an open enemy4  ,dr4 ,blair is     
believed to have been the champion of   
,kames2 and the  following notice of his
 connexion with the controversy1 given  
by  ,mackenzie1 is valuable and         
instructive4         ,it is a singular  
enough coincidence with some church     
proceedings1 about fifty years          
after1#dbg3b that ,dr4 ,blair1       in 
defence of his friend's ,essays1        
expressly states1 that one       purpose
 of those ,essays was to controvert what
 appeared to him       to be a very     
dangerous doctrine1 held by the author  
of certain       other ,essays1 then    
recently published1 7by ,mr4 ,david     
,hume17       that1 by no principle in  
human nature1 can we discover any       
real connexion between cause and effect4
 ,according to ,dr4       ,blair1 the   

object of one of ,lord ,kames' ,essays  
is to show1       that though such      
connexion is not discoverable by reason1
       and by a process of argumentative
 induction1 there is1                   
nevertheless1 a real and obvious        
connexion1 which every one              
intuitively perceives between an effect 
and its cause4 ,we       feel and       
acknowledge1 that every effect implies a
 cause2 that       nothing can begin to 
exist without a cause of its existence4 
,we are not left1 says the author of the
 ,vindication1 to       gather our      
belief of a ,deity1 from inferences and 
conclusions deduced through intermediate
 steps1 many or few4       ,how unhappy 
would it be1 for the great bulk of      
mankind1 if       this were necessary6  
,the first attack was made in a         
pamphlet1 called ,an ,estimate of the   
,profit and ,loss of ,religion1         
personally and publicly stated3         
illustrated  with reference to ',essays 
on ,morality and ,natural ,religion1'   

published  at ,edinburgh1 in #agec2 the 
work of ,anderson himself1 and endowed  
with  all the marks of its author4 ,this
 was levelled against ,kames alone2 but 
it was followed in #agee by a pamphlet1 
in which1 under the name of  ,sopho1 he 
was coupled with ,hume1 thus3 ,an       
,analysis of the ,moral and  ,religious 
,sentiments contained in the ,writings  
of ,sopho and ,david ,hume1  ,esq41     
addressed to the consideration of the   
reverend and honourable  members of the 
,general ,assembly of the ,church of    
,scotland4 ,my design1  says the author1
 is to analyze the works of these       
celebrated authors1  giving their own   
expressions under the different heads to
 which they  seem to belong4 ,this      
method1 ,i imagine1 will not only give  
the clearest  view of the sentiments of 
these gentlemen1 but is such as they    
themselves must allow to be the most    
fair and candid2 because if1 in  stating
 the proposition1 ,i should happen to   
mistake their meaning1 their  own words1

 subjoined1 must immediately do them    
justice4 ,with this  preamble1 the      
writer ranges his quotations under such 
heads as1 ,all  distinction betwixt     
virtue and vice is merely imaginary2    
,adultery is  very lawful1 but sometimes
 not expedient1 c4    ,a counter        
pamphlet was published1 called          
,observations upon a pamphlet1  entitled
 ',an ,analysis of the ,moral and       
,religious ,sentiments contained in  the
 ,writings of ,sopho and ,david ,hume1  
,esq4'#dbh3a ,in reference to his       
opponents' boasted series of accurate   
quotations1 the writer of this  answer  
says1 ,if there should be found passages
 which are neither the  words nor the   
meaning of the author1 the falsehood    
cannot be palliated  nor excused4 ,and  
then1 after giving a specimen of these  
accurate  quotations1 he says1--        
,in all that page there is no such      
sentence1 neither is there       any    
such sentiment to be found4 ,the passage
 from the beginning       is as follows1

 c4 and he continues3 ,to glean         
disunited       sentences1 to patch them
 together arbitrarily1 to omit the      
limitations or remarks with which a     
proposition is delivered2       can this
 be styled exhibiting the sentiments of 
an author8 ,i       hope ,i shall not be
 thought to deviate into any thing      
ludicrous1 when ,i refer the reader to a
 well-known treatise of       the ,dean 
of ,st4 ,patrick's1 in which the        
inquisitorial method       of           
interpretation in the ,church of ,rome  
is by so just and so       severe       
raillery rendered detestable4 ,si non   
totidem       sententiis1 ast totidem   
verbis2 si non totidem verbis1 ast      
totidem syllabis2 si non totidem        
syllabis ast totidem       literis4     
,this is the genuine logic of           
persecution4#dbi3a    ,the matter was   
brought before the immediately ensuing  
,general ,assembly1  that of #agee2 by  
which a general resolution was passed1  
expressive of  the ,church's utmost     

abhorrence of impious and infidel       
principles1  and of the deepest concern 
on account of the prevalence of         
infidelity  and immorality1 the         
principles whereof have been1 to the    
disgrace of  our age and nation1 so     
openly avowed in several books published
 of late  in this country1 and which are
 but too well known amongst us4 ,but    
this  general anathema was not          
sufficient to satisfy the pious zeal of 
,mr4  ,anderson1 who1 in anticipation of
 the meeting of the ,assembly in #agef1 
wrote another pamphlet1 called          
,infidelity a proper object of censure4 
,the initiatory step in the legislative 
business of the ,general ,assembly1  is 
the bringing before it an overture1     
which has previously obtained the       
sanction1 either of one of the inferior 
church courts1 or of a committee  of the
 ,assembly for preparing overtures4 ,in 
such a committee1 it was  moved on #bhth
 ,may1 #agef1 that the following        
overture should be  transmitted to the  

,assembly4         ,the ,general        
,assembly1 judging it their duty to do  
all in       their power to check the   
growth and progress of infidelity2      
and considering1 that as infidel        
writings have begun of late       years 
to be published in this nation1 against 
which they have       hitherto only     
testified in general1 so there is one   
person       styling himself ,david     
,hume1 ,esq4 who hath arrived at such a 
degree of boldness as publicly to avow  
himself the author of       books       
containing the most rude and open       
attacks upon the       glorious gospel  
of ,christ1 and principles evidently    
subversive       even of natural        
religion1 and the foundations of        
morality1 if       not establishing     
direct atheism3 therefore the ,assembly 
appoint the following persons 4 4 4 4 4 
as a committee to       inquire into the
 writings of this author1 to call him   
before       them1 and prepare the      
matter for the next ,general ,assembly4 

,the matter was discussed with the usual
 keenness of such debates in such       
bodies4 ,but toleration was triumphant1 
and the overture was rejected by  fifty 
votes to seventeen4#dcj3a    ,still the 
indefatigable ,anderson returned to the 
charge1 though he  brought it against   
humbler persons in a less conspicuous   
arena4 ,as he  found the authors above  
his reach1 he resolved to proceed       
against the  booksellers2 and he brought
 before the ,presbytery of ,edinburgh a 
,petition and ,complaint against        
,alexander ,kincaid and ,alexander      
,donaldson1 the publishers of ,kames'   
,essays1 praying1 that the said  printer
 and booksellers may be summoned to the 
next meeting of the  ,presbytery1 and   
there and then to declare and give up   
the author of the  said book2 and that  
he and they may be censured1 according  
to the law of  the gospel1 and the      
practice of this and all other          
well-governed  churches4 ,anderson      
indeed would seem to have imbibed the   

spirit of the  great ,anthony ,arnauld3 
who1 when ,nicole spoke of some rest    
from the  endless war of polemical      
controversy1 exclaimed1 ,rest6 will you 
not  have enough of rest hereafter1     
through all eternity8 ,before the       
,presbytery could meet he accordingly   
published another pamphlet1 called  the 
,complaint of ,george ,anderson1        
minister of the gospel1 verified by     
passages in the book libelled4 ,he died 
in the #aith ,october1#dcb3a just  ten  
days before the meeting of the          
presbytery1 for which he had made  such 
active preparation4 ,he fell in harness1
 and the departure of the  restless     
spirit of the champion from its tenement
 of clay1 was death to  the cause4      
,after the perusal of written pleadings1
 and a formal debate1  the complaint was
 dismissed4    ,this matter appears to  
have given ,hume very little            
disturbance4 ,he does  not mention it in
 his own life4 ,he laboured             
uninterruptedly at the  second volume of

 his ,history2 and his correspondence1  
which we may now  resume1 will be found 
to pursue its even tenor1 taking no     
farther notice  of the proceedings of   
his opponents1 than the simple question 
put to  ,smith1 whether it will be a    
matter of much consequence if he should 
be  excommunicated8      ,,hume to ,,dr4
 ,,clephane4    ,edinburgh1 #bjth       
,april1 #agef4    ,,dear                
,,doctor1--,there is certainly nothing  
so unaccountable as my long  silence    
with you2 that is1 with a man whose     
friendship ,i desire most to  preserve  
of any ,i know1 and whose conversation  
,i would be the most  covetous to enjoy1
 were ,i in the same place with him4    
,but to tell the  truth1 we people in   
the country1 7for such you ,londoners   
esteem our  city17 are apt to be        
troublesome to you people in town2 we   
are vastly  glad to receive letters     
which convey intelligence to us of      
things which  we should otherwise have  
been ignorant of1 and can pay them back 

with  nothing but provincial stories1   
which are no way interesting4 ,it was   
perhaps an apprehension of this kind    
which held my pen3 but really1 ,i       
believe1 the truth is1 when ,i was idle1
 ,i was lazy--when ,i was busy1 ,i  was 
so extremely busy1 that ,i had no       
leisure to think of any thing else4     
,for1 dear ,doctor1 what have we to do  
with news on either side1 unless it  be 
literary news1 which ,i hope will always
 interest us8 and of these1  ,london    
seems to me as barren as ,edinburgh2 or 
rather more so1 since ,i  can tell you  
that our friend ,hume's ',douglas1' is  
altered and finished1  and will be      
brought out on the stage next winter1   
and is a singular1 as  well as fine     
performance1 ----#dcc3a of the spirit of
 the ,english  theatre1 not devoid of   
,attic and ,french elegance4 ,you have  
sent us  nothing worth reading this     
winter2 even your vein of wretched      
novels is  dried up1 though not that of 
scurrilous partial politics4 ,we hear of

 ,sir  ,george ,lyttleton's ,history1   
from which the populace expect a great  
deal3  but ,i hear it is to be three    
quarto volumes4 ',o1 magnum horribilem  
et  sacrum ,libellum4'--,this last      
epithet of sacrum will probably be      
applicable to it in more senses than    
one4 ,however1 it cannot well fail  to  
be readable1 which is a great deal for  
an ,english book now-a-days4    ,but1   
dear ,doctor1 even places more          
hyperborean than this1 more  provincial1
 more uncultivated1 and more barbarous1 
may furnish articles  for a literary    
correspondence4 ,have you seen the      
second volume of  ,blackwell's ',court  
of ,augustus8' ,i had it some days lying
 on my table1  and1 on turning it over1 
met with passages very singular for     
their  ridicule and absurdity4 ,he says 
that ,mark ,antony1 travelling from     
,rome  in a post-chaise1 lay the first  
night at ,redstones3 ,i own ,i did not  
think this a very classical name2 but1  
on recollection1 ,i found1 by the       

,philippics1 that he lay at ,saxa       
,rubra4 ,he talks also of ,mark         
,antony's  favourite poet1 ,mr4         
,gosling1 meaning ,anser1 who1 methinks1
 should rather  be called ,mr4 ,goose4  
,he also takes notice of ,virgil's      
distinguishing  himself1 in his youth1  
by his epigram on ,crossbow the robber6 
,look your  ,virgil1 you'll find that1  
like other robbers1 this man bore       
various  names4 ,crossbow is the name he
 took at ,aberdeen1 but ,balista at     
,rome4  ,the book has many other        
flowers#dcd3a of a like nature1 which   
made me  exclaim1 with regard to the    
author1         ,nec certe#dce3a apparet
 4 4 4 utrum       ,minxerit in patrios 
cineres1 an triste bidental             
,moverit incestus4 ,certe furit4    ,but
 other people1 who have read through the
 volume1 say that1  notwithstanding     
these absurdities1 it does not want     
merit2 and1 if it be  so1 ,i own the    
case is still more singular4 ,what would
 you think of a man  who should speak of

 the mayorality of ,mr4 ,veitch2 meaning
 the consulship  of ,cicero8--,is not   
this a fine way of avoiding the         
imputation of  pedantry8 ,perhaps       
,cicero1 to modernize him entirely1     
should be called  ,sir ,mark ,veitch1   
because his father was a ,roman knight4 
,i do not find your name among the      
subscribers of my friend ,blacklock's   
poems1 you have forgot2 buy a copy of   
them and read them1 they are many  of   
them very elegant1 and merit esteem1 if 
they came from any one1 but  are        
admirable from him4 ----#dce3b ,spence's
 industry in so good a  work1 but there 
is a circumstance of his conduct that   
will entertain  you4 ,in the ,edinburgh 
edition there was a stanza to this      
effect3         ,the wise in every age  
conclude1       ,what ,pyrrho taught and
 ,hume renewed1         ,that           
,dogmatists are fools4    ,mr4 ,spence  
would not undertake to promote a ,london
 subscription1 unless  my name1 as well 
as ,lord ,shaftesbury's1 7who was       

mentioned in another  place17 were      
erased3 the author frankly gave up      
,shaftesbury1 but said  that he would   
forfeit all the profit he might expect  
from a  subscription1 rather than       
relinquish the small tribute of praise  
which  he had paid to a man whom he was 
more indebted to than to all the world  
beside4 ,i heard by chance of this      
controversy1 and wrote to ,mr4 ,spence1 
that1 without farther consulting the    
author1 ,i1 who was chiefly  concerned1 
would take upon me to empower him to    
alter the stanza where ,i  was          
mentioned4 ,he did so1 and farther1     
having prefixed the life of the  author1
 he took occasion to mention some people
 to whom he had been  obliged1 but is   
careful not to name me2 judging rightly 
that such good  deeds were only         
splendida peccata1 and that till they   
were sanctified  by the grace of ,god   
they would be of no benefit to          
salvation4#dcf3a    ,i have seen 7but1  
,i thank ,god1 was not bound to read7   

,dr4 ,birch's  ',history of the ,royal  
,society4' ,pray make my compliments to 
him1 and  tell him1 that ,i am his most 
obliged humble servant4 ,i hope you     
understand that the last clause was     
spoken ironically4 ,you would have      
surprised him very much had you executed
 the compliment4 ,i shall  conclude this
 article of literature by mentioning    
myself4 ,i have  finished the second    
volume of my ,history1 and have         
maintained the same  unbounded liberty  
in my politics which gave so much       
offence3 religion  lay more out of my   
way2 and there will not be 4 4 4#dcf3b  
in this  particular3 ,i think reason1   
and even some eloquence1 are on my side1
 and  4 4 4 will1 ,i am confident1 get  
the better of faction and folly1 which  
are the 4 4 4#dcf3b least they never    
continue long in the same shape4 ,i  am 
sorry1 however1 that you speak nothing  
on this head in your  postscript to me4 
,it gives me great affliction1 dear     
,doctor1 when you speak of gouts and    

old age4 ,alas6 you are going down hill1
 and ,i am tumbling fast after  you4 ,i 
have1 however1 very entire health1      
notwithstanding my studious  sedentary  
life4 ,i only grow fat more than ,i     
could wish4 ,when shall ,i see  you8    
,god knows4 ,i am settled here2 have no 
pretensions1 nor hopes1 nor  desires1 to
 carry me to court the great4 ,i live   
frugally on a small  fortune1 which ,i  
care not to dissipate by jaunts of      
pleasure4 ,all these  circumstances give
 me little prospect of seeing ,london4  
,were ,i to change  my habitation1 ,i   
would retire to some provincial town in 
,france1 to  trifle out my old age1 near
 a warm sun in a good climate1 a        
pleasant  country1 and amidst a sociable
 people4 ,my stock would then maintain  
me  in some opulence2 for ,i have the   
satisfaction to tell you1 dear ,doctor1 
that on reviewing my affairs1 ,i find   
that ,i am worth #afjj sterling1  which1
 at five per cent1 makes near #ahjj     
livres a-year--that is1 the pay  of two 

,french captains4    ,edmonstone left   
this town for ,ireland4 ,i wish he were 
out of the way3  he has no prospect of  
advancement suitable to his merit4 ,sir 
,harry1 ,i  hope1 has only run backwards
 to make a better jump4 ,pray imitate   
not my  example--delay not to write2 or1
 if you do1 ,i will imitate yours1 and  
write again without waiting for an      
answer4 ,ever most sincerely4#dcg3a     
,,footnotes3    #cfg3a ,the appointment 
is thus recorded in the minutes of the  
,faculty  of ,advocates4    #bhth       
,january1 #ageb4    ,the ,faculty       
proceeded to the choice of a keeper of  
their library1 in  place of the said    
,mr4 ,thomas ,ruddiman2 and some members
 proposed that a  dignified member of   
their own body1 viz4 ,mr4 ,kenneth      
,mackenzie1  ,advocate1 ,professor of   
the ,civil ,law in the ,university of   
,edinburgh1  should be named to that    
office1 and others inclining that ,mr4  
,david ,hume  should be elected1 it was 
agreed that the matter should be put to 

a  vote4 ,and the rolls being called1   
and votes distinctly marked and taken   
down and numbered1 it was found that the
 majority had declared for the  latter2 
upon which1 the ,dean and ,faculty      
declared the said ,mr4 ,david  ,hume    
duly elected keeper of their library1   
and appointed that the usual  salary of 
forty pounds sterling should be paid to 
him yearly on that  account4 ,and in    
regard that he was to have their        
minutes1 acts1 and  records1 under his  
custody1 they appointed him also clerk  
to the  ,faculty1 which office had been 
lately resigned by ,mr4 ,david          
,falconer1  with power to the said ,mr4 
,hume to officiate therein by a depute4 
,mr4 ,gilbert ,elliot1 senior1 curator  
of the library1 here proposed1 that  in 
consideration that there would be a good
 deal of labour and trouble  in         
delivering over the library to ,mr4     
,hume1 and his receiving the same1  and 
doing several other things requisite and
 necessary relating thereto1  that the  

,faculty should name a certain salary to
 some person as under  keeper for some  
time till that business may be          
accomplished4 ,the ,dean  and ,faculty  
resolved1 that they would name no       
person1 nor no salary1 but  leave ,mr4  
,hume1 their library keeper1 himself the
 nomination and choice  of his own      
depute1 as he was to be answerable and  
accountable to the  ,faculty for his    
whole charge and intromissions2 but     
that1 against the  next anniversary     
meeting1 they would take under their    
consideration what  extraordinary work  
should be then accomplished1 and do     
therein as should  be found reasonable4 
,lastly1 the ,dean and ,faculty         
appointed ,mr4 ,george ,brown to        
intimate to  ,mr4 ,david ,hume their    
election of him for their library       
keeper1 and that  he should be present  
at their next meeting to have the oath  
de fideli  administered to him4    ,in  
this office1 ,hume succeeded the        
celebrated ,thomas ,ruddiman4 ,the life 

of this distinguished critic and        
philologist was written in an #hvo      
volume by ,george ,chalmers1 7#agid47   
,this book is valuable as containing    
some of the finest specimens of mixed   
bombast and bathos in the ,english      
language4 ,chalmers was a distinguished 
antiquary1 and his high fame in  that   
department of research was well earned2 
but this did not content  his ambition1 
and like an eminent ,anglo-,saxon       
antiquary of the present  day1 he must  
needs mount a cap and bells on his head1
 by aping the style  of the fine writers
 of his age4 ,gibbon and ,johnson seem  
to have been  honoured with an equal    
share in the elements of his style4 ,he 
can say  nothing without a due pomp and 
state2 when he tells us how ,john ,love 
was  the son of a bookseller in         
,dumbarton1 he must put it thus3 ,he was
 born  in ,july1 #afie1 at ,dunbarton1  
the ,dunbriton of the ,british1 the arx 
,britonum of the ,romans1 the ,dunclidon
 of ,ravennas1 the ,alcluyd of ,bede1   

and he was the son of ,john ,love1 a    
bookseller1 who1 like greater dealers   
in greater towns1 supplied his customers
 with such books as their taste         
required1 and1 like the father of       
,johnson1 occasionally exhibited his    
books at the neighbouring fairs4 ,we are
 then of course provided with a  list of
 what these books sold by ,love's father
 might or might not  probably be1 which 
has this reference to the life of       
,ruddiman1 that  young ,love quarrelled 
with him4 ,we then find such solemn     
announcements  as the following3 ,love  
had scarcely animadverted on ,trotter1  
when he  was carried before the         
judicatories of the kirk by ,mr4        
,sydserf1 the  minister of ,dumbarton1  
who accused him of brewing on a ,sunday2
 and  who1 after a juridical trial1 was 
obliged to make a public apology for    
having maliciously accused calumniated  
innocence4 ,a printer publishing  books 
calculated for an extensive sale is thus
 described3--,to these  other qualities 

of prudence1 of industry1 and of        
attention1 ,ruddiman  added judgment4   
,he did not print splendid editions of  
books for the  public good2 he did not  
publish volumes for the perusal of the  
few2 but  he chiefly employed his press 
in supplying ,scotland with books1      
which1  from their daily use1 had a     
general sale2 and he was by this motive 
induced to furnish country shopkeepers  
with school-books at the lowest  rate4  
#cgc3a ,the state of the library in     
,hume's time may be guessed at by       
consulting the first volume of the      
catalogue1 printed under ,ruddiman's    
auspices in #agdb1 folio4 ,it is a      
singular circumstance that this library 
has always been very deficient in the   
early editions of ,hume's  works--those 
which were published before his         
librarianship4 ,another set  of works1  
which one misses in the early           
catalogues1 consists in the             
controversial books1 written by ,logan  
against its previous librarian1         

,ruddiman4    #cgc3b ,the assistant1    
whose remuneration was to be at the     
pleasure of  the ,faculty1 according to 
the above minute1 was ,walter ,goodall1 
an  unfortunate scholar1 whom ,hume's   
predecessor in office1 the celebrated   
,thomas ,ruddiman1 had attached to the  
library as a hanger-on and              
miscellaneous drudge4 ,the extent of his
 emoluments may be appreciated  from a  
minute of ,faculty1 7#gth ,jan4 #ageh17 
which1 in consideration of  his long    
services1 awards him a salary of #e     
a-year1 over and above  what he may     
receive from the keeper of the library4 
,goodall's character  and fate are      
summed up in the sententious remark of  
,lord ,hailes1 that  ,walter was seldom 
sober4 ,yet he did not a little for     
historical  literature4 ,he was a       
violent ,jacobite and champion of the   
innocence of  ,queen ,mary2 and in #aged
 he published1 in two volumes #hvo1 his 
,examination of the ,letters said to be 
written by ,mary1 ,queen of ,scots1  to 

,james1 ,earl of ,bothwell1 showing by  
intrinsick and extrinsick  evidence that
 they are forgeries4 ,in #agei he edited
 the best edition of  ,fordun's         
,scotichronicon1 in two volumes folio4  
,the following traditional anecdote has 
been preserved1 of the keeper and  his  
assistant4 ,one day1 while ,goodall was 
composing his treatise  concerning      
,queen ,mary1 he became drowsy1 and     
laying down his head upon  his ,,mss4 in
 that posture fell asleep4 ,hume        
entering the library1 and  finding the  
controversialist in that position1      
stepped softly up to him1  and laying   
his mouth to ,watty's ear1 roared out   
with the voice of a  stentor1 that      
,queen ,mary was a whore and had        
murdered her husband4  ,watty1 not      
knowing whether it was a dream or a real
 adventure1 or  whether the voice       
proceeded from a ghost or a living      
creature1 started  up1 and before he was
 awake or his eyes well opened1 he      
sprang upon  ,hume1 and seizing him by  

the throat1 pushed him to the farther   
end of  the library1 exclaiming all the 
while that he was some base             
,presbyterian  parson1 who was come to  
murder the character of ,queen ,mary1 as
 his  predecessors had contributed to   
murder her person4 ,hume used to tell   
this story with much glee1 and ,watty   
acknowledged the truth of it with  much 
frankness4 ,chambers's ,biographical    
,dictionary of ,eminent ,scotsmen1  voce
 ,,goodall4    #cge3a ,of ,love and     
,marriage1 and ,of the ,study of        
,history4    #cgf3a ,literary ,gazette1 
#ahba1 p4 #gde4 ,the original is in the 
,,mss4  ,r4,s4,e4    #cgh3a ,thus it    
appears that it was his original        
intention to continue  the history down 
to #agad1 before he went back to the    
earlier periods4    #cgi3a ,from the    
original at ,kilravock4    #cgi3b       
,probably ,alexander ,wedderburn1       
afterwards ,lord ,chancellor            
,loughborough1 who was then twenty years
 of age4    #cgi3c ,from the original at

 ,kilravock4    #cha3a ,memorials of    
,james ,oswald1 p4 #gb4    #chc3a ,scots
 ,mag4 #ahjb1 p4 #gid4 ,collated with   
original at ,kilravock4    #che3a ,scots
 ,magazine1 #ahjb1 p4 #ijb4    #chg3a   
,alexander ,hume1 a director of the     
,east ,india ,company4    #chg3b        
,edinburgh ,annual ,register for #ahji1 
p4 #eec4    #chg3c ,singer's edition of 
,spence's ,anecdotes of ,books and ,men1
 p4 #ddh4    #cid3a ,it is out of some  
vague rumour as to this transaction1    
that ,lord  ,charlemont must have       
constructed the following romantic story
 of ,hume4  ,he was tender-hearted1     
friendly1 and charitable in the extreme1
 as will  appear from a fact1 which ,i  
have from good authority4 ,when a member
 of  the ,university of ,edinburgh1 and 
in great want of money1 having little   
or no paternal fortune1 and the         
collegiate stipend being very           
inconsiderable1 he had procured1 through
 the interest of some friend1 an  office
 in the university1 which was worth     

about #dj a-year4 ,on the day  when he  
had received this good news1 and just   
when he had got into his  possession the
 patent or grant entitling him to his   
office1 he was  visited by his friend   
,blacklock1 the poet1 who is much better
 known by  his poverty and blindness    
than by his genius4 ,this poor man began
 a long  descant on his misery1         
bewailing his want of sight1 his large  
family of  children1 and his utter      
inability to provide for them1 or even  
procure  them the necessaries of life4  
,hume1 unable to bear his complaints1   
and  destitute of money to assist him1  
ran instantly to his desk1 took out  the
 grant1 and presented it to his         
miserable friend1 who received it  with 
exultation1 and whose name was soon     
after1 by ,hume's interest1  inserted   
instead of his own4--,hardy's ,memoirs  
of ,charlemont1 p4 #i4  ,this story is  
constructed after the received model of 
the current  anecdotes of ,fielding1    
,goldsmith1 and others1 and is perhaps  

as close to  the truth as many of them  
would be found to be1 if they were      
minutely  investigated4 ,it is pretty   
clear that ,hume's generosity1--for     
generosity  he certainly had1 to a very 
large extent1 by the testimony of all   
who  knew him1--was not so much the     
creature of impulse1 as that of the     
authors who have been mentioned above3  
but such an instance as that just       
given1 is a warning to distrust those   
anecdotes of the inconsiderate          
generosity of men of genius1 that are   
put into a very dramatic shape4         
#cid3b ,it is along with the letter to  
,smith in the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4    #cif3a
 ,the fastidious ,gray's appreciation of
 ,la ,fontaine1 is thus  recorded4 ,the 
sly1 delicate1 and exquisitely elegant  
pleasantry of ,la  ,fontaine he thought 
inimitable1 whose muse1 however         
licentious1 is never  gross2 not perhaps
 on that account the less               
dangerous4--,nicholls'  ,reminiscences4 
,gray's ,works1 v4 #de4    #cif3b ,in   

