,,the ,,winter ,,solstice ,,altars ,,at ,,hano ,,pueblo ,,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes 7,from the ,american ,anthropologist 7,n4,s471 ,vol4 #a1 ,april1 #ahii7 ,,new ,,york ,g4 ,p4 ,,putnam',s ,,sons #ahii ,,the ,,winter ,,solstice ,,altars ,,at ,,hano ,,pueblo ,,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes ,,introduction ,the fetishes displayed in their kivas by different phratries during the ,winter ,solstice ceremony at the ,hopi pueblo of ,walpi1 in northeastern ,arizona1 have been described in a previous article1#a in which the altar made in the ,mokiva1 or chief ceremonial chamber1 by the ,patki and related people has been given special attention4 ,the author had hoped in #ahihb to supplement this description by an exhaustive study of the ,winter ,solstice ceremonies of all the families of the ,east ,mesa1 but was prevented from so doing by the breaking out of an epidemic4 ,this study was begun with fair results1 and before withdrawing from the kivas he was able to make a few observations on certain altars at ,hano which had escaped him in the preceding year4 ,walpi1 commonly called by the natives ,hopiki1 ,hopi pueblo1 began its history as a settlement of ,snake clans which had united with the ,bear phratry4 ,from time to time this settlement grew in size by the addition of the ,ala1 ,pakab1 ,patki1 and other phratries of lesser importance4 ,among important increments in modern times may be mentioned several clans of ,tanoan ancestry1 as the ,asa1 ,honani1 and the like4 ,these have all been assimilated1 having lost their identity as distinct peoples and become an integral part of the population of ,walpi1 or of its colony1 ,sitcomovi4#c ,among the most recent arrivals in ,tusayan was another group of ,tanoan clans which will be considered in this article4 ,the last mentioned are now domiciled in a pueblo of their own called ,hano2 they have not yet1 as the others1 lost their language nor been merged into the ,hopi people1 but still preserve intact many of their ancient customs4 ,the present relations of ,hano to ,walpi are in some respects not unlike those which have existed in the past between incoming clans and ,walpi as each new colony entered the ,tusayan territory4 ,thus1 after the ,patki people settled at the pueblo called ,pakatcomo1#d within sight of ,old ,walpi1 they lived there for some time1 observing their own rites and possibly speaking a different language much as the people of ,hano do today4 ,in the course of time1 however1 the population of the ,patki pueblo was united with the prepre ,walpi families1 ,pakatcomo was abandoned1 and its speech and ritual merged into those of ,walpi4 ,could we have studied the ,patki people when they lived at their former homes1 ,pakatcomo or ,homolobi1 we would be able to arrive at more exact ideas of their peculiar rites and altars than is now possible4 ,hano has never been absorbed by ,walpi as the ,patki pueblos were1 and the altars herein described still preserve their true ,tanoan characteristics4 ,these altars are interesting because made in a ,tanoan pueblo by ,tewa clans which are intrusive in the ,hopi country1 and are especially instructive because it is held by their priests that like altars are or were made in midwinter rites by their kindred now dwelling along the ,rio ,grande in ,new ,mexico4 ,the midwinter rite in which the altars are employed is called ,ttai by the ,tewa1 who likewise designate it by the ,hopi name ,soyalua4 ,this latter term may be regarded as a general one applied to the assemblages of different families in all the kivas of the ,east ,mesa at that time4 ,the name of the ,tewa rite is a special one1 and possibly the other families who assemble at this time once had or still retain their own names for their celebrations4 ,the ,ttai altars were brought by the ancestors of the present people of ,hano from their old eastern home1 and the rites about them are distinctly ,tewan1 although celebrated at the same time as the ,winter ,solstice ceremonies of the ,hopi families4 ,,clan ,,composition ,,of ,,hano ,the pueblo called ,hano is one of three villages on the ,east ,mesa of ,tusayan and contained1 according to the writer's census of #ahic1 a population of #afc persons4 ,it was settled between the years #agjj and #agaj by people from ,tcewadi1 a pueblo situated near ,pea ,blanca on the ,rio ,grande in ,new ,mexico4 ,although only six persons of pure ,tanoan ancestry are now living at ,hano1 the inhabitants still speak the ,tewa dialect and claim as kindred the peoples of ,san ,juan1 ,santa ,clara1 ,san ,ildefonso1 ,pojoaque1 ,nambe1 and ,tesuque4#e ,the best traditionists declare that their ancestors were invited to leave their old home1 ,tcewadi1 by the ,snake chief of ,walpi1 who was then pueblo chief of that village4 ,they claim that they made their long journey to give aid against the ,ute ,indians who were raiding the ,hopi1 and that they responded after four consecutive invitations4 ,the ,walpi ,snake chief sent them an embassy bearing prayer-sticks as offerings1 and although they had refused three invitations they accepted the fourth4 ,according to traditions the following clans have lived in ,hano1 but it is not stated that all went to the ,east ,mesa together from ,tcewadi3 ,okuwu1 ,rain-cloud2 ,sa1 ,tobacco2 ,kolon1 ,corn2 ,tenyk1 ,pine2 ,katcina1 ,katcina2 ,na1 ,sand2 ,kopeeli1 ,pink ,shell2 ,koyanwi1 ,turquoise2 ,kapolo1 ,crane2 ,tu1 ,sun2 ,ke1 ,bear2 ,te1 ,cottonwood2 ,tayek 7872 ,pe1 ,firewood2 and ,tceta1 ,bivalve shell4 ,the early chiefs whose names have been obtained are ,mapibi of the ,na-towa1 ,pota of the ,ke-towa1 and ,talekwe and ,kepo of the ,kolon-towa4 ,the present village chief is ,anote of the ,sa-towa or ,tobacco clan4#f ,of the original clans which at some time have been with the ,hano people1 the following have now become extinct3 ,kopeeli1 ,koyanwi1 ,kapolo1 ,tu1 ,tayek1 ,pe1#g and ,tceta4 ,the last member of the ,tu or ,sun people was old chief ,kalacai who died about four years ago4 ,it is quite probable that several of these extinct clans did not start from ,tcewadi with the others4 ,there were several waves of ,tanoan emigrants from the ,rio ,grande region which went to ,tusayan about the same time1 among which may be mentioned the ,asa1 which took a more southerly route1 via ,zui4 ,the route of the ,asa people will be considered in another article1 and the evidences that some of the ,asa clans joined their kindred on their advent into ,tusayan will be developed later4 ,probably certain members of the ,katcina clan accompanied the ,asa people as far as the ,awatobi mesa and then affiliated with the early ,hano clans4#h 99 99 99 99 99 ,the census of ,hano in ,december1 #ahih1 was as follows3 ,clans ,males ,females ,total ,okuwu #ab #h #bj ,sa #h #e #ac ,kolon #aa #ab #bc ,tenyk #ab #af #bh ,ke #e #aj #ae ,katcina #h #i #ag ,te #e #d #i ,na #d #g #aa ---- ,total native to ,hano domiciled at home #acf ,the above enumeration of ,hano population does not include ,walpi and ,sitcomovi men married to ,hano women 7#bc71 nor ,tewa men living in the neighboring pueblos 7#ae74i ,adding these1 the population is increased to #agd1 which may be called the actual enumeration at the close of #ahih4 ,subsequent mortality due to smallpox and whooping-cough will reduce the number below #afj4 ,in the following lists there are arranged1 under their respective clans1 the names of all the known inhabitants of ,hano4 ,there have been several deaths since the lists were made 7,december #a1 #ahih71 and several births which also are not included4 ,it will be noted that the majority have ,tanoan names1 but there are several with names of ,hopi origin1 for in these latter instances ,i was unable to obtain any other4#aj ,census of ,hano by ,clans ,okuwu-towa1 or ,rain-cloud clan4--,men and boys3 ,kalakwai1 ,kala1 ,tca1 ,wiwela1 ,kahe1 ,yane1 ,solo1 ,yunci1 ,pade1 ,klee1 ,kochayna1 ,ke 7#ab74 ,women and girls3 ,sikyumka1 ,kwentce1 ,talitsche1 ,yoyowaiolo1 ,pobitcanw1 ,yoanuche1 ,asou1 ,tawamana 7#h74 ,total1 #bj4 ,sa-towa1 or ,tobacco clan4--,men and boys3 ,anote1 ,asena1 ,tem7e1 ,ipwantiwa1 ,howila1 ,nuci1 ,yauma1 ,satee 7#h74 ,women and girls3 ,oka1 ,heli1 ,kotu1 ,kwa1 ,mota 7#e74 ,total1 #ac4 ,kolon-towa1 or ,corn clan4--,men and boys3 ,polakka1 ,patutupi1 ,akotcowu1 ,komaletiwa1 ,agaiyo1 ,tcid7e1 ,oba1 ,toto1 ,peke1 ,kelo1 ,tasce 7#aa74 ,women and girls3 ,kotcaka1 ,talikwia1 ,nampio1 ,kwetcow1 ,heele1 ,pel1 ,kontce1 ,koompipi1 ,chaiw1 ,kweckatcaw1 ,awatcomw1 ,antce 7#ab74 ,total1 #bc4 ,tenyk-towa1 or ,pine clan4--,men and boys3 ,tawa1 ,nato1 ,wako1 ,paoba1 ,topi1 ,yota1 ,pobinelli1 ,yeva1 ,tae1 ,lelo1 ,sennele1 ,poctce 7#ab74 ,women and girls3 ,tolo1 ,hokona1 ,kode7871 ,sakpede1 ,nebenne1 ,tabowqti1 ,pohve1 ,saliko1 ,eye1 ,porku1 ,pehta1 ,hekpobi1 ,setale1 ,naici1 ,katcine1 ,tcenlapobi 7#af74 ,total1 #bh4 ,ke-towa1 or ,bear clan4--,men and boys3 ,mepi1 ,tae1 ,tcakwaina1 ,poliella1 ,tegi 7#e74 ,women and girls3 ,kau1 ,kalaie1 ,pene1 ,tcetcu1 ,kala1 ,katcinmana1 ,selapi1 ,tolo1 ,pokona1 ,kode 7#aj74 ,total #ae4 ,tcaper 7,tom ,sawyer7 may be enrolled in this or the preceding family4 ,he is a ,paiute1 without kin in ,hano1 and was sold when a boy as a slave by his father4 ,his sisters were sold to the ,navaho at the same time4 ,tcaper became the property of an ,oraibi1 later of a ,tewa man1 now dead1 and so far as can be learned is the only ,paiute now living at ,hano4 ,katcina-towa4--,men and boys3 ,kwevehoya1 ,taci1 ,avaiyo1 ,poya1 ,oyi1 ,wehe1 ,sibentima1 ,tawahonima 7#h74 ,women and girls3 ,okotce1 ,kwenka1 ,awe1 ,peaiyo1 ,pe1 ,po1 ,tcao1 ,poschauw1 ,sawiy 7#i74 ,total1 #ag4 ,te-towa1 or ,cottonwood clan4 ,men and boys3 ,sania1 ,kuyapi1 ,okuapin1 ,ponyin1 ,pebihoya 7#e74 ,women and girls3 ,yunne1 ,pobitche1 ,poitzu1 ,kalaza 7#d74 ,total1 #i4 ,na-towa1 or ,sand clan4--,men and boys3 ,pusauwi1 ,pocine1 ,talumtiwa1 ,cia 7#d74 ,women and girls3 ,pocilipobi1 ,talabensi1 ,humhebuima1 ,kae1 ,avatca1 ,nancy1 ,simana 7#g74 ,total1 #aa4 ,the present families in ,hano are so distributed that the oldest part of the pueblo is situated at the head of the trail east of the ,mokiva4 ,this is still owned and inhabited by the ,sa1 ,kolon1 and ,ke clans1 all of which probably came from ,tcewadi4 ,the ,katcina and related ,tenyk1 as well as the ,okuwu and related ,na clans1 are said1 by some traditions1 to have joined the ,tewa colonists after they reached the ,hopi mesas1 and the position of their houses in respect to the main house-cluster favors that theory4 ,other traditions say that the first pueblo chief of the ,tewa was chief of the ,na-towa4 ,too much faith should not be put in this statement1 notwithstanding the chief of the ,tewakiva belongs to the ,na-towa4 ,it seems more probable that the ,ke or ,bear clan was the leading one in early times1 and that its chief was also kimowi or governor of the first settlement at the foot of the mesa4 ,,tewa ,,legends ,according to one authority 7,kalakwai7 the route of migration of the ,hano clans from their ancient home1 ,tcewadi1 led them first to ,jemesi 7,jemez71 where they rested a year4 ,from ,jemesi they went to ,orpinpo or ,pawikpa 7,duck water74 ,thence they proceeded to ,kepo1 or ,bear spring1 the present ,fort ,wingate1 and from this place they continued to the site of ,fort ,defiance1 thence to ,wukopakabi or ,pueblo ,ganado4 ,continuing their migration they entered ,puci1 or ,keam's canyon1 and traversing its entire length1 arrived at ,isba1 or ,coyote spring1 near the present trail of the ,east ,mesa1 where they built their pueblo4 ,this settlement 7,kohti7 was along the foot-hills to the left of the spring1 near a large yellow rock or cliff called ,sikyaowatcomo 7,yellow-rock mound74 ,there they lived for some time1 as the debris and ground-plan of their building attest4 ,their pueblo was a large one1 and it was conveniently near a spring called ,uba1 now filled up1 and ,isba1 still used by the ,hano people4 ,shortly after their arrival ,ute warriors made a new foray on the ,hopi pueblos1 and swarmed into the valley north of ,wala1#aa capturing many sheep which they drove to the hills north of the mesa4#ab ,the ,tewa attacked them at that place1 and the ,ute warriors killed all the sheep which they had captured1 making a protecting rampart of their carcasses4 ,on this account the place is now called ,sikwitukwi 7,meat pinnacle74 ,the ,tewa killed all but two of their opponents who were taken captives and sent home with the message that the ,bears had come1 and if any of their tribe ever returned as hostiles they would all be killed4 ,from that time ,ute invasions ceased4 ,according to another good authority in ,tewa lore1 the ,asa people left ,kakibi1 near ,abiquiu1 in northern ,new ,mexico1 about the time the other ,tewa left ,tcewadi ,they traveled together rapidly for some time1 but separated at ,laguna1 the ,asa taking the southern route1 via ,zui4 ,the ,tewa clans arrived first 787 at ,tusayan and waited for the ,asa in the sand-hills near ,isba4 ,both groups1 according to this authority1 took part in the ,ute fight at ,sikwitukwi1 and when they returned the village chief of ,walpi gave the ,asa people for their habitation that portion of the mesa top northeast of the ,tewakiva1 while the present site of ,hano was assigned to the ,tewa clans4 ,during a famine the ,asa moved to ,tbka 7,canyon ,tsegi1 or ,chelly71 where they planted the peach trees that are still to be seen4 ,the ruined walls east of ,hano are a remnant of the pueblo abandoned by them4 ,the ,asa intermarried with the ,navaho and lost their language4 ,when they returned to the ,east ,mesa the ,hopi assigned to them for their houses that part of ,walpi at the head of the stairway trail on condition that