,,the ,,elementary ,,forms ,,of ,,the ,,religious ,,life ,,emile ,,durkheim ,the ,elementary ,forms of the ,religious ,life ,,translated ,,from ,,the ,,french ,,by ,,joseph ,,ward ,,swain ,m4,a4 ,,london ,,george ,,allen ,,unwin ,,ltd ,,ruskin ,,house ,,museum ,,street ,,first ,,published ,,in #aiae ,,second ,,impression #aibf ,,third ,,impression #aied ,,fourth ,,impression #aieg ,,fifth ,,impression #aifd ,this book is copyright under the ,berne ,convention4 ,apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study1 research1 criticism or review1 as permitted under the ,copyright ,act1 #aief1 no portion may be reproduced by any process without written permission4 ,enquiry should be made to the publisher4 ,george ,allen ,unwin ,ltd4 #aiae ,,printed ,,in ,,great ,,britain ,,by ,,hollen ,,street ,,press ,,ltd ,,london ,w4#a ,,contents ,,introduction ,,subject ,,of ,,our ,,study3 ,,religious ,,sociology ,,and ,,the ,,theory ,,of ,,knowledge ,,page ,i4--,principal subject of the book3 analysis of the simplest religion known to determine the elementary forms of the religious life--,why they are more easily found and explained in the primitive religions #a ,,ii4--,secondary subject of research3 the genesis of the fundamental notions of thought or the categories--,reasons for believing that their origin is religious and consequently social--,how a way of restating the theory of knowledge is thus seen #i ,,book ,i ,,preliminary ,,questions ,,chapter ,i ,,definition ,,of ,,religious ,,phenomena ,,and ,,of ,,religion ,usefulness of a preliminary definition of religion2 method to be followed in seeking this definition--,why the usual definitions should be examined first #bc ,i4--,religion defined by the supernatural and mysterious-- ,criticism3 the notion of mystery is not primitive #bd ,,ii4--,religion defined in connection with the idea of ,god or a spiritual being4--,religions without gods--,rites in deistic religions which imply no idea of divinity #bi ,,iii4--,search for a positive definition--,distinction between beliefs and rites--,definition of beliefs--,first characteristic3 division of things between sacred and profane--,distinctive characteristics of this definition--,definition of rites in relation to beliefs--,definition of religion #cf ,,iv4--,necessity of another characteristic to distinguish magic from religion--,the idea of the ,church--,do individualistic religions exclude the idea of a ,church8 #db ,,chapter ,,ii ,,leading ,,conceptions ,,of ,,the ,,elementary ,,religion ,i4--,animism ,distinction of animism and naturism #dh ,i4--,the three theses of animism3 ,genesis of the idea of the soul2 ,formation of the idea of spirits2 ,transformation of the cult of spirits into the cult of nature #di ,,ii4--,criticism of the first thesis--,distinction of the idea of the soul from that of a double--,dreams do not account for the idea of the soul #ee ,,iii4--,criticism of the second thesis--,death does not explain the transformation of a soul into a spirit--,the cult of the souls of the dead is not primitive #fj ,,iv4--,criticism of the third thesis--,the anthropomorphic instinct--,spencer's criticism of it2 reservations on this point--,examination of the facts by which this instinct is said to be proved--,difference between a soul and the spirits of nature--,religious anthropomorphism is not primitive #fe ,v4--,conclusion3 animism reduces religion to nothing more than a system of hallucinations #fh ,,chapter ,,iii ,,leading ,,conceptions ,,of ,,the ,,elementary ,,religion--7continued7 ,,ii4--,naturism ,history of the theory #ga ,i4--,exposition of ,max ,mller's naturism #gc ,,ii4--,if the object of religion is to express natural forces1 it is hard to see how it has maintained itself1 for it expresses them in an erroneous manner--,pretended distinction between religion and mythology #gh ,,iii4--,naturism does not explain the division of things into sacred and profane #hd ,,chapter ,,iv ,,totemism ,,as ,,an ,,elementary ,,religion ,i4--,brief history of the question of totemism #hh ,,ii4--,reasons of method for which our study will be given specially to the totemism of ,australia--,the place which will be given to facts from ,america #ic ,,book ,,ii ,,the ,,elementary ,,beliefs ,,chapter ,i ,,totemic ,,beliefs ,the ,totem as ,name and as ,emblem ,i4--,definition of the clan--,the totem as name of the clan--,nature of the things which serve as totems--,ways in which the totem is acquired--,the totems of phratries2 of matrimonial classes #ajb ,,ii4--,the totem as emblem--,totemic designs engraved or carved upon objects2 tatooings or designs upon the body #aac ,,iii4--,sacred character of the totemic emblem--,the churinga--,the nurtunja--,the waninga--,conventional character of totemic emblems #aai ,,chapter ,,ii ,,totemic ,,beliefs--7continued7 ,the ,totemic ,animal and ,man ,i4--,sacred character of the totemic animals--,prohibition to eat them1 kill them or pick the totemic plants--,different moderations given these prohibitions--,prohibition of contact--,the sacred character of the animal is less marked than that of the emblem #abh ,,ii4--,the man--,his relationship with the totemic animal or plant--,different myths explaining this relationship--,the sacred character of the man is more apparent in certain parts of the organism3 the blood1 hair1 etc4--,how this character varies with sex and age--,totemism is not plant or animal worship #acd ,,chapter ,,iii ,,totemic ,,beliefs--7continued7 ,the ,cosmological ,system of ,totemism and the ,idea of ,class ,i4--,the classification of things into clans1 phratries and classes #ada ,,ii4--,genesis of the notion of class3 the first classifications of things take their forms from society--,differences between the sentiment of the differences of things and the idea of class-- ,why this is of social origin #add ,,iii4--,religious significance of these classifications3 all of the things classified into a clan partake of the nature of the totem and its sacred character--,the cosmological system of totemism--,totemism as the tribal religion #adh ,,chapter ,,iv ,,totemic ,,beliefs--7end7 ,the ,individual ,totem and the ,sexual ,totem ,i4--,individual totem as a forename2 its sacred character-- ,individual totem as personal emblem--,bonds between the man and his individual totem--,relations with the collective totem #aeg ,,ii4--,the totems of sexual groups--,resemblances and differences with the collective and individual totems--,their tribal nature #afe ,,chapter ,v ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs ,critical ,examination of ,preceding ,theories ,i4--,theories which derive totemism from a previous religion3 from the ancestor cult 7,wilken and ,tylor72 from the nature cult 7,jevons7--,criticism of these theories #afh ,,ii4--,theories which derive collective totemism from individual totemism--,origins attributed by these theories to the individual totem 7,frazer1 ,boas1 ,hill ,tout7--,improbability of these hypotheses--,reasons showing the priority of the collective totem #agb ,,iii4--,recent theory of ,frazer3 conceptional and local totemism--,the begging of the question upon which it rests--,the religious character of the totem is denied--,local totemism is not primitive #ahj ,,iv4--,theory of ,lang3 that the totem is only a name--,difficulties in explaining the religious character of totemic practices from this point of view #ahd ,v4--,all these theories explain totemism only by postulating other religious notions anterior to it #ahf ,,chapter ,,vi ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs--7continued7 ,the ,notion of the ,totemic ,principle1 or ,mana1 and the ,idea of ,force ,i4--,the notion of the totemic force or principle--,its ubiquity-- ,its character at once physical and moral #ahh ,,ii4--,analogous conceptions in other inferior societies--,the gods in ,samoa1 the wakan of the ,sioux1 the orenda of the ,iroquois1 the mana of ,melanesia--,connection of these notions with totemism--,the ,arunkulta of the ,arunta #aia ,,iii4--,logical priority of impersonal force over the different mythical personalities--,recent theories which tend to admit this priority #aih ,,iv4--,the notion of religious force is the prototype of that of force in general #bjc ,,chapter ,,vii ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs--7end7 ,origin of the ,idea of the ,totemic ,principle or ,mana ,i4--,the totemic principle is the clan1 but thought of under a more empirical form #bje ,,ii4--,general reasons for which society is apt to awaken the sensation of the sacred and the divine--,society as an imperative moral force2 the notion of moral authority--,society as a force which raises the individual outside of himself-- ,facts which prove that society creates the sacred #bjf ,,iii4--,reasons peculiar to ,australian societies--,the two phases through which the life of these societies alternatively passes3 dispersion1 concentration--,great collective effervescence during the periods of concentration--,examples--,how the religious idea is born out of this effervescence #bad ,why collective force has been thought of under totemic forms3 it is the totem that is the emblem of the clan--,explanation of the principal totemic beliefs #bai ,,iv4--,religion is not the product of fear--,it expresses something real--,its essential idealism--,this idealism is a general characteristic of collective mentality--,explanation of the external character of religious forces in relation to their subjects--,the principle that the part is equal to the whole #bbc ,v4--,origin of the notion of emblem3 emblems a necessary condition of collective representations--,why the clan has taken its emblems from the animal and vegetable kingdoms #bcj ,,vi4--,the proneness of the primitive to confound the kingdoms and classes which we distinguish--,origins of these confusions--,how they have blazed the way for scientific explanations--,they do not exclude the tendency towards distinction and opposition #bcd ,,chapter ,,viii ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,the ,,soul ,i4--,analysis of the idea of the soul in the ,australian societies #bdj ,,ii4--,genesis of this idea--,the doctrine of reincarnation according to ,spencer and ,gillen3 it implies that the soul is a part of the totemic principle--,examination of the facts collected by ,strehlow2 they confirm the totemic nature of the soul #bdf ,,iii4--,generality of the doctrine of reincarnation--,diverse facts in support of the proposed genesis #bef ,,iv4--,antithesis of the soul and the body3 what there is objective in this--,relations of the individual soul with the collective soul--,the idea of the soul is not chronologically after that of mana #bfb ,v4--,hypothesis to explain the belief in its survival #bfg ,,vi4--,the idea of a soul and the idea of a person2 impersonal elements in the personality #bfi ,,chapter ,,ix ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,spirits ,,and ,,gods ,i4--,difference between a soul and a spirit--,the souls of the mythical ancestors are spirits1 having determined functions-- ,relations between the ancestral spirit1 the individual soul and the individual totem--,explanation of this latter--,its sociological significance #bgc ,,ii4--,spirits and magic #bha ,,iii4--,the civilizing heroes #bhc ,,iv4--,the great gods--,their origin--,their relations with the totemic system--,their tribal and international character #bhe ,v4--,unity of the totemic system #bie ,,book ,,iii ,,the ,,principal ,,ritual ,,attitudes ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,negative ,,cult ,,and ,,its ,,functions ,,the ,,ascetic ,,rites ,i4--,the system of interdictions--,magic and religious interdictions--,interdictions between sacred things of different sorts--,interdictions between sacred and profane--,these latter are the basis of the negative cult--,leading types of these interdictions2 their reduction to two essential types #bii ,,ii4--,the observance of interdictions modifies the religious state of individuals--,cases where this efficacy is especially apparent3 ascetic practices--,the religious efficacy of sorrow-- ,social function of asceticism #cji ,,iii4--,explanation of the system of interdictions3 antagonism of the sacred and the profane1 contagiousness of the sacred #cag ,,iv4--,causes of this contagiousness--,it cannot be explained by the laws of the association of ideas--,it is because religious forces are outside of their subjects--,logical interest in this property of religious forces #cba ,,chapter ,,ii ,,the ,,positive ,,cult ,i4--,the ,elements of ,sacrifice ,the ,intichiuma ceremony in the tribes of ,central ,australia-- ,different forms which it presents #cbf ,i4--,the ,arunta ,form--,the two phases--,analysis of the first3 visit to sacred places1 scattering of sacred dust1 shedding of blood1 etc41 to assure the reproduction of the totemic species #cbg ,,ii4--,second phase3 ritual consumption of the totemic plant or animal #ccc ,,iii4--,interpretation of the complete ceremony--,the second rite consists in a communion meal--,reason for this communion #ccf ,,iv4--,the rites of the first phase consists in oblations--,analogies with sacrificial oblations--,the ,intichiuma thus contains the two elements of sacrifice--,interest of these facts for the theory of sacrifice #cdj ,v4--,on the pretended absurdity of sacrificial oblations--,how they are explained3 dependence of sacred beings upon their worshippers--,explanation of the circle in which sacrifice seems to move--,origin of the periodicity of positive rites #cdd ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,positive ,,cult--7continued7 ,,ii4--,imitative ,rites and the ,principle of ,causality ,i4--,nature of the imitative rites--,examples of ceremonies where they are employed to assure the fertility of the species #cea ,,ii4--,they rest upon the principle3 like produces like-- ,examination of the explanation of this given by the anthropological school--,reasons why they imitate the animal or plant--,reasons for attributing a physical efficacy to these gestures--,faith--,in what sense it is founded upon experience-- ,the principles of magic are born in religion #cee ,,iii4--,the preceding principle considered as one of the first statements of the principle of causality--,social conditions upon which this latter depends--,the idea of impersonal force or power is of social origin--,the necessity for the conception of causality explained by the authority inherent in social imperatives #cfb ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,positive ,,cult--7continued7 ,,iii4--,representative or ,commemorative ,rites ,i4--,representative rites with physical efficacy--,their relations with the ceremonies already described--,their action is wholly moral #cga ,,ii4--,representative rites without physical efficacy--,they confirm the preceding results--,the element of recreation in religion3 its importance2 its reason for existence--,the idea of a feast #cgf ,,iii4--,ambiguity of function in the various ceremonies studied2 they substitute themselves for each other--,how this ambiguity confirms the theory proposed #chc ,,chapter ,v ,,piacular ,,rites ,,and ,,the ,,ambiguity ,,of ,,the ,,notion ,,of ,,sacredness ,definition of the piacular rite #chi ,i4--,positive rites of mourning--,description of these rites #cij ,,ii4--,how they are explained--,they are not a manifestation of private sentiments--,the malice attributed to the souls of the dead cannot account for them either--,they correspond to the state of mind in which the group happens to be--,analysis of this state--,how it ends by mourning--,corresponding changes in the way in which the souls of the dead are conceived #cif ,,iii4--,other piacular rites2 after a public mourning1 a poor harvest1 a drought1 the southern lights--,rarity of these rites in ,australia--,how they are explained #djc ,,iv4--,the two forms of the sacred3 the pure and the impure--,their antagonism--,their relationship--,ambiguity of the idea of the sacred--,all rites present the same character #dji ,,conclusion ,to what extent the results obtained may be generalized #dae ,i4--,religion rests upon an experience that is well founded but not privileged--,necessity of a science to reach the reality at the bottom of this experience--,what is this reality8--,the human groups--,human meaning of religion--,concerning the objection which opposes the ideal society to the real society #daf ,how religious individualism and cosmopolitanism are explained in this theory #dbd ,,ii4--,the eternal element in religion--,concerning the conflict between science and religion2 it has to do solely with the speculative side of religion--,what this side seems destined to become #dbg ,,iii4--,how has society been able to be the source of logical1 that is to say conceptual1 thought8 ,definition of the concept3 not to be confounded with the general idea2 characterized by its impersonality and communicability--,it has a collective origin--,the analysis of its contents bears witness in the same sense ,collective representations as types of ideas which individuals accept--,in regard to the objection that they are impersonal only on condition of being true--,conceptual thought is coeval with humanity #dca ,,iv4--,how the categories express social things--,the chief category is the concept of totality which could be suggested only by society--,why the relations expressed by the categories could become conscious only in society--,society is not an a-logical being--,how the categories tend to detach themselves from geographically determined groups #dci ,the unity of science on the one hand1 and of morals and religion on the other--,how the society accounts for this unity-- ,explanation of the rle attributed to society3 its creative power--,reactions of sociology upon the science of man #dde ,,the ,,elementary ,,forms ,,of ,,the ,,religious ,,life ,,introduction ,,subject ,,of ,,our ,,study3 ,,religious ,,sociology ,,and ,,the ,,theory ,,of ,,knowledge ,in this book we propose to study the most primitive and simple religion which is actually known1 to make an analysis of it1 and to attempt an explanation of it4 ,a religious system may be said to be the most primitive which we can observe when it fulfils the two following conditions3 in the first place1 when it is found in a society whose organization is surpassed by no others in simplicity2#a and secondly1 when it is possible to explain it without making use of any element borrowed from a previous religion4 ,we shall set ourselves to describe the organization of this system with all the exactness and fidelity that an ethnographer or an historian could give it4 ,but our task will not be limited to that3 sociology raises other problems than history or ethnography4 ,it does not seek to know the passed forms of civilization with the sole end of knowing them and reconstructing them4 ,but rather1 like every positive science1 it has as its object the explanation of some actual reality which is near to us1 and which consequently is capable of affecting our ideas and our acts3 this reality is man1 and more precisely1 the man of to-day1 for there is nothing which we are more interested in knowing4 ,then we are not going to study a very archaic religion simply for the pleasure of telling its peculiarities and its singularities4 ,if we have taken it as the subject of our research1 it is because it has seemed to us better adapted than any other to lead to an understanding of the religious nature of man1 that is to say1 to show us an essential and permanent aspect of humanity4 ,but this proposition is not accepted before the raising of strong objections4 ,it seems very strange that one must turn back1 and be transported to the very beginnings of history1 in order to arrive at an understanding of humanity as it is at present4 ,this manner of procedure seems particularly paradoxical in the question which concerns us4 ,in fact1 the various religions generally pass as being quite unequal in value and dignity2 it is said that they do not all contain the same quota of truth4 ,then it seems as though one could not compare the highest forms of religious thought with the lowest1 without reducing the first to the level of the second4 ,if we admit that the crude cults of the ,australian tribes can help us to understand ,christianity1 for example1 is that not supposing that this latter religion proceeds from the same mentality as the former1 that it is made up of the same superstitions and rests upon the same errors8 ,this is how the theoretical importance which has sometimes been attributed to primitive religions has come to pass as a sign of a systematic hostility to all religion1 which1 by prejudging the results of the study1 vitiates them in advance4 ,there is no occasion for asking here whether or not there are scholars who have merited this reproach1 and who have made religious history and ethnology a weapon against religion4 ,in any case1 a sociologist cannot hold such a point of view4 ,in fact1 it is an essential postulate of sociology that a human institution cannot rest upon an error and a lie1 without which it could not exist4 ,if it were not founded in the nature of things1 it would have encountered in the facts a resistance over which it could never have triumphed4 ,so when we commence the study of primitive religions1 it is with the assurance that they hold to reality and express it2 this principle will be seen to re-enter again and again in the course of the analyses and discussions which follow1 and the reproach which we make against the schools from which we have separated ourselves is that they have ignored it4 ,when only the letter of the formul is considered1 these religious beliefs and practices undoubtedly seem disconcerting at times1 and one is tempted to attribute them to some sort of a deep-rooted error4 ,but one must know how to go underneath the symbol to the reality which it represents and which gives it its meaning4 ,the most barbarous and the most fantastic rites and the strangest myths translate some human need1 some aspect of life1 either individual or social4 ,the reasons with which the faithful justify them may be1 and generally are1 erroneous2 but the true reasons do not cease to exist1 and it is the duty of science to discover them4 ,in reality1 then1 there are no religions which are false4 ,all are true in their own fashion2 all answer1 though in different ways1 to the given conditions of human existence4 ,it is undeniably possible to arrange them in a hierarchy4 ,some can be called superior to others1 in the sense that they call into play higher mental functions1 that they are richer in ideas and sentiments1 that they contain more concepts with fewer sensations and images1 and that their arrangement is wiser4 ,but howsoever real this greater complexity and this higher ideality may be1 they are not sufficient to place the corresponding religions in different classes4 ,all are religions equally1 just as all living beings are equally alive1 from the most humble plastids up to man4 ,so when we turn to primitive religions it is not with the idea of depreciating religion in general1 for these religions are no less respectable than the others4 ,they respond to the same needs1 they play the same rle1 they depend upon the same causes2 they can also well serve to show the nature of the religious life1 and consequently to resolve the problem which we wish to study4 ,but why give them a sort of prerogative8 ,why choose them in preference to all others as the subject of our study8--,it is merely for reasons of method4 ,in the first place1 we cannot arrive at an understanding of the most recent religions except by following the manner in which they have been progressively composed in history4 ,in fact1 historical analysis is the only means of explanation which it is possible to apply to them4 ,it alone enables us to resolve an institution into its constituent elements1 for it shows them to us as they are born in time1 one after another4 ,on the other hand1 by placing every one of them in the condition where it was born1 it puts into our hands the only means we have of determining the causes which gave rise to it4 ,every time that we undertake to explain something human1 taken at a given moment in history--be it a religious belief1 a moral precept1 a legal principle1 an sthetic style or an economic system--it is necessary to commence by going back to its most primitive and simple form1 to try to account for the characteristics by which it was marked at that time1 and then to show how it developed and became complicated little by little1 and how it became that which it is at the moment in question4 ,one readily understands the importance which the determination of the point of departure has for this series of progressive explanations1 for all the others are attached to it4 ,it was one of ,descartes's principles that the first ring has a predominating place in the chain of scientific truths4 ,but there is no question of placing at the foundation of the science of religions an idea elaborated after the cartesian manner1 that is to say1 a logical concept1 a pure possibility1 constructed simply by force of thought4 ,what we must find is a concrete reality1 and historical and ethnological observation alone can reveal that to us4 ,but even if this cardinal conception is obtained by a different process than that of ,descartes1 it remains true that it is destined to have a considerable influence on the whole series of propositions which the science establishes4 ,biological evolution has been conceived quite differently ever since it has been known that monocellular beings do exist4 ,in the same way1 the arrangement of religious facts is explained quite differently1 according as we put naturism1 animism or some other religious form at the beginning of the evolution4 ,even the most specialized scholars1 if they are unwilling to confine themselves to a task of pure erudition1 and if they desire to interpret the facts which they analyse1 are obliged to choose one of these hypotheses1 and make it their starting-point4 ,whether they desire it or not1 the questions which they raise necessarily take the following form3 how has naturism or animism been led to take this particular form1 here or there1 or to enrich itself or impoverish itself in such and such a fashion8 ,since it is impossible to avoid taking sides on this initial problem1 and since the solution given is destined to affect the whole science1 it must be attacked at the outset3 that is what we propose to do4 ,besides this1 outside of these indirect reactions1 the study of primitive religions has of itself an immediate interest which is of primary importance4 ,if it is useful to know what a certain particular religion consists in1 it is still more important to know what religion in general is4 ,this is the problem which has aroused the interest of philosophers in all times2 and not without reason1 for it is of interest to all humanity4 ,unfortunately1 the method which they generally employ is purely dialectic3 they confine themselves to analysing the idea which they make for themselves of religion1 except as they illustrate the results of this mental analysis by examples borrowed from the religions which best realize their ideal4 ,but even if this method ought to be abandoned1 the problem remains intact1 and the great service of philosophy is to have prevented its being suppressed by the disdain of scholars4 ,now it is possible to attack it in a different way4 ,since all religions can be compared to each other1 and since all are species of the same class1 there are necessarily many elements which are common to all4 ,we do not mean to speak simply of the outward and visible characteristics which they all have equally1 and which make it possible to give them a provisional definition from the very outset of our researches2 the discovery of these apparent signs is relatively easy1 for the observation which it demands does not go beneath the surface of things4 ,but these external resemblances suppose others which are profound4 ,at the foundation of all systems of beliefs and of all cults there ought necessarily to be a certain number of fundamental representations or conceptions and of ritual attitudes which1 in spite of the diversity of forms which they have taken1 have the same objective significance and fulfil the same functions everywhere4 ,these are the permanent elements which constitute that which is permanent and human in religion2 they form all the objective contents of the idea which is expressed when one speaks of religion in general4 ,how is it possible to pick them out8 ,surely it is not by observing the complex religions which appear in the course of history4 ,every one of these is made up of such a variety of elements that it is very difficult to distinguish what is secondary from what is principal1 the essential from the accessory4 ,suppose that the religion considered is like that of ,egypt1 ,india or the classical antiquity4 ,it is a confused mass of many cults1 varying according to the locality1 the temples1 the generations1 the dynasties1 the invasions1 etc4 ,popular superstitions are there confused with the purest dogmas4 ,neither the thought nor the activity of the religion is evenly distributed among the believers2 according to the men1 the environment and the circumstances1 the beliefs as well as the rites are thought of in different ways4 ,here they are priests1 there they are monks1 elsewhere they are laymen2 there are mystics and rationalists1 theologians and prophets1 etc4 ,in these conditions it is difficult to see what is common to all4 ,in one or another of these systems it is quite possible to find the means of making a profitable study of some particular fact which is specially developed there1 such as sacrifice or prophecy1 monasticism or the mysteries2 but how is it possible to find the common foundation of the religious life underneath the luxuriant vegetation which covers it8 ,how is it possible to find1 underneath the disputes of theology1 the variations of ritual1 the multiplicity of groups and the diversity of individuals1 the fundamental states characteristic of religious mentality in general8 ,things are quite different in the lower societies4 ,the slighter development of individuality1 the small extension of the group1 the homogeneity of external circumstances1 all contribute to reducing the differences and variations to a minimum4 ,the group has an intellectual and moral conformity of which we find but rare examples in the more advanced societies4 ,everything is common to all4 ,movements are stereotyped2 everybody performs the same ones in the same circumstances1 and this conformity of conduct only translates the conformity of thought4 ,every mind being drawn into the same eddy1 the individual type nearly confounds itself with that of the race4 ,and while all is uniform1 all is simple as well4 ,nothing is deformed like these myths1 all composed of one and the same theme which is endlessly repeated1 or like these rites made up of a small number of gestures repeated again and again4 ,neither the popular imagination nor that of the priests has had either the time or the means of refining and transforming the original substance of the religious ideas and practices2 these are shown in all their nudity1 and offer themselves to an examination1 it requiring only the slightest effort to lay them open4 ,that which is accessory or secondary1 the development of luxury1 has not yet come to hide the principal elements4#b ,all is reduced to that which is indispensable1 to that without which there could be no religion4 ,but that which is indispensable is also that which is essential1 that is to say1 that which we must know before all else4 ,primitive civilizations offer privileged cases1 then1 because they are simple cases4 ,that is why1 in all fields of human activity1 the observations of ethnologists have frequently been veritable revelations1 which have renewed the study of human institutions4 ,for example1 before the middle of the nineteenth century1 everybody was convinced that the father was the essential element of the family2 no one had dreamed that there could be a family organization of which the paternal authority was not the keystone4 ,but the discovery of ,bachofen came and upset this old conception4 ,up to very recent times it was regarded as evident that the moral and legal relations of kindred were only another aspect of the psychological relations which result from a common descent2 ,bachofen and his successors1 ,mac,lennan1 ,morgan and many others still laboured under this misunderstanding4 ,but since we have become acquainted with the nature of the primitive clan1 we know that1 on the contrary1 relationships cannot be explained by consanguinity4 ,to return to religions1 the study of only the most familiar ones had led men to believe for a long time that the idea of god was characteristic of everything that is religious4 ,now the religion which we are going to study presently is1 in a large part1 foreign to all idea of divinity2 the forces to which the rites are there addressed are very different from those which occupy the leading place in our modern religions1 yet they aid us in understanding these latter forces4 ,so nothing is more unjust than the disdain with which too many historians still regard the work of ethnographers4 ,indeed1 it is certain that ethnology has frequently brought about the most fruitful revolutions in the different branches of sociology4 ,it is for this same reason that the discovery of unicellular beings1 of which we just spoke1 has transformed the current idea of life4 ,since in these very simple beings1 life is reduced to its essential traits1 these are less easily misunderstood4 ,but primitive religions do not merely aid us in disengaging the constituent elements of religion2 they also have the great advantage that they facilitate the explanation of it4 ,since the facts there are simpler1 the relations between them are more apparent4 ,the reasons with which men account for their acts have not yet been elaborated and denatured by studied reflection2 they are nearer and more closely related to the motives which have really determined these acts4 ,in order to understand an hallucination perfectly1 and give it its most appropriate treatment1 a physician must know its original point of departure4 ,now this event is proportionately easier to find if he can observe it near its beginnings4 ,the longer the disease is allowed to develop1 the more it evades observation2 that is because all sorts of interpretations have intervened as it advanced1 which tend to force the original state into the background1 and across which it is frequently difficult to find the initial one4 ,between a systematized hallucination and the first impressions which gave it birth1 the distance is often considerable4 ,it is the same thing with religious thought4 ,in proportion as it progresses in history1 the causes which called it into existence1 though remaining active1 are no longer perceived1 except across a vast scheme of interpretations which quite transform them4 ,popular mythologies and subtile theologies have done their work3 they have superimposed upon the primitive sentiments others which are quite different1 and which1 though holding to the first1 of which they are an elaborated form1 only allow their true nature to appear very imperfectly4 ,the psychological gap between the cause and the effect1 between the apparent cause and the effective cause1 has become more considerable and more difficult for the mind to leap4 ,the remainder of this book will be an illustration and a verification of this remark on method4 ,it will be seen how1 in the primitive religions1 the religious fact still visibly carries the mark of its origins3 it would have been well-nigh impossible to infer them merely from the study of the more developed religions4 ,the study which we are undertaking is therefore a way of taking up again1 but under new conditions1 the old problem of the origin of religion4 ,to be sure1 if by origin we are to understand the very first beginning1 the question has nothing scientific about it1 and should be resolutely discarded4 ,there was no given moment when religion began to exist1 and there is consequently no need of finding a means of transporting ourselves thither in thought4 ,like every human institution1 religion did not commence anywhere4 ,therefore1 all speculations of this sort are justly discredited2 they can only consist in subjective and arbitrary constructions which are subject to no sort of control4 ,but the problem which we raise is quite another one4 ,what we want to do is to find a means of discerning the ever-present causes upon which the most essential forms of religious thought and practice depend4 ,now for the reasons which were just set forth1 these causes are proportionately more easily observable as the societies where they are observed are less complicated4 ,that is why we try to get as near as possible to the origins4#c ,it is not that we ascribe particular virtues to the lower religions4 ,on the contrary1 they are rudimentary and gross2 we cannot make of them a sort of model which later religions only have to reproduce4 ,but even their grossness makes them instructive1 for they thus become convenient for experiments1 as in them1 the facts and their relations are easily seen4 ,in order to discover the laws of the phenomena which he studies1 the physicist tries to simplify these latter and rid them of their secondary characteristics4 ,for that which concerns institutions1 nature spontaneously makes the same sort of simplifications at the beginning of history4 ,we merely wish to put these to profit4 ,undoubtedly we can only touch very elementary facts by this method4 ,when we shall have accounted for them as far as possible1 the novelties of every sort which have been produced in the course of evolution will not yet be explained4 ,but while we do not dream of denying the importance of the problems thus raised1 we think that they will profit by being treated in their turn1 and that it is important to take them up only after those of which we are going to undertake the study at present4 ,,ii ,but our study is not of interest merely for the science of religion4 ,in fact1 every religion has one side by which it overlaps the circle of properly religious ideas1 and there1 the study of religious phenomena gives a means of renewing the problems which1 up to the present1 have only been discussed among philosophers4 ,for a long time it has been known that the first systems of representations with which men have pictured to themselves the world and themselves were of religious origin4 ,there is no religion that is not a cosmology at the same time that it is a speculation upon divine things4 ,if philosophy and the sciences were born of religion1 it is because religion began by taking the place of the sciences and philosophy4 ,but it has been less frequently noticed that religion has not confined itself to enriching the human intellect1 formed beforehand1 with a certain number of ideas2 it has contributed to forming the intellect itself4 ,men owe to it not only a good part of the substance of their knowledge1 but also the form in which this knowledge has been elaborated4 ,at the roots of all our judgments there are a certain number of essential ideas which dominate all our intellectual life2 they are what philosophers since ,aristotle have called the categories of the understanding3 ideas of time1 space1#d class1 number1 cause1 substance1 personality1 etc4 ,they correspond to the most universal properties of things4 ,they are like the solid frame which encloses all thought2 this does not seem to be able to liberate itself from them without destroying itself1 for it seems that we cannot think of objects that are not in time and space1 which have no number1 etc4 ,other ideas are contingent and unsteady2 we can conceive of their being unknown to a man1 a society or an epoch2 but these others appear to be nearly inseparable from the normal working of the intellect4 ,they are like the framework of the intelligence4 ,now when primitive religious beliefs are systematically analysed1 the principal categories are naturally found4 ,they are born in religion and of religion2 they are a product of religious thought4 ,this is a statement that we are going to have occasion to make many times in the course of this work4 ,this remark has some interest of itself already2 but here is what gives it its real importance4 ,the general conclusion of the book which the reader has before him is that religion is something eminently social4 ,religious representations are collective representations which express collective realities2 the rites are a manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and which are destined to excite1 maintain or recreate certain mental states in these groups4 ,so if the categories are of religious origin1 they ought to participate in this nature common to all religious facts2 they too should be social affairs and the product of collective thought4 ,at least--for in the actual condition of our knowledge of these matters1 one should be careful to avoid all radical and exclusive statements--it is allowable to suppose that they are rich in social elements4 ,even at present1 these can be imperfectly seen in some of them4 ,for example1 try to represent what the notion of time would be without the processes by which we divide it1 measure it or express it with objective signs1 a time which is not a succession of years1 months1 weeks1 days and hours6 ,this is something nearly unthinkable4 ,we cannot conceive of time1 except on condition of distinguishing its different moments4 ,now what is the origin of this differentiation8 ,undoubtedly1 the states of consciousness which we have already experienced can be reproduced in us in the same order in which they passed in the first place2 thus portions of our past become present again1 though being clearly distinguished from the present4 ,but howsoever important this distinction may be for our private experience1 it is far from being enough to constitute the notion or category of time4 ,this does not consist merely in a commemoration1 either partial or integral1 of our past life4 ,it is an abstract and impersonal frame which surrounds1 not only our individual existence1 but that of all humanity4 ,it is like an endless chart1 where all duration is spread out before the mind1 and upon which all possible events can be located in relation to fixed and determined guide lines4 ,it is not my time that is thus arranged2 it is time in general1 such as it is objectively thought of by everybody in a single civilization4 ,that alone is enough to give us a hint that such an arrangement ought to be collective4 ,and in reality1 observation proves that these indispensable guide lines1 in relation to which all things are temporally located1 are taken from social life4 ,the divisions into days1 weeks1 months1 years1 etc41 correspond to the periodical recurrence of rites1 feasts1 and public ceremonies4#e ,a calendar expresses the rhythm of the collective activities1 while at the same time its function is to assure their regularity4#f ,it is the same thing with space4 ,as ,hamelin has shown1#g space is not the vague and indetermined medium which ,kant imagined2 if purely and absolutely homogeneous1 it would be of no use1 and could not be grasped by the mind4 ,spatial representation consists essentially in a primary co-ordination of the data of sensuous experience4 ,but this co-ordination would be impossible if the parts of space were qualitatively equivalent and if they were really interchangeable4 ,to dispose things spatially there must be a possibility of placing them differently1 of putting some at the right1 others at the left1 these above1 those below1 at the north of or at the south of1 east or west of1 etc41 etc41 just as to dispose states of consciousness temporally there must be a possibility of localizing them at determined dates4 ,that is to say that space could not be what it is if it were not1 like time1 divided and differentiated4 ,but whence come these divisions which are so essential8 ,by themselves1 there are neither right nor left1 up nor down1 north nor south1 etc4 ,all these distinctions evidently come from the fact that different sympathetic values have been attributed to various regions4 ,since all the men of a single civilization represent space in the same way1 it is clearly necessary that these sympathetic values1 and the distinctions which depend upon them1 should be equally universal1 and that almost necessarily implies that they be of social origin4#h ,besides that1 there are cases where this social character is made manifest4 ,there are societies in ,australia and ,north ,america where space is conceived in the form of an immense circle1 because the camp has a circular form2#i and this spatial circle is divided up exactly like the tribal circle1 and is in its image4 ,there are as many regions distinguished as there are clans in the tribe1 and it is the place occupied by the clans inside the encampment which has determined the orientation of these regions4 ,each region is defined by the totem of the clan to which it is assigned4 ,among the ,zui1 for example1 the pueblo contains seven quarters2 each of these is a group of clans which has had a unity3 in all probability it was originally a single clan which was later subdivided4 ,now their space also contains seven quarters1 and each of these seven quarters of the world is in intimate connection with a quarter of the pueblo1 that is to say with a group of clans4#aj ,thus1 says ,cushing1 one division is thought to be in relation with the north1 another represents the west1 another the south1 etc4#aa ,each quarter of the pueblo has its characteristic colour1 which symbolizes it2 each region has its colour1 which is exactly the same as that of the corresponding quarter4 ,in the course of history the number of fundamental clans has varied2 the number of the fundamental regions of space has varied with them4 ,thus the social organization has been the model for the spatial organization and a reproduction of it4 ,it is thus even up to the distinction between right and left which1 far from being inherent in the nature of man in general1 is very probably the product of representations which are religious and therefore collective4#ab ,analogous proofs will be found presently in regard to the ideas of class1 force1 personality and efficacy4 ,it is even possible to ask if the idea of contradiction does not also depend upon social conditions4 ,what makes one tend to believe this is that the empire which the idea has exercised over human thought has varied with times and societies4 ,to-day the principle of identity dominates scientific thought2 but there are vast systems of representations which have played a considerable rle in the history of ideas where it has frequently been set aside3 these are the mythologies1 from the grossest up to the most reasonable4#ac ,there1 we are continually coming upon beings which have the most contradictory attributes simultaneously1 who are at the same time one and many1 material and spiritual1 who can divide themselves up indefinitely without losing anything of their constitution2 in mythology it is an axiom that the part is worth the whole4 ,these variations through which the rules which seem to govern our present logic have passed prove that1 far from being engraven through all eternity upon the mental constitution of men1 they depend1 at least in part1 upon factors that are historical and consequently social4 ,we do not know exactly what they are1 but we may presume that they exist4#ad ,this hypothesis once admitted1 the problem of knowledge is posed in new terms4 ,up to the present there have been only two doctrines in the field4 ,for some1 the categories cannot be derived from experience3 they are logically prior to it and condition it4 ,they are represented as so many simple and irreducible data1 imminent in the human mind by virtue of its inborn constitution4 ,for this reason they are said to be a priori4 ,others1 however1 hold that they are constructed and made up of pieces and bits1 and that the individual is the artisan of this construction4#ae ,but each solution raises grave difficulties4 ,is the empirical thesis the one adopted8 ,then it is necessary to deprive the categories of all their characteristic properties4 ,as a matter of fact they are distinguished from all other knowledge by their universality and necessity4 ,they are the most general concepts which exist1 because they are applicable to all that is real1 and since they are not attached to any particular object they are independent of every particular subject2 they constitute the common field where all minds meet4 ,further1 they must meet there1 for reason1 which is nothing more than all the fundamental categories taken together1 is invested with an authority which we could not set aside if we would4 ,when we attempt to revolt against it1 and to free ourselves from some of these essential ideas1 we meet with great resistances4 ,they do not merely depend upon us1 but they impose themselves upon us4 ,now empirical data present characteristics which are diametrically opposed to these4 ,a sensation or an image always relies upon a determined object1 or upon a collection of objects of the same sort1 and expresses the momentary condition of a particular consciousness2 it is essentially individual and subjective4 ,we therefore have considerable liberty in dealing with the representations of such an origin4 ,it is true that when our sensations are actual1 they impose themselves upon us in fact4 ,but by right we are free to conceive them otherwise than they really are1 or to represent them to ourselves as occurring in a different order from that where they are really produced4 ,in regard to them nothing is forced upon us except as considerations of another sort intervene4 ,thus we find that we have here two sorts of knowledge1 which are like the two opposite poles of the intelligence4 ,under these conditions forcing reason back upon experience causes it to disappear1 for it is equivalent to reducing the universality and necessity which characterize it to pure appearance1 to an illusion which may be useful practically1 but which corresponds to nothing in reality2 consequently it is denying all objective reality to the logical life1 whose regulation and organization is the function of the categories4 ,classical empiricism results in irrationalism2 perhaps it would even be fitting to designate it by this latter name4 ,in spite of the sense ordinarily attached to the name1 the apriorists have more respect for the facts4 ,since they do not admit it as a truth established by evidence that the categories are made up of the same elements as our sensual representations1 they are not obliged to impoverish them systematically1 to draw from them all their real content1 and to reduce them to nothing more than verbal artifices4 ,on the contrary1 they leave them all their specific characteristics4 ,the apriorists are the rationalists2 they believe that the world has a logical aspect which the reason expresses excellently4 ,but for all that1 it is necessary for them to give the mind a certain power of transcending experience and of adding to that which is given to it directly2 and of this singular power they give neither explanation nor justification4 ,for it is no explanation to say that it is inherent in the nature of the human intellect4 ,it is necessary to show whence we hold this surprising prerogative and how it comes that we can see certain relations in things which the examination of these things cannot reveal to us4 ,saying that only on this condition is experience itself possible changes the problem perhaps1 but does not answer it4 ,for the real question is to know how it comes that experience is not sufficient unto itself1 but presupposes certain conditions which are exterior and prior to it1 and how it happens that these conditions are realized at the moment and in the manner that is desirable4 ,to answer these questions it has sometimes been assumed that above the reason of individuals there is a superior and perfect reason from which the others emanate and from which they get this marvellous power of theirs1 by a sort of mystic participation3 this is the divine reason4 ,but this hypothesis has at least the one grave disadvantage of being deprived of all experimental control2 thus it does not satisfy the conditions demanded of a scientific hypothesis4 ,more than that1 the categories of human thought are never fixed in any one definite form2 they are made1 unmade and remade incessantly2 they change with places and times4 ,on the other hand1 the divine reason is immutable4 ,how can this immutability give rise to this incessant variability8 ,such are the two conceptions that have been pitted against each other for centuries2 and if this debate seems to be eternal1 it is because the arguments given are really about equivalent4 ,if reason is only a form of individual experience1 it no longer exists4 ,on the other hand1 if the powers which it has are recognized but not accounted for1 it seems to be set outside the confines of nature and science4 ,in the face of these two opposed objections the mind remains uncertain4 ,but if the social origin of the categories is admitted1 a new attitude becomes possible1 which we believe will enable us to escape both of the opposed difficulties4 ,the fundamental proposition of the apriorist theory is that knowledge is made up of two sorts of elements1 which cannot be reduced into one another1 and which are like two distinct layers superimposed one upon the other4#af ,our hypothesis keeps this principle intact4 ,in fact1 that knowledge which is called empirical1 the only knowledge of which the theorists of empiricism have made use in constructing the reason1 is that which is brought into our minds by the direct action of objects4 ,it is composed of individual states which are completely explained#ag by the psychical nature of the individual4 ,if1 on the other hand1 the categories are1 as we believe they are1 essentially collective representations1 before all else1 they should show the mental states of the group2 they should depend upon the way in which this is founded and organized1 upon its morphology1 upon its religious1 moral and economic institutions1 etc4 ,so between these two sorts of representations there is all the difference which exists between the individual and the social1 and one can no more derive the second from the first than he can deduce society from the individual1 the whole from the part1 the complex from the simple4#ah ,society is a reality sui generis2 it has its own peculiar characteristics1 which are not found elsewhere and which are not met with again in the same form in all the rest of the universe4 ,the representations which express it have a wholly different contents from purely individual ones and we may rest assured in advance that the first add something to the second4 ,even the manner in which the two are formed results in differentiating them4 ,collective representations are the result of an immense co-operation1 which stretches out not only into space but into time as well2 to make them1 a multitude of minds have associated1 united and combined their ideas and sentiments2 for them1 long generations have accumulated their experience and their knowledge4 ,a special intellectual activity is therefore concentrated in them which is infinitely richer and complexer than that of the individual4 ,from that one can understand how the reason has been able to go beyond the limits of empirical knowledge4 ,it does not owe this to any vague mysterious virtue but simply to the fact that according to the well-known formula1 man is double4 ,there are two beings in him3 an individual being which has its foundation in the organism and the circle of whose activities is therefore strictly limited1 and a social being which represents the highest reality in the intellectual and moral order that we can know by observation--,i mean society4 ,this duality of our nature has as its consequence in the practical order1 the irreducibility of a moral ideal to a utilitarian motive1 and in the order of thought1 the irreducibility of reason to individual experience4 ,in so far as he belongs to society1 the individual transcends himself1 both when he thinks and when he acts4 ,this same social character leads to an understanding of the origin of the necessity of the categories4 ,it is said that an idea is necessary when it imposes itself upon the mind by some sort of virtue of its own1 without being accompanied by any proof4 ,it contains within it something which constrains the intelligence and which leads to its acceptance without preliminary examination4 ,the apriorist postulates this singular quality1 but does not account for it2 for saying that the categories are necessary because they are indispensable to the functioning of the intellect is simply repeating that they are necessary4 ,but if they really have the origin which we attribute to them1 their ascendancy no longer has anything surprising in it4 ,they represent the most general relations which exist between things2 surpassing all our other ideas in extension1 they dominate all the details of our intellectual life4 ,if men did not agree upon these essential ideas at every moment1 if they did not have the same conception of time1 space1 cause1 number1 etc41 all contact between their minds would be impossible1 and with that1 all life together4 ,thus society could not abandon the categories to the free choice of the individual without abandoning itself4 ,if it is to live there is not merely need of a satisfactory moral conformity1 but also there is a minimum of logical conformity beyond which it cannot safely go4 ,for this reason it uses all its authority upon its members to forestall such dissidences4 ,does a mind ostensibly free itself from these forms of thought8 ,it is no longer considered a human mind in the full sense of the word1 and is treated accordingly4 ,that is why we feel that we are no longer completely free and that something resists1 both within and outside ourselves1 when we attempt to rid ourselves of these fundamental notions1 even in our own conscience4 ,outside of us there is public opinion which judges us2 but more than that1 since society is also represented inside of us1 it sets itself against these revolutionary fancies1 even inside of ourselves2 we have the feeling that we cannot abandon them if our whole thought is not to cease being really human4 ,this seems to be the origin of the exceptional authority which is inherent in the reason and which makes us accept its suggestions with confidence4 ,it is the very authority of society1#ai transferring itself to a certain manner of thought which is the indispensable condition of all common action4 ,the necessity with which the categories are imposed upon us is not the effect of simple habits whose yoke we could easily throw off with a little effort2 nor is it a physical or metaphysical necessity1 since the categories change in different places and times2 it is a special sort of moral necessity which is to the intellectual life what moral obligation is to the will4#bj ,but if the categories originally only translate social states1 does it not follow that they can be applied to the rest of nature only as metaphors8 ,if they were made merely to express social conditions1 it seems as though they could not be extended to other realms except in this sense4 ,thus in so far as they aid us in thinking of the physical or biological world1 they have only the value of artificial symbols1 useful practically perhaps1 but having no connection with reality4 ,thus we come back1 by a different road1 to nominalism and empiricism4 ,but when we interpret a sociological theory of knowledge in this way1 we forget that even if society is a specific reality it is not an empire within an empire2 it is a part of nature1 and indeed its highest representation4 ,the social realm is a natural realm which differs from the others only by a greater complexity4 ,now it is impossible that nature should differ radically from itself in the one case and the other in regard to that which is most essential4 ,the fundamental relations that exist between things--just that which it is the function of the categories to express--cannot be essentially dissimilar in the different realms4 ,if1 for reasons which we shall discuss later1#ba they are more clearly disengaged in the social world1 it is nevertheless impossible that they should not be found elsewhere1 though in less pronounced forms4 ,society makes them more manifest but it does not have a monopoly upon them4 ,that is why ideas which have been elaborated on the model of social things can aid us in thinking of another department of nature4 ,it is at least true that if these ideas play the rle of symbols when they are thus turned aside from their original signification1 they are well-founded symbols4 ,if a sort of artificiality enters into them from the mere fact that they are constructed concepts1 it is an artificiality which follows nature very closely and which is constantly approaching it still more closely4#bb ,from the fact that the ideas of time1 space1 class1 cause or personality are constructed out of social elements1 it is not necessary to conclude that they are devoid of all objective value4 ,on the contrary1 their social origin rather leads to the belief that they are not without foundation in the nature of things4#bc ,thus renovated1 the theory of knowledge seems destined to unite the opposing advantages of the two rival theories1 without incurring their inconveniences4 ,it keeps all the essential principles of the apriorists2 but at the same time it is inspired by that positive spirit which the empiricists have striven to satisfy4 ,it leaves the reason its specific power1 but it accounts for it and does so without leaving the world of observable phenomena4 ,it affirms the duality of our intellectual life1 but it explains it1 and with natural causes4 ,the categories are no longer considered as primary and unanalysable facts1 yet they keep a complexity which falsifies any analysis as ready as that with which the empiricists content themselves4 ,they no longer appear as very simple notions which the first comer can very easily arrange from his own personal observations and which the popular imagination has unluckily complicated1 but rather they appear as priceless instruments of thought which the human groups have laboriously forged through the centuries and where they have accumulated the best of their intellectual capital4#bd ,a complete section of the history of humanity is resumed therein4 ,this is equivalent to saying that to succeed in understanding them and judging them1 it is necessary to resort to other means than those which have been in use up to the present4 ,to know what these conceptions which we have not made ourselves are really made of1 it does not suffice to interrogate our own consciousnesses2 we must look outside of ourselves1 it is history that we must observe1 there is a whole science which must be formed1 a complex science which can advance but slowly and by collective labour1 and to which the present work brings some fragmentary contributions in the nature of an attempt4 ,without making these questions the direct object of our study1 we shall profit by all the occasions which present themselves to us of catching at their very birth some at least of these ideas which1 while being of religious origin1 still remain at the foundation of the human intelligence4 ,,book ,i ,,preliminary ,,questions ,,chapter ,i ,,definition ,,of ,,religious ,,phenomena ,,and ,,of ,,religion#be ,if we are going to look for the most primitive and simple religion which we can observe1 it is necessary to begin by defining what is meant by a religion2 for without this1 we would run the risk of giving the name to a system of ideas and practices which has nothing at all religious about it1 or else of leaving to one side many religious facts1 without perceiving their true nature4 ,that this is not an imaginary danger1 and that nothing is thus sacrificed to a vain formalism of method1 is well shown by the fact that owing to his not having taken this precaution1 a certain scholar to whom the science of comparative religions owes a great deal1 ,professor ,frazer1 has not been able to recognize the profoundly religious character of the beliefs and rites which will be studied below1 where1 according to our view1 the initial germ of the religious life of humanity is to be found4 ,so this is a prejudicial question1 which must be treated before all others4 ,it is not that we dream of arriving at once at the profound characteristics which really explain religion3 these can be determined only at the end of our study4 ,but that which is necessary and possible1 is to indicate a certain number of external and easily recognizable signs1 which will enable us to recognize religious phenomena wherever they are met with1 and which will deter us from confounding them with others4 ,we shall proceed to this preliminary operation at once4 ,but to attain the desired results1 it is necessary to begin by freeing the mind of every preconceived idea4 ,men have been obliged to make for themselves a notion of what religion is1 long before the science of religions started its methodical comparisons4 ,the necessities of existence force all of us1 believers and non-believers1 to represent in some way these things in the midst of which we live1 upon which we must pass judgment constantly1 and which we must take into account in all our conduct4 ,however1 since these preconceived ideas are formed without any method1 according to the circumstances and chances of life1 they have no right to any credit whatsoever1 and must be rigorously set aside in the examination which is to follow4 ,it is not from our prejudices1 passions or habits that we should demand the elements of the definition which we must have2 it is from the reality itself which we are going to define4 ,let us set ourselves before this reality4 ,leaving aside all conceptions of religion in general1 let us consider the various religions in their concrete reality1 and attempt to disengage that which they have in common2 for religion cannot be defined except by the characteristics which are found wherever religion itself is found4 ,in this comparison1 then1 we shall make use of all the religious systems which we can know1 those of the present and those of the past1 the most primitive and simple as well as the most recent and refined2 for we have neither the right nor the logical means of excluding some and retaining others4 ,for those who regard religion as only a natural manifestation of human activity1 all religions1 without any exception whatsoever1 are instructive2 for all1 after their manner1 express man1 and thus can aid us in better understanding this aspect of our nature4 ,also1 we have seen how far it is from being the best way of studying religion to consider by preference the forms which it presents among the most civilized peoples4#bf ,but to aid the mind in freeing itself from these usual conceptions which1 owing to their prestige1 might prevent it from seeing things as they really are1 it is fitting to examine some of the most current of the definitions in which these prejudices are commonly expressed1 before taking up the question on our own account4 ,i ,one idea which generally passes as characteristic of all that is religious1 is that of the supernatural4 ,by this is understood all sorts of things which surpass the limits of our knowledge2 the supernatural is the world of the mysterious1 of the unknowable1 of the un-understandable4 ,thus religion would be a sort of speculation upon all that which evades science or distinct thought in general4 ,religions diametrically opposed in their overt dogmas1 said ,spencer1 are perfectly at one in the tacit conviction that the existence of the world1 with all it contains and all which surrounds it1 is a mystery calling for an explanation2 he thus makes them consist essentially in the belief in the omnipresence of something which is inscrutable4#bg ,in the same manner1 ,max ,mller sees in religion a struggle to conceive the inconceivable1 to utter the unutterable1 a longing after the ,infinite4#bh ,it is certain that the sentiment of mystery has not been without a considerable importance in certain religions1 notably in ,christianity4 ,it must also be said that the importance of this sentiment has varied remarkably at different moments in the history of ,christianity4 ,there are periods when this notion passes to an inferior place1 and is even effaced4 ,for example1 for the ,christians of the seventeenth century1 dogma had nothing disturbing for the reason2 faith reconciled itself easily with science and philosophy1 and the thinkers1 such as ,pascal1 who really felt that there is something profoundly obscure in things1 were so little in harmony with their age that they remained misunderstood by their contemporaries4#bi ,it would appear somewhat hasty1 therefore1 to make an idea subject to parallel eclipses1 the essential element of even the ,christian religion4 ,in all events1 it is certain that this idea does not appear until late in the history of religions2 it is completely foreign1 not only to those peoples who are called primitive1 but also to all others who have not attained a considerable degree of intellectual culture4 ,when we see them attribute extraordinary virtues to insignificant objects1 and people the universe with singular principles1 made up of the most diverse elements and endowed with a sort of ubiquity which is hardly representable1 we are undoubtedly prone to find an air of mystery in these conceptions4 ,it seems to us that these men would have been willing to resign themselves to these ideas1 so disturbing for our modern reason1 only because of their inability to find others which were more rational4 ,but1 as a matter of fact1 these explanations which surprise us so much1 appear to the primitive man as the simplest in the world4 ,he does not regard them as a sort of ultima ratio to which the intellect resigns itself only in despair of others1 but rather as the most obvious manner of representing and understanding what he sees about him4 ,for him there is nothing strange in the fact that by a mere word or gesture one is able to command the elements1 retard or precipitate the motion of the stars1 bring rain or cause it to cease1 etc4 ,the rites which he employs to assure the fertility of the soil or the fecundity of the animal species on which he is nourished do not appear more irrational to his eyes than the technical processes of which our agriculturists make use1 for the same object1 do to ours4 ,the powers which he puts into play by these diverse means do not seem to him to have anything especially mysterious about them4 ,undoubtedly these forces are different from those which the modern scientist thinks of1 and whose use he teaches us2 they have a different way of acting1 and do not allow themselves to be directed in the same manner2 but for those who believe in them1 they are no more unintelligible than are gravitation and electricity for the physicist of to-day4 ,moreover1 we shall see1 in the course of this work1 that the idea of physical forces is very probably derived from that of religious forces2 then there cannot exist between the two the abyss which separates the rational from the irrational4 ,even the fact that religious forces are frequently conceived under the form of spiritual beings or conscious wills1 is no proof of their irrationality4 ,the reason has no repugnance a priori to admitting that the so-called inanimate bodies should be directed by intelligences1 just as the human body is1 though contemporary science accommodates itself with difficulty to this hypothesis4 ,when ,leibniz proposed to conceive the external world as an immense society of minds1 between which there were1 and could be1 only spiritual relations1 he thought he was working as a rationalist1 and saw nothing in this universal animism which could be offensive to the intellect4 ,moreover1 the idea of the supernatural1 as we understand it1 dates only from to-day2 in fact1 it presupposes the contrary idea1 of which it is the negation2 but this idea is not at all primitive4 ,in order to say that certain things are supernatural1 it is necessary to have the sentiment that a natural order of things exists1 that is to say1 that the phenomena of the universe are bound together by necessary relations1 called laws4 ,when this principle has once been admitted1 all that is contrary to these laws must necessarily appear to be outside of nature1 and consequently1 of reason2 for what is natural in this sense of the word1 is also rational1 these necessary relations only expressing the manner in which things are logically related4 ,but this idea of universal determinism is of recent origin2 even the greatest thinkers of classical antiquity never succeeded in becoming fully conscious of it4 ,it is a conquest of the positive sciences2 it is the postulate upon which they repose and which they have proved by their progress4 ,now as long as this was lacking or insufficiently established1 the most marvellous events contained nothing which did not appear perfectly conceivable4 ,so long as men did not know the immutability and the inflexibility of the order of things1 and so long as they saw there the work of contingent wills1 they found it natural that either these wills or others could modify them arbitrarily4 ,that is why the miraculous interventions which the ancients attributed to their gods were not to their eyes miracles in the modern acceptation of the term4 ,for them1 they were beautiful1 rare or terrible spectacles1 or causes of surprise and marvel 7,greek3 thamata1 mirabilia1 miracula72 but they never saw in them glimpses of a mysterious world into which the reason cannot penetrate4 ,we can understand this mentality the better since it has not yet completely disappeared from our midst4 ,if the principle of determinism is solidly established to-day in the physical and natural sciences1 it is only a century ago that it was first introduced into the social sciences1 and its authority there is still contested4 ,there are only a small number of minds which are strongly penetrated with this idea that societies are subject to natural laws and form a kingdom of nature4 ,it follows that veritable miracles are believed to be possible there4 ,it is admitted1 for example1 that a legislator can create an institution out of nothing by a mere injunction of its will1 or transform one social system into another1 just as the believers in so many religions have held that the divine will created the world out of nothing1 or can arbitrarily transmute one thing into another4 ,as far as social facts are concerned1 we still have the mentality of primitives4 ,however1 if so many of our contemporaries still retain this antiquated conception for sociological affairs1 it is not because the life of