#agef1 some disputes appear to have     
arisen between the ,faculty  and their  
curators1 owing to the arbitrary        
disposal of the books by the  latter4   
,on #fth ,january it was represented by 
,mr4 ,william ,johnstone1 that  the     
curators had ordered certain books to be
 sold1 and that the practice  was a very
 questionable one1 seeing as one curator
 succeeded another  yearly1 and         
different men had different tastes1 the 
library might by  that means happen to  
suffer considerably4 ,it was declared   
that the  curators had no right to      
dispose of books4    #cii3a ,from the   
original at ,kilravock4    #cii3b       
,edinburgh3 published by ,hamilton1     
,balfour1 and ,neill4 ,it is  entered in
 the ,gentleman's ,magazine list for    
,october4    #dja3a ,carte's last volume
 was posthumously published in the year 
after  ,hume's first4    #djc3a ,he does
 not appear to have suffered any        
persecutions before he  wrote the first 
volume of the ,history of the ,stuarts1 

unless the  opposition to his           
appointment as a professor deserves that
 name4 ,the  tone of the ,history itself
 was indeed one of the grounds on which 
he was  attacked in the ecclesiastical  
courts4    #djc3b ,article by ,lord     
,jeffrey in ,the ,edinburgh ,review1    
xii4 #bgf4    #dje3a ,article on        
,history by ,mr4 ,macaulay4 ,edinburgh  
,review1 xlvii4  p4 #cei4    #djg3a     
,printed in the ,appendix of ,voltaire  
et ,rousseau1 par ,henry ,lord          
,brougham1 p4 #cdj4    #djh3a ,see the  
letters in ,appendix4 ,the ,french      
bibliographical works  of reference1    
which are in general very full1 do not  
mention any  translation of the ,history
 of the ,stuarts earlier than #agfj1    
when  ,querard and ,brunet give the     
following3         ,histoire de la      
,maison de ,stuart sur le trne          
d',angleterre1       jusqu'au dtrnement 
de ,jacques ,,ii4 traduite de l',anglois
 de       ,david ,hume1 7par ,l',abb    
,prvost47 ,londres 7,paris7 #agfj4 #c   

vols4 in #dto4    ,the edition about to 
appear in ,holland1 which threw ,le     
,blanc into  despair1 seems to have been
 overlooked4 ,this ,prvost1 or ,prvt1 is
 the  well-known author of the ,histoire
 du ,chevalier des ,grieux et de ,manon 
,lescaut1 which still holds its place in
 ,french popular literature1  though it 
bears but a small proportion to the bulk
 of his other  voluminous works which   
are forgotten4 ,the authors of the      
,dictionnaire  ,historique1 say they    
find in his translation of ,hume1 un air
 tranger1  un style souvent embarrass1  
sm d',anglicismes1 d'expressions peu    
,franoises1 de tours durs1 de phrases   
louches et mal construites4 ,this  abb  
led an irregular life1 being a sort of  
disgraced ecclesiastic1 and  his death  
was singularly tragical4 ,he had fallen 
by the side of a wood  in a fit of      
apoplexy4 ,being found insensible1 he   
was removed as a dead  body to the      
residence of a magistrate1 where a      
surgeon was to open the  body to        

discover the cause of death4 ,at the    
first insertion of the  knife1 a scream 
from the victim terrified all present3  
but it was too  late2 the instrument had
 entered a vital part4    #djh3b        
,colonel ,abercrombie4    #dji3a ,from  
the original at ,kilravock4    #daj3a   
,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #daa3a ,i presume    
this was ',douglas2' and the expression1
 'he now  discovers a great genius for  
the theatre1' ,i suppose was meant to   
imply  ,mr4 ,d4 ,hume's opinion of its  
being better fitted for the stage than  
,agis4--,mackenzie4    #daa3b           
,mackenzie's ,account of ,home1 p4 #ajb4
 ,the original in the ,,ms4  ,r4,s4,e4  
#dac3a ,lives of the ,lindsays1 or a    
,memoir of the ,houses of ,crawford  and
 ,balcarres1 by ,lord ,lindsay4 ,hume's 
correspondent was ,james1 the  fifth    
earl4 ,he had had the misfortune to be  
out in the fifteen1 and  though a       
zealous and hardy soldier1 he in vain   
attempted to rise in the  army2 and at  
last retiring in disgust1 he betook     

himself to learned  leisure4 ,in the    
pleasing work above referred to1 he is  
thus  picturesquely described3 ,though  
his aspect was noble1 and his air and   
deportment showed him at once a man of  
rank1 yet there was no denying  that a  
degree of singularity attended his      
appearance4 ,to his large  brigadier    
wig1 which hung down with three tails1  
he generally added a  few curls of his  
own application1 which ,i suspect would 
not have been  considered quite orthodox
 by the trade4 ,his shoe1 which         
resembled  nothing so much as a little  
boat with a cabin at the end of it1 was 
slashed with his pen-knife1 for the     
benefit of giving ease to his honest    
toes2 here--there--he slashed it where  
he chose to slash1 without an  idea that
 the world or its fashions had the      
smallest right to smile at  his shoe2   
had they smiled1 he would have smiled   
too1 and probably said1  ',odsfish6 ,i  
believe it is not like other people's2  
but as to that1 look1  d' ye see8 what  

matters it whether so old a fellow as   
myself wears a  shoe or a slipper4'     
#dad3a ,mackenzie's ,account of ,home1  
p4 #age4    #daf3a ,he does not1        
however1 mention it in any of the       
subsequent  editions of his ,history4   
#dag3a ,scott of ,scotstarvet's         
,staggering ,state of ,scots            
,statesmen4--,a  collection of          
contemporary characters1 drawn by a     
shrewd but bitter and  unscrupulous     
observer4    #dag3b ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4     
#dag3c ,evidently the ,philosophical    
,society4 ,it was instituted in #agca1  
chiefly as a medical society2 but1 in   
#agci1 its plan was so far  enlarged1 as
 to admit of the above comprehensive    
denomination4    #dah3a ,sic in ,,ms4   
#dah3b ,lit4 ,gazette1 #ahbb1 p4 #gde4  
,the original is in the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4
    #dai3a ,this name changed to        
,randolph1 after the first              
representation4--,mackenzie4    #dbj3a  
,changed to ,norval1 before the tragedy 
was brought on the  stage4--,mackenzie4 

#dbj3b ,mackenzie's ,account of ,home1  
p4 #ajj4    ,the following paper made   
its first appearance in ,the ,edinburgh 
,weekly  ,chronicle1 a few years ago1   
when it was edited by ,mr4 ,hislop1 a   
gentleman said to be well acquainted    
with theatrical matters4 ,it is here    
repeated1 not as being believed1 but    
because having excited some  attention  
when it first appeared1 it found its way
 into some books  connected with        
,scottish literature4    ,it may not be 
generally known1 that the first         
rehearsal took place in  the lodgings in
 the ,canongate1 occupied by ,mrs4      
,sarah ,warde1 one of  ,digges's        
company2 and that it was rehearsed by1  
and in presence of the  most            
distinguished literary characters       
,scotland ever could boast of4 ,the     
following was the cast of the piece on  
the occasion3--    ,,dramatis ,,person4 
,lord ,randolph1       ,dr4 ,robertson1 
,principal1 ,edinburgh4                 
,glenalvon1           ,david ,hume1     

,historian4       ,old ,norval1         
,dr4 ,carlyle1 ,minister of             
,musselburgh4       ,douglas1           
,john ,home1 the ,author4       ,lady   
,randolph1       ,dr4 ,ferguson1        
,professor4       ,anna1 7the ,maid17   
,dr4 ,blair1 ,minister1 ,high ,church4  
,the audience that day1 besides ,mr4    
,digges1 and ,mrs4 ,warde1 were1 the    
,right ,honourable ,patrick ,lord       
,elibank1 ,lord ,milton1 ,lord ,kames1  
,lord  ,monboddo1 7the two last were    
then only lawyers17 the ,rev4 ,john     
,steele  and ,william ,home1 ministers4 
,the company1 all but ,mrs4 ,warde1     
dined  afterwards in the ,erskine ,club1
 in the ,abbey4    ,the reader must take
 this statement at its own value1 which 
he will  probably not consider high4    
,the cast1 has no pretensions to be a   
transcript of any contemporary document2
 for ,dr4 ,robertson was not then       
,principal of the ,university1 but      
minister of the country parish of       
,gladsmuir2 and ,ferguson was not a     

,professor1 but an army chaplain1 with  
leave of absence1 spending his time     
chiefly in ,perthshire4 ,lord ,kames1   
spoken of as only a lawyer1 had been    
raised to the bench in #ageb4    #dba3a 
,this last appears to have been         
suppressed4 ,the publication of  the    
others is mentioned further on4         
#dbb3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #dbc3a        
,account of ,john ,home1 p4 #bd4        
#dbd3a ,there is an amusing traditional 
anecdote1 with which this  periodical   
has some connexion4 ,dr4 ,walter        
,anderson1 minister of  ,chirnside1     
having caught the fire of literary      
ambition1 made the remark  to ,hume1 one
 afternoon when they had been enjoying  
the hospitalities of  ,ninewells3 ,mr4  
,david1 ,i daresay other people might   
write books too2 but  you clever fellows
 have taken up all the good subjects4   
,when ,i look  about me1 ,i cannot find 
one unoccupied4--,what would you think1 
,mr4  ,anderson1 said ,hume1 in reply1  
of a ,history of ,croesus1 king of      

,lydia8  ,this has never yet been       
written4 ,dr4 ,anderson was a man who   
understood  no jesting1 and held no     
words as uttered in vain2 so away he    
goes1 pulls  down his ,herodotus1 and   
translates all the passages in the first
 book  relating to ,croesus1 with all   
the consultations of the oracles1 and   
all  the dreams2 only interweaving with 
them1 from his own particular genius1   
some very sage and lengthy remarks on   
the extent to which there was real      
truth in the prophetic revelations of   
the ,pythoness4 ,this book1 which is    
now a great rarity1 was reviewed with   
much gravity and kindness in ,the       
,edinburgh ,review4 ,it was more        
severely treated in ,the ,critical      
,review1 edited by ,smollett1 where it  
is said1 ,there is still a race of      
soothsayers in the ,highlands1 derived1 
if we may believe some curious          
antiquaries1 from the ,druids and ,bards
 that were set apart for the  worship of
 ,apollo4 ,the author of the ,history   

before us may1 for aught we  know1 be   
one of these venerable seers1 though we 
rather take him to be a  ,presbyterian  
teacher1 who has been used to expound   
apothegms that need  no explanation4    
#dbg3a ,page #cdb4 ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4      
#dbg3b ,the case of ,sir ,john ,leslie1 
see above1 p4 #hi4    #dbh3a ,attributed
 to ,dr4 ,blair by ,tytler1 7,life of   
,kames1 i4 #adb17 as  well as by        
,mackenzie2 as on the preceding page4   
#dbi3a ,besides those mentioned above1  
the occasion seems to have called  forth
 some blasts of the trumpet1 still      
better suited to split the ears  of the 
groundlings--such as ,the ,deist        
stretched on a ,death-bed1 or a  lively 
,portraiture of a ,dying ,infidel4 ,the 
contemporary ,edinburgh  ,review1 which 
carried on a guerilla warfare on the    
side of the  threatened philosophers1   
thus commences a notice of this         
production4  ,this is a most            
extraordinary performance4 ,the hero of 
it is an infidel1  'a humorous youth1'  

as the author describes him1 'a youth   
whose life was  one successive scene of 
pleasantry and humour3 who laughed at   
revelation1 and called religion         
priestcraft and grimace3 a gay and      
sprightly free-thinker4 ,but yesterday1'
 says he 'this gay and sprightly        
free-thinker revelled his usual round of
 gallantry and applause1  till1 satiated
 at length1 he staggered to bed devoid  
of sense and  reason4' ,we suppose1     
7continues the reviewer17 the author's  
meaning is1  that he went to bed very   
drunk4'    #dcj3a ,scots ,magazine1     
#agef1 pp4 #bdh1 #bhj1 where those who  
are  partial to such reading1 will find 
a pretty clear abstract of the  debate4 
,the ,general ,assembly had its hands at
 that time pretty full4 ,a  deadly      
dispute had arisen between the partisans
 of the old and new  church music1 which
 is thus described in ,ritchie's ,life  
of ,hume1 p4 #eg3    ,at this time the  
,scottish church was thrown into a      
general ferment by  an attempt to       

introduce the reformed music4 ,in       
accomplishing this1 the  most indecent  
scenes were exhibited4 ,it was not      
uncommon for a  congregation to divide  
themselves into two parties1 one of     
which1 in  chaunting the psalms1        
followed the old1 and the other the new 
mode of  musical execution2 while the   
infidel1 who was not in the habit of    
frequenting the temple1 now resorted to 
it1 not for the laudable purpose  of    
repentance and edification1 but from the
 ungodly motive of being a  spectator of
 the contest4 4 4 4 4    ,during the    
present dispute1 it was customary for   
the partisans of the  different kinds of
 music to convene apart1 in numerous    
bodies1 for the  purpose of practising1 
and to muster their whole strength on   
the  ,sabbath4 ,the moment the psalm was
 read from the pulpit1 each side1 in    
general chorus1 commenced their         
operations2 and as the pastor and clerk1
  or precentor1 often differed in their 
sentiments1 the church was  immediately 

in an uproar4 ,blows and bruises were   
interchanged by the  impassioned        
songsters1 and1 in many parts of the    
country1 the most  serious disturbances 
took place4    ,they had1 at the same   
time1 to conduct the war against the    
tragedy of  ,douglas1 and the           
frequenters of the theatre4 ,home       
himself1 as is well  known1 escaped the 
odium of ecclesiastical punishment1 by  
resigning his  ministerial charge4      
,order was then taken with those clergy 
who could not  resist being present on  
so memorable an occasion as the         
performance of a  great national        
tragedy1 written by a member of their   
own body4 ,among  these the ,rev4 ,mr4  
,white of ,libberton was subjected to   
the modified  punishment of a month's   
suspension from office1 because 'he had 
attended  the representation only once1 
when he endeavoured to conceal himself  
in  a corner1 to avoid giving offence4' 
,scots ,mag4 for #ageg1 p4 #dg4         
#dcb3a ,ritchie says1 7p4 #gi17 that he 

was in his eightieth year4 ,one is      
tempted to say with ,lady ,macbeth1 ,who
 would have thought the old man  had so 
much blood in him4 ,besides these       
conflicts in ,scotland1 he was          
conducting a war in ,england against    
,mallet1 for the publication of         
,bolingbroke's works4    #dcc3a ,word   
illegible4    #dcd3a ,that such flowers 
were not confined to ,aberdeen1 may be  
seen in  the following passage of the   
,carpentariana4    ,si l'on vouloit     
traduire les noms ,grecs et ,romains en 
,franois1 on les  rendroit souvent      
ridicules4 ,j'ai vu une traduction des  
pitres de  ,cicron  ,atticus1 imprime   
chez ,thiboust1 en #afff1 pag4 #bag1 o  
l'auteur est tomb dans cette faute      
ridicule1 en traduisant cet endroit3    
,pridie autem apud me ,crassipes fuerat1
 ,le jour prcdent ,gros-pied fut  chez  
moi4 ,vritablement ,crassipes1 veut dire
 ,gros-pied1 mais il est  ridicule de la
 traduire ainsi3 et il ne faut jamais   
toucher aux noms  propres1 soit qu'ils  

fassent un bon ou mauvais effet1 rendus 
dans notre  langue4 ,un autre traducteur
 des pitres de ,cicron1 lui fait dire1  
,mademoiselle votre fille1 ,madame votre
 femme2 et je me souviens d'un  auteur  
qui appelloit ,brutus et ,collatinus1   
les ,bourgmestres de la ville  de ,rome4
    #dce3a ,satis4    #dce3b ,words     
obliterated4    #dcf3a ,see above p4    
#cic4    #dcf3b ,words obliterated by   
decay of the ,,ms4    #dcg3a ,original  
at ,kilravock4          ,,appendix4     
,,appendix ,a4    ,,fragments ,,of ,a   
,,paper ,,in ,,hume',s ,,handwriting1   
,,describing ,,the ,,descent ,,on  ,,the
 ,,coast ,,of ,,brittany1 ,,in #agdf1   
,,and ,,the ,,causes ,,of ,,its         
,,failure4#dda3a           ,the forces  
under ,lieutenant ,general ,st4 ,clair  
consisted of       five battalions1 viz4
 the first battalion of the #ast ,royal1
       the #eth ,highlanders1 #c;d      
,brag's1 #dth ,richbell's1 #b;d         
,harrison's1       together with part of
 ,frampton's1 and some companies of     

,marines1 making in all about #dejj men4
 ,the fleet consisted of       4 ,though
 this army and fleet had been at first  
fitted out for entering upon action in  
summer #agdf1 and making       conquest 
of ,canada1 it was found1 after several 
vain efforts       to get out of the    
,channel1 first under ,commodore ,cotes1
 then       under ,admiral ,listock1    
that so much time had been unavoidably  
lost1 from contrary winds and contrary  
orders1 as to render it       dangerous 
for so large a body of ships to proceed 
thither4 ,the       middle of ,may was  
the last day of rendezvous appointed at 
,spithead2 and in the latter end of     
,august1 the fleet had yet       got no 
farther than ,st4 ,helen's1 about a     
league below it4 ,it       is an        
observation1 that in the latter end of  
autumn1 or       beginning of winter1   
the north-west winds blow so furiously  
on       the coast of ,north ,america1  
as to render it always difficult1       
and often impossible1 for ships that set

 out late to reach any       harbour in 
those parts4 ,instances have been found 
of vessels       that have been obliged 
to take shelter from these storms1 even 
in the ,leeward ,islands4 ,it was       
therefore become necessary to           
abandon all thoughts of proceeding to   
,america that season2 and       as the  
transports were fitted out and fleet    
equipped at great       expense1 an     
attempt was hastily made to turn them to
 some       account in ,europe1 during  
the small remainder of the summer4      
,the distress of the allies in ,flanders
 demanded the more       immediate      
attention of the ,english nation and    
ministry1 and       required1 if        
possible1 some speedy remedy4 ',twas too
 late to       think of sending the six 
battalions under ,general ,st4 ,clair1  
to reinforce ,prince ,charles of        
,lorraine1 who commanded the            
armies of the allies2 and their number  
was1 besides1 too       inconsiderable  
to hope for any great advantages from   

that       expedient4 ',twas more to be 
expected1 that falling on the           
parts of ,france1 supposed to be        
defenceless and disarmed1 they          
might make a diversion1 and occasion the
 sending a       considerable detachment
 from the enemy's army in ,flanders4    
,but       as time pressed1 and allowed 
not leisure to concert and       prepare
 this measure1 the ,duke of ,newcastle1 
,secretary of       ,state1 hoped to    
find that ,general ,st4 ,clair had      
already       planned and projected some
 enterprise of this nature4 ,he         
formed this presumption on a hint which 
had been started very       casually1   
and which had been immediately dropped  
by the       ,general4         ,in the  
spring1 when the obstructions and delays
 thrown in the       way of the         
,american enterprise were partly felt   
and partly       foreseen1 the          
,secretary1 lamenting the great and1 he 
feared1       useless expense to which  
the nation had been put by that         

undertaking1 gave occasion to the       
,general to throw out a       thought1  
which would naturally occur in such a   
situation4 ,he       said1 ,why may you 
not send the squadron and troops to some
       part of the coast of ,france1 and
 at least frighten and alarm       them 
as they have done us2 and1 as all their 
troops are on the       ,flanders and   
,german frontiers1 'tis most probable   
that such an       alarm may make them  
recall some of them8 ,the subject was   
then       no farther prosecuted2 but   
the ,king1 being informed of this       
casual hint of the ,general's1 asked him
 if he had formed any       plan or     
project by which the service            
above-mentioned might be                
effectuated4 ,he assured his majesty    
that he had never so much       as      
thought of it2 but that1 if it was his  
pleasure1 he would       confer with    
,sir ,john ,ligonier1 and endeavour to  
find other       people in ,london who  
could let him into some knowledge of the

       coast of ,france4 ,to this the   
,king replied1 ,no1 no2 you need        
not give yourself any trouble about it4 
,and accordingly the       ,general     
never more thought of it1 farther than  
to inform the       ,duke of ,newcastle 
of this conference with his majesty4    
,however1 the ,duke being willing that  
the person who was to       execute the 
undertaking should also be the projector
 of it1 by       which means both       
greater success might be hoped from it1 
and       every body else be screened   
from reflection in case of its          
miscarriage1 desired1 in his letter of  
the #bb;d of ,august1 that       both   
the ,admiral and ,general should give   
their opinion of such       an invasion2
 and particularly the ,general1 who1    
having1 he       said1 formed some time 
ago a project of this nature1 might be  
the better prepared to give his thoughts
 with regard to it4       ,they both    
jointly replied1 that their utter       
ignorance made       them incapable of  

delivering their sentiments on so       
delicate a       subject2 and the       
,general1 in a separate letter1 recalled
 to       the ,duke's memory the        
circumstances of the story1 as above    
related4         ,though they declined  
proposing a project1 they both          
cheerfully       offered1 that if his   
majesty would honour them with any plan 
of operation for a descent1 they would  
do their best to carry       it into    
execution4 ,they hoped that the         
,secretary of ,state1       who1 by his 
office1 is led to turn his eyes every   
where1 and       who lives at ,london1  
the centre of commerce and intelligence1
       could better form and digest such
 a plan1 than they who were       cooped
 up in their ships1 in a remote sea-port
 town1 without       any former         
acquaintance with the coast of ,france1 
and without       any possibility of    
acquiring new knowledge4 ,they at least 
hoped1 that so difficult a task would   
not be required of them       as either 

to give their sentiments without any    
materials       afforded them to judge  
upon1 or to collect materials1 while    
the most inviolable secrecy was strictly
 enjoined on them4 ,it       is         
remarkable1 that the ,duke of           
,newcastle1 among other       advantages
 proposed by this expedition1 mentions  
the giving       assistance to such     
,protestants as are already in arms1 or 
may       be disposed to rise on the    
appearance of the ,english1 as if we    
were living in the time of the ,league1 
or during the confusion       of        
,francis the ,second's minority4        
,full of these reflections1 they sailed 
from ,st4 ,helens on the       #bc;d of 
,august1 and arrived at ,plymouth on the
 #bith1 in       obedience to their     
orders1 which required them to put into 
that harbour for farther instructions4  
,they there found       positive orders 
to sail immediately1 with the first fair
 wind1       to the coast of ,france1   
and make an attempt on ,l',orient1 or   

,rochefort1 or ,rochelle1 or sail up the
 river of ,bourdeaux2 or1       if they 
judged any of these enterprises         
impracticable1 to sail       to whatever
 other place on the western coast they  
should think       proper4 ,such        
unbounded discretionary powers could not
 but be       agreeable to commanders1  
had it been accompanied with better1    
or indeed with any intelligence4 ,as the
 wind was then       contrary1 they had 
leisure to reply in their letters of the
       #bith and #cjth4 ,they jointly   
represented the difficulties1 or        
rather impossibilities1 of any attempt  
on ,l',orient1 ,rochefort1       and    
,rochelle1 by reason of the real        
strength of these places1       so far  
as their imperfect information could    
reach2 or1 if that       were erroneous1
 by reason of their own absolute want of
       intelligence1 guides1 and pilots1
 which are the soul of all              
military operations4         ,the       
,general1 in a separate letter1 enforced

 the same topics1       and added many  
other reflections of moment4 ,he said1  
that of       all the places mentioned  
in his orders1 ,bourdeaux1 if           
accessible1 appeared to him the         
properest to be attempted2       both as
 it is one of the towns of greatest     
commerce and riches       in ,france1   
and as it is the farthest situated from 
their       ,flanders' army1 and on     
these accounts an attack on it would    
most probably produce the wished-for    
alarm and diversion4 ,he       added1   
that he himself knew the town to be of  
no strength1 and       that the only    
place there capable of making any       
defence1 is       ,chateau ,trompette1  
which serves it as a citadel1 and was   
intended1 as almost all citadels are1   
more as a curb1 than a       defence1 on
 the inhabitants4 ,but though these     
circumstances       promised some       
success1 he observed that there were    
many other       difficulties to        
struggle with1 which threw a mighty damp

 on       these promising expectations4 
,in the first place1 he much            
questioned if there was in the fleet any
 one person who had       been ashore on
 the western coast of ,france1 except   
himself1       who was once at          
,bourdeaux2 and he1 too1 was a stranger 
to all       the country betwixt the    
town and the sea4 ,he had no single map 
of any part of ,france on board with    
him2 and what intelligence       he may 
be able to force from the people of the 
country can be       but little to be   
depended on1 as it must be their        
interest to       mislead him4 ,and if  
money prove necessary1 either for       
obtaining intelligence1 carrying on of  
works1 or even       subsisting the     
officers1 he must raise it in the       
country2 for1       except a few chests 
of ,mexican dollars1 consigned to other 
uses1 he carried no money with him4 ,if 
he advanced any where       into the    
country1 he must be at a very great loss
 for want of       horses to draw the   

artillery2 as the inhabitants will      
undoubtedly carry off as many of them as
 they could1 and he       had neither   
hussars nor dragoons to force them back 
again4 ,and       as to the preserving  
any conquests he might make1 7of which  
the ,duke had dropped some hints17 he   
observed that every place       which   
was not impregnable to him1 with such   
small force1 must       be untenable by 
him4 ,on the whole1 he engaged for      
nothing but       obedience2 he promised
 no success2 he professed absolute      
ignorance with regard to every          
circumstance of the       undertaking2  
he even could not fix on any particular 
undertaking2 and yet he lay under       
positive orders to sail with       the  
first fair wind1 to approach the unknown
 coast1 march       through the unknown 
country1 and attack the unknown cities  
of       the most potent nation of the  
universe4         ,meanwhile1 ,admiral  
,anson1 who had put into ,plymouth1 and 
had       been detained there by the    

same contrary winds1 which still        
prevailed1 had a conversation with the  
,general and ,admiral on       the      
subject of their enterprise4 ,he told   
them1 that he       remembered to have  
once casually heard from ,mr4 ,hume1    
member       for ,southwark1 that he had
 been at ,l',orient1 and that1 though   
it be very strong by sea1 it is not so  
by land4 ,though ,mr4       ,hume1 the  
gentleman mentioned1 be bred to a       
mercantile       profession1 not to war1
 and though the intelligence received   
from him was only casual1 imperfect1 and
 by second-hand1 yet       it gave      
pleasure to the ,admiral and ,general1  
as it afforded       them a faint       
glimmering ray in their present         
obscurity and       ignorance2 and they 
accordingly resolved to follow it4 ,they
       wrote to the ,duke of ,newcastle1
 ,september the #c;d1 that 'twas        
to ,l',orient they intended to bend     
their course1 as soon as the       wind 
offered4 ,to remedy the ignorance of the

 coast and want of       pilots1 as far 
as possible1 ,commodore ,cotes in the   
,ruby1       together with ,captain     
,stewart in the ,hastings1 and a sloop  
and       tender1 was immediately       
despatched by the ,admiral to view ,port
       ,l',orient and all the places    
near it1 so far as might regard         
the safe approach and anchorage of the  
ships4 ,the ignorance of       the      
country1 and want of guides1 was a      
desperate evil1 for       which the     
,general could provide no remedy4 ,but  
as the wind       still continued       
contrary to the fleet and transports1   
though       single ships of war might  
work their way against it1 the          
,general had occasion to see farther    
alterations made by the       ministry  
in their project of an invasion4        
,the ,duke of ,newcastle1 who had before
 informed the ,general       that1 if he
 could establish himself on any part of 
the coast       of ,france1 two         
battalions of the ,guards1 and ,general 

,huske's       regiment1 should be      
despatched after him1 now says1 7,sept4 
#c17       that these three battalions  
have got immediate orders to            
follow him4 ,he farther adds1 that if   
the ,general finds it                   
impracticable to make any descent on the
 coast of ,brittany1 or       higher up 
in the ,bay of ,biscay1 he would        
probably find1 on his       return1 some
 intelligence sent him1 by the          
reinforcement1 with       regard to the 
coast of ,normandy4 ,next day the ,duke 
changes his       mind1 and sends       
immediately this intelligence with      
regard to       the coast of ,normandy1 
and a plan for annoying the ,french on  
that quarter1 proposed by ,major        
,macdonald2 and to this plan he         
seems entirely to give the preference to
 the other1 of making       an attempt  
on the western coast of ,france1 to     
which he had       before confined the  
,admiral and ,general4 ,they considered 
the       plan1 and conversed with      