they would defend it4#ac ,in view of the tenacity with which the women of ,hano have clung to their language1 even when married to ,hopi men1 it seems strange that the ,asa lost their native dialect during the short time they lived in ,tsegi canyon2 but the ,asa men may have married ,navaho women1 and the ,tanoan tongues become lost in that way1 the ,asa women being in the minority4 ,there is such uniformity in all the legends that the ,asa were ,tanoan people1 that we can hardly doubt their truth1 whatever explanation may be given of how the ,asa lost their former idiom4 ,in #aghb ,morfi described ,hano1#ad under the name ,tanos1 as a pueblo of one hundred and ten families1 with a central plaza and streets4 ,he noted the difference of idiom between it and ,walpi4 ,if ,morfi's census be correct1 the pueblo has diminished in population since his time4 ,since #aghb ,hano has probably never been deserted1 although its population has several times been considerably reduced by epidemics4 ,in return for their aid in driving the ,ute warriors from the country1 the ,hopi chief gave the ,tewa all the land in the two valleys on each side of the mesa1 north and east of a line drawn at right angles to ,wala1 the ,gap4 ,this line of demarcation is recognized by the ,tewa1 although some of them claim that the ,hopi have land-holdings in their territory4 ,the line of division is carefully observed in the building of new houses in the foot-hills1 for the ,hopi families build west of the line1 the ,tewa people east of it4 ,,differences ,,in ,,social ,,customs ,a casual visitor to the ,east ,mesa would not notice any difference between the people of ,hano and those of ,walpi1 and in fact many ,walpi men have married ,tanoan women and live in their village4 ,the difference of idiom1 however1 is immediately noticeable1 and seems destined to persist4 ,almost every inhabitant of ,hano speaks ,hopi1 but no ,hopi speaks or understands ,tewa4 ,while there are ,tewa men from ,hano in several of the ,hopi villages1 where they have families1 no ,tewa woman lives in ,walpi4 ,this is of course due to the fact that the matriarchal system exists1 and that a girl on marrying lives with her mother or with her clan1 while a newly married man goes to the home of his wife's clan to live4 ,there are differences in marriage and mortuary customs1 in the way the women wear their hair1#ae and in other minor matters1 but at present the great difference between the ,hopi and the ,tewa is in their religious ceremonials1 which1 next to language1 are the most persistent features of their tribal life4 ,hano has a very limited ritual2 it celebrates in ,august a peculiar rite known as ,sumykoli1 or the sun prayer-stick making1 as well as the ,ttai midwinter ceremony1 the altars of which are described herein4 ,there are also many ,katcina dances which are not different from those performed at ,walpi4 ,one group of clown priests1 called ,paiakyam1 is characteristic of ,hano4 ,compared with the elaborate ritual of the ,hopi pueblo1 that of ,hano is poor2 but ,tewa men are members of most of the religious societies of ,walpi1 and some of the women take part in the basket dance 7,lalakoti7 and ,mamzrauti1 in that village4 ,the following ,tewa names for months are current at ,hano3 ,january1 ,elo-p'o1 ,wooden-cup moon2 refers to the cups1 made of wood1 used by the ,tcukuwympkiyas in a ceremonial game4 ,february1 ,kuton-p'o1 ,singing moon4 ,march1 ,yopobi-p'o1 ,cactus-flower moon4 ,the element pobi#af which is so often used in proper names among the ,tewa1 means flower4 ,april1 ,pka-p'o1 ,windbreak moon4 ,may1 ,seko-p'o1 ,to-plant-secretly moon4 ,this refers to the planting of sweet corn in nooks and crevices1 where children may not see it1 for the ,nimn-katcina4 ,june-,october1 nameless moons1 or the same names as the five winter moons4 ,november1 ,ci-p'o1#ag ,horn moon1 possibly referring to the ,aalt of the ,new-,fire ceremony4 ,december1 ,ttai-p'o1 ,winter-solstice moon4 ,,contemporary ,,ceremonies ,the ,winter ,solstice ceremony is celebrated in ,walpi1 ,sitcomovi1 and ,hano1 by clans1 all the men gathering in the kivas of their respective pueblos4 ,the ,soyalua is thus a synchronous gathering of all the families who bring their fetishes to the places where they assemble4 ,the kivas or rooms in which they meet1 and the clans which assemble therein1 are as follows3 ,walpi ,,mo,,kiva3 ,patki1 ,water-house2 ,tabo1 rabbit2 ,kktce1 ,lizard2 ,tuwa1 ,sand2 ,lenya1 ,flute2 ,piba1 ,tobacco2 and ,katcina4 ,,wikwaliobikiva3 ,asa4 ,,nacabkiva3 ,kokop1 ,firewood2 ,tca1 ,snake4 ,,alkiva3 ,ala1 ,horn4 ,,tcivatokiva3 ,pakab1 ,reed2 ,honau1 ,bear4 ,sitcomovi ,,first ,,kiva3 ,patki1 ,water-house2 ,honani1 ,badger4 ,,second ,,kiva3 ,asa4 ,hano ,,mo,,kiva3 ,sa1 ,tobacco2 ,ke1 ,bear2 ,kolon1 ,corn1 etc4 ,,tewakiva3 ,na1 ,sand2 ,okuwu1 ,rain-cloud1 etc4 ,the altars or fetishes in the five ,walpi kivas are as follows3 ,the altar described in a former publication#ah is the most elaborate of all the ,winter ,solstice fetishes at ,walpi1 and belongs to the ,patki and related clans4 ,the ,asa family in the ,wikwaliobikiva had no altar1 but the following fetishes3 7#a7 ,an ancient mask resembling that of ,natacka and called tcakwaina1#ai attached to which is a wooden crook and a rattle2 7#b7 an ancient bandoleer 7tozriki72 and 7#c7 several stone images of animals4 ,the shield which the ,asa carried before the ,mokiva altar had a star painted upon it4 ,the ,kokop and ,tca families1 in the ,nacabkiva1 had no altar1 but on the floor of the kiva there was a stone image which was said to have come from the ancient pueblo of ,sikyatki1 a former village of the ,kokop people4 ,there was no altar in the ,alkiva1 but the ,ala 7,horn7 clan which met there had a stone image of ,pkohoya1 and on the shield which they used in the ,mokiva there was a picture of ,alosaka4 ,the ,pakab#bj 7,reed or ,arrow7 people had an altar in the ,tcivatokiva where ,pautiwa presided with the tponi or palladium of that family4 ,the writer was unable to examine the fetishes of the ,honani and ,asa clans1 who met in the two ,sitcomovi kivas4 ,it was reported that they have no altars in the ,soyalua1 but a study of their fetishes will shed important light on the nature of the rites introduced into ,tusayan by these clans4 ,tcoshoniwa is chief in one of these kivas4#ba ,pocine1 chief of the ,tewakiva1 belongs to the ,na-towa1 or ,sand clan1 and is the elder son of ,pocilipobi4 ,pusauwi1 his uncle1 is ,pocilipobi's brother4 ,as the kimowi or village chief of the ,tewa colonists1 when they came into ,tusayan1 belonged to the ,sand clan1 we may suppose this altar to be hereditary in this family4 ,anote1 the chief of the ,mokiva of ,hano1 is the oldest man of the ,sa-towa or ,tobacco clan4 ,satele1 who assisted him in making the altar1 is a member of the ,ke or ,bear clan4 ,patutupi1 who was