,transcriber's ,note3 ,this e-book was prepared from a #aifj ,g4,p4 ,putnam's ,sons reprint of the #aijj edition of ,the ,revival of ,learning1 originally published by ,smith1 ,elder1 ,co41 ,london1 as ,volume ,,ii of ,john ,addington ,symonds's ,renaissance in ,italy series4 ,obvious printer errors have been corrected without note2 other errors are indicated by a ,transcriber's ,note4 ,older spellings of ,italian names 7e4g4 ,lionardo for ,leonardo7 have been retained as they appear in the original4 ,,john ,,addington ,,symonds ,the ,revival of ,learning ,at tibi fortassis1 si1 quod mens sperat et optat1 ,es post me victura diu1 meliora supersunt ,secula2 non omnes veniet lethaeus in annos ,iste sopor2 poterunt1 discussis forte tenebris1 ,ad purum priscumque jubar remeare nepotes4 ,tunc ,helicona nov revirentem stirpe videbis1 ,tunc lauros frondere sacras2 tunc alta resurgent ,ingenia atque animi dociles1 quibus ardor honesti ,pieridum studii veterem geminabit amorem4 ,,petrarch ,africa1 lib4 ix ,,preface#a ,footnote #a3 ,to the original edition of this volume4 ,this volume on the ',revival of ,learning' follows that on the ',age of the ,despots1' published in #ahge1 and precedes that on the ',fine ,arts1' which is now also offered to the public4 ,in dealing with the ',revival of ,learning' and the ',fine ,arts1' ,i have tried to remember that ,i had not so much to write again the history of these subjects1 as to treat their relation to the ',renaissance in ,italy4' ,in other words1 ,i have regarded each section of my theme as subordinate to the general culture of a great historical period4 ,the volume on ',italian ,literature1' still in contemplation1 is intended to complete the work4 ,while handling the theme of the ,italian ,renaissance1 ,i have selected such points1 and emphasised such details1 as ,i felt to be important for the biography of a nation at the most brilliant epoch of its intellectual activity4 ,the historian of culture sacrifices much that the historian of politics will judge essential1 and calls attention to matters that the general reader may sometimes find superfluous4 ,he must submit to bear the reproach of having done at once too little and too much4 ,he must be content to traverse at one time well-worn ground1 and at another to engage in dry or abstruse inquiries4 ,he must not shrink from seeming to affect the fame of a compiler2 nor1 unless his powers be of the highest1 can he hope altogether to avoid repetitions wearisome alike to reader and to writer4 ,his main object is to paint the portrait of national genius identical through all varieties of manifestation2 and in proportion as he has preserved this point of view with firmness1 he may hope to have succeeded4 ,for the ,history of the ,revival of ,learning ,i have had continual recourse to ,tiraboschi's ',storia della ,letteratura ,italiana4' ,that work is still the basis of all researches bearing on the subject4 ,i owe besides particular obligations to ,vespasiano's ',vite di ,uomini ,illustri1' to ,comparetti's ',virgilio nel ,medio ,evo1' to ,rosmini's ',vita di ,filelfo1' ',vita di ,vittorino da ,feltre1' and ',vita di ,guarino da ,verona1' to ,shepherd's ',life of ,poggio ,bracciolini1' to ,dennistoun's ',dukes of ,urbino1' to ,schultze's ',gemistos ,plethon1' to ,didot's ',alde ,manuce1' to ,von ,reumont's ',lorenzo de' ,medici1' to ,burckhardt's ',cultur der ,renaissance in ,italien1' to ,voigt's ',wiederbelebung des classischen ,alterthums1' and to ,gregorovius's ',geschichte der ,stadt ,rom4' ,to ,voigt and ,burckhardt1 having perforce traversed the same ground that they have done1 ,i feel that ,i have been in a special sense indebted4 ,at the same time ,i have made it my invariable practice1 as the notes to this volume will show1 to found my own opinions on the study of original sources4 ,to mention in detail all the editions of the works of humanists and scholars ,i have consulted1 would be superfluous4 ,to me it has been a labour of love to record even the bare names of those ,italian worthies who recovered for us in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 'the everlasting consolations' of the ,greek and ,latin classics4 ,the thought that ,i was tracing the history of an achievement fruitful of the weightiest results for modern civilisation has sustained me in a task that has been sometimes tedious4 ,the collective greatness of the ,revival has reconciled my mind to many trivialities of detail4 ,the prosaic minuti of obscure biographies and long-forgotten literary labours have been glorified by what appears to me the poetry and the romance of the whole theme4 ,it lies not in my province or my power to offer my readers any adequate apology for such defects as my own want of skill in exposition1 or the difficulty of transfiguring with vital light and heat a subject so remote from present interests1 may have occasioned4 ,i must leave this volume in their hands1 hoping that some at least may be animated by the same feeling of gratitude toward those past workers in the field of learning which has supported me4 ,,clifton3 ,march #ahgg4 ,,contents ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,men ,,of ,,the ,,renaissance ,,page ,formation of ,conscious ,personality in ,italy -- ,aristocracy of ,intellect -- ,self-culture as an ,aim -- ,want of ,national ,architecture -- ,want of ,national ,drama -- ,eminence of ,sculpture and ,painting -- ,peculiar ,capacity for ,literature -- ,scholarship -- ,men of ,many-sided ,genius -- ,their ,relation to the ,age -- ,conflict between ,medival ,tradition and ,humanism -- ,petrarch -- ,the ,meaning of the ,revival begun by him -- ,cosmopolitan ,philosophy -- ,toleration -- ,an ,intellectual ,empire -- ,worldliness -- ,confusion of ,impulses and ,inspirations -- ,copernicus and ,columbus -- ,christianity and the ,classics -- ,italian ,incapacity for ,religious ,reformation -- ,free ,thought takes the form of ,license -- ,harmonies attempted between ,christianity and ,antique ,philosophy -- ,florentine ,academy -- ,physical ,qualities of the ,italians -- ,portraits of ,two ,periods -- ,physical ,exercises -- ,determination of the ,race to ,scholarship -- ,ancient ,memories of ,rome -- ,the ,cult of ,antiquity -- ,desire of ,fame -- ,fame to be found in ,literature -- ,the ,cult of ,intellect -- ,the ,cult of ,character -- ,preoccupation with ,personal ,details -- ,biography -- ,ideal ,sketches -- ,posthumous ,glory -- ,enthusiasm for ,erudition -- ,piero de' ,pazzi -- ,florence and ,athens -- ,paganism -- ,real ,value of ,italian ,humanism -- ,pico on the ,dignity of ,man #a ,,chapter ,,ii ,,first ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,importance of the ,revival of ,learning -- ,medival ,romance -- ,the ,legend of ,faustus -- ,its ,value for the ,renaissance -- ,the ,devotion of ,italy to ,study -- ,italian ,predisposition for this ,labour -- ,scholarship in the ,dark ,ages -- ,double ,attitude assumed by the ,church -- ,piety for ,virgil -- ,meagre ,acquaintance with the ,latin ,classics -- ,no ,greek ,learning -- ,the ,spiritual ,conditions of the ,middle ,ages adverse to ,pure ,literature -- ,italy no ,exception to the rest of ,europe -- ,dante and ,petrarch -- ,definition of ,humanism -- ,petrarch's ,conception of it -- ,his sthetical ,temperament -- ,his ,cult for ,cicero1 ,zeal in ,collecting ,manuscripts1 ,sense of the ,importance of ,greek ,studies -- ,warfare against ,pedantry and ,superstition -- ,ideal of ,poetry and ,rhetoric -- ,critique of ,jurists and ,schoolmen -- ,s4 ,augustine -- ,petrarch's ,vanity -- ,thirst for ,fame -- ,discord between his ,life and his ,profession -- ,his ,literary ,temperament -- ,visionary ,patriotism -- ,his ,influence -- ,his ,successors -- ,boccaccio and ,greek ,studies -- ,translation of ,homer -- ,philosophy of ,literature -- ,sensuousness of ,boccaccio's ,inspiration -- ,giovanni da ,ravenna -- ,the ,wandering ,professor -- ,his ,pupils in ,latin ,scholarship -- ,luigi ,marsigli -- ,the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito -- ,humanism in ,politics -- ,coluccio de' ,salutati -- ,gasparino da ,barzizza -- ,improved ,style in ,letter-writing -- ,revival of ,greek ,learning -- ,manuel ,chrysoloras -- ,his ,pupils -- ,lionardo ,bruni -- ,value of ,greek for the ,renaissance #cg ,,chapter ,,iii ,,first ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,condition of the ,universities in ,italy -- ,bologna -- ,high ,schools founded from it -- ,naples under ,frederick ,,ii4 -- ,under the ,house of ,anjou -- ,ferrara -- ,piacenza -- ,perugia -- ,rome -- ,pisa -- ,florence -- ,imperial and ,papal ,charters -- ,foreign ,students -- ,professorial ,staff -- ,subjects taught in the ,high ,schools -- ,place assigned to ,humanism -- ,pay of the ,professors of ,eloquence -- ,francesco ,filelfo -- ,the ,humanists less powerful at the ,universities -- ,method of ,humanistic ,teaching -- ,the ,book ,market before ,printing -- ,medival ,libraries -- ,cost of ,manuscripts -- ',stationarii' and ',peciarii' -- ,negligence of ,copyists -- ,discovery of ,classical ,codices -- ,boccaccio at ,monte ,cassino -- ,poggio at ,constance -- ,convent of ,s4 ,gallen -- ,bruni's ,letter to ,poggio -- ,manuscripts ,discovered by ,poggio -- ,nicholas of ,treves -- ,collection of ,greek ,manuscripts -- ,aurispa1 ,filelfo1 and ,guarino -- ,the ,ruins of ,rome -- ,their ,influence on ,humanism -- ,dante and ,villani -- ,rienzi -- ,his ,idealistic ,patriotism -- ,vanity -- ,political ,incompetence -- ,petrarch's ,relations with ,rienzi -- ,injury to ,monuments in ,rome -- ,poggio's ,roman ,topography -- ,sentimental ,feeling for the ,ruins of ,antiquity -- ,ciriac of ,ancona #hc ,,chapter ,,iv ,,second ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,intricacy of the ,subject -- ,division into ,four ,periods -- ,place of ,florence -- ,social ,conditions favourable to ,culture -- ,palla degli ,strozzi -- ,his ,encouragement of ,greek ,studies -- ,plan of a ,public ,library -- ,his ,exile -- ,cosimo de' ,medici -- ,his ,patronage of ,learning -- ,political ,character -- ,love of ,building -- ,generosity to ,students -- ,foundation of ,libraries -- ,vespasiano and ,thomas of ,sarzana -- ,niccolo de' ,niccoli -- ,his ,collection of ,codices -- ,description of his ,mode of ,life -- ,his ,fame as a ,latinist -- ,lionardo ,bruni -- ,his ,biography -- ,translations from the ,greek -- ,latin ,treatises and ,histories -- ,his ,burial in ,santa ,croce -- ,carlo ,aretino -- ,fame as a ,lecturer -- ,the ,florentine ,chancery -- ,matteo ,palmieri -- ,giannozzo ,manetti -- ,his ,hebrew ,studies -- ,his ,public ,career -- ,his ,eloquence -- ,manetti ruined by the ,medici -- ,his ,life in ,exile at ,naples -- ,estimate of his ,talents -- ,ambrogio ,traversari -- ,study of ,greek ,fathers -- ,general of the ,camaldolese ,order -- ,humanism and ,monasticism -- ,the ,council of ,florence -- ,florentine ,opinion about the ,greeks -- ,gemistos ,plethon -- ,his ,life -- ,his ,philosophy -- ,his ,influence at ,florence -- ,cosimo de' ,medici and the ,florentine ,academy -- ,study of ,plato -- ,plethon's ,writings -- ,platonists and ,aristotelians in ,italy and ,greece -- ,bessarion -- ,his ,patronage of ,greek ,refugees in ,rome -- ,humanism in the ,smaller ,republics -- ,in ,venice #aae ,,chapter ,v ,,second ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,transition from ,florence to ,rome -- ,vicissitudes of ,learning at the ,papal ,court -- ,diplomatic ,humanists -- ,protonotaries -- ,apostolic ,scribes -- ,ecclesiastical ,sophists -- ,immorality and ,artificiality of ,scholarship in ,rome -- ,poggio and ,bruni1 ,secretaries -- ,eugenius ,,iv4 -- ,his ,patronage of ,scholars -- ,flavio ,biondo -- ,solid ,erudition -- ,nicholas ,v4 -- ,his ,private ,history -- ,nature of his ,talents -- ,his unexpected ,elevation to the ,roman ,see -- ,jubilation of the ,humanists -- ,his ,protection of ,learned ,men in ,rome -- ,a ,workshop of ,erudition -- ,a ,factory of ,translations -- ,high ,sums paid for ,literary ,labour -- ,poggio ,fiorentino -- ,his ,early ,life -- ,his ,journeys -- ,his ,eminence as a ,man of ,letters -- ,his attitude towards ,ecclesiastics -- ,his ,invectives -- ,humanistic ,gladiators -- ,poggio and ,filelfo -- ,poggio and ,guarino -- ,poggio and ,valla -- ,poggio and ,perotti -- ,poggio and ,georgios ,trapezuntios -- ,literary ,scandals -- ,poggio's ,collections of ,antiquities -- ,chancellor of ,florence -- ,cardinal ,bessarion -- ,his ,library -- ,theological ,studies -- ,apology for ,plato -- ,the ,greeks in ,italy -- ,humanism at ,naples -- ,want of ,culture in ,southern ,italy -- ,learning an ,exotic -- ,alfonso the ,magnificent -- ,scholars in the ,camp -- ,literary ,dialogues at ,naples -- ,antonio ,beccadelli -- ,the ',hermaphroditus' -- ,lorenzo ,valla -- ,the ,epicurean -- ,the ,critic -- ,the ,opponent of the ,church -- ,bartolommeo ,fazio -- ,giannantonio ,porcello -- ,court of ,milan -- ,filippo ,maria ,visconti -- ,decembrio's ,description of his ,master -- ,francesco ,filelfo -- ,his ,early ,life -- ,visit to ,constantinople -- ,place at ,court -- ,marriage -- ,return to ,italy -- ,venice -- ,bologna -- ,his ,pretensions as a ,professor -- ,florence -- ,feuds with the ,florentines -- ,immersion in ,politics -- ,siena -- ,settles at ,milan -- ,his ,fame -- ,private ,life and ,public ,interests -- ,overtures to ,rome -- ,filelfo under the ,sforza ,tyranny -- ,literary ,brigandage -- ,death at ,florence -- ,filelfo as the ,representative of a ,class -- ,vittorino da ,feltre -- ,early ,education -- ,scheme of ,training ,youths as ,scholars -- ,residence at ,padua -- ,residence at ,mantua -- ,his ,school of ,princes -- ,liberality to ,poor ,students -- ,details of his ,life and ,system -- ,court of ,ferrara -- ,guarino da ,verona -- ,house ,tutor of ,lionello d',este -- ,giovanni ,aurispa -- ,smaller ,courts -- ,carpi -- ,mirandola -- ,rimini and the ,malatesta ,tyrants -- ,cesena -- ,pesaro -- ,urbino and ,duke ,frederick -- ,vespasiano da ,bisticci #aee ,,chapter ,,vi ,,third ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,improvement in ,taste and ,criticism -- ,coteries and ,academies -- ,revival of ,italian ,literature -- ,printing -- ,florence1 the ,capital of ,learning -- ,lorenzo de' ,medici and his ,circle -- ,public ,policy of ,lorenzo -- ,literary ,patronage -- ,variety of his ,gifts -- ,meetings of the ,platonic ,society -- ,marsilio ,ficino -- ,his ,education for ,platonic ,studies -- ,translations of ,plato and the ,neoplatonists -- ,harmony between ,plato and ,christianity -- ,giovanni ,pico -- ,his ,first ,appearance in ,florence -- ,his ,theses proposed at ,rome -- ,censure of the ,church -- ,his ,study of the ,cabbala -- ,large ,conception of ,learning -- ,occult ,science -- ,cristoforo ,landino -- ,professor of ,fine ,literature -- ,virgilian ,studies -- ,camaldolese ,disputations -- ,leo ,battista ,alberti -- ,his ,versatility -- ,bartolommeo ,scala -- ,obscure ,origin -- ,chancellor of ,florence -- ,angelo ,poliziano -- ,early ,life -- ,translation of ,homer -- ,the ',homericus ,juvenis' -- ,true ,genius in ,poliziano -- ,command of ,latin and ,greek -- ,resuscitation of ,antiquity in his own ,person -- ,his ,professorial ,work -- ,the ',miscellanea' -- ,relation to ,medici -- ,roman ,scholarship in this ,period -- ,pius ,,ii4 -- ,pomponius ,ltus -- ,his ,academy and ,mode of ,life -- ,persecution under ,paul ,,ii4 -- ,humanism at ,naples -- ,pontanus -- ,his ,academy -- ,his ,writings -- ,academies established in all ,towns of ,italy -- ,introduction of ,printing -- ,sweynheim and ,pannartz -- ,the ,early ,venetian ,press -- ,florence -- ,cennini -- ,alopa's ,homer -- ,change in ,scholarship effected by ,printing -- ,the ,life of ,aldo ,manuzio -- ,the ,princely ,house of ,pio at ,carpi -- ,greek ,books before ,aldo -- ,the ,aldine ,press at ,venice -- ,history of its ,activity -- ,aldo and ,erasmus -- ,aldo and the ,greek ,refugees -- ,aldo's ,death -- ,his ,family and ,successors -- ,the ,neacademia -- ,the ,salvation of ,greek ,literature #bbd ,,chapter ,,vii ,,fourth ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,fall of the ,humanists -- ,scholarship permeates ,society -- ,a ,new ,ideal of ,life and ,manners -- ,latinisation of ,names -- ,classical ,periphrases -- ,latin ,epics on ,christian ,themes -- ,paganism -- ,the ,court of ,leo ,x4 -- ,honours of the ,church given to ,scholars -- ,ecclesiastical ,men of the ,world -- ,mcenases at ,rome -- ,papal and ,imperial ,rome -- ,moral ,corruption -- ,social ,refinement -- ,the ,roman ,academy -- ,pietro ,bembo -- ,his ,life at ,ferrara -- ,at ,urbino -- ,comes to ,rome -- ,employed by ,leo -- ,retirement to ,padua -- ,his ,dictatorship of ,letters -- ,jacopo ,sadoleto -- ,a ,graver ,genius than ,bembo -- ,paulus ,jovius -- ,latin ,stylist -- ,his ,histories -- ,baldassare ,castiglione -- ,life at ,urbino and ,rome -- ,the ,courtly ,scholar -- ,his ,diplomatic ,missions -- ,alberto ,pio -- ,gian ,francesco ,pico della ,mirandola -- ,the ,vicissitudes of his ,life -- ,jerome ,aleander -- ,oriental ,studies -- ,the ,library of the ,vatican -- ,his ,mission to ,germany -- ,inghirami1 ,beroaldo1 and ,acciaiuoli -- ,the ,roman ,university -- ,john ,lascaris -- ,study of ,antiquities -- ,origin of the ',corpus ,inscriptionum' -- ,topographical ,studies -- ,formation of the ,vatican ,sculpture ,gallery -- ,discovery of the ,laocoon -- ,feeling for ,statues in ,renaissance ,italy -- ,venetian ,envoys in the ,belvedere -- ,raphael's ,plan for ,excavating ,ancient ,rome -- ,his ,letter to ,leo -- ,effect of ,antiquarian ,researches on the ,arts -- ,intellectual ,supremacy of ,rome in this ,period -- ,the ,fall -- ,adrian ,,vi4 -- ,the ,sack of ,rome -- ,valeriano's ,description of the ,sufferings of ,scholars #bhd ,,chapter ,,viii ,,latin ,,poetry ,special ,causes for the ,practice of ,latin ,versification in ,italy -- ,the ,want of an ,italian ,language -- ,multitudes of ,poetasters -- ,beccadelli -- ,alberti's ',philodoxus' -- ,poliziano -- ,the ',sylv' -- ',nutricia1' ',rusticus1' ',manto1' ',ambra' -- ,minor ,poems -- ,pontano -- ,sannazzaro -- ,elegies and ,epigrams -- ,christian ,epics -- ,vida's ',christiad' -- ,vida's ',poetica' -- ,fracastoro -- ,the ',syphilis' -- ,barocco ,flatteries -- ,bembo -- ,immoral ,elegies -- ,imitations of ,ovid and ,tibullus -- ,the ',benacus' -- ,epitaphs -- ,navagero -- ,epigrams and ,eclogues -- ,molsa -- ,poem on his own ,death -- ,castiglione -- ',alcon' and ',lycidas' -- ,verses of ,society -- ,the ,apotheosis of the ,popes -- ,poem on the ,ariadne of the ,vatican -- ,sadoleto's ,verses on the ,laocoon -- ,flaminio -- ,his ,life -- ,love of the ,country -- ,learned ,friends -- ,scholar-,poets of ,lombardy -- ,extinction of ,learning in ,florence -- ,decay of ,italian ,erudition #cbd ,,chapter ,,ix ,,conclusion ,general ,survey -- ,the ,part played in the ,revival by the ,chief ,cities -- ,preoccupation with ,scholarship in spite of ,war and ,conquest -- ,place of the ,humanists in ,society -- ,distributors of ,praise and ,blame -- ,flattery and ,libels -- ,comparison with the ,sophists -- ,the ,form preferred to the ,matter of ,literature -- ,ideal of ,culture as an end in itself -- ,suspicion of ,zealous ,churchmen -- ,intrusion of ,humanism into the ,church -- ,irreligion of the ,humanists -- ,gyraldi's ',progymnasma' -- ,ariosto -- ,bohemian ,life -- ,personal ,immorality -- ,want of ,fixed ,principles -- ,professional ,vanity -- ,literary ,pride -- ,estimate of ,humanistic ,literature -- ,study of ,style -- ,influence of ,cicero -- ,valla's ',eleganti' -- ,stylistic ,puerilities -- ,value attached to ,rhetoric -- ',oratore' -- ,moral ,essays -- ,epistolography -- ,histories -- ,critical and ,antiquarian ,studies -- ,large ,appreciation of ,antiquity -- ,liberal ,spirit -- ,poggio and ,jerome of ,prague -- ,humanistic ,type of ,education -- ,its ,diffusion through ,europe -- ,future ,prospects -- ,decay of ,learning in ,italy #cgb ,,renaissance ,,in ,,italy ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,men ,,of ,,the ,,renaissance ,formation of ,conscious ,personality in ,italy -- ,aristocracy of ,intellect -- ,self-culture as an ,aim -- ,want of ,national ,architecture -- ,want of ,national ,drama -- ,eminence of ,sculpture and ,painting -- ,peculiar ,capacity for ,literature -- ,scholarship -- ,men of ,many-sided ,genius -- ,their ,relation to the ,age -- ,conflict between ,medival ,tradition and ,humanism -- ,petrarch -- ,the ,meaning of the ,revival begun by him -- ,cosmopolitan ,philosophy -- ,toleration -- ,an ,intellectual ,empire -- ,worldliness -- ,confusion of ,impulses and ,inspirations -- ,copernicus and ,columbus -- ,christianity and the ,classics -- ,italian ,incapacity for ,religious ,reformation -- ,free ,thought takes the form of ,license -- ,harmonies attempted between ,christianity and ,antique ,philosophy -- ,florentine ,academy -- ,physical ,qualities of the ,italians -- ,portraits of ,two ,periods -- ,physical ,exercises -- ,determination of the ,race to ,scholarship -- ,ancient ,memories of ,rome -- ,the ,cult of ,antiquity -- ,desire of ,fame -- ,fame to be found in ,literature -- ,the ,cult of ,intellect -- ,the ,cult of ,character -- ,preoccupation with ,personal ,details -- ,biography -- ,ideal ,sketches -- ,posthumous ,glory -- ,enthusiasm for ,erudition -- ,piero de' ,pazzi -- ,florence and ,athens -- ,paganism -- ,real ,value of ,italian ,humanism -- ,pico on the ,dignity of ,man4 ,the conditions1 political1 social1 moral1 and religious1 described in the first volume of this work1 produced among the ,italians a type of character nowhere else observable in ,europe4 ,this character1 highly self-conscious and mentally mature1 was needed for the intellectual movement of the ,renaissance4 ,italy had proved herself incapable of forming an united nation1 or of securing the principle of federal coherence2 of maintaining a powerful military system1 or of holding her own against the ,french and ,spaniards4 ,for these defects her ,communes and her ,despots1 the ,papacy and the kingdom of ,naples1 the theories of the medival doctrinaires and the enthusiasm of the humanists1 were alike responsible2 though the larger share belongs to ,rome1 resolutely hostile to the monarchical principle1 and zealous1 by espousing the ,guelf faction1 to maintain the discord of the nation4 ,at the same time the very causes of political disunion were favourable to the intellectual growth of the ,italians4 ,each ,state1 whether republican or despotic1 had1 during the last years of the ,middle ,ages1 formed a mixed society of nobles1 merchants1 and artisans1 enclosed within the circuit of the city walls1 and strongly marked by the peculiar complexion of their native place4 ,every town was a centre of activity and industry1 eagerly competing with its neighbours1 proud of its local characteristics1 anxious to confer distinction on citizens who rose to eminence by genius or practical ability4 ,party strife in the republics1 while it disturbed their internal repose1 sharpened the intellect and strengthened the personality of the burghers4 ,exile and proscription1 the common climax of civic warfare1 made them still more self-determined and self-reliant by driving each man back upon his own resources4 ,the despots1 again1 through the illegal tenure of their authority1 were forced to the utmost possible development of individual character3 since all their fortunes depended on their qualities as men4 ,the plots and counter-plots of subjects eager for a change of government1 and of neighbours anxious to encroach upon their territory1 kept the atmosphere of their ,courts in a continual state of agitation4 ,one type of ability was fostered by the diplomatic relations of the several cities1 yielding employment to a multitude of secretaries and ambassadors2 another by the system of ,condottiere warfare1 offering a brilliant career to ambitious adventurers4 ,in all departments open to a man of talent birth was of less importance than natural gifts2 for the social barriers and grades of feudalism had either never existed in ,italy1 or had been shaken and confounded during the struggles of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries4 ,the ranks of the tyrants were filled with sons of ,popes and captains risen from the proletariat4 ,the ruling class in the republics consisted of men self-made by commerce2 and here the name at least of ,popolo was sovereign4 ,it followed that men were universally rated at what they proved themselves to be2 and thus an aristocracy of genius and character grew up in ,italy at a period when the rest of ,europe presented but rare specimens of individuals emergent from the common herd4 ,as in ancient ,greece1 the nation was of less importance than the city1 and within the city personal ability carried overwhelming weight4 ,the ,italian history of the ,renaissance resumes itself in the biography of men greater than their race1 of mental despots1 who absorbed its forces in themselves4 ,the intellectual and moral milieu created by multitudes of self-centred1 cultivated personalities was necessary for the evolution of that spirit of intelligence1 subtle1 penetrative1 and elastic1 that formed the motive force of the ,renaissance4 ,the work achieved by ,italy for the world in that age was less the work of a nation than that of men of power1 less the collective and spontaneous triumph of a puissant people than the aggregate of individual efforts animated by one soul of free activity1 a common striving after fame4 ,this is noticeable at the very outset4 ,the ,italians had no national ,epic3 their ,divine ,comedy is the poem of the individual man4 ,petrarch erects self-culture to the rank of an ideal1 and proposes to move the world from the standpoint of his study1 darting his spirit's light through all the void circumference1 and making thought a power4 ,the success and the failure of the ,italians are alike referable to their political subdivisions1 and to this strong development of their personality4 ,we have already seen how they fell short of national unity and of military greatness4 ,even in the realm of art and literature the same conditions were potent4 ,some of the chief productions of humanity seem to require the co-operation of whole peoples working sympathetically to a common end4 ,foremost among these are architecture and the drama4 ,the most splendid triumphs of modern architecture in the ,french and ,english ,gothic were achieved by the half-unconscious striving of the national genius through several centuries4 ,the names of the builders of the cathedrals are unknown3 the cathedrals themselves bear less the stamp of individual thought than of popular instinct2 their fame belongs to the race that made them1 to the spirit of the times that gave them birth4 ,it is not in architecture1 therefore1 that we expect the ,italians1 divided into small and rival ,states1 and distinguished by salient subjectivity1 to show their strength4 ,men like ,niccola ,pisano1 ,arnolfo del ,cambio1 ,alberti1 ,brunelleschi1 and ,bramante were gifted with an individuality too paramount for the creation of more than mighty experiments in architecture4 ,they bowed to no tradition1 but followed the dictates of their own inventive impulse1 selecting the types that suited them1 and dealing freely with the forms they found around them4 ,instead of seeking to carry on toward its accomplishment a style1 not made1 but felt and comprehended by their genius1 they were eager to produce new and characteristic masterpieces--signs and symbols of their own peculiar quality of mind4 ,italy is full of splendid but imperfect monuments of personal ability1 works of beauty displaying no unbroken genealogy of unknown craftsmen1 but attesting the skill of famous artists4 ,for the practical architect her palaces and churches may1 for this reason1 be less instructive and less attractive than the public buildings of ,france4 ,yet for the student of national and personal characteristics1 who loves to trace the physiognomy of a people in its edifices1 to discover the mind of the artist in his work1 their interest is unrivalled4 ,in each city the specific genius loci meets us face to face3 from each town-hall or cathedral the soul of a great man leans forth to greet our own4 ,these advantages compensate for frequent extravagances1 for audacities savouring of ignorance1 and for awkwardness in the adoption and modification of incongruous styles4 ,moreover1 it must always be remembered that in ,italy the architect could not forget the monuments of ,roman and ,byzantine art around him4 ,classic models had to be suited to the requirements of modern life and ,christian ritual2 and when the ,germans brought their ,gothic from beyond the ,alps1 it suffered from its adaptation to a southern climate4 ,the result was that ,italy arrived at no great national tradition in architecture1 and that free scope was offered to the whims and freaks of individual designers4 ,when at length1 at the end of the sixteenth century1 the ,italians attained to uniformity of taste1 it was by the sacrifice of their originality4 ,the pedantry of the classical revival did more harm to architecture than to letters1 and pseudo-,roman purism superseded the genial caprices of the previous centuries4 ,if architecture may be said to have suffered in ,italy from the supremacy of local characteristics and personal genius1 overruling tradition and thwarting the evolution of a national style1 the case was quite different with the other arts4 ,painting and sculpture demand the highest independence in the artist1 and are susceptible of a far more many-sided treatment than architecture4 ,they cannot be the common product of a people1 but require the conscious application of a special ability to the task of translating thought and feeling into form4 ,as painters1 the ,italians hold the first rank among civilised nations of the modern and the ancient world2 and their inferiority as sculptors to the ,greeks is mainly due to their mastery over painting1 the essentially romantic art4 ,the sensibilities of the new age craved a more emotional and agitated expression than is proper to sculpture4 ,as early as the days of ,ghiberti and ,donatello it became clear that the ,italian sculptors were following the methods of the sister art in their designs1 while ,michael ,angelo alone had force enough to make marble the vehicle of thoughts that properly belong to painting or to music4 ,the converse probably held good with the ,greeks4 ,what remains of their work in fresco and mosaic seems to show that they were satisfied with groups and figures modelled upon bas-reliefs and statues2 just as the ,florentines carved pictures1 with architecture and landscape1 in stone4 ,more need not here be said upon this topic1 since the achievements of the ,italians in painting and in sculpture will form a main part of my history4 ,as regards literature1 the subdivision of ,italy into numerous small ,states and the energetic self-assertion of the individual were distinctly favourable4 ,though the want of a great public1 such as can alone be found in the capital of a free1 united nation1 may be reckoned among the many reasons which prevented the ,italians from developing the drama1 yet the rivalry of town with town and of burgher with burgher1 ,court life with its varied opportunities for the display of talent1 and municipal life with its restless competition in commerce and public affairs1 encouraged the activity of students1 historians1 statisticians1 critics1 and poets4 ,culture1 in the highest and widest sense of the word1 was what ,renaissance ,italy obtained and gave to ,europe2 and this culture implies a full-formed personality in the men who seek it4 ,it was the highly perfected individuality of the ,italians that made them first emerge from medival bondage and become the apostles of humanism for the modern world4 ,it may be regretted that their force was expended upon the diffusion of learning and the purification of style1 instead of being concentrated on the creation of national masterpieces4 ,we seek in vain for ,dante's equal among the poets of the ,renaissance4 ,the ',orlando ,furioso' is but a poor second to the ',divina ,commedia2' and all those works of scholarship1 which seemed to our ancestors the ne plus ultra of refinement1 are now relegated to the lumber-room of erudition that has been superseded1 or of literary ingenuity that has lost its point4 ,now that the boon of culture1 so hardly won by the students of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries1 has become the common heritage of ,europe1 it is not always easy to explain the mental grandeur of the ,italians in that age4 ,yet we should fail to recognise their merit1 if we did not comprehend that1 precisely by this absorption of their genius in the task of the ,revival1 they conferred the most enduring benefits upon humanity4 ,what the modern world would have been1 if the ,italian nation had not devoted its energies to the restoration of liberal learning1 cannot even be imagined4 ,the history of that devotion will form the principal subject of my present volume4 ,the comprehensive and many-sided natures1 frequent in ,renaissance ,italy1 were specially adapted for the dissemination of the new spirit4 ,the appearance of such men as ,leo ,battista ,alberti1 ,lionardo da ,vinci1 ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 ,brunelleschi and ,buonarroti1 ,poliziano and ,pico della ,mirandola1 upon the stage of the ,renaissance is not the least fascinating of its phenomena4 ,we can only find their parallels by returning to the age of ,pericles4 ,but the problem for the ,florentines differed from that which the ,athenians had before them4 ,in ,greece1 the morning-land of civilisation1 men of genius1 each perfect in his own capacity1 were needed4 ,standards had to be created for the future guidance of the world in all the realms of art and thought4 ,we are therefore less struck with the versatility than with the concentration of ,pheidias1 ,pindar1 ,sophocles1 ,socrates4 ,italy1 on the other hand1 had for her task the reabsorption of a bygone culture4 ,it was her vocation to resuscitate antiquity1 to gather up afresh the products of the classic past1 and so to blend them with the medival spirit as to generate what is specifically modern4 ,it was indispensable that the men by whom this work was accomplished should be no less distinguished for largeness of intelligence1 variety of acquirements1 quickness of sympathy1 and sensitive susceptibility1 than for the complete development of some one faculty4 ,the great characters of the ,greek age were what ,hegel calls plastic1 penetrated through and through with a specific quality4 ,those of the ,italian age were comprehensive and encyclopdic2 the intensity of their force in any one sphere is less remarkable than its suitableness to all4 ,they were of a nature to synthesise1 interpret1 reproduce1 and mould afresh--like ,mr4 ,browning's ,cleon1 with the addition of the consciousness of young and potent energy within them4 ,it consequently happens that1 except in the sphere of the ,fine ,arts1 we are tempted to underrate the heroes of the ,renaissance4 ,the impression they leave upon our minds at any one point is slight in comparison with the estimate we form of them when we consider each man as a whole4 ,nor can we point to monumental and colossal works in proof of their creative faculty4 ,the biographies of universal geniuses like ,leo ,battista ,alberti or ,lionardi ,transcriber's ,note3 ,lionardo da ,vinci1 so multiform in their capacity and so creative in their intuitions1 prompt us to ask what is the connection between the spirit of an age and the men in whom it is incorporated4 ,not without reason are we forced to personify the ,renaissance as something external to its greatest characters4 ,there is an intellectual strength outside them in the century1 a heritage of power prepared for them at birth4 ,the atmosphere in which they breathe is so charged with mental vitality that the least stirring of their special energy brings them into relation with forces mightier than are the property of single natures4 ,in feebler periods of retrospect and criticism we can but wonder at the combination of faculties so varied1 and at miracles so easily accomplished4 ,these times of clairvoyance and of intellectual magnetism1 when individuals of genius appear to move like vibrios in a life-sustaining fluid specially adapted to their needs1 are rare in the history of the world2 nor has our science yet arrived at analysing their causes4 ,they are not on that account the less real4 ,to explain them by the hypothesis of a ,weltgeist1 the collective spirit of humanity proceeding in its evolution through successive phases1 and making its advance from stage to stage by alternations of energy and repose1 is simply to restore1 in other terms1 a mystery that finds its final and efficient cause in ,god4#b ,footnote #b3 ,the analogy of the individual might be quoted4 ,we are aware within ourselves of times when thought is fertile and insight clear1 times of conception and projection1 followed by seasons of slow digestion1 assimilation1 and formation1 when the creative faculty stagnates1 and the whole force of the intellect is absorbed in mastering through years what it took minutes to divine4 ,gifted with the powerful individuality ,i am attempting to describe1 the men of the ,renaissance received their earliest education in the religion of the ,middle ,ages1 their second in the schools of ,greece and ,rome4 ,it was the many-sided struggle of personal character with time-honoured tradition on the one hand1 and with new ideals on the other1 that lent so much of inconsistency and contradiction to their aims4 ,dante remained within the pale of medival thoughts1 and gave them full poetical expression4 ,to him1 in a truer sense than to any other poet1 belongs the double glory of immortalising in verse the centuries behind him1 while he inaugurated the new age4 ,the ',vita ,nuova' and the ',divina ,commedia' are modern1 in so far as the one is the first complete analysis of personal emotion1 and the other is the epic of the soul conceived as concrete personality4 ,but the form and colour1 the material and structure1 the warp of thought and the woof of fancy1 are not modern4 ,petrarch opens a new era4 ,he is not satisfied with the body of medival beliefs and intellectual conceptions4 ,antiquity presents a more fascinating ideal to his spirit1 and he feels the subjectivity within him strong enough to assimilate what suits it in the present and the past4 ,the ,revival of ,learning1 begun by ,petrarch1 was no mere renewal of interest in classic literature4 ,it was the emancipation of the reason in a race of men1 intolerant of control1 ready to criticise accepted canons of conduct1 enthusiastic in admiration of antique liberty1 freshly awakened to the sense of beauty1 and anxious above all things to secure for themselves free scope in spheres outside the region of authority4 ,men so vigorous and independent felt the joy of exploration4 ,there was no problem they feared to face1 no formula they were not eager to recast according to their new convictions4 ,this liberty of judgment did not of necessity lead to lawlessness2 nor in any case did it produce that insurgence against ,catholic orthodoxy which marked the ,german ,reformation4 ,yet it lent a characteristic quality to thought and action4 ,men were1 and dared to be1 themselves for good or evil without too much regard for what their neighbours thought of them4 ,at the same time they were tolerant4 ,the culture of the ,renaissance implied a philosophical acceptance of variety in fashion1 faith1 and conduct2 and this toleration was no doubt one reason why ,italian scepticism took the form of cynicism1 not of religious revolution4 ,contact with ,islam in the south and east1 diplomatic relations with the ,turks1 familiarity with the mixed races of ,spain1 and commerce with the nations of the north1 had widened the sympathies of the ,italians1 and taught them to regard humanity as one large family4 ,the liberal spirits of the ,renaissance might have quoted ,marcus ,aurelius with slight alteration3 ',i will not say1 dear ,city of ,st4 ,peter1 but1 dear ,city of ,man6' ,and just as their moral and religious sensibilities were blunted1 so patriotism with them ceased to be an instinct4 ,instead of patriotism1 the ,italians were inflamed with the zeal of cosmopolitan culture4 ,in proportion as ,italy lost year by year the hope of becoming an united nation1 in proportion as the military instincts died in her1 and the political instincts were extinguished by despotism1 in precisely the same ratio did she evermore acquire a deeper sense of her intellectual vocation4 ,what was world-embracing in the spirit of the medival ,church passed by transmutation into the humanism of the fifteenth century4 ,as though aware of the hopelessness of being ,italians in the same sense as the natives of ,spain were ,spaniards1 or the natives of ,france were ,frenchmen1 the giants of the ,renaissance did their utmost to efface their nationality in order that they might the more effectually restore the cosmopolitan ideal of the human family4 ,to this end both artists and scholars1 the depositaries of the real ,italian greatness at this epoch1 laboured2 the artists by creating an ideal of beauty with a message and a meaning for all ,europe1 the scholars by recovering for ,europe the burghership of ,greek and ,roman civilisation4 ,in spite of the invasions and convulsions that ruined ,italy between the years #adid and #aebg1 the painters and the humanists proceeded with their task1 as though the fate of ,italy concerned them not1 as though the destinies of the modern world depended on their activity4 ,after ,venice had been desolated by the armies of the ,league of ,cambray1 ,aldus ,manutius presented the peace-gift of ,plato to the foes of his adopted city2 and when the ,lutherans broke into ,parmegiano's workshop at ,rome1 even they were awed by the tranquil majesty of the ,virgin on his easel4 ,stories like these remind us that ,renaissance ,italy met her doom of servitude and degradation in the spirit of ancient ,hellas1 repeating as they do the tales told of ,archimedes in his study1 and of ,paulus milius face to face with the ,zeus of ,pheidias4 ,as patriotism gave way to cosmopolitan enthusiasm1 and toleration took the place of earnestness1 in like manner the conflict of medival tradition with revived ,paganism in the minds of these self-reliant men1 trained to indulgence by their large commerce with the world1 and familiarised with impiety by the ever-present pageant of an anti-,christian ,church1 led1 as ,i have hinted1 to recklessness and worldly vices1 rather than to reformed religion4 ,contented with themselves and their surroundings1 they felt none of the unsatisfied cravings after the infinite1 none of the mysterious intuitions and ascetic raptures1 the self-abasements and transfigurations1 stigmata and beatific visions1 of the ,middle ,ages4 ,the plenitude of life within them seemed to justify their instincts and their impulses1 however varied and discordant these might be4 ,the sonorous current of the world around them drowned the voice of conscience1 the suggestion of religious scruples4 ,it is only thus we can explain to ourselves the attitude of such men as ,sixtus and ,alexander1 serenely vicious in extreme old age4 ,the gratification of their egotism was so complete as to exclude self-judgment by the rules and standards they professionally applied2 their personality was too exacting to admit of hesitation when their instincts were concerned2 in common with their age they had lost sight of all but mundane aims and interests4 ,three aphorisms1 severally attributed to three representative ,italians1 may be quoted in illustration of these remarks4 ',you follow infinite objects2 ,i follow the finite2' said ,cosimo de' ,medici2 'you place your ladders in the heavens2 ,i on earth1 that ,i may not seek so high or fall so low4' ',if we are not ourselves pious1' said ,julius ,,ii41 'why should we prevent other people from being so8' ',let us enjoy the ,papacy1' said ,leo ,x41 'now that ,god has given it to us4' ,it was only under the influence of some external terror--a plague1 a desolating war1 an imminent peril to the nation--that the religious sense1 deadened by worldliness and selfish philosophy1 made itself felt4 ,at such seasons whole cities rushed headlong into fierce revivalism1 while men of violent or profligate lives saw visions1 and betook themselves to penance4 ,cellini's ,memoirs are1 on this point1 a valuable mirror of the age in which he lived4 ,it is clear that his ecstasies of devotion in the dungeons of ,s4 ,angelo were as sincere as the fiery impulses he obeyed with so much complacency4 ,passionate and worldly as men of ,cellini's stamp might be1 they could not shake off the associations that bound them to the past4 ,the energy of their intense individuality took turn by turn the form and colour of ascetic piety and ,pagan sensuality2 and at times these strong contrasts of emotion seemed bordering upon insanity4 ,ungovernable natures1 swayed by no fixed principle1 and bent on moulding the world of thought afresh to suit their own desires1 became the puppets of astrological superstition1 the playthings of mad lust4 ,much that appears unaccountable and contradictory in the ,renaissance may be referred to this imperfect blending of ecclesiastical tradition and idealised ,paganism in natures potent enough to be original and wilful1 but not yet tamed from semi-savagery into acquiescence by experience4 ,experience came to the ,italians in servitude beneath the heel of ,spain4 ,the confusion of influences1 classical and medival1 ,christian and ,pagan1 in that age is not the least extraordinary of its phenomena4 ,even the new thoughts that illuminated the minds of great discoverers1 seemed to them like reflections from antiquity2 and while they were opening fresh worlds1 their hearts were turned toward the ,holy ,land of the ,crusades4 ,columbus and ,copernicus1 the two men who did more than any others to revolutionise the mental attitude of humanity1 appealed to their contemporaries on the strength of texts from ,aristotle and ,philolaus4 ,conscious that the guesses of the ,greek cosmographers had stimulated in themselves that curiosity whereby they made the motion of the earth a certainty1 and found a way across the waves to a new continent1 these mighty spirits forgot how slight in reality was their debt to the inert speculators of the classic age4 ,the truth was that in them throbbed a force of enterprise and conquering discovery1 a spirit of exploration resolute and hardy1 denied to the ancients4 ,how far this new and fruitful temper of the modern mind was due to ,christianity1 is a problem for the deepest speculation4 ,the conception of a ,god who had made no part of ,his world in vain1 of a ,christ who had bought with ,his blood the whole seed of ,adam1 and who imposed the preaching of the faith upon ,his followers as a duty1 wrought powerfully on ,columbus4 ,the ,crusades1 again1 had familiarised the nations with distant objects and ideal quests2 while chivalry was essentially antagonistic to positive and selfish aims4 ,the spirit of mankind had marched a long stage during the ,middle ,ages4 ,it was not possible now to conceive of ,god as a tranquil thinking upon thought1 with ,aristotle4 ,there was no ,augustus to set arbitrary limits to the empire of the world in the interest of a conquering nation1 or to make the two words orbs and urbs synonymous4 ,when ,strabo hazarded the opinion that there might be populous islands in the other hemisphere1 he added1 with the sublime indifference of a ,roman1 ',but these speculations have nothing in common with practical geography2 and if such islands exist1 they cannot support peoples of like origin with us4' ,such language was impossible for a man educated in the ,christian faith1 and imbued with the instincts of romanticism4 ,therefore1 though the study of ,strabo and ,ptolemy at ,pavia impressed ,columbus with the certainty of the new route across the ocean1 he owed the courage that sustained him to the conviction that ,god was leading him to a great end4 ',when ,i first undertook to start for the discovery of the ,indies1' he says in his will1 ',i intended to beg the ,king and ,queen to devote the whole of the money that might be drawn from these realms to ,jerusalem4' ,the religious yearning of the medival pilgrim added fervour to the conviction of the student1 who1 by reasoning on antique texts1 guessed the greatest secret of which the world has record4 ,at the same time there was something more in ,columbus than either antiquity or medivalism could provide4 ,the modern spirit is distinct from both2 and though1 in the ,renaissance1 creation wore the garb of imitation1 and the new forces used the organs they were destined to outlive and destroy1 yet we must allow to native personality the lion's share in such achievement as that of ,columbus4 ,it is the variety of spiritual elements in combination and solution1 which he illustrates1 that makes the psychology of the ,renaissance at once so fascinating and so difficult to analyse4 ,while so much liberty of thought prevailed in ,italy1 it may be wondered why the ,renaissance1 eminently fertile in the domains of art and culture1 bore but meagre fruit in those of religion and philosophy4 ,the ,german ,reformation was the ,renaissance of ,christianity2 and in this the ,italians had no share1 though it should be remembered that1 without their previous labours in the field of scholarship1 the band who led the ,reformation could hardly have given that high intellectual character to the movement which made it a new starting-point in the history of the reason4 ,to expect from ,italy the ethical regeneration of the modern world would be to misapprehend her true vocation2 art and erudition were sufficient to engage her spiritual energies4 ,the ,church again1 though by no means adverse to laxity in morals1 was jealous of heterodoxy4 ,so long as freethinkers confined their audacity to such matters as form the topic of ,poggio's ',faceti1' ,beccadelli's ',hermaphroditus1' or ,la ,casa's ',capitolo del ,forno1' the ,roman ,curia looked on and smiled approvingly4 ,the most obscene books to be found in any literature escaped the ,papal censure1 and ,aretino1 notorious for ribaldry1 aspired not wholly without reason to the scarlet of a cardinal4 ,but even in the fifteenth century the taint of heresy was dangerous1 and this peril was magnified when the ,lutheran schism had roused the ,papacy to a sense of its position4 ,under the patronage1 therefore1 of ecclesiastics1 in the depraved atmosphere of ,rome1 the free thought of the ,italians turned to licentiousness2 this suited the temper of the people1 fascinated by ,paganism and little inclined to raise debate upon matters of no practical utility4 ,those who reflected on religious topics kept their own counsel4 ,how purely political were the views of profound thinkers in ,italy upon all ,church questions may be gathered from the observations of ,guicciardini and ,machiavelli2 how little the most earnest antagonist of ungodly ecclesiastics dreamed of disturbing the ,catholic ,church system is clear in the biography of ,savonarola4#c ,the first satire of ,ariosto may be indicated as an epitome of the opinions entertained by sound and liberal intellects in ,italy upon the relation of ,papal ,rome to the nation4 ,there is not a trace in it of ,teutonic revolt against authority1 of pious yearning for a purer faith4 ,the standpoint of the critic1 though solid and sincere1 is worldly4 ,footnote #c3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of ,despots1 pp4 #bci1 #cej-cef1 #dae-dbj1 where ,i have endeavoured to treat these topics more at length4 ,true to culture as their main preoccupation1 the ,italian thinkers sought to philosophise faith by bringing ,christianity into harmony with antique speculation1 and forming for themselves a theism that should embrace the systems of the ,platonists and ,stoics1 the ,hebrew ,cabbala and the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,there is much that strikes us as both crude and pedantic1 at the same time infantine and pompous1 in the systems elaborated by those pioneers of modern eclecticism4 ,they lack the vigorous simplicity that gave its force to ,luther's intuition1 the sublime unity of ,spinoza's deductions4 ,the dross of erudition mingles with the pure gold of personal conviction2 while ,pagan phrases1 ill suited to express ,christian notions1 lend an air of unreality to the sincerest efforts after rational theology4 ,the ,platonic ,academy of ,florence was the centre of this search after the faith of culture1 whereof the real merit was originality1 and the true force lay in the conviction that humanity is one and indivisible4 ,its apostles were ,pico della ,mirandola and ,ficino4 ,it found lyrical expression in verses like the following1 translated by me from the ,greek hexameters of ,poliziano3-- ,o ,father1 ,lord enthroned on gold1 that dwellest in high heaven1 ,o ,king of all things1 deathless ,god1 ,thou ,pan supreme1 celestial6 ,that seest all1 and movest all1 and all with might sustainest1 ,older than oldest time1 of all first1 last1 and without ending6 ,the firmament of blessed souls1 of stars the heavenly splendour1 ,the giant sun himself1 the moon that in her circle shineth1 ,and streams and fountains1 earth and sea1 are things of ,thy creating1 ,thou givest life to all2 all these ,thou with ,thy ,spirit fillest4 ,the powers of earth1 and powers of heaven1 and they in pain infernal ,who pine below the roots of earth1 all these obey ,thy bidding4 ,behold1 ,i call upon ,thee now1 ,thy creature on earth dwelling1 ,poor1 short of life1 ,o ,god1 of clay a mean unworthy mortal1 ,repenting sorely of my sins1 and tears of sorrow shedding4 ,o ,god1 immortal ,father1 hear6 ,i cry to ,thee2 be gracious1 ,and from my breast of this vain world the soul-enslaving passion1 ,the demon's wiles1 the wilful lust1 that damns the impious1 banish6 ,wash throughly all my heart with ,thy pure ,spirit's rain abundant1 ,that ,i may love ,thee1 ,lord1 alone1 ,thee1 ,king of kings1 for ever4 ,this is but a poor substitute for the ,lord's ,prayer4 ,hell and purgatory are out of place in its theism4 ,greek3 ,chrysothronos and ,greek3 aitheri nain are tawdry epithets for ',our ,father which art in heaven4' ,yet it is precisely in these contradictions and confusions that we trace the sincerity of the ,renaissance spirit1 seeking to fuse together the vitality of the old faith and the forms of novel culture1 worshipping a ,deity created in the image of its own mind1 composite and incoherent4 ,physically1 the ,italians of the ,renaissance were equal to any task they chose to set themselves4 ,no mistake is greater than to suppose that1 because the summer climate of ,italy is hotter than our own1 therefore her children must be languid1 pleasure-loving1 and relaxed4 ,twelve months spent in ,tuscany would suffice to dissipate illusions about the enervating ,italian air1 even if the history of ancient ,rome were not a proof that the hardiest race of combatants and conquerors the world has ever seen were nurtured between ,soracte and the sea4 ,after the downfall of the ,empire1 what remained of native vigour in the ,latin cities found a refuge in the lagoons of ,venice and other natural strongholds4 ,walled towns in general retained a ,roman population4 ,the primitive ,italic races still existed in the valleys of the ,apennines1 while the ,ligurians held the ,genoese ,riviera2 nor were the ,etruscans extinct in ,tuscany4 ,it is true that ,rome had fused these races into a people using the same language4 ,yet the ethnologist will hardly allow that the differences noticeable between the several districts of ,italy were not connected with original varieties of stock4 ,to the people1 as ,rome had made it1 fresh blood was added by the ,goths1 ,lombards1 and ,germans descending from the ,north4 ,greeks1 ,arabs1 ,normans1 and1 in course of time1 ,franks influenced the ,south4 ,during the ,middle ,ages a new and mighty breed of men sprang into being by the combination of these diverse elements1 each district deriving specific quality from the varying proportions in which the chief constituents were mingled4 ,it is noticeable that where the ,roman-,etruscan blood was purest probably from mixture1 in the valley of the ,arno1 the modern ,italian genius found its home4 ,florence and her sister cities formed the language and the arts of ,italy4 ,to this race1 in conjunction with the natives of ,lombardy and ,central ,italy1 was committed the civilisation of ,europe in the fifteenth century4 ,it was only south of ,rome1 where the brutalising traditions of the ,roman latifundia had never yielded to the burgh-creating impulse of the ,middle ,ages1 that the ,italians were unfit for their great duty4 ,on these southern states the ,empire of the ,east1 ,saracen marauders and ,norman conquerors1 the ,french and the ,spanish dynasties1 had successively exercised a pernicious influence2 nor did the imperial policy of ,frederick ,,ii4 remain long enough in operation to effect a radical improvement in the people4 ,even at ,naples culture was always an exotic4 ,elsewhere throughout the peninsula the ,italians of the new age were a noble nation1 gifted with physical1 emotional1 and mental faculties in splendid harmony4 ,in some districts1 notably in ,florence1 circumstance and climate had been singularly favourable to the production of such glorious human beings as the world has rarely seen4 ,beauty of person1 strength of body1 and civility of manners were combined in the men of that favoured region with intellectual endowments of the highest order3 nor were these gifts of nature confined to a caste apart2 the whole population formed an aristocracy of genius4 ,in order to comprehend the greatness of this ,italian type in the ,renaissance1 it is only needful to study the picture galleries of ,florence or of ,venice with special attention to the portraits they contain4 ,when we compare those senators and sages with the subjects of ,drer's and of ,cranach's art1 we feel the physical superiority of the ,italians4 ,in like manner a comparison of the men of the fifteenth century with those of the sixteenth shows how much of that physical grandeur had been lost4 ,it is easy to wander astray while weaving subtle theories on this path of criticism4 ,yet it cannot be a mere accident that ,vandyck's portrait of the ,cardinal de' ,bentivogli in the ,pitti ,palace differs as it does from that of the ,cardinal ,ippolito de' ,medici by ,pontormo or by ,titian4 ,the ,medici is an ,italian of the ,renaissance1 with his imperious originality and defiance of convention4 ,he has refused to be portrayed as an ecclesiastic4 ,titian has painted him in ,hungarian costume of dark red velvet1 moustached1 and sworded like a soldier2 in ,pontormo's picture he wears a suit of mail1 and rests his left hand on a large white hound4 ,the ,bentivoglio is an ,italian of the type produced by the ,counter-,reformation4 ,his delicate lace ruffs1 the coquetry of his scarlet robes1 and the fine keen cut of his diplomatic features betray a new spirit4#d ,surely the physical qualities of a race change with the changes in their thought and feeling4 ,the beauty of ,tasso is more feminine and melancholy than that of ,ariosto1 in whom the liberal genius of the ,renaissance was yet alive4 ,among the scowling swordsmen of the seventeenth century you cannot find a face like ,giorgione's ,gattamelata2#e the nobles who bear themselves so proudly on the canvases of ,vandyck at ,genoa lack the urbanity of ,raphael's ,castiglione2 ,moroni's black-robed students are more pinched and withered than the ,pico of the ,uffizzi4 ,it will not do to strain such points4 ,it is enough to suggest them4 ,what remains1 however1 for certain is that the ,italians of the fifteenth century--and among these must be included those who lived through the first half of the sixteenth--had physical force and character corresponding to their robust individuality4 ,until quite late in the ,renaissance so much survived of feudal customs even in ,italy that riding1 the handling of the lance and sword1 and all athletic exercises formed a part of education no less indispensable than mental training4 ,great cities had open places set apart for tournaments and games2 in ,tuscan burghs the palio was run on feast days1 and ,may mornings saw the prentice lads of ,florence tilting beneath the smiles of girls who danced at nightfall on the square of ,santa ,trinit4 ,bloody battles in the streets were frequent4 ,the least provocation caused a man to draw his dagger4 ,combats a steccato chiuso were among the pastimes to which a ,pope might lend his countenance4 ,skill in swordsmanship was therefore a necessity4 ,for the rest1 we learn from ,castiglione that the perfect gentleman was bound to be an accomplished dancer1 a bold rider1 a skilled wrestler1 a swift runner1 to shoot well at the mark1 to hurl the javelin and the quoit with grace1 and to play at tennis and pallone4 ,in addition he ought to affect some one athletic exercise in such perfection as to beat professors of the same on their own ground4 ,cesare ,borgia took pride in felling an ox at a single blow1 and exhibited his marksman's cunning by shooting condemned criminals in a courtyard of the ,vatican4 ,footnote #d3 ,it would be easy to multiply these contrasts1 comprising1 for example1 the ,cardinals ,inghirami and ,bibbiena and the ,leo of ,raphael with the ,farnesi portraits at ,modena or the grave faces of ,moroni's patrons at ,bergamo4 ,footnote #e3 ,portrait in the ,uffizzi1 ascribed to ,giorgione1 but more probably by some pupil of ,mantegna4 ,that such men should have devoted their energies to intellectual culture at a time when ,english nobles could barely read or write1 and when the chivalry of ,france regarded learning with disdain1 was a proof of their rich natural endowments4 ,nor was the determination of the race to scholarship in any sense an accident4 ,throughout the length and breadth of ,italy1 memories of ancient greatness spurred her children on to emulation4 ,ghosts of ,roman patriots and poets seemed hovering round their graves1 and calling on posterity to give them life again4 ,if we cannot bring back ,greece and ,rome1 at least let us make ,florence a second ,athens1 and restore the ,muses to ,ausonian vales4 ,that was the cry4 ,it was while gazing on the ruins of ,rome that ,villani felt impelled to write his chronicle4 ,pavia honoured ,boethius like a saint4 ,mantua struck coins with the head of ,virgil1 and ,naples pointed out his tomb4 ,padua boasted of ,livy1 and ,como of the ,plinies4 ',sulmona1' cried ,boccaccio1 'mourns because she holds not ,ovid's dust2 and ,parma is glad that ,cassius rests within her walls4' ,such reverence for the great men of antiquity endured throughout the ,middle ,ages1 creating myths that swayed the fancy1 and forming in the popular consciousness a presentiment of the approaching age4 ,there is something pathetic in the survival of old ,roman titles1 in the freak of the legend-making imagination that gave to ,orlando the style of ,roman senator1 in the outburst of enthusiasm for ,rienzi when he called himself ,tribunus ,populi ,romani4 ,with the ,renaissance itself this affection for the past became a passion4 ,pius ,,ii4 amnestied the people of ,arpino because they were fellow-citizens of ,cicero4 ,alfonso of ,naples received as a most precious gift from ,venice a bone supposed to be the leg of ,livy4 ,all the patricians of ,italy invented classical pedigrees2 and even ,paul ,,ii41 because he was called ,barbo1 claimed descent from the ,ahenobarbi4 ,such instances might be multiplied indefinitely4 ,it is1 however1 more to the purpose here to notice that in ,italy this adoration of the antique world was common to all classes2 not students alone1 but the people at large regarded the dead grandeur of the classic age as their especial heritage4 ,to resuscitate that buried glory1 and to reunite themselves with the past1 was the earnest aim of the ,italians as a nation4 ,a conviction prevailed that the modern world could never be so radiant as the old4 ,this found its expression in the saying that ,rome's chief ornaments were her ruins2 in the belief that ,julia's corpse1 discovered in the ,appian ,way1 surpassed all living maidens2 in ,matarazzo's observation that ,astorre ,baglioni's body was worthy of an ancient ,roman4 ,in their admiration for antiquity1 scholars were blind to the specific glories of the modern genius4 ,lionardo ,bruni1 for example1 exclaimed that 'the ancient ,greeks by far excelled us ,italians in humanity and gentleness of heart4' ,yet what ,greek poem can be compared for tenderness with ,dante's ',vita ,nuova1' with the ',canzoniere' of ,petrarch1 or with the tale of ,griselda in ,boccaccio8 ,gentilezza di cuore was the most characteristic product of chivalry1 and the fourth neid is the only classic masterpiece of pure romantic pathos4 ,this humility of discipleship was not1 however1 strong enough to check emulation4 ,on the contrary1 the yearning towards antiquity acted like a potent stimulus on personal endeavour1 generating an acute desire for fame1 a burning aspiration to be numbered with the mighty men of old4 ,when ,virgil introduced ,dante to the company of ,homer and his peers1 the rank of sesto tra cotanto senno rewarded him for all his labour in the rhyme that made him thin through half a lifetime4 ,petrarch1 who exceeded ,dante in the thirst for literary honour1 turned from the men of his generation to converse in long epistles with the buried saints of ,latin culture4 ,for men of less ambition it was enough to feel that they could raise their souls through study to communion with the stately spirits of antiquity1 passing like ,machiavelli from trivial affairs into their closet1 where they donned their reading robes and shook hands across the centuries with ,cicero or ,livy4 ,it was the universal object of the humanists to gain a consciousness of self distinguished from the vulgar herd1 and to achieve this by joining the great company of bards and sages1 whose glory could not perish4 ,whoever felt within himself the stirring of the spirit under any form1 sought earnestly for fame2 and in this way a new social atmosphere1 unknown to the nations of the ,middle ,ages1 was formed in ,italy4 ,a large and liberal acceptance1 recognising ability of all kinds1 irrespective of rank or piety or martial prowess1 displaced the narrower judgments of the ,church and feudalism4 ,giotto1 the peasant's son1 ranked higher in esteem than ,cimabue1 the ,florentine citizen1 because his work of art was worthier4 ,petrarch had his place in no official capacity1 but as an honoured equal1 at the marriage feasts of princes4 ,poliziano corresponded with kings1 promising immortality as a more than regal favour4 ,pomponius ,ltus could afford to repel the advances of the ,sanseverini1 feeling that erudition ranked him higher than his princely kinsmen4 ,it was not wealth or policy alone that raised the ,medici among the ,despots so far above the ,baglioni of ,perugia or the ,petrucci of ,siena4 ,they owed this distinction rather to their comprehension of the craving of their age for culture4 ,thus though birth commanded respect for its own sake1 a new standard of eminence had been established1 and personal merit was the passport which carried the meanest into the most illustrious company4 ,men of all conditions and all qualifications met upon the common ground of intellectual intercourse4 ,the subjects they discussed may be gathered from the introductions to ,firenzuola's novels1 from ,bembo's ',asolani' and ,castiglione's ',cortegiano1' from ,guicciardini's ',dialogue on ,florence1' or from the ',camaldolese ,discourses' of ,landino4 ,society of this kind existed nowhere else in ,europe4 ,to ,italy belongs the proud priority of having invented the art of polite conversation1 and anticipated the ,french salon after an original and urbane fashion of her own4 ,under these conditions a genuine cultus of intellect sprang up in ,italy4 ,princes and people shared a common impulse to worship the mental superiority of men who had no claim to notice but their genius4 ,it was in the spirit of this hero-worship that the terrible ,gismondo ,pandolfo ,malatesta transferred to ,rimini the bones of ,pletho1 and wrote his impassioned epitaph upon the sarcophagus outside ,alberti's church4 ,the biographies of the humanists abound in stories of singular honours paid to men of parts1 not only by princes who rejoiced in their society1 but also by cities receiving them with public acclamation4 ,and1 as it often happens that a parody reveals the nature of the art it travesties1 such light is thrown upon our subject by the vile ,pietro ,aretino1 who1 because he was a man of talent and unscrupulous in its employment1 held kings and potentates beneath his satyr's hoof4 ,it is not1 however1 needful to go thus far afield for instances4 ,some lines of our own poet ,webster exactly describe the ,catholicity of the ,renaissance1 which first obtained in ,italy for men of marked abilities1 and afterwards to some extent prevailed at large in ,europe3-- ,virtue is ever sowing of her seeds3 ,in the trenches for the soldier2 in the wakeful study ,for the scholar2 in the furrows of the sea ,for men of our profession3 of all which ,arise and spring up honour4 ,the virtue here described bears the ,italian sense of virt1 the ,latin virtus1 the ,greek ,greek3 aret1 that which makes a man4 ,it might display itself in a thousand ways2 but all alike brought honour1 and honour every man was bound to seek4 ,the standard whereby the ,italians judged this virtue was sthetical rather than moral4 ,they were too dazzled by brilliant achievement to test it in the crucible of ethics4 ,this is the true key to ,machiavelli's critique of ,castruccio ,castracane1 ,gianpaolo ,baglioni1 ,cesare ,borgia1 and ,piero ,soderini4 ,in common with his race1 he was fascinated by character1 and attached undue importance to the force that made men seek success even through crime4 ,the thirst for glory and the worship of ability stimulated the ,italians1 earlier than any other nation1 to commemorate what seemed to them noteworthy in their own lives and in those of their contemporaries4 ,dante1 within the pale of medivalism1 led the way in both of these directions4 ,his ',vita ,nuova' is a chapter of autobiography restrained within the limits of consummate art4 ,his portraits of ,s4 ,francis and ,s4 ,dominic 7not to mention other medallions and cameos of predecessors or contemporaries--,farinata1 for example1 or ,boniface ,,viii47 record the special qualities whereby those heroes of the faith were distinguished from the herd of men around them4 ,boccaccio's ',life of ,dante' is a further step in the direction of purely modern biography4 ,then follow the collections of ,filippo ,villani1 ,giovanni ,cavalcanti1 ,vespasiano1 ,platina1 ,decembrio1 ,beccadelli1 ,caracciolo1 and ,paolo ,giovio4 ,vasari's ',lives of the ,painters' are unique in their attempt to embrace within a single work whatever struck their author as most characteristic in the career of one particular class of men4 ,for historical precision the portraits composed by ,machiavelli1 ,guicciardini1 ,varchi1 ,pitti1 and many of the minor annalists leave nothing to be desired4 ,such autobiographies as those of ,petrarch1 ,cellini1 ,cardano1 and ,cornaro are models in their kind2 whether their object were simply self-glorification1 or whether a scientific and didactic purpose underlay the chronicle of a lifetime1 the result is equally vivid and interesting4 ,hero-worship prompted ,gian ,francesco ,pico to compose the ',life of ,savonarola1' and ,condivi to write that of ,michael ,angelo4 ,scorn and hatred impelled ,platina to transmit the outline of ,paul ,,ii4 to posterity in a caricature1 the irony of which is so restrained that it might pass for sincerity4 ,machiavelli's ',biography of ,castruccio' is a political romance indited with a philosophical intention4 ,what motive1 beyond admiration1 produced the anonymous ',memoir of ,alberti1' so terse in its portraiture1 so tranquil in style1 we do not know2 but this too1 like ,prendilacqua's ',life of ,vittorino da ,feltre1' is a masterpiece of natural delineation4 ,for these biographies the works of ,plutarch and ,suetonius served no doubt as models4 ,yet this does not make the preoccupation of the ,italians with the phenomena of personality the less remarkable4 ,another phase of the same impulse led to special treatises upon ideal characters4 ,the picture of the perfect householder was drawn by ,alberti1 that of the courtier by ,castiglione1 that of the prince by ,machiavelli4 ,da ,vinci discoursed upon the physical proportions of the human form4 ,firenzuola and ,luigini analysed the beauty of women2 ,piccolomini undertook to describe the manners of a well-bred lady2 and ,la ,casa laid down rules for polite behaviour in society4 ,the names of treatises of this description might easily be multiplied4 ,enough1 however1 has been said to show the tendency of the ,italian intellect to occupy itself with salient qualities1 whether exhibited in individuals or idealised and abstracted by the reflective fancy4 ,the whole of this literature implies an intense self-consciousness in the nation1 an ardent interest in men as men1 because of the specific virtue to be found in each4 ,the spirit1 therefore1 in which these authors of the ,renaissance approached their task was wholly different from that which induced the medival annalist to register the miracles of saints1 to chronicle the princes of some dynasty or the abbots of a convent4 ,nor had it much in common with the mythologising enthusiasm of romantic poets4 ,the desire for edification and the fire of fancy had yielded to an impulse more strictly scientific1 to a curiosity more positive4 ,the attention directed in literature and social intercourse upon great men implied a corresponding thirst for posthumous glory as a subjective quality of the ,renaissance character4 ,to perpetuate a name and fame was the most fervent passion1 shared alike by artists and princes1 by men of letters and by generals4 ,it was not enough for a man to show forth the vigour that was in him1 or to win the applause of his contemporaries4 ,he must go beyond and wrest something permanent for himself from the ideal world that will survive our transient endeavours4 ,when ,alfonso the ,magnanimous employed ,fazio to compose his chronicle1 when ,francesco ,sforza paid ,filelfo for his verses by the dozen1 when ,cosimo de' ,medici regretted that he had not spent more wealth on building1 when ,bartolommeo ,colleoni decreed the erection of his chapel at ,bergamo1 and his statue on the public square of ,venice1 these men1 so different in all things else1 were striving1 each after his own fashion1 to buy an immortality his own achievements in the field or ,senate might not win4 ,dante1 here as elsewhere the first to utter the word of the modern age1 has given expression to this thirst for lasting recollection in his lines about the planet ,mercury3#f-- ,questa picciola stella si correda ,de' buoni spirti1 che son stati attivi1 ,perch onore e fama gli succeda4 ,footnote #f3 ,paradiso1 vi4 #aab4 ,at the same time ,dante1 imbued with the mystic spirit of the ,middle ,ages1 felt an antagonism between worldly ambition and the ideal of the ,christian life4 ,there are other passages1 where fame is mentioned by him as a fleeting breath1 a flower that blooms and fades4#g ,in truth1 the passionate desire for glory was part of the ,renaissance worldliness1 caught from communion with the classic past1 and connected with that vivid apprehension of human life which gave its vigour to an age of reawakened impulses and positive ambitions4 ,this world was so much with them1 so much to them1 that these men would not lose their grasp of it in death1 or willingly exchange it for a paradise of hopes beyond4 ,footnote #g3 ,notably ,purg4 xi4 #ajj-aag4 ,the enthusiasm for antiquity coloured this desire for fame by forcing on the ,italians the conviction that in culture was the real title to eternity4 ,how could they have entered into the spiritual kingdom of the ,greeks and ,romans1 if it had not been for ,,mss4 and works of art8 ,it became the fashion therefore1 to seek immortality through literature4 ,the study of the classics was not then confined to men of a peculiar bent4 ,on all alike1 even on women1 there weighed the one belief that to be a scholar was the surest way of saving something from the wreck that is the doom of human deeds4#h ,only at rare intervals1 and in rare natures of the type of ,michael ,angelo1 did the ,christian ideal resume its sway4 ,tired with the radiance of art or learning1 they turned to the ,cross of ,christ1 and laid their secular achievements down as vain and worthless4 ,the time1 however1 had not yet come when a disgust of culture and an exhaustion of the intellect should make asceticism and monastic ecstasy acceptable once more4 ,that belonged to the age of ,spanish tyranny1 and what is called the ,counter-,reformation4 ,for the real ,renaissance ,leo's memorable imprimatur1 granted to the editors of ,tacitus1 struck the true key-note2 while ,sappho's solemn lines of warning to a friend careless of literature might be paraphrased to speak the feeling of ,poliziano3-- ,lo1 thou shalt die1 ,and lie ,dumb in the silent tomb2 ,nor of thy name ,shall there be any fame ,in ages yet to be or years to come3 ,for of the rose ,that on ,pieria blows ,thou hast no share2 ,but in sad ,hades' house1 ,unknown1 inglorious1 ,mid the dim shades that wander there1 ,shalt thou flit forth and haunt the filmy air4 ,footnote #h3 ,a curious echo of this ,italian conviction may be traced in ,fletcher's ,elder ,brother4 ,these words found no uncertain echo in ,renaissance ,italy1 where lads with long dark hair and liquid eyes left their loves to listen to a pedant's lectures1 where ,niccolo de' ,niccoli wooed ,piero de' ,pazzi from a life of pleasure by the promise of a spiritual kingdom in the world of books4 ,piero was 'a man born with thy face and throat1 ,lyric ,apollo6' ,his only object was to enjoy--darsi buon tempo1 as the phrase of ,florence hath it4 ,yet these words of the student3 ',seeing thou art the son of such a man1 and of comely person1 it is a shame thou dost not give thyself to learn ,latin1 the which would be unto thee a great ornament2 and if thou dost not learn it1 thou wilt be nought esteemed2 the flower of youth once passed1 thou wilt find thyself without virtue'--these words carried such weight1 and sank so deeply into the young man's heart1 that1 smitten with the love of learning1 he forsook his boon companions1 engaged ,pontano as house-tutor at a salary of one hundred golden florins1 and spent his leisure time in learning ,livy and the 'neid' by heart4#i ,what he sought he gained2 his name is still recorded1 now that not only the bloom of youth1 but life itself has passed away1 and he has slept for nearly four centuries in ,florentine earth4 ,yet we1 no less wearied of erudition than ,faust was1 when he held the cup of laudanum in his hand and heard the ,easter voices singing1 may well ask ourselves what ,piero carried with him to the grave more than ,sardanapalus1 over whom the ,greeks inscribed their bitter epitaphs4 ,disenchanted and disillusioned as we are by those four centuries of learning1 the musical lament of ,dido and the stately periods of ,latin prose are little better1 considered as spiritual sustenance1 to us than the husks that the swine did eat4 ,how can we picture to ourselves the conditions of an age when scholarship was an evangel1 forcing the ,levis of ,florence by the persuasion of its irresistible beauty to forsake the tables of the money-changers1 tempting young men of great possessions to sell all and give to the ,muses1 making of ,lucrezia ,borgia herself the ,magdalen of polite literature8 ,fortunately for the civilisation of the modern world1 the men of the ,renaissance1 untroubled by a surfeit of knowledge1 made none of these reflections4 ,it was an age of sincere faith in the goodness and the glory of the intellect revealed by art and letters4 ,when we read ,vespasiano's account of the grey-haired ,niccolo accosting the young ,pazzi on the steps of the ,bargello1 our mind turns instinctively to an earlier dayspring of the reason in ancient ,greece2 we think of the charm exercised by ,socrates over ,critias and ,alcibiades3 and had an ,aristophanes appeared in ,italy1 we fancy how he might have criticised this seduction of the youth from citizenship and arms to tranquil contemplations and the cosmopolitan interests of culture4 ,footnote #i3 ,vespasiano1 ,vita di ,piero de' ,pazzi4 ,compare the beautiful letter of neas ,sylvius ,piccolomini to his nephew 7,ep4 ,lib4 i4 #d74 ,he reminds the young man that fair as youth is1 and delightful as are the pleasures of the ,may of life1 learning is more fair and knowledge more delightful4 ',non enim ,lucifer aut ,hesperus tam pulcher est quam sapientia qu studiis acquiritur litterarum4' ,it is not without real reason that these ,hellenic parallels confront us in the study of ,italian ,renaissance4 ,florence borrowed her light from ,athens1 as the moon shines with rays reflected from the sun4 ,the ,revival was the silver age of that old golden age of ,greece4 ,in a literal1 not a merely metaphorical sense1 the fifteenth century witnessed a new birth of the classic spirit4 ,and what1 let us ask ourselves1 since here at last is the burning point of our inquiry1 what was the true note of this spirit1 in so far as its recovery concerned the ,italian race8 ,superficial observers will speak of the ,paganism of the ,renaissance1 its unblushing license1 its worldliness1 its self-satisfied sensuality1 as though that were all1 as though these qualities were not inherent in human nature1 ready at any moment to emerge when the strain of nobler enthusiasm is relaxed1 or the self-preservative instincts of society are enfeebled4 ,there is indeed a truth in this rough and ready answer1 which requires to be stated on the threshold4 ,the contact of the modern with the ancient world did encourage a profligate and godless mode of living in men who preferred ,petronius to ,s4 ,paul1 and yearned less after ,galilee than ,corinth4 ,the humanists were distinguished even above the ,roman clergy for open disorder in their lives4 ,they developed filthy speaking as a special branch of rhetoric1 and professed the science of recondite and obsolete obscenity4 ,it was just this fashion of the learned classes that made ,erasmus mistrust the importation of scholarship into the ,north4 ',one scruple still besets my mind1' he wrote1 'lest under the cloak of revived literature ,paganism should strive to raise its head1 there being among ,christians men who1 while they recognise the name of ,christ1 breathe in their hearts the spirit of the ,gentiles4' ,christianity1 especially in ,italy1 where the spectacle of the ,holy ,see inspired disgust1 had been prostituted to the vilest service by the ,church4#aj ,faith was associated with folly1 superstition1 ignorance1 intolerance1 and cruelty4 ,the manners of the clergy were in flagrant discord with the ,gospel1 and ,antichrist found fitter incarnation in ,roderigo ,borgia than in ,nero4 ,while the essence of religion was thus sacrificed by its professors1 there appeared upon the horizon of the modern world1 like some bright blazing star1 the ideal of that ,pagan civilisation against which in its decadence the ascendant force of ,christianity had striven4 ,it was not unnatural that a reaction in favour of ,paganism1 now that the ,church had been found wanting1 should ensue1 or that the passions of humanity should justify their self-indulgence by appealing to the precedents of ,greece and ,rome4 ,good and bad were mingled in the classical tradition4 ,vices1 loathsome enough in a ,pope who had instituted the censure of the press1 seemed venial when combined with the manliness of ,hadrian or the refined charm of ,catullus4 ,sin itself lost half its evil coming from the new-found ,holy ,land of culture4 ,still this so-called ,paganism of the ,renaissance1 real as it was1 had but a superficial connection with classical studies4 ,the corruption of the ,church and the political degeneracy of the commonwealths had quite as much to do with it as the return to heathen standards4 ,nor could the ,renaissance have been the great world-historical era it truly was1 if such demoralisation had been a part and parcel of its essence4 ,crimes and vices are not the hotbed of arts and literature3 lustful priests and cruel despots were not necessary to the painting of ,raphael or the poetry of ,ariosto4 ,the faults of the ,italians in the age of the ,renaissance were neither productive of their high achievements1 nor conversely were they generated by the motion of the intellect toward antique forms of culture4 ,the historian notes synchronisms1 whereof he is not bound to prove the interdependence1 and between which he may feel there is no causal link4 ,footnote #aj3 ,it is enough to refer to ,luther's ,table ,talk upon the state of ,rome in ,leo's reign4 ,it does not1 moreover1 appear that the demoralisation of ,italian society1 however this may have been brought about1 produced either physical or intellectual degeneration in the people4 ,commercial prosperity1 indeed1 had rendered them inferior in brute strength to their semi-barbarous neighbours2 while the cosmopolitan interests of culture had destroyed the energy of national instincts4 ,but it would be wrong to charge their neopaganism alone with results whereof the causes were so complex4 ,meanwhile1 what gave its deep importance to the classical revival1 was the emancipation of the reason1 consequent upon the discovery that the best gifts of the spirit had been enjoyed by the nations of antiquity4 ,an ideal of existence distinct from that imposed upon the ,middle ,ages by the ,church1 was revealed in all its secular attractiveness4 ,fresh value was given to the desires and aims1 enjoyments and activities of man1 considered as a noble member of the universal life1 and not as a diseased excrescence on the world he helped to spoil4 ,instead of the cloistral service of the ',imitatio ,christi1' that conception of communion1 through knowledge1 with ,god manifested in ,his works and in the soul of man1 which forms the indestructible religion of science and the reason1 was already generated4 ,the intellect1 after lying spell-bound during a long night1 when thoughts were as dreams and movement as somnambulism1 resumed its activity1 interrogated nature1 and enjoyed the pleasures of unimpeded energy4 ,without ceasing to be ,christians 7for the moral principles of ,christianity are the inalienable possession of the human race71 the men of the ,revival dared once again to exercise their thought as boldly as the ,greeks and ,romans had done before them4 ,more than this1 they were now able1 as it were1 by the resuscitation of a lost faculty1 to do so freely and clear-sightedly4 ,the touch upon them of the classic spirit was like the finger of a deity giving life to the dead4 ,that more and nobler use was not made of the new light which dawned upon the world in the ,revival2 that the humanists abandoned the high standpoint of ,petrarch for a lower and more literary level2 that society assimilated the ,hedonism more readily than the ,stoicism of the ancients2 that scholars occupied themselves with the form rather than the matter of the classics2 that all these shortcomings in their several degrees prevented the ,italians from leading the intellectual movement of the sixteenth century in religion and philosophy1 as they had previously led the mind of ,europe in discovery and literature--is deeply to be lamented by those who are jealous for their honour4 ,for the rest1 no words can be found more worthy to express their high conception of man1 regarded as a free yet responsible personality1 sent into the world to mould his own nature1 and by this power of self-determination severed from both brutes and angels1 than the following passage from ,pico della ,mirandola's ',oration on the ,dignity of ,man4' ,it combines antique liberty of thought with ,christian faith in a style distinctive of the ,renaissance at its best2 nor is its note of medival cosmology uncharacteristic of an age that divined as yet more than it firmly grasped the realities of modern science4 ,here1 if anywhere1 may be hailed the ,epiphany of the modern spirit1 contraposing ,god and man in a relation inconceivable to the ancients1 unapprehended in its fulness by the ,middle ,ages4 ',then the ,supreme ,maker decreed that unto ,man1 on whom ,he could bestow nought singular1 should belong in common whatsoever had been given1 to ,his other creatures4 ,therefore ,he took man1 made in ,his own individual image1 and having placed him in the centre of the world1 spake to him thus3 ,neither a fixed abode1 nor a form in thine own likeness1 nor any gift peculiar to thyself alone1 have we given thee1 ,o ,adam1 in order that what abode1 what likeness1 what gifts thou shalt choose1 may be thine to have and to possess4 ,the nature allotted to all other creatures1 within laws appointed by ourselves1 restrains them4 ,thou1 restrained by no narrow bounds1 according to thy own free will1 in whose power ,i have placed thee1 shalt define thy nature for thyself4 ,i have set thee midmost the world1 that thence thou mightest the more conveniently survey whatsoever is in the world4 ,nor have we made thee either heavenly or earthly1 mortal or immortal1 to the end that thou1 being1 as it were1 thy own free maker and moulder1 shouldst fashion thyself in what form may like thee best4 ,thou shalt have power to decline unto the lower or brute creatures4 ,thou shalt have power to be reborn unto the higher1 or divine1 according to the sentence of thy intellect4 ,thus to ,man1 at his birth1 the ,father gave seeds of all variety and germs of every form of life4' ,out of thoughts like these1 if ,italy could only have been free1 if her society could have been uncorrupted1 if her ,church could have returned to the essential truths of ,christianity1 might have sprung1 as from a seed1 the noblest growth of human science4 ,but dis aliter visum est4 ,the prologue to this history of culture--the long account taken of selfish tyrants1 vicious clergy1 and incapable republics1 in my ',age of the ,despots'--is intended to make it clear why the conditions under which the ,revival began in ,italy rendered its accomplishment imperfect4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,first ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,importance of the ,revival of ,learning -- ,medival ,romance -- ,the ,legend of ,faustus -- ,its ,value for the ,renaissance -- ,the ,devotion of ,italy to ,study -- ,italian ,predisposition for this ,labour -- ,scholarship in the ,dark ,ages -- ,double ,attitude assumed by the ,church -- ,piety for ,virgil -- ,meagre ,acquaintance with the ,latin ,classics -- ,no ,greek ,learning -- ,the ,spiritual ,conditions of the ,middle ,ages adverse to ,pure ,literature -- ,italy no exception to the rest of ,europe -- ,dante and ,petrarch -- ,definition of ,humanism -- ,petrarch's ,conception of it -- ,his sthetical ,temperament -- ,his ,cult for ,cicero1 ,zeal in collecting ,manuscripts1 ,sense of the ,importance of ,greek ,studies -- ,warfare against ,pedantry and ,superstition -- ,ideal of ,poetry and ,rhetoric -- ,critique of ,jurists and ,schoolmen -- ,s4 ,augustine -- ,petrarch's ,vanity -- ,thirst for ,fame -- ,discord between his ,life and his ,profession -- ,his ,literary ,temperament -- ,visionary ,patriotism -- ,his ,influence -- ,his ,successors -- ,boccaccio and ,greek ,studies -- ,translation of ,homer -- ,philosophy of ,literature -- ,sensuousness of ,boccaccio's ,inspiration -- ,giovanni da ,ravenna -- ,the ,wandering ,professor -- ,his ,pupils in ,latin ,scholarship -- ,luigi ,marsigli -- ,the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito -- ,humanism in ,politics -- ,coluccio de' ,salutati -- ,gasparino da ,barzizza -- ,improved ,style in ,letter-writing -- ,revival of ,greek ,learning -- ,manuel ,chrysoloras -- ,his ,pupils -- ,lionardo ,bruni -- ,value of ,greek for the ,renaissance4 ,i have already observed that it would be inaccurate to identify the whole movement of the ,renaissance with the process whereby the ,european nations recovered and appropriated the masterpieces of ,greek and ,latin literature4 ,at the same time this reconquest of the classic world of thought was by far the most important achievement of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries4 ,it absorbed nearly the whole mental energy of the ,italians1 and determined in a great measure the quality of all their intellectual production in the period ,i have undertaken to illustrate4 ,through their activity in the field of scholarship the proper starting-point was given to the modern intellect4 ,the revelation of what men were and what they wrought under the influence of other faiths and other impulses1 in distant ages with a different ideal for their aim1 not only widened the narrow horizon of the ,middle ,ages1 but it also restored self-confidence to the reason of humanity4 ,research and criticism began to take the place of scholastic speculation4 ,positive knowledge was substituted for the intuitive guesses of idealists and dreamers4 ,the interests of this world received their due share of attention1 and the litter humaniores of the student usurped upon the divinarum rerum cognitio of theologians4 ,all through the ,middle ,ages uneasy and imperfect memories of ,greece and ,rome had haunted ,europe4 ,alexander1 the great conqueror2 ,hector1 the noble knight and lover2 ,helen1 who set ,troy town on fire2 ,virgil1 the magician2 ,dame ,venus lingering about the hill of ,hrsel--these phantoms1 whereof the positive historic truth was lost1 remained to sway the soul and stimulate desire in myth and saga4 ,deprived of actual knowledge1 imagination transformed what it remembered of the classic age into romance4 ,the fascination exercised by these dreams of a half-forgotten past over the medival fancy expressed itself in the legend of ,doctor ,faustus4 ,that legend tells us what the men upon the eve of the ,revival longed for1 and what they dreaded1 when they turned their minds towards the past4 ,the secret of enjoyment and the source of strength possessed by the ancients1 allured them2 but they believed that they could only recover this lost treasure by the suicide of their soul4 ,so great was the temptation that ,faustus paid the price4 ,after imbibing all the knowledge of his age1 he sold himself to the ,devil1 in order that his thirst for experience might be quenched1 his grasp upon the world be strengthened1 and the ennui of his inactivity be soothed4 ,his first use of this dearly-bought power was to make blind ,homer sing to him4 ,amphion tunes his harp in concert with ,mephistopheles4 ,alexander rises from the dead at his behest1 with all his legionaries2 and ,helen is given to him for a bride4 ,faustus is therefore a parable of the impotent yearnings of the spirit in the ,middle ,ages--its passionate aspiration1 its conscience-stricken desire1 its fettered curiosity amid the cramping limits of imperfect knowledge and irrational dogmatism4 ,that for which ,faustus sold his soul1 the freedom he acquired by magic1 the sense of beauty he gratified through visions1 the knowledge he gained by interrogation of demons1 was yielded to the world without price at the time of the ,renaissance4 ,homer1 no longer by the intervention of a fiend1 but by the labour of the scholar1 sang to the new age4 ,the pomp of the empires of the old world was restored in the pages of historians4 ,the indestructible beauty of ,greek art1 whereof ,helen was an emblem1 became1 through the discovery of classic poetry and sculpture1 the possession of the modern world4 ,medivalism took this ,helen to wife1 and their offspring1 the ,euphorion of ,goethe's drama1 is the spirit of the modern world4 ,but how was this effected8 ,by long and toilsome study1 by the accumulation of ,,mss41 by the acquisition of dead languages1 by the solitary labour of grammarians1 by the lectures of itinerant professors1 by the scribe1 by the printing press1 by the self-devotion of magnificent ,italy to erudition4 ,in this way the ,renaissance realised the dream of the ,middle ,ages1 and the genius of the ,italians wrought by solid toil what the myth-making imagination of the ,germans had projected in a poem4 ,it is impossible to exaggerate the benefit conferred upon ,europe by the ,italians at this epoch4 ,the culture of the classics had to be reappropriated before the movement of the modern mind could begin3 before the nations could start upon a new career of progress1 the chasm between the old and new world had to be bridged over4 ,this task of reappropriation the ,italians undertook alone1 and achieved at the sacrifice of their literary independence and their political freedom4 ,the history of ,renaissance literature in ,italy is the history of a national genius deviating from the course of self-development into the channels of scholarship and antiquarian research4 ,the language created by ,dante as a thing of power1 polished by ,petrarch as a thing of beauty1 trained by ,boccaccio as the instrument of melodious prose1 was abandoned even by the ,tuscans in the fifteenth century for revived ,latin and newly-discovered ,greek4 ,patent acquisition took the place of proud inventiveness2 laborious imitation of classical authors suppressed originality of style4 ,the force of mind which in the fourteenth century had produced a ',divine ,comedy' and a ',decameron1' in the fifteenth was expended upon the interpretation of codices1 the settlement of texts1 the translation of ,greek books into ,latin1 the study of antiquities1 the composition of commentaries1 encyclopdias1 dictionaries1 ephemerides4 ,while we regret this change from creative to acquisitive literature1 we must bear in mind that those scholars who ought to have been poets accomplished nothing less than the civilisation1 or1 to use their own phrase1 the humanisation1 of the modern world4#aa ,at the critical moment when the ,eastern ,empire was being shattered by the ,turks1 and when the other ,european nations were as yet unfit for culture1 ,italy saved the arts and sciences of ,greece and ,rome1 and interpreted the spirit of the classics4 ,devoting herself to what appears the slavish work of compilation and collection1 she transmitted an inestimable treasure to the human race2 and though for a time the beautiful ,italian tongue was superseded by a jargon of dead languages1 yet the literature of the ,renaissance yielded in the end the poetry of ,ariosto1 the political philosophy of ,machiavelli1 the histories of ,guicciardini and ,varchi4 ,meanwhile the whole of ,europe had received the staple of its intellectual education4 ,footnote #aa3 ,poliziano1 ,pontano1 ,sannazzaro1 and ,bembo divided their powers between scholarship and poetry1 to the injury of the latter4 ,it is necessary to repeat the observation that this absorption of energy in the task of scholarship was no less natural to the ,italians than necessary for the world at large4 ,the ,italians were not a new nation like the ,franks and ,germans4 ,nothing is more remarkable in the medival history of ,italy than the sense1 shared alike by poets and jurists1 by the leaders of popular insurrections and the moulders of philosophic thought1 that the centre of national vitality existed in the ,roman ,empire4 ,it was this determination to look backward rather than forward1 to trust the past rather than the present1 that neutralised the forces of the ,lombard ,league1 and prevented the communes from asserting their independence face to face with foreigners who claimed to be the representatives of ,csar4 ,the ,italians1 unlike any other ,european people1 sacrificed the reality of political freedom for the idea of majesty and glory1 to be recovered by the restitution of the ,empire4 ,guelf and ,ghibelline coincided in this delusion1 that ,rome1 whether ,papal or ,imperial1 was destined still to place the old ,italic stock upon the throne of civilised humanity4 ,when the three great authors of the thirteenth century appeared1 each in turn cast his eyes to ancient ,rome as the true source of national greatness4 ,the language of modern ,italy was known to be a scion of the ,latin speech1 and the ,italians called themselves ,latini4 ,the attempt to conform their literature to the ,roman type was therefore felt to be but a return to its true standard2 the 'neid' of ,virgil was their ,nibelungen-,lied4 ,thus the humanistic enthusiasm of the fifteenth century assumed an almost patriotic character4 ,in it1 moreover1 the doctrine that had ruled the ,middle ,ages1 interrupting political cohesion without acquiring the consistency of fact1 attained at last its proper sphere of development4 ,the ideal of ,dante in the ',de ,monarchi' had proved a baseless dream2 no emperor was destined to take his seat in ,rome and sway the world4 ,but the ideal of ,petrarch was realised2 the scholars1 animated by his impulse1 reacquired the birthright of culture which belonged of old to ,italy1 and made her empress of the intellect for ,europe4 ,not political but spiritual supremacy was the real heritage of these new ,romans4 ,as an introduction to the history of the ,revival1 and in order that the work to be performed by the ,italian students may be accurately measured1 it will be necessary to touch briefly upon the state of scholarship during the dark ages4 ,to underrate the achievement of that period1 especially in logic1 theology1 and law1 is only too easy1 seeing that a new direction was given to the mind of ,europe by the ,renaissance1 and that we have moved continuously on other lines to other objects since the opening of the fifteenth century4 ,medival thought was both acute and strenuous in its own region of activity4 ,what it lacked was material outside the speculative sphere to feed upon4 ,culture1 in our sense of the word1 did not exist1 and the intellect was forced to deal subtly with a very limited class of conceptions4 ,long before the fall of the ,roman ,empire it became clear that both fine arts and literature were gradually declining4 ,sculpture in the age of ,constantine had lost distinction of style2 and though the practice of verse survived as a rhetorical exercise1 no works of original genius were produced4 ,ausonius and ,claudian1 just before the division of the ,empire and the irruption of the barbarian races1 uttered the last swan's note of classic poetry4 ,meanwhile true taste and criticism were extinct4#ab ,the ,church1 while battling with ,paganism1 recognised her deadliest foes in literature4 ,not only were the ,greek and ,latin masterpieces the stronghold of a mythology that had to be erased from the popular mind2 not only was their morality antagonistic to the principles of ,christian ethics3 in addition to these grounds for hatred and mistrust1 the classics idealised a form of human life which the new faith regarded as worthless4 ,what was culture in comparison with the salvation of the soul8 ,why should time be spent upon the dreams of poets1 when every minute might be well employed in pondering the precepts of the ,gospels8 ,what was the use of making this life refined and agreeable by study1 when it formed but an insignificant prelude to an eternity wherein mere mundane learning would be valueless8 ,why raise questions about man's condition on this earth1 when the creeds had to be defined and expounded1 when the nature of ,god and the relation of the human soul to its ,creator had to be established8 ,it was easy to pass from this state of mind to the belief that learning in itself was impious4#ac ',let us shun the lying fables of the poets1' cries ,gregory of ,tours1 'and forego the wisdom of sages at enmity with ,god1 lest we