societies appears obscure and mysterious to them2 on the contrary1 if they are so easily contented with these explanations1 and if they are so obstinate in their illusions which experience constantly belies1 it is because social events seem to them the clearest thing in the world2 it is because they have not yet realized their real obscurity2 it is because they have not yet recognized the necessity of resorting to the laborious methods of the natural sciences to gradually scatter the darkness4 ,the same state of mind is found at the root of many religious beliefs which surprise us by their pseudo-simplicity4 ,it is science and not religion which has taught men that things are complex and difficult to understand4 ,but the human mind1 says ,jevons1#cj has no need of a properly scientific culture to notice that determined sequences1 or a constant order of succession1 exist between facts1 or to observe1 on the other hand1 that this order is frequently upset4 ,it sometimes happens that the sun is suddenly eclipsed1 that rain fails at the time when it is expected1 that the moon is slow to reappear after its periodical disappearance1 etc4 ,since these events are outside the ordinary course of affairs1 they are attributed to extraordinary exceptional causes1 that is to say1 in fine1 to extra-natural causes4 ,it is under this form that the idea of the supernatural is born at the very outset of history1 and from this moment1 according to this author1 religious thought finds itself provided with its proper subject4 ,but in the first place1 the supernatural cannot be reduced to the unforeseen4 ,the new is a part of nature just as well as its contrary4 ,if we state that in general1 phenomena succeed one another in a determined order1 we observe equally well that this order is only approximative1 that it is not always precisely the same1 and that it has all kinds of exceptions4 ,if we have ever so little experience1 we are accustomed to seeing our expectations fail1 and these deceptions return too often to appear extraordinary to us4 ,a certain contingency is taught by experience just as well as a certain uniformity2 then we have no reason for assigning the one to causes and forces entirely different from those upon which the other depends4 ,in order to arrive at the idea of the supernatural1 it is not enough1 therefore1 to be witnesses to unexpected events2 it is also necessary that these be conceived as impossible1 that is to say1 irreconcilable with an order which1 rightly or wrongly1 appears to us to be implied in the nature of things4 ,now this idea of a necessary order has been constructed little by little by the positive sciences1 and consequently the contrary notion could not have existed before them4 ,also1 in whatever manner men have represented the novelties and contingencies revealed by experience1 there is nothing in these representations which could serve to characterize religion4 ,for religious conceptions have as their object1 before everything else1 to express and explain1 not that which is exceptional and abnormal in things1 but1 on the contrary1 that which is constant and regular4 ,very frequently1 the gods serve less to account for the monstrosities1 fantasies and anomalies than for the regular march of the universe1 for the movement of the stars1 the rhythm of the seasons1 the annual growth of vegetation1 the perpetuation of species1 etc4 ,it is far from being true1 then1 that the notion of the religions coincides with that of the extraordinary or the unforeseen4 ,jevons replies that this conception of religious forces is not primitive4 ,men commenced by imagining them to account for disorders and accidents1 and it was only afterwards that they began to utilize them in explaining the uniformities of nature4#ca ,but it is not clear what could have led men to attribute such manifestly contradictory functions to them4 ,more than that1 the hypothesis according to which sacred beings were at first restricted to the negative function of disturbers is quite arbitrary4 ,in fact1 we shall see that1 even with the most simple religions we know1 their essential task is to maintain1 in a positive manner1 the normal course of life4#cb ,so the idea of mystery is not of primitive origin4 ,it was not given to man2 it is man who has forged it1 with his own hands1 along with the contrary idea4 ,this is why it has a place only in a very small number of advanced religions4 ,it is impossible to make it the characteristic mark of religious phenomena without excluding from the definition the majority of the facts to be defined4 ,,ii ,another idea by which the attempt to define religion is often made1 is that of divinity4 ,religion1 says ,m4 ,rville1#cc is the determination of human life by the sentiment of a bond uniting the human mind to that mysterious mind whose domination of the world and itself it recognizes1 and to whom it delights in feeling itself united4 ,it is certain that if the word divinity is taken in a precise and narrow sense1 this definition leaves aside a multitude of obviously religious facts4 ,the souls of the dead and the spirits of all ranks and classes with which the religious imagination of so many different peoples has populated nature1 are always the object of rites and sometimes even of a regular cult2 yet they are not gods in the proper sense of the term4 ,but in order that the definition may embrace them1 it is enough to substitute for the term gods the more comprehensive one of spiritual beings4 ,this is what ,tylor does4 ,the first requisite in a systematic study of the religions of the lower races1 he says1 is to lay down a rudimentary definition of religion4 ,by requiring in this definition the belief in a supreme deity 4441 no doubt many tribes may be excluded from the category of religious4 ,but such narrow definition has the fault of identifying religion rather with particular developments4444 ,it seems best 444 simply to claim as a minimum definition of ,religion1 the belief in ,spiritual ,beings4#cd ,by spiritual beings must be understood conscious subjects gifted with powers superior to those possessed by common men2 this qualification is found in the souls of the dead1 geniuses or demons as well as in divinities properly so-called4 ,it is important1 therefore1 to give our attention at once to the particular conception of religion which is implied in this definition4 ,the relations which we can have with beings of this sort are determined by the nature attributed to them4 ,they are conscious beings2 then we can act upon them only in the same way that we act upon consciousnesses in general1 that is to say1 by psychological processes1 attempting to convince them or move them1 either with the aid of words 7invocations1 prayers71 or by offerings and sacrifices4 ,and since the object of religion is to regulate our relations with these special beings1 there can be no religion except where there are prayers1 sacrifices1 propitiatory rites1 etc4 ,thus we have a very simple criterium which permits us to distinguish that which is religious from that which is not4 ,it is to this criterium that ,frazer1#ce and with him numerous ethnographers1#cf systematically makes reference4 ,but howsoever evident this definition may appear1 thanks to the mental habits which we owe to our religious education1 there are many facts to which it is not applicable1 but which appertain to the field of religion nevertheless4 ,in the first place1 there are great religions from which the idea of gods and spirits is absent1 or at least1 where it plays only a secondary and minor rle4 ,this is the case with ,buddhism4 ,buddhism1 says ,burnouf1 sets itself in opposition to ,brahmanism as a moral system without god and an atheism without ,nature4#cg ,as it recognizes not a god upon whom man depends1 says ,barth1 its doctrine is absolutely atheistic1#ch while ,oldenberg1 in his turn1 calls it a faith without a god4#ci ,in fact1 all that is essential to ,buddhism is found in the four propositions which the faithful call the four noble truths4#dj ,the first states the existence of suffering as the accompaniment to the perpetual change of things2 the second shows desire to be the cause of suffering2 the third makes the suppression of desire the only means of suppressing sorrow2 the fourth enumerates the three stages through which one must pass to attain this suppression3 they are uprightness1 meditation1 and finally wisdom1 the full possession of the doctrine4 ,these three stages once traversed1 one arrives at the end of the road1 at the deliverance1 at salvation by the ,nirvna4 ,now in none of these principles is there question of a divinity4 ,the ,buddhist is not interested in knowing whence came the world in which he lives and suffers2 he takes it as a given fact1#da and his whole concern is to escape it4 ,on the other hand1 in this work of salvation1 he can count only upon himself2 he has no god to thank1 as he had previously no god to invoke during his struggle4#db ,instead of praying1 in the ordinary sense of the term1 instead of turning towards a superior being and imploring his assistance1 he relies upon himself and meditates4 ,this is not saying that he absolutely denies the existence of the beings called ,indra1 ,agni and ,varuna2#dc but he believes that he owes them nothing and that he has nothing to do with them1 for their power can only extend over the goods of this world1 which are without value for him4 ,then he is an atheist1 in the sense that he does not concern himself with the question whether gods exist or not4 ,besides1 even if they should exist1 and with whatever powers they might be armed1 the saint or the emancipated man regards himself superior to them2 for that which causes the dignity of beings is not the extent of the action they exercise over things1 but merely the degree of their advancement upon the road of salvation4#dd ,it is true that ,buddha1 at least in some divisions of the ,buddhist ,church1 has sometimes been considered as a sort of god4 ,he has his temples2 he is the object of a cult1 which1 by the way1 is a very simple one1 for it is reduced essentially to the offering of flowers and the adoration of consecrated relics or images4 ,it is scarcely more than a commemorative cult4 ,but more than that1 this divinization of ,buddha1 granting that the term is exact1 is peculiar to the form known as ,northern ,buddhism4 ,the ,buddhist of the ,south1 says ,kern1 and the less advanced of the ,northern ,buddhists can be said1 according to data known to-day1 to speak of their founder as if he were a man4#de ,of course1 they attribute extraordinary powers to ,buddha1 which are superior to those possessed by ordinary mortals2 but it was a very ancient belief in ,india1 and one that is also very general in a host of different religions1 that a great saint is endowed with exceptional virtues2#df yet a saint is not a god1 any more than a priest or magician is1 in spite of the superhuman faculties frequently attributed to them4 ,on the other hand1 according to the most authorized scholars1 all this theism and the complicated mythology which generally accompanies it1 are only derived and deviated forms of ,buddhism4 ,at first1 ,buddha was only regarded as the wisest of men4#dg ,burnouf says the conception of a ,buddha who is something more than a man arrived at the highest stage of holiness1 is outside the circle of ideas which form the foundation of the simple ,stras2#dh and the same author adds elsewhere that his humanity is a fact so incontestably recognized by all that the myth-makers1 to whom miracles cost so little1 have never even had the idea of making a god out of him since his death4#di ,so we may well ask if he has ever really divested himself completely of all human character1 and if we have a right to make him into a god completely2#ej in any case1 it would have to be a god of a very particular character and one whose rle in no way resembles that of other divine personalities4 ,for a god is before all else a living being1 with whom man should reckon1 and upon whom he may count2 but ,buddha is dead1 he has entered into the ,nirvna1 and he can no longer influence the march of human events4#ea ,finally1 whatever one may think of the divinity of ,buddha1 it remains a fact that this is a conception wholly outside the essential part of ,buddhism4 ,buddhism consists primarily in the idea of salvation1 and salvation supposes only that one know the good doctrine and practise it4 ,to be sure1 this could never have been known if ,buddha had not come to reveal it2 but when this revelation had once been made1 the work of ,buddha was accomplished4 ,from that moment he ceased to be a factor necessary to the religious life4 ,the practice of the four holy truths would be possible1 even if the memory of him who revealed them were completely obliterated4#eb ,it is quite another matter with ,christianity1 which is inconceivable without the ever-present idea of ,christ and his ever-practised cult2 for it is by the ever-living ,christ1 sacrificed each day1 that the community of believers continues to communicate with the supreme source of the spiritual life4#ec ,all that precedes can be applied equally well to another great religion of ,india1 ,janism4 ,the two doctrines have nearly the same conception of the world and of life4 ,like the ,buddhists1 says ,barth1 the ,janas are atheists4 ,they admit of no creator2 the world is eternal2 they explicitly deny the possibility of a perfect being from the beginning4 ,the ,jina became perfect2 he was not always so4 ,just as the ,buddhists in the north1 the ,janists1 or at least certain of them1 have come back to a sort of deism2 in the inscriptions of ,dekhan there is mention of a ,jinapati1 a sort of supreme ,jina1 who is called the primary creator2 but such language1 says the same author1 is in contradiction to the most explicit declarations extracted from their most authorized writings4#ed ,moreover1 if this indifference for the divine is developed to such a point in ,buddhism and ,janism1 it is because its germ existed already in the ,brahmanism from which the two were derived4 ,in certain of its forms at least1 ,brahmic speculation ended in a frankly materialistic and atheistic interpretation of the universe4#ee ,in time1 the numerous divinities which the people of ,india had originally learned to adore1 came to merge themselves into a sort of principal deity1 impersonal and abstract1 the essence of all that exists4 ,this supreme reality1 which no longer has anything of a divine personality about it1 is contained within man himself1 or rather1 man is but one with it1 for nothing exists apart from it4 ,to find it1 and unite himself to it1 one does not have to search some external support outside himself2 it is enough to concentrate upon himself and meditate4 ,if in ,buddhism1 says ,oldenberg1 the proud attempt be made to conceive a deliverance in which man himself delivers himself1 to create a faith without a god1 it is ,brahmanical speculation which has prepared the way for this thought4 ,it thrusts back the idea of a god step by step2 the forms of the old gods have faded away1 and besides the ,brahma1 which is enthroned in its everlasting quietude1 highly exalted above the destinies of the human world1 there is left remaining1 as the sole really active person in the great work of deliverance1 man himself4#ef ,here1 then1 we find a considerable portion of religious evolution which has consisted in the progressive recoil of the idea of a spiritual being from that of a deity4 ,here are great religions where invocations1 propitiations1 sacrifices and prayers properly so-called are far from holding a preponderating place1 and which consequently do not present that distinctive sign by which some claim to recognize those manifestations which are properly called religious4 ,but even within deistic religions there are many rites which are completely independent of all idea of gods or spiritual beings4 ,in the first place1 there are a multitude of interdictions4 ,for example1 the ,bible orders that a woman live isolated during a determined period each month2#eg a similar isolation is obligatory during the lying-in at child-birth2#eh it is forbidden to hitch an ass and a horse together1 or to wear a garment in which the hemp is mixed with flax2#ei but it is impossible to see the part which belief in ,jahveh can have played in these interdictions1 for he is wholly absent from all the relations thus forbidden1 and could not be interested in them4 ,as much can be said for the majority of the dietetic regulations4 ,these prohibitions are not peculiar to the ,hebrews1 but they are found under diverse forms1 but with substantially the same character1 in innumerable religions4 ,it is true that these rites are purely negative1 but they do not cease being religious for that4 ,also there are others which demand active and positive services of the faithful1 but which are nevertheless of the same nature4 ,they work by themselves1 and their efficacy depends upon no divine power2 they mechanically produce the effects which are the reason for their existence4 ,they do not consist either in prayers or offerings addressed to a being upon whose goodwill the expected result depends2 this result is obtained by the automatic operation of the ritual4 ,such is notably the case with the sacrifice of the ,vedic religion4 ,the sacrifice exercises a direct influence upon the celestial phenomena1 says ,bergaigne2#fj it is all-powerful of itself1 and without any divine influence4 ,it is this1 for example1 which broke open the doors of the cavern where the dawn was imprisoned and which made the light of day burst forth4#fa ,in the same way there are special hymns which1 by their direct action1 made the waters of heaven fall upon the earth1 and even in spite of the gods4#fb ,the practice of certain austerities has the same power4 ,more than that1 the sacrifice is so fully the origin of things par excellence1 that they have attributed to it not only the origin of man1 but even that of the gods4444 ,such a conception may well appear strange4 ,it is explained1 however1 as being one of the ultimate consequences of the idea of the omnipotence of sacrifice4#fc ,thus1 in the entire first part of his work1 ,m4 ,bergaigne speaks only of sacrifices1 where divinities play no rle whatsoever4 ,nor is this fact peculiar to the ,vedic religion1 but is1 on the contrary1 quite general4 ,in every cult there are practices which act by themselves1 by a virtue which is their own1 without the intervention of any god between the individual who practises the rite and the end sought after4 ,when1 in the so-called ,feast of the ,tabernacles1 the ,jew set the air in motion by shaking willow branches in a certain rhythm1 it was to cause the wind to rise and the rain to fall2 and it was believed that the desired phenomenon would result automatically from the rite1 provided it were correctly performed4#fd ,this is the explanation of the fundamental importance laid by nearly all cults upon the material portion of the ceremonies4 ,this religious formalism--very probably the first form of legal formalism--comes from the fact that since the formula to be pronounced and the movements to be made contain within themselves the source of their efficacy1 they would lose it if they did not conform absolutely to the type consecrated by success4 ,thus there are rites without gods1 and even rites from which gods are derived4 ,all religious powers do not emanate from divine personalities1 and there are relations of cult which have other objects than uniting man to a deity4 ,religion is more than the idea of gods or spirits1 and consequently cannot be defined exclusively in relation to these latter4 ,,iii ,these definitions set aside1 let us set ourselves before the problem4 ,first of all1 let us remark that in all these formul it is the nature of religion as a whole that they seek to express4 ,they proceed as if it were a sort of indivisible entity1 while1 as a matter of fact1 it is made up of parts2 it is a more or less complex system of myths1 dogmas1 rites and ceremonies4 ,now a whole cannot be defined except in relation to its parts4 ,it will be more methodical1 then1 to try to characterize the various elementary phenomena of which all religions are made up1 before we attack the system produced by their union4 ,this method is imposed still more forcibly by the fact that there are religious phenomena which belong to no determined religion4 ,such are those phenomena which constitute the matter of folk-lore4 ,in general1 they are the debris of passed religions1 inorganized survivals2 but there are some which have been formed spontaneously under the influence of local causes4 ,in our ,european countries ,christianity has forced itself to absorb and assimilate them2 it has given them a ,christian colouring4 ,nevertheless1 there are many which have persisted up until a recent date1 or which still exist with a relative autonomy3 celebrations of ,may ,day1 the summer solstice or the carnival1 beliefs relative to genii1 local demons1 etc41 are cases in point4 ,if the religious character of these facts is now diminishing1 their religious importance is nevertheless so great that they have enabled ,mannhardt and his school to revive the science of religions4 ,a definition which did not take account of them would not cover all that is religious4 ,religious phenomena are naturally arranged in two fundamental categories3 beliefs and rites4 ,the first are states of opinion1 and consist in representations2 the second are determined modes of action4 ,between these two classes of facts there is all the difference which separates thought from action4 ,the rites can be defined and distinguished from other human practices1 moral practices1 for example1 only by the special nature of their object4 ,a moral rule prescribes certain manners of acting to us1 just as a rite does1 but which are addressed to a different class of objects4 ,so it is the object of the rite which must be characterized1 if we are to characterize the rite itself4 ,now it is in the beliefs that the special nature of this object is expressed4 ,it is possible to define the rite only after we have defined the belief4 ,all known religious beliefs1 whether simple or complex1 present one common characteristic3 they presuppose a classification of all the things1 real and ideal1 of which men think1 into two classes or opposed groups1 generally designated by two distinct terms which are translated well enough by the words profane and sacred 7profane1 sacr74 ,this division of the world into two domains1 the one containing all that is sacred1 the other all that is profane1 is the distinctive trait of religious thought2 the beliefs1 myths1 dogmas and legends are either representations or systems of representations which express the nature of sacred things1 the virtues and powers which are attributed to them1 or their relations with each other and with profane things4 ,but by sacred things one must not understand simply those personal beings which are called gods or spirits2 a rock1 a tree1 a spring1 a pebble1 a piece of wood1 a house1 in a word1 anything can be sacred4 ,a rite can have this character2 in fact1 the rite does not exist which does not have it to a certain degree4 ,there are words1 expressions and formul which can be pronounced only by the mouths of consecrated persons2 there are gestures and movements which everybody cannot perform4 ,if the ,vedic sacrifice has had such an efficacy that1 according to mythology1 it was the creator of the gods1 and not merely a means of winning their favour1 it is because it possessed a virtue comparable to that of the most sacred beings4 ,the circle of sacred objects cannot be determined1 then1 once for all4 ,its extent varies infinitely1 according to the different religions4 ,that is how ,buddhism is a religion3 in default of gods1 it admits the existence of sacred things1 namely1 the four noble truths and the practices derived from them4#fe ,up to the present we have confined ourselves to enumerating a certain number of sacred things as examples3 we must now show by what general characteristics they are to be distinguished from profane things4 ,one might be tempted1 first of all1 to define them by the place they are generally assigned in the hierarchy of things4 ,they are naturally considered superior in dignity and power to profane things1 and particularly to man1 when he is only a man and has nothing sacred about him4 ,one thinks of himself as occupying an inferior and dependent position in relation to them2 and surely this conception is not without some truth4 ,only there is nothing in it which is really characteristic of the sacred4 ,it is not enough that one thing be subordinated to another for the second to be sacred in regard to the first4 ,slaves are inferior to their masters1 subjects to their king1 soldiers to their leaders1 the miser to his gold1 the man ambitious for power to the hands which keep it from him2 but if it is sometimes said of a man that he makes a religion of those beings or things whose eminent value and superiority to himself he thus recognizes1 it is clear that in any case the word is taken in a metaphorical sense1 and that there is nothing in these relations which is really religious4#ff ,on the other hand1 it must not be lost to view that there are sacred things of every degree1 and that there are some in relation to which a man feels himself relatively at his ease4 ,an amulet has a sacred character1 yet the respect which it inspires is nothing exceptional4 ,even before his gods1 a man is not always in such a marked state of inferiority2 for it very frequently happens that he exercises a veritable physical constraint upon them to obtain what he desires4 ,he beats the fetich with which he is not contented1 but only to reconcile himself with it again1 if in the end it shows itself more docile to the wishes of its adorer4#fg ,to have rain1 he throws stones into the spring or sacred lake where the god of rain is thought to reside2 he believes that by this means he forces him to come out and show himself4#fh ,moreover1 if it is true that man depends upon his gods1 this dependence is reciprocal4 ,the gods also have need of man2 without offerings and sacrifices they would die4 ,we shall even have occasion to show that this dependence of the gods upon their worshippers is maintained even in the most idealistic religions4 ,but if a purely hierarchic distinction is a criterium at once too general and too imprecise1 there is nothing left with which to characterize the sacred in its relation to the profane except their heterogeneity4 ,however1 this heterogeneity is sufficient to characterize this classification of things and to distinguish it from all others1 because it is very particular3 it is absolute4 ,in all the history of human thought there exists no other example of two categories of things so profoundly differentiated or so radically opposed to one another4 ,the traditional opposition of good and bad is nothing beside this2 for the good and the bad are only two opposed species of the same class1 namely morals1 just as sickness and health are two different aspects of the same order of facts1 life1 while the sacred and the profane have always and everywhere been conceived by the human mind as two distinct classes1 as two worlds between which there is nothing in common4 ,the forces which play in one are not simply those which are met with in the other1 but a little stronger2 they are of a different sort4 ,in different religions1 this opposition has been conceived in different ways4 ,here1 to separate these two sorts of things1 it has seemed sufficient to localize them in different parts of the physical universe2 there1 the first have been put into an ideal and transcendental world1 while the material world is left in full possession of the others4 ,but howsoever much the forms of the contrast may vary1#fi the fact of the contrast is universal4 ,this is not equivalent to saying that a being can never pass from one of these worlds into the other3 but the manner in which this passage is effected1 when it does take place1 puts into relief the essential duality of the two kingdoms4 ,in fact1 it implies a veritable metamorphosis4 ,this is notably demonstrated by the initiation rites1 such as they are practised by a multitude of peoples4 ,this initiation is a long series of ceremonies with the object of introducing the young man into the religious life3 for the first time1 he leaves the purely profane world where he passed his first infancy1 and enters into the world of sacred things4 ,now this change of state is thought of1 not as a simple and regular development of pre-existent germs1 but as a transformation totius substantiae--of the whole being4 ,it is said that at this moment the young man dies1 that the person that he was ceases to exist1 and that another is instantly substituted for it4 ,he is re-born under a new form4 ,appropriate ceremonies are felt to bring about this death and re-birth1 which are not understood in a merely symbolic sense1 but are taken literally4#gj ,does this not prove that between the profane being which he was and the religious being which he becomes1 there is a break of continuity8 ,this heterogeneity is even so complete that it frequently degenerates into a veritable antagonism4 ,the two worlds are not only conceived of as separate1 but as even hostile and jealous rivals of each other4 ,since men cannot fully belong to one except on condition of leaving the other completely1 they are exhorted to withdraw themselves completely from the profane world1 in order to lead an exclusively religious life4 ,hence comes the monasticism which is artificially organized outside of and apart from the natural environment in which the ordinary man leads the life of this world1 in a different one1 closed to the first1 and nearly its contrary4 ,hence comes the mystic asceticism whose object is to root out from man all the attachment for the profane world that remains in him4 ,from that come all the forms of religious suicide1 the logical working-out of this asceticism2 for the only manner of fully escaping the profane life is1 after all1 to forsake all life4 ,the opposition of these two classes manifests itself outwardly with a visible sign by which we can easily recognize this very special classification1 wherever it exists4 ,since the idea of the sacred is always and everywhere separated from the idea of the profane in the thought of men1 and since we picture a sort of logical chasm between the two1 the mind irresistibly refuses to allow the two corresponding things to be confounded1 or even to be merely put in contact with each other2 for such a promiscuity1 or even too direct a contiguity1 would contradict too violently the dissociation of these ideas in the mind4 ,the sacred thing is par excellence that which the profane should not touch1 and cannot touch with impunity4 ,to be sure1 this interdiction cannot go so far as to make all communication between the two worlds impossible2 for if the profane could in no way enter into relations with the sacred1 this latter could be good for nothing4 ,but1 in addition to the fact that this establishment of relations is always a delicate operation in itself1 demanding great precautions and a more or less complicated initiation1#ga it is quite impossible1 unless the profane is to lose its specific characteristics and become sacred after a fashion and to a certain degree itself4 ,the two classes cannot even approach each other and keep their own nature at the same time4 ,thus we arrive at the first criterium of religious beliefs4 ,undoubtedly there are secondary species within these two fundamental classes which1 in their turn1 are more or less incompatible with each other4#gb ,but the real characteristic of religious phenomena is that they always suppose a bipartite division of the whole universe1 known and knowable1 into two classes which embrace all that exists1 but which radically exclude each other4 ,sacred things are those which the interdictions protect and isolate2 profane things1 those to which these interdictions are applied and which must remain at a distance from the first4 ,religious beliefs are the representations which express the nature of sacred things and the relations which they sustain1 either with each other or with profane things4 ,finally1 rites are the rules of conduct which prescribe how a man should comport himself in the presence of these sacred objects4 ,when a certain number of sacred things sustain relations of co-ordination or subordination with each other in such a way as to form a system having a certain unity1 but which is not comprised within any other system of the same sort1 the totality of these beliefs and their corresponding rites constitutes a religion4 ,from this definition it is seen that a religion is not necessarily contained within one sole and single idea1 and does not proceed from one unique principle which1 though varying according to the circumstances under which it is applied1 is nevertheless at bottom always the same3 it is rather a whole made up of distinct and relatively individualized parts4 ,each homogeneous group of sacred things1 or even each sacred thing of some importance1 constitutes a centre of organization about which gravitate a group of beliefs and rites1 or a particular cult2 there is no religion1 howsoever unified it may be1 which does not recognize a plurality of sacred things4 ,even ,christianity1 at least in its ,catholic form1 admits1 in addition to the divine personality which1 incidentally1 is triple as well as one1 the ,virgin1 angels1 saints1 souls of the dead1 etc4 ,thus a religion cannot be reduced to one single cult generally1 but father consists in a system of cults1 each endowed with a certain autonomy4 ,also1 this autonomy is variable4 ,sometimes they are arranged in a hierarchy1 and subordinated to some predominating cult1 into which they are finally absorbed2 but sometimes1 also1 they are merely rearranged and united4 ,the religion which we are going to study will furnish us with an example of just this latter sort of organization4 ,at the same time we find the explanation of how there can be groups of religious phenomena which do not belong to any special religion2 it is because they have not been1 or are no longer1 a part of any religious system4 ,if1 for some special reason1 one of the cults of which we just spoke happens to be maintained while the group of which it was a part disappears1 it survives only in a disintegrated condition4 ,that is what has happened to many agrarian cults which have survived themselves as folk-lore4 ,in certain cases1 it is not even a cult1 but a simple ceremony or particular rite which persists in this way4#gc ,although this definition is only preliminary1 it permits us to see in what terms the problem which necessarily dominates the science of religions should be stated4 ,when we believed that sacred beings could be distinguished from others merely by the greater intensity of the powers attributed to them1 the question of how men came to imagine them was sufficiently simple3 it was enough to demand which forces had1 because of their exceptional energy1 been able to strike the human imagination forcefully enough to inspire religious sentiments4 ,but if1 as we have sought to establish1 sacred things differ in nature from profane things1 if they have a wholly different essence1 then the problem is more complex4 ,for we must first of all ask what has been able to lead men to see in the world two heterogeneous and incompatible worlds1 though nothing sensible experience seems able to suggest the idea of so radical a duality to them4 ,,iv ,however1 this definition is not yet complete1 for it is equally applicable to two sorts of facts which1 while being related to each other1 must be distinguished nevertheless3 these are magic and religion4 ,magic1 too1 is made up of beliefs and rites4 ,like religion1 it has its myths and its dogmas2 only they are more elementary1 undoubtedly because1 seeking technical and utilitarian ends1 it does not waste its time in pure speculation4 ,it has its ceremonies1 sacrifices1 lustrations1 prayers1 chants and dances as well4 ,the beings which the magician invokes and the forces which he throws in play are not merely of the same nature as the forces and beings to which religion addresses itself2 very frequently1 they are identically the same4 ,thus1 even with the most inferior societies1 the souls of the dead are essentially sacred things1 and the object of religious rites4 ,but at the same time1 they play a considerable rle in magic4 ,in ,australia#gd as well as in ,melanesia1#ge in ,greece as well as among the ,christian peoples1#gf the souls of the dead1 their bones and their hair1 are among the intermediaries used the most frequently by the magician4 ,demons are also a common instrument for magic action4 ,now these demons are also beings surrounded with interdictions2 they too are separated and live in a world apart1 so that it is frequently difficult to distinguish them from the gods properly so-called4#gg ,moreover1 in ,christianity itself1 is not the devil a fallen god1 or even leaving aside all question of his origin1 does he not have a religious character from the mere fact that the hell of which he has charge is something indispensable to the ,christian religion8 ,there are even some regular and official deities who are invoked by the magician4 ,sometimes these are the gods of a foreign people2 for example1 ,greek magicians called upon ,egyptian1 ,assyrian or ,jewish gods4 ,sometimes1 they are even national gods3 ,hecate and ,diana were the object of a magic cult2 the ,virgin1 ,christ and the saints have been utilized in the same way by ,christian magicians4#gh ,then will it be necessary to say that magic is hardly distinguishable from religion2 that magic is full of religion just as religion is full of magic1 and consequently that it is impossible to separate them and to define the one without the other8 ,it is difficult to sustain this thesis1 because of the marked repugnance of religion for magic1 and in return1 the hostility of the second towards the first4 ,magic takes a sort of professional pleasure in profaning holy things2#gi in its rites1 it performs the contrary of the religious ceremony4#hj ,on its side1 religion1 when it has not condemned and prohibited magic rites1 has always looked upon them with disfavour4 ,as ,hubert and ,mauss have remarked1 there is something thoroughly anti-religious in the doings of the magician4#ha ,whatever relations there may be between these two sorts of institutions1 it is difficult to imagine their not being opposed somewhere2 and it is still more necessary for us to find where they are differentiated1 as we plan to limit our researches to religion1 and to stop at the point where magic commences4 ,here is how a line of demarcation can be traced between these two domains4 ,the really religious beliefs are always common to a determined group1 which makes profession of adhering to them and of practising the rites connected with them4 ,they are not merely received individually by all the members of this group2 they are something belonging to the group1 and they make its unity4 ,the individuals which compose it feel themselves united to each other by the simple fact that they have a common faith4 ,a society whose members are united by the fact that they think in the same way in regard to the sacred world and its relations with the profane world1 and by the fact that they translate these common ideas into common practices1 is what is called a ,church4 ,in all history1 we do not find a single religion without a ,church4 ,sometimes the ,church is strictly national1 sometimes it passes the frontiers2 sometimes it embraces an entire people 7,rome1 ,athens1 the ,hebrews71 sometimes it embraces only a part of them 7the ,christian societies since the advent of ,protestantism72 sometimes it is directed by a corps of priests1 sometimes it is almost completely devoid of any official directing body4#hb ,but wherever we observe the religious life1 we find that it has a definite group as its foundation4 ,even the so-called private cults1 such as the domestic cult or the cult of a corporation1 satisfy this condition2 for they are always celebrated by a group1 the family or the corporation4 ,moreover1 even these particular religions are ordinarily only special forms of a more general religion which embraces all2#hc these restricted ,churches are in reality only chapels of a vaster ,church which1 by reason of this very extent1 merits this name still more4#hd ,it is quite another matter with magic4 ,to be sure1 the belief in magic is always more or less general2 it is very frequently diffused in large masses of the population1 and there are even peoples where it has as many adherents as the real religion4 ,but it does not result in binding together those who adhere to it1 nor in uniting them into a group leading a common life4 ,there is no ,church of magic4 ,between the magician and the individuals who consult him1 as between these individuals themselves1 there are no lasting bonds which make them members of the same moral community1 comparable to that formed by the believers in the same god or the observers of the same cult4 ,the magician has a clientele and not a ,church1 and it is very possible that his clients have no other relations between each other1 or even do not know each other2 even the relations which they have with him are generally accidental and transient2 they are just like those of a sick man with his physician4 ,the official and public character with which he is sometimes invested changes nothing in this situation2 the fact that he works openly does not unite him more regularly or more durably to those who have recourse to his services4 ,it is true that in certain cases1 magicians form societies among themselves3 it happens that they assemble more or less periodically to celebrate certain rites in common2 it is well known what a place these assemblies of witches hold in ,european folk-lore4 ,but it is to be remarked that these associations are in no way indispensable to the working of the magic2 they are even rare and rather exceptional4 ,the magician has no need of uniting himself to his fellows to practise his art4 ,more frequently1 he is a recluse2 in general1 far from seeking society1 he flees it4 ,even in regard to his colleagues1 he always keeps his personal independence4#he ,religion1 on the other hand1 is inseparable from the idea of a ,church4 ,from this point of view1 there is an essential difference between magic and religion4 ,but what is especially important is that when these societies of magic are formed1 they do not include all the adherents to magic1 but only the magicians2 the laymen1 if they may be so called1 that is to say1 those for whose profit the rites are celebrated1 in fine1 those who represent the worshippers in the regular cults1 are excluded4 ,now the magician is for magic what the priest is for religion1 but a college of priests is not a ,church1 any more than a religious congregation which should devote itself to some particular saint in the shadow of a cloister1 would be a particular cult4 ,a ,church is not a fraternity of priests2 it is a moral community formed by all the believers in a single faith1 laymen as well as priests4 ,but magic lacks any such community4#hf ,but if the idea of a ,church is made to enter into the definition of religion1 does that not exclude the private religions which the individual establishes for himself and celebrates by himself8 ,there is scarcely a society where these are not found4 ,every ,ojibway1 as we shall see below1 has his own personal manitou1 which he chooses himself and to which he renders special religious services2 the ,melanesian of the ,banks ,islands has his tamaniu2#hg the ,roman1 his genius2#hh the ,christian1 his patron saint and guardian angel1 etc4 ,by definition all these cults seem to be independent of all idea of the group4 ,not only are these individual religions very frequent in history1 but nowadays many are asking if they are not destined to be the pre-eminent form of the religious life1 and if the day will not come when there will be no other cult than that which each man will freely perform within himself4#hi ,but if we leave these speculations in regard to the future aside for the moment1 and confine ourselves to religions such as they are at present or have been in the past1 it becomes clearly evident that these individual cults are not distinct and autonomous religious systems1 but merely aspects of the common religion of the whole ,church1 of which the individuals are members4 ,the patron saint of the ,christian is chosen from the official list of saints recognized by the ,catholic ,church2 there are even canonical rules prescribing how each ,catholic should perform this private cult4 ,in the same way1 the idea that each man necessarily has a protecting genius is found1 under different forms1 at the basis of a great number of ,american religions1 as well as of the ,roman religion 7to cite only these two examples72 for1 as will be seen later1 it is very closely connected with the idea of the soul1 and this idea of the soul is not one of those which can be left entirely to individual choice4 ,in a word1 it is the ,church of which he is a member which teaches the individual what these personal gods are1 what their function is1 how he should enter into relations with them and how he should honour them4 ,when a methodical analysis is made of the doctrines of any ,church whatsoever1 sooner or later we come upon those concerning private cults4 ,so these are not two religions of different types1 and turned in opposite directions2 both are made up of the same ideas and the same principles1 here applied to circumstances which are of interest to the group as a whole1 there to the life of the individual4 ,this solidarity is even so close that among certain peoples1#ij the ceremonies by which the faithful first enter into communication with their protecting geniuses are mixed with rites whose public character is incontestable1 namely the rites of initiation4#ia ,there still remain those contemporary aspirations towards a religion which would consist entirely in internal and subjective states1 and which would be constructed freely by each of us4 ,but howsoever real these aspirations may be1 they cannot affect our definition1 for this is to be applied only to facts already realized1 and not to uncertain possibilities4 ,one can define religions such as they are1 or such as they have been1 but not such as they more or less vaguely tend to become4 ,it is possible that this religious individualism is destined to be realized in facts2 but before we can say just how far this may be the case1 we must first know what religion is1 of what elements it is made up1 from what causes it results1 and what function it fulfils--all questions whose solution cannot be foreseen before the threshold of our study has been passed4 ,it is only at the close of this study that we can attempt to anticipate the future4 ,thus we arrive at the following definition3 ,a religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things1 that is to say1 things set apart and forbidden--beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a ,church1 all those who adhere to them4 ,the second element which thus finds a place in our definition is no less essential than the first2 for by showing that the idea of religion is inseparable from that of the ,church1 it makes it clear that religion should be an eminently collective thing4#ib ,,chapter ,,ii ,,leading ,,conceptions ,,of ,,the ,,elementary ,,religion ,i4--,animism ,armed with this definition1 we are now able to set out in search of this elementary religion which we propose to study4 ,even the crudest religions with which history and ethnology make us acquainted are already of a complexity which corresponds badly with the idea sometimes held of primitive mentality4 ,one finds there not only a confused system of beliefs and rites1 but also such a plurality of different principles1 and such a richness of essential notions1 that it seems impossible to see in them anything but the late product of a rather long evolution4 ,hence it has been concluded that to discover the truly original form of the religious life1 it is necessary to descend by analysis beyond these observable religions1 to resolve them into their common and fundamental elements1 and then to seek among these latter some one from which the others were derived4 ,to the problem thus stated1 two contrary solutions have been given4 ,there is no religious system1 ancient or recent1 where one does not meet1 under different forms1 two religions1 as it were1 side by side1 which1 though being united closely and mutually penetrating each other1 do not cease1 nevertheless1 to be distinct4 ,the one addresses itself to the phenomena of nature1 either the great cosmic forces1 such as winds1 rivers1 stars or the sky1 etc41 or else the objects of various sorts which cover the surface of the earth1 such as plants1 animals1 rocks1 etc42 for this reason it has been given the name of naturism4 ,the other has spiritual beings as its object1 spirits1 souls1 geniuses1 demons1 divinities properly so-called1 animated and conscious agents like man1 but distinguished from him1 nevertheless1 by the nature of their powers and especially by the peculiar characteristic that they do not affect the senses in the same way3 ordinarily they are not visible to human eyes4 ,this religion of spirits is called animism4 ,now1 to explain the universal co-existence of these two sorts of cults1 two contradictory theories have been proposed4 ,for some1 animism is the primitive religion1 of which naturism is only a secondary and derived form4 ,for the others1 on the contrary1 it is the nature cult which was the point of departure for religious evolution2 the cult of spirits is only a peculiar case of that4 ,these two theories are1 up to the present1 the only ones by which the attempt has been made to explain rationally#ic the origins of religious thought4 ,thus the capital problem raised by the history of religions is generally reduced to asking which of these two solutions should be chosen1 or whether it is not better to combine them1 and in that case1 what place must be given to each of the two elements4#id ,even those scholars who do not admit either of these hypotheses in their systematic form1 do not refuse to retain certain propositions upon which they rest4#ie ,thus we have a certain number of theories already made1 which must be submitted to criticism before we take up the study of the facts for ourselves4 ,it will be better understood how indispensable it is to attempt a new one1 when we have seen the insufficiency of these traditional conceptions4 ,i ,it is ,tylor who formed the animist theory in its essential outlines4#if ,spencer1 who took it up after him1 did not reproduce it without introducing certain modifications4#ig ,but in general the questions are posed by each in the same terms1 and the solutions accepted are1 with a single exception1 identically the same4 ,therefore we can unite these two doctrines in the exposition which follows1 if we mark1 at the proper moment1 the place where the two diverge from one another4 ,in order to find the elementary form of the religious life in these animistic beliefs and practices1 three desiderata must be satisfied3 first1 since according to this hypothesis1 the idea of the soul is the cardinal idea of religion1 it must be shown how this is formed without taking any of its elements from an anterior religion2 secondly1 it must be made clear how souls become the object of a cult and are transformed into spirits2 and thirdly and finally1 since the cult of these spirits is not all of any religion1 it remains to be explained how the cult of nature is derived from it4 ,according to this theory1 the idea of the soul was first suggested to men by the badly understood spectacle of the double life they ordinarily lead1 on the one hand1 when awake1 on the other1 when asleep4 ,in fact1 for the savage1#ih the mental representations which he has while awake and those of his dreams are said to be of the same value3 he objectifies the second like the first1 that is to say1 that he sees in them the images of external objects whose appearance they more or less accurately reproduce4 ,so when he dreams that he has visited a distant country1 he believes that he really was there4 ,but he could not have gone there1 unless two beings exist within him3 the one1 his body1 which has remained lying on the ground and which he finds in the same position on awakening2 the other1 during this time1 has travelled through space4 ,similarly1 if he seems to talk with one of his companions who he knows was really at a distance1 he concludes that the other also is composed of two beings3 one which sleeps at a distance1 and another which has come to manifest himself by means of the dream4 ,from these repeated experiences1 he little by little arrives at the idea that each of us has a double1 another self1 which in determined conditions has the power of leaving the organism where it resides and of going roaming at a distance4 ,of course1 this double reproduces all the essential traits of the perceptible being which serves it as external covering2 but at the same time it is distinguished from this by many characteristics4 ,it is more active1 since it can cover vast distances in an instant4 ,it is more malleable and plastic2 for1 to leave the body1 it must pass out by its apertures1 especially the mouth and nose4 ,it is represented as made of matter1 undoubtedly1 but of a matter much more subtile and etherial than any which we know empirically4 ,this double is the soul4 ,in fact1 it cannot be doubted that in numerous societies the soul has been conceived in the image of the body2 it is believed that it reproduces even the accidental deformities such as those resulting from wounds or mutilations4 ,certain ,australians1 after having killed their enemy1 cut off his right thumb1 so that his soul1 deprived of its thumb also1 cannot throw a javelin and revenge itself4 ,but while it resembles the body1 it has1 at the same time1 something half spiritual about it4 ,they say that it is the finer or more aeriform part of the body1 that it has no flesh nor bone nor sinew2 that when one wishes to take hold of it1 he feels nothing2 that it is like a purified body4#ii ,also1 other facts of experience which affect the mind in the same way naturally group themselves around this fundamental fact taught by the dream3 fainting1 apoplexy1 catalepsy1 ecstasy1 in a word1 all cases of temporary insensibility4 ,in fact1 they all are explained very well by the hypothesis that the principle of life and feeling is able to leave the body momentarily4 ,also1 it is natural that this principle should be confounded with the double1 since the absence of the double during sleep daily has the effect of suspending thought and life4 ,thus diverse observations seem to agree mutually and to confirm the idea of the constitutional duality of man4#ajj ,but the soul is not a spirit4 ,it is attached to a body which it can leave only by exception2 in so far as it is nothing more than that1 it is not the object of any cult4 ,the spirit1 on the other hand1 though generally having some special thing as its residence1 can go away at will1 and a man can enter into relations with it only by observing ritual precautions4 ,the soul can become a spirit1 then1 only by transforming itself3 the simple application of these preceding ideas to the fact of death produced this metamorphosis quite naturally4 ,for a rudimentary intelligence1 in fact1 death is not distinguished from a long fainting swoon or a prolonged sleep2 it has all their aspects4 ,thus it seems that it too consists in a separation of the soul and the body1 analogous to that produced every night2 but as in such cases1 the body is not reanimated1 the idea is formed of a separation without an assignable limit of time4 ,when the body is once destroyed--and funeral rites have the object of hastening this destruction--the separation is taken as final4 ,hence come spirits detached from any organism and left free in space4 ,as their number augments with time1 a population of souls forms around the living population4 ,these souls of men have the needs and passions of men2 they seek to concern themselves with the life of their companions of yesterday1 either to aid them or to injure them1 according to the sentiments which they have kept towards them4 ,according to the circumstances1 their nature makes them either very precious auxiliaries or very redoubtable adversaries4 ,owing to their extreme fluidity1 they can even enter into the body1 and cause all sorts of disorders there1 or else increase its vitality4 ,thus comes the habit of attributing to them all those events of life which vary slightly from the ordinary3 there are very few of these for which they cannot account4 ,thus they constitute a sort of ever-ready supply of causes which never leaves one at a loss when in search of explanations4 ,does a man appear inspired1 does he speak with energy1 is it as though he were lifted outside himself and above the ordinary level of men8 ,it is because a good spirit is in him and animates him4 ,is he overtaken by an attack or seized by madness8 ,it is because an evil spirit has entered into him and brought him all this trouble4 ,there are no maladies which cannot be assigned to some influence of this sort4 ,thus the power of souls is increased by all that men attribute to them1 and in the end men find themselves the prisoners of this imaginary world of which they are1 however1 the authors and the models4 ,they fall into dependence upon these spiritual forces which they have created with their own hands and in their own image4 ,for if souls are the givers of health and sickness1 of goods and evils to this extent1 it is wise to conciliate their favour or appease them when they are irritated2 hence come the offerings1 prayers1 sacrifices1 in a word1 all the apparatus of religious observances4#aja ,here is the soul transformed4 ,from a simple vital principle animating the body of a man1 it has become a spirit1 a good or evil genius1 or even a deity1 according to the importance of the effects with which it is charged4 ,but since it is death which brought about this apotheosis1 it is to the dead1 to the souls of ancestors1 that the first cult known to humanity was addressed4 ,thus the first rites were funeral rites2 the first sacrifices were food offerings destined to satisfy the needs of the departed2 the first altars were tombs4#ajb ,but since these spirits were of human origin1 they interested themselves only in the life of men and were thought to act only upon human events4 ,it is still to be explained how other spirits were imagined to account for the other phenomena of the universe and how the cult of nature was subsequently formed beside that of the ancestors4 ,for ,tylor1 this extension of animism was due to the particular mentality of the primitive who1 like an infant1 cannot distinguish the animate and the inanimate4 ,since the first beings of which the child commences to have an idea are men1 that is1 himself and those around him1 it is upon this model of human nature that he tends to think of everything4 ,the toys with which he plays1 or the objects of every sort which affect his senses1 he regards as living beings like himself4 ,now the primitive thinks like a child4 ,consequently1 he also is inclined to endow all things1 even inanimate ones1 with a nature analogous to his own4 ,then if1 for the reasons exposed above1 he once arrives at the idea that man is a body animated by a spirit1 he must necessarily attribute a duality of this sort and souls like his own even to inert bodies themselves4 ,yet the sphere of action of the two could not be the same4 ,the souls of men have a direct influence only upon the world of men3 they have a marked preference for the human organism1 even when death has given them their liberty4 ,on the other hand1 the souls of things reside especially in these things1 and are regarded as the productive causes of all that passes there4 ,the first account for health and sickness1 skilfulness or unskilfulness1 etc42 by the second are explained especially the phenomena of the physical world1 the movement of water-courses or the stars1 the germination of plants1 the reproduction of animals1 etc4 ,thus the first philosophy of man1 which is at the basis of the ancestor-cult1 is completed by a philosophy of the world4 ,in regard to these cosmic spirits1 man finds himself in a state of dependence still more evident than that in regard to the wandering doubles of his ancestors4 ,for he could have only ideal and imaginary relations with the latter1 but he depends upon things in reality2 to live1 he has need of their concurrence2 he then believes that he has an equal need of the spirits which appear to animate these things and to determine their diverse manifestations4 ,he implores their assistance1 he solicits them with offerings and prayers1 and the religion of man is thus completed in a religion of nature4 ,herbert ,spencer objects against this explanation that the hypothesis upon which it rests is contradicted by the facts4 ,it is held1 he says1 that there is a time when men do not realize the differences which separate the animate from the inanimate4 ,now1 as one advances in the animal scale1 he sees the ability to make this distinction develop4 ,the superior animals do not confound an object which moves of itself and whose movements are adapted to certain ends1 with those which are mechanically moved from without4 ,amusing herself with a mouse she has caught1 the cat1 if it remains long stationary1 touches it with her paw to make it run4 ,obviously the thought is that a living thing disturbed will try to escape4#ajc ,even the primitive men could not have an intelligence inferior to that of the animals which preceded them in evolution2 then it cannot be for lack of discernment that they passed from the cult of ancestors to the cult of things4 ,according to ,spencer1 who upon this point1 but upon this point only1 differs from ,tylor1 this passage was certainly due to a confusion1 but to one of a different sort4 ,it was1 in a large part at least1 the result of numerous errors due to language4 ,in many inferior societies it is a very common custom to give to each individual1 either at his birth or later1 the name of some animal1 plant1 star or natural object4 ,but as a consequence of the extreme imprecision of his language1 it is very difficult for a primitive to distinguish a metaphor from the reality4 ,he soon lost sight of the fact that these names were only figures1 and taking them literally1 he ended by believing that an ancestor named ,tiger or ,lion was really a tiger or a lion4 ,then the cult of which the ancestor was the object up to that time1 was changed over to the animal with which he was thereafter confounded2 and as the same substitution went on for the plants1 the stars and all the natural phenomena1 the religion of nature took the place of the old religion of the dead4 ,besides this fundamental confusion1 ,spencer signalizes others which aided the action of the first from time to time4 ,for example1 the animals which frequent the surroundings of the tombs or houses of men have been taken for their reincarnated souls1 and adored under this title2#ajd or again1 the mountain which tradition made the cradle of the race was finally taken for the ancestor of the race2 it was thought that men were descended from it because their ancestors appeared coming from it1 and it was consequently treated as an ancestor itself4#aje ,but according to the statement of ,spencer1 these accessory causes had only a secondary influence2 that which principally determined the institution of naturism was the literal interpretation of metaphorical names4#ajf ,we had to mention this theory to have our exposition of animism complete2 but it is too inadequate for the facts1 and too universally abandoned to-day to demand that we stop any longer for it4 ,in order to explain a fact as general as the religion of nature by an illusion1 it would be necessary that the illusion invoked should have causes of an equal generality4 ,now even if misunderstandings1 such as those of which ,spencer gives some rare illustrations1 could explain the transformation of the cult of ancestors into that of nature1 it is not clear why this should be produced with a sort of universality4 ,no psychical mechanism necessitated it4 ,it is true that because of its ambiguity1 the word might lead to an equivocation2 but on the other hand1 all the personal souvenirs left by the ancestor in the memories of men should oppose this confusion4 ,why should the tradition which represented the ancestor such as he really was1 that is to say1 as a man who led the life of a man1 everywhere give way before the prestige of a word8 ,likewise1 one should have a little difficulty in admitting that men were born of a mountain or a star1 of an animal or a plant2 the idea of a similar exception to the ordinary conceptions of generation could not fail to raise active resistance4 ,thus1 it is far from true that the error found a road all prepared before it1 but rather1 all sorts of reasons should have kept it from being accepted4 ,it is difficult to understand how1 in spite of all these obstacles1 it could have triumphed so generally4 ,,ii ,the theory of ,tylor1 whose authority is always great1 still remains4 ,his hypotheses on the dream and the origin of the ideas of the soul and of spirits are still classic2 it is necessary1 therefore1 to test their value4 ,first of all1 it should be recognized that the theorists of animism have rendered an important service to the science of religions1 and even to the general history of ideas1 by submitting the idea of the soul to historical analysis4 ,instead of following so many philosophers and making it a simple and immediate object of consciousness1 they have much more correctly viewed it as a complex whole1 a product of history and mythology4 ,it cannot be doubted that it is something essentially religious in its nature1 origin and functions4 ,it is from religion that the philosophers received it2 it is impossible to understand the form in which it is represented by the thinkers of antiquity1 if one does not take into account the mythical elements which served in its formation4 ,but if ,tylor has had the merit of raising this problem1 the solution he gives raises grave difficulties4 ,first of all1 there are reservations to be made in regard to the very principle which is at the basis of this theory4 ,it is taken for granted that the soul is entirely distinct from the body1 that it is its double1 and that within it or outside of it1 it normally lives its own autonomous life4 ,now we shall see#ajg that this conception is not that of the primitive1 or at least1 that it only expresses one aspect of his idea of the soul4 ,for him1 the soul1 though being under certain conditions independent of the organism which it animates1 confounds itself with this latter to such an extent that it cannot be radically separated from it3 there are organs which are not only its appointed seat1 but also its outward form and material manifestation4 ,the notion is therefore more complex than the doctrine supposes1 and it is doubtful consequently whether the experiences mentioned are sufficient to account for it2 for even if they did enable us to understand how men have come to believe themselves double1 they cannot explain how this duality does not exclude1 but rather1 implies a deeper unity and an intimate interpenetration of the two beings thus differentiated4 ,but let us admit that the idea of the soul can be reduced to the idea of a double1 and then see how this latter came to be formed4 ,it could not have been suggested to men except by the experience of dreams4 ,that they might understand how they could see places more or less distant during sleep1 while their bodies remained lying on the ground1 it would seem that they were led to conceive of themselves as two beings3 on the one hand1 the body1 and on the other1 a second self1 able to leave the organism in which it lives and to roam about in space4 ,but if this hypothesis of a double is to be able to impose itself upon men with a sort of necessity1 it should be the only one possible1 or at least1 the most economical one4 ,now as a matter of fact1 there are more simple ones which1 it would seem1 might have occurred to the mind just as naturally4 ,for example1 why should the sleeper not imagine that while asleep he is able to see things at a distance8 ,to imagine such a power would demand less expense to the imagination than the construction of this complex notion of a double1 made of some etherial1 semi-invisible substance1 and of which direct experience offers no example4 ,but even supposing that certain dreams rather naturally suggest the animistic explanation1 there are certainly many others which are absolutely incompatible with it4 ,often our dreams are concerned with passed events2 we see again the things which we saw or did yesterday or the day before or even during our youth1 etc42 dreams of this sort are frequent and hold a rather considerable place in our nocturnal life4 ,but the idea of a double cannot account for them4 ,even if the double can go from one point to another in space1 it is not clear how it could possibly go back and forth in time4 ,howsoever rudimentary his intelligence may be1 how could a man on awakening believe that he had really been assisting at or taking part in events which he knows passed long before8 ,how could he imagine that during his sleep he lived a life which he knows has long since gone by8 ,it would be much more natural that he should regard these renewed images as merely what they really are1 that is1 as souvenirs like those which he has during the day1 but ones of a special intensity4 ,moreover1 in the scenes of which we are the actors and witnesses while we sleep1 it constantly happens that one of our contemporaries has a rle as well as ourselves3 we think we see and hear him in the same place where we see ourselves4 ,according to the animists1 the primitive would explain this by imagining that his double was visited by or met with those of certain of his companions4 ,but it would be enough that on awakening he question them1 to find that their experiences do not coincide with his4 ,during this same time1 they too have had dreams1 but wholly different ones4 ,they have not seen themselves participating in the same scene2 they believe that they have visited wholly different places4 ,since such contradictions should be the rule in these cases1 why should they not lead men to believe that there had probably been an error1 that they had merely imagined it1 that they had been duped by illusions8 ,this blind credulity which is attributed to the primitive is really too simple4 ,it is not true that he must objectify all his sensations4 ,he cannot live long without perceiving that even when awake his senses sometimes deceive him4 ,then why should he believe them more infallible at night than during the day8 ,thus we find that there are many reasons opposing the theory that he takes his dreams for the reality and interprets them by means of a double of himself4 ,but more than that1 even if every dream were well explained by the hypothesis of a double1 and could not be explained otherwise1 it would remain a question why men have attempted to explain them4 ,dreams undoubtedly constitute the matter of a possible problem4 ,but we pass by problems every day which we do not raise1 and of which we have no suspicion until some circumstance makes us feel the necessity of raising them4 ,even when the taste for pure speculation is aroused1 reflection is far from raising all the problems to which it could eventually apply itself2 only those attract it which present a particular interest4 ,especially1 when it is a question of facts which always take place in the same manner1 habit easily numbs curiosity1 and we do not even dream of questioning them4 ,to shake off this torpor1 it is necessary that practical exigencies1 or at least a very pressing theoretical interest1 stimulate our attention and turn it in this direction4 ,that is why1 at every moment of history1 there have been so many things that we have not tried to understand1 without even being conscious of our renunciation4 ,up until very recent times1 it was believed that the sun was only a few feet in diameter4 ,there is something incomprehensible in the statement that a luminous disc of such slight dimensions could illuminate the world3 yet for centuries men never thought of resolving this contradiction4 ,the fact of heredity has been known for a long time1 but it is very recently that the attempt has been made to formulate its theory4 ,certain beliefs were even admitted which rendered it wholly unintelligible3 thus in many ,australian societies of which we shall have occasion to speak1 the child is not physiologically the offspring of its parents4#ajh ,this intellectual laziness is necessarily at its maximum among the primitive peoples4 ,these weak beings1 who have so much trouble in maintaining life against all the forces which assail it1 have no means for supporting any luxury in the way of speculation4 ,they do not reflect except when they are driven to it4 ,now it is difficult to see what could have led them to make dreams the theme of their meditations4 ,what does the dream amount to in our lives8 ,how little is the place it holds1 especially because of the very vague impressions it leaves in the memory1 and of the rapidity with which it is effaced from remembrance1 and consequently1 how surprising it is that a man of so rudimentary an intelligence should have expended such efforts to find its explanation6 ,of the two existences which he successively leads1 that of the day and that of the night1 it is the first which should interest him the most4 ,is it not strange that the second should have so captivated his attention that he made it the basis of a whole system of complicated ideas destined to have so profound an influence upon his thought and conduct8 ,thus all tends to show that1 in spite of the credit it still enjoys1 the animistic theory of the soul must be revised4 ,it is true that to-day the primitive attributes his dreams1 or at least certain of them1 to displacements of his double4 ,but that does not say that the dream actually furnished the materials out of which the idea of the double or the soul was first constructed2 it might have been applied afterwards to the phenomena of dreams1 ecstasy and possession1 without having been derived from them4 ,it is very frequent that1 after it has been formed1 an idea is employed to co-ordinate or illuminate--with a light frequently more apparent than real--certain facts with which it had no relation at first1 and which would never have suggested it themselves4 ,god and the immortality of the soul are frequently proven to-day by showing