,major ,macdonald1 who came down to     
,plymouth a few days after4 ,they found 
that this plan had been       given in  
some years before1 and was not in the   
least       calculated for the present  
expedition1 but required a body of      
cavalry as an essential point towards   
its execution2 an       advantage of    
which the ,general was entirely         
destitute4 ,they       found that ,major
 ,macdonald had had so few opportunities
 of       improving himself in the art  
of war1 that it would be                
dangerous1 without farther information1 
to follow his plan in       any military
 operations4 ,they found that he        
pretended only to       know the        
strength of the town1 and nature of the 
country1 in       that province1 but had
 never acquainted himself with the      
sea-coast1 or pitched upon any proper   
place for       disembarkation4 ,they   
considered that a very considerable step
       had been already taken towards   
the execution of the other       project

 on the coast of ,brittany1 viz4 the    
sending ,commodore       ,cotes to      
inspect and sound the coast2 and that   
the same step       must now be taken   
anew1 in so late a season1 with regard  
to       the coast of ,normandy4 ,they  
thought that1 if their whole            
operations were to begin1 an attempt on 
the western coast was       preferable1 
chiefly because of its remoteness from  
the       ,flanders' army1 which must   
increase and spread the alarm1 if       
the country were really so defenceless  
as was believed4 ,they       represented
 all those reasons to the ,secretary2   
but at the       same time expressed    
their intentions of remaining at        
,plymouth       till they should receive
 his majesty's positive orders with     
regard to the enterprise on which they  
were to engage4         ,the ,duke      
immediately despatched a messenger1 with
 full powers       to them to go        
whithersoever they pleased4 ,during this
       interval1 the ,general was       

obliged1 to his great regret1 to        
remain in a manner wholly inactive4     
,plymouth was so remote a       place1  
that it was not to be expected he could 
there get any       proper intelligence4
 ,he was bound up by his orders to such 
inviolable secrecy1 that he could not   
make any inquiries for       it1 or     
scarce receive it1 if offered4 ,the     
,secretary had sent       ,major        
,macdonald1 and one ,cooke1 captain of a
 privateer1 who1       'twas found1     
could be of no manner of service in this
       undertaking4 ,these1 he said1    
were the only persons he could          
find in ,london that pretended to know  
any thing of the coast       of ,france1
 as if the question had been with regard
 to the       coast of ,japan or of     
,california4 ,the ,general desired to   
have       maps of ,france1 chiefly of  
,gascony and ,brittany4 ,he receives    
only a map of ,gascony1 together with   
one of ,normandy4 ,no map       of      
,brittany2 none of ,france2 he is       

obliged to set out on so       important
 an enterprise without intelligence1    
without pilots1       without guides1   
without any map of the country to which 
he was       bound1 except a common map1
 on a small scale1 of the kingdom       
of ,france1 which his ,aid-de-camp had  
been able to pick up in a       shop at 
,plymouth4 ,he represented all these    
difficulties to the       ministry2 he  
begged them not to flatter themselves   
with any       success from a ,general  
who had such obstacles to surmount1 and 
who must leave his conduct to the       
government of chance more       than    
prudence4 ,he was answered1 that nothing
 was expected of       him1 but to land 
any where he pleased in ,france1 to     
produce an       alarm1 and to return   
safe1 with the fleet and transports1 to 
the ,british dominions4 ,though he was  
sensible that more would       be       
expected by the people1 yet he          
cheerfully despised their       rash    
judgments1 while he acted in obedience  

to orders1 and in       the prosecution 
of his duty4 ,the fleet sailed from     
,plymouth on       the #aeth of         
,september1 and1 after a short voyage of
 three       days1 arrived1 in the      
evening of the #ahth1 off the island of 
,groa1 where they found ,commodore      
,cotes and ,captain ,stuart1 who        
gave them an account of the success     
which they had met with in       the    
survey of the coast near ,l',orient4    
,the place they had       pitched on for
 landing1 was ten miles from that town1 
at the       mouth of the river of      
,quimperlay4 ,they represented it as a  
flat open shore1 with deep water3 on    
these accounts a good                   
landing-place for the troops1 but a     
dangerous place for the       ships to  
ride in1 on account of the rocks with   
which it was       every where          
surrounded1 and the high swell which was
 thrown       in1 from the ,bay of      
,biscay1 by the west and south-west     
winds4         ,it was then about eight 

in the evening1 a full moon and a       
clear sky1 with a gentle breeze blowing 
in shore4 ,the question       was1      
whether to sail directly to the         
landing-place1 or hold       off till   
morning4 ,the two officers who had      
surveyed the coast       were divided in
 opinion3 one recommended the former    
measure1       the other suggested some 
scruples1 by representing the           
dangerous rocks that lay on every side  
of them1 and the       ignorance of all 
the pilots with regard to their number  
and       situation4 ,the ,admiral was  
determined1 by these reasons1 to        
agree to this opinion4 ,the question    
seemed little important1       as it    
regarded only a short delay2 but really 
was of the       utmost consequence1 and
 was1 indeed1 the spring whence all the 
ill success in this expedition flowed4  
,the great age of ,admiral ,listock1 as 
it increased his       experience1      
should make us cautious of censuring his
 opinion       in sea affairs1 where he 

was allowed to have such consummate     
knowledge4 ,but at the same time1 it may
 beget a suspicion1       that being now
 in the decline of life1 he was thence  
naturally       inclined rather to the  
prudent counsels which suit a concerted 
enterprise1 than to the bold temerity   
which belongs to such       hasty and   
blind undertakings4 ,the unhappy        
consequences of this       over-cautious
 measure immediately appeared4 ,the     
,admiral had       laid his account1    
that by a delay1 which procured a       
greater       safety to the fleet and   
transports1 only four or five hours     
would be lost2 but the wind changing in 
the morning1 and       blowing fresh off
 shore1 all next day1 and part of next  
night1       was spent before the ships 
could reach the landing-place4 ,some    
of them were not able to reach it till  
two days after4         ,during this    
time1 the fleet lay full in view of the 
coast1       and preparations were      
making in ,port ,louis1 ,l',orient1 and 

over the whole country1 for the         
reception of an enemy1 who              
threatened them with so unexpected an   
invasion4         ,the force of ,france1
 either for offence or defence1 consists
       chiefly in three different bodies
 of men3 first1 in a numerous           
veteran army1 which was then entirely   
employed in ,italy and on       their   
frontiers1 except some shattered        
regiments1 which were       dispersed   
about the country1 for the advantage of 
recruiting1       and of which there    
were two regiments of dragoons at that  
time       in ,brittany2 secondly1 in a 
regular and disciplined militia1        
with which all the fortified cities     
along the sea-coast were                
garrisoned1 and many of the frontier    
towns1 that seemed not to       be      
threatened with any immediate attack4   
,some bodies of this       militia had  
also been employed in the field with the
 regular       troops1 and had acquired 
honour1 which gave spirits and          

courage to the rest3 thirdly1 in a      
numerous body of coast       militia1 or
 gardes-du-cote1 amounting to near      
#bjj1jjj1 ill       armed and ill       
disciplined1 formidable alone by their  
numbers2       and in ,brittany1 by the 
ferocity of the inhabitants1 esteemed   
of old and at present1 the most warlike 
and least civilized of       all the    
,french peasants4 ,regular signals were 
concerted for       the assembling of   
these forces1 by alarm guns1 flags1 and 
fires2 and in the morning of the #bjth  
of ,september1 by break       of day1 a 
considerable body of all these different
 kinds of       troops1 but chiefly of  
the last1 amounting to above #cjjj men1 
were seen upon the sea-shore to oppose  
the disembarkation of       the ,british
 forces4 ,a disposition1 therefore1 of  
ships and       boats must be made for  
the regular landing of the army2 and as 
the weather was then very blustering1   
and the wind blew almost       off      
shore1 this could not be effected till  

afternoon4         ,there appeared1 in  
view of the fleet1 three places which   
seemed proper for a disembarkation1 and 
which were separated       from each    
other either by a rising ground1 or by a
 small arm       of the sea4 ,the       
,french militia had posted themselves in
 the       two places which lay nearest 
to ,l',orient2 and finding that         
they were not numerous enough to cover  
the whole1 they left       the third1   
which lay to the windward1 almost wholly
       defenceless4 ,the ,general       
ordered the boats to rendezvous         
opposite to this beach2 and he saw the  
,french troops march off       from the 
next contiguous landing-place1 and take 
post opposite       to him4 ,they placed
 themselves behind some sandbanks1 in   
such       a manner as to be entirely   
sheltered from the cannon of those      
,english ships which covered the        
landing1 while at the same       time   
they could rush in upon the troops1 as  
soon as their       approach to the     

shore had obliged the ships to leave off
       firing4         ,the ,general    
remarked their plan of defence1 and was 
determined to disappoint them4 ,he      
observed1 that the next                 
landing-place to the leeward was now    
empty2 and that1 though       the troops
 which had been posted on the more      
distant beach had       quitted their   
station1 and were making a circuit round
 an arm       of the sea1 in order to   
occupy the place deserted by the        
others1 they had not as yet reached it4 
,he immediately seized       the        
opportunity4 ,he ordered his boats to   
row directly forward1       as if he    
intended to land on the beach opposite  
to him2 but       while the enemy were  
expecting him to advance1 he ordered the
       boats to turn1 at a signal2 and1 
making all the speed that       both    
oars and sails could give them1 to steer
 directly to the       place deserted by
 the enemy4 ,in order to render the     
disembarkation more safe1 he had        

previously ordered two       tenders to 
attack a battery1 which had been placed 
on a mount       towards the right1 and 
which was well situated for annoying    
the boats on their approach4 ,the       
tenders succeeded in chasing       the  
,french from their guns2 the boats      
reached the shore before       any of   
the ,french could be opposite to them4  
,the soldiers       landed1 to the      
number of about six hundred men1 and    
formed in       an instant2 immediately 
upon which the whole militia dispersed  
and fled up into the country4 ,the      
,english followed them       regularly  
and in good order2 prognosticating      
success to the       enterprise from    
such a fortunate beginning4             
,there was a creek1 or arm of the sea1  
dry at low water1 which       lay on the
 right hand of the landing-place1 and   
through which       ran the nearest road
 to ,l',orient1 and the only one fit for
 the       march of troops1 or the      
draught of cannon and heavy carriages4  

,as it was then high water1 the ,french 
runaways were obliged1       by this    
creek1 to make a circuit of some miles2 
and they       thereby misled the       
general1 who1 justly concluding they    
would       take shelter in that town1  
and having no other guides to           
conduct him1 thought that1 by following 
their footsteps1 he       would be led  
the readiest and shortest way to        
,l',orient4 ,he       detached1         
therefore1 in pursuit of the flying     
militia1 about a       thousand men1    
under the command of ,brigadier         
,o',farrel2 who1       after being      
harassed by some firing from the hedges1
 7by which       ,lieut4-,col4 ,erskine1
 ,quarter-,master ,general1 was         
dangerously       wounded17 arrived that
 evening at ,guidel1 a village about a  
league distant from the landing-place4  
,the general himself lay       near the 
sea-shore1 to wait for the landing of   
the rest of the       forces4 ,by break 
of day he led them up to join the       

brigadier       at ,guidel4 ,he there   
learned from some peasants1 taken       
prisoners1 and who spoke the ,french    
language1 7which few of       the common
 people in ,brittany are able to do17   
that the road       into which he had   
been led1 by the reasons above          
specified1       was the longest by four
 or five miles4 ,he was also informed1  
what he had partly seen1 that the road  
was very dangerous and       difficult1 
running through narrow lanes and        
defiles1 betwixt       high hedges1     
faced with stone walls1 and bordered in 
many       places with thick woods and  
brushes1 where a very few               
disciplined and brave troops might stop 
a whole army2 and       where even a    
few1 without discipline or bravery1     
might1 by       firing suddenly upon the
 forces1 throw them into confusion4     
,in order to acquire a more thorough    
knowledge of the country1       of which
 he and the whole army were utterly     
ignorant1 he here       divided the     

troops into two equal bodies1 and       
marched them up       to ,l',orient1 by 
two different roads1 which were pointed 
out to       him4 ,the one part1 which  
he himself conducted1 passed without    
much molestation4 ,the other1 under     
,brigadier ,o',farrel1 was not       so 
fortunate4 ,two battalions of that      
detachment1 ,richbell's       and       
,frampton's1 partly from their want of  
experience1 and       partly from the   
terror naturally inspired into soldiers 
by       finding themselves in a        
difficult country unknown both to       
themselves and leaders1 and partly1     
perhaps1 from accident1 to       which  
the courage of men is extremely liable1 
fell into       confusion1 before a     
handful of ,french peasants who fired at
       them from behind the hedges4     
,notwithstanding all the                
endeavours of the ,brigadier1 many of   
them threw down their       arms1 and   
ran away2 others fired in confusion1 and
 wounded       each other2 and if any   

regular forces had been present to take 
advantage of this disorder1 the most    
fatal consequences might       have     
ensued4 ,and though they were at last   
led on1 and joined       the general    
that evening before ,l',orient1 the     
panic still       remained in these two 
battalions afterwards1 and communicated 
itself to others2 kept the whole army in
 anxiety1 even when       they were not 
in danger1 and threw a mighty damp on   
the       expectations of success1      
conceived from this undertaking4        
,l',orient1 lately a small village1 now 
a considerable town1 on       the coast 
of ,brittany1 lies in the extremity of a
 fine bay1       the mouth of which is  
very narrow1 and guarded by the strong  
citadel of ,port ,louis4 ,this town has 
become the centre of the       ,french  
,east ,india trade1 the seat of the     
company established       for that      
commerce1 and the magazine whence they  
distribute the       ,east ,india       
commodities4 ,the great prizes made upon

 them by the       ,english1 during the 
course of the war1 had given a check to 
this growing commerce2 yet still the    
town was esteemed a       valuable      
acquisition1 were it only on account of 
the wealth it       contained1 and the  
store-houses of the company1 a range of 
stately buildings1 erected at public    
charge1 both for use and       ornament4
 ,the town itself is far from being     
strong4 ,two sides       of it1 which   
are not protected with water1 are       
defended only       with a plain wall1  
near thirty feet high1 of no great      
thickness1 and without any fosse or     
parapet4 ,but the water       which     
covers the other two sides1 rendered it 
impossible to       be invested1 and    
gave an opportunity for multitudes of   
people       to throw themselves into it
 from every corner of that populous     
country4 ,and though these1 for want of 
discipline1 could not       be trusted  
in the field against regular forces1 yet
 became       they of great use in a    

defence behind walls1 by throwing up    
works1 erecting batteries1 and digging  
trenches1 to secure       7what was     
sufficient7 for a few days1 a weak town 
against a       small and ill-provided  
army4 ,the ,east ,india ,company had    
numbers of cannon in their magazines1   
and had there erected a       school of 
engineers1 for the service of their     
ships and       settlements2 the vessels
 in the harbour supplied them with      
more cannon1 and with seamen accustomed 
to their management       and use2 and  
whatever was wanting1 either in         
artillery or       warlike stores1 could
 easily be brought by water from ,port  
,louis1 with which the town of          
,l',orient kept always an open          
communication4         ,but as these    
advantages1 though great1 require both a
       sufficient presence of mind1 and 
some time1 to be employed       against 
an enemy1 'tis not improbable1 that if  
the admiral had       been supplied with
 proper pilots1 and the general with    

proper       guides1 which could have   
led the ,english immediately upon the   
coast1 and to the town1 the very terror 
of so unexpected an       invasion would
 have rendered the inhabitants incapable
 of       resistance1 and made them     
surrender at discretion4 ,the want of   
these advantages had already lost two   
days2 and more time must       yet be   
consumed1 before they could so much as  
make the       appearance of an attack4 
,cannon was wanting1 and the road by    
which the army had marched1 was         
absolutely unfit for the                
conveyance of them4 ,the general1       
therefore1 having first       despatched
 an officer and a party to reconnoitre  
the country1       and find a nearer and
 better road1 ,september #bb;d1 went    
himself       next day to the sea-shore1
 for the same purpose1 and also in      
order to concert with the admiral the   
proper method of       bringing up      
cannon2 as almost all the horses in the 
country1       which are extremely weak 

and of a diminutive size1 had been      
driven away by the peasants4            
,accordingly1 a road was found1         
much nearer1 though still ten miles of  
length2 and much       better1 though   
easily rendered impassable by rainy     
weather1 as       was afterwards        
experienced4         ,a council of war  
was held on board the ,princessa1       
consisting       of the admiral and     
general1 ,brigadier ,o',farrel and      
,commodore       ,cotes4 ,the engineers1
 ,director-,general ,armstrong1 and     
,captain       ,watson1 who had surveyed
 the town of ,l',orient1 being called   
in1 were asked their opinion with regard
 to the practicability       of an      
attempt on it1 together with the time1  
and artillery1       and ammunition1    
requisite for that purpose4 ,their      
answer was1       that with two twelve  
pounders1 and a ten inch mortar1 planted
       on the spot which they had       
pitched on for erecting a battery1      
they engaged either to make a           

practicable breach in the walls1        
or with cartridges1 bombs1 and red-hot  
balls1 destroy the       town1 by laying
 it in ashes in twenty-four hours4      
,captain       ,chalmers1 the captain of
 the artillery1 who had not then seen   
the town1 was of the same opinion1 from 
their description of       it1 provided 
the battery was within the proper       
distance4 ,had       the king's orders  
been less positive for making an attempt
 on       some part of the coast of     
,france1 yet such flattering views      
offered by men who promised what lay    
within the sphere of       their own    
profession1 must have engaged the       
attention of the       admiral and      
general1 and induced them to venture on 
a much       more hazardous and         
difficult undertaking4 ',twas           
accordingly       agreed that four      
twelve pounders1 and a ten inch mortar1 
together with three field-pieces1 should
 be drawn up to the       camp by       
sailors1 in order to make1 with still   

greater       assurance1 the attempt1   
whose success seemed so certain to the  
engineers4 ,these pieces of artillery1  
with the stores       demanded1         
notwithstanding all difficulties1 were  
drawn to the       camp in two days1    
except two twelve pounders1 which       
arrived       not till the day          
afterwards4 ,a third part of the sailors
 of       the whole fleet1 together with
 all the marines1 were employed       in
 this drudgery2 the admiral gave all    
assistance in his power       to the    
general2 and the public1 in one         
instance1 saw that it       was not     
impossible for land and sea officers to 
live in       harmony together1 and     
concur in promoting the success of an   
enterprise4         ,the general1 on his
 arrival in the camp1 found the officer 
returned whom he had sent to summon the 
town of ,l',orient4 ,by       his       
information1 it appeared that the       
inhabitants were so much       alarmed  
by the suddenness of this incursion1 and

 the terror of       a force1 which     
their fears magnified1 as to think of   
surrendering1 though upon conditions1   
which would have       rendered the     
conquest of no avail to their enemies4  
,the       inhabitants insisted upon an 
absolute security to their houses       
and goods2 the ,east ,india ,company to 
their magazines and       store-houses2 
and the garrison1 consisting of about   
seven       hundred regular militia and 
troops1 besides a great number of       
irregulars1 demanded a liberty of       
marching out with all the       honours 
of war4 ,a weak town that opened its    
gates on such       conditions was not  
worth the entering2 since it must       
immediately be abandoned1 leaving only  
to its conquerors the       shame of    
their own folly1 and perhaps the        
reproach of       treachery4 ,the       
general1 therefore1 partly trusting to  
the       promise of the engineers1 and 
partly desirous of improving the        
advantages gained by the present danger1

 when the deputies       arrived next   
day1 ,september #bc;d1 from the         
governor1 from the       town1 and from 
the ,east ,india ,company1 refused to   
receive any       articles but those    
from the governor1 who commanded in the 
name of his most ,christian majesty4 ,he
 even refused liberty to       the      
garrison to march out2 well knowing     
that1 as the town was       not         
invested1 they could take that liberty  
whenever they       pleased4            
,meanwhile1 every accident concurred to 
render the enterprise       of the      
,english abortive4 ,some deserters got  
into the town1 who       informed the   
garrison of the true force of the       
,english1 which1       conjecturing from
 the greatness and number of the ships1 
they       had much magnified4 ,even    
this small body diminished daily1       
from the fatigue of excessive duty1 and 
from the great rains       that began to
 fall4 ,scarce three thousand were left 
to do       duty1 which still augmented 

the fatigue to the few that             
remained2 especially when joined to the 
frequent alarms1 that       the         
unaccountable panic they were struck    
with made but too       frequent4 ,rains
 had so spoilt the roads as to render it
       impracticable to bring up any    
heavier cannon1 or more of the          
same calibre1 so long a way1 by the mere
 force of seamen4 ,but       what1 above
 all things1 made the enterprise appear 
desperate1       was the discovery of   
the ignorance of the engineers1 chiefly 
of the director-general1 who in the     
whole course of his       proceedings   
appeared neither to have skill in       
contrivance1 nor       order and        
diligence in execution4 ,his own want of
 capacity and       experience1 made his
 projects of no use2 his blind obstinacy
       rendered him incapable of making 
use of the capacity of       others4    
,though the general offered to place and
 support the       battery wherever the 
engineer thought proper1 he chose to set

       it above six hundred yards from  
the wall1 where such small       cannon 
could do no manner of execution4 ,he    
planted it at so       oblique an angle 
to the wall that the ball thrown from   
the       largest cannon must have      
recoiled1 without making any            
impression4 ,he trusted much to the     
red-hot balls1 with which       he      
promised to lay the town in ashes in    
twenty-four hours2       yet1 by his    
negligence1 or that of others1 the      
furnace with       which these balls    
were to be heated1 was forgot4 ,after   
the       furnace was brought1 he found 
that the bellows1 and other             
implements necessary for the execution  
of that work1 were also       left on   
board the store-ships4 ,with great      
difficulty1 and       infinite pains1   
ammunition and artillery stores were    
drawn up       from the sea-shore in    
tumbrels4 ,he was totally ignorant1 till
       some days after1 that he had     
along with him ammunition wagons1       

which would have much facilitated this  
labour4 ,his orders to       the        
officers of the train were so confused1 
or so ill obeyed1       that no         
ammunition came regularly up to the     
camp1 to serve the       few cannon and 
the mortars that played upon the town4  
,not only       fascines1 piquets1 and  
every thing necessary for the battery1  
were supplied him beyond his demand2 but
 even workmen1       notwithstanding the
 great fatigue and small numbers of the 
army4 ,these workmen found no addition  
to their fatigue in       obeying his   
orders4 ,he left them often unemployed1 
for want of       knowing in what       
business he should occupy them4         
,meanwhile the ,french garrison1 being  
so weakly attacked1 had       leisure to
 prepare for a defence1 and make proper 
use of their       great number of      
workmen1 if not of soldiers1 and the    
nearness       and plenty of their      
military stores4 ,by throwing up earth  
in       the inside of the wall1 they   

had planted a great many cannon1        
some of a large calibre1 and opened six 
batteries against one       that played 
upon them from the ,english4 ,the       
distance alone of       the besiegers'  
battery1 made these cannon of the enemy 
do less       execution2 but that same  
distance rendered the attack            
absolutely ineffectual4 ,were the       
battery brought nearer1 to a            
hundred paces for instance1 'twould be  
requisite to make it       communicate  
with the camp by trenches and a covered 
way1 to       dig which was the work of 
some days for so small an army4         
,during this time1 the besieged1        
foreseeing the place to which       the 
attack must be directed1 could easily   
fortify it by       retrenchments in the
 inside of the wall2 and planting ten   
cannon to one1 could silence the        
besiegers' feeble battery in       a few
 hours4 ,they would not even have had   
leisure to make a       breach in the   
thin wall1 which first discovered       

itself2 and       that breach1 if made1 
could not possibly serve to any purpose4
       ,above fifteen thousand men1     
completely armed by the ,east ,india    
,company1 and brave while protected by  
cannon and ramparts1       still stood  
in opposition to three thousand1        
discouraged with       fatigue1 with    
sickness1 and with despair of ever      
succeeding in       so unequal a        
contest4                99       99     
99       99       99         ,a certain 
foreign writer1 more anxious to tell his
 stories in       an entertaining manner
 than to assure himself of their        
reality1 has endeavoured to put this    
expedition in a       ridiculous light2 
but as there is not one circumstance of 
his       narration1 which has truth in 
it1 or even the least appearance        
of truth1 it would be needless to lose  
time in refuting it4       ,with regard 
to the prejudices of the public1 a few  
questions       may suffice4            
,was the attempt altogether             

impracticable from the beginning8       
,the general neither proposed it1 nor   
planned it1 nor approved       it1 nor  
answered for its success4 ,did the      
disappointment       proceed from want  
of expedition8 ,he had no pilots1       
guides1 nor       intelligence1 afforded
 him2 and could not possibly provide    
himself in any of these advantages1 so  
necessary to all       military         
operations4 ,were the engineers         
blamable8 ,this has       always been   
considered as a branch of military      
knowledge1       distinct from that of a
 commander1 and which is altogether     
intrusted to those to whose profession  
it peculiarly belongs4       ,by his    
vigour in combating the vain terrors    
spread amongst the       troops1 and by 
his prudence in timely desisting from a 
fruitless enterprise1 the misfortune was
 confined merely to a                   
disappointment1 without any loss or any 
dishonour to the       ,british arms4   
,commanders1 from the situation of      

affairs1 have       had opportunities of
 acquiring more honour2 yet there is no 
one whose conduct1 in every             
circumstance1 could be more free        
from reproach4 ,on the first of         
,october1 the fleet sailed out       of 
,quimperlay ,road1 from one of the most 
dangerous situations       that so large
 a fleet had ever lain in1 at so late a 
season1       and in so stormy a sea as 
the ,bay of ,biscay4 ,the reflection on 
this danger had been no inconsiderable  
cause of hastening the                  
re-embarkation of the troops4 ,and the  
more so1 that the       secretary had   
given express orders to the admiral not 
to bring       the fleet into any       
hazard4 ,the prudence of the hasty      
departure       appeared the more       
visibly the very day the fleet sailed1  
when       a violent storm arising from 
the south west1 it was concluded1       
that if the ships had been lying at     
anchor on the coast1 many       of them 
must have necessarily been driven       

ashore1 and wrecked       on the rocks  
that surrounded them4 ,the fleet was    
dispersed1       and six transports     
being separated from the rest1 went     
immediately for ,england1 carrying with 
them about eight       hundred of the   
forces4 ,the rest put into ,quiberon    
,bay1 and the       general landed his  
small body on the peninsula of that     
name4       ,by erecting a battery of   
some guns on the narrow neck of land1   
which joins the peninsula to the        
continent1 he rendered his              
situation almost impregnable1 while he  
saw the fleet riding       secure in his
 neighbourhood1 in one of the finest    
bays in the       world4         ,the   
industry and spirit of the general      
supported both himself       and the    
army against all these disadvantages1   
while there was       the smallest      
prospect of success4 ,but his prudence  
determined       him to abandon it1 when
 it appeared altogether desperate4      
,the engineers1 seeing no manner of     

effect from their shells       and      
red-hot balls1 and sensible that 'twas  
impossible either       to make a breach
 from a battery1 erected at so great a  
distance1 or to place the battery       
nearer1 under such a       superiority  
of ,french cannon1 at last unanimously  
brought a       report to the general1  
that they had no longer any hope of     
success2 and that even all the          
ammunition1 which1 with       infinite  
labour1 had been brought1 was expended3 
no prospect       remained of being     
farther supplied1 on account of the     
broken       roads1 which lay between   
them and the fleet4 ,the council of     
war held in consequence of this report1 
balanced the reasons       for          
continuing or abandoning the enterprise1
 if men can be       said to balance    
where they find nothing on the one side 
but an       extreme desire to serve    
their king and country1 and on the      
other every maxim of war and prudence4  
,they unanimously agreed       to       