incur the doom of endless death by sentence of our ,lord4' ,even ,augustine deplored his time spent in reading ,virgil1 weeping over ,dido's death by love1 when all the while he was himself both morally and spiritually dead4 ,alcuin regretted that in his boyhood he had preferred ,virgil to the legends of the ,saints1 and stigmatised the eloquence of the ,latin writers by the epithet of wanton4 ,such phrases as poetarum figmenta1 gentilium figmenta sive deliramenta 7the fictions or mad ravings of ,pagan poets7 are commonly employed by ,christian authors of the ,lives of ,saints1 in order to mark the inferiority of ,virgil and ,ovid to their own more edifying compositions4 ,relying on their spiritual pretensions1 the monkish scribes gloried in ignorance and paraded want of grammar as a sign of grace4 ',i warn the curious reader1' writes a certain ,wolfhard in the ',life of ,s4 ,walpurgis1' 'not to mind the mass of barbarisms in this little work2 ,i bid him ponder what he finds upon these pages1 and seek the pearl within the dung-heap4' ,gregory the ,great goes further1 and defies the pedantry of pedagogues4 ',the place of prepositions and the cases of the nouns ,i utterly despise1 since ,i deem it unfit to confine the words of the celestial oracle within the rules of ,donatus4' ',let philosophers and impure scholars of ,donatus1' writes a fanatic of ,cordova1 'ply their windy problems with the barking of dogs1 the grunting of swine1 snarling with skinned throat and teeth2 let the foaming and bespittled grammarians belch1 while we remain evangelical servants of ,christ1 true followers of rustic teachers4' ,thus the opposition of the ,church to ,paganism1 the conviction that ,christianity was alien to culture1 and the absorption of intellectual interest in theological questions contributed to destroy what had remained of sound scholarship in the last years of the ,empire4 ,the task of the ,church1 moreover1 in the ,middle ,ages was not so much to keep learning alive as to moralise the savage races who held ,europe at their pleasure4 ,pure ,latinity1 even if it could have been instilled into the nations of the ,north1 was of less moment than elementary discipline in manners and religion4 ,it must not be forgotten that the literature of ancient ,rome was artificial in its best days1 confined to a select few1 and dependent on the capital for its support4 ,after the dismemberment of the ,empire the whole of ,europe was thrown open to the action of spiritual powers who had to use unlettered barbarians for their ministers and missionaries4 ,to submit this vast field to classic culture at the same time that ,christianity was being propagated1 would have been beyond the strength of the ,church1 even had she chosen to undertake this task1 and had the vital forces of antiquity not been exhausted4 ,footnote #ab3 ,for the low state of criticism1 even in a good age1 see ,aulus ,gellius1 lib4 xiv4 cap4 vi4 ,he describes the lecture of a rhetor1 quispiam lingu ,latin literator1 on a passage in the seventh neid4 ,the man's explanation of the word bidentes proves an almost more than medival puerility and ignorance4 ,footnote #ac3 ,most of the following quotations will be found in ,comparetti1 ,virgilio nel ,medio ,evo1 vol4 i41 a work of sound scholarship and refined taste upon the place of ,virgil in the ,middle ,ages4 ,at this point an inevitable reaction1 illustrating the compromise thrust upon the ,church by her peculiar position1 made itself apparent4 ,in proportion as the dangers of ,paganism decreased1 the clergy1 on whom devolved the double duty of civilising as well as moralising society1 began to feel the need of arresting the advance of ignorance4 ,knowledge of ,latin was required for ecclesiastical uses1 for the interpretation of ,scripture1 for the study of the ,fathers1 and for the establishment of a common language among many divers nationalities4 ,a middle course between the fanaticism which regarded classical literature as worthless and impure1 and the worldliness that might have been encouraged by enthusiasm for the ancients1 had therefore to be steered4 ,grammar was taught in the schools1 and where grammar was taught1 it was impossible to exclude ,virgil and some other ,latin authors4 ,a conflict in the monkish mind was the unavoidable consequence4 ,since the classics alone communicated sound learning1 the study of them formed a necessary part of education2 and yet these authors were unbaptized ,pagans1 doomed to everlasting death because of their impiety and immorality4 ,poets who had hitherto been regarded as deadly foes1 were now accepted as auxiliaries in the battle of the ,church against barbarism4 ,while copying the elegies of ,ovid1 the compassionate scribe sought to place them in a favourable light1 and to render them edifying at the cost of contradicting their plain meaning4#ad ,virgil was credited with allegorical significance2 and the strong sympathy he roused in those who felt the beauty of his style1 produced a belief that1 if not quite1 he was almost a ,christian4 ,the piety and pity for ,virgil as a gentle soul who had just missed the salvation offered by ,christ1 found expression in the service for ,s4 ,paul's ,day used at ,mantua3#ae-- ,ad ,maronis mausoleum ,ductus1 fudit super eum ,pi rorem lacrym2 ,quem te1 inquit1 reddidissem ,si te vivum invenissem1 ,poetarum maxime6 ,footnote #ad3 ,hoc est quod pueri tangar amore minus1 for example1 was altered into ,hoc est quod pueri tangar amore nihil2 for lusisset amores was substituted dampnasset amores1 and so forth4 ,footnote #ae3 ,the hymn quoted above in the text refers to a legend of ,s4 ,paul having visited the tomb of ,virgil at ,naples3-- ',when to ,maro's tomb they brought him ,tender grief and pity wrought him ,to bedew the stone with tears2 ,what a saint ,i might have crowned thee1 ,had ,i only living found thee1 ,poet first and without peers6' ,meanwhile the utter confusion consequent upon the downfall of the ,roman ,empire and the irruption of the ,germanic races was causing1 by the mere brute force of circumstance1 a gradual extinction of scholarship too powerful to be arrested4 ,the teaching of grammar for ecclesiastical purposes was insufficient to check the influence of many causes leading to this overthrow of learning4 ,it was impossible to communicate more than a mere tincture of knowledge to students separated from the classical tradition1 for whom the antecedent history of ,rome was a dead letter4 ,the meaning of ,latin words derived from the ,greek was lost4 ,smaragdus1 a grammarian1 mistook ,eunuchus ,comoedia and ,orestes ,tragoedia1 mentioned by ,donatus1 for the names of authors4 ,remigius of ,auxerre explained poema by positio1 and emblema by habundantia4 ,homer and ,virgil were supposed to have been friends and contemporaries1 while the ,latin epitome of the ',iliad1' bearing the name of ,pindar1 was fathered on the ,theban lyrist4 ,theological notions1 grotesque and childish beyond description1 found their way into etymology and grammar4 ,the three persons of the ,trinity were discovered in the verb1 and mystic numbers in the parts of speech4 ,thus analytical studies like that of language came to be regarded as an open field for the exercise of the mythologising fancy2 and etymology was reduced to a system of ingenious punning4 ,voluntas and voluptas were distinguished1 for example1 as pertaining to the nature of ,deus and diabolus respectively2 and1 in order to make the list complete1 voluntas was invented as an attribute of homo4 ,it is clear that on this path of verbal quibbling the intellect had lost tact1 taste1 and common sense together4 ,when the minds of the learned were possessed by these absurdities to the exclusion of sound method1 we cannot wonder that antiquity survived but as a strange and shadowy dream in popular imagination4 ,virgil1 the only classic who retained distinct and living personality1 passed from poet to philosopher1 from philosopher to ,sibyl1 from ,sibyl to magician1 by successive stages of transmutation1 as the truth about him grew more dim and the faculty to apprehend him weakened4 ,forming the staple of education in the schools of the grammarians1 and metamorphosed by the vulgar consciousness into a wizard1#af he waited on the extreme verge of the dark ages to take ,dante by the hand1 and lead him1 as the type of human reason1 through the realms of ,hell and ,purgatory4 ,footnote #af3 ,the common use of the word grammarie for occult science in our ballads illustrates this phase of popular opinion4 ,so does the legend of ,friar ,bacon4 ,see ,thoms1 ,early ,english ,prose ,romances4 ,with regard to the actual knowledge of ,latin literature possessed in the ,middle ,ages1 it may be said in brief that ,virgil was continually studied1 and that a certain familiarity with ,ovid1 ,lucan1 ,horace1 ,juvenal1 and ,statius was never lost4 ,among the prose-writers1 portions of ,cicero were used in education2 but the compilations of ,boethius1 ,priscian1 ,donatus1 and ,cassiodorus were more widely used4 ,in the twelfth century the study of ,roman law was revived1 and the scholastic habit of thought found scope for subtlety in the discussion of cases and composition of glosses4 ,the general knowledge and intellectual sympathy required for comprehension of the genuine classics were1 however1 wanting2 and thus it happened that their place was taken by epitomes and abstracts1 and by the formal digests of the ,western ,empire in its decadence4 ,this lifeless literature was better suited to the meagre intellectual conditions of the ,middle ,ages than the masterpieces of the ,augustan and ,silver periods4 ,of ,greek there was absolutely no tradition left4#ag ,when the names of ,greek poets or philosophers are cited by medival authors1 it is at second hand from ,latin sources2 and the ,aristotelian logic of the schoolmen came through ,latin translations made by ,jews from ,arabian ,,mss4 ,occasionally it might happen that a ,western scholar acquired ,greek at ,constantinople or in the south of ,italy1 where it was spoken2 but this did not imply ,hellenic culture1 nor did such knowledge form a part and parcel of his erudition4 ,greek was hardly less lost to ,europe then than ,sanskrit in the first half of the eighteenth century4 ,footnote #ag3 ,didot1 in his ,life of ,aldus1 tries to make out that ,greek learning survived in ,ireland longer than elsewhere4 ,the meagreness of medival learning was1 however1 a less serious obstacle to culture than the habit of mind1 partly engendered by ,christianity and partly idiosyncratic to the new races1 which prevented students from appreciating the true spirit of the classics4 ,while mysticism and allegory ruled supreme1 the clearly-defined humanity of the ,greeks and ,romans could not fail to be misapprehended4 ,the little that was known of them reached students through a hazy and distorting medium4 ,poems like ,virgil's fourth ,eclogue were prized for what the author had not meant when he was writing them2 while his real interests were utterly neglected4 ,against this mental misconception1 this original obliquity of vision1 this radical lie in the intellect1 the restorers of learning had to fight at least as energetically as against brute ignorance and dulness4 ,it was not enough to multiply books and to discover codices2 they had to teach men how to read them1 to explain their inspiration1 to defend them against prejudice1 to protect them from false methods of interpretation4 ,to purge the mind of fancy and fable1 to prove that poetry apart from its supposed prophetic meaning was delightful for its own sake1 and that the history of the antique nations1 in spite of ,paganism1 could be used for profit and instruction1 was the first step to be taken by these pioneers of modern culture4 ,they had1 in short1 to create a new mental sensibility by establishing the truth that pure literature directly contributes to the dignity and happiness of human beings4 ,the achievement of this revolution in thought was the great performance of the ,italians in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries4 ,during the dark ages ,italy had in no sense enjoyed superiority of culture over the rest of ,europe4 ,on the contrary1 the first abortive attempt at a revival of learning was due to ,charlemagne at ,aix1 the second to the ,emperor ,frederick in ,apulia and ,sicily2 and while the ,romance nations had lost the classical tradition1 it was still to some extent preserved by the ,moslem dynasties4 ,the more we study the history of medival learning1 the more we recognise the debt of civilised humanity to the ,arabs for their conservation and transmission of ,greek thought in altered form to ,europe4 ,yet1 though the ,italians came comparatively late into the field1 their action was decisive4 ,neither ,charlemagne nor ,frederick1 neither the philosophy of the ,arabian sages nor the precocious literature of ,provence1 succeeded in effecting for the education of the modern intellect that which ,dante and ,petrarch performed--the one by the production of a monumental work of art in poetry1 the other by the communication of a new enthusiasm for antiquity to students4 ,dante does not belong in any strict sense to the history of the ,revival of ,learning4 ,the ',divine ,comedy' closes the ,middle ,ages and preserves their spirit4 ,it stands before the vestibule of modern literature like a solitary mountain at the entrance of a country rich in all varieties of landscape4 ,in order to become acquainted with its grandeur1 we must leave the fields and forests that we know1 ascend the heights1 and use ourselves to an austerer climate4 ,in spite of this isolation1 ,dante's influence was powerful upon succeeding generations4 ,the modern mind first found in him its scope1 and recognised its freedom2 first dared and did what placed it on a level with antiquity in art4 ,many ideas1 moreover1 destined to play an important part in the coming age1 received from him their germinal expression4 ,it may thus be truly said that ,dante initiated the movement of the modern intellect in its entirety1 though he did not lead the ,revival considered as a separate moment in this evolution4 ,that service was reserved for ,petrarch4 ,there are spots upon the central watershed of ,europe where1 in the stillness of a summer afternoon1 the traveller may listen to the murmurs of two streams--the one hurrying down to form the ,rhine1 the other to contribute to the ,danube or the ,po4 ,born within hearing of each other's voices1 and nourished by the self-same clouds that rest upon the crags around them1 they are henceforth destined to an ever-widening separation4 ,while the one sweeps onward to the ,northern seas1 the other will reach the shores of ,italy or ,greece and mingle with the ,mediterranean4 ,to these two streamlets we might compare ,dante and ,petrarch1 both of whom sprang from ,florence1 both of whom were nurtured in the learning of the schools and in the lore of chivalrous love4 ,yet how different was their mission6 ,petrarch marks the rising of that great river of intellectual energy which flowed southward to recover the culture of the ancient world4 ,the current of ,dante's genius took the contrary direction4 ,borne upon its mighty flood1 we visit the lands and cities of the ,middle ,ages1 floating toward infinities divined and made the heritage of human nature by the medival spirit4 ,in speaking of ,petrarch here1 it is necessary to concentrate attention upon his claims to be considered as the apostle of scholarship1 the inaugurator of the humanistic impulse of the fifteenth century4 ,we have nothing to do with his ,italian poetry4 ,the ,rime dedicated to ,madonna ,laura have eclipsed the fame of the ,latin epic1 philosophical discourses1 epistles1 orations1 invectives1 and dissertations1 which made ,petrarch the ,voltaire of his own age1 and on which he thought his immortality would rest4 ,yet it is with these latter products of his genius1 not with the ,canzoniere1 that we are now concerned2 nor can it be too emphatically asserted that his originality was even more eminently displayed in the revelation of humanism to the modern world than in the verses that impressed their character upon ,italian literature4 ,to have foreseen a whole new phase of ,european culture1 to have interpreted its spirit1 and determined by his own activity the course it should pursue1 is in truth a higher title to fame than the composition of even the most perfect sonnets4 ,the artist1 however1 has this advantage over the pioneer of intellectual progress1 that his delicate creations are indestructible1 and that his work cannot be merged in that of a continuator4 ,therefore ,petrarch lives and will live in the memory of millions as the poet of ,laura1 while only students know how much the world owes to his humanistic ardour4 ,as ,i cannot dispense with the word ,humanism in this portion of my work1 it may be well to fix the sense ,i shall attach to it4#ah ,the essence of humanism consisted in a new and vital perception of the dignity of man as a rational being apart from theological determinations1 and in the further perception that classic literature alone displayed human nature in the plenitude of intellectual and moral freedom4 ,it was partly a reaction against ecclesiastical despotism1 partly an attempt to find the point of unity for all that had been thought and done by man1 within the mind restored to consciousness of its own sovereign faculty4 ,hence the single-hearted devotion to the literature of ,greece and ,rome that marks the whole ,renaissance era4 ,hence the watchword of that age1 the ,litter ,humaniores4 ,hence the passion for antiquity1 possessing thoughtful men1 and substituting a new authority for the traditions of the ,church4 ,hence the so-called ,paganism of centuries bent upon absorbing and assimilating a spirit no less life-giving from their point of view than ,christianity itself4 ,hence the persistent effort of philosophers to find the meeting-point of two divergent inspirations4 ,hence1 too1 the ultimate antagonism between the humanists1 or professors of the new wisdom1 and those uncompromising ,christians who1 like ,s4 ,paul1 preferred to remain fools for ,christ's sake4 ,footnote #ah3 ,the word ,humanism has a ,german sound1 and is in fact modern4 ,yet the generic phrase umanit for humanistic culture1 and the name umanista for a professor of humane studies1 are both pure ,italian4 ,ariosto1 in his seventh satire1 line #be1 writes-- ',senza quel vizio son pochi umanisti4' ,humanism in this1 the widest1 sense of the word was possessed by ,petrarch intuitively4 ,it belonged to his nature as much as music to ,mozart2 so that he seemed sent into the world to raise1 by the pure exercise of innate faculties1 a standard for succeeding workers4 ,physically and sthetically1 by the fineness of his ear for verbal harmonies1 and by the exquisiteness of his sensibilities1 he was fitted to divine what it took centuries to verify4 ,while still a boy1 long before he could grasp the meaning of classical ,latin1 he used to read the prose of ,cicero aloud1 delighting in the sonorous cadence and balanced periods of the master's style4#ai ,nor were the moral qualities of industry and perseverance1 needed to supplement these natural gifts1 defective4 ,in his maturity he spared no pains to collect the manuscripts of ,cicero1 sometimes transcribing them with his own hand1 sometimes employing copyists1 sending and journeying to distant parts of ,europe where he heard a fragment of his favourite author might be found4#bj ,his greatest literary disappointment was the loss of a treatise by ,cicero on ,glory1 a theme exceedingly significant for the ,renaissance1 which he lent to his tutor ,convennevole1 and which the old man pawned4#ba ,though he could not read ,greek1 he welcomed with profoundest reverence the codices of ,homer and ,plato sent to him from ,constantinople1 and exhorted ,boccaccio to dedicate his genius to the translation of the sovran poet into ,latin4#bb ,in this susceptibility to the melodies of rhetorical prose1 in this special cult of ,cicero1 in the passion for collecting manuscripts1 and in the intuition that the future of scholarship depended upon the resuscitation of ,greek studies1 ,petrarch initiated the four most important momenta of the classical ,renaissance4 ,he1 again1 was the first to understand the value of public libraries2#bc the first to accumulate coins and inscriptions1 as the sources of accurate historical information2 the first to preach the duty of preserving ancient monuments4 ,it would seem as though1 by the instinct of genius1 he foresaw the future for at least three centuries1 and comprehended the highest uses whereof scholarship is capable4 ,footnote #ai3 ,see the interesting letter to ,luca di ,penna1 ,de ,libris ,ciceronis1 p4 #idf1 and compare ,de ,ignoranti sui ipsius1 c4 p4 #ajdd4 ,these references1 as well as those which follow under the general sign ,ibid41 are made to the edition of ,petrarch's collected works1 ,basle1 #aeha4 ,footnote #bj3 ,ibid4 p4 #idh4 ,cf4 the fine letter on the duty of collecting and preserving codices 7,fam4 ,epist4 lib4 iii4 #ah1 p4 #fai74 ',aurum1 argentum1 gemm1 purpurea vestis1 marmorea domus1 cultus ager1 pict tabul1 phaleratus sonipes1 cteraque id genus mutam habent et superficiariam voluptatem3 libri medullitus delectant1 colloquuntur1 consulunt1 et viv qudam nobis atque argut familiaritate junguntur4' ,footnote #ba3 ,de ,libris ,ciceronis1 p4 #idi4 ,cf4 his ,epistle to ,varro for an account of a lost ,,ms4 of that author4 ,ibid4 p4 #gjh4 ,footnote #bb3 ,ibid4 p4 #idh4 ,cf4 ,de ,ignoranti1 pp4 #ajec1 #ajed4 ,see1 too1 the letter to ,nicolaus ,syocerus of ,constantinople1 ,epist4 ,var4 xx4 p4 #iih1 thanking him for the ,homer and the ,plato1 in which ,petrarch gives an account of his slender ,greek studies4 ',homerus tuus apud me mutus1 immo vero ego apud illum surdus sum4 ,gaudeo tamen vel aspectu solo1 et spe illum amplexus et suspirans dico4444 ,plato philosophorum princeps 444 nunc tandem tuo munere ,philosophorum principi ,poetarum princeps asserit4 ,quis tantis non gaudeat et glorietur hospitibus8444 ,grcos spectare1 et si nihil aliud1 certe juvat4' ,the letter urging ,boccaccio to translate ,homer--'an tuo studio1 me impens fieri possit1 ut ,homerus integer bibliothec huic1 ubi pridem ,grcus habitat1 tandem ,latinus accedat'--will be found ,transcriber's ,note3 original missing 'in' ,ep4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 iii4 #e1 p4 #gge4 ,in another letter1 ,ep4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 vi4 #b1 p4 #hjg1 he thanks ,boccaccio for the ,latin version4 ,footnote #bc3 ,de ,remediis utriusque ,fortun1 p4 #dc4 ,a plea for public as against private collections of useful books4 ',multos in vinculis tenes1' c4 ,so far the outside only of ,petrarch's instinct for humanism has been touched4 ,how fully he possessed its large and liberal spirit is shown by the untiring war he carried on against formalism1 tradition1 pedantry1 and superstition4 ,whatever might impede the free play of the intellect aroused his bitterest hatred4 ,against the narrow views of scholastic theologians1 against the futile preoccupations of the ,middle-,age materialists1 against the lawyers and physicians and astrologers in vogue1 he declared inexorable hostility4#bd ,these men1 by their puerilities and falsities1 obstructed the natural action of the mind2 therefore ,petrarch attacked them4 ,at the same time he recognised the liberators of the reason by a kind of tact4 ,though he could not interpret the sixteen dialogues of ,plato he possessed in ,greek1 he perceived intuitively that ,plato1 as opposed to ,aristotle1 would become the saint of liberal philosophy1 surveyed by him as in a ,pisgah-view4 ,his enthusiasm for ,cicero and ,virgil was twofold2 in both respects he proved how capable he was of moulding the taste and directing the mental force of his successors4 ,as an artist1 he discerned in their style the harmonies of sound and the proprieties of diction1 whereby ,latin might once again become the language of fine thoughts and delicate emotions4 ,as a champion of intellectual independence1 he saw that1 studying their large discourse of all things which the reason and imagination can appropriate1 the thinkers of the modern age might shake off scholastic fetters1 and enter into the inheritance of spiritual freedom4 ,poetry and rhetoric he regarded not merely as the fine arts of literature1 but as two chief instruments whereby the man of genius arrives at self-expression1 perpetuates the qualities of his own soul1 and impresses his character upon the age4 ,since this realisation of the individual in a high and puissant work of art appeared to him the noblest aim of man on earth1 it followed that the inspired speech of the poet and the eloquence of the orator became for ,petrarch the summit of ambition1 the two-peaked ,parnassus he struggled through his lifetime to ascend4#be ,the ideal was literary2 but literature implied for ,petrarch more than words and phrases4 ,it was not enough to make melodious verse1 or to move an audience with well-sounding periods4 ,the hexameters of the epic and the paragraphs of the oration had to contain solid thought1 to be the genuine outcome of the poet's or the rhetorician's soul4 ,the writer was bound to be a preacher1 to discover truth1 and make the truths he found agreeable to the world4#bf ,his life1 moreover1 ought to be in perfect harmony with all he sought to teach4#bg ,upon the purity of his enthusiasm1 the sincerity of his inspiration1 depended the future well-being of the world for which he laboured4#bh ,thus for this one man at least the art of letters was a priesthood2 and the earnestness of his vocation made him fit to be the master of succeeding ages4 ,it is not easy for us to appreciate the boldness and sincerity of these conceptions4 ,many of them1 since the days of ,petrarch1 have been overstrained and made ridiculous by false pretensions4 ,besides1 the whole point of view has been appropriated2 and men invariably undervalue what they feel they cannot lose4 ,it is only by comparing ,petrarch's own philosophy of literature with the dulness of the schoolmen in their decadence1 and with the stylistic shallowness of subsequent scholars1 that we come to comprehend how luminous and novel was the thesis he supported4 ,footnote #bd3 ,see the four books of ,invectives1 ,contra ,medicum quendam1 and the treatise ,de sui ipsius et aliorum ,ignoranti4 ,page #ajch of the last dissertation contains a curious list of frivolous questions discussed by the ,averrhoists4 ,cf4 the letter on the decadence of true learning1 ,ep4 ,var4 #ca1 p4 #ajbj2 the letter to a friend exhorting him to combat ,averrhoism1 ,epist4 sine titulo1 #ah1 p4 #gca2 two letters on physicians1 ,epist4 ,rerum ,senilium1 lib4 xii4 #a and #b1 pp4 #hig-iad2 a letter to ,francesco ,bruno on the lies of the astrologers1 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 i4 #f1 p4 #gdg2 a letter to ,boccaccio on the same theme1 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 iii4 #a1 p4 #gfe2 another on physicians to ,boccaccio1 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 v4 #d1 p4 #gif4 ,cf4 the ,critique of ,alchemy1 ,de ,remediis utriusque ,fortun1 p4 #ic4 ,footnote #be3 ,in comparing the orator and the poet1 ,petrarch gives the palm to the former4 ,he thought the perfect rhetorician1 capable of expressing sound philosophy with clearness1 was rarer than the poet4 ,see ,de ,remediis utriusque ,fortun1 lib4 ii4 dial4 #ajb1 p4 #aib4 ,footnote #bf3 ,see1 among other passages1 ,inv4 contra ,medicum1 lib4 i4 p4 #ajib4 ',poet studium est veritatem veram pulchris velaminibus adornare4' ,cf4 p4 #ije1 the paragraph beginning ',officium est ejus fingere1' c4 ,footnote #bg3 ,see the preface to the ,epistol ,familiares1 p4 #egj4 ',scribendi enim mihi vivendique unus 7ut auguror7 finis erit4' ,footnote #bh3 ,for his lofty conception of poetry see the two letters to ,boccaccio and ,benvenuto da ,imola1 pp4 #gdj1 #ida4 ,epist4 ,rerum ,senilium1 lib4 i4 #d1 lib4 xiv4 #aa4 ,having thus conceived of literature1 ,petrarch obtained a standard for estimating the barren culture of his century4 ,he taxed the disputations of the doctors with lifeless repetition unmeaning verbiage4 ,schoolman after schoolman had been occupied with formal trifles4 ,the erudition of the jurist and the theologian revealed nothing fruitful for the heart or intellect2 and everything was valueless that did not come straight from a man's soul1 speaking to the soul of one who heard him4 ,at the same time he read the ,fathers and the ,scriptures in a new light4 ,augustine1 some few of whose sentences had been used as links in the catena of dogmatic orthodoxy1 seemed to ,petrarch no longer a mere master of theology1 but a man conversing with him across the chasm of eight centuries4 ,in the ',confessions1' 'running over with a fount of tears1' the poet of ,vaucluse divined a kindred nature2 one who used exalted eloquence for the expression of vital thoughts and passionate emotions2 one1 moreover1 who had reached the height of human happiness in union with ,god4#bi ,not less real was the grasp he laid upon the prophets and apostles of the ,bible4 ,all words that bore a message to his heart were words of authority and power4 ,the ipse dixit of an ,aristotle or a ,seraphic doctor had for him no weight1 unless it came home to him as a man4#cj ,even ,cicero and ,seneca1 the saints of philosophical antiquity1 he dared to criticise for practising less wisdom than they preached4#ca ,footnote #bi3 ,the references to ,augustine as a 'divine genius1' equal to ,cicero in eloquence1 superior to the classics in his knowledge of ,christ1 are too frequent for citation4 ,see1 however1 ,fam4 ,epist4 lib4 ii4 #i1 p4 #fja2 the letter to ,boccaccio1 ,variarum1 #bb1 p4 #ajja2 and ,fam4 ,epist4 lib4 iv4 #i1 p4 #fce4 ,the phrase describing the ,confessions1 quoted in my text1 is from ,petrarch's letter to his brother ,gerard1 ,epist4 ,var4 #bg1 p4 #ajab1 ',scatentes lachrymis ,confessionum libros4' ,footnote #cj3 ',sum sectarum negligens1 veri appetens4' ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 i4 #e1 p4 #gde4 ',nam apud ,horatium ,flaccum1 nullius jurare in verba magistri1 puer valde didiceram4' ,epist4 ,fam4 lib4 iv4 #aj1 p4 #fcg4 ,footnote #ca3 ,see the letters addressed to ,cicero and ,seneca1 pp4 #gje1 #gjf4 ,while regarding ,petrarch as the first and1 in some respects1 the greatest of the humanists1 we are bound to recognise the faults as well as the good qualities he shared with them4 ,to dwell on these in detail would be a thankless task1 were it not for the conviction that his personality impressed itself too strongly on the fourteenth century to escape our criticism4 ,we cannot afford to leave even the foibles of the man who gave a pattern to his generation unstudied4 ,foremost among these may be reckoned his vanity1 his eagerness to grasp the poet's crown1 his appetite for flattery1 his restless change from place to place in search of new admirers1 his self-complacent garrulity4 ,this vanity was perhaps inseparable from the position he assumed upon the threshold of the modern world4 ,it was hardly possible that the prophet of a new phase of culture should not look down with contempt upon the uneducated masses1 and believe that learning raised a man into a demigod4 ,study of the classics taught him to despise his age and yearn for immortality2 but the assurance of the honours that he sought1 could only come to him upon the lips of his contemporaries4 ,in conflict with the dulness and the darkness of preceding centuries1 he felt the need of a new motive1 unrecognised by the ,church and banished from the cloister4 ,that motive was the thirst for fame1 the craving to make his personality eternal in the minds of men4 ,meanwhile he was alone in a dim wilderness of transitory interests and sordid aims1 where human life was shadowy1 and where1 when death arrived1 there would remain no memory of what had been4 ,the gloom of this present in contrast with the glory of the past he studied1 and the glory of the future he desired1 confirmed his egotism4 ,his name and fame depended on his self-assertion4 ,to achieve renown by writing1 to wrest for himself even in his lifetime a firm place among the immortals1 became his feverish spur to action4 ,he was conscious how deep a hold the passion for celebrity had taken on his nature2 and not unfrequently he speaks of it as a disease4#cb ,the ,christian within him wrestled vigorously with the renascent ,pagan4 ,religion taught him to renounce what ambition prompted him to grasp4 ,yet he continued to deceive himself4 ,while penning dissertations on the worthlessness of praise and the futility of fame1 he trimmed his sails to catch the breeze of popular applause2 and as his reputation widened1 his desires grew ever stronger4 ,the last years of his life were spent in writing epistles to the great men of the past1 in whom alone he recognised his equals1 and to posterity1 in whom he hoped to meet at last with judges worthy of him4 ,footnote #cb3 'gritudo' is a phrase that constantly recurs in his epistles to indicate a restless1 craving habit of the soul4 ,see1 too1 the whole second book of the ,de ,contemptu ,mundi4 ,this almost morbid vanity1 peculiar to ,petrarch's temperament and encouraged by the circumstances of his life1 introduced a division between his practice and his profession4 ,he was never tired of praising solitude1 and many years of his manhood he spent in actual retirement at ,vaucluse4#cc ,yet he only loved seclusion as a contrast to the society of ,courts1 and would have been most miserable if the world1 taking him at his own estimate1 had left him in peace4 ,no one wrote more eloquently about equal friendship1 or professed a stronger zeal for candid criticism4 ,yet he admitted few but professed admirers to his intimacy1 and regarded his literary antagonists as personal detractors4 ,the same sensitive egotism led him to depreciate the fame of ,dante1 in whom he cannot but have recognised a poet in the highest sense superior to himself4#cd ,again1 while he complained of celebrity as an obstacle to studious employment1 he showed the most acute interest when the details of his life were called in question4#ce ,nothing1 if we took his philosophic treatises for record1 would have pleased him better than to live unnoticed4 ,his letters make it manifest that he believed the eyes of the whole world were fixed upon him1 and that he courted this attention of the public with a greedy appetite4 ,footnote #cc3 ,see the treatise ,de ,vit ,solitari1 pp4 #bbc-bib1 and the letters on ',vaucluse1' pp4 #fia-fig4 ,footnote #cd3 ,see the discussion of this point in ,baldelli's ,vita del ,boccaccio1 pp4 #acj-ace4 ,footnote #ce3 ,compare the chapter in the dissertation ,de ,remediis on troublesome notoriety1 p4 #agg1 with the letter on his reception at ,arezzo1 p4 #iah1 the letter to ,nerius ,morandus on the false news of his death1 p4 #ggf1 and the letter to ,boccaccio on his detractors1 p4 #gdi4 ,these qualities and contradictions mark ,petrarch as a man of letters1 not of action4 ,he belonged essentially to the genus irritabile vatum1 for whom the sphere of thoughts expressed on paper is more vivid than the world of facts4 ,we may trace a corresponding weakness in his chief enthusiasms4 ,unable to distinguish between the realities of existence and the dreamland of his study1 he hailed in ,rienzi the restorer of old ,rome1 while he stigmatised his friends the ,colonnesi as barbarian intruders4#cf ,the ,rome he read of in the pages of ,livy1 seemed to the imagination of this visionary still alive and powerful2 nor did he feel the absurdity of addressing the medival rabble of the ,romans in phrases high-flown for a ,gracchus4#cg ,while he courted the intimacy of the ,correggi1 and lived as a house-guest with the ,visconti1 he denounced these princes as tyrants1 and appealed to the ,emperor to take the reins and bring all ,italy beneath his yoke4#ch ,herein1 it may be urged1 ,petrarch did but share a delusion common to his age4 ,this is true2 but the point to notice is the contradiction between his theories and the habits of his life4 ,he was not a partisan on the ,ghibelline side1 but a believer in impossible ideals4 ,his patriotism was no less literary than his temperament4 ,the same tendency to measure all things by a student's standard made him exaggerate mere verbal eloquence4 ,words1 according to his view1 were power4 ,cicero held the highest place in his esteem1 because his declamation was most copious4 ,aristotle1 in spite of his profound philosophy1 was censured for his lack of rhetoric4#ci ,throughout the studied works of ,petrarch we can trace this vice of a stylistic ideal4 ,though he never writes without some solid germ of thought1 he loves to play with phrases1 producing an effect of unreality1 and seeming emulous of casuistical adroitness4#dj ,footnote #cf3 ,see the ,epistles to ,rienzi1 pp4 #fgg1 #ece4 ,footnote #cg3 ,epistle to the ,roman people1 beginning ',apud te invictissime domitorque terrarum popule meus1' p4 #gab4 ,footnote #ch3 ,epistle to ,charles ,,iv41 ,de ,pacificand ,itali1 p4 #eca4 ,this contradiction struck even his most ardent admirers with painful surprise4 ,see ,boccaccio quoted in ,baldelli's ,life1 p4 #aae4 ,footnote #ci3 ,rerum memorandarum1 lib4 ii4 p4 #dae4 ,footnote #dj3 ,this is particularly noticeable in the miscellaneous collection of essays called ,de ,remediis utriusque ,fortun1 where opposite views on a wide variety of topics are expressed with great dexterity4 ,the foregoing analysis was necessary because ,petrarch became1 as it were1 a model for his followers in the field of scholarship4 ,italian humanism never lost the powerful impress of his genius1 and the value of his influence can only be appreciated when the time arrives for summing up the total achievement of the ,revival4#da ,it remains to be regretted that the weaknesses of his character1 his personal pretension and literary idealism1 were more easily imitated than his strength4 ,petrarch's egotism differed widely from the insolent conceit of ,filelfo and the pedantic boasts of ,alciato4 ,nor did his enthusiasm for antiquity degenerate1 like theirs1 into a mere uncritical and servile worship4 ,his humanism was both loftier and larger4 ,he never forgot that ,christianity was an advance upon ,paganism1 and that the accomplished man of letters must acquire the culture of the ancients without losing the virtues or sacrificing the hopes of a ,christian4 ,if only the humanists of the ,renaissance could have preserved this point of view intact1 they would have avoided the worst evils of the age1 and have secured a nobler liberation of the modern reason4 ,petrarch created for himself a creed compounded of ,roman ,stoicism and ,christian doctrine1 adapting the precepts of the ,gospels and the teaching of the ,fathers1 together with the ethics of ,cicero and ,seneca1 to his own needs4 ,herein he showed the freedom of his genius1 and led the way for the most brilliant thinkers of the coming centuries4 ,the fault of his successors was a tendency to recede from this high vantage-ground1 to accept the customary creed with cynical facility1 while they inclined in secret to a laxity adopted from their study of the classics4 ,by separating himself from tradition1 without displaying an arrogant spirit of revolt against authority1 ,petrarch established the principle that men must guide their own souls by the double lights of culture and of conscience4 ,his followers were too ready to make culture all in all1 and lost thereby the opportunity of grounding a rational philosophy of life upon a solid basis for the modern world4 ,petrarch made it his sincere aim to be both morally and intellectually his highest self2 and if he often failed in practice--if he succumbed to carnal frailty while he praised sobriety--if he sought for notoriety while professing indifference to fame--if he mistook dreams for realities and words for facts--still the ideal he proposed to himself and eloquently preached to his contemporaries1 was a new and lofty one4 ,after the lapse of five centuries1 few as yet have passed beyond it4 ,even ,goethe1 for example1 can claim no superiority of humanism above ,petrarch1 except by right of his participation in the scientific spirit4 ,footnote #da3 ,see the last chapter of this volume4 ,we are therefore justified in hailing ,petrarch as the ,columbus of a new spiritual hemisphere1 the discoverer of modern culture4 ,that he knew no ,greek1 that his ,latin verse was lifeless and his prose style far from pure1 that his contributions to history and ethics have been superseded1 and that his epistles are now only read by antiquaries1 cannot impair his claim to this title4 ,from him the inspiration needed to quicken curiosity and stimulate a zeal for knowledge proceeded4 ,but for his intervention in the fourteenth century1 it is possible that the ,revival of ,learning1 and all that it implies1 might have been delayed until too late4 ,petrarch died in #acgd4 ,the ,greek ,empire was destroyed in #adec4 ,between those dates ,italy recovered the ,greek classics2 but whether the ,italians would have undertaken this labour if no ,petrarch had preached the attractiveness of liberal studies1 or if no school of disciples had been formed by him in ,florence1 remains more than doubtful4 ,we are brought thus to recognise in him one of those heroes concerning whose relation to the spirit of the ages ,hegel has discoursed in his ',philosophy of ,history4' ,petrarch1 by anticipating the tendencies of the ,revival1 created the intellectual milieu required for its evolution4#db ,yet we are not therefore justified in saying that he was not himself the product of already existing spiritual forces in his century4 ,the vast influence he immediately exercised1 while ,dante1 though gifted with a far more powerful individuality1 remained comparatively inoperative1 proves that the age was specially prepared to receive his inspiration4 ,footnote #db3 ,the lines from the ,africa used as a motto for this volume are a prophecy of the ,renaissance4 ,what remains to be said about the first period of ,italian humanism is almost wholly concerned with men who either immediately or indirectly felt the influence of ,petrarch's genius4#dc ,his shadow stretches over the whole age4 ,incited by his brilliant renown1 ,boccaccio1 while still a young man1 began to read the classical authors1 bemoaning the years he had wasted in commerce and the study of the law to please his father4 ,from what the poet of the ',decameron' has himself told us about the origin of his literary enthusiasm1 it appears that ,petrarch's example was decisive in determining his course4 ,there is1 however1 another tale1 reported by his fellow-citizen ,villani1 so characteristic of the age that to omit it in this place would be to sacrifice one of the most attractive legends in the history of literature4#dd ',after wandering through many lands1 now here1 now there1 for a long space of time1 when he had reached at last his twenty-eighth year1 ,boccaccio1 at his father's bidding1 took up his abode at ,naples in the ,pergola4 ,there it chanced one day that he walked forth alone for pleasure1 and came to the place where ,virgil's dust lies buried4 ,at the sight of this sepulchre1 he fell into long musing admiration of the man whose bones it covered1 brooding with meditative soul upon the poet's fame1 until his thoughts found vent in lamentations over his own envious fortunes1 whereby he was compelled against his will to give himself to things of commerce that he loathed4 ,a sudden love of the ,pierian ,muses smote his heart1 and turning homeward1 he abandoned trade1 devoting himself with fervent study to poetry2 wherein very shortly1 aided alike by his noble genius and his burning desire1 he made marvellous progress4 ,this when his father noted1 and perceived the heavenly inspiration was more powerful within his son than the paternal will1 he at last consented to his studies1 and helped him as best he could1 although at first he tried to make him turn his talents to the canon law4' ,footnote #dc3 ,it is very significant of ,petrarch's influence that his contemporaries ranked him higher1 even as a sonnet-writer1 than ,dante4 ,see ,coluccio de' ,salutati's ,letters1 part ii4 p4 #eg4 ,footnote #dd3 ,filippo ,villani1 ,vite d',uomini ,illustri ,fiorentini1 ,firenze1 #ahbf1 p4 #i4 ,the hero-worship of ,boccaccio1 not only for the august ,virgil1 but also for ,dante1 the master of his youth and the idol of his mature age1 is the most amiable trait in a character which1 by its geniality and sweetness1 cannot fail to win affection4#de ,when circumstances brought him into personal relations with ,petrarch1 he transferred the whole homage of his ardent soul to the only man alive who seemed to him a fit inheritor of ancient fame4#df ,petrarch became the director of his conscience1 the master of his studies1 the moulder of his thoughts upon the weightiest matters of literary philosophy4 ,the friendship established between the poet of ,vaucluse and the lover of ,fiammetta lasted through more than twenty years1 and was only broken by the death of the former4 ,throughout this long space of time ,boccaccio retained the attitude of a humble scholar1 while in his published works1 the ',genealogi ,deorum' and the ',comento sopra i ,primi ,sedici ,capitoli dell' ,inferno di ,dante1' he uniformly spoke of ,petrarch as his father and his teacher1 the wonder of the century1 a heavenly poet better fitted to be numbered with the giants of the past than with the pygmies of a barren age4 ,the fame enjoyed by ,petrarch1 the honours showered upon him by kings and princes1 his own vanity1 and even the discrepancies between his habits and his theories1 produced no bitterness in ,boccaccio's more modest nature4 ,it was enough for the pupil to use his talents for the propagation of his master's views2 and thus the influence of ,petrarch was communicated to ,florence1 where ,boccaccio continued to reside4#dg ,footnote #de3 ,with his own hand ,boccaccio transcribed the ,divine ,comedy1 and sent the ,,ms4 to ,petrarch1 who in his reply wrote thus3--',inseris nominatim hanc hujus officii tui escusationem1 quod tibi adolescentulo primus studiorum dux1 prima fax fuerit4' ,baldelli1 p4 #acc4 ,the enthusiasm of ,boccaccio for ,dante contrasts favourably with ,petrarch's grudging egotism4 ,footnote #df3 ,boccaccio was present at ,naples when ,petrarch disputed before ,king ,robert for his title to the poet's crown 7,gen4 ,deor4 xiv4 #bb72 but he first became intimate with him as a friend during ,petrarch's visit to ,florence in #acej4 ,footnote #dg3 ,salutato1 writing to ,francesco da ,brossano1 describes his conversations with ,boccaccio thus3--',nihil aliud quam de ,francisco 7i4e4 ,petrarcha7 conferebamus4 ,in cujus laudationem adeo libenter sermones usurpabat1 ut nihil avidius nihilque copiosius enarraret4 ,et eo magis quia tali orationis generi me prospiciebat intentum4 ,sufficiebat enim nobis ,petrarcha solus1 et omni posteritati sufficiet in moralitate sermonis1 in eloquenti soliditate atque dulcedine1 in lepore prosarum et in concinnitate metrorum4' ,epist4 ,fam4 p4 #de4 ,in obedience to ,petrarch's advice1 ,boccaccio in middle life applied himself to learning ,greek4 ,petrarch had never acquired a real knowledge of the language1 though he received a few lessons at ,avignon from ,barlaam1 a ,calabrian1 who had settled in ,byzantium1 and who sought to advance his fortunes in ,italy and ,greece by alternate acts of apostasy1 and afterwards at ,venice from ,leontius ,pilatus4#dh ,the opportunities of ,greek study enjoyed by ,boccaccio were also very meagre1 and his mastery of the idiom was superficial4 ,yet he advanced considerably beyond the point reached by any of his predecessors1 so that he deserves to be named as the first ,grecian of the modern world4 ,leontius ,pilatus1 a ,southern ,italian and a pupil of ,barlaam1 who1 like his teacher1 had removed to ,byzantium and renounced the ,latin faith1 arrived at ,venice on his way to ,avignon in #acfj4 ,boccaccio induced him to visit ,florence1 received him into his own house1 and caused him to be appointed ,greek ,professor in the ,university4 ,then he set himself to work in earnest on the text of ,homer4 ,the ignorance of the teacher was1 however1 scarcely less than that of his pupil4 ,while ,leontius possessed a fair knowledge of ,byzantine ,greek1 his command of ,latin was very limited1 and his natural stupidity was only equalled by his impudent pretensions4 ,of classical usages he seems to have known nothing4 ,the imbecility of his master could scarcely have escaped the notice of ,boccaccio4 ,indeed1 both he and ,petrarch have described ,leontius as a sordid cynic with a filthy beard and tangled hair1 morose in his temper and disgusting in his personal habits1 who concealed a bovine ignorance beneath a lion's hide of ostentation4 ,it was1 however1 necessary to make the best of him2 for ,greek in ,northern ,italy could nowhere else be gained1 and ,boccaccio had not thought1 it seems1 of journeying to ,byzantium in search of what he wanted4#di ,boccaccio1 accordingly1 drank the muddy stream of pseudo-learning and lies that flowed from this man's lips1 with insatiable avidity4 ,the nonsense administered to him by way of satisfying his thirst for knowledge may best be understood from the following etymologies4 ,greek3 ,achilleus was derived from ,greek3 a and ,greek3 chilos1 'without fodder4'#ej ,the names of the ,muses gave rise to these extraordinary explanations3#ea--,melpomene is derived from ,melempio comene1 which signifies facente stare la meditazione2 ,thalia is the same as ,tithonlia or pognente cosa che germini2 ,polyhymnia1 through ,polium neemen1 is the same as cosa che faccia molta memoria2 ,erato becomes ,euruncomenon or trovatore del simile1 and ,terpsichore is described as dilettante ammaestramento4 ,footnote #dh3 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen41 lib4 xi4 #i1 p4 #hhg2 lib4 vi4 #a1 p4 #hjf2 lib4 v4 #d1 p4 #hja4 ,footnote #di3 ,petrarch's letter to ,ugone di ,san ,severino1 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 xi4 #i1 p4 #hhg1 deserves to be read1 since it proves that ,italian scholars despaired at this time of gaining ,greek learning from ,constantinople4 ,they were rather inclined to seek it in ,calabria4 ',grciam1 ut olim ditissimam1 sic nunc omnis longe inopem disciplin 444 quod desperat apud ,grcos1 non diffidit apud ,calabros inveniri posse4' ,footnote #ej3 ,de ,gen4 ,deor4 xv4 #f1 #g4 ,footnote #ea3 ,comento sopra ,dante1 ,opp4 ,volg4 vol4 x4 p4 #abg4 ,after allowing for the difficulty of writing ,greek1 pronounced by an ,italian1 in ,italian letters1 and also for the errors of the copyist and printer1 it is clear that a ,greek scholar who thought ,melpomene was one 'who gives fixity to meditation1' ,thalia one 'who plants the capacity of growth1' ,polyhymnia she 'who strengthens and expands memory1' ,erato 'the discoverer of similarity1' and ,terpsichore 'delightful instruction1' was on a comically wrong track4 ,such was the bathos reached by erudition in ,byzantium4 ,yet ,boccaccio made what use he could of his contemptible materials4 ,at the dictation of ,leontius he wrote out the ',iliad' and ',odyssey' in ,latin2 and this was the first translation made of ,homer for modern readers4 ,the manuscript1 despatched to ,petrarch1 was1 as we have seen already1 greeted with enthusiasm4#eb ,this moment in the history of scholarship is so memorable that ,i may be excused for borrowing ,baldelli's extract from an ancient copy of ,boccaccio's autograph4#ec ,lycaon addresses his last prayer to ,achilles3-- ,genu deprecor te ,achilles3 tu autem venerare et me miserere4 ,vada ,servus4 ,jove genite venerabilis4 ,penes enim te primo gustavi ,cereris farinam1 ,die illo1 quando me cepisti in bene facto viridario2 ,et me transtulisti procul ferens patreque amicisque ,lemnon ad gloriosam4 ,hecatombium autem honorem inveni1 ,nunc autem lsus ter tot ferens4 ,dies autem mihi est ,hc duodecima1 quando ad ,ilion veni ,multa passus4 ,nunc iterum me in tuis manibus posuit ,fatum destructibile4 ,debeo odio esse ,jovi patri1 ,qui me tibi iterum dedit1 medio cuique1 me mater ,genuit ,lathoi1 filia ,altai senis4 ,footnote #eb3 ,see above1 p4 #ec1 note #d4 ,footnote #ec3 ,vita del ,boccaccio1 p4 #bfd4 ,the autograph was probably burned with other books of ,boccaccio1 and some of the unintelligible passages in the above quotation may be due to the ignorance of the copyist4 ,only by keeping firmly in mind that such men as ,petrarch and ,boccaccio1 the two chief masters of ,italian literature1 prized this wretched stuff as an inestimable treasure1 can we justly conceive how utterly ,greek had been lost1 and what an effort it required to restore it to the modern world4 ,indefatigable industry was ,boccaccio's great merit as a student4 ,he transcribed the whole of ,terence with his own hands1 and showed a real sense of the advantage to be gained by a critical comparison of texts4 ,in his mythological1 geographical1 and historical collections he bequeathed to posterity a curious mass of miscellaneous knowledge1 forming1 as it were1 the first dictionaries of biography and antiquity for modern scholars4#ed ,far from sharing the originality of ,petrarch's humanistic ideal1 he remained at best a laborious chronicler of facts and anecdotes4 ,the author of the ',decameron1' so richly gifted with humour1 pathos1 and poetic fancy1 when he wrapped his student's robe around him1 became a painstaking pioneer of antiquarian research4 ,footnote #ed3 ,de ,genealogi ,deorum2 ,de ,casibus ,virorum ac ,feminarum ,illustrium2 ,de ,claris ,muliebribus2 ,de ,montibus1 ,silvis1 ,fontibus1 c4 ,one very important part of ,petrarch's programme was eloquently supported by ,boccaccio4 ,the fourteenth and fifteenth books of the ',genealogi ,deorum' form what may be termed the first defence of poesy1 composed in honour of his own art by a poet of the modern world4 ,in them ,boccaccio expounds a theory already sketched in outline by ,petrarch4 ,we have seen that the worst obstacle to humanistic culture lay1 not so much in ignorance1 as in misconceptions based upon prejudice and scruple4 ,the notion of fine literature as an elevating and purifying influence had been lost4 ,to restore it was the object of these earliest humanists4 ,by poetry1 contends ,boccaccio1 we must understand whatever of weighty in argument1 deep in doctrine1 and vivid in imagination the man of genius may produce with conscious art in prose and verse4 ,poetry is instruction conveyed through allegory and fiction4 ,theology itself1 he reasons1 is a form of poetry2 even the ,holy ,ghost may be called a ,poet1 inasmuch as ,he used the vehicle of symbol in the visions of the prophets and the ,revelation of ,s4 ,john4#ee ,to such strained arguments was the apostle of culture driven in order to persuade his hearers1 and to drag literature from the ,avernus of medival neglect4 ,we must not1 however1 imagine that ,boccaccio was himself superior to a point of view so puerile4 ,allegory appeared to him a necessary condition of art3 only a madman could deny the hidden meaning of the ',georgics' and the 'neid2'#ef while the verses of ,dante and of ,petrarch owed their value to the ,christian mysteries they shrouded4 ,the poet1 according to this medival philosophy of literature1 was a sage and teacher wrapping up his august meanings in delightful fictions4#eg ,though the common herd despised him as a liar and a falsehood-fabricator1 he was1 in truth1 a prophet uttering his dark speech in parables4 ,how foolish1 therefore1 reasons the apologist1 are the enemies of poetry--sophistical dialecticians and avaricious jurists1 who have never trodden the ,phoebean hill1 and who scorn the springs of ,helicon because they do not flow with gold6 ,far worse is the condition of those monks and hypocrites who accuse the divine art of immorality and grossness1 instead of reading between the lines and seeking the sense conveyed to the understanding under veils of allegory4 ,truly1 proceeds ,boccaccio1 we do well to shun the errors of ,pagans2 nor can it be denied that poets of antiquity have written verse abhorrent to the ,christian spirit4 ,but1 ,jesus ,christ be praised1 the faith has triumphed4 ,strong in the doctrines of the ,gospel and the ,church1 the student may safely approach the masterpieces of classic literature without fearing the seductions of the ,siren4 ,footnote #ee3 ',la teologia e la poesia quasi una cosa si possono dire 444 la teologia niuna altra cosa che una poesia d',iddio4' ,vita di ,dante1 p4 #ei4 ,cf4 ,comento sopra ,dante1 loc4 cit4 p4 #de4 ,the explanation of the ,muses referred to above is governed by the same determination to find philosophy in poetry4 ,footnote #ef3 ,see ,petrarch's letter ',de quibusdam fictionibus ,virgilii4' ,ep4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 iv4 #d1 p4 #ghe4 ,footnote #eg3 ,see the privilege granted to ,petrarch by the ,roman senator in #acdc1 ,petr4 ,opp4 tom4 iii4 p4 #f4 ,this argument1 forming the gist of the ',apology for ,poetry' in the ',genealogi ,deorum1' is repeated in the ',comment upon ,dante4' ,it is doubly interesting1 both as showing the popular opinion of poetry and the prejudices ,boccaccio thought it needful to attack1 and also as containing a full exposition of the allegorising theories with which humanism started4 ,for some time after ,boccaccio's death the paragraphs condensed above supplied the champions of culture with weapons to be used against their ecclesiastical and scholastic antagonists2 nor was it until humanism had triumphed1 that the allegorical interpretation of the ancients was finally abandoned4 ,independently of his contributions to learning1 ,boccaccio occupies a prominent place in the history of the ,revival through the new spirit he introduced into the vulgar literature4 ,he was the first who frankly sought to justify the pleasures of the carnal life1 whose temperament1 unburdened by asceticism1 found a congenial element in amorous legends of antiquity4 ,the romances of ,boccaccio1 with their beautiful gardens and sunny skies1 fair women and luxurious lovers1 formed a transition from the chivalry of the early ,italian poets to the sensuality of ,beccadelli and ,pontano4 ,he prepared the nation for literary and artistic ,paganism by unconsciously divesting thought and feeling of their spiritual elevation4 ,dante had made the whole world one in ,christ4 ,petrarch put humanity to school in the lecture-room of ,roman sages and in the councils of the ,church4 ,a terrestrial paradise of sensual delight1 where all things were desirable and delicate1 contented the poet of the ',fiammetta' and ',filostrato4' ,to the beatific vision of the ',divine ,comedy1' to the ',trionfo della ,morte1' succeeded the ',visione ,amorosa'--a review of human life1 in which ,boccaccio begins by invoking ,dame ,venus and ends with earthly love1 ,il ,sior di tutta pace4 ,the name given to ,boccaccio by contemporaries1 ,giovanni della ,tranquillit1 sufficiently indicates his peaceful temperament4 ,he was1 in fact1 the scholar1 working in his study1 and contributing to the erudition of his age by writings4 ,another of ,petrarch's disciples1 ,giovanni ,malpaghino1 called from his birthplace ,giovanni da ,ravenna1 exercised a more active personal influence over the destinies of scholarship4 ,while still a youth he had been employed by ,petrarch as secretary and amanuensis4 ,his general ability1 clear handwriting1 and enthusiasm for learning first recommended him to the poet1 who made use of him for copying manuscripts and arranging his familiar letters4 ,in the course of this work ,john of ,ravenna became himself a learned man1 acquiring a finer sense of ,latinity than was possessed by any other scholar of his time4 ,something1 too1 of the sacred fire he caught from ,petrarch1 so that in his manhood the very faults of his nature became instrumental in diffusing throughout ,italy the passion for antiquity4 ,he could not long content himself with being even ,petrarch's scribe4 ,irresistible restlessness impelled him to seek adventures in the outer world1 to mix with men and gain the glory he was always reading of4 ,petrarch1 incapable of comprehending that any honour was greater than that of being his satellite1 treated this ambitious pupil like a wilful child4 ,a quarrel ensued4 ,giovanni left his benefactor's house and went forth to try his fortunes4 ,without repeating the vicissitudes of his career in detail1 it is enough to mention that want and misery soon drove him back to ,petrarch2 that once more the vagrant impulse came upon him1 and that for a season he filled the post of chancellor in the little principality of ,carrara4#eh ,the one thing1 however1 which he could not endure1 was the routine of fixed employment4 ,therefore we find that he abandoned the ,court of the ,malaspini1 and betook himself to the more congenial work of a wandering professor4 ,his prodigious memory1 by enabling him to retain1 word for word1 the text of authors he had read1 proved of invaluable service to him in this career4 ,his passionate poetic temper made him apt to raise enthusiasm in young souls for literary studies4 ,giovanni da ,ravenna was in fact the first of those vagabond humanists with whom we shall be occupied in the next chapters1 and of whom ,filelfo was the most illustrious example4 ,florence1 ,padua1 ,venice1 and many other cities of ,italy received the ,latinist1 whose reputation now increased with every year4 ,in each of these towns in succession he lectured upon ,cicero and the ,roman poets1 pouring forth the knowledge he had acquired in ,petrarch's study1 and transmitting to his audience the inspiration he had received from his master4 ,the school thus formed was compared a century later to the ,trojan horse1 whence issued a band of heroes destined to possess the capital of classic learning4 ,as a writer1 he produced little that is worth more than a passing notice4 ,his real merit consisted1 as ,lionardo ,bruni witnessed1 in his faculty of arousing a passion for pure literature1 and especially for the study of ,cicero4 ,among his most illustrious pupils may be mentioned ,francesco ,barbaro1 ,palla degli ,strozzi1 ,roberto de' ,rossi1 ,francesco ,filelfo1 ,carlo ,marsuppini1 ,poggio ,bracciolini1 ,lionardo ,bruni1 ,guarino da ,verona1 ,vittorino da ,feltre1 ,ambrogio ,traversari1 ,ognibene da ,vicenza1 and ,pier ,paolo ,vergerio4 ,this list1 as will appear from the sequel of my work1 includes nearly all those scholars who devoted their energies to erudition at ,venice1 ,florence1 ,rome1 ,mantua1 ,ferrara1 and ,perugia in the fifteenth century4 ,giovanni da ,ravenna deserves1 therefore1 to be honoured as the link between the age of ,petrarch and the age of ,poggio1 as the vessel chosen for communicating the sacred fire of humanism to the ,courts and ,republics of ,italy4 ,none but a wanderer1 vagus quidam1 as ,petrarch1 half in scorn and half in sorrow1 called his protg1 could so effectually have carried on the work of propagation4#ei ,footnote #eh3 ,de ,sade1 in his ,memoirs of ,petrarch1 gives an interesting account of this romantic episode in his life4 ,see too ,petrarch1 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 v4 #f and #g1 pp4 #hjb-hjf4 ,footnote #ei3 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,sen4 lib4 xiv4 #ad1 p4 #idb4 ,the name of the next student claiming our attention as a disciple of ,petrarch1 brings us once more back to ,florence4 ,luigi ,marsigli was a monk of the ,augustine ,order of ,s4 ,spirito4 ,petrarch1 noticing his distinguished abilities1 had exhorted him to make a special study of theology1 and to enter the lists as a champion of ,christianity against the ,averrhoists4#fj ,under the name of ,averrhoists in the fourteenth century were ranged all freethinkers who questioned the fundamental doctrines of the ,church1 doubted the immortality of the soul1 and employed their ingenuity in a dialectic at least as trivial as that of the schoolmen1 but directed to a very different end4#fa ,petrarch disliked their want of liberal culture as much as he abhorred their affectation of impiety4 ,the stupid materialism they professed1 their gross flippancy1 and the idle pretence of natural science upon which they piqued themselves1 were regarded by him as so many obstacles to his own ideal of humanism4 ,he only saw in them another set of scholastic wranglers1 worse than the theologians1 inasmuch as they had cast off ,christ4 ,against ,averrhoes1 'the raging hound who barked at all things sacred and ,divine1' ,petrarch therefore sought to stimulate the young ,marsigli4 ,marsigli1 however1 while he shared ,petrarch's respect for humane culture1 seems to have sympathised with the audacity and freedom of his proposed antagonists4 ,the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito became under his influence the centre of a learned society1 who met there regularly for disputations4 ,the theme chosen for discussion was posted up upon the wall of the debating-room1 metaphysical and ethical subjects forming the most frequent matter of inquiry4#fb ,among the members of the circle who sharpened their wits in this species of dialectic1 we find ,coluccio de' ,salutati1 ,roberto de' ,rossi1 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 and ,giannozzo ,manetti4 ,the influence of ,marsigli in forming their character was undoubtedly powerful4 ,poggio1 in his funeral oration upon ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 tells us that 'the house of ,marsigli was frequented by distinguished youths1 who set themselves to imitate his life and habits2 it was1 moreover1 the resort of the best and noblest burghers of this city1 who flowed together from all quarters to him as to some oracle of more than human wisdom4'#fc ,his intellectual acuteness1 solid erudition1 and winning eloquence were displayed in moral disquisitions upon ,virgil1 ,cicero1 and ,seneca4 ,in this way he had the merit of combining the dialectic method and the bold spirit of the ,averrhoists with the sound learning and polite culture of the newly-discovered humanities4 ,the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito has to be mentioned as the first of those many private academies to which the free thought and the scholarship of ,italy were afterwards destined to owe so much4 ,footnote #fj3 ,epist4 sine titulo1 xviii4 p4 #gcb4 ,footnote #fa3 ,see the exhaustive work of ,renan1 ,averros et l',averrosme4 ,footnote #fb3 ,see ,manetti's ,life1 ,mur4 xx4 col4 #eca4 ,other references will be found in ,vespasiano's ,lives4 ,boccaccio's library was preserved in this convent4 ,footnote #fc3 ,poggii ,opera1 p4 #bga4 ,it is my object in this chapter to show how humanistic scholarship1 starting from ,petrarch1 penetrated every department of study1 and began to permeate the intellectual life of the ,italians4 ,we have now to notice its intrusion into the sphere of politics4 ,petrarch died in #acgd1 ,boccaccio in #acge4 ,the latter date is also that of ,coluccio de' ,salutati's entrance upon the duties of ,florentine ,chancellor4 ,salutato1 the friend of ,boccaccio and the disciple of ,marsigli1 the professed worshipper of ,petrarch and the translator of ,dante into ,latin verse1 was destined to exercise an important influence in his own department as a stylist4 ,before he was called to act as secretary to the ,signory of ,florence in his forty-sixth year1 he had already acquired the learning and imbibed the spirit of his age4 ,he was known as a diligent collector of manuscripts and promoter of ,greek studies1 as a writer on mythology and morals1 as an orator and miscellaneous author4#fd ,his talents had now to be concentrated on the weightier business of the ,florentine ,republic2 but his study of antiquity caused him to conceive his duties and the political relations of the ,state he served1 in a new light4 ,during the wars carried on with ,gregory ,,xi4 and the ,visconti1 his pen was never idle4 ,for the first time he introduced into public documents the gravity of style and melody of phrase he had learned in the school of classic rhetoricians4 ,the effect produced by this literary statesman1 as elegant in authorship as he was subtle in the conduct of affairs1 can only be estimated at its proper value when we remember that the ,italians were now ripe to receive the influence of rhetoric1 and only too ready to attribute weight to verbal ingenuity4 ,gian ,galeazzo ,visconti is said to have declared that ,salutato had done him more harm by his style than a troop of paid mercenaries4#fe ,the epistles1 despatches1 protocols1 and manifestoes composed by their ,chancellor for the ,florentine priors1 were distributed throughout ,italy4 ,read and copied by the secretaries of other states1 they formed the models of a new ,state eloquence4#ff ,elegant ,latinity became a necessary condition of public documents1 and ,ciceronian phrases were henceforth reckoned among the indispensable engines of a diplomatic armoury4 ,offices of trust in the ,papal ,curia1 the courts of the ,despots1 and the chanceries of the republics were thus thrown open to professional humanists4 ,in the next age we shall find that neither princes1 popes1 nor priors could do without the services of trained stylists4 ,footnote #fd3 ,salutato's familiar letters1 ,lini ,coluci ,pieri ,salutati ,epistolarum ,pars ,secunda1 ,florenti1 ,,mdccxxxxi41 are a valuable source of information respecting scholarship at the close of the fourteenth century4 ,see especially his letter to ,benvenuto da ,imola on the death of ,petrarch 7p4 #cb71 his letter to the same about ,petrarch's ,africa 7p4 #da71 another letter about the preservation of the ,africa 7p4 #gi71 a letter to ,petrarch's nephew ,francesco da ,brossano on the death of ,boccaccio 7p4 #dd71 and a letter to a certain ,comes ,magnificus on the literary and philosophical genius of ,petrarch 7p4 #di74 ,footnote #fe3 ',galeacius ,mediolanensium ,princeps crebro auditus est dicere non tam sibi mille ,florentinorum equites quam ,colucii scripta nocere4' ,pii ,secundi ,europ ,commentarii1 p4 #ded4 ,footnote #ff3 ',costui fu de' migliori dittatori di pistole al mondo1 perocch molti quando ne potevano avere1 ne toglieano copie2 si piaceano a tutti gl'intendenti3 e nelle corte di ,re e di signori del mondo1 e anchora de' cherici era di lui in questa arte maggiore fama che di alcuno altro uomo4' ,from the ,chronicle of ,luca da ,scarparia4 ,these epistles were collected and printed by ,josephus ,rigaccius1 ,bibliopola ,florentinus ,celeberrimus1 in #agda4 ,among the letters written for the ,signory of ,florence1 that of congratulation to ,gian ,galeazzo ,visconti on his murder of ,bernabo 7p4 #af71 that to the ,french ,cardinals 7p4 #ah71 to ,sir ,john ,hawkwood1 or ,domino ,joanni ,aucud 7p4 #ajg71 to the ,marquis of ,moravia 7p4 #aaj71 and to the ,romans 7p4 #ada7 deserve to be read4 ,while concentrating attention upon this chief contribution of ,salutato to ,italian scholarship1 ,i must not omit to notice1 however briefly1 the patronage he exercised at ,florence4 ,both ,poggio ,bracciolini and ,lionardo ,bruni owed their advancement to his interest4#fg ,giacomo da ,scarparia1 the first ,florentine who visited ,byzantium with a view to learning ,greek1 received from him the warmest encouragement1 together with a commission for the purchase of manuscripts4 ,to his activity in concert with ,palla degli ,strozzi was due the establishment of a ,greek chair in the ,university of ,florence4 ,nor was this zeal confined to the living4 ,he composed the ,lives of ,dante1 ,petrarch1 and ,boccaccio1 translated a portion of the ',divine ,comedy' into ,latin for its wider circulation through the learned world1 and caused the ',africa' of ,petrarch to be published4#fh ,when the illustrious ,chancellor died1 in the year #adjf1 at the age of seventy-six1 he was honoured with a public funeral2 the poet's crown was placed upon his brow1 a panegyrical oration was recited1 and a monument was erected to him in the ,duomo4#fi ,footnote #fg3 ,see the letter of ,lionardo ,bruni1 quoted in ,lini ,coluci ,pieri ,salutati ,epistol1 p4 xv4 ,coluccio's own letter recommending ,lionardo to ,innocent ,,vii41 ib4 p4 #e1 and his numerous familiar letters to ,poggio1 ib4 pp4 #ac1 #agc1 c4 ,footnote #fh3 ',certe cogitabam revidere librum1 et si quid1 ut scribis1 vel absonum1 vel contra metrorum regulam intolerabile deprehendissem1 curiosius elimare et sicut ,naso finxit in neida1 singulos libros paucis versiculis quasi in argumenti formam brevissime resumere1 et exinde pluribus sumptis exemplis1 et per me ipsum correctis et diligenter revisis1 unum ad ,bononiense gymnasium1 unum ,parisiis1 unum in ,angliam cum me epistol de libri laudibus destinare1 et unum in ,florenti ponere in loco celebri1' c4 ,epistol1 part ii4 p4 #hj4 ,footnote #fi3 ,among the other laureati who filled the post of ,florentine ,chancellor may be mentioned ,dante's tutor1 ,brunetto ,latini1 ,lionardo ,bruni1 ,carlo ,marsuppini1 ,poggio ,bracciolini1 and ,benedetto ,accolti1 of whom more hereafter4 ,what ,salutato accomplished for the style of public documents1 ,gasparino da ,barzizza effected for familiar correspondence4 ,after teaching during several years at ,venice and ,padua1 he was summoned to ,milan in #adah by ,filippo ,maria ,visconti1 who ordered him to open a school in that capital4 ,gasparino made a special study of ,cicero's ,letters1 and caused his pupils to imitate them as closely as possible1 forming in this way an art of fluent letter-writing known afterwards as the ars familiariter scribendi4 ,epistolography in general1 considered as a branch of elegant literature1 occupied all the scholars of the ,renaissance1 and had the advantage of establishing a link of union between learned men in different parts of ,italy4 ,we therefore recognise in ,gasparino the initiator1 after ,petrarch1 of a highly important branch of ,italian culture4 ,this1 when it reached maturity1 culminated in the affectations of the ,ciceronian purists4 ,it must be understood that neither ,salutato nor ,gasparino attained to real polish or freedom of style4 ,compared even with the ,latinity of ,poggio1 theirs is heavy and uncouth2 while that of ,poggio seems barbarous by the side of ,poliziano's1 and ,poliziano in turn yields the palm of mere correctness to ,bembo4 ,it was only by degrees that the taste of the ,italians formed itself1 and that facility was acquired in writing a lost language4 ,the fact that medival ,latin was still used in legal documents1 in conversation1 in the offices of the ,church1 and in the theological works which formed the staple of all libraries1 impeded the recovery of a classic style4 ,when the ,italians had finally learned how to polish prose1 it was easy to hand on the art to other nations2 while to sneer at their pedantry1 as ,erasmus did1 was no matter of great difficulty4 ,by that time their scrupulous and anxious preoccupation with purity of phrase threatened danger to the interests of liberal learning4 ,hitherto1 with the exception only of ,boccaccio's ,greek studies1 ,i have had to trace the rise of ,latin letters and to call particular attention to the cult of ,cicero in ,italy4 ,it is now necessary to mention the advent of a man who played a part in the revival of learning only second to that of ,petrarch4 ,manuel ,chrysoloras1 a ,byzantine of noble birth1 came to ,italy during the ,pontificate of ,boniface ,,ix41 charged by the ,emperor ,palologus with the mission of attempting to arm the states of ,christendom against the ,turk4 ,like all the ,greeks who visited ,western ,europe1 ,chrysoloras first alighted in ,venice2 but the ,republic of the ,lagoons neither understood the secret nor felt the need of retaining these birds of passage4 ,after a few months they almost invariably passed on to ,florence--the real centre of the intellectual life of ,italy4 ,as soon as it was known that ,chrysoloras1 who enjoyed the fame of being the most accomplished and eloquent ,hellenist of his age1 had arrived with his companion1 ,demetrios ,kydonios1 in ,venice1 two noble ,florentines1 ,roberto de' ,rossi and ,giacomo d',angelo da ,scarparia1 set forth to visit him4 ,the residence of the ,greek ambassadors in ,italy on this occasion was but brief2 they found that1 politically1 they could effect nothing4 ,but ,giacomo da ,scarparia journeyed in their society to ,byzantium2 while ,roberto de' ,rossi returned to ,florence1 full of the impression which the erudite philosophers had left upon him4 ,the report he made to his fellow-citizens awoke a passionate desire in ,palla degli ,strozzi and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli to bring ,chrysoloras in person to ,florence4 ,their urgent appeals to the ,signory resulted in an invitation whereby ,chrysoloras in #acif was induced to fill the ,greek chair in the university4 ,a yearly stipend of #aej golden florins1 raised afterwards to #bej1 was voted for his maintenance4 ,this engagement secured the future of ,greek erudition in ,europe4 ,the merit of having brought the affair to a successful issue belongs principally to ,palla degli ,strozzi1 of whom ,vespasiano wrote3 ',there being in ,florence exceeding good knowledge of ,latin letters1 but of ,greek none1 he resolved that this defect should be remedied1 and therefore did all he could to make ,manuel ,grisolora visit ,italy1 using all his influence thereto and paying a large portion of the expense incurred4'#gj ,we must not1 however1 omit the share which ,coluccio ,salutato1#ga by his influence with the ,signory1 and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 by the interest he exerted with the ,uffiziali dello ,studio1 may also claim4 ,among the audience of this the first true teacher of ,greek at ,florence were numbered ,palla degli ,strozzi1 ,roberto de' ,rossi1 ,poggio ,bracciolini1 ,lionardo ,bruni1 ,francesco ,barbaro1 ,giannozzo ,manetti1 ,carlo ,marsuppini1 and ,ambrogio ,traversari--some of them young men of eighteen1 others old and grey-haired1 nearly all of them the scholars in ,latinity of ,giovanni da ,ravenna4 ,nor was ,florence the only town to receive the learning of ,chrysoloras4 ,he opened schools at ,rome1 at ,padua1 at ,milan1 and at ,venice2 so that his influence as a wandering professor was at least equal to that exercised by ,giovanni da ,ravenna4 ,footnote #gj3 ,vite d',uomini ,illustri1 p4 #bga4 ,footnote #ga3 ,cf4 the letter quoted by ,voigt 7p4 #acj7 to ,giacomo da ,scarparia1 which shows ,coluccio's enthusiasm for ,greek4 ,the impulse communicated to the study of antiquity by ,chrysoloras1 and the noble enthusiasm of his scholars for pure literature1 may best be understood from a passage in the ',commentaries' of ,lionardo ,bruni1 whereof the following is a compressed translation3#gb--',letters at this period grew mightily in ,italy1 seeing that the knowledge of ,greek1 intermitted for seven centuries1 revived4 ,chrysoloras of ,byzantium1 a man of noble birth and well skilled in ,greek literature1 brought to us ,greek learning4 ,i at that time was following the civil law1 though not ill-versed in other studies2 for by nature ,i loved learning with ardour1 nor had ,i given slight pains to dialectic and to rhetoric4 ,therefore1 at the coming of ,chrysoloras1 ,i was made to halt in my choice of lives1 seeing that ,i held it wrong to desert law1 and yet ,i reckoned it a crime to omit so great an occasion of learning the ,greek literature2 and oftentimes ,i reasoned with myself after this manner3--,can it be that thou1 when thou mayest gaze on ,homer1 ,plato1 and ,demosthenes1 together with other poets1 philosophers1 and orators1 concerning whom so great and so wonderful things are said1 and mayest converse with them1 and receive their admirable doctrine--can it be that thou wilt desert thyself and neglect the opportunity divinely offered thee8 ,through seven hundred years no one in all ,italy has been master of ,greek letters2 and yet we acknowledge that all science is derived from them4 ,of civil law1 indeed1 there are in every city scores of doctors2 but should this single and unique teacher of ,greek be removed1 thou wilt find no one to instruct thee4 ,conquered at last by these reasonings1 ,i delivered myself over to ,chrysoloras with such passion that what ,i had received from him by day in hours of waking1 occupied my mind at night in hours of sleep4' ,footnote #gb3 ,mur4 xix4 #ibj4 ,the earnestness of this paragraph is characteristic of the whole period4 ,the scholars who assembled in the lecture-rooms of ,chrysoloras1 felt that the ,greek texts1 whereof he alone supplied the key1 contained those elements of spiritual freedom and intellectual culture without which the civilisation of the modern world would be impossible4 ,nor were they mistaken in what was then a guess rather than a certainty4 ,the study of ,greek implied the birth of criticism1 comparison1 research4 ,systems based on ignorance and superstition were destined to give way before it4 ,the study of ,greek opened philosophical horizons far beyond the dream-world of the churchmen and the monks2 it stimulated the germs of science1 suggested new astronomical hypotheses1 and indirectly led to the discovery of ,america4 ,the study of ,greek resuscitated a sense of the beautiful in art and literature4 ,it subjected the creeds of ,christianity1 the language of the ,gospels1 the doctrine of ,s4 ,paul1 to analysis1 and commenced a new era for ,biblical inquiry4 ,if it be true1 as a writer no less sober in his philosophy than eloquent in his language has lately asserted1 that1 'except the blind forces of nature1 nothing moves in this world which is not ,greek in its origin1' we are justified in regarding the point of contact between the ,greek teacher ,chrysoloras and his ,florentine pupils as one of the most momentous crises in the history of civilisation4 ,indirectly1 the ,italian intellect had hitherto felt ,hellenic influence through ,latin literature4 ,it was now about to receive that influence immediately from actual study of the masterpieces of the ,attic authors4 ,the world was no longer to be kept in ignorance of those 'eternal consolations' of the human race4 ,no longer could the scribe omit ,greek quotations from his ,latin text with the dogged snarl of obtuse self-satisfaction--,grca sunt1 ergo non legenda4 ,the motto had rather to be changed into a cry of warning for ecclesiastical authority upon the verge of dissolution--,grca sunt1 ergo periculosa3 since the reawakening faith in human reason1 the reawakening belief in the dignity of man1 the desire for beauty1 the liberty1 audacity1 and passion of the ,renaissance1 received from ,greek studies their strongest and most vital impulse4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,first ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,condition of the ,universities in ,italy -- ,bologna -- ,high ,schools founded from it -- ,naples under ,frederick ,,ii4 -- ,under the ,house of ,anjou -- ,ferrara -- ,piacenza -- ,perugia -- ,rome -- ,pisa -- ,florence -- ,imperial and ,papal ,charters -- ,foreign ,students -- ,professorial ,staff -- ,subjects taught in the ,high ,schools -- ,place assigned to ,humanism -- ,pay of the ,professors of ,eloquence -- ,francesco ,filelfo -- ,the ,humanists less powerful at the ,universities -- ,method of ,humanistic ,teaching -- ,the ,book ,market before ,printing -- ,medival ,libraries -- ,cost of ,manuscripts -- ,stationarii and ,peciarii -- ,negligence of ,copyists -- ,discovery of ,classical ,codices -- ,boccaccio at ,monte ,cassino -- ,poggio at ,constance -- ,convent of ,s4 ,gallen -- ,bruni's ,letter to ,poggio -- ,manuscripts discovered by ,poggio -- ,nicholas of ,treves -- ,collection of ,greek ,manuscripts -- ,aurispa1 ,filelfo1 and ,guarino -- ,the ,ruins of ,rome -- ,their ,influence on ,humanism -- ,dante and ,villani -- ,rienzi -- ,his ,idealistic ,patriotism -- ,vanity -- ,political ,incompetence -- ,petrarch's ,relations with ,rienzi -- ,injury to ,monuments in ,rome -- ,poggio's ,roman ,topography -- ,sentimental ,feeling for the ,ruins of ,antiquity -- ,ciriac of ,ancona4 ,having so far traced the quickening of a new sense for antiquity among the ,italians1 it will be well at this point to consider the external resources of ,humanism before continuing the history of the ,revival in the fifteenth century4 ,the condition of the universities1 the state of the book trade before the invention of printing1 and the discovery of manuscripts claim separate attention2 nor may it be out of place to inquire what stimulus the enthusiasm for classical studies received from the ruins of ,rome4 ,a review of these topics will help to explain the circumstances under which the pioneers of culture had to labour1 and the nature of the crusade they instituted against ignorance in every part of ,europe4 ,the oldest and most frequented university in ,italy1 that of ,bologna1 is represented as having flourished in the twelfth century4#gc ,its prosperity in early times depended greatly on the personal conduct of the principal professors1 who1 when they were not satisfied with their entertainment1 were in the habit of seceding with their pupils to other cities4 ,thus high schools were opened from time to time in ,modena1 ,reggio1 and elsewhere by teachers who broke the oaths that bound them to reside in ,bologna1 and fixed their centre of education in a rival town4 ,to make such temporary changes was not difficult in an age when what we have to call an university1 consisted of masters and scholars1 without college buildings1 without libraries1 without endowments1 and without scientific apparatus4 ,the technical name for such institutions seems to have been studium scholarium1 ,italianised into studio or studio pubblico4#gd ,among the more permanent results of these secessions may be mentioned the establishment of the high school at ,vicenza by translation from ,bologna in #abjd1 and the opening of a school at ,arezzo under similar circumstances in #abae2 the great ,university of ,padua first saw the light in consequence of political discords forcing the professors to quit ,bologna for a season4#ge ,footnote #gc3 ,tiraboschi1 ,storia della ,letteratura ,italiana1 vol4 iv4 p4 #db et seq41 vol4 v4 p4 #fj et seq4 ,large quarto1 ,modena1 #aghg4 ,footnote #gd3 ,see ,muratori1 vol4 viii4 #ae1 #ge1 #cgb4 ,matteo ,villani1 lib4 i4 cap4 #h4 ,footnote #ge3 ',hoc anno translatum est ,studium ,scholarium de ,bononi ,paduam4' ,mur4 viii4 #cgb4 ,the first half of the thirteenth century witnessed the foundation of these studi in considerable numbers4 ,that of ,vercelli was opened in #abbh1 the municipality providing two certified copyists for the convenience of students who might wish to purchase text-books4#gf ,in #abbd the ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii41 to whom the south of ,italy owed a precocious eminence in literature1 established the ,university of ,naples by an ,imperial diploma4#gg ,with a view to rendering it the chief seat of learning in his dominions1 he forbade the subjects of the ,regno to frequent other schools1 and suppressed the ,university of ,bologna by letters general4 ,thereupon ,bologna joined the ,lombard ,league1 defied the emperor1 and refused to close the schools1 which numbered at that period about ten thousand students of various nationalities4 ,in #abbg ,frederick revoked his edict1 and ,bologna remained thenceforward unmolested4 ,political and internal vicissitudes1 affecting all the ,italian universities at this period1 interrupted the prosperity of that of ,naples4 ,in the middle of the thirteenth century ,salerno proved a dangerous rival2 but when the ,house of ,anjou was established in the kingdom of the ,sicilies1 special privileges were granted1 restoring the high school of the capital to the first rank4 ,charles ,i4 created a separate court of jurisdiction for its management4 ,this consisted of a judge and three assessors1 one for the control of foreigners1 another for the subjects of the ,regno1 and the third for ,italians from other states4 ,footnote #gf3 ,they were called ',exemplatores4' ,see ,tiraboschi1 vol4 iv4 lib4 i cap4 #b4 ,footnote #gg3 ,muratori1 vii4 p4 #iig4 ,amari1 ,storia dei ,mussulmani di ,sicilia1 vol4 iii4 p4 #gjf4 ,in #abfd we find a public school in operation at ,ferrara4 ,by its charter the professors were exempt from military service4 ,the ,university of ,piacenza came into existence a little earlier4 ,innocent ,,iv4 established it in #abdh1 with privileges similar to those of ,paris and ,bologna4 ,an important group of studi pubblici owed their origin to ,papal or ,imperial charters in the first half of the fourteenth century4 ,that of ,perugia was founded in #acjg by a ,bull of ,clement ,v4 ,that of ,rome dated from #acjc1 in which year ,boniface ,,viii4 gave it a constitution by a special edict2 but the translation of the ,papal ,see to ,avignon caused it to fall into premature decadence4 ,the ,university of ,pisa had already existed for some years1 when it received a charter in #acdc from ,clement ,,vi4 ,that of ,florence was first founded in #acba4gh ,in #acdh a place for its public buildings was assigned between the ,duomo and the ,palazzo ,pubblico1 on the site of what was afterwards known as the ,collegium ,eugenianum4 ,a council of eight burghers was appointed for its management1 and a yearly sum was set apart for its maintenance4 ,in #acdi ,clement ,,vi4 gave it the same privileges as the ,university of ,bologna1 while in #acfd it received an ,imperial diploma from ,charles ,,iv4 ,the same emperor granted charters to ,siena in #aceg1 to ,arezzo in #acef1 and to ,lucca in #acfi4 ,in #acfb ,galeazzo ,visconti obtained a charter for his ,university of ,pavia from ,charles ,,iv41 with the privileges of ,paris1 ,oxford1 and ,bologna4 ,footnote #gh3 ,see ,von ,reumont1 ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 vol4 i4 p4 #eba4 ,it will be observed that the majority of the studi pubblici obtained charters either from the ,pope or the emperor1 or from both1 less for the sake of any immediate benefit to be derived from ,papal or ,imperial patronage1 than because supreme authority in ,italy was still referred to one or other of these heads4 ,it was a great object with each city to increase its wealth by attracting foreigners as residents1 and to retain the native youth within its precincts4 ,the municipalities1 therefore1 accorded immunities from taxation and military service to bona fide students1 prohibited their burghers from seeking rival places of learning1 and in some cases allowed the university authorities to exercise a special jurisdiction over the motley multitude of scholars from all countries4 ,how miscellaneous the concourse in some of the high schools used to be1 may be gathered from the reports extracted by ,tiraboschi from their registers4 ,at ,vicenza1 for example1 in #abji we find the names of ,bohemians1 ,poles1 ,frenchmen1 ,burgundians1 ,germans1 and ,spaniards1 as well as of ,italians of divers towns4 ,the rectors of this studio in #abje included an ,englishman1 a ,provenal1 a ,german1 and a ,cremonese4 ,the list of illustrious students at ,bologna between #abfe and #abid show men of all the ,european nationalities1 proving that the foreigners attracted by the university must have formed no inconsiderable element in the whole population4#gi ,this will account for the prominent part played by the students from time to time in the political history of ,bologna4#hj ,footnote #gi3 ,in #acbj there were at least #ae1jjj students in ,bologna4 ,footnote #hj3 ,see ,sismondi1 vol4 iii4 p4 #cdi4 ,the importance attached by great cities to their universities as a source of strength1 may be gathered from the chapter in ,matteo ,villani's ,chronicle describing the foundation of the studio pubblico in ,florence4#ha ,he expressly mentions that the ,signory were induced to take this step in consequence of the depopulation inflicted by the ,black ,death of #acdh4 ,by drawing residents to ,florence from other ,states1 they hoped to increase the number of the inhabitants1 and to restore the decayed fame and splendour of the commonwealth4#hb ,at the same time they thought that serious studies might put an end to the demoralisation produced in all classes by the plague4 ,with this object in view1 they engaged the best teachers1 and did not hesitate to devote a yearly sum of #b1ejj golden florins to the maintenance of their high school4 ,bologna1 which owed even more than ,florence to its university1 is said to have lavished as much as half of its revenue1 about #bj1jjj ducats1 on the pay of professors and other incidental expenses4 ,the actual cost incurred by cities through their schools cannot1 however1 be accurately estimated1 since it varied from year to year according to the engagements made with special teachers4 ,at ,pavia1 for example1 in #adjj1 the university supported in ,canon ,law several eminent doctors1 in ,civil ,law thirteen1 in ,medicine five1 in ,philosophy three1 in ,astrology one1 in ,greek one1 and in ,eloquence one4#hc ,whether this staff was maintained after the lapse of another twenty years we do not know for certain4 ,footnote #ha3 ,lib4 i4 cap4 #h4 ,footnote #hb3 ',volendo attrarre gente alla nostra citt1 e dilatarla in onore1 e dare materia a' suoi cittadini d'essere scienziati e virtudiosi4' ,footnote #hc3 ,cf4 ,corio1 p4 #bij4 ,he gives the names of the professors who attended at the funeral of ,gian ,galeazzo ,visconti4 ,the subjects taught in the high schools were ,canon and ,civil ,law1 ,medicine1 and ,theology4 ,these faculties1 important for the professional education of the public1 formed the staple of the academical curriculum4 ,chairs of ,rhetoric1 ,philosophy1 and ,astronomy were added according to occasion1 the last sometimes including the study of judicial astrology4 ,if we inquire how the humanists or professors of classic literature were related to the universities1 we find that1 at first at any rate1 they always occupied a second rank4 ,the permanent teaching remained in the hands of jurists1 who enjoyed life engagements at a high rate of pay1 while the ,latinists and ,grecians could only aspire to the temporary occupation of the ,chair of ,rhetoric1 with salaries considerably lower than those of lawyers or physicians4 ,the cause of this inferiority is easily explained4 ,it was natural that important and remunerative branches of learning like law and medicine should attract a greater number of students than pure literature1 and that their professors should be better paid than the teachers of eloquence4 ,padua1 ,bologna1 and ,pavia in particular retained their legal speciality throughout the period of the ,renaissance1 and remained but little open to humanistic influences4 ,at ,padua we find from ,sanudo's ,diary#hd that an eminent jurist received a stipend of #a1jjj ducats4 ,a ,doctor of ,medicine at the same university1 in #adia1 received a similar stipend1 together with the right of private practice4 ,at ,bologna the famous jurist ,abbas ,siculus 7,niccolo de' ,tudeschi7 drew #hjj scudi yearly2 at ,padua ,giovanni da ,imola in #adjf1 and ,paolo da ,castro in #adcj1 drew a sum of #fjj ducats4#he ,about the same time 7#adec7 ,lauro ,quirino1 who professed rhetoric at ,padua1 was paid at the rate of only forty ducats yearly1 while ,lorenzo ,valla1 at ,pavia1 filled the ,chair of ,eloquence with an annual stipend of fifty sequins4 ,the disparity between the remuneration of jurists and that of humanists was not so great at all the universities4 ,florence in especial formed a notable exception4 ,from the date of its commencement the ,florentine studio was partial to literature2 and it is worth remarking that when ,lorenzo de' ,medici transferred the high school to ,pisa1 he retained at ,florence the professors of the liberal sciences and belles-lettres4 ,the great reputation of eminent rhetoricians1 again1 often secured for them temporary engagements at a high rate4 ,thus we gather from ,rosmini's ',life of ,filelfo' that this humanist received from ,venice the offer of #ejj sequins yearly as remuneration for his professorial services4 ,bologna proposed an annual stipend of #dej sequins when he undertook to lecture upon eloquence and moral philosophy4 ,at ,florence his income amounted to #cej golden florins1 secured for three years1 and subsequently raised to #dej4 ,with ,siena he stipulated for #cej golden florins for two years4 ,at ,milan his ,chair of ,eloquence was endowed with #ejj golden florins1 and this salary was afterwards increased to #gjj4 ,nicholas ,v4 offered him an annual income of #fjj ducats if he would devote himself to the translation of ,greek books into ,latin1 while ,sixtus ,,iv4 tried to bring him to ,rome by proposing #fjj ,roman florins as the stipend of the ,chair of ,rhetoric4 ,footnote #hd3 ,mur4 xxii4 #iij4 ,footnote #he3 ,see ,voigt1 p4 #ddg4 ,the fact1 however1 remains that while the special study of antiquity preoccupied the minds of the ,italians1 and attracted all the finer intellects among the youth ambitious of distinction1 its professors never succeeded in taking complete possession of the universities4 ,their position there was always that of wandering stars and resident aliens4 ,this accounts in some measure for the bitter hostility and scorn which they displayed against the teachers of theology and law and medicine4 ,the real home of the humanists was in the ,courts of princes1 the palaces of the cultivated burghers1 the ,roman ,curia1 and the chanceries of the republics4 ,as secretaries1 house tutors1 readers1 ,court poets1 historiographers1 public orators1 and companions they were indispensable4 ,we shall therefore find that the private academies formed by the literati and their patrons1 the schools of princes established at ,mantua and ,ferrara1 and the residences of great nobles play a more important part in the history of humanism than do the universities4 ,at the same time the spirit of the new culture diffused by the humanists so thoroughly permeated the whole intellectual activity of the ,italians1 that in course of time the special studies of the high schools assumed a more literary and liberal form4 ,the classics then supplied the starting-point for juristic and medical disquisitions4 ,poliziano was seen lecturing upon the ,pandects of ,justinian1 while ,pomponazzi made the ,chair of ,philosophy at ,padua subservient to the exposition of materialism4 ,this triumph of humanism1 like its triumph in the ,church1 was effected less by immediate working on the universities than by a gradual and indirect determination of the whole race towards the study of antiquity4 ,in picturing to ourselves the method pursued by the humanists in the instruction of their classes1 we must divest our minds of all associations with the practice of modern professors4 ,very few of the students whom the master saw before him1 possessed more than meagre portions of the text of ,virgil or of ,cicero2 they had no notes1 grammars1 lexicons1 or dictionaries of antiquities and mythology1 to help them4 ,it was therefore necessary for the lecturer to dictate quotations1 to repeat parallel passages at full length1 to explain geographical and historical allusions1 to analyse the structure of sentences in detail1 to provide copious illustrations of grammatical usage1 to trace the stages by which a word acquired its meaning in a special context1 to command a full vocabulary of synonyms1 to give rules for orthography1 and to have the whole ,pantheon at his fingers' ends4 ,in addition to this he was expected to comment upon the meaning of his author1 to interpret his philosophy1 to point out the beauties of his style1 to introduce appropriate moral disquisition on his doctrine1 to sketch his biography1 and to give some account of his relation to the history of his country and to his predecessors in the field of letters4 ,in short1 the professor of rhetoric had to be a grammarian1 a philologer1 an historian1 a stylist1 and a sage in one4 ,he was obliged to pretend at least to an encyclopdic knowledge of the classics1 and to retain whole volumes in his memory4 ,all these requirements1 which seem to have been satisfied by such men as ,filelfo and ,poliziano1 made the profession of eloquence--for so the varied subject matter of humanism was often called--a very different business from that which occupies a lecturer of the present century4 ,scores of students1 old and young1 with nothing but pen and paper on the desks before them1 sat patiently recording what the lecturer said4 ,at the end of his discourses on the ',georgics' or the ',verrines1' each of them carried away a compendious volume1 containing a transcript of the author's text1 together with a miscellaneous mass of notes1 critical1 explanatory1 ethical1 sthetical1 historical1 and biographical4 ,in other words1 a book had been dictated1 and as many scores of copies as there were attentive pupils had been made4#hf ,the language used was ,latin4 ,no dialect of ,italian could have been intelligible to the students of different nationalities who crowded the lecture-rooms4 ,the elementary education in grammar requisite for following a professorial course of lectures had been previously provided by the teachers of the ,latin schools1 which depended for maintenance partly on the ,state#hg and partly on private enterprise4 ,the ,church does not seem to have undertaken the management of these primary boys' schools4 ,footnote #hf3 ,many of the earliest printed editions of the ,latin poets give an exact notion of what such lectures must have been4 ,the text is embedded in an all-embracing commentary4 ,footnote #hg3 ,cf4 ,villani's ,statistics of ,florence1 and ,corio's of ,milan4 ,since this was the nature of academical instruction in the humanities before the age of printing1 it followed that the professor had a direct interest in frequently shifting his scene of operations4 ,more than a certain number of such books as ,i have just attempted to describe could not be carried in his head4 ,after he had dictated his work on the ',georgics' at ,florence1 he was naturally anxious to move to ,milan and to do the same4 ,a new audience gave new value to his lectures1 and another edition1 as it were1 of his book was put in circulation4 ,in the correspondence which passed between professors and the rectors of the high schools previously to an engagement1 we sometimes find that the former undertake to explain particular authors during their proposed residence4 ,on these authors they had no doubt bestowed the best years of their lives1 making them the vehicle for all the miscellaneous learning they possessed1 and grounding their fame upon the beauty1 clearness1 and copiousness of their exposition4#hh ,footnote #hh3 ,for humorous but vivid pictures of a professor's lecture-room1 see the macaronic poems of ,odassi and ,fossa quoted by me in vol4 v4 of this work4 ,having described the conditions under which professorial teaching was conducted in the fifteenth century1 it is now of some importance to form a notion of the state of the book market and the diffusion of ,,mss4 before the invention of printing4 ,difficult as it is to speak with accuracy on these topics some facts must be collected1 seeing that the high price and comparative rarity of books contributed in a very important degree to determine the character of the instruction provided by the humanists4 ,scarcity of books was at first a chief impediment to the study of antiquity4 ,popes and princes and even great religious institutions possessed far fewer books than many farmers of the present age4 ,the library belonging to the ,cathedral ,church of ,s4 ,martino at ,lucca in the ninth century contained only nineteen volumes of abridgments from ecclesiastical commentaries4 ,the ,cathedral of ,novara in #abab could boast copies of ,boethius1 ,priscian1 the ',code of ,justinian1' the ',decretals1' and the ',etymology' of ,isidorus1 besides a ,bible and some devotional treatises4#hi ,this slender stock passed for great riches4 ,each of the precious volumes in such a collection was an epitome of medival art4 ,its pages were composed of fine vellum adorned with pictures4#ij ,the initial letters displayed elaborate flourishes and exquisitely