that these beliefs are implied in the fundamental principles of morality2 as a matter of fact1 they have quite another origin4 ,the history of religious thought could furnish numerous examples of these retrospective justifications1 which can teach us nothing of the way in which the ideas were formed1 nor of the elements out of which they are composed4 ,it is also probable that the primitive distinguishes between his dreams1 and does not interpret them all in the same way4 ,in our ,european societies the still numerous persons for whom sleep is a sort of magico-religious state in which the mind1 being partially relieved of the body1 has a sharpness of vision which it does not enjoy during waking moments1 do not go to the point of considering all their dreams as so many mystic intuitions3 on the contrary1 along with everybody else1 they see in the majority of their dreams only profane conditions1 vain plays of images1 or simple hallucinations4 ,it might be supposed that the primitive should make analogous distinctions4 ,codrington says distinctly that the ,melanesians do not attribute all their dreams indiscriminately to the wanderings of their souls1 but merely those which strike their imagination forcibly3#aji undoubtedly by that should be understood those in which the sleeper imagines himself in relations with religious beings1 good or evil geniuses1 souls of the dead1 etc4 ,similarly1 the ,dieri in ,australia sharply distinguish ordinary dreams from those nocturnal visions in which some deceased friend or relative shows himself to them4 ,in the first1 they see a simple fantasy of their imagination2 they attribute the second to the action of an evil spirit4#aaj ,all the facts which ,howitt mentions as examples to show how the ,australian attributes to the soul the power of leaving the body1 have an equally mystic character4 ,the sleeper believes himself transported into the land of the dead or else he converses with a dead companion4#aaa ,these dreams are frequent among the primitives4#aab ,it is probably upon these facts that the theory is based4 ,to account for them1 it is admitted that the souls of the dead come back to the living during their sleep4 ,this theory was the more readily accepted because no fact of experience could invalidate it4 ,but these dreams were possible only where the ideas of spirits1 souls and a land of the dead were already existent1 that is to say1 where religious evolution was relatively advanced4 ,thus1 far from having been able to furnish to religion the fundamental notion upon which it rests1 they suppose a previous religious system1 upon which they depended4#aac ,,iii ,we now arrive at that which constitutes the very heart of the doctrine4 ,wherever this idea of a double may come from1 it is not sufficient1 according to the avowal of the animists themselves1 to explain the formation of the cult of the ancestors which they would make the initial type of all religions4 ,if this double is to become the object of a cult1 it must cease to be a simple reproduction of the individual1 and must acquire the characteristics necessary to put it in the rank of sacred beings4 ,it is death1 they say1 which performs this transformation4 ,but whence comes the virtue which they attribute to this8 ,even were the analogy of sleep and death sufficient to make one believe that the soul survives the body 7and there are reservations to be made on this point71 why does this soul1 by the mere fact that it is now detached from the organism1 so completely change its nature8 ,if it was only a profane thing1 a wandering vital principle1 during life1 how does it become a sacred thing all at once1 and the object of religious sentiments8 ,death adds nothing essential to it1 except a greater liberty of movement4 ,being no longer attached to a special residence1 from now on1 it can do at any time what it formerly did only by night2 but the action of which it is capable is always of the same sort4 ,then why have the living considered this uprooted and vagabond double of their former companion as anything more than an equal8 ,it was a fellow-creature1 whose approach might be inconvenient2 it was not a divinity4#aad ,it seems as though death ought to have the effect of weakening vital energies1 instead of strengthening them4 ,it is1 in fact1 a very common belief in the inferior societies that the soul participates actively in the life of the body4 ,if the body is wounded1 it is wounded itself and in a corresponding place4 ,then it should grow old along with the body4 ,in fact1 there are peoples who do not render funeral honours to men arrived at senility2 they are treated as if their souls also had become senile4#aae ,it even happens that they regularly put to death1 before they arrive at old age1 certain privileged persons1 such as kings or priests1 who are supposed to be the possessors of powerful spirits whose protection the community wishes to keep4 ,they thus seek to keep the spirit from being affected by the physical decadence of its momentary keepers2 with this end in view1 they take it from the organism where it resides before age can have weakened it1 and they transport it1 while it has as yet lost nothing of its vigour1 into a younger body where it will be able to keep its vitality intact4#aaf ,so when death results from sickness or old age1 it seems as though the soul could retain only a diminished power2 and if it is only its double1 it is difficult to see how it could survive at all1 after the body is once definitely dissolved4 ,from this point of view1 the idea of survival is intelligible only with great difficulty4 ,there is a logical and psychological gap between the idea of a double at liberty and that of a spirit to which a cult is addressed4 ,this interval appears still more considerable when we realize what an abyss separates the sacred world from the profane2 it becomes evident that a simple change of degree could not be enough to make something pass from one category into the other4 ,sacred beings are not distinguished from profane ones merely by the strange or disconcerting forms which they take or by the greater powers which they enjoy2 between the two there is no common measure4 ,now there is nothing in the notion of a double which could account for so radical a heterogeneity4 ,it is said that when once freed from the body1 the spirit can work all sorts of good or evil for the living1 according to the way in which it regards them4 ,but it is not enough that a being should disturb his neighbourhood to seem to be of a wholly different nature from those whose tranquillity it menaces4 ,to be sure1 in the sentiment which the believer feels for the things he adores1 there always enters in some element of reserve and fear2 but this is a fear sui generis1 derived from respect more than from fright1 and where the dominating emotion is that which la majest inspires in men4 ,the idea of majesty is essentially religious4 ,then we have explained nothing of religion until we have found whence this idea comes1 to what it corresponds and what can have aroused it in the mind4 ,simple souls of men cannot become invested with this character by the simple fact of being no longer incarnate4 ,this is clearly shown by an example from ,melanesia4 ,the ,melanesians believe that men have souls which leave the body at death2 it then changes its name and becomes what they call a tindalo1 a natmat1 etc4 ,also1 they have a cult of the souls of the dead3 they pray to them1 invoke them and make offerings and sacrifices to them4 ,but every tindalo is not the object of these ritual practices2 only those have this honour which come from men to whom public opinion attributed1 during life1 the very special virtue which the ,melanesians call the mana4 ,later on1 we shall have occasion to fix precisely the meaning which this word expresses2 for the time being1 it will suffice to say that it is the distinctive character of every sacred being4 ,as ,codrington says1 it is what works to effect anything which is beyond the ordinary power of men1 outside the common processes of nature4#aag ,a priest1 a sorcerer or a ritual formula have mana as well as a sacred stone or spirit4 ,thus the only tindalo to which religious services are rendered are those which were already sacred of themselves1 when their proprietor was still alive4 ,in regard to the other souls1 which come from ordinary men1 from the crowd of the profane1 the same author says that they are nobodies alike before and after death4#aah ,by itself1 death has no deifying virtue4 ,since it brings about in a more or less complete and final fashion the separation of the soul from profane things1 it can well reinforce the sacred character of the soul1 if this already exists1 but it cannot create it4 ,moreover1 if1 as the hypothesis of the animists supposes1 the first sacred beings were really the souls of the dead and the first cult that of the ancestors1 it should be found that the lower the societies examined are1 the more the place given to this cult in the religious life4 ,but it is rather the contrary which is true4 ,the ancestral cult is not greatly developed1 or even presented under a characteristic form1 except in advanced societies like those of ,china1 ,egypt or the ,greek and ,latin cities2 on the other hand1 it is completely lacking in the ,australian societies which1 as we shall see1 represent the lowest and simplest form of social organization which we know4 ,it is true that funeral rites and rites of mourning are found there2 but these practices do not constitute a cult1 though this name has sometimes wrongfully been given them4 ,in reality1 a cult is not a simple group of ritual precautions which a man is held to take in certain circumstances2 it is a system of diverse rites1 festivals and ceremonies which all have this characteristic1 that they reappear periodically4 ,they fulfil the need which the believer feels of strengthening and reaffirming1 at regular intervals of time1 the bond which unites him to the sacred beings upon which he depends4 ,that is why one speaks of marriage rites but not of a marriage cult1 of rites of birth but not of a cult of the new-born child2 it is because the events on the occasion of which these rites take place imply no periodicity4 ,in the same way1 there is no cult of the ancestors except when sacrifices are made on the tombs from time to time1 when libations are poured there on certain more or less specific dates1 or when festivals are regularly celebrated in honour of the dead4 ,but the ,australian has no relations of this sort with his dead4 ,it is true that he must bury their remains according to a ritual1 mourn for them during a prescribed length of time and in a prescribed manner1 and revenge them if there is occasion to4#aai ,but when he has once accomplished these pious tasks1 when the bones are once dry and the period of mourning is once accomplished1 then all is said and done1 and the survivors have no more duties towards their relatives who exist no longer4 ,it is true that there is a way in which the dead continue to hold a place in the lives of their kindred1 even after the mourning is finished4 ,it is sometimes the case that their hair or certain of their bones are kept1 because of special virtues which are attached to them4#abj ,but by that time they have ceased to exist as persons1 and have fallen to the rank of anonymous and impersonal charms4 ,in this condition they are the object of no cult2 they serve only for magical purposes4 ,however1 there are certain ,australian tribes which periodically celebrate rites in honour of fabulous ancestors whom tradition places at the beginning of time4 ,these ceremonies generally consist in a sort of dramatic representation in which are rehearsed the deeds which the myths ascribe to these legendary heroes4#aba ,but the personages thus represented are not men who1 after living the life of men1 have been transformed into a sort of god by the fact of their death4 ,they are considered to have exercised superhuman powers while alive4 ,to them is attributed all that is grand in the history of the tribe1 or even of the whole world4 ,it is they who in a large measure made the earth such as it is1 and men such as they are4 ,the haloes with which they are still decorated do not come to them merely from the fact that they are ancestors1 that is to say1 in fine1 that they are dead1 but rather from the fact that a divine character is and always has been attributed to them2 to use the ,melanesian expression1 it is because they are constitutionally endowed with mana4 ,consequently1 there is nothing in these rites which shows that death has the slightest power of deification4 ,it cannot even be correctly said of certain rites that they form an ancestor-cult1 since they are not addressed to ancestors as such4 ,in order to have a real cult of the dead1 it is necessary that after death real ancestors1 the relations whom men really lose every day1 become the object of the cult2 let us repeat it once more1 there are no traces of any such cult in ,australia4 ,thus the cult which1 according to this hypothesis1 ought to be the predominating one in inferior societies1 is really nonexistent there4 ,in reality1 the ,australian is not concerned with his dead1 except at the moment of their decease and during the time which immediately follows4 ,yet these same peoples1 as we shall see1 have a very complex cult for sacred beings of a wholly different nature1 which is made up of numerous ceremonies and frequently occupying weeks or even entire months4 ,it cannot be admitted that the few rites which the ,australian performs when he happens to lose one of his relatives were the origin of these permanent cults which return regularly every year and which take up a considerable part of his existence4 ,the contrast between the two is so great that we may even ask whether the first were not rather derived from the second1 and if the souls of men1 far from having been the model upon which the gods were originally imagined1 have not rather been conceived from the very first as emanations from the divinity4 ,,iv ,from the moment that the cult of the dead is shown not to be primitive1 animism lacks a basis4 ,it would then seem useless to discuss the third thesis of the system1 which concerns the transformation of the cult of the dead into the cult of nature4 ,but since the postulate upon which it rests is also found in certain historians of religion who do not admit the animism properly so-called1 such as ,brinton1#abb ,lang1#abc ,rville1#abd and even ,robertson ,smith himself1#abe it is necessary to make an examination of it4 ,this extension of the cult of the dead to all nature is said to come from the fact that we instinctively tend to represent all things in our own image1 that is to say1 as living and thinking beings4 ,we have seen that ,spencer has already contested the reality of this so-called instinct4 ,since animals clearly distinguish living bodies from dead ones1 it seemed to him impossible that man1 the heir of the animals1 should not have had this same faculty of discernment from the very first4 ,but howsoever certain the facts cited by ,spencer may be1 they have not the demonstrative value which he attributes to them4 ,his reasoning supposes that all the faculties1 instincts and aptitudes of the animal have passed integrally into man2 now many errors have their origin in this principle which is wrongfully taken as a proven truth4 ,for example1 since sexual jealousy is generally very strong among the higher animals1 it has been concluded that it ought to be found among men with the same intensity from the very beginnings of history4#abf ,but it is well known to-day that men can practise a sexual communism which would be impossible if this jealousy were not capable of attenuating itself and even of disappearing when necessary4#abg ,the fact is that man is not merely an animal with certain additional qualities3 he is something else4 ,human nature is the result of a sort of recasting of the animal nature1 and in the course of the various complex operations which have brought about this recasting1 there have been losses as well as gains4 ,how many instincts have we not lost8 ,the reason for this is that men are not only in relations with the physical environment1 but also with a social environment infinitely more extended1 more stable and more active than the one whose influence animals undergo4 ,to live1 they must adapt themselves to this4 ,now in order to maintain itself1 society frequently finds it necessary that we should see things from a certain angle and feel them in a certain way2 consequently it modifies the ideas which we would ordinarily make of them for ourselves and the sentiments to which we would be inclined if we listened only to our animal nature2 it alters them1 even going so far as to put the contrary sentiments in their place4 ,does it not even go so far as to make us regard our own individual lives as something of little value1 while for the animal this is the greatest of things8#abh ,then it is a vain enterprise to seek to infer the mental constitution of the primitive man from that of the higher animals4 ,but if the objection of ,spencer does not have the decisive value which its author gives it1 it is equally true that the animist theory can draw no authority from the confusions which children seem to make4 ,when we hear a child angrily apostrophize an object which he has hit against1 we conclude that he thinks of it as a conscious being like himself2 but that is interpreting his words and acts very badly4 ,in reality1 he is quite a stranger to the very complicated reasoning attributed to him4 ,if he lays the blame on the table which has hurt him1 it is not because he supposes it animated and intelligent1 but because it has hurt him4 ,his anger1 once aroused by the pain1 must overflow2 so it looks for something upon which to discharge itself1 and naturally turns toward the thing which has provoked it1 even though this has no effect4 ,the action of an adult in similar circumstances is often as slightly reasonable4 ,when we are violently irritated1 we feel the need of inveighing1 of destroying1 though we attribute no conscious ill-will to the objects upon which we vent our anger4 ,there is even so little confusion that when the emotion of a child is calmed1 he can very well distinguish a chair from a person3 he does not act in at all the same way towards the two4 ,it is a similar reason which explains his tendency to treat his playthings as if they were living beings4 ,it is his extremely intense need of playing which thus finds a means of expressing itself1 just as in the other case the violent sentiments caused by pain created an object out of nothing4 ,in order that he may consciously play with his jumping-jack1 he imagines it a living person4 ,this illusion is the easier for him because imagination is his sovereign mistress2 he thinks almost entirely with images1 and we know how pliant images are1 bending themselves with docility before every exigency of the will4 ,but he is so little deceived by his own fiction that he would be the first to be surprised if it suddenly became a reality1 and his toy bit him6#abi ,let us therefore leave these doubtful analogies to one side4 ,to find out if men were primitively inclined to the confusions imputed to them1 we should not study animals or children of to-day1 but the primitive beliefs themselves4 ,if the spirits and gods of nature were really formed in the image of the human soul1 they should bear traces of their origin and bring to mind the essential traits of their model4 ,the most important characteristic of the soul is that it is conceived as the internal principle which animates the organism3 it is that which moves it and makes it live1 to such an extent that when it withdraws itself1 life ceases or is suspended4 ,it has its natural residence in the body1 at least while this exists4 ,but it is not thus with the spirits assigned to the different things in nature4 ,the god of the sun is not necessarily in the sun1 nor is the spirit of a certain rock in the rock which is its principal place of habitation4 ,a spirit undoubtedly has close relations with the body to which it is attached1 but one employs a very inexact expression when he says that it is its soul4 ,as ,codrington says1#acj there does not appear to be anywhere in ,melanesia a belief in a spirit which animates any natural object1 a tree1 waterfall1 storm or rock1 so as to be to it what the soul is believed to be to the body of man4 ,europeans1 it is true1 speak of the spirits of the sea or of the storm or of the forest2 but the native idea which they represent is that ghosts haunt the sea and the forest1 having power to raise storms and strike a traveller with disease4 ,while the soul is essentially within the body1 the spirit passes the major portion of its time outside the object which serves as its base4 ,this is one difference which does not seem to show that the second idea was derived from the first4 ,from another point of view1 it must be added that if men were really forced to project their own image into things1 then the first sacred beings ought to have been conceived in their likeness4 ,now anthropomorphism1 far from being primitive1 is rather the mark of a relatively advanced civilization4 ,in the beginning1 sacred beings are conceived in the form of an animal or vegetable1 from which the human form is only slowly disengaged4 ,it will be seen below that in ,australia1 it is animals and plants which are the first sacred beings4 ,even among the ,indians of ,north ,america1 the great cosmic divinities1 which commence to be the object of a cult there1 are very frequently represented in animal forms4#aca ,the difference between the animal1 man and the divine being1 says ,rville1 not without surprise1 is not felt in this state of mind1 and generally it might be said that it is the animal form which is the fundamental one4#acb ,to find a god made up entirely of human elements1 it is necessary to advance nearly to ,christianity4 ,here1 ,god is a man1 not only in the physical aspect in which he is temporarily made manifest1 but also in the ideas and sentiments which he expresses4 ,but even in ,greece and ,rome1 though the gods were generally represented with human traits1 many mythical personages still had traces of an animal origin3 thus there is ,dionysus1 who is often met with in the form of a bull1 or at least with the horns of a bull2 there is ,demeter1 who is often represented with a horse's mane1 there are ,pan and ,silenus1 there are the ,fauns1 etc4#acc ,it is not at all true that man has had such an inclination to impose his own form upon things4 ,more than that1 he even commenced by conceiving of himself as participating closely in the animal nature4 ,in fact1 it is a belief almost universal in ,australia1 and very widespread among the ,indians of ,north ,america1 that the ancestors of men were beasts or plants1 or at least that the first men had1 either in whole or in part1 the distinctive characters of certain animal or vegetable species4 ,thus1 far from seeing beings like themselves everywhere1 men commenced by believing themselves to be in the image of some beings from which they differed radically4 ,v ,finally1 the animistic theory implies a consequence which is perhaps its best refutation4 ,if it were true1 it would be necessary to admit that religious beliefs are so many hallucinatory representations1 without any objective foundation whatsoever4 ,it is supposed that they are all derived from the idea of the soul because one sees only a magnified soul in the spirits and gods4 ,but according to ,tylor and his disciples1 the idea of the soul is itself constructed entirely out of the vague and inconsistent images which occupy our attention during sleep3 for the soul is the double1 and the double is merely a man as he appears to himself while he sleeps4 ,from this point of view1 then1 sacred beings are only the imaginary conceptions which men have produced during a sort of delirium which regularly overtakes them every day1 though it is quite impossible to see to what useful ends these conceptions serve1 nor what they answer to in reality4 ,if a man prays1 if he makes sacrifices and offerings1 if he submits to the multiple privations which the ritual prescribes1 it is because a sort of constitutional eccentricity has made him take his dreams for perceptions1 death for a prolonged sleep1 and dead bodies for living and thinking beings4 ,thus not only is it true1 as many have held1 that the forms under which religious powers have been represented to the mind do not express them exactly1 and that the symbols with the aid of which they have been thought of partially hide their real nature1 but more than that1 behind these images and figures there exists nothing but the nightmares of primitive minds4 ,in fine1 religion is nothing but a dream1 systematized and lived1 but without any foundation in reality4#acd ,thence it comes about that the theorists of animism1 when looking for the origins of religious thought1 content themselves with a small outlay of energy4 ,when they think that they have explained how men have been induced to imagine beings of a strange1 vaporous form1 such as those they see in their dreams1 they think the problem is resolved4 ,in reality1 it is not even approached4 ,it is inadmissible that systems of ideas like religions1 which have held so considerable a place in history1 and to which1 in all times1 men have come to receive the energy which they must have to live1 should be made up of a tissue of illusions4 ,to-day we are beginning to realize that law1 morals and even scientific thought itself were born of religion1 were for a long time confounded with it1 and have remained penetrated with its spirit4 ,how could a vain fantasy have been able to fashion the human consciousness so strongly and so durably8 ,surely it ought to be a principle of the science of religions that religion expresses nothing which does not exist in nature2 for there are sciences only of natural phenomena4 ,the only question is to learn from what part of nature these realities come and what has been able to make men represent them under this singular form which is peculiar to religious thought4 ,but if this question is to be raised1 it is necessary to commence by admitting that they are real things which are thus represented4 ,when the philosophers of the eighteenth century made religion a vast error imagined by the priests1 they could at least explain its persistence by the interest which the sacerdotal class had in deceiving the people4 ,but if the people themselves have been the artisans of these systems of erroneous ideas at the same time that they were its dupes1 how has this extraordinary dupery been able to perpetuate itself all through the course of history8 ,one might even demand if under these conditions the words of science of religions can be employed without impropriety4 ,a science is a discipline which1 in whatever manner it is conceived1 is always applied to some real data4 ,physics and chemistry are sciences because physico-chemical phenomena are real1 and of a reality which does not depend upon the truths which these sciences show4 ,there is a psychological science because there are really consciousnesses which do not hold their right of existence from the psychologist4 ,but on the contrary1 religion could not survive the animistic theory and the day when its truth was recognized by men1 for they could not fail to renounce the errors whose nature and origin would thus be revealed to them4 ,what sort of a science is it whose principal discovery is that the subject of which it treats does not exist8 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,leading ,,conceptions ,,of ,,the ,,elementary ,,religion--continued ,,ii4--,naturism ,the spirit of the naturistic school is quite different4 ,in the first place1 it is recruited in a different environment4 ,the animists are1 for the most part1 ethnologists or anthropologists4 ,the religions which they have studied are the crudest which humanity has ever known4 ,hence comes the extraordinary importance which they attribute to the souls of the dead1 to spirits and to demons1 and1 in fact1 to all spiritual beings of the second order3 it is because these religions know hardly any of a higher order4#ace ,on the contrary1 the theories which we are now going to describe are the work of scholars who have concerned themselves especially with the great civilizations of ,europe and ,asia4 ,ever since the work of the ,grimm brothers1 who pointed out the interest that there is in comparing the different mythologies of the ,indo-,european peoples1 scholars have been struck by the remarkable similarities which these present4 ,mythical personages were identified who1 though having different names1 symbolized the same ideas and fulfilled the same functions2 even the names were frequently related1 and it has been thought possible to establish the fact that they are not unconnected with one another4 ,such resemblances seemed to be explicable only by a common origin4 ,thus they were led to suppose that these conceptions1 so varied in appearance1 really came from one common source1 of which they were only diversified forms1 and which it was not impossible to discover4 ,by the comparative method1 they believed one should be able to go back1 beyond these great religions1 to a much more ancient system of ideas1 and to the really primitive religion1 from which the others were derived4 ,the discovery of the ,vedas aided greatly in stimulating these ambitions4 ,in the ,vedas1 scholars had a written text1 whose antiquity was undoubtedly exaggerated at the moment of its discovery1 but which is surely one of the most ancient which we have at our disposition in an ,indo-,european language4 ,here they were enabled to study1 by the ordinary methods of philology1 a literature as old as or older than ,homer1 and a religion which was believed more primitive than that of the ancient ,germans4 ,a document of such value was evidently destined to throw a new light upon the religious beginnings of humanity1 and the science of religions could not fail to be revolutionized by it4 ,the conception which was thus born was so fully demanded by the state of the science and by the general march of ideas1 that it appeared almost simultaneously in two different lands4 ,in #ahef1 ,max ,mller exposed its principles in his ,oxford ,essays4#acf ,three years later appeared the work of ,adalbert ,kuhn on ,the ,origin of ,fire and the ,drink of the ,gods1#acg which was clearly inspired by the same spirit4 ,when once set forth1 the idea spread very rapidly in scientific circles4 ,to the name of ,kuhn is closely associated that of his brother-in-law ,schwartz1 whose work on ,the ,origin of ,mythology1#ach followed closely upon the preceding one4 ,steinthal and the whole ,german school of ,vlkerpsychologie attached themselves to the same movement4 ,the theory was introduced into ,france in #ahfc by ,m4 ,michel ,bral4#aci ,it met so little resistance that1 according to an expression of ,gruppe1#adj a time came when1 aside from certain classical philologists1 to whom ,vedic studies were unknown1 all the mythologists had adopted the principles of ,max ,mller or ,kuhn as their point of departure4#ada ,it is therefore important to see what they really are1 and what they are worth4 ,since no one has presented them in a more systematic form than ,max ,mller1 it is upon his work that we shall base the description which follows4#adb ,i ,we have seen that the postulate at the basis of animism is that religion1 at least in its origin1 expresses no physical reality4 ,but ,max ,mller commences with the contrary principle4 ,for him1 it is an axiom that religion reposes upon an experience1 from which it draws all its authority4 ,religion1 he says1 if it is to hold its place as a legitimate element of our consciousness1 must1 like all other knowledge1 begin with sensuous experience4#adc ,taking up the old empirical adage1 ,nihil est in intellectu quod non ante fuerit in sensu1 he applies it to religion and declares that there can be nothing in beliefs which was not first perceived4 ,so here is a doctrine which seems to escape the grave objection which we raised against animism4 ,from this point of view1 it seems that religion ought to appear1 not as a sort of vague and confused dreaming1 but as a system of ideas and practices well founded in reality4 ,but which are these sensations which give birth to religious thought8 ,that is the question which the study of the ,vedas is supposed to aid in resolving4 ,the names of the gods are generally either common words1 still employed1 or else words formerly common1 whose original sense it is possible to discover4 ,now both designate the principal phenomena of nature4 ,thus ,agni1 the name of one of the principal divinities of ,india1 originally signified only the material fact of fire1 such as it is ordinarily perceived by the senses and without any mythological addition4 ,even in the ,vedas1 it is still employed with this meaning2 in any case1 it is well shown that this signification was primitive by the fact that it is conserved in other ,indo-,european languages3 the ,latin ignis1 the ,lithuanian ugnis1 the old ,slav ogny are evidently closely related to ,agni4 ,similarly1 the relationship of the ,sanskrit ,dyaus1 the ,greek ,zeus1 the ,latin ,jovis and the ,zio of ,high ,german is to-day uncontested4 ,this proves that these different words designate one single and the same divinity1 whom the different ,indo-,european peoples recognized as such before their separation4 ,now ,dyaus signifies the bright sky4 ,these and other similar facts tend to show that among these peoples the forms and forces of nature were the first objects to which the religious sentiment attached itself3 they were the first things to be deified4 ,going one step farther in his generalization1 ,max ,mller thought that he was prepared to conclude that the religious evolution of humanity in general had the same point of departure4 ,it is almost entirely by considerations of a psychological sort that he justifies these inferences4 ,the varied spectacles which nature offers man seemed to him to fulfil all the conditions necessary for arousing religious ideas in the mind directly4 ,in fact1 he says1 at first sight1 nothing seemed less natural than nature4 ,nature was the greatest surprise1 a terror1 a marvel1 a standing miracle1 and it was only on account of their permanence1 constancy1 and regular recurrence that certain features of that standing miracle were called natural1 in the sense of foreseen1 common1 intelligible4444 ,it was that vast domain of surprise1 of terror1 of marvel1 of miracle1 the unknown1 as distinguished from the known1 or1 as ,i like to express it1 the infinite1 as distinct from the finite1 which supplied from the earliest times the impulse to religious thought and language4#add ,in order to illustrate his idea1 he applies it to a natural force which holds a rather large place in the ,vedic religion1 fire4 ,he says1 if you can for a moment transfer yourselves to that early stage of life to which we must refer not only the origin1 but likewise the early phases of ,physical ,religion1 you can easily understand what an impression the first appearance of fire must have made on the human mind4 ,fire was not given as something permanent or eternal1 like the sky1 or the earth1 or the water4 ,in whatever way it first appeared1 whether through lightning or through the friction of the branches of trees1 or through the sparks of flints1 it came and went1 it had to be guarded1 it brought destruction1 but at the same time1 it made life possible in winter1 it served as a protection during the night1 it became a weapon of defence and offence1 and last1 not least1 it changed man from a devourer of raw flesh into an eater of cooked meat4 ,at a later time it became the means of working metal1 of making tools and weapons1 it became an indispensable factor in all mechanical and artistic progress1 and has remained so ever since4 ,what should we be without fire even now8#ade ,the same author says in another work that a man could not enter into relations with nature without taking account of its immensity1 of its infiniteness4 ,it surpasses him in every way4 ,beyond the distances which he perceives1 there are others which extend without limits2 each moment of time is preceded and followed by a time to which no limit can be assigned2 the flowing river manifests an infinite force1 since nothing can exhaust it4#adf ,there is no aspect of nature which is not fitted to awaken within us this overwhelming sensation of an infinity which surrounds us and dominates us4#adg ,it is from this sensation that religions are derived4#adh ,however1 they are there only in germ4#adi ,religion really commences only at the moment when these natural forces are no longer represented in the mind in an abstract form4 ,they must be transformed into personal agents1 living and thinking beings1 spiritual powers or gods2 for it is to beings of this sort that the cult is generally addressed4 ,we have seen that animism itself has been obliged to raise this question1 and also how it has answered it3 man seems to have a sort of native incapacity for distinguishing the animate from the inanimate and an irresistible tendency to conceive the second under the form of the first4 ,max ,mller rejects any such solution4#aej ,according to him it is language which has brought about this metamorphosis1 by the action which it exercises upon thought4 ,it is easily explained how men1 being perplexed by the marvellous forces upon which they feel that they depend1 have been led to reflect upon them1 and how they have asked themselves what these forces are and have made an effort to substitute for the obscure sensation which they primitively had of them1 a clearer idea and a better defined concept4 ,but as our author very justly says1#aea this idea and concept are impossible without the word4 ,language is not merely the external covering of a thought2 it also is its internal framework4 ,it does not confine itself to expressing this thought after it has once been formed2 it also aids in making it4 ,however1 its nature is of a different sort1 so its laws are not those of thought4 ,then since it contributes to the elaboration of this latter1 it cannot fail to do it violence to some extent1 and to deform it4 ,it is a deformation of this sort which is said to have created the special characteristic of religious thought4 ,thinking consists in arranging our ideas1 and consequently in classifying them4 ,to think of fire1 for example1 is to put it into a certain category of things1 in such a way as to be able to say that it is this or that1 or this and not that4 ,but classifying is also naming1 for a general idea has no existence and reality except in and by the word which expresses it and which alone makes its individuality4 ,thus the language of a people always has an influence upon the manner in which new things1 recently learned1 are classified in the mind and are subsequently thought of2 these new things are thus forced to adapt themselves to pre-existing forms4 ,for this reason1 the language which men spoke when they undertook to construct an elaborated representation of the universe marked the system of ideas which was then born with an indelible trace4 ,nor are we without some knowledge of this language1 at least in so far as the ,indo-,european peoples are concerned4 ,howsoever distant it may be from us1 souvenirs of it remain in our actual languages which permit us to imagine what it was3 these are the roots4 ,these stems1 from which are derived all the words which we employ and which are found at the basis of all the ,indo-,european languages1 are regarded by ,max ,mller as so many echoes of the language which the corresponding peoples spoke before their separation1 that is to say1 at the very moment when this religion of nature1 which is to be explained1 was being formed4 ,now these roots present two remarkable characteristics1 which1 it is true1 have as yet been observed only in this particular group of languages1 but which our author believes to be present equally in the other linguistic families4#aeb ,in the first place1 the roots are general2 that is to say that they do not express particular things and individuals1 but types1 and even types of an extreme generality4 ,they represent the most general themes of thought2 one finds there1 as though fixed and crystallized1 those fundamental categories of the intellect which at every moment in history dominate the entire mental life1 the arrangement of which philosophers have many times attempted to reconstruct4#aec ,secondly1 the types to which they correspond are types of action1 and not of objects4 ,they translate the most general manners of acting which are to be observed among living beings and especially among men2 they are such actions as striking1 pushing1 rubbing1 lying down1 getting up1 pressing1 mounting1 descending1 walking1 etc4 ,in other words1 men generalized and named their principal ways of acting before generalizing and naming the phenomena of nature4#aed ,owing to their extreme generality1 these words could easily be extended to all sorts of objects which they did not originally include2 it is even this extreme suppleness which has permitted them to give birth to the numerous words which are derived from them4 ,then when men1 turning towards things1 undertook to name them1 that they might be able to think about them1 they applied these words to them1 though they were in no way designed for them4 ,but1 owing to their origin1 these were able to designate the forces of nature only by means of their manifestations which seemed the nearest to human actions3 a thunderbolt was called something that tears up the soil or that spreads fire2 the wind1 something that sighs or whistles2 the sun1 something that throws golden arrows across space2 a river1 something that flows1 etc4 ,but since natural phenomena were thus compared to human acts1 this something to which they were attached was necessarily conceived under the form of personal agents1 more or less like men4 ,it was only a metaphor1 but it was taken literally2 the error was inevitable1 for science1 which alone could dispel the illusion1 did not yet exist4 ,in a word1 since language was made of human elements1 translating human states1 it could not be applied to nature without transforming it4#aee ,even to-day1 remarks ,m4 ,bral1 it forces us in a certain measure to represent things from this angle4 ,we do not express an idea1 even one designating a simple quality1 without giving it a gender1 that is to say1 a sex2 we cannot speak of an object1 even though it be considered in a most general fashion1 without determining it by an article2 every subject of a sentence is presented as an active being1 every idea as an action1 and every action1 be it transitory or permanent1 is limited in its duration by the tense in which we put the verb4#aef ,our scientific training enables us to rectify the errors which language might thus suggest to us2 but the influence of the word ought to be all-powerful when it has no check4 ,language thus superimposes upon the material world1 such as it is revealed to our senses1 a new world1 composed wholly of spiritual beings which it has created out of nothing and which have been considered as the causes determining physical phenomena ever since4 ,but its action does not stop there4 ,when words were once forged to represent these personalities which the popular imagination had placed behind things1 a reaction affected these words themselves3 they raised all sorts of questions1 and it was to resolve these problems that myths were invented4 ,it happened that one object received a plurality of names1 corresponding to the plurality of aspects under which it was presented in experience2 thus there are more than twenty words in the ,vedas for the sky4 ,since these words were different1 it was believed that they corresponded to so many distinct personalities4 ,but at the same time1 it was strongly felt that these same personalities had an air of relationship4 ,to account for that1 it was imagined that they formed a single family2 genealogies1 a civil condition and a history were invented for them4 ,in other cases1 different things were designated by the same term3 to explain these homonyms1 it was believed that the corresponding things were transformations of each other1 and new fictions were invented to make these metamorphoses intelligible4 ,or again1 a word which had ceased to be understood1 was the origin of fables designed to give it a meaning4 ,the creative work of language continued then1 making constructions ever more and more complex1 and then mythology came to endow each god with a biography1 ever more and more extended and complete1 the result of all of which was that the divine personalities1 at first confounded with things1 finally distinguished and determined themselves4 ,this is how the notion of the divine is said to have been constructed4 ,as for the religion of ancestors1 it was only a reflection of this other4#aeg ,the idea of the soul is said to have been first formed for reasons somewhat analogous to those given by ,tylor1 except that according to ,max ,mller1 they were designed to account for death1 rather than for dreams4#aeh ,then1 under the influence of diverse1 partially accidental1 circumstances1#aei the souls of men1 being once disengaged from the body1 were drawn little by little within the circle of divine beings1 and were thus finally deified themselves4 ,but this new cult was the product of only a secondary formation4 ,this is proven by the fact that deified men have generally been imperfect gods or demi-gods1 whom the people have always been able to distinguish from the genuine deities4#afj ,,ii ,this doctrine rests1 in part1 upon a certain number of linguistic postulates which have been and still are very much questioned4 ,some have contested the reality of many of the similarities which ,max ,mller claimed to have found between the names of the gods in the various ,european languages4 ,the interpretation which he gave them has been especially doubted3 it has been asked if these names1 far from being the mark of a very primitive religion1 are not the slow product1 either of direct borrowings or of natural intercourse with others4#afa ,also1 it is no longer admitted that the roots once existed in an isolated state as autonomous realities1 nor that they allow us to reconstruct1 even hypothetically1 the original language of the ,indo-,europeans4#afb ,finally1 recent researches would tend to show that the ,vedic divinities did not all have the exclusively naturistic character attributed to them by ,max ,mller and his school4#afc ,but we shall leave aside those questions1 the discussion of which requires a special competence as a philologist1 and address ourselves directly to the general principles of the system4 ,it will be important here not to confound the naturistic theory with these controverted postulates2 for this is held by numbers of scholars who do not make language play the predominating rle attributed to it by ,max ,mller4 ,that men have an interest in knowing the world which surrounds them1 and consequently that their reflection should have been applied to it at an early date1 is something that everyone will readily admit4 ,co-operation with the things with which they were in immediate connection was so necessary for them that they could not fail to seek a knowledge of their nature4 ,but if1 as naturism pretends1 it is of these reflections that religious thought was born1 it is impossible to explain how it was able to survive the first attempts made1 and the persistence with which it has maintained itself becomes unintelligible4 ,if we have need of knowing the nature of things1 it is in order to act upon them in an appropriate manner4 ,but the conception of the universe given us by religion1 especially in its early forms1 is too greatly mutilated to lead to temporarily useful practices4 ,things become nothing less than living and thinking beings1 minds or personalities like those which the religious imagination has made into the agents of cosmic phenomena4 ,it is not by conceiving of them under this form or by treating them according to this conception that men could make them work for their ends4 ,it is not by addressing prayers to them1 by celebrating them in feasts and sacrifices1 or by imposing upon themselves fasts and privations1 that men can deter them from working harm or oblige them to serve their own designs4 ,such processes could succeed only very exceptionally and1 so to speak1 miraculously4 ,if1 then1 religion's reason for existence was to give us a conception of the world which would guide us in our relations with it1 it was in no condition to fulfil its function1 and people would not have been slow to perceive it3 failures1 being infinitely more frequent than successes1 would have quickly shown them that they were following a false route1 and religion1 shaken at each instant by these repeated contradictions1 would not have been able to survive4 ,it is undeniably true that errors have been able to perpetuate themselves in history2 but1 except under a union of very exceptional circumstances1 they can never perpetuate themselves thus unless they were true practically1 that is to say1 unless1 without giving us a theoretically exact idea of the things with which they deal1 they express well enough the manner in which they affect us1 either for good or for bad4 ,under these circumstances1 the actions which they determine have every chance of being1 at least in a general way1 the very ones which are proper1 so it is easily explained how they have been able to survive the proofs of experience4#afd ,but an error and especially a system of errors which leads to1 and can lead to nothing but mistaken and useless practices1 has no chance of living4 ,now what is there in common between the rites with which the believer tries to act upon nature and the processes by which science has taught us to make use of it1 and which we now know are the only efficacious ones8 ,if that is what men demanded of religion1 it is impossible to see how it could have maintained itself1 unless clever tricks had prevented their seeing that it did not give them what they expected from it4 ,it would be necessary to return again to the over simple explanations of the eighteenth century4#afe ,thus it is only in appearance that naturism escapes the objection which we recently raised against animism4 ,it also makes religion a system of hallucinations1 since it reduces it to an immense metaphor with no objective value4 ,it is true that it gives religion a point of departure in reality1 to wit1 in the sensations which the phenomena of nature provoke in us2 but by the bewitching action of language1 this sensation is soon transformed into extravagant conceptions4 ,religious thought does not come in contact with reality1 except to cover it at once with a thick veil which conceals its real forms3 this veil is the tissue of fabulous beliefs which mythology brought forth4 ,thus the believer1 like the delirious man1 lives in a world peopled with beings and things which have only a verbal existence4 ,max ,mller himself recognized this1 for he regarded myths as the product of a disease of the intellect4 ,at first1 he attributed them to a disease of language1 but since language and the intellect are inseparable for him1 what is true of the one is true of the other4 ,when trying to explain the inmost nature of mythology1 he says1 ,i called it a disease of ,language rather than of ,thought4444 ,after ,i had fully explained in my ,science of ,thought that language and thought are inseparable1 and that a disease of language is therefore the same thing as a disease of thought1 no doubt ought to have remained as to what ,i meant4 ,to represent the supreme ,god as committing every kind of crime1 as being deceived by men1 as being angry with his wife and violent with his children1 is surely a proof of a disease1 of an unusual condition of thought1 or1 to speak more clearly1 of real madness4#aff ,and this argument is not valid merely against ,max ,mller and his theory1 but against the very principle of naturism1 in whatever way it may be applied4 ,whatever we may do1 if religion has as its principal object the expression of the forces of nature1 it is impossible to see in it anything more than a system of lying fictions1 whose survival is incomprehensible4 ,max ,mller thought he escaped this objection1 whose gravity he felt1 by distinguishing radically between mythology and religion1 and by putting the first outside the second4 ,he claims the right of reserving the name of religion for only those beliefs which conform to the prescriptions of a sane moral system and a rational theology4 ,the myths were parasitic growths which1 under the influence of language1 attached themselves upon these fundamental conceptions1 and denatured them4 ,thus the belief in ,zeus was religious in so far as the ,greeks considered him the supreme ,god1 father of humanity1 protector of laws1 avenger of crimes1 etc42 but all that which concerned the biography of ,zeus1 his marriages and his adventures1 was only mythology4#afg ,but this distinction is arbitrary4 ,it is true that mythology has an sthetic interest as well as one for the history of religions2 but it is one of the essential elements of the religious life1 nevertheless4 ,if the myth were withdrawn from religion1 it would be necessary to withdraw the rite also2 for the rites are generally addressed to definite personalities who have a name1 a character1 determined attributes and a history1 and they vary according to the manner in which these personalities are conceived4 ,the cult rendered to a divinity depends upon the character attributed to him2 and it is the myth which determines this character4 ,very frequently1 the rite is nothing more than the myth put in action2 the ,christian communion is inseparable from the myth of the ,last ,supper1 from which it derives all its meaning4 ,then if all mythology is the result of a sort of verbal delirium1 the question which we raised remains intact3 the existence1 and especially the persistence of the cult become inexplicable4 ,it is hard to understand how men have continued to do certain things for centuries without any object4 ,moreover1 it is not merely the peculiar traits of the divine personalities which are determined by mythology2 the very idea that there are gods or spiritual beings set above the various departments of nature1 in no matter what manner they may be represented1 is essentially mythical4#afh ,now if all that which appertains to the notion of gods conceived as cosmic agents is blotted out of the religions of the past1 what remains8 ,the idea of a divinity in itself1 of a transcendental power upon which man depends and upon which he supports himself8 ,but that is only an abstract and philosophic conception which has been fully realized in no historical religion2 it is without interest for the science of religions4#afi ,we must therefore avoid distinguishing between religious beliefs1 keeping some because they seem to us to be true and sane and rejecting others because they shock and disconcert us4 ,all myths1 even those which we find the most unreasonable1 have been believed4#agj ,men have believed in them no less firmly than in their own sensations2 they have based their conduct upon them4 ,in spite of appearances1 it is therefore impossible that they should be without objective foundation4 ,however1 it will be said that in whatever manner religions may be explained1 it is certain that they are mistaken in regard to the real nature of things3 science has proved it4 ,the modes of action which they counsel or prescribe to men can therefore rarely have useful effects3 it is not by lustrations that the sick are cured nor by sacrifices and chants that the crops are made to grow4 ,thus the objection which we have made to naturism would seem to be applicable to all possible systems of explanation4 ,nevertheless1 there is one which escapes it4 ,let us suppose that religion responds to quite another need than that of adapting ourselves to sensible objects3 then it will not risk being weakened by the fact that it does not satisfy1 or only badly satisfies1 this need4 ,if religious faith was not born to put man in harmony with the material world1 the injuries which it has been able to do him in his struggle with the world do not touch it at its source1 because it is fed from another4 ,if it is not for these reasons that a man comes to believe1 he should continue to believe even when these reasons are contradicted by the facts4 ,it is even conceivable that faith should be strong enough1 not only to support these contradictions1 but also even to deny them and to keep the believer from seeing their importance2 this is what succeeds in rendering them inoffensive for religion4 ,when the religious sentiment is active1 it will not admit that religion can be in the wrong1 and it readily suggests explanations which make it appear innocent2 if the rite does not produce the desired results1 this failure is imputed either to some fault of execution1 or to the intervention of another1 contrary deity4 ,but for that1 it is necessary that these religious ideas have their source in another sentiment than that betrayed by these deceptions of experience1 or else whence could come their force of resistance8 ,,iii ,but more than that1 even if men had really had reasons for remaining obstinate1 in spite of all their mistakes1 in expressing cosmic phenomena in religious terms1 it is also necessary that these be of a nature to suggest such an interpretation4 ,now when could they have gotten such a property8 ,here again we find ourselves in the presence of one of those postulates which pass as evident only because they have not been criticized4 ,it is stated as an axiom that in the natural play of physical forces there is all that is needed to arouse within us the idea of the sacred2 but when we closely examine the proofs of this proposition1 which1 by the way1 are sufficiently brief1 we find that they reduce to a prejudice4 ,they talk about the marvel which men should feel as they discover the world4 ,but really1 that which characterizes the life of nature is a regularity which approaches monotony4 ,every morning the sun mounts in the horizon1 every evening it sets2 every month the moon goes through the same cycle2 the river flows in an uninterrupted manner in its bed2 the same seasons periodically bring back the same sensations4 ,to be sure1 here and there an unexpected event sometimes happens3 the sun is eclipsed1 the moon is hidden behind clouds1 the river overflows4 ,but these momentary variations could only give birth to equally momentary impressions1 the remembrance of which is gone after a little while2 they could not serve as a basis for these stable and permanent systems of ideas and practices which constitute religions4 ,normally1 the course of nature is uniform1 and uniformity could never produce strong emotions4 ,representing the savage as filled with admiration before these marvels transports much more recent sentiments to the beginnings of history4 ,he is much too accustomed to it to be greatly surprised by it4 ,it requires culture and reflection to shake off this yoke of habit and to discover how marvellous this regularity itself is4 ,besides1 as we have already remarked1#aga admiring an object is not enough to make it appear sacred to us1 that is to say1 to mark it with those characteristics which make all direct contact with it appear a sacrilege and a profanation4 ,we misunderstand what the religious sentiment really is1 if we confound it with every impression of admiration and surprise4 ,but1 they say1 even if it is not admiration1 there is a certain impression which men cannot help feeling in the presence of nature4 ,he cannot come in contact with it1 without realizing that it is greater than he4 ,it overwhelms him by its immensity4 ,this sensation of an infinite space which surrounds him1 of an infinite time which has preceded and will follow the present moment1 and of forces infinitely superior to those of which he is master1 cannot fail1 as it seems1 to awaken within him the idea that outside of him there exists an infinite power upon which he depends4 ,and this idea enters as an essential element into our conception of the divine4 ,but let us bear in mind what the question is4 ,we are trying to find out how men came to think that there are in reality two categories of things1 radically heterogeneous and incomparable to each other4 ,now how could the spectacle of nature give rise to the idea of this duality8 ,nature is always and everywhere of the same sort4 ,it matters little that it extends to infinity3 beyond the extreme limit to which my eyes can reach1 it is not different from what it is here4 ,the space which ,i imagine beyond the horizon is still space1 identical with that which ,i see4 ,the time which flows without end is made up of moments identical with those which ,i have passed through4 ,extension1 like duration1 repeats itself indefinitely2 if the portions which ,i touch have of themselves no sacred character1 where did the others get theirs8 ,the fact that ,i do not see them directly1 is not enough to transform them4#agb ,a world of profane things may well be unlimited2 but it remains a profane world4 ,do they say that the physical forces with which we come in contact exceed our own8 ,sacred forces are not to be distinguished from profane ones simply by their greater intensity1 they are different2 they have special qualities which the others do not have4 ,quite on the contrary1 all the forces manifested in the universe are of the same nature1 those that are within us just as those that are outside of us4 ,and especially1 there is no reason which could have allowed giving a sort of pre-eminent dignity to some in relation to others4 ,then if religion really was born because of the need of assigning causes to physical phenomena1 the forces thus imagined would have been no more sacred than those conceived by the scientist to-day to account for the same facts4#agc ,this is as much as to say that there would have been no sacred beings and therefore no religion4 ,but even supposing that this sensation of being overwhelmed were really able to suggest religious ideas1 it could not have produced this effect upon the primitive1 for he does not have it4 ,he is in no way conscious that cosmic forces are so superior to his own4 ,since science has not yet taught him modesty1 he attributes to himself an empire over things which he really does not have1 but the illusion of which is enough to prevent his feeling dominated by them4 ,as we have already pointed out1 he thinks that he can command the elements1 release the winds1 compel the rain to fall1 or stop the sun1 by a gesture1 etc4#agd ,religion itself contributes to giving him this security1 for he believes that it arms him with extended powers over nature4 ,his rites are1 in part1 means destined to aid him in imposing his will upon the world4 ,thus1 far from being due to the sentiment which men should have of their littleness before the universe1 religions are rather inspired by the contrary sentiment4 ,even the most elevated and idealistic have the effect of reassuring men in their struggle with things3 they teach that faith is1 of itself1 able to move mountains1 that is to say1 to dominate the forces of nature4 ,how could they give rise to this confidence if they had had their origin in a sensation of feebleness and impotency8 ,finally1 if the objects of nature really became sacred because of their imposing forms or the forces which they manifest1 then the sun1 the moon1 the sky1 the mountains1 the sea1 the winds1 in a word1 the great cosmic powers1 should have been the first to be raised to this dignity2 for there are no others more fitted to appeal to the senses and the imagination4 ,but as a matter of fact1 they were divinized but slowly4 ,the first beings to which the cult is addressed--the proof will be found in the chapters which follow--are humble vegetables and animals1 in relation to which men could at least claim an equality3 they are ducks1 rabbits1 kangaroos1 lizards1 worms1 frogs1 etc4 ,their objective qualities surely were not the origin of the religious sentiments which they inspired4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,totemism ,,as ,,an ,,elementary ,,religion ,history of the ,question4--,method of ,treating it ,howsoever opposed their conclusions may seem to be1 the two systems which we have just studied agree upon one essential point3 they state the problem in identical terms4 ,both undertake to construct the idea of the divine out of the sensations aroused in us by certain natural phenomena1 either physical or biological4 ,for the animists it is dreams1 for the naturists1 certain cosmic phenomena1 which served as the point of departure for religious evolution4 ,but for both1 it is in the nature1 either of man or of the universe1 that we must look for the germ of the grand opposition which separates the profane from the sacred4 ,but such an enterprise is impossible3 it supposes a veritable creation ex nihilo4 ,a fact of common experience cannot give us the idea of something whose characteristic is to be outside the world of common experience4 ,a man1 as he appears to himself in his dreams1 is only a man4 ,natural forces1 as our senses perceive them1 are only natural forces1 howsoever great their intensity may be4 ,hence comes the common criticism which we address to both doctrines4 ,in order to explain how these pretended data of religious thought have been able to take a sacred character which has no objective foundation1 it would be necessary to admit that a whole world of delusive representations has superimposed itself upon the other1 denatured it to the point of making it unrecognizable1 and substituted a pure hallucination for reality4 ,here1 it is the illusions of the dream which brought about this transfiguration2 there1 it is the brilliant and vain company of images evoked by the word4 ,but in one case as in the other1 it is necessary to regard religion as the product of a delirious imagination4 ,thus one positive conclusion is arrived at as the result of this critical examination4 ,since neither man nor nature have of themselves a sacred character1 they must get it from another source4 ,aside from the human individual and the physical world1 there should be some other reality1 in relation to which this variety of delirium which all religion is in a sense1 has a significance and an objective value4 ,in other words1 beyond those which we have called animistic and naturistic1 there should be another sort of cult1 more fundamental and more primitive1 of which the first are only derived forms or particular aspects4 ,in fact1 this cult does exist3 it is the one to which ethnologists have given the name of totemism4 ,i ,it was only at the end of the eighteenth century that the word totem appeared in ethnographical literature4 ,it is found for the first time in the book of an ,indian interpreter1 ,j4 ,long1 which was published in ,london in #agia4age ,for nearly a half a century1 totemism was known only as something exclusively ,american4#agf ,it was only in #ahda that ,grey1 in a passage which has remained celebrated1#agg pointed out the existence of wholly similar practices in ,australia4 ,from that time on1 scholars began to realize that they were in the presence of a system of a certain generality4 ,but they saw there only an essentially archaic institution1 an ethnographical curiosity1 having no great interest for the historian4 ,mac,lennan was the first who undertook to attach totemism to the general history of humanity4 ,in a series of articles in the ,fortnightly ,review1#agh he set himself to show that totemism was not only a religion1 but one from which were derived a multitude of beliefs and practices which are found in much more advanced religious systems4 ,he even went so far as to make it the source of all the animal-worshipping and plant-worshipping cults which are found among ancient peoples4 ,certainly this extension of totemism was abusive4 ,the cults of animals and plants depend upon numerous causes which cannot be reduced to one1 without the error of too great simplicity4 ,but this error1 by its very exaggerations1 had at least the advantage1 that it put into evidence the historical importance of totemism4 ,students of ,american totemism had already known for a long time that this form of religion was most intimately united to a determined social organization1 that its basis is the division of the social group into clans4#agi ,in #ahgg1 in his ,ancient ,society1#ahj ,lewis ,h4 ,morgan undertook to make a study of it1 to determine its distinctive characteristics1 and at the same time to point out its generality among the ,indian tribes of ,north and ,central ,america4 ,at nearly the same moment1 and even following the direct suggestion of ,morgan1 ,fison and ,howitt#aha established the existence of the same social system in ,australia1 as well as its relations with totemism4 ,under the influence of these directing ideas1 observations could be made with better method4 ,the researches which the ,american ,bureau of ,ethnology undertook1 played an important part in the advance of these studies4#ahb ,by #ahhg1 the documents were sufficiently numerous and significant to make ,frazer consider it time to unite them and present them to us in a systematic form4 ,such is the object of his little book ,totemism1#ahc where the system is studied both as a religion and as a legal institution4 ,but this study was purely descriptive2 no effort was made to explain totemism#ahd or to understand its fundamental notions4 ,robertson ,smith is the first who undertook this work of elaboration4 ,he realized more clearly than any of his predecessors how rich this crude and confused religion is in germs for the future4 ,it is true that ,mac,lennan had already connected it with the great religions of antiquity2 but that was merely because he thought he had found here and there the cult of animals or plants4 ,now if we reduce totemism to a sort of animal or plant worship1 we have seen only its most superficial aspect3 we have even misunderstood its real nature4 ,going beyond the mere letter of the totemic beliefs1 ,smith set himself to find the fundamental principles upon which they depend4 ,in his book upon ,kinship and ,marriage in ,early ,arabia1#ahe he had already pointed out that totemism supposes a likeness in nature1 either natural or acquired1 of men and animals 7or plants74 ,in his ,the ,religion of the ,semites1#ahf he makes this same idea the first origin of the entire sacrificial system3 it is to totemism that humanity owes the principle of the communion meal4 ,it is true that the theory of ,smith can now be shown one-sided2 it is no longer adequate for the facts actually known2 but for all that1 it contains an ingenious theory and has exercised a most fertile influence upon the science of religions4 ,the ,golden ,bough#ahg of ,frazer is inspired by these same ideas1 for totemism1 which ,mac,lennan had attached to the religions of classical antiquity1 and ,smith to the religions of the ,semitic peoples1 is here connected to the ,european folk-lore4 ,the schools of ,mac,lennan and ,morgan are thus united to that of ,mannhardt4#ahh ,during this time1 the ,american tradition continued to develop with an independence which it has kept up until very recent times4 ,three groups of societies were the special object of the researches which were concerned with totemism4 ,these are1 first1 certain tribes of the ,north-west1 the ,tlinkit1 the ,haida1 the ,kwakiutl1 the ,salish and the ,tsimshian2 then1 the great nation of the ,sioux2 and finally1 the ,pueblo ,indians in the south-western part of the ,united ,states4 ,the first were studied principally by ,dall1 ,krause1 ,boas1 ,swanton1 ,hill ,tout2 the second by ,dorsey2 the last by ,mindeleff1 ,mrs4 ,stevenson and ,cushing4#ahi ,but however rich the harvest of facts thus gathered in all parts of the country may have been1 the documents at our disposal were still fragmentary4 ,though the ,american religions contain numerous traces of totemism1 they have passed the stage of real totemism4 ,on the other hand1 observations in ,australia had brought little more than scattered beliefs and isolated rites1 initiation rituals and interdictions relative to totemism4 ,it was with facts taken from all these sources that ,frazer attempted to draw a picture of totemism in its entirety4 ,whatever may be the incontestable merit of the reconstruction undertaken in such circumstances1 it could not help being incomplete and hypothetical4 ,a totemic religion in complete action had not yet been observed4 ,it is only in very recent years that this serious deficiency has been repaired4 ,two observers of remarkable ability1 ,baldwin ,spencer and ,f4 ,j4 ,gillen1 discovered#aij in the interior of the ,australian continent a considerable number of tribes whose basis and unity was founded in totemic beliefs4 ,the results of their observations have been published in two works1 which have given a new life to the study of totemism4 ,the first of these1 ,the ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia1#aia deals with the more central of these tribes1 the ,arunta1 the ,luritcha1 and a little farther to the south1 on the shores of ,lake ,eyre1 the ,urabunna4 ,the second1 which is entitled ,the ,northern ,tribes of ,central ,australia1#aib deals with the societies north of the ,urabunna1 occupying the territory between ,mac,donnell's ,range and ,carpenter ,gulf4 ,among the principal of these we may mention the ,unmatjera1 the ,kaitish1 the ,warramunga1 the ,worgaia1 the ,tjingilli1 the ,binbinga1 the ,walpari1 the ,gnanji and finally1 on the very shores of the gulf1 the ,mara and the ,anula4#aic ,more recently1 a ,german missionary1 ,carl ,strehlow1 who has also passed long years in these same ,central ,australian societies1#aid has commenced to publish his own observations on two of these tribes1 the ,aranda and the ,loritja 7the ,arunta and ,luritcha of ,spencer and ,gillen74#aie ,having well mastered the language spoken by these peoples1#aif ,strehlow has been able to bring us a large number of totemic myths and religious songs1 which are given us1 for the most part1 in the original text4 ,in spite of some differences of detail which are easily explained and whose importance has been greatly exaggerated1#aig we shall see that the observations of ,strehlow1 though completing1 making more precise and sometimes even rectifying those of ,spencer and ,gillen1 confirm them in all that is essential4 ,these discoveries have given rise to an abundant literature to which we shall have occasion to return4 ,the works of ,spencer and ,gillen especially have exercised a considerable influence1 not only because they were the oldest1 but also because the facts were there presented in a systematic form1 which was of a nature