abandon the attempt1 and return on board
 the transports4       ,the whole troops
 were accordingly re-embarked by the    
#bhth of       ,september1 with the loss
 of near twenty men killed and          
wounded1 on the whole enterprise4       
,,footnotes3    #dda3a ,see ante1 p4    
#bah4          ,,appendix ,b4           
,,letters ,,referred ,,to ,,in ,,the    
,,text4#def3a      ,i4--,,letters ,,from
 ,,montesquieu ,,to ,,hume4#def3b       
7#a47         ,j'ai reu ,monsieur1 comme
 une chose trs prcieuse1 la belle       
lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de
 m'crire au sujet de       mon ouvrage4 
,elle est remplie de rflexions si       
judicieuses et       si senses1 que je  
ne saurois vous dire  quel point j'en ai
       t charm4 ,ce que vous dites sur  
la forme dont les jurs       prononcent 
en ,angleterre1 ou en ,ecosse1 m'a      
surtout fait un       grand plaisir1 et 
l'endroit de mon livre o j'ai trait     
cette       matire est peut-tre celui   
qui m'a fait le plus de peine1 et       

o j'ai le plus souvent chang4 ,ce que   
j'avois fait1 parce-que       je n'avois
 trouv personne qui eut la-dessus des   
ides aussi       nettes1 que vous avez4 
,mais c'est assez parler de mon livre   
que j'ai l'honneur de vous prsenter4    
,j'aime mieux vous parler       d'une   
belle dissertation o vous donnez une    
beaucoup plus       grande influence aux
 causes morales qu'aux causes           
physiques--et il m'a paru1 autant que je
 suis capable d'en       juger1 que ce  
sujet est trait  fond1 quelque difficile
 qu'il       soit  traiter1 et crit de  
main de matre1 et rempli d'ides       et
 de rflexions trs neuves4 ,nous         
commenmes aussi        lire--,m4 ,stuart
 et moi--un autre ouvrage de vous o vous
       maltraitez un peu l'ordre        
ecclsiastique4 ,vous croyez bien que    
,monsr4 ,stuart et moi n'avons pas pu   
entirement vous       approuver--nous   
nous sommes contents de vous admirer4   
,nous ne       crmes pas que ces        
,messieurs furent tels1 mais nous       

trouvmes       fort bonnes les raisons  
que vous donnez pour qu'ils dussent     
tre tels4 ,m4 ,stuart m'a fait un grand 
plaisir en me faisant       esprer que  
je trouverois  ,paris une partie de ces 
beaux       ouvrages4 ,j'ai l'honneur1  
,monsieur1 de vous en remercier1 et     
d'tre avec les sentimens de la plus     
parfaite estime1 votre       trs humble 
et trs obissant serviteur4              
,,montesquieu4         ,a ,bordeaux1 ce 
#ai ,may1 #agdi4      7#b47             
,monsieur j'ai reu la lettre que vous   
m'avez fait l'honneur de       m'crire  
du #af de ,juillet1 et il ne m'a t      
possible de la       lire qu'           
aujourdhui1  cause d'une grande fluxion 
sur les yeux       et que n'ayant point 
actuellement de secrtaire ,anglais je ne
       pouvois me la faire lire4 ,j'tois
 prt  y faire rponse quand       ,mr4   
,le ,mosnier est entr chez moi1 et m'a  
parl de l'honneur       qu'on veut faire
  mon livre en ,ecosse de l'y imprimer1 
et m'a       dit ce que vous m'avez dj  

appris par votre lettre4 ,je suis       
trs oblig  vous ,monsieur et  ,monsieur 
,alexandre1 de la       peine que vous  
avez prise4 ,je suis convenu avec ,m4   
,le ,mosnier       que je ferais faire  
une copie des corrections que j'ai      
envoies en ,angleterre1 et  ,paris1 de  
la premire dition de       ,genve1 en #b
 volumes in #dto qui est trs fautive1 et
 qu'il se       chargeroit de les       
envoyer4 ,j'ai reu ,monsieur1 les       
exemplaires       de vos beaux ouvrages 
que vous avez eu la bont de m'envoyer1  
et j'ai lu avec un trs grand plaisir    
l'essay sur l'esprit       humain1 qui  
ne peut partir que d'un esprit          
extrmement       philosophique4 ,tout   
ceci est rempli de belles ides1 et je   
vous remercie du plaisir que la lecture 
m'en a fait2  l'gard       de la        
citation des ,lettres ,persanes il vaut 
autant que mon nom       y soit que     
celui d'un autre1 et cela n'est d'aucune
       consquence4         ,la rputation
 de ,monsieur le ,docteur ,midleton est 

certainement       venue jusqu' nous4   
,notior ut jam sit canibus non ,delia   
nostris1 et j'espre bien me procurer    
l'avantage de lire les       ouvrages   
dont vous me parlez4 ,je sais que ,mr4  
de ,midleton est       un homme minent4 
,j'ai ,monsieur l'honneur d'tre1 c4     
,a ,paris ce #c #g;bre1 #agdi4          
,je vous prie ,monsieur1 de vouloir bien
 faire mes compliments       trs humbles
  ,mons4 ,stewart3 il fairoit bien de   
venir nous       revoir cet automne     
prochain4      7#c47         ,j'ai      
,monsieur reu l'honneur de votre lettre 
avec la postille       qui y est jointe1
 et j'ai de plus reu un exemplaire de   
vos       excellentes compositions par  
la voie de ,milord ,morton4 ,mr4 de     
,jouquart qui a form le dessein de      
traduire l'ouvrage de       ,monsr4     
,wallace1 me dit hier qu'il traduiroit  
aussi le vtre       sur le nombre des   
peuples chez les anciennes nations4     
,cela       dpendra du succs qu'aura sa 
traduction qui est la premire           

qu'il ait faite4 ,il est certain qu'il a
 tous les talents qu'il       faut pour 
s'en acquitter1 et je ne doute pas que  
le public ne       l'encourage          
continuer4 ,le public qui admirera les  
deux       ouvrages1 n'admirera pas     
moins deux amis qui font cder d'une     
manire si noble les petits intrts de    
l'esprit aux intrts       de l'amiti2 et
 pour moi1 je regarderai comme un trs   
grand       bonheur1 si je puis me      
flatter d'avoir quelque part dans cette 
amiti4 ,j'ai l'honneur d'tre1 c4        
,paris1 ce #ac ,juillet1 #agec4         
,,ii4--,,letters ,,from ,,the ,,abb ,,le
 ,,blanc ,,to ,,hume4    ,referred to in
 vol4 i4 p4 #cff1 and p4 #djh4          
7#a47         ,,monsieur1--,la          
traduction de vos discours politiques1  
que j'ai       l'honneur de vous        
envoyer1 est la preuve la plus clatante 
que       je pouvois vous donner de     
l'estime que j'en fais2 vous en         
serez peut-tre plus content si j'avois t
  porte de       profiter de vos        

lumires4 ,je vous prie1 et votre intrt  
s'y       trouve comme le mien1 de me   
faire la grce de la lire avec           
attention1 et de m'avertir des endroits1
 ou malgr toute       l'attention que   
j'y ai apporte1 j'aurois pu m'carter de 
votre sens4 ,j'en profiterai  la premire
 dition1 ainsi que       des remarques1 
changements1 ou additions1 qu'il vous   
plaira me       communiquer1 soit       
l'occasion de vos discours1 soit sur les
       autres ouvrages ,anglois dont je 
parle dans mes notes4         ,je vous  
prie encore ,monsieur que ce soit le    
plus tt qu'il       vous sera possible1 
car il est bon de vous dire que cette   
traduction1 grce  l'excellence de       
l'original1 se dbite ici       comme un 
,roman2 c'est tout dire1 notre got pour 
les futilits       vous est connu2 il   
vous toit rserv de nous y faire         
renoncer1 pour nous occuper des matires 
les plus dignes       d'exercer les     
esprits raisonnables4 ,le ,libraire     
m'avertit       qu'il sera bientt tems  

de penser  la seconde dition4           
,j'attendrai votre rponse pour          
l'enrichir de vos remarques qui         
feront que celle-ci sera reue du public 
avec encore plus                        
d'applaudissements4         ,je profite 
de cette occasion pour vous offrir une  
amiti qui       vous sera1 peut-tre1    
inutile1 et vous demander la vtre que   
je serois trs flatt d'obtenir4 ,il      
semble que l'auteur et le               
traducteur sont faits pour tre lis      
ensemble3 il est        prsumer qui     
celui que traduit un ouvrage a d'avance 
ou du       moins pous la faon de parler
 de celui qui l'a fait4 ,j'ai           
trouv dans vos discours un politique    
,philosophe1 et un       ,philosophe    
citoyen4 ,je n'ai moi-mme donn aucun    
ouvrage qui       ne porte ce double    
caractre1 et je me flatte que vous le   
trouverez dans les ,lettres d'un        
,franois1 si par hazard elles       vous
 sont connues4         ,j'ai l'honneur  
d'tre1 avec les sentiments d'estime dont

 je       viens de vous donner des      
tmoignages publics1 et cette sorte      
de respect que je n'ai que pour quelques
 ,philosophes tels que       vous4      
,monsieur1 votre trs humble et trs      
obissant serviteur1         ,l',,abb    
,,le ,,blanc1 ,historiographe des       
,btiments du ,roy de ,france4           
,de ,paris1 le #beth ,aot1 #aged4       
7#b47         ,,monsieur1--,la          
traduction de vos discours politiques   
est la       premire que j'ai donne au  
public2 et l'utilit que j'ai cru        
que ma patrie en pouvoit retirer1 est   
l'unique motif que m'ait       dtermin  
l'entreprendre4 ,je n'ose me rpondre que
 vous la       trouverez telle que vous 
l'esprez4 ,c'est  moi  vous             
demander votre indulgence pour les      
fautes que vous y       trouverez1 et   
vous prier de me communiquer vos        
remarques sur       des notes que j'ai  
cru y devoir adjouter4 ,je vous promets 
de       corriger avec soumission les   
erreurs que vos m'y ferez               

apercevoir4 ,a la fin du #b;d vol4 j'ai 
donn une notice des       meilleurs     
ouvrages ,anglois que j'ai consults1 sur
 les       matires du commerce2 j'ai    
hazard de porter mon jugement sur       
chacun de ceux dont j'ai parl4 ,je le   
rectifierai sur vos       lumires1 si   
vous voulez bien me les communiquer4 ,si
 j'en ai       omis quelqu'un           
d'important1 je vous prie de me le faire
       connotre1 et de me dire vous-mme1
 qui tes un si excellent       juge1 ce 
que l'on en doit penser4 ,j'enricherai  
la #b ,edition de       tout ce dont    
vous voudrez bien me faire part4        
,a l'gard de votre histoire de la       
,grande ,bretagne que vous              
m'annoncez1 ce ne sera plus simplement  
comme votre admirateur       mais comme 
votre ami ,monsieur1 que j'en           
entreprendrai la       traduction1 et je
 ferai de mon mieux pour qu'elle perde  
le       moins qu'il est possible4      
,j'aime votre faon de penser1 et je     
suis familiaris avec votre stile2 si la 

matire exige qu'il       soit plus lev  
je tacherai d'y atteindre4 ,mais pour   
que je       puisse entreprendre cette  
traduction avec succs1 il faut s'il     
est possible1 que vous retardiez        
,londres au moins d'un mois       la    
publication de votre ouvrage1 et que    
vous me l'envoyez tout       de suite   
par la poste1 address sans autre        
enveloppe  ,mr4       ,jannes1          
,chevalier de l'ordre du ,roi1          
,controlleur ,gnral des       ,postes   
,paris4 ,nous avons ici une foule       
d'crivains       mdiocres1 qui sans     
savoir ni l',anglois ni le ,franois mme1
       sont a l'afft de tout ce qui     
s'imprime chez vous1 et qui             
l'aide d'un dictionnaire vous           
massacreront impitoyablement4 ,on       
nous a donn ainsi plusieurs bons        
ouvrages1 et entre autres la            
dissertation de ,m4 ,wallace dont il    
n'est pas possible de       supporter la
 lecture en ,franois4 ,pour faire de    
pareille       besogne1 il ne faut pas  

beaucoup de tems  ces ,messieurs l4     
,ils travaillent vte1 parce qu'ils      
travaillent fami potius       quam fam4 
,si je n'ai pas du tems devant eux1 je  
serai       prvenu1 et si je le suis1 je
 serai oblig d'abandonner               
l'ouvrage4 ,je ne vous parle pas des    
traducteurs de ,hollande       qui sont 
encore plus mauvais s'il est possible4  
,cette fois-ci       je veux faire un   
office d'amiti1 je vous prie de me      
mettre        porte de le bien faire4   
,vos discours ,politiques vous ont1     
comme je m'y attendois1 donn ici la plus
 haute rputation1       ds que votre    
histoire parotra1 un libraire la fera   
venir par       la poste1 et mettra ses 
ouvriers aprs1  moins que vous ne       
m'accordiez la grce que je vous demande4
 ,alors on saura que       je la        
traduis1 et je suis sr que ces messieurs
 me laisseront       faire4             
,j'ai encore  vous apprendre1 monsieur1 
que le succs de vos       ,discours     
,politiques ne fait qu'augmenter tous   

les jours1 et       que tout retentit de
 vos loges4 ,nos ministres mme n'en sont
       pas moins satisfaits que le      
public4 ,mr4 le ,comte d',argenson1     
,mr4 ,le ,marchal de ,noailles1 en un   
mot tous ceux qui ont ici       part au 
gouvernement ont parl de votre ouvrage1 
comme d'un       des meilleurs qui ayent
 jamais t faits sur ces matires4        
,j'ai t oblig de cder mon exemplaire  un
 d'entre eux2       ainsi je vous prie  
de m'en adresser un par la mme voie que 
je       vous ai indique1 la poste aprs 
que vous m'aurez envoy le ,i4       vol4
 de votre histoire1 d'autant plus que   
les additions et       corrections dont 
vous m'avez fait part se rapportent  la 
#c;e       edition qui je crois se      
trouveroit difficilement a ,paris4      
7#c47         ,,monsieur1--,je vous     
avois promis1 et je m'tois flatt de     
pouvoir consacrer mes veilles  traduire 
aussi votre admirable       ,histoire de
 l'infortune ,maison de ,stewart4 ,les  
obstacles les       plus puissants1     

ceux-mmes qui tent  l'esprit cette      
libert       sans laquelle on ne fait   
rien de bien1 voyages1 affaires1        
disgrces1 maladies--tout s'est oppos    
l'excution d'un       projet qui rioit  
si fort  mon imagination et dont        
l'excution       ne pouroit que me faire
 honneur4         ,a ce dfaut j'ai prt  
un de mes amis1 homme d'esprit et       
laborieux1 le premier volume que vous   
avez eu la bont de       m'envoyer4 ,il 
l'a traduit et le rendra public au      
commencement       de l'hiver prochain4 
,j'ai de mme que tous ceux qui savent   
ici l',anglois1 le plus       grand     
empressement de lire votre second       
volume4 ,j'en ferai le       mme usage  
que du premier4         ,je vous avois  
annonc que vos discours ,politiques     
feroient       parmi nous le mme effet  
que ,l',esprit des ,loix4 ,l'vnement    
m'a justifi1 non seulement ils jouissent
 parmi nous de cette       haute        
rputation qu'ils mritent1 mais ils ont  
donn lieu        un grand nombre        

d'autres ouvrages plus ou moins         
estimables et       qui la plus part    
n'ont d'original que la forme4 ,vous en 
trouverez le catalogue  la suite d'une  
troisime dition de       ma traduction  
que je vais donner incessamment4        
,il vient d'en parotre un qui fait ici  
un grand bruit1 et que       je n'ai    
garde de confondre avec tous ceux dont  
je viens de       parler4 ,il est       
intitul1 ,l',,ami ,,des ,,hommes ,,ou   
,,trait ,,de ,,la       ,,population4   
,l',auteur est un gnie hardi1 original1 
qui comme       ,montaigne se laisse    
aller  ses ides1 les expose sans        
orgueil1 sans modestie2 il ne suit ni   
ordre ni mthode2 mais       son ouvrage1
 plein d'excellentes choses1 respire le 
bien de       l'humanit et de la patrie4
 ,il prche l'agriculture1 et            
foudroye la finance4 ,il combat votre   
systme sur le luxe1 mais       avec les 
gards levs  la superiorit de vos        
lumires4 ,il       m'a remis un         
exemplaire de son ouvrage1 qu'il me prie

 de vous       prsenter comme un tribut 
de son estime et de la                  
reconnoissance qu'il vous doit1 pour    
l'utilit qu'il a tire       de vos      
,discours ,politiques4 ,il ne demande   
pas mieux que d'       tre clair et par 
la noblesse des sentiments et la        
politesse       de la conduite4 ,je ne  
crains pas de le dire4 ,l'adversaire est
       digne de vous4 ,c'est ,monsieur  
le ,marquis de ,mirabeau1 qui       est 
tel qu'il parot dans son livre--c'est   
dire un des plus       extraordinaires  
des hommes qu'il y ait en quelque pays  
que ce       soit4 ,je vous prie        
,monsieur de m'indiquer une voie sre    
pour       vous faire parvenir son      
ouvrage4      7#d47         ,dresde1 le 
#be ,dec4 #aged4         ,j'ai vu ici la
 traduction de vos ,discours ,politiques
 imprime       en ,hollande2 elle ne se 
peut pas lire2 vous souffririez vous1   
,monsieur1 de vous voir ainsi dfigur4   
,le ,traducteur quel       qu'il soit ne
 sait constamment ni l',anglois ni le   

,franois4       ,c'est probablement un  
de ces auteurs qui travaillent  la      
foire pour les libraires de ,hollande1  
et dont les ouvrages       bons ou      
mauvais se dbitent aux foires de        
,leipsig et de       ,francfort4 ,les   
bibliothques de ce pays ci sont remplies
 de       livres ,franois qui n'ont     
jamais t et ne seront jamais            
connus en ,france4 ,cette traduction    
passe ici pour tre d'un       ,mr4      
,mauvillon de ,leipsic dont le mtier est
 de faire des       livres ,franois pour
 ,l',allemagne1 et d'enseigner ce qu'il 
ne       sait--c'est  dire1 votre langue
 et la ntre4 ,ce qu'il y a de           
,saxons lettrs qui les possdent l'une ou
 l'autre1 et qui       s'intressent au  
bien de leur pays1 connoissent          
l'excellence       de votre ouvrage1 me 
pressent de faire imprimer  ,dresde mme 
la seconde dition de ma traduction1 et  
je pourrois bien me       rendre  leur  
avis4 ,je n'attends plus que votre      
rponse pour       me dcider4 ,quelque   

part qu'elle se fasse1 je tcherai de    
faire en sorte qu'elle soit belle et    
correcte4      7#e47                    
,,monsieur1--,il y a  peu prs un an que 
notre commerce       pistolaire a       
commenc1 et j'ai grand regret que par   
des       contretems de tout espce il   
ait t sitt interrompu4 ,vous            
m'avez donn trop de preuves de votre    
politesse pour que je ne       sois pas 
prsent convaincu que vous n'avez reu    
aucune des       lettres que je vous ai 
crites de ,dresde1 et que j'avois       
essay de vous faire passer par la voie  
de votre ambassadeur        cette cour4 
,prt a quitter la ,saxe1 je vous crivis 
encor de       ,lepzic1 pour vous rendre
 compte de mon sjour en ce pays1 et     
vous dire que la dissipation o j'y avois
 vcu forcment1 ne       m'avoit pas     
permis d'avancer beaucoup dans la       
traduction de       votre histoire de la
 malheureuse famille des ,stuarts4 ,j'ai
       depuis t en ,hollande1 et1 comme 
je l'avois prvu j'ai appris       qu'un 

de ces auteurs1 qui travaillent  la fois
 aux gages des       libraires qui les  
employent1 en avoit fait une de son cot1
       qui toit toute prte  parotre4    
,vous pouvez aisment juger       du     
dcouragement o une pareille nouvelle m'a
 jett4 ,la       manufacture des livres 
de ,hollande fait rellement grand tort  
notre littrature ,franoise4 ,on y       
employe  traduire un       excellent    
ouvrage des gens qui ne seroient bons   
qu'       travailler  la fabrique du    
papier4      ,,footnotes3    #def3a     
,from the ,,mss4 ,r4,s4,e4    #def3b    
,see antea1 p4 #cjd4          ,,appendix
 ,c4    ,,documents ,,relating ,,to     
,,the ,,poems ,,of ,,ossian4            
,i4--,,correspondence4      7#a47       
,,hume to ----4         ,edinburgh1     
,august #af1 #agfj4         ,,sir1--,i  
am not surprised to find by your letter1
 that ,mr4 ,gray       should have      
entertained suspicions with regard to   
the       authenticity of these         
fragments of our ,highland poetry4 ,the 

first time ,i was shown the copies of   
some of them in       manuscript1 by our
 friend ,john ,home1 ,i was inclined to 
be a       little incredulous on that   
head2 but ,mr4 ,home removed my         
scruples1 by informing me of the manner 
in which he procured       them from    
,mr4 ,macpherson1 the translator4       
,these two gentlemen were drinking the  
waters together at       ,moffat last   
autumn1 when their conversation fell    
upon ,highland       poetry1 which ,mr4 
,macpherson extolled very highly4 ,our  
friend1       who knew him to be a good 
scholar1 and a man of taste1 found      
his curiosity excited1 and asked whether
 he had ever       translated any of    
them4 ,mr4 ,macpherson replied1 that he 
never       had attempted any such      
thing2 and doubted whether it was       
possible to transfuse such beauties into
 our language2 but1       for ,mr4      
,home's satisfaction1 and in order to   
give him a       general notion of the  
strain of that wild poetry1 he would    

endeavour to turn one of them into      
,english4 ,he accordingly       brought 
him one next day1 which our friend was  
so much pleased       with1 that he     
never ceased soliciting ,mr4            
,macpherson1 till he       insensibly   
produced that small volume which has    
been       published4         ,after    
this volume was in every body's hands1  
and universally       admired1 we heard 
every day new reasons1 which put the    
authenticity1 not the great antiquity   
which the translator       ascribes to  
them1 beyond all question2 for their    
antiquity is       a point1 which must  
be ascertained by reasoning2 though the 
arguments he employs seem very probable 
and convincing4 ,but       certain it   
is1 that these poems are in every body's
 mouth in       the ,highlands1 have    
been handed down from father to son1 and
       are of an age beyond all memory  
and tradition4         ,in the family of
 every ,highland chieftain1 there was   
anciently       retained a bard1 whose  

office was the same with that of the    
,greek rhapsodists2 and the general     
subject of the poems which       they   
recited was the wars of ,fingal2 an     
epoch no less       remarkable among    
them1 than the wars of ,troy among the  
,greek       poets4 ,this custom is not 
even yet altogether abolished3 the      
bard and piper are esteemed the most    
honourable offices in a                 
chieftain's family1 and these two       
characters are frequently       united  
in the same person4 ,adam ,smith1 the   
celebrated       ,professor in ,glasgow1
 told me that the piper of the          
,argyleshire militia repeated to him all
 those poems which ,mr4                 
,macpherson has translated1 and many    
more of equal beauty4       ,major      
,mackay1 ,lord ,reay's brother1 also    
told me that he       remembers them    
perfectly2 as likewise did the ,laird of
       ,macfarlane1 the greatest        
antiquarian whom we have in this        
country1 and who insists so strongly on 

the historical truth1       as well as  
on the poetical beauty of these         
productions4 ,i       could add the     
,laird and ,lady ,macleod to these      
authorities1       with many more1 if   
these were not sufficient1 as they live 
in       different parts of the         
,highlands1 very remote from each other1
       and they could only be acquainted
 with poems that had become       in a  
manner national works1 and had gradually
 spread       themselves into every     
mouth1 and imprinted themselves on every
       memory4         ,every body in   
,edinburgh is so convinced of this      
truth1 that we       have endeavoured to
 put ,mr4 ,macpherson on a way of       
procuring       us more of these wild   
flowers4 ,he is a modest1 sensible1     
young       man1 not settled in any     
living1 but employed as a private       
tutor in ,mr4 ,grahame of ,balgowan's   
family1 a way of life which       he is 
not fond of4 ,we have1 therefore1 set   
about a       subscription of a guinea  

or two guineas a-piece1 in order to     
enable him to quit that family1 and     
undertake a mission into       the      
,highlands1 where he hopes to recover   
more of these       fragments4 ,there   
is1 in particular1 a country surgeon    
somewhere in ,lochaber1 who1 he says1   
can recite a great number       of them1
 but never committed them to writing2 as
 indeed the       orthography of the    
,highland language is not fixed1 and the
       natives have always employed more
 the sword than the pen4 ,this          
surgeon has by heart the ,epic poem     
mentioned by ,mr4 ,macpherson       in  
his ,preface2 and as he is somewhat old1
 and is the only       person living    
that has it entire1 we are in the more  
haste to       recover a monument1 which
 will certainly be regarded as a        
curiosity in the republic of letters4   
,i own that my first and chief objection
 to the authenticity of       these     
fragments1 was not on account of the    
noble and even       tender strokes     

which they contain2 for these are the   
offspring       of genius and passion in
 all countries2 ,i was only surprised   
at the regular plan which appears in    
some of these pieces1 and       which   
seems to be the work of a more          
cultivated age4 ,none of       the      
specimens of barbarous poetry known to  
us1 the ,hebrew1       ,arabian1 or any 
other1 contain this species of beauty2  
and if       a regular epic poem1 or    
even any thing of that kind1 nearly     
regular1 should also come from that     
rough climate or       uncivilized      
people1 it would appear to me a         
phenomenon       altogether             
unaccountable4         ,i remember ,mr4 
,macpherson told me1 that the heroes of 
this       ,highland epic were not only1
 like ,homer's heroes1 their own        
butchers1 bakers1 and cooks1 but also   
their own shoemakers1       carpenters1 
and smiths4 ,he mentioned an incident   
which put       this matter in a        
remarkable light4 ,a warrior had the    

head of       his spear struck off in   
battle2 upon which he immediately       
retires behind the army1 where a large  
forge was erected1       makes a new    
one1 hurries back to the action1 pierces
 his       enemy1 while the iron1 which 
was yet red-hot1 hisses in the          
wound4 ,this imagery you will allow to  
be singular1 and so well       imagined1
 that it would have been adopted by     
,homer1 had the       manners of the    
,greeks allowed him to have employed it4
         ,i forgot to mention1 as       
another proof of the authenticity of    
these poems1 and even of the reality of 
the adventures       contained in them1 
that the names of the heroes1 ,fingal1  
,oscar1 ,osur1 ,oscan1 ,dermid1 are     
still given in the ,highlands       to  
large mastiffs1 in the same manner as we
 affix to them the       names of ,csar1
 ,pompey1 ,hector1 or the ,french that  
of       ,marlborough4         ,it gives
 me pleasure to find1 that a person of  
so fine a taste       as ,mr4 ,gray     

approves of these fragments2 as it may  
convince       us1 that our fondness of 
them is not altogether founded on       
national prepossessions1 which1 however1
 you know to be a       little strong4  
,the translation is elegant2 but ,i made
 an       objection to the author1 which
 ,i wish you would communicate to       
,mr4 ,gray1 that we may judge of the    
justness of it4 ,there       appeared to
 me many verses in his prose1 and all of
 them in       the same measure with    
,mr4 ,shenstone's famous ballad3        
,ye shepherds so cheerful and gay1      
,whose flocks never carelessly roam1 c4 
,pray1 ask ,mr4 ,gray1 whether he made  
the same remark1 c4 and       whether he
 thinks it a blemish4 ,yours most       
sincerely1       c4#dfe3a      7#b47    
,,hume to ,,dr4 ,,blair4         ,lisle 
,st4 ,leicester ,fields1 #aith ,sept4   
#agfc4         ,,dear ,,sir1--,i live in
 a place where ,i have the pleasure of  
frequently hearing justice done to your 
,dissertation2 but       never heard it 