illuminated groups of figures4 ,the scribe took pains to render his caligraphy perfect1 and to ornament the margins with crimson1 gold1 and blue4 ,then he handed the parchment sheets to the binder1 who encased them in rich settings of velvet or carved ivory and wood1 embossed with gold and precious stones4 ,the edges were gilt and stamped with patterns4 ,the clasps were of wrought silver1 chased with niello4 ,the price of such masterpieces was enormous4 ,borso d',este1 in #adfd1 gave eight gold ducats to ,gherardo ,ghislieri of ,bologna for an illuminated ,lancellotto1 and in #adfi he bought a ,josephus and ,quintus ,curtius for forty ducats4#ia ,his great ,bible in two volumes is said to have cost #a1cge sequins4 ,rinaldo degli ,albizzi notes in his ,memoirs that he paid eleven golden florins for a ,bible at ,arezzo in #adjf4 ,of these ,,mss4 the greater part were manufactured in the cloisters1 and it was here too that the martyrdom of ancient authors took place4 ,lucretius and ,livy gave place to chronicles1 antiphonaries1 and homilies4 ,parchment was extremely dear1 and the scrolls which nobody could read might be scraped and washed4 ,accordingly1 the copyist erased the learning of the ancients1 and filled the fair blank space he gained with litanies4 ,at the same time it is but just to the monks to add that palimpsests have occasionally been found in which ecclesiastical works have yielded place to copies of the ,latin poets used in elementary education4#ib ,footnote #hi3 ,see ,cant1 ,storia della ,letteratura ,italiana1 p4 #aje1 note4 ,footnote #ij3 ',hodie ,scriptores non sunt ,scriptores sed ,pictores1' quoted by ,tiraboschi1 vol4 iv4 lib4 i4 cap4 #d4 ,footnote #ia3 ,see ,cant1 loc4 cit4 p4 #ajd4 ,footnote #ib3 ,see ,comparetti1 vol4 i4 p4 #aad4 ,another obstacle to the diffusion of learning was the incompetence of the copyists4 ,it is true that at the great universities stationarii1 who supplied the text-books in use to students1 were certified and subjected to the control of special censors called peciarii4 ,yet their number was not large1 and when they quitted the routine to which they were accustomed their incapacity betrayed itself by numerous errors4#ic ,petrarch's invective against the professional copyists shows the depth to which the art had sunk4 ',who1' he exclaims1 'will discover a cure for the ignorance and vile sloth of these copyists1 who spoil everything and turn it to nonsense8 ,if ,cicero1 ,livy1 and other illustrious ancients were to return to life1 do you think they would understand their own works8 ,there is no check upon these copyists1 selected without examination or test of their capacity4 ,workmen1 husbandmen1 weavers1 artisans1 are not indulged in the same liberty4'#id ,coluccio ,salutato repeats the same complaint1 averring that the copies of ,dante and ,petrarch no more correspond to the originals than bad statues to the men they pretend to represent4 ,at the same time the copyists formed a necessary and flourishing class of craftsmen4 ,they were well paid4 ,ambrogio ,traversari told his friend ,giustiniani in #adcj that he could recommend him a good scribe at the pay of thirty golden florins a year and his keep4 ,under these circumstances it was usual for even the most eminent scholars1 like ,petrarch1 ,boccaccio1 and ,poggio1 to make their own copies of ,,mss4 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli transcribed nearly the whole of the codices that formed the nucleus of the ,library of the ,mark4 ,sometimes they sold them or made advantageous changes4 ,poggio1 for example1 sold two volumes of ,s4 ,jerome's ',letters' to ,lionello d',este for #ajj golden florins4 ,beccadelli bought a ,livy from him for #abj golden florins1 having parted with a farm to defray the expense4 ,it is clear that the first step toward the revival of learning implied three things3 first1 the collection of ,,mss4 wherever they could be saved from the indolence of the monks2 secondly1 the formation of libraries for their preservation2 and1 thirdly1 the invention of an art whereby they might be multiplied cheaply1 conveniently1 and accurately4 ,footnote #ic3 ,in ,milan1 in the fourteenth century1 when the population was estimated at about #bjj1jjj1 the town could boast of only fifty copyists4 ,tirab4 loc4 cit4 cap4 #d4 ,footnote #id3 ,de ,remediis utriusque ,fortun1 lib4 i4 dial4 #dc1 p4 #db4 ,the passage condensed above is so valuable for a right understanding of the humanistic feeling about manuscripts that ,i shall transcribe portions of the original3--',libri innumerabiles sunt mihi4 ,et errores innumeri1 quidam ab impiis1 alii ab indoctis editi4 ,illi quidem religioni ac pietati et divinis literis1 hi natur ac justiti moribusque et liberalibus disciplinis seu histori rerumque gestarum fidei1 omnes autem vero adversi2 inque omnibus1 et prsertim primis ubi majoribus agitur de rebus1 et vera falsis immixta sunt1 perdifficilis ac periculosa discretio est 444 scriptorum insciti inertique1 corrumpenti omnia miscentique 444 ignavissima tas hc culin solicita1 literarum negligens1 et coquos examinans non scriptores4 ,quisquis itaque pingere aliquid in membranis1 manuque calamum versare didicerit1 scriptor habebitur1 doctrin omnis ignarus1 expers ingenii1 artis egens 444 nunc confusis exemplaribus et exemplis1 unum scribere polliciti1 sic aliud scribunt ut quod ipse dictaveris1 non agnoscas 444 accedunt et scriptores null frenati lege1 nullo probati examine1 nullo judicio electi2 non fabris1 non agricolis1 non textoribus1 non ulli fere artium tanta licentia est1 cum sit in aliis leve periculum1 in hc grave2 sine delectu tamen scribendum ruunt omnes1 et cuncta vastantibus certa sunt pretia4' ,the labour involved in the collection of classical manuscripts had to be performed by a few enthusiastic scholars1 who received no help from the universities and their academical scribes1 and who met with no sympathy in the monasteries they were bent on ransacking4 ,the new culture demanded wholly new machinery2 and new runners in the torch-race of civilisation sprang into existence4 ,the high schools were contented with their summaries and glosses4 ,the monks performed at best the work of earthworms1 who unwittingly preserve fragments of ,greek architecture from corrosion by heaping mounds of mould and rubbish round them4 ,meanwhile the humanists went forth with the instinct of explorers to release the captives and awake the dead4 ,from the convent libraries of ,italy1 from the museums of ,constantinople1 from the abbeys of ,germany and ,switzerland and ,france1 the slumbering spirits of the ancients had to be evoked4 ,the chivalry of learning1 banded together for this service1 might be likened to ,crusaders4 ,as the ,franks deemed themselves thrice blest if they returned with relics from ,jerusalem1 so these new ,knights of the ,holy ,ghost1 seeking not the sepulchre of a risen ,god1 but the tombs wherein the genius of the ancient world awaited resurrection1 felt holy transports when a brown1 begrimed1 and crabbed copy of some ,greek or ,latin author rewarded their patient quest4 ,days and nights they spent in carefully transcribing it1 comparing their own ,,ms4 with the original1 multiplying facsimiles1 and sending them abroad with free hands to students who in their turn took copies1 till the treasure-trove became the common property of all who could appreciate its value4 ,this work of discovery began with ,petrarch4 ,i have already alluded to the journeys he undertook in the hope of collecting the lost ,,mss4 of ,cicero4 ,it was carried on by ,boccaccio4 ,the account given by ,benvenuto da ,imola of ,boccaccio's visit to ,monte ,cassino brings vividly before us both the ardour of these first explorers and the apathy of the ,benedictines 7who have sometimes been called the saviours of learning7 with regard to the treasures of their own libraries3#ie--',with a view to the clearer understanding of this text 7',paradiso1' xxii4 #gd71 ,i will relate what my revered teacher1 ,boccaccio of ,certaldo1 humorously told me4 ,he said that when he was in ,apulia1 attracted by the celebrity of the convent1 he paid a visit to ,monte ,cassino1 whereof ,dante speaks4 ,desirous of seeing the collection of books1 which he understood to be a very choice one1 he modestly asked a monk--for he was always most courteous in manners--to open the library1 as a favour1 for him4 ,the monk answered stiffly1 pointing to a steep staircase1 ,go up2 it is open4 ,boccaccio went up gladly2 but he found that the place which held so great a treasure1 was without or ,transcriber's ,note3 should be 'a' door or key4 ,he entered1 and saw grass sprouting on the windows1 and all the books and benches thick with dust4 ,in his astonishment he began to open and turn the leaves of first one tome and then another1 and found many and divers volumes of ancient and foreign works4 ,some of them had lost several sheets2 others were snipped and pared all round the text1 and mutilated in various ways4 ,at length1 lamenting that the toil and study of so many illustrious men should have passed into the hands of most abandoned wretches1 he departed with tears and sighs4 ,coming to the cloister1 he asked a monk whom he met1 why those valuable books had been so disgracefully mangled4 ,he answered that the monks1 seeking to gain a few soldi1 were in the habit of cutting off sheets and making psalters1 which they sold to boys4 ,the margins too they manufactured into charms1 and sold to women4 ,so then1 ,o man of study1 go to and rack your brains2 make books that you may come to this6' ,footnote #ie3 ',commentary on the ,divine ,comedy1' ap4 ,muratori1 ,antiq4 ,ital4 vol4 i4 p4 #abif4 ,what ,italy contained of ancient codices soon saw the light4 ,the visit of ,poggio ,bracciolini to ,constance 7#adad7 opened up for ,italian scholars the stores that lay neglected in transalpine monasteries4 ,poggio's office of ,apostolic ,secretary obliged him to attend the ,council of ,constance for the purpose of framing reports and composing diplomatic documents4 ,at the same time he had ample leisure on his hands1 and this he spent in exploring the libraries of ,swiss and ,suabian convents4 ,the treasures he unearthed at ,reichenau1 ,weingarten1 and above all ,s4 ,gallen1 restored to ,italy many lost masterpieces of ,latin literature1 and supplied students with full texts of authors who had hitherto been known in mutilated copies4 ,the account he gave of his visit to ,s4 ,gallen in a ,latin letter to a friend is justly celebrated4#if ,after describing the wretched state in which the ',institutions' of ,quintilian had previously existed1#ig he proceeds as follows3--',i verily believe that1 if we had not come to the rescue1 he ,quintilian must speedily have perished2 for it cannot be imagined that a man magnificent1 polished1 elegant1 urbane1 and witty could much longer have endured the squalor of the prison-house in which ,i found him1 the savagery of his jailers1 the forlorn filth of the place4 ,he was indeed right sad to look upon1 and ragged1 like a condemned criminal1 with rough beard and matted hair1 protesting by his countenance and garb against the injustice of his sentence4 ,he seemed to be stretching out his hands1 calling upon the ,romans1 demanding to be saved from so unmerited a doom4 ,hard indeed it was for him to bear1 that he who had preserved the lives of many by his eloquence and aid1 should now find no redresser of his wrongs1 no saviour from the unjust punishment awaiting him4 ,but as it often happens1 to quote ,terence1 that what you dare not wish for comes to you by chance1 so a good fortune for him1 but far more for ourselves1 led us1 while wasting our time in idleness at ,constance1 to take a fancy for visiting the place where he was held in prison4 ,the monastery of ,s4 ,gallen lies at the distance of some twenty miles from that city4 ,thither1 then1 partly for the sake of amusement and partly of finding books1 whereof we heard there was a large collection in the convent1 we directed our steps4 ,in the middle of a well-stocked library1 too large to catalogue at present1 we discovered ,quintilian1 safe as yet and sound1 though covered with dust and filthy with neglect and age4 ,the books1 you must know1 were not housed according to their worth1 but were lying in a most foul and obscure dungeon at the very bottom of a tower1 a place into which condemned criminals would hardly have been thrust2 and ,i am firmly persuaded that if anyone would but explore those ergastula of the barbarians wherein they incarcerate such men1 we should meet with like good fortune in the case of many whose funeral orations have long ago been pronounced4 ,besides ,quintilian1 we exhumed the three first books and a half of the fourth book of the ,argonautica of ,flaccus1 and the ,commentaries of ,asconius ,pedianus upon eight orations of ,cicero4' ,poggio1 immediately after this discovery1 set himself to work at transcribing the ,quintilian1 a labour accomplished in the brief space of thirty-two days4 ,the ,,ms4 was then despatched to ,lionardo ,bruni1 who received it with ecstatic welcome1 as appears from this congratulatory epistle addressed to ,poggio3-- ',the republic of letters has reason to rejoice not only in the works you have discovered1 but also in those you have still to find4 ,what a glory for you it is to have brought to light by your exertions the writings of the most distinguished authors6 ,posterity will not forget that ,,mss4 which were bewailed as lost beyond the possibility of restoration1 have been recovered1 thanks to you4 ,as ,camillus was called the second founder of ,rome1 so may you receive the title of the second author of the works you have restored to the world4 ,through you we now possess ,quintilian entire2 before we only boasted of the half of him1 and that defective and corrupt in text4 ,o precious acquisition6 ,o unexpected joy6 ,and shall ,i1 then1 in truth be able to read the whole of that ,quintilian which1 mutilated and deformed as it has hitherto appeared1 has formed my solace8 ,i conjure you send it me at once1 that at least ,i may set eyes on it before ,i die4' ,footnote #if3 ,mur4 xx4 #afj4 ,footnote #ig3 ,petrarch in #acej found a bad copy at ,florence4 ,poggio describes it thus3--',is vero apud nos antea1 ,italos dico1 ita laceratus erat1 ita circumcisus culp1 ut opinor1 temporum1 ut nulla forma1 nullus habitus hominis in eo recognosceretur4' ,in addition to the authors named above1 ,poggio discovered and copied with his own hand ,,mss4 of ,lucretius and ,columella4 ,silius ,italicus1 ,manillas1 and ,vitruvius owed their resurrection to his industry4 ,at ,langres he found a copy of ,cicero's oration for ,ccina2 at ,monte ,cassino a ,,ms4 of ,frontinus4 ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 ,nonius ,marcellus1 ,probus1 ,flavius ,caper1 and ,eutyches are also to be ranked among the captives freed by him from slavery4 ,in exploring foreign convents where he suspected that ancient authors might lie buried1 he spared neither trouble nor expense4 ',no severity of winter cold1 no snow1 no length of journey1 no roughness of roads1 prevented him from bringing the monuments of literature to light1' wrote ,francesco ,barbaro4#ih ,nor did he recoil from theft1 if theft seemed necessary to secure a precious codex4 ,in a letter to ,ambrogio ,traversari he relates his negotiations with a monk for the fraudulent abduction of an ,ammianus and a ,livy from a convent library in ,hersfeld4#ii ,not unfrequently his most golden anticipations with regard to literary treasures were deceived1 as when a ,dane appeared at the ,court of ,martin ,v4 bragging of a complete ,livy to be found in a ,cistercian convent near ,rskilde4 ,this man protested he had seen the ,,ms41 and described the characters in which it was written with some minuteness4 ,at ,poggio's instance the ,cardinal ,orsini sent off a special messenger to seek for this1 which would have been the very phoenix of ,,mss4 to the ,latinists of that period1 while ,cosimo de' ,medici put his agents at ,lbeck to work for the same purpose4 ,all their efforts were in vain1 however4 ,the ,livy could not be discovered1 and the ,dane passed for a liar1 in spite of the corroboration his story received from another traveller4#ajj ,poggio himself1 who would willingly have ransacked ,europe for a ,,ms41 was jealous of money spent on any other object4 ,in his treatise ',de ,infelicitate ,principum' he complains that 'these exalted personages popes and princes spend their days and their wealth in pleasure1 in unworthy pursuits1 in pestiferous and destructive wars4 ,so great is their mental torpor that nothing can rouse them to search after the works of excellent writers1 by whose wisdom and learning mankind are taught the way to true happiness4' ,this lamentation1 written probably under the unfavourable impression produced upon his mind by the ,papal ,court1 where as yet the spirit of humanism had hardly penetrated1 must not be taken in any strict sense4 ,never was there a time in the world's history when money was spent more freely upon the collection and preservation of ,,mss41 and when a more complete machinery was put in motion for the sake of securing literary treasures4 ,prince vied with prince1 and eminent burgher with burgher1 in buying books4 ,the commercial correspondents of the ,medici and other great ,florentine houses1 whose banks and discount offices extended over ,europe and the ,levant1 were instructed to purchase relics of antiquity without regard for cost1 and to forward them to ,florence4 ,the most acceptable present that could be sent to a king was a copy of a ,roman historian4 ,the best credentials which a young ,greek arriving from ,byzantium could use to gain the patronage of men like ,palla degli ,strozzi was a fragment of some ancient2 the merchandise ensuring the largest profit to a speculator who had special knowledge in such matters was old parchment covered with crabbed characters4 ,footnote #ih3 ,mur4 xx4 #afi4 ,cf4 the ,elegy of ,landino quoted in the notes to ,roscoe's ,lorenzo1 p4 #chh4 ,footnote #ii3 ,voigt1 p4 #ach4 ,footnote #ajj3 ,see ,voigt1 p4 #aci1 for this story4 ,the history of the foundation of libraries will form part of the next chapter4 ,for the present it is requisite to mention some of ,poggio's fellow-workmen in the labour of collection4 ,among these a certain ,nicholas of ,treves1 employed to receive monies due to the ,papal ,curia in ,germany1 deserves a place1 seeing that in #adbi he sent the most complete extant copy of ,plautus to ,rome4 ,bartolommeo da ,montepulciano1 following the lead of ,poggio1 pursued investigations while at ,constance1 and discovered the lost writings of ,vegetius and ,pompeius ,festus4 ,in #adji ,lionardo ,bruni chanced upon a good ,,ms4 of ,cicero's letters at ,pistoja1 and about the year #adbe a magnificent capture of ,cicero's rhetorical treatises was made at ,lodi in the ,duomo by ,gherardo ,landriani4 ,the extant works of ,tacitus1 so ardently desired1 were not collected earlier than the reign of ,leo4 ,while ,poggio was releasing the ,latin authors from their northern prisons1 and sending them to walk like princes through the ,courts and capitals of ,italy1 three other scholars devoted no less energy to the collection of ,greek ,,mss4 ,giovanni ,aurispa1 on his return from ,byzantium in #adbc1 brought with him #bch codices1 while ,guarino of ,verona and ,francesco ,filelfo both arrived in ,italy heavily laden4 ,there is an old story that ,guarino lost a part of his cargo at sea1 and landed with hair whitened by the grief this misfortune cost him4 ,considering the special advantages enjoyed by these three scholars1 who were pupils of the learned ,manuel ,chrysoloras1 and before whose eager curiosity the libraries of ,byzantium remained open through nearly half a century previous to the fall of the ,greek ,empire1 we have good reason to believe that the greater part of ,attic and ,alexandrian literature known to the later ,greeks was transferred to ,italy4 ,the avidity shown by the ,florentines for codices and copies1 the opportunities afforded by their mercantile connection with ,constantinople1 and the obvious interest which the ,court of ,byzantium at that crisis had in gratifying their taste for such acquisitions1 contribute to render it unlikely that any of the more important and illustrious authors were destroyed in the taking of the city by the ,turk4#aja ,it is probable that causes similar to those which slowly wrought the ruin of ,latin literature in the ,west--the apathy of an uncultured public1 the rancorous animosity of a superstitious clergy1 and the decay of students as a class--had long before the age of the ,renaissance ruined beyond the possibility of recovery those masterpieces whereof we still deplore the loss4#ajb ,the preservation of ,neoplatonic and ,patristic literature in comparative completeness1 while so much that was more valuable perished1 may be ascribed to the theological content of these writings4 ,footnote #aja3 ,see the emphatic language about ,palla degli ,strozzi1 ,cosimo de' ,medici1 and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 in ,vespasiano's ,lives4 ,islam1 moreover1 as is proved by ,pletho's ,life1 was at that period more erudite than ,hellas4 ,footnote #ajb3 ,i have touched upon this subject elsewhere4 ,see ,studies of ,greek ,poets1 second series1 pp4 #cjd-cjg4 ,in order to form a conception of the utter decline of ,byzantine learning after ,photius1 it is needful to read the passages in ,petrarch's letters1 where even ,calabria is compared favourably with ,constantinople4 ,in a state of ignorance so absolute as he describes1 it is possible that treasures existed unknown to professed students1 and therefore undiscovered by ,filelfo and his fellow-workers4 ,the testimony of ,demetrius ,chalcondylas1 quoted by ,didot1 ,alde ,manuce1 p4 xiv41 goes to show that the ,greeks attributed their losses in large measure to the malice of the priests4 ,not to render some account of the effect produced upon the minds of scholars in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by the sight of ,roman ruins in decay1 would be to omit an important branch of the subject ,i have undertaken4 ,yet this part of the inquiry leads us into a region somewhat different from that hitherto traversed in the present chapter1 since it properly belongs to the history of enthusiasm4 ,no small portion of the motive impulse that determined the ,revival was derived from the admiration1 curiosity1 and awe excited by the very stones of ancient ,rome4 ,during the ,middle ,ages the right point of view for studying the architectural works of the ,romans had been lost4 ,history yielded ever more and more to legend1 until at last it was believed that demons and magicians had suspended those gigantic vaults in air4 ,telesmatic virtues were attributed to figures carved on temple-fronts and friezes1 while the great name of ,virgil attached itself to what remained unhurt of ,latin art in ,rome and ,naples4#ajc ,the ,rome of the ,mirabilia was supposed to be the handiwork of fiends constrained by poets of the bygone age with spells of power to move hell from its centre4 ,this transference of interest from the real to the fanciful1 from the substantial to the visionary1 was characteristic of the whole attitude assumed by the mind in the ,middle ,ages4 ,history1 literature1 and art alike submitted to the alchemy of the imagination4#ajd ,at the same time the very grossness of these fables testified to the profound impression produced by the ruins of the ,eternal ,city1 and to the haunting magic of a memory surviving degradation and decay4 ,when the ,anglo-,saxon pilgrims returned from ,rome in the eighth century1 the fascination of the great works they had seen expressed itself in a memorable prophecy4#aje ',as long as the ,coliseum stands1 ,rome shall stand2 when the ,coliseum falls1 ,rome will fall2 when ,rome falls1 the world will fall4' ,footnote #ajc3 ,the details of ,virgil's romance occupy the first half of ,comparetti's second volume on ,virgil in the ,middle ,ages4 ,for the ,english version of this legend see ,thoms4 ,footnote #ajd3 ,see above1 pp4 #ch-di4 ,footnote #aje3 ,gibbon1 ch4 lxxi4 ,about the year #acjj a new historic sense appears to have arisen in ,italy4 ,instead of dreams and legends1 the positive facts of the past began to have once more their value4 ,this change might be compared to the discovery we make upon the borderland of sleep and waking1 when what we fancied was a figure draped in white by our bedside turns out to be the wall with moonlight shining on it4 ,giovanni ,villani1 when he gazed upon the baths and amphitheatres of ,rome1 was not moved to think of the fiends who raised them1 but of the buried grandeur of the ,roman commonwealth4#ajf ,what ,rome once was1 ,florence may one day become1 was the reflection that impelled him to write the chronicle of his native town4 ,dante1 who with ,villani witnessed the ,jubilee of #acjj1 cried that the very stones of ,rome were sacred4 ',whoso robs her1 or despoils her1 with blasphemy of act offendeth ,god1 who only for ,his own use made her holy4'#ajg ,the city was to him the outward symbol and terrestrial station of that ,god-appointed ,monarchy for ruling all the peoples of the earth in peace4 ,his most enthusiastic speculations1 as well as the practical policy set forth in his epistles1 attached themselves to ,rome as a reality2 nor did he ever tire of bidding ,german emperors return and fix their throne upon the bank of ,tiber4 ,we know now that this idealism was a delusion1 no less incapable of realisation than it was pernicious to the liberties of the ,italians4 ,it haunted the imagination of the race1 however1 until at last1 as ,i have said above1 the proper vent was found in humanism4 ,footnote #ajf3 ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #bjj4 ,footnote #ajg3 ,purg4 xxxiii4 #eh4 ,the same passion for ,rome took different form in the mind of another and less noble patriot4 ,it impelled ,rienzi to conceive the plan of rehabilitating the ,republic4 ,the ,popes were far away at ,avignon4 ,the emperors seemed to have forgotten ,italy4 ,yet ,rome remained1 and the mere name of ,rome was ,empire4 ,why should not the ,senatus ,populusque ,romanus1 whose initials still survived in uncial letters upon blocks of travertine and marble1 be restored to place and power8 ,wandering among those spacious vaults1 and lingering beneath the triumphal arches1 where the marks of chariot-wheels were traced upon the massive paved work of the ,roman ways1 the young enthusiast conceived that even he might live to be the ,tribune of that people1 born invincible1 and called by destiny to rule the world4 ,with what energy he devoted himself to studying the histories of ,livy1 ,sallust1 and ,valerius ,maximus2 how he strove to master the meaning of inscriptions found among the wrecks of ,rome2 with what eloquence he moved his fellow-citizens to sympathy--are familiar matters not only to scholars1 but to readers of romance4 ,his vision of the restored ,republic seemed for a moment destined to become reality4 ,the ,romans placed the power of life and death1 of revenues and armies1 in the hands of the seer1 who had stirred them by his rhetoric4 ,rienzi took rank among the potentates of ,italy4 ,even the ,papal ,court acknowledged him4 ,what followed proved the political incapacity of the new dictator1 his want of critical insight into the ideal he had set before himself4 ,there is something both pathetic and ridiculous in the vanity displayed by this barber's son exalted to a place among the princes4 ,not satisfied with calling himself ,tribune and ,knight1 the style he affected in his correspondence with ,clement ,,vi4 ran as follows3--',candidatus1 ,spiritus ,sancti ,miles1 ,nicolaus ,severus et ,clemens1 ,liberator ,urbis1 ,zelator ,itali1 ,amator ,orbis1 et ,tribunus ,augustus4' ,like ,icarus1 he spread these waxen wings to the sun's noontide blaze4 ,the same extravagant confusion of things sacred and profane1 classical and medival1 marked the pageantry of his ,state ceremonials in ,rome4 ,on ,august #ae1 #acdg1 in celebration of his election to the ,tribunate1 he assumed six crowns--of ivy1 myrtle1 laurel1 oak1 olive1 and gilt silver4 ,his arms were blazoned with the keys of ,peter and the letters ,s4,p4,q4,r4 ,his senatorial sceptre was surmounted1 not with the eagle or the wolf of ,romulus1 but with a golden ball and cross enclosing the relic of a saint4 ,the poetic fancy could not have suggested a more striking allegory to illustrate an undiscriminating reverence for the ,imperial and ,pontifical prestige of ,rome1 than was presented in this tragic farce of actual history4 ,not in this way1 by a mixture of ,christian and ,pagan titles1 by emblematic pomp1 by heraldry and declamation1 could the old ,republic be brought to life again4 ,the very attempt to do so proved how far the mind of man1 awaking from the long sleep of the ,middle ,ages1 was removed from the severe simplicity that gave its strength to ancient ,rome4 ,along those giddy parapets of fame we watch ,rienzi walking through his months of glory like a somnambule sustained by an internal dream4 ,that he should fall was inevitable4 ,with him expired the ,utopia of a ,roman commonwealth1 to be from time to time revived as an ineffectual fancy in the brains of a few visionaries4#ajh ,footnote #ajh3 ,stefano ,porcari1 for example4 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #bif1 #cjb4 ,the relations of ,petrarch to ,rienzi offer matter for curious reflection1 while they illustrate the part played by the enthusiasm for ancient ,rome in the early history of humanism4 ,petrarch and ,rienzi had been friends and correspondents before the emergence of the latter into public notice2 and when the ,tribune seemed about to satisfy the dearest desire of the poet's heart by re-establishing the ,roman commonwealth1 ,petrarch addressed him with an animated letter of congratulation and encouragement4#aji ,in his charmed eyes he seemed a hero1 vir magnanimus1 worthy of the ancient world1 a new ,romulus1 a third ,brutus1 a ,camillus4 ,the ,roman burghers1 that scum and sediment of countless races1 barbarised by the lingering miseries of the ,middle ,ages1 needed nothing1 it appeared1 but words and wishes to make them once again cives ,romani1 no longer clamorous for bread and games1 but ready to reconquer all their ancestors had lost4#aaj ',where1' cried ,petrarch1 'can the empire of the world be found1 except in ,rome8 ,who can dispute the ,roman right8 ,what force can stand against the name of ,romans8' ,neither the patriot nor the scholar discerned that the revival they were destined to inaugurate was intellectual4 ,though the spirit of the times refused a political ,renaissance1 refused to ,italy the maintenance of even such freedom as she then possessed1 far more refused a resuscitation of ancient ,rome's imperial sway1 yet both ,rienzi and ,petrarch persisted in believing that1 because they glowed with fervour for the past1 because they could read inscriptions1 because they expressed their desires eloquently1 the world's great age was certain to begin anew4 ,it was a capital fault of the ,renaissance to imagine that words could work wonders1 that a rhetorician's stylus might become the wand of ,prospero4 ,seeming passed for being in morals1 politics1 and all affairs of life4 ,i have already touched on this as a capital defect in ,petrarch's character2 but it was a weakness inherent not only in him and in the age he inaugurated1 but one1 moreover1 that has influenced the whole history of the ,italians for evil4 ,sounding phrases like the barbaros expellere of ,julius ,,ii41 like the va fuori d',italia of ,garibaldian hymns1 from time to time have roused the nation to feverish enthusiasm1 too soon succeeded by dejected apathy4 ,when the inefficiency of ,rienzi was proved1 all that remained for ,petrarch was to warn and scold4 ,footnote #aji3 ,de ,capessend ,libertate1 ,hortatoria1 p4 #ece4 ,footnote #aaj3 ,see ,petrarch's ,epistle to the ,roman ,people1 p4 #gab4 ,the interest excited in ,petrarch by the sight of ,rome's ruins was important for his humanistic ideal4 ,they stirred him as a moralist1 an antiquarian1 and a man who owed his mental vigour to the past4 ,he tells how often he used to climb above the huge vaults of the ,baths of ,diocletian in company with his friend ,giovanni ,colonna4#aaa ,seated there among the flowering shrubs and scented herbs that clothed decay with loveliness1 they held discourse concerning the great men of old1 and deplored the mutability of all things human4 ,whatever the poet had read of ,roman grandeur was brought back to his mind with vivid meaning during his long solitary walks4 ,he never doubted that he knew for certain where ,evander's palace stood1 and where the cave of ,cacus opened on the ,tiber4 ,the difficulties of modern antiquarian research had not been yet suggested1 and his fancy was free to map out the topography of the seven hills as pleased him best4 ,yet he complained that nowhere was less known about ,rome than in ,rome itself4#aab ,this ignorance he judged the most fatal obstacle to the resurrection of the city4#aac ,the palaces where dwelt those heroes of the past1 had fallen into ruins2 the temples of the gods were desecrated2 the triumphal arches were crumbling2 the very walls had yielded to decay4 ,none of the ,romans cared to arrest destruction2 they even robbed the marble columns and entablatures in order to deck ,naples with the spoils4#aad ,the last remnants of the city would soon1 he exclaimed1 be levelled with the ground4 ,time has been unable to destroy them2 but man was ruining what ,time had spared4#aae ,footnote #aaa3 ,epist4 ,fam4 lib4 ii4 #ad1 p4 #fje2 lib4 vi4 #b1 p4 #feg4 ,footnote #aab3 ',qui enim hodie magis ignari rerum ,romanarum sunt1 quam ,romani ,cives8 ,invitus dico1 nusquam minus ,roma cognoscitur quam ,rom4' ,epist4 ,fam4 lib4 ii4 #ad1 p4 #feh4 ,footnote #aac3 ',quis enim dubitare potest1 quin illico surrectura sit si coeperit se ,roma cognoscere8' ,ibid4 ,footnote #aad3 ',vi vel senio collapsa palatia1 qu quondam ingentes tenuere viri1 diruptos arcus triumphales 444 indignum de vestris marmoreis columnis1 de liminibus templorum1 ad qu nuper ex toto orbe concursus devotissimus fiebat1 de imaginibus sepulchrorum1 sub quibus patrum vestrorum venerabilis cinis erat1 ut reliquas sileam1 desidiosa ,neapolis adornatur4' ,ibid4 p4 #ecf4 ,footnote #aae3 ',quanta quod integr fuit olim gloria ,rom1 ,reliqui testantur adhuc1 quas longior tas ,frangere non valuit1 non vis1 aut ira cruenti ,hostis1 ab egregiis franguntur civibus heu1 heu4' ,petr4 ,epist4 ,metr4 lib4 ii4 p4 #ih4 ,there is no doubt that1 shortly before the date of ,petrarch's visits to ,rome1 the city had suffered grievously in its monuments4 ,we know1 for instance1 that the best preserved of the theatres1 baths1 and tombs formed the residences and fortresses of nobles in the ,middle ,ages2 and when we read that in #abeh the senator ,brancaleone found it necessary to destroy one hundred and forty of these fortified dwellings1 we obtain a standard for measuring the injury that must have ensued to precious works of classic architecture4 ,the ruins1 moreover1 as ,petrarch hinted1 had been used as quarries4 ,what was worse1 the burghers burned the marbles1 rich1 perhaps1 with inscriptions and carved bas-reliefs1 for lime4 ,we shall shortly see what ,poggio relates upon this topic4 ,for the present it will suffice to quote an epigram of ,pius ,,ii41 written some time after the revival of enthusiasm for antiquity3-- ,oblectat me1 ,roma1 tuas spectare ruinas1 ,ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet4 ,sed tuus hic populus muris defossa vetustis ,calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit4 ,impia ter centum si sic gens egerit annos1 ,nullum hic indicium nobilitatis erit4#aaf ,footnote #aaf3 ,it delights me to contemplate thy ruins1 ,rome1 the witness amid desolation to thy pristine grandeur4 ,but thy people burn thy marbles for lime1 and three centuries of this sacrilege will destroy all sign of thy nobleness4' ,compare a letter from ,alberto degli ,alberti to ,giovanni de' ,medici1 quoted by ,fabroni1 ,cosmi ,vita1 ,adnot4 #hf4 ,the real pride of ,rome was still her ruins4 ,nicolo and ,ugo da ,este journeyed in #acif to ,rome1 'per vedere quelle magnificenze antiche che al presente si possono vedere in ,roma4' ,murat4 xxiv4 #hde4 ,poggio ,bracciolini opens a new epoch in ,roman topography4 ,the ruins that had moved the superstitious wonder of the ,middle ,ages1 that had excited ,rienzi to patriotic enthusiasm1 and ,petrarch to reflections on the instability of human things1 were now for the first time studied in a truly antiquarian spirit4 ,poggio read them like a book1 comparing the testimony they rendered with that of ,livy1 ,vitruvius1 and ,frontinus1 and seeking to compile a catalogue of the existing fragments of old ,rome4 ,the first section of his treatise ',de ,varietate ,fortun1' forms by far the most important source of information we possess relating to the state of ,rome in the fifteenth century4#aag ,it appears that the ,baths of ,caracalla and ,diocletian could still boast of columns and marble incrustations1 but that within ,poggio's own recollection the marbles had been stripped from ,ccilia ,metella's tomb1 and the so-called ,temple of ,concord had been pillaged4#aah ,among the ruins ascribed to the period of the ,republic are mentioned a bridge1 an arch1 a tomb1 a temple1 a building on the ,capitol1 and the pyramid of ,cestius4#aai ,besides these1 ,poggio enumerates1 as referable chiefly to the ,imperial age1 eleven temples1 seven therm1 the ,arches of ,titus1 ,severus1 and ,constantine1 parts of the ,arches of ,trajan1 ,faustina1 and ,gallienus1 the ,coliseum1 the ,theatres of ,pompey and ,marcellus1 the ,circus ,agonalis and ,circus ,maximus1 the ,columns of ,trajan and ,antonine1 the two horses ascribed to ,pheidias and ,praxiteles1 together with other marble statues1 one bronze equestrian statue1 and the mausoleums of ,augustus and ,hadrian4 ,footnote #aag3 ,my references are made to the ,paris edition of #agbc4 ,the first book is sometimes cited under the title of ,urbis ,rom ,descriptio4 ,footnote #aah3 ',juxta viam ,appiam1 ad secundum lapidem1 integrum vidi sepulchrum ,l4 ,ccili ,metell1 opus egregium1 et id ipsum tot sculis intactum1 ad calcem postea majori ex parte exterminatum' 7p4 #ai74 ',capitolio contigua forum versus superest porticus dis ,concordi1 quam1 cum primum ad urbem accessi1 vidi fere integram1 opere marmoreo admodum specioso2 ,romani postmodum1 ad calcem dem totam et portics partem1 disjectis columnis1 sunt demoliti4' ,ibid4 ,footnote #aai3 ,pp4 #h1 #i4 ,we have to regret that ,poggio's description was subservient and introductory to a rhetorical dissertation4 ,had he applied himself to the task of tabulating more minutely what he had observed1 his work would have been infinitely precious to the archologist4 ,no one knew more about the ,roman buildings than he did4 ,no one felt the impression of their majesty in desolation more profoundly4 ,the mighty city appeared to him1 he said1 like the corpse of a giant1 like a queen in slavery4 ,the sight of her magnificence1 despoiled and shorn of ornaments as she had been1 moved him daily to deeper admiration4 ,it was his custom to lead strangers from point to point among the ruins1 in order to enjoy the effect produced upon fresh minds by their stupendous evidence of strength and greatness in decay4 ,the pathos of this former empress of the world exposed to insult and indignity had not been first felt by ,poggio4 ,petrarch described her as an aged matron with grey hair and pale cheeks1 whose torn and sordid raiment ill accorded with the nobleness of her demeanour4#abj ,fazio degli ,uberti personified her as a majestic woman1 wrapped around with rags1 who pointed out to him the ruins of her city1 'to the end that he might understand how fair she was in years of old4'#aba ,footnote #abj3 ,de ,pacificand ,itali1 ,ad ,carolum ,quartum1 p4 #eca4 ,footnote #aba3 ,in the ,dittamondo1 about #acfj4 ,in this way a sentimental feeling for the relics of the past grew up and flourished side by side with the archological interest they excited4 ,the literature of the ,renaissance abounds in matter that might be used in illustration of this remark1#abb while nothing was commoner in art than to paint for backgrounds broken arches and decayed buildings1 'whose ruins are even pitied4' ,the double impulse of romantic sentiment and antiquarian curiosity1 set going in this age of the ,revival1 contributed no little to the development of architecture1 sculpture1 and painting4 ,in the section of my work which deals with the fine arts in ,italy will be found the proper sequel to this subject4 ,meanwhile the history of antiquarian research in ,rome itself will be resumed in another chapter of this volume4 ,footnote #abb3 ,such1 for example1 as ,boccaccio's description of the ruins of ,bai in the ,fiammetta1 ,sannazzaro's lines on the ruins of ,cum1 neas ,sylvius ,piccolomini's notes on ancient sites in ,italy4 ,among the representative men of the first period of the ,revival must be mentioned an enthusiast who devoted his whole life to topographical studies and to the copying of classical inscriptions4 ,ciriaco de' ,pizzicolli was born about #adjd at ,ancona1 and from this town he took the name he bears among the learned4 ,like many other pioneers of erudition1 he was educated for commerce1 and had slender opportunities for acquiring the dead languages in his youth4 ,his manhood was spent in restless journeying1 at first undertaken for the purposes of trade1 but afterwards for the sole object of discovery4 ,smitten with the zeal for classical antiquity1 he made himself a tolerable ,latin scholar1 and gained a fair knowledge of ,greek4 ,in the course of his long wanderings he ransacked every part of ,italy1 ,greece1 and the ,greek islands1 collecting medals1 gems1 and fragments of sculpture1 buying manuscripts1 transcribing records1 and amassing a miscellaneous store of archological information4 ,the enthusiasm that possessed him was so untempered by sobriety that it excited the suspicion of contemporaries4 ,some regarded him as a man of genuine learning2 others spoke of him as a flighty1 boastful1 and untrustworthy fanatic4#abc ,the mistakes he made in copying inscriptions depreciated the general value of his labours1 while he was even accused of having passed off fabrications on the credulity of the public4 ,the question of his alleged forgeries has been discussed at length by ,tiraboschi4#abd ,to settle it at this distance of time is both unimportant and impossible4 ,while we may well believe that ,ciriac was a conceited enthusiast1 accepting as genuine what he ought to have rejected1 and interpreting according to his fancy rather than the letter of his text1 his life retains real value for the student of the ,revival4 ,in him the curiosity of the new age reached its acme of expansiveness4 ,the passion for discovery pursued him from shore to shore1 and the vision of the past1 to be reconquered by the energy of the present1 haunted his imagination till the moment of his death4 ,when asked what object he had set his heart upon in those perpetual journeyings1 he answered1 ',i go to awake the dead4' ,that word1 the motto for the first age of the ,revival1 explains the fanaticism of ,ciriac1 and is a sufficient title to fame4 ,footnote #abc3 ,filippo ,maria ,visconti is said to have denounced him as an impostor4 ,ambrogio ,traversari mentions his coins and gems with mistrust4 ,poggio describes him as a conceited fellow with no claim to erudition4 ,on the other hand1 he gained the confidence of ,eugenius ,,iv41 and received the panegyrics of ,filelfo1 ,barbaro1 ,bruni1 and others4 ,see ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 i4 cap4 #e4 ,footnote #abd3 ,in the place just cited4 ,the temptation1 at this epoch of discovery1 when criticism was at a low ebb1 and curiosity was frantic1 to pass off forgeries upon the learned world must have been very great4 ,the most curious example of this literary deception is afforded by ,annius of ,viterbo1 who1 in #adih1 published seventeen books of spurious histories1 pretending to be the lost works of ,manetho1 ,berosus1 ,fabius ,pictor1 ,archilochus1 ,cato1 c4 ,whether he was himself an impostor or a dupe is doubtful4 ,a few of his contemporaries denounced the histories as patent fabrications4 ,the majority accepted them as genuine4 ,their worthlessness has long been undisputed4 ,see ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #a4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,second ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,intricacy of the ,subject -- ,division into ,four ,periods -- ,place of ,florence -- ,social ,conditions favourable to ,culture -- ,palla degli ,strozzi -- ,his ,encouragement of ,greek ,studies -- ,plan of a ,public ,library -- ,his ,exile -- ,cosimo de' ,medici -- ,his ,patronage of ,learning -- ,political ,character -- ,love of ,building -- ,generosity to ,students -- ,foundation of ,libraries -- ,vespasiano and ,thomas of ,sarzana -- ,niccolo de' ,niccoli -- ,his ,collection of ,codices -- ,description of his ,mode of ,life -- ,his ,fame as a ,latinist -- ,lionardo ,bruni -- ,his ,biography -- ,translations from the ,greek -- ,latin ,treatises and ,histories -- ,his ,burial in ,santa ,croce -- ,carlo ,aretino -- ,fame as a ,lecturer -- ,the ,florentine ,chancery -- ,matteo ,palmieri -- ,giannozzo ,manetti -- ,his ,hebrew ,studies -- ,his ,public ,career -- ,his ,eloquence -- ,manetti ruined by the ,medici -- ,his ,life in ,exile at ,naples -- ,estimate of his ,talents -- ,ambrogio ,traversari -- ,study of ,greek ,fathers -- ,general of the ,camaldolese ,order -- ,humanism and ,monasticism -- ,the ,council of ,florence -- ,florentine ,opinion about the ,greeks -- ,gemistus ,pletho -- ,his ,life -- ,his ,philosophy -- ,his ,influence at ,florence -- ,cosimo de' ,medici and the ,florentine ,academy -- ,study of ,plato -- ,pletho's ,writings -- ,platonists and ,aristotelians in ,italy and ,greece -- ,bessarion -- ,his ,patronage of ,greek ,refugees in ,rome -- ,humanism in the ,smaller ,republics -- ,in ,venice4 ,the great difficulty with which a critic desirous of rendering a succinct account of this phase of ,italian culture has to deal1 is the variety and complexity of the subject4 ,it is easy to perceive the unity of the humanistic movement1 and to regard the scholars of the fifteenth century as a literary community with well-defined relations to each other4 ,yet when we attempt to trace the growth of scholarship in all its branches1 the peculiar conditions of political and social life in ,italy present almost insuperable obstacles to any continuity of treatment4 ,the republics1 the principalities1 and the ,church have each their separate existence4 ,venice1 ,florence1 ,naples1 ,milan1 ,rome1 ,ferrara1 form distinct and independent centres1 imposing their own specialities upon the intellectual activity of citizens and aliens4 ,the humanists1 meanwhile1 to some extent efface these local differences1 spreading a network of common culture over cities and societies divided by all else but interest in learning4 ,to these combinations and permutations1 arising from the contact of the scholars with their patrons in the several ,states of ,italy1 is due the intricacy of the history of the ,revival4 ,the same men of eminence appear by turns in each of the chief ,courts and commonwealths1 passing with bewildering rapidity from north to south and back again1 in one place demanding attention under one head of the subject1 in another presenting new yet not less important topics for investigation4 ,what ,filippo ,maria ,visconti1 for instance1 required from ,filelfo had but little in common with the claims made on him by ,nicholas ,v41 while his activity as a satirist and partisan at ,florence differed from his labour as a lecturer at ,siena4 ,again1 the biography of each humanist to some extent involves that of all his contemporaries4 ,the coteries of ,rome are influenced by the cliques of ,naples2 the quarrels of ,lorenzo ,valla ramify into the squabbles of ,guarino2 political animosity combines with literary jealousy in the disputes of ,poggio with ,filelfo4 ,while some of the most eminent professors remain stationary in their native or adopted towns1 others move to and fro with the speed of comets4 ,from time to time1 at ,rome or elsewhere1 a patron rises1 who assembles all the wandering stars around himself4 ,his death disperses the group2 or accidents rouse jealousy among them1 and cause secessions from the circle4 ,then fresh combinations have to be considered4 ,in no one city can we trace firm chronological progression1 or discover the fixed local character which justifies our dividing the history of ,italian painting by its schools4 ,to avoid repetition1 and to preserve an even current of narration amid so much that is shifting1 is almost impossible4 ,some method may be introduced by sketching briefly at the outset the principal periods through which the humanistic movement passed4 ,though to a certain extent arbitrary1 these periods mark distinct moments in an evolution uniform in spite of its complexity4 ,the first1 starting with ,petrarch1 and including the lives and labours of those men he personally influenced1 has been traced in a preceding chapter4 ,this was the age of inspiration and discovery1 when the enthusiasm for antiquity was generated and the remnants of the classics were accumulated4 ,the second may be described as the age of arrangement and translation4 ,the first great libraries were founded in this period2 the study of ,greek was pursued in earnest1 and the ,greek authors were rendered into ,latin4 ,round ,cosimo de' ,medici at ,florence1 ,alfonso the ,magnanimous at ,naples1 and ,nicholas ,v4 in ,rome the leaders of the ,renaissance at this time converge4 ,the third is the age of academies4 ,the literary republic1 formed during the first and second periods1 now gathers into coteries1 whereof the ,platonic ,academy at ,florence1 that of ,pontanus at ,naples1 that of ,pomponius ,ltus in ,rome1 and that of ,aldus ,manutius at ,venice are the most important4 ,scholarship begins to exhibit a marked improvement in all that concerns style and taste4 ,at the same time ,italian erudition reaches its maximum in ,poliziano4 ,externally this third period is distinguished by the rapid spread of printing and the consequent downfall of the humanists as a class4 ,in the fourth period we notice a gradual decline of learning2 sthetic and stylistic scholarship begins to claim exclusive attention4 ,this is the age of the purists1 over whom ,bembo exercises the sway of a dictator1 while the ,court of ,leo ,x4 furnishes the most brilliant assemblage of literati in ,europe4 ,erudition1 properly so called1 is now upon the point of being transplanted beyond the ,alps1 and the ,revival of ,learning closes for the historian of ,italy4 ,although the essential feature of this subject is variety1 and though each city of ,italy contributed its quota to the sum of culture1 attention has now to be directed in a special sense on ,florence4 ,nothing is more obvious to the student who has mastered the first difficulties caused by the intricacy of ,italian history1 than the fact that all the mental force of the nation was generated in ,tuscany1 and radiated thence1 as from a centre of vital heat and light1 over the rest of the peninsula4 ,this is true of the fine arts no less than of ,italian poetry1 of the revival of learning as well as of the origin of science4 ,from the republics of ,tuscany1 and from ,florence in particular1 proceeded the impulse and the energy which led to fruitful results in all of these departments4 ,in proportion as ,florence continued to absorb the neighbouring free ,states into herself1 her intellectual pre-eminence became the more unquestionable4 ,arezzo1 ,volterra1 ,cortona1 ,montepulciano1 ,prato1 and ,pistoja were but rivulets feeding the stream of ,florentine industry4 ,what caused this superiority of the ,tuscans is a problem as difficult to solve as the similar problem with respect to ,athens among the states of ,greece4 ,something may no doubt be attributed to ethnology1 and something to climate4 ,much1 again1 was due to the purity of a dialect which retained more of native energy and literary capacity1 and which had suffered less from barbarian admixtures than the dialects of northern or of southern ,italy4 ,the conquest of the ,lombards passed the ,tuscans by1 nor did feudal institutions take the same root in the valley of the ,arno which they struck in the kingdom of ,naples4 ,the cities of ,tuscany were therefore less exposed to foreign influences than the rest of ,italy4 ,while they pursued their course of internal growth in comparative tranquillity1 they were better fitted for reviving the past glories of ,latin civilisation upon its native soil4 ,the free institutions of the ,florentine commonwealth must also be taken into account4 ,in ,florence1 if anywhere in ,italy1 existed the conditions under which a republic of letters and of culture could be formed4 ,the aristocracy of ,naples indulged the semi-savage tastes of territorial seigneurs2 the nobles of ,rome delighted in feats of arms and shared their wealth with retinues of bravi2 the great families of ,umbria1 ,romagna1 and the ,march followed the profession of condottieri2 the ,lombards were downtrodden by their ,despots and deprived of individual freedom2 the ,genoese developed into little better than traders and sea-robbers2 the ,sienese1 divided by the factions of their ,monti1 had small leisure or common public feeling left for study4 ,florence meanwhile could boast a population of burghers noble by taste and culture1 owing less to ancestry than to personal eminence1 devoting their energies to civic ambition worthy of the ,romans1 and to mental activity which reminds us of the ancient ,greeks4 ,between the people and this aristocracy of wealth and intellect there was at ,florence no division like that which separated the ,venetian gentiluomini from the cittadini4 ,the so-called nobili and popolani did not1 as in ,venice1 form a caste apart1 bound to the service of a tyrannous state-system4 ,the very mobility which proved the ultimate source of disruption and of ruin to the commonwealth1 aided the intellectual development of ,florence4 ,stagnation and oppression were alike unknown4 ,here1 therefore1 and here alone1 was created a public capable instinctively of comprehending what is beautiful in art and humane in letters1 a race of craftsmen and of scholars who knew that their labours could not fail to be appreciated1 and a class of patrons who sought no better bestowal of their wealth than on those arts and sciences which dignify the life of man4 ,the ,florentines1 moreover1 as a nation1 were animated with the strongest sense of the greatness and the splendour of ,florence4 ,like the ,athenians of old1 they had no warmer passion than their love for their city4 ,however much we may deplore the rancorous dissensions which from time to time split up the commonwealth into parties1 the remorseless foreign policy which destroyed ,pisa1 the political meanness of the ,medici1 and the base egotism of the ottimati1 the fact remains that1 sthetically and intellectually1 ,florence was 'a city glorious1' a realised ideal of culture and humanity for all the rest of ,italy1 and1 through ,italian influence in general1 for modern ,europe and for us4 ,what makes the part played by ,florence in the history of learning the more remarkable is1 that the chiefs of the political factions were at the same time the leaders of intellectual progress4 ,rinaldo degli ,albizzi and ,cosimo de' ,medici1 while opposed as antagonists in a duel to the death upon the stage of the republic1 vied with each other in the patronage they extended to men of letters4 ,rinaldo was himself no mean scholar2 and he chose one of the greatest men of the age1 ,tommaso da ,sarzana1 to be tutor to his children4 ,of ,palla degli ,strozzi's services in the cause of ,greek learning ,i have already spoken in the second chapter of this volume4 ,beside the invitation which he caused to be sent to ,manuel ,chrysoloras1 he employed his wealth and influence in providing books necessary for the prosecution of ,hellenic studies4 ',messer ,palla1' says ,vespasiano1 'sent to ,greece for countless volumes1 all at his own cost4 ,the ,cosmography of ,ptolemy1 together with the picture made to illustrate it1 the ,lives of ,plutarch1 the works of ,plato1 and very many other writings of philosophers1 he got from ,constantinople4 ,the ,politics of ,aristotle were not in ,italy until ,messer ,palla sent for them2 and when ,messer ,lionardo of ,arezzo translated them1 he had the copy from his hands4'#abe ,in the same spirit of practical generosity ,palla degli ,strozzi devoted his leisure and his energies to the improvement of the studio pubblico at ,florence1 giving it that character of humane culture which it retained throughout the age of the ,renaissance4#abf ,to him1 again1 belongs the glory of having first collected books for the express purpose of founding a public library4 ,this project had occupied the mind of ,petrarch1 and its utility had been recognised by ,coluccio de' ,salutati1#abg but no one had as yet arisen to accomplish it4 ',being passionately fond of literature1 ,messer ,palla always kept copyists in his own house and outside it1 of the best who were in ,florence1 both for ,greek and ,latin books2 and all the books he could find he purchased1 on all subjects1 being minded to found a most noble library in ,santa ,trinit1 and to erect there a most beautiful building for the purpose4 ,he wished that it should be open to the public1 and he chose ,santa ,trinit because it was in the centre of ,florence1 a site of great convenience to everybody4 ,his disasters supervened1 and what he had designed he could not execute4'#abh ,footnote #abe3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #bgb4 ,footnote #abf3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #bgc4 ,footnote #abg3 ,see ,voigt1 p4 #bjb4 ,footnote #abh3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #bge4 ,the calamities alluded to by ,vespasiano may be briefly told4 ,palla degli ,strozzi1 better fitted by nature for study than for party warfare1 was one of the richest of the merchant princes of ,florence4 ,in the catasto of #adbg his property was valued at one-fifth more than that returned by ,giovanni1 then the chief of the ,medicean family2 and the extraordinary tax 7gravezza7 imposed upon it reached the sum of #hjj florins4#abi ,during the conflict for power carried on between the ,albizzi and the ,medici he strove to preserve a neutral attitude2 but after ,cosimo's return from exile1 in #adcd1 the presence of so powerful and rich a leader in the ,state seemed dangerous to the ,medicean party4 ,it was their policy to annihilate all greatness but their own1 and to reduce the ,florentines to slavery by creating a body of dependents and allies whose interests should be bound up with their own supremacy4#acj ,palla degli ,strozzi was accordingly banished to ,padua for ten years1 nor1 at the expiration of this period1 was he suffered to return to ,florence4 ,he died in exile1 separated from his children1 who shared the same fate in other parts of ,italy1 while ,florence lost the services of the most enlightened of her sons4#aca ,amid the many tribulations of his latter years ,palla continued to derive comfort from study4 ,john ,argyropoulos was his guest at ,padua1 where the collection of books and the cultivation of ,greek learning went on with no less vigour than at ,florence4 ,footnote #abi3 ,ibid4 p4 #bgf4 ,footnote #acj3 ,see ,von ,reumont1 vol4 i4 pp4 #adg-aec1 for the cruel treatment of the ,albizzi and other leading citizens4 ,footnote #aca3 ,see ,vespasiano1 pp4 #bhc-bhg4 ,the work begun by ,palla degli ,strozzi at ,florence was ably continued by his enemy ,cosimo de' ,medici4 ,though the historian cannot respect this man1 whose mean and selfish ambition undermined the liberties of his native city1 there is no doubt that he deserves the credit of a prudent and munificent ,mcenas4 ,no ,italian of his epoch combined zeal for learning and generosity in all that could advance the interests of arts and letters1 more characteristically1 with political corruption and cynical egotism4 ,early in life ,cosimo entered his father's house of business1 and developed a rare faculty for finance4 ,this faculty he afterwards employed in the administration of the ,state1 as well as in the augmentation of the riches of his family by trade4 ,as he gained political importance1 he made it his prime object to place out monies in the hands of needy citizens1 and to involve the public affairs of ,florence with his own commerce by means of loans and other expedients4 ,he not only attached individuals by debts and obligations to his person1 but he also rendered it difficult to control the ,state expenditure without regard to his private bank4 ,few men have better understood the value of money in the acquisition of power1 or the advantage of so using it that jealousy should not be roused by personal display4 ',envy1' he remarked1 'is a plant you must not water4' ,accordingly1 while he spent large sums on public works1 he declined ,brunelleschi's sumptuous project for a palace1 on the score that such a dwelling was more fitted for a prince than a citizen4 ,in his habits he was temperate and simple4 ,games of hazard he abhorred1 and found his recreation in the company of learned men4 ,sometimes1 but rarely1 he played at chess4 ,contemporaries recorded how1 like an ancient ,roman1 he rose early in the morning to prune his own pear trees and to plant his vines4 ,in all things he preferred the reality to the display of power and riches4 ,while wielding the supreme authority of ,florence1 he seemed intent upon the dull work of the counting-house4 ,other men were put forward in the execution of designs that he had planned2 and this policy of ruling the ,state by cat's-paws was followed so consistently1 that at the end of his life his influence was threatened by the very instruments he had created4 ,at the same time he exercised virtual despotism with a pitiless tenacity unsurpassed by the ,visconti4 ,the cruelty with which he pushed the ,albizzi to their ruin1 prolonged the exile of ,palla degli ,strozzi1 reduced ,giannozzo ,manetti to beggary1 and oppressed his rivals in general with forced loans--using taxation like a poignard1 to quote a phrase from ,guicciardini--is enough to show that only prudence caused him to refrain from violence4#acb ,a cold and calculating policy1 far-sighted1 covert1 and secretive1 governed all the measures he took for fastening his family on ,florence4 ,the result was that the roots of the ,medici1 while they seemed to take hold slowly1 struck deep2 you might fancy they were nowhere1 just because they had left no part unpenetrated4 ,the ,republic1 like ,gulliver in ,liliput1 was tied down by a thousand threads1 each almost imperceptible1 but so varied in quality and so subtly interwoven that to escape from the network was impossible4 ,footnote #acb3 ,manetti's obligations to the commune were raised by arbitrary impositions to the enormous sum of #ace1jjj golden florins4 ,he was broken in his trade and forced to live on charity in exile4 ,much of the influence acquired by ,cosimo1 and transmitted to his descendants1 was due to sympathy with the intellectual movement of the age4 ,he had received a solid education2 and though he was not a ,greek scholar1 his mind was open to the interests which in the fifteenth century absorbed the ,florentines4 ,he collected manuscripts1 gems1 coins1 and inscriptions1 employing the resources of his banking house and engaging his commercial agents in this work4 ,painters and sculptors1 no less than scholars and copyists1 found in him a liberal patron4 ,at the death of his son ,piero the treasures of the ,casa ,medici1 not counting plate and costly furniture1 were valued at #cj1jjj golden florins4#acc ,the sums of money spent by him in building were enormous4 ,it was reckoned that1 one year with another1 he disbursed from #ae1jjj to #ah1jjj golden florins annually in edifices for the public use4#acd ,of these the most important were the ,convent of ,s4 ,marco1 which altogether cost about #gj1jjj florins2 ,s4 ,lorenzo1 which cost another #dj1jjj2 and the ,abbey of ,fiesole4 ,on his own palace he expended #fj1jjj florins1 while the building of his villas at ,careggi and ,cafaggiuolo implied a further large expenditure4 ,not a shilling of this money was wasted2 for while ,cosimo avoided the reproach of personal extravagance1 he gave work to multitudes of labourers1 who received their wages regularly every ,saturday at his office4 ,to this free use of wealth in the employment of artisans may be ascribed the popularity of the ,medici with the lower classes1 which was more than once so useful to them at a perilous turn of fortune4 ,footnote #acc3 ,see ,von ,reumont1 vol4 ii4 p4 #age4 ,footnote #acd3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #beg4 ,comprehending the conditions under which tyranny might be successfully practised in the fifteenth century1 ,cosimo attached great value to this generosity4 ,he used1 in later life1 to regret that 'he had not begun to spend money upon public works ten years earlier than he did4'#ace ,every costly building that bore his name1 each library he opened to the public1 and all the donations lavished upon scholars served the double purpose of cementing the despotism of his house and of gratifying his personal enthusiasm for culture4 ,superstition mingled with these motives of the tyrant and the dilettante4 ,knowing that much of his wealth had been ill-gotten1 he besought the ,pope1 ,eugenius1 to indicate a proper way of restitution4 ,eugenius advised him to spend #aj1jjj florins on the ,convent of ,s4 ,marco4 ,thereupon ,cosimo laid out considerably more than four times that sum1 adding the famous ,marcian ,library1 and treating the new foundation of the ,osservanza1 one of the ,pope's favourite crotchets1 with more than princely liberality4#acf ,footnote #ace3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #beg4 ,footnote #acf3 ,ibid4 p4 #beb4 ,cosimo ordered his clerks to honour all drafts presented with the signature of one of the chief brethren of the convent4 ',aveva ordinato al banco1 che tutti i danari1 che gli fussino tratti per polizza d'uno religioso de primi del convento1 gli pagasse1 e mettessegli a suo conto1 e fussino che somma si volessino4' ,of his generosity to men of letters the most striking details are recorded4 ,when ,niccolo de' ,niccoli ruined himself by buying books1 ,cosimo opened for him an unlimited credit with the ,medicean bank4 ,the cashiers received orders to honour the old scholar's drafts2 and in this way ,niccolo drew #ejj ducats for his private needs4#acg ,tommaso ,parentucelli was treated with no less magnificence4 ,as ,bishop of ,bologna1 soon after his patron ,albergati's death1 he found himself with very meagre revenues and no immediate prospect of preferment4 ,yet the expenses of his station were considerable1 and he had occasion to request a loan from the ,medici4 ,cosimo issued a circular letter to his correspondents1 engaging them to supply ,tommaso with what sums of money he might want4#ach ,when the ,bishop of ,bologna assumed the tiara1 with the name of ,nicholas ,v41 he rewarded ,cosimo by making him his banker2 and the ,jubilee bringing #ajj1jjj ducats into the ,papal treasury1 the obligation was repaid a hundredfold4#aci ,footnote #acg3 ,vespasiano1 pp4 #bfd1 #dge4 ,footnote #ach3 ,vespasiano1 pp4 #bi1 #bfd4 ,footnote #aci3 ,ibid4 pp4 #cd1 #bfe4 ,the chief benefit conferred by ,cosimo de' ,medici on learning was the accumulation and the housing of large public libraries4 ,during his exile 7,oct4 #c1 #adcc--,oct4 #a1 #adcd7 he built the ,library of ,s4 ,giorgio ,maggiore at ,venice1 and after his return to ,florence he formed three separate collections of ,,mss4 ,while the hall of the ,library of ,s4 ,marco was in process of construction1 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli died1 in #adcg1 bequeathing his #hjj ,,mss41 valued at #f1jjj golden florins1 to sixteen trustees4 ,among these were ,cosimo and ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 ,ambrogio ,traversari1 ,lionardo ,bruni1 ,carlo ,marsuppini1 ,poggio ,bracciolini1 ,giannozzo ,manetti1 and ,franco ,sacchetti4 ,at the same time the estate of ,niccolo was compromised by heavy debts4 ,these debts ,cosimo cancelled1 obtaining in exchange the right to dispose of the library4 ,in #adda the hall of the convent was finished4 ,four hundred of ,niccolo's ,,mss4 were placed there1 with this inscription upon each3 ,ex hereditate doctissimi viri ,nicolai de ,nicolis de ,florenti4 ,tommaso ,parentucelli made a catalogue at ,cosimo's request1 in which he not only noted the titles of ,niccoli's books1 but also marked the names of others wanting to complete the collection4 ,this catalogue afterwards served as a guide to the founders of the libraries of ,fiesole1 ,urbino1 and ,pesaro1 and was1 says ,vespasiano1 indispensable to book-collectors4#adj ,of the remaining #djj volumes ,cosimo kept some for his own 7the ,medicean7 library1 and some he gave to friends4 ,at the same time he spared no pains in adding to the ,marcian collection4 ,his agents received instructions to buy codices1 while ,vespasiano and ,fra ,giuliano ,lapaccini were employed in copying rare ,,mss4 ,as soon as ,cosimo had finished building the ,abbey of ,fiesole1 he set about providing this also with a library suited to the wants of learned ecclesiastics4 ,of the method he pursued1 ,vespasiano1 who acted as his agent1 has transmitted the following account3#ada--',one day1 when ,i was in his room1 he said to me1 ,what plan can you recommend for the formation of this library8 ,i answered that to buy the books would be impossible1 since they could not be purchased4 ,what1 then1 do you propose8 he added4 ,i told him that they must be copied4 ,he then asked if ,i would undertake the business4 ,i replied that ,i was willing4 ,he bade me begin at my leisure1 saying that he left all to me2 and for the monies wanted day by day1 he ordered that ,don ,arcangelo1 at that time prior of the monastery1 should draw cheques upon his bank1 which should be honoured4 ,after beginning the collection1 since it was his will that it should be finished with all speed possible1 and money was not lacking1 ,i soon engaged forty-five copyists1 and in twenty-two months provided two hundred volumes1 following the admirable list furnished by ,pope ,nicholas ,v4' ,the two libraries thus formed by ,cosimo for the ,convents of ,s4 ,marco and ,fiesole1 together with his own private collections1 constitute the oldest portion of the present ,laurentian ,library4 ,on the title-pages of many venerable ,,mss4 may still be read inscriptions1 testifying to the munificence of the ,medici1 and calling upon pious students to remember the souls of their benefactors in their prayers#adb--,orato itaque lector ut gloria et diviti sint in domo ejus justitia ejus et maneat in sculum sculi4 ,footnote #adj3 ,see ,vespasiano's ,life of ,nicholas ,v4 p4 #bf4 ,footnote #ada3 ,vita di ,cosimo1 p4 #bed4 ,footnote #adb3 ,see ,von ,reumont1 vol4 i4 p4 #egh4 ,cosimo's zeal for learning was not confined to the building of libraries or to book-collecting4 ,his palace formed the centre of a literary and philosophical society1 which united all the wits of ,florence and the visitors who crowded to the capital of culture4 ,vespasiano expressly states that 'he was always the father and benefactor of those who showed any excellence4'#adc ,distinguished by versatility of tastes and comprehensive intellect1 he formed his own opinion of the men of eminence with whom he came in contact1 and conversed with each upon his special subject4 ',when giving audience to a scholar1 he discoursed concerning letters2 in the company of theologians he showed his acquaintance with theology1 a branch of learning always studied by him with delight4 ,so also with regard to philosophy4 ,astrologers found him well versed in their science1 for he somewhat lent faith to astrology and employed it on certain private occasions4 ,musicians in like manner perceived his mastery of music1 wherein he much delighted4 ,the same was true about sculpture and painting2 both of these arts he understood completely1 and showed great favour to all worthy craftsmen4 ,in architecture he was a consummate judge1 for without his opinion and advice no building was begun or carried to completion4'#add ,footnote #adc3 ,vita di ,cosimo1 p4 #bff4 ,footnote #add3 ,condensed from ,vespasiano1 p4 #beh4 ,the discernment of character1 possessed by ,cosimo in a very high degree1 not only enabled him to extend enlightened patronage to arts and letters1 but also to provide for the future needs of erudition4 ,stimulated by the presence of the ,greeks who crowded ,florence during the sitting of the ,council in #adch1 he formed a plan for encouraging ,hellenic studies4 ,it was he who founded the ,platonic ,academy1 and educated ,marsilio ,ficino1 the son of his physician1 for the special purpose of interpreting ,greek philosophy4 ,ficino1 in a letter to ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 observes that during twelve years he had conversed with ,cosimo on matters of philosophy1 and always found him as acute in reasoning as he was prudent and powerful in action4 ',i owe to ,plato much1 to ,cosimo no less4 ,he realised for me the virtues of which ,plato gave me the conception4' ,thus the man whose political cynicism is enshrined in such apophthegms as these3--',a few ells of scarlet would fill ,florence with citizens2' ',you cannot govern a ,state with paternosters2' ',better the city ruined than the city lost to us'--must1 by his relations to scholars and his enthusiasm for culture1 still command our admiration and respect4 ,among the friends of ,cosimo1 to whose personal influence at ,florence the ,revival of ,learning owed a vigorous impulse1 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli claims our earliest attention4#ade ,the part he took in promoting ,greek studies has been already noticed1 and we have seen that his private library formed the nucleus of the ,marcian collection4 ,of the eight hundred volumes bequeathed to his executors1 the majority had been transcribed by his own hand2 for he was assiduous in this labour1 and plumed himself upon his skill in cursive as well as printed character4#adf ,his whole fortune was expended long before his death in buying manuscripts or procuring copies from a distance4 ',if he heard of any book in ,greek or ,latin not to be had in ,florence1 he spared no cost in getting it2 the number of the ,latin books which ,florence owes entirely to his generosity cannot be reckoned4'#adg ,great1 therefore1 must have been the transports of delight with which he welcomed on one occasion a manuscript containing seven tragedies of ,sophocles1 six of schylus1 and the ',argonautica' of ,apollonius ,rhodius4#adh ,nor was he only eager in collecting for his own use4 ,he lent his books so freely that1 at the moment of his death1 two hundred volumes were out on loan2#adi and1 when it seemed that ,boccaccio's library would perish from neglect1 at his own cost he provided substantial wooden cases for it in the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito4 ,we must not1 however1 conclude that ,niccolo was a mere copyist and collector4 ,on the contrary1 he made a point of collating the several ,,mss4 of an author on whose text he was engaged1 removed obvious errors1 and suggested emendations1 helping thus to lay the foundations of modern criticism4 ,his judgment in matters of style was so highly valued that it was usual for scholars to submit their essays to his eyes before they ventured upon publication4 ,thus ,lionardo ,bruni sent him his ',life of ,cicero1' calling him 'the censor of the ,latin tongue4'#aej ,notwithstanding his fine sense of language1 ,niccolo never appeared before the world of letters as an author4 ,his enemies made the most of this reluctance1 averring that he knew his own ineptitude1 while his friends referred his silence to an exquisite fastidiousness of taste4#aea ,it may have been that he remembered the ,tacitean epigram on ,galba--omnium consensu capax imperii nisi impersset--and applied it to himself4 ,certainly his reserve1 in an age noteworthy for arrogant display1 has tended to confer on him distinction4 ,the position he occupied at ,florence was that of a literary dictator4 ,all who needed his assistance and advice were received with urbanity4 ,he threw his house open to young men of parts1 engaged in disputations with the curious1 and provided the ill-educated with teachers4 ,foreigners from all parts of ,italy and ,europe paid him visits3 'the strangers who came to ,florence at that time1 if they missed the opportunity of seeing him at home1 thought they had not been in ,florence4'#aeb ,the house where he lived was worthy of his refined taste and cultivated judgment2 for he had formed a museum of antiquities--inscriptions1 marbles1 coins1 vases1 and engraved gems4 ,there he not only received students and strangers1 but conversed with sculptors and painters1 discussing their inventions as freely as he criticised the essays of the scholars4 ,it is probable that the classicism of ,brunelleschi and ,donatello1 both of whom were among his intimate friends1 may be due in part at least to his discourses on the manner of the ancients4#aec ,pliny1 we know1 was one of his favourite authors2 for1 having heard that a complete codex of the ',natural ,histories' existed at ,lbeck1 he left no stone unturned till it had been transferred to ,florence4#aed ,footnote #ade3 ,what follows ,i have based on ,vespasiano's ,life of ,niccolo4 ,poggio's ,funeral ,oration1 and his letter to ,carlo ,aretino on the death of his friend ,niccolo1 are to the same effect4 ,poggii ,opera1 pp4 #bgj1 #cdb4 ,footnote #adf3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dga4 ',le scriveva di sua mano o di lettera corsiva o formata1 che dell'una lettera e dell'altra era bellissimo scrittore4' ,footnote #adg3 ,ibid4 p4 #dgc4 ,footnote #adh3 ,see a letter of ,ambrogio ,traversari1 quoted by ,voigt1 p4 #aee4 ,footnote #adi3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dgf4 ,poggio1 p4 #bga4 ,footnote #aej3 ,vespasiano1 pp4 #dgc1 #dgh4 ,footnote #aea3 ,ibid4 p4 #dgh4 ,poggio1 p4 #cdc4 ,footnote #aeb3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dgg4 ,footnote #aec3 ,ibid4 p4 #dgi4 ,footnote #aed3 ,ibid4 p4 #dgd4 ,vespasiano's account of his personal habits presents so vivid a picture that ,i cannot refrain from translating it at length3--',first of all1 he was of a most fair presence2 lively1 for a smile was ever on his lips2 and very pleasant in his talk4 ,he wore clothes of the fairest crimson cloth1 down to the ground4 ,he never married1 in order that he might not be impeded in his studies4 ,a housekeeper provided for his daily needs4 ,he was above all men the most cleanly in eating1 as also in all other things4 ,when he sat at table1 he ate from fair antique vases2 and1 in like manner1 all his table was covered with porcelain and other vessels of great beauty4 ,the cup from which he drank was of crystal or of some other precious stone4 ,to see him at table--a perfect model of the men of old--was of a truth a charming sight4 ,he always willed that the napkins set before him should be of the whitest1 as well as all the linen4 ,some might wonder at the many vases he possessed1 to whom ,i answer that things of that sort were neither so highly valued then1 nor so much regarded1 as they have since become2 and ,niccolo having friends everywhere1 anyone who wished to do him a pleasure would send him marble statues1 or antique vases1 carvings1 inscriptions1 pictures from the hands of distinguished masters1 and mosaic tablets4 ,he had a most beautiful map1 on which all the parts and cities of the world were marked2 others of ,italy and ,spain1 all painted4 ,florence could not show a house more full of ornaments than his1 or one that had in it a greater number of graceful objects2 so that all who went there found innumerable things of worth to please varieties of taste4' ,what distinguished ,niccolo was the combination of refinement and humane breeding with open-handed generosity and devotion to the cause of culture4 ,he knew how to bring forward men of promise1 and to place them in positions of eminence4 ,yet1 in return for benefits conferred1 he exacted more compliance than could be expected from the haughty and unbending temper of distinguished scholars4 ,opposition and contradiction roused his jealousy and barbed his caustic speech with sarcasm4 ,chrysoloras and ,guarino1 ,aurispa and ,filelfo1 after visiting ,florence at his invitation1 found the city unendurable through the opposition raised by ,niccolo against them4 ,among the men of ability who adorned ,florence at this period1 no one stands forth with a more distinguished personality than ,lionardo ,bruni4 ,in his boyhood at ,arezzo1 where his parents occupied a humble position1 he used1 as he tells us in his ',commentaries1'#aee to gaze on ,petrarch's portrait1 fervently desiring that he might win like laurels in the field of scholarship4 ,at first1 however1 being poor and of no reputation1 he was forced to apply his talents to the study of the law4 ,from these uncongenial labours the patronage of ,salutato and the influence of ,chrysoloras#aef saved him4 ,having begun to write for the public1 his fame as a ,latinist soon spread so wide that he was appointed ,apostolic ,secretary to the ,roman ,curia4 ,after sharing the ill fortunes of ,john ,,xxiii4 at ,constance1 and serving under ,martin ,v4 at ,florence1 he was appointed to the ,chancery of the ,republic in #adbg1 a post which he occupied until his death in #addc4 ,his biography1 therefore1 illustrates all that has been said concerning the employment of humanists in high offices of ,church and ,state4 ,his diplomatic letters were regarded as models in that kind of composition1 and his public speeches1 carefully prepared beforehand1 were compared with those of ,pericles4 ,florence was crowded with the copyists who multiplied his ,,mss41 dispersing them all over ,europe2 and when he walked abroad1 a numerous train of scholars and of foreigners attended him4#aeg ,he moved with gravity and majesty of person1 wearing the red robes of a ,florentine burgher1 using few words1 but paying marked courtesy to men of wealth4 ,among the compositions which secured his reputation should first be mentioned the ,latin ',history of ,florence1' a work unique in its kind at that time in ,italy4#aeh ,the grateful ,republic rewarded their chancellor by bestowing upon him the citizenship of ,florence1 and by exempting the author and his children from taxation4 ,the high value at which ,bruni rated his own ,latin scholarship is proved by his daring to restore the second ,decade of ,livy in a compilation entitled ',de ,primo ,bello ,punico4' ,his medival erudition was exercised in the history of the ,gothic invasion of ,italy1 while his more elegant style found ample scope in ,latin ,lives of ,cicero and ,aristotle1 in a book of ,commentaries on his own times1 and in ten volumes of ,collected ,letters4 ,these original works were possibly of less importance than ,bruni's translations from the ,greek1 which passed in his own age for models of sound scholarship as well as pure ,latinity4 ,the erudition of the fifteenth century had to thank his industry for critical renderings of ,aristotle's ',ethics1' ',politics1' and ',economics4'#aei ,the ',politics' were dedicated to the ,earl of ,worcester1 and the autograph was sent to ,england4 ,some delay in the acknowledgment of so magnificent a tribute of respect caused the haughty scholar to transfer the honour of his dedication to ,eugenius ,,iv4 ,he cancelled his first preface1 substituted a new one1 and received the praise and thanks he sought1 in plenty from his ,holiness4#afj ,of ,plato ,bruni translated the ',phdo1' ',crito1' and ',apology1' the ',phdrus' and the ',gorgias1' together with the ',epistles4' ,to these versions must be added six ,lives of ,plutarch and two ,orations of ,demosthenes4 ,nor have we thus by any means exhausted the list of ,bruni's ,latin compositions1 which included controversial writings1 invectives1 moral essays1 orations1 and tracts on literary or antiquarian topics4 ,if we consider that1 in the midst of these severe labours1 and under the pressure of his public engagements1 he still found time to compose ,italian ,lives of ,dante and ,petrarch1 we shall understand the admiration universally expressed by his contemporaries for his comprehensive talents1 and share their gratitude for services so numerous in the cause of learning4 ,when ,messer ,lionardo died in #addc1 the priors decreed him a public funeral1 'after the manner of the ancients4' ,his corpse was clothed in dark silk1 and on his breast was laid a copy of the ,florentine ,history4 ,thus attired1 he passed in state to ,s4 ,croce1 where ,giannozzo ,manetti1 in the presence of the ,signory1 the foreign ambassadors1 and the ,court of ,pope ,eugenius1 pronounced a funeral oration1 and placed the laurel crown upon his head4#afa ,the monument beneath which ,messer ,lionardo's bones repose is an excellent specimen of ,florentine sepulchral statuary1 executed by ,bernardo ,rossellino4 ,footnote #aee3 ,muratori1 xix4 p4 #iag4 ',erat in ipso cubiculo picta ,francisci ,petrarch imago1 quam ego quotidie aspiciens1 incredibili ardore studiorum ejus incendebar4' ,footnote #aef3 ,see above1 pp4 #gg1 #hj4 ,footnote #aeg3 ,see ,vespasiano1 p4 #dcf4 ,footnote #aeh3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of ,despots1 pp4 #baf-bah4 ,footnote #aei3 ,these last were then thought genuine4 ,footnote #afj3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dcf4 ,footnote #afa3 ,ibid4 ,vita di ,manetti1 p4 #deb4 ,manetti was himself a prior at this time4 ,facing ,bruni's tomb in ,s4 ,croce is that of ,carlo ,aretino1 wrought with subtler art and in a richer style by ,desiderio da ,settignano4 ,messer ,carlo1 who succeeded ,bruni in the ,chancery of the ,republic1 shared during his lifetime1 as well as in the public honours paid him at his death1 very similar fortunes4 ,his family name was ,marsuppini1 and he was born of a good family in ,arezzo4 ,having come to ,florence while a youth to study ,greek1 he fell under the notice of ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 who introduced him to the ,medicean family1 and procured him an engagement at a high salary from the ,uffiziali dello ,studio4 ,at the time when he began to lecture1 ,eugenius was holding his ,court at ,florence4 ,the cardinals and nephews of the ,pope1 attended by foreign ambassadors1 and followed by the apostolic secretaries1 mingled with burghers of ,florence and students from a distance round the desk of the young scholar4 ,carlo's reading was known to be extensive1 and his memory was celebrated as prodigious4 ,yet on the occasion of this first lecture he far surpassed all that was expected of him4 ',before a crowd of learned men1' says ,vespasiano1 'he gave a great proof of his memory1 for neither ,greeks nor ,romans had an author from whom he did not quote4'#afb ,filelfo1 who was also lecturing in ,florence at the time1 had the mortification of seeing the larger portion of his audience transfer themselves to ,marsuppini4 ,this wound to his vanity he never forgave4 ,through the influence of ,lorenzo de' ,medici 7,cosimo's younger brother71 ,carlo ,marsuppini was first made ,apostolic ,secretary1 and then promoted to the ,chancery of ,florence4 ,he was grave in manner1 taciturn in speech1 and much given to melancholy4 ,his contemporaries regarded him as a man of no religion1 and he was said to have died without confession or communion4#afc ,this did not prevent his being buried in ,s4 ,croce with ceremonies similar to those decreed for ,messer ,lionardo4 ,matteo ,palmieri pronounced the funeral oration1 and placed the laurel on his brows4 ,marsuppini's contributions to scholarship were chiefly in verse2 among these his translations of the ',batrachomyomachia' and the first book of the ',iliad' were highly valued4 ,footnote #afb3 ,vita di ,carlo d',arezzo1 p4 #ddj4 ,footnote #afc3 ,see ,tiraboschi1 tom4 vi4 p4 #ajid4 ,matteo ,palmieri1 who pronounced the funeral oration of ,messer ,carlo ,aretino1 sprang from an honourable ,florentine stock1 and by his own abilities rose to a station of considerable public influence4 ,he is principally famous as the author of a mystical poem called ',citt di ,vita1' which1 though it was condemned for its heretical opinions1 obtained from ,ficinus for its author the title of ,poeta ,theologicus4 ,to discuss the circumstances under which this allegory in the style of ,dante was composed1 the secresy in which it was involved until the poet's death1 and the relation of ,palmieri's views to heresies in vogue at ,florence1 belongs to a future section of my work4#afd ,he claims a passing notice here among the humanists who acquired high place and honour by the credit of his eloquence and style4 ,footnote #afd3 ,see ,vespasiano1 p4 #ejj4 ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 p4 #fgh4 ,app4 iii4 to vol4 v4 of this work4 ,giannozzo ,manetti belonged to an illustrious house1 and in his youth1 like other well-born ,florentines1 was trained for mercantile affairs4#afe ,at the age of five-and-twenty he threw off the parental control1 and gave himself entirely to letters4 ,so obstinate was his industry in the acquisition of knowledge1 that he allowed himself only five hours of sleep1 and spent the rest of his life in study4 ,during nine whole years he never crossed the ,arno1 but remained within the walls of his house and garden1 which communicated with the ,convent of ,s4 ,spirito4 ,being passionately fond of disputation1 he sought his chief amusement there in the debating society founded by ,marsigli4 ,ambrogio ,traversari was his master in ,greek4 ,latin he had no difficulty in acquiring1 and soon gained such facility in its exercise that even ,lionardo ,bruni is said to have envied his fluency4 ,he was not1 however1 contented with these languages1 and in order to perfect himself in ,hebrew he kept a ,jew in his own house4#aff ,when he had acquired sufficient familiarity with ,hebrew1 he turned the arms supplied him by his tutors against their heresies1 basing his arguments upon such interpretations of texts as his superior philology suggested to him4 ,the great work of his literary leisure was a polemical discourse ',contra ,judos et ,gentes1' for1 unlike ,marsuppini1 he placed his erudition solely at the service of the ,christian faith4 ,another fruit of his ,hebrew studies was a new translation of the ,psalms from the original4 ,footnote #afe3 ,the sources for ,manetti's ,life are ,vespasiano and an anonymous ,latin biography in ,muratori4 ,besides the small ,life of ,vespasiano in his ,vite d',uomini ,illustri1 ,i have had recourse to his ,comentario della ,vita di ,gianozo ,manetti1 ,turin1 #ahfb4 ,footnote #aff3 ',tenne in casa dua ,greci et uno ,ebreo che s'era fatto ,cristiano1 et non voleva che il ,greco parlasse con lui se non in greco1 et il simile il ,ebreo in ebreo4'--,comentario1 p4 #aa4 ,manetti was far from being a mere student4 ,during the best years of his life he was continually employed as ambassador to the ,republic at ,venice1 ,naples1 ,rome1 and other ,courts of ,italy4 ,he administered the government of ,pescia1 ,pistoja1 and ,scarparia in times of great difficulty1 winning a singular reputation for probity and justice4 ,on all occasions of state his eloquence made him indispensable to the ,signory1 while the lists of his writings include numerous speeches upon varied topics addressed to potentates and princes throughout ,italy4#afg ,there is a curious story related in his ,life1 which illustrates the importance attached at this time to public speaking4 ,after the coronation of the ,emperor ,frederick ,,iii41 the ,florentines sent fifteen ambassadors1 including ,manetti1 attended by the ,chancellor ,carlo ,aretino1 to congratulate him4 ,manetti was a ,colleague of the ,signory1 and on him would therefore have naturally fallen the fulfilment of the task1 had not this honour been conferred1 by private machinations of the ,medicean family1 on ,carlo4 ,the ,chancellor duly delivered a prepared oration1 which was answered by neas ,sylvius in the name of the ,emperor4 ,some topics raised in this reply required rejoinder from the ,florentines2 but ,messer ,carlo declared himself unable to speak without previous study4 ,to be forced to hold their tongues before the ,emperor and all his suite was a bitter humiliation to the men of ,florence4 ,how could they return home and confess that the rhetoric of their ,chancellor had been silenced by a witty secretary8 ,in their sore distress they besought ,manetti to help them2 whereupon he rose and delivered an extempore oration4 ',when it was finished1' says ,vespasiano1#afh 'all competent judges who understood ,latin1 and could follow it1 declared that ,messer ,giannozzi's extempore speech was superior to that which ,messer ,carlo had prepared4' ,footnote #afg3 ',se ignuna cosa difficile o cura disperata1 la davano a ,messer ,gianozo4'--,ibid4 p4 #bb4 ,footnote #afh3 ,vita di ,gianozo ,manetti1 p4 #dfb4 ,compare ,burckhardt1 p4 #ahb4 ,there is another story1 told in the ,comentario1 of ,manetti's speaking before ,alfonso at ,naples4 ,the ,king remained so quiet that he did not even brush the flies from his face4 ,p4 #cj4 ,the ,latin ,life of ,manetti contains innumerable instances of the miracles wrought by his rhetoric4#afi ,yet we should err if we imagined that the speeches pronounced upon solemn occasions1 by even such illustrious orators as ,manetti or ,pius ,,ii41 were marked by any of the nobler qualities of eloquence4#agj ,they consist of commonplaces freely interspersed with historical examples and voluminous quotations4 ,without charm1 without originality1 they survive as monuments of the enthusiasm of that age for classic erudition1 and of the patience with which popes and princes lent their ears for two or three hours at a stretch to the self-complacent mouthings of a pompous pedant4 ,footnote #afi3 ,muratori1 vol4 xx4 ,footnote #agj3 ,for ,pius ,,ii4's reputation see ,burckhardt1 p4 #ahb4 ,giannozzo ,manetti became at last so great a power in ,florence that he excited the jealousy of the ,medicean party4 ,they ruined him by the imposition of extravagant taxes1 and he was obliged to end his life an exile from his native land4#aga ,florence never behaved worse to a more blameless citizen2 for ,manetti1 by his cheerful acceptance of public burdens1 by his prudence in the discharge of weighty offices1 by the piety and sobriety of his private life1 by his vast acquirements1 and by the single-hearted zeal with which he burned for learning1 had proved himself the model of such men as might have saved the ,state1 if safety had been possible4 ,he retired to the ,court of ,nicholas ,v41 who had previously named him ,apostolic ,secretary2 and on the death of that ,pope he sought a final refuge with ,alfonso at ,naples4#agb ,there he devoted himself entirely to literature1 translating the whole of the ,new ,testament and the ethical treatises of ,aristotle into ,latin1 and carrying his great controversial work against the ,jews and ,gentiles onwards to completion4 ,footnote #aga3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dfe4 ,muratori1 xx4 #fjj4 ,footnote #agb3 ,alfonso gave him a pension of #ijj scudi4 ,he wrote a history of his life and deeds4 ,few men deserve a higher place on the muster-roll of ,italian worthies than ,manetti4 ,he was free from many vices of the ,renaissance2 his piety and morality remaining untainted by the contact with antiquity4 ,nor did he sink the citizen in the student4 ,his learning was varied and profound4 ,instead of applying himself to ,greek and ,latin scholarship alone1 he mastered ,hebrew1 and sought to acquire a comprehensive grasp of all the knowledge of the ancient world4 ,at the same time he lived in constant sympathy with his age1 sharing its delight in rhetorical displays and wordy disputations1 and furthering the diffusion of knowledge by his toil as a translator4 ,it may well be wondered how it happens that a man in many points akin to ,pico should have fallen so far short of him in fame4 ,the explanation lies in this3 ,manetti was deficient in all that elevates mere learning to the rank of art4 ,his ,latin style was tedious2 his thoughts were commonplace4 ,when the influence of his voice and person passed away1 nothing remained to prove his eloquence but ill-digested facts and ill-applied citations4 ,still the work which he effected in his day was good1 and the place he held was honourable4 ,posterity may be grateful to him as one of the most active pioneers of modern culture4 ,a man of different stamp and calling claims attention next4 ,ambrogio ,traversari was far from sharing the neopagan impulse of the classical revival2 yet he owed political influence and a high place among the leaders of his age to humanistic enthusiasm4 ,born in ,romagna1 and admitted while yet a child into the ,convent degli ,angeli at ,florence1 he gave early signs of his capacity for literature4 ,at a time when knowledge of ,greek was still a rare title to distinction1#agc ,ambrogio mastered the elements of the language and studied the ,greek ,fathers in the original4 ,his cell became the meeting-place of learned men1 where ,cosimo and ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 the stately ,bruni and the sombre ,marsuppini1 joined with caustic ,niccoli and lively ,poggio in earnest conversation4 ,his voluminous correspondence connected him with students in all parts of ,italy2 nor was there any important discovery of ,,mss4 or plan for library or university in which he did not take his part among the first4 ,footnote #agc3 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 it must be remembered1 was not a ,grecian4 ,ambrogio used to insert the ,greek words into his transcripts of ,latin codices4 ,it seemed as though he were destined to pursue a peaceful student's life among his books2 and for this career nature had marked out the little1 meagre1 lively1 and laborious man4 ,to be eminent in scholarship1 however1 and to avoid the burdens of celebrity1 was impossible in that age4 ,eugenius ,,iv41 while resident in ,florence1 was so impressed with his literary eminence and strength of character that he made him ,general of the ,camaldolese ,order in #adca2 and from this time forward ,traversari's life was divided between public duties1 for which he was scarcely fitted1 and private studies that absorbed his deepest interests4 ,he presented the curious spectacle of a monk distracted between the scruples of the cloister and the wider claims of humanism1 who showed one mind to his ,order and another to his literary friends4 ,he made a point of never citing heathen poets in his writings1 as though the verses of ,homer or of ,virgil were inconsistent with the sobriety of a ,christian2 yet his anxiety to round his style with ,ciceronian phrases1 and to bequeath models of pure ,latinity in his epistles to posterity1 proved how much he valued literary graces4 ,having vowed to consecrate his talents to the services of ecclesiastical learning1 he undertook the translation of ,diogenes ,laertius1 at ,cosimo's request1 with reluctance1 and performed the task with bitter self-bemoaning4 ,in his person we witness the conflict of the humanistic spirit with ecclesiastical tradition--a conflict in which the former was destined to achieve a complete and memorable victory4 ,these men--,niccoli1 ,bruni1 ,marsuppini1 ,manetti1 and ,traversari--formed the literary oligarchy who surrounded ,cosimo de' ,medici1 and through their industry and influence restored the studies of antiquity at ,florence4 ,while they were carrying on the work of revival1 each in his own sphere1 with impassioned energy1 a combination of external circumstances gave fresh impulse to their activity4 ,eugenius ,,iv41 having been expelled from ,rome in #adcd1 had fixed his headquarters in ,florence1 whither in #adch he transferred the ,council which had first been opened at ,ferrara for negotiating the union of the ,greek and ,latin ,churches4 ,the ,emperor of the ,east1 ,john ,palologus1 surrounded by his theologians and scribes1 together with the ,pope of ,rome1 on whom a train of cardinals and secretaries attended1 now took up their quarters in the city of the ,medici4 ,a temporary building at ,santa ,maria ,novella was erected for the sessions of the ,council1 and for several months ,florence entertained as guests the chiefs of the two great sections of ,christendom4 ,unimportant as were the results1 both political and ecclesiastical1 of this ,council1 the meeting of the ,eastern and the ,western powers in conclave vividly impressed the imagination of the ,florentines1 and communicated a more than transient impulse to their intellectual energies4 ,italy was on the eve of becoming not only the depositary of ,greek learning1 but also the sole interpreter of the ,greek spirit to the modern world4 ,fifteen years after the closing of the ,council1 the thread which had connected ,byzantium with ,athens through an unbroken series of historical traditions1 was snapped2 already it was beginning to be felt in ,europe that nothing but the ghost of ,greek culture survived upon the shores of the ,bosphorus1 and that if the genius of antiquity was to illuminate the modern world1 the light must dawn in ,italy4#agd ,footnote #agd3 ,see the emphatic words of ,poliziano1 quoted by ,voigt1 p4 #ahi1 on the revival of extinct ,hellenism by the ,florentines1 and on their fluent command of the ,attic idiom4 ,the feelings with which the ,florentines regarded their ,greek guests were strangely mingled4 ,while honouring them as the last scions of the noblest nation of the past1 as the authentic teachers of ,hellenic learning and the masters of the ,attic tongue1 they despised their empty vanity1 their facile apostasy1 their trivial pedantry1 their personal absurdities4 ,the long beards1 trailing mantles1 painted eyebrows1 and fantastic headgear of the ,byzantine sophists moved the laughter of the common folk1 accustomed to the grave and simple lucco of their own burghers4 ,in vain did ,vespasiano tell them that this costume descended from august antiquity through fifteen centuries of unchanged fashion4#age ,the more educated citizens1 again1 soon discovered that the erudition of these strangers was but shallow1 and that their magnificent pretensions reduced themselves to the power of speaking the emasculated ,greek1 which formed their mother tongue1 with fluency4 ,the truth is that1 however necessary the ,byzantines were at the very outset of the ,revival of ,learning1 ,greek studies owed less to their traditional lore than to the curiosity of ,italian scholars4 ,the beggarly elements of grammar1 caligraphy1 and bibliographical knowledge were supplied by the ,greeks2 but it was not ,chrysoloras even1 nor yet ,argyropoulos1 so much as ,ficino and ,aldo1 ,palla degli ,strozzi and ,cosimo de' ,medici1 who opened the literature of ,athens to the comprehension of the modern world4 ,footnote #age3 ,see the curious passage in the ,vita di ,eugenio ,,iv41 ,papa1 p4 #ad4 ,some exceptions must be made to these remarks2 for it is not certain that1 without guidance1 the ,florentines would have made that rapid progress in philosophical studies which contrasts so singularly with their comparative neglect of the ,attic dramatists4 ,gemistos ,plethon in particular stands forth as a man who combined real knowledge with natural eloquence1 and who materially affected the whole course of the ,renaissance by directing the intelligence of the ,florentines to ,plato4 ,inasmuch as ,plethon's residence in ,italy during the session of the ,council formed a decisive