present when the altar was made at ,hano1 belongs to the ,kolon or ,corn clan4 ,,the ,,winter ,,solstice ,,ceremony ,the ,ttai or ,soyalua ceremony of the ,east ,mesa in #ahih extended from ,december #ith to the #aith inclusive1 and the days were designated as follows3 #ith1 ,tcotcoyuya 7,tcotcoya71 ,smoke assembly4 #ajth1 ,tceele tcalauh1 ,announcement4 #aath1 ,cs-tala1 ,first day4 #abth1 ,lc-tala1 ,second day4 #acth1 ,paic-tala1 ,third day4 #adth1 ,yuya1 ,assemblage4 #aeth1 ,sockahim4 #afth1 ,komoktotokya4 #agth1 ,totokya1 ,totokpee4 #ahth1 ,pegumnove4 #aith1 ,navotcine4 ,the active secret ceremonies began on the #adth and extended to the #aith4 ,yuya was the day on which the ,walpi chiefs entered their kivas1 and ,totokya that on which the most important secret rites were performed4 ,tcotcoyuya1 ,smoke assembly4 ,the time of the ,soyalua is fixed by ,kwatcakwa1 ,sun-priest of the ,patki clan1 who determines the winter solstice by means of observations of sunset on the horizon1 as elsewhere described4 ,the ,smoke assemblage at ,walpi occurred after sunset on ,december #ith1 in the house of ,anwuci's wife1 adjoining the ,mokiva1 and was attended by ,supela1 ,kwatcakwa1 ,sakwistiwa1 ,kwaa1 and ,anawita1 all chiefs belonging to the ,patki clan4 ,the ,smoke assemblage at ,hano1 preliminary to the ,ttai1 was also held after sunset on ,december #ith1 and was attended by the following chiefs3 ,anote 7,tem7e71 ,sa-towa2 ,satele1 ,ke-towa2 ,pocine 7,koye71 ,na-towa2 ,patutupi1 ,kolon-towa4 ,there was no formal notification of ,ttai from the housetops of ,hano on the following morning1 the ,soyalua announcement from ,walpi serving all three pueblos on the ,east ,mesa4 ,the formal announcement was made by ,kopeli at daybreak of ,december #ajth4 ,hoyi1 the regular tcakmowi1 or town-crier1 was snowbound at ,keam's ,canyon1 and consequently was unable to perform this function4 ,the ,smoke assemblage and its formal announcement at daybreak on the following morning have been observed in the ,snake dance1 and in the ,flute1 ,new-fire1 and ,soyalua ceremonies2 it probably occurs also in the ,lalakoti and ,mamzrauti4 ,it takes place several days before the ,assembly day1 when the chief enters the kiva and sets his natci or standard on the kiva hatch to announce that he has begun the ceremonies4 ,illustration3 ,,american ,,anthropologist ,no4 #h41 ,,vol4 #a1 ,,pl4 ,,xvii ,drawn by ,,mary ,m4 ,,leighter ,,altar ,,in ,,the ,,mo,,kiva ,,at ,,hano ,,kivas ,,at ,,hano ,there are two kivas in ,hano1 one of which1 called ,tewakiva1 is situated at the head of the trail to the pueblo4 ,the other1 called the ,mokiva1 is built in the eastern part of the plaza1 and1 as its name implies1 is the chief ,hano kiva4 ,both these semi-subterranean rooms are rectangular#bb in shape1 and in structural details resemble the kivas of ,walpi4 ,each has a hatchway entrance in the middle of the roof1 and is entered by means of a ladder which rests on the floor near a central fireplace4 ,neither of the ,hano kivas has a window1 but each has a raised platform for spectators east of the fireplace4#bc ,,altar ,,in ,,the ,,mo,,kiva ,,at ,,hano ,anote1#bd the chief of the ,mokiva1 constructed his altar 7plate ,,xviii7 on the day above mentioned as ,paic-tala4 ,he anticipated the others in making it1 and began operations1 about #aj ,a4,m41 by carefully sweeping the floor4 ,his fetishes and other altar paraphernalia were in a bag on the floor at the western end of his kiva1 but there was no tponi1 or chieftain's badge1 even on the completed altar4 ,shortly after ,anote had finished sweeping the floor of the kiva1 ,satele entered1 followed a few minutes later by ,patutupi4#be ,these three men1 with ,kalakwai1 who was weaving a blanket1 were the only persons in the kiva while the altar was being made4 ,immediately after the other chiefs came in1 ,anote began the making of prayer-sticks4 ,four of these were made1 each of characteristic ,tewa form4 ,each of these prayer-sticks was double the length of the middle finger1 and was painted black with green pigment at the blunt end4 ,on one of the two sticks which compose this prayer offering1 there was cut a facet which was painted green with black dots representing eyes and mouth4 ,the stick without the facet was called the male1 and upon it a ferrule was incised4 ,the two sticks were bound together with two cotton strings in two places1 but no packet of prayer-meal was appended as in ,hopi prayer-sticks 7pahos74#bf ,a string with a terminal feather was attached to that which bound the two sticks together4 ,anote likewise made many feathered strings called nakwakwocis1 and ,satele fashioned two prayer-sticks2 all of these were laid in a basket-tray on the floor4 ,after these prayer offerings had been completed1 ,anote placed on the floor a blanketful of moist clay which he further moistened and kneaded1 fashioning a part of it into a cylinder about a foot and a half long1 and two inches in diameter4 ,this object was made blunt at one end and pointed at the other4 ,the image represents ,avaiyo1 the ,tewa name of ,pallko1 the ,great ,serpent4 ,he added to the blunt end1 or head1 a small clay horn1#bg and inserted a minute feather in the tip of the tail4 ,he fashioned into a ball the clay that remained after making the effigy of the serpent1 patting it into a spherical compact mass about the size of a baseball4 ,this1 called the natci1 later served as the pedestal to hold two eagle-wing feathers1 and was placed at the kiva hatch each day to inform the uninitiated that ceremonies were in progress4 ,having finished the effigy of the ,great ,serpent and formed the clay cylinder to his liking1 ,anote made on the western side of the floor of the kiva a ridge of sand1 a few inches high and about two feet long1 parallel with the western wall4 ,while making this ridge he sat between it and the kiva wall4 ,having patted this sand ridge to the proper height1 he removed from their wrapping of coarse cloth1 four sticks1 each about two feet long4 ,these sticks1 dingy with age1 were tied in pairs1 and were called poya-saka1 altar ladders4 ,they were inserted in the ridge in pairs1 one on each side1 and between them was placed in the sand a row of eagle feathers4 ,as these were being put in position by ,satele1 ,anote sang in a low tone1 the song continuing as the other parts of the altar were arranged4#bh ,anote was frequently obliged to prompt his associate regarding the proper arrangement of the objects on the altar4 ,satele next drew a line of prayer-meal before the ridge of sand1 and from it1 as a base line1 made three deep semicircles representing rain-clouds4 ,these were drawn as simple1 elongated outlines1 but immediately the chief sprinkled meal on the floor over the space enclosed by them4 ,the curved edges of the three rain-cloud symbols were then rimmed with black sand or powdered coal4 ,about twenty short1 parallel lines1 representing falling rain1 were next drawn on the floor with cornmeal1 and alternating with them the same number of black lines4 ,satele then placed upon the rain-cloud symbols1 skeleton puma paws1 two for each rain-cloud4 ,at the apex of each symbolic cloud a stone fetish of a bear was deposited1 and by the side of each an arrow-point or other stone object was laid4 ,the clay effigy of the ,great ,snake was next placed back of the rain-cloud symbols1 with the head pointing southward4 ,as this effigy lay on the floor1 ,anote made on it1 with meal1 representations of eyes and teeth1 then drew two lines of meal about the neck for a necklace1 and two other parallel lines about the tail4 ,black powder was then evenly sprinkled along the back of the effigy4 ,both ,anote and ,satele procured a few ears of differently colored corn and shelled them upon the rain-cloud picture1 sprinkling the grains evenly over the meal design1 and adding a few to the back of the ,great ,snake4 ,squash and melon seeds were likewise distributed in the same way4 ,the vase from which the stone effigies and other images were taken was then placed near the base of the middle rain-cloud picture1 and a large quartz crystal was added on the left4 ,a conch1 which the author presented to the chief1 was placed on the right of this vase4 ,anote then swept the floor north of the fireplace1 and as he sang in a low tone ,satele drew a straight line of meal from near the right pole of the ladder across the floor to the middle of the altar4 ,he placed along this line1 at intervals1 four feathers1 and near where it joined the altar he stretched a string1 with an attached feather1 called the ptabi4#bi ,he then sprinkled a line of pollen along this trail of meal4 ,anote's medicine-bowl was set just in front of the middle rain-cloud figure2 the clay pedestal with inserted upright feathers stood before the left1 and a basket-tray with prayer-meal before the right rain-cloud figure4 ,,altar ,,in ,,the ,,tewakiva ,,at ,,hano ,the altar 7plate ,,xix7 in the ,tewakiva was begun about #aj ,a4,m4 on the ,assembly day1 and was made by ,pocine1#cj assisted by his uncle1 ,pusauwi1 both members of the ,na-towa1 or ,sand clan4 ,the preparations began with the manufacture of a clay effigy of the ,great ,snake similar to but larger than that made by ,anote in the ,mokiva4 ,the clay was moistened and kneaded on the floor1 and then rolled into a cylinder about three feet long1 blunt at one end and pointed at the other4 ,illustration3 ,,american ,,anthropologist ,no4 #h41 ,vol4 #a1 ,,pl4 ,,xix ,drawn by ,,mary ,m4 ,,leighter ,,altar ,,in ,,the ,,tewakiva ,,at ,,hano ,four clay balls were made at the same time4 ,one of these later served as the base of a standard 7natci7 which was subsequently placed each morning on the kiva hatch to warn the uninitiated not to enter4 ,the other three were placed back of the altar and supported the sticks called the altar-ladders1 which will be considered later4 ,pocine outlined with meal on the floor a square figure which he divided into two rectangular parts by a line parallel with the northern side4 ,he used meal of two colors--white for one rectangle1 and light brown or pinkish for the other4 ,having made the outlines of the rectangle with great care1 he carelessly sprinkled the enclosed spaces with the meal1 hardly covering the sand base upon which the figures were drawn4 ,he then added four triangular figures in meal on the south or front side of the rectangular symbols4 ,these images represented rain-clouds1 and were alternately white and brown4#ca ,to the tips of these triangular rain-cloud figures he appended zigzag continuations with lozenge-shaped tips representing the lightning of the four cardinal points4 ,a stone spearpoint or arrowhead was laid on each lozenge-like tip of the zigzag lightning4#cb ,the two men1 ,pocine and ,pusauwi1 next raised the snake effigy and bore it to a position back of the rectangular meal figures on the floor4 ,they deposited it in such a way that its head pointed southward4 ,having set the snake effigy in the position which it was to retain throughout the ceremony1 ,pocine sprinkled a black powder along the back of the image1 while his uncle inserted several kernels of corn in the blunt end to represent sent the teeth of an upper jaw4 ,two kernels of corn were then stuck into the head to indicate eyes1 and an imitation necklace1 also of grains of corn1 was made around the neck of the idol4 ,a double encircling row of corn grains was inserted in the tail or pointed end of the effigy1 and ,pocine added a small feather at the tip4 ,after the effigy had been put in position and adorned in the manner described1 both ,pocine and his uncle again shelled ears of corn on the rectangles of meal1#cc to which were added squash1 melon1 and other seeds4 ,these were regularly distributed1 some being dropped along the back of the image4 ,a row of eagle feathers was now inserted along the back of the effigy1 instead of in a ridge of sand as in the ,mokiva altar4 ,there were twelve of these feathers1 and they were placed at equal intervals from the neck to the tail of the effigy4 ,pusauwi then placed the three balls of clay1 previously mentioned1 back of the image1 and in each of these balls he inserted two sticks1 called pahos1 similar to those used on the altar of the ,mokiva4 ,these are ancient objects1 being reputed to have descended from a remote past4 ,one stick in each pair was called the male1 the other the female1 as is true of all double prayer-sticks used by the ,hopi ,indians4 ,they are called poya-saka1 altar-ladders1 and imitations#cd of them in miniature are made and placed in shrines on the final day of the ceremony4 ,the insertion of the row of eagle-feathers along the back of the clay effigy of the serpent recalls an instructive reptilian figure on one of the bowls from ,sikyatki4#ce ,in this ancient pictograph we find a row of triangles drawn along the medial line from the head to the tail of a lizard-like figure4 ,the use of the triangle in ancient ,pueblo pictography as a symbol of a wing-feather1 has been pointed out in an article on the feather as a decorative design in ancient ,hopi pottery4#cf ,the medial line of triangles1 representing feathers1 on the ,sikyatki food-bowl1 is paralleled in the ,hano kiva by eagle-wing feathers inserted along the middle of the image of a snake4 ,a small vase was next placed just in advance of the effigy of the ,great ,snake1 and into this vase ,pocine poured water from an earthenware canteen1 making a pass as he did so to the four ,pueblo cardinal points--north1 west1 south1 and east--in sinistral ceremonial circuit4#cg ,a stone arrow-point was then laid on the lozenge-shaped extremity of each lightning figure4 ,pocine now scraped into the vase some powder from a soft white stone1 