to give a direction to later studies1#aih and to stimulate speculation4 ,their results were commented upon1 discussed and interpreted in all possible manners4 ,at this same time1 ,howitt1 whose fragmentary studies were scattered in a number of different publications1#aii undertook to do for the southern tribes what ,spencer and ,gillen had done for those of the centre4 ,in his ,native ,tribes of ,south-,east ,australia1#bjj he gives us a view of the social organization of the peoples who occupy ,southern ,australia1 ,new ,south ,wales1 and a good part of ,queensland4 ,the progress thus realized suggested to ,frazer the idea of completing his ,totemism by a sort of compendium#bja where would be brought together all the important documents which are concerned either with the totemic religion or the family and matrimonial organization which1 rightly or wrongly1 is believed to be connected with this religion4 ,the purpose of this book is not to give us a general and systematic view of totemism1 but rather to put the materials necessary for a construction of this sort at the disposition of scholars4#bjb ,the facts are here arranged in a strictly ethnographical and geographical order3 each continent1 and within the continent1 each tribe or ethnic group is studied separately4 ,though so extended a study1 where so many diverse peoples are successively passed in review1 could hardly be equally thorough in all its parts1 still it is a useful hand-book to consult1 and one which can aid greatly in facilitating researches4 ,,ii ,from this historical rsum it is clear that ,australia is the most favourable field for the study of totemism1 and therefore we shall make it the principal area of our observations4 ,in his ,totemism1 ,frazer sought especially to collect all the traces of totemism which could be found in history or ethnography4 ,he was thus led to include in his study societies the nature and degree of whose culture differs most widely3 ancient ,egypt1#bjc ,arabia and ,greece1#bjd and the southern ,slavs#bje are found there1 side by side with the tribes of ,australia and ,america4 ,this manner of procedure is not at all surprising for a disciple of the anthropological school4 ,for this school does not seek to locate religions in the social environments of which they are a part1#bjf and to differentiate them according to the different environments to which they are thus connected4 ,but rather1 as is indicated by the name which it has taken to itself1 its purpose is to go beyond the national and historical differences to the universal and really human bases of the religious life4 ,it is supposed that man has a religious nature of himself1 in virtue of his own constitution1 and independently of all social conditions1 and they propose to study this4#bjg ,for researches of this sort1 all peoples can be called upon equally well4 ,it is true that they prefer the more primitive peoples1 because this fundamental nature is more apt to be unaltered here2 but since it is found equally well among the most civilized peoples1 it is but natural that they too should be called as witnesses4 ,consequently1 all those who pass as being not too far removed from the origins1 and who are confusedly lumped together under the rather imprecise rubric of savages1 are put on the same plane and consulted indifferently4 ,since from this point of view1 facts have an interest only in proportion to their generality1 they consider themselves obliged to collect as large a number as possible of them2 the circle of comparisons could not become too large4 ,our method will not be such a one1 for several reasons4 ,in the first place1 for the sociologist as for the historian1 social facts vary with the social system of which they form a part2 they cannot be understood when detached from it4 ,this is why two facts which come from two different societies cannot be profitably compared merely because they seem to resemble each other2 it is necessary that these societies themselves resemble each other1 that is to say1 that they be only varieties of the same species4 ,the comparative method would be impossible1 if social types did not exist1 and it cannot be usefully applied except within a single type4 ,what errors have not been committed for having neglected this precept6 ,it is thus that facts have been unduly connected with each other which1 in spite of exterior resemblances1 really have neither the same sense nor the same importance3 the primitive democracy and that of to-day1 the collectivism of inferior societies and actual socialistic tendencies1 the monogamy which is frequent in ,australian tribes and that sanctioned by our laws1 etc4 ,even in the work of ,frazer such confusions are found4 ,it frequently happens that he assimilates simple rites of wild-animal-worship to practices that are really totemic1 though the distance1 sometimes very great1 which separates the two social systems would exclude all idea of assimilation4 ,then if we do not wish to fall into these same errors1 instead of scattering our researches over all the societies possible1 we must concentrate them upon one clearly determined type4 ,it is even necessary that this concentration be as close as possible4 ,one cannot usefully compare facts with which he is not perfectly well acquainted4 ,but when he undertakes to include all sorts of societies and civilizations1 one cannot know any of them with the necessary thoroughness2 when he assembles facts from every country in order to compare them1 he is obliged to take them hastily1 without having either the means or the time to carefully criticize them4 ,tumultuous and summary comparisons result1 which discredit the comparative method with many intelligent persons4 ,it can give serious results only when it is applied to so limited a number of societies that each of them can be studied with sufficient precision4 ,the essential thing is to choose those where investigations have the greatest chance to be fruitful4 ,also1 the value of the facts is much more important than their number4 ,in our eyes1 the question whether totemism has been more or less universal or not1 is quite secondary4#bjh ,if it interests us1 it does so before all because in studying it we hope to discover relations of a nature to make us understand better what religion is4 ,now to establish these relations it is neither necessary nor always useful to heap up numerous experiences upon each other2 it is much more important to have a few that are well studied and really significant4 ,one single fact may make a law appear1 where a multitude of imprecise and vague observations would only produce confusion4 ,in every science1 the scholar would be overwhelmed by the facts which present themselves to him1 if he did not make a choice among them4 ,it is necessary that he distinguish those which promise to be the most instructive1 that he concentrate his attention upon these1 and that he temporarily leave the others to one side4 ,that is why1 with one reservation which will be indicated below1 we propose to limit our research to ,australian societies4 ,they fulfil all the conditions which were just enumerated4 ,they are perfectly homogeneous1 for though it is possible to distinguish varieties among them1 they all belong to one common type4 ,this homogeneity is even so great that the forms of social organization are not only the same1 but that they are even designated by identical or equivalent names in a multitude of tribes1 sometimes very distant from each other4#bji ,also1 ,australian totemism is the variety for which our documents are the most complete4 ,finally1 that which we propose to study in this work is the most primitive and simple religion which it is possible to find4 ,it is therefore natural that to discover it1 we address ourselves to societies as slightly evolved as possible1 for it is evidently there that we have the greatest chance of finding it and studying it well4 ,now there are no societies which present this characteristic to a higher degree than the ,australian ones4 ,not only is their civilization most rudimentary--the house and even the hut are still unknown--but also their organization is the most primitive and simple which is actually known2 it is that which we have elsewhere called organization on a basis of clans4#baj ,in the next chapter1 we shall have occasion to restate its essential traits4 ,however1 though making ,australia the principal field of our research1 we think it best not to leave completely aside the societies where totemism was first discovered1 that is to say1 the ,indian tribes of ,north ,america4 ,this extension of the field of comparison has nothing about it which is not legitimate4 ,undoubtedly these people are more advanced than those of ,australia4 ,their civilization has become much more advanced3 men there live in houses or under tents1 and there are even fortified villages4 ,the size of the society is much greater1 and centralization1 which is completely lacking in ,australia1 is beginning to appear there2 we find vast confederations1 such as that of the ,iroquois1 under one central authority4 ,sometimes a complicated system of differentiated classes arranged in a hierarchy is found4 ,however1 the essential lines of the social structure remain the same as those in ,australia2 it is always the organization on a basis of clans4 ,thus we are not in the presence of two different types1 but of two varieties of a single type1 which are still very close to each other4 ,they represent two successive moments of a single evolution1 so their homogeneousness is still great enough to permit comparisons4 ,also1 these comparisons may have their utility4 ,just because their civilization is more advanced than that of the ,australians1 certain phases of the social organization which is common to both can be studied more easily among the first than among the second4 ,as long as men are still making their first steps in the art of expressing their thought1 it is not easy for the observer to perceive that which moves them2 for there is nothing to translate clearly that which passes in these obscure minds which have only a confused and ephemeral knowledge of themselves4 ,for example1 religious symbols then consist only in formless combinations of lines and colours1 whose sense it is not easy to divine1 as we shall see4 ,there are many gestures and movements by which interior states express themselves2 but being essentially ephemeral1 they readily elude observation4 ,that is why totemism was discovered earlier in ,america than in ,australia2 it was much more visible there1 though it held relatively less place in the totality of the religious life4 ,also1 wherever beliefs and institutions do not take a somewhat definite material form1 they are more liable to change under the influence of the slightest circumstances1 or to become wholly effaced from the memory4 ,thus the ,australian clans frequently have something floating and ,protean about them1 while the corresponding organization in ,america has a greater stability and more clearly defined contours4 ,thus1 though ,american totemism is further removed from its origins than that of ,australia1 still there are important characteristics of which it has better kept the memory4 ,in the second place1 in order to understand an institution1 it is frequently well to follow it into the advanced stages of its evolution2#baa for sometimes it is only when it is fully developed that its real signification appears with the greatest clearness4 ,in this way also1 ,american totemism1 since it has a long history behind it1 could serve to clarify certain aspects of ,australian totemism4#bab ,at the same time1 it will put us in a better condition to see how totemism is bound up with the forms which follow1 and to mark its place in the general historical development of religion4 ,so in the discussions which follow1 we shall not forbid ourselves the use of certain facts borrowed from the ,indian societies of ,north ,america4 ,but we are not going to study ,american totemism here2#bac such a study must be made directly and by itself1 and cannot be mixed with the one which we are undertaking2 it raises other problems and implies a wholly different set of special investigations4 ,we shall have recourse to ,american facts merely in a supplementary way1 and only when they seem to be able to make us understand ,australian facts to advantage4 ,it is these latter which constitute the real and immediate object of our researches4#bad ,,book ,,ii ,,the ,,elementary ,,beliefs ,,chapter ,i ,,totemic ,,beliefs ,the ,totem as ,name and as ,emblem ,owing to its nature1 our study will include two parts4 ,since every religion is made up of intellectual conceptions and ritual practices1 we must deal successively with the beliefs and rites which compose the totemic religion4 ,these two elements of the religious life are too closely connected with each other to allow of any radical separation4 ,in principle1 the cult is derived from the beliefs1 yet it reacts upon them2 the myth is frequently modelled after the rite in order to account for it1 especially when its sense is no longer apparent4 ,on the other hand1 there are beliefs which are clearly manifested only through the rites which express them4 ,so these two parts of our analysis cannot fail to overlap4 ,however1 these two orders of facts are so different that it is indispensable to study them separately4 ,and since it is impossible to understand anything about a religion while unacquainted with the ideas upon which it rests1 we must seek to become acquainted with these latter first of all4 ,but it is not our intention to retrace all the speculations into which the religious thought1 even of the ,australians alone1 has run4 ,the things we wish to reach are the elementary notions at the basis of the religion1 but there is no need of following them through all the development1 sometimes very confused1 which the mythological imagination of these peoples has given them4 ,we shall make use of myths when they enable us to understand these fundamental ideas better1 but we shall not make mythology itself the subject of our studies4 ,in so far as this is a work of art1 it does not fall within the jurisdiction of the simple science of religions4 ,also1 the intellectual evolution from which it results is of too great a complexity to be studied indirectly and from a foreign point of view4 ,it constitutes a very difficult problem which must be treated by itself1 for itself and with a method peculiar to itself4 ,among the beliefs upon which totemism rests1 the most important are naturally those concerning the totem2 it is with these that we must begin4 ,i ,at the basis of nearly all the ,australian tribes we find a group which holds a preponderating place in the collective life3 this is the clan4 ,two essential traits characterize it4 ,in the first place1 the individuals who compose it consider themselves united by a bond of kinship1 but one which is of a very special nature4 ,this relationship does not come from the fact that they have definite blood connections with one another2 they are relatives from the mere fact that they have the same name4 ,they are not fathers and mothers1 sons or daughters1 uncles or nephews of one another in the sense which we now give these words2 yet they think of themselves as forming a single family1 which is large or small according to the dimensions of the clan1 merely because they are collectively designated by the same word4 ,when we say that they regard themselves as a single family1 we do so because they recognize duties towards each other which are identical with those which have always been incumbent upon kindred3 such duties as aid1 vengeance1 mourning1 the obligation not to marry among themselves1 etc4 ,by this first characteristic1 the clan does not differ from the ,roman gens or the ,greek ,greek3 genos2 for this relationship also came merely from the fact that all the members of the gens had the same name1#bae the nomen gentilicium4 ,and in one sense1 the gens is a clan2 but it is a variety which should not be confounded with the ,australian clan4#baf ,this latter is distinguished by the fact that its name is also the name of a determined species of material things with which it believes that it has very particular relations1 the nature of which we shall presently describe2 they are especially relations of kinship4 ,the species of things which serves to designate the clan collectively is called its totem4 ,the totem of the clan is also that of each of its members4 ,each clan has its totem1 which belongs to it alone2 two different clans of the same tribe cannot have the same4 ,in fact1 one is a member of a clan merely because he has a certain name4 ,all who bear this name are members of it for that very reason2 in whatever manner they may be spread over the tribal territory1 they all have the same relations of kinship with one another4#bag ,consequently1 two groups having the same totem can only be two sections of the same clan4 ,undoubtedly1 it frequently happens that all of a clan does not reside in the same locality1 but has representatives in several different places4 ,however1 this lack of a geographical basis does not cause its unity to be the less keenly felt4 ,in regard to the word totem1 we may say that it is the one employed by the ,ojibway1 an ,algonquin tribe1 to designate the sort of thing whose name the clan bears4#bah ,although this expression is not at all ,australian1#bai and is found only in one single society in ,america1 ethnographers have definitely adopted it1 and use it to denote1 in a general way1 the system which we are describing4 ,schoolcraft was the first to extend the meaning of the word thus and to speak of a totemic system4#bbj ,this extension1 of which there are examples enough in ethnography1 is not without inconveniences4 ,it is not normal for an institution of this importance to bear a chance name1 taken from a strictly local dialect1 and bringing to mind none of the distinctive characteristics of the thing it designates4 ,but to-day this way of employing the word is so universally accepted that it would be an excess of purism to rise against this usage4#bba ,in a very large proportion of the cases1 the objects which serve as totems belong either to the animal or the vegetable kingdom1 but especially to the former4 ,inanimate things are much more rarely employed4 ,out of more than #ejj totemic names collected by ,howitt among the tribes of south-eastern ,australia1 there are scarcely forty which are not the names of plants or animals2 these are the clouds1 rain1 hail1 frost1 the moon1 the sun1 the wind1 the autumn1 the summer1 the winter1 certain stars1 thunder1 fire1 smoke1 water or the sea4 ,it is noticeable how small a place is given to celestial bodies and1 more generally1 to the great cosmic phenomena1 which were destined to so great a fortune in later religious development4 ,among all the clans of which ,howitt speaks1 there were only two which had the moon as totem1#bbb two the sun1#bbc three a star1#bbd three the thunder1#bbe two the lightning4#bbf ,the rain is a single exception2 it1 on the contrary1 is very frequent4#bbg ,these are the totems which can be spoken of as normal4 ,but totemism has its abnormalities as well4 ,it sometimes happens that the totem is not a whole object1 but the part of an object4 ,this fact appears rather rarely in ,australia2#bbh ,howitt cites only one example4#bbi ,however1 it may well be that this is found with a certain frequency in the tribes where the totemic groups are excessively subdivided2 it might be said that the totems had to break themselves up in order to be able to furnish names to these numerous divisions4 ,this is what seems to have taken place among the ,arunta and the ,loritja4 ,strehlow has collected #ddb totems in these two societies1 of which many are not an animal species1 but some particular organ of the animal of the species1 such as the tail or stomach of an opossum1 the fat of the kangaroo1 etc4#bcj ,we have seen that normally the totem is not an individual1 but a species or a variety3 it is not such and such a kangaroo or crow1 but the kangaroo or crow in general4 ,sometimes1 however1 it is a particular object4 ,first of all1 this is necessarily the case when the thing serving as totem is unique in its class1 as the sun1 the moon1 such or such a constellation1 etc4 ,it also happens that clans take their names from certain geographical irregularities or depressions of the land1 from a certain ant-hill1 etc4 ,it is true that we have only a small number of examples of this in ,australia2 but ,strehlow does mention some4#bca ,but the very causes which have given rise to these abnormal totems show that they are of a relatively recent origin4 ,in fact1 what has made certain geographical features of the land become totems is that a mythical ancestor is supposed to have stopped there or to have performed some act of his legendary life there4#bcb ,but at the same time1 these ancestors are represented in the myths as themselves belonging to clans which had perfectly regular totems1 that is to say1 ones taken from the animal or vegetable kingdoms4 ,therefore1 the totemic names thus commemorating the acts and performances of these heroes cannot be primitive2 they belong to a form of totemism that is already derived and deviated4 ,it is even permissible to ask if the meteorological totems have not a similar origin2 for the sun1 the moon and the stars are frequently identified with the ancestors of the mythological epoch4#bcc ,sometimes1 but no less exceptionally1 it is an ancestor or a group of ancestors which serves as totem directly4 ,in this case1 the clan takes its name1 not from a thing or a species of real things1 but from a purely mythical being4 ,spencer and ,gillen had already mentioned two or three totems of this sort4 ,among the ,warramunga and among the ,tjingilli there are clans which bear the name of an ancestor named ,thaballa who seems to be gaiety incarnate4#bcd ,another ,warramunga clan bears the name of a huge fabulous serpent named ,wollunqua1 from which the clan considers itself descended4#bce ,we owe other similar facts to ,strehlow4#bcf ,in any case1 it is easy enough to see what probably took place4 ,under the influence of diverse causes and by the very development of mythological thought1 the collective and impersonal totem became effaced before certain mythical personages who advanced to the first rank and became totems themselves4 ,howsoever interesting these different irregularities may be1 they contain nothing which forces us to modify our definition of a totem4 ,they are not1 as has sometimes been believed1#bcg different varieties of totems which are more or less irreducible into each other or into the normal totem1 such as we have defined it4 ,they are merely secondary and sometimes even aberrant forms of a single notion which is much more general1 and there is every ground for believing it the more primitive4 ,the manner in which the name is acquired is more important for the organization and recruiting of the clan than for religion2 it belongs to the sociology of the family rather than to religious sociology4#bch ,so we shall confine ourselves to indicating summarily the most essential principles which regulate the matter4 ,in the different tribes1 three different systems are in use4 ,in a great number1 or it might even be said1 in the greater number of the societies1 the child takes the totem of its mother1 by right of birth3 this is what happens among the ,dieri and the ,urabunna of the centre of ,southern ,australia2 the ,wotjobaluk and the ,gournditch-,mara of ,victoria2 the ,kamilaroi1 the ,wiradjuri1 the ,wonghibon and the ,euahlayi of ,new ,south ,wales2 and the ,wakelbura1 the ,pitta-,pitta and the ,kurnandaburi of ,queensland1 to mention only the most important names4 ,in this case1 owing to a law of exogamy1 the mother is necessarily of a different totem from her husband1 and on the other hand1 as she lives in his community1 the members of a single totem are necessarily dispersed in different localities according to the chances of their marriages4 ,as a result1 the totemic group lacks a territorial base4 ,elsewhere the totem is transmitted in the paternal line4 ,in this case1 if the child remains with his father1 the local group is largely made up of people belonging to a single totem2 only the married women there represent foreign totems4 ,in other words1 each locality has its particular totem4 ,up until recent times1 this scheme of organization was found in ,australia only among the tribes where totemism was in decadence1 such as the ,narrinyeri1 where the totem has almost no religious character at all any more4#bci ,it was therefore possible to believe that there was a close connection between the totemic system and descent in the uterine line4 ,but ,spencer and ,gillen have observed1 in the northern part of central ,australia1 a whole group of tribes where the totemic religion is still practised but where the transmission of the totem is in the paternal line3 these are the ,warramunga1 the ,quanji1 the ,umbia1 the ,binbinga1 the ,mara and the ,anula4#bdj ,finally1 a third combination is the one observed among the ,arunta and ,loritja4 ,here the totem of the child is not necessarily either that of the mother or that of the father2 it is that of a mythical ancestor who came1 by processes which the observers recount in different ways1#bda and mysteriously fecundated the mother at the moment of conception4 ,a special process makes it possible to learn which ancestor it was and to which totemic group he belonged4#bdb ,but since it was only chance which determined that this ancestor happened to be near the mother1 rather than another1 the totem of the child is thus found to depend finally upon fortuitous circumstances4#bdc ,outside of and above the totems of clans there are totems of phratries which1 though not differing from the former in nature1 must none the less be distinguished from them4 ,a phratry is a group of clans which are united to each other by particular bonds of fraternity4 ,ordinarily the ,australian tribe is divided into two phratries between which the different clans are distributed4 ,of course there are some tribes where this organization has disappeared1 but everything leads us to believe that it was once general4 ,in any case1 there are no tribes in ,australia where the number of phratries is greater than two4 ,now in nearly all the cases where the phratries have a name whose meaning has been established1 this name is that of an animal2 it would therefore seem that it is a totem4 ,this has been well demonstrated in a recent work by ,a4 ,lang4#bdd ,thus1 among the ,gournditch 7,victoria71 the phratries are called ,krokitch and ,kaputch2 the former of the words designates the white cockatoo and the latter the black cockatoo4#bde ,the same expressions are found again among the ,buandik and the ,wotjobaluk4#bdf ,among the ,wurunjerri1 the names employed are ,bunjil and ,waang1 which designate the eagle-hawk and the crow4#bdg ,the words ,mukwara and ,kilpara are used for the same purpose in a large number of tribes of ,new ,south ,wales2#bdh they designate the same birds4#bdi ,it is also the eagle-hawk and the crow which have given their names to the two phratries of the ,ngarigo and the ,wolgal4#bej ,among the ,kuinmurbura1 it is the white cockatoo and the crow4#bea ,many other examples might be cited4 ,thus we are led to regard the phratry as an ancient clan which has been dismembered2 the actual clans are the product of this dismemberment1 and the solidarity which unites them is a souvenir of their primitive unity4#beb ,it is true that in certain tribes1 the phratries no longer have special names1 as it seems2 in others where these names exist1 their meaning is no longer known1 even to the members4 ,but there is nothing surprising in this4 ,the phratries are certainly a primitive institution1 for they are everywhere in a state of regression2 their descendants the clans have passed to the first rank4 ,so it is but natural that the names which they bore should have been effaced from memory little by little1 when they were no longer understood2 for they must belong to a very archaic language no longer in use4 ,this is proved by the fact that in many cases where we know the animal whose name the phratry bears1 the word designating this animal in the current language is very different from the one employed here4#bec ,between the totem of the phratry and the totems of the clans there exists a sort of relation of subordination4 ,in fact1 in principle each clan belongs to one and only one phratry2 it is very exceptional that it has representatives in the other phratry4 ,this is not met with at all except among certain central tribes1 notably the ,arunta2#bed also even where1 owing to disturbing influences1 overlappings of this sort have taken place1 the great part of the clan is included entirely within one or the other of the two groups of the tribe2 only a small minority is to be found in the other one4#bee ,as a rule then1 the two phratries do not overlap each other2 consequently1 the list of totems which an individual may have is predetermined by the phratry to which he belongs4 ,in other words1 the phratry is like a species of which the clans are varieties4 ,we shall presently see that this comparison is not purely metaphorical4 ,in addition to the phratries and clans1 another secondary group is frequently met with in ,australian societies1 which is not without a certain individuality3 these are the matrimonial classes4 ,by this name they designate certain subdivisions of the phratry1 whose number varies with the tribe3 there are sometimes two and sometimes four per phratry4#bef ,their recruiting and operation are regulated by the two following principles4 ,in the first place1 each generation in a phratry belongs to different clans from the immediately preceding one4 ,thus1 when there are only two classes per phratry1 they necessarily alternate with each other every generation4 ,the children make up the class of which their parents are not members2 but grandchildren are of the same class as their grandparents4 ,thus1 among the ,kamilaroi1 the ,kupathin phratry has two classes1 ,ippai and ,kumbo2 the ,dilby phratry1 two others which are called ,murri and ,kubbi4 ,as descent is in the uterine line1 the child is in the phratry of its mother2 if she is a ,kupathin1 the child will be one also4 ,but if she is of the ,ippai class1 he will be a ,kumbo2 if the child is a girl1 her children will again be in the ,ippai class4 ,likewise1 the children of the women of the ,murri class will be in the ,kubbi class1 and the children of the ,kubbi women will be ,murri again4 ,when there are four classes per phratry1 instead of two1 the system is naturally more complex1 but the principle is the same4 ,the four classes form two couples of two classes each1 and these two classes alternate with each other every generation in the manner just indicated4 ,secondly1 the members of one class can in principle#beg marry into only one of the classes of the other phratry4 ,the ,ippai must marry into the ,kubbi class and the ,murri into the ,kumbo class4 ,it is because this organization profoundly affects matrimonial relations that we give the group the name of matrimonial class4 ,now it may be asked whether these classes do not sometimes have totems like the phratries and clans4 ,this question is raised by the fact that in certain tribes of ,queensland1 each matrimonial class has dietetic restrictions that are peculiar to it4 ,the individuals who compose it must abstain from eating the flesh of certain animals which the others may consume freely4#beh ,are these animals not totems8 ,but dietetic restrictions are not the characteristic marks of totemism4 ,the totem is a name first of all1 and then1 as we shall see1 an emblem4 ,now in the societies of which we just spoke1 there are no matrimonial classes which bear the name of an animal or plant1 or which have an emblem4#bei ,of course it is possible that these restrictions are indirectly derived from totemism4 ,it might be supposed that the animals which these interdictions protect were once the totems of clans which have since disappeared1 while the matrimonial classes remained4 ,it is certain that they have a force of endurance which the clans do not have4 ,then these interdictions1 deprived of their original field1 may have spread themselves out over the entire class1 since there were no other groups to which they could be attached4 ,but it is clear that if this regulation was born of totemism1 it represents only an enfeebled and denatured form of it4#bfj ,all that has been said of the totem in ,australian societies is equally applicable to the ,indian tribes of ,north ,america4 ,the only difference is that among these latter1 the totemic organization has a strictness of outline and a stability which are not found in ,australia4 ,the ,australian clans are not only very numerous1 but in a single tribe their number is almost unlimited4 ,observers cite some of them as examples1 but without ever succeeding in giving us a complete list4 ,this is because the list is never definitely terminated4 ,the same process of dismemberment which broke up the original phratries and give birth to clans properly so-called still continues within these latter2 as a result of this progressive crumbling1 a clan frequently has only a very small effective force4#bfa ,in ,america1 on the contrary1 the totemic system has better defined forms4 ,although the tribes there are considerably larger on the average1 the clans are less numerous4 ,a single tribe rarely has more than a dozen of them1#bfb and frequently less2 each of them is therefore a much more important group4 ,but above all1 their number is fixed2 they know their exact number1 and they it tell to us4#bfc ,this difference is due to the superiority of their social economy4 ,from the moment when these tribes were observed for the first time1 the social groups were strongly attached to the soil1 and consequently better able to resist the decentralizing forces which assailed them4 ,at the same time1 the society had too keen a sentiment of its unity to remain unconscious of itself and of the parts out of which it was composed4 ,the example of ,america thus enables us to explain even better the organization at the base of the clans4 ,we would take a mistaken view1 if we judged this only on the present conditions in ,australia4 ,in fact1 it is in a state of change and dissolution there1 which is not at all normal2 it is much rather the product of a degeneration which we see1 due both to the natural decay of time and the disorganizing effect of the whites4 ,to be sure1 it is hardly probable that the ,australian clans ever had the dimensions and solid structure of the ,american ones4 ,but there must have been a time when the distance between them was less considerable than it is to-day1 for the ,american societies would never have succeeded in making so solid a structure if the clans had always been of so fluid and inconsistent a nature4 ,this greater stability has even enabled the archaic system of phratries to maintain itself in ,america with a clearness and a relief no longer to be found in ,australia4 ,we have just seen that in the latter continent the phratry is everywhere in a state of decadence2 very frequently it is nothing more than an anonymous group2 when it has a name1 this is either no longer understood1 or in any case1 it cannot mean a great deal to the native1 since it is borrowed from a foreign language1 or from one no longer spoken4 ,thus we have been able to infer the existence of totems for phratries only from a few survivals1 which1 for the most part1 are so slightly marked that they have escaped the attention of many observers4 ,in certain parts of ,america1 on the contrary1 this institution has retained its primitive importance4 ,the tribes of the ,north-west coast1 the ,tlinkit and the ,haida especially1 have now attained a relatively advanced civilization2 yet they are divided into two phratries which are subdivided into a certain number of clans3 the phratries of the ,crow and the ,wolf among the ,tlinkit1#bfd of the ,eagle and the ,crow among the ,haida4#bfe ,and this division is not merely nominal2 it corresponds to an ever-existing state of tribal customs and is deeply marked with the tribal life4 ,the moral distance separating the clans is very slight in comparison with that separating the phratries4#bff ,the name of each is not a word whose sense is forgotten or only vaguely known2 it is a totem in the full sense of the term2 they have all its essential attributes1 such as will be described below4#bfg ,consequently1 upon this point also1 ,american tribes must not be neglected1 for we can study the totems of phratries directly there1 while ,australia offers only obscure vestiges of them4 ,,ii ,but the totem is not merely a name2 it is an emblem1 a veritable coat-of-arms whose analogies with the arms of heraldry have often been remarked4 ,in speaking of the ,australians1 ,grey says1 each family adopt an animal or vegetable as their crest and sign1#bfh and what ,grey calls a family is incontestably a clan4 ,also ,fison and ,howitt say1 the ,australian divisions show that the totem is1 in the first place1 the badge of a group4#bfi ,schoolcraft says the same thing about the totems of the ,indians of ,north ,america4 ,the totem is in fact a design which corresponds to the heraldic emblems of civilized nations1 and each person is authorized to bear it as a proof of the identity of the family to which it belongs4 ,this is proved by the real etymology of the word1 which is derived from dodaim1 which means village or the residence of a family group4#bgj ,thus when the ,indians entered into relations with the ,europeans and contracts were formed between them1 it was with its totem that each clan sealed the treaties thus concluded4#bga ,the nobles of the feudal period carved1 engraved and designed in every way their coats-of-arms upon the walls of their castles1 their arms1 and every sort of object that belonged to them2 the blacks of ,australia and the ,indians of ,north ,america do the same thing with their totems4 ,the ,indians who accompanied ,samuel ,hearne painted their totems on their shields before going into battle4#bgb ,according to ,charlevoix1 in time of war1 certain tribes of ,indians had veritable ensigns1 made of bits of bark fastened to the end of a pole1 upon which the totems were represented4#bgc ,among the ,tlinkit1 when a conflict breaks out between two clans1 the champions of the two hostile groups wear helmets over their heads1 upon which are painted their respective totems4#bgd ,among the ,iroquois1 they put the skin of the animal which serves as totem upon each wigwam1 as a mark of the clan4#bge ,according to another observer1 the animal was stuffed and set up before the door4#bgf ,among the ,wyandot1 each clan has its own ornaments and its distinctive paintings4#bgg ,among the ,omaha1 and among the ,sioux generally1 the totem is painted on the tent4#bgh ,wherever the society has become sedentary1 where the tent is replaced by the house1 and where the plastic arts are more fully developed1 the totem is engraved upon the woodwork and upon the walls4 ,this is what happens1 for example1 among the ,haida1 the ,tsimshian1 the ,salish and the ,tlinkit4 ,a very particular ornament of the house1 among the ,tlinkit1 says ,krause1 is the totemic coat-of-arms4 ,animal forms1 sometimes combined with human forms1 are engraved upon the posts at the sides of the door of entry1 which are as high as #ae yards2 they are generally painted with very bright colours4#bgi ,however1 these totemic decorations are not very numerous in the ,tlinkit village2 they are found almost solely before the houses of the chiefs and rich men4 ,they are much more frequent in the neighbouring tribe of the ,haida2 here there are always several for each house4#bhj ,with its many sculptured posts arising on every hand1 sometimes to a great height1 a ,haida village gives the impression of a sacred city1 all bristling with belfries or little minarets4#bha ,among the ,salish1 the totem is frequently represented upon the interior walls of the house4#bhb ,elsewhere1 it is found upon the canoes1 the utensils of every sort and the funeral piles4#bhc ,the preceding examples are taken exclusively from the ,indians of ,north ,america4 ,this is because sculpture1 engravings and permanent figurations are not possible except where the technique of the plastic arts has reached a degree of perfection to which the ,australian tribes have not yet attained4 ,consequently the totemic representations of the sort which we just mentioned are rarer and less apparent in ,australia than in ,america4 ,however1 cases of them are cited4 ,among the ,warramunga1 at the end of the burial ceremonies1 the bones of the dead man are interred1 after they have been dried and reduced to powder2 beside the place where they are deposited1 a figure representing the totem is traced upon the ground4#bhd ,among the ,mara and the ,anula1 the body is placed in a piece of hollow wood decorated with designs characteristic of the totem4#bhe ,in ,new ,south ,wales1 ,oxley found engravings upon the trees near the tomb where a native was buried#bhf to which ,brough ,smyth attributes a totemic character4 ,the natives of the ,upper ,darling carve totemic images upon their shields4#bhg ,according to ,collins1 nearly all the utensils are covered with ornaments which probably have the same significance2 figures of the same sort are found upon the rocks4#bhh ,these totemic designs may even be more frequent than it seems1 for1 owing to reasons which will be discussed below1 it is not always easy to see what their real meaning is4 ,these different facts give us an idea of the considerable place held by the totem in the social life of the primitives4 ,however1 up to the present1 it has appeared to us as something relatively outside of the man1 for it is only upon external things that we have seen it represented4 ,but totemic images are not placed only upon the walls of their houses1 the sides of their canoes1 their arms1 their utensils and their tombs2 they are also found on the bodies of the men4 ,they do not put their coat-of-arms merely upon the things which they possess1 but they put it upon their persons2 they imprint it upon their flesh1 it becomes a part of them1 and this world of representations is even by far the more important one4 ,in fact1 it is a very general rule that the members of each clan seek to give themselves the external aspect of their totem4 ,at certain religious festivals among the ,tlinkit1 the person who is to direct the ceremonies wears a garment which represents1 either wholly or in part1 the body of the animal whose name he bears4#bhi ,these same usages are also found in all the ,north-,west of ,america4#bij ,they are found again among the ,minnitaree1 when they go into combat1#bia and among the ,indians of the ,pueblos4#bib ,elsewhere1 when the totem is a bird1 men wear the feathers of this bird on their heads4#bic ,among the ,iowa1 each clan has a special fashion of cutting the hair4 ,in the ,eagle clan1 two large tufts are arranged on the front of the head1 while there is another one behind2 in the ,buffalo clan1 they are arranged in the form of horns4#bid ,among the ,omaha1 analogous arrangements are found3 each clan has its own head-dress4 ,in the ,turtle clan1 for example1 the hair is all shaved off1 except six bunches1 two on each side of the head1 one in front1 and one behind1 in such a way as to imitate the legs1 the head and the tail of the animal4#bie ,but it is more frequently upon the body itself that the totemic mark is stamped3 for this is a way of representation within the capacity of even the least advanced societies4 ,it has sometimes been asked whether the common rite of knocking out a young man's two upper teeth at the age of puberty does not have the object of reproducing the form of the totem4 ,the fact is not established1 but it is worth mentioning that the natives themselves sometimes explain the custom thus4 ,for example1 among the ,arunta1 the extraction of teeth is practised only in the clans of the rain and of water2 now according to tradition1 the object of this operation is to make their faces look like certain black clouds with light borders which are believed to announce the speedy arrival of rain1 and which are therefore considered things of the same family4#bif ,this is a proof that the native himself is conscious that the object of these deformations is to give him1 at least conventionally1 the aspect of his totem4 ,among these same ,arunta1 in the course of the rites of sub-incision1 certain gashes are cut upon the sisters and the future wife of the novice2 scars result from these1 whose form is also represented upon a certain sacred object of which we shall speak presently and which is called the churinga2 as we shall see1 the lines thus drawn upon the churinga are emblematic of the totem4#big ,among the ,kaitish1 the euro is believed to be closely connected with the rain2#bih the men of the rain clan wear little ear-rings made of euro teeth4#bii ,among the ,yerkla1 during the initiation the young man is given a certain number of slashes which leave scars2 the number and form of these varies with the totems4#cjj ,an informer of ,fison mentions the same fact in the tribes observed by him4#cja ,according to ,howitt1 a relationship of the same sort exists among the ,dieri between certain arrangements of scars and the water totem4#cjb ,among the ,indians of the ,north-,west1 it is a very general custom for them to tattoo themselves with the totem4#cjc ,but even if the tattooings which are made by mutilations or scars do not always have a totemic significance1#cjd it is different with simple designs drawn upon the body3 they are generally representations of the totem4 ,it is true that the native does not carry them every day4 ,when he is occupied with purely economic occupations1 or when the small family groups scatter to hunt or fish1 he does not bother with all this paraphernalia1 which is quite complicated4 ,but when the clans unite to live a common life and to assist at the religious ceremonies together1 then he must adorn himself4 ,as we shall see1 each of the ceremonies concerns a particular totem1 and in theory the rites which are connected with a totem can be performed only by the men of that totem4 ,now those who perform1#cje who take the part of officiants1 and sometimes even those who assist as spectators1 always have designs representing the totem on their bodies4#cjf ,one of the principal rites of initiation1 by which a young man enters into the religious life of the tribe1 consists in painting the totemic symbol on his body4#cjg ,it is true that among the ,arunta the design thus traced does not always and necessarily represent the totem of the initiated2#cjh but these are exceptions1 due1 undoubtedly1 to the disturbed state of the totemic organization of this tribe4#cji ,also1 even among the ,arunta1 at the most solemn moment of the initiation1 which is its crown and consecration1 when the neophyte is allowed to enter the sanctuary where all the sacred objects belonging to the clan are preserved1 an emblematic painting is placed upon him2 this time1 it is the totem of the young man which is thus represented4#caj ,the bonds which unite the individual to his totem are even so strong that in the tribes on the ,north-west coast of ,north ,america1 the emblem of the clan is painted not only upon the living but also upon the dead3 before a corpse is interred1 they put the totemic mark upon it4#caa ,,iii ,these totemic decorations enable us to see that the totem is not merely a name and an emblem4 ,it is in the course of the religious ceremonies that they are employed2 they are a part of the liturgy2 so while the totem is a collective label1 it also has a religious character4 ,in fact1 it is in connection with it1 that things are classified as sacred or profane4 ,it is the very type of sacred thing4 ,the tribes of ,central ,australia1 especially the ,arunta1 the ,loritja1 the ,kaitish1 the ,unmatjera1 and the ,ilpirra1#cab make constant use of certain instruments in their rites which are called the churinga by the ,arunta1 according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 or the tjurunga1 according to ,strehlow4#cac ,they are pieces of wood or bits of polished stone1 of a great variety of forms1 but generally oval or oblong4#cad ,each totemic group has a more or less important collection of these4 ,upon each of these is engraved a design representing the totem of this same group4#cae ,a certain number of the churinga have a hole at one end1 through which goes a thread made of human hair or that of an opossum4 ,those which are made of wood and are pierced in this way serve for exactly the same purposes as those instruments of the cult to which ,english ethnographers have given the name of bull-roarers4 ,by means of the thread by which they are suspended1 they are whirled rapidly in the air in such a way as to produce a sort of humming identical with that made by the toys of this name still used by our children2 this deafening noise has a ritual significance and accompanies all ceremonies of any importance4 ,these sorts of churinga are real bull-roarers4 ,but there are others which are not made of wood and are not pierced2 consequently they cannot be employed in this way4 ,nevertheless1 they inspire the same religious sentiments4 ,in fact1 every churinga1 for whatever purpose it may be employed1 is counted among the eminently sacred things2 there are none which surpass it in religious dignity4 ,this is indicated even by the word which is used to designate them4 ,it is not only a substantive but also an adjective meaning sacred4 ,also1 among the several names which each ,arunta has1 there is one so sacred that it must not be revealed to a stranger2 it is pronounced but rarely1 and then in a low voice and a sort of mysterious murmur4 ,now this name is called the aritna churinga 7aritna means name74#caf ,in general1 the word churinga is used to designate all ritual acts2 for example1 ilia churinga signifies the cult of the emu4#cag ,churinga1 when used substantively1 therefore designates the thing whose essential characteristic is sacredness4 ,profane persons1 that is to say1 women and young men not yet initiated into the religious life1 may not touch or even see the churinga2 they are only allowed to look at it from a distance1 and even this is only on rare occasions4#cah ,the churinga are piously kept in a special place1 which the ,arunta call the ertnatulunga4#cai ,this is a cave or a sort of cavern hidden in a deserted place4 ,the entrance is carefully closed by means of stones so cleverly placed that a stranger going past it could not suspect that the religious treasury of the clan was so near to him4 ,the sacred character of the churinga is so great that it communicates itself to the locality where they are stored3 the women and the uninitiated cannot approach it4 ,it is only after their initiation is completely finished that the young men have access to it3 there are some who are not esteemed worthy of this favour except after years of trial4#cbj ,the religious nature radiates to a distance and communicates itself to all the surroundings3 everything near by participates in this same nature and is therefore withdrawn from profane touch4 ,is one man pursued by another8 ,if he succeeds in reaching the ertnatulunga1 he is saved2 he cannot be seized there4#cba ,even a wounded animal which takes refuge there must be respected4#cbb ,quarrels are forbidden there4 ,it is a place of peace1 as is said in the ,germanic societies2 it is a sanctuary of the totemic group1 it is a veritable place of asylum4 ,but the virtues of the churinga are not manifested merely by the way in which it keeps the profane at a distance4 ,if it is thus isolated1 it is because it is something of a high religious value whose loss would injure the group and the individuals severely4 ,it has all sorts of marvellous properties3 by contact it heals wounds1 especially those resulting from circumcision2#cbc it has the same power over sickness2#cbd it is useful for making the beard grow2#cbe it confers important powers over the totemic species1 whose normal reproduction it ensures2#cbf it gives men force1 courage and perseverance1 while1 on the other hand1 it depresses and weakens their enemies4 ,this latter belief is so firmly rooted that when two combatants stand pitted against one another1 if one sees that the other has brought churinga against him1 he loses confidence and his defeat is certain4#cbg ,thus there is no ritual instrument which has a more important place in the religious ceremonies4#cbh ,by means of various sorts of anointings1 their powers are communicated either to the officiants or to the assistants2 to bring this about1 they are rubbed over the members and stomach of the faithful after being covered with grease2#cbi or sometimes they are covered with a down which flies away and scatters itself in every direction when they are whirled2 this a way of disseminating the virtues which are in them4#ccj ,but they are not useful merely to individuals2 the fate of the clan as a whole is bound up with theirs4 ,their loss is a disaster2 it is the greatest misfortune which can happen to the group4#cca ,sometimes they leave the ertnatulunga1 for example when they are loaned to other groups4#ccb ,then follows a veritable public mourning4 ,for two weeks1 the people of the totem weep and lament1 covering their bodies with white clay just as they do when they have lost a relative4#ccc ,and the churinga are not left at the free disposition of everybody2 the ertnatulunga where they are kept is placed under the control of the chief of the group4 ,it is true that each individual has special rights to some of them2#ccd yet1 though he is their proprietor in a sense1 he cannot make use of them except with the consent and under the direction of the chief4 ,it is a collective treasury2 it is the sacred ark of the clan4#cce ,the devotion of which they are the object shows the high price that is attached to them4 ,the respect with which they are handled is shown by the solemnity of the movements4#ccf ,they are taken care of1 they are greased1 rubbed1 polished1 and when they are moved from one locality to another1 it is in the midst of ceremonies which bear witness to the fact that this displacement is regarded as an act of the highest importance4#ccg ,now in themselves1 the churinga are objects of wood and stone like all others2 they are distinguished from profane things of the same sort by only one particularity3 this is that the totemic mark is drawn or engraved upon them4 ,so it is this mark and this alone which gives them their sacred character4 ,it is true that according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 the churinga serve as the residence of an ancestor's soul and that it is the presence of this soul which confers these properties4#cch ,while declaring this interpretation inexact1 ,strehlow1 in his turn1 proposes another which does not differ materially from the other3 he claims that the churinga are considered the image of the ancestor's body1 or the body itself4#cci ,so1 in any case1 it would be sentiments inspired by the ancestor which fix themselves upon the material object1 and convert it into a sort of fetish4 ,but in the first place1 both conceptions1--which1 by the way1 scarcely differ except in the letter of the myth1--have obviously been made up afterwards1 to account for the sacred character of the churinga4 ,in the constitution of these pieces of wood and bits of stone1 and in their external appearance1 there is nothing which predestines them to be considered the seat of an ancestral soul1 or the image of his body4 ,so if men have imagined this myth1 it was in order to explain the religious respect which these things inspired in them1 and the respect was not determined by the myth4 ,this explanation1 like so many mythological explanations1 resolves the question only by repeating it in slightly different terms2 for saying that the churinga is sacred and saying that it has such and such a relation with a sacred being1 is merely to proclaim the same fact in two different ways2 it is not accounting for them4 ,moreover1 according to the avowal of ,spencer and ,gillen1 there are some churinga among the ,arunta which are made by the old men of the group1 to the knowledge of and before the eyes of all2#cdj these obviously do not come from the great ancestors4 ,however1 except for certain differences of degree1 they have the same power as the others and are preserved in the same manner4 ,finally1 there are whole tribes where the churinga is never associated with a spirit4#cda ,its religious nature comes to it1 then1 from some other source1 and whence could it come1 if not from the totemic stamp which it bears8 ,it is to this image1 therefore1 that the demonstrations of the rite are really addressed2 it is this which sanctifies the object upon which it is carved4 ,among the ,arunta and the neighbouring tribes1 there are two other liturgical instruments closely connected with the totem and the churinga itself1 which ordinarily enters into their composition3 they are the nurtunja and the waninga4 ,the nurtunja1#cdb which is found among the northern ,arunta and their immediate neighbours1#cdc is made up principally of a vertical support which is either a single lance1 or several lances united into a bundle1 or of a simple pole4#cdd ,bunches of grass are fastened all around it by means of belts or little cords made of hair4 ,above this1 down is placed1 arranged either in circles or in parallel lines which run from the top to the bottom of the support4 ,the top is decorated with the plumes of an eagle-hawk4 ,this is only the most general and typical form2 in particular cases1 it has all sorts of variations4#cde ,the waninga1 which is found only among the southern ,arunta1 the ,urabunna and the ,loritja1 has no one unique model either4 ,reduced to its most essential elements1 it too consists in a vertical support1 formed by a long stick or by a lance several yards high1 with sometimes one and sometimes two cross-pieces4#cdf ,in the former case1 it has the appearance of a cross4 ,cords made either of human hair or opossum or bandicoot fur diagonally cross the space included between the arms of the cross and the extremities of the central axis2 as they are quite close to each other1 they form a network in the form of a lozenge4 ,when there are two cross-bars1 these cords go from one to the other and from these to the top and bottom of the support4 ,they are sometimes covered with a layer of down1 thick enough to conceal the foundation4 ,thus the waninga has the appearance of a veritable flag4#cdg ,now the nurtunja and the waninga1 which figure in a multitude of important rites1 are the object of a religious respect quite like that inspired by the churinga4 ,the process of their manufacture and erection is conducted with the greatest solemnity4 ,fixed in the earth1 or carried by an officiant1 they mark the central point of the ceremony3 it is about them that the dances take place and the rites are performed4 ,in the course of the initiation1 the novice is led to the foot of a nurtunja erected for the occasion4 ,someone says to him1 ,there is the nurtunja of your father2 many young men have already been made by it4 ,after that1 the initiate must kiss the nurtunja4#cdh ,by this kiss1 he enters into relations with the religious principle which resides there2 it is a veritable communion which should give the young man the force required to support the terrible operation of sub-incision4#cdi ,the nurtunja also plays a considerable rle in the mythology of these societies4 ,the myths relate that in the fabulous times of the great ancestors1 the territory of the tribe was overrun in every direction by companies composed exclusively of individuals of the same totem4#cej ,each of these troops had a nurtunja with it4 ,when it stopped to camp1 before scattering to hunt1 the members fixed their nurtunja in the ground1 from the top of which their churinga was suspended4#cea ,that is equivalent to saying that they confided the most precious things they had to it4 ,it was at the same time a sort of standard which served as a rallying-centre for the group4 ,one cannot fail to be struck by the analogies between the nurtunja and the sacred post of the ,omaha4#ceb ,now its sacred character can come from only one cause3 that is that it represents the totem materially4 ,the vertical lines or rings of down which cover it1 and even the cords of different colours which fasten the arms of the waninga to the central axis1 are not arranged arbitrarily1 according to the taste of the makers2 they must conform to a type strictly determined by tradition which1 in the minds of the natives1 represents the totem4#cec ,here we cannot ask1 as we did in the case of the churinga1 whether the veneration accorded to this instrument of the cult is not merely the reflex of that inspired by the ancestors2 for it is a rule that each nurtunja and each waninga last only during the ceremony where they are used4 ,they are made all over again every time that it is necessary1 and when the rite is once accomplished1 they are stripped of their ornaments and the elements out of which they are made are scattered4#ced ,they are nothing more than images--and temporary images at that--of the totem1 and consequently it is on this ground1 and on this ground alone1 that they play a religious rle4 ,so the churinga1 the nurtunja and the waninga owe their religious nature solely to the fact that they bear the totemic emblem4 ,it is the emblem that is sacred4 ,it keeps this character1 no matter where it may be represented4 ,sometimes it is painted upon rocks2 these paintings are called churinga ilkinia1 sacred drawings4#cee ,the decorations with which the officiants and assistants at the religious ceremonies adorn themselves have the same name3 women and children may not see them4#cef ,in the course of certain rites1 the totem is drawn upon the ground4 ,the way in which this is done bears witness to the sentiments inspired by this design1 and the high value attributed to it2 it is traced upon a place that has been previously sprinkled1 and saturated with human blood1#ceg and we shall presently see that the blood is in itself a sacred liquid1 serving for pious uses only4 ,when the design has been made1 the faithful remain seated on the ground before it1 in an attitude of the purest devotion4#ceh ,if we give the word a sense corresponding to the mentality of the primitive1 we may say that they adore it4 ,this enables us to understand how the totemic blazon has remained something very precious for the ,indians of ,north ,america3 it is always surrounded with a sort of religious halo4 ,but if we are seeking to understand how it comes that these totemic representations are so sacred1 it is not without interest to see what they consist in4 ,among the ,indians of ,north ,america1 they are painted1 engraved or carved images which attempt to reproduce as faithfully as possible the external aspect of the totemic animal4 ,the means employed are those which we use to-day in similar circumstances1 except that they are generally cruder4 ,but it is not the same in ,australia1 and it is in the ,australian societies that we must seek the origin of these representations4 ,although the ,australian may show himself sufficiently capable of imitating the forms of things in a rudimentary way1#cei sacred representations generally seem to show no ambitions in this line3 they consist essentially in geometrical designs drawn upon the churinga1 the nurtunga1 rocks1 the ground1 or the human body4 ,they are either straight or curved lines1 painted in different ways1#cfj and the whole having only a conventional meaning4 ,the connection between the figure and the thing represented is so remote and indirect that it cannot be seen1 except when it is pointed out4 ,only the members of the clan can say what meaning is attached to such and such combinations of lines4#cfa ,men and women are generally represented by semicircles1 and animals by whole circles or spirals1#cfb the tracks of men or animals by lines of points1 etc4 ,the meaning of the figures thus obtained is so arbitrary that a single design may have two different meanings for the men of two different totems1 representing one animal here1 and another animal or plant there4 ,this is perhaps still more apparent with the nurtunja and waninga4 ,each of them represents a different totem4 ,but the few and simple elements which enter into their composition do not allow a great variety of combinations4 ,the result is that two nurtunja may have exactly the same appearance1 and yet express two things as different as a gum tree and an emu4#cfc ,when a nurtunja is made1 it is given a meaning which it keeps during the whole ceremony1 but which1 in the last resort1 is fixed by convention4 ,these facts prove that if the ,australian is so strongly inclined to represent his totem1 it is in order not to have a portrait of it before his eyes which would constantly renew the sensation of it2 it is merely because he feels the need of representing the idea which he forms of it by means of material and external signs1 no matter what these signs may be4 ,we are not yet ready to attempt to understand what has thus caused the primitive to write his idea of his totem upon his person and upon different objects1 but it is important to state at once the nature of the need which has given rise to these numerous representations4#cfd ,,chapter ,,ii ,,totemic ,,beliefs--continued ,the ,totemic ,animal and ,man ,but totemic images are not the only sacred things4 ,there are real things which are also the object of rites1 because of the relations which they have with the totem3 before all others1 are the beings of the totemic species and the members of the clan4 ,i ,first of all1 since the designs which represent the totem arouse religious sentiments1 it is natural that the things whose aspect these designs reproduce should have this same property1 at least to a certain degree4 ,for the most part1 these are animals or plants4 ,the profane function of vegetables and even of animals is ordinarily to serve as food2 then the sacred character of the totemic animal or plant is shown by the fact that it is forbidden to eat them4 ,it is true that since they are sacred things1 they can enter into the composition of certain mystical repasts1 and we shall see1 in fact1 that they sometimes serve as veritable sacraments2 yet normally they cannot be used for everyday consumption4 ,whoever oversteps this rule1 exposes himself to grave dangers4 ,it is not that the group always intervenes to punish this infraction artificially2 it is believed that the sacrilege produces death automatically4 ,a redoubtable principle is held to reside in the totemic plant or animal1 which cannot enter into the profane organism without disorganizing it or destroying it4#cfe ,in certain tribes at least1 only the old men are free from this prohibition2#cff we shall see the reason for this later4 ,however1 if this prohibition is formal in a large number of tribes#cfg--with certain exceptions which will be mentioned later--it is incontestable that it tends to weaken as the old totemic organization is disturbed4 ,but the restrictions which remain even then prove that these attenuations are not admitted without difficulty4 ,for example1 when it is permitted to eat the plant or animal that serves as totem1 it is not possible to do so freely2 only a little bit may be taken at a time4 ,to go beyond this amount is a ritual fault that has grave consequences4#cfh ,elsewhere1 the prohibition remains intact for the parts that are regarded as the most precious1 that is to say1 as the most sacred2 for example1 the eggs or the fat4#cfi ,in still other parts1 consumption is not allowed except when the animal in question has not yet reached full maturity4#cgj ,in this case1 they undoubtedly think that its sacred character is not yet complete4 ,so the barrier which isolates and protects the totemic being yields but slowly and with active resistance1 which bears witness to what it must have been at first4 ,it is true that according to ,spencer and ,gillen these restrictions are not the remnants of what was once a rigorous prohibition now losing hold1 but the beginnings of an interdiction which is only commencing to establish itself4 ,these writers hold#cga that at first there was a complete liberty of consumption and that the limitations which were presently brought are relatively recent4 ,they think they find the proof of their theory in the two following facts4 ,in the first place1 as we just said1 there are solemn occasions when the members of the clan or their chief not only may1 but must eat the totemic animal or plant4 ,moreover1 the myths relate that the great ancestors1 the founders of the clans1 ate their totems regularly3 now1 it is said1 these stories cannot be understood except as an echo of a time when the present prohibitions did not exist4 ,but the fact that in the course of certain solemn ceremonies a consumption of the totem1 and a moderate one at that1 is ritually required in no way implies that it was once an ordinary article of food4 ,quite on the contrary1 the food that one eats at a mystical repast is essentially sacred1 and consequently forbidden to the profane4 ,as for the myths1 a somewhat summary critical method is employed1 if they are so readily given the value of historical documents4 ,in general1 their object is to interpret existing rites rather than to commemorate past events2 they are an explanation of the present much more than a history4 ,in this case1 the traditions according to which the ancestors of the fabulous epoch ate their totem are in perfect accord with the beliefs and rites which are always in force4 ,the old men and those who have attained a high religious dignity are freed from the restrictions under which ordinary men are placed3#cgb they can eat the sacred thing because they are sacred themselves2 this rule is in no way peculiar to totemism1 but it is found in all the most diverse religions4 ,now the ancestral heroes were nearly gods4 ,it is therefore still more natural that they should eat the sacred food2#cgc but that is no reason why the same privilege should be awarded to the simple profane4#cgd ,however1 it is neither certain nor even probable that the prohibition was ever absolute4 ,it seems to have always been suspended in case of necessity1 as1 for example1 when a man is famished and has nothing else with which to nourish himself4#cge ,a stronger reason for this is found when the totem is a form of nourishment which a man cannot do without4 ,thus there are a great many tribes where water is a totem2 a strict prohibition is manifestly impossible in this case4 ,however1 even here1 the privilege granted is submitted to certain restrictions which greatly limit its use and which show clearly that it goes against a recognized principle4 ,among the ,kaitish and the ,warramunga1 a man of this totem is not allowed to drink water freely2 he may not take it up himself2 he may receive it only from the hands of a third party who must belong to the phratry of which he is not a member4#cgf ,the complexity of this procedure and the embarrassment which results from it are still another proof that access to the sacred thing is not free4 ,this same rule is applied in certain central tribes every time that the totem is eaten1 whether from necessity or any other cause4 ,it should also be added that when this formality is not possible1 that is1 when a man is alone or with members of his own phratry only1 he may1 on necessity1 do without an intermediary4 ,it is clear that the prohibition is susceptible of various moderations4 ,nevertheless1 it rests upon ideas so strongly ingrained in the mind that it frequently survives its original cause for being4 ,we have seen that in all probability1 the different clans of a phratry are only subdivisions of one original clan which has been dismembered4 ,so there was a time when all the clans1 being welded together1 had the same totem2 consequently1 wherever the souvenir of this common origin is not completely effaced1 each clan continues to feel itself united to the others and to consider that their totems are not completely foreign to it4 ,for this reason an individual may not eat freely of the totems held by the different clans of the phratry of which he is a member2 he may touch them only if the forbidden plant or animal is given him by a member of the other phratry4#cgg ,another survival of the same sort is the one concerning the maternal totem4 ,there are strong reasons for believing that at first1 the totem was transmitted in the uterine line4 ,therefore1 wherever descent in the paternal line has been introduced1 this probably took place only after a long period1 during which the opposite principle was applied and the child had the totem of his mother along with all the restrictions attached to it4 ,now in certain tribes where the child inherits the paternal totem to-day1 some of the interdictions which originally protected the totem of his mother still survive3 he cannot eat it freely4#cgh ,in the present state of affairs1 however1 there is no longer anything corresponding to this prohibition4 ,to this prohibition of eating is frequently added that of killing the totem1 or picking it1 when it is a plant4#cgi ,however1 here also there are exceptions and tolerations4 ,these are especially in the case of necessity1 when the totem is a dangerous animal1#chj for example1 or when the man has nothing to eat4 ,there are even tribes where men are forbidden to hunt the animals whose names they bear1 on their own accounts1 but where they may kill them for others4#cha ,but the way in which this act is generally accomplished clearly indicates that it is something illicit4 ,one excuses himself as though for a fault1 and bears witness to the chagrin which he suffers and the repugnance which he feels1#chb while precautions are taken that the animal may suffer as little as possible4#chc ,in addition to these fundamental interdictions1 certain cases of a prohibition of contact between a man and his totem are cited4 ,thus among the ,omaha1 in the clan of the ,elk1 no one may touch any part of the body of a male elk2 in the sub-clan of the ,buffalo1 no one is allowed to touch the head of this animal4#chd ,among the ,bechuana1 no man dares to clothe himself in the skin of his totem4#che ,but these cases are rare2 and it is natural that they should be exceptional1 for normally a man must wear the image of his totem or something which brings it to mind4 ,the tattooings and the totemic costumes would not be possible if all contact were forbidden4 ,it has also been remarked that this prohibition has not been found in ,australia1 but only in those societies where totemism has advanced far from its original form2 it is therefore probably of late origin and due perhaps