epoch in the ,revival of ,learning1 to pass him by without some detailed notice would be to omit one of the most interesting episodes in the history of the fifteenth century4 ,at the same time1 his biography so well illustrates the state of thought in the ,greek ,empire at the moment of its fall1 as well as the speculations which interested philosophic intellects at that period in ,italy1 that ,i trust the following digression will be judged excusable4 ,georgios ,gemistos was born of noble parents at ,byzantium about the year #acee4agf ,during a long lifetime1 chiefly spent in the ,morea1 he witnessed all the miseries that racked his country through its lingering agony of a hundred years1 and died at last in #adej1 just before the final downfall of the ,greek ,empire4 ,of his early life little is known beyond the fact that he left ,constantinople as a young man in order to study philosophy at ,brusa4 ,brusa and ,adrianopolis1 at that time the two ,western seats of the ,mahommedan power1 out-rivalled ,byzantium in culture1 while the mental vigour of the ,mussulmans was far in advance of that of their effete neighbours4 ,the young ,greek1 who seems already to have lost his faith in ,christianity1 was attracted to the ,moslem ,court by ,elissaios1 a sage of ,jewish birth4 ,from this teacher he learned what then passed for the doctrines of ,zoroaster4 ,after quitting ,brusa1 ,gemistos settled at ,mistra in the ,peloponnese1 upon the site of ancient ,sparta1 where with some interruptions he continued to reside until his death4 ,the ,greek ,emperor was still nominally lord of the ,morea1 though the conquests of ,frankish ,crusaders and the incursions of the ,turks had rendered his rule feeble4 ,gemistos1 who enjoyed the confidence of the ,imperial ,house1 was made a judge at ,mistra1 and thus obtained clear insight into the causes of the decadence of the ,hellenic race upon its ancient soil4 ,the picture he draws of the anarchy and immorality of the peninsula is frightful4 ,he also professed philosophy1 and at the age of thirty-three became a teacher of repute4 ,the views he formed concerning the corruption of the ,greek ,church and the degradation of the ,greek people1 combined with his philosophical opinions1 inspired him with the visionary ambition of reforming the creed1 the ethics1 and the political conditions of ,hellas on a ,pagan basis4 ,there is something ludicrous as well as sad in the spectacle of this sophist1 nourishing the vain fancy that he might coin a complete religious system1 which should supersede ,christianity and restore vigour to the decayed body of the ,greek ,empire4 ,in the dotage of ,hellenism ,gemistos discovered no new principle of vitality1 but returned to the speculative mysticism of the ,neoplatonists4 ,their attempt at a ,pagan revival had failed long ago in ,alexandria1 while force still remained to the ,greek race1 and while the ,christian ,church was still comparatively ill-assured4 ,to propose it as a panacea in the year #adjj for the evils of the ,empire threatened by the ,turks was mere childishness4 ,perhaps it is doing the sage injustice to treat his system seriously4 ,charity prompts us to regard it as a plaything invented for the amusement of his leisure hours4 ,yet nothing can be graver than his own language and that of his disciples4 ,footnote #agf3 ,i owe the greater part of the facts presented in this sketch of ,gemistos to ,fritz ,schultze's ,geschichte der ,philosophie der ,renaissance1 vol4 i4 ,the work in which he embodied his doctrine was called ',the ,laws'--,greek3 h tn nomn syngraph1 or simply ,greek3 nomoi4 ,it comprised a metaphysical system1 the outlines of a new religion1 an elaborate psychology and theory of ethics1 and a scheme of political administration4 ,according to his notions1 there is one ,supreme ,god1 ,zeus1 the absolute and eternal reality1 existing as homogeneous and undiscriminated ,being1 ,will1 ,activity1 and ,power4 ,zeus begets everlasting ,ideas1 or ,gods of the second order2 and these gods1 to whom ,gemistos gave the name of ,greek divinities1 constitute a hierarchy corresponding to the abstract notions of his logic4 ,with the object of harmonising the double series of immortal and mortal existences they are subdivided1 by a singularly clumsy contrivance1 into genuine and spurious children of ,zeus4 ,first among the genuine sons stands ,poseidon1 the idea of ideas1 the logical summum genus1 who includes within himself the intellectual universe potentially4 ,next in rank is ,hera1 the female deity1 created immediately by ,zeus1 but by a second act1 and therefore inferior to ,poseidon4 ,these two are the primordial authors of the world as it exists4 ,after them come three series1 each of five deities1 whereof the first set1 including ,apollo1 ,artemis1 ,hephstus1 ,dionysus1 and ,athena1 represent the most general categories4 ,the second set1 among whom we find ,atlas and ,pluto1 are the ideas of immortal substance existing for ever in the world of living beings4 ,the third1 which reckons among others ,hecate and ,hestia1 are the ideas of immortal substance existing for ever in the inanimate world4 ,next in the descending order come the spurious offspring of ,zeus1 or ,titans1 two of whom1 ,cronos and ,aphrodite1 are the ideas respectively of form and matter in things subject to decay and dissolution2 while ,kor1 ,pan1 and ,demeter are the specific ideas of men1 beasts1 and plants4 ,hitherto we have been recording the genealogy of divine beings subject to no laws of time or change1 who are1 in fact1 pure thoughts or logical entities4 ,we arrive in the last place at deities of the third degree1 the genuine and the spurious children1 no longer of ,zeus1 but of ,poseidon1 chieftain of the second order of the hierarchy4 ,the planets and the fixed stars constitute the higher of these inferior powers1 while the dmons fill the lowest class of all4 ,at the very bottom of the scale1 below the gods of every quality1 stand men1 beasts1 plants1 and the inorganic world4 ,it will be perceived that this scheme is bastard ,neoplatonism--a mystical fusion of ,greek mythology and ,greek logic1 whereby the products of speculative analysis are hypostasised as divine persons4 ,of many difficulties patent in his doctrine ,gemistos offered no solution4 ,how1 for example1 can we ascribe to ,zeus the procreation of spurious as well as genuine offspring8 ,it is possible that the philosopher1 if questioned on such topics1 would have fallen back on the convenient theory of progressively diminished efficacy in the creative act2 for though he guards against adopting the hypothesis of emanation1 it is clear1 from the simile of multiplied reflections in a series of mirrors1 which he uses to explain the genealogy of gods1 that some such conception modified his views4 ,to point out the insults offered to the ancient myths1 whereof he made such liberal and arbitrary use1 or to insist upon the folly of the whole conceit1 considered as the substance of a creed which should regenerate the world1 would be superfluous2 nothing can be more grotesque1 for instance1 than the personification of identity and self-determining motion under the titles of ,apollo and ,dionysus1 nor any confusion more fatal than the attribution of sex to categories of the understanding4 ,the sole merit of the system consists in the classification of notions1 the conception of an intellectual hierarchy1 descending by interdependent stages from the primordial cause through pure ideas to their copies and material manifestations in the world of things4 ,dreams of this kind have always haunted the metaphysical imagination1 giving rise to hybrids between poetry and logic2 and the system of ,gemistos may fairly take rank among a hundred similar attempts between the days of ,plato and of ,hegel4 ,such as it was1 his metaphysic supplied ,gemistos with the basis of a cult1 a psychology1 a theory of ethics1 and a political programme4 ,he founded a sect1 and was called by his esoteric followers 'the mystagogue of sublime and celestial dogmas4'#agg ,they believed that the soul of ,plato had been reincarnated in their master1 and that the new creed1 professed by him1 would supersede the faiths existing in the world4 ,among the most distinguished of these neophytes was the famous ,bessarion1 who adopted so much at any rate of his teacher's doctrine as rendered him indifferent to the points at issue between the ,greek and ,latin ,churches1 when a cardinal's hat was offered as the price of his apostasy4 ,bessarion1 however1 was too much a man of the world to dream that ,gemistos would triumph over ,christ and ,mahomet4#agh ,while using the language of the mystic1 and recording his conviction that ,plato's soul1 released from the body of ,gemistos1 had joined the choir of the ,olympian deities1#agi it is probable that he was only playing1 after the fashion of his age1 with speculations that amused his fancy though they took no serious hold upon his life4 ,it was a period1 we must remember1 when scholars affected the manners of the antique world1 ,latinised their names1 and adopted fantastic titles in their academies and learned clubs4 ,at no time of the world's history has this kind of masquerading attained to so much earnestness of rather more than half-belief4 ,the attitude assumed by ,gemistos and his disciples is1 therefore1 not without its value for illustrating the intellectual conditions of the earlier ,renaissance4 ,practical religion had but little energy among the educated classes4 ,the interests of the ,church were more political than spiritual4 ,science had not yet asserted her real rights in any sphere of thought4 ,art and literature1 invigorated by the passion for antiquity1 meanwhile absorbed the genius of the ,italians2 and through a dim sthetic haze the waning lights of ,hellas mingled with the dayspring of the modern world4 ,footnote #agg3 ,see ,schultze1 p4 #ec4 ,footnote #agh3 ,see ,schultze1 p4 #gg1 note4 ,footnote #agi3 ,ibid4 p4 #ajg4 ,the most important event of ,gemistos's life was the journey which he took to ,italy in the train of ,john ,palologus in #adch4 ,secretly disliking ,christianity in general1 and the ,latin form of it in particular1 he had endeavoured to dissuade the emperor from attending the ,council4 ,now he found himself elected as one of the six champions of the cause of the ,greek ,church4 ,for the subtle ,greek intellect in that dotage of a doomed civilisation1 no greater interest survived than could be found in dialectic2 and to dispute about the filioque of the ,christian creed was fair sport1 when no chance offered itself of forcing rationalistic ,paganism down the throat of popes and cardinals4 ,therefore it is probable that ,gemistos did not find his position at the ,council peculiarly irksome1 even though he had to listen to reasonings about purgatory and the procession of the ,holy ,ghost1 and to suggest arguments in favour of the ,eastern dogma1 while in his inmost soul he equally despised the combatants on either side4 ,the effect he produced outside the ,council was far more flattering than the part he had to play within the walls of ,santa ,maria ,novella4 ,instead of power-loving ecclesiastics and pig-headed theologians1 anxious only to extend their privileges and establish their supremacy1 he found a multitude of sympathetic and enthusiastic listeners4 ,the ,florentines were just then in the first flush of their passion for ,greek study4 ,plato1 worshipped as an unknown god1 whose rising would dispel the mists of scholastic theology1 was upon the lips of every student4 ,men were thirsting for the philosophy that had the charm of poetry1 that delighted the imagination while it fortified the understanding1 and that lent its glamour to the dreams and yearnings of a youthful age4 ,what they wanted1 ,gemistos possessed in abundance4 ,from the treasures of a memory stored with ,platonic1 ,pythagorean1 and ,alexandrian mysticism he poured forth copious streams of indiscriminate erudition4 ,the ears of his audience were open2 their intellects were far from critical4 ,they accepted the gold and dross of his discourse alike as purest metal4 ,hanging upon the lips of the eloquent1 grave1 beautiful old man1 who knew so much that they desired to learn1 they called him ,socrates and ,plato in their ecstasy4 ,it was during this visit to ,florence that he adopted the name of ,plethon1 which1 while it played upon ,gemistos1 had in it the ring of his great master's surname4#ahj ,the devotion of his ,greek disciples bore no comparison with the popularity he acquired among ,italians2 and he had the satisfaction of being sure that the seed of ,platonic philosophy sown by him would spring up in the rich soil of those powerful and eager minds4 ,cosimo de' ,medici1 convinced of the importance of ,platonic studies by his conversations with ,gemistos1 founded the famous ,florentine ,academy1 and designated the young ,marsilio ,ficino for the special task of translating and explaining the ,platonic writings4#aha ,when we call to mind the influence which the ,platonic ,academy of ,florence1 through ,ficino and ,pico della ,mirandola1 exerted over the whole thought of ,italy1 and1 through ,reuchlin and his pupil ,melanchthon1 over that of ,germany1 we are able to estimate the impulse given by ,gemistos to the movement of the fifteenth century4 ,it may be added that ,platonic studies in ,italy never recovered from the impress of ,neoplatonic mysticism which proceeded from his mind4 ,footnote #ahj3 ,greek3 ,gemistos and ,greek3 gemiz1 ,greek3 ,plthn and ,greek3 plth4 ,both mean to be full4 ,plato1 however1 is said to have been called ,greek3 ,platn1 because of his broad shoulders or his breadth of eloquence4 ,footnote #aha3 ,see the translation of ,plotinus by ,ficino1 quoted by ,schultze1 p4 #gf3 ',magnus ,cosmus1 ,senats consulto patri pater1 quo tempore concilium inter ,grcos atque ,latinos sub ,eugenio pontifice ,florenti tractabatur1 philosophum ,grcum nomine ,gemistum1 cognomine ,plethonem quasi ,platonem alterum1 de mysteriis ,platonicis disputantem frequenter audivit4 ,e cujus ore ferventi sic afflatus est protinus1 sic animatus1 ut inde ,academiam quandam alt mente conceperit1 hanc opportuno primum tempore pariturus4' ,while resident in ,florence he published two treatises on ,fate and on the differences between ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,the former was an anti-,christian work1 in so far as it denied the freedom of arbitrary activity to ,god as well as men4 ,the latter raised a controversy in ,italy and ,greece1 which long survived its author1 exercising the scholars of the ,renaissance to some purpose on the texts and doctrines of the chief great thinkers of antiquity4 ,gemistos attacked ,aristotle in general for atheism and irreligious morality1 while he proved that the ,platonic system1 as interpreted by him1 was deeply theological4 ,without entering into the details of a dispute that continued to rage for many years1 and aroused the bitterest feelings on both sides1 it is enough to observe that ,aristotle had for centuries been regarded as the pillar of orthodoxy in the ,latin ,church1 while ,plato supplied eclectic thinkers with a fair cloak for rationalistic speculations and theistic heresies4 ,the opponents of ,aristotle were undermining the foundations of the time-honoured scholastic fabric4 ,the opponents of ,plato accused his votaries of drowning the ,christianity they pretended to maintain1 in a vague ocean of heretical mysticism4 ,it is indeed difficult to understand how ,ficino1 who worshipped ,plato no less fervently than ,christ1 could avoid reducing ,christianity to the level of ,paganism1 while he attempted to demonstrate that the ,platonic system contained the essence of the ,christian faith4 ,this was1 in fact1 nothing less than abandoning the exclusive pretensions of revealed religion and the authority of the ,church4 ,before the year #adda ,gemistos had returned to ,mistra1 where he continued to exercise his magistracy4 ,his old age was embittered by the fierce attacks directed by ,gennadios1#ahb afterwards ,patriarch of ,constantinople1 against the esoteric doctrines of the ,greek3 ,nomoi4 ,gennadios accused him roundly of ,paganism1 continuing his polemic against the book long after the death of its author4 ,that event happened in #adej4 ,gemistos was buried at ,mistra2 but five years later ,sigismondo ,pandolfo ,malatesta1 moved by ardent love of learning and by veneration for the philosopher1 exhumed his bones1 and transferred them to the ,church of ,s4 ,francesco at ,rimini1 which ,leo ,alberti had but recently built for him4#ahc ,footnote #ahb3 ,schultze1 p4 #ib4 ,his secular name was ,georgios ,scholarios4 ,footnote #ahc3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #acd1 #ace1 and ,sketches in ,italy and ,greece1 article ',rimini4' ,of ,bessarion ,i shall have to speak elsewhere2 but1 in order to complete the review of ,greek studies in ,florence at this epoch1 mention must now be made of two ,greeks who filled the chair of the ,university with distinguished success4 ,that ,john ,argyropoulos1 a native of ,byzantium1 visited ,italy before the fall of the ,greek ,empire1 appears from ,vespasiano's account of his residence with ,palla ,strozzi at ,padua during the first years of his exile4#ahd ,in #adef ,cosimo called him to ,florence1 secured him good appointments from the studio pubblico1 and installed him as public and private teacher of ,greek language and philosophy4 ,argyropoulos laboured at ,florence for a space of fifteen years1 counting the most distinguished citizens among his pupils4 ,from ,florence he removed to ,rome1 where ,reuchlin heard him lecture upon ,thucydides in the pontificate of ,sixtus ,,iv4 ,reuchlin's scholarship1 if we may trust ,melanchthon1 was rated at so high a value by this master that1 on his departure from ,rome1 he exclaimed1 ',now hath ,greece flown beyond the ,alps6' ,a more commanding personage than ,argyropoulos was ,georgios ,trapezuntios1 who came to ,italy as early as #adbj1 and professed ,greek at ,venice1 ,florence1 ,rome1 and other cities4 ,his temper was proud1 choleric1 and quarrelsome2 but the history of his disputes belongs to the next chapter1 which will treat of ,rome4 ,i may here mention that1 during the residence of the ,papal ,court at ,florence1 he gave instruction both public and private1#ahe without1 however1 entering into intimacy with the ,medicean circle4 ,after ,manuel ,chrysoloras1 it can be said with certainty that the revival of ,hellenism in the fifteenth century at ,florence was due to the three men of whom ,i have been speaking--,georgios ,gemistos1 ,joannes ,argyropoulos1 and ,georgios ,trapezuntios4 ,of the labours of the last in ,rome1 as well as of ,theodoros ,gaza1 ,demetrius ,chalcondylas1 ,andronicus ,callistus and the ,lascari1 is not yet time to speak in detail4 ,each deserves a separate commemoration1 since to their joint activity in teaching1 ,europe owes ,greek scholarship4#ahf ,footnote #ahd3 ,vita di ,palla di ,noferi ,strozzi1 p4 #bhd4 ,footnote #ahe3 ,see ,vespasiano1 p4 #dhf4 ,footnote #ahf3 ,see long lists in ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 pp4 #hab1 #hbb-hcg1 of foreign and ,italian ,grecians4 ,before passing from ,florence to ,rome1 which at this time formed the second centre of ,italian humanism1 something should be said about the state of learning in the other republics4 ,the causes that decided the pre-eminence of ,florence have been already touched upon4 ,it is enough to observe here that1 while the ,universities of ,bologna1 ,siena1 and ,perugia engaged professors of eloquence at high salaries1 the literary enthusiasm of those cities was in no way comparable to that of ,florence4 ,their culture depended on the illustrious visitors who fixed their residence from time to time within their walls4 ,genoa remained almost dead to learning4 ,at ,venice the study of the classics engaged the attention of a few nobles1 without permeating the upper classes or giving a decided tone to society at large4 ,though the illustrious ,greek refugees made it their custom to halt for a season at ,venice1 while nearly all ,italian teachers of note lectured there on short engagements1 it is none the less true that the ,venetians were backward to encourage literature4 ,they opened no public libraries1 made no efforts to retain the services of scholars for the ,state1 and regarded the pretensions of the humanists with cold contempt4 ,in letters1 as in the fine arts1 ,venice waited till the rest of ,italy had blossomed4 ,bembo succeeded to ,poliziano1 as ,titian to ,raphael4 ,much good1 however1 was done by men like the ,giustiniani and ,paolo ,zane1 who furnished young students with the means of visiting ,constantinople1 and who provided them with professorial chairs on their return4 ,the gentiluomini could also count among their number ,francesco ,barbaro1 no less distinguished by his knowledge of both learned languages than by the correspondence he maintained with all the scholars of his time4 ,while yet a young man1 he had imbibed the ,florentine spirit in the house of ,cosimo de' ,medici4 ,on his return to ,venice he studied under the best masters1 and soon attained such excellence of style that ,poggio compared his treatise on marriage to the ',de ,officiis' of ,cicero4 ,the ,republic of ,venice1 however1 demanded more of patriotic service from her high-born citizens than the commonwealth of ,florence2 and ,barbaro had to spend his life in the discharge of grave ,state duties1 finding little leisure for the cultivation of his literary talents4 ,it remained for him to win the fame of a ,mcenas1 who1 had he chosen1 might have disputed laurels with the ablest of the scholars he protected4 ,,chapter ,v ,,second ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,transition from ,florence to ,rome -- ,vicissitudes of ,learning at the ,papal ,court -- ,diplomatic ,humanists -- ,protonotaries -- ,apostolic ,scribes -- ,ecclesiastical ,sophists -- ,immorality and ,artificiality of ,scholarship in ,rome -- ,poggio and ,bruni1 ,secretaries -- ,eugenius ,,iv4 -- ,his ,patronage of ,scholars -- ,flavio ,biondo -- ,solid ,erudition -- ,nicholas ,v4 -- ,his ,private ,history -- ,nature of his ,talents -- ,his unexpected ,elevation to the ,roman ,see -- ,jubilation of the ,humanists -- ,his ,protection of ,learned ,men in ,rome -- ,a ,workshop of ,erudition -- ,a ,factory of ,translations -- ,high ,sums paid for ,literary ,labour -- ,poggio ,fiorentino -- ,his ,early ,life -- ,his ,journeys -- ,his ,eminence as a ,man of ,letters -- ,his ,attitude toward ,ecclesiastics -- ,his ,invectives -- ,humanistic ,gladiators -- ,poggio and ,filelfo -- ,poggio and ,guarino -- ,poggio and ,valla -- ,poggio and ,perotti -- ,poggio and ,georgius ,trapezuntios -- ,literary ,scandals -- ,poggio's ,collections of ,antiquities -- ,chancellor of ,florence -- ,cardinal ,bessarion -- ,his ,library -- ,theological ,studies -- ,apology for ,plato -- ,the ,greeks in ,italy -- ,humanism at ,naples -- ,want of ,culture in ,southern ,italy -- ,learning an ,exotic -- ,alfonso the ,magnificent -- ,scholars in the ,camp -- ,literary ,dialogues at ,naples -- ,antonio ,beccadelli -- ',the ,hermaphroditus' -- ,lorenzo ,valla -- ,the ,epicurean -- ,the ,critic -- ,the ,opponent of the ,church -- ,bartolommeo ,fazio -- ,giannantonio ,porcello -- ,court of ,milan -- ,filippo ,maria ,visconti -- ,decembrio's ,description of his ,master -- ,francesco ,filelfo -- ,his ,early ,life -- ,visit to ,constantinople -- ,place at ,court -- ,marriage -- ,return to ,italy -- ,venice -- ,bologna -- ,his ,pretensions as a ,professor -- ,florence -- ,feuds with the ,florentines -- ,immersion in ,politics -- ,siena -- ,settles at ,milan -- ,his ,fame -- ,private ,life and ,public ,interests -- ,overtures to ,rome -- ,filelfo under the ,sforza ,tyranny -- ,literary ,brigandage -- ,death at ,florence -- ,filelfo as the ,representative of a ,class -- ,vittorino da ,feltre -- ,early ,education -- ,scheme of ,training ,youths as ,scholars -- ,residence at ,padua -- ,residence at ,mantua -- ,his ,school of ,princes -- ,liberality to ,poor ,students -- ,details of his ,life and ,system -- ,court of ,ferrara -- ,guarino da ,verona -- ,house ,tutor of ,lionello d',este -- ,giovanni ,aurispa -- ,smaller ,courts -- ,carpi -- ,mirandola -- ,rimini and the ,malatesta ,tyrants -- ,cesena -- ,pesaro -- ,urbino and ,duke ,frederick -- ,vespasiano da ,bisticci4 ,in passing from ,florence to ,rome1 we are struck with the fact that neither in letters nor in art had the ,papal city any real life of her own4 ,her intellectual enthusiasms were imported2 her activity varied with the personal interests of successive ,popes4 ,stimulated by the munificence of one ,holy ,father1 starved by the niggardliness of another2 petted and caressed by ,nicholas ,v41 watched with jealous mistrust by ,paul ,,ii42 thrust into the background by ,alexander1 and brought into the light by ,leo--learning was subjected to rude vicissitudes at ,rome4 ,very few of the scholars who shed lustre on the reigns of liberal ,pontiffs were ,romans1 nor did the nobles of the ,papal ,states affect the fame of patrons4 ,we have1 therefore1 in dealing with humanism at ,rome1 to bear in mind that it flourished fitfully1 precariously1 as an exotic1 its growth being alternately checked and encouraged at the pleasure of the priest in office4 ,in spite of these variable conditions1 one class of humanists never failed at ,rome4 ,during the period of schisms and councils1 when ,pope and ,antipope were waging wordy warfare in the ,courts of congregated ,christendom1 it was impossible to dispense with the services of practised writers and accomplished orators4 ,as composers of diplomatic despatches1 letters1 bulls1 and protocols2 as disseminators of squibs and invectives2 as redactors of state papers2 as pleaders1 legates1 ambassadors1 and private secretaries--scholars swarmed around the person of the ,pontiff4 ,their official titles varied1 some being called ,secretaries to the ,chancery1 others ,apostolic ,scriptors1 others again ,protonotaries2 while their duties were divided between the regular business of the ,curia and the miscellaneous transactions that arose from special emergencies of the ,papal ,see4 ,their services were well rewarded4 ,in addition to about #gjj florins of pay and perquisites1 they1 for the most part1 entered into minor orders and held benefices4 ,men of acute intellect and finished style1 who had absorbed the culture of their age1 and could by rhetoric enforce what arguments they chose to wield1 found1 therefore1 a good market for their talents at the ,court of ,rome4 ,they soon became a separate and influential class1 divided from the nobility by their birth and foreign connections1 and from the churchmen by their secular status and avowed impiety1 yet mingling in society with both and trusting to their talents to support their dignity4 ,at the ,council of ,basle the protonotaries even claimed to take precedence of the bishops on occasions of high ceremony1 arguing1 from the nature of their office and the rarity of their acquirements1 that they had a better right than priests to approach the person of the ,sovereign ,pontiff4 ,poggio and ,bruni1 ,losco1 ,aurispa1 and ,biondo raised their voices in this quarrel1 which proved how indispensable the mundane needs of the ,papacy had rendered these free-lances of literature4 ,through them the spirit of humanism1 antagonistic to the spirit of the ,church1 possessed itself of the ,eternal ,city2 and much of the flagrant immorality which marked ,rome during the ,renaissance may be ascribed to the influence of paganising scholars1 freed from the restrictions of family and local opinion1 indifferent to religion1 and less absorbed in study for its own sake than in the profits to be gained by the exercise of a practised pen4 ,there was a real discord between the principles which the ,church professed1 and the new culture that flourished on a heathen soil4 ,while merely secular interests blinded the ,popes to the perils which might spring from fostering this discord1 humanistic enthusiasm had so thoroughly penetrated ,italy that to exclude it from ,rome was impossible4 ,neopagan scholarship added1 therefore1 lustre to the ,papal ,court1 as one among the many splendours of that worldly period which raised the ,see of ,rome to eminence above the ,states of ,italy4 ,the light it shed1 however1 had no vital heat4 ,learning was always an article of artificial luxury at ,rome1 not1 as at ,florence1 part of the nation's life2 and when the gilded pomp of ,leo dwindled down to ,clement's abject misery and utter ruin1 it was found that such encouragement as ,popes had given to literature had been a source of weakness and decay4 ,we may still be sincerely thankful that the ,pontiffs took the line they did2 for had they placed themselves in a position of antagonism to the humanistic movement1 instead of utilising and approving of it1 the free development of ,italian scholarship might have sustained a dangerous check4 ,it was from ,florence that ,rome received her intellectual stimulus4 ,the connection began in #adjb1 when ,boniface ,,ix4 appointed ,poggio to the post of ,apostolic ,secretary1 which he held for fifty years4 ,in #adje ,lionardo ,bruni obtained the same office from ,innocent ,,vii4 ,the powerful personality of these men1 in whom the energies of the humanistic revival were concentrated1 impressed the ,roman ,curia with a stamp it never lost4 ,good ,latinity became a sine qua non in the ,papal ,chancery2 and when ,gregory ,,xii4 named ,antonio ,losco of ,verona one of his secretaries1 it was natural that this distinguished scholar1 following the ,florentine example of ,coluccio ,salutato1 should compose a book of forms in ,ciceronian style for the use of his office4#ahg ,during the insignificant pontificate of ,martin ,v41 while the ,curia resided in exile at ,florence1 the chain which was binding ,rome to the city of ,italian culture continued to gain strength4 ,the result of all the discords which rent the ,church in the first half of the fifteenth century was to ,italianise the ,papal ,see2 nor did anything contribute to this end more powerfully than the ,florentine traditions of three successive ,popes--,martin ,v41 ,eugenius ,,iv41 and ,nicholas ,v4 ,footnote #ahg3 ,see ,facius1 ,de ,viris ,illustribus1 p4 #c1 quoted by ,voigt1 p4 #bgh4 ,eugenius was a ,venetian of good family1 who inherited considerable wealth from his father4 ,having realised his fortune1 he bestowed #bj1jjj ducats on charitable institutions and took orders in the ,church4#ahh ,in #adca he was raised to the ,papacy2 but the disturbed state of ,rome obliged him to quit the ,vatican in mean disguise1 and to seek safety by flight from ,ostia4 ,he spent the greater portion of his life in ,tuscany1 occupied less with humanistic interests than with the reformation of monastic orders and the conduct of ecclesiastical affairs in the ,councils of ,basle and ,florence4 ,though he did not share the passion of his age for learning1 the patronage which he extended to scholars was substantial and important4 ,giovanni ,aurispa received from him the title of ,apostolic ,secretary1 and was appointed interpreter between the ,greeks and ,italians at the ,council of the two ,churches4 ,even the paganising ,carlo ,marsuppini was enrolled upon the list of ,papal secretaries1 while ,filelfo and ,piero ,candido ,decembrio1 who added lustre at this epoch to the ,court of ,milan1 were invited by ,eugenius with highly flattering promises4 ,the value of these meagre statements consists in this1 that even a ,pope1 whose personal proclivities were monastic rather than humanistic1 felt the necessity of borrowing all the strength he could obtain from men of letters in an age when learning itself was power4 ,more closely attached to his ,court than those who have been mentioned1 were ,maffeo ,begio1 the poet1 and ,flavio ,biondo1 one of the soundest and most conscientious students of the time4#ahi ,footnote #ahh3 ,see ,vespasiano1 p4 #f4 ,footnote #ahi3 ,he was born at ,forli in #achh1 and died in #adfc1 the father of five sons4 ,though ,biondo had but little ,greek1 and could boast of no beauty of style1 his immense erudition raised him to high rank among ,italian scholars4 ,the work he undertook was to illustrate the antiquities of ,italy in a series of historical1 topographical1 and archological studies4 ,his ',roma ,instaurata1' ',roma ,triumphans1' and ',italia ,illustrata1' three bulky encyclopdias of information concerning ancient manners1 laws1 sites1 monuments1 and races1 may justly be said to have formed the basis of all subsequent dictionaries of ,roman antiquities4 ,another product of his industry was entitled ',historiarum ab ,inclinatione ,romanorum4' ,three decades and a portion of the fourth were written1 when death put a stop to the completion of this gigantic task4 ,in estimating the value of ,biondo's contributions to history1 we must remember that he had no previous compilations whereon to base his own researches4 ,the vast stores of knowledge he collected and digested were derived from original sources4 ,he grasped the whole of ,latin literature1 both classical and medival1 arranged the results of his comprehensive reading into sections1 and furnished the learned world with tabulated materials for the study of ,roman institutions in the ,state1 the camp1 the law courts1 private life1 and religious ceremonial4 ,obstinate indeed must have been the industry of the scholar1 who1 in addition to these classical researches1 undertook to narrate the dissolution of antique society and to present a faithful picture of ,italy in the dark ages4 ,biondo's ',history of the ,decline and ,fall of the ,roman ,empire1' conceived in an age devoted to stylistic niceties and absorbed by the attractions of renascent ,hellenism1 inspires our strongest admiration4 ,yet its author failed in his lifetime to win the distinction he deserved4 ,though he held the office of ,apostolic ,secretary under four ,popes1 his marriage stopped the way to ecclesiastical preferment1 while his incapacity to use the arts of the stylist1 the sophist1 the flatterer1 and the translator1 lost him the favour his more solid qualities had at first procured4 ,eugenius could appreciate a man of his stamp better than ,nicholas ,v41 whose special tastes inclined to elegant humanism rather than to ponderous erudition4 ,the lives of all the humanists illustrate the honours and the wealth secured by learning for her votaries in the ,renaissance4 ,no example1 however1 is so striking as that furnished by the biography of ,nicholas ,v4 ,tommaso ,parentucelli was born at ,pisa in #acih4 ,while he was still an infant his parents1 in spite of their poverty and humble station1 which might have been expected to shield them from political tyranny1 were exiled to ,sarzana2#aij and at the age of nine he lost his father at that place4 ,sarzana has consequently gained the credit of giving birth to the first great ,pope of the ,renaissance period4 ,the young ,tommaso found means1 though extremely poor1 to visit the ,university of ,bologna1 where he studied theology and made himself a master in the seven liberal arts4 ,after six years' residence at ,bologna1 his total destitution1 combined1 perhaps1 with a desire for more instruction in elegant scholarship than the university afforded1 led him to seek work in ,florence4 ,he must have already acquired some reputation1 since ,rinaldo degli ,albizzi received him as house-tutor to his children for one year1 at the expiration of which time he entered the service of ,palla degli ,strozzi in a similar capacity4 ,the money thus obtained enabled him to return to ,bologna1 and to take his degree as ,doctor of ,theology at the age of twenty-two4 ,he was now fully launched in life4 ,the education he had received at ,bologna qualified him for office in the church1 while his two years' residence at ,florence had rendered him familiar with men of polite learning and of gentle breeding4 ,niccolo degli ,albergati1 ,archbishop of ,bologna1 became his patron1 and appointed him controller of his household4 ,albergati was one of the cardinals of ,eugenius ,,iv41 a man of considerable capacity1 and alive to the intellectual interests of his age4 ,when he followed the ,papal ,court to ,florence1 ,tommaso attended him1 and here began the period which was destined to influence his subsequent career4 ,inspired with a passionate devotion to books for their own sake1 and gifted with ardent curiosity and all-embracing receptivity of intellect1 the young scholar found himself plunged into a society of which literature formed the most absorbing occupation4 ,he soon became familiar with ,cosimo de' ,medici1 and no meetings of the learned were complete without him4 ,a glimpse may be obtained of the literary circle he frequented at this time from a picturesque passage in ,vespasiano4#aia ',it was the wont of ,messer ,lionardo d',arezzo1 ,messer ,giannozzo ,manetti1 ,messer ,poggio1 ,messer ,carlo d',arezzo1 ,messer ,giovanni ,aurispa1 ,maestro ,gasparo da ,bologna1 and many other men of learning to congregate every morning and evening at the side of the ,palazzo1 where they entered into discussions and disputes on various subjects4 ,as soon1 then1 as ,maestro ,tommaso had attended the ,cardinal to the ,palazzo1 he joined them1 mounted on a mule1 with two servants on foot2 and generally he was attired in blue1 and his servants in long dresses of a darker colour4 ,at that time the pomp of the ,court of ,rome was not by any means what it is nowadays4 ,in the place ,i have named he was always to be found1 conversing and disputing1 since he was a most impassioned debater4' ,footnote #aij3 ,so ,vespasiano relates the cause of their removal from ,pisa4 ,p4 #bj4 ,footnote #aia3 ,p4 #bc4 ,tommaso was not a man of genius2 his talents were better suited for collecting and digesting what he read1 than for original research and composition4 ,he had a vast memory1 and was an indefatigable student1 not only perusing but annotating all the books he purchased4 ,pius ,,ii4 used to say of him that what he did not know1 must lie outside the sphere of human knowledge4 ,in speech he was fluent1 and in disputation eager2 but he never ranked among the ornate orators and stylists of the age4 ,his wide acquaintance with all branches of literature1 and his faculty for classification1 rendered him useful to ,cosimo de' ,medici1 who employed him on the catalogue of the ,marcian ,library4 ,from ,cosimo in return1 ,tommaso caught the spirit which sustained him in his coming days of greatness4 ,already1 at this early period1 while living almost on the bounty of the ,medici1 he never lost an opportunity of accumulating books1 and would even borrow money to secure a precious ,,ms4#aib ,he used to say that1 if ever he acquired wealth1 he would expend it in book-buying and building--a resolution to which he adhered when he rose to the ,pontificate4 ,footnote #aib3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #bg4 ,soon after the death of ,albergati in #addc1 ,eugenius promoted ,tommaso to the see of ,bologna2 a cardinal's hat followed within a few months2 and in #addg he was elected ,pope of ,rome4 ,so sudden an elevation from obscurity and poverty to the highest place in ,christendom has rarely happened2 nor is it even now easy to understand what combinations of unsuccessful intrigues among the princes of the ,church enabled this little1 ugly1 bright-eyed1 restless-minded scholar to creep into ,s4 ,peter's seat4 ,perhaps the simplest explanation is the best4 ,the times were somewhat adverse to the ,papacy1 nor was the tiara quite as much an object of secular ambition as it afterwards became4 ,humanism meanwhile exercised strong fascination over every class in ,italy1 and it would seem that ,tommaso ,parentucelli had nothing but his reputation for learning to thank for his advancement4 ',who in ,florence would have thought that a poor bell-ringer of a priest would be made ,pope1 to the confusion of the proud8' ,this was his own complacent exclamation to ,vespasiano1 who had gone to kiss his old friend's feet1 and found him seated on a throne with twenty torches blazing round him4#aic ,footnote #aic3 ,ibid4 p4 #cc4 ,the rejoicings with which the humanists hailed the elevation of one of their own number to the ,papal throne may be readily imagined2 nor were their golden expectations1 founded on a previous knowledge of his liberality in all things that pertained to learning1 destined to be disappointed4 ,nicholas ,v41 to quote the words of ,vespasiano1 who knew him well1 'was a foe to ceremonies and vain flatteries1 open and candid1 without knowing how to feign2 avarice he never harboured1 for he was always spending beyond his means4'#aid ,his revenues were devoted to maintaining a splendid ,court1 rebuilding the fortifications and palaces of ,rome1 and showering wealth on men of letters4 ,in the protection extended by this ,pope to literature we may notice that he did not attempt to restore the studio pubblico of ,rome1 and that he showed a decided preference for works of solid learning and translations4 ,his tastes led him to delight in critical and grammatical treatises1 and his curiosity impelled him to get ,latin versions made of the ,greek authors4 ,it is possible that he did nothing for the ,roman university because he considered ,florence sufficient for the humanistic needs of ,italy1 and his own ,alma ,mater for the graver studies of the three professions4 ,still this neglect is noticeable in the case of a ,pontiff whose one public aim was to restore ,rome to the rank of a metropolis1 and whose chief private interest was study4 ,footnote #aid3 ,vespasiano1 pp4 #be1 #bg4 ,the most permanent benefit conferred by him on ,roman studies was the foundation of the ,vatican ,library1 on which he spent about #dj1jjj scudi forming a collection of some #e1jjj volumes4#aie ,he employed the best scribes1 and obtained the rarest books2 nor was there anyone in ,italy better qualified than himself to superintend the choice and arrangement of such a library4 ,it had been his intention to place it in ,s4 ,peter's and to throw it open to the public2 but he died before this plan was matured4 ,it remained for ,sixtus ,,iv4 to carry out his project4 ,footnote #aie3 ,ibid4 p4 #ch4 ,during the pontificate of ,nicholas ,rome became a vast workshop of erudition1 a factory of translations from ,greek into ,latin4 ,these were done for the most part by ,greeks who had an imperfect knowledge of ,latin1 and by ,italians who had not complete mastery of ,greek4 ,the work achieved was unequal and of no great permanent value2 yet for the time being it served a purpose of utility1 nor could the requirements of the age have been so fully satisfied by any other method4 ,nearly all the eminent scholars at that time in ,italy were engaged in this labour4 ,how liberally they were rewarded may be gathered from the following details4 ,lorenzo ,valla obtained #ejj scudi for his version of ,thucydides2 ,guarino received the larger sum of #a1ejj scudi for ,strabo2 ,perotti #ejj ducats for ,polybius2 while ,manetti was pensioned at the rate of #fjj scudi per annum to enable him to carry on his sacred studies4 ,nicholas delighted in ,greek history4 ,accordingly1 ,appian was translated by ,piero ,candido ,decembrio1 ,diodorus ,siculus and the ',cyropdia' of ,xenophon by ,poggio1#aif ,herodotus by ,valla4 ,valla and ,decembrio were both engaged upon the ',iliad' in ,latin prose2 but the dearest wish of ,nicholas in his last years was to see the poems of ,homer in the verse of ,filelfo4 ,nor were the ,greeks then resident in ,italy neglected4 ,to ,georgios ,trapezuntios the ,pope entrusted the ',physics1' ',problems1' and ',metaphysics' of ,aristotle4 ,the same scholar tried his hand at the ',laws' of ,plato1 and1 in concert with ,decembrio1 produced a version of the ',republic4' ,gregorios ,tifernas undertook the ',ethics' of ,aristotle1 and ,theodorus ,gaza the ',history of ,animals4' ,to this list should be added the ,greek ,fathers1 ,theophrastus1 ,ptolemy1 and minor works which it would be tedious to enumerate4#aig ,footnote #aif3 ,the latter was intended for ,alfonso of ,naples4 ,footnote #aig3 ,tiraboschi is the authority for these details4 ,the profuse liberality of ,nicholas brought him thus into relation with the whole learned world of ,italy4 ,among the humanists who resided at his ,court in ,rome1 mention must be made of ,lorenzo ,valla1 who was appointed ,apostolic ,scriptor in #addg1 and who opened a school of eloquence in #adej4 ,piero ,candido ,decembrio obtained the post of secretary and overseer of the ,abbreviators4#aih ,giovanni ,tortello1 of ,arezzo1 the author of a useful book on the orthography of ,greek words1 superintended the ,pope's library4 ,piero da ,noceto1 whose tomb in the cathedral at ,lucca is one of ,matteo da ,civitale's masterpieces1 was private secretary and comptroller of the ,pope's affairs4 ,of the circle gathered round ,bessarion ,i shall have occasion to speak later on4 ,our present attention must be concentrated on a man who1 more even than ,nicholas himself1 might claim the right to give his own name to this age of learning4 ,footnote #aih3 ,the more complete notices which ,valla and ,decembrio deserve will be given in the history of scholarship at ,naples and at ,milan4 ,gian ,francesco ,poggio ,bracciolini is better known in the annals of literature as ,poggio ,fiorentino1 though he was not made a burgher of ,florence until late in life4 ,born in #achj at ,terranova1 a village of the ,florentine contado1 he owed his education to ,florence4 ,in ,latin he was the pupil of ,john of ,ravenna1 and in ,greek of ,manuel ,chrysoloras4 ,during his youth he supported himself by copying ,,mss4 for the ,florentine market4 ,coluccio ,salutato and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli befriended the young student1 who entered as early as the year #adjb or #adjc into the ,papal ,chancery4#aii ,though ,poggio's life for the following half-century was spent in the service of the ,roman ,curia1 he refused to take orders in the ,church1 and remained at heart a humanist4 ,with the ,florentine circle of scholars he maintained an unremitting correspondence1 sending them notices of his discoveries in the convents of ,switzerland and ,germany1 receiving from them literary gossip in return1 joining in their disputes1 and more than once engaging in fierce verbal duels to befriend his ,medicean allies4 ,his duties and his tastes alike made him a frequent traveller1 and not the least of the benefits conferred by him upon posterity are his pictures of foreign manners4 ,at the ,council of ,constance1 for example1 he saw and heard ,jerome of ,prague1 in whom he admired the firmness and intrepid spirit of a ,cato4#bjj ,at ,baden in ,switzerland he noticed the custom1 strange to ,italian eyes1 of men and women bathing together1 eating1 drinking1 and playing at chess or cards upon floating tables in the water1 while visitors looked down upon them from galleries above1 as they now do at ,leukerbad4#bja ,in ,england he observed that the gentry preferred residence in their country houses and secluded parks to the town life then1 as now1 fashionable in ,italy1 and commented upon the vast wealth and boorish habits of the great ecclesiastics4#bjb ,concerning his discoveries of ,,mss4 ,i have had already occasion to write2 nor need ,i here repeat what ,i have said about his antiquarian researches among the ruins of ancient ,rome4 ,poggio was a man of wide sympathies1 active curiosity1 and varied interests--no mere bookworm1 but one whose eyes and mind were open to the world around him4 ,footnote #aii3 ,of his debt to ,niccolo de' ,niccoli ,poggio speaks with great warmth of feeling in a letter on his death addressed to ,carlo ,aretino3 ',quem enim patrem habui cui plus debuerim quam ,nicolao8 ,hic mihi parens ab adolescenti1 hic postmodum amicus1 hic studiorum meorum adjutor atque hortator fuit1 hic consilio1 libris1 opibus semper me ut filium et amicum fovit atque adjuvit4'--,poggii ,opera1 ,basile1 ex dibus ,henrici ,petri1 ,,mdxxxviii4 p4 #cdb4 ,to this edition of ,poggio's works my future references are made4 ,footnote #bjj3 ',stabat impavidus1 intrepidus1 mortem non contemnens solum sed appetens ut alterum ,catonem dixeris4'--,opp4 ,omnia1 p4 #cja4 ,this most interesting letter1 addressed to ,lionardo ,bruni1 is translated by ,shepherd1 ,life of ,poggio ,bracciolini1 pp4 #gh-hh4 ,footnote #bja3 ,opera ,omnia1 p4 #big4 ,see ,shepherd1 pp4 #fg-gf1 for a translation of this letter to ,niccolo de' ,niccoli4 ,footnote #bjb3 ,cardinal ,beaufort had invited him to ,england4 ,in literature he embraced the whole range of contemporary studies1 making his mark as a public orator1 a writer of rhetorical treatises and dialogues1 a panegyrist of the dead1 a violent impeacher and impugner of the living1 a translator from the ,greek1 an elegant epistolographer1 a grave historian1 and a facetious compiler of anecdotes and epigrams4 ,he possessed a style at once easy and pointed1 correct in diction and varied in cadence1 equally adapted for serious discourse and witty trifling1 and not less formidable in abuse than delicate in flattery4 ,this at least was the impression which his copious and facile ,latin1 always fluent and yet always full of sense1 produced on his contemporaries4 ,for us its finest flights of rhetoric have lost their charm1 and its best turns of phrase their point4 ,so impossible is it that the fashionable style of one age should retain its magic for posterity1 unless it be truly classical in form1 or weighted with sound thought1 or animated with high inspiration4 ,just these qualities were missed by ,poggio and his compeers4 ,setting no more serious aim before them than the imitation of ,livy and ,cicero1 ,seneca and ,csar1 they fell far short of their originals2 nor had they matter to make up for their defect of elegance4 ,poggio's treatises ',de ,nobilitate1' ',de ,varietate ,fortun1' ',de ,miseri ,human ,conditionis1' ',de ,infelicitate ,principum1' ',an ,seni sit ,uxor ducenda1' ',historia ,disceptiva ,convivialis1' and so forth1 were as interesting to ,italy in the fifteenth century as ,voltaire's occasional essays to our more immediate ancestors4 ,his controversial writings passed for models of destructive eloquence1 his satires on the clergy for masterpieces of sarcastic humour1 his ,florentine history for a supreme achievement in the noblest ,latin manner4 ,yet the whole of this miscellaneous literature seems coarse and ineffective to the modern taste4 ,we read it1 not without repugnance1 in order to obtain an insight into the spirit of the author's age4 ,two important points in ,poggio's biography will serve to illustrate the social circumstances of the humanists4 ,the first is the attitude adopted by him toward the churchmen1 with whom he passed the best years of his life in close intimacy2 the second1 his fierce warfare waged with rivals and opponents in the field of scholarship4 ,though ,poggio served the ,church for half a century1 no one exposed the vices of the clergy with more ruthless sarcasm1 or turned the follies of the monks to ridicule with more relentless scorn4 ,after reading his ',dialogue against the ,hypocrites1' his ',invective against ,felix the ,antipope1' and his ',faceti1' it is difficult to understand how a satirist who knew the weak points of the ,church so intimately1 and exposed them so freely1 could have held high station and been honoured in the ,papal ,curia4 ,they confirm in the highest degree all that has been written in the previous volume about the division between religion and morality in ,italy1 the cynical self-satisfaction of the clergy1 and the secular indifference of the ,papacy1 proving at the same time the proudly independent position which the talents of the humanists had won for them at ,rome4 ,at the end of the ',faceti'--a collection of grossly indecent and not always very witty stories--,poggio refers to the meetings with which he and his comrades entertained themselves after the serious business of the day was over4#bjc ,their place of resort was in the precincts of the ,lateran1 where they had established a club which took the name of ',bugiale1' or ,lie ,factory4#bjd ,apostolic secretaries1 writers to the ,chancery1 protonotaries1 and ,papal scribes here met together after laying down the pens they had employed in drafting ,bulls and dispensations1 encyclical letters and diplomatic missives4 ,to make puns1 tell scandalous stories1 and invent amusing plots for novelettes was the chief amusement of these ,roman wits4 ,their most stinging shafts of satire were reserved for monks and priests2 but they spared no class or profession1 and made free with the names of living persons4#bje ,against the higher clergy it might not have been safe to utter even the truth1 except in strictest privacy1 seeing that preferment had to be expected from the ,sacred ,college and the ,holy ,father4 ,the mendicant orders and the country parsons1 therefore1 bore the brunt of their attack1 while the whole tone of their discourse made it clear how little they respected the religion and the institutions of the ,church4 ,such fragments of these conversations as ,poggio thought fit to preserve1 together with anecdotes borrowed from the ',cent ,nouvelles nouvelles' and other sources1 he committed to ,latin1 and printed in the later years of his life4 ,the title given to the book was ',facetiarum ,liber4' ,it ran speedily through numerous editions1 and was read all over ,europe with the same eagerness that the ',epistol ,obscurorum ,virorum' afterwards excited4 ,underneath its ribaldry and nonsense1 however1 there lay no serious intention4 ,the satires on the clergy were contemptuous and flippant1 arguing more liking on the part of their author for scurrilous jests than any earnest wish to prove the degradation of monasticism4 ,not a word of censure from the ,vatican can ,i find recorded against this marvellous production of a ,papal secretary's pen4 ,here1 by way of illustration1 it may be mentioned that ,filelfo1 on his way through ,rome to ,naples1 placed his satires--the most nauseous compositions that coarse spite and filthy fancy ever spawned--in the hands of ,nicholas ,v4 ,the ,pope retained them for nine days1 read them1 returned them with thanks1 and rewarded their author with a purse of #ejj ducats4 ,footnote #bjc3 ,poggi ,florentini ,facetiarum ,libellus ,unicus1 ,londini1 #agih1 vol4 i4 p4 #bhb4 ,footnote #bjd3 ',mendaciorum veluti officina' is ,poggio's own explanation of the phrase4 ,footnote #bje3 ',ibi parcebatur nemini1 in lacessendo ea qu non probabantur a nobis4' ,the ',dialogue against the ,hypocrites' contains less of mere scurrility and more that bears with real weight on the vices of the clergy4 ,begging friars1 preachers1 confessors1 and aspirants to the fame of holiness are cited by name and scourged with pitiless impartiality1 while the worldly ambition of the ,roman churchmen is unmasked4 ,the ',fratres ,observanti1' who flourished under ,pope ,eugenius1 receive stern castigation at the hands of ,carlo ,aretino4 ,shepherd remarks1 not without justice1 on this dialogue that1 had the author 'ventured to advance the sentiments which it contains in the days of ,eugenius1 he would in all probability have expiated his temerity by the forfeit of his life4#bjf ,nicholas ,v41 who appreciated the pungency of its satiric style1 instead of resenting its free speech1 directed his friend ,poggio's pen against his rival ,felix4 ,raised to the ,papacy by the ,council of ,basle in #adci1 ,amadeus1 the ex-,duke of ,savoy1 still persisted in his ,papal title after the election of ,nicholas2 and though the ,sovereign of the ,vatican could well afford to scorn the hermit of ,ripaille1 he thought it prudent to discharge the heavy guns of humanistic eloquence against the ,antipope4 ,a ponderous invective was the result1 wherein ,poggio described the unfortunate ,felix as 'another ,cerberus1' 'a rapacious wolf1' 'a golden calf1' 'a perverter of the faith and foe to true religion1' 'a high priest of malignity1' 'a roaring lion'--stigmatising the ,council to whom he owed his election as 'that sink of iniquity the ,synagogue of ,basle1' 'a monstrous birth1' 'conventicle of reprobates1' 'tumultuary band of debauched men1' 'apostates1 fornicators1 ravishers1 deserters1 men convicted of most shameful crimes1 blasphemers1 rebels against ,god4'#bjg ,to such amenities of controversial rhetoric did even ,popes descend1 substituting sound and fury for sense1 and trusting to vituperation in the absence of more valid arguments4 ,footnote #bjf3 ,life of ,poggio1 p4 #dbc4 ,footnote #bjg3 ,opera ,omnia1 pp4 #aee-afd4 ,poggio1 next to ,filelfo1 was the most formidable gladiator in that age of literary duellists4 ',in his invectives he displayed such vehemence1' writes ,vespasiano1#bjh 'that the whole world was afraid of him4' ,even ,alfonso of ,naples found it prudent to avert his anger by a timely present of #fjj ducats1 when ,poggio complained of his remissness in acknowledging the version of ,xenophon's ',cyropdia1'#bji and hinted at the same time that a scholar's pen was powerful enough to punish kings for their ingratitude4 ,the overtures1 again1 made to ,poggio by ,filippo ,maria ,visconti1 and the consideration he received from ,cosimo de' ,medici1 testified to the desire of princes for the goodwill of a spiteful and unscrupulous pamphleteer4#baj ,the most celebrated of ,poggio's feuds with men of letters began when ,filelfo assailed the character of ,cosimo1 and satirised the whole society of ,florence in #adcc4 ,the full history of ,filelfo's animosity against the ,florentines belongs to the biography of that famous scholar4 ,it is enough here to mention that he ridiculed ,cosimo under the name of ,mundus1 described ,poggio as ,bambalio1 ,carlo ,aretino as ,codrus1 and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli as ,outis1#baa accusing them of literary imbecility1 and ascribing to them all the crimes and vices that disgrace humanity4 ,poggio girded up his loins for the combat1 and1 in reply to ,filelfo's ponderous hexameters1 discharged a bulky invective in prose against the common adversary4 ,this was answered by more satires1 ,poggio replying with new invectives4 ,the quarrel lasted over many years2 when1 having heaped upon each other all the insults it is possible for the most corrupt imagination to conceive1 they joined hands and rested from the contest4#bab ,to sully these pages with translations of ,poggio's rank abuse would be impossible4 ,i must content myself with referring readers1 who are anxious to gain a more detailed acquaintance with the literary warfare of that age1 to the excerpts preserved by ,shepherd and ,rosmini4#bac ,suffice it to say that he poured a torrent of the filthiest calumnies upon ,filelfo's wife and mother1 that he accused ,filelfo himself of the basest vice in youth and the most flagrant debauchery in manhood1 that he represented him as a public thief1 a professed cut-purse1 a blasphemous atheist1 soiled with sordid immoralities of every kind1 and driven by his exposed felonies from town to town in search of shelter for his hated head4 ,filelfo replied in the same strain4 ,all the resources of the ,latin language were exhausted by the combatants in their endeavours to befoul each other's character1 and the lowest depths of human nature were explored to find fresh accusations4 ,the learned world of ,italy stood by applauding1 while the valiant antagonists1 like gladiators of the ,roman arena1 plied their diverse weapons1 the one discharging darts of verse1 the other wielding a heavy club of prose4#bad ,unhappily1 there was enough of scandalous material in both their lives to give some colour to their accusations4 ,yet the virulence with which they lied against each other defeated its own object4 ,raking that literary dunghill1 it is now impossible to distinguish the true from the false2 all proportion is lost in the mass of overcharged and indiscriminate scurrility4 ,that such encounters should have been enjoyed and applauded by polite society is one of the strangest signs of the times2 and that the duellists themselves should have imagined they were treading in the steps of ,cicero and ,demosthenes is even more astounding4 ,footnote #bjh3 ,p4 #dbb4 ,footnote #bji3 ,ibid4 p4 #dbc4 ,footnote #baj3 ,see the correspondence between ,filippo ,maria and ,poggio1 ,opp4 pp4 #ccc-ceh4 ,letter to ,cosimo1 p4 #cci4 ,footnote #baa3 ',the ,world1 the ,stammering ,simpleton1 the ,execrable ,poet1 and the ,nobody4' ,see ,auree ,francisci ,philelphi ,poete ,oratorisque ,celeberrimi ,satyre4 ,paris1 #aejh4 ,passim4 ,footnote #bab3 ,opp4 ,omn4 pp4 #afd-ahg4 ,the first invective is the most venomous1 and deserves to be read in the original4 ,the last1 entitled ',invectiva ,excusatoria et ,reconciliatoria1' is amusing from its tone of sulky and sated exhaustion4 ,footnote #bac3 ,life of ,poggio1 pp4 #bfc-bgb1 #ced4 ,vita di ,filelfo4 ,footnote #bad3 ,the language of the arena was used by these literary combatants4 ,thus ,valla1 in the exordium of his ,antidote1 describes his weapon of attack in this sentence3--',hc est mea fusana1 quandoquidem gladiator a gladiatore fieri cogor1 et ea duplex et utraque tridens1' p4 #i4 ,the dispute with ,filelfo was rather personal than literary4 ,another duel into which ,poggio entered with ,guarino turned upon the respective merits of ,scipio and ,julius ,csar4 ,poggio had occasion to explain1 in correspondence with a certain ,scipione ,ferrarese1 his reasons for preferring the character of ,scipio ,africanus4 ,guarino1 with a view to pleasing his pupil ,lionello d',este1 a professed admirer of ,csar1 took up the cudgels in defence of the dictator1#bae and treated ,poggio1 whom he called ,csaromastix1 with supreme contempt4 ,poggio replied in a letter to the noble ,venetian scholar ,francesco ,barbaro4#baf ,hard words were exchanged on both sides1 and the antagonists were only reconciled on the occasion of ,poggio's marriage in #adce4 ,rome1 however1 was the theatre of his most celebrated exploits as a disputant4 ,it chanced one day that he discovered a copy of his own epistles annotated by a ,spanish nobleman who was a pupil of ,lorenzo ,valla4#bag ,poggio's ,latinity was not spared in the marginal strictures penned by the young student2 and the fiery scholar1 flying to the conclusion that the master1 not the pupil1 had dictated them1 discharged his usual missile1 a furious invective1 against ,valla4 ,thus attacked1 the author of the ',eleganti' responded in a similar composition1 entitled ',antidotum in ,poggium1' and dedicated to ,nicholas ,v4#bah ,poggio followed with another invective2 nor did the quarrel end till he had added five of these disgusting compositions to his previous achievements in the same style1 and had drawn a young ,latinist of promise1 ,niccolo ,perotti1 into the disgraceful fray4#bai ,what makes the termination of the squabble truly comic is that ,filelfo1 himself the worst offender in this way1 was moved at last to write a serious letter of admonishment to the contending parties1 exhorting them to consult their own dignity and to lay down arms4#bbj ,concerning the invectives and antidotes by which this war was carried on ,tiraboschi writes1 ',perhaps they are the most infamous libels that have ever seen the light2 there is no sort of vituperation which the antagonists do not vomit forth against each other1 no obscenity and roguery of which they are not mutually accused4' ,footnote #bae3 ,see ,rosmini1 ,vita di ,guarino da ,verona1 vol4 ii4 p4 #if4 ,footnote #baf3 ,poggii ,opera1 p4 #cfe4 ,footnote #bag3 ',adolescens quidam auditor meus1' says ,valla in the ,antidotum1 p4 #b4 ,the story is told at length1 p4 #aea4 ,i quote from the ,cologne edition of #aebg3 ',laurentii ,vall viri clarissimi in ,pogium ,florentinum antidoti libri quatuor3 in eundem alii duo libelli in dialogo conscripti4' ,footnote #bah3 ,see ,shepherd's ,poggio1 pp4 #dgj1 #dga1 for specimens of the scurrility on both sides4 ,footnote #bai3 ,the invectives against ,valla fill from p4 #ahh to p4 #bea of ,poggio's collected works4 ,part of them is devoted to a defence of his own ,latinity1 and to a critique of ,valla's ,eleganti4 ,but by far the larger part consists of vehement incriminations4 ,heresy1 theft1 lying1 forgery1 cowardice1 filthy living of the most odious description1 drunkenness1 and insane vanity--such are the accusations1 supported with a terrible array of apparent evidence4 ,as in the case of ,filelfo1 ,poggio does not spare his antagonist's father and mother1 but heaps the vilest abuse upon everyone connected with him4 ,valla's ,antidote is written in a more tempered spirit and a purer ,latin style4 ,footnote #bbj3 ,shepherd1 ,life of ,poggio1 p4 #dgd4 ,the inconceivably slight occasions upon which these learned men rushed into the arena1 and flung dirt upon one another1 may be imagined when we find ,lorenzo ,valla at feud on the one side with ,georgios ,trapezuntios because the one preferred ,cicero and the other ,quintilian1 and on the other with ,benedetto ,morando because that scholar doubted whether ,lucius and ,aruns were the grandsons of ,tarquinius ,priscus4 ,sometimes private incidents aroused their wrath1 as in the curious rupture between ,lionardo ,bruni and ,niccolo de' ,niccoli at ,florence4 ,the story1 since it is characteristic of the time1 may be briefly told4 ,niccolo had stolen his brother's mistress ,benvenuta1 and made her his concubine4#bba ,his relatives1 indignant at the domestic scandal1 insulted ,benvenuta in the street1 and ,niccolo bemoaned himself to all his friends4 ,lionardo1 to whom he applied for sympathy1 very properly observed that a student ought to be better occupied than with the misfortunes of a kitchen wench4 ,this tart reply roused ,niccolo's bile1 and set his caustic tongue wagging against his old friend2 whereupon ,lionardo ,bruni launched a fierce invective in nebulonem maledicum against him1 and the learned society of ,florence indulged in a free fight on both sides4 ,footnote #bba3 ,ambrogio ,traversari1 ,general of the ,camaldolese ,order1 called her 'fidelissima foemina4' ,such quarrels were not always confined to words4 ,there is no doubt that the dagger was employed against ,filelfo by the ,medicean party1 while it now and then happened that the literary gladiators came to actual fisticuffs4 ,a scene of this sort occurred at ,rome in public4 ,georgios ,trapezuntios complained that the credit of ,poggio's translations from ,diodorus and ,xenophon really belonged to him1 since he had done the work of them4 ,poggio shrieked out1 ',you lie in your throat6' ,georgios retorted with a box on ,poggio's ears4 ,then ,poggio came to close quarters1 catching his adversary by the hair2 and the two professors pommelled each other till their respective pupils parted them4#bbb ,such anecdotes might be multiplied indefinitely4 ,nor would it be unprofitable to give some account of the vehement warfare waged in ,italy between the ,platonists and ,aristotelians1 were it not that enough has already been said to illustrate the acrimonious temper of the times4 ,footnote #bbb3 ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 ii4 cap4 #b1 sect4 #ae4 ,the animosity displayed by scholars in these disputes may be taken as a proof of their enthusiasm for their studies4 ,men have always quarrelled about politics1 because politics furnish matter of profound interest to everyone4 ,theology1 for a similar reason1 never fails to rouse the deepest rancours1 hatreds1 and hostilities of which the human breast is capable4 ,science1 as we know from the annals of our days1 sets the upholders of antagonistic theories by the ears2 and at times when politics have been dull1 theology dormant1 and science undemonstrative1 even music has been found sufficient to excite a nation4 ,in the fifteenth century scholarship was all-absorbing4 ,it corresponded to science in our age1 since it engaged the talents of the strongest workers and supplied the sources of progressive intellectual discovery4 ,moreover1 it included both philosophy and theology1 and formed the most attractive topic in all conversation4 ,no wonder1 therefore1 that the limpid fountains of classical erudition were troubled by the piques and jealousies of students4 ,it is pleasant to turn from ,poggio's wrangling to more honourable passages in his biography4 ,since the year #adcd he had owned a farm not far from ,florence4 ,here he built a country residence1 vying1 if not in splendour1 at least in elegance1 with the villas of the ,florentine burghers4 ,he called it his ,valdarniana1 and adorned it with the fragments of antique sculpture1 inscriptions1 and coins1 collected by him partly in person on the ,roman ,campagna and partly by purchase from ,greece4 ,in the following year 7#adce7 ,poggio1 then a man of fifty-five1 married a girl of eighteen1 named ,vaggia1 of the noble ,buondelmonte blood4 ,in forming this connection he had to separate from a mistress who had borne him fourteen children1 four of them then living4 ,his biographer1 ,shepherd1 indulges in some sentimental reflections upon the pain this leave-taking must have cost him4 ,yet the impartial critic will hardly be brought to pity ,poggio1 seeing that he cancelled the brief whereby he had previously legitimised his natural children1 and responded with raptures to the congratulations of friends upon his new engagement4 ,he had already been admitted to the burghership of ,florence1 and exempted from its taxes in consideration of his literary services2 so that1 on the death of his friend ,carlo ,aretino1 in #adec1 no one was found more fitting for the post of ,chancellor to the ,republic4 ,as an increase of dignity1 ,poggio fulfilled the office of ,prior1 and sat among the ,signory4 ,the ',history of the ,florentine ,republic1' written in continuation of ,lionardo ,aretino's1 occupied the closing years of his life4 ,he left it still unfinished in the year #adei1 when he died1 and was buried in the ,church of ,santa ,croce4 ,i cannot find that his funeral was accompanied by the peculiar honours voted in the case of his two predecessors4 ,the ,florentines1 however1 erected his statue on the faade of ,santa ,maria del ,fiore1 and placed his picture by ,antonio dal ,pollajuolo in the hall of the ,proconsolo4 ,the fate of this statue1 a work of ,donatello's1 was not a little curious4 ,on the occasion of some alterations in #aefj1 it was removed from its first station1 and set up as one among the ,twelve ,apostles in another part of the cathedral4 ,any survey of the ,court of ,nicholas ,v4 would be incomplete without some notice of the ,cardinal ,bessarion4 ,early in life he rose to high station in the ,greek ,church1 and attended the ,council of ,florence as ,archbishop of ,nicea4 ,eugenius ,,iv41 by making him a cardinal in #adci1 converted him to the ,latin faith2 and1 as it so happened1 he missed the ,papacy almost by an accident thirty-two years later4#bbc ,his palace at ,rome became the meeting-place of scholars of all nations1#bbd where refugee ,greeks in particular were sure of finding hearty welcome4 ,in obedience to the reigning passion for book-collecting1 he got together a considerable library of ,greek and ,latin authors1 the number of which ,vespasiano estimated at #fjj volumes1 while ,platina reckoned their total cost at #cj1jjj scudi4 ,in #adfh he offered this collection to the ,church of ,s4 ,mark at ,venice4 ,the ,republic accepted his gift1 but showed no alacrity to build the library4 ,it was not until the next century that ,bessarion's books were finally housed according to their dignity4#bbe ,the ,cardinal's own studies lay in the direction of theological philosophy4 ,we have already seen that in his youth he was a pupil of ,gemistos1 and he now appears as the defender of ,plato4 ,georgios ,trapezuntios had published a treatise in the year #adeh1 in which1 on the pretence of upholding ,aristotle1 he vilified ,plato's moral character1 accused him of having ruined ,greece1 and maintained that ,mahomet was a far better legislator4 ,bessarion replied by the oration ',in ,calumniatorem ,platonis1' vindicating the morality of the philosopher and supporting him against ,aristotle4 ,this book was printed by ,sweynheim and ,pannartz in the infancy of the ,roman press4 ,theodoros ,gaza1#bbf who1 on his settlement in ,rome in #adej1 had been received into ,bessarion's household1 entered the lists with a critique of ,gemistos2 to which ,bessarion replied3 and so the warfare begun by ,gennadios at ,byzantium was continued by the ,greek exiles at ,rome4 ,the titles of the works issued in this contest1 among which we find ',de ,natur et ,arte1' ',utrum ,natura ,consilio ,agat1' ',comparationes ,philosophorum ,aristotelis et ,platonis1' sufficiently indicate the extent of ground traversed4 ,the chief result was the rousing of ,italian scholars to weightier points of issue in philosophy than had at first been raised by mystical ,neoplatonists and pedantic ,peripatetics4 ,footnote #bbc3 ,vespasiano1 p4 #adf4 ,footnote #bbd3 ,see ,platina's panegyric1 quoted by ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 i4 cap4 #c1 #bb4 ,platina and ,perotti were among his ,italian protgs4 ,footnote #bbe3 ,a striking instance of the want of literary enthusiasm at ,venice4 ,footnote #bbf3 ,he first came to ,italy in #adcj1 professed ,greek at ,ferrara from #adda to #adej1 and died in ,campania about #adgh4 ,he translated many works of ,aristotle4 ,his own book on ,grammar was printed by ,aldus in #adie4 ,among the ,greeks protected by ,bessarion1 passing notice may be made of ,andronicus ,callistus1 whose lectures found less favour at ,rome than they afterwards obtained at ,florence1 where he had the great ,poliziano for his pupil4 ,he was one of the first of the ,greeks to seek fortune in ,france4#bbg ,nor must ,demetrius ,chalcondylas be omitted1 who fled from ,byzantium to ,rome about the year #addg1 and afterwards professed ,greek in the ,university of ,perugia4 ,a letter written by one of his pupils1 ,gian ,antonio ,campano1#bbh gives such an agreeable impression of the effect he produced in the city of the ,baglioni1 that ,i will translate a portion of it4 ',a ,greek has just arrived1 who has begun to teach me with great pains1 and ,i to listen to his precepts with incredible pleasure1 because he is a ,greek1 because he is ,athenian1 and because he is ,demetrius4 ,it seems to me that in him is figured all the wisdom1 the civility1 and the elegance of those so famous and illustrious ancients4 ,merely seeing him1 you fancy you are looking on ,plato2 far more when you hear him speak4' ,it was a young man of twenty-three who wrote this1 the companion1 probably1 of such magnificent youths as ,signorelli loved to paint and ,matarazzo to describe4#bbi ,it is interesting to compare this letter with the panegyric passed upon ,ognibene da ,lonigo five years after his death by ,bartolommeo ,pagello in an oration delivered at ,vicenza4 ,the young men of ,vicenza1 said the rhetorician1 left their dice1 their duels1 their wine cups1 and their loves to listen to this humanist2 his learning wrought a reformation in the morals of the town4#bcj ,such were the fascinations of scholarship in the fifteenth century4 ,footnote #bbg3 ,raffaello ,volaterrano1 quoted by ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #b1 #af4 ,footnote #bbh3 ,see ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #b1 #ag4 ,footnote #bbi3 ,see my ,sketches in ,italy and ,greece1 article ',perugia4' ,footnote #bcj3 ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #e1 #df4 ,the ,greeks hitherto mentioned quitted their country before the capture of ,constantinople4 ,it is1 therefore1 wrong to ascribe to that event the importation of ,hellenic studies into ,italy4 ,their ,italian pupils carried on the work they had begun1 with wider powers and nobler energy4 ,all the great ,grecians of the third age of humanism are ,italians4 ,florence received learning from ,byzantium at the very moment when the ,greek ,empire was about to be extinguished1 and spread it far and wide through ,europe1 herself achieving by far the largest and most arduous portion of the task4 ,in passing down to ,naples1 we find a marked change in the external conditions under which literature flourished4 ,men of learning at the ,courts of ,italy occupied a position different from that of their brethren in the ,papal ,chancery4 ,they had to suit their habits to the customs of the ,court and camp1 to place their talents at the service of their patron's pleasure1 to entertain him in his hours of idleness1 to frame compliments and panegyrics1 and to repay his bounty by the celebration of his deeds in histories and poems4 ,their footing was less official1 more subject to the temper and caprices of the reigning sovereign1 than at ,rome2 while the peculiar advantages1 both political and social1 which1 even under the sway of the ,medicean family1 made ,florence a real republic of letters1 existed in no other town of ,italy4 ,at ,naples there was no such thing as native culture4 ,the semi-feudal nobility of the ,south were addicted to field sports1 feats of arms1 and idleness4 ,the people of the country were sunk in barbarism4 ,in the cities there was no middle class analogous to that of the more northerly republics4 ,nevertheless1 the kingdom of the ,two ,sicilies played an important part in the development of ,italian literature4 ,while the ,mussulmans held sway at ,palermo1 ,sicily was the most refined and enlightened state of ,southern ,europe4 ,under the ,norman dynasty this ,arabic civilisation began to influence ,north ,italy1 and during the reign of ,frederick ,,ii4 ,naples bade fair to become the city of illumination for the modern world4 ,the failure of ,frederick's attempt to restore life to arts and letters in the thirteenth century belongs to the history of his warfare with the ,church4 ,what his courtiers effected for the earliest poetry of the ,italians is told by ,dante in the treatise ',de ,vulgari ,eloquio4' ,for our present purpose it is enough to notice that the zeal for knowledge planted by the ,arabs1 tolerated by the ,normans1 and fostered by the ,house of ,hohenstauffen in the south of ,italy1 was an exotic which took no deep root in the people4 ,no national poem was produced in the golden age of ,frederick's brief supremacy2 no stories are told of ,neapolitan carters and boatmen reciting the sonnets of his courtiers4 ,as culture began1 so it continued to exist at ,naples--flourishing at intervals in close connection with the sovereign's taste1 and owing to local influences not life and vigour1 but colour and complexion1 suavity and softness1 caught from the surrounding beauties of the sea and shore4 ,each of the dynasties which held the throne of the ,two ,sicilies could boast a patron of literature4 ,robert of ,anjou was proud to call himself the friend of ,petrarch1 and ,boccaccio found the flame of inspiration at his ,court4#bca ,in the second age of humanism1 with which we are now occupied1 ,alfonso of ,aragon deserved the praise bestowed on him by ,vespasiano of being1 next to ,nicholas ,v41 the most munificent promoter of learning4#bcb ,his love of letters was genuine4 ,after making all deductions for the flattery of official historiographers1 it is clear that ,alfonso found his most enduring satisfaction in the company of students1 listening to their debates on points of scholarship1 attending their public lectures1 employing them in the perusal of ancient poets and historians1 insisting on their presence in his camp1 and freely supplying them with money for the purchase of books and for their maintenance while engaged in works of erudition4 ,vespasiano relates that ,beccadelli's daily readings to his master were not interrupted during the campaign of #addc1 when ,alfonso took the field against ,francesco ,sforza's armies in the ,march4#bcc ,the ,neapolitan captains might be seen gathered round their monarch1 listening to the scholar's exposition of ,livy1 instead of wasting their leisure at games of hazard4 ,beccadelli himself professes to have cured an illness of ,alfonso's in three days by reading aloud to him ,curtius's ,life of ,alexander1 while ,lorenzo ,valla describes the concourse of students to his table during the recitations of ,virgil or of ,terence4#bcd ,courtiers with no taste for scholarship were excluded from these literary meetings2 but free access was given to poor youths who sought to profit by the learning of the lecturers4 ,the king1 meantime1 sat at meat1 now and then handing fruits or confectionery to refresh the reader when his voice seemed failing4 ,his passion for the antique assumed the romantic character common in that age4 ,when the ,venetians sent him one of the recently discovered bones of ,livy1 he received it like the relic of a saint2 nor could the fears of his physicians prevent him from opening and reading the ,,ms4 of ,livy forwarded from ,florence by ,cosimo de' ,medici1 who was then suspected of wishing to poison him4 ,on his military excursions he never neglected the famous sites of antiquity1 saluting the genius loci with pious thanks at ,ovid's birthplace1 and expressly forbidding his engineers to trespass on the site of ,cicero's villa at ,gaeta4#bce ,alfonso was no less assiduous than his contemporaries in the collection of books4 ,the ,palace library at ,naples was his favourite place of recreation2 here ,giannozzo ,manetti found him among his scholars on the famous occasion when the king sat through a long congratulatory oration like a brazen statue1 without so much as brushing away the flies that settled on his face4 ,his ,,mss4 were dispersed when ,charles ,,viii4 occupied ,naples1 and what became of them is doubtful4#bcf ,footnote #bca3 ,i may refer to ,petrarch's ,letters passim1 and to the solemn peroration of the ,africa4 ,footnote #bcb3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #dde1 #ddf4 ,footnote #bcc3 ,vita di ,alfonso1 p4 #ei4 ,vita di ,manetti1 p4 #dea4 ,footnote #bcd3 ,see ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 i4 cap4 #b1 #ag4 ,footnote #bce3 ,pontano1 ,de ,principe1 and ,panormita1 ,de ,dictis et ,factis ,alphonsi ,regis1 furnish these anecdotes4 ,footnote #bcf3 ,the ,,ms4 of ,livy referred to above is now in the library at ,holkham2 see ,roscoe's ,lorenzo1 p4 #chi4 ,among the humanists who stood nearest to the person of this monarch1 ,antonio ,beccadelli1 called from his birthplace ,il ,panormita1 deserves the first place4 ,born at ,palermo in #acid1 he received his education at ,siena1 where he was a fellow-student with neas ,sylvius ,piccolomini4 ,the city of ,siena1 molles ,sen1 as the poet himself called it1 was notorious throughout ,italy for luxury of living4 ,here1 therefore1 it may be presumed that ,beccadelli in his youth enjoyed the experiences which he afterwards celebrated in ',hermaphroditus4'#bcg ,nothing is more striking in that amazing collection of elegies than the frankness of their author1 the free and liberal delight with which he dwells on shameless sensualities1 and the pride with which he publishes his own name to the world4 ,dedicated to ,cosimo de' ,medici1 welcomed with applause by the grey-headed ,guarino da ,verona1#bch extolled to the skies by ,antonio ,losco1 eagerly sought after by ,bartolommeo1 ,bishop of ,milan--this book1 which ,strato and ,martial might have blushed to own1 passed from copyist to copyist1 from hand to hand4 ,among the learned it found no serious adversaries4 ,poggio1 indeed1 gently reminded the poet that even the elegance of its ,latinity and the heat of its author's youth were hardly sufficient excuses for its wantonness4#bci ,yet the almost unanimous verdict of students was favourable4 ,its open animalism1 as free from satire as from concealment1 took the world by storm2 while the facile elegance of fluent verse with which the sins of ,sodom and ,gomorrha were described placed it1 in the opinion of scholars1 on a level with ,catullus4#bdj ,when the ,emperor ,sigismund crowned ,beccadelli poet at ,siena in #adcc1 he only added the weight of ,imperial approval to the verdict of the lettered public4 ,footnote #bcg3 ,published at ,paris in #agia among ,quinque illustrium ,poetarum ,lusus in ,venerem1 and again at ,coburg in #ahbd1 with annotations by ,f4,g4 ,forberg4 ,footnote #bch3 ,a man of about sixty-three1 and father of twelve legitimate children4 ,footnote #bci3 ,poggii ,opera1 pp4 #cdi-ced4 ,footnote #bdj3 ,poggio1 while professing to condemn the scandals of these poems1 writes thus3--',delectatus sum mehercle varietate rerum et eleganti versuum1 simulque admiratus sum res adeo impudicas1 adeo ineptas1 tam venuste1 tam composite1 a te dici1 atque ita multa exprimi turpiuscula ut non enarrari sed agi videantur1 nec ficta a te jocandi caus1 ut existimo1 sed acta existimari possint4'--,poggii ,opera1 p4 #cdi4 ,the ,church could not1 however1 tolerate the scandal4 ,ever since the days of ,petrarch and ,boccaccio1 monks had regarded the study of antique poetry with suspicion4 ,now their worst fears were realised4 ,beccadelli had proved that the vices of renascent ,paganism were not only corrupting ,italian society in secret1 but that a young scholar of genius could openly proclaim his participation in the shame1 abjure the first principles of ,christian morality1 and appeal with confidence to princes and humanists for sympathy4 ,the ,minorite ,friars denounced the ',hermaphroditus' from their pulpits1 and burned it1 together with portraits of the poet1 on the public squares of ,bologna1 ,milan1 and ,ferrara4#bda ,eugenius ,,iv4 proscribed the reading of it under penalty of excommunication4 ,dignitaries of the ,church1 who found it in the hands of their secretaries1 did not scruple to tear it to pieces1 as a book forbidden by the ,pope and contrary to sound morality4#bdb ,yet all this made but little difference to ,beccadelli's reputation4#bdc ,he lectured with honour at ,bologna and ,pavia1 received a stipend of #hjj scudi from the ,visconti1 and in #adce was summoned to the ,court of ,naples4 ,alfonso raised him to the rank of noble1 and continually employed him near his person1 enjoying his wit1 and taking special delight in his readings of classic authors4 ,as official historiographer1 ,beccadelli committed to writing the memorable deeds and sayings of his royal master4#bdd ,as ambassador and orator1 he represented the ,king at foreign ,courts4 ,as tutor to the ,crown ,prince1 ,ferdinand1 he prepared a sovereign for the ,state of ,naples4 ,this favour lasted till the year #adga1 when he died1 old1 rich1 and respected1 in his lovely villa by the ,bay of ,naples4 ,a more signal instance of the value attached in this age to pure scholarship1 irrespective of moral considerations1 and apart from profound learning--since ,beccadelli was1 after all1 only an elegant ,latinist--cannot be adduced4 ,the ',hermaphroditus1' therefore1 deserves a prominent place in the history of ,renaissance manners4 ,footnote #bda3 ,especially ,bernardino da ,siena1 ,roberto da ,lecce1 and ,alberto da ,sarteano4 ,see the note to p4 #cec of ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots4 ,footnote #bdb3 ,see ,vespasiano1 ,vita di ,giuliano ,cesarini1 p4 #acd4 ,footnote #bdc3 ,a curious letter from ,guarino to ,beccadelli 7,rosmini's ,vita di ,guarino1 vol4 ii4 p4 #dd1 and notes1 p4 #aga7 describes the enthusiastic reception given in public to an impostor who pretended to be the author of ,hermaphroditus4 ,footnote #bdd3 ,de ,dictis et ,factis ,alphonsi ,regis ,memorabilibus4 neas ,sylvius wrote a commentary on this work1 in the preface to which he says1 ',legere potui1 quod feci1 corrigere vero non potui2 nam quid est quod manu tu emissum correctione indigeat8'--,opp4 ,omnia1 p4 #dgb4 ,this proves ,beccadelli's reputation as a stylist4 ,those among us who have had the curiosity to study ,beccadelli's ',hermaphroditus' will find sufficient food for reflection upon his post of confidence and honour at the ,court of ,alfonso4#bde ,yet the position of ,lorenzo ,valla at the same ,court is even more remarkable4 ,while ,beccadelli urged the levity of youth in extenuation of his heathenism1 and spoke with late regret of his past follies1#bdf ,valla showed the steady front of a deliberate critic1 hostile at all points to the traditions and the morals of the ,church4 ,the parents of this remarkable man were natives of ,piacenza1 though1 having probably been born at ,rome1 he assumed to himself the attribute of ,roman4#bdg ,before he fixed his residence at ,naples1 he had already won distinction by a ',dialogue on ,pleasure1' in which he contrasted the principles of the ,stoics and ,epicureans1 making it clear1 in spite of cautious reservation1 that he upheld the rights of the flesh in opposition to the teaching of philosophies and ,churches4 ,the virtue of virginity1 so strongly prized by ,christian saints1 was treated by him as a violence to nature's laws1 an intolerable torment inflicted upon man as ,god has made him4#bdh ,footnote #bde3 ,what the biographers1 especially ,vespasiano1 relate of ,alfonso's ceremonious piety and love of theological reading makes the contrast between him and his ,court poet truly astounding4 ,footnote #bdf3 ',hic fces varias ,veneris moresque profanos1 ,quos natura fugit1 me docuisse pudet4' ,footnote #bdg3 ',romam1 in qu natus sum 444 ego sum ortus ,rom oriundus a ,placenti4' ,footnote #bdh3 ,the nave surprise with which ,vespasiano records the fact of virginity 7see especially the ,lives of ,ambrogio ,traversari and the ,cardinal ,portogallo7 shows how rare the virtue was1 and what mysterious honour it conferred upon men who were reputed to be chaste4 ,the attack opened by ,valla upon the hypocrisies and false doctrines of monasticism was both powerful and novel4 ,humanistic freedom of thought1 after assuming the form of witty persiflage in ,poggio's anecdotes and appearing as pure ,paganism in ,beccadelli's poems1 now put on the sterner mask of common sense and criticism in ,lorenzo ,valla4 ,the arms which he assumed in his first encounter with ,church doctrine1 he never laid aside4 ,to the end of his life ,valla remained the steady champion of unbiassed criticism1 the living incarnation of that 'verneinender ,geist' to which the reason of the modern world has owed its motive force4 ,before leaving ,rome at the age of twenty-four1 ,valla tried to get the post of ,apostolic ,secretary1 but without success4 ,it is probable that his youth told less against him than his reputation for plain speech and fearlessness4 ,in #adca we hear of him at ,pavia1 where1 according to the slanders of his enemies1#bdi he forged a will and underwent public penance at the order of the ,bishop4 ,this1 however1 is just one of those stories on which the general character of the invectives that contain it1 throws uncertainty4 ,far more to our purpose is the fact that at this period he became the supreme authority on points of ,latin style in ,italy by the publication of his ',eleganti4' ,true to his own genius1 ,valla displayed in this masterly treatise the qualities that gave him a place unique among the scholars of his day4 ,the forms of correct ,latinity which other men had picked out as they best could by close adherence to antique models1 he subjected to critical analysis1 establishing the art of style on scientific principles4 ,footnote #bdi3 ,poggio and ,fazio are the authorities for this incident4 ,when ,alfonso invited ,valla to ,naples in #adcg1 giving him the post of private secretary1 together with the poet's crown1 he must have known the nature of the man who was to play so prominent a part in the history of free thought4 ,it is not improbable that the feud between the ,house of ,aragon and the ,papal ,see1 which arose from ,alfonso's imperfect title to the throne of ,naples1 and was embittered by the intrigues of the ,church1 disposed the ,king to look with favour on the uncompromising antagonist of ,papacy4 ,at all events1 ,valla's treatise on ',constantine's ,donation1' which appeared in #addj1 assumed the character of a political pamphlet4#bej ,the exordium contained fierce personal abuse of ,eugenius ,,iv4 and ,cardinal ,vitelleschi4 ,the body of the tract destroyed the fabric of lies which had imposed upon the ,christian world for centuries4 ,the peroration ended with a menace4 ,worse chastisement was in store for a worldly and simoniacal priesthood1 if the ,popes refused to forego their usurped temporalities1 and to confess the sham that criticism had unmasked4 ,war to the death was thus declared between ,valla and ,rome4 ,the storm his treatise excited1 raged at first so wildly that ,valla thought it prudent to take flight4 ,he crossed the sea to ,barcelona1 and remained there a short while1 until1 being assured of ,alfonso's protection1 he once more returned to ,naples4 ,from beneath the shield of his royal patron1 he now continued to shoot arrow after arrow at his enemies1 affirming that the letter of ,christ to ,abgarus1 reported by ,eusebius1 was a palpable forgery1 exposing the bad ,latin style of the ,vulgate1 accusing ,s4 ,augustine of heresy on the subject of predestination1 and denying the authenticity of the ,apostles' ,creed4 ,that a simple humanist1 trusting only to his learning1 should have dared to attack the strong places of orthodoxy--its temporalities1 its favourite code of ethics1 its creed1 and its patristic authorities--may well excite our admiration4 ,with the stones of criticism and the sling of rhetoric1 this ,david went up against the ,goliath of the ,church2 and though he could not slay the ,philistine1 he planted in his forehead the first of those many missiles with which the battery of the reason has assailed tyrannical tradition in the modern world4 ,footnote #bej3 ,de falso ,credit et ,ementit ,constantini ,donatione4 ,the friars1 whom ,valla attacked with frigid scorn1 and whose empire over the minds of men he was engaged in undermining1 could not be expected to leave him quiet4 ,sermons from all the pulpits of ,italy were launched at the heretic and heathen2 the people were taught to loathe him as a monster of iniquity2 and finally a ,court of ,inquisition was opened1 at the bar of which he was summoned to attend4 ,to the interrogatories of the inquisitors ,valla replied that 'he believed as ,mother ,church believed3 it was quite true that she knew nothing3 yet he believed as she believed4' ,that was all they could extract from the disdainful scholar1 who1 after openly defying them1 walked away to the king and besought him to suspend the sitting of the ,court4 ,alfonso told the monks that they must leave his secretary alone1 and the process was dropped4 ,on the death of ,eugenius1 ,nicholas ,v4 summoned ,valla to ,rome1 not to answer for his heresies and insults at the ,papal bar1 but to receive the post of ,apostolic ,writer1 with magnificent appointments4 ,the entry of ,valla into the ,roman ,curia1 though marked by no external ceremony1 was the triumph of humanism over orthodoxy and tradition4 ,we need not suppose that ,nicholas was seeking to bribe a dangerous antagonist to silence4 ,he simply wanted to attach an illustrious scholar to his ,court1 and to engage him in the labour of translation from the ,greek4 ,to heresy and scepticism he showed the indifference of a tolerant and enlightened spirit2 with the friars who hated ,valla the ,pope in ,rome had nothing whatsoever in common4 ,the attitude assumed by ,nicholas on this occasion illustrates the benefit which learning in the ,renaissance derived from the worldliness of the ,papacy4 ,it was not until the schism of the ,teutonic ,churches1 and the intrusion of the ,spaniards into ,italy1 that the ,court of ,rome consistently adopted a policy of persecution and repression4 ,a large portion of ,valla's biography is absorbed by the history of his quarrels with ,poggio1 ,georgios ,trapezuntios1 and other men of mark4 ,enough has already been said about these literary feuds2 nor need ,i allude to them again1 except for the purpose of bringing a third ,court-scholar of ,alfonso's into notice4 ,bartolommeo ,fazio1 a native of ,la ,spezzia1 occupied the position of historiographer at ,naples4 ,in addition to his annals of the life of ,alfonso1 he compiled a book on celebrated men1 and won the reputation of being the neatest ,latinist in prose of his age4 ,fazio ventured to criticise the style of ,valla1 in whose works he professed to have detected five hundred faults of language4 ,eight books of invectives and recriminations were exchanged between them2 and when both died in #adeg1 this epigram was composed in celebration of their animosity3-- ,ne vel in ,elysiis sine vindice ,valla susurret1 ,facius haud multos post obit ipse dies4 ,the amusement afforded to ,roman emperors by fights in the arena1 and to feudal nobles by the squabbles of their fools1 seems to have been extracted by ,italian patrons from the duels of well-matched humanists4 ,what personal jealousies1 what anxious competition for the princely favour1 such warfare concealed may be readily imagined2 nor is it improbable that ,fazio's attack on ,valli was prompted by the covert spite of ,beccadelli4 ,scarcely less close to the person of ,alfonso than the students with whom we have been occupied1 stood ,giannantonio ,porcello1 a native of ,naples4 ,he was distinguished by his command of versification3 the fluency with which he poured fourth ,latin elegiacs and hexameters approached that of an improvisatore of the ,molo4 ,alfonso sent him to the camp of the ,venetians during the war waged by their general ,piccinino in #adeb-c with ,sforza4 ,porcello1 who shared the tent of ,piccinino on this occasion1 wrote a ,latin history of the campaign in the style of ,livy1 with moral reflections1 speeches1 and all the apparatus of ,roman rhetoric4 ,piccinino figured as ,scipio milianus2 ,sforza as ,hannibal4 ,the work was dedicated to ,alfonso4#bea ,footnote #bea3 ,it is printed in ,muratori1 vol4 xx4 ,with the exception of ,lorenzo ,valla1#beb the scholars of the ,court of ,naples were stylists and poets rather than men of erudition4 ,freedom both of speculation and of morals marked society in ,southern ,italy1 where the protection of a powerful monarch at war with the ,church1 and the license of a luxurious capital1 released the humanists from such slight restraints as public opinion and conventional decorum placed on them in ,rome and ,florence4 ,footnote #beb3 ,the protection extended to ,manetti and to ,filelfo ought1 however1 to be here mentioned4 ,nearly all the contemporary scholars of ,italy dedicated works to ,alfonso4 ,owing to the marked diversity exhibited by the different states of ,italy1 the forms assumed by art and literature are never exactly the same in any two cities4 ,if the natives of the ,two ,sicilies were not themselves addicted to severe scholarship1 the lighter kinds of writing flourished there abundantly1 and ,naples gave her own peculiar character to literature4 ,this was not the case with ,milan4 ,yet ,milan1 during the reigns of the last ,visconti and the first ,sforza1 claims attention1 owing to the accident of ,filelfo's residence at the ,ducal ,court4 ,filippo ,maria ,visconti was one of the most repulsive tyrants who have ever disgraced a civilised country4 ,shut up within his palace walls among astrologers1 minions1 and monks1 carefully protected from the public eye1 and watched by double sets of mutually suspicious bodyguards1 it was impossible that he should extend the free encouragement to learned men which we admire at ,naples4 ,around despots of the stamp of the ,visconti there must of necessity reign the solitude and silence of a desert1 where arts and letters cannot flourish1 though ,pactolus be poured forth to feed their roots4 ,the history of humanism at ,milan has1 therefore1 less to do with the city or the ,ducal circle than with the private labours of students allured to ,lombardy by promise of high pay4 ,piero ,candido ,decembrio began life as ,filippo ,maria's secretary4 ,to his vigorous pen the student of ,italian history owes the minutest and most vivid sketch now extant of the habits and the vices of a tyrant4 ,this remains the best title of ,decembrio to recollection1 though his works1 original and translated1 if we may trust his epitaph in ,s4 ,ambrogio1 amounted to #abg books when he died in #addg4 ,contemporary with ,decembrio1 ,gasparino da ,barzizza1 of whom mention has already been made1#bec occupied the place of ,court orator and letter-writer4 ,this office he transmitted to his son1 ,guiniforte1 who was also employed in the education of ,francesco ,sforza's children4 ,none of these men1 however1 shed much splendour upon ,milan2 they were simply the instruments of ducal luxury1 part of a prince's parade1 at an epoch when even warlike sovereigns sought to crowd their ,courts with pedagogues and rhetoricians4 ,footnote #bec3 ,above1 p4 #gh4 ,with ,filelfo the case was different4 ,his singular abilities rendered him independent of local patronage1 and drew universal attention to any place where he might choose to fix his residence4 ,of all the humanists he was the most restless in his humour and erratic in his movements4 ,still ,milan1 during a long period of his life1 formed his headquarters2 to ,milan he returned when fortune frowned on him elsewhere2 and with ,milan his name will always be connected4 ,francesco ,filelfo was born in #acih at ,tolentino1 in the ,march of ,ancona4 ,he studied grammar1 rhetoric1 and ,latin literature at ,padua1 where he was appointed professor at the early age of eighteen4 ,in #adag he received an invitation to teach eloquence and moral philosophy at ,venice4 ,here he remained two years1 deriving much advantage from the society of ,guarino da ,verona and ,vittorino da ,feltre1 and forming useful connections with the ,venetian nobility4 ,young as he was1 ,filelfo had already made his mark1 and won the consideration which attaches to men of decided character and extraordinary powers4 ,the proof of this is that1 after being admitted citizen of ,venice by public decree1 he was appointed ,secretary to the ,baily 7,bailo1 or ,consul-,general7 of ,constantinople through the interest of his friend ,lionardo ,giustiniani4 ,giustiniani having also provided him with money for his voyage1 ,filelfo set off in #adai for the capital of ,greek learning4 ,of the three ,italian teachers--,guarino1 ,aurispa1 and ,filelfo--who made this journey for the express purpose of acquiring the ,greek language and collecting ,greek books1 ,filelfo was by far the most distinguished4 ,the history1 therefore1 of his adventures may be taken as a specimen of what befell them all4 ,the time spent at sea between ,venice and ,byzantium was five months2 ,filelfo did not arrive till the year #adbj was already well advanced4 ,he put himself at once under the tuition of ,john ,chrysoloras1 the brother of ,manuel1 whose influence at the ,imperial ,court brought ,filelfo into favour with ,john ,palologus4 ,the young ,italian student1 having speedily acquired familiarity with the ,greek tongue1 received the titles of ,secretary and ,counsellor1 and executed some important diplomatic missions for his ,imperial master4 ,we hear1 for instance1 of his being sent to ,sigismund1 the ,german ,emperor1 at ,buda1 and of his reciting an ,epithalamial ,oration at ,cracow on the marriage of ,king ,ladislaus4 ,the ,venetian ,baily1 again1 despatched him to the ,court of ,amurath ,,ii41 in order to negotiate terms of treaty between the ,republic and the ,turk4 ,the confidence extended alike by his ,venetian and ,greek patrons to ,filelfo may well have inclined ,chrysoloras to look with favour on the affection which now sprang up between the ,italian stranger and his daughter ,theodora4 ,theodora was but fourteen years of age2 yet her youth probably suggested no impediment to marriage in the semi-,oriental society of the ,greek capital4 ,that she was connected by blood with the ,imperial family made the alliance honourable to ,filelfo2 still there is no sufficient reason to conclude for certain that the match was so unequal as to justify the malignant suggestions thrown out at a later date by ,poggio4#bed ,of ancient blood there was enough and to spare at ,constantinople2 