saying1 as he did so1 that the process was called sowiyauma1 rabbits emerge1#ch and that he wished he had stones of other colors1 corresponding to the cardinal points1 for the same purpose4 ,after this was finished he emptied on the floor1 from a cloth bag1 a miscellaneous collection of botryoidal stones 7many of which were waterworn71 a few fetishes1 and other objects1 one of the most conspicuous among the latter being a large green stone4 ,all were at first distributed on the meal picture without any special order1 but later were given a definite arrangement4 ,pocine next went up the kiva ladder1 and standing on the upper rung in the sunlight1 sought1 by means of an angular piece of glass1 to reflect a ray of sunlight on the altar1 but more especially into the vase of medicine4 ,four turkey-feathers were then inserted at equal intervals along the base of the serpent effigy1 as shown in plate ,,xix4 ,after the stone objects had been arranged on the meal picture1 a line of meal was drawn along the floor1 from the right pole of the ladder to the altar4 ,this line was drawn with great care1 particular pains being taken to make it as straight as possible4 ,there was no singing while this occurred1 thus differing from the ceremony performed in the other ,hano kiva4 ,four small feathers were placed at intervals along the line of meal4 ,these1 in sequence1 beginning with the one nearest the ladder1 were sikyatci1 yellow-bird2 kwahu1 eagle or hawk2 koyoa1 turkey2 and pociw4 ,pocine sprinkled pollen along this line or meal trail4 ,there was then emptied from a canvas bag upon the rectangular meal figures a heterogeneous collection of objects1 among which may be mentioned a bundle of gaming reeds1 the humerus of a turkey1 a whistle made of a turkey bone1 and a zigzag wooden framework such as is used by the ,hopi to represent lightning4#ci ,back of the altar1 leaning against the wall of the kiva1 was set upright a wooden slat1 notched on both edges and called tawa-saka1 sun-ladder4 ,miniature imitations 7plate ,,xx7 of this are made in this kiva on the last day of the ,ttai and deposited in a shrine near ,sikyaowatcomo1 the site of the early settlement of the ,tewa4 ,the poya-saka or tawa-saka mentioned has not before been seen in any ,hopi ceremony1 and it may be characteristic of ,tewa altars4 ,a notched prayer-stick1 called the rain-cloud ladder1 is placed in the same shrine at this time4 ,this is characteristic of the ,tewa of ,tusayan1 but is not found in the ,hopi pahos1 with which ,i am familiar4#dj ,illustration3 ,,american ,,anthropologist ,no4 #h41 ,vol4 #a1 ,,pl4 ,,xix ,drawn by ,j4 ,l4 ,,ridgway ,,miniature ,,imitation ,,of ,,the ,,tawa-,,saka ,,or ,,sun-,,ladder 7,about one-half size7 ,the reason these prayer-sticks are termed ladders is because they have the form of an ancient type of ladder made by notching a log of wood4 ,they are symbols of the ladders by which the ,sun is supposed to emerge from his house at sunrise4 ,in the ,hopi and ,tewa conception the ,sun is weary as he withdraws to the south in winter and these ladders are made to aid him in rising1 and thus in returning to bless them4 ,more light will doubtless be shed on the significance of the sun-ladder prayer-offerings when we know more of the ceremonies about the ,ttai altars4 ,no tponi or badge of office was placed on this altar on the day it was made1 and my abrupt departure from the ,east ,mesa made it impossible for me to see the rites which are later performed about it4 ,it is evident1 from the preceding description1 that the priests of ,hano have a knowledge of the ,great ,serpent cult corresponding to the worship of ,pallko4 ,among the ,hopi the ,patki people claim to have introduced this cult#da in comparatively recent times4 ,there is a ,tewa clan called ,okuwu 7,cloud7 which corresponds1 so far as meaning goes1 with the ,patki clan of the ,hopi4 ,whether this clan brought with it a knowledge of the ,great ,snake is not clear1 as traditions are silent on that point4 ,there is a tradition in the ,okuwu clan that their ancestors1 like those of the ,patki1 came from the south1 and that the ,na-towa bears a like relationship to the ,okuwu that the ,hopi ,tuwa clan does to the ,patki4#db ,if this tradition is well founded1 a knowledge of the ,great ,snake fetish of the two ,hano kivas may have been brought by the ,okuwu and ,na-towa into ,tusayan from the same place as that of ,pallko4 ,the ,kwakwantu society of the ,patki clans among the ,hopi are intimately connected with this ,great ,plumed or ,horned ,snake cult4 ,in some parts of the ,new-fire ceremony1 in which this society takes a prominent part1 each member of the society carries in his hand a small wooden image of a horned snake4 ,these images are called mokohus1 some of the typical forms of which are figured in an article on the ,naacnaiya4#dc ,the head of the snake and its horn are well represented in several of these wooden effigies4 ,,conclusions ,the special interest attached to the ,winter ,solstice altars at ,hano is in the fact that they are made by ,tewa priests whose ancestors came to ,tusayan about the beginning of the eighteenth century4 ,the makers claim that their forefathers brought a knowledge of them from ,tcewadi1 in the upper valley of the ,rio ,grande in ,new ,mexico1 and that their relatives in the ,tewa pueblos in the east still use like altars in their celebration at the ,ttai4 ,nothing1 so far as known1 has yet been published on the ,ttai altars of the eastern ,tanoan people1 but ethnographers may yet find in the kivas of those villages material which will render the above descriptions of comparative interest4 ,the resemblance of the ,ttai altars to that of the ,patki and related families in the ,walpi ,mokiva at the ,winter ,solstice1 is a very distant one4 ,both have snake effigies1 but there is practically little else in common between them1 or with the altar erected at the same time by the ,pakab people in the ,tcivatokiva4 ,the ,ttai altars are characteristically ,tewan1 and1 while homologous with each other1 are different from any yet known from the ,hopi pueblos4 ,the purport of the ,ttai rites at ,hano seems to be similar to that of the ,hopi ,soyalua1 namely1 to draw back the sun in its southern declination1 and to fertilize the corn and other seeds and increase all worldly possessions4 ,as at ,walpi1 strings with attached feathers are made and given to men and women with wishes that the gods may bring them blessings4 ,these strings are also attached to beams of houses1 placed in springs of water1 tied to the tails of horses1 burros1 sheep1 dogs1 chickens1 and indeed every possession which the ,indian has and wishes to increase4 ,the presence of the idol of the snake means snake worship4 ,the survival of the ,tanoan ,ttai altars at ,hano is typical of the way in which the ,tusayan ritual has grown to its present