to the influence of ideas that are really not totemic at all4#chf ,if we now compare these various interdictions with those whose object is the totemic emblem1 contrarily to all that could be foreseen1 it appears that these latter are more numerous1 stricter1 and more severely enforced than the former4 ,the figures of all sorts which represent the totem are surrounded with a respect sensibly superior to that inspired by the very being whose form these figures reproduce4 ,the churinga1 the nurtunja and the waninga can never be handled by the women or the uninitiated1 who are even allowed to catch glimpses of it only very exceptionally1 and from a respectful distance4 ,on the other hand1 the plant or animal whose name the clan bears may be seen and touched by everybody4 ,the churinga are preserved in a sort of temple1 upon whose threshold all noises from the profane life must cease2 it is the domain of sacred things4 ,on the contrary1 the totemic animals and plants live in the profane world and are mixed up with the common everyday life4 ,since the number and importance of the interdictions which isolate a sacred thing1 and keep it apart1 correspond to the degree of sacredness with which it is invested1 we arrive at the remarkable conclusion that the images of totemic beings are more sacred than the beings themselves4 ,also1 in the ceremonies of the cult1 it is the churinga and the nurtunja which have the most important place2 the animal appears there only very exceptionally4 ,in a certain rite1 of which we shall have occasion to speak1#chg it serves as the substance for a religious repast1 but it plays no active rle4 ,the ,arunta dance around the nurtunja1 and assemble before the image of their totem to adore it1 but a similar demonstration is never made before the totemic being itself4 ,if this latter were the primarily sacred object1 it would be with it1 the sacred animal or plant1 that the young initiate would communicate when he is introduced into the religious life2 but we have seen that on the contrary1 the most solemn moment of the initiation is the one when the novice enters into the sanctuary of the churinga4 ,it is with them and the nurtunja that he communicates4 ,the representations of the totem are therefore more actively powerful than the totem itself4 ,,ii ,we must now determine the place of man in the scheme of religious things4 ,by the force of a whole group of acquired habits and of language itself1 we are inclined to consider the common man1 the simple believer1 as an essentially profane being4 ,it may well happen that this conception is not literally true for any religion2#chh in any case1 it is not applicable to totemism4 ,every member of the clan is invested with a sacred character which is not materially inferior to that which we just observed in the animal4 ,this personal sacredness is due to the fact that the man believes that while he is a man in the usual sense of the word1 he is also an animal or plant of the totemic species4 ,in fact1 he bears its name2 this identity of name is therefore supposed to imply an identity of nature4 ,the first is not merely considered as an outward sign of the second2 it supposes it logically4 ,this is because the name1 for a primitive1 is not merely a word or a combination of sounds2 it is a part of the being1 and even something essential to it4 ,a member of the ,kangaroo clan calls himself a kangaroo2 he is therefore1 in one sense1 an animal of this species4 ,the totem of any man1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 is regarded as the same thing as himself2 a native once said to us when we were discussing the matter with him1 ',that one1' pointing to his photograph which we had taken1 'is the same thing as me3 so is a kangaroo' 7his totem74#chi ,so each individual has a double nature3 two beings coexist within him1 a man and an animal4 ,in order to give a semblance of intelligibility to this duality1 so strange for us1 the primitive has invented myths which1 it is true1 explain nothing and only shift the difficulty1 but which1 by shifting it1 seem at least to lessen the logical scandal4 ,with slight variations of detail1 all are constructed on the same plan3 their object is to establish genealogical connections between the man and the totemic animal1 making the one a relative of the other4 ,by this common origin1 which1 by the way1 is represented in various manners1 they believe that they account for their common nature4 ,the ,narrinyeri1 for example1 have imagined that certain of the first men had the power of transforming themselves into beasts4#cij ,other ,australian societies place at the beginning of humanity either strange animals from which the men were descended in some unknown way1#cia or mixed beings1 half-way between the two kingdoms1#cib or else unformed creatures1 hardly representable1 deprived of all determined organs1 and even of all definite members1 and the different parts of whose bodies were hardly outlined4#cic ,mythical powers1 sometimes conceived under the form of animals1 then intervened and made men out of these ambiguous and innumerable beings which ,spencer and ,gillen say represent stages in the transformation of animals and plants into human beings4#cid ,these transformations are represented to us under the form of violent and1 as it were1 surgical operations4 ,it is under the blows of an axe or1 if the operator is a bird1 blows of the beak1 that the human individual was carved out of this shapeless mass1 his members separated from each other1 his mouth opened and his nostrils pierced4#cie ,analogous legends are found in ,america1 except that owing to the more highly developed mentality of these peoples1 the representations which they employ do not contain confusions so troublesome for the mind4 ,sometimes it is a legendary personage who1 by an act of his power1 metamorphosed the animal who gives its name to the clan into a man4#cif ,sometimes the myth attempts to explain how1 by a series of nearly natural events and a sort of spontaneous evolution1 the animal transformed himself little by little1 and finally took a human form4#cig ,it is true that there are societies 7the ,haida1 ,tlinkit1 ,tsimshian7 where it is no longer admitted that man was born of an animal or plant2 but the idea of an affinity between the animals of the totemic species and the members of the clan has survived there nevertheless1 and expresses itself in myths which1 though differing from the preceding1 still retain all that is essential in them4 ,here is one of the fundamental themes4 ,the ancestor who gives his name to the clan is here represented as a human being1 but who1 in the course of various wanderings1 has been led to live for a while among the fabulous animals of the very species which gave the clan its name4 ,as the result of this intimate and prolonged connection1 he became so like his new companions that when he returned to men1 they no longer recognized him4 ,he was therefore given the name of the animal which he resembled4 ,it is from his stay in this mythical land that he brought back the totemic emblem1 together with the powers and virtues believed to be attached to it4#cih ,thus in this case1 as in the others1 men are believed to participate in the nature of the animal1 though this participation may be conceived in slightly different forms4#cii ,so man also has something sacred about him4 ,though diffused into the whole organism1 this characteristic is especially apparent in certain privileged places4 ,there are organs and tissues that are specially marked out3 these are particularly the blood and the hair4 ,in the first place1 human blood is so holy a thing that in the tribes of ,central ,australia1 it frequently serves to consecrate the most respected instruments of the cult4 ,for example1 in certain cases1 the nurtunja is regularly anointed from top to bottom with the blood of a man4#djj ,it is upon ground all saturated with blood that the men of the ,emu1 among the ,arunta1 trace their sacred images4#dja ,we shall presently see that streams of blood are poured upon the rocks which represent the totemic animals and plants4#djb ,there is no religious ceremony where blood does not have some part to play4#djc ,during the initiation1 the adults open their veins and sprinkle the novice with their blood2 and this blood is so sacred a thing that women may not be present while it is flowing2 the sight of it is forbidden them1 just as the sight of a churinga is4#djd ,the blood lost by a young initiate during the very violent operations he must undergo has very particular virtues3 it is used in various ceremonies4#dje ,that which flows during the sub-incision is piously kept by the ,arunta and buried in a place upon which they put a piece of wood warning passers-by of the sacredness of the spot2 no woman should approach it4#djf ,the religious nature of blood also explains the equal importance1 religiously1 of the red ochre1 which is very frequently employed in ceremonies2 they rub the churinga with it and use it in ritual decorations4#djg ,this is due to the fact that because of its colour1 it is regarded as something kindred to blood4 ,many deposits of red ochre which are found in the ,arunta territory are even supposed to be the coagulated blood which certain heroines of the mythical period shed on to the soil4#djh ,hair has similar properties4 ,the natives of the centre wear belts made of human hair1 whose religious functions we have already pointed out3 they are also used to wrap up certain instruments of the cult4#dji ,does one man loan another one of his churinga8 ,as a sign of acknowledgment1 the second makes a present of hair to the first2 these two sorts of things are therefore thought to be of the same order and of equivalent value4#daj ,so the operation of cutting the hair is a ritual act1 accompanied by definite ceremonies3 the individual operated upon must squat on the ground1 with his face turned in the direction of the place where the fabulous ancestors from which the clan of his mother is believed to be descended1 are thought to have camped4#daa ,for the same reason1 as soon as a man is dead1 they cut his hair off and put it away in some distant place1 for neither women nor the non-initiated have the right of seeing it3 it is here1 far from profane eyes1 that the belts are made4#dab ,other organic tissues might be mentioned which have similar properties1 in varying degrees3 such are the whiskers1 the foreskin1 the fat of the liver1 etc4#dac ,but it is useless to multiply examples4 ,those already given are enough to prove that there is something in man which holds profane things at a distance and which possesses a religious power2 in other words1 the human organism conceals within its depths a sacred principle1 which visibly comes to the surface in certain determined cases4 ,this principle does not differ materially from that which causes the religious character of the totem4 ,in fact1 we have just seen that the different substances in which it incarnates itself especially enter into the ritual composition of the objects of the cult 7nurtunja1 totemic designs71 or else are used in the anointings whose object is to renew the virtues either of the churinga or of the sacred rocks2 they are things of the same species4 ,sometimes the religious dignity which is inherent in each member of the clan on this account is not equal for all4 ,men possess it to a higher degree than women2 in relation to them1 women are like profane beings4#dad ,thus1 every time that there is an assembly1 either of the totemic group or of the tribe1 the men have a separate camp1 distinct from that of the women1 and into which these latter may not enter3 they are separated off4#dae ,but there are also differences in the way in which men are marked with a religious character4 ,the young men not yet initiated are wholly deprived of it1 since they are not admitted to the ceremonies4 ,it is among the old men that it reaches its greatest intensity4 ,they are so very sacred that certain things forbidden to ordinary people are permissible for them3 they may eat the totemic animal more freely and1 as we have seen1 there are even some tribes where they are freed from all dietetic restrictions4 ,so we must be careful not to consider totemism a sort of animal worship4 ,the attitude of a man towards the animals or plants whose name he bears is not at all that of a believer towards his god1 for he belongs to the sacred world himself4 ,their relations are rather those of two beings who are on the same level and of equal value4 ,the most that can be said is that in certain cases1 at least1 the animal seems to occupy a slightly more elevated place in the hierarchy of sacred things4 ,it is because of this that it is sometimes called the father or the grandfather of the men of the clan1 which seems to show that they feel themselves in a state of moral dependence in regard to it4#daf ,but in other1 and perhaps even more frequent cases1 it happens that the expressions used denote rather a sentiment of equality4 ,the totemic animal is called the friend or the elder brother of its human fellows4#dag ,finally1 the bonds which exist between them and it are much more like those which unite the members of a single family2 the animals and the men are made of the same flesh1 as the ,buandik say4#dah ,on account of this kinship1 men regard the animals of the totemic species as kindly associates upon whose aid they think they can rely4 ,they call them to their aid#dai and they come1 to direct their blows in the hunt and to give warning of whatever dangers there may be4#dbj ,in return for this1 men treat them with regard and are never cruel to them2#dba but these attentions in no way resemble a cult4 ,men sometimes even appear to have a mysterious sort of property-right over their totems4 ,the prohibition against killing and eating them is applied only to members of the clan1 of course2 it could not be extended to other persons without making life practically impossible4 ,if1 in a tribe like the ,arunta1 where there is such a host of different totems1 it were forbidden to eat1 not only the animal or plant whose name one bears1 but also all the animals and all the plants which serve as totems to other clans1 the sources of food would be reduced to nothing4 ,yet there are tribes where the consumption of the totemic plant or animal is not allowed without restrictions1 even to foreigners4 ,among the ,wakelbura1 it must not take place in the presence of men of this totem4#dbb ,in other places1 their permission must be given4 ,for example1 among the ,kaitish and the ,unmatjera1 whenever a man of the ,emu totem happens to be in a place occupied by a grass-seed clan1 and gathers some of these seed1 before eating them he must go to the chief and say to him1 ,i have gathered these seeds in your country4 ,to this the chief replies1 ,all right2 you may eat them4 ,but if the ,emu man ate them before demanding permission1 it is believed that he would fall sick and run the risk of dying4#dbc ,there are even cases where the chief of the group must take a little of the food and eat it himself3 it is a sort of payment which must be made4#dbd ,for the same reason1 the churinga gives the hunter a certain power over the corresponding animal3 by rubbing his body with a ,euro churinga1 for example1 a man acquires a greater chance of catching euros4#dbe ,this is the proof that the fact of participating in the nature of a totemic being confers a sort of eminent right over this latter4 ,finally1 there is one tribe in northern ,queensland1 the ,karingbool1 where the men of the totem are the only ones who have a right to kill the animal or1 if the totem is a tree1 to peel off its bark4 ,their aid is indispensable to all others who want to use the flesh of this animal or the wood of this tree for their own personal ends4#dbf ,so they appear as proprietors1 though it is quite evidently over a special sort of property1 of which we find it hard to form an idea4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,totemic ,,beliefs--continued ,the ,cosmological ,system of ,totemism and the ,idea of ,class ,we are beginning to see that totemism is a much more complex religion than it first appeared to be4 ,we have already distinguished three classes of things which it recognizes as sacred1 in varying degrees3 the totemic emblem1 the animal or plant whose appearance this emblem reproduces1 and the members of the clan4 ,however1 this list is not yet complete4 ,in fact1 a religion is not merely a collection of fragmentary beliefs in regard to special objects like those we have just been discussing4 ,to a greater or less extent1 all known religions have been systems of ideas which tend to embrace the universality of things1 and to give us a complete representation of the world4 ,if totemism is to be considered as a religion comparable to the others1 it too should offer us a conception of the universe4 ,as a matter of fact1 it does satisfy this condition4 ,i ,the fact that this aspect of totemism has generally been neglected is due to the too narrow notion of the clan which has been prevalent4 ,ordinarily it is regarded as a mere group of human beings4 ,being a simple subdivision of the tribe1 it seems that like this1 it is made up of nothing but men4 ,but in reasoning thus1 we substitute our ,european ideas for those which the primitive has of man and of society4 ,for the ,australian1 things themselves1 everything which is in the universe1 are a part of the tribe2 they are constituent elements of it and1 so to speak1 regular members of it2 just like men1 they have a determined place in the general scheme of organization of the society4 ,the ,south ,australian savage1 says ,fison1 looks upon the universe as the ,great ,tribe1 to one of whose divisions he himself belongs2 and all things1 animate and inanimate1 which belong to his class are parts of the body corporate whereof he himself is a part4#dbg ,as a consequence of this principle1 whenever the tribe is divided into two phratries1 all known things are distributed between them4 ,all nature1 says ,palmer1 in speaking of the ,bellinger ,river tribe1 is also divided into class phratry names4444 ,the sun and moon and stars are said 444 to belong to classes phratries just as the blacks themselves4#dbh ,the ,port ,mackay tribe in ,queensland has two phratries with the names ,yungaroo and ,wootaroo1 as do the neighbouring tribes4 ,now as ,bridgmann says1 all things1 animate and inanimate1 are divided by these tribes into two classes1 named ,yungaroo and ,wootaroo4#dbi ,nor does the classification stop here4 ,the men of each phratry are distributed among a certain number of clans2 likewise1 the things attributed to each phratry are in their turn distributed among the clans of which the phratry is composed4 ,a certain tree1 for example1 will be assigned to the ,kangaroo clan1 and to it alone2 then1 just like the human members of the clan1 it will have the ,kangaroo as totem2 another will belong to the ,snake clan2 clouds will be placed under one totem1 the sun under another1 etc4 ,all known things will thus be arranged in a sort of tableau or systematic classification embracing the whole of nature4 ,we have given a certain number of these classifications elsewhere2#dcj at present we shall confine ourselves to repeating a few of these as examples4 ,one of the best known of these is the one found in the ,mount ,gambier tribe4 ,this tribe includes two phratries1 named respectively the ,kumite and the ,kroki2 each of these1 in its turn1 is subdivided into five clans4 ,now everything in nature belongs to one or another of these ten clans2#dca ,fison and ,howitt say that they are all included within it4 ,in fact1 they are classified under these ten totems just like species in their respective classes4 ,this is well shown by the following table based on information gathered by ,curr and by ,fison and ,howitt4#dcb ,,phratries4 ,,clans4 ,,things ,,classed ,,in ,,each ,,clan4 ,fish-hawk ,smoke1 honeysuckle1 certain trees1 etc4 ,pelican ,blackwood-trees1 dogs1 fire1 frost1 etc4 ,,kumite ,crow ,rain1 thunder1 lightning1 clouds1 hail1 winter1 etc4 ,black cockatoo ,the stars1 the moon1 etc4 ,a non-poisonous snake ,fish1 seal1 eel1 the stringybark-tree1 etc4 ,tea-tree ,duck1 crayfish1 owls1 etc4 ,an edible root ,bustard1 quail1 a small ,,kroki kangaroo1 etc4 ,a white crestless cockatoo ,kangaroo1 the summer1 the sun1 wind1 the autumn1 etc4 ,details are lacking for the fourth and fifth ,kroki clans4 ,the list of things attached to each clan is quite incomplete2 ,curr himself warns us that he has limited himself to enumerating some of them4 ,but through the work of ,mathews and of ,howitt#dcc we have more extended information to-day on the classification adopted by the ,wotjobaluk tribe1 which enables us to understand better how a system of this kind is able to include the whole universe1 as known to the natives4 ,the ,wotjobaluk also are divided into two phratries called ,gurogity and ,gumaty 7,krokitch and ,gamutch according to ,howitt#dcd72 not to prolong this enumeration1 we shall content ourselves with indicating1 after ,mathews1 the things classed in some of the clans of the ,gurogity phratry4 ,in the clan of the ,yam are classified the plain-turkey1 the native cat1 the mopoke1 the dyim-dyim owl1 the mallee hen1 the rosella parrot1 the peewee4 ,in the ,mussel#dce clan are the grey emu1 the porcupine1 the curlew1 the white cockatoo1 the wood-duck1 the mallee lizard1 the stinking turtle1 the flying squirrel1 the ring-tail opossum1 the bronze-wing pigeon1 the wijuggla4 ,in the ,sun clan are the bandicoot1 the moon1 the kangaroo-rat1 the black and white magpies1 the opossum1 the ng7urt hawk1 the gum-tree grub1 the wattle-tree grub1 the planet ,venus4 ,in the clan of the ,warm ,wind#dcf are the grey-headed eagle-hawk1 the carpet snake1 the smoker parrot1 the shell parrot1 the murrakan hawk1 the dikkomur snake1 the ring-neck parrot1 the mirudai snake1 the shingle-back lizard4 ,if we remember that there are many other clans 7,howitt names twelve and ,mathews fourteen and adds that his list is incomplete#dcg71 we will understand how all the things in which the native takes an interest find a natural place in these classifications4 ,similar arrangements have been observed in the most diverse parts of the ,australian continent2 in ,south ,australia1 in ,victoria1 and in ,new ,south ,wales 7among the ,euahlayi#dch72 very clear traces of it are found in the central tribes4#dci ,in ,queensland1 where the clans seem to have disappeared and where the matrimonial classes are the only subdivisions of the phratry1 things are divided up among these classes4 ,thus1 the ,wakelbura are divided into two phratries1 ,mallera and ,wutaru2 the classes of the first are called ,kurgilla and ,banbe1 those of the second1 ,wungo and ,obu4 ,now to the ,banbe belong the opossum1 the kangaroo1 the dog1 honey of little bees1 etc42 to the ,wungo are attributed the emu1 the bandicoot1 the black duck1 the black snake1 the brown snake2 to the ,obu1 the carpet snake1 the honey of stinging bees1 etc42 to the ,kurgilla1 the porcupine1 the turkey of the plains1 water1 rain1 fire1 thunder1 etc4#ddj ,this same organization is found among the ,indians of ,north ,america4 ,the ,zui have a system of classification which1 in its essential lines1 is in all points comparable to the one we have just described4 ,that of the ,omaha rests on the same principles as that of the ,wotjobaluk4#dda ,an echo of these same ideas survives even into the more advanced societies4 ,among the ,haida1 all the gods and mythical beings who are placed in charge of the different phenomena of nature are classified in one or the other of the two phratries which make up the tribe just like men2 some are ,eagles1 the others1 ,crows4#ddb ,now the gods of things are only another aspect of the things which they govern4#ddc ,this mythological classification is therefore merely another form of the preceding one4 ,so we may rest assured that this way of conceiving the world is independent of all ethnic or geographic particularities2 and at the same time it is clearly seen to be closely united to the whole system of totemic beliefs4 ,,ii ,in the paper to which we have already made allusion several times1 we have shown what light these facts throw upon the way in which the idea of kind or class was formed in humanity4 ,in fact1 these systematic classifications are the first we meet with in history1 and we have just seen that they are modelled upon the social organization1 or rather that they have taken the forms of society as their framework4 ,it is the phratries which have served as classes1 and the clans as species4 ,it is because men were organized that they have been able to organize things1 for in classifying these latter1 they limited themselves to giving them places in the groups they formed themselves4 ,and if these different classes of things are not merely put next to each other1 but are arranged according to a unified plan1 it is because the social groups with which they commingle themselves are unified and1 through their union1 form an organic whole1 the tribe4 ,the unity of these first logical systems merely reproduces the unity of the society4 ,thus we have an occasion for verifying the proposition which we laid down at the commencement of this work1 and for assuring ourselves that the fundamental notions of the intellect1 the essential categories of thought1 may be the product of social factors4 ,the above-mentioned facts show clearly that this is the case with the very notion of category itself4 ,however1 it is not our intention to deny that the individual intellect has of itself the power of perceiving resemblances between the different objects of which it is conscious4 ,quite on the contrary1 it is clear that even the most primitive and simple classifications presuppose this faculty4 ,the ,australian does not place things in the same clan or in different clans at random4 ,for him as for us1 similar images attract one another1 while opposed ones repel one another1 and it is on the basis of these feelings of affinity or of repulsion that he classifies the corresponding things in one place or another4 ,there are also cases where we are able to perceive the reasons which inspired this4 ,the two phratries were very probably the original and fundamental bases for these classifications1 which were consequently bifurcate at first4 ,now1 when a classification is reduced to two classes1 these are almost necessarily conceived as antitheses2 they are used primarily as a means of clearly separating things between which there is a very marked contrast4 ,some are set at the right1 the others at the left4 ,as a matter of fact this is the character of the ,australian classifications4 ,if the white cockatoo is in one phratry1 the black one is in the other2 if the sun is on one side1 the moon and the stars of night are on the opposite side4#ddd ,very frequently the beings which serve as the totems of the two phratries have contrary colours4#dde ,these oppositions are even met with outside of ,australia4 ,where one of the phratries is disposed to peace1 the other is disposed to war2#ddf if one has water as its totem1 the other has earth4#ddg ,this is undoubtedly the explanation of why the two phratries have frequently been thought of as naturally antagonistic to one another4 ,they say that there is a sort of rivalry or even a constitutional hostility between them4#ddh ,this opposition of things has extended itself to persons2 the logical contrast has begotten a sort of social conflict4#ddi ,it is also to be observed that within each phratry1 those things have been placed in a single clan which seem to have the greatest affinity with that serving as totem4 ,for example1 the moon has been placed with the black cockatoo1 but the sun1 together with the atmosphere and the wind1 with the white cockatoo4 ,or again1 to a totemic animal has been united all that serves him as food1#dej as well as the animals with which he has the closest connection4#dea ,of course1 we cannot always understand the obscure psychology which has caused many of these connections and distinctions1 but the preceding examples are enough to show that a certain intuition of the resemblances and differences presented by things has played an important part in the genesis of these classifications4 ,but the feeling of resemblances is one thing and the idea of class is another4 ,the class is the external framework of which objects perceived to be similar form1 in part1 the contents4 ,now the contents cannot furnish the frame into which they fit4 ,they are made up of vague and fluctuating images1 due to the super-imposition and partial fusion of a determined number of individual images1 which are found to have common elements2 the framework1 on the contrary1 is a definite form1 with fixed outlines1 but which may be applied to an undetermined number of things1 perceived or not1 actual or possible4 ,in fact1 every class has possibilities of extension which go far beyond the circle of objects which we know1 either from direct experience or from resemblance4 ,this is why every school of thinkers has refused1 and not with good reason1 to identify the idea of class with that of a generic image4 ,the generic image is only the indistinctly-bounded residual representation left in us by similar representations1 when they are present in consciousness simultaneously2 the class is a logical symbol by means of which we think distinctly of these similarities and of other analogous ones4 ,moreover1 the best proof of the distance separating these two notions is that an animal is able to form generic images though ignorant of the art of thinking in classes and species4 ,the idea of class is an instrument of thought which has obviously been constructed by men4 ,but in constructing it1 we have at least had need of a model2 for how could this idea ever have been born1 if there had been nothing either in us or around us which was capable of suggesting it to us8 ,to reply that it was given to us a priori is not to reply at all2 this lazy man's solution is1 as has been said1 the death of analysis4 ,but it is hard to see where we could have found this indispensable model except in the spectacle of the collective life4 ,in fact1 a class is not an ideal1 but a clearly defined group of things between which internal relationships exist1 similar to those of kindred4 ,now the only groups of this sort known from experience are those formed by men in associating themselves4 ,material things may be able to form collections of units1 or heaps1 or mechanical assemblages with no internal unity1 but not groups in the sense we have given the word4 ,a heap of sand or a pile of rock is in no way comparable to that variety of definite and organized society which forms a class4 ,in all probability1 we would never have thought of uniting the beings of the universe into homogeneous groups1 called classes1 if we had not had the example of human societies before our eyes1 if we had not even commenced by making things themselves members of men's society1 and also if human groups and logical groups had not been confused at first4#deb ,it is also to be borne in mind that a classification is a system whose parts are arranged according to a hierarchy4 ,there are dominating members and others which are subordinate to the first2 species and their distinctive properties depend upon classes and the attributes which characterize them2 again1 the different species of a single class are conceived as all placed on the same level in regard to each other4 ,does someone prefer to regard them from the point of view of the understanding8 ,then he represents things to himself in an inverse order3 he puts at the top the species that are the most particularized and the richest in reality1 while the types that are most general and the poorest in qualities are at the bottom4 ,nevertheless1 all are represented in a hierarchic form4 ,and we must be careful not to believe that the expression has only a metaphorical sense here3 there are really relations of subordination and co-ordination1 the establishment of which is the object of all classification1 and men would never have thought of arranging their knowledge in this way if they had not known beforehand what a hierarchy was4 ,but neither the spectacle of physical nature nor the mechanism of mental associations could furnish them with this knowledge4 ,the hierarchy is exclusively a social affair4 ,it is only in society that there are superiors1 inferiors and equals4 ,consequently1 even if the facts were not enough to prove it1 the mere analysis of these ideas would reveal their origin4 ,we have taken them from society1 and projected them into our conceptions of the world4 ,it is society that has furnished the outlines which logical thought has filled in4 ,,iii ,but these primitive classifications have a no less direct interest for the origins of religious thought4 ,they imply that all the things thus classed in a single clan or a single phratry are closely related both to each other and to the thing serving as the totem of this clan or phratry4 ,when an ,australian of the ,port ,mackay tribe says that the sun1 snakes1 etc41 are of the ,yungaroo phratry1 he does not mean merely to apply a common1 but none the less a purely conventional1 nomenclature to these different things2 the word has an objective signification for him4 ,he believes that alligators really are ,yungaroo and that kangaroos are ,wootaroo4 ,the sun is ,yungaroo1 the moon ,wootaroo1 and so on for the constellations1 trees1 plants1 etc4#dec ,an internal bond attaches them to the group in which they are placed2 they are regular members of it4 ,it is said that they belong to the group1#ded just exactly as the individual men make a part of it2 consequently1 the same sort of a relation unites them to these latter4 ,men regard the things in their clan as their relatives or associates2 they call them their friends and think that they are made out of the same flesh as themselves4#dee ,therefore1 between the two there are elective affinities and quite special relations of agreement4 ,things and people have a common name1 and in a certain way they naturally understand each other and harmonize with one another4 ,for example1 when a ,wakelbura of the ,mallera phratry is buried1 the scaffold upon which the body is exposed must be made of the wood of some tree belonging to the ,mallera phratry4#def ,the same is true for the branches that cover the corpse4 ,if the deceased is of the ,banbe class1 a ,banbe tree must be used4 ,in this same tribe1 a magician can use in his art only those things which belong to his own phratry2#deg since the others are strangers to him1 he does not know how to make them obey him4 ,thus a bond of mystic sympathy unites each individual to those beings1 whether living or not1 which are associated with him2 the result of this is a belief in the possibility of deducing what he will do or what he has done from what they are doing4 ,among these same ,wakelbura1 when a man dreams that he has killed an animal belonging to a certain social division1 he expects to meet a man of this same division the next day4#deh ,inversely1 the things attributed to a clan or phratry cannot be used against the members of this clan or phratry4 ,among the ,wotjobaluk1 each phratry has its own special trees4 ,now in hunting an animal of the ,gurogity phratry1 only arms whose wood is taken from trees of the other phratry may be used1 and vice versa2 otherwise the hunter is sure to miss his aim4#dei ,the native is convinced that the arrow would turn of itself and refuse1 so to speak1 to hit a kindred and friendly animal4 ,thus the men of the clan and the things which are classified in it form by their union a solid system1 all of whose parts are united and vibrate sympathetically4 ,this organization1 which at first may have appeared to us as purely logical1 is at the same time moral4 ,a single principle animates it and makes its unity3 this is the totem4 ,just as a man who belongs to the ,crow clan has within him something of this animal1 so the rain1 since it is of the same clan and belongs to the same totem1 is also necessarily considered as being the same thing as a crow2 for the same reason1 the moon is a black cockatoo1 the sun a white cockatoo1 every black-nut tree a pelican1 etc4 ,all the beings arranged in a single clan1 whether men1 animals1 plants or inanimate objects1 are merely forms of the totemic being4 ,this is the meaning of the formula which we have just cited and this is what makes the two really of the same species3 all are really of the same flesh in the sense that all partake of the nature of the totemic animal4 ,also1 the qualifiers given them are those given to the totem4#dfj ,the ,wotjobaluk give the name ,mir both to the totem and to the things classed with it4#dfa ,it is true that among the ,arunta1 where visible traces of classification still exist1 as we shall see1 different words designate the totem and the other beings placed with it2 however1 the name given to these latter bears witness to the close relations which unite them to the totemic animal4 ,it is said that they are its intimates1 its associates1 its friends2 it is believed that they are inseparable from it4#dfb ,so there is a feeling that these are very closely related things4 ,but we also know that the totemic animal is a sacred being4 ,all the things that are classified in the clan of which it is the emblem have this same character1 because in one sense1 they are animals of the same species1 just as the man is4 ,they1 too1 are sacred1 and the classifications which locate them in relation to the other things of the universe1 by that very act give them a place in the religious world4 ,for this reason1 the animals or plants among these may not be eaten freely by the human members of the clan4 ,thus in the ,mount ,gambier tribe1 the men whose totem is a certain non-poisonous snake must not merely refrain from eating the flesh of this snake2 that of seals1 eels1 etc41 is also forbidden to them4#dfc ,if1 driven by necessity1 they do eat some of it1 they must at least attenuate the sacrilege by expiatory rites1 just as if they had eaten the totem itself4#dfd ,among the ,euahlayi1 where it is permitted to use the totem1 but not to abuse it1 the same rule is applied to the other members of the clan4#dfe ,among the ,arunta1 the interdictions protecting the totemic animal extend over the associated animals2#dff and in any case1 particular attention must be given to these latter4#dfg ,the sentiments inspired by the two are identical4#dfh ,but the fact that the things thus attached to the totem are not of a different nature from it1 and consequently have a religious character1 is best proved by the fact that on certain occasions they fulfil the same functions4 ,they are accessory or secondary totems1 or1 according to an expression now consecrated by usage1 they are sub-totems4#dfi ,it is constantly happening in the clans that under the influence of various sympathies1 particular affinities are forming1 smaller groups and more limited associations arise1 which tend to lead a relatively autonomous life and to form a new subdivision like a sub-clan within the larger one4 ,in order to distinguish and individualize itself1 this sub-clan needs a special totem or1 consequently1 a sub-totem4#dgj ,now the totems of these secondary groups are chosen from among the things classified under the principal totem4 ,so they are always almost totems and the slightest circumstance is enough to make them actually so4 ,there is a latent totemic nature in them1 which shows itself as soon as conditions permit it or demand it4 ,it thus happens that a single individual has two totems1 a principal totem common to the whole clan and a sub-totem which is special to the sub-clan of which he is a member4 ,this is something analogous to the nomen and cognomen of the ,romans4#dga ,sometimes we see a sub-clan emancipate itself completely and become an autonomous group and an independent clan2 then1 the sub-totem1 on its side1 becomes a regular totem4 ,one tribe where this process of segmentation has been pushed to the limit1 so to speak1 is the ,arunta4 ,the information contained in the first book of ,spencer and ,gillen showed that there were some sixty totems among the ,arunta2#dgb but the recent researches of ,strehlow have shown the number to be much larger4 ,he counted no less than #ddb4dgc ,spencer and ,gillen did not exaggerate at all when they said1 ,in fact1 there is scarcely an object1 animate or inanimate1 to be found in the country occupied by the natives which does not give its name to some totemic group4#dgd ,now this multitude of totems1 whose number is prodigious when compared to the population1 is due to the fact that under special circumstances1 the original clans have divided and sub-divided infinitely2 consequently nearly all the sub-totems have passed to the stage of totems4 ,this has been definitely proved by the observations of ,strehlow4 ,spencer and ,gillen cited only certain isolated cases of associated totems4#dge ,strehlow has shown that this is in reality an absolutely general organization4 ,he has been able to draw up a table where nearly all the totems of the ,arunta are classified according to this principle3 all are attached1 either as associates or as auxiliaries1 to some sixty principal totems4#dgf ,the first are believed to be in the service of the second4#dgg ,this state of dependence is very probably the echo of a time when the allies of to-day were only sub-totems1 and consequently when the tribe contained only a small number of clans subdivided into sub-clans4 ,numerous survivals confirm this hypothesis4 ,it frequently happens that two groups thus associated have the same totemic emblem3 now this unity of emblem is explicable only if the two groups were at first only one4#dgh ,the relation of the two clans is also shown by the part and the interest that each one takes in the rites of the other4 ,the two cults are still only imperfectly separated2 this is very probably because they were at first completely intermingled4#dgi ,tradition explains the bonds which unite them by imagining that formerly the two clans occupied neighbouring places4#dhj ,in other cases1 the myth says expressly that one of them was derived from the other4 ,it is related that at first the associated animal belonged to the species still serving as principal totem2 it differentiated itself at a later period4 ,thus the chantunga birds1 which are associated with the witchetly grub to-day1 were witchetly grubs in fabulous times1 who later transformed themselves into birds4 ,two species which are now attached to the honey-ant were formerly honey-ants1 etc4#dha ,this transformation of a sub-totem into a totem goes on by imperceptible degrees1 so that in certain cases the situation is undecided1 and it is hard to say whether one is dealing with a principal totem or a secondary one4#dhb ,as ,howitt says in regard to the ,wotjobaluk1 there are sub-totems which are totems in formation4#dhc ,thus the different things classified in a clan constitute1 as it were1 so many nuclei around which new totemic cults are able to form4 ,this is the best proof of the religious sentiments which they inspire4 ,if they did not have a sacred character1 they could not be promoted so easily to the same dignity as the things which are sacred before all others1 the regular totems4 ,so the field of religious things extends well beyond the limits within which it seemed to be confined at first4 ,it embraces not only the totemic animals and the human members of the clan2 but since no known thing exists that is not classified in a clan and under a totem1 there is likewise nothing which does not receive to some degree something of a religious character4 ,when1 in the religions which later come into being1 the gods properly so-called appear1 each of them will be set over a special category of natural phenomena1 this one over the sea1 that one over the air1 another over the harvest or over fruits1 etc41 and each of these provinces of nature will be believed to draw what life there is in it from the god upon whom it depends4 ,this division of nature among the different divinities constitutes the conception which these religions give us of the universe4 ,now so long as humanity has not passed the phase of totemism1 the different totems of the tribe fulfil exactly the same functions that will later fall upon the divine personalities4 ,in the ,mount ,gambier tribe1 which we have taken as our principal example1 there are ten clans2 consequently the entire world is divided into ten classes1 or rather into ten families1 each of which has a special totem as its basis4 ,it is from this basis that the things classed in the clan get all their reality1 for they are thought of as variant forms of the totemic being2 to return to our example1 the rain1 thunder1 lightning1 clouds1 hail and winter are regarded as different sorts of crows4 ,when brought together1 these ten families of things make up a complete and systematic representation of the world2 and this representation is religious1 for religious notions furnish its basis4 ,far from being limited to one or two categories of beings1 the domain of totemic religion extends to the final limits of the known universe4 ,just like the ,greek religion1 it puts the divine everywhere2 the celebrated formula ,greek3 panta plr then 7everything is full of the gods71 might equally well serve it as motto4 ,however1 if totemism is to be represented thus1 the notion of it which has long been held must be modified on one essential point4 ,until the discoveries of recent years1 it was made to consist entirely in the cult of one particular totem1 and it was defined as the religion of the clan4 ,from this point of view1 each tribe seemed to have as many totemic religions1 each independent of the others1 as it had different clans4 ,this conception was also in harmony with the idea currently held of the clan2 in fact1 this was regarded as an autonomous society1#dhd more or less closed to other similar societies1 or having only external and superficial relations with these latter4 ,but the reality is more complex4 ,undoubtedly1 the cult of each totem has its home in the corresponding clan2 it is there1 and only there1 that it is celebrated2 it is members of the clan who have charge of it2 it is through them that it is transmitted from one generation to another1 along with the beliefs which are its basis4 ,but it is also true that the different totemic cults thus practised within a single tribe do not have a parallel development1 though remaining ignorant of each other1 as if each of them constituted a complete and self-sufficing religion4 ,on the contrary1 they mutually imply each other2 they are only the parts of a single whole1 the elements of a single religion4 ,the men of one clan never regard the beliefs of neighbouring clans with that indifference1 scepticism or hostility which one religion ordinarily inspires for another which is foreign to it2 they partake of these beliefs themselves4 ,the ,crow people are also convinced that the ,snake people have a mythical serpent as ancestor1 and that they owe special virtues and marvellous powers to this origin4 ,and have we not seen that at least in certain conditions1 a man may eat a totem that is not his own only after he has observed certain ritual formalities8 ,especially1 he must demand the permission of the men of this totem1 if any are present4 ,so for him also1 this food is not entirely profane2 he also admits that there are intimate affinities between the members of a clan of which he is not a member and the animal whose name they bear4 ,also1 this community of belief is sometimes shown in the cult4 ,if in theory the rites concerning a totem can be performed only by the men of this totem1 nevertheless representatives of different clans frequently assist at them4 ,it sometimes happens that their part is not simply that of spectators2 it is true that they do not officiate1 but they decorate the officiants and prepare the service4 ,they themselves have an interest in its being celebrated2 therefore1 in certain tribes1 it is they who invite the qualified clan to proceed with the ceremonies4#dhe ,there is even a whole cycle of rites which must take place in the presence of the assembled tribe3 these are the totemic ceremonies of initiation4#dhf ,finally1 the totemic organization1 such as we have just described it1 must obviously be the result of some sort of an indistinct understanding between all the members of the tribe4 ,it is impossible that each clan should have made its beliefs in an absolutely independent manner2 it is absolutely necessary that the cults of the different totems should be in some way adjusted to each other1 since they complete one another exactly4 ,in fact1 we have seen that normally a single totem is not repeated twice in the same tribe1 and that the whole universe is divided up among the totems thus constituted in such a way that the same object is not found in two different clans4 ,so methodical a division could never have been made without an agreement1 tacit or planned1 in which the whole tribe participated4 ,so the group of beliefs which thus arise are partially 7but only partially7 a tribal affair4#dhg ,to sum up1 then1 in order to form an adequate idea of totemism1 we must not confine ourselves within the limits of the clan1 but must consider the tribe as a whole4 ,it is true that the particular cult of each clan enjoys a very great autonomy2 we can now see that it is within the clan that the active ferment of the religious life takes place4 ,but it is also true that these cults fit into each other and the totemic religion is a complex system formed by their union1 just as ,greek polytheism was made by the union of all the particular cults addressed to the different divinities4 ,we have just shown that1 thus understood1 totemism also has it cosmology4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,totemic ,,beliefs--end ,the ,individual ,totem and the ,sexual ,totem ,up to the present1 we have studied totemism only as a public institution3 the only totems of which we have spoken are common to a clan1 a phratry or1 in a sense1 to a tribe2#dhh an individual has a part in them only as a member of a group4 ,but we know that there is no religion which does not have an individual aspect4 ,this general observation is applicable to totemism4 ,in addition to the impersonal and collective totems which hold the first place1 there are others which are peculiar to each individual1 which express his personality1 and whose cult he celebrates in private4 ,i ,in certain ,australian tribes1 and in the majority of the ,indian tribes of ,north ,america1#dhi each individual personally sustains relations with some determined object1 which are comparable to those which each clan sustains with its totem4 ,this is sometimes an inanimate being or an artificial object2 but it is generally an animal4 ,in certain cases1 a special part of the organism1 such as the head1 the feet or the liver1 fulfils this office4#dij ,the name of the thing also serves as the name of the individual4 ,it is his personal name1 his forename1 which is added to that of the collective totem1 as the praenomen of the ,romans was to the nomen gentilicium4 ,it is true that this fact is not reported except in a certain number of societies1#dia but it is probably general4 ,in fact1 we shall presently show that there is an identity of nature between the individual and the thing2 now an identity of nature implies one of name4 ,being given in the course of especially important religious ceremonies1 this forename has a sacred character4 ,it is not pronounced in the ordinary circumstances of profane life4 ,it even happens that the word designating this object in the ordinary language must be modified to a greater or less extent if it is to serve in this particular case4#dib ,this is because the terms of the usual language are excluded from the religious life4 ,in certain ,american tribes1 at least1 this name is reinforced by an emblem belonging to each individual and representing1 under various forms1 the thing designated by the name4 ,for example1 each ,mandan wears the skin of the animal of which he is the namesake4#dic ,if it is a bird1 he decorates himself with its feathers4#did ,the ,hurons and ,algonquins tattoo their bodies with its image4#die ,it is represented on their arms4#dif ,among the north-western tribes1 the individual emblem1 just like the collective emblem of the clan1 is carved or engraved on the utensils1 houses1#dig etc42 it serves as a mark of ownership4#dih ,frequently the two coats-of-arms are combined together1 which partially explains the great diversity of aspects presented by the totemic escutcheons among these peoples4#dii ,between the individual and his animal namesake there exist the very closest bonds4 ,the man participates in the nature of the animal2 he has its good qualities as well as its faults4 ,for example1 a man having the eagle as his coat-of-arms is believed to possess the gift of seeing into the future2 if he is named after a bear1 they say that he is apt to be wounded in combat1 for the bear is heavy and slow and easily caught2#ejj if the animal is despised1 the man is the object of the same sentiment4#eja ,the relationship of the two is even so close that it is believed that in certain circumstances1 especially in case of danger1 the man can take the form of the animal4#ejb ,inversely1 the animal is regarded as a double of the man1 as his alter ego4#ejc ,the association of the two is so close that their destinies are frequently thought to be bound up together3 nothing can happen to one without the other's feeling a reaction4#ejd ,if the animal dies1 the life of the man is menaced4 ,thus it comes to be a very general rule that one should not kill the animal1 nor eat its flesh4 ,this interdiction1 which1 when concerning the totem of the clan1 allows of all sorts of attenuations and modifications1 is now much more formal and absolute4#eje ,on its side1 the animal protects the man and serves him as a sort of patron4 ,it informs him of possible dangers and of the way of escaping them2#ejf they say that it is his friend4#ejg ,since it frequently happens to possess marvellous powers1 it communicates them to its human associate1 who believes in them1 even under the proof of bullets1 arrows1 and blows of every sort4#ejh ,this confidence of an individual in the efficacy of his protector is so great that he braves the greatest dangers and accomplishes the most disconcerting feats with an intrepid serenity3 faith gives him the necessary courage and strength4#eji ,however1 the relations of a man with his patron are not purely and simply those of dependence4 ,he1 on his side1 is able to act upon the animal4 ,he gives it orders2 he has influence over it4 ,a ,kurnai having the shark as ally and friend believes that he can disperse the sharks who menace a boat1 by means of a charm4#eaj ,in other cases1 the relations thus contracted are believed to confer upon the man a special aptitude for hunting the animal with success4#eaa ,the very nature of these relations seems clearly to imply that the being to which each individual is thus associated is only an individual itself1 and not a species4 ,a man does not have a species as his alter ego4 ,in fact1 there are cases where it is certainly a certain determined tree1 rock or stone that fulfils this function4#eab ,it must be thus every time that it is an animal1 and that the existences of the animal and the man are believed to be connected4 ,a man could not be united so closely to a whole species1 for there is not a day nor1 so to speak1 an instant when the species does not lose some one of its members4 ,yet the primitive has a certain incapacity for thinking of the individual apart from the species2 the bonds uniting him to the one readily extend to the other2 he confounds the two in the same sentiment4 ,thus the entire species becomes sacred for him4#eac ,this protector is naturally given different names in different societies3 nagual among the ,indians of ,mexico1#ead manitou among the ,algonquins and okki among the ,hurons1#eae snam among certain ,salish1#eaf sulia among others1#eag budjan among the ,yuin1#eah yunbeai among the ,euahlayi1#eai etc4 ,owing to the importance of these beliefs and practices among the ,indians of ,north ,america1 some have proposed creating a word nagualism or manitouism to designate them4#ebj ,but in giving them a special and distinctive name1 we run the risk of misunderstanding their relations with the rest of totemism4 ,in fact1 the same principle is applied in the one case to the clan and in the other to the individual4 ,in both cases we find the same belief that there are vital connections between the things and the men1 and that the former are endowed with special powers1 of which their human allies may also enjoy the advantage4 ,we also find the same custom of giving the man the name of the thing with which he is associated and of adding an emblem to this name4 ,the totem is the patron of the clan1 just as the patron of the individual is his personal totem4 ,so it is important that our terminology should make the relationship of the two systems apparent2 that is why we1 with ,frazer1 shall give the name individual totemism to the cult rendered by each individual to his patron4 ,a further justification of this expression is found in the fact that in certain cases the primitive himself uses the same word to designate the totem of the clan and the animal protector of the individual4#eba ,if ,tylor and ,powell have rejected this term and demanded different ones for these two sorts of religious institutions1 it is because the collective totem is1 in their opinion1 only a name or label1 having no religious character4#ebb ,but we1 on the contrary1 know that it is a sacred thing1 and even more so than the protecting animal4 ,moreover1 the continuation of our study will show how these two varieties of totemism are inseparable from each other4#ebc ,yet1 howsoever close the kinship between these two institutions may be1 there are important differences between them4 ,while the clan believes that it is the offspring of the animal or plant serving it as totem1 the individual does not believe that he has any relationship of descent with his personal totem4 ,it is a friend1 an associate1 a protector2 but it is not a relative4 ,he takes advantage of the virtues it is believed to possess2 but he is not of the same blood4 ,in the second place1 the members of a clan allow neighbouring clans to eat of the animal whose name they bear collectively1 under the simple condition that the necessary formalities shall be observed4 ,but1 on the contrary1 the individual respects the species to which his personal totem belongs and also protects it against strangers1 at least in those parts where the destiny of the man is held to be bound up with that of the animal4 ,but the chief difference between these two sorts of totems is in the manner in which they are acquired4 ,the collective totem is a part of the civil status of each individual3 it is generally hereditary2 in any case1 it is birth which designates it1 and the wish of men counts for nothing4 ,sometimes the child has the totem of his mother 7,kamilaroi1 ,dieri1 ,urabunna1 etc472 sometimes that of his father 7,narrinyeri1 ,warramunga1 etc472 sometimes the one predominating in the locality where his mother conceived 7,arunta1 ,loritja74 ,but1 on the contrary1 the individual totem is acquired by a deliberate act3#ebd a whole series of ritual operations are necessary to determine it4 ,the method generally employed by the ,indians of ,north ,america is as follows4 ,about the time of puberty1 as the time for initiation approaches1 the young man withdraws into a distant place1 for example1 into a forest4 ,there1 during a period varying from a few days to several years1 he submits himself to all sorts of exhausting and unnatural exercises4 ,he fasts1 mortifies himself and inflicts various mutilations upon himself4 ,now he wanders about1 uttering violent cries and veritable howls2 now he lies extended1 motionless and lamenting1 upon the ground4 ,sometimes he dances1 prays and invokes his ordinary divinities4 ,at last1 he thus gets himself into an extreme state of super-excitation1 verging on delirium4 ,when he has reached this paroxysm1 his representations readily take on the character of hallucinations4 ,when1 says ,heckewelder1 a boy is on the eve of being initiated1 he is submitted to an alternating rgime of fasts and medical treatment2 he abstains from all food and takes the most powerful and repugnant drugs3 at times1 he drinks intoxicating concoctions until his mind really wanders4 ,then he has1 or thinks he has1 visions and extraordinary dreams to which he was of course predisposed by all this training4 ,he imagines himself flying through the air1 advancing under the ground1 jumping from one mountain-top to another across the valleys1 and fighting and conquering giants and monsters4#ebe ,if in these circumstances he sees1 or1 as amounts to the same thing1 he thinks he sees1 while dreaming or while awake1 an animal appearing to him in an attitude seeming to show friendly intentions1 then he imagines that he has discovered the patron he awaited4#ebf ,yet this procedure is rarely employed in ,australia4#ebg ,on this continent1 the personal totem seems to be imposed by a third party1 either at birth#ebh or at the moment of initiation4#ebi ,generally it is a relative who takes this part1 or else a personage invested with special powers1 such as an old man or a magician4 ,sometimes divination is used for this purpose4 ,for example1 on ,charlotte ,bay1 ,cape ,bedford or the ,proserpine ,river1 the grandmother or some other old woman takes a little piece of umbilical cord to which the placenta is still attached and whirls it about quite violently4 ,meanwhile the other old women propose different names4 ,that one is adopted which happens to be pronounced just at the moment when the cord breaks4#ecj ,among the ,yarrai-kanna of ,cape ,york1 after a tooth has been knocked out of the young initiate1 they give him a little water to rinse his mouth and ask him to spit in a bucket full of water4 ,the old men carefully examine the clot formed by the blood and saliva thus spit out1 and the natural object whose shape it resembles becomes the personal totem of the young man4#eca ,in other cases1 the totem is transmitted from one individual to another1 for example from father to son1 or uncle to nephew4#ecb ,this method is also used in ,america4 ,in a case reported by ,hill ,tout1 the operator was a shaman1#ecc who wished to transmit his totem to his nephew4 ,the uncle took the symbol of his snam 7his personal totem71 which in this case was a dried bird's skin1 and bade his nephew breathe upon it4 ,he then blew upon it also himself1 uttered some mystic words and the dried skin seemed to ,paul 7the nephew7 to become a living bird1 which flew about them a moment or two and then finally disappeared4 ,paul was then instructed by his uncle to procure that day a bird's skin of the same kind as his uncle's and wear it on his person4 ,this he did1 and that night he had a dream1 in which the snam appeared to him in the shape of a human being1 disclosed to him its mystic name by which it might be summoned1 and promised him protection4#ecd ,not only is the individual totem acquired and not given1 but ordinarily the acquisition of one is not obligatory4 ,in the first place1 there are a multitude of tribes in ,australia where the custom seems to be absolutely unknown4#ece ,also1 even where it does exist1 it is frequently optional4 ,thus among the ,euahlayi1 while all the magicians have individual totems from which they get their powers1 there are a great number of laymen who have none at all4 ,it is a favour given by the magician1 but which he reserves for his friends1 his favourites and those who aspire to becoming his colleagues4#ecf ,likewise1 among certain ,salish1 persons desiring to excel especially either in fighting or in hunting1 or aspirants to the position of shaman1 are the only ones who provide themselves with protectors of this sort4#ecg ,so among certain peoples1 at least1 the individual totem seems to be considered an advantage and convenient thing rather than a necessity4 ,it is a good thing to have1 but a man can do without one4 ,inversely1 a man need not limit himself to a single totem2 if he wishes to be more fully protected1 nothing hinders his seeking and acquiring several1#ech and if the one he has fulfils its part badly1 he can change it4#eci ,but while it is more optional and free1 individual totemism contains within it a force of resistance never attained by the totemism of the clan4 ,one of the chief informers of ,hill ,tout was a baptized ,salish2 however1 though he had sincerely abandoned the faith of his fathers1 and though he had become a model catechist1 still his faith in the efficacy of the personal totems remained unshaken4#edj ,similarly1 though no visible traces of collective totemism remain in civilized countries1 the idea that there is a connection between each individual and some animal1 plant or other object1 is at the bottom of many customs still observable in many ,european countries4#eda ,,ii ,between collective totemism and individual totemism there is an intermediate form partaking of the characteristics of each3 this is sexual totemism4 ,it is found only in ,australia and in a small number of tribes4 ,it is mentioned especially in ,victoria and ,new ,south ,wales4#edb ,mathews1 it is true1 claims to have observed it in all the parts of ,australia that he has visited1 but he gives no precise facts to support this affirmation4#edc ,among these different peoples1 all the men of the tribe on the one hand1 and all the women on the other1 to whatever special clan they may belong1 form1 as it were1 two distinct and even antagonistic societies4 ,now each of these two sexual corporations believes that it is united by mystical bonds to a determined animal4 ,among the ,kurnai1 all the men think they are brothers1 as it were1 of the emu-wren 7,yeer7ung71 all the women1 that they are as sisters of the linnet 7,djeetg7un72 all the men are ,yeer7ung and all the women are ,djeetg7un4 ,among the ,wotjobaluk and the ,wurunjerri1 it is the bat and the nightjar 7a species of screech-owl7 respectively who take this rle4 ,in other tribes1 the woodpecker is substituted for the nightjar4 ,each sex regards the animal to which it is thus related as a sort of protector which must be treated with the greatest regard2 it is also forbidden to kill and eat it4#edd ,thus this protecting animal plays the same part in relation to the sexual society that the totem of the clan plays to this latter group4 ,so the expression sexual totemism1 which we borrow from ,frazer1#ede is justified4 ,this new sort of totem resembles that of the clan particularly in that it1 too1 is collective2 it belongs to all the people of one sex indiscriminately4 ,it also resembles this form in that it implies a relationship of descent and consanguinity between the animal patron and the corresponding sex3 among the ,kurnai1 all the men are believed to be descended from ,yeer7ung and all the women from ,djeetg7un4#edf ,the first observer to point out this curious institution described it1 in #ahcd1 in the following terms3 ,tilmun1 a little bird the size of a thrush 7it is a sort of woodpecker71 is supposed by the women to be the first maker of women4 ,these birds are held in veneration by the women only4#edg ,so it was a great ancestor4 ,but in other ways1 this same totem resembles the individual totem4 ,in fact1 it is believed that each member of a sexual group is personally united to a determined individual of the corresponding animal species4 ,the two lives are so closely associated that the death of the animal brings about that of the man4 ,the life of a bat1 say the ,wotjobaluk1 is the life of a man4#edh ,that is why each sex not only respects its own totem1 but forces the members of the other to do so as well4 ,every violation of this interdiction gives rise to actual bloody battles between the men and the women4#edi ,finally1 the really original feature of these totems is that they are1 in a sense1 a sort of tribal totems4 ,in fact1 they result from men's representing the tribe as descended as a whole from one couple of mythical beings4 ,such a belief seems to demonstrate clearly that the tribal sentiment has acquired sufficient force to resist1 at least to a considerable extent1 the particularism of the clans4 ,in regard to the distinct origins assigned to men and to women1 it must be said that its cause is to be sought in the separate conditions in which the men and the women live4#eej ,it would be interesting to know how the sexual totems are related to the totems of the clans1 according to the theory of the ,australians1 what relations there were between the two ancestors thus placed at the commencement of the tribe1 and from which one each special clan is believed to be descended4 ,but the ethnographical data at our present disposal do not allow us to resolve these questions4 ,moreover1 however natural and even necessary it may appear to us1 it is very possible that the natives never raised it4 ,they do not feel the need of co-ordinating and systematizing their beliefs as strongly as we do4#eea ,,chapter ,v ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs ,critical ,examination of ,preceding ,theories ,the beliefs which we have just summarized are manifestly of a religious nature1 since they imply a division of things into sacred and profane4 ,it is certain that there is no thought of spiritual beings1 and in the course of our exposition we have not even had occasion to pronounce the words1 spirits1 genii or divine personalities4 ,but if certain writers1 of whom we shall have something more to say presently1 have1 for this reason1 refused to regard totemism as a religion1 it is because they have an inexact notion of what religious phenomena are4 ,on the other hand1 we are assured that this religion is the most primitive one that is now observable and even1 in all probability1 that has ever existed4 ,in fact1 it is inseparable from a social organization on a clan basis4 ,not only is it impossible1 as we have already pointed out1 to define it except in connection with the clan1 but it even seems as though the clan could not exist1 in the form it has taken in a great number of ,australian societies1 without the totem4 ,for the members of a single clan are not united to each other either by a common habitat or by common blood1 as they are not necessarily consanguineous and are frequently scattered over different parts of the tribal territory4 ,their unity comes solely from their having the same name and the same emblem1 their believing that they have the same relations with the same categories of things1 their practising the same rites1 or1 in a word1 from their participating in the same totemic cult4 ,thus totemism and the clan mutually imply each other1 in so far1 at least1 as the latter is not confounded with the local group4 ,now the social organization on a clan basis is the simplest which we know4 ,in fact1 it exists in all its essential elements from the moment when the society includes two primary clans2 consequently1 we may say that there are none more rudimentary1 as long as societies reduced to a single clan have not been discovered1 and we believe that up to the present no traces of such have been found4 ,a religion so closely connected to a social system surpassing all others in simplicity may well be regarded as the most elementary religion we can possibly know4 ,if we succeed in discovering the origins of the beliefs which we have just analysed1 we shall very probably discover at the same time the causes leading to the rise of the religious sentiment in humanity4 ,but before treating this question for ourselves1 we must examine the most authorized solutions of it which have already been proposed4 ,i ,in the first place1 we find a group of scholars who believe that they can account for totemism by deriving it from some previous religion4 ,for ,tylor#eeb and ,wilken1#eec totemism is a special form of the cult of the ancestors2 it was the widespread doctrine of the transmigration of souls that served as a bridge between these two religious systems4 ,a large number of peoples believe that after death1 the soul does not remain disincarnate for ever1 but presently animates another living body2 on the other hand1 the lower psychology1 drawing no definite line of demarcation between the souls of men and of beasts1 can at least admit without difficulty the transmigration of human souls into the bodies of the lower animals4#eed ,tylor cites a certain number of cases4#eee ,under these circumstances1 the religious respect inspired by the ancestor is quite naturally attached to the animal or plant with which he is presently confounded4 ,the animal thus serving as a receptacle for a venerated being becomes a holy thing1 the object of a cult1 that is1 a totem1 for all the descendants of the ancestor1 who form the clan descended from him4 ,facts pointed out by ,wilken among the societies of the ,malay ,archipelago would tend to prove that it really was in this manner that the totemic beliefs originated4 ,in ,java and ,sumatra1 crocodiles are especially honoured2 they are regarded as benevolent protectors who must not be killed2 offerings are made to them4 ,now the cult thus rendered to them is due to their being supposed to incarnate the souls of ancestors4 ,the ,malays of the ,philippines consider the crocodile their grandfather2 the tiger is treated in the same way for the same reasons4 ,similar beliefs have been observed among the ,bantous4#eef ,in ,melanesia it sometimes happens that an influential man1 at the moment of death1 announces his desire to reincarnate himself in a certain animal or plant2 it is easily understood how the object thus chosen as his posthumous residence becomes sacred for his whole family4#eeg ,so1 far from being a primitive fact1 totemism would seem to be the product of a more complex religion which preceded it4#eeh ,but the societies from which these facts were taken had already arrived at a rather advanced stage of culture2 in any case1 they had passed the stage of pure totemism4 ,they have families and not totemic clans4#eei ,even the majority of the animals to which religious honours are thus rendered are venerated1 not by special groups of families1 but by the tribes as a whole4 ,so if these beliefs and practices do have some connection with ancient totemic cults1 they now represent only altered forms of them#efj and are consequently not very well fitted for showing us their origins4 ,it is not by studying an institution at the moment when it is in full decadence that we can learn how it was formed4 ,if we want to know how totemism originated1 it is neither in ,java nor ,sumatra nor ,melanesia that we must study it1 but in ,australia4 ,here we find neither a cult of the dead#efa nor the