but wealth was wanting1 while the talent which rendered ,filelfo serviceable to great states and empires was itself sufficient guarantee for ,theodora's maintenance in a becoming station4 ,footnote #bed3 ',itaque ,chrysoloras1 moerore confectus1 compulsus precibus1 malo coactus1 filiam tibi nuptui dedit a te corruptam1 qu si extitisset integra1 ne pilum quidem tibi abrasum ab illius natibus ostendisset4 ,an tu illam unquam duxisses uxorem si virginitatem per te servare potuisset8 ,tibi pater illam dedisset profugo1 ignobili1 impuro8 ,primariis su civitatis viris servabatur virgo1 non tibi1 insuls pecudi et asello bipedali1 quem ille domi alebat tanquam canem aliquem solent senio et tate confectum4'--,poggii ,opp4 p4 #afg4 ,this is just one of the tales with which the invectives of that day abound1 and with which it is almost impossible to deal4 ,it may be true2 for certainly ,filelfo1 by his immorality and grossness in after-life1 justified the worst calumnies that his enemies could invent4 ,yet there is little but ,poggio's word to prove it1 while ,rosmini has shown that ,filelfo's position at ,byzantium was very different from what his foe suggests4 ,tiraboschi accepts the charge as 'not proven2' but he clearly leans in private against ,filelfo1 moved by the following passage from a letter of ,ambrogio ,traversari3--',nuper a ,guarino accepi litteras1 quibus vehementer in fortunam invehitur quod filiam ,joannis ,chrysolor clarissimi viri is acceperit1 exterus1 qui quantum libet homo bono ingenio1 longe tamen illis nuptiis impar esset1 queriturque substomachans uxorem ,chrysolor venalem habuisse pudicitiam1 moechumque ante habuisse quam socerum4' ,vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 v4 #ba4 ,all that can be said now is that ,filelfo's own morality and the corruption of ,byzantine society render a story believed by ,guarino and ,traversari1 and openly told by ,poggio1 not improbable4 ,not long after their marriage ,filelfo received an offer of the ,chair of ,eloquence at ,venice1 with a stipend of #ejj sequins4 ,in #adbg1 tempted by the prospect of good pay and growing fame1 he landed with his wife1 their infant son1 four female slaves1 and two men servants on the quay before ,s4 ,mark's4#bee ,the object of his journey to ,constantinople had been amply attained4 ,after an absence of seven and a half years1 he returned to his native country with ,greek learning1 increased reputation1 and a large supply of ,greek books4#bef ,his proud boast1 frequently repeated in after-life1 that no man living but himself had mastered the whole literature of the ancients in both languages1 that no one else could wield the prose of ,cicero1 the verse of ,horace and of ,virgil1 and the ,greek of ,homer and of ,xenophon with equal versatility1 was not altogether an empty vaunt4#beg ,we may indeed smile at his pretension to have surpassed ,virgil because he was an orator1 and ,cicero because he was a poet1 and both of them together because he could write ,greek as well as ,latin4#beh ,we know that his ,latin hexameters are such as not only ,virgil but ,cicero would have scorned to own1 that his ,latin orations would have been hissed before the ,roman rostra1 and that his ,greek style is at the same time tame and tumid4 ,neither he nor his contemporaries were sufficiently critical to comprehend the force of these objections4 ,they only saw that he possessed the keys to all the learning of the ancient world1 and that1 besides unlocking those treasures for modern students1 he was also competent to give to current thoughts a form that aped the classic masterpieces each in its own kind4 ,taken at their lowest valuation1 the claims of ,filelfo1 well founded in fact1 mark him out as the most universal scholar of his age4 ,a genius he was not3 for while his perceptions were coarse1 his intellect was receptive rather than originative4 ,of deep thought1 true taste1 penetrative criticism1 or delicate fancy he knew nothing4 ,the unimaginable bloom of style is nowhere to be found upon his work4 ,yet a man of his stamp was needed at that epoch to act as a focus for the streams of light which flooded ,italy from divers sources1 to collect them in himself1 and to bequeath to students of a happier age the ideal of comprehensive scholarship which ,poliziano and ,erasmus realised4 ,footnote #bee3 ,this retinue shows that ,filelfo was at least able to support a large household4 ,footnote #bef3 ,the catalogue of his library1 communicated by him in a letter to ,ambrogio ,traversari1 shows so clearly what the most indefatigable student and omnivorous reader of the age1 to whom all the museums and bookshops of ,byzantium must have been open1 could then collect1 that ,i will transcribe it3--',qui mihi nostri in ,italiam libri gesti sunt1 horum nomina ad te scribo3 alios autem nonnullos per primas ex ,byzantio ,venetorum naves opperior4 ,hi autem sunt ,plotinus1 lianus1 ,aristides1 ,dionysius ,halicarnasseus1 ,strabo ,geographus1 ,hermogenes1 ,aristotelis ,rhetorice1 ,dionysius ,halicarnasseus de ,numeris et ,characteribus1 ,herodotus1 ,dio ,chrysostomus1 ,appollonius ,pergus1 ,thucydides1 ,plutarchi ,moralia1 ,proclus in ,platonem1 ,philo ,judus1 ,ethica ,aristotelis1 ,ejus magna ,moralia et ,eudemia1 et ,oeconomica et ,politica1 qudam ,theophrasti ,opuscula1 ,homeri ,ilias1 ,odyssea1 ,philostrati de ,vit ,appollonii1 ,orationes ,libanii1 et aliqui ,sermones ,luciani1 ,pindarus1 ,aratus1 ,euripidis ,tragoedi ,septem1 ,theocritus1 ,hesiodus1 ,suidas1 ,phalaridis1 ,hippocratis1 ,platonis et multorum ex veteribus ,philosophis ,epistol1 ,demosthenes1 schinis ,orationes et ,epistol1 ,pleraque ,xenophontis ,opera1 ,una ,lysi ,oratio1 ,orphei ,argonautica et ,hymni1 ,callimachus1 ,aristoteles de ,historiis ,animalium1 ,physica1 et ,metaphysica1 et de ,anim1 de ,partibus ,animalium1 et alia qudam1 ,polybius1 ,nonnulli ,sermones ,chrysostomi1 ,dionysiaca1 et alii ,poet plurimi4 ,habes qui mihi sint1 et his utere que ac tuis4' ,footnote #beg3 ',unum ,philelphus audet affirmare1 vel insaniente ,candido1 neminem esse hc tempestate1 nec fuisse unquam apud ,latinos1 quantum constat ex omni hominum memori1 qui prter se unum idem unus tenuerit exercuitque et ,grcam pariter et ,latinam orationem in omni dicendi genere et pros et versu4 ,tu si quidem habeas alterum1 memora4 ,quid taces1 homo miserrime8' ,letter to ,piero ,candido ,decembrio4 ,cf4 what ,p4,c4 ,decembrio wrote to ,poggio in #adec3--';,dixit 7i4e4 ,philelphus7 enim neminem litteras scire prter ipsum1 alios semilatinos et semigrcos esse1 se autem principatum inter stultos obtinere4' ,rosmini1 vol4 iii4 p4 #aej4 ,footnote #beh3 ',quod si ,virgilius superat me carminis ullis ,laudibus1 orator ille ego sum melior4 ,sin ,tulli eloquio prstat facundia nostro1 ,versibus ille meis cedit ubique minor4 ,adde quod et lingu possum hc prstare ,pelasg ,et ,lati4 ,talem quem mihi des alium8' ,lib4 ix41 ,de ,jocis et ,seriis4 ,elegy to ,alessandro ,sforza4 ,reported by ,rosmini1 vol4 iii4 p4 #adi4 ,one specimen of these boasts may stand for thousands4 ,filelfo's reception at ,venice by no means corresponded to the promises by which he had been tempted1 or to the value which he set on his own services4 ,the plague was in the city2 the nobles had taken flight to their country houses2 and there was no one to attend his lectures4 ,he therefore very readily accepted an offer sent him from ,bologna1 and early in the year #adbh we find him settled in that city as professor of eloquence and moral philosophy1 with a stipend of #dej sequins4 ,he was not destined to remain there long1 however1 for the disturbed state of the town rendered teaching impossible2 and when flattering proposals arrived from the ,florentines1 he set off in haste and transferred his whole family across the ,apennines from ,imola4#bei ,the delight which he experienced in viewing the architectural monuments of ,florence1 and the enthusiasm he aroused by his stupendous learning in an audience of unprecedented variety and multitude1 are expressed with almost childish emphasis in his correspondence4 ',the whole ,state1' he writes1#bfj 'is turned to look at me4 ,all men love and honour me1 and praise me to the skies4 ,my name is on every lip4 ,not only the leaders of the city1 but women also of the noblest birth make way for me1 paying me so much respect that ,i am ashamed of their worship4 ,my audience numbers every day four hundred persons1 mostly men advanced in years and of the dignity of senators4' ,these were the halcyon days of ,filelfo's residence at ,florence1#bfa when he was still enjoying the friendship of learned men1 receiving new engagements from the ,university with augmentations of pay1#bfb and when as yet he had not won the hatred of the ,medicean faction4 ,his industry at this epoch was amazing4 ,he began the day by reading and explaining the ',tusculans' and rhetorical treatises of ,cicero2 then he proceeded to ,livy or ,homer2 after a brief rest at midday he resumed his labours with ,terence and a ,greek author1 ,thucydides or ,xenophon4 ,on holidays he read ,dante to an audience assembled in the ,duomo1 bestowing these lectures as a free gift on the people of ,florence4 ,amid these public labours1 the weight of which may be estimated by remembering what was required of professors in the fifteenth century1#bfc ,filelfo still found leisure for private work4 ,he translated two speeches of ,lysias1 the ',rhetoric' of ,aristotle1 two ,lives of ,plutarch1 and ,xenophon's panegyrics of ,agesilaus and the ,spartan institutions4 ,footnote #bei3 ,the invitation came from ,niccoli1 ,lionardo ,bruni1 ,ambrogio ,traversari1 and ,palla ,strozzi4 ,footnote #bfj3 ,quoted by ,cant1 p4 #abh4 ,footnote #bfa3 ,he stayed there from #adbi till the autumn of #adcd4 ,footnote #bfb3 ,engagement renewed ,october #ag1 #adca1 for two years1 with stipend of #cej sequins2 again1 in #adcc1 with stipend of #dej sequins4 ,footnote #bfc3 ,see above1 pp4 #ij1 #ia4 ,at the same time he had abundant energy for the prosecution of the feuds in which he soon found himself engaged with the ,florentine scholars4 ,so great was the arrogance displayed by ,filelfo1 his meanness in private life1 and his imprudence in public1#bfd that even the men who had invited him became his bitter foes4 ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 always jealous of superiority1 and apt to take offence1 was the first with whom he quarrelled2 then followed ,carlo ,marsuppini and ,ambrogio ,traversari1 until at last the whole of the ,medicean party were inflamed against him4 ,filelfo on his side spared neither satires nor slanders2 and when the political crisis1 which for a time depressed the ,medicean faction1 was impending1 he declared himself the public opponent of ,cosimo4 ,already in the spring of #adcc he had been stabbed in the face while walking to the ,university one morning by ,filippo1 a cut-throat from ,casale2 nor does there seem any reason to doubt that1 as ,filelfo himself firmly believed1 the man was paid to kill him by the ,medici4 ,when the same bravo afterwards followed him to ,siena1#bfe ,filelfo hired a ,greek1 by name ,antonio ,maria1 to retaliate upon his foes in ,florence4 ,it is not probable that a merely literary quarrel would have run to these extremities4 ,even the foulness of ,poggio's invectives and the fury of ,filelfo's satires fail to account for the intervention of assassins4 ,we know1 however1 that ,filelfo had not confined himself to calumnies and criticisms of his literary rivals4 ,during ,cosimo's imprisonment he urged the ,signory in open terms to take his life2 when he was living in exile at ,venice1 he pursued him with abominable slanders2 and now1 on ,cosimo's return1 though himself expelled from the city as a rebel and a proscript1 he kept stirring up the burghers of ,florence and the ,courts of ,italy against the tyrant4#bff ,footnote #bfd3 ,see ,rosmini1 vol4 i4 pp4 #dc1 #dh4 ,footnote #bfe3 ,ibid4 vol4 i4 p4 #hc1 for the trial1 torture1 and confession of this bravo4 ,footnote #bff3 ,the original source of information concerning ,filelfo's quarrels with the ,florentines is his ,satires1 divided into ten books or decades1 each consisting of ten satires or hecatostich of one hundred verses each4 ,in the copy of this book1 printed at ,paris1 #aejh1 by ,robert and ,john ,gourmont1 these virulent libels are called ',divinum ,francisci ,philelphi ,poet ,christiani ,satyrarum ,opus4' ,as their motto the publishers give these sentences3--',finis laus ,deo1 ,spes mea ,jesus4' ,for the abuse of the ,medicean circle see ,dec4 i4 ,hec4 #e2 ,dec4 i4 ,hec4 #f2 ,dec4 ii4 ,hec4 #a1 #c1 #g2 ,dec4 iii4 ,hec4 #aj2 ,dec4 vi4 #aj2 ,dec4 viii4 #e4 ,for ,filelfo's attack on ,cosimo during his imprisonment1 see ,dec4 iv4 ,hec4 #a4 ,for his invective against ,cosimo on his return from exile1 see ,dec4 iv4 ,hec4 #i4 ,for an appeal to ,filippo ,maria ,visconti against ,cosimo1 see ,dec4 v4 ,hec4 #a4 ,for a similar appeal to ,eugenius ,,iv41 see ,dec4 v4 ,hec4 #b4 ,for the episode of the assassin ,filippo1 see ,dec4 v4 ,hec4 #f4 ,a political attack on ,cosimo addressed to ,rinaldo ,albizzi is contained in ,dec4 v4 ,hec4 #h4 ,a furious denunciation of ,cosimo's tyranny1 in ,dec4 v4 ,hec4 #i4 ,palla degli ,strozzi1 as an opponent of ,cosimo1 is praised in ,dec4 iii4 #a2 ,dec4 vi4 #d4 ,in ,dec4 vii4 #h1 ,filelfo promises to moderate his fury4 ,in addition to these sources see the ,,ms4 invectives mentioned in ,rosmini1 vol4 i4 p4 #dg4 ,the occasion of ,filelfo's removal to ,siena was this3--,when his position at ,florence had become untenable1 he received an invitation from ,antonio ,petrucci to lecture for two years1 with a stipend of #cej florins4 ,filelfo replied that he preferred small pay and quiet to a larger income among the swords and poisons of his envious rivals4 ,accordingly he took up his abode at ,siena for four years in the ,piccolomini ,palace4 ,like many greater and more admirable men1 he had a restless disposition1 always pleased with what is new1 yet always grumbling when the taste of bitter mounted to his lips4 ,the most honourable invitations now began to shower upon him4 ,the ,council of ,basle1 the ,venetian ,senate1 the ,emperor of the ,east1 ,eugenius ,,iv41 the ,universities of ,perugia and ,bologna1 and the ,duke of ,milan applied for his services4 ,it was not1 however1 until the year #adci that his love of change1 combined with the allurements of higher pay1 induced him to close with the offers of the ,senate of ,bologna4 ,once more1 then1 he crossed the ,apennines1 and once more1 after a brief sojourn of a few months1 he again quitted ,bologna1 and transferred himself to ,milan4 ,his reception by ,filippo ,maria ,visconti was most flattering4 ,placing a diamond ring upon his finger1 the ,duke welcomed him among the nobles of his ,court on ,new ,year's ,day in #addj4 ,thus began ,filelfo's connection with the ,lombard capital1 which1 though often interrupted1 was never wholly broken till his death4 ,the munificence of the ,visconti exceeded that of any of ,filelfo's patrons1#bfg while the mode of life at ,milan exactly suited his vainglorious temperament4 ,he loved to throw his money about among lords1 to appear at high ,court festivals1 and to take the lead on ceremonial occasions in his rank of orator4 ,there was1 moreover1 no rival strong enough to threaten the blasting of his popularity4#bfh ,we find him1 during his residence at ,milan1 continually engaged in the exercise of rhetoric4 ,public and private incidents of the most various character employed his skill1 nor is there any doubt that his large professorial income was considerably increased by presents received from patrons and employers4#bfi ,in addition to the labours of his chair1 he engaged in various literary works4 ,his ,satires and ,odes were gradually growing into ponderous volumes4#bgj ,other fugitive pieces in prose he put together under the title of ',convivia ,mediolanensia4' ,meanwhile he carried on an active correspondence1 both familiar and hortatory1 with the scholars and the princes of his day4#bga ,there was no branch of letters with which1 sustained by sublime self-approval1 he was not willing and eager to meddle4 ,as he had professed ,dante at ,florence1 so here at ,milan1 by ducal command1 he undertook to comment upon ,petrarch1 and actually composed a poem on ,s4 ,john the ,baptist in terza rima4 ,there is something ludicrous in the thought of this ,visconti1 would-be ,herod as in truth he was1 commissioning ,filelfo1 the outrageous ,pagan1 to versify the life of ,christ's forerunner4 ,if ,filelfo despised anything more than sacred history1 it was the ,italian language2 and if there was a task for which he was unfitted1 it was the composition of poetry4 ,footnote #bfg3 ,his professorial stipend was soon raised from #ejj to #gjj golden florins4 ,footnote #bfh3 ,vespasiano says that the concourse of people to ,carlo ,aretino's lectures was the first cause of ,filelfo's feuds at ,florence4 ,footnote #bfi3 ,here are the dates of some of these displays3-- #addj4 ,funeral oration on ,stefano ,federigo ,todeschini4 #adda4 ,epithalamial on the ,marriage of ,giovanni ,marliani4 #addb4 ,discourse on ,duties of a ,magistrate4 #addf4 ,panegyric of ,filippo ,maria ,visconti1 and oration on the ,election of ,jacopo ,borromeo to the ,see of ,pavia4 #adej4 ,oration of ,welcome to ,francesco ,sforza4 #adee4 ,epithalamial on the ,marriage of ,tristano ,sforza to ,beatrice d',este4 #adeh4 ,epithalamials for ,antonio ,crivelli and ,teodoro ,piatti4 #adei4 ,oration to ,pius ,,ii4 on his ,crusade4 #adfj4 ,oration on the ,election of the ,bishop of ,como4 #adfd4 ,funeral oration for the ,senator ,filippo ,borromeo4 #adff4 ,ditto for ,francesco ,sforza4 ,it is probable that all of these were not recited2 but all were conceived in the lumbering and pedantic style that passed for eloquence at that period4 ,with regard to rewards received on these occasions1 note the gift of a silver basin from ,jacopo ,antonio ,marcello in return for a consolatory epistle4 ,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #abg4 ,cf4 p4 #aig4 ,footnote #bgj3 ,the ,satires1 collected into ten decades1 each satire consisting of #ajj lines1 were dedicated to ,alfonso of ,naples in #adea4 ,printed at ,milan1 #addf4 ,the ,odes1 entitled ,de ,seriis et ,jocis1 were finished in #adfe1 and dedicated partly to ,malatesta ,novello of ,cesena1 partly to ,alessandro ,sforza4 ,there were ten books1 each book containing #a1jjj lines4 ,never printed4 ,rosmini1 who inspected the ,,mss41 reports that their obscenity exceeds description1 and is only equalled by the vulgarity of the author's fancy and the coarseness of his style4 ,in addition to these unpublished ,latin poems1 ,filelfo collected three books of ,greek elegies and epigrams1 amounting to #b1djj verses4 ,it is significant that he measured his poetry by lines1 and trained his jog-trot muse to paces of #ajj verses4 ,footnote #bga3 ,the ,epistle to ,ladislaus of ,hungary on his victories over the ,turks1 for instance4 ,during the second year of his ,milanese residence ,filelfo lost his wife ,theodora4 ,he speedily married again1 choosing for his bride a beautiful young lady of good family in ,milan4 ,her name was ,orsina ,osnaga4 ,since ,i have touched upon this matter of ,filelfo's private life1 it may be well to add that when he lost his second wife1 he took in wedlock for the third time ,laura ,magiolini4 ,by each of his marriages he acquired no inconsiderable property1 and all his brides belonged to highly distinguished families4 ,the best thing that can be said about ,filelfo as a man is1 that he was undoubtedly attached to his wives and to the numerous children they bore him4#bgb ,this feeling did not1 however1 protect him from numerous infidelities1 or save his fortune from the burden of illegitimate children4#bgc ,it is even doubtful whether credence should not be accorded to suggestions of worse debauchery1 repeated with every appearance of belief by his enemies1 and on his side but imperfectly refuted4 ,filelfo was1 in truth1 a man of great physical vigour1 whose energies the mere labour of the student was insufficient to exhaust4 ,loves and hatreds1 domestic sympathies and turbulent passions1 absorbed a portion of his superfluous force2 nor was he at any time restrained by scruples of religion or morality4 ,what was good for ,greeks and ,romans was good for him4 ,it is also to be noted that the innate sense of delicacy which sometimes forms the safeguard of excessive temperaments was altogether alien to his nature4 ,footnote #bgb3 ,he had twelve sons and twelve daughters4 ,they did not all live4 ,footnote #bgc3 ,a curious sign of current feeling is that ,filelfo frequently boasted of being ,greek3 triorchs4 ,see ,rosmini1 i4 p4 #ae1 and the verse quoted1 ib4 p4 #aac4 ,he mentioned two natural children in his will and had many more4 ,rosmini1 vol4 iii4 p4 #gh4 ,during the disasters that befell the ,state of ,milan on the death of ,filippo ,maria1 ,filelfo at first espoused the cause of the burghers4 ,a letter to the ,florentines is extant1 in which he exhorts them to aid their sister commonwealth at the extreme hour of her peril4 ,it was not natural1 however1 that a humanist1 who had no zeal for freedom1 and whose personal interests led him to desire a settled government at any price1 should continue staunch to a republic so unnerved as that of ,milan4 ,when ,carlo ,gonzaga played the ,milanese false by admitting the troops of ,francesco ,sforza1 ,filelfo was the first to welcome the new monarch with a set oration4 ,he professed great admiration for the general who1 by careful management and double-dealing1 had placed himself at the head of the third state in the peninsula4 ,yet his correspondence at this period proves that his mind was uneasy1 and that he desired a change4 ,in an impudent letter addressed to ,nicholas ,v41 he solicited ecclesiastical preferment1 suggesting that the promise of a bishop's mitre would secure his splendid talents for the service of the ,papacy4#bgd ,however desirous the ,pope might be to engage ,filelfo for his translation factory at ,rome1 the price demanded was too great4 ,he could not recognise a vocation so clearly inspired by mercenary motives2 and to receive into the high places of the ,church1 at his own request1 a man accused of many vices1 who had twice been married1 would have established a dangerous precedent4 ,filelfo1 receiving neither substantial encouragement nor a flat refusal1 turned his thoughts to matrimony for the third time1 and addressed a prayer on this occasion to ,dame ,venus1 in which he besought the mother of ,priapus to befriend her votary4 ,the intelligent student of the ,renaissance will not fail to notice the state of mind implied by the juxtaposition of this letter to the ,holy ,father and this ode to ,venus4 ,footnote #bgd3 ,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ed4 ,it may be remembered that ,pietro ,aretino hinted he should like to be a cardinal4 ,filelfo was now fain to content himself with the patronage of ,francesco ,sforza1 a prince who had no natural turn for literature1 but who was wise enough to know that a parvenu could least of all afford to neglect the ruling fashions of his age4 ,the letters he wrote at this period abound in impudent demands for money1 querulous outcries over the poverty to which the first scholar of the century was condemned1 and violent menaces of retaliation if his salary remained in arrears4#bge ,not only ,francesco ,sforza1 but all the patrons upon whom ,filelfo thought he had a claim1 were assailed with reptile lamentations and more reptile menaces4 ,alessandro ,sforza1 ,lodovico ,gonzaga1 and three ,popes in succession may be mentioned among the more distinguished princes who suffered from this literary brigandage4#bgf ,not without strict justice did a contemporary describe him in the following severe terms3--',he is calumnious1 envious1 vain1 and so greedy of gold that he metes out praise or blame according to the gifts he gets1 both despicable as proceeding from a tainted source4'#bgg ,filelfo's rapacity is truly disgusting when we remember that he received far more than any equally distinguished student of his age4 ,not the illiberality of patrons1 but his own luxurious habits1 reduced him to beggary4 ,all the while that he was screaming in bad ,latin verse1 he lived expensively1 indulging ostentatious tastes1 and finding money for unclean indulgences4 ,in order to confirm his claim on the ,duke of ,milan's generosity1 he began a gigantic ,latin epic upon the life of ,sforza4 ,without plan1 a mere versified chronicle1 encumbered with foolish mythological machinery1 and loaded with fulsome flatteries1 this leaden ,sforziad crawled on until #ab1hjj lines had been written4 ,only the first eight books of it were published in ,,ms41 nor were these ever printed4#bgh ,footnote #bge3 ,as a specimen of ,filelfo's ,grub ,street style of begging1 ,i transcribe the following elegy 7,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bhe73-- ',hc autem altisone dum carmina celsius effert ,defecisse suo sentit ab ore tubam1 ,nam quia magnifici data non est copia nummi ,cogitur huic uti carmine raucidulo4 ,quod neque mireris2 vocem pretiosa canoram ,esca dat1 et potus excitat ingenium4 ,ingenium spurco suevit languescere vino1 ,humida mugitum reddere rapa solet4' ,francesco ,sforza's anxiety to retain ,filelfo in his service is expressed in a letter to his treasurer 7ib4 p4 #bie73--',noi per niuno modo el vogliamo perdere1 la qual cosa seguirebbe quando gli paresse essere deluso1 e non potesse seguitare per manchamento delli dicti #bej fiorini la nobilissima opera per lui in nostra gloria comenzata n suplire agli altri suoi bisogni4' ,the tuba and the nobilissima opera both refer to ,filelfo's ,sforziad4 ,footnote #bgf3 ,i may call particular attention to ,filelfo's behaviour with regard to ,pius ,,ii4--the free pension of #bjj florins granted 7,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ajf71 the menaces because it is not paid 7ib4 p4 #aae71 the scurrilous epigrams on the ,pope's death 7ib4 p4 #cba71 the abusive letter addressed to ,paul ,,ii4 7ib4 p4 #acf71 the sentence of imprisonment for calumny issued against him and his son ,mario 7ib4 p4 #adj71 the final palinode in which he basely praises the ,pope whom he had basely abused 7ib4 p4 #adf74 ,the whole series of transactions is disgraceful4 ,footnote #bgg3 ,letter of ,gregorio ,lollio to the ,cardinal of ,pavia1 reported by ,rosmini 7vol4 ii4 p4 #adg74 ,footnote #bgh3 ,the whole poem ran to sixteen books4 ,therefore1 according to ,filelfo's art of poetry1 the first eight contained #f1djj verses4 ,by fair means and by foul1 ,filelfo had managed to secure a splendid reputation throughout ,italy4 ,his journey to ,naples in #adec resembled a triumphal progress4 ,nicholas ,v4 entertained him with distinction1 read his infamous satires1 presented him with a purse of #ejj ducats1 and offered him a yearly stipend of #fjj if he would dedicate his talents to translation4 ,alfonso dubbed him knight1 and placed the poet's laurel on his brow with his own royal hands4 ,as he passed through their capitals1 the princes received him like an equal4 ,at ,ferrara he enjoyed the hospitalities of ,duke ,borso1 at ,mantua the friendship of the ,marchese ,lodovico ,gonzaga2 the terrible ,gismondo ,pandolfo ,malatesta welcomed him in ,rimini1 and the ,general ,jacopo ,piccinino in his camp at ,fossombrone4 ,nor was this fame confined to ,italy4 ,on the fall of ,constantinople he addressed a letter to the ,sultan1 beseeching him to release his mother-in-law and her two daughters from captivity2 the humanist's eloquence obtained this favour from the ,turkish conqueror1 who refused to accept a ransom for the relatives of so illustrious an orator4#bgi ,footnote #bgi3 ,see ,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ij4 ,the ,greek epistle which he sent is printed1 ib4 p4 #cje4 ,until the death of ,francesco ,sforza ,milan continued to be the city of ,filelfo's choice4 ,after that event he turned his thoughts to ,rome4 ,pius ,,ii41 ,paul ,,ii41 and ,sixtus ,,iv41 in succession1 had testified their regard for him1 either by moderate presents1 sufficient to excite his cupidity and check his slanderous temper1 or by negotiations which came to nothing4 ,at last1 in #adgd1 he received from ,rome the offer of a professorial chair1 with a stipend of #fjj florins1 and the promise of the first vacant post in the ,apostolic ,chancery4 ,the old man of seventy-seven years once more journeyed across the plains of ,lombardy1 ascended the ,apennines1 passed through ,florence1#bhj and began his lectures with the ',tusculans' of ,cicero1 on the twelfth day of ,january1 #adge1 in ,rome4 ,the marks of favour with which ,sixtus had received him were highly honourable4 ,filelfo was permitted to sit in the ,pope's presence1 and on ,christmas ,day he stood among the ambassadors while ,sixtus celebrated mass4 ,the vigorous old scholar at first felt that all his previous life had been a tedious prologue to this blissful play4 ,soon1 however1 a cloud arose on the horizon4 ,the ,pope's treasurer1 ,milliardo ,cicala1 was remiss in payments4 ,filelfo retaliated by describing ,cicala's vices in the most lurid colours to ,sixtus4#bha ,though his style and eloquence were always vulgar1 the concentrated fury and impassioned hatred of these invectives cannot fail to impress the imagination4 ,such a picture of the dissolute and grasping treasurer1 painted by ,filelfo and sent to ,sixtus1 has a sinister humour which might recommend itself to the audience of an infernal comedy4 ,it is only necessary to have some knowledge of the three men in order to perceive its force4 ,nor did ,sixtus himself long continue in ,filelfo's graces4 ,frequent journeys prove how unsettled he became2 at last he left ,rome in #adgf1 never to return4 ,when the ,pazzi ,conjuration failed at ,florence1 ,filelfo wrote to congratulate ,lorenzo de' ,medici on his escape1 and undertook the task of composing a history of the whole intrigue4 ,two long and violent letters addressed to ,sixtus1 accusing him of participation in the conspiracy1 and heaping on him charges of vice1 were the result of this determination4#bhb ,these epistles were dated from ,milan1 whither ,filelfo had retired in #adgf1 to find his third wife dead of the plague1 and buried on the eve of his arrival4 ,his sorrow on this occasion was genuine2 nor is it likely that he derived much comfort from a curious epistle addressed to him by ,paolo ,morosini1 who1 himself a husband and father1 attempted to console the septuagenarian professor by elaborate abuse of matrimony4#bhc ,to such ridiculous vagaries did the rhetorical spirit of humanism lead its votaries4 ,footnote #bhj3 ,he had long since made peace with the ,medici4 ,footnote #bha3 ,see the original letters in ,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #daa-dai4 ,footnote #bhb3 ,rosmini1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bfa1 note4 ,footnote #bhc3 ,ib4 p4 #bdh4 ,filelfo's last journey was undertaken in #adha4 ,ill at ease1 and sore of heart1 the veteran of scholarship still longed for further triumphs4 ,all his wishes for some time past had been set on ending his days at ,florence1 near the person of ,lorenzo de' ,medici2 and when an invitation to the ,chair of ,greek ,literature arrived1 it found him eager to set forth4 ,he was so poor1 however1 that the ,duke's secretary1 ,jacopo ,antiquari1 had to lend him money for the journey4#bhd ,he just managed to reach ,florence1 where he died of dysentery a fortnight after his arrival1 at the age of eighty-three4 ,the ,florentines buried him in the ,church of the ,annunziata4 ,footnote #bhd3 ,i cannot allow this mention of ,antiquari's name to pass without a note upon his life and services to letters4 ,he was born and educated at ,perugia1 entered the service of the ,papal ,legate ,battista ,savelli as secretary at ,bologna1 and afterwards received the post of secretary and diplomatic writer to the ,sforza family at ,milan4 ,the ,duke ,galeazzo ,maria was his first master4 ,at ,milan he played the part of an amiable and refined ,mcenas1 while he carried on a correspondence in ,latin--still delightful to read--with ,poliziano and all the greatest scholars of his age4 ,his biography1 written at some length1 with valuable miscellaneous appendices by ,vermiglioli1 was published at ,perugia in #ahai4 ,the sketch which ,i have given of ,filelfo's life1 abounds in details beyond the just proportions of the present chapter4 ,this is due partly to the copiousness and the excellence of the authorities collected by ,rosmini in his exhaustive biography1 but more to the undoubted fact that ,filelfo ranks as the typical humanist of his age4 ,the universality of his acquirements and the impression they made upon contemporaries1 his enormous physical vigour and incessant mental activity1 the vehemence with which he prosecuted his literary warfares and the restlessness that drove him from capital to capital in ,italy1 are themselves enough to mark him out as the representative hero of the second period of humanism4 ,not less characteristic were the quality and the form of his literary work--ridiculously over-valued then1 and now perhaps too readily depreciated4 ,there is something pathetic in the certainty of everlasting fame that sustained the student through so many years of unremitting labour4 ,it makes us wonder whether the achievements of the human intellect1 in science and discovery1 acceptable as these may be to their own time1 are not1 equally with ,filelfo's triumph of scholarship1 foredoomed to speedy obscuration4 ,nothing is imperishable but high thought1 to which art has communicated the indestructible form of beauty4 ,the ',age of the ,despots'#bhe contains a promise of further details concerning ,vittorino da ,feltre1 to redeem which the time has now come4 ,his father's name was ,bruto de' ,rambaldoni2 but having been born at ,feltre in the year #acgh1 he took from his birthplace the surname by which he is best known4 ,footnote #bhe3 ,pp4 #ach1 #aci4 ,like the majority of his contemporaries1 ,vittorino studied ,latin under ,john of ,ravenna and rhetoric under ,gasparino da ,barzizza4 ,his poverty compelled him at the same time to support himself by taking pupils2 this drudgery1 however1 was so unremunerative that1 when he wanted to attend the mathematical lectures of ,biagio ,pelacane1 he had to pay that avaricious and eccentric teacher by personal service4 ,as ,haydn got his much-desired instruction from ,porpora by playing the part of valet1#bhf so ,vittorino became the scullery boy of ,pelacane1#bhg in order that he might acquire geometry4 ,these early studies were carried on at ,padua1 from which town he appears to have moved about the year #adag to ,venice4 ,here he entered into friendship with ,guarino da ,verona1 and having learned ,greek1 returned to his old university as professor of rhetoric4#bhh ,the bias of ,vittorino's genius inclined toward private teaching1 and it is this by which he is distinguished among contemporary humanists4 ,accordingly we find that1 as soon as he was settled in ,padua1 he opened a school for a fixed number of young men1 selected without regard to rank or wealth4 ,from the richer pupils he required fees proportioned to their means2 from the poor he exacted nothing3 thus the wealthy were made to support the needy1 while the teacher obtained for himself the noble satisfaction of relieving aspirants after knowledge from the pressure of want and privation4 ,other gain than this he never thought of4 ,only genuine students were allowed to remain in ,vittorino's school2 the moral rule was strict1 and high thinking and plain living were expected from all his pupils4 ,this generous devotion to the cause of learning for its own sake contrasts strongly with the self-seeking and vainglory of other humanists4 ,when ,filelfo was urged on one occasion to open a school for promising young men1 of noble birth1 he asked disdainfully whether his friends expected him to take rank as a licensed victualler4#bhi ,he was unable to comprehend the possibility of doing anything that would not reflect lustre on himself or place him in the light of popular applause4 ,footnote #bhf3 ,grove's ,dictionary of ,music and ,musicians1 vol4 i4 p4 #gjd b4 ,footnote #bhg3 ',usque ad mundandam supellectilem qu sumpto cibo lavare consuerit4'--,rosmini1 ,vita di ,vittorino1 p4 #ch1 note4 ,footnote #bhh3 ,in #adbb apparently4 ,footnote #bhi3 ,locandiere4 ,rosmini1 vol4 i4 p4 #fg4 ,vittorino found it difficult to govern his school at ,padua as strictly as he wished4 ,the public ,gymnasium was ill-ordered1 and great license of life was permitted to its students4 ,he therefore removed to ,venice in #adbc1 where he continued his work as private tutor4 ,by this time1 however1 he had acquired considerable reputation as an educator1 to whose care the youth of both sexes might be entrusted with implicit confidence--no small testimony to his goodness in that age of ungoverned passions and indescribable vices4 ,the ,marchese ,gian ,francesco ,gonzaga was looking out for a master for his children1 and his choice fell on ,vittorino4 ,the admiration of antiquity was no mere matter of fashion with this prince4 ,he loved history for its own sake1 and professed a special reverence for the ,roman ,camillus4 ,his practical good sense made him understand that1 if he wished his sons and daughters to become thoroughly educated1 not only in the humanities and mathematics1 but also in the republican virtues of the ancients1 which then formed the ideal of life in ,italy1 he must be willing to commit them wholly to the charge of their appointed governor4 ,vittorino1 who would have undertaken the duty on no other condition1 obtained full control of the young princes and their servants4 ,an appointment of twenty sequins per month was assigned to him1 together with a general order on the treasury of ,mantua4 ,a villa1 called ,casa ,zojosa1 which we may translate ,joyous ,gard1 was allotted to the new household1 and there ,vittorino established himself as master in #adbe4 ,he had much to do before this dwelling could be converted from the pleasure house of a medival sovereign into the semi-monastic resort of earnest students4 ,through its open galleries and painted banquet chambers the young ,gonzaghi lounged with favourite friends selected from the ,mantuan nobility4 ,the tables groaned under gold and silver plate1 while perfumed lacqueys handed round rich wines and highly seasoned dishes1 and the garden alleys echoed to the sound of lute and viol4 ,without making any brusque or sudden reformation1 ,vittorino managed1 by degrees1 and on various pretexts1 to dismiss the more dangerous friends and servants of his pupils4 ,a strict house-porter was engaged1 with orders to exclude suspicious visitors4 ,plain clothes1 simple habits1 and frugal meals became the rule of the household1 ,vittorino contriving to render these changes no less agreeable than salutary to his pupils4 ,when complaints arose from the former companions of the princes and their parents1 he laid his plan of training clearly before the ,marquis1 who had the good sense to approve of all that he had done4 ,the eldest of ,gian ,francesco's children1 ,lodovico1 was a youth of lazy habits1 inclined to gluttony1 and already too fat for his age4 ,the next1 ,carlo1 had outgrown his strength1 and needed more substantial food4 ,vittorino devised systems of diet and physical training suited to their several temperaments1 making it his one object to increase their vigour1 and by multiplying sources of rational enjoyment to dispose them to the energetic exercise of their faculties4 ,he by no means neglected what we call athletics4 ,indeed1 it was a fundamental axiom of his method that a robust body could alone harbour a healthy mind4 ,boys who sat poring over books1 or haunted solitary places1 lost in dreaming1 found no favour in his eyes4 ,to exercises in the gymnasium or the riding-school he preferred games in the open air2 hunting and fishing1 wrestling and fencing1 running and jumping1 were practised by his pupils in the park outside their palace4 ,to harden them against severities of heat and cold1 to render them temperate in food and drink1 to train their voices1 and to improve their carriage was his first care4 ,since he could not himself superintend their education in all its branches1 he engaged a subordinate staff of tutors2 grammarians1 logicians1 mathematicians1 painters1 and masters of riding1 dancing1 singing1 swimming1 fencing1 began to crowd the halls of ,joyous ,gard4 ,each had his own allotted task to perform1 while ,vittorino surveyed the whole scheme4 ',perhaps1' says ,rosmini1#bij 'the only sciences that were not taught in this academy were civil and canon law and natural physics4' ,footnote #bij3 ,p4 #aaa4 ,it must not be imagined that so extensive an apparatus existed solely for the young ,gonzaghi4 ,noble youths from all the ,courts of ,italy1 and students from remote parts of ,europe1 sought admittance to ,vittorino's school4 ,the more promising of these pupils1 who were fitted by their rank and disposition to associate with his princely charges1 the master housed under his own roof2 while for the rest he provided suitable lodgings near at hand4 ,many were the poor students who thus owed to his generosity participation in the most refined and scientific culture their century afforded4#bia ,while paying this tribute to ,vittorino da ,feltre1 we must remember the honour that is also due to ,gian ,francesco ,gonzaga4 ,had this prince not been endowed with true liberality of soul and freedom from petty prejudice1 ,vittorino could never have developed a system based upon pure democratic principles1 which even now may rank as an unrivalled educational ideal4 ,if the master1 again1 was able to provide for sixty poor scholars at a time--teaching1 feeding1 clothing1 and furnishing them with costly books1 his friend the ,marquis must1 we feel sure1 have supplied his purse with extra funds for charitable purposes4#bib ,footnote #bia3 ,sixty poor scholars were taught1 fed1 clothed1 and provided with implements of study at his cost4 ,he also subsidised their families in distress4 ,rosmini1 ,vita di ,vittorino1 pp4 #afe1 #aff4 ,footnote #bib3 ,rosmini1 ,vita di ,vittorino1 p4 #afe4 ,vespasiano1 p4 #dib1 tells a story which illustrates these relations between ,vittorino and the ,marquis4 ,cf41 too1 p4 #did4 ,the numerous biographers of ,vittorino have transmitted many details in illustration of his method of teaching4 ,he used to read the classic authors aloud1 prefixing biographical notices by way of introduction1 and explaining the matter1 as well as the language of his text1 as he proceeded4 ,sometimes he made his pupils read1 correcting their pronunciation1 and obliging them to mark the meaning by emphasis4 ,he relied much on learning by heart and repetition1 as the surest means of forming a good style4 ,gifted with a finer instinct for language than the majority of his contemporaries1 he was careful that his pupils should distinguish between different types of literary excellence1 not confounding ,cicero with ,seneca or ,virgil with ,lucan1 but striving to appreciate the special qualities of each4 ,with a view to the acquisition of pure principles of taste1 he confined them at first to ,virgil and ,homer1 ,cicero and ,demosthenes4 ,these four authors he regarded as the supreme masters of expression4 ,ovid was too luxuriant1 ,juvenal too coarse1 to serve as guides for tiros4 ,horace and ,persius among the satirists1 ,terence among the comic poets1 might be safely studied4 ,in spite of ,seneca's weight as a philosophic essayist1 ,vittorino censured the affectations of his rhetoric2 and while he praised the beauty of the ,latin elegists1 he judged them ill-suited for the training of the young4 ,criticism of this kind1 though it may sound to us obvious and superficial1 was extremely rare in the fifteenth century1 when scholars were too apt to neglect differences of style in ancient authors1 and to ignore the ethics of their works4 ,the refinement which distinguished ,vittorino1 made him prefer the graces of a chastened manner to the sounding phrases of emphatic declamation4 ,his pupils were taught to see that they had something to say first1 and then to say it with simplicity and elegance4 ,this purity of taste was no mere matter of sthetic sensibility with ,vittorino4 ,habits which brutalise the mind or debase the body1 however sanctioned by the usage of the times1 met with little toleration in his presence4 ,swearing1 obscene language1 vulgar joking1 and angry altercation were severely punished4 ,personal morality and the observance of religious exercises he exacted from his pupils4 ,lying was a heinous offence4 ,those who proved intractable upon these points were excluded from his school4 ,of the rest ,vespasiano writes with emphasis that 'his house was a sanctuary of manners1 deeds1 and words4'#bic ,footnote #bic3 ,p4 #dib4 ,concerning the noble ,italian youths who were educated with the ,gonzaga family at ,mantua1 enough has been said in another place4#bid ,appended to ,rosmini's copious biography will be found1 by those who are curious to read such details1 the notices of forty more or less distinguished pupils4#bie ,beside the two sons of ,gian ,francesco ,gonzaga already mentioned1 ,vittorino educated three other children of his master--,gianlucido1 ,alessandro1 and ,cecilia4#bif ,wholly dedicated to the cares of teaching1 and more anxious to survive in the good fame of his scholars than to secure the immortality of literature1 ,vittorino bequeathed no writings to posterity4 ,he lived to a hale and hearty old age2 and when he died1 in #addf1 it was found that the illustrious scholar1 after enjoying for so many years the liberality of his princely patron1 had not accumulated enough money to pay for his own funeral4 ,whatever he possessed1 he spent in charity during his lifetime1 trusting to the kindness of his friends to bury him when dead4 ,few lives of which there is any record in history1 are so perfectly praiseworthy as ,vittorino's2 few men have more nobly realised the idea of living for the highest objects of their age2 few have succeeded in keeping themselves so wholly unspotted by the vices of the world around them4 ,footnote #bid3 ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #ach4 ,footnote #bie3 ,pp4 #bdi-dgf4 ,footnote #bif3 ,see ,rosmini1 p4 #ahc1 and ,vespasiano1 p4 #dic1 for the record of her virtues1 her learning1 and her refusal to wed the infamous ,oddo da ,montefeltro4 ,by the patronage extended to ,vittorino da ,feltre the ,court of ,mantua took rank among the high schools of humanism in ,italy4 ,ferrara won a similar distinction through the liberality of the ,house of ,este4 ,what has already been said about ,milan applies1 however1 in a less degree to ,ferrara4 ,the arts and letters1 though they flourished with exceeding brilliance beneath the patrons of ,boiardo1 ,ariosto1 and ,tasso1 were but accessories to a splendid and voluptuous ,court life4 ,literature was little better than an exotic1 cultivated for its rarity and beauty by the princes of the ,este family4 ,the golden age of culture at ,ferrara began in #adjb1 when ,niccolo ,,iii4 reopened the university4 ,twenty-seven years later ,guarino da ,verona made it one of the five chief seats of ,southern learning4 ,the life of this eminent scholar in many points resembles that of ,filelfo1 though their characters were very different4 ,guarino was born of respectable parents at ,verona in #acgj4 ,he studied ,latin in the school of ,giovanni da ,ravenna1 and while still a lad of eighteen travelled to ,constantinople at the cost of a noble ,venetian1 ,paolo ,zane1 in order to learn ,greek4 ,after a residence of five years in ,greece he returned to ,venice1 and began to lecture to crowded audiences4#big ,like all the humanists1 he seems to have preferred temporary to permanent engagements--passing from ,venice to ,verona1 from ,trent to ,padua1 from ,bologna to ,florence1 and everywhere acquiring that substantial reputation as a teacher to which he owed the invitation of ,niccolo d',este in #adbi4 ,he was now a man of nearly sixty1 master of the two languages1 and well acquainted with the method of instruction4 ,the ,marquis of ,ferrara engaged him as tutor to his illegitimate son ,lionello1 heir apparent to his throne4 ,for seven years ,guarino devoted himself wholly to the education of this youth1 who passed for one of the best scholars of his age4 ,granting that the reputation for learning was lightly conferred on princes by their literary parasites1 it seems certain that ,lionello derived more than a mere smattering in culture from his tutor4 ,amid the pleasures of the chase1 to which he was passionately devoted1 and the distractions of the gayest ,court in ,italy1 he found time to correspond on topics of scholarship with ,poggio1 ,filelfo1 ,decembrio1 and ,francesco ,barbaro4 ,his conversation turned habitually upon the fashionable themes of antique ethics1 and his favourite companions were men of polite education4 ,it is no wonder that the humanists1 who saw in him a future ,augustus1 deplored his early death with unfeigned sorrow1 though we1 who can only judge him by the general standard of his family1 may be permitted to reserve our opinion4 ,the profile portrait of ,lionello1 now preserved in the ,national ,gallery1 does not1 at any rate1 prepossess us very strongly in his favour4 ,footnote #big3 ,see his ,life by ,rosmini1 p4 #aa1 for his brilliant reception at ,venice4 ,guarino1 like his friend ,vittorino1 was celebrated for the method of his teaching and for the exact order of his discipline4#bih ,students flocked from all the cities of ,italy to his lecture-room2 for1 as soon as his tutorial engagements with the prince permitted1 he received a public appointment as professor of eloquence from the ,ferrarese ,consiglio de' ,savi4 ,in this post he laboured for many years1 maintaining his reputation as a student and filling the universities of ,italy with his pupils4 ,a sentence describing his manner of life in extreme old age might be used to illustrate the enthusiasm which sustained the vital energy of scholars in that generation3--',his memory is marvellous1 and his habit of reading is so indefatigable1 that he scarcely takes the time to eat1 to sleep1 or to go abroad2 and yet his limbs and senses have the vigour of youth4#bii ,guarino was one of the few humanists whose moral character won equal respect with his learning4 ,when he died at the age of ninety1 the father of six boys and seven girls by his wife ,taddea ,cendrata of ,verona1 it was possible to say with truth that he had realised the ideal of a temperate scholar's life4 ,yet this incomparable teacher of youth undertook the defence of ,beccadelli's obscene verses3 this anchorite of humanism penned virulent invectives with the worst of his contemporaries4#cjj ,such contrasts were common enough in the fifteenth century4 ,footnote #bih3 ,see the details collected by ,rosmini1 ,vita di ,guarino1 pp4 #gi-hg4 ,footnote #bii3 ,timoteo ,maffei1 quoted by ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #e1 #h4 ,footnote #cjj3 ,he carried on literary feuds with ,niccolo de' ,niccoli1 ,poggio1 ,filelfo1 and ,georgios ,trapezuntios4 ,the name of ,giovanni ,aurispa must not be omitted in connection with ,ferrara4 ,born in #acfi at ,noto in ,sicily1 he lived to a great age1 and died in #adei4 ,he too travelled in early youth to ,constantinople1 and returned1 laden with ,,mss4 and learning1 to profess the humanities in ,italy4 ,his life forms1 therefore1 a close parallel with that of both ,guarino and ,filelfo4 ,aurispa1 however1 was gifted with a less unresting temper than ,filelfo2 nor did he achieve the same professorial success as ,guarino4 ,in his school at ,ferrara he enjoyed the calmer pleasures of a student's life1 'devoted1' as ,filelfo phrased it1 'to the placid ,muses4'#cja ,footnote #cja3 ',placidis ,aurispa ,camoenis ,deditus1' ,sat41 dec4 i4 hec4 #e4 ,valla1 ,antid4 in ,pogium1 p4 #g1 describes him as 'virum suavissimum et ab omni contentione remotissimum4' ,to give an account of all the minor ,courts1 where humanism flourished under the patronage of petty princes1 would be tedious and unprofitable4 ,it is enough to notice that the universities1 in this age of indefatigable energy1 kept forming scholars1 eager to make their way as secretaries and tutors1 while the nobles competed for the honour and the profit to be derived from the service of illustrious wits and ready pens4 ,the seeds of classic culture were thus sown in every little city that could boast its castle4 ,carpi1 for example1 was preparing the ground where ,aldus and ,musurus flourished4 ,at ,forli the ,ordelaffi1 doomed to extinction at no distant period1 gave protection to ,codrus ,urceus4#cjb ,mirandola was growing fit to be the birthplace of the mighty ,pico4 ,alessandro and ,costanzo ,sforza were adorning their lordship of ,pesaro with a library that rivalled those of ,rome and ,florence4#cjc ,in the fortress of ,rimini1 ,sigismondo ,pandolfo ,malatesta conversed with men of learning whenever his intrigues and his military duties gave him leisure4 ,the desperate and godless tyrant1 whose passions bordered upon madness1 and whose name was a byeword for all the vices that disgrace humanity1 curbed his temper before petty witlings like ,porcellio1 and carved a record of his burning love for learning on the temple raised to celebrate his fame in ,rimini4 ,to the same passion for scholarship in his brother1 ,malatesta ,novello1 the tiny burgh of ,cesena owed the foundation of a library1 not only well supplied with books1 but endowed with a yearly income of #cjj golden florins for its maintenance4 ,the money spent on scholarship at these minor ,courts was gained1 for the most part1 in military service--the wealth of ,florentine and ,venetian citizens1 of ,milanese despots1 and ambitious ,popes flowing through the hands of professional war-captains into the pockets of booksellers and students4 ,it consequently happened that the impulse given at this time to learning in the lesser cities was but temporary4 ,with the fall of the ,malatesti and the ,sforza family1 for instance1 erudition died at ,rimini and ,pesaro4 ,footnote #cjb3 ,cf4 ,tiraboschi1 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 #e1 #eh4 ,footnote #cjc3 ,vespasiano1 pp4 #aac-aag1 gives an interesting account of these lettered and warlike princes4 ,this might have been the case at ,urbino also1 if the ,house of ,montefeltro had not succeeded1 by wise conduct and prudent marriages1 in resisting the encroachments of the ,church1 and transmitting its duchy to the ,della ,rovere family4 ,as it was1 ,urbino retained for three generations the stamp of culture and refinement impressed upon it by the good ,duke ,frederick4 ,of his famous library1 ,vespasiano1 who was employed in its formation1 has given us minute and interesting details4#cjd ,during more than fourteen years the ,duke kept thirty or forty copyists continually employed in transcribing ,greek and ,latin ,,mss4 ,not only the classics in both languages1 but the ecclesiastical and medival authors1 the ,italian poets1 and the works of contemporary humanists found a place in his collection4 ,the cost of the whole was estimated at considerably over #cj1jjj ducats4 ,each volume was bound in crimson1 with silver clasps2 the leaves were of vellum1 exquisitely adorned with miniatures2 nor could you find a printed book in the whole library1 for the ,duke would have been ashamed to own one4 ,vespasiano's admiration for these delicately finished ,,mss4 and the contempt he expresses for the new art of printing are highly characteristic4#cje ,enough has been already said by me elsewhere about ,federigo da ,montefeltro and his patronage of learning4#cjf ,the ,queen's collection at ,windsor contains a curious picture1 attributed to ,melozza da ,forli1 of which ,i may be allowed to speak in this place1 since it possesses more than usual interest for the student of humanism at the ,italian ,courts4 ,in a large rectangular hall1 lighted from above by windows in a dome1 the ,duke of ,urbino is seated1 wearing the robes and badges of the ,garter1 and resting his left hand on a folio4 ,his son ,guidobaldo1 a boy of about eleven years of age1 or little more1 stands at the ,duke's knee1 dressed in yellow damask trimmed with pearls4 ,behind them1 on a raised bench with a desk before it1 sit three men1 one attired in the red suit of a prelate1 the second in black ecclesiastical attire1 and the third in secular costume4 ,at a door1 opening on a passage1 stand servants and lesser courtiers4 ,the whole company are listening attentively to a grey-haired1 black-robed humanist1 seated in a sort of pulpit opposite to the ,duke and his son4 ,a large book1 bound in crimson1 with silver clasps is open on the desk before him2 and by the movement of his mouth it is clear that he is reading aloud passages from some classical or ecclesiastical author1 and explaining them for the benefit of his illustrious audience4 ,to identify the scholar and the three men behind ,federigo would not be impossible1 if the exact date of this curious work could be ascertained2 for they are clearly portraits4 ,i like to fancy that in the layman we may perhaps recognise the excellent ,vespasiano4 ,such conjectures are1 however1 hazardous2 meanwhile the picture has intrinsic value as the unique representation1 so far as ,i know1 of a scene of frequent occurrence in the ,courts of ,italy1 where listening to lectures formed a part of every day's occupation4 ,footnote #cjd3 ,see pp4 #id-ii4 ,footnote #cje3 ,p4 #ii4 ,footnote #cjf3 ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #acf-adb4 ,this is the proper place to speak of ,vespasiano da ,bisticci1 on whose ',lives of ,illustrious ,men' ,i have had occasion to draw so copiously4 ,peculiar interest attaches to him as the last of medival scribes1 and at the same time the first of modern booksellers4#cjg ,besides being the agent of ,cosimo de' ,medici1 ,nicholas ,v41 and ,frederick of ,urbino1 ,vespasiano supplied the foreign markets1 sending ,,mss4 by order to ,hungary1 ,portugal1 ,germany1 and ,england4 ,the extent of his trade rendered him the largest employer of copyists in ,europe at the moment when this industry was about to be superseded1 and when scholars were already inquiring for news about the art that saved expense and shortened the labour of the student4#cjh ,vespasiano1 who was born in #adba at ,florence1 lived until #adih2 so that after having helped to form the three greatest collections of ,,mss4 in ,italy1 he witnessed the triumph of printing1 and might have even handled the ,musus issued from the ,aldine ,press in #adic4 ,vespasiano was no mere tradesman4 ,his knowledge of the books he sold was accurate2 continual study enabled him to overlook the copyists1 and to vouch for the exactitude of their transcripts4#cji ,at the same time his occupation brought him into close intimacy with the chief scholars of the age1 so that the new culture reached him by conversation and familiar correspondence4 ,as a biographer ,vespasiano possessed rare merit4 ,personally acquainted with the men of whom he wrote1 he drew their characters with praiseworthy succinctness and simplicity4 ,there is no panegyrical emphasis1 no calumnious innuendo1 in his sketches4 ,it may even be said that they suffer from reservation of opinion and suppression of facts4 ,vespasiano's hatred of vice and love of virtue were so genuine that1 in his eagerness to honour men of letters and their patrons1 he softened down harsh outlines and passed over all that is condemnable in silence4 ,he was less anxious to paint character in the style of ,tacitus or ,guicciardini1 than to relate what he knew about the progress of learning in his age4 ,the ethical intention in his work is obvious4 ,the qualities he loves to celebrate are piety1 chastity1 generosity1 devotion to the cause of liberal culture1 and high-souled patriotism4 ,of the vices that added a lurid lustre to the age in which he lived1 of the political rancours that divided the cities into hostile parties1 and of the imperfections in the characters of eminent men1 we hear nothing from ,vespasiano4 ,it is pleasant to conclude this chapter with an expression of gratitude to a man so blameless in his life1 so charitable in his judgments1 and so trustworthy in his record of contemporary history4 ,footnote #cjg3 ,in the register of his death he is described as ,vespasiano1 ,cartolaro4 ,footnote #cjh3 ,see ,rosmini1 ,vita di ,filelfo1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bja4 ',i have made up my mind to buy some of those codices they are now making without any trouble1 and without the pen1 but with certain so-called types1 and which seem to be the work of a skilled and exact scribe4 ,tell me1 then1 at what price are sold the ,natural ,history of ,pliny1 the three ,decades of ,livy1 and ,aulus ,gellius4' ,letter to ,nicodemo ,tranchedino1 sent from ,siena to ,rome1 dated ,july #be1 #adgj4 ,footnote #cji3 ,see this passage from a panegyric quoted by ,angelo ,mai3--',tu profecto in hoc nostro deteriori sculo hebraic1 grc atque latin linguarum1 omnium voluminum dignorum memoratu notitiam1 eorumque auctores memori tradidisti4'--,vite di ,uomini ,illustri1 preface1 p4 xxiii4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,third ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,improvement in ,taste and ,criticism -- ,coteries and ,academies -- ,revival of ,italian ,literature -- ,printing -- ,florence1 the ,capital of ,learning -- ,lorenzo de' ,medici and his ,circle -- ,public ,policy of ,lorenzo -- ,literary ,patronage -- ,variety of his ,gifts -- ,meetings of the ,platonic ,society -- ,marsilio ,ficino -- ,his ,education for ,platonic ,studies -- ,translations of ,plato and the ,neoplatonists -- ,harmony between ,plato and ,christianity -- ,giovanni ,pico -- ,his ,first ,appearance in ,florence -- ,his ,theses proposed at ,rome -- ,censure of the ,church -- ,his ,study of the ,cabbala -- ,large ,conception of ,learning -- ,occult ,science -- ,cristoforo ,landino -- ,professor of ,fine ,literature -- ,virgilian ,studies -- ,camaldolese ,disputations -- ,leo ,battista ,alberti -- ,his ,versatility -- ,bartolommeo ,scala -- ,obscure ,origin -- ,chancellor of ,florence -- ,angelo ,poliziano -- ,early ,life -- ,translation of ,homer -- ,the ',homericus ,juvenis' -- ,true ,genius in ,poliziano -- ,command of ,latin and ,greek -- ,resuscitation of ,antiquity in his own ,person -- ,his ,professorial ,work -- ,the ',miscellanea' -- ,relation to ,medici -- ,roman ,scholarship in this ,period -- ,pius ,,ii4 -- ,pomponius ,ltus -- ,his ,academy and ,mode of ,life -- ,persecution under ,paul ,,ii4 -- ,humanism at ,naples -- ,pontanus -- ,his ,academy -- ,his ,writings -- ,academies established in all ,towns of ,italy -- ,introduction of ,printing -- ,sweynheim and ,pannartz -- ,the ,early ,venetian ,press -- ,florence -- ,cennini -- ,alopa's ,homer -- ,change in ,scholarship effected by ,printing -- ,the ,life of ,aldo ,manuzio -- ,the ,princely ,house of ,pio at ,carpi -- ,greek ,books before ,aldo -- ,the ,aldine ,press at ,venice -- ,history of its ,activity -- ,aldo and ,erasmus -- ,aldo and the ,greek ,refugees -- ,aldo's ,death -- ,his family and ,successors -- ,the ,neacademia -- ,the ,salvation of ,greek ,literature4 ,in the four preceding chapters ,i have sketched the rise and progress of ,italian humanism with more minuteness than need be now employed upon the history of its further development4 ,by the scholars of the first and second period the whole domain of ancient literature was reconquered2 the classics were restored in their integrity to the modern world4 ,petrarch first inflamed the enthusiasm without which so great a work could not have been accomplished1 his immediate successors mastered the ,greek language1 and explored every province of antiquity4 ,much still remained1 however1 to be achieved by a new generation of students3 for as yet criticism was but in its cradle2 the graces of style were but little understood2 indiscriminate erudition passed for scholarship1 and crude verbiage for eloquence4 ,the humanists of the third age1 still burning with the zeal that animated ,petrarch1 and profiting by the labours of their predecessors1 ascended to a higher level of culture4 ,it is their glory to have purified the coarse and tumid style of medival ,latinists1 to have introduced the methods of comparative and sthetic criticism1 and to have distinguished the characteristics of the authors and the periods they studied4 ,the salient features of this third age of humanism may be briefly stated4 ,having done their work by sowing the seeds of culture broadcast1 the vagrant professors of the second period begin to disappear1 and the republic of letters tends to crystallise round men of eminence in coteries and learned circles4 ,this1 therefore1 is the age of the academies4 ,secondly1 it is noticeable that ,italian literature1 almost totally abandoned in the first fervour of enthusiasm for antiquity1 now receives nearly as much attention as the classics4 ,since the revival of ,italian in the golden age of the ,renaissance will form the subject of my final volume1 the names of ,lorenzo de' ,medici and ,poliziano at ,florence1 of ,boiardo at ,ferrara1 and of ,sannazzaro at ,naples may here suffice to indicate the points of contact between scholarship and the national literature4 ,a century had been employed in the acquisition of humanistic culture2 when acquired1 it bore fruit1 not only in more elegant scholarship1 but also in new forms of poetry and prose for the people4 ,a third marked feature of the period is the establishment of the printing press4 ,the energy wherewith in little more than fifty years the texts of the classic authors were rendered indestructible by accident or time1 and placed within the reach of students throughout ,europe1 demands particular attention in this chapter4 ,florence is still the capital of learning4 ,the most brilliant humanists1 gathered round the person of ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 give laws to the rest of ,italy1 determining by their tastes and studies the tone of intellectual society4 ,lorenzo is himself in so deep and true a sense the master spirit of this circle1 that to describe his position in the republic will hardly be considered a digression4 ,before his death in #adfd ,cosimo de' ,medici had succeeded in rendering his family necessary to the ,state of ,florence4 ,though thwarted by ambitious rivals and hampered by the intrigues of the party he had formed to rule the commonwealth1 ,cosimo contrived so to complicate the public finances with his own banking business1 and so to bind the leading burghers to himself by various obligations1 that1 while he in no way affected the style of a despot1 ,florence belonged to his house more surely than ,bologna to the ,bentivogli4 ,for the continuation of this authority1 based on intrigue and cemented by corruption1 it was absolutely needful that the spirit of ,cosimo should survive in his successors4 ,a single false move1 by unmasking the tyranny so carefully veiled1 by offending the republican vanities of the ,florentines1 or by employing force where everything had hitherto been gained by craft1 would at this epoch have destroyed the prospects of the ,medicean family4 ,so true it is that the history of this age in ,italy is not the history of commonwealths so much as the history of individualities1 of men4 ,the principles reduced to rule by ,machiavelli in his essay on the ,prince may be studied in the lives of fifteenth-century adventurers1 who1 like ,cesare ,borgia1 discerned the necessity of using violence for special ends1 or1 like the ,medici1 perceived that sovereignty could be better grasped by a hand gloved with velvet than mailed in steel4 ,the ,medici of both branches displayed through eight successive generations1 in their general line of policy1 in the disasters that attended their divergence from it1 and in the means they used to rehabilitate their influence1 the action of what ,balzac calls l'homme politique1 with striking clearness to the philosophic student4 ,both the son and grandson of ,cosimo well understood the part they had to play1 and played it so ably that even the errors of the younger ,piero1 the genius of ,savonarola1 and the failure of the elder ,medicean line were insufficient to check the gradual subjugation of the commonwealth he had initiated4 ,lorenzo's father1 ,piero1 called by the ,florentines ,il ,gottoso1 suffered much from ill-health1 and was unable to take the lead in politics4#caj ,yet the powers entrusted to his father were confirmed for him4 ,the elections remained in the hands of the ,medicean party1 and the balia appointed in their favour continued to control the ,state4 ,the dangerous conspiracy against ,piero's life1 engaged in by ,luca ,pitti and ,diotisalvi ,neroni1 proved that his enemies regarded the chief of the ,medici as the leader of the republic4 ,it was due to the prudent action of the young ,lorenzo that this conspiracy failed2 and the ,medici were even strengthened by the downfall of their foes4 ,from the tone of the congratulations addressed on this occasion by the ruling powers of ,italy to ,piero and ,lorenzo1 we may conclude that they were already reckoned as princes outside ,florence1 though they still maintained a burgherlike simplicity of life within the city walls4 ,footnote #caj3 ,it may be useful to add a skeleton pedigree of the ,medici in this place3-- ,cosimo1 ,pater ,patri ,piero1 ,il ,gottoso ------------------- ,lorenzo ,giuliano ------------ ,giulio1 ,clement ,,vii4 ,piero1 ,giovanni1 the exile ,leo ,x4 ,in the marriage of his son ,lorenzo to ,clarice degli ,orsini1 of the princely ,roman house1 ,piero gave signs of a departure from the cautious policy of ,cosimo4 ,foreign alliances were regarded with suspicion by the ,florentines1 and ,pandolfini's advice to his sons1 that they should avoid familiarity with territorial magnates1 exactly represented the spirit of the republic4#caa ,in like manner1 the education of both ,lorenzo and ,giuliano1 their intercourse with royal guests1 and the prominent places assigned them on occasions of ceremony1 indicated an advance toward despotism4 ,it was concordant with the manners of the age that one family should play the part of host for the republic4 ,the discharge of this duty by the ,medici aroused no jealousy among the burghers2 yet it enabled the ambitious house to place themselves in an unique position1 and1 while seeming to remain mere citizens1 to take a step in the direction of sovereignty4 ,footnote #caa3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #aij4 ,on the death of ,piero1 in #adfi1 the chief men of the ,medicean party waited upon ,lorenzo1 and1 after offering their condolences1 besought him to succeed his father in the presidency of the ,state4 ,the feeling prevailed among the leaders of the city that it was impossible1 under the existing conditions of ,italian politics1 to carry on the commonwealth without a titular head4 ,lorenzo1 then in his twenty-second year1 entered thus upon the political career in the course of which he not only maintained a balance of power in ,italy1 but also remodelled the internal government of ,florence in the interests of his family1 and further strengthened their position by establishing connections with the ,papal ,see4 ,while bending all the faculties of his powerful and subtle intellect to the one end of consolidating a tyranny1 ,lorenzo was far too wise to assume the bearing of a despot4 ,he conversed familiarly with the citizens1 encouraged artists and scholars to address him on terms of equality1 and was careful to adopt no titles4 ,his personal temperament made the task of being in effect a sovereign1 while he acted like a citizen1 comparatively easy1 his chief difficulties arose from the necessity under which he laboured1 like his grandfather ,cosimo1 of governing through a party composed of men distinguished by birth and ability1 and powerful by wealth and connections4 ,to keep this party in good temper1 to flatter its members with the show of influence1 and to gain their concurrence for the alterations he introduced into the ,state machinery of ,florence1 was the problem of his life4 ,by creating a body of clients1 bound to himself by diverse interests and obligations1 he succeeded in bridling the ,medicean party and excluding from offices of trust all dangerous and disaffected persons4 ,the goodwill of the city at large was secured by the prosperity at home and peace abroad which marked the last fourteen years of his administration1 while the splendour of his foreign alliances contributed in no small measure to his popularity4 ,the ,florentines were proud of a citizen who brought them into the first rank of ,italian ,powers1 and who refrained from assuming the style of sovereign4 ,thus ,lorenzo solved the most difficult of political problems--that of using a close oligarchy for the maintenance of despotism in a free and jealous commonwealth4 ,none of his rivals retained power enough to withhold the sceptre from his sons when they should seek to grasp it4 ,the roots of the ,medici clung to no one part of ,florence in particular4 ,they seemed superficial2 yet they crept beneath the ground in all directions4 ,intertwined as they were with every interest both public and private in the city1 to cut them out implied the excision of some vital member4 ,this was the secret of their power in the next generation1 when1 banished and reduced to bastards1 the ,medici returned from two exiles1 survived the perils of the siege and ,alessandro's murder1 and finally assumed the ,ducal crown in the person of the last scion of their younger branch4 ,the policy1 so persistently pursued for generations1 so powerfully applied by ,lorenzo1 might be compared to the attack of an octopus1 which fastens on its victim by a multitude of tiny tentacles1 and waits till he is drained of strength before it shoots its beak into a vital spot4 ,in one point ,lorenzo was inferior to his grandfather4 ,he had no commercial talent4 ,after suffering the banking business of the ,medici to fall into disorder1 he became virtually bankrupt1 while his personal expenditure kept continually increasing4 ,in order to retrieve his fortunes it was necessary for him to gain complete disposal of the public purse4 ,this was the real object of the constitutional revolution of #adhj1 whereby his ,privy ,council assumed the active functions of the ,state4 ,had ,lorenzo been as great in finance as in the management of men1 the way might have been smoothed for his son ,piero in the disastrous year of #adid4 ,if ,lorenzo neglected the pursuit of wealth1 whereby ,cosimo had raised himself from insignificance to the dictatorship of ,florence1 he surpassed his grandfather in the use he made of literary patronage4 ,it is not paradoxical to affirm that in his policy we can trace the subordination of a genuine love of arts and letters to statecraft4 ,the new culture was one of the instruments that helped to build his despotism4 ,through his thorough and enthusiastic participation in the intellectual interests of his age1 he put himself into close sympathy with the ,florentines1 who were glad to acknowledge for their leader by far the ablest of the men of parts in ,italy4 ,according as we choose our point of view1 we may regard him either as a tyrant1 involving his country in debt and dangerous wars1 corrupting the morals and enfeebling the spirit of the people1 and systematically enslaving the ,athens of the modern world for the sake of founding a petty principality2 or else as the most liberal-minded noble of his epoch1 born to play the first part in the ,florentine republic1 and careful to use his wealth and influence for the advancement of his fellow-citizens in culture1 learning1 arts1 amenities of life4 ,savonarola and the ,florentine historians adopt the former of these two opinions4 ,sismondi1 in his passion for liberty1 arrays against ,lorenzo the political assassinations he permitted1 the enervation of ,florence1 the national debt incurred by the republic1 the exhausting wars with ,sixtus carried on in his defence4 ,his panegyrists1 on the contrary1 love to paint him as the pacificator of ,italy1 the restorer of ,florentine poetry1 the profound critic1 and the generous patron4 ,the truth lies in the combination of these two apparently contradictory judgments4 ,lorenzo was the representative man of his nation at a moment when political institutions were everywhere inclining to despotism1 and when the spiritual life of the ,italians found its noblest expression in art and literature4 ,the principality of ,florence was thrust upon him by the policy of ,cosimo1 by the vote of the chief citizens1 and by the example of the sister republics1 all of whom1 with the exception of ,venice1 submitted to the sway of rulers4 ,had he wished1 he might have found it difficult to preserve the commonwealth in its integrity4 ,few but doctrinaires believed in a governo misto2 only aristocrats desired a governo stretto2 all but democrats dreaded a governo largo4 ,and yet a new constitution must have been framed after one of these types1 and the ,florentines must have been educated to use it with discretion1 before ,lorenzo could have resigned his office of dictator with any prospect of freedom for the city in his charge4 ,such unselfish patriotism1 in the face of such overwhelming difficulties1 and in antagonism to the whole tendency of the age1 was not to be expected from an oligarch of the ,renaissance1 born in the purple1 and used from infancy to intrigue4 ,lorenzo was a man of marvellous variety and range of mental power4 ,he possessed one of those rare natures1 fitted to comprehend all knowledge and to sympathise with the most diverse forms of life4 ,while he never for one moment relaxed his grasp on politics1 among philosophers he passed for a sage1 among men of letters for an original and graceful poet1 among scholars for a ,grecian sensitive to every nicety of ,attic idiom1 among artists for an amateur gifted with refined discernment and consummate taste4 ,pleasure-seekers knew in him the libertine1 who jousted with the boldest1 danced and masqueraded with the merriest1 sought adventures in the streets at night1 and joined the people in their ,may-day games and ,carnival festivities4 ,the pious extolled him as an author of devotional lauds and mystery plays1 a profound theologian1 a critic of sermons4 ,he was no less famous for his jokes and repartees than for his pithy apophthegms and maxims1 as good a judge of cattle as of statues1 as much at home in the bosom of his family as in the riot of an orgy1 as ready to discourse on ,plato as to plan a campaign or to plot the death of a dangerous citizen4 ,an apologist may always plead that ,lorenzo was the epitome of his nation's most distinguished qualities1 that the versatility of the ,renaissance found in him its fullest incarnation4 ,it was the duty of ,italy in the fifteenth century not to establish religious or constitutional liberty1 but to resuscitate culture4 ,before the disastrous wars of invasion had begun1 it might well have seemed even to patriots as though ,florence needed a ,mcenas more than a ,camillus4 ,therefore the prince who in his own person combined all accomplishments1 who knew by sympathy and counsel how to stimulate the genius of men superior to himself in special arts and sciences1 who spent his fortune lavishly on works of public usefulness1 whose palace formed the rallying-point of wit and learning1 whose council chamber was the school of statesmen1 who expressed his age in every word and every act1 in his vices and his virtues1 his crimes and generous deeds1 cannot be fairly judged by an abstract standard of republican morality4 ,it is nevertheless true that ,lorenzo enfeebled and enslaved ,florence4 ,at his death he left her socially more dissolute1 politically weaker1 intellectually more like himself1 than he had found her4 ,he had not the greatness to rise above the spirit of his century1 or to make himself the ,pericles instead of the ,pisistratus of his republic4 ,in other words1 he was adequate1 not superior1 to ,renaissance ,italy4 ,this1 then1 was the man round whom the greatest scholars of the third period assembled1 at whose table sat ,angelo ,poliziano1 ,cristoforo ,landino1 ,marsilio ,ficino1 ,giovanni ,pico della ,mirandola1 ,leo ,battista ,alberti1 ,michael ,angelo ,buonarroti1 ,luigi ,pulci4 ,the mere enumeration of these names suffices to awake a crowd of memories in the mind of those to whom ,italian art and poetry are dear4 ,lorenzo's villas1 where this brilliant circle met for grave discourse or social converse1 heightening the sober pleasures of ,italian country life with all that wit and learning could produce of delicate and rare1 have been so often sung by poets and celebrated by historians that ,careggi1 ,caffagiolo1 and ,poggio a ,cajano are no less familiar to us than the studious shades of ,academe4 ',in a villa overhanging the towers of ,florence1' writes the austere ,hallam1 moved to more than usual eloquence by the spirit-stirring beauty of his theme1 'on the steep slope of that lofty hill crowned by the mother city1 the ancient ,fiesole1 in gardens which ,tully might have envied1 with ,ficino1 ,landino1 and ,politian at his side1 he delighted his hours of leisure with the beautiful visions of ,platonic philosophy1 for which the summer stillness of an ,italian sky appears the most congenial accompaniment4' ,as we climb the steep slope of ,fiesole1 or linger beneath the rose-trees that shed their petals from ,careggi's garden walls1 once more in our imagination 'the world's great age begins anew2' once more the blossoms of that marvellous spring unclose4 ,while the sun goes down beneath the mountains of ,carrara1 and the ,apennines grow purple-golden1 and ,florence sleeps beside the silvery ,arno1 and the large ,italian stars come forth above1 we remember how those mighty master spirits watched the sphering of new planets in the spiritual skies4 ,savonarola in his cell below once more sits brooding over the servility of ,florence1 the corruption of a godless ,church4 ,michael ,angelo1 seated between ,ficino and ,poliziano1 with the voices of the prophets vibrating in his memory1 and with the music of ,plato sounding in his ears1 rests chin on hand and elbow upon knee1 like his own ,jeremiah1 lost in contemplation1 whereof the after-fruit shall be the ,sistine ,chapel and the ,medicean tombs4 ,then1 when the strain of thought1 'unsphering ,plato from his skies1' begins to weary1 ,pulci breaks the silence with a brand-new canto of ,morgante1 or a singing boy is bidden to tune his mandoline to ,messer ,angelo's last-made ballata4 ,there is no difficulty in explaining ,plato's power upon the thinkers of the fifteenth century4 ,among philosophers ,plato shines like a morning star--,greek3 outh' hesperos oute eos ont thaumastos--an auroral luminary1 charming and compelling the attention of the world when man is on the verge of new discoveries4 ,that he should have enslaved the finest intellects at a time when the sense of beauty was so keenly stimulated1 and when the stirrings of fresh life were so intense1 is nothing more than natural4 ,to philosophise and humanise the religious sentiments that had become the property of monks and pardon-mongers2 to establish a concordat between the ,paganism that entranced the world1 and the ,catholic faith whereof the world was not yet weary2 to satisfy the new-born sense of a divine and hitherto unapprehended mystery in heaven and earth2 to dignify with a semblance of truth the dreams of magic and astrology that passed for science--all this the men of the ,renaissance passionately craved4 ,who could render better help than ,plato and the ,neoplatonists1 whose charm of style and high-flown mysticism suited the ambitious immaturity of undeveloped thought8 ,for the interpretation of ,platonic doctrine a hierophant was needed4 ,marsilio ,ficino had been set apart from earliest youth for this purpose--selected in the wisdom of ,cosimo de' ,medici1 prepared by special processes of study1 and consecrated to the service of the one philosopher4#cab ,footnote #cab3 ,marsilio ,ficino1 the son of ,cosimo's physician1 was born at ,figline in #adcc4 ,when ,marsilio was a youth of eighteen1 he entered the ,medicean household1 and began to learn ,greek1 in order that he might qualify himself for translating ,plato into ,latin4 ,his health was delicate1 his sensibilities acute2 the temper of his intellect1 inclined to mysticism and theology1 fitted him for the arduous task of unifying religion with philosophy4 ,it would be unfair to class him with the paganising humanists1 who sought to justify their unbelief or want of morals by the authority of the classics4 ,ficino remained throughout his life an earnest ,christian4 ,at the age of forty1 not without serious reflection and mature resolve1 he took orders1 and faithfully performed the duties of his cure4 ,antiquity he judged by the standard of the ,christian creed4 ,if he asserted that ,socrates and ,plato witnessed1 together with the evangelists1 to the truth of revelation1 or that the same spirit inspired the laws of ,moses and the ,greek philosopher--this1 as he conceived it1 was in effect little else than extending the catena of authority backward from the ,christian fathers to the sages of the ancient world4 ,the ,church1 by admitting the sibyls into the company of the prophets1 virtually sanctioned the canonisation of ,plato2 while the comprehensive survey of history as an uninterrupted whole1 which since the days of ,petrarch had distinguished the nobler type of humanism1 rendered ,ficino's philosophical religion not unacceptable even to the orthodox4 ,the speculative mystics of the fifteenth century failed1 however1 to perceive that by recognising inspiration in the classic authors1 they were silently denying the unique value of revelation2 and that by seeking the religious tradition far and wide1 they called in question the peculiar divinity of ,christ4 ,savonarola saw this clearly2 therefore he denounced the ,platonists as heretics1 who vainly babbled about things they did not understand4 ,the permanent value of their speculations1 crude and uncritical as they may now appear1 consists in the large claim made for human reason as against bibliolatry and ,church authority4 ,ficino was forty-four years of age when he finished the translation of ,plato's works into ,latin4 ,five more years elapsed before the first edition was printed in #adhb at ,filippo ,valori's expense4 ,it may here be mentioned incidentally that1 by this help1 the aristocracy of ,florence materially contributed to the diffusion of culture4 ,a genuine philosopher in his lack of ambition and his freedom from avarice1 ,ficino was too poor to publish his own works2 and what is true of him1 applies to many most distinguished authors of the age4 ,great literary undertakings involved in that century the substantial assistance of wealthy men1 whose liberality was rewarded by a notice in the colophon or on the title-page4#cac ,when1 for instance1 the first edition of ,homer was issued from the press by ,lorenzo ,alopa in #adhh1 two brothers of the ,nerli family1 ,bernardo and ,neri1 defrayed the expense4#cad ,the ,plato was soon followed by a ,life of the philosopher1 and a treatise on the ',platonic ,doctrine of ,immortality4' ,the latter work is interesting as a repertory of the theories discussed by the ,medicean circle at their festivals in honour of ,plato's birthday4 ,it has1 however1 no intrinsic value for the critic or philosopher1 being in effect nothing better than a jumble of citations culled from antique mystics and combined with cruder modern guesses4 ,in #adhf the translation of ,plotinus was accomplished1 and in #adia a voluminous commentary had been added2 both were published one month after ,lorenzo's death in #adib4 ,a version of ,dionysius the ,areopagite1 whose treatise on the ',hierarchies1' though rejected by ,lorenzo ,valla1 was accepted as genuine by ,ficino1 closed the long list of his translations from the ,greek4 ,the importance of ,ficino's contributions to philosophy consists in the impulse he communicated to ,platonic studies4 ,that he did not comprehend ,plato1 or distinguish his philosophy from that of the ,alexandrian mystics1 is clear in every sentence of his writings4 ,the age was uncritical1 nor had scholars learned the necessity of understanding an author's relation to the history of thought in general before they attempted to explain him4 ,thus they were satisfied to read ,plato by the reflected light of ,plotinus and ,gemistos ,plethon1 and to assimilate such portions only of his teaching as accorded with their own theology4 ,the doctrine of planetary influences1 and the myths invented to express the nature of the soul--in other words1 the consciously poetic thoughts of ,plato--seemed of more value to ,ficino than the theory of ideas1 wherein the deepest problems are presented in a logical shape to the understanding4 ,the ,middle ,ages had plied dialectic to satiety2 the ,renaissance dwelt with passion upon vague and misty thoughts that gave a scope to its imagination4 ,no dreams of poet or of mystic could surpass reality in the age of ,lionardo da ,vinci and ,christopher ,columbus4 ,footnote #cac3 ,thus ,ficino's edition of ,plotinus1 printed at ,lorenzo de' ,medici's expense1 and published one month after his death1 bears this notice3--',magnifici sumptu ,laurentii patri servatoris4' ,footnote #cad3 ,see1 however1 ,didot's ,alde ,manuce1 p4 #d1 where ,giovanni ,acciaiuoli is credited with this generosity4 ,if ,plato has been studied more exactly of late years1 he has never been loved better or more devotedly worshipped than by the ,florentine ,academy4 ,who builds a shrine and burns a lamp before his statue now8 ,who crowns his bust with laurels1 or celebrates his birthday and his deathday with solemn festivals and pompous panegyrics8 ,who meet at stated intervals to read his words1 and probe his hidden meaning1 feeding his altar-flame with frankincense of their most precious thoughts8 ,it was by outward signs like these1 then full of fair significance1 now puerile and void of import1 that the pageant-loving men of the ,renaissance testified their debt of gratitude to ,plato4 ,of one of these birthday feasts ,ficino has given a lively picture in his letter to ,jacopo ,bracciolini 7',prolegomena ad ,platonis ,symposium'74 ,after partaking of a banquet1 the text of the ',symposium' was delivered over to discussion4 ,giovanni ,cavalcanti interpreted the speeches of ,phdrus and ,pausanias1 ,landino that of ,aristophanes2 ,carlo ,marsuppini undertook the part of ,agathon1 while ,tommaso ,benci explained the esoteric meaning of ,diotima4 ,was there anyone1 we wonder1 to act ,alcibiades2 or did ,lorenzo1 perhaps1 sit drinking till day flooded the meadows of ,valdarno1 passing round a two-handled goblet1 and raising subtle questions about comedy and tragedy8 ,among the academicians who frequented ,lorenzo's palace at ,florence there appeared1 in #adhd1 a young man of princely birth and fascinating beauty4 ',nature1' wrote ,poliziano1 'seemed to have showered on this man1 or hero1 all her gifts4 ,he was tall and finely moulded2 from his face a something of divinity shone forth4 ,acute1 and gifted with prodigious memory1 in his studies he was indefatigable1 in his style perspicuous and eloquent4 ,you could not say whether his talents or his moral qualities conferred on him the greater lustre4 ,familiar with all branches of philosophy1 and the master of many languages1 he stood on high above the reach of praise4' ,this was ,giovanni ,pico della ,mirandola1 whose portrait in the ,uffizzi ,gallery1 with its long brown hair and penetrating grey eyes1 compels attention even from those who know not whom it is supposed to figure4 ,he was little more than twenty when he came to ,florence4 ,his personal attractions1 noble manners1 splendid style of life1 and varied accomplishments made him the idol of ,florentine society2 and for a time he gave himself1 in part at least1 to love and the amusements of his age4#cae ,but ,pico was not born for pleasure4 ,by no man was the sublime ideal of humanity1 superior to physical enjoyments and dignified by intellectual energy1 that triumph of the thought of the ,renaissance1 more completely realised4#caf ,there is even reason to regret that1 together with the follies of youth1 he put aside the collection of his ,latin poems1 which ,poliziano praised1 and took no pains to preserve those ,italian verses1 the loss whereof we deplore no less than that of ,lionardo's4 ,while ,pico continued to live as became a ,count of ,mirandola1 he personally inclined each year to graver and more abstruse studies and to greater austerity1 until at last the prince was merged in the philosopher1 the man of letters in the mystic4 ,footnote #cae3 ,see ,von ,reumont1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ajh4 ,footnote #caf3 ,fine expression was given to this conception of life by ,aldus in the dedication to ,alberto ,pio of vols4 ii41 iii41 iv4 of ,aristotle3--',es nam tu mihi optimus testis an potiores ,herculis rumnas credam1 svosque labores1 et ,venere1 et coenis et plumis ,sardanapali4 ,natus nam homo est ad laborem et ad agendum semper aliquid viro dignum1 non ad voluptatem qu belluarum est et pecudum4' ,the last sentence is a translation of ,ulysses' speech in the ,inferno-- ',considerate la vostra semenza1 ,fatti non foste a viver come bruti1 ,ma per seguir virtude e conoscenza4' ,cf4 ,aldus's preface to ,lascaris' ,grammar2 ,renouard1 vol4 i4 p4 #g2 and again ,alde ,manuce1 p4 #adc1 for similar passages4 ,pico's abilities displayed themselves in earliest boyhood4 ,his mother1 a niece of the great ,boiardo1 noticed his rare aptitude for study1 and sent him at the age of fourteen to ,bologna4 ,there he mastered not only the humanities1 but also what was taught of mathematics1 logic1 philosophy1 and ,oriental languages4 ,he afterwards continued his education at ,paris1 the headquarters of scholastic theology4 ,pico's powerful memory must have served him in good stead3 it is recorded that a single reading fixed the language and the matter of the texts he studied1 on his mind for ever4 ,nor was this faculty for retaining knowledge accompanied by any sluggishness of mental power4 ,to what extent he relied upon his powers of debate as well as on his vast stores of erudition1 was proved by the publication of the famous nine hundred theses at ,rome in #adhf4 ,these questions seem to have been constructed in defence of the ,platonic mysticism1 which already had begun to absorb his attention4 ,the philosophers and theologians who were challenged to contend with him in argument had the whole list offered to their choice4 ,pico was prepared to maintain each and all of his positions without further preparation4 ,ecclesiastical prudence1 however1 prevented the champions of orthodoxy from descending into the arena4 ,they found it safer to prefer a charge of heresy against ,pico1 whose theses were condemned in a brief of ,innocent ,,viii41 dated ,august #e1 #adhf4 ,it was not until ,june #ah1 #adic1 that he was finally purged from the ban of heterodoxy by a brief of ,alexander ,,vi4 ,during that long interval he suffered much uneasiness of mind1 for even his robust intelligence quailed before the thought of dying under ,papal interdiction4 ,that a man so pure in his life and so earnest in his piety should have been stigmatised as a heretic1 and then pardoned1 by two such ,popes1 is one of the curious anomalies of that age4 ,to harmonise the ,christian and classical tradition was a problem which ,manetti had crudely attempted4 ,pico approached it in a more philosophical spirit1 and resolved to devote his whole life to the task4 ,the antagonism between sacred and profane literature appeared more glaring to ,renaissance scholars than to us1 inasmuch as they attached more serious value to the teaching of the latter as a rule of life4 ,yet ,pico was not intent so much on merely reconciling hostile systems of thought1 or on confuting the errors of the ,jews and ,gentiles4 ,he had conceived the great idea of the unity of knowledge2 and having acquired the omne scibile of his century1 he sought to seize the soul of truth that animates all systems4 ,not the classics nor the ,scriptures alone1 but the writings of the schoolmen1 the glosses of ,arabic philosophers1 and the more obscure products of ,hebrew erudition had for him their solid value4 ,estimating authors at the worth of their matter1 and despising the trivial questions raised by shallow wits among style-mongering students1 he freed himself from the worst fault of humanism1 and conceived of learning in a liberal spirit4 ,the best proof of this wide acceptance of all literature conducive to sound thinking1 is given in a letter to ,ermolao ,barbaro4#cag ,after courteously adverting to the ,ciceronian elegance of his correspondent's style he continues1 ',and that ,i meantime should have lost in the studies of ,thomas ,aquinas1 ,john ,scotus1 ,albertus ,magnus1 and ,averrhoes the best years of my life--those long1 laborious vigils wherein ,i might perchance have made myself of some avail in polite scholarship6 ,the thought occurred to me1 by way of consolation1 if some of them could come to life again1 whether men so powerful in argument might not find sound pleas for their own cause2 whether one among them1 more eloquent than ,paul1 might not defend1 in terms as free as possible from barbarism1 their barbarous style1 speaking perchance after this fashion3 ,we have lived illustrious1 friend ,ermolao1 and to posterity shall live1 not in the schools of the grammarians and teaching-places of young minds1 but in the company of the philosophers1 conclaves of sages1 where the questions for debate are not concerning the mother of ,andromache or the sons of ,niobe and such light trifles1 but of things human and divine2 in the contemplation1 investigation1 and analysis whereof we have been so subtle1 searching1 and eager that we may sometimes have seemed to be too scrupulous and captious1 if indeed it be possible to be too curious or fastidious in seeking after truth4 ,let him who accuses us of dulness1 prove by experience whether we barbarians have not the god of eloquence in our hearts rather than on our lips2 whether1 if the faculty of ornamented speech be lacking1 we have wanted wisdom3 and to trick out wisdom with ornaments may be more a crime than to show it in uncultured rudeness4' ,footnote #cag3 ,dated ,florence1 #adhe2 in the ,aldine edition of ,poliziano's ,letters1 book ix4 ,during the period of his ,platonic studies at ,florence chance brought ,pico into contact with a ,jew who had a copy of the ,cabbala for sale4 ,into this jungle of abstruse learning ,pico plunged with all the ardour of his powerful intellect4 ,asiatic fancies1 ,alexandrian myths1 ,christian doctrines1 ,hebrew traditions1 are so wonderfully blended in that labyrinthine commentary that ,pico believed he had discovered the key to his great problem1 the quintessence of all truth4 ,it seemed to him that the science of the ,greek and the faith of the ,christian could only be understood in the light of the ,cabbala4 ,he purchased the ,,ms41 devoted his whole attention to its study1 and projected a mighty work to prove the harmony of philosophies in ,christianity1 and to explain the ,christian doctrine by the esoteric teaching of the ,jews4#cah ,pico's view of the connection between philosophy1 theology1 and religion is plainly stated in the following sentence from a letter to ,aldus ,manutius 7,february #aa1 #adia73--',philosophia veritatem qurit1 theologia invenit1 religio possidet' 7',philosophy seeks truth1 theology discovers it1 religion hath it'74 ,death overtook him before the book intended to demonstrate these positions1 and by so doing to establish the concord of all earnest and truth-seeking systems1 could be written4 ,he died at the age of thirty-one1 on the very day when ,charles ,,viii4 made his entry into ,florence4 ,footnote #cah3 ,in the introduction to ,pico's ,apologia may be read the account he gives of the codex of the pseudo-,esdras purchased by him4 ,while accepting the ,cabbala it was impossible for ,pico to reject magic4 ,he showed his good sense1 however1 by an energetic attack upon the so-called science of judicial astrology4 ,strictly speaking1 the spirit of humanism was opposed to this folly4 ,petrarch had long ago condemned it1 together with the charlatans who used its jargon to impose upon the world2 yet1 in spite of humanism1 the folly not only persisted1 but seemed to increase with the spread of rational knowledge4 ,the universities founded ,chairs of ,astrology1 ,popes consulted the stars on occasions of importance1 nor did the ,despots dare to act without the advice of their soothsayers4 ,these men not unfrequently accompanied the greatest generals on their campaigns4 ,their services were bought by the republics2 citizens employed them for the casting of horoscopes1 the building of houses1 the position of shops1 the fit moment for journeys1 the reception of guests into their families1 and the date of weddings4 ,to take a serious step in life without the approval of an astrologer had come to be regarded as perilous4 ,even ,ficino believed in horoscopes and planetary influences2 so did ,cardan at a later date4 ,it may be remembered that ,catherine de' ,medici allowed the ,florentine ,ruggieri to share her secret counsels during the reigns of three kings1 and that ,paul ,,iii4 always obtained the sanction of his star-gazer before he held a consistory4 ,in proportion as religion grew less real1 and the complex dangers of a corrupt society increased1 astrology gained in importance4 ,it was not1 therefore1 a waste of eloquence1 as ,poliziano complained1 when ,pico directed his attack against this delusion1 accusing it of debasing the intellect and opening the way for immorality of all kinds4#cai ,footnote #cai3 ,poliziano's ,greek epigram addressed to ,pico on this matter may be quoted from the ,carmina ,quinque ,poetarum1 p4 #dab3-- ,greek3 kai tout' astrologois epimemphomai eroleschais1 hotti sophous ,pikou moi phthoneous' oarous4 kai gar ho endykes toutn ton lron elenchn mounaxei en agr dron hekas poles4 ,pike ti soi kai toutois8 ou s' epeoiken agyrtais antarai tn sn eutychea graphida4 ,since ,pico's keen intellect discerned the shallowness of astrological pretensions1 it is the more to be deplored that he fell a victim to the hybrid mysticism and magical nonsense of the ,cabbala4 ,we have here another proof that criticism was as yet in its infancy4 ,it was easier for men of genius in the ,renaissance to win lofty vantage-ground for contemplation1 to divine the unity of human achievements1 and to comprehend the greatness of the destiny of man1 than to accept the learning of the past at a simple historical valuation4 ,what fascinated their imagination passed with them too easily for true and proved4 ,yet all they needed was time for the digestion and assimilation of the stores of knowledge they had gained4 ,if the ,counter-,reformation had not checked the further growth of ,italian science1 the spirit that lived in ,pico would certainly have produced a school of philosophy second to none that ,europe has brought forth4 ,of this ,pico's own short treatise on the ',dignity of ,man1' as ,i have said already1 is sufficient warrant4 ,as ,pico was the youngest so was ,cristoforo ,landino the oldest member of the ,medicean circle4 ,he was born at ,florence in #adbd1 nine years before ,ficino1 with whom he shared the duties of instructing ,lorenzo in his boyhood4 ,landino obtained the ,chair of ,rhetoric and ,poetry in #adeg1 and continued till his death in #aejd to profess ,latin literature at ,florence4 ,while ,ficino and ,pico represented the study of philosophy1 he devoted himself exclusively to scholarship1 annotating ,horace and ,virgil1 and translating ,pliny's ',natural ,histories4' ,a marked feature in ,landino's professorial