complicated form4 ,they are instances of an intrusive element which has not yet been amalgamated1 as the knowledge of them is still limited to unassimilated people and clans4 ,similar conditions have existed from time to time during the history of the ,hopi1 when new clans were added to those already existing4 ,for many years incoming clans maintained a strict taboo1 and each family held the secrets of its own religion2 but as time went on and assimilation resulted by intermarriage1 the religious society arose1 composed of men and women of different clans4 ,the family to which a majority of the membership belonged continued to hold the chieftaincy1 and owned the altar and its paraphernalia1 cherishing the legends of the society4 ,but when men of other clans were admitted to membership1 a mutual reaction of one society on another naturally resulted4 ,this tended to modifications which have obscured the original character of distinctive family worship4 ,the problem of the ,hopi ritual1 by which is meant the sum of all great ceremonies in the ,hopi calendar1 deals largely with a composite system4 ,it implies1 as elsewhere pointed out1 an investigation of the characteristic religious observances of several large families which formerly lived apart in different pueblos4 ,it necessitates a knowledge of the social composition of ,walpi and of the history of the different phratries which make up the population of the village4 ,there is a corollary to the above conclusions4 ,no pueblo in the southwest1 outside of ,tusayan1 has the same ceremonial calendar as ,walpi1 because the population of none is made up of the same clans united in the same relative proportions4 ,hence the old remark that what is true of one pueblo is true of all1 does not apply to their ritual4 ,some ceremonies at ,jemez1 ,acoma1 ,sia1 and ,zui1 for instance1 are like some ceremonies at ,walpi2 but the old ceremonial calendar in any one of these pueblos was different from that of the other1 because the component families were not the same4 ,in the same way the ceremonies at ,hano and ,walpi have certain things in common1 due no doubt to the assimilation in the latter of certain ,tanoan clans1 but their calendars are very different4 ,the ,ttai at ,hano differs more widely from the ,winter ,solstice ceremony at ,walpi1 a gunshot away1 than the ,walpi observance differs from that at ,oraibi1 twenty miles distant4 ,so we might also predict that if we knew the character of ,winter ,solstice altars in the ,rio ,grande ,tewa villages1 they would be found to resemble those of ,hano more closely than the altars of ,hano resemble those of ,walpi4 ,the ,knickerbocker ,press1 ,new ,york ,,footnotes3 #a ,the ,winter ,solstice ,ceremony at ,walpi 7,american ,anthropologist1 vol4 ,,xi74 #b ,these studies were made under the auspices of the ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology4 #c ,most of the people of ,sitcomovi are of the ,asa and ,honani clans1 of ,tanoan ancestry1 but they long ago lost the ,tewa language and their ,tanoan identity4 #d ,the site of this last settlement of the ,patki people1 before they joined those of ,walpi1 is in the plain about four miles south of the ,east ,mesa4 ,the ruins of the pueblo are still visible1 and the foundation walls can readily be traced4 #e ,the ,hano names of these pueblos are--,san ,juan1 ----2 ,santa ,clara1 ,kap'a2 ,san ,ildefonso1 ,pocuwe2 ,pojoaque1 ,p'okwode2 ,nambe1 ,nme2 ,tesuque1 ,tetsogi4 ,they also claim ,taos 7,tawile7 and ,picuris 7,ohke71 but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in these pueblos4 #f ,the ,tewa of ,hano call the ,hopi ,koso1 and the ,hopi speak of the ,hano people as the ,towa or the ,hanum-nym4 ,the word ,moki1 so constantly used by white people to designate the ,hopi1 is never applied by the ,hopi to themselves1 and they strongly object to it4 ,the dead are said to be moki1 which enters into the formation of verbs1 as tconmoki1 to starve2 tcinmoki1 to be very lonesome1 etc4 ,the name ,hano or ,hanoki is1 ,i believe1 simply a combination of the words ,hano and ki1 eastern pueblo4 ,the element hano appears also in the designation for ,american1 ,pahano1 eastern water2 pahanoki1 ,american house4 ,both the ,asa and the ,tewa peoples are called ,hanum clans4 #g ,remains of old reservoirs1 elaborately walled1 from which water was drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole1 are still pointed out near ,tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the ,pe-towa4 ,old ,tcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's time4 #h ,the troubles following the great rebellion of #afhj drove many ,tewa from the ,rio ,grande valley to ,tusayan4 #i ,it is impossible to make this enumeration accurate1 hence these numbers must be regarded as approximations4 #aj ,it is not unusual to find several names applied to the same person4 ,thus1 ,hani1 the chief of the ,piba clans at ,walpi1 is called ,lesma in the ,snake kiva4 ,the ,walpi call the author ,nakwipi1 but the ,flute chief at ,cipaulovi insists that his name is ,yoyowaiam1 which appellation was given when the author was inducted into the ,flute rites at that pueblo in #ahia4 #aa ,the gap in the ,east ,mesa just at the head of the trail before one enters ,hano4 ,the pueblo of ,walpi derived its name from this gap4 #ab ,their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the ,east ,mesa that the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger4 ,the idol of ,talatumsi1 used in the ,new-fire ceremony1 was removed from its shrine north of ,wala on that account4 #ac ,later1 as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the eighteenth century1 the ,asa women moved to ,sitcomovi which they founded4 ,at present there is only one woman of this clan in ,walpi1 and no women of the ,honani1 both of which clans are strong in ,sitcomovi4 #ad ,ten ,broeck in #aheb seems to have been the first writer to adopt the true name1 ,hano1 of the ,tewa pueblo on the ,east ,mesa4 #ae ,one of the differences in custom between ,hopi and ,tewa women is the method of making their coiffures4 ,unmarried girls of ,walpi and ,hano dress their hair in the same manner1 with whorls above the ears4 ,married women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two pueblos4 ,during the wedding ceremonies at ,hano the mother of the bride1 in the presence of guests1 combs her daughter's hair1 or that part of it on the front of the scalp1 over the face1 so that it hangs down like a veil4 ,she ties the hair on the back of the head in two coils1 one of which hangs on either side1 but the hair before the face she cuts on a level with the chin1 beginning at the top of the ears4 ,the hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils1 and is simply brushed to one side or the other4 ,among ,hopi married women all the hair is included in the two coils1 and the bang