mentioned in a company where some one   
person or       other did not express   
his doubts with regard to the           
authenticity of the poems which are its 
subject2 and ,i often       hear them   
totally rejected with disdain and       
indignation1 as a       palpable and    
most impudent forgery4 ,this opinion    
has1 indeed1       become very prevalent
 among the men of letters in ,london2   
and       ,i can foresee1 that in a few 
years the poems1 if they continue       
to stand on their present footing1 will 
be thrown aside1 and       will fall    
into final oblivion4 ,it is in vain to  
say that their       beauty will support
 them1 independent of their             
authenticity4       ,no2 that beauty is 
not so much to the general taste as to  
ensure you of this event2 and if people 
be once disgusted with       the idea of
 a forgery1 they are thence apt to      
entertain a more       disadvantageous  
notion of the excellency of the         
production       itself4 ,the absurd    

pride and caprice of ,macpherson        
himself1       who scorns1 as he        
pretends1 to satisfy any body that      
doubts       his veracity1 has tended   
much to confirm this general            
scepticism2 and ,i must own1 for my own 
part1 that1 though ,i       have had    
many particular reasons to believe these
 poems       genuine1 more than it is   
possible for any ,englishman of         
letters to have1 yet ,i am not entirely 
without my scruples on       that head4 
,you think that the internal proofs in  
favour of the       poems are very      
convincing2 so they are3 but there are  
also       internal reasons against     
them1 particularly from the manners1    
notwithstanding all the art with which  
you have endeavoured to       throw a   
varnish on that circumstance2 and the   
preservation of       such long and such
 connected poems by oral tradition      
alone1       during a course of fourteen
 centuries1 is so much out of the       
ordinary course of human affairs1 that  

it requires the       strongest reasons 
to make us believe it4         ,my      
present purpose1 therefore1 is to apply 
to you1 in the name       of all the men
 of letters of this1 and ,i may say of  
all other       countries1 to establish 
this capital point1 and to give us      
proof that these poems are1 ,i do not   
say so ancient as the age       of      
,severus1 but that they were not forged 
within these five       years by ,james 
,macpherson4 ,these proofs must not be  
arguments1       but testimonies4       
,people's ears are fortified against the
       former3 the latter may yet find  
their way before the poems are          
consigned to total oblivion4 ,now the   
testimonies may1 in my       opinion1 be
 of two kinds4 ,macpherson pretends that
 there is an       ancient manuscript of
 part of ,fingal1 in the family1 ,i     
think1       of ,clanronald4 ,get that  
fact ascertained by more than one       
person of credit2 let these persons be  
acquainted with the       ,gaelic2 let  

them compare the original and the       
translation2 and       let them testify 
the fidelity of the latter4 ,but the    
chief       point in which it will be   
necessary for you to exert yourself1    
will be to get positive testimony from  
many different hands1       that such   
poems are vulgarly recited in the       
,highlands1 and       have there long   
been the entertainment of the people4   
,this       testimony must be as        
particular as it is positive4 ,it will  
not       be sufficient that a ,highland
 gentleman or clergyman say or          
write to you1 that he has heard such    
poems2 nobody questions       that there
 are traditional poems in that part of  
the country1       where the names of   
,ossian and ,fingal1 and ,oscar1 and    
,gaul1 are       mentioned in every     
stanza4 ,the only doubt is1 whether     
these       poems have any farther      
resemblance to the poems published by   
,macpherson4 ,i was told by ,bourke1 a  
very ingenious ,irish       gentleman1  

the author of a tract on the ,sublime   
and ,beautiful1       that on the first 
publication of ,macpherson's book1 all  
the       ,irish cried out1 ,we know all
 these poems1 we have always heard      
them from our infancy4 ,but when he     
asked more particular       questions1  
he could never learn that any one had   
ever heard1       or could repeat the   
original of any one paragraph of the    
pretended translation4 ,this generality1
 then1 must be       carefully guarded  
against1 as being of no authority4      
,your connexions among your brethren of 
the clergy1 may here       be of great  
use to you4 ,you may easily learn the   
names of all       ministers of that    
country1 who understand the language of 
it2       you may write to them1        
expressing the doubts that have arisen1 
and desiring them to send for such of   
the bards as remain1 and       make them
 rehearse their ancient poems4 ,let the 
clergymen1       then1 have the         
translation in their hands1 and let them

 write       back to you1 and inform you
 that they heard such a one1            
7naming him17 living in such a place1   
rehearse the original of       such a   
passage1 from such a page to such a page
 of the ,english       translation1     
which appeared exact and faithful4 ,if  
you give to       the public a          
sufficient number of such testimonies1  
you may       prevail4 ,but ,i venture  
to foretel to you that nothing less     
will serve the purpose2 nothing less    
will so much as command       the       
attention of the public4 ,becket tells  
me that he is to       give us a new    
edition of your ,dissertation1          
accompanied with       some remarks on  
,temora2 here is a favourable           
opportunity for       you to execute    
this purpose4 ,you have a just and      
laudable zeal       for the credit of   
these poems2 they are1 if genuine1 one  
of       the greatest curiosities1 in   
all respects1 that ever was             
discovered in the commonwealth of       

letters2 and the child is1       in a   
manner1 become yours by adoption1 as    
,macpherson has       totally abandoned 
all care of it4 ,these motives call upon
 you       to exert yourself2 and ,i    
think it were suitable to your          
candour1 and most satisfactory also to  
the reader1 to publish       all the    
answers to all the letters you write1   
even though some       of these letters 
should make somewhat against your own   
opinion       in this affair4 ,we shall 
always be the more assured that no      
arguments are strained beyond their     
proper force1 and no       contrary     
arguments suppressed1 where such an     
entire       communication is made to   
us4 ,becket joins me heartily in this   
application1 and he owns to me1 that the
 believers in the       authenticity of 
the poems diminish every day among the  
men of       sense and reflection4      
,nothing less than what ,i propose1 can 
throw the balance on the other side4 ,i 
depart from hence in       about three  

weeks1 and should be glad to hear your  
resolution       before that time4      
,this journey to ,paris is likely to    
contribute much to my                   
entertainment1 and will certainly tend  
much to improve my       fortune2 so    
that ,i have no reason to repent that ,i
 have       allowed myself to be dragged
 from my retreat4 ,i shall              
henceforth converse with authors1 but   
shall not probably for       some time  
have much leisure to peruse them2 which 
is not       perhaps the way of knowing 
them most to their advantage4 ,i        
carried only four books along with me1 a
 ,virgil1 a ,horace1 a       ,tasso1 and
 a ,tacitus4 ,i could have wished also  
to carry my       ,homer1 but ,i found  
him too bulky4 ,i own that1 in common   
decency1 ,i ought to have left my       
,horace behind me1 and that ,i          
ought to be ashamed to look him in the  
face4 ,for ,i am sensible       that1 at
 my years1 no temptation would have     
seduced him from       his retreat2 nor 

would he ever have been induced to enter
 so       late into the path of         
ambition4#dfh3a ,but ,i deny that ,i    
enter       into the path of ambition2  
,i only walk into the green fields      
of amusement2 and ,i affirm1 that       
external amusement becomes       more   
and more necessary as one advances in   
years1 and can find       less supplies 
from his own passions or imagination4 ,i
 am1       c4#dfh3b      7#c47    ,,dr4 
,,blair to ,,hume4         ,edinburgh1  
#bith ,september1 #agfc4         ,,dear 
,,sir1--,i am much obliged to you for   
the information you       have          
communicated to me1 and for the concern 
you show that       justice should be   
done to our ,highland ,poems4 ,from what
 ,i saw       myself when at ,london1 ,i
 could easily believe that the          
disposition of men of letters was rather
 averse to their       reception as     
genuine2 but ,i trusted that the        
internal       characters of their      
authenticity1 together with the         

occasional       testimonies given to   
them by ,highland gentlemen who are     
every       where scattered1 would      
gradually surmount these prejudices4    
,for my own part1 it is impossible for  
me to entertain the       smallest doubt
 of their being real productions1 and   
ancient       ones1 too1 of the         
,highlands4 ,neither ,macpherson's      
parts1       though good1 nor his       
industry1 were equal to such a forgery4 
,the whole publication1 you know1 was in
 its first rise       accidental4       
,macpherson was entreated and dragged   
into it4 ,some       of the ,,mss4 sent 
to him passed through my hands4         
,severals of       them he translated1  
in a manner1 under my eye4 ,he gave me  
these native and genuine accounts of    
them1 which bore plain       characters 
of truth4 ,what he said was often       
confirmed to me by       others4 ,i had 
testimonies from several ,highlanders   
concerning       their authenticity1 in 
words strong and explicit4 ,and1 setting

       all this aside1 is it a thing    
which any man of sense can              
suppose1 that ,macpherson would venture 
to forge such a body of       poetry1   
and give it to the public as ancient    
poems and songs1       well known at    
this day through all the ,highlands of  
,scotland1       when he could have been
 refuted and exposed by every one of    
his own countrymen8 ,is it credible that
 he could bring so many       thousand  
people into a conspiracy with him to    
keep his secret8       or that some     
would not be found who1 attached to     
their own       ancient songs1 would not
 cry out1 ,these are not the poems we   
deal in4 ,you have forged characters and
 sentiments we know       nothing about2
 you have modernized and dressed us up3 
we have       much better songs and     
poems of our own4 ,who but ,john ,bull  
could entertain the belief of an        
imposture so incredible as       this8  
,the utmost ,i should think any rational
 scepticism could       suppose is this1

 that ,macpherson might have sometimes  
interpolated1 or endeavoured to improve1
 by some corrections       of his own4  
,of this ,i am verily persuaded there   
was very       little1 if any at all4   
,had it prevailed1 we would have been   
able to trace more marks of             
inconsistency1 and a different          
hand and style2 whereas1 these poems are
 more remarkable for       nothing than 
an entire1 and supported1 and uniform   
consistency       of character and      
manner through the whole4               
,however1 seeing we have to do with such
 incredulous people1 ,i       think it  
were a pity not to do justice to such   
valuable       monuments of genius4 ,i  
have already1 therefore1 entered upon   
the task you prescribe me1 though ,i    
foresee it may give me       some       
trouble4 ,i have writ by last post to   
,sir ,james ,macdonald1       who is    
fortunately at this time in the ,isle of
 ,skye4 ,i have       also1 through the 
,laird of ,macleod1 writ to ,clanronald1

 and       likewise to two clergymen in 
the ,isle of ,skye1 men of letters      
and character2 one of them1 ,macpherson 
minister of ,sleat1 the       author of 
a very learned work about to be         
published concerning       the          
,antiquities of ,scotland4 ,several     
others in ,argyleshire1       the       
,islands1 and other poetical regions1   
worthy clergymen1 who       are well    
versed in the ,gaelic1 ,i intend also   
without delay to       make application 
to4         ,my requisition to them all 
is for such positive and express        
testimonies as you desire2 ,,mss4 if    
they have any1 compared       before    
witnesses with the printed book1 and    
recitations of       bards compared in  
the same manner4 ,i have given them     
express       directions in what manner 
to proceed1 so as to avoid that         
loose generality which1 as you observe1 
can signify nothing4       ,what use it 
may be proper to put these testimonies  
to1 ,i can       only judge after having

 got all my materials4 ,i apprehend     
there may be some difficulty in         
obtaining the consent of those          
concerned to publish their letters1 nor 
might it be proper4       ,but          
concerning this1 ,i may afterwards      
advise with you and my       other      
friends4         ,in the meantime1 you  
may please acquaint ,mr4 ,becket1 that  
this       must retard for some time the
 publication of his new edition         
with my ,dissertation2 as the least ,i  
can allow for the return       of       
letters from such distant parts1 where  
the communication by       post is      
irregular and slow1 together with the   
time necessary       for their executing
 what is desired1 will be three months1 
perhaps some more2 and1 assuredly1 any  
new evidence we can       give the      
world1 must accompany my ,dissertation4 
,i am in some difficulty with           
,macpherson himself in this             
affair4 ,capricious as he is1 ,i would  
not willingly hurt or       disoblige   

him2 and yet ,i apprehend that such an  
inquiry as       this1 which is like    
tracing him out1 and supposing his      
veracity called in question1 will not   
please him4 ,i must write       him by  
next post1 and endeavour to put the     
affair in such a       light as to      
soften him2 which you1 if you see him1  
may do       likewise1 and show him the 
necessity of something of this kind     
being done2 and with more propriety1    
perhaps1 by another than                
himself4#dgj3a      7#d47    ,,hume to  
,,dr4 ,,blair4         #fth ,october1   
#agfc4    ,,my ,,dear ,,sir1--,i am very
 glad you have undertaken the task which
 ,i used  the freedom to recommend to   
you4 ,nothing less than what you propose
 will  serve the purpose4 ,you need     
expect no assistance from ,macpherson1  
who  flew into a passion when ,i told   
him of the letter ,i had wrote to you4  
,but you must not mind so strange and   
heteroclite a mortal1 than whom ,i  have
 scarce ever known a man more perverse  

and unamiable4 ,he will  probably depart
 for ,florida with governor ,johnstone1 
and ,i would advise  him to travel among
 the ,chickisaws or ,cherokees1 in order
 to tame him  and civilize him4         
,i should be much pleased to hear of the
 success of your       labours4 ,your   
method of directing to me is under cover
 to the       ,earl of ,hertford1       
,northumberland ,house2 any letters that
 come       to me under that direction1 
will be sent over to me at ,paris4      
,i beg my compliments to ,robertson and 
,jardine4 ,i am very sorry       to hear
 of the state of ,ferguson's health4    
,john ,hume went to       the country   
yesterday with ,lord ,bute4 ,i was      
introduced the       other day to that  
noble lord1 at his desire4 ,i believe   
him a       very good man1 a better man 
than a politician4         ,since       
writing the above1 ,i have been in      
company with ,mrs4       ,montague1 a   
lady of great distinction in this place1
 and a       zealous partisan of        

,ossian4 ,i told her of your intention1 
and       even used the freedom to read 
your letter to her4 ,she was            
extremely pleased with your project2 and
 the rather as the ,duc       de        
,nivernois1 she said1 had talked to her 
much on that subject       last winter1 
and desired1 if possible1 to get        
collected some       proofs of the      
authenticity of these poems1 which he   
proposed       to lay before the        
,acadmie des ,belles ,lettres at ,paris4
 ,you       see1 then1 that you are upon
 a great stage in this inquiry1         
and that many people have their eyes    
upon you4 ,this is a new       motive   
for rendering your proofs as complete as
 possible4 ,i       cannot conceive any 
objection1 which a man1 even of the     
gravest character1 could have to your   
publication of his       letters1 which 
will only attest a plain fact known to  
him4       ,such scruples1 if they      
occur1 you must endeavour to remove4    
,for on this trial of yours will the    

judgment of the public       finally    
depend4         ,lord ,bath1 who was in 
the company1 agreed with me1 that such  
documents of authenticity are entirely  
necessary and       indispensable4      
,please to write to me as soon as you   
make any advances1 that ,i       may    
have something to say on the subject to 
the literati of       ,paris4 ,i beg my 
compliments to all those who bear that  
character at ,edinburgh4 ,i cannot but  
look upon all of them as       my       
friends4 ,i am1 c4#dga3a      ,,ii4     
,,essay ,,on ,,the ,,genuineness ,,of   
,,the ,,poems4#dga3b         ,i think   
the fate of this production the most    
curious effect of       prejudice1 where
 superstition had no share1 that ever   
was in       the world4 ,a tiresome1    
insipid performance2 which1 if it had   
been presented in its real form1 as the 
work of a       contemporary1 an obscure
 ,highlander1 no man could ever have    
had the patience to have once perused1  
has1 by passing for the       poetry of 

a royal bard1 who flourished fifteen    
centuries ago1       been universally   
read1 has been pretty generally admired1
 and       has been translated1 in prose
 and verse1 into several       languages
 of ,europe4 ,even the style of the     
supposed ,english       translation has 
been admired1 though harsh and absurd in
 the       highest degree2 jumping      
perpetually from verse to prose1 and    
from prose to verse2 and running1 most  
of it1 in the light       cadence and   
measure of ,molly ,mog4 ,such is the    
,erse epic1 which       has been puffed 
with a zeal and enthusiasm that has     
drawn a       ridicule on my countrymen4
         ,but1 to cut off at once the   
whole source of its reputation1 ,i      
shall collect a few very obvious        
arguments against the notion       of   
its great antiquity1 with which so many 
people have been       intoxicated1 and 
which alone made it worthy of any       
attention4         7#a47 ,the very      
manner in which it was presented to the 

public       forms a strong presumption 
against its authenticity4 ,the          
pretended translator goes on a mission  
to the ,highlands to       recover and  
collect a work1 which1 he affirmed1 was 
dispersed1       in fragments1 among the
 natives4 ,he returns1 and gives a      
quarto volume1 and then another quarto1 
with the same       unsupported         
assurance as if it were a translation of
 the       ,orlando ,furioso1 or        
,lousiade1 or any poem the best known in
       ,europe4 ,it might have been     
expected1 at least1 that he would       
have told the public1 and the           
subscribers to his mission1 and         
the purchasers of his book1 ,this part  
,i got from such a       person1 in such
 a place2 that other part1 from such    
another       person4 ,i was enabled to 
correct my first copy of such a         
passage by the recital of such another  
person2 a fourth       supplied such a  
defect in my first copy4 ,by such a     
history of       his gradual discoveries

 he would have given some face of       
probability to them4 ,any man of common 
sense1 who was in       earnest1 must1  
in this case1 have seen the peculiar    
necessity       of that precaution1 any 
man that had regard to his own          
character1 would have anxiously followed
 that obvious and easy       method4    
,all the friends of the pretended       
translator exhorted       and entreated 
him to give them and the public that    
satisfaction4 ,no6 those who could doubt
 his veracity were       fools1 whom it 
was not worth while to satisfy4 ,the    
most       incredible of all facts was  
to be taken on his word1 whom           
nobody knew2 and an experiment was to be
 made1 ,i suppose in       jest1 how far
 the credulity of the public would give 
way to       assurance and dogmatical   
affirmation4         7#b47 ,but1 to show
 the utter incredibility of the fact1   
let       these following considerations
 be weighed1 or1 rather1 simply         
reflected on2 for it seems ridiculous to

 weigh them4 ,consider       the size of
 these poems4 ,what is given us is      
asserted to be       only a part of a   
much greater collection2 yet even these 
pieces amount to two quartos4 ,and they 
were composed1 you say1       in the    
,highlands1 about fifteen centuries ago2
 and have been       faithfully         
transmitted1 ever since1 by oral        
tradition1 through       ages totally   
ignorant of letters1 by the rudest1     
perhaps1 of       all the ,european     
nations2 the most necessitous1 the most 
turbulent1 the most ferocious1 and the  
most unsettled4 ,did       ever any     
event happen that approached within a   
hundred degrees       of this mighty    
wonder1 even to the nations the most    
fortunate       in their climate and    
situation8 ,can a ballad be shown that  
has       passed1 uncorrupted1 by oral  
tradition1 through three                
generations1 among the ,greeks1 or      
,italians1 or ,phoenicians1       or    
,egyptians1 or even among the natives of

 such countries as       ,otaheite or   
,molacca1 who seem exempted by nature   
from all       attention but to         
amusement1 to poetry1 and music8        
,but the ,celtic nations1 it is said1   
had peculiar advantages       for       
preserving their traditional poetry4    
,the ,irish1 the ,welsh1       the      
,bretons1 are all ,celtic nations1 much 
better entitled than       the          
,highlanders1 from their soil1 and      
climate1 and situation1       to have   
leisure for these amusements4 ,they1    
accordingly1       present us not with  
complete epic and historical poems1 7for
       they never had the assurance to  
go that length17 but with very          
copious and circumstantial traditions1  
which are allowed1 by       all men of  
sense1 to be scandalous and ridiculous  
impostures4         7#c47 ,the style and
 genius of these pretended poems are    
another       sufficient proof of the   
imposition4 ,the ,lapland and ,runic    
odes1 conveyed to us1 besides their     

small compass1 have a       savage      
rudeness1 and sometimes grandeur1 suited
 to those ages4       ,but this ,erse   
poetry has an insipid correctness1 and  
regularity1 and uniformity1 which       
betrays a man without       genius1 that
 has been acquainted with the           
productions of       civilized nations1 
and had his imagination so limited to   
that       tract1 that it was impossible
 for him even to mimic the              
character which he pretended to assume4 
,the manners are still a more striking  
proof of their want of                  
authenticity4 ,we see nothing but the   
affected generosity and       gallantry 
of chivalry1 which are quite unknown1   
not only to       all savage people1 but
 to every nation not trained in these   
artificial modes of thinking4 ,in       
,homer1 for instance1 and       ,virgil1
 and ,ariosto1 the heroes are           
represented as making a       nocturnal 
incursion into the camp of the enemy4   
,homer and       ,virgil1 who certainly 

were educated in much more civilized    
ages than those of ,ossian1 make no     
scruple of representing       their     
heroes as committing undistinguished    
slaughter on the       sleeping foe4    
,but ,orlando walks quietly through the 
camp of       the ,saracens1 and scorns 
to kill even an infidel who cannot      
defend himself4 ,gaul and ,oscar are    
knight-errants1 still more              
romantic3 they make a noise in the midst
 of the enemy's camp1       that they   
may waken them1 and thereby have a right
 to fight       with them and to kill   
them4 ,nay1 ,fingal carries his ideas of
       chivalry still farther2 much     
beyond what was ever dreamt of by       
,amadis de ,gaul or ,lancelot de ,lake4 
,when his territory is       invaded1 he
 scorns to repel the enemy with his     
whole force3 he       sends only an     
equal number against them1 under an     
inferior       captain3 when these are  
repulsed1 he sends a second             
detachment2 and it is not till after a  

double defeat1 that he       deigns     
himself to descend from the hill1 where 
he had       remained1 all the while1 an
 idle spectator1 and to attack the      
enemy4 ,fingal and ,swaran combat each  
other all day1 with the       greatest  
fury4 ,when darkness suspends the fight1
 they feast       together with the     
greatest amity1 and then renew the      
combat       with the return of light4  
,are these the manners of barbarous     
nations1 or even of people that have    
common sense8 ,we may       remark1 that
 all this narrative is supposed to be   
given us by       a contemporary poet4  
,the facts1 therefore1 must be supposed 
entirely1 or nearly1 conformable to     
truth4 ,the gallantry and       extreme 
delicacy towards the women1 which is    
found in these       productions1 is1 if
 possible1 still more contrary to the   
manners of barbarians4 ,among all rude  
nations1 force and       courage are the
 predominant virtues2 and the           
inferiority of       the females1 in    

these particulars1 renders them an      
object of       contempt1 not of        
deference and regard4         7#d47 ,but
 ,i derive a new argument against the   
antiquity of       these poems1 from the
 general tenor of the narrative4 ,where 
manners are represented in them1        
probability1 or even       possibility1 
are totally disregarded3 but in all     
other       respects1 the events are    
within the course of nature2 no         
giants1 no monsters1 no magic1 no       
incredible feats of strength       or   
activity4 ,every transaction is         
conformable to familiar                 
experience1 and scarcely even deserves  
the name of wonderful4       ,did this  
ever happen in ancient and barbarous    
poetry8 ,why is       this              
characteristic wanting1 so essential to 
rude and ignorant       ages8 ,ossian1  
you say1 was singing the exploits of his
       contemporaries1 and therefore    
could not falsify them in any           
great degree4 ,but if this had been a   

restraint1 your pretended       ,ossian 
had never sung the exploits of his      
contemporaries2 he       had gone back a
 generation or two1 which would have    
been       sufficient to throw an entire
 obscurity on the events2 and he        
would thereby have attained the         
marvellous1 which is alone              
striking to barbarians4 ,i desire it may
 be observed1 that       manners are the
 only circumstances which a rude people 
cannot       falsify2 because they have 
no notion of any manners beside         
their own3 but it is easy for them to   
let loose their       imagination1 and  
violate the course of nature1 in every  
other       particular2 and indeed they 
take no pleasure in any other kind      
of narrative4 ,in ,ossian1 nature is    
violated1 where alone she       ought to
 have been preserved2 is preserved where
 alone she       ought to have been     
violated4         7#e47 ,but there is   
another species of the marvellous1      
wanting       in ,ossian1 which is      

inseparable from all nations1 civilized 
as       well as barbarous1 but still   
more1 if possible1 from the             
barbarous1 and that is religion2 no     
religious sentiment in       this ,erse 
poetry4 ,all those ,celtic heroes are   
more complete       atheists than ever  
were bred in the school of ,epicurus4   
,to       account for this singularity1 
we are told that a few       generations
 before ,ossian1 the people quarrelled  
with their       ,druidical priests1 and
 having expelled them1 never afterwards 
adopted any other species of religion4  
,it is not quite       unnatural1 ,i    
own1 for the people to quarrel with     
their       priests1--as we did with    
ours at the ,reformation2 but we        
attached ourselves with fresh zeal to   
our new preachers and       new system2 
and this passion increased in proportion
 to our       hatred of the old4 ,but ,i
 suppose the reason of this strange     
absurdity in our new ,erse poetry1 is1  
that the author1 finding       by the   

assumed age of his heroes1 that he must 
have given them       the ,druidical    
religion1 and not trusting to his       
literature1       7which seems indeed to
 be very slender7 for making the        
representations consistent with         
antiquity1 thought it safest       to   
give them no religion at all2 a         
circumstance so wonderfully             
unnatural1 that it is sufficient alone1 
if men had eyes1 to       detect the    
imposition4         7#f47 ,the state of 
the arts1 as represented in those poems1
 is       totally incompatible with the 
age assigned to them4 ,we know1         
that the houses even of the ,southern   
,britons1 till conquered       by the   
,romans1 were nothing but huts erected  
in the woods2 but       a stately stone 
building is mentioned by ,ossian1 of    
which the       walls remain1 after it  
is consumed with fire4 ,the melancholy  
circumstance of a fox is described1 who 
looks out at the       windows2 an      
image1 if ,i be not mistaken1 borrowed  

from the       ,scriptures4 ,the        
,caledonians1 as well as the ,irish1 had
 no       shipping but currachs1 or     
wicker boats covered with hides3 yet    
are they represented as passing1 in     
great military       expeditions1 from  
the ,hebrides to ,denmark1 ,norway1 and 
,sweden2       a most glaring absurdity4
 ,they live entirely by hunting1 yet    
muster armies1 which make incursions to 
these countries as       well as to     
,ireland3 though it is certain from the 
experience       of ,america1 that the  
whole ,highlands would scarce subsist a 
hundred persons by hunting4 ,they are   
totally unacquainted with       fishing2
 though that occupation first tempts all
 rude nations       to venture on the   
sea4 ,ossian alludes to a wind or       
water-mill1       a machine then unknown
 to the ,greeks and ,romans1 according  
to       the opinion of the best        
antiquaries4 ,his barbarians1 though    
ignorant of tillage1 are well acquainted
 with the method of       working all   

kinds of metals4 ,the harp is the       
musical       instrument of ,ossian2 but
 the bagpipe1 from time immemorial1     
has been the instrument of the          
,highlanders4 ,if ever the harp         
had been known among them1 it never had 
given place to the       other barbarous
 discord4              ,stridenti       
miserum stipula disperdere carmen4      
7#g47 ,all the historical facts of this 
poem are opposed by       traditions1   
which1 if all these tales be not equally
       contemptible1 seem to merit much 
more attention4 ,the ,irish       ,scoti
 are the undoubted ancestors of the     
present ,highlanders1       who are but 
a small colony of that ancient people4  
,but the       ,irish traditions make   
,fingal1 ,ossian1 ,oscar1 all ,irishmen1
 and       place them some centuries    
distant from the ,erse heroes4 ,they    
represent them as giants1 and monsters1 
and enchanters1 a sure       mark of a  
considerable antiquity of these         
traditions4 ,i ask       the partisans  