labours was the attention he paid to the ,italian poets4 ,in #adfj he began to lecture on ,petrarch1 and in #adha he published an edition of ,dante with voluminous commentaries4 ,the copy of this work1 printed upon parchment1 splendidly bound1 and fastened with niello clasps1 which ,landino presented with a set oration to the ,signory of ,florence1 may still be seen in the ,magliabecchian library4 ,the author was rewarded with a house in ,borgo alla ,collina1 the ancient residence of his family4 ,though the name of ,cristoforo ,landino is now best known in connection with his ,dantesque studies1 one of his ,latin works1 the ',camaldolese ,discussions1'#cbj will always retain peculiar interest for the student of ,florentine humanism4 ,this treatise is composed in imitation of the ,ciceronian rather than the ,platonic dialogues2 the ',tusculans' may be said to have furnished ,landino with his model4 ,he begins by telling how he left his villa in the ,casentino1 accompanied by his brother1 to pay a visit to the hill-set sanctuary of ,s4 ,romualdo4#cba ,there he met with ,lorenzo and ,giuliano de' ,medici1 attended by noble youths of ,florence--,piero and ,donato ,acciaiuoli1 ,alamanno ,rinuccini1 ,marco ,parenti1 and ,antonio ,canigiani--all of whom had quitted ,florence to enjoy the rest of summer coolness among the firs and chestnuts of the ,apennines4 ,the party thus formed was completed by the arrival of ,leo ,battista ,alberti and ,marsilio ,ficino4 ,the conversation maintained from day to day by these close friends and ardent scholars forms the substance of the dialogue4 ,seated on the turf beside a fountain1 near the spot where ,romualdo was bidden in his trance to exchange the black robes of the ,benedictine ,order for the snow-white livery of angels1 they not unnaturally began to compare the active life that they had left at ,florence with the contemplative life of philosophers and saints4 ,alberti led the conversation by a panegyric of the ,greek3 bios thertikos1 maintaining the ,platonic thesis with a wealth of illustration and a charm of eloquence peculiar to himself4 ,lorenzo took up the argument in favour of the ,greek3 bios praktikos4 ,if ,alberti proved that solitude and meditation are the nurses of great spirits1 that man by communing with nature enters into full possession of his mental kingdom1 ,lorenzo pointed out that this completion of self-culture only finds its use and value in the commerce of the world4 ,the philosopher must descend from his altitude and mix with men1 in order to exercise the faculties matured by contemplation4 ,thus far the artist and the statesman are supposed to hold debate on ,goethe's celebrated distich-- ,es bildet ein ,talent sich in der ,stille1 ,sich ein ,charakter in dem ,strom der ,welt4 ,footnote #cbj3 ,disputationum ,camaldulensium lib4 iv41 dedicated to ,frederick of ,urbino4 ,footnote #cba3 ,the legend of the foundation of this ,order is well known through ,sacchi's picture in the ,vatican4 ,the audience decided1 in the spirit of the ,german poet1 that a fully-formed man1 the possessor of both character and talent1 must submit himself to each method of training4 ,thus ended the first day's discussion4 ,during the three following days ,alberti led the conversation to ,virgil's poetry1 demonstrating its allegorical significance1 and connecting its hidden philosophy with that of ,plato4 ,it is clear that in this part of his work ,landino was presenting the substance of his own ,virgilian studies4 ,the whole book1 like ,castiglione's ',courtier1' supplies a fair sample of the topics on which social conversation turned among refined and cultivated men4 ,the tincture of ,platonism is specially characteristic of the ,medicean circle4 ,the distinguished place allotted in this dialogue to ,leo ,battista ,alberti proves the singular regard in which this most remarkable man was held at ,florence1 where1 however1 he but seldom resided4 ,his name will always be coupled with that of ,lionardo da ,vinci2 for though ,lionardo1 arriving at a happier moment1 has eclipsed ,alberti's fame1 yet both of them were cast in the same mould4 ,alberti1 indeed1 might serve as the very type of those many-sided1 precocious1 and comprehensive men of genius who only existed in the age of the ,renaissance4 ,physical strength and dexterity were given to him at birth in measure equal to his mental faculties4 ,it is recorded that he could jump standing over an upright man1 pierce the strongest armour with his arrows1 and so deftly fling a coin that it touched the highest point of a church or palace roof4 ,the wildest horses are said to have trembled under him1 as though brutes felt1 like men1 the magnetism of his personality4 ,his insight into every branch of knowledge seemed intuitive1 and his command of the arts was innate4 ,at the age of twenty he composed the comedy of ',philodoxius1' which passed for an antique1 and was published by the ,aldi as the work of ,lepidus ,comicus in #aehh4 ,of music1 though he had not made it a special study1 he was a thorough master1 composing melodies that gave delight to scientific judges4 ,he painted pictures1 and wrote three books on painting2 practised architecture and compiled ten books on building4 ,of his books1 chiefly portraits1 nothing remains2 but the ,church of ,s4 ,andrea at ,mantua1 the ,palazzo ,rucellai at ,florence1 and the remodelled ,church of ,s4 ,francesco at ,rimini attest his greatness as an architect4 ,the faade of the latter building is more thoroughly classical than any other monument of the earlier ,renaissance4 ,as a transcript from ,roman antiquity it ranks with the ,palazzo della ,ragione of ,palladio at ,vincenza4 ,while still a young man1 ,alberti1 overtaxed1 in all probability1 by the prodigious activity of his mental and bodily forces1 suffered from an illness that resulted in a partial loss of memory4 ,the humanistic and legal studies on which he was engaged had to be abandoned2 yet1 nothing daunted1 he now turned his plastic genius to philosophy and mathematics1 rightly judging that they make less demand upon the passive than the active vigour of the mind4 ,it is believed that he anticipated some modern discoveries in optics1 and he certainly advanced the science of perspective4 ,like his compeer ,lionardo1 he devoted attention to mechanics1 and devised machinery for raising sunken ships4 ,like ,lionardo1 again1 he was never tired of interrogating nature1 conducting curious experiments1 and watching her more secret operations4 ,as a physiognomist and diviner1 he acquired a reputation bordering on wizardry4 ,it was as though his exquisite sensibilities and keenness of attention had gifted him with second sight4 ,the depth of his sympathy with the outer world is proved by an assertion of his anonymous biographer that1 when he saw the cornfields and vineyards of autumn1 tears gathered to his eyes4 ,all living creatures that had beauty won his love1 and even in old persons he discovered a charm appropriate to old age4 ,foreigners1 travellers1 and workmen skilled in various crafts formed his favourite company1 for in the acquisition of varied knowledge he was indefatigable4 ,in general society his wisdom and his wit1 the eloquence of his discourse and the brilliance of his improvisation1 rendered him most fascinating4 ,collections of maxims culled from his table talk were made1 whereof the anonymous biography contains a fair selection4 ,at the same time we are told that1 in the midst of sparkling sallies or close arguments1 he would suddenly subside into reverie1 and sit at table lost in silent contemplation4 ,alberti was one of the earliest writers of pure ,italian prose at the period of its revival2 but this part of his intellectual activity belongs to the history of ,italian literature1 and need not be touched on here4 ,it is enough to have glanced thus briefly at one of the most attractive1 sympathy-compelling figures of the fifteenth century4 ,in order to complete the picture of the ,florentine circle1 we have in the last place to notice two men raised by the ,medici from the ranks of the people4 ',i came to the republic1 bare of all things1 a mere beggar1 of the lowest birth1 without money1 rank1 connections1 or kindred4 ,cosimo1 the father of his country1 raised me up1 by receiving me into his family4' ,so wrote ,bartolommeo ,scala1#cbb the miller's son1 who lived to be the ,chancellor of ,florence4 ,the splendour of that office had been considerably diminished since the days when ,bruni1 ,marsuppini1 and ,poggio held it2 nor could ,scala1 as a student1 bear comparison with those men4 ,his ,latin history of the first crusade was rather a large than a great work1 of which no notice would be taken if ,tasso had not used it in the composition of his epic4 ,honours and riches1 however1 were accumulated on the ,chancellor in such profusion that he grew arrogant1 and taunted the great ,poliziano with inferiority4 ,the feud between these men was not confined to literature4 ,scala's daughter1 a far better scholar than himself1 attracted ,poliziano's notice1 and ,greek epigrams were exchanged between them4 ,the dictator of ,italian letters now sought the hand of the fair ,alessandra1 who was rich not only in learning but in world's gear also4 ,when she gave herself to ,michael ,marullus ,tarcagnota1 a ,greek1 his anger knew no bounds2 instead of penning amatory he now composed satiric epigrams1 abusing ,marullus in ,latin no less than he had praised ,alessandra in ,greek4#cbc ,footnote #cbb3 ,born at ,colle in #adcj4 ,footnote #cbc3 ,the following verses on ,alessandra are so curious a specimen of ,poliziano's ,greek style that ,i transcribe them here 7,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 p4 #cjd73-- ,greek3 heurch' heurch' hn thelon1 hn ezteon aiei1 hn toun ton erth'1 hn kai oneiropoloun2 parthenikn hs kallos akraton1 hs hoge kosmos ouk ei techns all' aphelous physes2 parthenikn glttsin ep' amphotersi komsan1 exochon ente chorois exochon ente lyra2 hs peri sphrosyn t' ei charitessi th' hamilla1 t kai t tautn antimethelkomenais4 heurk' oud' ophelos1 kai gar molis eis eniauton oistrounti phlogers estin hapax ideein4 ,the satires on ,mabilius 7so he called ,marullus7 are too filthy to be quoted4 ,they may be read in the collection cited above1 pp4 #bge-bhj4 ,angelo ,poliziano was born in #aded4 ,his name1 so famous in ,italian literature1 is a ,latinised version of his birthplace1 ,montepulciano4 ,his father1 ,benedetto ,ambrogini1 was a man of some consequence1 but of small means1 who fell a victim to the enmity of private foes among his fellow-citizens1 leaving his widow and five young children almost wholly unprovided for4#cbd ,this accounts for the obscurity that long enveloped the history of ,poliziano's childhood1 and also for the doubts expressed about the surname of his family4 ,at the age of ten he came to study in the ,university of ,florence1 where he profited by the teaching of ,landino1 ,argyropoulos1 ,andronicos ,kallistos1 and ,ficino4 ,the precocity of his genius displayed itself in ,latin poems and ,greek epigrams composed while he was yet a boy4 ,at thirteen years of age he published ,latin letters2 at seventeen he distributed ,greek poems among the learned men of ,florence2 at eighteen he edited ,catullus1 with the boast that he had shown more zeal than any other student in the correction and illustration of the ancients4 ,as early as the year #adgj he had not only conceived the ambitious determination to translate ,homer into ,latin verse1 but had already begun upon the second ,iliad4 ,the first book was known to scholars in ,marsuppini's ,latin version4 ,poliziano carried his own translation as far as the end of the fifth book1 gaining for himself the proud title of ,homericus juvenis2 further than this1 for reasons unexplained1 he never advanced1 so that the last wish of ,nicholas ,v41 the chief desire of fifteenth-century scholarship--a ,latin ,iliad in hexameters--remained still unaccomplished4 ,footnote #cbd3 ,see ,carducci1 preface to ,le ,stanze1 ,florence1 #ahfc1 and ,isidoro del ,lungo in ,arch4 ,stor4 series iii4 vol4 ii4 ,the fame of this great undertaking attracted universal attention to ,poliziano4 ,it is probable that ,ficino first introduced him to ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 who received the young student into his own household1 and made himself responsible for his future fortunes4 ',the liberality of ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 that great and wise man1' wrote ,poliziano in after years1 'raised me from the obscure and humble station where my birth had placed me1 to that degree of dignity and distinction ,i now enjoy1 with no other recommendation than my literary abilities4' ,before he had reached the age of thirty1 ,poliziano professed the ,greek and ,latin literatures in the ,university of ,florence1 and received the care of ,lorenzo's children4 ,if ,lorenzo represents the statecraft of his age1 ,poliziano is no less emphatically the representative of its highest achievements in scholarship4 ,he was the first ,italian to combine perfect mastery over ,latin and a correct sense of ,greek with a splendid genius for his native literature4 ,filelfo boasted that he could write both classic languages with equal ease1 and exercised his prosy muse in terza rima4 ,but ,filelfo had no fire of poetry1 no sense of style4 ,poliziano1 on the contrary1 was a born poet1 a sacer vates in the truest sense of the word4 ,i shall have to speak elsewhere of his ,italian verses3 those who have studied them know that the ',orfeo1' the ',stanze1' and the ',rime' justify ,poliziano's claim to the middle place of honour between ,petrarch and ,ariosto4 ,italian poetry took a new direction from his genius1 and everything he penned was fruitful of results for the succeeding generation4 ,of his ,latin poetry1 in like manner1 ,i propose to treat at greater length in the following chapter4 ,the spirit of ,roman literature lived again in ,poliziano4 ,if he cannot be compared with the ,augustan authors1 he will pass muster at least with the poets of the silver age4 ,neither ,statius nor ,ausonius produced more musical hexameters1 or expressed their feeling for natural beauty in phrases marked with more spontaneous grace4 ,of his ,greek elegiacs only a few specimens survive4 ,these1 in spite of certain licenses not justified by pure ,greek prosody1 might claim a place in the ',anthology1' among the epigrams of ,agathias and ,paulus ,silentiarius4#cbe ,the ,doric couplets on two beautiful boys1 and the love sonnet to the youth ,chrysocomus1 read like extracts from the ,greek3 ,mousa paidik4#cbf ,what is remarkable about the ,greek and ,latin poetry of ,poliziano is that the flavour of the author's ,italian style transpires in them4 ,they are no mere imitations of the classics4 ,the 'roseate fluency' of the ',rime' reappears in these prolusiones1 making it manifest that the three languages were used with equal facility1 and that on each of them the poet set the seal of his own genius4 ,footnote #cbe3 ,julius ,csar ,scaliger wrote thus about them in the ,hypercriticus3--',grcis vero1 qu puerum se conscripsisse dicit1 tatem minus prudenter apposuit suam2 tam enim bona sunt ut ne virum quidem ,latina que bene scripsisse putem4' ,footnote #cbf3 ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum ,carmina1 pp4 #bii1 #cja4 ,these epigrams1 as well as two on pp4 #cjc1 #cjg1 are significant in their illustration of the poet's morality4 ,giovio's account of ,poliziano's death was certainly accepted by contemporaries3--',ferunt eum ingenui adolescentis insano amore percitum facile in letalem morbum incidisse4' ,the whole ,elogium1 however1 is a covert libel1 like many of ,giovio's sketches4 ,what has been said about his verse1 applies with no less force to his prose composition4 ,poliziano wrote ,latin1 as though it were a living language1 not culling phrases from ,cicero or reproducing the periods of ,livy1 but trusting to his instinct and his ear1 with the facility of conscious power4 ,the humanism of the first and second periods attained to the freedom of fine art in ,poliziano4 ,through him1 as through a lens1 the rays of previous culture were transmitted in a column of pure light4 ,he realised what the ,italians had been striving after--the new birth of antiquity in a living man of the modern world4 ,by way of modifying this high panegyric1 it may be conceded that ,poliziano had the defects of his qualities4 ,using ,latin with the freedom of a master1 he was not careful to purge his style of obsolete words and far-fetched phrases1 or to maintain the diction of one period in each composition4 ,his fluency betrayed him into verbiage1 and his descriptions are often more diffuse than vigorous4 ,nor will he bear comparison with some more modern scholars on the point of accuracy4 ,the merit1 however1 remains to him of having been the most copious and least slavish interpreter of the ancient to the modern world4 ,his very imperfections1 when judged by the standard of ,bembo1 place him above the purists1 inasmuch as he possessed the power and courage to express himself in his own idiom1 instead of treading cautiously in none but ,ciceronian or ,virgilian footprints4 ,as a professor1 none of the humanists achieved more brilliant successes than ,poliziano4 ,among his pupils could be numbered the chief students of ,europe4 ,not to mention ,italians1 it will suffice to record the names of ,reuchlin1 ,grocin1 ,linacre1 and the ,portuguese ,tessiras1 who carried each to his own country the culture they had gained in ,florence4 ,the first appearance of ,poliziano in the lecture-room was not calculated to win admiration4 ,ill-formed1 with eyes that had something of a squint in them1 and a nose of disproportionate size1 he seemed more fit to be a solitary scholar than the ,orpheus of the classic literature4#cbg ,yet no sooner had he opened his lips and begun to speak1 with the exquisite and varied intonations of a singularly beautiful voice1 than his listeners were chained to their seats4 ,the ungainliness of the teacher was forgotten2 charmed through their ears and their intellect1 they eagerly drank in his eloquence1 applauding the improvisations wherewith he illustrated the spirit and intention of his authors1 and silently absorbing the vast and well-ordered stores of knowledge he so prodigally scattered4 ,it would not be profitable to narrate here at any length what is known about the topics of these lectures4 ,poliziano not only covered the whole ground of classic literature during the years of his professorship1 but also published the notes of courses upon ,ovid1 ,suetonius1 ,statius1 the younger ,pliny1 the writers of ,augustan histories1 and ,quintilian4 ,some of his best ,latin poems were written by way of preface to the authors he explained in public4 ,virgil was celebrated in the ',manto1' and ,homer in the ',ambra2' the ',rusticus' served as prelude to the ',georgics1' while the ',nutricia' formed an introduction to the study of ancient and modern poetry4 ,nor did he confine his attention to fine literature4 ,the curious prlection in prose called ',lamia' was intended as a prelude to the prior ',analytics' of ,aristotle4 ,among his translations must be mentioned ,epictetus1 ,herodian1 ,hippocrates1 ,galen1 ,plutarch's ',eroticus1' and the ',charmides' of ,plato4 ,his greatest achievement1 however1 was the edition of the ',pandects' of ,justinian from the famous ,,ms4 of which ,florence had robbed ,pisa1 as the ,pisans had previously taken it from ,amalfi4 ,it must not be forgotten that all these undertakings involved severe labours of correction and criticism4 ,,mss4 had to be compared and texts settled1 when as yet the apparatus for this higher form of scholarship was miserably scanty4 ,though students before ,poliziano had understood the necessity of collating codices1 determining their relative ages1 and tracing them1 if possible1 to their authoritative sources1 he was the first to do this systematically and with judgment4 ,to emendation he only had recourse when the text seemed hopeless4 ,his work upon the ',pandects' alone implies the expenditure of enormous toil4 ,footnote #cbg3 ',erat distortis spe moribus1 uti facie nequaquam ingenu et liberali ab enormi prsertim naso1 subluscoque oculo perabsurd4' ,giovio1 ,elogia4 ,cf4 ,poliziano's own verses to ,mabilius1 beginning3-- ,quod nasum mihi1 quod reflexa colla ,demens objicis4 ,carmina ,quinque ,poetarum1 p4 #bgg4 ,the results of ,poliziano's more fugitive studies1 and some notes of conversations on literary topics with ,lorenzo1 were published in #adhi under the title of ',miscellanea4'#cbh ,the form was borrowed from the ',noctes ,attic' of ,aulus ,gellius2 in matter this collection anticipated the genial criticisms of ,erasmus4 ,the excitement caused by its appearance is vividly depicted in the following letter of ,jacopus ,antiquarius1 secretary to the ,duke of ,milan3#cbi--';,going lately1 according to my custom1 into one of the public offices1 ,i found a number of the young clerks neglecting their prince's business1 and lost in the study of a book which had been distributed in sheets among them4 ,when ,i asked what new book had appeared1 they answered1 ,politian's ,miscellanies4 ,i mounted their desk1 sat down among them1 and began to read with equal eagerness4 ,but1 as ,i could not spend much time there1 ,i sent at once to the bookseller's stall for a copy of the work4' ,by this time ,poliziano's fame had eclipsed that of all his contemporaries4 ,he corresponded familiarly with native and foreign princes1 and held a kind of court at ,florence among men of learning who came from all parts of ,italy to converse with him4 ,this popularity grew even burdensome1 or at any rate he affected to find it so4 ',does a man want a motto for his sword's hilt or a posy for a ring1' he writes1#ccj 'an inscription for his bedroom or a device for his plate1 or even for his pots and pans1 he runs like all the world to ,politian4 ,there is hardly a wall ,i have not besmeared1 like a snail1 with the effusions of my brain4 ,one teazes me for catches and drinking-songs1 another for a grave discourse1 a third for a serenade1 a fourth for a ,carnival ballad4' ,in executing these commissions he is said to have shown great courtesy2 nor did they probably cost him much trouble1 for in all his work he was no less rapid than elegant4 ,he boasted that he had dictated the translation of ,herodian while walking up and down his room1 within the space of a day or two2 and the chief fault of his verses is their fluency4 ,footnote #cbh3 ,the first words of the dedication run as follows3--',cum tibi superioribus diebus ,laurenti ,medices1 nostra hc ,miscellanea inter equitandum recitaremus4' ,footnote #cbi3 ,angeli ,politiani ,epistol1 lib4 iii4 ed4 ,ald4 #adih4 ,the letter is dated ,nov4 #adhh4 ,footnote #ccj3 ,in a letter to ,hieronymus ,donatus1 dated ,florence1 ,may #adhj1 ,angeli ,politiani ,epistol1 lib4 ii4 ,it still remains to speak of ,poliziano's personal relations to the ,medicean family4 ,when he first entered the household of ,lorenzo1 he undertook the tuition of his patron's sons1 and continued to superintend their education until their mother ,clarice saw reason to mistrust his personal influence4 ,there were1 no doubt1 many points in the great scholar's character that justified her thinking him unfit to be the constant companion of young men4 ,whatever may be the truth about the cause of his last illness1 enough remains of his ,greek and ,italian verses to prove that his morality was lax1 and his conception of life rather ,pagan than ,christian4#cca ,clarice contrived that he should not remain under the same roof with her children2 and though his friendly intercourse with the ,medicean family continued uninterrupted1 it would seem that after #adhj he only gave lessons in the classics to his former pupils4 ,footnote #cca3 ,the well-known scandal about ,poliziano's death is traceable to the ,elogia of ,paulus ,jovius--very suspicious authority4 ,see above1 p4 #beb1 note #b4 ,poliziano1 proud as he was of his attainments1 lacked the nobler quality of self-respect4 ,he condescended to flatter ,lorenzo1 and to beg for presents1 in phrases that remind us of ,filelfo's prosiest epigrams4#ccb ,that a scholar should vaunt his own achievements#ccc and extol his patron to the skies1 that he should ask for money and set off his panegyrics against payment1 seemed not derogatory to a man of genius in the fifteenth century4 ,yet these habits of literary mendicancy and toad-eating proved a most pernicious influence4 ,italian literature never lost the superlatives and exaggerations imported by the humanists1 and ,pietro ,aretino may be called the lineal descendant of ,filelfo and ,poliziano4 ,footnote #ccb3 ,the most curious of these elegiac poems are given in ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 p4 #bcd4 ,it is possible that their language ought not to be taken literally1 and that they concealed a joke now lost4 ,footnote #ccc3 ,poliziano's letter to ,matthias ,corvinus is a good example of his self-laudation4 ,it must be allowed that to overpraise ,lorenzo from a scholar's point of view would have been difficult1 while the affection that bound the student to his patron was genuine4 ,poliziano1 who watched ,lorenzo in his last moments1 described the scene of his death in a letter marked by touching sorrow which he addressed to ,antiquari1 and proved by the ,latin monody which he composed and left unfinished1 that grief for his dead master could inspire his muse with loftier strains than any expectation of future favours while he lived had done4 ,two years after ,lorenzo's death ,poliziano died himself1 dishonoured and suspected by the ,piagnoni4 ,savonarola had swept the ,carnival chariots and masks and gimcracks of ,lorenzo's holiday reign into the dust-heap4 ,instead of rispetti and ballate1 the refrain of ,misereres filled the city1 and the ,dominican's prophecy of blood and ruin drowned with its thundrous reverberations the scholarlike disquisitions of ,greek professors4 ,poliziano's lament for ,lorenzo was therefore1 as it were1 a prophecy of his own fate3 ,quis dabit capiti meo ,aquam8 quis oculis meis ,fontem lachrymarum dabit8 ,ut nocte fleam1 ,ut luce fleam4 ,sic turtur viduus solet1 ,sic cygnus moriens solet1 ,sic luscinia conqueri4 ',oh that my head were waters and mine eyes a fountain of tears1 that ,i might weep day and night6 ,so mourns the widowed turtle dove2 so mourns the dying swan2 so mourns the nightingale4' ,into these passionate words of wailing1 unique in the literature of humanism by their form alike and feeling1 breaks the threnody of the abandoned scholar4 ',ah1 woe6 ,ah1 woe is me6 ,o grief6 ,o grief6 ,lightning hath struck our laurel tree1 our laurel dear to all the ,muses and the dances of the ,nymphs1 beneath whose spreading boughs the ,god of ,song himself more sweetly harped and sang4 ,now all around is dumb2 now all is mute1 and there is none to hear4 ,oh that my head were waters1 and mine eyes a fountain of tears6' ,this at least of grace the gods allowed ,poliziano1 that he should die in the same year as his friend ,pico della ,mirandola1 a few weeks before the deluge prophesied by ,savonarola burst over ,italy4 ,upon his tomb in ,s4 ,marco a burlesque epitaph was inscribed-- ,politianus in hoc tumulo jacet ,angelus unum qui caput et linguas res nova tres habuit4 ,obiit an4 ,,mcccclxxxxiv ,sep4 ,,xxiv4 tatis ,,xl4#ccd ,footnote #ccd3 ',poliziano lies in this grave1 the angel who had one head and1 what is new1 three tongues4 ,he died ,september #bd1 #adid1 aged #dj4' ,bembo1 who succeeded him in the dictatorship of ,italian letters1 composed a not unworthy elegy upon the man whom he justly apostrophised as ',poliziano1 master of the ,ausonian lyre4' ,the fortunes of ,roman scholarship kept varying with the personal tastes of each successive ,pope4 ,calixtus ,,iii4 differed wholly from his predecessor1 ,nicholas ,v4 ,learned in theology and medival science1 he was dead to the interests of humanistic literature4 ,vespasiano assures us that1 when he entered the ,vatican library and saw its ,greek and ,latin authors in their red and silver bindings1 instead of praising the munificence of ,nicholas1 he exclaimed1 ',vedi in che egli ha consumato la robba della ,chiesa di ,dio6'#cce neas ,sylvius ,piccolomini ranked high among the humanists4 ,as an orator1 courtier1 state secretary1 and man of letters1 he shared the general qualities of the class to which he belonged4 ,while a fellow-student of ,beccadelli at ,siena1 he freely enjoyed the pleasures of youth1 and thought it no harm to compose novels in the style of ,longus and ,achilles ,tatius4 ,these stories1 together with his familiar letters1 histories1 cosmographical treatises1 rhetorical disquisitions1 apophthegms1 and commentaries1 written in a fluent and picturesque ,latin style1 distinguished him for wit and talent from the merely laborious students of his age4#ccf ,a change1 however1 came over him when he assumed the title of ,pius ,,ii4 with the tiara4#ccg ,learning in ,italy owed but little to his patronage1 and though he strengthened the position of the humanists at ,rome by founding the ,college of ,abbreviators1 he was more eager to defend ,christendom against the ,turk than to make his ,see the capital of culture4 ,for this it would be narrow-minded to blame ,pius4 ,the experience of ,european politics had extended his view beyond the narrower circle of ,italian interests2 and there is something noble as well as piteous in his attempt to lead the forlorn hope of a cosmopolitan cause4 ,paul ,,ii4 was chiefly famous for his persecution of the ,roman ,platonists2#cch and ,sixtus ,,iv41 though he deserves to be remembered as the ,pontiff who opened the ,vatican library to the public1 plays no prominent part in the history of scholarship4 ,tiraboschi may be consulted for his refusal to pay the professors of the ,roman ,sapienza4 ,of ,innocent ,,viii4 nothing need be said2 nor will any student of history expect to find it recorded that ,alexander ,,vi4 wasted money on the patronage of learning4 ,to the ,borgia1 indeed1 the world owes that curse of ,catholicism1 that continued crime of high treason against truth and liberal culture1 the subjection of the press to ecclesiastical control4 ,footnote #cce3 ',behold whereon he spent the substance of the ,church of ,god6' ,vespasiano adds that he gave away several hundred volumes to one of the cardinals1 whose servants sold them for an old song4 ,vesp4 p4 #baf4 ,assemani1 the historian of the ,vatican ,library1 on the contrary1 asserts that ,calixtus spent #dj1jjj ducats on books4 ,it is not likely1 however1 that ,vespasiano was wholly in error about a matter he understood so well1 and had so much at heart4 ,footnote #ccf3 ,see the ,basle edition of his collected works1 #aega4 ,footnote #ccg3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #bii4 ,footnote #cch3 ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #cjb-cjc4 ,under these ,popes humanism had to flourish1 as it best could1 in the society of private individuals4 ,accordingly1 we find the ,roman scholars forming among themselves academies and learned circles4 ,of these the most eminent took its name from its founder1 ,julius ,pomponius ,ltus4 ,he was a bastard of the princely ,house of the ,sanseverini1 to whom1 when he became famous and they were anxious for his friendship1 he penned the celebrated epistle3 ',pomponius ,ltus cognatis et propinquis suis salutem4 ,quod petitis fieri non potest4 ,valete4'#cci ,pomponius derived his scholarship from ,valla1 and devoted all his energies to ,latin literature1 refusing1 it is even said1 to learn ,greek1 lest it should distract him from his favourite studies4 ,he made it the object of his most serious endeavours not only to restore a knowledge of the ancients1 but also to assimilate his life and manners to their standard4 ,men praised in him a second ,cato for sobriety of conduct1 frugal diet1 and rural industry4 ,he tilled his own ground after the methods of ,varro and ,columella1 went a-fishing and a-fowling on holidays1 and ate his sparing meal like a ,roman ,stoic beneath the spreading branches of an oak on the ,campagna4 ,the grand mansions of the prelates had no attractions for him4 ,he preferred his own modest house upon the ,esquiline1 his garden on the ,quirinal4 ,it was here that his favourite scholars conversed with him at leisure2 and to these retreats of the philosopher came strangers of importance1 eager to behold a ,roman living in all points like an antique sage4 ,the high school of ,rome owed much to his indefatigable industry4 ,through a long series of years he lectured upon the chief ,latin authors1 examining their text with critical accuracy1 and preparing new editions of their works4 ,before daybreak he would light his lantern1 take his staff1 and wend his way from the ,esquiline to the lecture-room1 where1 however early the hour and however inclement the season1 he was sure to find an overflowing audience4 ,yet it was not as a professor that ,pomponius ,ltus acquired his great celebrity1 and left a lasting impress on the society of ,rome4 ,this he did by forming an academy for the avowed purpose of prosecuting the study of ,latin antiquities and promoting the adoption of antique customs into modern life4 ,the members assumed classical names1 exchanging their ,italian patronymics for fancy titles like ,callimachus ,experiens1 ,asclepiades1 ,glaucus1 ,volscus1 and ,petrejus4 ,they yearly kept the birthday feast of ,rome1 celebrating the ,palilia with ,pagan solemnities1 playing comedies of ,plautus1 and striving to revive the humours of the old ,atellan farces4 ,of this circle ,pontanus and ,sannazzaro1 ,platina1 ,sabellicus and ,molza1 ,janus ,parrhasius1 and the future ,paul ,,iii4 were proud to call themselves the members4 ,it is only from the language in which such men refer to ,ltus that we gain a due notion of his influence2 for he left but little behind him as an author1 and used himself to boast that1 like ,socrates and ,christ1 he hoped to be remembered through his pupils4 ,in the year #adfh this ,roman academy acquired fresh celebrity by the persecution of ,paul ,,ii41 who partly suspected a political object in its meetings1 and partly resented the open heathenism of its leaders4 ,i need not here repeat the tale of his crusade against the scholars4 ,it is enough to mention that ,ltus was imprisoned for a short while1 and that in prison he wrote an apology for his life1 defending himself against a charge of misplaced passion for a young ,venetian pupil1 and professing the sincerity of his belief in ,christianity4 ,after his release from the ,castle of ,s4 ,angelo he was obliged to discontinue the meetings of his academy1 which were not resumed until the reign of ,sixtus4 ,pomponius ,ltus lived on into the ,papacy of ,alexander1 and died in #adih at the age of seventy4 ,his corpse was crowned with a laurel wreath in the ,church of ,araceli4 ,forty bishops1 together with the foreign ambassadors in ,rome and the representatives of the ,borgia1 who were specially deputed for that purpose1 witnessed the ceremony and listened to the funeral oration4 ,ltus had desired that his body should be placed in a sarcophagus upon the ,appian ,way4 ,this wish was not complied with4 ,he was conveyed from ,araceli to ,s4 ,salvatore in ,lauro1 and there buried like a ,christian4 ,footnote #cci3 ',p4,l4 to his kinsmen and relatives1 greeting4 ,what you ask cannot be4 ,farewell4' ,while the academy of ,pomponius ,ltus flourished at ,rome1 that of ,naples was no less active under the presidency of ,jovianus ,pontanus4 ,it appears to have originated in social gatherings assembled by ,beccadelli1 and to have held its meetings in a building called after its founder the ,porticus ,antonianus4 ,when death had broken up the brilliant circle surrounding ,alfonso the ,magnanimous1 ,pontanus assumed the leadership of learned men in ,naples1 and gave the formality of a club to what had previously been a mere reunion of cultivated scholars4 ,the members ,latinised their names2 many of them became better known by their assumed titles than by their ,italian cognomens4 ,sannazzaro1 for instance1 acquired a wide celebrity as ,accius ,syncerus4 ,pontanus was himself a native of ,cereto in the ,spoletano4 ,born in #adbf1 he settled in his early manhood at ,naples1 where ,beccadelli introduced him to his royal patrons4 ,during the reigns of ,ferdinand ,i41 ,alfonso ,,ii41 and ,ferdinand ,,ii4 ,pontanus held the post of secretary1 tutor1 and ambassador1 accompanying his masters on their military expeditions and negotiating their affairs at the ,papal ,court4 ,when ,charles ,,viii4 entered ,naples as a conqueror1 ,pontanus greeted him with a panegyrical oration1 proving himself more courtly and self-seeking than loyal to the princes he had served so long4 ,guicciardini observes that this act of ingratitude stained the fair fame of ,pontanus4 ,yet it may be pleaded in his defence that no moralist of the period had more boldly denounced the crimes and vices of ,italian princes2 and it is possible that ,pontanus really hoped ,charles might inaugurate a better age for ,naples4 ,he was distinguished among the scholars of his time for the purity of his ,latin style2 to him belongs the merit of having written verse that might compete with good models of antiquity4 ,his hexameters on stars and meteors1 called ',urania1' won the enthusiastic praise of his own generation1 and subsequently served as model to ,fracastoro for his own didactic poem4 ,his amatory elegiacs have an exuberance of colouring and sensuous force of phrase that seem peculiarly appropriate to the ,bay of ,naples1 where they were inspired4 ,as a prose-writer it is particularly by his moral treatises that ,pontanus deserves to be remembered4 ,unlike the mass of contemporary dialogues on ethical subjects1 they abound in illustrations drawn from recent history1 so that even now they may be advantageously consulted by students anxious to gather characteristic details and to form a just opinion of ,renaissance morality4 ,throughout his writings ,pontanus shows himself to have been an original and vigorous thinker1 a complete master of ,latin scholarship1 unwilling to abide contented with bare imitation1 and bent upon expressing the facts of modern life1 the actualities of personal emotion1 in a style of accurate ,latinity4 ,when he died in #aejc1 he left at ,naples one of the most flourishing schools of neopagan poets to be found in ,italy2 ,lilius ,gyraldus employs the old metaphor of the ,trojan horse to describe the number and the vigour of the scholars who issued from it4 ,in the ,church of ,monte ,oliveto at ,naples there may be seen a group in terra cotta painted to imitate life4 ,alfonso ,,ii41 ,pontanus1 and ,sannazzaro are kneeling in adoration before the body of the dead ,christ4 ,pontanus1 who represents ,nicodemus1 is a stern1 hard-featured1 long-faced man1 of powerful bone and fibrous sinews1 built for serious labour in the study or the field4 ,sannazzaro1 who stands for ,joseph of ,arimathea1 is bald1 fat-faced1 with bushy eyebrows and a heavy cast of countenance4 ,the physical characteristics of these men and their act of faith are in curious contradiction with the conception we form of them after reading the ',elegies' and the ',arcadia4' ,the ,roman ,academy of ,pomponius ,letus and the ,neapolitan ,academy of ,pontanus continued to exist after the death of their founders1 while similar institutions sprang up in every town of ,italy4 ,to speak of these in detail would be quite impossible4 ,with the commencement of the sixteenth century they lost their classical character1 and assumed fantastic ,italian titles4 ,thus the ,roman coterie of wits and scholars called itself ,i ,vignaiuoli4 ,the members1 among whom were ,berni1 ,la ,casa1 ,firenzuola1 ,mauro1 ,molza1 assumed titles like ,l',agreste1 ,il ,mosto1 ,il ,cotogno1 and so forth4 ,the ,cardinal ,ippolito de' ,medici founded a club in ,rome for the study of ,vitruvius4 ,it met twice in the week1 and was known as ,le ,virt4 ,at ,bologna the ,viridario devoted its energies to the correction of printed texts2 the ,sitibondi studied law1 the ,desti cultivated extinct chivalry4 ,besides these1 the one town of ,bologna produced ,sonnacchiosi1 ,oziosi1 ,desiosi1 ,storditi1 ,confusi1 ,politici1 ,instabili1 ,gelati1 ,umorosi4 ,as the century advanced1 academies multiplied in ,italy1 and their titles became more absurd4 ,ravenna had its ,informi1 ,faenza its ,smarriti1 ,macerata its ,catenati1 ,fabriano its ,disuniti1 ,perugia its ,insensati1 ,urbino its ,assorditi1 ,naples its ,sereni1 ,ardenti1 and ,incogniti--and so on ad infinitum4 ,at ,florence the ,platonic ,academy continued to flourish under the auspices of the ,rucellai family1 in whose gardens assembled the company described by ,filippo de' ,nerli1#cdj until the year #aebb1 when it was suppressed on the occasion of the conspiracy against ,giulio de' ,medici4 ,duke ,cosimo revived it under the name of the ,florentine ,academy in #aedj1 when its labours were wholly devoted to ,petrarch and the ,italian language4 ,in #aegb appeared the famous academy called ,della ,crusca1 the only one among these later societies which acquired an ,european reputation4 ,footnote #cdj3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #bbj1 note4 ,those who are curious to follow the history of the academies1 may be referred to the comprehensive notices of ,tiraboschi4 ,from the date of their ,italianisation they cease to belong to the history of humanism2 what justifies the mention of them here is the fact that they owed their first existence to the scholars of the third period4 ,the worst faults of ,italian erudition--pedantry and stylistic affectations--were perpetuated by coteries worshipping ,petrarch and peddling with the idlest of all literary problems1 where so great a writer as ,annibale ,caro thought it in good taste to write a dissertation on the nose of a president1 and where the industry of sensible men was absorbed in the concoction of sonnets by the myriad and childish puns on their own titles4 ,during the following age of political stagnation and ecclesiastical oppression the academies were the playthings of a nation fast degenerating into intellectual hebetude4 ,not without amazement do we read the eulogies pronounced by ,milton on the 'learned and affable meeting of frequent academies1 and the procurement of wise and artful recitations1 sweetened with eloquent and graceful incitements to the love and practice of justice1 temperance1 and fortitude4' ,what he had observed with admiration in ,italy1 he would fain have seen imitated in ,england1 undeterred apparently by the impotence and sterility of academic dissertations4#cda ,footnote #cda3 ,see the ,reason of ,church ,government urged against ,prelaty1 and the ,ready and ,easy ,way to ,establish a ,free ,commonwealth4 ,it remains to speak of the establishment of printing in ,italy1 an event no less important for the preservation and diffusion of classical learning than the previous discovery of ,,mss4 had been indispensable for its revival4 ,what has to be said about the erudite society of ,venice may appropriately be introduced in this connection2 while the final honours of the third period will be seen to belong of right to one of ,italy's most noble-minded scholars1 ,aldus ,manutius4 ,in #adfb ,adolph of ,nassau pillaged ,maintz and dispersed its printers over ,europe4 ,three years later two ,germans1 by name ,sweynheim and ,pannartz1 who had worked under ,fust1 set up a press in ,subbiaco1 a little village of the ,sabine mountains4 ,here1 in ,october #adfe1 the first edition of ,lactantius saw the light4 ,the ,german printers soon afterwards removed from ,subbiaco1 and settled1 under the protection of the ,massimi1 in ,rome1 where they continued to issue ,latin authors from their press4#cdb ,in #afdf ,john of ,spires established himself at ,venice4 ,he was soon afterwards joined by his brother ,vindelino 7so the ,italians write the name7 and by ,nicholas ,jenson1 the ,frenchman4 ,florence had no press till #adga1 when ,bernardo ,cennini printed the commentary of ,servius on ,virgil's ',bucolics4' ,the ',georgics' and 'neid' appeared in the following year4 ,to ,cennini1 however1 belongs the honour of having been the first ,italian to cast his own type4 ,like many other illustrious artificers1 he was by trade a goldsmith2 in his address to the reader he styles himself aurifex omnium judicio prstantissimus1 adding1 with reference to the typography1 expressis ante calide caracteribus ac deinde fusis literis volumen hoc primum impresserunt4 ,the last sentence of the address should also be quoted3 ,florentinis ingeniis nil ardui est4 ,other printers opened workshops in ,florence within the course of a few years--,john of ,maintz in #adgb1 ,nicholas of ,breslau in #adgg1 ,antonio ,miscomini in #adha1 and ,lorenzo ,alopa of ,venice1 who gave ,homer with ,greek type to the world in #adhh4 ,still1 ,florence had been anticipated by many other cities2 for when once the new art took root in ,italy1 it spread like wild fire4 ,omitting smaller places from the calculation1 it has been reckoned that1 before the year #aejj1 #d1ihg books were printed in ,italy1 of which #bih are claimed by ,bologna1 #cjj by ,florence1 #fbi by ,milan1 #ibi by ,rome1 and #b1hce by ,venice4 ,the disproportion between the activity of ,florence and of ,venice in the book trade deserves to be noticed1 though how it should be explained ,i hardly know4 ,fifty towns and numbers of insignificant burghs--,pinerolo1 ,savona1 ,pieve di ,sacco1 ,cividale1 ,soncino1 ,chivasso1 ,scandiano1 for example--could boast of local presses4 ,ambulant printers established their machinery for half a year or so in a remote village1 printed what came to hand there1 and moved on4 ,footnote #cdb3 ,from a memorial presented by these printers to ,sixtus ,,iv4 in #adgb we ascertain some facts about their industry4 ,they had at that date printed in all #ab1die volumes4 ,it was their custom to issue #bfe copies each edition2 the double of that number for ,virgil1 ,cicero's separate works1 and theological books in request4 ,cant1 ,lett4 ,it4 p4 #aab4 ,see ,cant1 p4 #aaj1 for details of the earliest ,latin books4 ,while scholars rejoiced in the art that1 to quote the word of one of them1 'had saved the labour of their aching joints1' the copyists complained that their occupation would be taken from them4 ,the whistle of the locomotive at the beginning of this century was not more afflicting to stage-coachmen than the creaking of the wooden printing press to those poor scribes4 ,yet1 however quickly a labour-saving invention may spread1 there is generally time for the superseded industry to die an easy death1 and for artisans to find employment in the new trade4 ,vespasiano1 who during twenty-six years survived the first book printed in ,florence1 could even afford to despise the press4#cdc ,the great nobles1 on whose patronage he depended1 did not suddenly transfer their custom from the scribe to the compositor2 nor was it to be expected that so essentially a democratic art as printing should find immediate favour with the aristocracy4 ,a prince with a library of ,,mss4 worth #dj1jjj ducats hated the machine that put an equal number of more readable volumes within the reach of moderate competency4 ,moreover1 a certain suspicion of subversiveness and license clung about the press4 ,this was to some extent justified by fact1 since the press was destined to be the most formidable engine of the modern reason4 ,ecclesiastics1 again1 questioned whether the promiscuous multiplication of books were pious2 and ,alexander ,,vi4 stretched his hand out to coerce the printer's devil4 ,to check the spread of printing would1 however1 have overtaxed the powers of any human tyranny4 ,all that the ,church could do was to place its productions under episcopal control4 ,footnote #cdc3 ,see above1 p4 #bbj4 ,though the copyists of ,,mss4 were thrown out of work by the printing press1 it gave important stimulus to other industries in ,italy4 ,the paper mills of ,fabriano and of ,colle in the ,val d',elsa became valuable properties2#cdd compositors and readers began to form a separate class of artisans1 while needy scholars found a market for their talents in the houses of the publishers4 ,when we consider the amount of literary work that had to be performed before ,greek1 ,latin1 and ,hebrew texts could be prepared for the press1 the difficulty of procuring correct copies of authoritative codices1 and the scrupulous attention expended upon proof sheets1 we are able to understand that men who lived by learning found the new art profitable4 ,footnote #cdd3 ,it is supposed that the earliest paper factory established in ,italy was at ,fabriano4 ,colle1 a little town near ,volterra1 made paper from a remote period2 by a deed1 dated ,march #f1 #acgg1 now preserved in the ,florentine ,archivio ,diplomatico1 one ,colo da ,colle rented a fall of water there et gualcheriam ad faciendas cartas for twenty years4 ,both places are still celebrated for their paper mills4 ,instead of having previous editions to work upon1 the publishers were obliged1 in the first instance1 to collect ,,mss4 ,for this purpose they either travelled themselves from city to city1 or employed competent amanuenses4 ,next1 it was necessary to study the philosophers1 poets1 historians1 mathematicians1 and mystics1 whose works they intended to print1 in order that no mistake in the sense of the words should be made4 ,orthography and punctuation had to be fixed2 and between many readings only one could be adopted4 ,giving a first edition to the world involved far more anxiety on these points than the reproduction of a book already often printed4 ,no one man could accomplish such tasks alone4 ,therefore we find that scores of learned men were associated together for the purpose1 living under the same roof1 revising the copy for the compositor1 overlooking the men at work1 reading the text aloud1 and correcting the proofs with a vigilance that is but little needed nowadays4 ,all this labour1 moreover1 was accomplished without the aid of grammars1 lexicons1 and other aids4 ,truly we may say without exaggeration that the ,aldi of ,venice and the ,stephani of ,paris are more worthy of commemoration for services rendered through scholarship to humanity than those modern castigators of ancient texts1 the ,porsons and the ,lachmanns1 whose names are on every lip4 ,the enthusiasm of discovery1 and the rich field for original industry offered to those early editors1 may be reckoned as compensation for their otherwise overwhelming toil4 ,teobaldo ,mannucci1 better known as ,aldo ,manuzio1 was born in #adej at ,sermoneta1 near ,velletri4 ,after residing as a client in the princely house of ,carpi1 he added the name ,pio to his patronymic1 and signed his publications with the full description1 ,aldus ,pius ,manutius ,romanus et ,philhellen1 ,greek3 ,aldos ho ,manoutios ,rmaios kai ,philelln4 ,he studied ,latin at ,rome under ,gasparino da ,verona1 and ,greek at ,ferrara under ,guarino da ,verona1 to whom he dedicated his ,theocritus in #adie4 ,having qualified himself for undertaking the work of tutor or professor1 according to the custom of the century1 and having made friends with many of the principal ,italian scholars1 he went in #adhb to reside at ,mirandola with his old friend and fellow student1 ,giovanni ,pico4 ,there he stayed two years1 enjoying the society of the ,phoenix of his age1 and continuing his ,greek studies in concert with ,emmanuel ,adramyttenos1 a learned ,cretan4 ,before ,pico removed to ,florence he procured for ,aldo the post of tutor to his nephews ,alberto and ,lionello ,pio4 ,carpi had owned the family of ,pio for its masters since the thirteenth century1 when they rose to power1 like many of the ,lombard nobles1 by adroit use of ,imperial privileges4#cde ,this little city1 placed midway between ,correggio1 ,mirandola1 and ,modena1 is so insignificant that its name has been omitted from the index to ,murray's handbook2 nor is there indeed much but the memory of ,aldo and ,alberto ,pio1 and a church built by ,baldassare ,peruzzi1 to recommend it to the notice of a traveller4 ,under the tuition of ,aldo the two young princes became excellent scholars4 ,alberto in particular proved1 by his aptitude for philosophical studies1 that he had inherited from his mother1 the sister of ,giovanni ,pico1 something of the spirit of ,mirandola4 ,when ,aldus published his great edition of ,aristotle1 he inscribed it to his former pupil with a ,greek dedication1 in which he styled him ,greek3 t tn ontn erast4 ,there can be no doubt that ,alberto's knowledge of ,greek language and philosophy was far more thorough than that of many more belauded princes of the age4 ,yet he had but little opportunity for the quiet prosecution of classical studies1 or for the patronage of learned men at ,carpi4 ,driven from his patrimony by the ,imperialists1 he died at ,paris in #aecj1 after a life spent in foreign service and diplomatic offices of trust4 ,the bronze monument for his tomb may still be seen#cdf in the ,gallery of the ,louvre4 ,the princely scholar1 clad in rich ,renaissance armour1 is reclining with his head supported by his right hand2 the left holds an open book4 ,the attitude of melancholy meditation1 the ornamental but useless cuirass1 and the volume open while the scabbard of the sword is shut1 add to the portrait of this prince in exile the value of an allegory4 ,such symbols suited the genius of ,italy during the age of foreign invaders4 ,footnote #cde3 ,sansovino1 in his ,famiglie ,illustri1 after giving a fabulous pedigree of the ,pio family1 dates their signorial importance from the reign of ,frederick ,,ii4 ,footnote #cdf3 ,executed for the ,church of the ,cordeliers by ,paulus ,pontius4 ,to ,alberto ,pio the world owes a debt of gratitude1 inasmuch as he supplied ,aldo with the funds necessary for starting his printing press1 and gave him lands at ,carpi1 where his family were educated4 ,when ,aldo conceived the ambitious project of printing the whole literature of ,greece1 four ,italian towns could already claim the honours of ,greek publications4 ,milan takes the lead4 ,in #adgf the ,grammar of ,lascaris was printed there by ,dionysius ,paravisini1 with the aid of ,demetrius of ,crete4#cdg ,in #adhj ,esop and ,theocritus appeared1 with no publisher's name4 ,in #adhf two ,cretans1 ,alexander and ,laonicenus1 edited a ,greek psalter4 ,in #adic ,isocrates1 prepared by ,demetrius ,chalcondylas1 was issued by ,henry the ,german and ,sebastian of ,pontremolo4 ,next comes ,venice1 where1 as early as #adhd1 the ',erotemata' of ,chrysoloras had been produced by a certain ,peregrinus ,bononiensis4 ,vicenza followed in #adhh with a reprint of ,lascaris's ,grammar due to ,leonard ,achates of ,basle1 and in #adij with a reprint of the ',erotemata4' ,florence1 as we have already seen1 gave ,homer to the world in #adhh4 ,demetrius ,chalcondylas revised the text2 ,demetrius the ,cretan supplied the models for the types2 ,alopa of ,venice was the publisher4 ,it will be remarked that1 with the exception of ,homer and ,theocritus1 no true classic of the first magnitude had appeared before the foundation of the ,aldine ,press4 ,i may also add that the ,milanese ,isocrates was really contemporaneous with the ,musus1 ,galeomyomachia1 and ,psalter issued by ,aldo as precursors of his ,greek library--,greek3 ,prodromoi ts ,hellniks bibliothks4 ,this fact makes his thirty-three first editions of all the greatest and most voluminous ,greek authors between #adid and #aeae all the more remarkable4 ,footnote #cdg3 ,poliziano's epigram addressed to these earliest ,greek printers may be quoted here3 ,qui colis ,aonidas1 ,grajos quoque volve libellos2 ,namque illas genuit ,grcia1 non ,latium4 ,en ,paravisinus quant hos ,dionysius arte ,imprimit1 en quanto cernitis ingenio6 ,te quoque1 ,demetri1 ponto circumsona ,crete ,tanti operis nobis edidit artificem4 ,turce1 quid insultas8 tu ,grca volumina perdis2 ,hi pariunt3 hydr nunc age colla seca6 ,it was at ,carpi in #adij that ,aldo finally matured his project of establishing a ,greek press4 ,his patrons desired him to found it in their castle of ,novi2 but ,aldo judged rightly that at ,venice he would be more secure from the disturbances of warfare1 as well as more conveniently situated for engaging the assistance of ,greek scholars and compositors4 ,accordingly1 he took a house1 and settled near ,s4 ,agostino4 ,this house speedily became a ,greek colony4 ,it may be inferred from ,aldo's directions to the printers that his trade was carried on almost entirely by ,greeks1 and that ,greek was the language of his household4 ,the instructions to the binders as to the order of the sheets and mode of stitching were given in ,greek2 and many curious ,greek phrases appear to have sprung up to meet the exigencies of the new industry4 ,thus we find ,greek3 hina hellnisti syndethsetai for ',greek stitching1' and ,greek3 kattiterin cheiri for 'the type2' while ,aldo himself is described as ,greek3 epheuret toutn grammatn charaktros hs eirtai4 ,the prefaces1 almost always composed in ,greek1 prove that this language was read currently in ,italy1 since ,aldo relied on numerous purchasers of his large and costly issues4 ,the ,greek type1 for the casting of which he provided machinery in his own house1 was formed upon the model supplied by ,marcus ,musurus1 a ,cretan1 who had taken ,latin orders and settled at ,carpi1 and from whom ,aldo received important assistance in the preparation of editions for the press4 ,the compositors1 in like manner1 were mostly ,cretans4 ,we hear of one of them1 by name ,aristoboulos ,apostolios1 while ,john ,gregoropoulos1 another ,cretan1 the brother-in-law of ,musurus1 performed the part of reader4 ,the ink used by ,aldo was made in his own house1 where he had1 besides1 a subordinate establishment for binding4 ,the paper1 excelled by none that has been since produced1 came from the mills of ,fabriano4 ,it may easily be imagined that this beehive of ,greek industry often numbered over thirty persons1 not including the craftsmen employed in lesser offices by the day4 ,the superintendence of this large establishment1 added to the anxieties attending the production of so many books as yet not edited1 sorely taxed the health and powers of ,aldo4 ,for years together he seems to have had no minute he could call his own4 ,continual demands were made by visitors and strangers upon his hours of leisure2 and in order to secure time for the conduct of his business1 he was forced to placard his door with a prohibitory notice4#cdh ,besides the more ordinary interruptions1 to which every man of eminence is subjected1 he had to struggle with peculiar difficulties due to the novelty of his undertaking4 ,the prefaces to many of his publications contain allusions to strikes among his workmen1#cdi to the piracies of rival booksellers1#cej to the difficulty of procuring authentic ,,mss41#cea and to the interruptions caused by war4 ,twice was the work of printing suspended1 first in #aejf1 and then again in #aeaj4 ,for two whole years at the latter period the industries of ,venice were paralysed by the allied forces of the ,league of ,cambray4 ,the dedication of the first edition of ,plato1 #aeac1 to ,leo ,x4 concludes with a prayer1 splendid in the earnestness and simplicity of its eloquence1 wherein ,aldo compares the miseries of warfare and the woes of ,italy with the sublime and peaceful objects of the student4 ,all the terrible experiences of that wasteful campaign1 from the effects of which the ,republic of ,venice never wholly recovered1 seem to find expression in the passionate but reverent1 address of the great printer to the scholar ,pope4 ,for two years previously the press of ,aldo had been idle1 while the ,french were deluging ,brescia with blood1 and the plains of ,ravenna were heaped with dead ,italians1 ,spaniards1 ,gauls1 and ,germans1 met in passionate but fruitless conflict by the ,ronco4 ,now1 from the midst of her desolated palaces and silenced lagoons1 ,venice stretched forth to ,europe the peace-gift of ,plato4 ,the student who had toiled to make it perfect1 appealed before ,christ and ,his vicar1 from the arms that brutalise to the arts that humanise the nations4 ,footnote #cdh3 ,see ,didot's ,alde ,manuce1 p4 #dag1 the passage beginning ',vix credas4' ,in the ,latin preface to the ,thesaurus ,cornucopi et ,horti ,adonidis1 #adie1 ,aldo complains that he has not been able to rest for one hour during seven years4 ,footnote #cdi3 ',tot illico oborta sunt impedimenta malorumque invidi et domesticorum ,greek3 kai tais tn kataratn kai drapeteuontn douln epiboulais4' ,preface to the ,poet ,christiani ,veteres1 #aeja4 ,again in the 'monitum' of the same1 'quater jam in dibus nostris ab operariis et stipendiariis in me conspiratum et duce malorum omnium matre avariti quos ,deo adjuvante sic fregi ut valde omnes poeniteat su perfidi4' ,footnote #cej3 ,the ,french publishers of ,lyons1 the ,giunti of ,rome1 and ,soncino of ,fano1 were particularly troublesome4 ,didot has extracted some curious information about their tricks as well as ,aldo's exposure of them4 ,pp4 #afg1 #dhb-dhf4 ,footnote #cea3 ,see especially the preface to ,aristotle1 vol4 i4 #adie2 vol4 v4 #adih4 ,in the midst of these occupations1 disappointments1 and distractions1 ,aldo1 sustained by the enthusiasm of his great undertaking1 never flagged4 ,some of his prefaces1 after setting forth the impediments he had to combat1 burst into a cry of triumph4 ,what joy1 he exclaims1 it is to see these volumes of the ancients rescued from book-buriers 7,greek3 bibliotaphoi7 and given freely to the world6#ceb ,no man could have been more generously anxious than he was to serve the cause of scholarship by the widest possible diffusion of books at a moderate price4 ,no artist was ever more scrupulously bent on giving the best possible form1 the utmost accuracy1 to every detail of his work4 ,when we consider the beauty of the ,aldine volumes1 and the critical excellence of their texts1 we may fairly be astonished at their prices4 ,the ,musus was sold for something under one shilling of our money1 the ,theocritus for something under two shillings4 ,the five volumes which contained the whole of ,aristotle1 might be purchased for a sum not certainly exceeding #hl4 ,each volume of the pocket series1 headed in #aeja by the #hvo4 ,virgil1 and comprising ,greek1 ,latin1 and ,italian authors1 fetched about two shillings4 ,for this library the celebrated ,italic type1 known as ,aldine1 was adapted from the handwriting of ,petrarch1 and cut by ,francesco da ,bologna4#cec ,it appears that1 as his trade increased1 ,aldo formed a company1 who shared the risks and profits of the business4#ced ,yet the expenses of publishing were so heavy1 the insecurity of the book market so great1 and the privileges of copyright granted by the ,pope or the ,venetian ,senate so imperfect1#cee that ,aldo1 after giving his life to this work1 and bequeathing to the world ,greek literature1 died comparatively poor4 ,erasmus1 always somewhat snarling1 accused him of avarice2 yet it was his liberality to his collaborators1 his openhandedness in buying the expensive apparatus for critical editions1 that forced him to be economical4 ,footnote #ceb3 ,see ,preface to ,thesaurus ,cornucopi1 quoted by ,didot1 p4 #hj2 and cf4 pp4 #baj1 #bba1 #eba1 for further hints about selfish bibliomaniacs1 who tried to hoard their treasures from the public and refused them to the press4 ,aldo1 as a genuine lover of free learning1 and also as a publisher1 detests this class of men4 ,footnote #cec3 ,see ,pannizzi's tract on ',francesco da ,bologna1' published by ,pickering1 #ahgc4 ,he was probably ,francia the painter4 ,footnote #ced3 ,in a letter to ,marcello ,virgilio ,adriani1 the teacher of ,machiavelli1 he mentions some books ',cum aliis quibusdam communes1' as distinguished from others which were his private property4 ,didot1 p4 #bcc4 ,footnote #cee3 ,on the subject of patents1 privileges1 and monopolies see ,didot1 pp4 #gi1 #aff1 #ahi1 #cga1 #dgi-dha4 ,the first editions of ,greek books published by ,aldo deserve to be separately noticed4 ,in #adic1 or earlier1 appeared the ',hero and ,leander' of ,musus1 a poem that passed1 in that uncritical age1 for the work of ,homer's mythical predecessor4#cef ,in #adie the first volume of ,aristotle saw the light1 accompanied by numerous ,greek epigrams and a ,greek letter of ,scipione ,fortiguerra1 who deplores in it the deaths of ,pico1 ,poliziano1 and ,ermolao ,barbaro4 ,the remaining four volumes followed in #adig and #adih4 ,in the latter of these years ,aldo1 aided by his friend ,musurus1 produced nine comedies of ,aristophanes2 the ,,mss4 of the ',lysistrata' and ',thesmophoriazus' were afterwards discovered at ,urbino1 and published by ,giunta in #aeae4 ,in #aejb1 ,thucydides1 ,sophocles1 and ,herodotus appeared1 followed in #aejc by ,xenophon's ',hellenics' and ,euripides1#ceg and in #aejd by ,demosthenes4 ,after this occurs a lull1 occasioned in part by the disturbances ensuing on the ,league of ,blois4 ,in #aejh the list is recontinued with the ,greek orators2 while #aeji has to show the minor works of ,plutarch4 ,then follows another stoppage due to war4 ,in #aeac ,plato was published1 and in #aead ,pindar1 ,hesychius1 and ,athenus4 ,footnote #cef3 ,greek3 ,mousaion ton palaiotaton poitn thelsa prooimiazein t te ,aristotelei kai tn sophn tois heterois autika di' emou entypsomenois4 ,this ,greek3 prodromos1 or precursor1 appeared without a date2 but it must have come out earlier than #adid4 ,footnote #ceg3 ,john ,lascaris had edited four plays of ,euripides for ,alopa in #adif4 ,this ,aldine edition contained eighteen1 one of which1 the ,hercules ,furens1 turned up while vol4 ii4 was in the press4 ,the ,electra1 not discovered till later on1 was printed at ,rome1 #aede4 ,from the preceding account ,i have omitted the notice of minor editions as well as reprints4 ,in order to complete the history of the ,aldine issue of ,greek books1 it should be mentioned that ,aldo's successors continued his work by giving ,pausanias1 ,strabo1 schylus1 ,galen1 ,hippocrates1 and ,longinus to the world2 so that when the ,estiennes of ,paris came to glean in the field of the ,italian publishers1 they only found ,anacreon1 ,maximus ,tyrius1 and ,diodorus ,siculus as yet unedited4 ,we must not forget that1 while the ,greek authors were being printed thus assiduously by ,aldo1 he continued to send forth ,latin and ,italian publications from his press4 ,thus we find that the ',etna' and the ',asolani' of ,bembo1 the collected writings of ,poliziano1 the ',hypnerotomachia ,poliphili1' the ',divine ,comedy1' the ',cose ,volgari' of ,petrarch1 the ',poet ,christiani ,veteres1' including ,prudentius1 the poems of ,pontanus1 the letters of the younger ,pliny1 the ',arcadia' of ,sannazzaro1 ,quintilian1 ,valerius ,maximus1 and the ',adagia' of ,erasmus were printed1 either in first editions or with a beauty of type and paper never reached before1 between the years #adie and #aead4 ,the great ,dutch scholar who made an epoch in the history of learning1 and transferred the sovereignty of letters to the north of ,europe1 paid a visit in #aejh to the house of ,aldo1 where he personally superintended the re-impression of his ',proverbs4'#ceh ,we have a lively picture of the printing of this celebrated book in ,aldo's workshop4 ',together we attacked the work1' says ,erasmus1 ',i writing1 while ,aldo gave my copy to the press4' ,in one corner of the room sat the scholar at his desk1 with the thin keen face so well portrayed by ,holbein1 improvising new paragraphs1 and making additions to his previous collections in the brilliant ,latin style that no one else could write4 ,aldo took the ,,ms4 from his hand1 and passed it on to the compositors1 revising the proofs as they came fresh from the press1 or conferring with his reader ,seraphinus4#cei ,erasmus had already gained the reputation of a dangerous freethinker and opponent to the ,church4 ,as years advanced1 and the ,reformation spread in ,northern ,europe1 he became more and more odious to ecclesiastical authority4 ,the spirit of revolt was incarnate in this ,voltaire of the sixteenth century1 nor could the clergy raise other arms than those of persecution against so radiant a champion of pure reason4 ,all reprints of the ',adagia' were therefore forbidden by the bishops4 ,paulus ,manutius had to quote it on his catalogues as the work of ,batavus quidam homo4 ,to such an extent were liberal studies now gagged and downtrodden by the tyrants of the ,counter-,reformation in that ,italy which for two previous centuries had been the champion of free culture for ,europe4 ,footnote #ceh3 ,the ,adagia were first printed in #aejj at ,paris by ,john ,philippi4 ,after the ,aldine edition eleven were issued between #aeji and #aebj by ,matthew ,schrer1 ten by ,froben between #aeac and #aeci1 while seven or eight others appeared in various parts of ,germany4 ,footnote #cei3 ,see the passage quoted by ,didot1 pp4 #big-bii4 ,before concluding the biography of ,aldo ,manuzio it may be well to give some account of the more illustrious assistants and collaborators whom he gathered around him in his academy at ,venice4#cfj ,the ,new ,academy1 or ,aldine ,academy of ,hellenists1 was founded in #aejj for the special purpose of promoting ,greek studies and furthering the publication of ,greek authors4 ,its rules were written in ,greek2 the members were obliged to speak ,greek2 their official titles were ,greek2 and their names were ,grecised4 ,thus ,scipione ,fortiguerra1 of ,pistoja1 who prepared the text of ,demosthenes for ,aldo1 styled himself ,carteromachos3 and ,alessandro ,bondini1 the ,venetian physician who worked upon the edition of ,aristotle1 bore the name of ,agathemeros4#cfa ,the most distinguished ,greeks at that time resident in ,italy could be counted among the ,neacademicians4 ,john ,lascaris1 of ,imperial blood1 the teacher of ,hellenism in ,france under three kings1 was an honorary member4 ,to this great scholar ,aldo dedicated his first edition of ,sophocles4 ,marcus ,musurus occupied a post of more practical importance4#cfb ,we have seen that his handwriting formed the model of ,aldo's ,greek type4 ,to his scholarship the editions of ,aristophanes1 ,plato1 ,pindar1 ,hesychius1 ,athenus1 and ,pausanias owed their critical accuracy2 while1 in concert with ,nicolaos ,blastos and ,zacharias ,calliergi1 two ,cretan printers settled in ,venice1 he published the first ,latin and ,greek lexicon4#cfc ,it will be observed that the ,cretans play a prominent part in this ,venetian revival of ,greek learning4 ,aristoboulos ,apostolios1 ,joannes ,gregoropoulos1 ,joannes ,rhosos1 and ,demetrius ,doucas1 all of them natives of ,crete1 were members of the ,neacademy4 ,the first as a compositor1 the second as a reader1 the third as a scribe1 the fourth as editor of the ,greek ,orators1 rendered ,aldo effective assistance4 ,among ,italians1 ,pietro ,bembo1 ,aleander1 and ,alberto ,pio occupied positions of honorary distinction rather than of active industry4 ,those who worked in earnest for the ,aldine press were chiefly ,venetians4 ,girolamo ,avanzi1 professor of philosophy at ,padua1 revised the texts of ,catullus1 ,seneca1 and ,ausonius4 ,andrea ,navagero1 the noble ,venetian poet1 corrected ,lucretius1 ,ovid1 ,terence1 ,quintilian1 ,horace1 and ,virgil4 ,giambattista ,egnazio performed the same service for ,valerius ,maximus1 the ,letters of ,pliny1 ,lactantius1 ,tertullian1 ,aulus ,gellius1 and other ,latin authors4 ,to mention all the eminent ,venetians who played their part in this ,academy would be tedious2 yet the two names of ,marino ,sanudo1 the famous diarist1 and of ,marco ,antonio ,coccio1 called ,sabellicus1 the historian of the ,republic1 cannot be omitted4 ,of northern foreigners the most illustrious was ,erasmus2 to ,englishmen the most interesting is ,thomas ,linacre4 ,born in #adfj at ,canterbury1 he travelled into ,italy1 and studied at ,florence under ,poliziano and ,chalcondylas4 ,on his return to ,england he founded the ,greek ,chair at ,oxford1 and died in ,london in the year #aebd4 ,his translation into ,latin of the ',sphere' of ,proclus was published by ,aldus in #adii4 ,to him and to ,grocin belongs the credit of having sought to plant the culture of ,italy in the universities of ,england4 ,footnote #cfj3 ,didot1 pp4 #adg-aea1 #dcf-dgj1 gives ample details concerning the foundation1 constitution1 and members of the ,aldine ,academy4 ,footnote #cfa3 ,we may compare the name of ,melanchthon4 ,footnote #cfb3 ,a native of ,rotino1 in ,crete 7b4 #adgj1 d4 at ,rome #aeag74 ,he acquired ,latin so thoroughly that ,erasmus wrote of him3 ',latin lingu usque ad miraculum doctus1 quod vix ulli ,grco contigit prter ,theodorum ,gazam et ,joannem ,lascarem4' ,john ,lascaris was his master4 ,footnote #cfc3 ,etymologicon ,magnum1 #adii4 ,didot1 pp4 #edd-egh1 may be consulted for information about this ,greek press4 ,musurus boasts in his encomiastic verses that the work was accomplished entirely by ,cretans4 ,greek3 analmasi ,blastou pon kai dexiotti ,kalliergou in the colophon4 ,during a severe illness in the year #adih ,aldo vowed to take holy orders if he should recover4 ,from this obligation he subsequently obtained release by a brief of ,alexander ,,vi41 and in the following year he married ,maria1 daughter of ,andrea ,torresano1 of ,asola4 ,andrea1 some years earlier1 had bought the press established by ,nicholas ,jenson in ,venice1 so that ,aldo's marriage to his daughter combined the interests of two important firms4 ,henceforth the names of ,aldus and of ,asolanus were associated on the title-pages of the ,aldine publications4 ,when ,aldo died in #aead 7#aeae new style71 he left three sons--,manutio1 in orders at ,asola2 ,antonio1 a bookseller at ,bologna2#cfd and ,paolo ,manuzio4 ,the last of these sons1 born at ,venice in #aeab1 was educated by his grandfather ,andrea till the year of the old man's death 7#aebi74 ,he carried on the press at ,venice and at ,rome1 separating in the year #aedj from his uncles the ,asolani1 and bequeathing his business to his son named ,aldo4 ,this grandson of ,aldo ,manuzio1 called by ,scaliger a 'wretched and slow wit1 the mimic of his father1' began his career by printing1 at the age of eleven1 a treatise on the ',eleganze della ,lingua ,toscana e ,latina4' ,he married ,francesca ,lucrezia ,giunta1 of the famous house of printers1 and died1 without surviving issue1 at ,rome in #aeig4 ,thus the industry of ,aldo was continued through two generations till the close of the sixteenth century4 ,the device of the dolphin and the anchor1 intended to symbolise quickness of execution combined with firmness of deliberation1 and the motto ,festina lente1 which ,sir ,thomas ,browne has rendered by ',celerity contempered with cunctation1' though changed to suit varieties of taste from time to time1 were never altogether abandoned by the ,aldines4#cfe ,as years went on1 however1 their publications became of less importance1 and the beauty of their books degenerated4 ,footnote #cfd3 ,there is some discrepancy about this ,antonio between ,renouard and ,didot4 ,footnote #cfe3 ',sum ipse mihi optimus testis me semper habere comites1 ut oportere aiunt1 delphinum et anchoram2 nam et dedimus multa cunctando1 et damus assidue4' ,preface to the ,astronomici1 dedicated to ,duke ,guidobaldo of ,urbino1 #adii4 ,the observations of ,erasmus on the motto deserve to be read with attention4 ,see ,didot1 p4 #bii4 ,in tracing the history of ,aldo's enterprise1 ,i have been carried beyond the limits of the period included in this chapter4 ,yet ,i knew not how to describe the activity of the press in ,italy better than by concentrating attention upon the greatest publisher who ever lived4 ,aldo ,manuzio was no mere bookseller or printer4 ,his learning won the hearty praises of ripe scholars1 nor did any student of the age express more nobly and with fuller conviction his deep sense of the dignity conferred by learning on the soul of man4#cff ,that he was amiable in private life is proved by the intimate relations he maintained with humanists1 than whom even poets are not a more irritable race of men4#cfg ,to his fellow-workers he was uniformly generous in pecuniary matters1 free from jealousy1 and prodigal of praise4 ,seeking even less than his due share of credit1 he desired that the great work of his life should pass for the common achievement of himself and his learned associates4 ,therefore he called his ,greek library the fruits of the ,neacademia1 though no man could have known better than he did that his own genius was the life and spirit of the undertaking4 ,his stores of ,,mss4 were as open to the instruction of scholars as his printed books were given liberally to the public4#cfh ',aldo1' writes ,erasmus1 'had nothing in his treasury but what he readily communicated4' ,those who read the estimate of his services to learning made by eminent contemporaries1 will find the language of ,nicholas ,leonicenus1 ,erasmus1 and ,anton ,francesco ,doni not exaggerated4#cfi ,but1 in order to comprehend their true value1 we must bear in mind that until the year #aeaf1 when ,froben printed the ,greek ,testament at ,basle1 none but insignificant ,greek reprints had appeared in ,northern ,europe4#cgj ,finally1 what makes the place of ,aldus in the history of ,italian humanism all-important is the fact that1 after about #aebj1 ,greek studies began to decline in ,italy all together4 ,as though exhausted by the enormous energy wherewith ,florence had acquired and ,venice had disseminated ,greek culture1 the ,italians relapsed into apathy4 ,posterity may be thankful that their pupils1 ,grocin and ,linacre1 ,reuchlin and ,erasmus1 the ,stephani and ,budus1 had by this time transplanted erudition beyond the ,alps1 while ,aldo had secured the literature of ancient ,greece against the possibility of destruction4 ,footnote #cff3 ,see the passages from his letters and prefaces quoted and referred to on p4 #bci1 above1 note #b4 ,footnote #cfg3 ,the prospect of his visit to ,milan in #aeji called forth these pretty ,april verses from ,antiquari3-- ,aldus venit en1 ,aldus ecce venit6 ,nunc1 ,o nunc1 juvenes1 ubique in urbe ,flores spargite4 ,vere namque primo ,aldus venit en1 ,aldus ecce venit4 ,footnote #cfh3 ,see above1 p4 #bge1 for his hatred of the ,greek3 bibliotaphoi4 ,he was the very opposite of ,henri ,estienne the younger1 who closed his library against his son-in-law ,casaubon4 ,footnote #cfi3 ,didot1 pp4 #hi1 #bii1 #dbc4 ,footnote #cgj3 ,priscian1 at ,erfurt1 #aeja2 ,alphabet1 ,batrachomyomachia1 ,musus1 ,theocritus1 ,grammar of ,chrysoloras1 ,hesiod's ,works and ,days1 ,paris1 #aejg2 ,aristotle on ,divination by ,dreams1 ,cracow1 #aebi2 ,lucian1 ,greek3 peri dipsadn1 ,oxford1 #aeba1 are among the earliest ,greek books printed out of ,italy4 ,the grammars of the ,greek humanists were frequently reprinted in the first quarter of the sixteenth century in ,germany4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,fourth ,,period ,,of ,,humanism ,fall of the ,humanists -- ,scholarship permeates ,society -- ,a ,new ,ideal of ,life and ,manners -- ,latinisation of ,names -- ,classical ,periphrases -- ,latin ,epics on ,christian ,themes -- ,paganism -- ,the ,court of ,leo ,x4 -- ,honours of the ,church given to ,scholars -- ,ecclesiastical ,men of the ,world -- ,mcenases at ,rome -- ,papal and ,imperial ,rome -- ,moral ,corruption -- ,social ,refinement -- ,the ,roman ,academy -- ,pietro ,bembo -- ,his ,life at ,ferrara -- ,at ,urbino -- ,comes to ,rome -- ,employed by ,leo -- ,retirement to ,padua -- ,his ,dictatorship of ,letters -- ,jacopo ,sadoleto -- ,a ,graver ,genius than ,bembo -- ,paulus ,jovius -- ,latin ,stylist -- ,his ,histories -- ,baldassare ,castiglione -- ,life at ,urbino and ,rome -- ,the ,courtly ,scholar -- ,his ,diplomatic ,missions -- ,alberto ,pio -- ,gian ,francesco ,pico della ,mirandola -- ,the ,vicissitudes of his ,life -- ,jerome ,aleander -- ,oriental ,studies -- ,the ,library of the ,vatican -- ,his ,mission to ,germany -- ,inghirami1 ,beroaldo1 and ,acciaiuoli -- ,the ,roman ,university -- ,john ,lascaris -- ,study of ,antiquities -- ,origin of the ',corpus ,inscriptionum' -- ,topographical ,studies -- ,formation of the ,vatican ,sculpture ,gallery -- ,discovery of the ,laocoon -- ,feeling for ,statues in ,renaissance ,italy -- ,venetian ,envoys in the ,belvedere -- ,raphael's ,plan for excavating ,ancient ,rome -- ,his ,letter to ,leo -- ,effect of ,antiquarian ,researches on the ,arts -- ,intellectual ,supremacy of ,rome in this ,period -- ,the ,fall -- ,adrian ,,vi4 -- ,the ,sack of ,rome -- ,valeriano's ,description of the ,sufferings of ,scholars4 ,what is known as the ,revival of ,learning was accomplished before the close of the fifteenth century1 and about this time humanism began to lose credit4 ,the professional scholars who had domineered in ,italy during the last hundred years1 were now regarded with suspicion as pretentious sophists1 or as empty-pated pedants4 ,their place was taken by men of the world1 refined courtiers1 and polite stylists who piqued themselves on general culture4 ,this revolution in public opinion was the result of various causes which ,i shall attempt to set forth in another chapter4 ,it is enough for my present purpose to observe that the learning possessed at first by a few teachers1 acquired with effort1 and communicated with condescension1 had now become the common property of cultivated men4 ,in proportion as a knowledge of the classic authors diffused itself over a wider area1 the mere reputation of sound scholarship ceased to form a valid title to celebrity4 ,it was necessary that the man of letters1 educated by antiquity1 should give proof of his genius by some originality of mind4 ,the age of acquisition had ended2 the age of application had begun4 ,to this result the revived interest in ,italian literature powerfully contributed4 ,writers were no longer1 like ,bruni and ,poggio1 ashamed of their cose volgari4 ,on the contrary1 the most splendid productions of the first half of the sixteenth century1 the ,histories of ,guicciardini and ,machiavelli1 the ,epic of ,ariosto1 the ',cortegiano' of ,castiglione1 and the burlesque poems of ,berni were penned in powerful and delicate ,italian4 ,to what extent the influence of ,lorenzo de' ,medici1 who was always more partial to vernacular literature than to scholarship1 determined the change in question1 is a matter for opinion4 ,that ,florence led the way by her great writers of ,italian poetry and prose admits of no doubt4 ,at the same time the erudition of the fifteenth century had steeped the whole ,italian nation4 ,humanism penetrated every sphere of intellectual activity1 and gave a colour to all social customs4 ,the arts of painting and of sculpture felt its influence4 ,a new style of architecture1 formed upon the model of ,roman monuments1 sprang up4 ,science took a special bias from the classics1 and philosophy was so strongly permeated by antique doctrines that the ,revival of ,learning may be justly said to have checked the spontaneity of the ,italian intellect4 ,there was not enough time for students to absorb antiquity and pass beyond it1 before the mortmain of the ,church and the ,spaniard was laid upon the fairest provinces of thought4 ,to trace the course of ,italian philosophy1 is1 however1 no part of my scheme in this volume4 ,the ,aristotelian and ,platonic controversies on the nature of the soul1 the materialism of ,pietro ,pomponazzo1 the gradual emergence of powerful thinkers like ,bruno and ,campanella1 the theological rationalism of ,aonio ,paleario1 and the final suppression of free thought by the ,church1 belong to the history of the ,counter-,reformation4 ,to the same sad chapter of ,italian history must be relegated the labours of the earliest mathematicians1 astronomers1 and cosmographers1 who1 poring over the texts of ,ptolemy and ,euclid1 anticipated ,copernicus1 impelled ,columbus to his enterprise1 and led the way for ,galileo4 ,the infamy of having rendered science and philosophy abortive in ,italy1 when its early show of blossom was so promising1 falls upon the ,popes and princes of the last half of the sixteenth century4 ,the narrative of their emergence from the studies of the humanists must form the prelude to a future work treating of ,farnesi and ,caraffas1 ,inquisitors and ,jesuits4 ,only by showing the growth which might have been1 can we demonstrate the atrophy that was4 ,it remains in this chapter to describe the fourth period of humanism1 when ,italy1 still permeated with the spirit of the classical revival1 laid down laws of social breeding for the nations of the ,north4 ,few things are more difficult than to set forth without exaggeration1 and yet with sufficient force1 the so-called ,paganism of ,renaissance ,italy4 ,at first sight1 and from certain points of view1 it seems as though the exclusive study of the classics had wrought a thorough metamorphosis of morality and manners4 ,when1 on reflection1 this appearance is seen to be illusory1 we incline1 perhaps1 to the contrary conclusion that scholarship only set a kind of fashion without taking deep hold even on the imagination of the people4 ,a more complete acquaintance with the period makes it clear that the imitation of the ancients in thought1 sentiment1 and language was no mere affectation1 and that1 however partial its influences may have been1 they were not superficial4 ,in the first volume of this work ,i tried to show to what extent the patriotism of tyrannicides and the profligacy of courtiers were alike related to the prevailing study of the ancient world4 ,it was no small matter that the vices and the virtues1 the worldliness and the enthusiasm1 of that many-featured age1 together with its supreme achievements in art1 its ripest productions in literature1 should have gradually assumed a classic form4 ,the standards of moral and sthetic taste were paganised1 though the nation at large remained unchanged in ,catholicity4 ,it was precisely this discord between the professed religion of the people and the heathenism of its ideal that inspired ,savonarola with his prophecy4 ,classical style being the requirement of the age1 it followed that everything was sacrificed to this4 ,in christening their children the great families abandoned the saints of the calendar and chose names from mythology4 ,ettorre1 ,achille1 ,atalanta1 ,pentesilea1 ,lucrezia1 ,porzia1 ,alessandro1 ,annibale1 ,laomedonte1 ,fedro1 ,ippolito1 and many other antique titles became fashionable4 ,those who were able to do so turned their baptismal names into ,latin or ,greek equivalents4 ,janus or ,jovianus passed for ,giovanni1 ,pierius for ,pietro1 ,aonius for ,antonio1 ,lucius ,grassus for ,luca ,grasso2 the ,german prelate ,john ,goritz was known as ,corycius1#cga and the ,roman professor ,gianpaolo ,parisio as ,janus ,parrhasius4 ,writers who undertook to treat of modern or religious themes1 were driven by their zeal for purism to the strangest expedients of language4 ,god1 in the ,latin of the sixteenth century1 is ,jupiter ,optimus ,maximus2 ,providence becomes ,fatum2 the saints are ,divi1 and their statues simulacra sancta ,deorum4 ,our ,lady of ,loreto is changed into ,dea ,lauretana1 ,peter and ,paul into ,dii tutelares ,rom1 the souls of the just into ,manes pii1 and the ,pope's excommunication into ,dir4 ,the ,holy ,father himself takes the style of ,pontifex ,maximus2 his tiara1 by a wild confusion of ideas1 is described as infula ,romulea4 ,nuns are ,vestals1 and cardinals ,augurs4 ,for the festivals of the ,church periphrases were found1 whereof the following may be cited as a fair specimen3#cgb ',verum accidit ut eo ipso die1 quo domum ejus accesseram1 ipse pi rei causs septem sacrosancta ,divm pulvinaria supplicaturus inviserit2 erant enim lustrici dies1 quos unoquoque anno quadragenos purificatione consecravit nostra pietas4' ,footnote #cga3 ,namque sub ,oebali memini me turribus altis ,qua niger humectat flaventia culta ,galesus ,corycium vidisse senem4--,virg4 ,georg4 lib4 iv4 #abe4 ,footnote #cgb3 ,from the exordium to ,valeriano's treatise ,de ,infelicitate ,literatorum4 ,it need hardly be added that1 when the obligations of ,latinity had reached this point1 to read ,cicero was of far more importance than to study the ,fathers of the ,church4 ,bembo1 it is well known1 advised ,sadoleto to 'avoid the ,epistles of ,s4 ,paul1 lest his barbarous style should spoil your taste3 ,omitte has nugas1 non enim decent gravem virum tales inepti4' ,the extent1 however1 to which formal purism in ,latinity was carried1 may be best observed in the ',christiad' of ,vida1 and the poem ',de ,partu ,virginis' of ,sannazzaro4#cgc ,sannazzaro not only invokes the muses of ,helicon to sing the birth of ,christ1 but he also makes ,proteus prophesy his advent to the river-god of ,jordan4 ,the archangel discovers ,mary--described by the poet as spes fida ,deorum--intent on reading nothing less humanistic than the ,sibyls2 and after she has received his message1 the spirits of the patriarchs are said to shout because they will escape from ,tartarus and ,acheron and the hideous baying of the triple-throated hound4 ,footnote #cgc3 ,lilius ,gyraldus1 in his dialogue ',de ,poetis ,nostri ,temporis1' ,opp4 vol4 ii4 p4 #chd1 mentions a critic who was so stupid as to desiderare in ,pontano et si deis placet in ,sanazario ,christianam elocutionem1 hoc est barbaram6 ,it might be reasonably urged against ,milton that in the ',paradise ,regained' he somewhat impairs the religious grandeur of his subject by investing it with the forms of the classical epic4 ,if he has erred in this direction1 it is as nothing compared with the pseudo-,pagan travesty of ,vida4 ,god the ,father in the ',christiad' is spoken of as ,superum ,pater nimbipotens and ,regnator ,olympi--titles which had their real significance in ,latin mythology1 being transferred with frigid formalism to a ,deity whose essence is spiritual1 and whose cult has no admixture of nature worship4 ,jesus is invariably described as ,heros2 this absurdity reaches its climax in the following phrase about the bad thief on the cross3-- ,ipse etiam verbis morientem heroa superbis ,stringebat4 ,the machinery whereby the ,jews are brought to will the death of ,christ is no less ridiculous4 ,instead of attempting to set religious or ethical motives into play1 ,vida introduces a gang of ,gorgons1 ,harpies1 ,centaurs1 ,hydras1 and the like4 ,the bread of the ,last ,supper appears under the disguise of sinceram ,cererem4 ,the wine mingled with gall1 offered to our ,lord upon the cross1 is corrupti pocula ,bacchi4 ,the only excuse for these grotesque compromises between the ,biblical subject-matter and its mythological expression is1 that in any other way it would have been impossible to give the form of pure ,latinity to the verse4 ,the poet failed to comprehend that he was producing a masterpiece of barocco mannerism1 spoiling at once the style he sought to use and the theme he undertook to illustrate4 ,it was enough for him to fit the ,roman toga to his saints and ,pharisees1 and to tickle the taste of a learned audience by allusions that reminded them of ,virgil4 ,the same bathos was reached by ,bembo when he invented the paraphrase of 'heavenly zephyr' for the ,holy ,ghost1 and described the ,venetian ,council bidding a ,pope uti fidat diis immortalibus1 quorum vices in terr gerit4 ,it is not the profanity of these phrases so much as their sthetic emptiness1 the discord between the meaning intended to be conveyed and the literary form1 that strikes a modern critic4 ,when the same poets break out into honest ,paganism1 in the frank verses written by ,bembo for ,priapus1 in ,beccadelli's epigrams1 or in the elegies of ,acon and ,iolas1 we feel that they are more artistically justified4 ,the following lines1 for instance1 from ,vida's ',poetics1' have a true ring and beauty of their own4 ,he is addressing ,virgil as a saint3-- ,te colimus1 tibi serta damus1 tibi thura1 tibi aras1 ,et tibi rite sacrum semper dicemus honorem4 ,or again-- ,nos aspice prsens1 ,pectoribusque tuos castis infunde calores ,adveniens pater1 atque animis te te insere nostris4 ,there is no confusion here between the feeling and the language chosen to express it4 ,the sentiment1 if somewhat artificial and unreal1 is at least adequate to the form4 ,i have entered at some length into the illustration of puristic ,latinisms1 because they seem to represent the culminating point of classic studies1 in so far as these affected taste in general1 and also because they are specially characteristic of the period of which ,i have now to treat4 ,it was at ,rome1 among the great ecclesiastics1 that these ,pagan fashions principally flourished4 ,eminence of all kinds found a home with ,leo ,x41 assuming the purple of the prelate and the scarlet of the cardinal at his indulgent hands4 ,the genius of the ,renaissance seemed to have followed this first ,medicean ,pope from ,florence4 ,though ,leo was a man of merely pleasure-loving and receptive temperament1 who left no lasting impress on his age1 he knew at least how to appreciate ability1 and found the height of his enjoyment in the arts and letters he enthusiastically patronised4 ,this sybarite of intellectual and sensual luxury gave his name to what is called the golden age of ,italian literature1 chiefly because he attracted the best wits to ,rome and received the flatteries of men whose work survived them4 ,history presents few spectacles more striking than that of ,rome in the pontificate of ,leo4 ,while the ,papacy has become a secular sovereignty1 learning and arts have assumed the sacerdotal habit1 and the boldest immoralities of a society comparable to that of the ancient ,empire flourish in the petty ,courts of ecclesiastical princes4 ,the capital of ,christendom is full of priests2 but the priests are men of pleasure and the world--elegant ,latinists and florid rhetoricians1 raised to posts of eminence by reason of their brilliant gifts4 ,we have seen already how the humanists made their way into the ,roman ,curia as writers and abbreviators1 and how liberally ,nicholas ,v4 rewarded learning4 ,yet1 however indispensable the scholars of the fifteenth century became1 they rarely rose above the rank of ,apostolic secretaries2 while few of the professional humanists cared to take orders in the ,church4 ,they were satisfied with official emoluments and semi-secular benefices4 ,all this was now altered4 ,the most distinguished men of letters made the ,church their profession4 ,sadoleto1 ,bembo1 and ,aleander1 who began their career under ,leo1 received the hats of cardinals from ,paul ,,iii4 ,paulus ,jovius was consecrated ,bishop of ,nocera by ,clement ,,vii41 and retired to ,como in disgust because he failed to get the scarlet in #aedi4 ,marcus ,musurus1 created ,bishop of ,malvasia1 is said to have died of disappointment when he saw the same dignity beyond his reach4 ,vida1 the ,latin poet1 obtained the see of ,alba in ,piedmont1 and ,giberti1 the accomplished stylist1 that of ,verona1 from ,clement ,,vii4 ,all these men had made their mark at ,leo's ,court1 who set the example1 followed by his ,medicean successor1 of rewarding mundane talents and accomplishments with ecclesiastical distinctions4 ,the question1 seriously entertained1 of admitting ,raphael to the ,sacred ,college proves to what extent the highest honours of the ,church had come to be esteemed as prizes1 and justifies to some extent ,pietro ,aretino's arrogant offer to sell his services to the ,papacy in exchange for a cardinal's hat4 ,the biographies of these favourites of fortune offer strong points of similarity4 ,whether born of noble families1 like ,bembo1 or raised from comparative obscurity1 like ,bibbiena1 they early in life attached themselves to some distinguished prince1#cgd or entered the service of a great ecclesiastic4 ,their literary talents1 social accomplishments1 successes with women1 and diplomatic service at the centres of ,italian politics brought them still further into notice4 ,thus ,sadoleto's ,latin poem on the ,laocoon1 ,bibbiena's ',calandra1' ,inghirami's acting of the part of ,phdra in ,seneca's ',hippolytus1' and ,bembo's friendship with ,lucrezia ,borgia might be cited as turning-points in the early history of these illustrious prelates4 ,having thus acquired position by their personal gifts1 they travelled to ,rome in the suite of their respective patrons1 and obtained office at the hands of ,leo4 ,sadoleto and ,bembo became his secretaries4 ,inghirami superintended the ,vatican ,library4#cge ,bibbiena's versatile abilities were divided between the duties of ,state minister and master of the revels4 ,as they had built their fortunes by the help of eminent protectors1 they now in their turn took the rank of patrons4 ,in addition to the ,vatican1 ,rome displayed a multitude of petty ,courts and minor circles4 ,each cardinal and each ambassador held a jurisdiction independent of the ,pope1 and not unfrequently in opposition to the ruling power4 ,to found academies1 to gather clever men around them1 and to play the part of ,mcenas was the ambition of these subordinate princes4 ,during the pontificate of ,leo the ,cardinals ,riario1 ,giulio de' ,medici1 ,bibbiena1 ,petrucci1 ,farnese1 ,alidosi1 and ,gonzaga1 not to mention others1 entertained their own following of flatterers and poets1 who danced attendance at their levees1 accompanied them in public1 and earned a meagre pittance by compliments and dedications4 ,some of these priestly patrons affected the arts1 others the sciences2 others again1 and these the majority1 bestowed their favours upon literature4 ,ippolito de' ,medici is said to have maintained a retinue of three hundred poets1 among whom are mentioned the elegant ,molza and the learned ,valeriano4 ,the fashion thus set by ,leo and the ,sacred ,college was followed by all the eminent men in ,rome4 ,the banker ,agostino ,chigi made himself a name not only by his patronage of painters1 but also by the private ,greek press founded in his house4#cgf ,baldassare ,turini devoted himself to the arts of building and of decoration4 ,baldassare ,castiglione1 as ambassador from ,mantua and ,ferrara1 and ,alberto ,pio1 as prince of ,carpi and ambassador from ,france1 dispensed the hospitality of their palaces to scholars1 among whom they held no inconsiderable rank on their own merits4 ,footnote #cgd3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #ade4 ,footnote #cge3 ,he held this post under ,julius ,,ii4 ,footnote #cgf3 ,the first ,greek book printed in ,rome1 an edition of ,pindar by ,cornelius ,benignius1 #aeae1 issued from ,chigi's press under the superintendence of ,zacharias ,kalliergos of ,crete4 ,concerning this printer see ,didot1 ,alde ,manuce1 pp4 #edd-egh4 ,libraries1 collections of statues and of pictures1 frescoes painted from mythological subjects1 garden-houses planned upon the antique model1 ,latin inscriptions1 busts of the emperors1 baths and banquet chambers decorated in the manner of the ,roman ruins--on such objects the wealth of the ,church was being prodigally spent4 ,posterity has reason to deplore the non-appearance of a satirist in this ,papal society1 so curiously similar to that of ,imperial ,rome4 ,horace would1 indeed1 have found ample materials for humorous delineation1 whether he had chosen to deride the needy clients leaving their lodgings before daybreak to crowd a prelate's antechamber1 or the parasites on whom coarse practical jokes were played in the ,pope's presence1 or the flatterers who praised their master's mock virtues in hour-long declamations4 ,fouler vices than vanity1 hypocrisy1 and servility supplied fit subjects for invectives no less fiery than the second and the sixth of ,juvenal4 ,at ,rome virtuous women had no place2 but ,phryne lived again in the person of ,imperia1 and dignitaries of the ,church thought it no shame to parade their preference for ,giton4#cgg ,in the absence of a ,horace or a ,juvenal1 we have to content ourselves with ,bandello and other novelists1 and with one precious epistle of ,ariosto describing the difficulty of conducting business at the ,papal ,court except by way of backstairs influence and antechamber intrigue4 ,footnote #cgg3 ,the epitaph of ,bella ,imperia proves that the title of ,hetra was thought honourable3 ',imperia1 ,cortisana ,romana1 qu digna tanto nomine1 rar inter homines form specimen dedit4 ,vixit a4 xxvi4 d4 xii4 ,obiit ,,mdxi41 die ,,xv4 ,aug4' ,berni's ,capitolo sopra un ,garzone may be referred to for the second half of the sentence4 ,to over-estimate the moral corruption of ,rome at the beginning of the sixteenth century is almost impossible4 ,to over-rate the real value of a literature that culminated in the subtleties of rhetoric and style is easy4 ,nor is it difficult to mistake1 as many critics have done1 the sunset of the fine arts for their meridian splendour4 ,yet1 while we recognise the enervation of society in worse than heathen vices1 and justly regard ,rome as the hostelry of alien arts and letters rather than the mother city of great men1 we cannot blind our eyes to the varied lights and colours of that ,court1 unique in modern history4 ,the culture toward which ,italian society had long been tending1 was here completed4 ,the stamp of universality had been given to the fine arts and to literature by the only potentate who at that moment claimed allegiance from united ,christendom4 ,as the eloquent historian of the town of ,rome observes1 'the richest intellectual life here blossomed in a swamp of vices4' ,it was not the life of great poetry3 that had perished long ago with ,dante4 ,it was not the life of genuine science3 that was destined to be born with ,galileo4 ,it was not the life of comprehensive scholarship3 that slept in the grave of ,poliziano4 ,it was not even the life of progressive art2 for ,raphael died in this age1 and though ,michael ,angelo survived it1 his genius had no successors4 ,but it was the life of culture1 rendering the rudest and most vicious sensitive to softening influences1 and preparing for more powerful nations the possibilities of great achievements4 ,amid political debility and moral corruption an ideal of refinement1 adopted from antiquity1 and assimilated to modern modes of living1 had been formed4 ,this was the most perfect bloom of the ,renaissance1 destined to survive the decay of humanism1 and to be for subsequent civilisation what chivalry was for the ,middle ,ages4 ,through the continued effort of patricians and of scholars to acquire the tone of classic culture1 something like antique urbanity had reappeared at ,florence and in ,rome2 while several general tions ,transcriber's ,note3 likely 'generations' devoted to polite studies had produced a race distinguished above all things for its intellectual delicacy4 ,the effect of this sthetic atmosphere upon visitors from the ,north was singularly varied4 ,luther1 who came to see the ,city of the ,saints1 found in ,rome the sink of all abominations1 the very lair of ,antichrist4 ,the comitas and the faceti of the prelates were to him the object of unmitigated loathing4 ,erasmus1 on the contrary1 wrote from ,london that nothing but ,lethe could efface his memory of that radiant city--its freedom of discourse1 its light1 its libraries1 its honeyed converse of most learned scholars1 its large style of life1 and all those works of art that made of ,rome the theatre of nations4 ,the ,italians themselves1 lessoned by the tragedy of #aebg1 looked back with no less mingled feelings upon ,leo's ,rome4 ,la ,casa mentions the nimia humanitatis suavitas--the excess of sweetness in all that makes society humane--as a characteristic of the past age4 ,that excessive sweetness of civility1 the final product of the arts and scholarship of ,italy1 when diffused through ,europe and tempered to the taste of sterner nationalities1 became the politeness of ,france under ,louis ,,xiv41 the bel air of ,queen ,anne's courtiers4 ,the ,roman ,academy still continued to be active1 meeting at the palaces of more than one great