is absent4 #af ,the names of many ,tewa women end in pobi1 corresponding with the ,hopi si1 a contracted form of sih1 in women's names1 as ,hosi1 ,nasiumsi1 etc4 #ag ,among the ,hopi the moon 7,tewa p'o7 is called miyah2 new moon1 miyakatci2 first quarter1 miyachaunacapti2 full moon1 miyanacapti4 ,an eclipse of the moon is spoken of as miyah moki1 dead moon4 ,there was a total eclipse of the moon visible at ,walpi near the end of ,december1 #ahih1 when the full moon arose partially obscured4 ,this1 said ,sikyatala1 was bad for the ,americans who dwell in the far east1 but not for the ,hopi4 ,a dead moon1 when in the meridian of the ,hopi pueblos1 is considered kalolamai1 bad4 #ah ,the ,winter ,solstice ,ceremony at ,walpi1 op4 cit4 #ai ,the ,asa people are also called the ,tcakwaina clans4 ,the ruins of their old village1 near the western point of ,awatobi mesa1 are called ,tcakwaina-ki4 ,its walls do not appear above the surface4 #bj ,the particular ceremony of the ,pakab peoples is the ,momtcita1 a single day's rite which occurs just after the ,soyalua1 under direction of ,pautiwa4 ,connected with this ceremony are the performances of the stick swallowers or ,nocoto priests who were thought to be extinct at ,walpi1 but ,eewa is chief of the ,nocotana priests1 and the society includes ,wikyatiwa1 ,talahoya1 ,sikyaventima1 and others4 ,they still practice stick-swallowing4 ,pautiwa is chief of the ,kalektaka1 a warrior priesthood4 ,he belongs to the ,eagle clan of the ,pakab phratry1 which may be related to the ,awata or ,bow clan of the former pueblo of ,awatobi4 #ba ,tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname1 ,tcino1 ,bald-head1 or ,curly-hair1 a sobriquet to which he strongly objects4 ,he is one of the oldest men of ,sitcomovi1 belongs to the ,patki clan1 and was formerly the kimowi or governor of ,sitcomovi4 ,hani1 of the ,piba 7,tobacco7 clan1 is political chief of ,walpi2 and ,anote1 also of the ,piba clan1 is chief of ,hano4 ,all the pueblos have kimowis or governors1 and the office dates from early times2 but these pueblo chiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own4 #bb ,the orientation of the ,hano kivas is not far from that of the other ,east ,mesa kivas1 or about north #dd west4 #bc ,the chief kiva had a small stove1 an innovation which was greatly appreciated by the writer4 #bd ,so named by the ,hopi2 the ,tewa call him ,tem7e1 ,at ,hano almost everyone has a ,hopi and a ,tewa name4 #be ,son of ,kutcve and ,kotcampa of the ,kolon-towa1 or ,corn clan2 commonly called ,esquash by ,americans4 #bf ,the corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in ,zuian1 ,keresan1 and ,tanoan prayer-sticks1 but it is almost universally present in those of the ,hopi4 ,the ,tanoan prayer-stick is called o'dope4 #bg ,a cephalic horn is an essential organ of the ,great ,snake1 and is always represented in pictography and on graven or other images of this being4 ,note the similarity of his ,tewa name to the ,spanish word abajo1 below4 #bh ,this is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was being put in place4 #bi ,this was a four-stranded string of cotton1 as long as the outstretched arm1 measured from over the heart to the tip of the longest finger4 ,it is supposed to be a roadway of blessings1 and the trail of meal is the pathway along which1 in their belief1 the benign influences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the pueblo4 #cj ,pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age4 ,his marriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the ,ttai4 #ca ,the triangle among the ,hopi is almost as common a symbol of the rain-cloud as the semicircle4 ,it is a very old symbol1 and is frequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient pictography4 #cb ,it was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this ,tewa altar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the ,walpi ,antelope altar4 ,the lightning of the north is male1 that of the west female1 the south male1 and the east female4 ,the same holds with many objects in ,hopi altars2 thus the stone objects1 tcamahia1 of the ,antelope altar follow this rule4 ,in the same way plants and herbs have sex 7not in the ,linnean meaning71 and are likewise associated with the cardinal points4 #cc ,this sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a ,hopi altar is mentioned in an account of the ,oraibi ,flute ceremony4 ,the evident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the accompanying rites about the altar4 #cd ,called omowh-saka1 rain-cloud ladders4 #ce ,smithsonian ,report1 #ahie1 pl4 lvii4 #cf ,the ,american ,anthropologist1 vol4 ,,xi1 page #a4 #cg ,the ,tewa1 like the ,hopi1 recognize six ceremonial directions--north1 west1 south1 east1 above1 and below4 ,the sinistral circuit is one in which the center is on the left hand1 while the dextral circuit has its center to the right4 ,the older term1 sunwise1 for the latter circuit1 etymologically means one ceremonial circuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern4 ,on this and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating circuits4 #ch ,for the increase of rabbits4 #ci ,this zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation of a snake's head1 and as it represents the lightning this association was not incongruous4 ,similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a man impersonating ,pko1 the ,war god1 and at certain other times when lightning is symbolized4 #dj ,in asking why albino ,hopi are found at the ,middle ,mesa and not on the ,east ,mesa1 it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a white prayer-stick is made at the former mesa1 and that albinism was due to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his wife was pregnant4 ,the author has never seen the white paho of the ,middle ,mesa1 and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use4 #da ,all ,hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the ,patki altar in the ,soyalua should not be shown to ,tewa men or women1 and the ,tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while conversing with the ,walpi chiefs4 ,there is a very strict taboo between the two peoples at the time of the ,winter ,solstice ceremony1 which is more rigid than at other times4 #db ,the ,tuwa 7,sand7 or ,kktce 7,lizard7 clan lived at ,pakatcomo with the ,patki people1 according to their legends4 #dc ,journal of ,american ,folk-lore1 #ahib1 pl4 ,,ii1 figs4 #a-d4 ,these mokohus of the ,kwakwantu society1 representing horned snakes1 should not be confounded with those carried by other societies1 typical forms of which are shown in figures #e-h4 ,in the article quoted it was not stated that the effigies with heads represent ,pallkos4 ,the effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the ,kwakwantu also represents the ,great ,snake4