of ,erse poetry1 since the names of     
these heroes       have crept over to   
,ireland1 and have become quite familiar
 to       the natives of that country1  
how it happens1 that not a line       of
 this poetry1 in which they are all     
celebrated1 which1 it is                
pretended1 alone preserves their memory 
with our ,highlanders1       and which  
is composed by one of these heroes      
themselves in the       ,irish language1
 ever found its way thither8 ,the songs 
and       traditions of the ,senachies1 
the genuine poetry of the ,irish1       
carry in their rudeness and absurdity   
the inseparable       attendants of     
barbarism1 a very different aspect from 
the       insipid correctness of        
,ossian2 where the incidents1 if you    
will pardon the antithesis1 are the most
 unnatural1 merely       because they   
are natural4 ,the same observation      
extends to the       ,welsh1 another    
,celtic nation4         7#h47 ,the      
fiction of these poems is1 if possible1 

still more       palpably detected1 by  
the great numbers of other traditions1  
which1 the author pretends1 are still   
fresh in the ,highlands1       with     
regard to all the personages4 ,the      
poems1 composed in the       age of     
,truthil and ,cormac1 ancestors of      
,ossian1 are1 he says1       full of    
complaints against the roguery and      
tyranny of the       ,druids4 ,he talks 
as familiarly of the poetry of that     
period as       ,lucian or ,longinus    
would of the ,greek poetry of the       
,socratic       age4 ,i suppose here is 
a new rich mine of poetry ready to      
break out upon us1 if the author thinks 
it can turn to       account4 ,for      
probably he does not mind the danger of 
detection1 which he has little reason to
 apprehend from his       experience of 
the public credulity4 ,but ,i shall     
venture to       assert1 without any    
reserve or further inquiry1 that there  
is       no ,highlander who is not1 in  
some degree1 a man of letters1          

that ever so much as heard there was a  
,druid in the world4 ,the       margin  
of every page almost of this wonderful  
production is       supported1 as he    
pretends1 by minute oral traditions with
       regard to the personages4 ,to the
 poem of ,dar-thula1 there is           
prefixed a long account of the pedigree1
 marriages1 and       adventures of     
three brothers1 ,nathos1 ,althos1 and   
,ardan1       heroes that lived fifteen 
hundred years ago in ,argyleshire1      
and whose memory1 it seems1 is still    
celebrated there1 and in       every    
part of the ,highlands4 ,how ridiculous 
to advance such a       pretension to   
the learned1 who know that there is no  
tradition       of ,alexander the great 
all over the ,east2 that the ,turks1 who
       have heard of him from their     
communication with the ,greeks1         
believe him to have been the captain of 
,solomon's guard2 that       the ,greek 
and ,roman story1 the moment it departs 
from the       historical ages1 becomes 

a heap of fiction and absurdity2 that   
,cyrus himself1 the conqueror of the    
,east1 became so much       unknown1    
even in little more than half a century1
 that       ,herodotus himself1 born and
 bred in ,asia1 within the limits of    
the ,persian empire1 could tell nothing 
of him1 more than of       ,croesus1 the
 contemporary of ,cyrus1 and who reigned
 in the       neighbourhood of the      
historian1 but the most ridiculous      
fables2 and that the grandfather of     
,hengist and ,horsa1 the       first    
,saxon conquerors1 was conceived to be a
 divinity4 ,i       suppose it is       
sufficiently evident1 that without the  
help of       books and history1 the    
very name of ,julius ,csar would at     
present be totally unknown in ,europe4  
,a gentleman1 who       travelled into  
,italy1 told me1 that in visiting       
,frescati or       ,tusculum1 his       
cicerone showed him the foundation and  
ruins of       ,cicero's country house4 
,he asked the fellow who this ,cicero   

might be1 ,un grandissimo gigante1 said 
he4         7#i47 ,i ask1 since the     
memory of ,fingal and his ancestors and 
descendants is still so fresh in the    
,highlands1 how it       happens1 that  
none of the compilers of the ,scotch    
fabulous       history ever laid hold of
 them1 and inserted them in the list    
of our ancient monarchs1 but were       
obliged to have recourse to       direct
 fiction and lying to make out their    
genealogies8 ,it is       to be         
remarked1 that the ,highlanders1 who are
 now but an       inferior part of the  
nation1 anciently composed the whole2 so
       that no tradition of theirs could
 be unknown to the court1 the           
nobility1 and the whole kingdom4 ,where1
 then1 have these       wonderful       
traditions skulked during so many       
centuries1 that       they have never   
come to light till yesterday8 ,and the  
very       names of our ancient kings   
are unknown2 though it is               
pretended1 that a very particular       

narrative of their       transactions   
was still preserved1 and universally    
diffused       among a numerous tribe1  
who are the original stem of the        
nation4 ,father ,innes1 the only        
judicious writer that ever       touched
 our ancient history1 finds in monastic 
records the       names1 and little more
 than the names1 of kings from ,fergus1 
whom we call ,fergus the ,second1 who   
lived long after the       supposed     
,fingal3 and he thence begins the true  
history of the       nation4 ,he had too
 good sense to give any attention to    
pretended traditions even of kings1 much
 less would he have       believed that 
the memory and adventures of every      
leader of       banditti in every valley
 of the ,highlands1 could be            
circumstantially preserved by oral      
tradition through more than             
fifteen centuries4         7#aj47 ,i    
shall observe1 that the character of the
 author1 from       all his             
publications1 7for ,i shall mention     

nothing else17       gives us the       
greatest reason to suspect him of such a
       ludicrous imposition on the      
public4 ,for to be sure it is only      
ludicrous2 or at most a trial of wit1   
like that of the       sophist1 who gave
 us ,phalaris' ,epistles1 or of him that
       counterfeited ,cicero's          
,consolation1 or supplied the fragments 
of ,petronius4 ,these literary          
amusements have been very common2       
and unless supported by too violent     
asseverations1 or       persisted in too
 long1 never drew the opprobrious       
appellation       of impostor on the    
author4         ,he writes an ancient   
history of ,britain1 which is plainly   
ludicrous4 ,he gives us a long          
circumstantial history of the           
emigrations of the ,belgae1 ,cimbri1 and
 ,sarmatae1 so       unsupported by any 
author of antiquity that nothing but a  
particular revelation could warrant it2 
and yet it is       delivered with such 
seeming confidence1 7for we must not    

think       he was in earnest17 that the
 history of the ,punic wars is not      
related with greater seriousness by     
,livy4 ,he has even left       palpable 
contradictions in his narrative1 in     
order to try the       faith of his     
reader4 ,he tells us1 for instance1 that
 the       present inhabitants of       
,germany have no more connexion with the
       ,germans mentioned by ,tacitus1  
than with the ancient       inhabitants 
of ,peloponnesus3 the ,saxons and       
,angles1 in       particular1 were all  
,sarmatians1 a quite different tribe    
from       the ,germans1 in manners1    
laws1 language1 and customs4 ,yet a     
few pages after1 when he pretends to    
deliver the origin of the               
,anglo-,saxon constitution1 he          
professedly derives the whole           
account from ,tacitus4 ,all this was    
only an experiment to see       how far 
the force of affirmation could impose on
 the credulity       of the public3 but 
it did not succeed2 he was here in the  

open       daylight of ,greek and ,roman
 erudition1 not in the obscurity of     
his ,erse poetry and traditions4        
,finding the style of his       ,ossian 
admired by some1 he attempts a          
translation of ,homer in       the very 
same style4 ,he begins and finishes1 in 
six weeks1 a       work that was for    
ever to eclipse the translation of      
,pope1       whom he does not even deign
 to mention in his preface2 but         
this joke was still more unsuccessful3  
he made a shift1       however1 to bring
 the work to a second edition1 where he 
says1       that1 notwithstanding all   
the envy of his malignant opponents1    
his name alone will preserve the work to
 a more equitable       posterity6      
,in short1 let him now take off the     
mask1 and fairly and openly       laugh 
at the credulity of the public1 who     
could believe that       long ,erse     
epics had been secretly preserved in the
 ,highlands       of ,scotland1 from the
 age of ,severus till his time4         

,the imposition is so gross1 that he may
 well ask the world how       they could
 ever possibly believe him to be in     
earnest8         ,but it may reasonably 
be expected that ,i should mention the  
external positive evidence1 which is    
brought by ,dr4 ,blair to       support 
the authenticity of these poems4 ,i own1
 that this       evidence1 considered in
 itself1 is very respectable1 and       
sufficient to support any fact1 that    
both lies within the       bounds of    
credibility1 and has not become a matter
 of party4       ,but will any man      
pretend to bring human testimony to     
prove1       that above twenty thousand 
verses have been transmitted1 by        
tradition and memory1 during more than  
fifteen hundred years2       that is1   
above fifty generations1 according to   
the ordinary       course of nature8    
verses1 too1 which have not1 in their   
subject1 any thing alluring or inviting 
to the people1 no       miracle1 no     
wonders1 no superstitions1 no useful    

instruction2       a people1 too1 who1  
during twelve centuries1 at least1 of   
that       period1 had no writing1 no   
alphabet2 and who1 even in the          
other three centuries1 made very little 
use of that imperfect       alphabet for
 any purpose2 a people who1 from the    
miserable       disadvantages of their  
soil and climate1 were perpetually      
struggling with the greatest necessities
 of nature2 who1 from       the         
imperfections of government1 lived in a 
continual state of       internal       
hostility2 ever harassed with the       
incursions of       neighbouring tribes1
 or meditating revenge and retaliation  
on       their neighbours4 ,have such a 
people leisure to think of any          
poetry1 except1 perhaps1 a miserable    
song or ballad1 in praise       of their
 own chieftain1 or to the disparagement 
of his rivals8         ,i should be     
sorry to be suspected of saying any     
thing against       the manners of the  
present ,highlanders4 ,i really believe 

that1       besides their signal        
bravery1 there is not any people in     
,europe1 not even excepting the ,swiss1 
who have more plain       honesty and   
fidelity1 are more capable of gratitude 
and       attachment1 than that race of 
men4 ,yet it was1 no doubt1 a           
great surprise to them to hear that1    
over and above their       known good   
qualities1 they were also possessed of  
an       excellence which they never    
dreamt of1 an elegant taste in          
poetry1 and inherited from the most     
remote antiquity the       finest       
compositions of that kind1 far          
surpassing the popular       traditional
 poems of any other language2 no wonder 
they       crowded to give testimony in 
favour of their authenticity4           
,most of them1 no doubt1 were sincere in
 the delusion2 the same       names that
 were to be found in their popular      
ballads were       carefully preserved  
in the new publication2 some incidents1 
too1 were perhaps transferred from the  

one to the other2 some       sentiments 
also might be copied2 and1 on the whole1
 they were       willing to believe1 and
 still more willing to persuade others1 
that the whole was genuine4 ,on such    
occasions1 the greatest       cloud of  
witnesses makes no manner of evidence4  
,what ,jansenist       was there in     
,paris1 which contains several          
thousands1 that       would not have    
given evidence for the miracles of ,abb 
,paris8       ,the miracle is greater1  
but not the evidence1 with regard to    
the authenticity of ,ossian4            
,the late ,president ,forbes was a great
 believer in the second       sight2 and
 ,i make no question but he could1 on a 
month's       warning1 have overpowered 
you with evidence in its favour4 ,but   
as finite added to finite never         
approaches a hair's breadth       nearer
 to infinite2 so a fact incredible in   
itself1 acquires       not the smallest 
accession of probability by the         
accumulation       of testimony4        

,the only real wonder in the whole      
affair is1 that a person of       so    
fine a taste as ,dr4 ,blair1 should be  
so great an admirer of       these      
productions2 and one of so clear and    
cool a judgment       collect evidence  
of their authenticity4      ,,footnotes3
    #dfe3a ,european ,magazine1 ,may1   
#aghd1 p4 #cbg4    #dfh3a ,see this     
observation commented on by ,blair1 in  
vol4 ii4 p4 #afg4    #dfh3b ,laing's    
,history1 iv4 #dif4 ,report of the      
,highland ,society on  ,ossian's ,poems4
    #dgj3a ,,ms4 ,r4,s4,e4    #dga3a    
,laing's ,history1 iv4 #ejj4 ,report of 
the ,highland ,society4    #dga3b ,see  
this referred to in ,vol4 ,,ii41 p4 #he4
           ,,end ,,of ,,vol4 ,i4        
,,edinburgh         ,printed by         
,,william ,,tait1 #ajg1 ,prince's       
,street4          ,,index4              
,abercrombie--,general ,james1 i4 #bab1 
#bbb1 #caa4      ,abingdon--,lord1 ii4  
#ahe4      ,adam--,john1 architect1 ii4 
#agd1 #ahg1 #aie1 #bhf4      ----1      

,william--,lord ,chief ,commissioner1   
ii4 #agd4      ,his notices of ,hume1   
#dci4      ----1 ,mrs41 ii4 #agd1 #bhf4 
,advocates' ,library4      ,hume as     
librarian1 i4 #cfg4      ,its extent1   
#cgc4      ,french works removed from1  
as improper1 #cie4      ,hume resigns   
librarianship of1 ii4 #ah4              
,aiguillon--,duchesse de1 ii4 #age4     
,albemarle--,lord1 i4 #bde-bdf4         
,alembert--,d'1 i4 #id2 ii4 #aha4       
,hume's friendship with1 #bah1 #bgj1    
#cbc1 #cde1 #cdh1 #cej1 #ced1 #cee1     
#cgg1          #dhi4      ,allen--,dr41 
his inquiry into the rise and progress  
of the royal        prerogative1 ii4    
#abb4      ,amelia--,the ,princess1 ii4 
#bib4      ,ancient ,nations--,essay on 
the populousness of1 i4 #cfc4           
,anderson--,revd4 ,george1 i4 #dbe4     
,his writings against ,hume and ,lord   
,kames1 #dbh4      ,his death1 #dcb4    
,anderson--,dr4 ,walter1 i4 #dbd4       
,annandale--,marquis of4      ,his      
invitation to ,hume1 i4 #agj4      ,his 

mental condition1 #agb4      ,hume's    
residence with1 #agj1 et seq4      ----1
 ,marchioness-,dowager of1 i4 #ahe4     
,letter to1 #bjc4      ,anson--,madame1 
ii4 #bcf4      ,anstruther--,general1 i4
 #chc4      ,antiquaries4      ,their   
use to the historian1 ii4 #abb-abc4     
,antiquity1 the populousness of4        
,dissertation on1 i4 #cbf4              
,aquinas--,his theory of association1 i4
 #bhf4      ,its alleged similarity to  
,hume's1 #bhg4      ,argyle--,duke of1  
ii4 #ee4      ,armstrong--,dr41 ii4 #fd1
 #adh4      ,arnauld--,antony1 i4 #dcb4 
,artois--,comte d'1 ii4 #agh4           
,assembly--,general4      ,its          
proceedings against ,hume1 i4 #dbi4     
,overture to1 regarding him1 #dcj4      
,association--,hume's theory of1 i4     
#bhf4      ,aylesbury--,lady1 ii4 #cje1 
#che4        ,bacon--,lord1 ii4 #fg4    
,balance of trade--,hume's opinions on1 
i4 #ceh4      ,balcarras--,earl of1     
letter to1 i4 #dab4      ,his           
appearance1 #dac4      ,balfour--,james 

of ,pilrig1 i4 #afj1 #cde2 ii4 #aib1    
#dad1 #dae4      ,bank--,cash credit in4
      ,its nature1 i4 #cei4             
,banking--,hume's remarks on1 i4 #cei4  
,barbantane--,marquise de1 ii4 #bhj1    
#cji1 #cbb1 #cfj4      ,barr--,colonel1 
ii4 #aej1 #bhi4      ,bastide--,m41 ii4 
#bcf1 #bda4      ,bath--,hume's visit   
to1 ii4 #die1 et seq4      ,bayard--,the
 ,chevalier1 ii4 #dda4                  
,beauchamp--,lord1 ii4 #afa1 #afb1 #aga1
 #ahc1 #bjd1 #bde1 #bfh1 #bhg4          
,beauvais--,princess1 ii4 #dig4         
,beauveau--,madame de1 ii4 #bjf4        
,beccaria1 i4 #aba4      ,bedford--,duke
 of1 ii4 #bgi1 #bhj1 #bhe1 #bij4        
----1 ,duchess of1 ii4 #bgi4            
,bellman's ,petition1 i4 #cae1 #cag4    
,belot--,madame1 her translation of     
,hume's works1 ii4 #agf4      ,bentham1 
i4 #aba1 #chd4      ,berri--,duc de1 ii4
 #agh4      ,bertrand--,professor1 ii4  
#ahg4      ,betham--,mr4 and ,mrs41 i4  
#daa4      ,birch--,dr41 i4 #daf1 #dcf2 
ii4 #hb4      ,black--,joseph4          

,letters from1 ii4 #dhh1 #ead-eae4      
,blacklock--,thomas1 i4 #che4           
,hume's first acquaintance with1 #chh4  
,his ideas of light and colours1 #chi4  
,account of his early life1 #cij4       
,publication of his poems1 #cib4        
,miscellaneous notices of1 #cic1 #cih2  
ii4 #afd1 #ded4      ,letters from1     
#cii4      ,blacklock--,mrs41 ii4 #dja4 
,blackwell--,hume's criticism on his    
,court of ,augustus1 i4 #dcd4           
,blair--,dr41 i4 #dbg2 ii4 #hf1 #aae1   
#aag1 #aci1 #aec1 #afg1 #age1 #aib1     
#aih4      ,letters to1 #ahj1 #aha1     
#aic1 #bbi1 #bfe1 #bfg1 #bhf1 #bhh1     
#big1 #caj1 #cab1          #cah1 #cdd1  
#cfe1 #cga1 #chf1 #cie1 #dba1 #dgb4     
----1 ,robert1 ,president of the ,court 
of ,session1 ii4 #dbc4      ,blanc--,abb
 le1 i4 #cfe4      ,his translations    
from ,hume1 #cff4      ,letter to1 #djf1
 #dji2 ii4 #cdg4                        
,bologna--,university of1 i4 #aea4      
,bon--,abb le1 his death1 ii4 #dbh4     
,bonne--,hume's account of1 i4 #bdi4    

,boswell--,james1 received ,johnson in  
,hume's house1 ii4 #ach1 #aci1 #cjg1    
#dda4      ,boufflers--,madame de1 ii4  
#gb4      ,account of1 #ij4      ,her   
letters to ,hume1 #id1 #ii1 #ajf1 #aaj4 
,letters to1 #aad1 #bje1 #bdf1 #bdg4    
,notice of1 #bea1 #bgi1 #bhj1 #bih1     
#cjc1 #cbc1 #ccj1 #cdf1 #ceb1 #cec1     
#dbi4      ,last letter to1 #eac4       
,bourgs--,university of1 i4 #aea4       
,bower--,archibald1 ii4 #eh4            
,boyle--,the ,honourable ,mr41 i4 #bic4 
,brand--,mr41 ii4 #bbe4                 
,breda--,hume's account of1 i4 #bdd4    
,brest1 ii4 #fc4      ,brienne1         
,archbishop of ,toulouse1 ii4 #bhc1     
#dig4      ,bristol--,lord1 ii4 #djg4   
,brodie--,george1 ii4 #ff4              
,brougham--,lord1 ii4 #cdh4      ,his   
opinion of ,hume's ,political           
,discourses1 i4 #ced4      ,brown--,dr4 
,john1 ii4 #bc4      ,browne--,sir      
,thomas1 i4 #id4                        
,bruce--,professor1 ii4 #aib4           
,bruyre--,la1 i4 #adh4                  

,buccleuch--,duke of1 ii4 #eh1 #bbg1    
#dfg4      ,buchan--,lord1 ii4 #dee4    
,buckingham--,mrs41 ii4 #ahf4           
,buffon--,m4 de1 ii4 #aha1 #bii4        
,bunbury--,mr4 afterwards ,sir ,charles1
 ii4 #aei1 #afd1 #ahi1 #bci1 #bgg1 #bhj4
      ----1 ,lady ,sarah1 ii4 #bci4     
,burke--,edmund1 i4 #cea1 #cec2 ii4 #ei1
 #ccc1 #ddi4      ,burnet--,james1 ,lord
 ,monboddo1 i4 #cid2 ii4 #bjd1 #bca4    
,bute--,lord1 ii4 #cd1 #adi1 #aei1 #afb1
 #afc1 #ahg1 #beh1 #bfe1 #bhb1 #bij1    
#ccd1        #djg2 ii4 #dah4            
,butler--,samuel1 ii4 #ij4      ----1   
,bishop1 i4 #fd1 #adc4                  
,caldwell--,sir ,james1 i4 #bfj4        
,calton ,hill--,hume's monument on1 ii4 
#eah4      ,campbell--,dr4 ,george1 ii4 
#aae1 #aaf4      ,letter to1 #aah4      
,letter from1 #aai4      ,notice of1    
#aed4      ,carlyle--,dr41 ii4 #hh1     
#afd1 #bff1 #dgb4      ,carraccioli1 ii4
 #ec4      ,carre--,george1 of ,nisbet1 
i4 #aae4      ,cause and                
,effect--,hume's views of1 i4 #gi4      

,their effect on ,kant1 ib4             
,causes--unseen1 aptly illustrated by   
,hume1 i4 #hc4      ,charles            
,edward--his insurrection1 i4 #age4     
,anecdotes of1 ii4 #dfb4                
,charlemont--,lord4      ,description   
and anecdotes of ,hume by1 i4 #bgj1     
#cid2 ii4 #aaf1 #bbc4                   
,chatham--,lord1 ii4 #cif1 #djf1 #dah4  
,hume's dislike to1 ii4 #dbj1 #dbb4     
,chaulieu1 #eaj4                        
,chesterfield--,lord1 ii4 #aca1 #afj4   
,cheyne--,dr4 ,george1 i4 #db4      ,his
 work1 ,the ,english ,malady1 i4 #dc4   
,chivalry--,essay on1 i4 #ah-be4        
,choiseul--,duc de1 ii4 #bbh1 #ejj4     
----1 ,duchesse de1 her civilities to   
,hume1 ii4 #afi4      ,choquart--,abb1  
ii4 #bdb1 #bfa1 #bfb1 #bga1 #bgc4       
,christianity--cannot be injured by     
theories purely metaphysical1 i4        
#hf1 #hh4      ,church--,catholic4      
,hume's treatment of1 ii4 #e4      ----1
 ,scottish ,episcopal4      ,its        
condition in ,hume's time1 ii4 #f4      

----1 ,english4      ,hume's sympathies 
with1 ii4 #i4      ,churchill--,charles1
 ii4 #adh4      ,chute--,mr41 ii4 #bbe4 
,cicero--,orations of4      ,essay on1  
i4 #add1 #ade4      ,clagenfurt in      
,carinthia4      ,hume's account of1 i4 
#bfd4      ,clairaut--,m41 ii4 #bie4    
,clarendon--as a historian1 i4 #djd4    
,clark--,general1 ii4 #agb1 #aie4       
,clarke--,dr4 ,staniers1 ii4 #agi4      
,cleghorn--,william4      ,appointed    
,professor of ,moral ,philosophy1 i4    
#agj4      ,clephane--,dr4      ,letters
 to1 i4 #cad1 #cgf1 #cgi1 #cha1 #chd1   
#cig1 #djh1 #dcc2 ii4 #ch1 #ddc4        
,clow--,mr41 ,professor of logic in the 
,university of ,glasgow1 i4 #cea2       
ii4 #aii4      ,club--,the ,poker4      
,its proceedings1 ii4 #def4             
,coblentz--,hume's account of1 i4 #bdi4 
,cockburn--,mrs4      ,letter from1 ii4 
#bcj1 #dbd1 #ddi4      ,coke--,sir      
,edward1 ii4 #fi4      ,colebroke--,sir 
,george1 ii4 #dfj1 #dfg4                
,coleridge--,his charge against ,hume1  

i4 #bhf4      ,how disproved1 #bhg4     
,cologne--,hume's account of1 i4 #bdh4  
,cond--,prince of1 ii4 #ib4             
,constitutional theories--,hume's1 ii4  
#fe1 #fg1 #gc4      ,conti--,prince of1 
ii4 #ij1 #bba1 #bdf1 #big1 #cjg4        
----1 ,princess of1 ii4 #bde4           
,conway--,marshal1 ii4 #aef-aeg1 #bhc1  
#bhd1 #cje1 #cjg1 #cbd1 #cbf1 #cea1     
#cfe1        #cga1 #cgd4      ----1     
,appoints ,hume under-secretary1 ii4    
#chb1 #cif1 #djg4      ,corby castle1 i4
 #bbf4      ,corneille1 ii4 #aif4       
,coutts--,provost1 i4 #afe4      ----1  
,thomas1 ii4 #dgf4      ----1 ,james1   
ii4 #dgf4      ,cowley1 ii4 #ij4        
,craigie--,professor1 i4 #cej4          
,crawford--,james1 i4 #bcc2 ii4 #adi1   
#ejj4      ,crbillon--,his ,l',ecumoire1
 i4 #cie2 ii4 #dbh4                     
,crowle--,anecdote regarding1 i4 #cjf4  
,cudworth1 i4 #id4      ,cullen--,dr4   
,letter to1 i4 #cej1 #dah4      ,notice 
of1 #daa2 ii1 #aii4      ,letters from1 
ii4 #dhh1 #dhi1 #eae4                   

,currency--,hume's views on1 ii4 #dbf4  
,d',angiviller--,m41 ii4 #baf4          
,dalrymple--,sir ,david1 i4 #cie2 ii4   
#dae1 #daf4      ----1 ,sir ,john1 ii4  
#cg1 #dfg4      ,dauphin of             
,france--,his attentions to ,hume1 ii4  
#agg-agh4      ,notice of1 #bhf4        
,davenport--,richard1 ii4 #cac4         
,gives ,rousseau a retreat at ,wooton1  
#cai4      ,notice of1 #cbc1 #cbg1 #cbh4
      ,letter from1 #cce1 #ccf1 #cdc1   
#cde1 #cfd1 #cfg1 #cfh1 #cgj4           
,notice of1 #cgd1 #cgh1 #cgi4           
,deffand--,madame du4      ,character   
of1 ii4 #bad4      ,her quarrel with    
,mademoiselle de ,l',espinasse1 #bae4   
,de ,lolme1 i4 #acg4                    
,d',epinay--,madame4      ,anecdote     
from1 ii4 #bbd4                         
,dettingen--,battle-field of1 i4 #beb4  
,deyverdun1 ii4 #daj4      ,dialogues   
concerning ,natural ,religion--,their   
characteristics1 i4        #cbh-ccj4    
,account of them in a letter to ,sir    
,gilbert ,elliot1 #ccb2 ii4 #dij4       

,dickson--,david1 ii4 #chc4             
,diderot1 ii4 #aha1 #bbj4               
,d',ivernois--,m41 ii4 #cbe4            
,divine right--,hume's opinions on1 i4  
#abc-abd4      ,dodwell--,mr41 ii4 #chf4
      ,donaldson--,alexander1 i4 #dca2  
ii4 #d1 #hb4      ,douglas--,mr41 ii4   
#bjd4      ----1 ,dr41 afterwards       
,bishop of ,carlisle1 ii4 #gh1 #hg4     
---- cause1 ii4 #aej1 #afc1 #bjc1 #dba1 
#dbc4      ---- of ,cavers1 ii4 #djg4   
----1 ,duchess of1 ii4 #bcb4      ----1 
,lady ,jane1 ii4 #dbd4      ----1       
,tragedy of4 ,hume's criticism on1 i4   
#dai4      ,rehearsal of1 #dbj4         
,dow--,colonel1 ii4 #dfa4      ,duclos1 
ii4 #aha1 #cdg4      ,dupr de ,st4      
,maur--,madame1 ii4 #afh1 #cdg4         
,durand--,m41 ii1 #cgh4                 
,dysart--,mrs41 of ,eccles4      ,hume's
 correspondence with1 i4 #ccg4          
,dyson--,mr41 ii4 #acb1 #djh4           
,earthquakes--,fears regarding1 i4 #bih4
      ,economy--,political4      ,see   
,political ,economy4                    