prelate4 ,the gardens of ,angelo ,colocci1 ,leo's secretary1 a friend of ,john ,lascaris1 and himself no inconsiderable stylist1 formed its headquarters4 ,sometimes the poet ,blosius ,palladius received the associates in his villa by the ,tiber2 sometimes they enjoyed the hospitality of ,egidius ,canisius1 ,general of the ,augustine ,order2 at one time they sought the house of ,sadoleto on the ,quirinal2 at another they feasted in the vineyard of ,john ,goritz1 the ,corycius ,senex4 ,the festivals of this learned society1 to judge by the descriptions of its members1 were distinguished by antique simplicity and good taste1 contrasting powerfully with the banquets of mere mundane prelates4#cgh ,when ,agostino ,chigi entertained the ,academicians in the ,villa ,farnesina1 he chastened his magnificence to suit the spirit of their founder1 ,ltus1 and omitted those displays of vulgar pomp that marked his wedding banquet4#cgi ,footnote #cgh3 ,see ,tiraboschi1 vii4 #a1 lib4 i4 c4 #b4 ,footnote #cgi3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #cdb4 ,the muster-roll of the ,academy brings the most eminent wits of ,rome before us4 ,first and foremost stands ,pietro ,bembo1 the man of letters1 who1 like ,petrarch1 ,poggio1 and ,poliziano1 may be chosen as the fullest representative of his own age of culture4 ,his father1 ,bernardo ,bembo1 was a ,venetian of noble birth and education4 ,to his generous enthusiasm for ,italian literature ,ravenna owes the tomb of ,dante4 ,pietro was born at ,florence in #adgj1 and received his early education in that city4 ,therefore the ,tuscans claim his much-praised purity of diction for their gift4 ,he afterwards studied ,greek at ,messina under ,constantine ,lascaris1 and learned philosophy from ,pomponazzo at ,padua4 ,when his master's treatise on the ',immortality of the ,soul' was condemned by the ,lateran ,council1 ,bembo used his influence successfully in his behalf4 ,though he denied the demonstrability of the doctrine1 and maintained that ,aristotle gave it no support1 ,pomponazzo was only censured1 instead of being burned like ,bruno4 ,this good fortune was due1 however1 less to his pupil's advocacy than to the nonchalance of ,leo4 ,having completed his academical studies in #adih1 ,bembo joined his father at the brilliant ,court of the ,estensi4 ,when ,lucrezia ,borgia entered ,ferrara in #aejb she was still in the zenith of her beauty4 ,her father1 ,alexander1 grew daily more powerful in ,rome2 while her brother held the central ,states of ,italy within his grasp4 ,the greatness of the ,borgias reflected honour on the bride of ,alfonso d',este2 and though the princes of ,ferrara at first received her with reluctance1 they were soon won over by her grace4 ,between the princess and the courtly scholar a friendship speedily sprang up1 which strengthened with years and was maintained by correspondence at a distance4 ,to ,lucrezia ,bembo dedicated ',gli ,asolani1' a dialogue in the ,italian tongue upon ,platonic love1#chj by far the freest and most genial of his writings4 ,the collection of his ,latin poems contains an epigram upon a golden serpent clasped above her wrist1 and an elegy in which he praises her singing1 dancing1 playing1 and recitation3-- ,quicquid agis1 quicquid loqueris1 delectat3 et omnes ,prcedunt ,charites1 subsequiturque decor4 ,footnote #chj3 ,written #aejd4 ,first printed by ,aldo1 #aeje4 ,this liaison1 famous in the annals of ,italian literature1 gave ,bembo a distinguished place in the great world4 ,a touching memento of it--,lucrezia's letters and a tress of her long yellow hair--is still preserved at ,milan in the ,ambrosian ,library4 ,from ,ferrara ,bembo passed to ,urbino in #aejf1 where ,guidobaldo da ,montefeltre had gathered round him the brilliant group described in the ',cortegiano4' ,the climax of that treatise1 our most precious source of information on ,court life in ,italy1 makes it clear that ,bembo played the first part in a circle distinguished above all others at that time for refinement and wit4 ,many cities might boast of a larger and more splendid concourse of noble visitors2 but none competed with ,urbino for the polish of its manners and the breeding of its courtiers4 ,in his dialogue in praise of ,guidobaldo1 ,bembo paid a magnificent tribute to the prince from whose society he learned so much1 and in whose service he remained till the ,duke's death4#cha ,giuliano de' ,medici1 with whom he lived on terms of intimacy at ,urbino1 took him to ,rome in #aeab4 ,the reign of ,leo was about to shed new lustre on the ,medicean exiles4 ,his victorious exclamation to his brother1',godiamoci il ,papato poich ,dio ce l'ha dato1' had a ring of promise in it for their numerous friends and clients4 ,even without the recommendation of ,giuliano1 it is not likely that ,leo would have overlooked a man so wholly after his own heart as ,bembo4 ,the qualities he most admired--smooth manners1 a handsome person1 wit in conversation1 and thorough mastery of ,latin style1 without pretension to deep learning or much earnestness of purpose--were incarnate in the courtly ,venetian4 ,bembo was precisely the man to make ,leo's life agreeable by flattering his superficial tastes and subordinating the faculties of a highly cultivated mind to frivolous1 if intellectual1 amusements4 ,the churchman who warned ,sadoleto against spoiling his style by study of the ,bible1 the prosaist who passed his compositions through sixteen portfolios1 revising them at each remove1 the versifier who penned a hymn to ,s4 ,stephen and a monologue for ,priapus with equal elegance1 was cast in the same mould as the pleasure-loving ,pontiff4 ,for eight years he lived at ,rome1 honoured by the ,medici and loved by all who knew him4 ,his duties as secretary to ,leo1 shared by his old friend and fellow-student ,sadoleto1 were not onerous2 while the society of the capital afforded opportunity for the display of his most brilliant gifts4 ,in #aebj1 wearied by nearly thirty years of continual ,court life1 and broken down in health by severe sickness1 ,bembo retired to ,padua4 ,the collection of a library and museum1 horticulture1 correspondence1 and the cultivation of his studied ,ciceronian style now occupied his leisure through nineteen most disastrous years for ,italy4 ,the learned courtiers of that age liked thus to play the ,roman in their villas1 quoting ,horace and ,virgil on the charms of rustic life1 and fancying they caught the spirit of ,cincinnatus while they strolled about the farm4 ,bembo's ,paduan retreat became the rendezvous of all the ablest men in ,italy1 the centre of a fluctuating society of highest culture4 ,paul ,,iii4 recalled him to ,rome1 and made him cardinal in #aeci4 ,when he died in #aedg he was buried not far from ,leo in the ,church of the ,minerva4 ,a fair slab of marble marks his grave4 ,footnote #cha3 ',de ,guido ,ubaldo ,feretrio deque ,elisabetha ,gonzaga ,urbini ,ducibus4' ,bembo succeeded ,poliziano in the dictatorship of ,italian letters4 ,like ,poliziano1 he was both a scholar and a writer of ,italian2 but he was far from possessing the comprehensive understanding or the genius of his predecessor4 ,of all the 'apes of ,cicero' scoffed at by ,erasmus1 he stood first and foremost4 ,his exclusive devotion to one favourite author made his ,latin stiff and mannered4 ,tuscan critics again have complained that his ,italian style lacks nerve and idiom4 ,he wrote like an alien1 not one to the manner born4 ,in his dread of not writing correctly1 he ended by expressing tame thoughts with frigid formality4 ,even a foreigner can see that he used ,italian1 as he used ,latin1 without yielding to natural impulse1 and with the constant effort to attain a fixed ideal4 ,the mark of the file may be observed on every period4 ,raciness and spontaneity are words that have no meaning when applied to him4 ,the decadence of ,italian prose composition into laboured mannerism and meticulous propriety should be traced in a great measure to his influence4 ,yet ,bembo deserves credit for having braved the opinion of the learned by his cultivation of the vulgar tongue2 and on this point some verses from a ,latin poem to ,ercole ,strozzi deserve quotation in a note4#chb ,footnote #chb3 ,nam pol qu proavusque avusque lingu ,sunt olim meus et tuus loquuti1 ,nostr quque loquuntur et sorores ,et matertera nunc et ipsa mater1 ,nos nescire loqui magis pudendum est1 ,qui ,grai damus et damus ,latin ,studi tempora duplicemque curam1 ,quam ,grai simul et simul ,latin4 ,hac uti ut valeas tibi videndum est1 ,ne dum marmoreas remot in or ,sumtu construis et labore villas1 ,domi te calamo tegas palustri4 ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 p4 #be4 ,jacopo ,sadoleto's career was not dissimilar to that of his friend ,bembo1 though the two men offer many points of difference in character and turn of mind4 ,born at ,modena in #adgg1 he studied ,latin at ,ferrara1 and ,greek at ,rome1 where he settled in the reign of ,alexander ,,vi4 ,his copy of hexameters on the newly-discovered statue of ,laocoon made him famous4 ,frigid and laboured as these verses may appear to us1 who read them like a prize exercise1 they had the merit of originality when first produced4 ,leo made the poet his secretary and ,bishop of ,carpentras4 ,sadoleto passed a good portion of his life in the duties of his see1 composing moral treatises1 annotating the ,psalms1 and publishing a ',commentary on the ,epistle to the ,romans4'#chc ,though strongly tinctured with ,ciceronian purism1 his taste was more austere than ,bembo's4 ,nature had given him an intellect adapted to grave studies1 sincerity of purpose1 and true piety4 ,living in the dawn of the ,reformation1 ,sadoleto was deeply conscious of the perils of the ,church2 nor did he escape the suspicion of sharing the new heresy4#chd ,his celebrated letter to ,clement ,,vii41 after the sack of ,rome in #aebg1 shows that he viewed this disaster as a punishment inflicted on the godless capital of ,christendom4 ,in #aecf ,paul ,,iii4 recalled him to ,rome1 and made him cardinal4 ,he died in #aedg1 and was buried in ,s4 ,pietro in ,vincoli4 ,sadoleto's correspondence may be reckoned among the most valuable materials for the literary annals of this period4 ,footnote #chc3 ,his most famous essays bore these titles3 ,de ,liberis ,instituendis and ,de ,laudibus ,philosophi4 ,footnote #chd3 ,his ,commentary on the ,romans was placed upon the ,index4 ,next to ,sadoleto a place must be found for the grave and studious ,egidio ,canisio4 ,he was born at ,viterbo in #adgj1 and was therefore an exact contemporary of ,bembo4 ,his powers of ,latin oratory gained him the fame of a great speaker1 and the address with which he opened the ,lateran ,council in #aeab was committed to the press in that year4 ,egidius was already ,general of the ,augustine ,order4 ,five years later he received the red hat of a cardinal1 and in #aeah he represented the ,holy ,see as ,legate at the ,court of ,spain4 ,he died in #aecb1 leaving a vast mass of miscellaneous works on theology1 philosophy1 ,biblical criticism1 and universal history4 ,few of these have been printed4 ,it is said that1 besides ,greek and ,latin1 he was a master of ,hebrew and ,chaldee1 ,turkish1 ,persian1 and ,arabic4 ,a more brilliant figure is presented by the witty but unscrupulous historian ,paulus ,jovius4 ,he was born at ,como in #adhc1 and came at the age of thirty-three to ,rome1 with the beginning of his comprehensive ,history already written4#che ,leo1 who delighted in listening to recitations of new literary works1 declared that nothing had been penned more perfect since the days of ,livy4 ,this high praise induced ,jovius to fix his residence at ,rome1 where ,clement ,,vii4 made him ,bishop of ,nocera in #aebh4 ,after spending twenty-one years in the expectation1 continually frustrated1 of being received in the ,sacred ,college1 he retired to ,como1 and died at ,florence in #aeeb4 ,jovius was the cleverest of all the ,latinists produced by the ,italians4 ,his style is fluent1 sparkling with anecdote1 highly picturesque in its descriptive passages1 and adorned by characteristic details4 ,in addition to the histories1 he produced a series of biographies of great and varied value1 some of which are libels1 others panegyrics1 while all are marked by acute observation and mastery of the matter in hand4 ,he was wont to say that he could use a golden or a silver pen at will3 the golden was exercised upon the ,life of ,leo2 the silver1 dipped in ironic gall1 upon the ,life of ,hadrian4 ,the sketches of eminent men1 known by the name of ',elogia1' were composed in illustration of a picture gallery of portraits collected in his villa4 ,they include not only ,italians1 but ,greeks1 ,germans1 ,french and ,english worthies1 dead and living notabilities of every kind4#chf ,if ,brantme had chosen ,latin instead of ,french1 he would have made a book not altogether unlike this of ,jovius4 ,the versatility of the author was further illustrated by a ,latin treatise on ,roman fishes1 and by an ,italian essay on mottoes and devices4#chg ,footnote #che3 ,like the ,history of ,guicciardini1 it opens with the year #adid4 ,it is carried down to #aedg4 ,a portion of the first decade was lost in the sack of ,rome1 and never rewritten by the author4 ,printed at ,florence1 #aeej4 ,footnote #chf3 ,elogia ,virorum literis illustrium1 quotquot vel nostr1 vel avorum memori vixere1 and ,elogia ,virorum bellic virtute illustrium1 ,basel1 #aeeg4 ,footnote #chg3 ,de ,piscibus ,romanis1 ,rome1 #aebd4 ,ragionamento sopra i ,motti e ,disegni d',arme e d',amore4 ,among the celebrities of the ,roman ,academy a place apart must be reserved for ,baldassare ,castiglione2 for though his biography belongs to the political even more than to the literary annals of the period1 few men represent the age of ,leo in its culture with more dignity and grace combined4 ,he was born in #adgh at ,casatico1 in the ,duchy of ,mantua2 his father's family held the county of ,castiglione1 and his mother was a ,gonzaga4 ,in his youth he received an education framed upon the system set in vogue by ,vittorino and ,guarino1 and became the living illustration of those varied accomplishments which he described in the ',cortegiano4' ,his scholarship was sound and elegant2 as a writer of ,latin verse he distinguished himself among the best men of his generation4 ,sensitive to the beauty of the arts1 he proved an excellent critic of modern painting and of antique sculpture1 and assisted ,raphael in the composition of his famous letter to ,leo on the exploration of old ,rome4 ,at the same time he did not neglect the athletic exercises which formed an indispensable branch of an ,italian nobleman's training4 ,cultivated at all points1 he early devoted his abilities to the service of princes2 for at this period in ,italy there was no sphere for such a character outside the ,courts4 ,after spending some time at ,milan and ,naples1 ,castiglione removed to ,rome1 where ,julius ,,ii4 discerned the use that might be made of him in furthering the interests of his nephew ,francesco ,maria della ,rovere4 ,federigo da ,montefeltre1 ,duke of ,urbino1 had died in #adhb1 leaving his son ,guidobaldo in possession of his fiefs and titles2 but it was known that this prince could have no heirs4 ,in him the male line of the ,montefeltri ended4 ,his sister ,giovanna had been married to ,giovanni della ,rovere1 a brother of the ,pope1 and ,julius hoped that their son ,francesco ,maria might be declared successor to the ,duchy of ,urbino4 ,castiglione therefore attached himself to the person of ,guidobaldo1 with the special purpose of making himself necessary to the princes of ,urbino and furthering the claims of ,francesco1 then a boy of about fifteen4 ,of his residence at ,urbino1 and of the polished splendour of ,guidobaldo's ,court1 he has left an ever-memorable record in his ',cortegiano1' that mirror of gentle breeding for the sixteenth century in ,europe4 ,guidobaldo received the ,count of ,castiglione with marked favour1 made him captain of fifty men at arms1 and employed him in several offices of trust4 ,not the least important of these was the mission to ,england1 undertaken in #aejf by ,castiglione as ,guidobaldo's proxy for receiving from ,henry ,,vii4 the investiture of the ,garter4 ,after the death of ,guidobaldo1 ,francesco ,maria della ,rovere was proclaimed ,duke of ,urbino1 and ,castiglione continued to enjoy his confidence until the year #aeag1 when ,leo succeeded in placing his nephew ,lorenzo de' ,medici upon the ,ducal throne4 ,castiglione was now deprived of what had become the necessity of his life1 a post of honour in the ,court of a reigning sovereign4 ,he therefore transferred his allegiance to his natural lord1 the ,marquis of ,mantua1 who appointed him ambassador at ,rome4 ,the first and most brilliant period of the courtier's life was passed at ,urbino2 the second1 less fruitful in literary achievements1 embraced his residence among the wits of ,leo's circle4 ,at ,rome ,castiglione adapted himself to the customs of the papal society1 penning ,latin elegiacs1 consorting with artists1 and exercising the pleasant patronage of a refined ,mcenas4 ,his friendship with ,raphael is not the least interesting episode in this chapter of his biography4 ,substantial records of it still remain in the epitaph composed by the courtly scholar on the painter1 and in ,castiglione's portrait now preserved in the ,louvre collection4 ,that picture represents the very model of an ,italian nobleman as culture and ,court life had made him--tranquil1 with grave open eyes1 and a mouth as well suited for urbane discourse as gentle merriment4 ,the owner of this face was not born to lead armies or to control unruly multitudes1 but to pass his time in the loggie of princes--self-contained and qualified to win favour without the sacrifice of personal dignity4 ,it forms a strong contrast to earlier and later portraits--to that of ,sigismondo ,pandolfo ,malatesta1 for example1 and to the ,spanish grandees of the next century4 ,castiglione was still in ,rome during the pontificate of ,clement ,,vii41 who1 recognizing his great ability as a diplomatist1 sent him to ,charles ,v4 ,at ,madrid the ,pope's nuncio was unable to avert the disaster of #aebg1 and ,castiglione had the bitter mortification of hearing at a distance how the ,rome he knew and loved so well1 had been ravaged by the brigands of ,germany and ,spain4 ,it is clear1 however1 from the diplomatic correspondence of that memorable moment1 and from the letter addressed by ,clement to ,castiglione's mother in #aebi1 that he never lost the confidence of his master2 in spite of his failure to negotiate between them1 he was respected alike by the ,pope and the ,emperor4 ,he died at ,toledo two years after the sack of ,rome1 worn out1 it is said1 by disappointment and regret4 ,not only in his book of the ',courtier1' but also in his life1 ,castiglione illustrated the best qualities of an ,italian gentleman1 moulded by the political and social conditions of the sixteenth century into a refined scholar and a courtly diplomatist4 ,of ,alberto ,pio1 whose life in some respects may be compared with ,castiglione's1 ,i have had occasion to speak in the last chapter4 ,his first cousin1 ,gian ,francesco ,pico della ,mirandola1 demands more than passing notice4 ,by no prince of that troubled period were the cruel vicissitudes of ,italian politics more painfully experienced4 ,few of the scholars could boast of wider learning and a nobler spirit4 ,he was born in #adgj1 and succeeded his father1 ,galeotto1 in the lordship of ,mirandola4 ,in #aejb his brother ,lodovico expelled him from his capital4 ,julius ,,ii4 restored him4 ,after being dispossessed a second time by ,trivulzi1 general of the ,french forces1 he was once more reinstated1 but only for a brief period4 ,his nephew1 ,galeazzo1 murdered him in #aecc before the crucifix1 together with his heir1 ,alberto4 ,in the intervals of his unquiet and unhappy life1 ,gian ,francesco ,pico devoted himself to studies not unlike those of his more famous uncle4#chh ,early in his youth he had conceived the strongest admiration for ,savonarola2 and the work by which he is best known to posterity is a ,life of his great master4 ,savonarola's principles continued to rule his thought and conduct through life4 ,during the pontificate of ,leo he composed a long address to the ,lateran ,council upon the reformation of the ,church1#chi and dared to entertain the friendship of ,reuchlin and ,willibad ,pirkheimer4 ,his residence in ,rome1 and the dedication of his treatise on ',divine ,love' to ,leo1 justify our ranking him with the ,roman scholars4 ,footnote #chh3 ,the titles of his philosophical works--,de ,studio divin et human philosophi1 ,de amore ,divino1 ,examen vanitatis doctrin gentium et veritatis ,christian disciplin1 ,de rerum prnotione--show how closely he followed in the footsteps of ,giovanni ,pico4 ,footnote #chi3 ,joannis ,francisci ,pici ,mirandol et ,concordi ,comitis ,oratio ad ,leon ,x4 et ,concilium ,lateranense de reformandis ,ecclesi moribus4 ,if ,gian ,francesco ,pico and ,sadoleto bring us close upon the threshold of the ,german ,reformation1 we cross it in the company of ,aleander4 ,jerome ,aleander was born at ,motta1 in the ,marches of ,treviso1 in the year #adhj4 ,his studies1 more comprehensive than those of the stylists1 included theology1 philosophy1 and science1 together with the ,oriental languages1 in addition to the indispensable ,greek and ,latin culture4 ,before he reached the age of thirty he travelled to ,paris1 and professed ,hebrew and the humanities at the ,university4 ,french scholarship may be said to date from the impulse given to these subjects by ,aleander1 who rose to such fame that he was made ,rector of the ,university4 ,after leaving ,paris1 he spent some time in ,germany1 and came first to ,rome in #aeaf in the train of ,erard van der ,mark1 ,bishop of ,lttich4 ,here ,leo appointed him librarian of the ,vatican4 ,the rest of ,aleander's life was spent in the service of the ,church4 ,despatched as nuntius to ,germany by ,leo in #aebj1 he vainly attempted1 as all students of the ,reformation know1 to quench the fire of ,luther's kindling4 ,when he returned to ,italy1 ,clement ,,vii4 gave him the archbishopric of ,brindisi1 and ,paul ,,iii4 raised him to the scarlet in #aech4 ,he died in #aedb1 leaving in ,france the memory of his unrivalled learning1 in ,germany the fame of an intolerant persecutor1 in ,italy the reputation of a stanch though unsuccessful champion of the ,church4 ,aleander's three predecessors in the ,vatican ,library--,tommaso ,inghirami of ,siena1 ,filippo ,beroaldo of ,bologna1 and ,zanobio ,acciaiuoli of ,florence--made their mark in ,roman society by erudition rather than by authorship4#cij ,inghirami's eloquence won the admiration of contemporaries1 who called him the second ,cicero2 as a writer he had no celebrity4#cia ,a fortunate find of ,,mss4 at ,bobbio earned for him the post of ,vatican librarian4 ,leo1 like all the members of the ,medicean family1 was bent upon the rediscovery of buried classics4 ,but the world had been already ransacked1 and1 though he employed agents for this purpose in the ,east as well as ,europe1 only one great treasure came to light4 ,gian ,angelo ,arcimboldi disinterred the first five books of ,tacitus's ',annals' at ,corvey1 and sold them to the ,pope for #ejj golden florins4 ,filippo ,beroaldo1 who was entrusted with the task of editing this precious codex1 received the librarianship as his reward4 ,leo's privilege granted to the printers of ,beroaldo's edition expresses in truly noble language the highest ideal of humanism1 and reflects real credit on his patronage of letters4#cib ,of ,acciaiuoli there is not much to say4 ,his knowledge of ,hebrew and the classic languages gained for him a reputation for singular learning4 ,in his capacity as librarian he began to catalogue the documents of the ',secreta ,bibliotheca1' founded by ,sixtus ,,iv4 ,it is worthy of notice that ,acciaiuoli is the only ,florentine whom we have had occasion to mention among the learned courtiers of ,leo4 ,florence1 always foremost in the van of culture1 had shaken off at this period the traditions of strict humanism4 ,her greatest writers1 ,guicciardini1 ,machiavelli1 ,varchi1 ,segni1 and ,giannotti1 exchanged the ,latin language for their mother speech1 and sought for honour in fields removed from verbal scholarship or ,ciceronian niceties of phrase4 ,footnote #cij3 ,inghirami1 made librarian #aeaj1 died #aeaf4 ,beroaldo held the office two years1 and died #aeah4 ,acciaiuoli held it only for a few months4 ,aleander succeeded him in #aeai4 ,footnote #cia3 ',lingu verius quam calamo celebrem 444 dictus sui seculi ,cicero1' says ,erasmus4 ',affluentissimum eloquenti flumen' is ,valeriano's phrase4 ,footnote #cib3 ,see ,burckhardt1 p4 #agd4 ,roscoe's ,life of ,leo ,x4 vol4 i4 p4 #ceg4 ,the ,roman ,sapienza never held the same rank as the ,universities of ,padua or ,bologna2 nor could it compete as an academy of culture with the ,high ,schools of ,florence and ,ferrara4 ,the ,popes of the ,renaissance1 occupied with nepotism and political aggrandisement1 had but small care for the interests of education4 ,nor did ,rome1 always overcrowded by foreigners1 require the students who brought custom and prestige to minor cities4#cic ,leo ,x4 resolved1 as far as he was able1 to raise the studies of his capital from the decadence into which they had fallen4 ,in #aeac he reformed the statutes of the ,university1 increased the appointments of the professors1 and founded several new chairs4 ,yet1 though scholars no less respectable than ,janus ,parrhasius of ,cosenza1 ,tommaso ,inghirami1 and ,filippo ,beroaldo were numbered among the teachers1 the ,sapienza failed to take firm root in ,rome3--the most flourishing school of humanism at this period was ,ferrara1 governed by ,leoniceno1 ,celio ,calcagnini1 and ,lilius ,gyraldus4 ,to ,hellenistic studies1 just now upon the point of decadence in ,italy1 ,leo gave encouragement by the establishment of a ,greek press1 and by the foundation of the ,gymnasium ,caballini ,montis1 where ,joannes ,lascaris and ,marcus ,musurus lectured4 ,musurus we have already learned to know as the inmate of ,alberto ,pio's palace at ,carpi1 and as ,aldo's most efficient helper4 ,soon after his elevation to the ,papacy1 ,leo invited the venerable ,lascaris to ,rome2 but he did not long retain the services of so illustrious a ,hellenist4 ,lascaris1 who had taught ,greek in ,paris during the reign of ,charles ,,viii41 and who had long served ,louis ,,xii4 as ambassador at ,venice1 was induced by ,francis ,i4 to superintend the library at ,fontainebleau in #aeah4 ,he once more visited ,rome during the pontificate of ,clement1 and died there at the age of ninety--the last of the ,greek exiles who transplanted ,hellas into ,latium4 ,between the visit of ,manuel ,chrysoloras in #acih and the death of ,john ,lascaris in #aece more than a century had elapsed1 in the course of which ,italy1#cid after acquiring ,greek literature and committing its chief treasures to the press1 had seen her learning pass beyond the ,alps and flourish with new vigour on a northern soil4 ,the epitaph composed by ,lascaris for his own tomb in ,santa ,agata touchingly expresses the grief of an exile for his country's servitude1 together with the gratitude of one who found a new home in an alien land3-- ,greek3 ,laskaris allodap gai enikattheto1 gain outi lin xeinn xene memphomenos4 eureto meilichin1 all' achthetai eiper ,achaiois oud' eti choun cheuei patris eleutherion4 ,footnote #cic3 ,see above1 p4 #hf4 ,footnote #cid3 ,cf4 ,giovio1 close of the ,elogia4 ,any account of erudite society in ,rome would be incomplete without some notice of its antiquaries4 ,while the ,pope and his cardinals were bent on collecting statues1 coins1 vases1 and inscriptions1 it was natural that the scholars should devote themselves to their illustration4 ,much of this industry was carried on by the academicians1 who discussed difficult readings and exchanged opinions at their meetings4 ,treatises on ,roman antiquities1 topographical essays1 and commentaries on ,vitruvius and ,frontinus abounded4 ,amid a multitude of minor works it will be enough to mention the cyclopdias of ,andrea ,fulvio and ,bartolommeo ,marliano1 the comprehensive collection of inscriptions by ,mazochi1 and ,valeriano's dissertation on the hieroglyphics of the ,roman obelisks4#cie ,the greater number of these compositions were published by ,jacopo ,mazochi1 bookseller to the ,roman ,academy1 and himself no mean scholar4 ,together with his coadjutor1 ,francesco ,albertini1 he undertook what he describes as 'the ,herculean labour' of saving inscribed tablets from the lime-kiln and the mason's hammer4 ,built into the walls of houses1 embedded in church pavements1 mingled with the rubbish of the ,forum1 unearthed by the mattock or the plough in vineyard and cornfield1 these records of old history encumbered ,rome4 ,to decipher them as best he could1 arrange them by the regions where they had been found1 and incorporate his own readings with the previous collections of ,ciriaco and ,fra ,giocondo1#cif was the object of ,mazochi4 ,his work formed the nucleus of the ponderous collection known as the ,corpus ,inscriptionum4 ,footnote #cie3 ,andreas ,fulvius ,sabinus ,antiquarius1 ,antiquitates ,urbis ,rom1 #aebg4 ,bartholomus ,marlianus1 ,eques ,d4 ,petri1 ,urbis ,rom ,topographia1 #aecd4 ,jacobus ,mazochius1 ,epigrammata antiqu urbis ,rom1 #aeba4 ,johannis ,pierii ,valeriani ,hieroglyphica seu de ,sacris gyptiorum1 c41 in his collected works1 ,ven4 #afjd4 ,footnote #cif3 ,the architect of ,verona who first edited ,vitruvius1 and was employed by ,lorenzo de' ,medici in collecting inscriptions for him at ,rome4 ,this is the proper occasion for resuming what has to be said about the ,roman ruins1 and the feeling for them shown in the ,renaissance period4 ,we have already listened to ,poggio's lamentations over their gradual decay through wanton injury and lapse of time4#cig ,pius ,,ii41 who had a strong taste for topographical studies1 endeavoured to protect the ,roman monuments from depredation by a ,bull in #adfb4 ,but his successors were less scrupulous4 ,even the scholarly ,nicholas ,v4 had shown more zeal for building modern ,rome afresh than true regard for the imperial city4 ,he levelled large portions of the wall of ,servius ,tullius1 and quarried the ,temple of ,peace for his own edifices4 ,in his days ,blondus wrote that his life was embittered by the wholesale waste of ancient reliques4 ,that ,paul ,,ii4 should have used the stone wall of the ,coliseum for the ,palace of ,s4 ,marco2 that ,sixtus ,,iv4 should have pulled down the circular ,temple of ,hercules1 and destroyed the oldest bridge across the ,tiber to make cannon balls2 that ,innocent ,,viii4 should have empowered his architects to take what antique masonry they pleased--excites in us no wonder2 these ,popes were acting according to the spirit that was in them4 ,nor can it be denied that for some of their acts of ,vandalism the excuse of utility or even of necessity might have been pleaded4 ,it is1 however1 singular that no steps were taken to preserve in ,rome the bas-reliefs and sculptures of the monuments thus overthrown4 ,everyone who chose laid hands upon them4 ,poggio scraped together what he could2 ,pomponius ,ltus formed a museum2 ,lorenzo de' ,medici and the ,rucellai employed agents to select and ship to ,florence choicer fragments4 ,at last the impulse to collect possessed the ,popes themselves4 ,the ,capitol ,museum dates from #adga4 ,the pretty statue of the boy pulling a thorn from his foot1 the group of the lion clinging to a horse1 the urn of ,agrippina1 and the bronze ,hercules from the ,forum ,boarium formed the nucleus of this collection4 ,soon afterwards the equestrian statue of ,marcus ,aurelius was unearthed and placed where it now stands4 ,the ,vatican ,museum was founded in #aebc1 when ,julius ,,ii4 erected the ,apollo on a marble basis near the entrance to the gardens of the ,belvedere4 ,it had been discovered some years earlier at ,porto d',anzo1 and was bought by ,giuliano della ,rovere before he was made ,pope4 ,the ,laocoon came to light in #aejf among the ruins of the ,baths of ,titus in the vineyard of ,felix de ,fredis4 ,how ,giuliano di ,san ,gallo and ,michael ,angelo heard of it1 and walked abroad to see it disinterred1 may still be read in the letter of ,francesco1 nephew of the former4 ,julius bought this group for six hundred golden crowns1 and placed it in the ,vatican4 ,he also purchased the statue of the sleeping ,ariadne1 which then passed for ,cleopatra1#cih together with the torso of ,hercules1 found near the ,palazzo ,pio1 and the statue of ,commodus dug up in the ,campo ,fiore4 ,leo ,x4 further enriched the collection by the reclining statues of the ,nile and ,tiber1 found among the ruins of the ,iseum near ,s4 ,stefano in ,caco1 and the so-called ,antinous discovered in the ,baths of ,trajan4 ,footnote #cig3 ,see above1 p4 #aaa4 ,footnote #cih3 ,see ,castiglione's verses4 ,the feeling of professed scholars for these masterpieces of classic art appears in ,sadoleto's and ,castiglione's poems1 while a passage of ,ghiberti's ,commentary expresses the enthusiasm of technical sculptors4 ,after describing an ,hermaphrodite he saw in ,rome1 the ,florentine sculptor adds3 ',to express the perfection of learning1 mastery1 and art displayed in it is beyond the power of language4 ,its more exquisite beauties could not be discovered by the sight1 but only by the touch of the hand passed over it4' ,of another classic marble at ,padua he says3 ',this statue1 when the ,christian faith triumphed1 was hidden in that place by some gentle soul1 who1 seeing it so perfect1 fashioned with art so wonderful1 and with such power of genius1 and being moved to reverent pity1 caused a sepulchre of bricks to be built1 and there within buried the statue1 and covered it with a broad slab of stone1 that it might not in any way be injured4 ,it has very many sweet beauties1 which the eyes alone can comprehend not1 either by strong or tempered light2 only the hand by touching finds them out4'#cii ,meanwhile a genuine sentiment for the truth and beauty of antique art passed downwards from the educated classes to the people4 ,like all powerful emotions that affect the popular imagination at epochs of imperfect knowledge and high sensibility1 it took the form of fable4 ,the beautiful myth of ,julia's ,corpse is our most precious witness to this moment in the history of the ,revival4#djj ,at the same time the real intention of classic statuary was better understood4 ,donatello had not worked in vain for a public1 finely tempered to receive sthetic influences1 and cultivated by two centuries of native art4 ,the horsemen of ,monte ,cavallo ceased to be philosophers4 ,menander and ,poseidippus were no longer reckoned among the saints4 ,in the age of ,leo1 ,carlo ,malatesta could not have thrown ,virgil's statue into the ,mincio2#dja nor would the republic of ,siena have buried their antique ,venus by stealth in the ,florentine territory1 hoping thereby to transfer to their foes the curse of heathenism4#djb ,the effect produced on less impressionable natures by the ,belvedere statues transpires in a curious document penned by a ,venetian ambassador to ,rome in #aebc4djc ,it is so valuable for illustrating the average culture of the ,italians at that epoch1 that ,i may allow myself the pleasure of rendering a full account of it4 ,footnote #cii3 ,terzo ,commentario del ,ghiberti1 ,frammenti ,inediti1 in ,le ,monnier's ,vasari1 vol4 i4 pp4 xi4-xiii4 ,i have paraphrased rather than translated the original1 which is touching by reason of its navet4 ,footnote #djj3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #ag4 ,footnote #dja3 ,see ,rosmini's ,vittorino da ,feltre1 p4 #fc1 note4 ,footnote #djb3 ,see ,ghiberti's ,commentario1 in ,le ,monnier's ,vasari1 vol4 i4 p4 xiv4 ,footnote #djc3 ,alberi1 ,relazioni ,venete1 serie ii4 vol4 iii4 p4 #aad1 c4 ,adrian ,,vi41 soon after his accession1 had walled up eleven of the twelve doors1 leading to the ,belvedere4 ,the ,venetian envoys1 however1 received permission to visit this portion of the ,vatican palace1 and the single entrance was unlocked for them4 ,after describing the beauty of the gardens1 their cypresses and orangeries1 the greenness of their lawns and the stately order of their paved avenues1 the writer of the report arrives at the statues4 ',in the midst of the garden are two very large men of marble1 facing one another1 twice the size of life1 who lie in the attitude of sleep4 ,one of these is the ,tiber1 the other the ,nile1 figures of vast antiquity2 and from beneath them issue two fair fountains4 ,on the first entrance into the garden1 on the left hand1 there is a kind of little chapel let into the wall1 where1 on a pedestal of marble1 stands the ,apollo1 famous throughout the world1 a statue of incomparable beauty and dignity1 of life size and of finest marble4 ,somewhat farther on1 in a similar alcove and raised on a like pedestal to the height of an altar from the ground1 opposite a well of most perfect fashion1 is the ,laocoon1 celebrated throughout the world1 a statue of the highest excellence1 of size like a natural man1 with hairy beard1 all naked4 ,the sinews1 veins1 and proper muscles in each part are seen as well as in a living body2 breath alone is wanting4 ,he is in a posture between sitting and standing1 with his two sons1 one on either hand1 both1 together with himself1 twined by the serpents1 as ,virgil says4 ,and herein is seen so great merit of the artist1 that better could not be2 the languishing and dying are manifest to sight1 and one of the boys on the right side is most tightly clipped by the snake twice girdled round him2 one of the coils crossing his breasts and squeezing his heart1 so that he is on the point of dying4 ,the other boy on the left side is also girdled round by another serpent4 ,while he seeks to drag the raging worm from his leg with his little arm1 and cannot help himself at all1 he raises his face1 all tearful1 crying to his father1 and holding him with his other hand by the left arm4 ,and seeing his unhappy father more deadly struck than he is1 the double grief of this child is clear to view1 the one for his own coming death1 the other for his father's helplessness2 and he so faints withal1 that nothing remains for him but to breathe his last4 ,it is impossible that human art can arrive at producing so great and so natural a masterpiece4 ,every part is perfect1 except that ,laocoon's right arm is wanting4 ,he seems about forty years of age1 and resembles ,messer ,girolamo ,marcello of ,s4 ,tommaso2 the two boys look eight and nine respectively4 ,not far distant1 and similarly placed1 is a very beautiful ,venus of natural size1 naked1 with a little drapery on her shoulder1 that covers a portion of the waist2 as very fair a figure as can be imagined by the mind2 but the excellence of the ,laocoon makes one forget this and the ,apollo1 who before was so famous4' ,a systematic plan for exploring the monuments of old ,rome1 excavating its ruins1 and bringing its buried treasures of statuary to light was furnished by ,raphael in #aeah4 ,leo had made him master of the works at ,s4 ,peter's and general superintendent of antiquities4#djd ,for some time previously he had been studying ,vitruvius in the ,italian translation prepared for his use by ,fabio ,calvi of ,ravenna4 ,how enthusiastically he followed in the traces of the ancients1 the arabesques of the ,loggie1 imitated from the frescoes of the ,baths of ,titus1 amply prove4 ,he now1 not long before his death1 laid down a ground-plan of the city1 divided into fourteen regions1 and set forth his project in a memorable letter to the ,pope4 ,this epistle1 written in choice old ,italian1 has more than once been printed3 it will be found in ,passavant's ,life of the painter4 ,raphael begins by describing the abandonment and desolation of the city1 and by characterising its several styles of architecture--classical1 ,lombard1 ,gothic1 and modern4#dje ,some phrases that occur in this exordium deserve to be cited for the light they cast upon the passion which inspired those early excavators4 ',considerando la divinitate di quelli animi antichi 444 vedendo quasi il cadavere di quest'alma nobile cittate1 che stata regia del mondo1 cos miseramente lacerato 444 quanti pontefici hanno permesso le ruine et disfacimenti delli templi antichi1 delle statue1 delli archi et altri edificii1 gloria delli lor fondatori6 ,quanti hanno comportato che solamente per pigliare terra pozzolana si siano scavati i fondamenti6 ,onde in poco tempo li edificii sono venuti a terra4 ,quanta calcina si fatta di statue e d'altri ornamenti antichi6 che ardirei dire che tutta questa nova ,roma1 che hor si vede1 quanto grande ch'ella vi sia1 quanto bella1 quanto ornata di pallazzi1 di chiese et di altri edificii1 sia fabricata di calcina fatta di marmi antichi4'#djf ,he then observes that during his twelve years' residence in ,rome the ,meta in the ,via ,alexandrina1 the arches at the entrance to the ,baths of ,diocletian and the ,temple of ,ceres in the ,via ,sacra1 part of the ,foro ,transitorio1 and the larger portion of the ,basilica del ,foro have been destroyed4 ,therefore he prays ,leo to arrest this work of the new ,vandals1 and1 by pursuing a well-considered scheme of operations1 to lay bare and to protect what still remains of antique monuments in the ,eternal ,city4 ,footnote #djd3 ,by a brief dated ,aug4 #bg1 #aeae4 ,footnote #dje3 ,it may be observed that he calls the round-arched buildings of the ,middle ,ages ,gothic2 the pointed style ,german4 ,footnote #djf3 ',when we reflect upon the divinity of those intellects of the old world 444 when we see the corpse of this noble city1 mother and queen of the world1 so piteously mangled 444 how many ,pontiffs have allowed the ruin and defacement of ancient temples1 statues1 arches1 and other buildings1 the glory of their founders6 ,how many have suffered their foundations to be undermined for the mere sake of quarrying pozzolana1 whereby in a short time the buildings themselves have fallen to earth6 ,how much lime has been made of statues and other antique decorations6 ,i should not hesitate to say that the whole of this new ,rome which now meets the eye1 great as it is1 and fair1 and beautified with palaces and churches and other buildings1 has been cemented with lime made from antique marbles4' ,raphael's own death followed close upon the execution of the first part of a ,roman map designed by him4 ,great interest had been excited in the world of letters by his undertaking2 and its failure through his untimely end aroused the keenest disappointment4 ,the epigrams quoted below in a footnote express these feelings with more depth of emotion than scholarly elegance4#djg ,how ,raphael's design would have been carried out it is impossible to guess4 ,archological zeal is impotent to stay the march of time1 except by sacrifice of much that neglect alone makes venerable2 and it may fairly be questioned whether it is wise to lay the hand of the restorer on these relics of the past4 ,we at least1 who during the last few years have seen the ,coliseum and the ,baths of ,caracalla stripped of their romantic vegetation1 the ,palatine ruins fortified with modern masonry1 and the dubious guesses of antiquaries placarded upon sign-posts for the instruction of ,sunday visitors1 may feel1 perhaps1 that a worse fate than slow decay or ruthless mutilation was still in store for the majestic corpse of ancient ,rome4 ,nothing1 in truth1 is less sublime or more pitiful than a dismantled brick wall1 robbed of its marbles and mosaics1 naked of the covering of herbs that nature gave it1 patched with plaster1 propped with stonework1 bound by girders1 and smeared over with the trail of worse than snails or blindworms--pedants bent on restoration4 ,footnote #djg3 ,tot proceres ,romam1 tam longa struxerat tas1 ,totque hostes et tot scula diruerant2 ,nunc ,romam in ,rom qurit reperitque ,raphael2 ,qurere magni hominis1 sed reperire ,dei est4 ,celio ,calcagnini4 ,quod lacerum corpus medic sanaverit arte1 ,hippolytum ,stygiis et revocarit aquis1 ,ad ,stygias ipse est raptus ,epidaurius undas2 ,sic pretium vit mors fuit artifici4 ,tu quoque dum toto laniatam corpore ,romam ,componis miro1 ,raphael1 ingenio1 ,atque urbis lacerum ferro1 igne1 armisque cadaver ,ad vitam antiquum jam revocasque decus1 ,movisti ,superum invidiam2 indignataque mors est ,te dudum extinctis reddere posse animam1 ,et quod longa dies paullatim aboleverat1 hoc te ,mortali spret lege parare iterum4 ,sic miser heu prim cadis intercepte juvent3 ,debere et morti nostraque nosque mones4 ,baldassare ,castiglione4 ,the immediate and most important consequence of these antiquarian pursuits was the adoption of classic forms by architects and artists4 ,fresco-painters imitated the newly-discovered grotteschi in their arabesques4#djh ,sculptors abandoned ,christian subjects for antique mythology1 or gave the attributes of heroes to the saints of the ,catholic ,church4 ,the principles of ,vitruvius were applied as strictly as possible to modern buildings1 and the free decoration of the earlier ,renaissance yielded to what passed for purely classic ornaments4 ,it would be incorrect to maintain that this reproduction of antiquity in art only dated from the age of ,leo4 ,alberti and ,brunelleschi1 ,bramante and ,michellozzo1 had1 each in his own way1 striven to assimilate to modern use the style of ,roman architecture4 ,donatello and ,michael ,angelo at ,florence had carved statues in the classic manner2 nor are the arabesques of ,signorelli at ,orvieto1 of ,perugino at ,perugia1 less fanciful than those of ,raphael in the ,loggie4 ,what really happened was that the imitation of the ancients grew more puristic and precise through the formation of a common taste that imposed itself with the weight of authority on artists4 ,giulio ,romano's ,palazzo del ,te at ,mantua may be cited as the most perfect production of this epoch1 combining1 as it does1 all forms of antique decoration and construction with the vivid individuality of genius4 ,giulio ,romano comprehended the antique1 and followed it with the enthusiasm of a neophyte4 ,but his very defects prevented him from falling into the frigid formalism of ,palladio4 ,footnote #djh3 ,see ,benvenuto ,cellini1 i4 #ca4 ,the causes of ,roman pre-eminence in this last age of humanism are not far to seek4 ,by the policy of ,alexander and ,julius the ,papal ,see had become the chief power in ,italy4 ,venice never publicly encouraged literature1 nor was the ambition of her nobles fixed on anything so much as the aggrandisement of the ,republic4 ,in the beginning of the sixteenth century their energy was needed no longer for the extension of ,venetian rule1 but for its preservation under the attack of ,europe leagued against the city of the sea4 ,florence1 divided between the parties of the ,piagnoni and the ,ottimati1 reserved her failing vigour for the great struggle of #aebi4 ,the ,medici1 after absorbing what remained of mental force into their own circle1 had transferred the ,florentine traditions of culture with ,giovanni and ,giulio to ,rome4 ,at ,naples the ,aragonese dynasty had been already shaken to its foundation by the conspiracy of the ,barons and by the conquest of ,charles ,,viii4 ,ferdinand the ,catholic and ,louis ,,xii4 were now intent upon dividing the southern provinces of ,italy between them4 ,little opportunity was left1 if inclination had remained1 for patronising men of letters at a ,court suspicious of its aristocracy and terrified by foreign interference4 ,milan1 first among the towns of ,lombardy1 was doomed to bear the brunt of ,french1 and ,swiss1 and ,german armies4 ,to maintain the semblance of their dukedom taxed the weakness of the ,sforzas to the utmost1 while the people groaned beneath the fiendish cruelty of ,spanish governors4 ,the smaller principalities had been destroyed by ,cesare ,borgia and ,julius4 ,ferrara1 ,mantua and ,urbino1 at the beginning of the century1 alone continued the traditions of the previous age4 ,rome1 meanwhile1 however insecure the ,papal rule might be1 still ranked among the ,powers of ,europe1 pursuing a policy on equal terms with ,france and ,spain4 ,in ,rome money abounded2 nor had the sacred city of ,christendom felt as yet the scourge of war1 that broke the spirit of the ,northern capitals4 ,it was but natural1 therefore1 that the political and intellectual energies of the ,italians should find their centre here4 ,sad times1 however1 were in store for ,rome4 ,when ,leo's successor read the ,latin letters of the ,apostolic secretaries1 he cried1 ',sunt litter unius poet2' and after walking through the ,belvedere ,gallery1 he gave vent to his feelings in the famous exclamation1 ',sunt idola antiquorum4' ,the humanists had nothing to expect from such a master4 ,the election of ,giulio de' ,medici restored the hope that ,rome might once more be as it had been beneath the sway of ,leo4 ,yet for ,clement ,,vii4 was reserved the final bitterness of utter ruin4 ,in the fourth year of his papacy happened the catastrophe that closed one period of ,italian history1 and opened a new era for ,rome and for the nation4 ,the tale of the sack has been already told4#dji ,a fitting conclusion for this chapter may be found in ,valeriano's discourse upon its consequences to the literary society assembled by the ,medici at the ,papal ,court4 ,footnote #dji3 ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of ,despots1 ,app4 ,v4 ,valeriano's dialogue ',de ,literatorum ,infelicitate' opens with a description of ,rome in the pontificate of ,leo4#daj ,never since the downfall of the ,empire1 he says1 had letters flourished so freely or had men of learning found more generous patronage4 ,of that brilliant company ,valeriano was himself an ornament4 ,the friend of ,egidius and the favourite of ,leo1 he spent his time in the composition of ,latin poems1 panegyrical and satiric1 and in the exploration of antiquities4 ,afterwards he became the protonotary of ,clement1 and supervised the education of the ,medicean bastards ,alessandro and ,ippolito4 ,his good fortune carried him to ,piacenza in the fatal year of #aebg4 ,on his return to ,rome after the siege1 he looked in vain for his old comrades and associates4 ',good ,god6' he exclaims in the dialogue before us1 'when first ,i began to inquire for the philosophers1 orators1 poets1 and professors of ,greek and ,latin literature1 whose names were written on my tablets1 how great1 how horrible a tragedy was offered to me6 ,of all those lettered men whom ,i had hoped to see1 how many had perished miserably1 carried off by the most cruel of all fates1 overwhelmed by undeserved calamities3 some dead of plague1 some brought to a slow end by penury in exile1 others slaughtered by a foeman's sword1 others worn out by daily tortures2 some1 again1 and these of all the most unhappy1 driven by anguish to self-murder4' ,john ,goritz1 captured by his countrymen1 had ransomed himself with the sacrifice of all his wealth1 and now was dying of despair at ,verona4 ,colocci had seen his house1 with its museums and ,,mss41 burned before his eyes4 ,angelo ,cesi1 maltreated by the ,spanish soldiers on a sick bed1 died of his injuries before the year was out4 ,marone1 the brilliant improvisatore1 stripped of everything and deprived of his poems1 the accumulated compositions of years spent in ,leo's service1 breathed his last in a miserable tavern4 ,marco ,fabio ,calvi1 ,raphael's friend and teacher1 succumbed to sickness in a hospital4 ,julianus ,camers1 maddened by the sight of the torments inflicted on his servants1 had thrown himself from a window in his house1 and was killed4 ,baldus1 the professor1 after watching his commentary upon ,pliny used to light the camp fires of the soldiery1 had died himself of hunger4 ,casanova1 the poet1 fell a victim to the plague4 ,paolo ,bombasi1 another poet1 was murdered in the streets of ,rome4 ,cristoforo ,marcello had been tortured by the ,spaniards4 ,exposed naked on a tree1 his nails were daily drawn from his fingers by these human fiends2 he only escaped their clutches to die of his injuries at ,gaeta4 ,laomedon ,tardolus and ,john ,bonifacius ,victor suffered similar indignities and torments4 ,francesco ,fortunio and ,john ,valdes slew themselves4 ,to enumerate all the scholars who succumbed to fear1 plague1 famine1 torture1 and imprisonment in this fatal year2 to relate how numbers left ,rome1 robbed of everything1 to wander over ,italy1 and die of hunger by the wayside1 or of fever in low hovels2 to describe the losses of their ,,mss41 their madness1 beggary1 mysterious disappearances1 and deaths by hands of servants or of brigands on the high roads1 would occupy more space than ,i have left at my command4 ,the ghastly muster roll is told with terrible concision by ,valeriano1 who adds divers examples1 unconnected with the sack1 of early deaths by over-study1 lingering illnesses1 murders by poison or the knife1 and accidents of every kind1 attributable more or less directly to the shifting career of students at that time in ,italy4 ,footnote #daj3 ,printed at ,venice1 #afbj4 ,though the wars in ,lombardy proved scarcely less fatal to men of letters than the siege of ,rome1 those disasters fell singly and at intervals4 ,the ever-memorable stage of the ,eternal ,city was reserved for the crowning tragedy of arts and letters4 ,whatever vicious seeds had been sown in ,italy by the humanists had blossomed and borne fruit in ,rome2 and there the ,nemesis of pride and insolence1 and godlessness of evil living1 fell upon them like a bolt from heaven4 ,in essays1 epistles1 and funeral orations they amply recognised the justice of their punishment4 ,a phrase of ,hieronymus ,niger's in a letter to ,sadoleto--',rome1 that is the sink of all things shameful and abominable'--might serve as the epitome of their conscience-stricken ,jeremiads4#daa ,all ,italy re-echoed with these lamentations2 and though ,clement ,,vii4 and ,paul ,,iii4 did their best to repiece the ruins of ,leo's golden house of fame1 the note of despair and anguish uttered by the scholars in #aebg was never destined to be drowned by chorus hymeneal or triumphal chant again4 ,what remained of humanism among the ,italians assumed a different form1 adapted to the new rule of the ,spaniards and the new attitude of the ,church4 ,to the age of the ,humanists succeeded the age of the ,inquisitors and ,jesuits4 ,footnote #daa3 ',quod ,rom1 hoc est in sentin omnium rerum atrocium et pudendarum deprehensi fuerimus4' ,quoted by ,gregorovius1 ,stadt ,rom1 vol4 viii4 p4 #eih1 note #c4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,latin ,,poetry ,special ,causes for the ,practice of ,latin ,versification in ,italy -- ,the ,want of an ,italian ,language -- ,multitudes of ,poetasters -- ,beccadelli -- ,alberti's ',philodoxus' -- ,poliziano -- ,the ',sylv' -- ',nutricia'1 ',rusticus'1 ',manto'1 ',ambra' -- ,minor ,poems -- ,pontano -- ,sannazzaro -- ,elegies and ,epigrams -- ,christian ,epics -- ,vida's ',christiad' -- ,vida's ',poetica' -- ,fracastoro -- ,the ',syphilis' -- ,barocco ,flatteries -- ,bembo -- ,immoral ,elegies -- ,imitations of ,ovid and ,tibullus -- ,the ',benacus' -- ,epitaphs -- ,navagero -- ,epigrams and ,eclogues -- ,molsa -- ,poem on his own ,death -- ,castiglione -- ',alcon' and ',lycidas' -- ,verses of ,society -- ,the ,apotheosis of the ,popes -- ,poem on the ,ariadne of the ,vatican -- ,sadoleto's ,verses on the ,laocoon -- ,flaminio -- ,his ,life -- ,love of the ,country -- ,learned ,friends -- ,scholar-,poets of ,lombardy -- ,extinction of ,learning in ,florence -- ,decay of ,italian ,erudition4 ,the history of this last period of the ,revival would be incomplete without a survey of its ,latin poetry4 ,i shall have failed to convey a right notion of the tendencies of humanism1 if ,i have not shown that the ,italians were seeking not merely to acquire a knowledge of ancient literature1 but also to effect a resuscitation of antiquity in their own writings4 ,regarding themselves as the heirs of ,rome1 separated from the brilliant period of ,latin civilisation by ten centuries of ignorance1 they strove with all their might to seize the thread of culture at the very point where the poets of the ,silver ,age had dropped it4 ,in the opinion of ,northern races it might seem unnatural or unpatriotic to woo the ,muses in a dead language2 but for ,italians the ,camoen had not died2 on the hills of ,latium1 where they fell asleep1 they might awake again4 ,every familiar sight and sound recalled 'the rich ,virgilian rustic measure' of the ',georgics' and ',bucolics4' ,nature had not changed1 nor did the poets feel the influence of ,christianity so deeply as to find no meaning in the mythic phraseology of ,fauns and ,nymphs4 ,latin1 again1 was far less a language of the past for the ,italians than for other ,european nations4 ,what risk the ,tuscan dialect ran1 when ,dante wrote the first lines of the ',divine ,comedy' in ,latin1 and when ,petrarch assumed the laurel crown by right of his ',africa'1 is known to every student4 ,the serious efforts of the greatest writers were for centuries devoted to ,latin composition1 because they believed that the nation1 in the modern as in the ancient world1 might freely use the speech of ,cicero and ,virgil4 ,their volgari cose they despised as trifles1 not having calculated the impotence of scholars or of kings to turn the streams of language from their natural courses4 ,nor was this blindness so inexplicable as it seems to us at first sight4 ,italy possessed no common dialect2 ,dante's ',italiano ,illustre1' or ',cortegiano'1 was even less native to the race at large1 less universal in its use1 than ,latin4#dab ,fashioned from the ,tuscan for literary purposes1 selected from the vocabulary of cultivated persons1 stripped of vernacular idioms1 and studied in the works of a few standard authors1 it was itself1 upon the soil that gave it birth1 a product of high art and conscious culture4 ,the necessity felt soon after ,dante's death for translating the ',divine ,comedy' into ,latin1 sufficiently proves that a ,latin poem gained a larger audience than the masterpiece of ,italian literature4 ,while the singer of a dialect1 however noble1 appealed to his own fellow-citizens1 the ,latin poet gave his verses urbi et orbi4 ,if another proof of the artificiality of ,italian were needed1 we should find it in the fact that the phrases of ,petrarch are not less obsolete now than in the fourteenth century4 ,the ,english require a glossary for ,chaucer1 and even ,elizabethan usages are out of date2 in other words1 the language of the people has outgrown the style of its first poets4 ,but ,italian has undergone no process of transformation and regeneration according to the laws of organic growth1 since it first started4 ,the different districts still use different dialects1 while writers in all parts of the peninsula have conformed their style as far as possible to early ,tuscan models4 ,it may be questioned whether united ,italy1 having for the first time gained the necessary conditions of national concentration1 is not now at last about to enter on a new phase of growth in literature1 which1 after many years1 will make the style of the first authors more archaic than it seems at present4 ,footnote #dab3 ,cf4 ,filelfo1 quoted in a note to the next chapter1 who says1',tuscan is hardly known to all ,italians1 while ,latin is spread far and wide throughout the whole world4' ,the foregoing observations were requisite in order to explain why the cultivation of ,latin poetry was no mere play-work to ,italian scholars4 ,the peculiar direction given by ,petrarch to classical studies at the outset must also be taken into account4 ,we have seen that he regarded rhetoric and poetry as the two chief aims of humanism4 ,to be either a poet or an orator was the object of all students who had slaked their thirst at the ,castalian springs of ancient learning4 ,philology and poetry1 accordingly1 went hand in hand through the periods of the ,revival2 and to this first impulse we are perhaps justified in tracing back the prominence assigned to ,latin verse in our own school studies4 ,poetry being thus regarded as a necessary branch of scholarship1 it followed that few men distinguished for their learning abstained from versification4 ,pedants who could do no more than make prosaic elegiacs scan1 and scholars respectable for their acquirements1 but destitute of inspiration1 were reckoned among the sacri vates4 ,it would be a weariful--nay1 hopeless--task to pass all the ,latin versifiers of the ,renaissance in review4 ,their name is legion2 even to count them would be the same as to number the stars--ad una ad una annoverar le stelle4 ,it may be considered fortunate that perhaps the larger masses of their productions still remain in manuscript1 partly because they preceded the age of printing1 and partly1 no doubt1 because the good sense of the age rejected them4 ,what has been printed1 however1 exceeds in bulk the ',corpus ,poetarum ,latinorum1' and presents so many varieties that to deal with more than a selection is impossible4#dac ,footnote #dac3 ,i purpose in this chapter to use the ,deliti ,poetarum ,italorum1 two parts divided into #d vols41 #afjh2 ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 ,bergomi1 #agec2 ,poemata ,selecta ,italorum1 ,oxonii1 #ahjh2 and ,selecta ,poemata ,italorum1 accurante ,a4 ,pope1 ,londini1 #agdj4 ,the poetasters of the first two periods need not be taken into account4 ,struggling with a language imperfectly assimilated1 and with the rules of a prosody as yet but little understood1 it was as much as they could do to express themselves at all in metre4 ,elegance of composition was out of the question when a writer could neither set forth modern thoughts with ease nor imitate the classic style with accuracy4 ,what he lost in force by the use of a dead language1 he did not gain in polish2 nor was the taste of the age schooled to appreciate the niceties of antique diction4 ,beccadelli alone1 by a certain limpid fluency1 attained to a degree of moderate excellence2 and how much he owed to his choice of subject may be questioned4 ,the obscenity of his themes1 and the impudence required for their expression1 may have acted as a stimulus to his not otherwise distinguished genius4 ,there is1 moreover1 no stern conflict to be fought with phrases when the author's topic is mere animalism4 ,the rest of his contemporaries1 ,filelfo included1 did no more than smooth the way for their successors by practising the technicalities of verse and exciting emulation4 ,to surpass their rude achievements was not difficult1 while the fame they enjoyed aroused the ambition of younger rivals4 ,exception to this sweeping verdict may be made in favour of ,alberti1 whose ,latin play1 called ',philodoxus1' was a brilliant piece of literary workmanship4#dad ,not only did it impose on contemporaries as a genuine classic1 but1 even when judged by modern standards1 it shows real familiarity with the language of ,latin comedy and rare skill in its employment4 ,footnote #dad3 ,bonucci's edition of ,alberti's works1 vol4 i4 ,alberti's own preface1 in the form of a dedicatory letter to ,lionello d',este1 describes how he came to write this comedy1 and how it was passed off upon contemporaries as an original play by ,lepidus ,comicus4 ,ib4 pp4 cxxi4-cxxiii4 ,poliziano is the first ,latin poet who compels attention in the fifteenth century2 nor was he surpassed1 in fertility of conception and mastery of metre1 by any of his numerous successors4 ,with all his faults of style and crudities of diction1 ,poliziano1 in my opinion1 deserves the chief place among original poets of revived ,latin literature4 ,bembo wrote more elegantly1 ,navagero more classically1 ,amalteo with a grace more winning4 ,yet these versifiers owe their celebrity to excellence of imitation4 ,poliziano possessed a manner of his own1 and made a dead language utter thoughts familiar to the age in which he lived4 ,he did not merely traverse the old ground of the elegy1 the epigram1 the satire1 and the idyll4 ,striking out a new path for himself1 and aiming at instruction1 he poured forth torrents of hexameters1 rough perhaps and over-fluent1 yet marked by intellectual energy and copious fancy1 in illustration of a modern student's learning4 ,this freedom of handling is shown to best advantage in his ',sylv4'#dae ,footnote #dae3 ,see above1 p4 #bed1 for the purpose fulfilled by the ,sylv4 ,the ',nutricia' forms an introduction to the history of poetry in general1 and carries on its vigorous stream the weight of universal erudition4 ,from it we learn how the most accomplished scholar of his century judged and distinguished the whole body of fine literature possessed by his contemporaries4 ,on the emergence of humanity from barbarism1 writes ,poliziano1 poetry was given to men as a consolation for the miseries of life and as an instrument of culture2 their first nurse in the cradle of civilisation was the ,muse3-- ,musa quies hominum1 divomque terna voluptas4#daf ,footnote #daf3 ',of men the solace1 and of gods the everlasting joy4' ,after characterising the ,pagan oracles1 the mythical bards of ,hellas1 and the poet-prophets of the ,jewish race1 with brief but telling touches1 ,poliziano addresses himself in the following lines to the delineation of the two chief epic-singers3-- 444 etenim ut stellas fugere undique clo1 ,aurea cum radios ,hyperionis exeruit fax1 ,cernimus1 et tenuem velut evanescere lunam2 ,sic veterum illustres flagranti obscurat honores ,lampade ,monides3 unum quem dia canentem ,facta virum1 et svas quantem pectine pugnas1 ,obstupuit1 prorsusque parem confessus ,apollo est4 ,proximus huic autem1 vel ni veneranda senectus ,obstiterit1 fortasse prior1 canit arma virumque ,vergilius1 cui rure sacro1 cui gramine pastor ,ascrus1 ,siculusque simul cessere volentes4#dag ,footnote #dag3 ',as from the heavens we see the stars on all sides fleeing1 when the golden torch of the sun-god rises1 and the diminished moon appears to fade2 so with his burning lamp ,monides obscures the honours of the earlier bards4 ,him alone1 while he sang the divine deeds of heroes1 and with his lyre arrayed fierce wars1 ,apollo1 wonder-struck1 confessed his equal4 ,close at his side1 or higher even1 but for the veneration due to age1 ,vergil entones the song of arms and the hero--,vergil1 to whom from holy tilth and pasture land both ,ascra's and ,sicilia's shepherds yield their sway with willing homage4'--,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum ,carmina1 p4 #afg4 ,then follows the enumeration of lesser ,greek and ,roman epopoeists4 ,after them the lyrists and elegiac poets1 among whom ,pindar is celebrated in the following magniloquent paragraph3-- ,arios procul in tractus1 et nubila supra ,pindarus it ,dircus olor1 cui nectare bland ,os tenerum libstis apes1 dum fessa levaret ,membra quiete puer mollem spirantia somnum2 ,sed ,tanagra suo mox jure poetria risit1 ,irrita qui toto sereret figmenta canistro2 ,tum certare auso palmam intercepit opimam oliis prlata modis atque illice form4 ,ille ,agathocle subnisus voce coronas ,dixit ,olympiacas1 et qu victoribus ,isthmos ,fronde comam1 ,delphique tegant1 ,nemeaque tesqua ,lunigenam mentita feram2 tum numina divum ,virtutesque1 virosque undanti pectore torrens ,provexit1 sparsitque pios ad funera questus4 ,frugibus hunc libisque virum ,cirrhus ab ar ,phoebus1 et accubitu mens dignatus honoro est3 ,panaque pastores solis videre sub antris ,pindarico tacitas mulcentem carmine silvas4 ,inde senem pueri gremio cervice repost ,infusum1 et dulci laxantem corda sopore1 ,protinus ad manes1 et odoro gramine pictum ,elysium tacit rapuit ,proserpina dextr4 ,quin etiam hostiles longo post tempore flamm1 ,qu septemgeminas populabant undique ,thebas1 ,expavere domum tanti tamen urere vatis1 ,et sua posteritas medios quoque tuta per enses ,sensit inexhaust cinerem juvenescere fam4#dah ,footnote #dah3 ',far off into the tracts of air and high above the clouds soars ,pindar1 the ,dircan swan1 whose tender mouth ye gentle bees with nectar fed1 while the boy gave rest to weary limbs that breathed soft slumber4 ,but him the maid of ,tanagra derided1 what time she told him that he sowed his myths from the whole sack to waste2 and when he dared contend with her in song1 she bore away the victor's palm1 triumphant by olian moods1 and by her seductive beauty too4 ,he with his mighty voice1 trained in the school of ,agathocles1 sang the crowns of ,olympia and the garlands wherewith the ,isthmus and ,delphi1 and the ,nemean wastes that falsely claimed the moon-born monster1 shade the athlete's brows4 ,then1 like a torrent1 with swelling soul1 he passed to celebrate the powers and virtues of the gods and heroes1 and poured forth pious lamentations for the dead4 ,him ,phoebus1 lord of ,cirrha1 honoured with food and drink from his altar1 and made him guest-fellow at his own board3 shepherds too saw ,pan in lonely caverns charming the woods with a ,pindaric song4 ,at last1 when he was old1 and lay with his neck reclined upon the bosom of the boy he loved1 soothing his soul in sleep1 ,proserpina with still right hand approached and took him straight to join the shades and pace ,elysium's fragrant meads4 ,nay1 more3 long afterwards1 the foeman's flames1 which laid seven-gated ,thebes in ruins far and wide1 these names dared not to burn so great a poet's house2 and his descendants1 safe 'mid a thousand swords1 learned that his ashes still were young through fame that lives for aye4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #agc4 ,sappho is described in the following lines3-- lyricis jam nona poetis olis accedit ,sappho1 qu flumina propter ,pierias legit ungue rosas1 unde implicet audax ,serta ,cupido sibi1 niveam qu pectine blando ,cyrinnem1 ,megaramque simul1 cumque ,atthide pulchram ,cantat ,anactorien1 et crinigeram ,telesippen2 ,et te conspicuum recidivo flore juvent ,miratur revocatque1 ,phaon1 seu munera vect ,puppe tu ,veneris1 seu sic facit herba potentem3 ,sed tandem ,ambracias temeraria saltat in undas4#dai ,footnote #dai3 ',ninth among lyric bards1 olian ,sappho joins the crew2 she who by flowing water plucks ,pieria's rose for venturous ,love to twine in wreaths for his own brow2 who with her dulcet lyre sings fair ,cyrinna's charms1 and ,megara1 and ,atthis and sweet ,anactoria1 and ,telesippa of the flowing hair4 ,and thee1 too1 ,phaon1 beautiful in youth's rathe flower1 on thee she gazes1 thee she calls again2 such power to thee gave ,venus for her freightage in thy skiff1 or else the herb of love4 ,yet at the last1 not wisely bold1 she leaps into the ,ambracian waves4' ,ib4 c4 p4 #age4 ,having disposed of the lyrists1 ,poliziano proceeds to the dramatic poets4 ,his brief notice of the three ,attic tragedians is worthy of quotation1 if only because it proves what we should suspect from other indications1 that the best scholars of the earlier ,renaissance paid them little attention4 ,the facts mentioned in the following lines seem to be derived from the gossip of ,athenus3-- schylus ari casu testudinis ictus1 ,quemque senem merit rapuerunt gaudia palm1 ,quemque tegit rabidis lacerum pia ,pella molossis4#dbj ,footnote #dbj3 'schylus1 smitten by a tortoise falling from the air above his head1 and he whose triumph1 justly won in old age1 killed him with excess of joy1 and he whose body1 torn by raging hounds1 the reverent earth of ,pella hides4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #agf4 ,nor are his observations on the comic dramatists less meagre4#dba ,the ,roman poets having been passed in the same rapid review1 ,poliziano salutes the founders of ,italian literature in the following fine passage3-- ,nec tamen aligerum fraudarim hoc munere ,dantem1 ,per ,styga1 per stellas1 mediique per ardua montis ,pulchra ,beatricis sub virginis ora volantem3 ,quique ,cupidineum repetit ,petrarcha triumphum3 ,et qui bis quinis centum argumenta diebus ,pingit1 et obscuri qui semina monstrat amoris3 ,unde tibi immens veniunt prconia laudis1 ,ingeniis opibusque potens ,florentia mater4#dbb ,footnote #dba3 ,ib4 p4 #agg4 ,footnote #dbb3 ',nor yet of this meed of honour would ,i cheat wing-bearing ,dante1 who flew through hell1 through the starry heavens1 and o'er the intermediate hill of purgatory beneath the beauteous brows of ,beatrice2 and ,petrarch too1 who tells again the tale of ,cupid's triumph2 or him who in ten days portrays a hundred stories1 and lays bare the seeds of hidden love3 from whom unmeasured fame and name are thine1 by wit and wealth twice potent1 ,florence1 mother of great sons6'--,ib4 p4 #agh4 ,the transition to ,lorenzo at this point is natural4 ,a solemn peroration in praise of the ,medicean prince1 himself a poet1 whose studies formed the recreation of severer labours1 ends the composition4 ,this is written in ,poliziano's best style1 and1 though it is too long to quote1 six lines may be selected as indicating the theme of the argument3-- ,quodque alii studiumque vocant durumque laborem1 ,hic tibi ludus erit2 fessus civilibus actis ,huc is emeritas acuens ad carmina vires3 ,felix ingenio1 felix cui pectore tantas ,instaurare vices1 cui fas tam magna capaci ,alternare animo1 et varias ita nectere curas4#dbc ,footnote #dbc3 ',what other men call study and hard toil1 that for thee shall be pastime2 wearied with deeds of state1 to this thou hast recourse1 and dost address the vigour of thy well-worn powers to song3 blest in thy mental gifts1 blest to be able thus to play so many parts1 to vary thus the great cares of thy all-embracing mind1 and weave so many divers duties into one4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #agi4 ,we possess the whole of ,poliziano in the ',nutricia4' ,it displays the energy of intellect that carried him on bounding verse through the intricacies of a subject difficult by reason of its scope and magnitude4 ,all his haste is here1 his inability to polish or select1 his lava-stream of language hurrying the dross of prose and scori of erudition along a burning tide of song4 ,his memory held1 as it were1 in solution all the matter of antique literature2 and when he wrote1 he poured details forth in torrents1 combining them with critical remarks1 for the double purpose of instruction and panegyric4 ,taken at the lowest valuation by students to whom his copious stores of knowledge are familiar1 the vivid and continuous melody of his leaping hexameters places the ',nutricia' above the lucubrations of more fastidious ,latinists4 ,we must also remember that1 when it was recited from the professorial ,chair of ,rhetoric at ,florence1 the magnetism of ,poliziano's voice and manner supplied just that touch of charm the poem lacks for modern readers2 nor was the matter so hackneyed at the end of the fifteenth century as it is now4 ,lilius ,gyraldus1 subjecting the ',sylv' to criticism at a time when ,latin poetry had been artistically polished by the best wits of the age of ,leo1 passed upon them a judgment which may even now be quoted as final4#dbd ',poliziano's learning was marvellous1 his genius fervent and well-trained1 his reading extensive and uninterrupted2 yet he appears to have composed his verses with more heat than art1 using too little judgment both in the selection of his materials and in the correction of his style4 ,when1 however1 you read his ',sylv1' the impression left upon your mind will be such that for the moment you will lack nothing4' ,footnote #dbd3 ',dialogus de ,poetis nostri ,temporis4' ,opp4 vol4 ii4 p4 #chh4 ,edition of ,basle1 #aehj4 ,the second poem of the ',sylv1' entitled ',rusticus1' forms an induction to the study of bucolic poets1 principally ,hesiod and ,virgil4 ,it is distinguished by more originality and play of fancy than the ',nutricia2' some of its delineations of landscape and sketches of country life compete not unfavourably with similar passages in the author's ',stanze4' ,to dwell upon these beauties in detail1 and to compare ,poliziano1 the ,latin poet1 with ,poliziano1 the ,italian1 would be a pleasant task4 ,yet ,i must confine myself to quoting the last1 and in some respects the least imaginative1 lines1 for the sake of their historical interest4 ,careggi and ,florence1 ,lorenzo and his circle of literary friends1 rise before us in these verses3-- ,talia ,fesuleo lentus meditabar in antro1 ,rure suburbano ,medicum1 qu mons sacer urbem ,moniam1 longique volumina despicit ,arni3 ,qu bonus hospitium felix placidamque quietem ,indulget ,laurens1 ,laurens haud ultima ,phoebi ,gloria1 jactatis ,laurens fida anchora ,musis2 ,qui si certa magis permiserit otia nobis1 ,afflabor majore ,deo1 nec jam ardua tantum ,silva meas voces1 montanaque saxa loquentur1 ,sed tu1 si qua fides1 tu nostrum forsitan olim1 ,o mea blanda altrix1 non aspernabere carmen1 ,quamvis magnorum genitrix ,florentia vatum1 ,doctaque me triplici recinet facundia lingu4#dbe ,footnote #dbe3 ',on themes like these ,i spent my hours of leisure in the grottoes of ,fiesole1 at the ,medicean villa1 where the holy hill looks down upon the ,monian city1 and surveys the windings of the distant ,arno4 ,there good ,lorenzo gives his friends a happy home and rest from cares2 ,lorenzo1 not the last of ,phoebus' glorious band2 ,lorenzo1 the firm anchor of the ,muses tempest-tost4 ,if only he but grant me greater ease1 the inspiration of a mightier god will raise my soul2 nor shall the lofty woods alone and mountain rocks resound my words2 but thou--such faith have ,i--thou too shalt sometime hear1 kind nurse of mine1 nor haply scorn my song1 thou1 ,florence1 mother of imperial bards1 and learned eloquence in three great tongues shall give me fame4' ,carmina1 c4 p4 #aif4 ,the third canto of the ',sylv' is called ',manto4' ,it relates the birth of ,virgil1 to whom the ,muses gave their several gifts1 while the ,sibyl of ,mantua foretold his future course of life and all the glories he should gain by song4 ,the poem concludes with a rhetorical eulogy of ,rome's chief bard1 so characteristic of ,renaissance enthusiasm for ,virgil that to omit a portion of it from these pages would be to sacrifice one of the most striking examples of ,italian taste in scholarship3-- ,at manet ternum1 et seros excurrit in annos ,vatis opus1 dumque in tacito vaga sidera mundo ,fulgebunt1 dum sol nigris orietur ab ,indis1 ,prvia luciferis aderit dum curribus ,eos1 ,dum ver tristis hiems1 autumnum proferet stas1 ,dumque fluet spirans refluetque reciproca ,tethys1 ,dum mixta alternas capient elementa figuras1 ,semper erit magni decus immortale ,maronis1 ,semper inexhaustis ibunt hc flumina venis1 ,semper ab his docti ducentur fontibus haustus1 ,semper odoratos fundent hc gramina flores1 ,unde pi libetis apes1 unde inclyta nectat ,serta comis triplici juvenalis ,gratia dextr4#dbf ,footnote #dbf3 ',nay1 but for everlasting lives our poet's work1 abides1 and goes forth toward the ages late in time4 ,so long as in the silent firmament the stars shall shine2 so long as day shall rise from sun-burned ,ind2 so long as ,phosphor runs before the wheels of light2 so long as gloomy winter leads to spring1 and summer to autumn2 while breathing ocean ebbs and flows by turns1 and the mixed elements put on their changing shapes--so long1 for ever1 shall endure great ,maro's fame1 for ever shall flow these rivers from his unexhausted fount1 for ever shall draughts of learning be drawn from these rills1 for ever shall these meadows yield their perfumed flowers1 to pasture holy bees1 and give the youthful ,graces garlands for their hair4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #bjg4 ,not less ingenious than the poem itself is the elegiac introduction4 ,poliziano feigns that when the ,miny came to ,cheiron's cave on ,pelion1 and supped with him1 ,orpheus sang a divine melody1 and then the young ,achilles took the lyre1 and with rude fingers praised the poet's song4 ,the ,miny smiled1 but ,orpheus was touched by the boy-hero's praises4 ,even so will ,maro haply take delight in mine3-- ,finis erat dapibus2 citharam pius excitat ,orpheus1 ,et movet ad doctas verba canora manus4 ,conticuere viri1 tenuere silentia venti1 ,vosque retro cursum mox tenuistis aqu4 ,jam volucres fessis pendere sub thera pennis1 ,jamque truces videas ora tenere feras4 ,decurrunt scopulis aurit ad carmina quercus1 ,nudaque ,peliacus culmina motat apex4 ,et jam materno permulserat omnia cantu1 ,cum tacuit1 querulam deposuitque fidem4 ,occupat hanc audax1 digitosque affringit ,achilles1 ,indoctumque rudi personat ore puer4 ,materiam quris8 laudabat carmina blandi ,hospitis1 et tant murmura magna lyr4 ,riserunt ,miny3 sed enim tibi dicitur1 ,orpheu1 ,hc pueri pietas grata fuisse nimis4 ,me quoque nunc magni nomen celebrare ,maronis1 ,si qua fides vero est1 gaudet et ipse ,maro4#dbg ,footnote #dbg3 ',supper was over2 ,orpheus awakes the lyre1 and sings a melody to suit the tune he plays4 ,the men were silent2 the winds hushed2 the rivers held their waters back to hear2 the birds hung motionless in air2 and the wild beasts grew calm4 ,from the cliffs the oaks run down with listening ears1 and the top of ,pelion nods his barren head4 ,and now the bard had soothed the whole world with his mother's song2 when he ceased from singing and put down the thrilling lyre4 ,this bold ,achilles seizes2 he runs his fingers o'er the strings1 and chaunts an untaught lay1 the simple boy4 ,what was his theme8 you ask4 ,he praised the singing of the gentle guest1 the mighty murmurs of that lyre divine4 ,the ,miny laughed2 but yet1 so runs the tale1 even all too sweet1 ,orpheus1 to thee was the boy's homage4 ,just so my praise of mighty ,maro's name1 if faith be not a dream1 gives joy to ,maro's self4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #aig4 ,the fourth poem1 bearing the name of ',ambra1' forms a similar induction to the study of ,homer4 ,the youth of ,homer is narrated1 and how ,achilles appeared to him1 blinding him with the vision of his heroic beauty1 and giving him the wand of ,teiresias4 ,then follow descriptions of both ',iliad' and ',odyssey1' and a passage of high-flown panegyric2 the whole ending with these lines on ,lorenzo's villa of ,cajano3-- ,et nos ergo illi grat pietate dicamus ,hanc de ,pierio contextam flore coronam1 ,quam mihi ,cajanas inter pulcherrima nymphas ,ambra dedit patri lectam de gramine rip2 ,ambra mei ,laurentis amor1 quem corniger ,umbro1 ,umbro senex genuit domino gratissimus ,arno1 ,umbro suo tandem non erepturus ab alveo4#dbh ,footnote #dbh3 ',we also1 therefore1 with glad homage dedicate to him this garland twined of ,pieria's flowers1 which ,ambra1 loveliest of ,cajano's nymphs1 gave to me1 culled from meadows on her father's shores2 ,ambra1 the love of my ,lorenzo1 whom ,umbrone1 the horned stream1 begat--,umbrone1 dearest to his master ,arno1 ,umbrone1 who now henceforth will never break his banks again4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #bbd4 ,taking into consideration the purpose fulfilled by ,poliziano's ',sylv' in his professorial career1 it is impossible to deny their merit4 ,the erudition is borne with ease2 it does not clog or overload the poet's impulse4 ,the flattery of ,lorenzo is neither fulsome nor unmerited4 ,the verse flows strongly and majestically1 though more variety of cadence in the hexameter may be desired4 ,the language1 in spite of repetitions and ill-chosen archaisms1 is rich and varied2 it has at least the charm of being the poet's own1 not culled with scrupulous anxiety from one or two illustrious sources4 ,some of the pictures are delicately sketched1 while the whole style produces the effect of eloquent and fervid improvisation4 ,for fulness and rapidity of utterance1 copious fancy1 and wealth of illustration1 these four poems will bear comparison with ,roman work of the ,silver ,age4 ,the ,florentines who crowded ,poliziano's lecture-room must have felt as in the days of the ,empire1 when ,statius declaimed his periods to a ,roman audience1 and the patrician critics clapped applause4#dbi ,footnote #dbi3 ,cf4 ,juvenal1 ,satire1 i4 #i-ad2 vii4 #ha-hg4 ,persius1 ,satire1 i4 #gi-hb4 ,and cf4 ,petronius ,arbiter for a detailed picture of these ,roman recitations4 ,among ,poliziano's minor poems it is enough to mention the elegiac couplets on some violets sent him by his mistress1 the verses descriptive of a beautiful girl1 and the lamentation for the wife of ,sismondo della ,stufa4#dcj ,they illustrate the delicacy of his style and the freedom of his fancy in the treatment of occasional themes1 and are far superior to his epigrams and epitaphs4#dca ,the numerous encomiastic elegies addressed to ,lorenzo de' ,medici and other patrons are wholly without value4 ,poliziano was a genuine poet4 ,he needed the inspiration of true feeling or of lively fancy2 on a tame occasion he degenerated into frigid baldness4 ,yet the satires on ,mabilius1 where spite and jealousy have stirred his genius1 are striking for their volubility and pungency4 ,a ,roman imitator of ,catullus in his brutal mood could not have produced abuse more flexible and nauseous4 ,taken altogether1 ,poliziano's ,latin compositions display the qualities of fluency and abundance that characterise his ,italian verses1 though they have not the exquisite polish of the ',giostra4' ,their final merit consists in their spontaneity4 ,no stylist of the age of ,leo knew how to use the language of classic ,rome with so much ease4 ,footnote #dcj3 ,carmina ,quinque1 c4 pp4 #bej1 #bgb1 #bgf4 ,footnote #dca3 ,the epitaphs on ,giotto1 ,lippo ,lippi1 the fair ,simonetta1 and others1 are only valuable for their historic interest1 such as that is4 ,jovianus ,pontanus deserves a high place among the writers of ,latin verse1 whether we regard his didactic poems on astronomy and the cultivation of the orange1 his epigrams1 or the amorous elegies that1 for their grace1 may be compared almost with ,ovid4#dcb ,even during his lifetime ,pontanus became a classic1 and after his death he was imitated by the most ambitious versifiers of the late ,renaissance4#dcc ,the beauty of ,south ,italian landscape--,sorrento's orange gardens and ,bai's waters--passed into the fancy of the ,neapolitan poets1 and gave colour to their language4 ,nor was ,pontanus1 in spite of his severe studies and gravely-tempered mind1 dead to the seductions of this siren4 ,what we admire in ,sannazzaro's ',arcadia' assumes the form of pure ,latinity in his love poems4#dcd ,their style is penetrated with the feeling for physical beauty1 ,pagan and untempered by an afterthought of ,christianity4 ,their vigorous and glowing sensuality finds no just analogue except in some ,venetian paintings4 ,it was not1 however1 by his lighter verses so much as by the five books called ',de ,stellis' or ',urania' that ,pontanus won the admiration of ,italian scholars4 ,in this long series of hexameters he contrived to set forth the whole astronomical science of his age1 touching upon the mythology of the celestial signs1 describing the zodiac1 discussing the motion of the heavens1 raising the question of planetary influences1 and characterising the different regions of the globe by their relation to the sun's path across the sky4 ,he seems to have taken the ',metamorphoses' of ,ovid for his model of versification2 and though we miss the variety of ,ovid's treatment1 great ingenuity is displayed in adorning so difficult a subject with poetical episodes4#dce ,personal interest is added to the conclusion of ',urania' by the lamentation poured forth for his daughter ,lucia by the poet3-- ,ornabam tibi serta domi2 ,syriumque liquorem ,ad thalamos gemin1 gemin1 tua cura1 sorores ,fundebant4 ,quid pro sertis ,syrioque liquore ,liquisti8 ,sine sole dies1 sine sidere noctes1 ,insomnes noctes4#dcf ,footnote #dcb3 ,i shall quote from his ,collected ,poems1 ,aldus1 #aeac4 ,footnote #dcc3 ,see the ,elegy of ,sannazzaro on the writings of ,pontanus1 ,poemata ,selecta1 pp4 #a-d1 and ,fracastoro's ,syphilis1 ib4 p4 #gb4 ,footnote #dcd3 ,deliti ,poetarum ,italorum1 pt4 ii4 pp4 #ffh-gab4 ,specimens may also be read in the ,poemata ,selecta ,italorum1 pp4 #a-bd4 ,footnote #dce3 ,see1 for instance1 the tale of ,hylas1 lib4 v4 p4 #ajc2 the tale of ,cola ,pesce1 lib4 iv4 p4 #gi2 the council of the gods1 lib4 i4 p4 #ah2 the planet ,venus1 lib4 i4 p4 #e4 ,footnote #dcf3 ,lib4 v4 pp4 #aje-ajh4 ',for thee ,i hung the house with wreaths2 and thy twin sisters poured forth ,syrian perfumes at the marriage chamber4 ,what for our garlands and our perfumes hast thou left8 ,days without light1 nights without a star1 long sleepless nights4' ,lucia died before her marriage-day1 and her grey-headed father went mourning for her1 fooled by memory1 vainly seeking the joy that could not come again4 ,had she become1 he asks1 a star in heaven1 and did the blessed gods and heroines enjoy her splendour8 ,no voice replied when he called into the darkness1 nor did new constellations beam on him with brightness from his daughter's eyes4 ,all through the wakeful night he mourned1 but when dawn went forth he marked a novel lustre on the sea and in the sky4 ,lucia had been added to the nymphs of morning4 ,she smiled upon her father as she fled before the wheels of day2 and now the sun himself arose1 and in his light her light was swallowed3 ,hyperion scaled the heights of heaven with more than his own glory4 ,with this apotheosis of his daughter1 so curiously ,pagan in feeling1 and yet so far from classical in taste1 the poem might have ended1 had not ,pontano reserved its final honours for himself4 ,to ,lucia1 now made a goddess1 he addresses his prayers that she should keep his name and fame alive on earth when he is dead3-- ,fama ipsa assistens tumulo cum vestibus aureis1 ,ore ingens1 ac voce ingens1 ingentibus alis1 ,per populos late ingenti mea nomina plausu ,vulgabit1 titulosque feret per scula nostros2 ,plaudentesque meis resonabunt laudibus aur1 ,vivet et extento celeber ,jovianus in vo4#dcg ,footnote #dcg3 ',fame herself1 seated by my tomb with golden raiment1 mighty-mouthed1 mighty-voiced1 with mighty wings1 shall spread abroad among the people my names with mighty sound of praise1 and carry through the centuries my titles1 and with my glory shall resound applauding airs of heaven2 renowned through everlasting ages ,jovian shall live4' ,sannazzaro's own elegies on the joys of love and country life1 the descriptions of his boyhood at ,salerno1 the praises of his ,villa ,mergillina1 and his meditations among the ruins of ,cum1 are marked by the same characteristics4 ,nothing quite so full of sensual enjoyment1 so soft1 and so voluptuous can be found in the poems of the ,florentine and ,roman scholars4 ,they deserve study1 if only as illustrating the luxurious tone of literature at ,naples4 ,it was not by these lighter effusions1 however1 that ,sannazzaro won his fame4 ,the epic on the birth of ,christ cost him twenty years of labour2 and when it was finished1 the learned world of ,italy welcomed it as a model of correct and polished writing4 ,at the same time the critics seem to have felt1 what cannot fail to strike a modern reader1 that the difficulties of treating such a theme in the ,virgilian manner1 and the patience of the stylist1 had rendered it a masterpiece of ingenuity rather than a work of genius4#dch ,sannazzaro's epigrams1 composed in the spirit of bitterest hostility towards the ,borgia family1 were not less famous than his epic4 ,alfonso of ,aragon took the poet with him during his campaign against the ,papal force in the ,abruzzi2 and these satires1 hastily written in the tent and by the camp-fire1 formed the amusement of his officers4 ,from the soldiers of ,alfonso they speedily passed1 on the lips of courtiers and scholars1 through all the cities of ,italy2 nor is it easy to say how much of ,lucrezia ,borgia's legend may not be traceable to their brief but envenomed couplets4 ,what had been the scandal of the camp acquired consistency in lines too pungent to be forgotten and too witty to remain unquoted4#dci ,as a specimen of ,sannazzaro's style1 the epigram on ,venice may here be cited3-- ,viderat ,hadriacis ,venetam ,neptunus in undis ,stare urbem1 et toto ponere jura mari3 ,nunc mihi ,tarpeias quantumvis1 ,jupiter1 arces ,objice1 et illa tui moenia ,martis1 ait3 ,si ,pelago ,tybrim prfers1 urbem aspice utramque2 ,illam homines dices1 hanc posuisse deos4#ddj ,footnote #dch3 ',lilius ,gyraldus1' loc4 cit4 p4 #chd1 writes about this epic1 'in quibus1 ut sic dicam1 statarius poeta videri potest4 ,non enim verborum volubilitate fertur1 sed limatius quoddam scribendi genus consectatur1 et lim indies atterit1 ut de illo non ineleganter dictum illud ,apellis de ,protogene ,pontanus usurpare solitus esset1 eum manum de tabul tollere nescire4' ,footnote #dci3 ,see ,deliti ,poetarum ,italorum1 second part1 pp4 #gac-gfa4 ,the following couplet on the death of ,cesare ,borgia is celebrated3-- ,aut nihil aut ,csar vult dici ,borgia2 quidni8 ,cum simul et ,csar possit et esse nihil4 ,footnote #ddj3 ',when ,neptune beheld ,venice stationed in the ,adriatic waters1 and giving laws to all the ocean1 ,now taunt me1 ,jupiter1 with the ,tarpeian rock and those walls of thy son ,mars6 he cried4 ,if thou preferrest ,tiber to the sea1 look on both cities2 thou wilt say the one was built by men1 the other by gods4' ,i have already touched upon the ,virgilianism of ,sannazzaro's ',partus ,virginis4'#dda ,what the cold churches of ,palladio are to ,christian architecture1 this frigid epic is to ,christian poetry4 ,leo ,x4 delighted to recognise the ,gospel narrative beneath a fancy dress of mythological inventions1 and to witness the triumph of classical scholarship in the holy places of the medival faith4 ,to fuse the traditions of ,biblical and secular antiquity was1 as ,i have often said1 the dream of the ,renaissance4 ,what ,pico and ,ficino attempted in philosophical treatises1 the poets sought to effect by form4 ,religion1 attiring herself in classic drapery1 threw off the cobwebs of the ,catacombs1 and acquired the right of petites entres at the ,vatican4 ,it did not signify that she had sacrificed her majesty to fashion1 or that her tunic la mode antique was badly made4 ,her rouge and spangles enchanted the scholarly ,pontiff1 who forthwith ordered ,vida to compose the ',christiad1' and gave him a benefice at ,frascati in order that he might enjoy a poet's ease4 ,vida's epic1 like ,sannazzaro's1 was not finished during the lifetime of ,leo4 ,both the ',christiad' and the ',partus ,virginis' reflected lustre on the age of ,clement4 ,footnote #dda3 ,see above1 p4 #bhh4 ,vida won his first laurels in the field of didactic poetry4 ,virgilian exercises on the breeding of silkworms and the game of chess displayed his faculty for investing familiar subjects with the graces of a polished style4#ddb ,such poems1 whether written in ,latin1 or1 like the ',api' of ,rucellai1 in ,italian1 gratified the taste of the ,renaissance1 always appreciative of form independent of the matter it invested4 ,for a modern student ,vida's metrical treatise in three books on the ',art of ,poetry' has greater interest2 since it illustrates the final outcome of classic studies in the age of ,leo4 ,the ',poetica' is addressed to ,francis1 ,dauphin of ,france1 in his ,spanish prison3#ddc-- ,primus ades1 ,francisce2 sacras ne despice ,musas1 ,regia progenies1 cui regum debita sceptra ,gallorum1 cum firma annis accesserit tas4 ,hc tibi parva ferunt jam nunc solatia dulces2 ,dum procul a patri raptum1 amplexuque tuorum1 ,ah dolor6 ,hispanis sors impia detinet oris1 ,henrico cum fratre2 patris sic fata tulerunt ,magnanimi1 dum fortun luctatur iniqu4 ,parce tamen1 puer1 o lacrymis2 fata aspera forsan ,mitescent1 aderitque dies ltissima tandem ,post triste exilium patriis cum redditus oris ,ltitiam ingentem populorum1 omnesque per urbes ,accipies plausus1 et ltas undique voces2 ,votaque pro reditu persolvent debita matres4 ,interea te ,pierides comitentur2 in altos ,jam te ,parnassi mecum aude attollere lucos4#ddd ,footnote #ddb3 ,bombycum2 ,libri duo4 ,scacchia1 ,ludus2 ,liber unus4 ,pope's ,poemata ,italorum1 vol4 i4 pp4 #ajc-acj2 pp4 #aij-baj4 ,the former poem is addressed to ,isabella ,gonzaga1 ne d',este4 ,footnote #ddc3 ,poemata ,selecta1 pp4 #bjg-bff4 ,it will be remembered that ,francis ,i41 after ,pavia1 gave his two sons as hostages to ,charles ,v4 ,footnote #ddd3 ',thou1 ,francis1 art the first to answer to my call4 ,scorn not the sacred ,muses1 scion of a royal line1 to whom the sceptre of the kings of ,gallia in due season of maturity will pass4 ,their sweetness even now shall yield thee some slight solace1 exiled from home and fatherland by fate impiteous on the ,spanish shore1 thee and thy brother ,henry4 ,so the fortunes of thy mighty-hearted father willed1 condemned to strive against unequal doom4 ,yet spare thy tears3 perchance hard fate will soften1 and a day of supreme joy will come at last1 when1 after thy sad exile1 once more given to thy nation1 thou shalt behold thy country's gladness1 and hear the shouts of all her cities and the ringing songs of happiness1 and mothers shall perform their vows for thy return4 ,meanwhile let the maidens of ,pieria attend thee2 and1 with me for guide1 ascend into the groves of high ,parnassus4' ,after this dedication ,vida describes the solace to be found in poetry1 and adds some precepts on the preparation of the student's mind4#dde ,a rapid review of the history of poetry--the decline of ,greek inspiration after ,homer1 and of ,latin after ,virgil2 the qualities of the ,silver ,age1 and the ,revival of letters under the ,medici at ,florence--serves to show how narrow the standard of ,italian culture had become between the period of ,poliziano1 who embraced so much in his sketch of literature1 and that of ,vida1 who confined himself to so little4 ,the criticism is not unjust2 but it proves that the refinement of taste by scholarship had resulted in restricting students to one or two models1 whom they followed with servility4#ddf ,having thus established his general view of the poetic art1 ,vida proceeds to sketch a plan of education4 ,the qualities and duties of a tutor are described2 and here we may notice how far ,vittorino's and ,guarino's methods had created an ideal of training for ,italy4 ,the preceptor must above all things avoid violence1 and aim at winning the affections of his pupil2 it would be well for him to associate several youths in the same course of study1 so as to arouse their emulation4 ,he must not neglect their games1 and must always be careful to suit his method to the different talents of his charges4 ,when the special studies to be followed are discussed1 ,vida points out that ,cicero is the best school of ,latin style4 ,he recommends the early practice of bucolic verse1 and inculcates the necessity of treating youthful essays with indulgence4 ,these topics are touched with more or less felicity of phrase and illustration2 and though the subject-matter is sufficiently trite1 the good sense and kindly feeling of the writer win respect4 ,the first book concludes with a peroration on the dignity and sanctity of poets1 a theme the humanists were never weary of embroidering4#ddg ,the second describes the qualities of a good poem1 as these were conceived by the refined but formal taste of the sixteenth century4 ,it should begin quietly1 and manage to excite without satisfying the curiosity of the reader4 ,vain displays of learning are to be avoided4 ,episodes and similes must occur at proper intervals2 and a frugal seasoning of humour will be found agreeable4 ,all repetitions should be shunned1 and great care should be taken to vary the narrative with picturesque descriptions4 ,rhetoric1 again1 is not unworthy of attention1 when the poet seeks to place convenient and specious arguments in the mouths of his personages4 ,footnote #dde3 tibi digna supellex ,verborum rerumque paranda est1 proque videnda ,instant multa prius1 quorum vatum indiget usus4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #bji4 ,footnote #ddf3 ,after mentioning the glories of ,virgil1 ,vida adds3-- ,sperare nefas sit vatibus ultra4 ,nulla mora1 ex illo in pejus ruere omnia visa1 ,degenerare animi1 atque retro res lapsa referri4 ,hic namque ingenio confisus posthabet artem2 ,ille furit strepitu1 tenditque quare tubarum ,voce sonos1 versusque tonat sine more per omnes2 ,dant alii cantus vacuos1 et inania verba ,incassum1 sol capti dulcedine vocis4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #bac4 ,cf4 the advice 7p4 #bad7 to follow none but ,virgil3-- ,ergo ipsum ante alios animo venerare ,maronem1 ,atque unum sequere1 utque potes1 vestigia serva4 ,footnote #ddg3 ,dona dem ,mus3 vulgus procul este profanum4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #bbd2 and again1 ib4 p4 #bbf3-- ,tu ,jovis ambrosiis das nos accumbere mensis2 ,tu nos diis quas superis1 c4 ,it is difficult in a summary to do justice to this portion of ,vida's poem4 ,his description of the ideal epic is indeed nothing more or less than a refined analysis of the 'neid2' and students desirous of learning what the ,italians of the sixteenth century admired in ,virgil will do well to study its acute and sober criticism4 ,a panegyric of ,leo closes the second book4 ,from this peroration some lines upon the woes of ,italy may be read with profit1 as proving that the nation1 conscious of its own decline1 was contented to accept the primacy of culture in exchange for independence3-- ,dii ,rom indigetes1 ,troj tuque auctor1 ,apollo ,unde genus nostrum coeli se tollit ad astra1 ,hanc saltem auferri laudem prohibete ,latinis3 ,artibus emineat semper1 studiisque ,minerv1 ,italia1 et gentes doceat pulcherrima ,roma2 ,quandoguidem armorum penitus fortuna recessit1 ,tanta ,italos inter crevit discordia reges2 ,ipsi nos inter sacros distringimus enses1 ,nec patriam pudet externis aperire tyrannis4#ddh ,footnote #ddh3 ',ye native gods of ,rome6 and thou1 ,apollo1 ,troy's founder6 by whom our race is raised to heaven6 let not at least this glory be withdrawn from ,latium's children3 may ,italy for ever hold the heights of art and learning1 and most beauteous ,rome instruct the nations2 albeit all success in arms be lost1 so great hath grown the discord of ,italia's princes4 ,yea1 one against the other1 we draw bloody swords1 nor feel we any shame in calling foreign tyrants into our own land4'--,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #bde4 ,the third book treats of style and diction4 ,to be clear and varied1 to command metaphor and allusion1 to choose phrases coloured by mythology and fancy1 to suit the language to the subject1 to vary the metrical cadence with the thought and feeling1 and to be assiduous in the use of the file are mentioned as indispensable to excellence4 ,a peroration on ,virgil1 sonorous and impassioned1 closes the whole poem1 which1 rightly understood1 is a monument erected to the fame of the ,roman bard by the piety of his ,italian pupil4 ,the final lines are justly famous3-- ,o decus ,itali6 lux o clarissima vatum6 ,te colimus1 tibi serta damus1 tibi thura1 tibi aras2 ,et tibi rite sacrum semper dicemus honorem ,carminibus memores4 ,salve1 sanctissime vates6 ,laudibus augeri tua gloria nil potis ultra1 ,et nostr nil vocis eget2 nos aspice prsens1 ,pectoribusque tuos castis infunde calores ,adveniens1 pater1 atque animis te te insere nostris4#ddi ,footnote #ddi3 ',hail1 light of ,italy1 thou brightest of the bards6 ,thee we worship1 thee we adore with wreaths1 with frankincense1 with altars2 to thee1 as duty bids1 for everlasting will we chaunt our holy hymns4 ,hail1 consecrated bard6 ,no increase to thy glory flows from praise1 nor needs it voice of ours4 ,be near1 and look upon thy votaries2 come1 father1 and infuse thy fervour into our chaste hearts1 and plant thyself within our souls4'--,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #bff4 ,vida's own intellect was clear1 and his style perspicuous2 but his genius was mediocre4 ,his power lay in the disposition of materials and in illustration4 ,a precise taste1 formed on ,cicero and ,virgil1 and exercised with judgment in a narrow sphere1 satisfied his critical requirements4 ,virgil with him was first and last1 and midst and without end4 ,in a word1 he shows what a scholar of sound parts and rhetorical aptitude could achieve by the study and imitation of a single author4 ,since ,i have begun to speak of didactic poems1 ,i may take this opportunity of noticing ,fracastoro1 who seems to have chosen ,pontanus for his model1 and1 while emulating both ,lucretius and ,virgil1 to have fallen short of ,vida's elegance4 ,his work is less remarkable for purity of diction than for massiveness of intellect1 gravity of matter1 and constructive ability4 ,jeronimo ,fracastoro was born in #adhc at ,verona1 where he spent the greater portion of his life1 enjoying high reputation as a physician1 philosopher1 astronomer1 and poet4 ,during his youth he studied under ,pomponazzo at ,padua4 ,the strong tincture of materialistic science he there received1 continued through life to colour his thought4 ,among modern ,pagans none is more completely bare of ,christianity than ,fracastoro4 ,as is well known1 he chose the new and terrible disease of the ,renaissance for his theme1 and gave a name to it that still is current4 ,to speak of ,fracastoro's ',syphilis1' dedicated to ,bembo1 hailed with acclamation by all ,italy1 preferred by ,sannazzaro to his own epic1 and praised by ,julius ,csar ,scaliger as a 'divine poem1' is not easy now4 ,the plague it celebrates appeared at ,naples in #adie1 and spread like wildfire over ,europe1 assuming at first the form of an epidemic sparing neither ,pope nor king1 and stirring less disgust than dread among its victims4#dej ,whether the laws of its propagation were rightly understood in the sixteenth century is a question for physicians to decide4 ,no one appears to have suspected that it differed in specific character from other pestilent disorders2 and it is clear1 both from contemporary chronicles and from ,fracastoro's poem1 that the mal franzese1 as it was popularly called1 suggested to the people of that age associations different from those that have since gathered round it4 ,at the same time more formidable and less loathsome1 it was a not more unworthy subject for verse than the plague at ,athens described by ,lucretius4 ,treating the disease1 therefore1 as a curse common to his generation1 the scientific poet dared to set forth its symptoms1 to prescribe remedies1 to discuss the question of its origin1 and to use it as an illustration of antagonistic forces1 pernicious and beneficent1 in the economy of nature4 ,to philosophise his repulsive subject-matter was the author's ambition4 ,his contemporaries admired the poetic graces with which he had contrived to adorn it4 ,footnote #dej3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #dcc1 note4 ,the exordium of the first book states the problem4 ,whence came this new scourge of humanity8 ,not1 surely1 from ,america1 though it is there indigenous4 ,its diffusion after the disasters of #adid was too rapid to admit of this hypothesis4#dea ,to the corruption of the atmosphere must be referred the general invasion of the plague4#deb ,the theory of infected and putrescent air is stated in a long ,lucretian passage1 followed by a scientific account of the symptoms of syphilis4 ,at this point the poet diversifies his argument by an episode1 narrating the sad death of a young man born on the banks of the ,oglio1 and leading by gradual transitions to a peroration on the wars and woes of ,italy4#dec ,over all the poets of this age the miseries of their country hung like a cloud1 and1 touch the lyre as they may at the beginning of their song1 it is certain ere the ending to give forth a dolorous groan4 ,in the second book ,fracastoro enters on the subject of remedies4 ,he lays stress on choice of air1 abundant exercise1 avoidance of wine and heating diet1 blood-letting1 abstinence from sensual pleasures1 fomentations1 herbs1 and divers minute rules of health4 ,by attention to these matters the disease may be1 if not shunned1 at least mitigated4 ,the sovereign remedy of quicksilver demanded fuller illustration2 therefore the poet introduces the legendary episode of the shepherd ,ilceus1 conducted by the nymph ,lipar to the sulphur founts and lakes of mercury beneath ,mount ,etna4 ,ilceus bathed1 and was renewed in health4 ,the rigorously didactic intention of ,fracastoro is proved by the recipe for a mercurial ointment and the description of salivation that wind up this book4#ded ,the third opens with an allusion to the discovery of ,america1 and a celebration of the tree ,hyacus 7,guaiacum74 ,it is noticeable that1 with such an opportunity for singing the praises of ,columbus1 ,fracastoro passed him by1 nor cared to claim for ,italy a share in the greatest achievement of the century4 ,mingling myth with history1 he next proceeds to tell how the ,spaniards arrived in the ,west ,indies1 and shot birds sacred to the ,sun1#dee one of which spoke with human voice1 predicting the evils that would fall upon the crew for their impiety4 ,not the least of these was to be a strange and terrible disease4 ,the natives of the islands flocked to meet the strangers1 and some of them were tettered with a ghastly eruption4 ,this leads to the episodical legend of the shepherd ,syphilus1 who dared to deride the ,sun-god1 and of the king ,alcithous1 who accepted divine honours in his stead4 ,the ,sun1 to requite the insolence of ,syphilus1 afflicted him with a dreadful sickness4 ,it yielded to no cure until the nymph ,ammeric initiated him in the proper lustral rites1 and led him to the tree ,hyacus4 ,the poem ends with a panegyric of ,guaiacum4 ,footnote #dea3 quoniam in primis ostendere multos ,possumus1 attactu qui nullius hanc tamen ipsam ,sponte su sensere luem1 primique tulere4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #fg4 ,footnote #deb3 ,quumque animadvertas1 tam vast semina labis ,esse nec in terr gremio1 nec in quore posse1 ,haud dubie tecum statuas reputesque necesse est1 ,principium sedemque mali consistere in ipso ,are1 qui terras circum diffunditur omnes4 ,ibid4 p4 #fi4 ,footnote #dec3 ,ibid4 pp4 #gi1 #hj4 ,footnote #ded3 ,ibid4 pp4 #ie1 #if4 ,footnote #dee3 ,these phrases he finds for a fowling-piece3-- ,cava terrificis horrentia bombis ,aera1 et flammiferum tormenta imitantia fulmen4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #aja4 ,i have sketched the subject of the ',syphilis' in outline because of its importance not only for the neo-,latin literature of the ,renaissance1 but also for the history of medical opinion4 ,as a didactic poem1 it is constructed with considerable art2 the style1 though prosaic1 is forcible1 and the meaning is always precise4 ,falling short of classic elegance1 ,fracastoro may still be said to have fulfilled the requirements of ,vida1 and to have added something male and vigorous peculiar to himself4 ,his adulatory verses to ,alessandro ,farnese1 ,paul ,,iii41 and ,julius ,,iii4 might be quoted as curious examples of fulsome flattery conveyed in a barocco style4 ,they combine ,papal cant with ,pagan mannerism1 ,virgilian and ,biblical phraseology1 masculine gravity of diction and far-fetched conceits1 in a strange amalgam1 as awkward as it is ridiculous4#def ,footnote #def3 ,cf4 the passage about ,alessandro ,farnese's journeys-- ,matre de comitante et iter monstrante nepoti-- and the reformation in ,germany4 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #abe4 ,the whole idyll addressed to ,julius ,,iii41 ib4 pp4 #acj-ace1 is inconceivably uncouth4 ,another group of ,latin versifiers1 with ,bembo at their head1 cultivated the elegy1 the idyll1 and the ode4 ,the authors of their predilection were ,catullus1 ,propertius1 and ,tibullus4 ,abandoning the attempt to mould ,christian or modern material into classic form1 they frankly selected ,pagan motives1 and adhered in spirit as well as style to their models4 ,two elegiac poems of ,bembo's1 the ',priapus' and the ',faunus ad ,nympeum ,flumen1' may be cited as flagrant specimens of sixteenth-century licentiousness4#deg ,polished language and almost faultless versification are wasted upon themes of rank obscenity4 ,the ',priapus1' translated and amplified in ,italian ottava rima1 gained a popular celebrity beyond the learned circles for whom it was originally written4 ,we may trace its influence in many infamous ,capitoli of the burlesque poets4 ,bembo excelled in elegiac verse4 ,in a poem entitled ',de ,amic a ,viro ,servat1' he treated a characteristically ,italian subject with something of ,ovid's graceful humour4#deh ,a lover complains of living near his mistress1 closely watched by her jealous husband4 ,here1 as elsewhere1 the morality is less to be admired than the versification2 and that the latter1 in spite of ,bembo's scrupulous attention to metre1 is not perfect1 may be gathered from this line3-- ,tunc quos nunc habeo et quos sum olim habiturus amicos4 ,footnote #deg3 ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 pp4 #d and #i-aa4 ,footnote #deh3 ,ib4 pp4 #ah-bc4 ,after reading hexameters so constructed we are tempted to shut the book with a groan1 wondering how it was that a ,pope's secretary and a prince of the ,church should have thought it worth his while to compose a poem so injurious to his reputation as a moralist1 or to preserve in it a verse so little favourable to his fame as a ,latinist4 ,more beautiful1 because more true to classic inspiration1 is the elegy of ',galatea4'#dei ,the idyllic incidents suggest a series of pretty pictures for bas-reliefs or decorative frescoes in the manner of ,albano4 ,bembo's masterpiece1 however1 in the elegiac metre1 is a poem with ',de ,galeso et ,maximo' for its title4#dfj ,it was composed1 as the epigraph informs us1 at the command of a great man at ,rome2 but whether that great man was also the greatest in ,rome1 and whether ,maximus was another name for ,leo1 is matter of conjecture4 ,the boy ,galesus had wronged ,maximus1 his master4 ,when reproved1 he offered no excuses1 called no witnesses1 uttered no prayers to ,heaven1 indulged in no asseverations of innocence1 shed no tears3-- ,nil horum aggreditur2 sed tantum ingrata loquentis ,implicitus collo dulce pependit onus4 ,nec mora1 cunctanti roseis tot pressa labellis ,oscula coelitibus invidiosa dedit1 ,arida quot levibus florescit messis aristis1 ,excita quot vernis floribus halat humus4 ,maxime1 quid dubitas8 ,si te piget1 ipse tuo me ,pone loco3 hc dubitem non ego ferre mala4#dfa ,footnote #dei3 ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 p4 #g4 ,footnote #dfj3 ,ib4 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #dfa3 ,none of these things he tried2 but only ran1 ,and clasped with his sweet arms the angry man2 ,hung on his neck1 rained kisses forth that ,heaven ,envied from those red lips to mortals given2 ,in number like ripe ears of ruddy corn1 ,or flowers beneath the breath of ,april born4 ,still doubting1 ,maximus8 ,change place with me3 ,gladly ,i'd bear such infidelity4 ,bembo's talent lay in compositions of this kind4 ,his verses1 to quote the phrase of ,gyraldus1 were uniformly 'sweet1 soft1 and delicate4' ,when he attempted work involving more sustained effort of the intellect and greater variety of treatment1 he was not so successful4 ,his hexameter poem ',benacus1' a description of the ,lago di ,garda1 dedicated to ,gian ,matteo ,giberti1 reads like an imitation of ,catullus without the ,roman poet's grace of style or wealth of fancy4#dfb ,among ,bembo's most perfect compositions may be reckoned his epitaphs on celebrated contemporaries4 ,the following written for ,poliziano1 deserves quotation4#dfc ,not only is the death of the scholar1 following close upon that of his patron1 happily touched1 but the last line pays a proper tribute to ,poliziano as an ,italian poet3-- ,duceret extincto cum mors ,laurente triumphum1 ,ltaque pullatis inveheretur equis1 ,respicit insano ferientem pollice chordas1 ,viscera singultu concutiente1 virum4 ,mirata est1 tenuitque jugum2 furit ipse1 pioque ,laurentem cunctos flagitat ore ,deos3 ,miscebat precibus lacrymas1 lacrymisque dolorem2 ,verba ministrabat liberiora dolor4 ,risit1 et antiqu non immemor illa querel1 ,orphei ,tartare cum patuere vi1 ,hic etiam infernas tentat rescindere leges1 ,fertque suas1 dixit1 in mea jura manus4 ,protinus et flentem percussit dura poetam1 ,rupit et in medio pectora docta sono4 ,heu sic tu raptus1 sic te mala fata tulerunt1 ,arbiter ,ausoni1 ,politiane1 lyr4#dfd ,footnote #dfb3 ,carmina ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum1 pp4 #bf-cd4 ,footnote #dfc3 ,ib4 p4 #ch4 ,footnote #dfd3 ',when ,lorenzo was dead1 and ,death went by in triumph1 drawn by her black horses1 her eyes fell on one who madly struck the chords1 while sighs convulsed his breast4 ,she turned1 and stayed the car2 he storms and calls on all the gods for ,lorenzo1 mixing tears with prayers1 and sorrow with his tears1 while sorrow suggests words of wilder freedom4 ,death laughed2 remembering her old grudge1 when ,orpheus made his way to hell1 she cried1 ,lo1 he too seeks to abrogate our laws1 and lays his hand upon my rights6 ,nor more delay2 she struck the poet while he wept1 and broke his heart-strings in the middle of his sighs4 ,alas6 thus wast thou taken from us1 ravished by harsh fate1 ,politian1 master of the ,italian lyre6' ,more richly endowed for poetry than ,bembo was his fellow-countryman ,andrea ,navagero4 ,few ,latin versifiers of the ,renaissance combined so much true feeling and fancy with a style more pure and natural4 ,some of his little compositions1 half elegy1 half idyll1 have the grace and freedom of the ,greek ,anthology4#dfe ,there is a simple beauty in their motives1 while the workmanship reminds us of chiselling in smooth waxy marble2 unlike the ,roman epigrammatists1 ,navagero avoided pointed terminations4#dff ,the picture of ,narcissus dead and transformed to a flower1 in the elegy of ',acon1' might be quoted as a fair specimen of his manner3-- ,magna ,parens1 qu cuncta leves producis in auras1 ,totaque diverso germine picta nites2 ,qu passim arboribus1 passim surgentibus herbis1 ,sufficis omnifero larga alimenta sinu2 ,excipe languentem puerum1 moribundaque membra1 ternumque tu fac1 ,dea1 vivat ope4 ,vivet1 et ille vetus ,zephyro redeunte quotannis ,in niveo candor flore perennis erit4#dfg ,footnote #dfe3 ,notice especially ',thyrsidis vota ,veneri1' ',invitatio ad amoenum fontem1' ',leucippem amicam spe prmiorum invitat1' ',vota ,veneri ut amantibus faveat1' and ',in ,almonem4'--,carmina1 c4 pp4 #eb1 #ec1 #ed1 #ee4 ,footnote #dff3 ,paolo ,giovio noticed this2 in his ,elogia he writes1 ',epigrammata non falsis aculeatisque finibus1 sed tener ill et prdulci prisc suavitate claudebat4' ,footnote #dfg3 ',mighty mother1 thou who bringest all things forth to breathe the liquid air1 who shinest in thy painted robe of diverse budding lives1 thou who from thy teeming bosom givest nourishment to trees and sprouting herbs in every region of the earth1 take to thyself the fainting boy1 cherish his dying limbs1 and make him live for ever by thy aid4 ,yes1 he shall live2 and that white loveliness of his1 each year as spring returns1 shall blossom in a snowy flower4'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #eg4 ,the warnings addressed to his mistress in her country rambles1 to beware of rustic gods1 and the whole eclogue of ',iolas1' are written in a rich and facile style1 that makes us wonder whether some poet of the ,grco-,roman period did not live again in ,navagero4#dfh ,only here and there1 as in the case of all this neo-,latin writing1 an awkward word or a defective cadence breaks the spell1 and reminds us that it was an artificial thing4 ,a few lines forming the exordium to an unfinished poem on ,italy may be inserted here for their intrinsic interest3-- ,salve1 cura ,dem1 mundi felicior ora1 ,formos ,veneris dulces salvete recessus3 ,ut vos post tantos animi mentisque labores ,aspicio1 lustroque libens6 ut munere vestro ,sollicitas toto depello e pectore curas6#dfi ,footnote #dfh3 ',ad ,gelliam rusticantem1' ,carmina1 c4 pp4 #fd-ff4 ',iolas1' ib4 pp4 #ff-fh4 ,footnote #dfi3 ',hail1 darling of the gods1 thou happiest spot of earth6 hail chosen haunt of beauty's queen6 ,what joy ,i feel to see you thus again1 and tread your shores after so many toils endured in mind and soul6 ,how from my heart by your free gift ,i cast all anxious cares6'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #hd4 ,navagero1 we are told1 composed these verses on his return from a legation to ,spain4 ,born in #adhc1 he spent his youth and early manhood in assiduous study4 ,excessive application undermined his health1 and ,giovio relates that he began to suffer from atra bilis1 or the melancholy of scholars4 ,the ,venetian ,senate had engaged him to compose the history of the ,republic in ,latin2 this work was already begun when illness forced him to abandon it4 ,he was afterwards employed in an unsuccessful mission to ,charles ,v4 and in diplomatic business at the ,court of ,france4 ,he died at ,blois of fever1 contracted in one of his hurried journeys4 ,he was only forty-six when he perished1 bequeathing to immediate posterity the fame of a poet at least equal to the ancients4 ,in that age of affectation and effort the natural flow of ,navagero's verse1 sensuous without coarseness and highly coloured without abuse of epithets1 raised a chorus of applause that may strike the modern student as excessive4 ,the memorial poems written on his death praise the purity of sentiment and taste which made him burn a copy of ,martial yearly to the chaste ,muses4#dgj ,one friend calls upon the ,nereids to build his tomb by the silent waters of the lagoons1 and bids the ,faun of ,italy lament with broken reeds4#dga ,another prophesies that his golden poems will last as many years as there are flowers in spring1 or grapes in autumn1 or storms upon the sea1 or stars in heaven1 or kisses in ,catullus1 or atoms in the universe of ,lucretius4#dgb ,footnote #dgj3 ,see the ,hendecasyllabics of ,johannes ,matthus1 ,carmina1 c4 p4 #hf4 ,footnote #dga3 ,basilius ,zanchius1 ,carmina1 c4 p4 #he4 ,footnote #dgb3 ,m4 ,antonius ,flaminius1 ib4 p4 #he4 ,a place very close to ,navagero might be claimed for ,francesco ,maria ,molsa1 a nobleman of ,modena1 who enjoyed great fame at ,rome for his ,latin and ,italian poetry4 ,after a wild life of pleasure he died at the age of forty-one1 worn out with love and smitten by the plague of the ,renaissance4 ,the sweetest of his elegies celebrate the charms of ,faustina ,mancini1 his favourite mistress4 ,in spite of what ,italians would call their morbidezza1 it is impossible not to feel some contempt for the polished fluency1 the sensual relaxation1 of these soulless verses4 ,a poem addressed to his friends upon his sick bed1 within sight of certain death1 combines the author's melody of cadence with a certain sobriety of thought and tender dignity of feeling4#dgc ,it is1 perhaps1 of all his compositions the worthiest to live4 ,the following couplets describe the place which he would choose for his sepulchre3-- ,non operosa peto titulos mihi marmora ponant1 ,nostra sed accipiat fictilis ossa cadus2 ,exceptet gremio qu mox placidissima tellus1 ,immites possint ne nocuisse fer4 ,rivulus hc circum dissectus obambulet1 unda ,clivoso qualis tramite ducta sonat2 ,exiguis stet csa notis super ossa sepulta1 ,nomen et his servet parva tabella meum3 ,hic jacet ante annos crudeli tabe peremptus ,molsa2 ter injecto pulvere1 pastor1 abi4 ,forsitan in putrem longo post tempore glebam ,vertar1 et hc flores induet urna novos2 ,populus aut potius abruptis artubus alba ,formos exsurgam conspicienda com4 ,scilicet huc diti pecoris comitata magistro ,conveniet festo pulchra puella die2 ,qu molles ductet choreas1 et veste recinct ,ad certos nrit membra movere modos4#dgd ,footnote #dgc3 ,poemata ,selecta1 pp4 #bjc-bjf4 ,an elegy written by ,janus ,etruscus1 ,pope's ,poemata ,italorum1 vol4 ii4 p4 #be1 on a similar theme1 though very inferior to ,molsa's1 may be compared with it4 ,footnote #dgd3 ',i ask for no monument of wrought marble to proclaim my titles3 let a vase of baked clay receive these bones4 ,let earth1 quietest of resting-places1 take them to herself1 and save them from the injury of ravening wolves4 ,and let a running stream divide its waters round my grave1 drawn with the sound of music from a mountain-flank4 ,a little tablet carved with simple letters will be enough to mark the spot1 and to preserve my name3 ,here lies ,molsa1 slain before his day by wasting sickness3 cast dust upon him thrice1 and go thy way1 gentle shepherd4 ,it may be that after many years ,i shall turn to yielding clay1 and my tomb shall deck herself with flowers2 or1 better1 from my limbs shall spring a white poplar1 and in its beauteous foliage ,i shall rise into the light of heaven4 ,to this place will come1 ,i hope1 some lovely maid attended by the master of the flock2 and she shall dance above my bones and move her feet to rhythmic music4' ,the ,paganism of the ,renaissance1 exchanging ,christian rites for old mythologies1 and classic in the very tomb1 has rarely found sweeter expression than in this death song4 ,we trace in it besides a note of modern feeling1 the romantic sense of community with nature in the immortality of trees and flowers4#dge ,footnote #dge3 ,for the picture of the girl dancing on the lover's grave1 cf4 ,omar ,khayyam4 ,cf4 too ,walt ,whitman's metaphor for grass--'the beautiful uncut hair of graves4' ,castiglione cannot claim comparison with ,navagero for sensuous charm and easy flow of verse4 ,nor has he those touches of genuine poetry which raise ,molsa above the level of a fluent versifier4 ,his ,latin exercises1 however1 offer much that is interesting to a student of ,renaissance literature2 while the depth of feeling and the earnestness of thought in his clear and powerful hexameters surpass the best efforts of ,bembo's artificial muse4 ,when we read the idyll entitled ',alcon1' a lamentation for the friend whom he had loved in youth-- ,alcon delici ,musarum et ,apollinis1 ,alcon ,pars anim1 cordis pars ,alcon maxima nostri--#dgf we are impelled to question how far ,milton owed the form of ',lycidas' to these ,italian imitations of the ,grco-,roman style4 ,what seemed false in tone to ,johnson1 what still renders that elegy the stumbling-block of taste to immature and unsympathetic students1 is the highly artificial form given to natural feeling4 ,grief clothes herself in metaphors1 and1 abstaining from the direct expression of poignant emotion1 dwells on thoughts and images that have a beauty of their own for solace4 ,nor is it in this quality of art alone that ',lycidas' reminds us of ,renaissance ,latin verse4 ,the curious blending of allusions to ,church and ,state with pastoral images is no less characteristic of the ,italian manner4 ,as in ',lycidas1' so also in these lines from ,castiglione's ',alcon1' the truth of sorrow transpires through a thin veil of bucolic romance3-- ,heu miserande puer1 fatis surrepte malignis6 ,non ego te posthac1 pastorum adstante coron1 ,victorem aspiciam volucri certare sagitt2 ,aut jaculo1 aut dur socios superare palstr4 ,non tecum posthac molli resupinus in umbr ,effugiam longos stivo tempore soles3 ,non tua vicinos mulcebit fistula montes1 ,docta nec umbros resonabunt carmina valles3 ,non tua corticibus toties inscripta ,lycoris1 ,atque ignis ,galatea meus nos jam simul ambos ,audierint amb nostros cantare furores4 ,nos etenim a teneris simul usque huc viximus annis1 ,frigora pertulimusque stus noctesque diesque1 ,communique simul sunt parta armenta labore4 ,rura mea hc tecum communia2 viximus una3 ,te moriente igitur curnam mihi vita relicta est8 ,heu male me ira ,dem patriis abduxit ab oris1 ,ne manibus premerem morientia lumina amicis4#dgg ,footnote #dgf3 ',alcon1 the darling of ,phoebus and the ,muses2 ,alcon1 a part of my own soul2 ,alcon1 the greatest part of my own heart4'--,carmina ,quinque ,poetarum1 p4 #hi4 ,footnote #dgg3 ',alas6 poor youth1 withdrawn from us by fate malign4 ,never again shall ,i behold thee1 while the shepherds stand around1 win prizes with thy flying shafts or spear1 or wrestle for the crown2 never again with thee reclining in the shade shall ,i all through a summer's day avoid the sun4 ,no more shall thy pipe soothe the neighbouring hills1 the vales repeat thy artful songs4 ,no more shall thy ,lycoris1 whose name inscribed by thee the woods remember1 and my ,galatea hear us both together chaunt our loves4 ,for we like brothers lived our lives till now from infancy3 heat and cold1 days and nights1 we bore2 our herds were reared with toil and care together4 ,these fields of mine were also thine3 we lived one common life4 ,why1 then1 when thou must die1 am ,i still left to live8 ,alas6 in evil hour the wrath of ,heaven withdrew me from my native land1 nor suffered me to close thy lids with a friend's hands6'--,carmina1 c4 p4 #ia4 ,castiglione's most polished exercises are written on fictitious subjects in elegiac metre4 ,thus he feigns a letter from his wife1 in the style of the ',heroidum ,epistol1' praying him to beware of ,rome's temptations1 and to keep his heart for her4#dgh ,again he warns his mistress to avoid the perils of the sea-beach1 where the ,tritons roam3-- ,os informe illis1 rictus1 oculique minaces1 ,asperaque anguineo cortice membra rigent3 ,barba impexa1 ingens1 alg limoque virenti ,oblita1 oletque gravi lurida odore coma4#dgi ,footnote #dgh3 ,ib4 p4 #ajj4 ,footnote #dgi3 ',hideous is their face1 their grinning mouth1 their threatening eyes1 and their rough limbs are stiff with snaky scales2 their beard hangs long and wide1 uncombed1 tangled with sea-weed and green ooze1 and their dusky hair smells rank of brine4'--,ib4 p4 #ajc4 ,in these couplets we seem to read a transcript from some fresco of ,mantegna or ,julio ,romano4 ,two long elegies are devoted to the theme of marine monsters1 and the tale of ,hippolytus is introduced to clinch the poet's argument4 ,among ,castiglione's poems of compliment1 forming a pleasant illustration to his book of the ',courtier1' may be mentioned the lines on ',elisabetta ,gonzaga singing4'#dhj ,nor can ,i omit the most original of his elegies1 written1 or at least conceived1 in the camp of ,julius before ,mirandola4#dha ,walking by night in the trenches under the beleaguered walls1 ,castiglione meets the ghost of ,lodovico ,pico1 who utters a lamentation over the wrongs inflicted on his city and his race4 ,the roar of cannon cuts short this monologue1 and the spectre vanishes into darkness with a groan4 ,during his long threnody the prince of ,mirandola apostrophises the warlike ,pope in these couplets3-- ,o ,pater1 ,o ,pastor populorum1 ,o maxime mundi ,arbiter1 humanum qui genus omne regis2 ,justiti pacisque dator placidque quietis1 ,credita cui soli est vita salusque hominum2 ,quem ,deus ipse ,erebi fecit ,coelique potentem1 ,ut nutu pateant utraque regna tuo6#dhb ,footnote #dhj3 ',de ,elisabetta ,gonzaga canente1' ,carmina1 c4 p4 #ig4 ,cf4 ,bembo's ',ad ,lucretiam ,borgiam1' ib4 p4 #ad1 on a similar theme4 ,footnote #dha3 ,ib4 p4 #ie4 ,footnote #dhb3 ',o father1 ,o shepherd of the nations1 ,o great master of the world who rulest all the human race1 giver of justice1 peace1 and tranquil ease2 thou to whom alone is committed the life and salvation of men1 whom ,god ,himself made lord of hell and heaven1 that either realm might open at thy nod4' ,when the spiritual authority of the ,popes came thus to be expressed in ,latin verse1 it was impossible not to treat them as deities4 ,the temptation to apply to them the language of ,roman religion was too great2 the double opportunity of flattering their vanity as ,pontiffs1 and their ears as scholars1 was too attractive to be missed4 ,in another place ,castiglione used the following phrases about ,leo3-- ,nec culpanda tua est mora1 nam prcepta ,deorum ,non fas1 nec tutum est spernere velle homini3 ,esse tamen fertur clementia tanta ,leonis ,ut facili humanas audiat ore preces4#dhc ,footnote #dhc3 ',i do not blame thee for delaying thy return1 since neither is it safe nor right for man to set at naught a ,god's command2 and yet so great is ,leo's kindness said to be that he inclines a ready ear to human prayers4'--,ib4 p4 #ajb4 ,navagero called ,julius ,,ii4 novus ex alto demissus ,olympo ,deus 7a new ,god sent down from heaven to earth71 and declared that the people of ,italy1 in thanksgiving for his liberation of their country from the barbarians1 would pay him yearly honours with prayer and praise3-- ,ergo omnes1 veluti et ,phoebo ,panique1 quotannis ,pastores certis statuent tibi sacra diebus1 ,magne ,pater2 nostrisque diu cantabere silvis4 ,te rupes1 te saxa1 cav te1 ,maxime ,juli1 ,convalles1 nemorumque frequens iterabit imago4 ,at vero nostris qucumque in saltibus usquam ,quercus erit1 ut quque suos dant tempora flores1 ,semper erit variis ramos innexa coronis2 ,inscriptumque geret felici nomine truncum4 ,tum quoties pastum expellet1 pastasve reducet ,nostrum aliquis pecudes2 toties id mente revolvens ,ut liceat1 factum esse tuo1 ,pater optime1 ductu2 ,nullus erit1 qui non libet tibi lacte recenti1 ,nullus erit qui non teneros tibi nutriat agnos4 ,quin audire preces nisi dedignabere agrestes1 ,tu nostra ante ,deos in vota vocaberis omnes4 ,ipse ego bina tibi solenni altaria ritu1 ,et geminos sacr e quercu lauroque virenti ,vicino lucos ,nanceli in litore ponam4#dhd ,footnote #dhd3 ',therefore shall all our shepherds pay thee divine honours1 as to ,pan or ,phoebus1 on fixed days1 great ,father2 and long shalt thou be celebrated in our forests4 ,thy praise1 ,julius the ,great1 the cliffs1 the rocks1 the hollow valleys1 and the woodland echoes shall repeat4 ,wherever in our groves an oak tree stands1 as spring and summer bring the flowers1 its branches shall be hung with wreaths1 its trunk shall be inscribed with thy auspicious name4 ,as often as our shepherds drive the flocks afield1 or bring them pastured home1 each one1 remembering that he does this under thy protection1 shall pour libations of new milk forth to thee1 and rear thee tender lambs for sacrifice4 ,nay1 if thou spurn not rustic prayers1 before all gods shall we invoke thee in our supplications4 ,i myself will build and dedicate to thee two altars1 and will plant twin groves of sacred oak and laurel evergreen for thee4'--,carmina1 c4 pp4 #eh1 #ei4 ,it will be remembered that the oak was the ensign of the ,della ,rovere family1 so that when the poets exalted ,julius to ,olympus1 they were not in want of a tree sacred to the new deity4 ,to trace this ,pagan flattery of the ,popes through all its forms would be a tedious business4 ,it will be enough to quote ,poliziano's ',sapphics' to ,innocent ,,viii43-- ,roma cui paret dominusque ,tibris1 ,qui vicem summi geris hic ,tonantis1 ,qui potes magnum reserare et idem ,claudere coelum4#dhe ,footnote #dhe3 ',thou whom ,rome obeys1 and royal ,tiber1 who wieldest upon earth the ,thunderer's power1 whose it is to lock and open the gates of heaven4'--,ib4 p4 #bfj4 ,a more quaint confusion of ,latin mythology and medival superstition1 more glibly and trippingly conveyed in flimsy verse1 can hardly be imagined2 and yet even this1 ,i think1 is beaten by the ponderous conceits of ,fracastoro1 who1 through the mouth of the goat-footed ,pan1 saluted ,julius ,,iii4 as the mountain of salvation1 playing on his name ,del ,monte3-- ,hoc in ,monte ,dei pecudes pascentur et agni1 ,graminis terni pingues et velleris aurei2 ,exsilient et aqu viv1 quibus ubera capr ,grandia distendant1 distendant ubera vacc4#dhf ,footnote #dhf3 ',in this mountain of the ,lord shall flocks and herds feed1 fat with eternal pastures and golden-fleeced4 ,living waters too shall leap forth1 wherewith the goats shall swell their udders1 and the kine likewise4'--,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #acb4 ,the mountain soon becomes a shepherd1 and the shepherd not only rules the people1 and feeds the sheep of ,god1 but chains the monsters of the ,reformation to a rock in ,caucasus1 and gives peace and plenty to ,italy3-- ternis illum numeris ad sidera tollent1 ,heroemque1 deumque1 salutiferumque vocabunt4#dhg ,footnote #dhg3 ',him with immortal verse the poets shall exalt to heaven1 and call him hero1 god1 and saviour4'--,ib4 p4 #acc4 ,returning to ,castiglione3 ,i have already spoken of his epitaph on ,raphael and his description of the newly-discovered ',ariadne4'#dhh ,the latter exercise in rhetoric competes with ,sadoleto's laboured hexameters on the ,laocoon4 ,these verses1 frigid as a prize poem in our estimation1 moved ,bembo to enthusiasm4 ,when they appeared he wrote to ,sadoleto1 ',i have read your poem on ,laocoon a hundred times4 ,o wonder-working bard6 ,not only have you made for us1 as it were1 a second statue to match that masterpiece2 but you have engraved upon my mind the very statue itself4' ,this panegyric stirs a smile when we compare it with ,sadoleto's own prolusion1 the fruit of a grave intellect and cultivated taste rather than of genius and inspiration4#dhi ,footnote #dhh3 ,see above1 pp4 #cab1 #cag4 ,footnote #dhi3 ,see ,carmina ,quinque ,poetarum1 pp4 #cah-ccf4 ,time would fail to tell of all the later ,latin poets--of ,la ,casa's polished lyrics in the style of ,horace1 of ,amalteo's waxen eclogues1 of ,aonio ,paleario's fantastic hexameters upon the ',immortality of the ,soul1'#dij of ,strozzi's elegies1 of ,ariosto's epigrams1 and ,calcagnini's learned muse4 ,when ,i repeat that every educated man wrote ,latin verses in that century1 and that all who could committed their productions to the press1 enough has been said to prove the impossibility of dealing more than superficially with so vast a mass of meritorious mediocrity4 ,footnote #dij3 ,a didactic poem in three books2 ,pope's ,poemata ,italorum1 vol4 i4 pp4 #baa-bgj4 ,the description of the ,resurrection1 the ,last ,judgment1 and the entrance of the blessed into ,paradise1 forming the conclusion of the last book1 is an excellent specimen of barocco style and bathos4 ,virgil had written1 ',ite domum pasti1 si quis pudor1 ite juvenci6' ,paleario makes the ,judge address the damned souls thus3 ',ite domum in tristem1 si quis pudor1 ite ruentes1' c4 ,how close ,milton's path lay to the worst faults in poetry1 and how wonderfully he escaped1 may well be calculated by the study of such verse as this4 ,one name remains to be rescued from the decent obscurity of the ',deliti ,poetarum ,italorum4' ,marcantonio ,flaminio was born at ,seravalle in #adih4 ,he came1 while yet a young man1 to the ,court of ,leo armed with ,latin poetry for his credentials4 ,no better claim on patronage from ,pope or cardinal could be preferred in that age of twanging lyres4 ,at ,rome ,flaminio lived in the service of ,alessandro ,farnese1 whose hospitality he afterwards repaid with verses honourable alike to poet and patron by their freedom from vulgar flattery4 ,the atmosphere of a ,court1 however1 was uncongenial to ,flaminio4 ,fond of country life1 addicted to serious studies1 sober in his tastes1 and cheerful in his spirits1 pious1 and unaffectedly unambitious1 he avoided the stream of the great world and lived retired4 ,community of interests brought him into close connection with the ,cardinals ,pole and ,contarini1 from whom he caught so much of the ,reformation spirit as a philosophical ,italian could assimilate2 but it was not in his modest and quiet nature to raise the cry of revolt against authority4#dia ,the most distinguished wits and scholars of the age were among his intimate friends4 ,both his poems and his correspondence reflect an agreeable light upon the literary society of the late ,renaissance4 ,the ,latin verses1 with which we are at present occupied1 breathe genuine piety1 healthful simplicity1 and moral purity1 in strong contrast with the neopaganism of the ,roman circle4 ,these qualities suit the robust style1 clear1 terse1 and nervous1 he knew how to use4 ,it is pleasant to close the series of ,italian ,latinists with one who combined the best art of his century with the temper of a republican and the spirit of a ,christian4 ,footnote #dia3 ,this epigram on ,savonarola shows ,flaminio's sympathy with the preachers of pure doctrine3-- ,dum fera flamma tuos1 ,hieronyme1 pascitur artus1 ,relligio1 sacras dilaniata comas1 ,flevit1 et o1 dixit1 crudeles parcite flamm1 ,parcite1 sunt isto viscera nostra rogo4 ,the most prominent quality of ,flaminio as a poet is love of the country4 ,three little compositions describing his own farm are animated with the enthusiasm of genuine affection4#dib ,we feel that no mere reminiscence of ,catullus makes him write-- ,jam vos revisam1 jam juvabit arbores ,manu patern consitas ,videre1 jam libebit in cubiculo ,molles inire somnulos4#dic ,footnote #dib3 ',ad ,agellum suum4'--,poemata ,selecta1 pp4 #aee1 #aef1 #agg4 ,footnote #dic3 ',now shall ,i see you once again2 now shall ,i have the joy of gazing on the trees my father planted1 and falling into gentle slumber in his little room4' ,nor is it an idle prayer he addresses to the ,muses in these lines3-- ,at vos1 o ,heliconi puell1 ,queis fontes et amoena rura cordi1 ,si car mihi luce cariores ,estis1 jam miserescite obsecrantis1 ,meque1 urbis strepitu tumultuos ,ereptum1 in placido locate agello4#did ,footnote #did3 ',maidens of ,helicon1 who love the fountains and the pleasant fields1 as you are dearer to me than the dear light1 have pity now upon your suppliant1 take me from the tumult of the noisy town1 and place me in my tranquil farm4' ,he is never tired of contrasting the pleasures of the country with the noise and weariness of ,rome3-- ,ipse miser tumultuos ,urbe detinear2 tibi benignus ,dedit ,jupiter in remoto agello ,latentem placid frui quiete1 ,inter ,socraticos libros1 et inter ,nymphas et ,satyros1 nihil profani ,curantem populi leves honores4#die ,footnote #die3 ',i1 poor wretch1 am prisoned in the noisy town4 ,kind ,jupiter allows you1 secluded in your distant farm1 to take the joys of peace among ,socratic books1 among the nymphs and satyrs1 unheeding the light honours of the vulgar crowd4'--',ad ,honoratum ,fascitellum1' ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #agh4 ,flaminio's thought of the country is always connected with the thought of study4 ,the picture of a tranquil scholar's life among the fields1 diversified by sport and simple pleasures of the rustic folk1 gives freshness to his hendecasyllables1 whether addressed to his patron ,alessandro ,farnese1 or to his friends ,galeazzo ,florimonte and ,francesco ,torriani3#dif-- ,inde ocellos ,ut primum sopor incubans gravabit1 ,jucundissime amice1 te sub antrum ,ducam1 quod croceis tegunt corymbis ,serpentes heder1 imminensque laurus ,suaviter foliis susurrat3 at tu ,ne febrim metuas gravedinemve2 ,est enim locus innocens3 ubi ergo ,hic satis requieveris1 legentur ,lusus ,virgilii1 et ,syracusani ,vatis1 quo nihil est magis venustum1 ,nihil dulcius1 ut mihi videtur4 ,cum se fregerit stus1 in virenti ,convalle spatiabimur2 sequetur ,brevis coena2 redibis inde ad urbem4#dig ,footnote #dif3 ,poemata ,selecta1 pp4 #aec1 #afi1 #agc4 ,footnote #dig3 ',then1 when sleep descends upon your eyes1 best friend of mine1 ,i'll lead you to a cave o'ercurtained by the wandering ivy's yellow bunches1 whereby the sheltering laurel murmurs with her gently waving leaves4 ,fear no fever or dull headache4 ,the place is safe4 ,so when you are rested1 we will read the rustic songs of ,virgil or ,theocritus2 sweet and more charming verse ,i know not2 and after the day's heat is past1 we will stroll in some green valley4 ,a light supper follows1 and then you shall return to town4'--,ib4 p4 #agd4 ,one of ,flaminio's best poems is written from his friend ,stefano ,sauli's villa near ,genoa4#dih ,it describes how he spends his time between the philosophy of ,aristotle and the verses of ,catullus1 while ,sauli at his side devotes himself to ,cicero4 ,the fall of evening lures them from their study to the sea-beach3 perched upon a water-girded rock1 they angle with long reeds for fishes1 or watch the white sails on the purple waves4 ,the same theme is repeated in a copy of hexameters addressed to ,sauli4#dii ,flaminio had fallen ill of fever at ,rome4 ,to quit the city was his cure3-- ,scilicet ut ,rom corruptas fugimus auras1 ,et riguos patri montes saltusque salubres ,venimus1 effoetos venit quoque robur in artus3 ,diffugit macies1 diffugit corpore pallor2 ,et somnus vigiles irrepsit blandus ocellos1 ,quem neque desiliens crepitanti rivulus und1 ,nec ,lethea mihi duxere papavera quondam4#ejj ,footnote #dih3 ',ad ,christophorum ,longolium1' ,ib4 ,footnote #dii3 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #afc4 ,footnote #ejj3 ',no sooner had ,i left ,rome's tainted air for the clear streams and healthful forests of my native land1 than strength returned into my wasted limbs2 my body lost the pallor and emaciation of disease1 and sweet sleep crept upon my wakeful eyes1 such as no waters falling with a tinkling sound or ,lethe's poppies had induced before4' ,sauli1 for his part1 is congratulated on having exchanged the cares of ,church and ,state for ,ciceronian studies among his laurel groves and gleaming orange gardens4 ,flaminio's intimate relations with the ablest men of the century1 those especially who were engaged in grave and ,christian studies1 add extrinsic interest to his fugitive pieces4 ,in one poem he alludes to the weak health of ,cardinal ,pole2#eja in another he compares ,plato's description of the ideal republic with ,contarini's work upon the magistrates and commonwealth of ,venice3-- ,descripsit ille maximus quondam ,plato ,longis suorum ambagibus voluminum1 ,quis civitatis optimus foret status3 ,sed hunc ab ips sculorum origine ,nec ulla vidit1 nec videbit civitas4 ,at ,contarenus optimam rempublicam ,parvi libelli disputationibus ,illam probavit esse1 plus millesima ,quam cernit stas ,adriatico in mari ,florere pace1 litteris1 pecuni4#ejb ,footnote #eja3 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #afb4 ,footnote #ejb3 ',plato1 the greatest of sages1 once described in his long volumes the best form of a ,state2 but this from the beginning of the world till now hath never yet been seen1 nor will it afterwards be seen in any city4 ,contarini in his little book has proved that the best commonwealth is that which now for more than a thousand years has flourished in the ,adriatic with peace1 letters1 and wealth4'--,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #afb4 ,when ,vittoria ,colonna died1 ,flaminio wrote a lamentation on the loss he had sustained1 and on the extinction of so great a light for ,italy4 ,these verses are remarkable for their sobriety and strength3-- ,cui mens candida1 candidique mores1 ,virtus vivida1 comitasque sancta1 ,coeleste ingenium1 eruditioque ,rara1 nectare dulciora verba1 ,summa nobilitas1 decora vults ,majestas1 opulenta sed bonorum ,et res et domus usque aperta ad usus4#ejc ,footnote #ejc3 ',ad ,hieronymum ,turrianum1' ib4 p4 #afh4 ',her mind was pure1 her manners pure2 her virtue lively1 her courtesy without a taint of earth2 her intellect was heavenly1 her learning rare2 her words sweeter than nectar2 her nobility the highest2 her features beautiful in their majesty2 her wealth liberally open to the use of good men4' ,the same firm and delicate touch in the delineation of character gives value to the lines written on his father's death3-- ,vixisti1 genitor1 bene ac beate1 ,nec pauper1 neque dives1 eruditus ,satis1 et satis eloquens1 valente ,semper corpore1 mente san1 amicis ,jucundus1 pietate singulari4 ,nunc lustris bene sexdecim peractis ,ad divm proficisceris beatas ,oras2 i1 genitor1 tuumque natum ,olympi cito siste tecum in arce4#ejd ,footnote #ejd3 ',well and happily hast thou lived1 my father2 neither poor nor rich2 learned enough and eloquent enough2 of vigorous body and of healthy mind2 pleasant to thy friends1 and in thy piety unrivalled4 ,now1 after sixteen lustres finished1 thou goest to the regions of the blest4 ,go1 father1 and soon greet thy son1 to stay with thee in heaven's high seat4'--',ad ,patrem morientem1' ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #aeg4 ,at the risk of extending this notice of ,flaminio's poetry beyond due limits1 ,i must quote from a copy of verses sent to ,alessandro ,farnese1 together with a volume containing the ,latin prolusiones of the ,north ,italian scholars3-- ,hos tibi lepidissimos poetas ,dono1 tempora quos tulere nostra1 ,fortunata nimis1 nimis beata ,nostra tempora1 qu suos ,catullos1 ,tibullos1 et ,horatios1 suosque ,marones genuere4 ,quis putasset1 ,post tot scula tam tenebricosa1 ,et tot ,ausoni graves ruinas1 ,tanta lumina tempore uno in una ,tam brevi regione ,transpadan ,oriri potuisse8 qu vel ipsa ,sola barbarie queant fugat ,suum reddere litteris ,latinis ,splendorem1 veteremque dignitatem4#eje ,footnote #eje3 ,poemata ,selecta1 p4 #aff4 ',these most graceful poets ,i give you1 the offspring of our too1 too happy times1 which have produced their ,catullus and their ,horace1 their ,tibullus and their ,maro4 ,who could have thought1 after so many ages of such darkness1 and all the ruin that has weighed on ,italy1 that so many lights could have arisen at one epoch in one little region of the land above the ,po8 ,they alone are enough to put to flight the gloom of barbarism1 and to restore its antique glory and own splendour to ,latin literature4' ,after this he goes on to add that these poets will confer eternal lustre on ,italy4 ,not only the northern nations of ,europe1 but ,america also has begun to study ,latin2 and races in another hemisphere will take their culture from these pages4 ,the ,cardinal is finally reminded that immortality of fame awaits him in their praises4 ,there is the whole of humanism in this passage--the belief in the unity of ,italian civilisation1 the conviction that the ,middle ,ages were but an interruption of historic continuity1 the confidence in the restoration of classic literature1 and the firm hope that ,latin would never cease to be the language of culture4 ,flaminio says nothing1 unless parenthetically1 about the real woes of his country4 ,the tyranny of the ,spaniard and the violence of the ,german are reckoned with the old wrongs of the ,goth and the ,vandal in one phrase--'tot graves ruinas4' ,he does not touch upon the dismemberment of ,italy into mutually jealous and suspicious ,states3 for him the ,italian nation1 even in a dream1 has no existence4 ,he is satisfied with a literary ideal4 ,too fortunate1 too blessed1 are these days of ours1 in spite of ,florence extinguished1 ,rome sacked1 ,milan devastated1 ,venice curbed1 because1 forsooth1 ,bembo and ,fracastoro have made a pinchbeck age of poetry4 ,here lay the incurable weakness of the humanistic movement4 ,the vanity of the scholar1 determined to seek the present in the past1 building the walls of ,troy anew with borrowed music1 and singing in falsetto while ,rome was burning--this blindness to the actual situation of ,italy was scarcely less pernicious1 scarcely less a sign of incapacity for civil life than the selfishness of the ,despots or the egotism of the ,papacy4 ,italy was foredoomed to lose her place among the nations at the very moment when she was recovering culture for the modern world2 and when that culture was recovered through her industry and genius1 not she1 but the races of the ,north1 began to profit by the acquisition--not her imitations of the ,latin ,muse1 but the new languages of ,europe were destined to prevail and lead the age4 ,another point for observation is that the centre of humanistic studies has shifted4#ejf ,florence1 disillusioned1 drained of strength1 and sucked dry by the tyrants1 holds her tongue4 ,the schools of ,naples and of ,rome are silent4 ,lombardy is now the mother of poets1 who draw their inspiration no longer from ,valdarno or the myrtle groves of ,posilippo1 but from the blue waves of ,garda4#ejg ,the university where science still flourishes is ,padua4 ,the best professors of the classics1 ,celio ,calcagnini and ,lilius ,gyraldus1 teach at ,ferrara4 ,bembo1 the dictator of letters for his century1 ,navagero1 the sweetest versifier1 ,contarini1 the most sober student1 are ,venetians4 ,stefano ,sauli1 the author of a ,ciceronian treatise on the ,christian hero1 is a patrician of ,genoa4 ,sadoleto and ,molsa are ,modenese4 ,verona claims ,fracastoro and the ,torriani4 ,imola is the mother city of ,flaminio4 ,castiglione and ,capilupo are natives of ,mantua2 ,amalteo and ,vida of ,forli and ,cremona2 ,bonfadio and ,archio of ,lake ,garda4 ,if we seek the causes of this change1 we find them partly in the circumstance that ,venice at this period was free1 while ,ferrara still retained her independence under native princes2 partly also in the fact that ,florence had already overtaxed her intellectual energies4 ,like a creeping paralysis1 the extinction of liberty and spiritual force was gradually invading all the members of the ,italian community4 ,the ,revival of ,learning came to an end1 as far as ,italy was concerned1 in these ,transpadane poets4 ,footnote #ejf3 ',tam brevi regione ,transpadan4' ,footnote #ejg3 ,cf4 ,bembo's ,benacus1 ,bonfadio's ,gazani ,vici ,descriptio1 ,fracastoro's ,ad ,franciscum ,turrianum ,veronensem1 c4 ,to trace the history of philosophic thought1 set in motion by the ,renaissance and stamped out by the ,counter-,reformation1 and to describe the aftergrowth of art and literature encouraged by the ,catholic reaction1 must form the subject of a separate inquiry4 ,i hope1 if ,i have time and strength1 after the completion of my work on the ,renaissance1 to trace this sequel in a volume on ',italy and the ,council of ,trent4' ,to this chapter of ,italian history will also belong the philosophy of the sixteenth century1 the poetry of ,tasso1 the painting of the ,bolognese masters1 and the new music of ,palestrina4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,conclusion ,general ,survey -- ,the ,part played in the ,revival by the ,chief ,cities -- ,preoccupation with ,scholarship in spite of ,war and ,conquest -- ,place of the ,humanists in ,society -- ,distributors of ,praise and ,blame -- ,flattery and ,libels -- ,comparison with the ,sophists -- ,the ,form preferred to the ,matter of ,literature -- ,ideal of ,culture as an end in itself -- ,suspicion of ,zealous ,churchmen -- ,intrusion of ,humanism into the ,church -- ,irreligion of the ,humanists -- ,gyraldi's ',progymnasma' -- ,ariosto -- ,bohemian ,life -- ,personal ,immorality -- ,want of ,fixed ,principles -- ,professional ,vanity -- ,literary ,pride -- ,estimate of ,humanistic ,literature -- ,study of ,style -- ,influence of ,cicero -- ,valla's ',eleganti' -- ,stylistic ,puerilities -- ,value attached to ,rhetoric -- ',oratore' -- ,moral ,essays -- ,epistolography -- ,historics -- ,critical and ,antiquarian ,studies -- ,large ,appreciation of ,antiquity -- ,liberal ,spirit -- ,poggio and ,jerome of ,prague -- ,humanistic ,type of ,education -- ,its ,diffusion through ,europe -- ,future ,prospects -- ,decay of ,learning in ,italy4 ,in tracing the history of the ,revival1 we have seen how the impulse1 first communicated by ,petrarch1 was continued by ,boccaccio and his immediate successors4 ,we have watched the enthusiasm for antiquity strike root in ,florence1 spread to ,rome1 and penetrate the ,courts of ,italy4 ,one city after another receives the light and hands it on1 until the whole cycle of study has been traversed and the vigour of the nation is exhausted4 ,florence discovers manuscripts1 founds libraries1 learns ,greek1 and leads the movement of the fifteenth century4 ,naples criticises2 ,rome translates2 ,mantua and ,ferrara form a system of education2 ,venice commits the literature of the classics to the press4 ,by the combined and successive activity of the chief ,italian centres1 not only is the culture of antiquity regained2 it is also appropriated in all its various branches1 discussed and illustrated1 placed beyond the reach of accident1 and delivered over in its integrity to ,europe4 ,the work thus performed by the ,italians was begun in peace2 but it had to be continued under the pressure of wars and national disasters unparalleled in the history of any other modern people4 ,not for a single moment did the students relax their energy4 ,in the midst of foreign armies1 deafened by the roar of cannon and the tumult of sacked towns1 exiled from their homes1 robbed of their books1 deprived of their subsistence1 they advanced to their end with the irresistible obstinacy of insects4 ,the drums and tramplings of successive conquests and invasions by four warlike nations--,frenchmen1 ,spaniards1 ,germans1 ,swiss--could not disturb them4 ,drop by drop1 ,italy was being drained of blood2 from the first the only question was which of her assailants should possess the beauty of her corpse4 ,yet the student1 intent upon his manuscripts1 paid but little heed4 ,so non-existent was the sense of nationality in ,italy that the ,italians did not know they were being slowly murdered4 ,when the agony was over1 and the ruin was accomplished1 they congratulated themselves on being still the depositaries of polite literature4 ,nations that are nations1 seek to inspire fear1 or at least respect4 ,the ,italians were contented with admiration1 and looked confidently to the world for gratitude4 ,the task of two toilsome1 glorious centuries had been accomplished4 ,the chasm between ,rome and the ,renaissance was bridged over1 and a plain way was built for the progressive human spirit4 ,italy1 downtrodden in the mire of blood and ruins1 should still lead the van and teach the peoples4 ,it was a sublime delusion1 the last phase of an impulse so powerful in its origin that to prophesy an ending was impossible4 ,yet how delusive was the expectation is proved by the immediate history of ,italy1 enslaved and decadent1 outstripped by the nations she had taught1 and scorned by the world that owed her veneration4 ,the humanists1 who were the organ of this intellectual movement1 formed1 as we have seen1 a literary commonwealth1 diffused through all the ,courts and cities of ,italy4 ,as the secretaries of ,popes and princes1 as the chancellors of republics1 as orators on all occasions of public and private ceremony1 they occupied important posts of influence1 and had the opportunity of leavening society with their opinions4 ,furthermore1 we have learned to know them in their capacity of professors at the universities1 of house-tutors in the service of noblemen1 and of authors4 ,closely connected among themselves by their feuds no less than by their friendships1 and working to one common end of scholarship1 it was inevitable that these men1 after the enthusiasm for antiquity had once become the fashion1 should take the lead and mould the genius of the nation4 ,their epistles1 invectives1 treatises1 and panegyrics1 formed the study of an audience that embraced all cultivated minds in ,italy4 ,thus the current literature of humanism played the same part in the fifteenth century as journalism in the nineteenth1 and the humanists had the same kind of coherence in relation to the public as the quatrime tat of modern times4 ,the respect they inspired as the arbiters of praise and blame1 was only equalled by their vast pretensions4 ,eugenius ,,iv41 living at the period of their highest influence1 is reported to have said that they were as much to be feared for their malice as to be loved for their learning4 ,while they claimed the power of conferring an immortality of honour or dishonour1 no one dared to call their credit with posterity in question4 ,nothing seemed more dreadful than the fate reserved for ,paul ,,ii4 in the pages of ,platina2 and even so robust a ruler as ,francesco ,sforza sought to buy the praises of ,filelfo4 ,flattery in all its branches1 fulsome and delicate1 wholesale and allusive1 was developed by them as an art whereby to gain their living4 ,the official history of this period is rendered almost worthless by its sustained note of panegyrical laudation4 ,our ears are deafened with the eulogies of petty patrons transformed into ,mcenases1 of carpet knights compared to ,leonidas1 of tyrants equalled with ,augustus1 and of generals who never looked on bloodshed tricked out as ,hannibals or ,scipios4 ,as a pendant to panegyric1 the art of abuse reached its climax in the invectives whereby the scholars sought to hand their comrades down to all time 'immortally immerded1' or to vilify the public enemies of their employers4 ,as in the case of praise1 so also in the case of blame1 it is impossible to attach importance to the writings of the humanists4 ,their vaulting ambition to depreciate each other overleaped itself4 ,all their literature of defamation serves now only to throw light on the general impurity of an age in which such monstrous charges carried weight4 ,unluckily1 this double vice of humanism struck deep roots into ,italian literature4 ,without the scholars of the fifteenth century1 it is hardly possible that such a brigand as ,pietro ,aretino1 who levied black mail from princes at the point of his venomous quill1 or such an unprincipled biographer as ,paolo ,giovio1 who boasted that he wrote with a golden or a silver pen1 as pleased him best1 could have existed4 ,bullying and fawning tainted the very source of history1 and a false ideal of the writer's function was established by the practice of men like ,poggio4 ,it is obvious and easy to compare the humanists of the ,renaissance with the sophists of antiquity4 ,whether we think of the rivals of ,socrates at ,athens1 or of the ,greek rhetoricians of the ,roman period1#ejh the parallel is tolerably close4 ,from certain points of view the ,italian scholars remind us of the former class2 from others1 again1 they recall the latter4 ,the essence of sophism is the substitution of semblance for reality1 indifference to truth provided a fair show be made1 combined with verbal ingenuity and practice in the art of exposition4 ,the sophist feels no need of forming opinions on a sound basis1 or of adhering to principles4 ,regarding thought as the subject-matter of literary treatment1 he is chiefly concerned with giving it a fair and plausible investiture in language4 ,instead of recognising that he must live up to the standard he professes1 he takes delight in expressing with force the contrary of what he acts4 ,the discord between his philosophy and his conduct awakes no shame in him1 because it is the highest triumph of his art to persuade by eloquence and to dazzle by rhetoric4 ,phrases and sentences supply the place of feelings and convictions4 ,sonorous cadences and harmonies of language are always ready to conceal the want of substance in his matter or the flimsiness of his argument4 ,at the same time the sophist's enthusiasm for a certain form of culture1 and his belief in the sophistic method1 may be genuine4 ,footnote #ejh3 ',grculi esurientes4' ,lives written by ,philostratus4 ,the literature of the ,revival is full of such sophism4 ,men who lived loose lives1 were never tired of repeating the commonplaces of the ,ciceronian ethics1 praising simplicity and self-control with the pen they used for reproducing the scandals of ,martial1 mingling impudent demands for money and flatteries of debauched despots with panegyrics of ,ptus ,thrasea and eulogies of ,cincinnatus4 ,conversely1 students of eminent sobriety1 like ,guarino da ,verona1 thought it no harm to welcome ,beccadelli's ',hermaphroditus' with admiration2 while the excellent ,nicholas ,v4 spent nine days in perusing the filthy satires of ,filelfo4 ,it was enough that the form was elegant1 according to their standards of taste1 the ,latinity copious and sound3--the subject-matter raised no scruples4 ,this vice of regarding only the exterior of literature produced a fatal weakness in the dissertations of the age4 ,if a humanist wanted to moralise the mutability of fortune or the disadvantages of matrimony1 he did not take the trouble to think1 or the pains to borrow illustrations from his own experience4 ,he strung together quotations and classical instances1 expending his labour on the polish of the style1 and fancying he had proved something by piquancy displayed in handling old material4 ,when he undertook history1 the same fault was apparent4 ,instead of seeking to set forth the real conditions of his native city1 to describe its political vicissitudes and constitutional development1 or to paint the characters of its great men1 he prepared imaginary speeches and avoided topics incapable of expression in pure ,latin4 ,the result was that whole libraries of ethical disquisitions and historical treatises1 bequeathed with proud confidence by their authors to the admiration of posterity1 are now reposing in unhonoured dust1 ransacked at rare intervals by weary students with restless fingers in search of such meagre scraps of information as even a humanist could not succeed in excluding4 ,the humanists resembled the sophists again in their profession to teach wisdom for pay4 ,what philosophy was for the early ,greeks1 classic culture was for ,italy in the ,renaissance2 and this the scholars sold4 ,antiquity lay before them like an open book4 ,from their seat among the learned they doled out the new lore of life to eager pupils4 ,and as the more sober-minded of the ,athenians regarded the educational practice of the sophists with suspicion1 so the humanists came to be dreaded as the corrupters of youth4 ,the peculiar turn they gave to mental training1 by diverting attention from patriotic duties to literary pleasures1 by denationalising the interests of students1 and by distracting serious thought from affairs of the present to interests of the past1 tended to confirm the political debility of the ,italians2 nor can it be doubted that the substitution of ,pagan for ,christian ideals intensified the demoralisation of the age4 ,many arguments used by ,aristophanes and ,xenophon might be repeated against these sophists of the ,renaissance4#eji ,footnote #eji3 ,aristoph41 ,clouds1 ,speeches of ,dikaios ,logos2 ,xen41 ,on ,hunting1 chap4 xiii4 ,on this point it is worth observing that1 though humanism took the ,papal ,court by storm and installed itself in pomp and pride within the ,vatican1 the lower clergy and the leaders of religious revivals1 in no mere spirit of blind prejudice1 but with solid force of argument1 denounced it4 ,s4 ,bernardino and ,savonarola were only two among many who preached against the humanists from the pulpit4 ,and yet1 while we admit that the influences of the ,revival injured morality1 and gave a cosmopolitan direction to energies that ought to have been concentrated on the preservation of national existence1 we are unable to join with these ecclesiastical antagonists in their crusade4 ,humanism was a necessary moment in the evolution of the modern world2 and whatever were its errors1 however weakening it may have been to ,italy1 this phase had to be passed through1 this nation had to suffer for the general good4 ,the intrusion of the humanists into the ,papal ,curia was a victory of the purely secular spirit4 ,it is remarkable how very few scholars took orders except with a view of holding minor benefices4 ,they remained virtual laymen1 drawing the emoluments of their cures at a distance4 ,if ,filelfo1 after the death of his second wife1 proposed to enter the ,church1 he did so because in his enormous vanity he hoped to gain the scarlet hat1 and thought this worth the sacrifice of independence4 ,the only great monastic litteratus was ,ambrogio1 ,general of the ,camaldolese ,order4 ,maffeo ,vegio is the single instance ,i can remember of a poet-philologer who assumed the cowl4 ,these statements1 it will be understood1 refer chiefly to the second or aggressive period of the ,revival4 ,classic erudition was so common in the fourth that to be without a humanistic tincture was1 even among churchmen1 the exception rather than the rule4 ,in the age of ,leo1 moreover1 the humanists as a class had ceased to exist1 merged in the general culture of the nation4 ,their successors were for the most part cardinals and bishops1 elevated to high rank for literary merit4 ,this change1 however1 really indicated the complete triumph of an ideal that for a moment had succeeded in paganising the ,papacy1 and substituting its own standard of excellence for ecclesiastical tradition4 ,this external separation between the humanists and the ,church corresponded to their deep internal irreligiousness4 ,if contemporary testimony be needed to support this assertion1 ,i may quote freely from ,lilius ,gyraldus1 ,battista ,mantovano1 and ,ariosto1 not to mention the invectives that record so vast a mass of almost incredible licentiousness4 ,a rhetorical treatise1 addressed to ,gian ,francesco ,pico by ,lilius ,gyraldus1 himself an eminent professor at ,ferrara1 acquaints us with the opinion formed in ,italy1 after a century's experience1 of the vices and discordant lives of scholars4#eaj ',i call ,god and men to witness1' he writes1 'whether it be possible to find men more affected by immoderate disturbances of soul1 by such emotions as the ,greeks called ,greek3 path1 or by such desires as they named ,greek3 hormai1 more easily influenced1 driven about1 and drawn in all directions4 ,no class of human beings are more subject to anger1 more puffed up with vanity1 more arrogant1 more insolent1 more proud1 conceited1 idle-minded1 inconsequent1 opinionated1 changeable1 obstinate2 some of them ready to believe the most incredible nonsense1 others sceptical about notorious truths1 some full of doubt and suspicion1 others void of reasonable circumspection4 ,none are of a less free spirit1 and that for the very reason ,i have touched before1 because they think themselves so far more powerful4 ,they all of them1 indeed1 pretend to omniscience1 fancy themselves superior to everything1 and rate themselves as gods1 while we unlearned little men are made of clay and mud1 as they maintain4' ,having for some space discoursed concerning their mad ways of life1 ,gyraldus proceeds to arraign the humanists in detail for vicious passions1 want of economy1 impiety1 gluttony1 intemperance1 sloth1 and incontinence4#eaa ,this invective reads like a paradoxical thesis supported for the sake of novelty by a clever rhetorician2 and1 indeed1 it might pass for such were it not for the confirmation it receives in ,ariosto's seventh satire addressed to ,pietro ,bembo4#eab ,the poet1 anxious to find a tutor for his son1 dares not commit the young man to the care of a humanist4 ,his picture of their personal immorality1 impiety1 pride1 and gluttony acquires weight from the well-known tolerance of the satirist1 and from his genial parsimony of expression4 ,to cite further testimony from the personal confessions of ,pacificus ,maximus would hardly strengthen the argument1 though students may be referred to his poems for details4#eac ,footnote #eaj3 ,progymnasma adversus ,literatos4 ,op4 ,omn41 ,basle1 #aehb1 vol4 ii4 ,footnote #eaa3 ',pudet me1 ,pice1 pigetque id de literatis afferre quod omnium tamen est in ore1 nullos esse cum omnium vitiorum etiam nefandissimorum genere inquinatos magis1 tum iis prcipue1 qu prter naturam dicuntur1' c4--,progymnasma adversus ,literatos1 p4 #dca4 ,footnote #eab3 ,lines #bb-abi4 ,footnote #eac3 ,quinque ,illustrium ,poetarum ,lusus in ,venerem1 ,parisiis1 #agia1 p4 #ajg4 ,the alternations of fortune to which the humanists were exposed--living at one time in the lap of luxury1 caressed and petted2 then cast forth to wander in almost total indigence1 neglected and derided--encouraged a ,bohemian recklessness injurious to good manners4 ,their frequent change of place told upon their character in the same way1 by exposing them to fresh temptations and withdrawing them from censure4 ,they had no country but the dreamland of antiquity1 no laws beyond the law of taste and inclination4 ,they acknowledged no authority superior to their own exalted judgment2 they bowed to no tribunal but that of posterity and the past4 ,thus they lived within their own conceits1 outside of custom and opinion2 nor was the world1 at any rate before the period of their downfall1 scrupulous to count their errors or correct their vices4 ,far more important1 however1 than these circumstances was their passion for a ,pagan ideal4 ,the study of the classics and the effort to assimilate the spirit of the ancients1 undermined their ,christianity without substituting the religion or the ethics of the old world4 ,they ceased to fear ,god2 but they did not acquire either the self-restraint of the ,greek or the patriotic virtues of the ,roman4 ,thus exposed without defence or safeguard1 they adopted the perilous attitude of men whose regulative principle was literary taste1 who had left the ground of faith and popular convention for the shoals and shallows of an irrecoverable past4 ,on this sea they wandered1 with no guidance but the promptings of undisciplined self4 ,it is not1 therefore1 a marvel that1 while professing ,stoicism1 they wallowed in sensuality1 openly affected the worst habits of ,pagan society1 and devoted their ingenuity to the explanation of foulness that might have been passed by in silence4 ,licentiousness became a special branch of humanistic literature4 ,under the thin mask of humane refinement leered the untamed savage2 and an age that boasted not unreasonably of its mental progress1 was at the same time notorious for the vices that disgrace mankind4 ,these disorders of the scholars1 hidden for a time beneath a learned language1 ended by contaminating the genius of the nation4 ,the vernacular ,capitoli of ,florence say plainly what ,beccadelli1 ,poggio1 and ,bembo piqued themselves on veiling4 ,another notable defect of the humanists1 equally inseparable from the position they assumed in ,italy1 was their personal and professional vanity4 ,battista ,mantovano1 writing on the calamities of the age in which he lived1 reckons them among the most eminent examples of pride in his catalogue of the deadly sins4 ,regarding themselves as resuscitators of a glorious past and founders of a new civility1 they were not satisfied with asserting their real merits in the sphere of scholarship4 ,they went further1 and claimed to rank as sages1 political philosophers1 writers of deathless histories1 and singers of immortal verse4 ,the most miserable poetasters got crowned with laurels4 ,the most trivial thinkers passed verdict upon statecraft4 ,mistaking mere cultivation for genius1 they believed that1 because they had perused the authors of antiquity and could imitate ,ovid at a respectful distance1 their fame would endure for all ages4 ,on the strength of this confidence they gave themselves inconceivable airs1 looking down from the height of their attainment on the profane crowd4 ,to understand that1 after all1 antiquity was a school wherein to train the modern intellect for genuine production1 was not given to this epoch of discovery4 ,posterity has sadly belied their expectations4 ,of all their treatises and commentaries1 poems and translations1 how few are now remembered2 how rarely are their names upon the lips of even professed students6 ,the debt of gratitude we owe them is indeed great1 and should be amply paid by our respectful memory of all they wrought for us with labour in the field of learning4 ,yet ,filelfo would turn with passionate disappointment in his grave1 if he could know that men of wider scope and sounder erudition appreciate his writings solely as shed leaves that fertilised the soil of literature4 ,before turning1 as is natural at this point1 to form an estimate of the humanists in their capacity of authors1 it will be right briefly to qualify the condemnation passed upon their characters4 ,taken as a class1 they deserve the hardest words that have been said of them4 ,yet it must not be forgotten that they numbered in their ranks such men as ,ambrogio ,traversari1 ,tommaso da ,sarzana1 ,guarino1 ,jacopo ,antiquari1 ,vittorino da ,feltre1 ,pomponius ,ltus1 ,ficino1 ,pico1 ,fabio ,calvi1 and ,aldus ,manutius4 ,the bare enumeration of these names will suffice for those who have read the preceding chapters4 ,piety1 sobriety of morals1 self-devotion to public interests1 the purest literary enthusiasm1 the most lofty aspirations1 fairness of judgment1 and generosity of feeling distinguish these men1 and some others who might be mentioned1 from the majority of their fellows4 ,nor1 again1 is it fair to charge the humanists alone with vices common to their age4 ,the picture ,i ventured to draw of ,papal and despotic manners in a previous volume1 shows that a too strict standard cannot be applied to scholars1 holding less responsible positions than their patrons1 and professing a far looser code of conduct4 ,much1 too1 of their inordinate vanity may be ascribed to the infatuation of the people4 ,such scenes as the reception of the supposed author of ',hermaphroditus' in ,vicenza were enough to turn the heads of even stronger men4#ead ,footnote #ead3 ,see above1 p4 #ahe1 note #d4 ,it is difficult to appraise humanistic literature at a just value1 seeing that by far the larger mass of it1 after serving a purpose of temporary utility1 is now forgotten4 ,not itself1 but its effect1 is what we have to estimate2 and the ultimate product of the whole movement was the creation of a new capacity for cultivation4 ,to have restored to ,europe the knowledge of the classics1 and to have recovered the style of the ancients1 so as to use ,latin prose and verse with freedom at a time when ,latin formed an universal medium of culture1 is the first real merit of the humanists4 ,nothing can rob them of this glory2 however much we may be forced to feel that their critical labours have been superseded1 that their dissertations are dull1 that their poems at the worst fall far below the level of an ,oxford prize exercise1 and at the best supply a decent appendix to the ',corpus ,poetarum4' ,nor can we defraud them of the fame of having striven to realise ,petrarch's ideal4#eae ,that ideal1 only partially attained at any single point1 developed in one direction by ,milton1 in another by ,goethe1 still guides1 and will long guide1 the efforts of the modern intellect4 ,footnote #eae3 ,see above1 ,chapter ,,ii4 ,the most salient characteristic of this literature was study of style4 ,the beginners of the humanistic movement were conscious that what separated them more than anything else from their ,roman ancestors1 was want of elegance in diction4 ,they used the same language2 but they used it clumsily4 ,they could think the same thoughts1 but they had lost the art of expressing them with propriety4 ,to restore style was therefore a prime object4 ,exaggerating its importance1 they neglected the matter for the form1 and ended by producing a literature of imitation4 ,the ideal they proposed in composition included limpidity of language1 simplicity in the structure of sentences however lengthy1 choiceness of phrase1 and a copious vocabulary4 ,to be intelligible was the first requisite2 to be attractive the second4 ,having mastered elementary difficulties1 they proceeded to fix the rules for decorative writing4 ,cicero had said that nothing was so ugly or so common but that rhetoric could lend it charm4 ,this unfortunate dictum1 implying that style1 as separate from matter1 is valuable in and for itself1 led the ,italians astray4 ,to form commonplace books of phrases culled from the ',tusculans' and the ',orations1' to choose some trivial theme for treatment1 and to make it the occasion for verbal display1 became their business4 ,in the coteries of ,rome and ,florence scholars measured one another by their ingenuity--in other words1 by their aptness for producing ,ciceronian and ,virgilian centos4 ,few indeed1 like ,pico1 raised their voices against such trifling1 or protested that what a man thought and felt was at least as important as his power of clothing it in rhetoric4 ,the appearance of ,valla's ',eleganti' marked an epoch in the evolution of this stylistic art4 ,it reached its climax in the work of ,bembo4 ,what the humanists intended1 they achieved4 ,purity and perspicuity of language were made conditions of all literature that claimed attention2 nor is it1 perhaps1 too much to say that ,racine1 ,pascal1 and ,voltaire owe something of their magic to the training of these worn-out pedagogues4 ,yet the immediate effect in ,italy1 when ,machiavelli's vigour had passed out of the nation1 and the stylistic tradition survived1 was deplorable4 ,nothing strikes a northern student of the post-,renaissance authors more than the empty smoothness of their writing1 their faculty of saying nothing with a vast expenditure of phrase1 their dread of homely details1 and the triviality of the subjects they chose for illustration4 ,when a man of wit like ,annibale ,caro could rise to praise the nose of the president before a learned academy in periods of this ineptitude--',naso perfetto1 naso principale1 naso divino1 naso che benedetto sia fra tutti i nasi2 e benedetta sia quella mamma che vi fece cos nasuto1 e benedette tutte quelle cose che voi annusate6'#eaf--we trace no more than a burlesque of humanistic seeking after style4 ,it must1 however1 be admitted that it is not easy for a less artistic nation to do the ,italians justice in this respect4 ,they derived an sthetic pleasure from refinements of speech and subtle flavours of expression1 while they remained no less conscious than we are that the workmanship surpassed the matter4 ,the proper analogue to their rhetoric may be found in the exquisite but too unmeaning arabesques in marble and in wood1 which belong to ,cinque ,cento architecture4 ,viewed as the playthings of skilled artists1 these are not without their value2 and we are apt1 perhaps1 unduly to depreciate them1 because we lack the sense for their particular form of beauty4 ,footnote #eaf3 ',perfect nose1 imperial nose1 divine nose1 nose to be blessed among all noses2 and blessed be the breasts that made you with a nose so lordly1 and blessed be all those things you put your nose to6' ,the above is quoted from ,cant's ,storia della ,letteratura ,italiana4 ,i have not seen the actual address4 ,if the most marked feature of humanistic literature was the creation of a ,latin style1 the supreme dictators were ,cicero in prose and ,virgil in verse4 ,that ,cicero should have fascinated the ,italians in an age when art was dominant1 when richness of decoration1 rhetorical fluency1 and pomp of phrase appealed to the liveliest instincts of a splendour-loving1 sensitive1 declamatory race1 is natural4 ,the ,renaissance found exactly what it wanted in the manner of the most obviously eloquent of ,latin authors1 himself a rhetorician among philosophers1 an orator among statesmen1 the weakness of whose character was akin to that which lay at the root of fifteenth-century society4 ,to be the 'apes of ,cicero1' in all the branches of literature he had cultivated1 was regarded by the humanists as a religious duty4#eag ,though they had no place in the senate1 the pulpit1 or the law court1 they were fain to imitate his oratory4 ,therefore public addresses to ambassadors1 to magistrates on assuming office1 and to ,popes on their election2 epithalamial and funeral discourses2 panegyrics and congratulations--sounded far and wide through ,italy4 ,the fifteenth century was the golden age of speechification4 ,a man was measured by the amount of fluent ,latinity he could pour forth2 copiousness of quotations secured applause2 and readiness to answer on the spur of the moment in smooth ,ciceronian phrases1 was reckoned among the qualities that led to posts of trust in ,church and ,state4 ,on the other hand1 a failure of words on any ceremonial occasion passed for one of the great calamities of life4 ,the common name for an envoy1 oratore1 sufficiently indicates the public importance attached to rhetoric4 ,it formed a necessary part of the parade which the ,renaissance loved1 and1 more than that1 a part of its diplomatic machinery4 ,to compose orations that could never be recited was a fashionable exercise2 and since the ',verrines' and the ',philippics' existed1 no occasion was lost for reproducing something of their spirit in the invectives whereof so much has been already said4 ,the emptiness of all this oratory1 separated from the solid concerns of life1 and void of actual value1 tended to increase the sophistic character of literature4 ,eloquence1 which ought to owe its force to passionate emotion or to gravity of meaning1 degenerated into a mere play of words2 and to such an extent was verbal cleverness over-estimated1 that a scholar could ascribe the fame of ,julius ,csar to his ',commentaries' rather than his victories4#eah ,it does not seem to have occurred to him that ,pompey would have been glad if ,csar had always wielded his pen1 and that ,brutus would hardly have stabbed a friendly man of letters4 ,when we read a genuine humanistic speech1 we find that it is principally composed of trite tales and citations4 ,to play upon the texts of antiquity1 as a pianist upon the keys of his instrument1 was no small part of eloquence2 and the music sounded pleasant in ears greedy of the very titles of old writings4 ,vespasiano mentions that ,carlo ,aretino owed his early fame at ,florence to one lecture1 introducing references to all the classic authors4 ,footnote #eag3 ,the phrase is eulogistically used by ,f4 ,villani in his ,life of ,coluccio ,salutato4 ,footnote #eah3 ,see ,muratori1 vol4 xx4 #ddb1 #dec4 ,the style affected for moral dissertation was in like manner ,ciceronian4 ,the dialogue in particular became fashionable2 and since it was dangerous to introduce matter unsuited to ,tully's phrases1 these disquisitions are usually devoid of local colouring and contemporary interest4 ,few have such value as attaches to the opening of ,poggio's essay on ,fortune1 to ,valeriano's treatise on the misfortunes of the learned1 or to ,gyraldi's attack upon the humanists4 ,another important branch of literature1 modelled upon ,ciceronian masterpieces1 was letter-writing4 ,the epistolography of the humanists might form a separate branch of study1 if we cared to trace its history through several stages1 and to sift the stores at our disposal4 ,petrarch1 after discovering the familiar letters of the ,roman orator1 first gave an impulse to this kind of composition4 ,in his old age he tells how he was laughed at in his youth for assuming the ,latin style of thou together with the ,roman form of superscription4#eai ,i have already touched upon the currency it gained through the practice of ,coluccio ,salutato and the teaching of ,gasparino da ,barzizza4#ebj ,in course of time books of formul and polite letter-writers were compiled1 enabling novices to adopt the ,ciceronian mannerism with safety4#eba ,the ,papal ,curia sanctioned a set of precedents for the guidance of its secretaries1 while the epistles of eminent chancellors served as models for the despatches of republican governments4 ,footnote #eai3 ,epist4 ,rer4 ,senil4 xv4 #a4 ',styli hujus per ,italiam non auctor quidem1 sed instaurator ipse mihi videor1 quo cum uti inciperem1 adolescens a cotaneis irridebar1 qui in hoc ipso certatim me postea sunt secuti4' ,footnote #ebj3 ,see above1 pp4 #gf-gh4 ,footnote #eba3 ,gian ,maria ,filelfo1 son of the celebrated professor1 published an ,epistolarium of this kind4 ,the private letters of scholars were useful in keeping up communication between the several centres of culture in ,italy4 ,from these sources too we now derive much interesting information respecting the social life of the humanists4 ,they seem to have avoided political1 theological1 and practical topics1 cultivating a style of urbane compliment1 exchanging opinions about books1 asking small favours1 acknowledging obligations1 recommending friends to favourable notice1 occasionally describing their mode of life1 discussing the qualities of their patrons with cautious reserve1 but seeking above all things to display grace of diction and elegant humour rather than erudition4 ,the fact that these ,latin epistles were invariably intended for circulation and ultimate publication1 renders it useless to seek for insight from them into strictly private matters4#ebb ,for the historian the most valuable collections of ,renaissance letters are composed in ,italian1 and are not usually the work of scholars1 but of agents1 spies1 and envoys4 ,compared with the reports of the ,venetian ambassadors1 the correspondence of the humanists is unimportant4 ,in addition to familiar letters1 it not unfrequently happened1 however1 that epistles upon topics of public interest were indited by students4 ,intended by their diffusion to affect opinion1 and addressed to influential friends or patrons1 these compositions assumed the form of pamphlets4 ,of this kind were the letters on the ,eastern question sent by ,filelfo to ,charles ,,vii4 of ,france1 to the ,emperor1 to ,matthias ,corvinus1 to the ,dukes of ,burgundy and ,urbino1 and to the ,doge of ,venice4 ,the immortality expected by the humanists from their epistles1 has hardly fallen to their lot2 though much of ,poliziano's1 ,pico's1 ,antiquari's1 and ,piccolomini's correspondence is still delightful and instructive reading4 ,the masses extant in ,,ms4 exceed what has been printed2 while the printed volumes1 with some rare exceptions1 among which may be mentioned ,poliziano's letter to ,antiquari on the death of ,lorenzo1 are only used by students4#ebc ,footnote #ebb3 ,francesco ,filelfo1 quoted in ,rosmini's ,life1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #cjd1 #bhb1 #ddh1 writes1 ',le cose che non voglio sieno copiate1 le scrivo sempre alla grossolana4' ',hoc autem scribendi more utimur iis in rebus quarum memoriam nolumus transferre ad posteros4 ,et ethrusca quidem lingua vix toti ,itali nota est1 at latina oratio longe ac late per universum orbem est diffusa4' 7',matters ,i do not wish to have copied ,i always write off in the vulgar4 ,this style ,i use for such things as ,i do not care to transmit to posterity4 ,tuscan1 to be sure1 is hardly known to all ,italians1 while ,latin is spread far and wide through the whole world4'7 ,footnote #ebc3 ,see ,voigt1 pp4 #dba1 #dbb1 for an account of ,filelfo's1 ,traversari's1 ,barbaro's1 and ,bruni's letters4 ,since ,cicero had left no specimen of history1 the humanists were driven to follow other masters in this branch of literature4 ,livy was the author of their predilection4 ,csar supplied them with a model for the composition of commentaries1 and ,sallust for concise monographs4 ,suetonius was followed in such minute studies of character as ,decembrio's ',life of ,filippo ,maria ,visconti4' ,i do not find that ,tacitus had any thoroughgoing imitators2 the magniloquence of rhetoric1 rather than the pungency of sarcasm1 suited the taste of the age4 ,the faults of the humanistic histories have been already pointed out4#ebd ,footnote #ebd3 ,see ,vol4 ,i41 ,age of the ,despots1 pp4 #baf1 #bag1 and above1 p4 #cgg4 ,the services of the humanists1 as commentators1 translators1 critics of texts1 compilers of grammars and dictionaries of all kinds1 collectors of miscellaneous information1 and writers on antiquities1 still remain to be remembered4 ,their industry in this field was quite different from the labour they devoted to the perfecting of style4 ,whatever we may think of them as men of letters1 we are bound to give their erudition almost unqualified praise4 ,not1 indeed1 that their learning any more than their literature was final4 ,it too has been superseded2 but it formed the basis of a sounder method1 and rendered the attainment of more certain knowledge possible4 ,it is not too much to say that modern culture1 so far as it is derived from antiquity1 owes everything to the indefatigable energy of the humanists4 ,before the age of printing1 scholars had to store their memories with encyclopdic information1 while the very want of a critical method1 by preventing them from exactly discerning the good and the bad1 enabled them to take a broader and more comprehensive view of classical literature than is now at any rate common4 ,antiquity as a whole--not the authors merely of the ,attic age or the ,augustan--claimed their admiration2 and though they devoted special study to ,cicero and ,virgil for the purposes of style1 they eagerly accepted every ,greek or ,latin composition from the earliest to the latest4 ,to this omnivorous appetite of the elder scholars we are perhaps indebted for the preservation of many fragments which a more delicate taste would have rejected4 ,certainly we owe to them the conception of the classics in their totality1 as forming the proper source of culture for the human race4 ,the purism of ,vida and ,bembo1 though it sprang from more refined perceptions1 was in some respects a retrogression from the wide and liberal erudition of their predecessors4 ,discipleship under ,virgil may make a versifier2 but he who would fain comprehend the ,latin genius must know the poets of ,rome from ,ennius to ,claudian4 ,finally we have to render the tribute due to the humanists for their diffusion of a liberal spirit4 ,sustained by the enthusiasm of antiquity1 they first ventured to take a standpoint outside catholicity2 and though they made but bad use of this spiritual freedom1 inclining to levity and godlessness instead of fighting the battle of the reason1 yet their large and human survey of the world was in itself invigorating4 ,poggio at the ,council of ,constance regarded ,jerome of ,prague not as a heretic1 not as a fanatic1 but as a ,stoic4 ,in other words1 he was capable of divesting his mind of temporary associations and conventional prejudices1 and of discerning the true character of the man who suffered heroically for his opinions4 ,this instance illustrates the general tone and temper of the humanists4 ,their study of antiquity freed them from the scholastic pedantries of theologians1 and from the professional conceits of jurists and physicians4 ,there is nothing great and noble in human nature that might not1 we fancy1 have grown and thriven under their direction1 if the circumstances of ,italy had been more favourable to high aspirations4 ,as it was1 the light was early quenched and clouded by base vapours of a sensual1 enslaved1 and priest-corrupted society4 ,the vital force of the ,revival passed into the ,reformation2 the humanists1 degraded and demoralised1 were superseded4 ,still it was they who created the new atmosphere of culture1 wherein whatever is luminous in art1 literature1 science1 criticism1 and religion has since flourished4 ,though we may perceive that they obeyed a false authority--that of the classics1 and worshipped a false idol--style1 yet modern liberty must render them the meed of thanks for this4 ,when we consider that before the sixteenth century had closed1 they had imbued the whole ,italian nation with their views1 forming a new literature1 directing every kind of mental activity1 and producing a new social tone1 and furthermore that ,italy in the sixteenth century impressed her spirit on the rest of ,europe1 we have a right to hail the humanists as the schoolmasters of modern civilisation4 ,as schoolmasters in a stricter sense of the term1 it is not easy to exaggerate the influence exercised by ,italian students4 ,they first conceived and framed the education that has now prevailed through ,europe for four centuries1 moulding the youth of divers nations by one common discipline1 and establishing an intellectual concord for all peoples4 ,in spite of changes in government and creed1 in spite of differences caused by race and language1 we have maintained an uniformity of culture through the simultaneous prosecution of classic studies on the lines laid down for teachers by the scholars of the fifteenth century4 ,the system of our universities and public schools is in truth no other than that devised by ,vittorino and ,guarino4 ,thus humanism in modern ,europe has continued the work performed during the ,middle ,ages by the ,church1 uniting in one confederation of spiritual activity nations widely separated by all that tends to keep the human families apart4 ,until quite recently in ,england1 the litter humaniores were accepted as the soundest training for careers in ,church and ,state1 for the learned professions1 and for the private duties of gentlemen4 ,if the old ideal is yielding at last to theories of a wider education based on science and on modern languages1 that is due partly to the extension of useful knowledge1 and partly to the absorption of classic literature into the modern consciousness4 ,the sum of what a cultivated man should know1 in order to maintain a place among the pioneers of progress1 is so vast1 that learners1 distracted by a variety of subjects1 resent the expenditure of precious time on ,greek and ,latin4 ,teachers1 on the other hand1 through long familiarity with humane studies1 have fallen into the languor of routine4 ,besides1 as knowledge in each new department increases1 the necessity of specialising with a view to adopting a professional career1 makes itself continually felt with greater urgency4 ,it may therefore be plausibly argued that we have outgrown the conditions of humanism1 and that a new stage in the history of education has been reached4 ,have not the ancients done as much for us as they can do8 ,are not our minds permeated with their thoughts8 ,do not the masterpieces of modern literature hold in solution the best that can be got from them for future uses8 ,these questions can perhaps be met by the counter-question whether the arts and letters of the ,greeks and ,romans will not always hold their own1 not only in the formation of pure taste1 but also in the discipline of character and the training of the intelligence4 ,just as well might we cease to study the sacred books of the ,jews1 because we have incorporated their ethics into our conscience1 and possess their religion in our liturgy4 ,no transmission of a spirit at second or third hand can be the same as its immediate contact2 nor can we afford1 however full our mental life may be1 to lose the vivid sense of what men were and what they wrought in ages far removed from us1 especially when those men were our superiors in certain spheres4 ,again1 it may be doubted whether we should understand the masterpieces of modern literature1 when we came to be separated from the sources of their inspiration4 ,if ,olympus connoted less than ,asgard1 or ,hercules were no more familiar to our minds than ,rustem1 or the horses of the ,sun stood at the same distance from us as the cows of ,indra--if1 in fact1 we abandoned ,greek as much as we have abandoned ,scandinavian1 ,persian1 and ,sanskrit mythology1 would not some of the most brilliant images of our own poets fade into leaden greyness1 like clouds that have lost the flush of living light upon them8 ,it is therefore not improbable that for many years to come the higher culture of the race will still be grounded upon humanism3 true though it be that the first enthusiasm for antiquity shall never be restored1 nor the classics yield that vital nourishment they offered in the spring-time of the modern era4 ,for average students1 who have no special vocation for literature and no esthetic tastes1 it may well happen that new methods of teaching the classics will have to be invented4 ,why should they not be read in ,english versions1 and the time expended upon ,greek and ,latin grammar be thus saved8 ,the practice of ,greek and ,latin versification has been virtually doomed already2 nor is there any reason why ,latin prose should form a necessary part of education in an age that has ceased to publish its thoughts in a now completely dead language4 ,our actual relation to the ancients1 again1 justifies some change4 ,we know far more about them now than in the period of the ,renaissance2 but they are no longer all in all for civilised humanity1 eager to reconstitute the realm of thought1 and find its nobler self anew in the image of a glorious past1 reconquered and inalienable4 ,the very culture created by the study of antiquity through the last four centuries stands between them and our apprehension1 so that they seem at the same moment more distinct from us and more a part of our familiar selves4 ,when we seek the causes which produced the decay of learning in ,italy about the middle of the sixteenth century1 we are first led to observe that the type of scholarship inaugurated by ,petrarch had been fully developed4 ,nothing new remained to be worked out upon the lines laid down by him4 ,meanwhile the forces of the nation1 both creative and receptive1 were exhausted in the old fields of humanism4 ,the reading public had been glutted with epistles1 invectives1 poems1 orations1 histories of antiquities1 and disquisitions of all kinds4 ,the matter of the ancient literatures had been absorbed1 if superficially1 at least entirely1 and their forms had been reproduced with wearisome reiteration4 ,the ,paganism that had so long ruled as a fashion1 was now passing out of vogue1 because of its inadequacy to meet the deeper wants and satisfy the aspirations of the modern world4 ,the humanists1 moreover1 as a class1 had fallen into disrepute through faults and vices whereof enough has been already said4 ,nothing short of the new impulse which a new genius1 equal at least in power to ,petrarch1 might have communicated1 could have given a fresh direction to the declining enthusiasm for antiquity4 ,but for this display of energy the ,italians were not prepared4 ,as in the ascent of some high peak1 the traveller1 after surmounting pine woods and ,alpine pastures1 comes upon bare grassy slopes that form an intermediate region between the basements of the mountain and the snowfields overhead1 so the humanists had accomplished the first stage of learning4 ,but it requires a fresh start and the employment of other faculties to scale the final heights2 and for this the force was wanting4 ,erasmus1 at the opening of the century1 had1 indeed1 initiated a second age of scholarship4 ,the more exact methods of criticism and comparison were already about to be instituted by the ,french1 the ,germans1 and the ,dutch4 ,it was too much1 however1 to expect that the ,italians1 who had expended their vigour in recovering the classics and reviving a passion for knowledge1 should compete upon the ground of modern erudition with these fresh and untried races4 ,what they might have done1 if circumstances had been less unfavourable1 and if the way of progress had been free before them1 cannot be conjectured4 ,as it was1 all things contributed to the decline of intellectual energy in ,italy4 ,the distracting wars of half a century told more heavily upon the literati1 who depended for their very existence upon the liberality of patrons1 than on any other section of the people4 ,what miseries they endured in ,lombardy may be gathered from the prefaces and epistles of ,aldus ,manutius2 while the blow inflicted on them by the sack of ,rome is vividly described by ,valeriano4#ebe ,when comparative peace was restored1 liberty had been extinguished4 ,florence1 the stronghold of liberal learning1 was enslaved4 ,scholarship no less than art suffered from the loss of political independence4 ,rome1 terror-stricken by the ,reformation1 turned with rage against the very studies she had helped to stimulate4 ,the engines of the ,inquisition1 wielded with all the mercilessness of panic by men who had the sombre cruelty of ,spain to back them up1 destroyed the germs of life in science and philosophy4 ,footnote #ebe3 ,see above1 p4 #cba4 ,to some extent1 again1 the ,italian scholars had prepared their own suicide by tending more and more to subtleties of taste and affectations of refinement4 ,the purism of the sixteenth century was itself a sort of etiolation1 and the puerilities of the academies distracted even able men from serious studies4 ,it was one of the inevitable drawbacks of humanism that the new culture separated men of letters from the nation4 ,dante and the wool-carders of the fourteenth century understood each other2 there was then no thick veil of erudition between the teacher and the taught4 ,but neither ,bembo nor ,pomponazzi had anything to say that could be comprehended by the common folk4 ,therefore scholarship was left in mournful isolation2 suspected1 when it passed from trifles to grave speculations1 by the ,church2 viewed with indifference by the people2 unsustained by any sympathy1 and1 what was worse1 without a programme or a watchword4 ,the thinkers1 whose biography belongs to the history of the ,counter-,reformation in ,italy1 were all solitary men1 voices crying in the wilderness with none to listen1 bound together by no common bond1 unnoticed by the nation1 extinguished singly on the scaffold by an ever-watchful league of tyrants spiritual and political4 ,before the end of the sixteenth century ,greek had almost ceased to be studied in ,italy4 ,this was the sign of intellectual death4 ,all that was virile in humanism fled beyond the ,alps4 ,this transference of intellectual supremacy from ,italy to ,germany was speedily accomplished4 ',when ,i was a boy1' said ,erasmus1#ebf 'sound letters had begun to revive among the ,italians2 but by reason of the printer's art being as yet undiscovered or known to few1 no books had reached us1 and in the deep tranquillity of dulness there reigned a set of men who taught in all our towns the most illiterate learning4 ,rodolph ,agricola was the first to bring to us from ,italy some breath of a superior culture4' ,again1 he says of ,italy1 ',in that land1 where even the very walls are both more learned and more eloquent than men with us2 so that what here seems beautifully said1 and elegant and full of charm1 cannot be held for aught but clumsy1 stupid1 and uncultivated there4' ,less than half a century after ,erasmus had gained the right to hold the balance thus between the nations of the ,north and ,south--that is1 in #aedj or thereabouts--,paolo ,giovio1 at the close of his ',elogia ,literaria1' while speaking of the ,germans1 felt obliged to confess that 'not only ,latin letters1 to our disgrace1 but ,greek and ,hebrew also have passed into their territory by a fatal simultaneous migration4' ,footnote #ebf3 ,see the passages quoted by ,tiraboschi1 vol4 vi4 lib4 iii4 cap4 v4 #ga4 ,thus ,italy1 after receiving the lamp of learning from the dying hands of ,hellas1 in the days of her own freedom1 now1 in the time of her adversity and ruin1 gave it to the nations of the ,north4 ,her work was ended4 ,three centuries of increasing decrepitude1 within our recent memory at length most happily surmounted1 were before her4 ,can history1 we wonder1 furnish a spectacle more pathetic than that of the protagonist of spiritual liberty falling uneasily asleep beneath the footstool of the ,spaniard and the churchman1 while the races who had trampled her to death went on rejoicing in the light and culture she had won by centuries of toil8 ,this is the tragic aspect of the subject which has occupied us through the present volume4 ,at the conclusion of the whole matter it is1 however1 more profitable to remember1 not the intellectual death of ,italy1 but what she wrought in that bright period of her vigour4 ,she was the divinely appointed birthplace of the modern spirit1 the workshop of knowledge for all ,europe1 our mistress in the arts and sciences1 the ,alma ,mater of our student years1 the well-spring of mental freedom and activity after ages of stagnation4 ,if greater philosophers have since been produced by ,germany and ,france and ,england1 greater scholars1 greater men of science1 greater poets even1 and greater pioneers of progress in the lands divined by ,christopher ,columbus beyond the seas--this must not blind us to the truth that at the very outset of the era in which we live and play our parts1 ,italy embraced all philosophy1 all scholarship1 all science1 all art1 all discovery1 alone4 ,such is the ,lampadephoria1 or torch-race1 of the nations4 ,greece stretches forth her hand to ,italy2 ,italy consigns the sacred fire to ,northern ,europe2 the people of the ,north pass on the flame to ,america1 to ,india1 and the ,australasian isles4