doctrine of transmigration4 ,of course they believe that the mythical heroes1 the founders of the clan1 reincarnate themselves periodically2 but this is in human bodies only2 each birth1 as we shall see1 is the product of one of these reincarnations4 ,so if the animals of the totemic species are the object of rites1 it is not because the ancestral souls are believed to reside in them4 ,it is true that the first ancestors are frequently represented under the form of an animal1 and this very common representation is an important fact for which we must account2 but it was not the belief in metempsychosis which gave it birth1 for this belief is unknown among ,australian societies4 ,moreover1 far from being able to explain totemism1 this belief takes for granted one of the fundamental principles upon which this rests2 that is to say1 it begs the question to be explained4 ,it1 just as much as totemism1 implies that man is considered a close relative of the animal2 for if these two kingdoms were clearly distinguished in the mind1 men would never believe that a human soul could pass so easily from one into the other4 ,it is even necessary that the body of the animal be considered its true home1 for it is believed to go there as soon as it regains its liberty4 ,now while the doctrine of transmigration postulates this singular affinity1 it offers no explanation of it4 ,the only explanation offered by ,tylor is that men sometimes resemble in certain traits the anatomy and physiology of the animal4 ,the half-human features and actions and characters of animals are watched with wondering sympathy by the savage1 as by the child4 ,the beast is the very incarnation of familiar qualities of man3 and such names as lion1 bear1 fox1 owl1 parrot1 viper1 worm1 when we apply them as epithets to men1 condense into a word some leading features of a human life4#efb ,but even if these resemblances are met with1 they are uncertain and exceptional2 before all else1 men resemble their relatives and companions1 and not plants and animals4 ,such rare and questionable analogies could not overcome such unanimous proofs1 nor could they lead a man to think of himself and his forefathers in forms contradicted by daily experience4 ,so this question remains untouched1 and as long as it is not answered1 we cannot say that totemism is explained4#efc ,finally1 this whole theory rests upon a fundamental misunderstanding4 ,for ,tylor as for ,wundt1 totemism is only a particular case of the cult of animals4#efd ,but we1 on the contrary1 know that it is something very different from a sort of animal-worship4#efe ,the animal is never adored2 the man is nearly its equal and sometimes even treats it as his possession1 so far is he from being subordinate to it like a believer before his god4 ,if the animals of the totemic species are really believed to incarnate the ancestors1 the members of foreign clans would not be allowed to eat their flesh freely4 ,in reality1 it is not to the animal as such that the cult is addressed1 but to the emblem and the image of the totem4 ,now between this religion of the emblem and the ancestor-cult1 there is no connection whatsoever4 ,while ,tylor derives totemism from the ancestor-cult1 ,jevons derives it from the nature-cult1#eff and here is how he does so4 ,when1 under the impulse of the surprise occasioned by the irregularities observed in the course of phenomena1 men had once peopled the world with supernatural beings1#efg they felt the need of making agreements with these redoubtable forces with which they had surrounded themselves4 ,they understood that the best way to escape being overwhelmed by them was to ally themselves to some of them1 and thus make sure of their aid4 ,but at this period of history men knew no other form of alliance and association than the one resulting from kinship4 ,all the members of a single clan aid each other mutually because they are kindred or1 as amounts to the same thing1 because they think they are2 on the other hand1 different clans treat each other as enemies because they are of different blood4 ,so the only way of assuring themselves of the support of these supernatural beings was to adopt them as kindred and to be adopted by them in the same quality3 the well-known processes of the blood-covenant permitted them to attain this result quite easily4 ,but since at this period1 the individual did not yet have a real personality1 and was regarded only as a part of his group1 or clan1 it was the clan as a whole1 and not the individual1 which collectively contracted this relationship4 ,for the same reason1 it was contracted1 not with a particular object1 but with the natural group or species of which this object was a part2 for men think of the world as they think of themselves1 and just as they could not conceive themselves apart from their clans1 so they were unable to conceive of anything else as distinct from the species to which it belonged4 ,now a species of things united to a clan by a bond of kinship is1 says ,jevons1 a totem4 ,in fact1 it is certain that totemism implies the close association of a clan to a determined category of objects4 ,but that this association was contracted with a deliberate design and in the full consciousness of an end sought after1 as ,jevons would have us believe1 is a statement having but little harmony with what history teaches4 ,religions are too complex1 and answer to needs that are too many and too obscure1 to have their origin in a premeditated act of the will4 ,and while it sins through over-simplicity1 this hypothesis is also highly improbable4 ,it says that men sought to assure themselves of the aid of the supernatural beings upon which things depend4 ,then they should preferably have addressed themselves to the most powerful of these1 and to those whose protection promised to be the most beneficial4#efh ,but quite on the contrary1 the beings with whom they have formed this mystic kinship are often among the most humble which exist4 ,also1 if it were only a question of making allies and defenders1 they would have tried to make as many as possible2 for one cannot be defended too well4 ,yet as a matter of fact1 each clan systematically contents itself with a single totem1 that is to say1 with one single protector1 leaving the other clans to enjoy their own in perfect liberty4 ,each group confines itself within its own religious domain1 never seeking to trespass upon that of its neighbours4 ,this reserve and moderation are inexplicable according to the hypothesis under consideration4 ,,ii ,moreover1 all these theories are wrong in omitting one question which dominates the whole subject4 ,we have seen that there are two sorts of totemism3 that of the individual and that of the clan4 ,there is too evident a kinship between the two for them not to have some connection with each other4 ,so we may well ask if one is not derived from the other1 and1 in the case of an affirmative answer1 which is the more primitive2 according to the solution accepted1 the problem of the origins of totemism will be posed in different terms4 ,this question becomes all the more necessary because of its general interest4 ,individual totemism is an individual aspect of the totemic cult4 ,then if it was the primitive fact1 we must say that religion is born in the consciousness of the individual1 that before all else1 it answers to individual aspirations1 and that its collective form is merely secondary4 ,the desire for an undue simplicity1 with which ethnologists and sociologists are too frequently inspired1 has naturally led many scholars to explain1 here as elsewhere1 the complex by the simple1 the totem of the group by that of the individual4 ,such1 in fact1 is the theory sustained by ,frazer in his ,golden ,bough1#efi by ,hill ,tout1#egj by ,miss ,fletcher1#ega by ,boas#egb and by ,swanton4#egc ,it has the additional advantage of being in harmony with the conception of religion which is currently held2 this is quite generally regarded as something intimate and personal4 ,from this point of view1 the totem of the clan can only be an individual totem which has become generalized4 ,some eminent man1 having found from experience the value of a totem he chose for himself by his own free will1 transmitted it to his descendants2 these latter1 multiplying as time went on1 finally formed the extended family known as a clan1 and thus the totem became collective4 ,hill ,tout believes that he has found a proof supporting this theory in the way totemism has spread among certain societies of ,north-western ,america1 especially among the ,salish and certain ,indians on the ,thompson ,river4 ,individual totemism and the clan totemism are both found among these peoples2 but they either do not co-exist in the same tribe1 or else1 when they do co-exist1 they are not equally developed4 ,they vary in an inverse proportion to each other2 where the clan totem tends to become the general rule1 the individual totem tends to disappear1 and vice versa4 ,is that not as much as to say that the first is a more recent form of the second1 which excludes it by replacing it8#egd ,mythology seems to confirm this interpretation4 ,in these same societies1 in fact1 the ancestor of the clan is not a totemic animal2 the founder of the group is generally represented in the form of a human being who1 at a certain time1 had entered into familiar relations with a fabulous animal from whom he received his totemic emblem4 ,this emblem1 together with the special powers which are attached to it1 was then passed on to the descendants of this mythical hero by right of heritage4 ,so these people themselves seem to consider the collective totem as an individual one1 perpetuated in the same family4#ege ,moreover1 it still happens to-day that a father transmits his own totem to his children4 ,so if we imagine that the collective totem had1 in a general way1 this same origin1 we are assuming that the same thing took place in the past which is still observable to-day4#egf ,it is still to be explained whence the individual totem comes4 ,the reply given to this question varies with different authors4 ,hill ,tout considers it a particular case of fetishism4 ,feeling himself surrounded on all sides by dreaded spirits1 the individual experienced that sentiment which we have just seen ,jevons attribute to the clan3 in order that he might continue to exist1 he sought some powerful protector in this mysterious world4 ,thus the use of a personal totem became established4#egg ,for ,frazer1 this same institution was rather a subterfuge or trick of war1 invented by men that they might escape from certain dangers4 ,it is known that according to a belief which is very widespread in a large number of inferior societies1 the human soul is able1 without great inconvenience1 to quit the body it inhabits for a while2 howsoever far away it may be1 it continues to animate this body by a sort of detached control4 ,then1 in certain critical moments1 when life is supposed to be particularly menaced1 it may be desirable to withdraw the soul from the body and lead it to some place or into some object where it will be in greater security4 ,in fact1 there are a certain number of practices whose object is to withdraw the soul in order to protect it from some danger1 either real or imaginary4 ,for example1 at the moment when men are going to enter a newly-built house1 a magician removes their souls and puts them in a sack1 to be saved and returned to their proprietors after the door-sill has been crossed4 ,this is because the moment when one enters a new house is exceptionally critical2 one may have disturbed1 and consequently offended1 the spirits who reside in the ground and especially under the sill1 and if precautions are not taken1 these could make a man pay dearly for his audacity4 ,but when this danger is once passed1 and one has been able to anticipate their anger and even to make sure of their favour through the accomplishment of certain rites1 the souls may safely retake their accustomed place4#egh ,it is this same belief which gave birth to the personal totem4 ,to protect themselves from sorcery1 men thought it wise to hide their souls in the anonymous crowd of some species of animal or vegetable4 ,but after these relations had once been established1 each individual found himself closely united to the animal or plant where his own vital principle was believed to reside4 ,two beings so closely united were finally thought to be practically indistinguishable3 men believed that each participated in the nature of the other4 ,when this belief had once been accepted1 it facilitated and hastened the transformation of the personal totem into an hereditary1 and consequently a collective1 totem2 for it seemed quite evident that this kinship of nature should be transmitted hereditarily from father to child4 ,we shall not stop to discuss these two explanations of the individual totem at length3 they are ingenious fabrications of the mind1 but they completely lack all positive proof4 ,if we are going to reduce totemism to fetishism1 we must first establish that the latter is prior to the former2 now1 not merely is no fact brought forward to support this hypothesis1 but it is even contradicted by everything that we know4 ,the ill-determined group of rites going under the name of fetishism seem to appear only among peoples who have already attained to a certain degree of civilization2 but it is a species of cult unknown in ,australia4 ,it is true that some have described the churinga as a fetish2#egi but even supposing that this qualification were justified1 it would not prove the priority which is postulated4 ,quite on the contrary1 the churinga presupposes totemism1 since it is essentially an instrument of the totemic cult and owes the virtues attributed to it to totemic beliefs alone4 ,as for the theory of ,frazer1 it presupposes a thoroughgoing idiocy on the part of the primitive which known facts do not allow us to attribute to him4 ,he does have a logic1 however strange this may at times appear2 now unless he were completely deprived of it1 he could never be guilty of the reasoning imputed to him4 ,nothing could be more natural than that he should believe it possible to assure the survival of his soul by hiding it in a secret and inaccessible place1 as so many heroes of myths and legends are said to have done4 ,but why should he think it safer in the body of an animal than in his own8 ,of course1 if it were thus lost in space1 it might have a chance to escape the spells of a magician more readily1 but at the same time it would be prepared for the blows of hunters4 ,it is a strange way of sheltering it to place it in a material form exposing it to risks at every instant4#ehj ,but above all1 it is inconceivable that a whole people should allow themselves to be carried into such an aberration4#eha ,finally1 in a very large number of cases1 the function of the individual totem is very different from that assigned it by ,frazer2 before all else1 it is a means of conferring extraordinary powers upon magicians1 hunters or warriors4#ehb ,as to the kinship of the man and the thing1 with all the inconveniences it implies1 it is accepted as a consequence of the rite2 but it is not desired in its and for itself4 ,there is still less occasion for delaying over this controversy since it concerns no real problem4 ,what we must know before everything else is whether or not the individual totem is really a primitive fact1 from which the collective totem was derived2 for1 according to the reply given to this question1 we must seek the home of the religious life in one or the other of two opposite directions4 ,against the hypothesis of ,hill ,tout1 ,miss ,fletcher1 ,boas and ,frazer there is such an array of decisive facts that one is surprised that it has been so readily and so generally accepted4 ,in the first place1 we know that a man frequently has the greatest interest not only in respecting1 but also in making his companions respect the species serving him as personal totem2 his own life is connected with it4 ,then if collective totemism were only a generalized form of individual totemism1 it too should repose upon this same principle4 ,not only should the men of a clan abstain from killing and eating their totem-animal themselves1 but they should also do all in their power to force this same abstention upon others4 ,but as a matter of fact1 far from imposing such a renunciation upon the whole tribe1 each clan1 by rites which we shall describe below1 takes care that the plant or animal whose name it bears shall increase and prosper1 so as to assure an abundant supply of food for the other clans4 ,so we must at least admit that in becoming collective1 individual totemism was transformed profoundly1 and we must therefore account for this transformation4 ,in the second place1 how is it possible to explain1 from this point of view1 the fact that except where totemism is in full decay1 two clans of a single tribe always have different totems8 ,it seems that nothing prevents two or several members of a single tribe1 even when there is no kinship between them1 from choosing their personal totem in the same animal species and passing it on to their descendants4 ,does it not happen to-day that two distinct families have the same name8 ,the carefully regulated way in which the totems and sub-totems are divided up1 first between the two phratries and then among the various clans of the phratry1 obviously presupposes a social agreement and a collective organization4 ,this is as much as to say that totemism is something more than an individual practice spontaneously generalized4 ,moreover1 collective totemism cannot be deduced from individual totemism except by a misunderstanding of the differences separating the two4 ,the one is acquired by the child at birth2 it is a part of his civil status4 ,the other is acquired during the course of his life2 it presupposes the accomplishment of a determined rite and a change of condition4 ,some seek to diminish this distance by inserting between the two1 as a sort of middle term1 the right of each possessor of a totem to transmit it to whomsoever he pleases4 ,but wherever these transfers do take place1 they are rare and relatively exceptional acts2 they cannot be performed except by magicians or other personages invested with special powers2#ehc in any case1 they are possible only through ritual ceremonies which bring about the change4 ,so it is necessary to explain how this prerogative of a few became the right of all2 how that which at first implied a profound change in the religious and moral constitution of the individual1 was able to become an element of this constitution2 and finally1 how a transmission which at first was the consequence of a rite was later believed to operate automatically from the nature of things and without the intervention of any human will4 ,in support of his interpretation1 ,hill ,tout claims that certain myths give the totem of the clan an individual origin3 they tell how the totemic emblem was acquired by some special individual1 who then transmitted it to his descendants4 ,but in the first place1 it is to be remarked that these myths are all taken from the ,indian tribes of ,north ,america1 which are societies arrived at a rather high degree of culture4 ,how could a mythology so far removed from the origins of things aid in reconstituting the primitive form of an institution with any degree of certainty8 ,there are many chances for intermediate causes to have gravely disfigured the recollection which these people have been able to retain4 ,moreover1 it is very easy to answer these myths with others1 which seem much more primitive and whose signification is quite different4 ,the totem is there represented as the very being from whom the clan is descended4 ,so it must be that it constitutes the substance of the clan2 men have it within them from their birth2 it is a part of their very flesh and blood1 so far are they from having received it from without4#ehd ,more than that1 the very myths upon which ,hill ,tout relies contain an echo of this ancient conception4 ,the founder who gave his name to the clan certainly had a human form2 but he was a man who1 after living among animals of a certain species1 finally came to resemble them4 ,this is undoubtedly because a time came when the mind was too cultivated to admit any longer1 as it had formerly done1 that men might have been born of animals2 so the animal ancestor1 now become inconceivable1 is replaced by a human being2 but the idea persists that this man had acquired certain characteristics of the animal either by imitation or by some other process4 ,thus even this late mythology bears the mark of a more remote epoch when the totem of the clan was never regarded as a sort of individual creation4 ,but this hypothesis does not merely raise grave logical difficulties2 it is contradicted directly by the following facts4 ,if individual totemism were the initial fact1 it should be more developed and apparent1 the more primitive the societies are1 and inversely1 it should lose ground and disappear before the other among the more advanced peoples4 ,now it is the contrary which is true4 ,the ,australian tribes are far behind those of ,north ,america2 yet ,australia is the classic land of collective totemism4 ,in the great majority of the tribes1 it alone is found1 while we do not know a single one where individual totemism alone is practised4#ehe ,this latter is found in a characteristic form only in an infinitesimal number of tribes4#ehf ,even where it is met with it is generally in a rudimentary form4 ,it is made up of individual and optional practices having no generality4 ,only magicians are acquainted with the art of creating mysterious relationships with species of animals to which they are not related by nature4 ,ordinary people do not enjoy this privilege4#ehg ,in ,america1 on the contrary1 the collective totem is in full decadence2 in the societies of the ,north-west especially1 its religious character is almost gone4 ,inversely1 the individual totem plays a considerable rle among these same peoples4 ,a very great efficacy is attributed to it2 it has become a real public institution4 ,this is because it is the sign of a higher civilization4 ,this is undoubtedly the explanation of the inversion of these two forms of totemism1 which ,hill ,tout believes he has observed among the ,salish4 ,if in those parts where collective totemism is the most fully developed the other form is almost lacking1 it is not because the second has disappeared before the first1 but rather1 because the conditions necessary for its existence have not yet been fully realized4 ,but a fact which is still more conclusive is that individual totemism1 far from having given birth to the totemism of the clan1 presupposes this latter4 ,it is within the frame of collective totemism that it is born and lives3 it is an integral part of it4 ,in fact1 in those very societies where it is preponderating1 the novices do not have the right of taking any animal as their individual totem2 to each clan a certain definite number of species are assigned1 outside of which it may not choose4 ,in return1 those belonging to it thus are its exclusive property2 members of other clans may not usurp them4#ehh ,they are thought to have relations of close dependence upon the one serving as totem to the clan as a whole4 ,there are even cases where it is quite possible to observe these relations3 the individual aspect represents a part or a particular aspect of the collective totem4#ehi ,among the ,wotjobaluk1 each member of the clan considers the personal totems of his companions as being his own after a fashion2#eij so they are probably sub-totems4 ,now the sub-totem supposes the totem1 as the species supposes the class4 ,thus the first form of individual religion met with in history appears1 not as the active principle of all public religion1 but1 on the contrary1 as a simple aspect of this latter4 ,the cult which the individual organizes for himself in his own inner conscience1 far from being the germ of the collective cult1 is only this latter adapted to the personal needs of the individual4 ,,iii ,in a more recent study1#eia which the works of ,spencer and ,gillen suggested to him1 ,frazer has attempted to substitute a new explanation of totemism for the one he first proposed1 and which we have just been discussing4 ,it rests on the postulate that the totemism of the ,arunta is the most primitive which we know2 ,frazer even goes so far as to say that it scarcely differs from the really and absolutely original type4#eib ,the singular thing about it is that the totems are attached neither to persons nor to determined groups of persons1 but to localities4 ,in fact1 each totem has its centre at some definite spot4 ,it is there that the souls of the first ancestors1 who founded the totemic group at the beginning of time1 are believed to have their preferred residence4 ,it is there that the sanctuary is located where the churinga are kept2 there the cult is celebrated4 ,it is also this geographical distribution of totems which determines the manner in which the clans are recruited4 ,the child has neither the totem of his father nor that of his mother1 but the one whose centre is at the spot where the mother believes that she felt the first symptoms of approaching maternity4 ,for it is said that the ,arunta is ignorant of the exact relation existing between generation and the sexual act2#eic he thinks that every conception is due to a sort of mystic fecundation4 ,according to him1 it is due to the entrance of the soul of an ancestor into the body of a woman and its becoming the principle of a new life there4 ,so at the moment when a woman feels the first tremblings of the child1 she imagines that one of the souls whose principal residence is at the place where she happens to be1 has just entered into her4 ,as the child who is presently born is merely the reincarnation of this ancestor1 he necessarily has the same totem2 thus his totem is determined by the locality where he is believed to have been mysteriously conceived4 ,now1 it is this local totemism which represents the original form of totemism2 at most1 it is separated from this by a very short step4 ,this is how ,frazer explains its genesis4 ,at the exact moment when the woman realizes that she is pregnant1 she must think that the spirit by which she feels herself possessed has come to her from the objects about her1 and especially from one of those which attract her attention at the moment4 ,so if she is engaged in plucking a plant1 or watching an animal1 she believes that the soul of this plant or animal has passed into her4 ,among the things to which she will be particularly inclined to attribute her condition are1 in the first place1 the things she has just eaten4 ,if she has recently eaten emu or yam1 she will not doubt that an emu or yam has been born in her and is developing4 ,under these conditions1 it is evident how the child1 in his turn1 will be considered a sort of yam or emu1 how he regards himself as a relative of the plant or animal of the same species1 how he has sympathy and regard for them1 how he refuses to eat them1 etc4#eid ,from this moment1 totemism exists in its essential traits3 it is the native's theory of conception that gave rise to it1 so ,frazer calls this primitive totemism conceptional4 ,it is from this original type that all the other forms of totemism are derived4 ,when several women had1 one after the other1 felt the first premonitions of maternity at the same spot and under the same circumstances1 the place would come to be regarded as haunted by spirits of a peculiar sort2 and so the whole country might in time be dotted over with totem centres and distributed into totem districts4#eie ,this is how the local totemism of the ,arunta originated4 ,in order that the totems may subsequently be detached from their territorial base1 it is sufficient to think that the ancestral souls1 instead of remaining immutably fixed to a determined spot1 are able to move freely over the surface of the territory and that in their voyages they follow the men and women of the same totem as themselves4 ,in this way1 a woman may be impregnated by her own totem or that of her husband1 though residing in a different totemic district4 ,according to whether it is believed that it is the ancestor of the husband or of the wife who thus follow the family about1 seeking occasions to reincarnate themselves1 the totem of the child will be that of his father or mother4 ,in fact1 it is in just this way that the ,guanji and ,umbaia on the one hand1 and the ,urabunna on the other1 explain their systems of filiation4 ,but this theory1 like that of ,tylor1 rests upon a begging of the question4 ,if he is to imagine that human souls are the souls of animals or plants1 one must believe beforehand that men take either from the animal or vegetable world whatever is most essential in them4 ,now this belief is one of those at the foundation of totemism4 ,to state it as something evident is therefore to take for granted that which is to be explained4 ,moreover1 from this point of view1 the religious character of the totem is entirely inexplicable1 for the vague belief in an obscure kinship between the man and the animal is not enough to found a cult4 ,this confusion of distinct kingdoms could never result in dividing the world into sacred and profane4 ,it is true that1 being consistent with himself1 ,frazer refuses to admit that totemism is a religion1 under the pretext that he finds in it neither spiritual beings1 nor prayers1 nor invocations1 nor offerings1 etc4 ,according to him1 it is only a system of magic1 by which he means a sort of crude and erroneous science1 a first effort to discover the laws of things4#eif ,but we know how inexact this conception1 both of magic and of religion1 is4 ,we have a religion as soon as the sacred is distinguished from the profane1 and we have seen that totemism is a vast system of sacred things4 ,if we are to explain it1 we must therefore show how it happened that these things were stamped with this character4#eig ,but he does not even raise this problem4 ,but this system is completely overthrown by the fact that the postulate upon which it rests can no longer be sustained4 ,the whole argument of ,frazer supposes that the local totemism of the ,arunta is the most primitive we know1 and especially that it is clearly prior to hereditary totemism1 either in the paternal or the maternal line4 ,now as soon as the facts contained in the first volume of ,spencer and ,gillen were at our disposal1 we were able to conjecture that there had been a time in the history of the ,arunta people when the totems1 instead of being attached to localities1 were transmitted hereditarily from mother to child4#eih ,this conjecture is definitely proved by the new facts discovered by ,strehlow1#eii which only confirm the previous observations of ,schulze4#fjj ,in fact1 both of these authors tell us that even now1 in addition to his local totem1 each ,arunta has another which is completely independent of all geographical conditions1 and which belongs to him as a birthright3 it is his mother's4 ,this second totem1 just like the first1 is considered a powerful friend and protector by the natives1 which looks after their food1 warns them of possible dangers1 etc4 ,they have the right of taking part in its cult4 ,when they are buried1 the corpse is laid so that the face is turned towards the region of the maternal totemic centre4 ,so after a fashion this centre is also that of the deceased4 ,in fact it is given the name tmara altjira1 which is translated3 camp of the totem which is associated with me4 ,so it is certain that among the ,arunta1 hereditary totemism in the uterine line is not later than local totemism1 but1 on the contrary1 must have preceded it4 ,for to-day1 the maternal totem has only an accessory and supplementary rle2 it is a second totem1 which explains how it was able to escape observation as attentive and careful as that of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,but in order that it should be able to retain this secondary place1 being employed along with the local totem1 there must have been a time when it held the primary place in the religious life4 ,it is1 in part1 a fallen totem1 but one recalling an epoch when the totemic organization of the ,arunta was very different from what it is to-day4 ,so the whole superstructure of ,frazer's system is undermined at its foundation4#fja ,,iv ,although ,andrew ,lang has actively contested this theory of ,frazer's1 the one he proposes himself in his later works1#fjb resembles it on more than one point4 ,like ,frazer1 he makes totemism consist in the belief in a sort of consubstantiality of the man and the animal4 ,but he explains it differently4 ,he derives it entirely from the fact that the totem is a name4 ,as soon as human groups were founded1#fjc each one felt the need of distinguishing between the neighbouring groups with which it came into contact and1 with this end in view1 it gave them different names4 ,the names were preferably chosen from the surrounding flora and fauna because animals and plants can easily be designated by movements or represented by drawings4#fjd ,the more or less precise resemblances which men may have with such and such objects determined the way in which these collective denominations were distributed among the groups4#fje ,now1 it is a well-known fact that to the early mind names1 and the things known by names1 are in a mystic and transcendental connection of rapport4#fjf ,for example1 the name of an individual is not considered as a simple word or conventional sign1 but as an essential part of the individual himself4 ,so if it were the name of an animal1 the man would have to believe that he himself had the most characteristic attributes of this same animal4 ,this theory would become better and better accredited as the historic origins of these denominations became more remote and were effaced from the memory4 ,myths arose to make this strange ambiguity of human nature more easily representable in the mind4 ,to explain this1 they imagined that the animal was the ancestor of the men1 or else that the two were descended from a common ancestor4 ,thus came the conception of bonds of kinship uniting each clan to the animal species whose name it bore4 ,with the origins of this fabulous kinship once explained1 it seems to our author that totemism no longer contains a mystery4 ,but whence comes the religious character of the totemic beliefs and practices8 ,for the fact that a man considers himself an animal of a certain species does not explain why he attributes marvellous powers to this species1 and especially why he renders a cult to the images symbolizing it4--,to this question ,lang gives the same response as ,frazer3 he denies that totemism is a religion4 ,i find in ,australia1 he says1 no example of religious practices such as praying to1 nourishing or burying the totem4#fjg ,it was only at a later epoch1 when it was already established1 that totemism was drawn into and surrounded by a system of conceptions properly called religious4 ,according to a remark of ,howitt1#fjh when the natives undertake the explanation of the totemic institutions1 they do not attribute them to the totems themselves nor to a man1 but to some supernatural being such as ,bunjil or ,baiame4 ,accepting this evidence1 says ,lang1 one source of the 'religious' character of totemism is at once revealed4 ,the totemist obeys the decree of ,bunjil1 or ,baiame1 as the ,cretans obeyed the divine decrees given by ,zeus to ,minos4 ,now according to ,lang the idea of these great divinities arose outside of the totemic system2 so this is not a religion in itself2 it has merely been given a religious colouring by contact with a genuine religion4 ,but these very myths contradict ,lang's conception of totemism4 ,if the ,australians had regarded totemism as something human and profane1 it would never have occurred to them to make a divine institution out of it4 ,if1 on the other hand1 they have felt the need of connecting it with a divinity1 it is because they have seen a sacred character in it4 ,so these mythological interpretations prove the religious nature of totemism1 but do not explain it4 ,moreover1 ,lang himself recognizes that this solution is not sufficient4 ,he realizes that totemic things are treated with a religious respect2#fji that especially the blood of an animal1 as well as that of a man1 is the object of numerous interdictions1 or1 as he says1 taboos which this comparatively late mythology cannot explain4#faj ,then where do they come from8 ,here are the words with which ,lang answers this question3 ,as soon as the animal-named groups evolved the universally diffused beliefs about the wakan or mana1 or mystically sacred quality of the blood as the life1 they would also develop the various taboos4#faa ,the words wakan and mana1 as we shall see in the following chapter1 involve the very idea of sacredness itself2 the one is taken from the language of the ,sioux1 the other from that of the ,melanesian peoples4 ,to explain the sacred character of totemic things by postulating this characteristic1 is to answer the question by the question4 ,what we must find out is whence this idea of wakan comes and how it comes to be applied to the totem and all that is derived from it4 ,as long as these two questions remain unanswered1 nothing is explained4 ,v ,we have now passed in review all the principal explanations which have been given for totemic beliefs1#fab leaving to each of them its own individuality4 ,but now that this examination is finished1 we may state one criticism which addresses itself to all these systems alike4 ,if we stick to the letter of the formul1 it seems that these may be arranged in two groups4 ,some 7,frazer1 ,lang7 deny the religious character of totemism2 in reality1 that amounts to denying the facts4 ,others recognize this1 but think that they can explain it by deriving it from an anterior religion out of which totemism developed4 ,but as a matter of fact1 this distinction is only apparent3 the first group is contained within the second4 ,neither ,frazer nor ,lang have been able to maintain their principle systematically and explain totemism as if it were not a religion4 ,by the very force of facts1 they have been compelled to slip ideas of a religious nature into their explanations4 ,we have just seen how ,lang calls in the idea of sacredness1 which is the cardinal idea of all religion4 ,frazer1 on his side1 in each of the theories which he has successively proposed1 appeals openly to the idea of souls or spirits2 for according to him1 totemism came from the fact that men thought they could deposit their souls in safety in some external object1 or else that they attributed conception to a sort of spiritual fecundation of which a spirit was the agent4 ,now a soul1 and still more1 a spirit1 are sacred things and the object of rites2 so the ideas expressing them are essentially religious and it is therefore in vain that ,frazer makes totemism a mere system of magic1 for he succeeds in explaining it only in the terms of another religion4 ,we have already pointed out the insufficiencies of animism and naturism2 so one may not have recourse to them1 as ,tylor and ,jevons do1 without exposing himself to these same objections4 ,yet neither ,frazer nor ,lang seems to dream of the possibility of another hypothesis4#fac ,on the other hand1 we know that totemism is tightly bound up with the most primitive social system which we know1 and in all probability1 of which we can conceive4 ,to suppose that it has developed out of another religion1 differing from it only in degree1 is to leave the data of observation and enter into the domain of arbitrary and unverifiable conjectures4 ,if we wish to remain in harmony with the results we have already obtained1 it is necessary that while affirming the religious nature of totemism1 we abstain from deriving it from another different religion4 ,there can be no hope of assigning it non-religious ideas as its cause4 ,but among the representations entering into the conditions from which it results1 there may be some which directly suggest a religious nature of themselves4 ,these are the ones we must look for4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs--continued ,the ,notion of the ,totemic ,principle1 or ,mana1 and the ,idea of ,force ,since individual totemism is later than the totemism of the clan1 and even seems to be derived from it1 it is to this latter form that we must turn first of all4 ,but as the analysis which we have just made of it has resolved it into a multiplicity of beliefs which may appear quite heterogeneous1 before going farther1 we must seek to learn what makes its unity4 ,i ,we have seen that totemism places the figured representations of the totem in the first rank of the things it considers sacred2 next come the animals or vegetables whose name the clan bears1 and finally the members of the clan4 ,since all these things are sacred in the same way1 though to different degrees1 their religious character can be due to none of the special attributes distinguishing them from each other4 ,if a certain species of animal or vegetable is the object of a reverential fear1 this is not because of its special properties1 for the human members of the clan enjoy this same privilege1 though to a slightly inferior degree1 while the mere image of this same plant or animal inspires an even more pronounced respect4 ,the similar sentiments inspired by these different sorts of things in the mind of the believer1 which give them their sacred character1 can evidently come only from some common principle partaken of alike by the totemic emblems1 the men of the clan and the individuals of the species serving as totem4 ,in reality1 it is to this common principle that the cult is addressed4 ,in other words totemism is the religion1 not of such and such animals or men or images1 but of an anonymous and impersonal force1 found in each of these beings but not to be confounded with any of them4 ,no one possesses it entirely and all participate in it4 ,it is so completely independent of the particular subjects in whom it incarnates itself1 that it precedes them and survives them4 ,individuals die1 generations pass and are replaced by others2 but this force always remains actual1 living and the same4 ,it animates the generations of to-day as it animated those of yesterday and as it will animate those of to-morrow4 ,taking the words in a large sense1 we may say that it is the god adored by each totemic cult4 ,yet it is an impersonal god1 without name or history1 immanent in the world and diffused in an innumerable multitude of things4 ,but even now we have only an imperfect idea of the real ubiquity of this quasi-divine entity4 ,it is not merely found in the whole totemic species1 the whole clan and all the objects symbolizing the totem3 the circle of its action extends beyond that4 ,in fact1 we have seen that in addition to the eminently holy things1 all those attributed to the clan as dependencies of the principal totem have this same character to a certain degree4 ,they also have something religious about them1 for some are protected by interdictions1 while others have determined functions in the ceremonies of the cult4 ,their religiousness does not differ in kind from that of the totem under which they are classified2 it must therefore be derived from the same source4 ,so it is because the totemic god--to use again the metaphorical expression which we have just employed--is in them1 just as it is in the species serving as totem and in the men of the clan4 ,we may see how much it differs from the beings in which it resides from the fact that it is the soul of so many different beings4 ,but the ,australian does not represent this impersonal force in an abstract form4 ,under the influence of causes which we must seek1 he has been led to conceive it under the form of an animal or vegetable species1 or1 in a word1 of a visible object ,this is what the totem really consists in3 it is only the material form under which the imagination represents this immaterial substance1 this energy diffused through all sorts of heterogeneous things1 which alone is the real object of the cult4 ,we are now in a better condition for understanding what the native means when he says that the men of the ,crow phratry1 for example1 are crows4 ,he does not exactly mean to say that they are crows in the vulgar and empiric sense of the term1 but that the same principle is found in all of them1 which is their most essential characteristic1 which they have in common with the animals of the same name and which is thought of under the external form of a crow4 ,thus the universe1 as totemism conceives it1 is filled and animated by a certain number of forces which the imagination represents in forms taken1 with only a few exceptions1 from the animal or vegetable kingdoms3 there are as many of them as there are clans in the tribe1 and each of them is also found in certain categories of things1 of which it is the essence and vital principle4 ,when we say that these principles are forces1 we do not take the word in a metaphorical sense2 they act just like veritable forces4 ,in one sense1 they are even material forces which mechanically engender physical effects4 ,does an individual come in contact with them without having taken proper precautions8 ,he receives a shock which might be compared to the effect of an electric discharge4 ,sometimes they seem to conceive of these as a sort of fluid escaping by points4#fad ,if they are introduced into an organism not made to receive them1 they produce sickness and death by a wholly automatic action4#fae ,outside of men1 they play the rle of vital principle2 it is by acting on them1 we shall see1#faf that the reproduction of the species is assured4 ,it is upon them that the universal life reposes4 ,but in addition to this physical aspect1 they also have a moral character4 ,when someone asks a native why he observes his rites1 he replies that his ancestors always have observed them1 and he ought to follow their example4#fag ,so if he acts in a certain way towards the totemic beings1 it is not only because the forces resident in them are physically redoubtable1 but because he feels himself morally obliged to act thus2 he has the feeling that he is obeying an imperative1 that he is fulfilling a duty4 ,for these sacred beings1 he has not merely fear1 but also respect4 ,moreover1 the totem is the source of the moral life of the clan4 ,all the beings partaking of the same totemic principle consider that owing to this very fact1 they are morally bound to one another2 they have definite duties of assistance1 vendetta1 etc41 towards each other2 and it is these duties which constitute kinship4 ,so while the totemic principle is a totemic force1 it is also a moral power2 so we shall see how it easily transforms itself into a divinity properly so-called4 ,moreover1 there is nothing here which is special to totemism4 ,even in the most advanced religions1 there is scarcely a god who has not kept something of this ambiguity and whose functions are not at once cosmic and moral4 ,at the same time that it is a spiritual discipline1 every religion is also a means enabling men to face the world with greater confidence4 ,even for the ,christian1 is not ,god the ,father the guardian of the physical order as well as the legislator and the judge of human conduct8 ,,ii ,perhaps someone will ask whether1 in interpreting totemism thus1 we do not endow the native with ideas surpassing the limits of his intellect4 ,of course we are not prepared to affirm that he represents these forces with the relative clarity which we have been able to give to them in our analysis4 ,we are able to show quite clearly that this notion is implied by the whole system of beliefs which it dominates2 but we are unable to say how far it is conscious and how far1 on the contrary1 it is only implicit and confusedly felt4 ,there is no way of determining just what degree of clarity an idea like this may have in obscure minds4 ,but it is well shown1 in any case1 that this in no way surpasses the capacities of the primitive mind1 and on the contrary1 the results at which we have just arrived are confirmed by the fact that either in the societies closely related to these ,australian tribes1 or even in these tribes themselves1 we find1 in an explicit form1 conceptions which differ from the preceding only by shades and degrees4 ,the native religions of ,samoa have certainly passed the totemic phase4 ,real gods are found there1 who have their own names1 and1 to a certain degree1 their own personal physiognomy4 ,yet the traces of totemism are hardly contestable4 ,in fact1 each god is attached to a group1 either local or domestic1 just as the totem is to its clan4#fah ,then1 each of these gods is thought of as immanent in a special species of animal4 ,but this does not mean that he resides in one subject in particular3 he is immanent in all at once2 he is diffused in the species as a whole4 ,when an animal dies1 the men of the group who venerate it weep for it and render pious duties to it1 because a god inhabits it2 but the god is not dead4 ,he is eternal1 like the species4 ,he is not even confused with the present generation2 he has already been the soul of the preceding one1 as he will be the soul of the one which is to follow4#fai ,so he has all the characteristics of the totemic principle4 ,he is the totemic principle1 re-clothed in a slightly personal form by the imagination4 ,but still1 we must not exaggerate a personality which is hardly reconcilable with this diffusion and ubiquity4 ,if its contours were clearly defined1 it could never spread out thus and enter into such a multitude of things4 ,however1 it is incontestable that in this case the idea of an impersonal religious force is beginning to change2 but there are other cases where it is affirmed in all its abstract purity and even reaches a higher degree of generality than in ,australia4 ,if the different totemic principles to which the various clans of a single tribe address themselves are distinct from each other1 they are1 none the less1 comparable to each other at bottom2 for all play the same rle in their respective spheres4 ,there are societies which have had the feeling of this unity with nature and have consequently advanced to the idea of a unique religious force of which all other sacred principles are only expressions and which makes the unity of the universe4 ,as these societies are still thoroughly impregnated with totemism1 and as they remain entangled in a social organization identical with that of the ,australians1 we may say that totemism contained this idea in potentiality4 ,this can be observed in a large number of ,american tribes1 especially those belonging to the great ,sioux family3 the ,omaha1 ,ponka1 ,kansas1 ,osage1 ,assiniboin1 ,dakota1 ,iowa1 ,winnebago1 ,mandan1 ,hidatsa1 etc4 ,many of these are still organized in clans1 as the ,omaha#fbj and the ,iowa2#fba others were so not long since1 and1 says ,dorsey1 it is still possible to find among them all the foundations of the totemic system1 just as in the other societies of the ,sioux4#fbb ,now among these peoples1 above all the particular deities to whom men render a cult1 there is a pre-eminent power to which all the others have the relation of derived forms1 and which is called wakan4#fbc ,owing to the preponderating place thus assigned to this principle in the ,siouan pantheon1 it is sometimes regarded as a sort of sovereign god1 or a ,jupiter or ,jahveh1 and travellers have frequently translated wakan by great spirit4 ,this is misrepresenting its real nature gravely4 ,the wakan is in no way a personal being2 the natives do not represent it in a determined form4 ,according to an observer cited by ,dorsey1 they say that they have never seen the wakanda1 so they cannot pretend to personify it4#fbd ,it is not even possible to define it by determined attributes and characteristics4 ,no word1 says ,riggs1 can explain the meaning of this term among the ,dakota4 ,it embraces all mystery1 all secret power1 all divinity4#fbe ,all the beings which the ,dakota reveres1 the earth1 the four winds1 the sun1 the moon and the stars1 are manifestations of this mysterious life and power which enters into all4 ,sometimes it is represented in the form of a wind1 as a breath having its seat in the four cardinal points and moving everything3#fbf sometimes it is a voice heard in the crashing of the thunder2#fbg the sun1 moon and stars are wakan4#fbh ,but no enumeration could exhaust this infinitely complex idea4 ,it is not a definite and definable power1 the power of doing this or that2 it is ,power in an absolute sense1 with no epithet or determination of any sort4 ,the various divine powers are only particular manifestations and personifications of it2 each of them is this power seen under one of its numerous aspects4#fbi ,it is this which made one observer say1 ,he is a protean god2 he is supposed to appear to different persons in different forms4#fcj ,nor are the gods the only beings animated by it3 it is the principle of all that lives or acts or moves4 ,all life is wakan4 ,so also is everything which exhibits power1 whether in action1 as the winds and drifting clouds1 or in passive endurance1 as the boulder by the wayside4#fca ,among the ,iroquois1 whose social organization has an even more pronouncedly totemic character1 this1 same idea is found again2 the word orenda which expresses it is the exact equivalent of the wakan of the ,sioux4 ,the savage man1 says ,hewitt1 conceived the diverse bodies collectively constituting his environment to possess inherently mystic potence 444 7whether they be7 the rocks1 the waters1 the tides1 the plants and the trees1 the animals and man1 the wind and the storms1 the clouds and the thunders and the lightnings1#fcb etc4 ,this potence is held to be the property of all things 444 and by the inchoate mentation of man is regarded as the efficient cause of all phenomena1 all the activities of his environment4#fcc ,a sorcerer or shaman has orenda1 but as much would be said of a man succeeding in his enterprises4 ,at bottom1 there is nothing in the world which does not have its quota of orenda2 but the quantities vary4 ,there are some beings1 either men or things1 which are favoured2 there are others which are relatively disinherited1 and the universal life consists in the struggles of these orenda of unequal intensity4 ,the more intense conquer the weaker4 ,is one man more successful than his companions in the hunt or at war8 ,it is because he has more orenda4 ,if an animal escapes from a hunter who is pursuing it1 it is because the orenda of the former was the more powerful4 ,this same idea is found among the ,shoshone under the name of pokunt1 among the ,algonquin under the name of manitou1#fcd of nauala among the ,kwakiutl1#fce of yek among the ,tlinkit#fcf and of sgna among the ,haida4#fcg ,but it is not peculiar to the ,indians of ,north ,america2 it is in ,melanesia that it was studied for the first time4 ,it is true that in certain of the islands of ,melanesia1 social organization is no longer on a totemic basis2 but in all1 totemism is still visible1#fch in spite of what ,codrington has said about it4 ,now among these peoples1 we find1 under the name of mana1 an idea which is the exact equivalent of the wakan of the ,sioux and the orenda of the ,iroquois4 ,the definition given by ,codrington is as follows3 ,there is a belief in a force altogether distinct from physical power1 which acts in all ways for good and evil2 and which it is of the greatest advantage to possess or control4 ,this is ,mana4 ,i think ,i know what our people mean by it4 444 ,it is a power or influence1 not physical and in a way supernatural2 but it shows itself in physical force1 or in any kind of power or excellence which a man possesses4 ,this mana is not fixed in anything1 and can be conveyed in almost anything4 444 ,all ,melanesian religion consists1 in fact1 in getting this mana for one's self1 or getting it used for one's benefit4#fci ,is this not the same notion of an anonymous and diffused force1 the germs of which we recently found in the totemism of ,australia8 ,here is the same impersonality2 for1 as ,codrington says1 we must be careful not to regard it as a sort of supreme being2 any such idea is absolutely foreign to ,melanesian thought4 ,here is the same ubiquity2 the mana is located nowhere definitely and it is everywhere4 ,all forms of life and all the effects of the action1 either of men or of living beings or of simple minerals1 are attributed to its influence4#fdj ,therefore there is no undue temerity in attributing to the ,australians an idea such as the one we have discovered in our analysis of totemic beliefs1 for we find it again1 but abstracted and generalized to a higher degree1 at the basis of other religions whose roots go back into a system like the ,australian one and which visibly bear the mark of this4 ,the two conceptions are obviously related2 they differ only in degree1 while the mana is diffused into the whole universe1 what we call the god or1 to speak more precisely1 the totemic principle1 is localized in the more limited circle of the beings and things of certain species4 ,it is mana1 but a little more specialized2 yet as a matter of fact1 this specialization is quite relative4 ,moreover1 there is one case where this connection is made especially apparent4 ,among the ,omaha1 there are totems of all sorts1 both individual and collective2#fda but both are only particular forms of wakan4 ,the foundation of the ,indian's faith in the efficacy of the totem1 says ,miss ,fletcher1 rested upon his belief concerning nature and life4 ,this conception was complex and involved two prominent ideas3 ,first1 that all things1 animate and inanimate1 were permeated by a common life2 and second1 that this life could not be broken1 but was continuous4#fdb ,now this common principle of life is the wakan4 ,the totem is the means by which an individual is put into relations with this source of energy2 if the totem has any powers1 it is because it incarnates the wakan4 ,if a man who has violated the interdictions protecting his totem is struck by sickness or death1 it is because this mysterious force against which he has thus set himself1 that is1 the wakan1 reacts against him with a force proportionate to the shock received4#fdc ,also1 just as the totem is wakan1 so the wakan1 in its turn1 sometimes shows its totemic origin by the way in which it is conceived4 ,in fact1 ,say says that among the ,dakota the wahconda is manifested sometimes in the form of a grey bear1 sometimes of a bison1 a beaver or some other animal4#fdd ,undoubtedly1 this formula cannot be accepted without reserve4 ,the wakan repels all personification and consequently it is hardly probable that it has ever been thought of in its abstract generality with the aid of such definite symbols4 ,but ,say's remark is probably applicable to the particular forms which it takes in specializing itself in the concrete reality of life4 ,now if there is a possibility that there was a time when these specializations of the wakan bore witness to such an affinity for an animal form1 that would be one more proof of the close bonds uniting this conception to the totemic beliefs4#fde ,it is possible to explain why this idea has been unable to reach the same degree of abstraction in ,australia as in the more advanced societies4 ,this is not merely due to the insufficient aptitude of the ,australian for abstracting and generalizing3 before all1 it is the nature of the social environment which has imposed this particularism4 ,in fact1 as long as totemism remains at the basis of the cultural organization1 the clan keeps an autonomy in the religious society which1 though not absolute1 is always very marked4 ,of course we can say that in one sense each totemic group is only a chapel of the tribal ,church2 but it is a chapel enjoying a large independence4 ,the cult celebrated there1 though not a self-sufficing whole1 has only external relations with the others2 they interchange without intermingling2 the totem of the clan is fully sacred only for this clan4 ,consequently the groups of things attributed to each clan1 which are a part of it in the same way the men are1 have the same individuality and autonomy4 ,each of them is represented as irreducible into similar groups1 as separated from them by a break of continuity1 and as constituting a distinct realm4 ,under these circumstances1 it would occur to no one that these heterogeneous worlds were different manifestations of one and the same fundamental force2 on the contrary1 one might suppose that each of them corresponded to an organically different mana whose action could not extend beyond the clan and the circle of things attributed to it4 ,the idea of a single and universal mana could be born only at the moment when the tribal religion developed above that of the clans and absorbed them more or less completely4 ,it is along with the feeling of the tribal unity that the feeling of the substantial unity of the world awakens4 ,as we shall presently show1#fdf it is true that the ,australian societies are already acquainted with a cult that is common to the tribe as a whole4 ,but if this cult represents the highest form of the ,australian religions1 it has not succeeded in touching and modifying the principles upon which they repose3 totemism is essentially a federative religion which cannot go beyond a certain degree of centralization without ceasing to be itself4 ,one characteristic fact clearly shows the fundamental reason which has kept the idea of the mana so specialized in ,australia4 ,the real religious forces1 those thought of in the form of totems1 are not the only ones with which the ,australian feels himself obliged to reckon4 ,there are also some over which magicians have particular control4 ,while the former are theoretically considered healthful and beneficent1 the second have it as their especial function to cause sickness and death4 ,and at the same time that they differ so greatly in the nature of their effects1 they are contrasted also by the relations which they sustain with the social organization4 ,a totem is always a matter of the clan2 but on the contrary1 magic is a tribal and even an intertribal institution4 ,magic forces do not belong to any special portion of the tribe in particular4 ,all that is needed to make use of them is the possession of efficient recipes4 ,likewise1 everybody is liable to feel their effects and consequently should try to protect himself against them4 ,these are vague forces1 specially attached to no determined social division1 and even able to spread their action beyond the tribe4 ,now it is a remarkable fact that among the ,arunta and ,loritja1 they are conceived as simple aspects and particular forms of a unique force1 called in ,arunta ,arungquiltha or ,arnkulta4#fdg ,this is a term1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 of somewhat vague import1 but always associated at bottom with the possession of supernatural evil power4444 ,the name is applied indiscriminately to the evil influence or to the object in which it is1 for the time being1 or permanently1 resident4#fdh ,by arnkulta1 says ,strehlow1 the native signifies a force which suddenly stops life and brings death to all who come in contact with it4#fdi ,this name is given to the bones and pieces of wood from which evil-working charms are derived1 and also to poisonous animals and vegetables4 ,so it may accurately be called a harmful mana4 ,grey mentions an absolutely identical notion among the tribes he observed4#fej ,thus among these different peoples1 while the properly religious forces do not succeed in avoiding a certain heterogeneity1 magic forces are thought of as being all of the same nature2 the mind represents them in their generic unity4 ,this is because they rise above the social organization and its divisions and subdivisions1 and move in a homogeneous and continuous space where they meet with nothing to differentiate them4 ,the others1 on the contrary1 being localized in definite and distinct social forms1 are diversified and particularized in the image of the environment in which they are situated4 ,from this we can see how thoroughly the idea of an impersonal religious force enters into the meaning and spirit of ,australian totemism1 for it disengages itself with clarity as soon as no contrary cause opposes it4 ,it is true that the arungquiltha is purely a magic force4 ,but between religious forces and magic forces there is no difference of kind3#fea sometimes they are even designated by the same name3 in ,melanesia1 the magicians and charms have mana just like the agents and rites of the regular cult2#feb the word oranda is employed in the same way by the ,iroquois4#fec ,so we can legitimately infer the nature of the one from that of the other4#fed ,,iii ,the results to which the above analysis has led us do not concern the history of totemism only1 but also the genesis of religious thought in general4 ,under the pretext that in early times men were dominated by their senses and the representations of their senses1 it has frequently been held that they commenced by representing the divine in the concrete form of definite and personal beings4 ,the facts do not confirm this presumption4 ,we have just described a systematically united scheme of religious beliefs which we have good reason to regard as very primitive1 yet we have met with no personalities of this sort4 ,the real totemic cult is addressed neither to certain determined animals nor to certain vegetables nor even to an animal or vegetable species1 but to a vague power spread through these things4#fee ,even in the most advanced religions which have developed out of totemism1 such as those which we find among the ,north ,american ,indians1 this idea1 instead of being effaced1 becomes more conscious of itself2 it is declared with a clarity it did not have before1 while at the same time1 it attains a higher generality4 ,it is this which dominates the entire religious system4 ,this is the original matter out of which have been constructed those beings of every sort which the religions of all times have consecrated and adored4 ,the spirits1 demons1 genii and gods of every sort are only the concrete forms taken by this energy1 or potentiality1 as ,hewitt calls it1#fef in individualizing itself1 in fixing itself upon a certain determined object or point in space1 or in centring around an ideal and legendary being1 though one conceived as real by the popular imagination4 ,a ,dakota questioned by ,miss ,fletcher expressed this essential consubstantiability of all sacred things in language that is full of relief4 ,every thing as it moves1 now and then1 here and there1 makes stops4 ,the bird as it flies stops in one place to make its nest1 and in another to rest in its flight4 ,a man when he goes forth stops when he wills4 ,so the god has stopped4 ,the sun1 which is so bright and beautiful1 is one place where he has stopped4 ,the trees1 the animals1 are where he has stopped1 and the ,indian thinks of these places and sends his prayers to reach the place where the god has stopped and to win help and a blessing4#feg ,in other words1 the wakan 7for this is what he was talking about7 comes and goes through the world1 and sacred things are the points upon which it alights4 ,here we are1 for once1 just as far from naturism as from animism4 ,if the sun1 the moon and the stars have been adored1 they have not owed this honour to their intrinsic nature or their distinctive properties1 but to the fact that they are thought to participate in this force which alone is able to give things a sacred character1 and which is also found in a multitude of other beings1 even the smallest4 ,if the souls of the dead have been the object of rites1 it is not because they are believed to be made out of some fluid and impalpable substance1 nor is it because they resemble the shadow cast by a body or its reflection on a surface of water4 ,lightness and fluidity are not enough to confer sanctity2 they have been invested with this dignity only in so far as they contained within them something of this same force1 the source of all religiosity4 ,we are now in a better condition to understand why it has been impossible to define religion by the idea of mythical personalities1 gods or spirits2 it is because this way of representing religious things is in no way inherent in their nature4 ,what we find at the origin and basis of religious thought are not determined and distinct objects and beings possessing a sacred character of themselves2 they are indefinite powers1 anonymous forces1 more or less numerous in different societies1 and sometimes even reduced to a unity1 and whose impersonality is strictly comparable to that of the physical forces whose manifestations the sciences of nature study4 ,as for particular sacred things1 they are only individualized forms of this essential principle4 ,so it is not surprising that even in the religions where there are avowed divinities1 there are rites having an efficient virtue in themselves1 independently of all divine intervention4 ,it is because this force may be attached to words that are pronounced or movements that are made just as well as to corporal substances2 the voice or the movements may serve as its vehicle1 and it may produce its effects through their intermediacy1 without the aid of any god or spirit4 ,even should it happen to concentrate itself especially in a rite1 this will become a creator of divinities from that very fact4#feh ,this is why there is scarcely a divine personality who does not retain some impersonality4 ,those who represent it most clearly in a concrete and visible form1 think of it1 at the same time1 as an abstract power which cannot be defined except by its own efficacy1 or as a force spread out in space and which is contained1 at least in part1 in each of its effects4 ,it is the power of producing rain or wind1 crops or the light of day2 ,zeus is in each of the raindrops which falls1 just as ,ceres is in each of the sheaves of the harvest4#fei ,as a general rule1 in fact1 this efficacy is so imperfectly determined that the believer is able to form only a very vague notion of it4 ,moreover1 it is this indecision which has made possible these syncretisms and duplications in the course of which gods are broken up1 dismembered and confused in every way4 ,perhaps there is not a single religion in which the original mana1 whether unique or multiform1 has been resolved entirely into a clearly defined number of beings who are distinct and separate from each other2 each of them always retains a touch of impersonality1 as it were1 which enables it to enter into new combinations1 not as the result of a simple survival but because it is the nature of religious forces to be unable to individualize themselves completely4 ,this conception1 to which we have been led by the study of totemism alone1 has the additional recommendation that many scholars have recently adopted it quite independently of one another1 as a conclusion from very different sorts of studies4 ,there is a tendency towards a spontaneous agreement on this point which should be remarked1 for it is a presumption of objectivity4 ,as early as #ahii1 we pointed out the impossibility of making the idea of a mythical personality enter into the definition of religious phenomena4#ffj ,in #aijj1 ,marrett showed the existence of a religious phase which he called preanimistic1 in which the rites are addressed to impersonal forces like the ,melanesian mana and the wakan of the ,omaha and ,dakota4#ffa ,however1 ,marrett did not go so far as to maintain that always and in every case the idea of a spirit is logically and chronologically posterior to that of mana and is derived from it2 he even seemed disposed to admit that it has sometimes appeared independently and consequently1 that religious thought flows from a double source4#ffb ,on the other hand1 he conceived the mana as an inherent property of things1 as an element of their appearance2 for1 according to him1 this is simply the character which we attribute to everything out of the ordinary1 and which inspires a sentiment of fear or admiration4#ffc ,this practically amounts to a return to the naturist theory4#ffd ,a little later1 ,,mm4 ,hubert and ,mauss1 while attempting to formulate a general theory of magic1 established the fact that magic as a whole reposes on the notion of mana4#ffe ,the close kinship of the magic rite and the religious rite being known1 it was even possible to foresee that the same theory should be applied to religion4 ,this was sustained by ,preuss in a series of articles in the ,globus#fff that same year4 ,relying chiefly upon facts taken from ,american civilizations1 ,preuss set out to prove that the ideas of the soul and spirit were not developed until after those of power and impersonal force1 that the former are only a transformation of the latter1 and that up to a relatively late date they retain the marks of their original impersonality4 ,in fact1 he shows that even in the advanced religions1 they are represented in the form of vague emanations disengaging themselves automatically from the things in which they reside1 and even tending to escape by all the ways that are open to them3 the mouth1 the nose and all the other openings of the body1 the breath1 the look1 the word1 etc4 ,at the same time1 ,preuss pointed out their ,protean forms and their extreme plasticity which permits them to give themselves successively and almost concurrently to the most varied uses4#ffg ,it is true that if we stick to the letter of the terminology employed by this author1 we may believe that for him the forces have a magic1 not a religious nature3 he calls them charms 7,zauber1 ,zauberkrfte74 ,but it is evident that in expressing himself thus1 he does not intend to put them outside of religion2 for it is in the essentially religious rites that he shows their action1 for example1 in the great ,mexican ceremonies4#ffh ,if he uses these expressions1 it is undoubtedly because he knows no others which mark better the impersonality of these forces and the sort of mechanism with which they operate4 ,thus this same idea tends to come to light on every side4#ffi ,the impression becomes more and more prevalent that even the most elementary mythological constructions are secondary products#fgj which cover over a system of beliefs1 at once simpler and more obscure1 vaguer and more essential1 which form the solid foundations upon which the religious systems are built4 ,it is this primitive foundation which our analysis of totemism has enabled us to reach4 ,the various writers whose studies we have just mentioned arrived at this conclusion only through facts taken from very diverse religions1 some of which even correspond to a civilization that is already far advanced3 such is the case1 for example1 with the ,mexican religions1 of which ,preuss makes