,edmondstoune--,colonel1 i4 #bab1 #cig1 
#dji4      ,letter to1 ii4 #ahb4        
,letter from1 to ,hume1 #ahe4           
,letters to1 #ahg1 #dgc4      ,letter   
from1 #dgd1 #ejh4      ,education--,on  
the influences of1 i4 #he4      ----1   
,state of1 in ,scotland1 in #agth and   
#ahth centuries1 i4 #aea4               
,egmont--,countess of1 ii4 #bii4        
,election--,westminster1 in #agdi1 i4   
#cje4      ,elibank--,lord1 letters to1 
i4 #aib1 #chg2 ii4 #afg1 #beb1 #bef1    
#beg1 #bfj4      ,elliot--,sir ,gilbert1
 of ,minto4      ,hume's intercourse    
with1 i4 #cbj4      ,letters to1 #cba1  
#cbd4      ,his criticism on ,hume's    
,dialogue1 #cbc4      ,hume's reply to1 
#cbd4      ,account of the ,epigoniad   
to1 ii4 #be4      ,letter to1 #cb4      
,letters to1 #add1 #aei1 #ahi4          
,letter from1 #bcc4      ,reply1 #bce4  
,letters to1 #bdj1 #bdd1 #bfa1 #bgj1    
#bgc1 #bhj1 #djf1 #djg1 #dad4           
,letter from1 #dae4      ,letters to1   
#dcb1 #dcd4      ----1 ,gilbert1 younger

 of ,minto1 afterwards ,governor-general
 of ,india1        ii4 #bcc1 #bfb1 #bga1
 #bgc1 #bha4      ,elliot--,sir ,john1  
of ,stobs1 ii4 #djg4      ----1 ,anne1  
ii4 #cde4      ----1 ,hugh1 ii4 #bfb1   
#bga1 #bgc1 #bha4      ----1 ,lady1 ii4 
#dae1 #ddf4      ----1 ,miss1 ii4 #fb1  
#ij4      ----1 ,peggy1 ii4 #fb         
,emile--,criticism on1 ii4 #aad4        
,england--,history of4      ,rapidity   
with which it was composed and printed1 
i4 #cha2 ii4 #aba4      ,english        
,malady1 by ,dr4 ,cheyne--,extracts     
from1 i4 #dc-df4      ,entails--,device 
for breaking1 ii4 #cb4                  
,epicurean--,the4      ,remarks on1 i4  
#adb4      ,epicurus1 i4 #adb4          
,epigoniad4      ,some account of1 ii4  
#be4      ,hume's partiality to1 #ca4   
,its rejection by the public1 #cd1 #cg4 
,eriot--,professor1 ii4 #bda4           
,erskine--,sir ,harry1 i4 #bab4         
,letter to1 #bai4      ,his illness1    
#bfd1 #cig1 #dji2 ii4 #aei4             
,erskine--,john1 ii4 #dec4              

,essay--,historical1 on chivalry and    
modern honour1 i4 #ah1 #be4             
,essays--,moral and ,political1 when    
published1 and how1 i4 #acf4      ,their
 success1 #adc4      ,third edition of1 
#bhi4      ---- on ,suicide and the     
,immortality of the ,soul1 ii4 #ac4     
---- on ,political ,economy1 i4 #ced1   
#cfc4      ,eugene--,prince4      ,his  
palace1 i4 #bfb2 ii4 #eja               
,fairholms--,bankruptcy of1 ii4 #aie4   
,falconer--,sir ,david1 of ,newton1 i4  
#a4      ,farquhar--,john1 ii4 #aed4    
,ferguson--,sir ,adam1 ii4 #dea1 #deg4  
----1 ,professor ,adam4      ,hume's    
commendation of1 ii4 #cb4      ,notice  
of1 #cd4      ,appointed ,professor of  
,natural ,philosophy1 #de4      ,notice 
of1 #ef4      ,sister ,peg attributed to
 him1 #hc4      ,hume's mystification on
 the subject1 #hh4      ,letter to1     
#agb4      ,letter from1 #age4      ,his
 ,essay on the ,history of ,civil       
,society1 #che1 #dji1 #ddj1 #dfa4       
----1 a painter1 ii4 #dji4              

,fitzmaurice--,mr41 ii4 #afc1 #aga4     
,fitzroy--,charles1 ii4 #djg4           
,flche--,la4      ,hume's residence in1 
i4 #eg4      ,jesuit's ,college of1 ib4 
,fleury--,cardinal1 #dih4               
,fontaine--,la1 ,les ,contes de1 removed
 from the ,advocates' ,library1 i4      
#cie4      ,forester--,colonel ,james4  
,his connexion with the ,marquis of     
,annandale1 i4 #agd4      ,verses on his
 traveling to the ,highlands of         
,scotland1 ib4      ,fourqueux1 ii1     
#cdh4      ,france--,state of morality  
in1 during ,hume's time1 ii4 #ia4       
----1 ,manners in1 i4 #ec-ed1 #ee-ef2   
ii4 #bjh4      ,frankfort--,hume's      
account of1 i4 #bea1 #beb4              
,franklin--,benjamin1 ii4 #dbf1 #dbg1   
#dga1 #dgf4      ,fraser--,james1 i4    
#cje4      ,hume's character of1 #cjh4  
,free ,trade--,hume as the founder of   
the principles of1 ii4 #ebj4            
,french literature4      ,its licentious
 features1 i4 #cie4                     
,galliani--,abb1 ii4 #dbh4              

,garden--,francis1 ii4 #bjd4            
,garrick--,david1 ii4 #ada1 #cji1 #dba4 
,gascoigne--,chief-justice1 ii4 #fi4    
,genlis--,madame de1 ii4 #bba1 #cja4    
,geoffrin--,madame4      ,her position  
in ,paris1 ii4 #baj4      ,specimen of  
her handwriting1 #baa4      ,character  
of1 #bab1 #dga4      ,geometry and      
,natural ,philosophy--,dissertation on1 
i4 #dba4      ,gerard--,alexander1 ii4  
#ee1 #aed1 #aee4      ,gibbon--,edward1 
ii4 #dji4      ,letter from1 #daj4      
,letter to1 #daa1 #dhd4                 
,gillies--,adam1 ii4 #ach4              
,glamorgan--,lord1 ii4 #gg1 #gh4        
,glanvill--,joseph1 i4 #hc4             
,glover--,richard1 ii4 #ada4            
,goodall--,walter1 i4 #cgd4             
,anecdote regarding him1 ib42 ii4 #bed4 
,gordon--,father1 ii4 #bja4             
,government--,monarchical4      ,hume's 
partiality for1 i4 #adj4                
,gower--,earl1 i4 #cje4                 
,graffigny--,m41 ii4 #cij4      ----1   
,madame de1 ii4 #cia4                   

,grafton--,duke of1 ii4 #bhd1 #cig1     
#djg1 #dcb4      ,grammont--,madame de1 
ii4 #bjf4      ,gregory--,dr41 ii4 #aed1
 #aee4      ,grenville--,george1 ii4    
#aia1 #bbf1 #bfe1 #bgb1 #bgd1 #bhb4     
,greville--,mrs4      ,her ,ode to      
,indifference1 i4 #bbh4                 
,grimm--,baron de1 ii4 #afh1 #bbc4      
,guerchy--,m4 de1 ii4 #bij1 #cgc4       
,guichiardin1 i4 #aac4      ,his        
character of ,alexander ,,vi4 #aac-aad4 
,guigne--,m4 de1 ii4 #ddf4              
,gustard--,doctor1 ii4 #ejd4            
,hague--,the4      ,hume's account of1  
i4 #bdc4      ,hamilton--,duke of1 i4   
#dag4      ----1 ,sir ,william1 i4 #bhh2
 ii4 #aec4      ,halifax--,lord1 ii4    
#afj1 #bgg4      ,hall--,edward1 ii4    
#gb4      ,hallam--,henry1 ii4 #ff4     
,hardwicke--,lord1 ii4 #dfe4            
,harrington--,hume's opinion of1 i4     
#cfa2 ii4 #dha4      ,hawke--,admiral1  
ii4 #fc4      ,hay--,secretary to       
,prince ,charles ,edward1 ii4 #bjc4     
,helvtius--,his ,de l',esprit1 i4 #aba2 

ii4 #eb4      ,proposes ,hume to        
translate it1 #eb4      ,hume excuses   
himself1 #ec4      ,notice of1 #ed1 #eg1
 #afh1 #aca1 #chg4      ,his intercourse
 with ,prince ,charles ,edward1 ii4     
#dfd4      ,henault--,president1 ii4    
#aha1 #bff1 #bfi4      ,henry--,robert4 
,his ,history of ,britain1 ii4 #dfi4    
,hume's review of it1 #dgj4             
,hepburn--,rev4 ,thomas1 ii4 #dgb4      
,herbert--,mr41 ii4 #afb4               
,hertford--,marquis of4      ,his       
appointment to the ,french ,embassy1 ii4
 #aef4      ,invitation to ,hume1 #aef1 
#aeh4      ,notice of1 #aei1 #afa1 #afd1
 #aga1 #agb1 #aha4      ,hume's opinion 
of1 #ahc1 #ahh1 #aig1 #bje1 #bcb1 #beh1 
#bfi1 #bgb1 #bgd1 #bgh4      ,appointed 
lord-lieutenant of ,ireland1 #bhb1 #bhd1
 #chh4      ----1 ,marchioness of1 ii4  
#ib1 #afa1 #aga1 #bhj4                  
,hervey--,lady1 ii4 #bbe4               
,historians--,benefit to1 from being    
familiar with military service1 i4      
#bah1 #bba4      ----1 ,knowledge       

requisite in1 ii4 #abc-abg4             
,history--,essay on1 ii4 #abc1 #abf4    
---- of ,england--,hume's4              
,preparation of1 i4 #cgh4      ,rapidity
 of composition1 #cha4      ,its        
reception1 #dad4      ,hobbes--,hume's  
remarks regarding1 i4 #gg1 #id4         
,holbach--,baron d'1 ii4 #cdf1 #cec1    
#ceg4      ,holderness--,lord1 ii4 #aid1
 #chf1 #dfc4      ,holingshed--,raphael1
 ii4 #gc4      ,holland--,lord1 i4 #djc2
 ii4 #bci4      ,home--,alexander1      
,solicitor ,general1 i4 #bjh4      ----1
 ,alexander1 of ,whitfield4      ,letter
 to1 i4 #b-c4      ----1 ,lord4         
,his relationship to the ,humes1 i4 #c4 
----1 ,henry4      ,letters to1 i4 #fb1 
#aje1 #add4      ,letter from1 #bjd4    
,his ,essays1 #dbf4      ,anderson's    
writings against1 #dbh4      ,attacked  
in the ,general ,assembly1 #dbi4        
,his ,law ,tracts1 ii4 #ef1 #aca1 #aie1 
#ded4      ----1 ,john4      ,his       
,douglas noticed1 i4 #caf1 #cib1 #daa2  
ii4 #ag4      ,hume's interest in him1  

i4 #dah4      ,hume's opinion of his    
,douglas1 i4 #dai2 ii4 #cb4             
,suppressed dedication to1 #af4         
,his ,siege of ,aquileia1 #ha1 #aei1    
#aff1 #ahh1 #aia1 #aii1 #chc1 #ddd1     
#def1          #dge1 #dhb4      ,his    
diary of a journey with ,hume1 #die4    
,bequest of port wine to1 #ejf1 #ejg4   
---- of ,ninewells4      ,see ,hume4    
----1 ,mrs41 ii4 #djd4      ----1 ,sir  
,james1 of ,blackadder1 i4 #c4          
,hope--,lord1 ii4 #ef4      ,human      
,nature1 treatise of1 i4 #ff4           
,character of the work1 #ff1 #ig4       
,its ,style1 #ia4      ----1            
,understanding1 ,philosophical ,essays  
concerning1 i4 #bga4      ,inquiry      
concerning1 #bga4      ,human ,actions1 
as the object of inductive philosophy1  
i4 #bge4      ,application of this      
theory to history1 #bgf4                
,hume--,david1 his birth and parentage1 
i4 #b-c4      ,account of his family1   
#b-g4      ,his opinions on the         
philosophy of family pride1 #e4         

,scenes of his boyhood1 #h-i4           
,account of his early years1 #aj-aa4    
,education1 ib4      ,early             
correspondence1 #ab-af4      ,ambitious 
projects1 #ag4      ,early writings1    
#ah-ai4      ,essay on chivalry1 #ah-be4
      ,deserts the law1 #bf4            
,letter to a physician1 #cj-ci4         
,goes to ,bristol1 #ci4      ,leaves    
,bristol for ,france1 #dh4      ,visit  
to ,paris1 #di4      ,residence at      
,rheims1 #ea-ef4      ,residence at ,la 
,flche1 #eg4      ,correspondence with  
,home1 #fb-fe4      ,preparing his      
treatise for press1 #fe4      ,treatise 
of ,human ,nature1 #ff4      ,treatise  
on the ,passions1 #ii4      ,review of  
,treatise in ,works of the ,learned1    
#aji4      ,anecdote on the subject1    
#aaj4      ,intercourse with ,hutcheson1
 #aab4      ,application for a          
situation1 #aae4      ,treatise on      
,morals1 #abj4      ,extracts from      
memorandum book1 #abg-ace4      ,moral  
and ,political ,essays1 their           

publication1 #acf4        ,their        
character1 #acg-adc4      ,his          
partiality for monarchical government1  
#adj4      ,opinions on the liberty of  
the press1 #acg-aci4      ,criticism on 
,cicero1 #add-adf4      ,correspondence 
with ,hutcheson1 #adf4                  
,correspondence with ,mure1 #aec1 #aeh4 
,thoughts on religion1 #afb4        ,on 
prayer1 #afc4      ,endeavours to obtain
 the professorship of moral philosophy1 
#afe4        ,opposition1 #afh-afi4     
,unsuccessful1 #agj4      ,residence    
with the ,marquis of ,annandale1 ib4    
,dissension there1 #ahb-aij4        ,its
 effect on ,hume1 #aia4        ,he      
resigns the appointment1 #aic4          
,different views of his resignation1    
#aid4        ,state of society in       
,scotland at that time1 #aif4           
,difficulty of means of subsistence1    
#aif-aig4      ,position of the poor    
scholar1 #aii4      ,offer from ,general
 ,st4 ,clair of the ,secretaryship      
accepted1 #bjh4      ,expedition to the 

coast of ,france1 #baj4      ,one of the
 historians who have been familiar with 
military service1          #bah4        
,letter to ,sir ,harry ,erskine1 #bai4  
,to ,henry ,home1 #bbj4        ,to ,col4
 ,abercrombie1 #bbb4      ,desponding   
remarks on public affairs1 #bbd4        
,returns to ,ninewells1 #bbe4           
,supposed character of himself1 found   
amongst his papers1 #bbf4      ,his     
poetical attempts1 #bbg-bbi4            
,question whether he was ever in love1  
#bca4      ,poetic epistle to ,john     
,medina1 #bcd4      ,appointment as     
secretary to the mission to the court of
 ,turin1 #bce4      ,letter to ,james   
,oswald1 #bcf4      ,views regarding    
history1 ib4      ,disinclination to    
leave his studies1 #bci4      ,new      
edition of his ,essays1 ib4             
,philosophical ,essays1 ib4      ,his   
position with ,general ,st4 ,clair1     
#bdj4      ,extracts from the ,journal  
of his journey to ,italy1 #bdj-bga4     
,hague1 #bdb4        ,breda1 #bdd4      

,nimeguen1 #bdg4        ,bonne1 #bdi4   
,coblentz1 ib4        ,frankfurt1 #bea4 
,wurtzburg1 #beb4        ,ratisbon1     
#bee4        ,vienna1 #beg4             
,knittlefeldt1 #bfb4        ,trent1     
#bfd4        ,mantua1 #bfe4             
,turin1 #bff4      ,publication of his  
,philosophical ,essays1 #bga4           
,inquiry concerning ,human              
,understanding1 #bgb4      ,doctrine of 
,necessity1 #bge4      ,doctrines on    
,miracles1 #bgi-bhe4        ,his mode of
 treating the subject1 #bha4            
,leading principle of his theory        
concerning1 #bhb4      ,third edition of
 ,essays1 ,moral and ,political1 #bhi4  
,his mother's death1 #bia4              
,silliman's story1 #bib4                
,disproved1 #bic4      ,correspondence  
with ,dr4 ,clephane1 #bif4              
,westminster election1 #cje4            
,document regarding ,james ,fraser1     
#cjh4      ,letters to ,col4            
,abercrombie1 #caa1 #cab4        ,to    
,dr4 ,clephane1 #cad4      ,bellman's   

,petition1 #cae1 #cag4                  
,correspondence with ,sir ,gilbert      
,elliot1 #cbd4      ,dissertation on the
 ,populousness of ,antiquity1 #cbf4     
,dialogues concerning ,natural          
,religion1 #cbh4        ,their character
 and tendency1 #ccj4        ,writes to  
,elliot regarding them1 #cca4      ,his 
brother's marriage1 #ccg4      ,letter  
to ,mrs4 ,dysart1 ib4      ,the         
independence of his mind1 and moderation
 of his wishes1 #cdj4      ,letter to   
,michael ,ramsay1 #cdb4      ,his       
domestic arrangements1 #cdd4      ,his  
theory of morals1 #cdf4                 
,utilitarian system1 #cdd4              
,limited extent to which ,hume carried  
it1 #cdg4        ,charge against it1    
#cdi4      ,publication of ,political   
,discourses1 #cej4      ,is unsuccessful
 in his application for the chair of    
logic in          ,glasgow1 #cej4       
,letter to ,dr4 ,cullen1 #cej4          
,unfitness to be a teacher of youth1    
#ceb4      ,political ,discourses1 #ced4

      ,political economy1 #cee1 #cff4   
,appointment1 as keeper of the          
,advocates' ,library1 #cfg4      ,letter
 to ,dr4 ,clephane1 #cfi1 #cgf4         
,account of domestic arrangements1 #cgg4
      ,preparation of the ,history1     
#cgh4      ,letter to ,dr4 ,clephane1   
#cgi1 #cha4      ,absorbing nature of   
his studies1 #chb4      ,kindness to    
,blacklock1 #che4      ,letter to       
,joseph ,spence1 #chh4        ,to ,adam 
,smith1 #cic4      ,gives ,blacklock his
 salary as librarian1 #cic4             
,history of the ,stuarts1 #cig4         
,letter to ,dr4 ,clephane1 #cig4        
,conflicting opinions regarding the     
,history of the ,stuarts1 #djj4         
,misapprehension regarding state of     
constitution1 #djc4                     
,inconsistencies between his            
philosophical and historical works1     
#dje4      ,letter to the ,abb le       
,blanc1 #djf4        ,to ,dr4 ,clephane1
 #djh4        ,to ,william ,mure of     
,caldwell1 #dji4        ,to ,mrs4       

,dysart1 #daj4        ,to ,andrew       
,millar1 #dae4        ,to ,adam ,smith1 
#dag4      ,criticism on ,home's        
,douglas1 #dai4      ,edinburgh ,review1
 #dbb4      ,attacked by ,anderson1     
#dbi4      ,by the church courts1 #dcj4 
,the second volume of the ,history of   
the ,stuarts1 ii4 #e4        ,its       
reception1 ib4        ,apologies for his
 treatment of religion1 #aj4            
,unpublished preface1 #aa4      ,essay  
on ,suicide1 #ac4      ,natural ,history
 of ,religion1 ib4      ,the suppressed 
,essays1 ib4      ,resigns the office of
 librarian1 #ah4      ,dedication to    
,home1 #ba4      ,third volume of the   
,history1 #bb4      ,epigoniad1 #be4    
,warburton's attack1 #ce4      ,goes to 
,london1 #dg4      ,correspondence with 
,dr4 ,robertson1 #dh4      ,returns to  
,scotland1 #fe4      ,history of the    
,tudors1 ib4      ,his constitutional   
theories1 #fg4      ,alterations of the 
,history in the direction of despotic   
principles1          #gc4               

,specimens of alterations1 #gd-gg4      
,specimens of alteration in style1 #gi1 
#hj4      ,letter to ,millar1 #ha4      
,to ,robertson1 #hc4      ,macpherson's 
,ossian1 #he4      ,letter to ,dr4      
,carlyle1 #hh4        ,to ,adam ,smith1 
#hi4      ,madame de ,boufflers1 #ij4   
,correspondence with ,madame de         
,boufflers1 #id-ih1 #ajb4               
,rousseau1 #ajb4      ,letters from     
,earl ,marischal1 #ajd4      ,criticism 
on ,emile1 #aad4      ,publication of   
the ,history anterior to the accession  
of the ,tudors1          #abj4          
,intention to write an ,ecclesiastical  
,history1 #acj4      ,correspondence    
with ,millar1 #acb4      ,residence in  
,james's ,court1 #acf4      ,corrections
 of his works1 #add4      ,his projects1
 #add-adf4      ,douglas cause1 #aej4   
,criticisms on ,reid's ,inquiry into the
 ,human ,mind1 #aec4      ,accepts the  
office of secretary to the ,french      
embassy1 #aeg4        ,correspondence on
 the occasion1 #aeg-afj4      ,his      

celebrity in ,paris1 #afg4              
,feelings on the occasion1 #aga-agb4    
,attentions of the dauphin1 #agg4       
,memoirs of ,james ,,ii41 #agi4         
,advice to a clergyman1 #ahe4           
,secretaryship of the embassy1 #ahh4    
,his pension1 #aia4      ,letters from  
,paris1 #aic4      ,madame de           
,boufflers1 #bje4      ,social position 
in ,france1 #bjg4      ,notices by ,h4  
,walpole1 #bbe4      ,takes charge of   
,elliot's sons1 #bce4        ,settles   
them in ,paris1 #bdd4      ,liability to
 anger1 #bea4      ,letter to ,lord     
,elibank1 #beb4      ,care of ,elliot's 
sons1 #bgc4      ,secretaryship of      
legation1 #bgh-bha4        ,is appointed
 to it1 and to receive the salary1 #bhd4
        ,expects to be secretary to     
,lord ,hertford1 as ,lord-lieutenant of 
,ireland1 #bhg4          ,is            
disappointed1 #bhi4      ,rousseau1     
#bic4        ,hume's first opinion of   
him1 #bii4        ,brings him to        
,england1 #cjc4        ,settles him at  

,wooton1 #cai4      ,rousseau's quarrel1
 #cbf-ccj4        ,publication of it1   
#ced-cfj4      ,walpole1 #cfa4          
,kindness to ,rousseau1 #cha4           
,appointed under secretary of state1    
#chb4      ,his amiability of character1
 #cij4      ,compared with his nephew1  
,baron ,hume1 #djb4      ,his interest  
in the education of his nephews1 #djc4  
,influence in church patronage1 #djf4   
,his picture1 #djh4      ,criticism of  
,robertson's ,charles ,v41 #dab4        
,views on currency1 #dbf4      ,returns 
to ,edinburgh1 #dbi4      ,education of 
his nephews1 #dcj4      ,his dislike of 
the ,english1 #dcc4      ,his social    
character1 #dcg4      ,temper and       
disposition1 #dda4      ,his own account
 of his character1 #ddb4      ,his      
conversation1 #dea4      ,traditional   
anecdotes1 #deg4      ,incidents        
regarding ,prince ,charles ,edward1     
#dfb4      ,review of ,henry's ,history1
 #dfi4      ,political opinions1 #dgi4  
,impatient for ,smith's ,wealth of      

,nations1 #dhc4      ,his last illness1 
#dhg1 et seq4      ,his will1 #dhi4     
,disposal of his manuscripts1 #dij4     
,publication of the ,dialogues on       
,natural ,religion1 #dia-dic4           
,negotiations with ,smith on the        
subject1 ib4      ,his journey to ,bath1
 #die1 et seq4      ,john ,home's       
account of their journey1 ib4      ,his 
return1 #ejf4      ,party to bid him    
farewell1 #ejg4      ,correspondence1   
ib4      ,smith's account of his latter 
days1 #ead4      ,account of his death  
by ,dr4 ,black and ,dr4 ,cullen1 #eae4  
,his funeral and monument1 #eag-eah4    
,influence of his works on the opinions 
of the world1 #eai4      ,hume1 or ,home
 of ,ninewells--,anecdote of1 i4 #f1 #g4
      ----1 ,john of ,ninewells1 brother
 to ,hume1 i4 #bac4      ,narrative of  
the ,expedition to the coast of ,france1
 addressed to1          #bac-bag4       
,his marriage1 #ccg4      ,letters to1  
ii4 #bij1 #cjh1 #cif4      ,his         
character1 #cih4      ----1 ,david1     

afterwards ,baron1 ii4 #djj4            
,compared with his uncle1 #djb1 #dje1   
#dbe1 #dgd1 #dgi1 #dhj4      ----1      
,joseph1 of ,ninewells1 i4 #a4          
----1 ,joseph1 younger4      ,his       
education1 ii4 #agd1 #age1 #bib1 #cih1  
#djc1 #djd4      ----1 ,director1 i4    
#chg4      ----1 ,john4      ,see       
,home--,john4      ----1 ,mrs41 verses  
by1 i4 #bie4      ----1 ,frank1 ii4     
#aii4      ,huntingdon--,lady1 ii4 #ejf4
      ,hurd--,warburton's letter to1 ii4
 #ce4      ,notice of1 #ej4             
,hutcheson--,francis1 i4 #aaa4          
,hume's correspondence with1 #aab4      
,his reflexions on ,hume's papers1 #aab4
      ,letter to1 #aag1 #adf4           
,ideas--,hume's theory of1 i1 #gj4      
,impressions--,hume's theory of1 i4 #gc4
      ,inquiry concerning the           
,principles of ,morals1 i4 #cdd4        
,its tendency1 ib4      ---- concerning 
,human ,understanding1 its publication1 
#bgc4      ,views developed in it1 #bgd4
      ,irvine--,colonel1 ii4 #afj4      

,james ,,ii4--,memoirs of1 ii4 #agi1    
#bjj4      ,james's ,court--,hume's     
residence in1 description of1 ii4 #acf4 
,jardine--,dr41 ii4 #aig1 #bcj1 #bhf4   
,his death1 #cag1 #cah4                 
,jeffrey--,lord1 i4 #djc4               
,jenyns--,soame1 ii4 #ee1 #ei4          
,johnson--,dr41 ii4 #abb4      ,anecdote
 of1 #ach1 #dbj4      ,johnstone of     
,hilton--,anecdote of1 i4 #f1 #g4       
----1 ,colonel ,john1 i4 #ahe4          
----1 ,sir ,james--of ,westerhall1 i4   
#age1 #agf4      ,letters to1 #ahb1     
#ahd1 #aib4      ,letter to1 from ,henry
 ,home1 #bjd4      ,johnstone--,sir     
,william1 ii4 #afh4                     
,journal--,hume's1 of his journey to    
,italy1 i4 #bdj1 #bga4      ,judge      
,advocate--,hume appointed1 i4 #bab4    
,claim for half-pay1 #bbb4      ,justice
 ,clerk--,the1 ii4 #dg4                 
,kames--,lord4      ,see ,home--,henry4 
,kant--,effect of ,hume's ,theory of    
,cause and ,effect on1 i4 #gi4      ,his
 justification of ,hume1 #hh4           

,keith--,mr41 ii4 #dca4                 
,keith--,general1 ii4 #dih4             
,kenrick--,william ,shakspere1 editor of
 ,the ,london ,review1 i4 #aaj4         
,kincaid--,alexander1 i4 #dca2 ii4 #d1  
#ha1 #hb4      ,kirkpatrick--,james1 i4 
#chg4      ,knittlefeldt in ,styria1    
,hume's account of it1 i4 #bfb4         
,knox--,john1 ii4 #eh4        ,la       
,chapelle1 ii4 #bgj4      ,la ,harpe1   
ii4 #dfh4      ,lansdowne--,lord1 ii4   
#adf4      ,larpent--,mr41 ii4 #bde1    
#bga4      ,law and government--first   
principles of1 ,hume's remarks on1 i4   
#abb4      ,leechman--,dr41 i4 #afj4    
,hume's criticism on his sermon1 #afa1  
#daa4      ,legge1 ,h4 ,b41 ii4 #ed4    
,leslie--,sir ,john4      ,his          
professorship1 i4 #hi4                  
,l',espinasse--,mademoiselle de4        
,her position with ,madame du ,deffand1 
ii4 #bae4      ,d',alembert's attachment
 to her1 ib4      ,notice of1 #bcg4     
,lestock--,admiral ,richard1 i4 #baj4   
,leyden--,university of1 i4 #aea4       