great use4 ,so it might be asked if this theory is equally applicable to the most simple religions4 ,but since it is impossible to go lower than totemism1 we are not exposed to this risk of error1 and at the same time1 we have an opportunity of finding the initial notion from which the ideas of wakan and mana are derived3 this is the notion of the totemic principle4#fga ,,iv ,but this notion is not only of primary importance because of the rle it has played in the development of religious ideas2 it also has a lay aspect in which it is of interest for the history of scientific thought4 ,it is the first form of the idea of force4 ,in fact1 the wakan plays the same rle in the world1 as the ,sioux conceives it1 as the one played by the forces with which science explains the diverse phenomena of nature4 ,this1 however1 does not mean that it is thought of as an exclusively physical energy2 on the contrary1 in the next chapter we shall see that the elements going to make up this idea are taken from the most diverse realms4 ,but this very compositeness of its nature enables it to be utilized as a universal principle of explanation4 ,it is from it that all life comes2#fgb all life is wakan2 and by this word life1 we must understand everything that acts and reacts1 that moves and is moved1 in both the mineral and biological kingdoms4 ,the wakan is the cause of all the movements which take place in the universe4 ,we have even seen that the orenda of the ,iroquois is the efficient cause of all the phenomena and all the activities which are manifested around men4 ,it is a power inherent in all bodies and all things4#fgc ,it is the orenda which makes the wind blow1 the sun lighten and heat the earth1 or animals reproduce and which makes men strong1 clever and intelligent4 ,when the ,iroquois says that the life of all nature is the product of the conflicts aroused between the unequally intense orenda of the different beings1 he only expresses1 in his own language1 this modern idea that the world is a system of forces limiting and containing each other and making an equilibrium4 ,the ,melanesian attributes this same general efficacy to his mana4 ,it is owing to his mana that a man succeeds in hunting or fighting1 that gardens give a good return or that flocks prosper4 ,if an arrow strikes its mark1 it is because it is charged with mana2 it is the same cause which makes a net catch fish well1 or a canoe ride well on the sea1#fgd etc4 ,it is true that if certain phrases of ,codrington are taken literally1 mana should be the cause to which is attributed everything which is beyond the ordinary power of men1 outside the common processes of nature4#fge ,but from the very examples which he cites1 it is quite evident that the sphere of the mana is really much more extended4 ,in reality1 it serves to explain usual and everyday phenomena2 there is nothing superhuman or supernatural in the fact that a ship sails or a hunter catches game1 etc4 ,however1 among these events of daily life1 there are some so insignificant and familiar that they pass unperceived3 they are not noticed and consequently no need is felt of explaining them4 ,the concept of mana is applied only to those that are important enough to cause reflection1 and to awaken a minimum of interest and curiosity2 but they are not marvellous for all that4 ,and what is true of the mana as well as the orenda and wakan1 may be said equally well of the totemic principle4 ,it is through this that the life of the men of the clan and the animals or plants of the totemic species1 as well as all the things which are classified under the totem and partake of its nature1 is manifested4 ,so the idea of force is of religious origin4 ,it is from religion that it has been borrowed1 first by philosophy1 then by the sciences4 ,this has already been foreseen by ,comte and this is why he made metaphysics the heir of theology4 ,but he concluded from this that the idea of force is destined to disappear from science2 for1 owing to its mystic origins1 he refused it all objective value4 ,but we are going to show that1 on the contrary1 religious forces are real1 howsoever imperfect the symbols may be1 by the aid of which they are thought of4 ,from this it will follow that the same is true of the concept of force in general4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,origins ,,of ,,these ,,beliefs--end ,origin of the ,idea of the ,totemic ,principle or ,mana ,the proposition established in the preceding chapter determines the terms in which the problem of the origins of totemism should be posed4 ,since totemism is everywhere dominated by the idea of a quasi-divine principle1 imminent in certain categories of men and things and thought of under the form of an animal or vegetable1 the explanation of this religion is essentially the explanation of this belief2 to arrive at this1 we must seek to learn how men have been led to construct this idea and out of what materials they have constructed it4 ,i ,it is obviously not out of the sensations which the things serving as totems are able to arouse in the mind2 we have shown that these things are frequently insignificant4 ,the lizard1 the caterpillar1 the rat1 the ant1 the frog1 the turkey1 the bream-fish1 the plum-tree1 the cockatoo1 etc41 to cite only those names which appear frequently in the lists of ,australian totems1 are not of a nature to produce upon men these great and strong impressions which in a way resemble religious emotions and which impress a sacred character upon the objects they create4 ,it is true that this is not the case with the stars and the great atmospheric phenomena1 which have1 on the contrary1 all that is necessary to strike the imagination forcibly2 but as a matter of fact1 these serve only very exceptionally as totems4 ,it is even probable that they were very slow in taking this office4#fgf ,so it is not the intrinsic nature of the thing whose name the clan bears that marked it out to become the object of a cult4 ,also1 if the sentiments which it inspired were really the determining cause of the totemic rites and beliefs1 it would be the pre-eminently sacred thing2 the animals or plants employed as totems would play an eminent part in the religious life4 ,but we know that the centre of the cult is actually elsewhere4 ,it is the figurative representations of this plant or animal and the totemic emblems and symbols of every sort1 which have the greatest sanctity2 so it is in them that is found the source of that religious nature1 of which the real objects represented by these emblems receive only a reflection4 ,thus the totem is before all a symbol1 a material expression of something else4#fgg ,but of what8 ,from the analysis to which we have been giving our attention1 it is evident that it expresses and symbolizes two different sorts of things4 ,in the first place1 it is the outward and visible form of what we have called the totemic principle or god4 ,but it is also the symbol of the determined society called the clan4 ,it is its flag2 it is the sign by which each clan distinguishes itself from the others1 the visible mark of its personality1 a mark borne by everything which is a part of the clan under any title whatsoever1 men1 beasts or things4 ,so if it is at once the symbol of the god and of the society1 is that not because the god and the society are only one8 ,how could the emblem of the group have been able to become the figure of this quasi-divinity1 if the group and the divinity were two distinct realities8 ,the god of the clan1 the totemic principle1 can therefore be nothing else than the clan itself1 personified and represented to the imagination under the visible form of the animal or vegetable which serves as totem4 ,but how has this apotheosis been possible1 and how did it happen to take place in this fashion8 ,,ii ,in a general way1 it is unquestionable that a society has all that is necessary to arouse the sensation of the divine in minds1 merely by the power that it has over them2 for to its members it is what a god is to his worshippers4 ,in fact1 a god is1 first of all1 a being whom men think of as superior to themselves1 and upon whom they feel that they depend4 ,whether it be a conscious personality1 such as ,zeus or ,jahveh1 or merely abstract forces such as those in play in totemism1 the worshipper1 in the one case as in the other1 believes himself held to certain manners of acting which are imposed upon him by the nature of the sacred principle with which he feels that he is in communion4 ,now society also gives us the sensation of a perpetual dependence4 ,since it has a nature which is peculiar to itself and different from our individual nature1 it pursues ends which are likewise special to it2 but1 as it cannot attain them except through our intermediacy1 it imperiously demands our aid4 ,it requires that1 forgetful of our own interests1 we make ourselves its servitors1 and it submits us to every sort of inconvenience1 privation and sacrifice1 without which social life would be impossible4 ,it is because of this that at every instant we are obliged to submit ourselves to rules of conduct and of thought which we have neither made nor desired1 and which are sometimes even contrary to our most fundamental inclinations and instincts4 ,even if society were unable to obtain these concessions and sacrifices from us except by a material constraint1 it might awaken in us only the idea of a physical force to which we must give way of necessity1 instead of that of a moral power such as religions adore4 ,but as a matter of fact1 the empire which it holds over consciences is due much less to the physical supremacy of which it has the privilege than to the moral authority with which it is invested4 ,if we yield to its orders1 it is not merely because it is strong enough to triumph over our resistance2 it is primarily because it is the object of a venerable respect4 ,we say that an object1 whether individual or collective1 inspires respect when the representation expressing it in the mind is gifted with such a force that it automatically causes or inhibits actions1 without regard for any consideration relative to their useful or injurious effects4 ,when we obey somebody because of the moral authority which we recognize in him1 we follow out his opinions1 not because they seem wise1 but because a certain sort of physical energy is imminent in the idea that we form of this person1 which conquers our will and inclines it in the indicated direction4 ,respect is the emotion which we experience when we feel this interior and wholly spiritual pressure operating upon us4 ,then we are not determined by the advantages or inconveniences of the attitude which is prescribed or recommended to us2 it is by the way in which we represent to ourselves the person recommending or prescribing it4 ,this is why commands generally take a short1 peremptory form leaving no place for hesitation2 it is because1 in so far as it is a command and goes by its own force1 it excludes all idea of deliberation or calculation2 it gets its efficacy from the intensity of the mental state in which it is placed4 ,it is this intensity which creates what is called a moral ascendancy4 ,now the ways of action to which society is strongly enough attached to impose them upon its members1 are1 by that very fact1 marked with a distinctive sign provocative of respect4 ,since they are elaborated in common1 the vigour with which they have been thought of by each particular mind is retained in all the other minds1 and reciprocally4 ,the representations which express them within each of us have an intensity which no purely private states of consciousness could ever attain2 for they have the strength of the innumerable individual representations which have served to form each of them4 ,it is society who speaks through the mouths of those who affirm them in our presence2 it is society whom we hear in hearing them2 and the voice of all has an accent which that of one alone could never have4#fgh ,the very violence with which society reacts1 by way of blame or material suppression1 against every attempted dissidence1 contributes to strengthening its empire by manifesting the common conviction through this burst of ardour4#fgi ,in a word1 when something is the object of such a state of opinion1 the representation which each individual has of it gains a power of action from its origins and the conditions in which it was born1 which even those feel who do not submit themselves to it4 ,it tends to repel the representations which contradict it1 and it keeps them at a distance2 on the other hand1 it commands those acts which will realize it1 and it does so1 not by a material coercion or by the perspective of something of this sort1 but by the simple radiation of the mental energy which it contains4 ,it has an efficacy coming solely from its psychical properties1 and it is by just this sign that moral authority is recognized4 ,so opinion1 primarily a social thing1 is a source of authority1 and it might even be asked whether all authority is not the daughter of opinion4#fhj ,it may be objected that science is often the antagonist of opinion1 whose errors it combats and rectifies4 ,but it cannot succeed in this task if it does not have sufficient authority1 and it can obtain this authority only from opinion itself4 ,if a people did not have faith in science1 all the scientific demonstrations in the world would be without any influence whatsoever over their minds4 ,even to-day1 if science happened to resist a very strong current of public opinion1 it would risk losing its credit there4#fha ,since it is in spiritual ways that social pressure exercises itself1 it could not fail to give men the idea that outside themselves there exist one or several powers1 both moral and1 at the same time1 efficacious1 upon which they depend4 ,they must think of these powers1 at least in part1 as outside themselves1 for these address them in a tone of command and sometimes even order them to do violence to their most natural inclinations4 ,it is undoubtedly true that if they were able to see that these influences which they feel emanate from society1 then the mythological system of interpretations would never be born4 ,but social action follows ways that are too circuitous and obscure1 and employs psychical mechanisms that are too complex to allow the ordinary observer to see whence it comes4 ,as long as scientific analysis does not come to teach it to them1 men know well that they are acted upon1 but they do not know by whom4 ,so they must invent by themselves the idea of these powers with which they feel themselves in connection1 and from that1 we are able to catch a glimpse of the way by which they were led to represent them under forms that are really foreign to their nature and to transfigure them by thought4 ,but a god is not merely an authority upon whom we depend2 it is a force upon which our strength relies4 ,the man who has obeyed his god and who1 for this reason1 believes the god is with him1 approaches the world with confidence and with the feeling of an increased energy4 ,likewise1 social action does not confine itself to demanding sacrifices1 privations and efforts from us4 ,for the collective force is not entirely outside of us2 it does not act upon us wholly from without2 but rather1 since society cannot exist except in and through individual consciousnesses1#fhb this force must also penetrate us and organize itself within us2 it thus becomes an integral part of our being and by that very fact this is elevated and magnified4 ,there are occasions when this strengthening and vivifying action of society is especially apparent4 ,in the midst of an assembly animated by a common passion1 we become susceptible of acts and sentiments of which we are incapable when reduced to our own forces2 and when the assembly is dissolved and when1 finding ourselves alone again1 we fall back to our ordinary level1 we are then able to measure the height to which we have been raised above ourselves4 ,history abounds in examples of this sort4 ,it is enough to think of the night of the ,fourth of ,august1 #aghi1 when an assembly was suddenly led to an act of sacrifice and abnegation which each of its members had refused the day before1 and at which they were all surprised the day after4#fhc ,this is why all parties1 political1 economic or confessional1 are careful to have periodical reunions where their members may revivify their common faith by manifesting it in common4 ,to strengthen those sentiments which1 if left to themselves1 would soon weaken1 it is sufficient to bring those who hold them together and to put them into closer and more active relations with one another4 ,this is the explanation of the particular attitude of a man speaking to a crowd1 at least if he has succeeded in entering into communion with it4 ,his language has a grandiloquence that would be ridiculous in ordinary circumstances2 his gestures show a certain domination2 his very thought is impatient of all rules1 and easily falls into all sorts of excesses4 ,it is because he feels within him an abnormal over-supply of force which overflows and tries to burst out from him2 sometimes he even has the feeling that he is dominated by a moral force which is greater than he and of which he is only the interpreter4 ,it is by this trait that we are able to recognize what has often been called the demon of oratorical inspiration4 ,now this exceptional increase of force is something very real2 it comes to him from the very group which he addresses4 ,the sentiments provoked by his words come back to him1 but enlarged and amplified1 and to this degree they strengthen his own sentiment4 ,the passionate energies he arouses re-echo within him and quicken his vital tone4 ,it is no longer a simple individual who speaks2 it is a group incarnate and personified4 ,beside these passing and intermittent states1 there are other more durable ones1 where this strengthening influence of society makes itself felt with greater consequences and frequently even with greater brilliancy4 ,there are periods in history when1 under the influence of some great collective shock1 social interactions have become much more frequent and active4 ,men look for each other and assemble together more than ever4 ,that general effervescence results which is characteristic of revolutionary or creative epochs4 ,now this greater activity results in a general stimulation of individual forces4 ,men see more and differently now than in normal times4 ,changes are not merely of shades and degrees2 men become different4 ,the passions moving them are of such an intensity that they cannot be satisfied except by violent and unrestrained actions1 actions of superhuman heroism or of bloody barbarism4 ,this is what explains the ,crusades1#fhd for example1 or many of the scenes1 either sublime or savage1 of the ,french ,revolution4#fhe ,under the influence of the general exaltation1 we see the most mediocre and inoffensive bourgeois become either a hero or a butcher4#fhf ,and so clearly are all these mental processes the ones that are also at the root of religion that the individuals themselves have often pictured the pressure before which they thus gave way in a distinctly religious form4 ,the ,crusaders believed that they felt ,god present in the midst of them1 enjoining them to go to the conquest of the ,holy ,land2 ,joan of ,arc believed that she obeyed celestial voices4#fhg ,but it is not only in exceptional circumstances that this stimulating action of society makes itself felt2 there is not1 so to speak1 a moment in our lives when some current of energy does not come to us from without4 ,the man who has done his duty finds1 in the manifestations of every sort expressing the sympathy1 esteem or affection which his fellows have for him1 a feeling of comfort1 of which he does not ordinarily take account1 but which sustains him1 none the less4 ,the sentiments which society has for him raise the sentiments which he has for himself4 ,because he is in moral harmony with his comrades1 he has more confidence1 courage and boldness in action1 just like the believer who thinks that he feels the regard of his god turned graciously towards him4 ,it thus produces1 as it were1 a perpetual sustenance for our moral nature4 ,since this varies with a multitude of external circumstances1 as our relations with the groups about us are more or less active and as these groups themselves vary1 we cannot fail to feel that this moral support depends upon an external cause2 but we do not perceive where this cause is nor what it is4 ,so we ordinarily think of it under the form of a moral power which1 though immanent in us1 represents within us something not ourselves3 this is the moral conscience1 of which1 by the way1 men have never made even a slightly distinct representation except by the aid of religious symbols4 ,in addition to these free forces which are constantly coming to renew our own1 there are others which are fixed in the methods and traditions which we employ4 ,we speak a language that we did not make2 we use instruments that we did not invent2 we invoke rights that we did not found2 a treasury of knowledge is transmitted to each generation that it did not gather itself1 etc4 ,it is to society that we owe these varied benefits of civilization1 and if we do not ordinarily see the source from which we get them1 we at least know that they are not our own work4 ,now it is these things that give man his own place among things2 a man is a man only because he is civilized4 ,so he could not escape the feeling that outside of him there are active causes from which he gets the characteristic attributes of his nature and which1 as benevolent powers1 assist him1 protect him and assure him of a privileged fate4 ,and of course he must attribute to these powers a dignity corresponding to the great value of the good things he attributes to them4#fhh ,thus the environment in which we live seems to us to be peopled with forces that are at once imperious and helpful1 august and gracious1 and with which we have relations4 ,since they exercise over us a pressure of which we are conscious1 we are forced to localize them outside ourselves1 just as we do for the objective causes of our sensations4 ,but the sentiments which they inspire in us differ in nature from those which we have for simple visible objects4 ,as long as these latter are reduced to their empirical characteristics as shown in ordinary experience1 and as long as the religious imagination has not metamorphosed them1 we entertain for them no feeling which resembles respect1 and they contain within them nothing that is able to raise us outside ourselves4 ,therefore1 the representations which express them appear to us to be very different from those aroused in us by collective influences4 ,the two form two distinct and separate mental states in our consciousness1 just as do the two forms of life to which they correspond4 ,consequently1 we get the impression that we are in relations with two distinct sorts of reality and that a sharply drawn line of demarcation separates them from each other3 on the one hand is the world of profane things1 on the other1 that of sacred things4 ,also1 in the present day just as much as in the past1 we see society constantly creating sacred things out of ordinary ones4 ,if it happens to fall in love with a man and if it thinks it has found in him the principal aspirations that move it1 as well as the means of satisfying them1 this man will be raised above the others and1 as it were1 deified4 ,opinion will invest him with a majesty exactly analogous to that protecting the gods4 ,this is what has happened to so many sovereigns in whom their age had faith3 if they were not made gods1 they were at least regarded as direct representatives of the deity4 ,and the fact that it is society alone which is the author of these varieties of apotheosis1 is evident since it frequently chances to consecrate men thus who have no right to it from their own merit4 ,the simple deference inspired by men invested with high social functions is not different in nature from religious respect4 ,it is expressed by the same movements3 a man keeps at a distance from a high personage2 he approaches him only with precautions2 in conversing with him1 he uses other gestures and language than those used with ordinary mortals4 ,the sentiment felt on these occasions is so closely related to the religious sentiment that many peoples have confounded the two4 ,in order to explain the consideration accorded to princes1 nobles and political chiefs1 a sacred character has been attributed to them4 ,in ,melanesia and ,polynesia1 for example1 it is said that an influential man has mana1 and that his influence is due to this mana4#fhi ,however1 it is evident that his situation is due solely to the importance attributed to him by public opinion4 ,thus the moral power conferred by opinion and that with which sacred beings are invested are at bottom of a single origin and made up of the same elements4 ,that is why a single word is able to designate the two4 ,in addition to men1 society also consecrates things1 especially ideas4 ,if a belief is unanimously shared by a people1 then1 for the reason which we pointed out above1 it is forbidden to touch it1 that is to say1 to deny it or to contest it4 ,now the prohibition of criticism is an interdiction like the others and proves the presence of something sacred4 ,even to-day1 howsoever great may be the liberty which we accord to others1 a man who should totally deny progress or ridicule the human ideal to which modern societies are attached1 would produce the effect of a sacrilege4 ,there is at least one principle which those the most devoted to the free examination of everything tend to place above discussion and to regard as untouchable1 that is to say1 as sacred3 this is the very principle of free examination4 ,this aptitude of society for setting itself up as a god or for creating gods was never more apparent than during the first years of the ,french ,revolution4 ,at this time1 in fact1 under the influence of the general enthusiasm1 things purely lacal by nature were transformed by public opinion into sacred things3 these were the ,fatherland1 ,liberty1 ,reason4#fij ,a religion tended to become established which had its dogmas1#fia symbols1#fib altars#fic and feasts4#fid ,it was to these spontaneous aspirations that the cult of ,reason and the ,supreme ,being attempted to give a sort of official satisfaction4 ,it is true that this religious renovation had only an ephemeral duration4 ,but that was because the patriotic enthusiasm which at first transported the masses soon relaxed4#fie ,the cause being gone1 the effect could not remain4 ,but this experiment1 though short-lived1 keeps all its sociological interest4 ,it remains true that in one determined case we have seen society and its essential ideas become1 directly and with no transfiguration of any sort1 the object of a veritable cult4 ,all these facts allow us to catch glimpses of how the clan was able to awaken within its members the idea that outside of them there exist forces which dominate them and at the same time sustain them1 that is to say in fine1 religious forces3 it is because there is no society with which the primitive is more directly and closely connected4 ,the bonds uniting him to the tribe are much more lax and more feebly felt4 ,although this is not at all strange or foreign to him1 it is with the people of his own clan that he has the greatest number of things in common2 it is the action of this group that he feels the most directly2 so it is this also which1 in preference to all others1 should express itself in religious symbols4 ,but this first explanation has been too general1 for it is applicable to every sort of society indifferently1 and consequently to every sort of religion4 ,let us attempt to determine exactly what form this collective action takes in the clan and how it arouses the sensation of sacredness there4 ,for there is no place where it is more easily observable or more apparent in its results4 ,,iii ,the life of the ,australian societies passes alternately through two distinct phases4#fif ,sometimes the population is broken up into little groups who wander about independently of one another1 in their various occupations2 each family lives by itself1 hunting and fishing1 and in a word1 trying to procure its indispensable food by all the means in its power4 ,sometimes1 on the contrary1 the population concentrates and gathers at determined points for a length of time varying from several days to several months4 ,this concentration takes place when a clan or a part of the tribe#fig is summoned to the gathering1 and on this occasion they celebrate a religious ceremony1 or else hold what is called a corrobbori#fih in the usual ethnological language4 ,these two phases are contrasted with each other in the sharpest way4 ,in the first1 economic activity is the preponderating one1 and it is generally of a very mediocre intensity4 ,gathering the grains or herbs that are necessary for food1 or hunting and fishing are not occupations to awaken very lively passions4#fii ,the dispersed condition in which the society finds itself results in making its life uniform1 languishing and dull4#gjj ,but when a corrobbori takes place1 everything changes4 ,since the emotional and passional faculties of the primitive are only imperfectly placed under the control of his reason and will1 he easily loses control of himself4 ,any event of some importance puts him quite outside himself4 ,does he receive good news8 ,there are at once transports of enthusiasm4 ,in the contrary conditions1 he is to be seen running here and there like a madman1 giving himself up to all sorts of immoderate movements1 crying1 shrieking1 rolling in the dust1 throwing it in every direction1 biting himself1 brandishing his arms in a furious manner1 etc4#gja ,the very fact of the concentration acts as an exceptionally powerful stimulant4 ,when they are once come together1 a sort of electricity is formed by their collecting which quickly transports them to an extraordinary degree of exaltation4 ,every sentiment expressed finds a place without resistance in all the minds1 which are very open to outside impressions2 each re-echoes the others1 and is re-echoed by the others4 ,the initial impulse thus proceeds1 growing as it goes1 as an avalanche grows in its advance4 ,and as such active passions so free from all control could not fail to burst out1 on every side one sees nothing but violent gestures1 cries1 veritable howls1 and deafening noises of every sort1 which aid in intensifying still more the state of mind which they manifest4 ,and since a collective sentiment cannot express itself collectively except on the condition of observing a certain order permitting co-operation and movements in unison1 these gestures and cries naturally tend to become rhythmic and regular2 hence come songs and dances4 ,but in taking a more regular form1 they lose nothing of their natural violence2 a regulated tumult remains tumult4 ,the human voice is not sufficient for the task2 it is reinforced by means of artificial processes3 boomerangs are beaten against each other2 bull-roarers are whirled4 ,it is probable that these instruments1 the use of which is so general in the ,australian religious ceremonies1 are used primarily to express in a more adequate fashion the agitation felt4 ,but while they express it1 they also strengthen it4 ,this effervescence often reaches such a point that it causes unheard-of actions4 ,the passions released are of such an impetuosity that they can be restrained by nothing4 ,they are so far removed from their ordinary conditions of life1 and they are so thoroughly conscious of it1 that they feel that they must set themselves outside of and above their ordinary morals4 ,the sexes unite contrarily to the rules governing sexual relations4 ,men exchange wives with each other4 ,sometimes even incestuous unions1 which in normal times are thought abominable and are severely punished1 are now contracted openly and with impunity4#gjb ,if we add to all this that the ceremonies generally take place at night in a darkness pierced here and there by the light of fires1 we can easily imagine what effect such scenes ought to produce on the minds of those who participate4 ,they produce such a violent super-excitation of the whole physical and mental life that it cannot be supported very long3 the actor taking the principal part finally falls exhausted on the ground4#gjc ,to illustrate and make specific this necessarily schematic picture1 let us describe certain scenes taken from ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,one of the most important religious ceremonies among the ,warramunga is the one concerning the snake ,wollunqua4 ,it consists in a series of ceremonies lasting through several days4 ,on the fourth day comes the following scene4 ,according to the ceremonial used among the ,warramunga1 representatives of the two phratries take part1 one as officiants1 the other as preparers and assistants4 ,only the members of the ,uluuru phratry are qualified to celebrate the rite1 but the members of the ,kingilli phratry must decorate the actors1 make ready the place and the instruments1 and play the part of an audience4 ,in this capacity1 they were charged with making a sort of mound in advance out of wet sand1 upon which a design is marked with red down which represents the snake ,wollunqua4 ,the real ceremony only commenced after nightfall4 ,towards ten or eleven o'clock1 the ,uluuru and ,kingilli men arrived on the ground1 sat down on the mound and commenced to sing4 ,everyone was evidently very excited4 ,a little later in the evening1 the ,uluuru brought up their wives and gave them over to the ,kingilli1#gjd who had intercourse with them4 ,then the recently initiated young men were brought in and the whole ceremony was explained to them in detail1 and until three o'clock in the morning singing went on without a pause4 ,then followed a scene of the wildest excitement4 ,while fires were lighted on all sides1 making the whiteness of the gum-trees stand out sharply against the surrounding darkness1 the ,uluuru knelt down one behind another beside the mound1 then rising from the ground they went around it1 with a movement in unison1 their two hands resting upon their thighs1 then a little farther on they knelt down again1 and so on4 ,at the same time they swayed their bodies1 now to the right and now to the left1 while uttering at each movement a piercing cry1 a veritable yell1 ,yrrsh6 ,yrrsh6 ,yrrsh6 ,in the meantime the ,kingilli1 in a state of great excitement1 clanged their boomerangs and their chief was even more agitated than his companions4 ,when the procession of the ,uluuru had twice gone around the mound1 quitting the kneeling position1 they sat down and commenced to sing again2 at moments the singing died away1 then suddenly took up again4 ,when day commenced to dawn1 all leaped to their feet2 the fires that had gone out were relighted and the ,uluuru1 urged on by the ,kingilli1 attacked the mound furiously with boomerangs1 lances and clubs2 in a few minutes it was torn to pieces4 ,the fires died away and profound silence reigned again4#gje ,a still more violent scene at which these same observers assisted was in connection with the fire ceremonies among the ,warramunga4 ,commencing at nightfall1 all sorts of processions1 dances and songs had taken place by torchlight2 the general effervescence was constantly increasing4 ,at a given moment1 twelve assistants each took a great lighted torch in their hands1 and one of them holding his like a bayonet1 charged into a group of natives4 ,blows were warded off with clubs and spears4 ,a general mle followed4 ,the men leaped and pranced about1 uttering savage yells all the time2 the burning torches continually came crashing down on the heads and bodies of the men1 scattering lighted sparks in every direction4 ,the smoke1 the blazing torches1 the showers of sparks falling in all directions and the masses of dancing1 yelling men1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 formed altogether a genuinely wild and savage scene of which it is impossible to convey any adequate idea in words4#gjf ,one can readily conceive how1 when arrived at this state of exaltation1 a man does not recognize himself any longer4 ,feeling himself dominated and carried away by some sort of an external power which makes him think and act differently than in normal times1 he naturally has the impression of being himself no longer4 ,it seems to him that he has become a new being3 the decorations he puts on and the masks that cover his face figure materially in this interior transformation1 and to a still greater extent1 they aid in determining its nature4 ,and as at the same time all his companions feel themselves transformed in the same way and express this sentiment by their cries1 their gestures and their general attitude1 everything is just as though he really were transported into a special world1 entirely different from the one where he ordinarily lives1 and into an environment filled with exceptionally intense forces that take hold of him and metamorphose him4 ,how could such experiences as these1 especially when they are repeated every day4 for weeks1 fail to leave in him the conviction that there really exist two heterogeneous and mutually incomparable worlds8 ,one is that where his daily life drags wearily along2 but he cannot penetrate into the other without at once entering into relations with extraordinary powers that excite him to the point of frenzy4 ,the first is the profane world1 the second1 that of sacred things4 ,so it is in the midst of these effervescent social environments and out of this effervescence itself that the religious idea seems to be born4 ,the theory that this is really its origin is confirmed by the fact that in ,australia the really religious activity is almost entirely confined to the moments when these assemblies are held4 ,to be sure1 there is no people among whom the great solemnities of the cult are not more or less periodic2 but in the more advanced societies1 there is not1 so to speak1 a day when some prayer or offering is not addressed to the gods and some ritual act is not performed4 ,but in ,australia1 on the contrary1 apart from the celebrations of the clan and tribe1 the time is nearly all filled with lay and profane occupations4 ,of course there are prohibitions that should be and are preserved even during these periods of temporal activity2 it is never permissible to kill or eat freely of the totemic animal1 at least in those parts where the interdiction has retained its original vigour2 but almost no positive rites are then celebrated1 and there are no ceremonies of any importance4 ,these take place only in the midst of assembled groups4 ,the religious life of the ,australian passes through successive phases of complete lull and of super-excitation1 and social life oscillates in the same rhythm4 ,this puts clearly into evidence the bond uniting them to one another1 but among the peoples called civilized1 the relative continuity of the two blurs their relations4 ,it might even be asked whether the violence of this contrast was not necessary to disengage the feeling of sacredness in its first form4 ,by concentrating itself almost entirely in certain determined moments1 the collective life has been able to attain its greatest intensity and efficacy1 and consequently to give men a more active sentiment of the double existence they lead and of the double nature in which they participate4 ,but this explanation is still incomplete4 ,we have shown how the clan1 by the manner in which it acts upon its members1 awakens within them the idea of external forces which dominate them and exalt them2 but we must still demand how it happens that these forces are thought of under the form of totems1 that is to say1 in the shape of an animal or plant4 ,it is because this animal or plant has given its name to the clan and serves it as emblem4 ,in fact1 it is a well-known law that the sentiments aroused in us by something spontaneously attach themselves to the symbol which represents them4 ,for us1 black is a sign of mourning2 it also suggests sad impressions and ideas4 ,this transference of sentiments comes simply from the fact that the idea of a thing and the idea of its symbol are closely united in our minds2 the result is that the emotions provoked by the one extend contagiously to the other4 ,but this contagion1 which takes place in every case to a certain degree1 is much more complete and more marked when the symbol is something simple1 definite and easily representable1 while the thing itself1 owing to its dimensions1 the number of its parts and the complexity of their arrangement1 is difficult to hold in the mind4 ,for we are unable to consider an abstract entity1 which we can represent only laboriously and confusedly1 the source of the strong sentiments which we feel4 ,we cannot explain them to ourselves except by connecting them to some concrete object of whose reality we are vividly aware4 ,then if the thing itself does not fulfil this condition1 it cannot serve as the accepted basis of the sentiments felt1 even though it may be what really aroused them4 ,then some sign takes its place2 it is to this that we connect the emotions it excites4 ,it is this which is loved1 feared1 respected2 it is to this that we are grateful2 it is for this that we sacrifice ourselves4 ,the soldier who dies for his flag1 dies for his country2 but as a matter of fact1 in his own consciousness1 it is the flag that has the first place4 ,it sometimes happens that this even directly determines action4 ,whether one isolated standard remains in the hands of the enemy or not does not determine the fate of the country1 yet the soldier allows himself to be killed to regain it4 ,he loses sight of the fact that the flag is only a sign1 and that it has no value in itself1 but only brings to mind the reality that it represents2 it is treated as if it were this reality itself4 ,now the totem is the flag of the clan4 ,it is therefore natural that the impressions aroused by the clan in individual minds--impressions of dependence and of increased vitality--should fix themselves to the idea of the totem rather than that of the clan3 for the clan is too complex a reality to be represented clearly in all its complex unity by such rudimentary intelligences4 ,more than that1 the primitive does not even see that these impressions come to him from the group4 ,he does not know that the coming together of a number of men associated in the same life results in disengaging new energies1 which transform each of them4 ,all that he knows is that he is raised above himself and that he sees a different life from the one he ordinarily leads4 ,however1 he must connect these sensations to some external object as their cause4 ,now what does he see about him8 ,on every side those things which appeal to his senses and strike his imagination are the numerous images of the totem4 ,they are the waninga and the nurtunja1 which are symbols of the sacred being4 ,they are churinga and bull-roarers1 upon which are generally carved combinations of lines having the same significance4 ,they are the decorations covering the different parts of his body1 which are totemic marks4 ,how could this image1 repeated everywhere and in all sorts of forms1 fail to stand out with exceptional relief in his mind8 ,placed thus in the centre of the scene1 it becomes representative4 ,the sentiments experienced fix themselves upon it1 for it is the only concrete object upon which they can fix themselves4 ,it continues to bring them to mind and to evoke them even after the assembly has dissolved1 for it survives the assembly1 being carved upon the instruments of the cult1 upon the sides of rocks1 upon bucklers1 etc4 ,by it1 the emotions experienced are perpetually sustained and revived4 ,everything happens just as if they inspired them directly4 ,it is still more natural to attribute them to it for1 since they are common to the group1 they can be associated only with something that is equally common to all4 ,now the totemic emblem is the only thing satisfying this condition4 ,by definition1 it is common to all4 ,during the ceremony1 it is the centre of all regards4 ,while generations change1 it remains the same2 it is the permanent element of the social life4 ,so it is from it that those mysterious forces seem to emanate with which men feel that they are related1 and thus they have been led to represent these forces under the form of the animate or inanimate being whose name the clan bears4 ,when this point is once established1 we are in a position to understand all that is essential in the totemic beliefs4 ,since religious force is nothing other than the collective and anonymous force of the clan1 and since this can be represented in the mind only in the form of the totem1 the totemic emblem is like the visible body of the god4 ,therefore1 it is from it that those kindly or dreadful actions seem to emanate1 which the cult seeks to provoke or prevent2 consequently1 it is to it that the cult is addressed4 ,this is the explanation of why it holds the first place in the series of sacred things4 ,but the clan1 like every other sort of society1 can live only in and through the individual consciousnesses that compose it4 ,so if religious force1 in so far as it is conceived as incorporated in the totemic emblem1 appears to be outside of the individuals and to be endowed with a sort of transcendence over them1 it1 like the clan of which it is the symbol1 can be realized only in and through them2 in this sense1 it is imminent in them and they necessarily represent it as such4 ,they feel it present and active within them1 for1 it is this which raises them to a superior life4 ,this is why men have believed that they contain within them a principle comparable to the one residing in the totem1 and consequently1 why they have attributed a sacred character to themselves1 but one less marked than that of the emblem4 ,it is because the emblem is the pre-eminent source of the religious life2 the man participates in it only indirectly1 as he is well aware2 he takes into account the fact that the force that transports him into the world of sacred things is not inherent in him1 but comes to him from the outside4 ,but for still another reason1 the animals or vegetables of the totemic species should have the same character1 and even to a higher degree4 ,if the totemic principle is nothing else than the clan1 it is the clan thought of under the material form of the totemic emblem2 now this form is also that of the concrete beings whose name the clan bears4 ,owing to this resemblance1 they could not fail to evoke sentiments analogous to those aroused by the emblem itself4 ,since the latter is the object of a religious respect1 they too should inspire respect of the same sort and appear to be sacred4 ,having external forms so nearly identical1 it would be impossible for the native not to attribute to them forces of the same nature4 ,it is therefore forbidden to kill or eat the totemic animal1 since its flesh is believed to have the positive virtues resulting from the rites2 it is because it resembles the emblem of the clan1 that is to say1 it is in its own image4 ,and since the animal naturally resembles the emblem more than the man does1 it is placed on a superior rank in the hierarchy of sacred things4 ,between these two beings there is undoubtedly a close relationship1 for they both partake of the same essence3 both incarnate something of the totemic principle4 ,however1 since the principle itself is conceived under an animal form1 the animal seems to incarnate it more fully than the man4 ,therefore1 if men consider it and treat it as a brother1 it is at least as an elder brother4#gjg ,but even if the totemic principle has its preferred seat in a determined species of animal or vegetable1 it cannot remain localized there4 ,a sacred character is to a high degree contagious2#gjh it therefore spreads out from the totemic being to everything that is closely or remotely connected with it4 ,the religious sentiments inspired by the animal are communicated to the substances upon which it is nourished and which serve to make or remake its flesh and blood1 to the things that resemble it1 and to the different beings with which it has constant relations4 ,thus1 little by little1 sub-totems are attached to the totems and from the cosmological systems expressed by the primitive classifications4 ,at last1 the whole world is divided up among the totemic principles of each tribe4 ,we are now able to explain the origin of the ambiguity of religious forces as they appear in history1 and how they are physical as well as human1 moral as well as material4 ,they are moral powers because they are made up entirely of the impressions this moral being1 the group1 arouses in those other moral beings1 its individual members2 they do not translate the manner in which physical things affect our senses1 but the way in which the collective consciousness acts upon individual consciousnesses4 ,their authority is only one form of the moral ascendancy of society over its members4 ,but1 on the other hand1 since they are conceived of under material forms1 they could not fail to be regarded as closely related to material things4#gji ,therefore they dominate the two worlds4 ,their residence is in men1 but at the same time they are the vital principles of things4 ,they animate minds and discipline them1 but it is also they who make plants grow and animals reproduce4 ,it is this double nature which has enabled religion to be like the womb from which come all the leading germs of human civilization4 ,since it has been made to embrace all of reality1 the physical world as well as the moral one1 the forces that move bodies as well as those that move minds have been conceived in a religious form4 ,that is how the most diverse methods and practices1 both those that make possible the continuation of the moral life 7law1 morals1 beaux-arts7 and those serving the material life 7the natural1 technical and practical sciences71 are either directly or indirectly derived from religion4#gaj ,,iv ,the first religious conceptions have often been attributed to feelings of weakness and dependence1 of fear and anguish which seized men when they came into contact with the world4 ,being the victims of nightmares of which they were themselves the creators1 they believed themselves surrounded by hostile and redoubtable powers which their rites sought to appease4 ,we have now shown that the first religions were of a wholly different origin4 ,the famous formula ,primus in orbe deos fecit timor is in no way justified by the facts4 ,the primitive does not regard his gods as foreigners1 enemies or thoroughly and necessarily malevolent beings whose favours he must acquire at any price2 quite on the contrary1 they are rather friends1 kindred or natural protectors for him4 ,are these not the names he gives to the beings of the totemic species8 ,the power to which the cult is addressed is not represented as soaring high above him and overwhelming him by its superiority2 on the contrary1 it is very near to him and confers upon him very useful powers which he could never acquire by himself4 ,perhaps the deity has never been nearer to men than at this period of history1 when it is present in the things filling their immediate environment and is1 in part1 imminent in himself4 ,in fine1 the sentiments at the root of totemism are those of happy confidence rather than of terror and compression4 ,if we set aside the funeral rites--the sober side of every religion--we find the totemic cult celebrated in the midst of songs1 dances and dramatic representations4 ,as we shall see1 cruel expiations are relatively rare2 even the painful and obligatory mutilations of the initiations are not of this character4 ,the terrible and jealous gods appear but slowly in the religious evolution4 ,this is because primitive societies are not those huge ,leviathans which overwhelm a man by the enormity of their power and place him under a severe discipline2#gaa he gives himself up to them spontaneously and without resistance4 ,as the social soul is then made up of only a small number of ideas and sentiments1 it easily becomes wholly incarnate in each individual consciousness4 ,the individual carries it all inside of him2 it is a part of him and consequently1 when he gives himself up to the impulses inspired by it1 he does not feel that he is giving way before compulsion1 but that he is going where his nature calls him4#gab ,this way of understanding the origins of religious thought escapes the objections raised against the most accredited classical theories4 ,we have seen how the naturists and animists pretend to construct the idea of sacred beings out of the sensations evoked in us by different phenomena of the physical or biological order1 and we have shown how this enterprise is impossible and even self-contradictory4 ,nothing is worth nothing4 ,the impressions produced in us by the physical world can1 by definition1 contain nothing that surpasses this world4 ,out of the visible1 only the visible can be made2 out of that which is heard1 we cannot make something not heard4 ,then to explain how the idea of sacredness has been able to take form under these conditions1 the majority of the theorists have been obliged to admit that men have superimposed upon reality1 such as it is given by observation1 an unreal world1 constructed entirely out of the fantastic images which agitate his mind during a dream1 or else out of the frequently monstrous aberrations produced by the mythological imagination under the bewitching but deceiving influence of language4 ,but it remained incomprehensible that humanity should have remained obstinate in these errors through the ages1 for experience should have very quickly proven them false4 ,but from our point of view1 these difficulties disappear4 ,religion ceases to be an inexplicable hallucination and takes a foothold in reality4 ,in fact1 we can say that the believer is not deceived when he believes in the existence of a moral power upon which he depends and from which he receives all that is best in himself3 this power exists1 it is society4 ,when the ,australian is carried outside himself and feels a new life flowing within him whose intensity surprises him1 he is not the dupe of an illusion2 this exaltation is real and is really the effect of forces outside of and superior to the individual4 ,it is true that he is wrong in thinking that this increase of vitality is the work of a power in the form of some animal or plant4 ,but this error is merely in regard to the letter of the symbol by which this being is represented to the mind and the external appearance which the imagination has given it1 and not in regard to the fact of its existence4 ,behind these figures and metaphors1 be they gross or refined1 there is a concrete and living reality4 ,thus religion acquires a meaning and a reasonableness that the most intransigent rationalist cannot misunderstand4 ,its primary object is not to give men a representation of the physical world2 for if that were its essential task1 we could not understand how it has been able to survive1 for1 on this side1 it is scarcely more than a fabric of errors4 ,before all1 it is a system of ideas with which the individuals represent to themselves the society of which they are members1 and the obscure but intimate relations which they have with it4 ,this is its primary function2 and though metaphorical and symbolic1 this representation is not unfaithful4 ,quite on the contrary1 it translates everything essential in the relations which are to be explained3 for it is an eternal truth that outside of us there exists something greater than us1 with which we enter into communion4 ,that is why we can rest assured in advance that the practices of the cult1 whatever they may be1 are something more than movements without importance and gestures without efficacy4 ,by the mere fact that their apparent function is to strengthen the bonds attaching the believer to his god1 they at the same time really strengthen the bonds attaching the individual to the society of which he is a member1 since the god is only a figurative expression of the society4 ,we are even able to understand how the fundamental truth thus contained in religion has been able to compensate for the secondary errors which it almost necessarily implies1 and how believers have consequently been restrained from tearing themselves off from it1 in spite of the misunderstandings which must result from these errors4 ,it is undeniably true that the recipes which it recommends that men use to act upon things are generally found to be ineffective4 ,but these checks can have no profound influence1 for they do not touch religion in its fundamentals4#gac ,however1 it may be objected that even according to this hypothesis1 religion remains the object of a certain delirium4 ,what other name can we give to that state when1 after a collective effervescence1 men believe themselves transported into an entirely different world from the one they have before their eyes8 ,it is certainly true that religious life cannot attain a certain degree of intensity without implying a psychical exaltation not far removed from delirium4 ,that is why the prophets1 the founders of religions1 the great saints1 in a word1 the men whose religious consciousness is exceptionally sensitive1 very frequently give signs of an excessive nervousness that is even pathological3 these physiological defects predestined them to great religious rles4 ,the ritual use of intoxicating liquors is to be explained in the same way4#gad ,of course this does not mean that an ardent religious faith is necessarily the fruit of the drunkenness and mental derangement which accompany it2 but as experience soon informed people of the similarities between the mentality of a delirious person and that of a seer1 they sought to open a way to the second by artificially exciting the first4 ,but if1 for this reason1 it may be said that religion is not without a certain delirium1 it must be added that this delirium1 if it has the causes which we have attributed to it1 is well-founded4 ,the images out of which it is made are not pure illusions like those the naturists and animists put at the basis of religion2 they correspond to something in reality4 ,of course it is only natural that the moral forces they express should be unable to affect the human mind powerfully without pulling it outside itself and without plunging it into a state that may be called ecstatic1 provided that the word be taken in its etymological sense 7,greek3 ekstasis72 but it does not follow that they are imaginary4 ,quite on the contrary1 the mental agitation they cause bears witness to their reality4 ,it is merely one more proof that a very intense social life always does a sort of violence to the organism1 as well as to the individual consciousness1 which interferes with its normal functioning4 ,therefore it can last only a limited length of time4#gae ,moreover1 if we give the name delirious to every state in which the mind adds to the immediate data given by the senses and projects its own sentiments and feelings into things1 then nearly every collective representation is in a sense delirious2 religious beliefs are only one particular case of a very general law4 ,our whole social environment seems to us to be filled with forces which really exist only in our own minds4 ,we know what the flag is for the soldier2 in itself1 it is only a piece of cloth4 ,human blood is only an organic liquid1 but even to-day we cannot see it flowing without feeling a violent emotion which its physico-chemical properties cannot explain4 ,from the physical point of view1 a man is nothing more than a system of cells1 or from the mental point of view1 than a system of representations2 in either case1 he differs only in degree from animals4 ,yet society conceives him1 and obliges us to conceive him1 as invested with a character sui generis that isolates him1 holds at a distance all rash encroachments and1 in a word1 imposes respect4 ,this dignity which puts him into a class by himself appears to us as one of his distinctive attributes1 although we can find nothing in the empirical nature of man which justifies it4 ,a cancelled postage stamp may be worth a fortune2 but surely this value is in no way implied in its natural properties4 ,in a sense1 our representation of the external world is undoubtedly a mere fabric of hallucinations1 for the odours1 tastes and colours that we put into bodies are not really there1 or at least1 they are not such as we perceive them4 ,however1 our olfactory1 gustatory and visual sensations continue to correspond to certain objective states of the things represented2 they express in their way the properties1 either of material particles or of ether waves1 which certainly have their origin in the bodies which we perceive as fragrant1 sapid or coloured4 ,but collective representations very frequently attribute to the things to which they are attached qualities which do not exist under any form or to any degree4 ,out of the commonest object1 they can make a most powerful sacred being4 ,yet the powers which are thus conferred1 though purely ideal1 act as though they were real2 they determine the conduct of men with the same degree of necessity as physical forces4 ,the ,arunta who has been rubbed with his churinga feels himself stronger2 he is stronger4 ,if he has eaten the flesh of an animal which1 though perfectly healthy1 is forbidden to him1 he will feel himself sick1 and may die of it4 ,surely the soldier who falls while defending his flag does not believe that he sacrifices himself for a bit of cloth4 ,this is all because social thought1 owing to the imperative authority that is in it1 has an efficacy that individual thought could never have2 by the power which it has over our minds1 it can make us see things in whatever light it pleases2 it adds to reality or deducts from it according to the circumstances4 ,thus there is one division of nature where the formula of idealism is applicable almost to the letter3 this is the social kingdom4 ,here more than anywhere else1 the idea is the reality4 ,even in this case1 of course1 idealism is not true without modification4 ,we can never escape the duality of our nature and free ourselves completely from physical necessities3 in order to express our own ideas to ourselves1 it is necessary1 as has been shown above1 that we fix them upon material things which symbolize them4 ,but here the part of matter is reduced to a minimum4 ,the object serving as support for the idea is not much in comparison with the ideal superstructure1 beneath which it disappears1 and also1 it counts for nothing in the superstructure4 ,this is what that pseudo-delirium consists in1 which we find at the bottom of so many collective representations3 it is only a form of this essential idealism4#gaf ,so it is not properly called a delirium1 for the ideas thus objectified are well founded1 not in the nature of the material things upon which they settle themselves1 but in the nature of society4 ,we are now able to understand how the totemic principle1 and in general1 every religious force1 comes to be outside of the object in which it resides4#gag ,it is because the idea of it is in no way made up of the impressions directly produced by this thing upon our senses or minds4 ,religious force is only the sentiment inspired by the group in its members1 but projected outside of the consciousnesses that experience them1 and objectified4 ,to be objectified1 they are fixed upon some object which thus becomes sacred2 but any object might fulfil this function4 ,in principle1 there are none whose nature predestines them to it to the exclusion of all others2 but also there are none that are necessarily impossible4#gah ,everything depends upon the circumstances which lead the sentiment creating religious ideas to establish itself here or there1 upon this point or upon that one4 ,therefore1 the sacred character assumed by an object is not implied in the intrinsic properties of this latter3 it is added to them4 ,the world of religious things is not one particular aspect of empirical nature2 it is superimposed upon it4 ,this conception of the religious1 finally1 allows us to explain an important principle found at the bottom of a multitude of myths and rites1 and which may be stated thus3 when a sacred thing is subdivided1 each of its parts remains equal to the thing itself4 ,in other words1 as far as religious thought is concerned1 the part is equal to the whole2 it has the same powers1 the same efficacy4 ,the debris of a relic has the same virtue as a relic in good condition4 ,the smallest drop of blood contains the same active principle as the whole thing4 ,the soul1 as we shall see1 may be broken up into nearly as many pieces as there are organs or tissues in the organism2 each of these partial souls is worth a whole soul4 ,this conception would be inexplicable if the sacredness of something were due to the constituent properties of the thing itself2 for in that case1 it should vary with this thing1 increasing and decreasing with it4 ,but if the virtues it is believed to possess are not intrinsic in it1 and if they come from certain sentiments which it brings to mind and symbolizes1 though these originate outside of it1 then1 since it has no need of determined dimensions to play this rle of reminder1 it will have the same value whether it is entire or not4 ,since the part makes us think of the whole1 it evokes the same sentiments as the whole4 ,a mere fragment of the flag represents the fatherland just as well as the flag itself3 so it is sacred in the same way and to the same degree4#gai ,v ,but if this theory of totemism has enabled us to explain the most characteristic beliefs of this religion1 it rests upon a fact not yet explained4 ,when the idea of the totem1 the emblem of the clan1 is given1 all the rest follows2 but we must still investigate how this idea has been formed4 ,this is a double question and may be subdivided as follows3 ,what has led the clan to choose an emblem8 and why have these emblems been borrowed from the animal and vegetable worlds1 and particularly from the former8 ,that an emblem is useful as a rallying-centre for any sort of a group it is superfluous to point out4 ,by expressing the social unity in a material form1 it makes this more obvious to all1 and for that very reason the use of emblematic symbols must have spread quickly when once thought of4 ,but more than that1 this idea should spontaneously arise out of the conditions of common life2 for the emblem is not merely a convenient process for clarifying the sentiment society has of itself3 it also serves to create this sentiment2 it is one of its constituent elements4 ,in fact1 if left to themselves1 individual consciousnesses are closed to each other2 they can communicate only by means of signs which express their internal states4 ,if the communication established between them is to become a real communion1 that is to say1 a fusion of all particular sentiments into one common sentiment1 the signs expressing them must themselves be fused into one single and unique resultant4 ,it is the appearance of this that informs individuals that they are in harmony and makes them conscious of their moral unity4 ,it is by uttering the same cry1 pronouncing the same word1 or performing the same gesture in regard to some object that they become and feel themselves to be in unison4 ,it is true that individual representations also cause reactions in the organism that are not without importance2 however1 they can be thought of apart from these physical reactions which accompany them or follow them1 but which do not constitute them4 ,but it is quite another matter with collective representations4 ,they presuppose that minds act and react upon one another2 they are the product of these actions and reactions which are themselves possible only through material intermediaries4 ,these latter do not confine themselves to revealing the mental state with which they are associated2 they aid in creating it4 ,individual minds cannot come in contact and communicate with each other except by coming out of themselves2 but they cannot do this except by movements4 ,so it is the homogeneity of these movements that gives the group consciousness of itself and consequently makes it exist4 ,when this homogeneity is once established and these movements have once taken a stereotyped form1 they serve to symbolize the corresponding representations4 ,but they symbolize them only because they have aided in forming them4 ,moreover1 without symbols1 social sentiments could have only a precarious existence4 ,though very strong as long as men are together and influence each other reciprocally1 they exist only in the form of recollections after the assembly has ended1 and when left to themselves1 these become feebler and feebler2 for since the group is now no longer present and active1 individual temperaments easily regain the upper hand4 ,the violent passions which may have been released in the heart of a crowd fall away and are extinguished when this is dissolved1 and men ask themselves with astonishment how they could ever have been so carried away from their normal character4 ,but if the movements by which these sentiments are expressed are connected with something that endures1 the sentiments themselves become more durable4 ,these other things are constantly bringing them to mind and arousing them2 it is as though the cause which excited them in the first place continued to act4 ,thus these systems of emblems1 which are necessary if society is to become conscious of itself1 are no less indispensable for assuring the continuation of this consciousness4 ,so we must refrain from regarding these symbols as simple artifices1 as sorts of labels attached to representations already made1 in order to make them more manageable3 they are an integral part of them4 ,even the fact that collective sentiments are thus attached to things completely foreign to them is not purely conventional3 it illustrates under a conventional form a real characteristic of social facts1 that is1 their transcendence over individual minds4 ,in fact1 it is known that social phenomena are born1 not in individuals1 but in the group4 ,whatever part we may take in their origin1 each of us receives them from without4#gbj ,so when we represent them to ourselves as emanating from a material object1 we do not completely misunderstand their nature4 ,of course they do not come from the specific thing to which we connect them1 but nevertheless1 it is true that their origin is outside of us4 ,if the moral force sustaining the believer does not come from the idol he adores or the emblem he venerates1 still it is from outside of him1 as he is well aware4 ,the objectivity of its symbol only translates its externalness4 ,thus social life1 in all its aspects and in every period of its history1 is made possible only by a vast symbolism4 ,the material emblems and figurative representations with which we are more especially concerned in our present study1 are one form of this2 but there are many others4 ,collective sentiments can just as well become incarnate in persons or formul3 some formul are flags1 while there are persons1 either real or mythical1 who are symbols4 ,but there is one sort of emblem which should make an early appearance without reflection or calculation3 this is tattooing4 ,indeed1 well-known facts demonstrate that it is produced almost automatically in certain conditions4 ,when men of an inferior culture are associated in a common life1 they are frequently led1 by an instinctive tendency1 as it were1 to paint or cut upon the body1 images that bear witness to their common existence4 ,according to a text of ,procopius1 the early ,christians printed on their skin the name of ,christ or the sign of the cross2#gba for a long time1 the groups of pilgrims going to ,palestine were also tattooed on the arm or wrist with designs representing the cross or the monogram of ,christ4#gbb ,this same usage is also reported among the pilgrims going to certain holy places in ,italy4#gbc ,a curious case of spontaneous tattooing is given by ,lombroso3 twenty young men in an ,italian college1 when on the point of separating1 decorated themselves with tattoos recording1 in various ways1 the years they had spent together4#gbd ,the same fact has frequently been observed among the soldiers in the same barracks1 the sailors in the same boat1 or the prisoners in the same jail4#gbe ,it will be understood that especially where methods are still rudimentary1 tattooing should be the most direct and expressive means by which the communion of minds can be affirmed4 ,the best way of proving to one's self and to others that one is a member of a certain group is to place a distinctive mark on the body4 ,the proof that this is the reason for the existence of the totemic image is the fact1 which we have already mentioned1 that it does not seek to reproduce the aspect of the thing it is supposed to represent4 ,it is made up of lines and points to which a wholly conventional significance is attributed4#gbf ,its object is not to represent or bring to mind a determined object1 but to bear witness to the fact that a certain number of individuals participate in the same moral life4 ,moreover1 the clan is a society which is less able than any other to do without an emblem or symbol1 for there is almost no other so lacking in consistency4 ,the clan cannot be defined by its chief1 for if central authority is not lacking1 it is at least uncertain and unstable4#gbg ,nor can it be defined by the territory it occupies1 for the population1 being nomad1#gbh is not closely attached to any special locality4 ,also1 owing to the exogamic law1 husband and wife must be of different totems2 so wherever the totem is transmitted in the maternal line--and this system of filiation is still the most general one#gbi--the children are of a different clan from their father1 though living near to him4 ,therefore we find representatives of a number of different clans in each family1 and still more in each locality4 ,the unity of the group is visible1 therefore1 only in the collective name borne by all the members1 and in the equally collective emblem reproducing the object designated by this name4 ,a clan is essentially a reunion of individuals who bear the same name and rally around the same sign4 ,take away the name and the sign which materializes it1 and the clan is no longer representable4 ,since the group is possible only on this condition1 both the institution of the emblem and the part it takes in the life of the group are thus explained4 ,it remains to ask why these names and emblems were taken almost exclusively from the animal and vegetable kingdoms1 but especially from the former4 ,it seems probable to us that the emblem has played a more important part than the name4 ,in any case1 the