,lindsay--,lord1 i4 #dac4      ----1    
,lady ,anne4      ,her remembrances of  
,hume1 ii4 #dde4      ,liston--,mr41    
afterwards ,sir ,robert1 ii4 #bde1 #bgj1
 #bga1 #bgc1 #bhj1 #dad4                
,literature1 ,french--,state of1 ii4    
#aff4      ,locke1 i4 #id2 ii4 #fh4     
,logic--chair of1 in ,glasgow1 i4 #cej4 
,l',orient--,port of1 i4 #baa4          
,expedition against1 i4 #baa4           
,loughborough--,lord1 ii4 #dbe4         
,louis ,,xv--,anecdotes of1 #dii4       
,lounds--,mr41 ii4 #cfh4                
,lyttelton--,george ,lord1 i4 #cia1     
#dcc2 ii4 #ee1 #eh1 #gi1 #hb1 #bbf1     
#cde4      ,luze--,m4 de1 ii4 #cjc-cje4 
,macdonald--,sir ,james1 ii4 #bbh1 #bbi1
 #beg1 #bfg1 #bgb1 #cdi4                
,mackenzie--,henry1 i4 #eh4      ,his   
ideas of ,hume1 ii4 #dch1 #ddd4         
,mackenzie1 ,stuart1 ii4 #beh1 #bei4    
,mackintosh--,sir ,james1 i4 #bhg4      
,macpherson--,james1 i4 #dfb2 ii4 #he1  
#dfa4      ,malesherbes1 ii4 #bai4      
,malette--,m41 ii4 #dbh4                

,mallet--,david1 ii4 #c1 #gi1 #hb1 #aca1
 #adj1 #ada4      ,letter from1 to      
,hume1 #adb4      ,notice of1 #add1     
#ahg1 #bcb4      ,his death1 #bgc4      
----1 ,mrs41 ii4 #fb1 #ada1 #bjj1 #bcb4 
,malthus1 i4 #cfd4                      
,mansfield--,lord1 ii4 #afc1 #chf1 #dae1
 #dbd1 #dff4      ,mantua--,hume's      
account of1 i4 #bfe4      ,march--,lord1
 ii4 #bdj1 #bda1 #bdb1 #bde4            
,marchmont--,lord1 extraordinary        
adventure of1 i4 #bcg4                  
,marischal--,lord1 ii4 #ajc4            
,letters from1 #ajd1 #aje4      ,notice 
of1 #aac1 #aci1 #age1 #agi1 #ahb1 #bag1 
#bic1 #bie1 #cjf1 #cac1 #ced1           
#dfd1 #dfe4      ,markham--,sir ,george1
 ii4 #adf4      ,marlborough--,duke of1 
ii4 #ada4      ----1 ,duchess of1 ii4   
#ada4      ,marmontel1 ii4 #aha1 #aif4  
,martigny1 ii4 #eb4                     
,masserane--,prince1 ii4 #dbh4          
,mathematics4      ,hume's application  
of1 i4 #gc4      ,mauvillon--,elazar1 i4
 #cfe4      ,maxwell--,sir ,john1 ii4   

#dee4      ,mead--,dr41 i4 #caf4        
,medina--,john1 poetic epistle to1 by   
,hume1 i4 #bcd4      ,memorandum        
book--,hume's4      ,extracts from1 i4  
#abf-ace4      ,mesnieres--,president1  
ii4 #agg4      ,metaphysics4            
,theories purely such not dangerous to  
religion1 i4 #hf1 #hh4                  
,millar--,andrew1 i4 #dae4      ,his    
views for ,hume1 ib4                    
,correspondence with1 #dba2 ii4 #b1 #bb1
 #cd4      ,notice of1 #eg1 #fd1 #ha4   
,letters to1 #acj1 #acd1 #ace1 #acf1    
#ach1 #adc1 #adg1 #agi1 #aii1 #bjj1     
#bca1          #bfc1 #bfd1 #bgb1 #cic1  
#djh4      ----1 ,mrs41 ii4 #ahj1 #bjj1 
#bcb4      ----1 ,professor1 ii4 #dgd1  
#dgi1 #dhj1 #dha4      ,milton--,lord1  
ii4 #df1 #aii4      ,minto--,lord1 i4   
#cbj2 ii4 #bcc4      ,mirabeau1 the     
elder1 i4 #cfe1 #cff4                   
,miracles--,doctrines on1 i4 #bgi-bhf4  
,mirepoix--,madame de1 ii4 #bdd1 #bde4  
,monarchical character--sacredness of1  
,hume's ideas on1 ii4 #gj4              

,monboddo--,lord1 ii4 #dfg4      ,see   
,burnet4      ,moncrief--,david1 ii4    
#dca4      ,money--,letter on the value 
of1 i4 #cja4      ----1 ,elements of the
 value of1 according to ,hume1 i4       
#ceh-cfj4      ,montesquieu1 i4 #ib1    
#aci4      ,his ,esprit des ,loix1 i4   
#cjd4      ,his appreciation of ,hume's 
critical works1 #cje1 #cfe1 #chg4       
,letters from1 to ,hume1 #dbf4          
,montigny--,trudaine de1 letter from1   
ii4 #afg1 #ceb4      ----1 ,madame1 ii4 
#cdh4      ,moore--,mr41 ii4 #dcf4      
,moral and ,political ,essays1 their    
publication1 i4 #acf4      ----         
,sentiments--,theory of1 by ,adam       
,smith1 ii4 #ee4      ,hume's           
appreciation of it1 ib4                 
,morals--,treatise on1 i4 #abj4         
,principles of1 inquiry concerning1     
#cdd4      ,the utilitarian1 limited    
extent to which it was carried by ,hume1
          #cdg4      ,charge against it1
 #cdi4      ,morellet--,the ,abb1 ii4   
#bgf1 #ccg1 #dbe4      ,letter to1 #dbf4

      ,morrice--,corbyn1 ii4 #adg4      
,mount ,stuart--,lord1 ii4 #ahd4        
,muirhead--,mr41 i4 #daa4               
,mure--,william1 of ,caldwell1 i4 #chj4 
,letters to1 i4 #aec1 #aeh1 #afb1 #afe2 
ii4 #ai1 #aeh1 #afe1 #aii1 #bjj1 #cij1  
#cia1 #dcf1 #dgh4      ,murray--,lady   
,elliot1 letter from1 ii4 #ddf4         
----1 ,alexander1 i4 #cjf2 ii4 #ic1     
#aja1 #afh1 #beh1 #bei4      ----1      
,mrs41 ii4 #bha4      ----1 of          
,broughton1 i4 #afg4      ,musset       
,pathay1 ii4 #cbb1 #cbe1 #cbi1 #ccj4    
,nairne--,mr41 ii4 #def4      ,national 
characters--,essay on1 i4 #bij4         
,nationality--,hume's spirit of1 ii4    
#ca4      ,natural ,philosophy--,hume's 
notes on1 i4 #ie-if4      ,natural      
,religion--,dialogues concerning1 i4    
#cbh1 #ccj4      ,arrangements regarding
 their publication1 ii4 #dij-dic4       
,necessity--,doctrine of1 i4 #bge4      
,necker1 ii4 #dhg4      ,neville--,mr41 
ii4 #aga4      ,nicholas--,sir ,harris4 
,his chronology of history1 ii4 #abc4   

,nicol--,miss1 ii4 #cfa4      ,niebuhr1 
i4 #bah4      ,nimeguen--,hume's account
 of1 i4 #bdg4      ,ninewells1 family   
residence of the ,humes1 i4 #a1 #h4     
,nivernois--,duc de1 ii4 #bhf1 #dca1    
#ddi4      ,nominalism--,hume's1 a      
system of1 i4 #gc4      ,north--,lord1  
ii4 #dgi4      ,norwich--,bishop of1 ii4
 #ed4      ,note-book--,hume's1 extracts
 from1 i4 #abf-ace4                     
,obedience--,passive1 ,hume's opinions  
on1 ii4 #gj4      ,orange--,prince of4  
,his popularity1 i4 #bdb4               
,ord--,baron1 ii4 #dcf4      ----1      
,miss1 ii4 #dcf1 #did4      ,original   
,contract--,essay of the1 i4 #bij4      
,orleans--,duke of1 ii4 #bfi4      ----1
 ,duchess of1 ii4 #bfi4                 
,ormond--,james ,butler1 ,duke of1 ii4  
#gg4      ,ossian's ,poems1 ii4 #he4    
,essay on the authenticity of1 #hf4     
,notice of1 #ahj4      ----1 ,papers    
regarding1 i4 #dfb4      ,ossory--,lord1
 ii4 #cbb4      ,oswald--,sir ,harry1   
ii4 #ahh1 #aia4      ----1 ,james1 of   

,dunnikier1 i4 #aef1 #bbb4      ,letter 
to1 #bcf1 #cja1 #chj4      ,notice of1  
ii4 #eh4      ,letter to1 #adi4         
,notice of1 #ahh4      ,letter to1 #bge4
        ,page du ,boccage--,madame de1  
ii4 #bac4      ,paley--,william1 i4     
#aeb4      ,palgrave--,sir ,francis1 ii4
 #abb4      ,paoli1 ,king of ,corsica1  
ii4 #cjg4      ,paris--,abb1 miracles at
 his tomb1 i4 #di-ej4      ----1 ,hume's
 first visit to1 i4 #di-ea4      ----1  
,university of1 i4 #aea4                
,passions--,treatise on1 i4 #ii4        
,some account of1 #ajd4                 
,dissertation on1 #dba4      ,passive   
obedience--,essay of1 i4 #bbj4          
,percy--,bishop1 ii4 #che4      ,peyrou1
 du1 ii4 #cce4      ,philosophical      
,essays concerning the ,human           
,understanding4      ,when published1 i4
 #bga4      ,philosophy--,system of1 in 
the ,treatise of ,human ,nature1 i4 #ff1
 #ig4      ,its characteristic1 #ig4    
,physician--,letter to1 i4 #cj-ci1 #da1 
#db4      ,piozzi--,mrs41 ii4 #aci4     

,pitcairne--,dr41 ii4 #cij4             
,pitfour--,lord1 ii4 #dhj4              
,pitt--,william1 i4 #cib2 ii4 #fc1 #aei1
 #afj1 #afb1 #afc4                      
,platonist--,the1 i4 #ada4              
,pluche--,the ,abb1 i4 #eb4             
,plutarch--,hume's project of           
translating1 i4 #dae1 #dag4      ,poetry
 by ,hume1 i4 #bbh4      ---- by ,mrs4  
,home of ,ninewells1 i4 #bie4      ---- 
,by ,miss ,a4 ,b41 to ,mrs4 ,h----1 by  
her ,black ,boy1 i4 #bif4               
,political ,discourses--,publication of1
 i4 #cej4      ,their character1 #ced4  
---- ,economy4 ,hume's ideas on1 i4     
#cee4      ,how received1 #cef4         
,state of opinion on1 in the time of    
,hume1 i4 #cee-cef4      ,effect of the 
,french ,revolution on1 #ceg4           
,political ,doctrines--,hume's1 i4 #abc4
      ,their inconsistency with his     
historical works1 #dje4                 
,pompadour--,madame de1 ii4 #afi4       
,populousness of ,ancient               
,nations--,essay on1 i4 #cbf1 #cfc4     

,praslin--,duc de1 ii4 #agb1 #bhc1 #bij4
      ----1 ,duchess de1 ii4 #agc4      
,press--,liberty of1 i4 #acg-ach4       
,prevt--,abb1 i4 #djh2 ii4 #eb4         
,primrose--,lady1 ii4 #dfb4             
,pringle--,sir ,john1 president of the  
,royal ,society of ,london1 i4 #afe4    
,letter to1 ii4 #afb4      ,letter from1
 #dfe1 #dgf4      ,protestant           
,succession--,essay on1 i4 #cfe4        
,provence--,comte de1 ii4 #agh4         
,prussia--,king of1 ii4 #cjf1 #cji1     
#cfc4      ,prynne--,william1 i4 #dje4  
,puysieuls--,mons4 de1 ii4 #bjd1 #bff4  
,quesnay1 i4 #cfe4                      
,rabutin--,bussy1 i4 #cjf4              
,ralph--,mr41 ii4 #adh4                 
,ramsay--,allan1 i4 #dba2 ii4 #ace4     
----1 ,the ,chevalier1 i4 #ab1 #ec4     
----1 ,michael1 an early correspondent  
of ,hume's1 i4 #aa1 #ea1 #ajg1 #aaf4    
,letter to1 ii4 #cdb4                   
,ratisbon--,hume's account of1 i4 #bee4 
,raynal--,the ,abb1 i4 #cfe4            
,record ,commission4      ,works        

prepared by1 ii4 #aba4      ,reid--,dr4 
,thomas2 his ,inquiry into the ,human   
,mind1 ii4 #aea4      ,intercourse with 
,hume1 #aec4      ,letter from1 #aed4   
,religion--,hume's thoughts regarding1  
i4 #afb-afd1 #bgi4      ,his treatment  
of1 ii4 #e4      ,tone in speaking of   
the ,roman ,catholic religion1 ii4 #f4  
----1 ,hume's apologies for his         
treatment of1 ii4 #aj4      ----1       
,natural4      ,dialogues concerning1 i4
 #cbh2 ii4 #dij4      ,their character  
and tendency1 i4 #ccj4                  
,republicanism--,hume's estimate of1 ii4
 #dha4      ,review--,the original      
,edinburgh4      ,its origin1 i4 #dbb4  
,rheims--,hume's residence in1 i4       
#ea-ef4      ,rianecourt--,madame1 ii4  
#cea4      ,riccoboni--,madame1 ii4     
#cej4      ,richmond--,duke of1 ii4     
#bhb1 #bij1 #cbf4      ,rivire1 i4 #cfe4
      ,robertson--,dr4 ,william4        
,hume's commendations of1 ii4 #cb1 #dc4 
,letter to1 regarding ,queen ,mary1 #dh4
      ,correspondence with ,hume1       

#di-ee4      ,notice of1 #eh4           
,correspondence and notices1 #hc1 #ajj1 
#agf1 #bbi1 #beb1 #bff1 #bgj1 #bhf1     
#chc4      ,remarks by ,hume on his     
,history of ,charles ,fifth1 #dab1 #dde1
 #dec1 #dgj4      ,robinson--,sir       
,thomas1 i4 #beg4      ,roche--,la4     
,story of1 i4 #eh4                      
,rockingham--,lord1 ii4 #bhb1 #cie1     
#cif4      ,rodney--,admiral1 ii4 #fa4  
,rohan--,louis1 ,prince de1 ii4 #bba4   
,rollin1 ii4 #ej4      ,romilly--,sir   
,samuel1 ii4 #bbj4      ,rougemont--,m41
 ii4 #ccj4      ,rousseau--,jean        
,jacques1 ii4 #ajb1 #aaj1 #aab-aac1     
#aad1 #ahg4      ,takes up his abode at 
,motier ,travers1 #bic4      ,removes to
 ,st4 ,pierre1 #bid4      ,goes to      
,strasburg1 #bif4        ,to ,paris1 ib4
      ,the enthusiasm for him at ,paris1
 #bii4      ,goes to ,england1 #cjc1    
#cjh1 #caa1 #cab4      ,hume's account  
of him1 #cae4      ,his judgment on his 
own works1 #caf4      ,settlement at    
,wooton1 #cai4      ,walpole's letter1  

#cba4      ,pension from the ,king of   
,england1 #cbd4      ,quarrel with      
,hume1 #cbf-chj4      ,ruat--,professor1
 ii4 #ef1 #fb4      ,ruddiman--,thomas1 
i4 #cfg2 ii4 #ai4      ,russel--,j41 ii4
 #aib4      ,rutherford--,dr41 ii4 #aii4
        ,saducismus ,triumphatus1 i4    
#hc4      ,sandwich--,lord1 ii4 #afj4   
,sarsfield--,count1 ii4 #chh4           
,saurin1 ii4 #chg4      ,sceptic--,the1 
i4 #ada4      ,character of1 #adc4      
,scholar--,the poor4      ,his position 
in ,hume's time1 i4 #aii4      ,scott of
 ,scotstarvet1 i4 #daf4      ----1 ,sir 
,walter4      ,his remarks on ,hume's   
poetical attempts1 i4 #bbf1 #bbg2 ii4   
#acg4      ,selwin--,george1 ii4 #bdj4  
,shaftesbury--,lord1 i4 #chd4           
,sharp--,matthew1 of ,hoddam4           
,letter to1 i4 #agh-ahj1 #chf4          
,sheffield--,lord1 ii4 #dji4            
,shelburne--,lord1 ii4 #dje1 #djf4      
,short--,mr41 ii4 #fd4                  
,silliman--the ,american traveller4     
,his story regarding ,hume1 i4 #bia-bic4

      ,smellie--,william1 ii4 #dfi4     
,smith--,adam4      ,his first          
introduction to ,hume1 i4 #aag4         
,his appointment to the chair of ,moral 
,philosophy1 #cej4      ,the method of  
his political economy1 #cfa4            
,letters to1 and notices of1 #cge1 #cic4
      ,his correspondence with ,hume1   
#dag4      ,letter to1 ii4 #af4         
,hume's commendation of1 #cb4           
,notice of1 #eh1 #ei4                   
,correspondence with1 #hi1 #adh1 #aej1  
#aeg1 #afj1 #afh1 #bbg1 #bbh1 #cdh1     
#cdi1 #cec1 #chh1 #cij1 #cie1 #dbf1     
#dbi1 #dcb1 #dcc1 #dei1 #dfa1 #dff1     
#dga4      ,letter to1 on his ,wealth of
 ,nations1 #dhf4      ,appointed ,hume's
 literary executor1 #dij4      ,letters 
to1 #dia4      ,revocation of the       
nomination1 #did4      ,his account of  
,hume's last moments1 #eji4             
,smollett--,tobias1 ii4 #ec4            
,hume's interest in1 #dje4      ,letter 
from1 #dah4      ,letter to1 #dai4      
,solitude--,hume's opinion on1 i4 #ii4  

,spence--,joseph4      ,letter to1 i4   
#chh4      ,notice of1 #dce4            
,spinoza1 i4 #hi4      ,st4             
,clair--,general4      ,his invitation  
to ,hume1 to act as secretary to the    
expedition to the          ,coast of    
,france1 i4 #bjh4      ,his expedition1 
ib4 #ddj4      ,appoints ,hume secretary
 to the mission to the ,court of ,turin1
 #bce1          #cgb4      ,stanislaus  
,augustus1 ,king of ,poland1 ii4 #ia4   
,stevenson--,john1 ii4 #df4             
,stewart--,dugald1 i4 #hh1 #hi4         
----1 ,john1 ii4 #afh1 #ahj1 #caa1 #cba4
      ,stobo--,captain ,robert1 ii4     
#dah4      ,stoic--,the1 i4 #ada4       
,strahan--,william1 ii4 #hb-hc1 #dab4   
,hume's papers left to the charge of1   
#did4      ,letters from1 #dgg1 #eab4   
,stuart--,andrew1 ii4 #afh1 #age1 #bjc1 
#dbc1 #dbd1 #dff4      ----1 ,dr41 ii4  
#ded4      ---- ,mackenzie1 ,mr41 ii4   
#beh4      ----1 ,gilbert1 ii4 #dad1    
#daf1 #def1 #dfg4      ,his opinion of  
himself1 #dfh4      ,anecdotes          

regarding1 #dfi4      ,his malignity1   
ib4 #dgj4      ,stuarts--,history of    
the1 i4 #cii4      ,character of the    
work1 ib4      ,conflicting opinions    
regarding1 #djj4      ,charge brought   
against1 #dja4      ,tendency1 #djb4    
,its reception1 #dad4      ,second      
volume1 ii4 #b4      ,suard--,m4        
,letter to1 ii4 #ceg4                   
,suicide--,hume's ideas on1 ii4 #ae4    
,sympathy--,criticism on ,smith's ideas 
on1 ii4 #fj4        ,tate--,christopher1
 ii4 #dcb4      ,tavistock--,lord1 ii4  
#bci4      ,teacher of youth--,hume's   
unfitness for1 i4 #ceb4                 
,qualifications requisite1 ib4          
,temple--,lord1 ii4 #afc4               
,tess--,countess of1 ii4 #bjf4          
,thomson--,dr4 ,john1 i4 #cea1 #cec4    
,torbay1 ii4 #fc4      ,townsend--,lord1
 ii4 #djg4      ----1 ,charles1 ii4 #eh1
 #acb1 #acc1 #acd1 #cjd1 #cje4          
----1 ,mrs41 ii4 #cje4                  
,trade--,free4      ,see ,free ,trade4  
,tragedy--,dissertation on1 i4 #dba4    

,trail--,dr41 ii4 #bjd1 #bde1 #def4     
,treatise of ,human ,nature1 when       
published1 i4 #ff4      ,character of   
the work1 #ff-ig4      ,its service to  
philosophy1 #ij4      ,characteristics  
of the system1 #ig4      ,hume's        
condition during its composition1 #if4  
,its reception1 #ajg-aji4      ,treatise
 on the ,passions1 some account of1 #ii4
      ,treatise on ,morals1 its         
character1 #abj-abc4                    
,trent--,hume's account of1 i4 #bfd4    
,trentham--,lord1 i4 #cje4              
,tronchin1 ii4 #ahf1 #cch1 #cde4        
,tucker4      ,his ,light of ,nature1 i4
 #aej4      ----1 ,dr41 ii4 #dbh4       
,turgot1 i4 #cfe4      ,hume's          
friendship with1 ii4 #bai1 #cea1 #ced4  
,letters from1 #ceb1 #cha1 #dbh4        
,tweeddale--,marquis of1 ii4 #chc4      
,understanding--,the ,treatise on1 i4   
#ii4      ,universities--foreign4       
,the resort of ,scottish youth1 i4 #aej4
      ,utilitarian system--,hume's      
development of1 i4 #aba1 #cdd4          

,limited extent to which he carried it1 
#cdg4        ,vain man--,hume's         
character of1 i4 #ajd4                  
,vallire--,duc de1 ii4 #bfh4            
,vandeput--,sir ,george1 i4 #aje4       
,vauban1 i4 #cfe4      ,vasseur--,thrse 
le1 ii4 #bid1 #bii1 #cje1 #cjg1 #cbc1   
#ceb1 #cff1 #cgj4                       
,verdelin--,madame de1 ii4 #bie4        
,vienna4      ,hume's account of the    
court there1 and his introduction1 i4   
#beg-bei4      ,vincent--,captain       
,philip1 i4 #agg1 #ahj4      ,his       
position with the ,marquis of           
,annandale1 #aha1 #ahf-ahi4      ,letter
 from1 #ahi4      ,terms specified by1  
of ,hume's engagement with the ,marquis 
of          ,annandale1 #bja1 #bjc4     
,voltaire1 i4 #bai2 ii4 #eg1 #abf1 #aff1
 #ahd1 #aie1 #cbc1 #cdh1 #ceh4      ,his
 ,henriade1 ,hume's opinion of1 #ddj4   
,walker--,professor1 ii4 #ccd4          
,wallace--,dr4 ,robert1 i4 #cfd1 #chg2  
ii4 #aic4      ,walpole1 ,lady1 ii4     
#ach4      ----1 ,sir ,robert4          

,hume's character of1 i4 #bhi4          
----1 ,horace4      ,anecdote from1 i4  
#aig2 ii4 #ed1 #ee1 #aei4      ,his     
notices of ,hume1 #bbf4      ,account of
 his own reception in ,paris1 #bbf4     
,his letter in the name of the ,king of 
,prussia1 #cjf1 #cba4      ,his ,memoirs
 of ,george ,,iii41 #bhb1 #cde1 #cea4   
,letter to1 #cee1 #cfa4                 
,warburton--,bishop4      ,his letter to
 ,hurd1 i4 #bhe4      ,notice of1 ii4   
#ce4      ,his letter against ,hume1 ib4
      ,his ,remarks on ,hume's essays1  
ib4      ,notice of1 #ch1 #fd1 #ded4    
,warton--,thomas1 ii4 #ea4      ,wealth 
of ,nations--,hume's opinion of the1 ii4
 #dhf4      ,wedderburn--,alexander1 i4 
#cgi2 ii4 #dga4      ,westminster       
election1 in #agdi1 i4 #cje4            
,weymouth--,lord1 ii4 #chd4             
,wilkie--,william4      ,his ,epigoniad1
 ii4 #be1 #bi4      ,his education1 #bf4
      ,wilkes--,john1 ii4 #adh1 #bjb1   
#bhb1 #dbb4      ,wilson--,mr41         
type-founder1 ii4 #ei4      ,wood--,mr41

 ii4 #fc1 #ahb4                         
,worcester--,marquis of4      ,see      
,glamorgan--,lord4      ,wray--,mr41 ii4
 #dfe4      ,wroughton--,mr41 ii4 #bgb4 
,wurtzburg--,hume's account of1 i4 #beb4
        ,york--,archbishop of1 ii4 #chf4
      ----1 ,duke of1 ii4 #caj4         
,yorke--,mr41 ii4 #ei4                  
,,transcriber',s ,,notes      ,the      
following words use an oe ligature in   
the original3         coeur             
manoeuvres       ,croesus       oeuvres 
,foedera       ,phoenicians       foetid
        ,ploemeur    ,the following     
corrections have been made to the text3 
,page xvii3 ,observations on            
,miracles--dash missing in              
original,new ,edition         ,page #fb3
 but1 in their early intercourseoriginal
 has       intercouse1 when his senior  
,page #aej3 ,edinb4original has ,edinr4 
,jan4 #aj1 #agdc4         ,page #aed3   
quotation mark missing in original,i say
 not a       word of ,mr4 ,hutcheson    
,page #aeh3 the triennial bill1 for the 

pensionoriginal has       pensiou bill  
,page #baj3 commanded by                
,admiraloriginal has ,amiral ,richard   
,lestock         ,page #beb3 quotation  
mark missing in original,next post      
beyond ,hanau         ,page #bhc3 we    
would at once maintain to be            
impossibleoriginal       has impossibile
         ,page #cac3 delivered you by   
,mr4period missing in original          
,william ,cockburn         ,page #cbd3  
that part of your work4original has     
extraneous       quotation mark         
,page #cbf3 is beyond human             
capacityoriginal has ca acity           
,page #ccc3 ',if the idea of cause and  
effect is nothing but                   
vicinity1'quotation mark missing in     
original         ,page #cia3            
subscription for supportingoriginal has 
suppporting him during five years       
,page #djj3 it has frequently been the  
meansoriginal has       mean of throwing
         ,page #dbg3 if this were       
necessary6quotation mark missing in     

original         ,page #dca3 and        
heoriginal has be brought before the    
,presbytery of ,edinburgh         ,page 
#deg3 le dessein de traduire            
l'ouvrageoriginal has       l'ourage    
,page #deh3 ,j'aioriginal has ,jai      
l'honneur d'tre1 c4         ,page #dgb3 
necessity of that precaution1comma      
missing in       original any man       
,page #dhj3 never approaches a hair's   
breadthoriginal has       hair'sbreadth 
nearer         #beg3a original has      
extraneous double quote,sir ,t4         
,robinson       was a tall uncouth man  
#cbe3a ,la ,perptuit de la ,foi1 de     
l',egliseoriginal has l'       ,eglise  
,catholique         #cec3a into which   
they had been admitted4original has     
single quote         #cfe3c ,discours   
,politiques traduits de                 
,l',anglaisoriginal       has ,l'       
,anglois         #dcd3a pitresoriginal  
has pitres de ,cicron         #dcd3a les
 ,bourgmestres de la ville de           
,rome4quotation mark       missing in   

original