written sign still holds a more central place in the life of the clan to-day than does the spoken sign4 ,now the basis of an emblematic image can be found only in something susceptible of being represented by a design4 ,on the other hand1 these things had to be those with which the men of the clan were the most immediately and habitually coming in contact4 ,animals fulfilled this condition to a pre-eminent degree4 ,for these nations of hunters and fishers1 the animal constituted an essential element of the economic environment4 ,in this connection plants had only a secondary place for they can hold only a secondary place as food as long as they are not cultivated4 ,moreover1 the animal is more closely associated with the life of men than the plant is1 if only because of the natural kinship uniting these two to each other4 ,on the other hand1 the sun1 moon and stars are too far away1 they give the effect of belonging to another world4#gcj ,also1 as long as the constellations were not distinguished and classified1 the starry vault did not offer a sufficient diversity of clearly differentiated things to be able to mark all the clans and sub-clans of a tribe2 but1 on the contrary1 the variety of the flora1 and especially of the fauna1 was almost inexhaustible4 ,therefore celestial bodies1 in spite of their brilliancy and the sharp impression they make upon the senses1 were unfitted for the rle of totems1 while animals and plants seemed predestined to it4 ,ah observation of ,strehlow even allows us to state precisely the way in which these emblems were probably chosen4 ,he says that he has noticed that the totemic centres are generally situated near a mountain1 spring or gorge where the animals serving as totems to the group gather in abundance1 and he cites a certain number of examples of this fact4#gca ,now these totemic centres are surely the consecrated places where the meetings of the clan are held4 ,so it seems as though each group had taken as its insignia the animal or plant that was the commonest in the vicinity of the place where it had the habit of meeting4#gcb ,,vi ,this conception of totemism will give us the explanation of a very curious trait of human mentality which1 even though more marked formerly than to-day1 has not yet disappeared and which1 in any case1 has been of considerable importance in the history of human thought4 ,it will furnish still another occasion for showing how logical evolution is closely connected with religious evolution and how it1 like this latter1 depends upon social conditions4#gcc ,if there is one truth which appears to be absolutely certain to-day1 it is that beings differing not only in their outward appearance but also in their most essential properties1 such as minerals1 plants1 animals and men1 cannot be considered equivalent and interchangeable4 ,long usage1 which scientific culture has still more firmly embedded in our minds1 has taught us to establish barriers between the kingdoms1 whose existence transformism itself does not deny2 for though this admits that life may have arisen from non-living matter and men from animals1 still1 it does not fail to recognize the fact that living beings1 once formed1 are different from minerals1 and men different from animals4 ,within each kingdom the same barriers separate the different classes3 we cannot conceive of one mineral having the same distinctive characteristics as another1 or of one animal species having those of another species4 ,but these distinctions1 which seem so natural to us1 are in no way primitive4 ,in the beginning1 all the kingdoms are confounded with each other4 ,rocks have a sex2 they have the power of begetting2 the sun1 moon and stars are men or women who feel and express human sentiments1 while men1 on the contrary1 are thought of as animals or plants4 ,this state of confusion is found at the basis of all mythologies4 ,hence comes the ambiguous character of the beings portrayed in the mythologies2 they can be classified in no definite group1 for they participate at the same time in the most opposed groups4 ,it is also readily admitted that they can go from one into another2 and for a long time men believed that they were able to explain the origin of things by these transmutations4 ,that the anthropomorphic instinct1 with which the animists have endowed primitive men1 cannot explain their mental condition is shown by the nature of the confusions of which they are guilty4 ,in fact1 these do not come from the fact that men have immoderately extended the human kingdom to the point of making all the others enter into it1 but from the fact that they confound the most disparate kingdoms4 ,they have not conceived the world in their own image any more than they have conceived themselves in the world's image3 they have done both at the same time4 ,into the idea they have formed of things1 they have undoubtedly made human elements enter2 but into the idea they have formed of themselves1 they have made enter elements coming from things4 ,yet there is nothing in experience which could suggest these connections and confusions4 ,as far as the observation of the senses is able to go1 everything is different and disconnected4 ,nowhere do we really see beings mixing their natures and metamorphosing themselves into each other4 ,it is therefore necessary that some exceptionally powerful cause should have intervened to transfigure reality in such a way as to make it appear under an aspect that is not really its own4 ,it is religion that was the agent of this transfiguration2 it is religious beliefs that have substituted for the world1 as it is perceived by the senses1 another different one4 ,this is well shown by the case of totemism4 ,the fundamental thing in this religion is that the men of the clan and the different beings whose form the totemic emblems reproduce pass as being made of the same essence4 ,now when this belief was once admitted1 the bridge between the different kingdoms was already built4 ,the man was represented as a sort of animal or plant2 the plants and animals were thought of as the relatives of men1 or rather1 all these beings1 so different for the senses1 were thought of as participating in a single nature4 ,so this remarkable aptitude for confusing things that seem to be obviously distinct comes from the fact that the first forces with which the human intellect has peopled the world were elaborated by religion4 ,since these were made up of elements taken from the different kingdoms1 men conceived a principle common to the most heterogeneous things1 which thus became endowed with a sole and single essence4 ,but we also know that these religious conceptions are the result of determined social causes4 ,since the clan cannot exist without a name and an emblem1 and since this emblem is always before the eyes of men1 it is upon this1 and the objects whose image it is1 that the sentiments which society arouses in its members are fixed4 ,men were thus compelled to represent the collective force1 whose action they felt1 in the form of the thing serving as flag to the group4 ,therefore1 in the idea of this force were mixed up the most different kingdoms2 in one sense1 it was essentially human1 since it was made up of human ideas and sentiments2 but at the same time1 it could not fail to appear as closely related to the animate or inanimate beings who gave it its outward form4 ,moreover1 the cause whose action we observe here is not peculiar to totemism2 there is no society where it is not active4 ,in a general way1 a collective sentiment can become conscious of itself only by being fixed upon some material object2#gcd but by this very fact1 it participates in the nature of this object1 and reciprocally1 the object participates in its nature4 ,so it was social necessity which brought about the fusion of notions appearing distinct at first1 and social life has facilitated this fusion by the great mental effervescences it determines4#gce ,this is one more proof that logical understanding is a function of society1 for it takes the forms and attitudes that this latter presses upon it4 ,it is true that this logic is disconcerting for us4 ,yet we must be careful not to depreciate it3 howsoever crude it may appear to us1 it has been an aid of the greatest importance in the intellectual evolution of humanity4 ,in fact1 it is through it that the first explanation of the world has been made possible4 ,of course the mental habits it implies prevented men from seeing reality as their senses show it to them2 but as they show it1 it has the grave inconvenience of allowing of no explanation4 ,for to explain is to attach things to each other and to establish relations between them which make them appear to us as functions of each other and as vibrating sympathetically according to an internal law founded in their nature4 ,but sensations1 which see nothing except from the outside1 could never make them disclose these relations and internal bonds2 the intellect alone can create the notion of them4 ,when ,i learn that ,a regularly precedes ,b1 my knowledge is increased by a new fact2 but my intelligence is not at all satisfied with a statement which does not show its reason4 ,i commence to understand only if it is possible for me to conceive ,b in a way that makes it appear to me as something that is not foreign to ,a1 and as united to ,a by some relation of kinship4 ,the great service that religions have rendered to thought is that they have constructed a first representation of what these relations of kinship between things may be4 ,in the circumstances under which it was attempted1 the enterprise could obviously attain only precarious results4 ,but then1 does it ever attain any that are definite1 and is it not always necessary to reconsider them8 ,and also1 it is less important to succeed than to try4 ,the essential thing was not to leave the mind enslaved to visible appearances1 but to teach it to dominate them and to connect what the senses separated2 for from the moment when men have an idea that there are internal connections between things1 science and philosophy become possible4 ,religion opened up the way for them4 ,but if it has been able to play this part1 it is only because it is a social affair4 ,in order to make a law for the impressions of the senses and to substitute a new way of representing reality for them1 thought of a new sort had to be founded3 this is collective thought4 ,if this alone has had this efficacy1 it is because of the fact that to create a world of ideals through which the world of experienced realities would appear transfigured1 a super-excitation of the intellectual forces was necessary1 which is possible only in and through society4 ,so it is far from true that this mentality has no connection with ours4 ,our logic was born of this logic4 ,the explanations of contemporary science are surer of being objective because they are more methodical and because they rest on more carefully controlled observations1 but they do not differ in nature from those which satisfy primitive thought4 ,to-day1 as formerly1 to explain is to show how one thing participates in one or several others4 ,it has been said that the participations of this sort implied by the mythologies violate the principle of contradiction and that they are by that opposed to those implied by scientific explanations4#gcf ,is not the statement that a man is a kangaroo or the sun a bird1 equal to identifying the two with each other8 ,but our manner of thought is not different when we say of heat that it is a movement1 or of light that it is a vibration of the ether1 etc4 ,every time that we unite heterogeneous terms by an internal bond1 we forcibly identify contraries4 ,of course the terms we unite are not those which the ,australian brings together2 we choose them according to different criteria and for different reasons2 but the processes by which the mind puts them in connection do not differ essentially4 ,it is true that if primitive thought had that sort of general and systematic indifference to contradictions which has been attributed to it1#gcg it would be in open contradiction on this point with modern thought1 which is always careful to remain consistent with itself4 ,but we do not believe that it is possible to characterize the mentality of inferior societies by a single and exclusive inclination for indistinction4 ,if the primitive confounds things which we distinguish1 he also distinguishes things which we connect together1 and he even conceives these distinctions in the form of sharp and clear-cut oppositions4 ,between two things which are classified in two different phratries1 there is not only separation1 but even antagonism4#gch ,for this reason1 the same ,australian who confounds the sun and the white cockatoo1 opposes this latter to the black cockatoo as to its contrary4 ,the two seem to him to belong to two separate classes between which there is nothing in common4 ,a still more marked opposition is that existing between sacred things and profane things4 ,they repel and contradict each other with so much force that the mind refuses to think of them at the same time4 ,they mutually expel each other from the consciousness4 ,thus between the logic of religious thought and that of scientific thought there is no abyss4 ,the two are made up of the same elements1 though inequally and differently developed4 ,the special characteristic of the former seems to be its natural taste for immoderate confusions as well as sharp contrasts4 ,it is voluntarily excessive in each direction4 ,when it connects1 it confounds2 when it distinguishes1 it opposes4 ,it knows no shades and measures1 it seeks extremes2 it consequently employs logical mechanisms with a certain awkwardness1 but it ignores none of them4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,the ,,soul ,in the preceding chapters we have been studying the fundamental principles of the totemic religion4 ,we have seen that no idea of soul or spirit or mythical personality is to be found among these4 ,yet1 even if the idea of spiritual beings is not at the foundation of totemism or1 consequently1 of religious thought in general1 still1 there is no religion where this notion is not met with4 ,so it is important to see how it is formed4 ,to make sure that it is the product of a secondary formation1 we must discover the way in which it is derived from the more essential conceptions which we have just described and explained4 ,among the various spiritual beings1 there is one which should receive our attention first of all because it is the prototype after which the others have been constructed3 this is the soul4 ,i ,just as there is no known society without a religion1 so there exist none1 howsoever crudely organized they may be1 where we do not find a whole system of collective representations concerning the soul1 its origin and its destiny4 ,so far as we are able to judge from the data of ethnology1 the idea of the soul seems to have been contemporaneous with humanity itself1 and it seems to have had all of its essential characteristics so well formulated at the very outset that the work of the more advanced religions and philosophy has been practically confined to refining it1 while adding nothing that is really fundamental4 ,in fact1 all the ,australian societies admit that every human body shelters an interior being1 the principle of the life which animates it3 this is the soul4 ,it sometimes happens1 it is true1 that women form an exception to this general rule3 there are tribes where they are believed to have no souls4#gci ,if ,dawson is to be believed1 it is the same with young children in the tribes that he has observed4#gdj ,but these are exceptional and probably late cases2#gda the last one even seems to be suspect and may well be due to an erroneous interpretation of the facts4#gdb ,it is not easy to determine the idea which the ,australian makes of the soul1 because it is so obscure and floating2 but we should not be surprised at this4 ,if someone asked our own contemporaries1 or even those of them who believe most firmly in the existence of the soul1 how they represented it1 the replies that he would receive would not have much more coherence and precision4 ,this is because we are dealing with a very complex notion1 into which a multitude of badly analysed impressions enter1 whose elaboration has been carried on for centuries1 though men have had no clear consciousness of it4 ,yet from this come the most essential1 though frequently contradictory1 characteristics by which it is defined4 ,in some cases they tell us that it has the external appearance of the body4#gdc ,but sometimes it is also represented as having the size of a grain of sand2 its dimensions are so reduced that it can pass through the smallest crevices or the finest tissues4#gdd ,we shall also see that it is represented in the appearance of animals4 ,this shows that its form is essentially inconsistent and undetermined2#gde it varies from one moment to another with the demands of circumstances or according to the exigencies of the myth and the rite4 ,the substance out of which it is made is no less indefinable4 ,it is not without matter1 for it has a form1 howsoever vague this may be4 ,and in fact1 even during this life1 it has physical needs3 it eats1 and inversely1 it may be eaten4 ,sometimes it leaves the body1 and in the course of its travels it occasionally nourishes itself on foreign souls4#gdf ,after it has once been completely freed from the organism1 it is thought to lead a life absolutely analogous to the one it led in this world2 it eats1 drinks1 hunts1 etc4#gdg ,when it flutters among the branches of trees1 it causes rustlings and crackings which even profane ears hear4#gdh ,but at the same time1 it is believed to be invisible to the vulgar4#gdi ,it is true that magicians or old men have the faculty of seeing souls2 but it is in virtue of special powers which they owe either to age or to a special training that they perceive things which escape our senses4 ,according to ,dawson1 ordinary individuals enjoy the same privilege at only one moment of their existence3 when they are on the eve of a premature death4 ,therefore this quasi-miraculous vision is considered a sinister omen4 ,now1 invisibility is generally considered one of the signs of spirituality4 ,so the soul is conceived as being immaterial to a certain degree1 for it does not affect the senses in the way bodies do3 it has no bones1 as the tribes of the ,tully ,river say4#gej ,in order to conciliate all these opposed characteristics1 they represent it as made of some infinitely rare and subtle matter1 like something ethereal1#gea and comparable to a shadow or breath4#geb ,it is distinct and independent of the body1 for during this life it can leave it at any moment4 ,it does leave it during sleep1 fainting spells1 etc4#gec ,it may even remain absent for some time without entailing death2 however1 during these absences life is weakened and even stops if the soul does not return home4#ged ,but it is especially at death that this distinction and independence manifest themselves with the greatest clarity4 ,while the body no longer exists and no visible traces of it remain1 the soul continues to live3 it leads an autonomous existence in another world4 ,but howsoever real this duality may be1 it is in no way absolute4 ,it would show a grave misunderstanding to represent the body as a sort of habitat in which the soul resides1 but with which it has only external relations4 ,quite on the contrary1 it is united to it by the closest bonds2 it is separable from it only imperfectly and with difficulty4 ,we have already seen that it has1 or at least is able to have1 its external aspect4 ,consequently1 everything that hurts the one hurts the other2 every wound of the body spreads to the soul4#gee ,it is so intimately associated with the life of the organism that it grows with it and decays with it4 ,this is why a man who has attained a certain age enjoys privileges refused to young men2 it is because the religious principle within him has acquired greater force and efficacy as he has advanced in life4 ,but when senility sets in1 and the old man is no longer able to take a useful part in the great religious ceremonies in which the vital interests of the tribe are concerned1 this respect is no longer accorded to him4 ,it is thought that weakness of the body is communicated to the soul4 ,having the same powers no longer1 he no longer has a right to the same prestige4#gef ,there is not only a close union of soul and body1 but there is also a partial confusion of the two4 ,just as there is something of the body in the soul1 since it sometimes reproduces its form1 so there is something of the soul in the body4 ,certain regions and certain products of the organism are believed to have a special affinity with it3 such is the case with the heart1 the breath1 the placenta1#geg the blood1#geh the shadow1#gei the liver1 the fat of the liver1 the kidneys1#gfj etc4 ,these various material substrata are not mere habitations of the soul2 they are the soul itself seen from without4 ,when blood flows1 the soul escapes with it4 ,the soul is not in the breath2 it is the breath4 ,it and the part of the body where it resides are only one4 ,hence comes the conception according to which a man has a number of souls4 ,being dispersed in various parts of the organism1 the soul is differentiated and broken up into fragments4 ,each organ has individualized1 as it were1 the portion of the soul which it contains1 and which has thus become a distinct entity4 ,the soul of the heart could not be that of the breath or the shadow or the placenta4 ,while they are all related1 still they are to be distinguished1 and even have different names4#gfa ,moreover1 even if the soul is localized especially in certain parts of the organism1 it is not absent from the others4 ,in varying degrees1 it is diffused through the whole body1 as is well shown by the funeral rites4 ,after the last breath has been expired and the soul is believed to be gone1 it seems as though it should profit by the liberty thus regained1 to move about at will and to return as quickly as possible to its real home1 which is elsewhere4 ,nevertheless1 it remains near to the corpse2 the bond uniting them has been loosened1 but not broken4 ,a whole series of special rites are necessary to induce it to depart definitely4 ,it is invited to go by gestures and significant movements4#gfb ,the way is laid open for it1 and outlets are arranged so that it can go more easily4#gfc ,this is because it has not left the body entirely2 it was too closely united to it to break away all at once4 ,hence comes the very frequent rite of funeral anthropophagy2 the flesh of the dead is eaten because it is thought to contain a sacred principle1 which is really nothing more than the soul4#gfd ,in order to drive it out definitely1 the flesh is melted1 either by submitting it to the heat of the sun1#gfe or to that of an artificial fire4#gff ,the soul departs with the liquids which result4 ,but even the dry bones still retain some part of it4 ,therefore they can be used as sacred objects or instruments of magic2#gfg or if someone wishes to give complete liberty to the principle which they contain1 he breaks these4#gfh ,but a moment does arrive when the final separation is accomplished2 the liberated soul takes flight4 ,but by nature it is so intimately associated with the body that this removal cannot take place without a profound change in its condition4 ,so it takes a new name also4#gfi ,although keeping all the distinctive traits of the individual whom it animated1 his humours and his good and bad qualities1#ggj still it has become a new being4 ,from that moment a new existence commences for it4 ,it goes to the land of souls4 ,this land is conceived differently by different tribes2 sometimes different conceptions are found existing side by side in the same society4 ,for some1 it is situated under the earth1 where each totemic group has its part4 ,this is at the spot where the first ancestors1 the founders of the clan1 entered the ground at a certain time1 and where they live since their death4 ,in the subterranean world there is a geographical disposition of the dead corresponding to that of the living4 ,there1 the sun always shines and rivers flow which never run dry4 ,such is the conception which ,spencer and ,gillen attribute to the central tribes1 ,arunta1#gga ,warramunga1#ggb etc4 ,it is found again among the ,wotjobaluk4#ggc ,in other places1 all the dead1 no matter what their totems may have been1 are believed to live together in the same place1 which is more or less vaguely localized as beyond the sea1 in an island1#ggd or on the shores of a lake4#gge ,sometimes1 finally1 it is into the sky1 beyond the clouds1 that the souls are thought to go4 ,there1 says ,dawson1 there is a delectable land1 abounding in kangaroos and game of every sort1 where men lead a happy life4 ,souls meet again there and recognize one another4#ggf ,it is probable that certain of the features of this picture have been taken from the paradise of the ,christian missionaries2#ggg but the idea that souls1 or at least some souls1 enter the skies after death appears to be quite indigenous2 for it is found again in other parts of the continent4#ggh ,in general1 all the souls meet the same fate and lead the same life4 ,however1 a different treatment is sometimes accorded them based on the way they have conducted themselves upon earth1 and we can see the first outlines of these two distinct and even opposed compartments into which the world to come will later be divided4 ,the souls of those who have excelled1 during life1 as hunters1 warriors1 dancers1 etc41 are not confounded with the common horde of the others2 a special place is granted to them4#ggi ,sometimes1 this is the sky4#ghj ,strehlow even says that according to one myth1 the souls of the wicked are devoured by dreadful spirits1 and destroyed4#gha ,nevertheless1 these conceptions always remain very vague in ,australia2#ghb they begin to have a clarity and determination only in the more advanced societies1 such as those of ,america4#ghc ,,ii ,such are the beliefs relative to the soul and its destiny1 in their most primitive form1 and reduced to their most essential traits4 ,we must now attempt to explain them4 ,what is it that has been able to lead men into thinking that there are two beings in them1 one of which possesses these very special characteristics which we have just enumerated8 ,to find the reply to this question1 let us begin by seeking the origin attributed to this spiritual principle by the primitive himself3 if it is well analysed1 his own conception will put us on the way towards the solution4 ,following out the method which we have set before ourselves1 we shall study these ideas in a determined group of societies where they have been observed with an especial precision2 these are the tribes of ,central ,australia4 ,though not narrow1 the area of our observations will be limited4 ,but there is good reason for believing that these same ideas are quite generally held1 in various forms1 even outside of ,australia4 ,it is also to be noted that the idea of the soul1 as it is found among these central tribes1 does not differ specifically from the one found in other tribes2 it has the same essential characteristics everywhere4 ,as one effect always has the same cause1 we may well think that this idea1 which is everywhere the same1 does not result from one cause here and another there4 ,so the origin which we shall be led to attribute to it as a result of our study of these particular tribes with which we are going to deal1 ought to be equally true for the others4 ,these tribes will give us a chance to make an experiment1 as it were1 whose results1 like those of every well-made experiment1 are susceptible of generalization4 ,the homogeneity of the ,australian civilization would of itself be enough to justify this generalization2 but we shall be careful to verify it afterwards with facts taken from other peoples1 both in ,australia and ,america4 ,as the conceptions which are going to furnish us with the basis of our demonstration have been reported in different terms by ,spencer and ,gillen on the one hand and ,strehlow on the other1 we must give these two versions one after the other4 ,we shall see that when they are well understood1 they differ in form more than in matter1 and that they both have the same sociological significance4 ,according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 the souls which1 in each generation1 come to animate the bodies of newly-born children1 are not special and original creations2 all these tribes hold that there is a definite stock of souls1 whose number cannot be augmented at all1#ghd and which reincarnate themselves periodically4 ,when an individual dies1 his soul quits the body in which it dwelt1 and after the mourning is accomplished1 it goes to the land of the souls2 but after a certain length of time1 it returns to incarnate itself again1 and these reincarnations are the cause of conception and birth4 ,at the beginning of things1 it was these fundamental souls which animated the first ancestors1 the founders of the clan4 ,at an epoch1 beyond which the imagination does not go and which is considered the very beginning of time1 there were certain beings who were not derived from any others4 ,for this reason1 the ,arunta call them the ,altjirangamitjina1#ghe the uncreated ones1 those who exist from all eternity1 and1 according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 they give the name ,alcheringa#ghf to the period when these fabulous beings are thought to have lived4 ,being organized in totemic clans just as the men of to-day are1 they passed their time in travels1 in the course of which they accomplished all sorts of prodigious actions1 the memory of which is preserved in the myths4 ,but a moment arrived when this terrestrial life came to a close2 singly or in groups1 they entered into the earth4 ,but their souls live for ever2 they are immortal4 ,they even continue to frequent the places where the existence of their former hosts came to an end4 ,moreover1 owing to the memories attached to them1 these places have a sacred character2 it is here that the oknanikilla are located1 the sorts of sanctuaries where the churinga of the clan is kept1 and the centres of the different totemic cults4 ,when one of the souls which wander about these sanctuaries enters into the body of a woman1 the result is a conception and later a birth4#ghg ,so each individual is considered as a new appearance of a determined ancestor3 it is this ancestor himself1 come back in a new body and with new features4 ,now1 what were these ancestors8 ,in the first place1 they were endowed with powers infinitely superior to those possessed by men to-day1 even the most respected old men and the most celebrated magicians4 ,they are attributed virtues which we may speak of as miraculous3 ,they could travel on1 or above1 or beneath the ground2 by opening a vein in the arm1 each of them could flood whole tracts of country or cause level plains to arise2 in rocky ranges they could make pools of water spring into existence1 or could make deep gorges and gaps through which to traverse the ranges1 and where they planted their sacred poles 7nurtunja71 there rocks or trees arose to mark the spot4#ghh ,it is they who gave the earth the form it has at present4 ,they created all sorts of beings1 both men and animals4 ,they are nearly gods4 ,so their souls also have a divine character4 ,and since the souls of men are these ancestral souls reincarnated in the human body1 these are sacred beings too4 ,in the second place1 these ancestors were not men in the proper sense of the word1 but animals or vegetables1 or perhaps mixed beings in which the animal or vegetable element predominated3 ,in the ,alcheringa1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 lived ancestors who1 in the native mind1 are so intimately associated with the animals or plants the name of which they bear that an ,alcheringa man of1 say1 the kangaroo totem may sometimes be spoken of either as a man-kangaroo or a kangaroo-man4 ,the identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of the animal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated4#ghi ,their immortal souls necessarily have the same nature2 in them1 also1 the human element is wedded to the animal element1 with a certain tendency for the latter to predominate over the former4 ,so they are made of the same substance as the totemic principle1 for we know that the special characteristic of this is to present this double nature1 and to synthesize and confound the two realms in itself4 ,since no other souls than these exist1 we reach the conclusion that1 in a general way1 the soul is nothing other than the totemic principle incarnate in each individual4 ,and there is nothing to surprise us in this derivation4 ,we already know that this principle is immanent in each of the members of the clan4 ,but in penetrating into these individuals1 it must inevitably individualize itself4 ,because the consciousnesses1 of which it becomes thus an integral part1 differ from each other1 it differentiates itself according to their image2 since each has its own physiognomy1 it takes a distinct physiognomy in each4 ,of course it remains something outside of and foreign to the man1 but the portion of it which each is believed to possess cannot fail to contract close affinities with the particular subject in which it resides2 it becomes his to a certain extent4 ,thus it has two contradictory characteristics1 but whose coexistence is one of the distinctive features of the notion of the soul4 ,to-day1 as formerly1 the soul is what is best and most profound in ourselves1 and the pre-eminent part of our being2 yet it is also a passing guest which comes from the outside1 which leads in us an existence distinct from that of the body1 and which should one day regain its entire independence4 ,in a word1 just as society exists only in and through individuals1 the totemic principle exists only in and through the individual consciousnesses whose association forms the clan4 ,if they did not feel it in them it would not exist2 it is they who put it into things4 ,so it must of necessity be divided and distributed among them4 ,each of these fragments is a soul4 ,a myth which is found in a rather large number of the societies of the centre1 and which1 moreover1 is only a particular form of the preceding ones1 shows even better that this is really the matter out of which the idea of the soul is made4 ,in these tribes1 tradition puts the origin of each clan1 not in a number of ancestors1 but in only two1#gij or even in one4#gia ,this unique being1 as long as he remained single1 contained the totemic principle within him integrally1 for at this moment there was nothing to which this principle could be communicated4 ,now1 according to this same tradition1 all the human souls which exist1 both those which now animate the bodies of men and those which are at present unemployed1 being held in reserve for the future1 have issued from this unique personage2 they are made of his substance4 ,while travelling over the surface of the ground1 or moving about1 or shaking himself1 he made them leave his body and planted them in the various places he is believed to have passed over4 ,is this not merely a symbolic way of saying that they are parts of the totemic divinity8 ,but this conclusion presupposes that the tribes of which we have just been speaking admit the doctrine of reincarnation4 ,now according to ,strehlow1 this doctrine is unknown to the ,arunta1 the society which ,spencer and ,gillen have studied the longest and the best4 ,if1 in this particular case1 these two observers have misunderstood things to such an extent1 their whole testimony would become suspect4 ,so it is important to determine the actual extent of this divergence4 ,according to ,strehlow1 after the soul has once been definitely freed from the body by the rites of mourning1 it never reincarnates itself again4 ,it goes off to the isles of the dead1 where it passes its days in sleeping and its nights in dancing1 until it returns again to earth4 ,then it comes back into the midst of the living and plays the rle of protecting genius to the young sons1 or if such are lacking1 to the grandsons whom the dead man left behind him2 it enters their body and aids their growth4 ,it remains thus in the midst of its former family for a year or two1 after which it goes back to the land of the souls4 ,but after a certain length of time it goes away once more to make another sojourn upon earth1 which is to be the last4 ,a time will come when it must take up again1 and with no hope of return this time1 the route to the isles of the dead2 then1 after various incidents1 the details of which it is useless to relate1 a storm will overtake it1 in the course of which it will be struck by a flash of lightning4 ,thus its career is definitely terminated4#gib ,so it cannot reincarnate itself2 nor can conceptions and births be due to the reincarnation of souls which periodically commence new existences in new bodies4 ,it is true that ,strehlow1 as ,spencer and ,gillen1 declares that for the ,arunta commerce of the sexes is in no way the determining condition of generation1#gic which is considered the result of mystic operations1 but different from the ones which the other observers told us about4 ,it takes place in one or the other of the two following ways3 ,wherever an ancestor of the ,alcheringa#gid times is believed to have entered into the ground1 there is either a stone or a tree representing his body4 ,the tree or rock which has this mystic relation with the departed hero is called nanja according to ,spencer and ,gillen1#gie or ngarra according to ,strehlow4#gif ,sometimes it is a water-hole which is believed to have been formed in this way4 ,now1 on each of these trees or rocks and in each of these water-holes1 there live embryo children1 called ratapa1#gig which belong to exactly the same totem as the corresponding ancestor4 ,for example1 on a gum-tree representing an ancestor of the kangaroo totem there are ratapa1 all of which have the kangaroo as their totem4 ,if a woman happens to pass it1 and she is of the matrimonial class to which the mothers of these ratapa should belong1#gih one of them may enter her through the hip4 ,the woman learns of this act by the characteristic pains which are the first symptoms of pregnancy4 ,the child thus conceived will of course belong to the same totem as the ancestor upon whose mystical body he resided before becoming incarnate4#gii ,in other cases1 the process employed is slightly different3 the ancestor himself acts in person4 ,at a given moment he leaves his subterranean retreat and throws on to the passing woman a little churinga of a special form1 called namatuna4#hjj ,the churinga enters the body of the woman and takes a human form there1 while the ancestor disappears again into the earth4#hja ,these two ways of conception are believed to be equally frequent4 ,the features of the child will reveal the manner in which he was conceived2 according to whether his face is broad or long1 they say that he is the incarnation of a ratapa or a namatuna4 ,beside these two means of fecundation1 ,strehlow places a third1 which1 however1 is much more rare4 ,after his namatuna has penetrated into the body of the woman1 the ancestor himself enters her and voluntarily submits to a new birth4 ,so in this case1 the conception is due to a real reincarnation of the ancestor4 ,but this is very exceptional1 and when a man who has been conceived thus dies1 the ancestral soul which animated him goes away1 just like ordinary souls1 to the isles of the dead where1 after the usual delays1 it is definitely annihilated4 ,so it cannot undergo any further reincarnations4#hjb ,such is the version of ,strehlow4#hjc ,in the opinion of this author it is radically opposed to that of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,but in reality it differs only in the letter of the formul and symbols1 while in both cases we find the same mythical theme in slightly different forms4 ,in the first place1 all the observers agree that every conception is the result of an incarnation4 ,only according to ,strehlow1 that which is incarnated is not a soul but a ratapa or a namatuna4 ,but what is a ratapa8 ,strehlow says that it is a complete embryo1 made up of a soul and a body4 ,but the soul is always represented in material forms2 it sleeps1 dances1 hunts1 eats1 etc4 ,so it1 too1 has a corporal element4 ,inversely1 the ratapa is invisible to ordinary men2 no one sees it as it enters the body of the woman2#hjd this is equivalent to saying that it is made of a matter quite similar to that of the soul4 ,so it hardly seems possible to differentiate the two clearly in this regard4 ,in reality1 these are mythical beings which are obviously conceived after the same model4 ,schulze calls them the souls of children4#hje ,moreover1 the ratapa1 just like the soul1 sustains the closest relations with the ancestor of which the sacred tree or rock is the materialized form4 ,it is of the same totem as this ancestor1 of the same phratry and of the same matrimonial class4#hjf ,its place in the social organization of the tribe is the very one that its ancestor is believed to have held before it4 ,it bears the same name1#hjg which is a proof that these two personalities are at least very closely related to one another4 ,but there is more than this2 this relationship even goes as far as a complete identification4 ,in fact1 it is on the mystic body of the ancestor that the ratapa is formed2 it comes from this2 it is like a detached portion of it4 ,so it really is a part of the ancestor which penetrates into the womb of the mother and which becomes the child4 ,thus we get back to the conception of ,spencer and ,gillen3 birth is due to the reincarnation of an ancestral personage4 ,of course it is not the entire person that is reincarnated1 it is only an emanation from him4 ,but this difference has only a secondary interest1 for when a sacred being divides and duplicates itself1 all of its essential characteristics are to be found again in each of the fragments into which it is broken up4 ,so really the ,alcheringa ancestor is entire in each part of himself which becomes a ratapa4#hjh ,the second mode of conception distinguished by ,strehlow has the same significance4 ,in fact1 the churinga1 and more especially the particular churinga that is called the namatuna1 is considered a transformation of the ancestor2 according to ,strehlow1#hji it is his body1 just as the nanja tree is4 ,in other words1 the personality of the ancestor1 his churinga and his nanja tree1 are sacred things1 inspiring the same sentiments and to which the same religious value is attributed4 ,so they transmute themselves into one another3 in the spot where an ancestor lost his churinga1 a sacred tree or rock has come out of the soil1 just the same as in those places where he entered the ground himself4#haj ,so there is a mythological equivalence of a person of the ,alcheringa and his churinga2 consequently1 when the former throws a namatuna into the body of a woman1 it is as if he entered into it himself4 ,in fact1 we have seen that sometimes he does enter in person after the namatuna2 according to other stories he precedes it2 it might be said that he opens up the way for it4#haa ,the fact that these two themes exist side by side in the same myth completes the proof that one is only a doublet of the other4 ,moreover1 in whatever way the conception may have taken place1 there can be no doubt that each individual is united to some determined ancestor of the ,alcheringa by especially close bonds4 ,in the first place1 each man has his appointed ancestor2 two persons cannot have the same one simultaneously4 ,in other words1 a being of the ,alcheringa never has more than one representative among the living4#hab ,more than that1 the one is only an aspect of the other4 ,in fact1 as we already know1 the churinga left by the ancestor expresses his personality2 if we adopt the interpretation of ,strehlow1 which1 perhaps1 is the more satisfactory1 we shall say that it is his body4 ,but this same churinga is related in the same way to the individual who is believed to have been conceived under the influence of this ancestor1 and who is the fruit of his mystic works4 ,when the young initiate is introduced into the sanctuary of the clan1 he is shown the churinga of his ancestor1 and someone says to him1 ,you are this body2 you are the same thing as this4#hac ,so1 in ,strehlow's own expression1 the churinga is the body common to the individual and his ancestor4#had ,now if they are to have the same body it is necessary that on one side at least their two personalities be confounded4 ,strehlow recognizes this explicitly1 moreover1 when he says1 ,by the tjurunga 7churinga7 the individual is united to his personal ancestor4#hae ,so for ,strehlow as well as for ,spencer and ,gillen1 there is a mystic1 religious principle in each new-born child1 which emanates from an ancestor of the ,alcheringa4 ,it is this principle which forms the essence of each individual1 therefore it is his soul1 or in any case the soul is made of the same matter and the same substance4 ,now it is only upon this one fundamental fact that we have relied in determining the nature and origin of the idea of the soul4 ,the different metaphors by means of which it may have been expressed have only a secondary interest for us4#haf ,far from contradicting the data upon which our theory rests1 the recent observations of ,strehlow bring new proofs confirming it4 ,our reasoning consisted in inferring the totemic nature of the human soul from the totemic nature of the ancestral soul1 of which the former is an emanation and a sort of replica4 ,now1 some of the new facts which we owe to ,strehlow show this character of both even more categorically than those we had at our disposal before do4 ,in the first place1 ,strehlow1 like ,spencer and ,gillen1 insists on the intimate relations uniting each ancestor to an animal1 to a plant1 or to some other natural object4 ,some of these ,altjirangamitjina 7these are ,spencer and ,gillen's men of the ,alcheringa7 should1 he says1 be manifested directly as animals2 others take the animal form in a way4#hag ,even now they are constantly transforming themselves into animals4#hah ,in any case1 whatever external aspect they may have1 the special and distinctive qualities of the animal clearly appear in each of them4 ,for example1 the ancestors of the ,kangaroo clan eat grass just like real kangaroos1 and flee before the hunter2 those of the ,emu clan run and feed like emus1#hai etc4 ,more than that1 those ancestors who had a vegetable as totem become this vegetable itself on death4#hbj ,moreover1 this close kinship of the ancestor and the totemic being is so keenly felt by the natives that it is shown even in their terminology4 ,among the ,arunta1 the child calls the totem of his mother1 which serves him as a secondary totem1#hba altjira4 ,as filiation was at first in the uterine line1 there was once a time when each individual had no other totem than that of his mother2 so it is very probable that the term altjira then designated the real totem4 ,now this clearly enters into the composition of the word which means great ancestor1 altjirangamitjina4#hbb ,the idea of the totem and that of the ancestor are even so closely kindred that they sometimes seem to be confounded4 ,thus1 after speaking of the totem of the mother1 or altjira1 ,strehlow goes on to say1 ,this altjira appears to the natives in dreams and gives them warnings1 just as it takes information concerning them to their sleeping friends4#hbc ,this altjira1 which speaks and which is attached to each individual personally1 is evidently an ancestor2 yet it is also an incarnation of the totem4 ,a certain text in ,roth1 which speaks of invocations addressed to the totem1 should certainly be interpreted in this sense4#hbd ,so it appears that the totem is sometimes represented in the mind in the form of a group of ideal beings or mythical personages who are more or less indistinct from the ancestors4 ,in a word1 the ancestors are the fragments of the totem4#hbe ,but if the ancestor is so readily confused with the totemic being1 the individual soul1 which is so near the ancestral soul1 cannot do otherwise4 ,moreover1 this is what actually results from the close union of each man with his churinga4 ,in fact1 we know that the churinga represents the personality of the individual who is believed to have been born of it2#hbf but it also expresses the totemic animal4 ,when the civilizing hero1 ,mangarkunjerkunja1 presented each member of the ,kangaroo clan with his personal totem1 he spoke as follows3 ,here is the body of a kangaroo4#hbg ,thus the churinga is at once the body of the ancestor1 of the individual himself and of the totemic animal2 so1 according to a strong and very just expression of ,strehlow1 these three beings form a solid unity4#hbh ,they are almost equivalent and interchangeable terms4 ,this is as much as to say that they are thought of as different aspects of one and the same reality1 which is also defined by the distinctive attributes of the totem4 ,their common essence is the totemic principle4 ,the language itself expresses this identity4 ,the word ratapa1 and the aratapi of the ,loritja language1 designate the mythical embryo which is detached from the ancestor and which becomes the child2 now these same words also designate the totem of this same child1 such as is determined by the spot where the mother believes that she conceived4#hbi ,,iii ,up to the present we have studied the doctrine of reincarnation only in the tribes of ,central ,australia2 therefore the bases upon which our inference rests may be deemed too narrow4 ,but in the first place1 for the reasons which we have pointed out1 the experiment holds good outside of the societies which we have observed directly4 ,also1 there are abundant facts proving that the same or analogous conceptions are found in the most diverse parts of ,australia or1 at least1 have left very evident traces there4 ,they are found even in ,america4 ,howitt mentions them among the ,dieri of ,south ,australia4#hcj ,the word ,mura-mura1 which ,gason translates with ,good ,spirit and which he thinks expresses a belief in a god creator1#hca is really a collective word designating the group of ancestors placed by the myth at the beginning of the tribe4 ,they continue to exist to-day as formerly4 ,they are believed to live in trees1 which are sacred for this reason4 ,certain irregularities of the ground1 rocks and springs are identified with these ,mura-mura1#hcb which consequently resemble the ,altjirangamitjina of the ,arunta in a singular way4 ,the ,kurnai of ,gippsland1 though retaining only vestiges of totemism1 also believe in the existence of ancestors called ,muk-,kurnai1 and which they think of as beings intermediate between men and animals4#hcc ,among the ,nimbaldi1 ,taplin has observed a theory of conception similar to that which ,strehlow attributes to the ,arunta4#hcd ,we find this belief in reincarnation held integrally by the ,wotjobaluk in ,victoria4 ,the spirits of the dead1 says ,mathews1 assemble in the miyur#hce of their respective clans2 they leave these to be born again in human form when a favourable occasion presents itself4#hcf ,mathews even affirms that the belief in the reincarnation or transmigration of souls is strongly enrooted in all the ,australian tribes4#hcg ,if we pass to the northern regions we find the pure doctrine of the ,arunta among the ,niol-,niol in the north-west2 every birth is attributed to the incarnation of a pre-existing soul1 which introduces itself into the body of a woman4#hch ,in northern ,queensland myths1 differing from the preceding only in form1 express exactly the same ideas4 ,among the tribes on the ,pennefather ,river it is believed that every man has two souls3 the one1 called ngai1 resides in the heart2 the other1 called choi1 remains in the placenta4 ,soon after birth the placenta is buried in a consecrated place4 ,a particular genius1 named ,anje-a1 who has charge of the phenomena of procreation1 comes to get this choi and keeps it until the child1 being grown up1 is married4 ,when the time comes to give him a son1 ,anje-a takes a bit of the choi of this man1 places it in the embryo he is making1 and inserts it into the womb of the mother4 ,so it is out of the soul of the father that that of the child is made4 ,it is true that the child does not receive the paternal soul integrally at first1 for the ngai remains in the heart of the father as long as he lives4 ,but when he dies the ngai1 being liberated1 also incarnates itself in the bodies of the children2 if there are several children it is divided equally among them4 ,thus there is a perfect spiritual continuity between the generations2 it is the same soul which is transmitted from a father to his children and from these to their children1 and this unique soul1 always remaining itself in spite of its successive divisions and subdivisions1 is the one which animated the first ancestor at the beginning of all things4#hci ,between this theory and the one held by the central tribes there is only one difference of any importance2 this is that the reincarnation is not the work of the ancestors themselves but that of a special genius who takes charge of this function professionally4 ,but it seems probable that this genius is the product of a syncretism which has fused the numerous figures of the first ancestors into one single being4 ,this hypothesis is at least made probable by the fact that the words ,anje-a and ,anjir are evidently very closely related2 now the second designates the first man1 the original ancestor from whom all men are descended4#hdj ,these same ideas are found again among the ,indian tribes of ,america4 ,krauss says that among the ,tlinkit1 the souls of the departed are believed to come back to earth and introduce themselves into the bodies of the pregnant women of their families4 ,so when a woman dreams1 during pregnancy1 of some deceased relative1 she believes that the soul of this latter has penetrated into her4 ,if the young child has some characteristic mark which the dead man had before1 they believe that it is the dead man himself come back to earth1 and his name is given to the child4#hda ,this belief is also general among the ,haida4 ,it is the shaman who reveals which relative it was who reincarnated himself in the child and what name should consequently be given to him4#hdb ,among the ,kwakiutl it is believed that the latest member of a family who died comes back to life in the person of the first child to be born in that family4#hdc ,it is the same with the ,hurons1 the ,iroquois1 the ,tinneh1 and many other tribes of the ,united ,states4#hdd ,the universality of these conceptions extends1 of course1 to the conclusion which we have deduced from them1 that is1 to the explanation of the idea of the soul which we have proposed4 ,its general acceptability is also proved by the following facts4 ,we know#hde that each individual contains within him something of that anonymous force which is diffused in the sacred species2 he is a member of this species himself4 ,but as an empirical and visible being1 he is not1 for1 in spite of the symbolic designs and marks with which he decorates his body1 there is nothing in him to suggest the form of an animal or plant4 ,so it must be that there is another being in him1 in whom he recognizes himself1 but whom he represents in the form of an animal or vegetable species4 ,now is it not evident that this double can only be the soul1 since the soul is1 of itself1 already a double of the subject whom it animates8 ,the justification of this identification is completed by the fact that the organs where the fragment of the totemic principle contained in each individual incarnates itself the most eminently are also those where the soul resides4 ,this is the case with the blood4 ,the blood contains something of the nature of the totem1 as is proved by the part it takes in the totemic ceremonies4#hdf ,but at the same time1 the blood is one of the seats of the soul2 or rather1 it is the soul itself1 seen from without4 ,when blood flows1 life runs out and1 in the same process1 the soul escapes4 ,so the soul is confused with the sacred principle which is imminent in the blood4 ,regarding matters from another point of view1 if our explanation is well-founded1 the totemic principle1 in penetrating into the individual as we suppose1 should retain a certain amount of autonomy there1 since it is quite distinct from the subject in whom it is incarnated4 ,now this is just what ,howitt claims to have observed among the ,yuin3 ,that in this tribe the totem is thought to be in some way part of a man is clearly seen by the case of ,umbara1 before mentioned1 who told me that1 many years ago1 someone of the ,lace-lizard totem sent it while he was asleep1 and that it went down his throat and almost ate his totem1 which was in his breast1 so that he nearly died4#hdg ,so it is quite true that the totem is broken up in individualizing itself and that each of the bits thus detached plays the part of a spirit or soul residing in the body4#hdh ,but there are other more clearly demonstrative facts4 ,if the soul is only the totemic principle individualized1 it should have1 in certain cases at least1 rather close relations with the animal or vegetable species whose form is reproduced by the totem4 ,and1 in fact1 the ,geawe-,gal 7a tribe of ,new ,south ,wales7 had a superstition that everyone had within himself an affinity to the spirit of some bird1 beast or reptile4 ,not that he sprung from the creature in any way1 but that the spirit which was in him was akin to that of the creature4#hdi ,there are even cases where the soul is believed to emanate directly from the animal or vegetable serving as totem4 ,among the ,arunta1 according to ,strehlow1 when a woman has eaten a great deal of fruit1 it is believed that she will give birth to a child who will have this fruit as totem4 ,if1 at the moment when she felt the first tremblings of the child1 she was looking at a kangaroo1 it is believed that the ratapa of the kangaroo has entered her body and fertilized her4#hej ,h4 ,basedow reported the same fact from the ,wogait4#hea ,we know1 also1 that the ratapa and the soul are almost indistinguishable things4 ,now1 such an origin could never have been attributed to the soul if men did not think that it was made out of the same substances as the plants and animals of the totemic species4 ,thus the soul is frequently represented in an animal form4 ,it is known that in inferior societies1 death is never considered a natural event1 due to the action of purely physical causes2 it is generally attributed to the evil workings of some sorcerer4 ,in a large number of ,australian societies1 in order to determine who is the responsible author of this murder1 they work on the principle that the soul of the murderer must inevitably come to visit its victim4 ,therefore1 the body is placed upon a scaffolding2 then1 the ground under the corpse and all around it is carefully smoothed off so that the slightest mark becomes easily perceptible4 ,they return the next day2 if an animal has passed by there during the interval1 its tracks are readily recognizable4 ,their form reveals the species to which it belongs1 and from that1 they infer the social group of which the guilty man is a member4 ,they say that it is a man of such a class or such a clan1#heb according to whether the animal is the totem of this or that class or clan4 ,so the soul is believed to have come in the form of the totemic animal4 ,in other societies where totemism has weakened or disappeared1 the soul still continues to be thought of in an animal form4 ,the natives of ,cape ,bedford 7,north ,queensland7 believe that the child1 at the moment of entering the body of its mother1 is a curlew if it is a girl1 or a snake if it is a boy4#hec ,it is only later that it takes a human form4 ,many of the ,indians of ,north ,america1 says the ,prince of ,wied1 say that they have an animal in their bodies4#hed ,the ,bororo of ,brazil represent the soul in the form of a bird1 and therefore believe that they are birds of the same variety4#hee ,in other places1 it is thought of as a snake1 a lizard1 a fly1 a bee1 etc4#hef ,but it is especially after death that this animal nature of the soul is manifested4 ,during life1 this characteristic is partially veiled1 as it were1 by the very form of the human body4 ,but when death has once set it free1 it becomes itself again4 ,among the ,omaha1 in at least two of the ,buffalo clans1 it is believed that the souls of the dead go to rejoin the buffalo1 their ancestors4#heg ,the ,hopi are divided into a certain number of clans1 whose ancestors were animals or beings with animal forms4 ,now ,schoolcraft tells us that they say that at death1 they take their original form again2 each becomes a bear or deer1 according to the clan to which he belongs4#heh ,very frequently the soul is believed to reincarnate itself in the body of an animal4#hei ,it is probably from this that the widely-spread doctrine of metempsychosis was derived4 ,we have already seen how hard pressed ,tylor is to account for it4#hfj ,if the soul is an essentially human principle1 what could be more curious than this marked predilection which it shows1 in so large a number of societies1 for the animal form8 ,on the other hand1 everything is explained if1 by its very constitution1 the soul is closely related to the animal1 for in that case1 when it returns to the animal world at the close of this life1 it is only returning to its real nature4 ,thus the generality of the belief in metempsychosis is a new proof that the constituent elements of the idea of the soul have been taken largely from the animal kingdom1 as is presupposed by the theory which we have just set forth4 ,,iv ,thus the notion of the soul is a particular application of the beliefs relative to sacred beings4 ,this is the explanation of the religious character which this idea has had from the moment when it first appeared in history1 and which it still retains to-day4 ,in fact1 the soul has always been considered a sacred thing2 on this ground1 it is opposed to the body which is1 in itself1 profane4 ,it is not merely distinguished from its material envelope as the inside from the outside2 it is not merely represented as made out of a more subtle and fluid matter2 but more than this1 it inspires those sentiments which are everywhere reserved for that which is divine4 ,if it is not made into a god1 it is at least regarded as a spark of the divinity4 ,this essential characteristic would be inexplicable if the idea of the soul were only a pre-scientific solution given to the problem of dreams2 for there is nothing in the dream to awaken religious emotions1 so the cause by which these are explained could not have such a character4 ,but if the soul is a part of the divine substance1 it represents something not ourselves that is within us2 if it is made of the same mental matter as the sacred beings1 it is natural that it should become the object of the same sentiments4 ,and the sacred character which men thus attribute to themselves is not the product of a pure illusion either2 like the notions of religious force and of divinity1 the notion of the soul is not without a foundation in reality4 ,it is perfectly true that we are made up of two distinct parts1 which are opposed to one another as the sacred to the profane1 and we may say that1 in a certain sense1 there is divinity in us4 ,for society1 this unique source of all that is sacred1 does not limit itself to moving us from without and affecting us for the moment2 it establishes itself within us in a durable manner4 ,it arouses within us a whole world of ideas and sentiments which express it but which1 at the same time1 form an integral and permanent part of ourselves4 ,when the ,australian goes away from a religious ceremony1 the representations which this communal life has aroused or re-aroused within him are not obliterated in a second4 ,the figures of the great ancestors1 the heroic exploits whose memory these rites perpetuate1 the great deeds of every sort in which he1 too1 has participated through the cult1 in a word1 all these numerous ideals which he has elaborated with the co-operation of his fellows1 continue to live in his consciousness and1 through the emotions which are attached to them and the ascendancy which they hold over his entire being1 they are sharply distinguished from the vulgar impressions arising from his daily relations with external things4 ,moral ideas have the same character4 ,it is society which forces them upon us1 and as the respect inspired by it is naturally extended to all that comes from it1 its imperative rules of conduct are invested1 by reason of their origin1 with an authority and a dignity which is shared by none of our internal states3 therefore1 we assign them a place apart in our psychical life4 ,although our moral conscience is a part of our consciousness1 we do not feel ourselves on an equality with it4 ,in this voice which makes itself heard only to give us orders and establish prohibitions1 we cannot recognize our own voices2 the very tone in which it speaks to us warns us that it expresses something within us that is not of ourselves4 ,this is the objective foundation of the idea of the soul3 those representations whose flow constitutes our interior life are of two different species which are irreducible one into another4 ,some concern themselves with the external and material world2 others1 with an ideal world to which we attribute a moral superiority over the first4 ,so we are really made up of two beings facing in different and almost contrary directions1 one of whom exercises a real pre-eminence over the other4 ,such is the profound meaning of the antithesis which all men have more or less clearly conceived between the body and the soul1 the material and the spiritual beings who coexist within us4 ,moralists and preachers have often maintained that no one can deny the reality of duty and its sacred character without falling into materialism4 ,and it is true that if we have no idea of moral and religious imperatives1 our psychical life will all be reduced to one level1#hfa all our states of consciousness will be on the same plane1 and all feeling of duality will perish4 ,to make this duality intelligible1 it is1 of course1 in no way necessary to imagine a mysterious and unrepresentable substance1 under the name of the soul1 which is opposed to the body4 ,but here1 as in regard to the idea of sacredness1 the error concerns the letter of the symbol employed1 not the reality of the fact symbolized4 ,it remains true that our nature is double2 there really is a particle of divinity in us because there is within us us a particle of these great ideas which are the soul of the group4 ,so the individual soul is only a portion of the collective soul of the group2 it is the anonymous force at the basis of the cult1 but incarnated in an individual whose personality it espouses2 it is mana individualized4 ,perhaps dreams aided in determining certain secondary characteristics of the idea4 ,the inconsistency and instability of the images which fill our minds during sleep1 and their remarkable aptitude for transforming themselves into one another1 may have furnished the model for this subtile1 transparent and ,protean matter out of which the soul is believed to be made4 ,also1 the facts of swooning1 catalepsy1 etc41 may have suggested the idea that the soul was mobile1 and quitted the body temporarily during this life2 this1 in its turn1 has served to explain certain dreams4 ,but all these experiences and observations could have had only a secondary and complimentary influence1 whose very existence it is difficult to establish4 ,all that is really essential in the idea comes from elsewhere4 ,but does not this genesis of the idea of the soul misunderstand its essential characteristic8 ,if the soul is a particular form of the impersonal principle which is diffused in the group1 the totemic species and all the things of every sort which are attached to these1 at bottom it is impersonal itself4 ,so1 with differences only of degree1 it should have the same properties as the force of which it is a special form1 and particularly1 the same diffusion1 the same aptitude for spreading itself contagiously and the same ubiquity4 ,but quite on the contrary1 the soul is voluntarily represented as a concrete1 definite being1 wholly contained within itself and not communicable to others2 it is made the basis of our personality4 ,but this way of conceiving the soul is the product of a late and philosophic elaboration4 ,the popular representation1 as it is spontaneously formed from common experience1 is very different1 especially at first4 ,for the ,australian1 the soul is a very vague thing1 undecided and wavering in form1 and spread over the whole organism4 ,though it manifests itself especially at certain points1 there are probably none from which it is totally absent4 ,so it has a diffusion1 a contagiousness and an omnipresence comparable to those of the mana4 ,like the mana1 it is able to divide and duplicate itself infinitely1 though remaining entire in each of its parts2 it is from these divisions and duplications that the plurality of souls is derived4 ,on the other hand1 the doctrine of reincarnation1 whose generality we have established1 shows how many impersonal elements enter into the idea of the soul and how essential those are4 ,for if the same soul is going to clothe a new personality in each generation1 the individual forms in which it successively develops itself must all be equally external to it1 and have nothing to do with its true nature4 ,it is a sort of generic substance which individualizes itself only secondarily and superficially4 ,moreover1 this conception of the soul is by no means completely gone4 ,the cult of relics shows that for a host of believers even to-day1 the soul of a saint1 with all its essential powers1 continues to adhere to his different bones2 and this implies that he is believed to be able to diffuse himself1 subdivide himself and incorporate himself in all sorts of different things simultaneously4 ,just as the characteristic attributes of the mana are found in the soul1 so secondary and superficial changes are enough to enable the mana to individualize itself in the form of a soul4 ,we pass from the first idea to the second with no break of continuity4 ,every religious force which is attached in a special way to a determined being participates in the characteristics of this being1 takes on its appearance and becomes its spiritual double4 ,tregear1 in his ,maori-,polynesian dictionary1 has thought it possible to connect the word mana with another group of words1 such as manawa1 manamana1 etc41 which seem to belong to the same family1 and which signify heart1 life1 consciousness4#hfb ,is this not equivalent to saying that some sort of kinship ought to exist between the corresponding ideas as well1 that is to say1 between the idea of impersonal force and those of internal life1 mental force and1 in a word1 of the soul8 ,this is why the question whether the churinga is sacred because it serves as the residence of a soul1 as ,spencer and ,gillen believe1 or because it has impersonal virtues1 as ,strehlow thinks1 seems to us to have little interest and to be without sociological importance4 ,whether the efficacy of a sacred object is represented in an abstract form in the mind or is attributed to some personal agent does not really matter4 ,the psychological roots of both beliefs are identical3 an object is sacred because it inspires1 in one way or another1 a collective sentiment of respect which removes it from profane touches4 ,in order to explain this sentiment1 men sometimes fall back on to a vague and imprecise cause1 and sometimes on to a determined spiritual being endowed with a name and a history2 but these different interpretations are superadded to one fundamental phenomenon which is the same in both cases4 ,this1 moreover1 is what explains the singular confusions1 examples of which we have met with as we have progressed4 ,the individual1 the soul of the ancestor which he reincarnates or from which his own is an emanation1 his churinga and the animals of the totemic species are1 as we have said1 partially equivalent and interchangeable things4 ,this is because in certain connections1 they all affect the collective consciousness in the same way4 ,if the churinga is sacred1 it is because of the collective sentiments of respect inspired by the totemic emblem carved upon its surface2 now the same sentiment attaches itself to the animals or plants whose outward form is reproduced by the totem1 to the soul of the individual1 for it is thought of in the form of the totemic being1 and finally to the ancestral soul1 of which the preceding one is only a particular aspect4 ,so all these various objects1 whether real or ideal1 have one common element by which they arouse a single affective state in the mind1 and through this1 they become confused4 ,in so far as they are expressed by one and the same representation1 they are indistinct4 ,this is how the ,arunta has come to regard the churinga as the body common to the individual1 the ancestor and even the totemic being4 ,it is his way of expressing the identity of the sentiments of which these different things are the object4 ,however1 it does not follow from the fact the idea of the soul is derived from the idea of mana that the first has a relatively later origin1 or that there was a period in history when men were acquainted with religious forces only in their impersonal forms4 ,when some wish to designate by the word preanimist an historical period during which animism was completely unknown1 they build up an arbitrary hypothesis2#hfc for there is no people among whom the ideas of the soul and of mana do not coexist side by side4 ,so there is no ground for imagining that they were formed at two distinct times2 everything1 on the contrary1 goes to show that the two are coeval4 ,just as there is no society without individuals1 so those impersonal forces which are disengaged from the group cannot establish themselves without incarnating themselves in the individual consciousnesses where they individualize themselves4 ,in reality1 we do not have two different developments1 but two different aspects of one and the same development4 ,it is true that they do not have an equal importance2 one is more essential than the other4 ,the idea of mana does not presuppose the idea of the soul2 for if the mana is going to individualize itself and break itself up into the particular souls1 it must first of all exist1 and what it is in itself does not depend upon the forms it takes when individualized4 ,but on the contrary1 the idea of the soul cannot be understood except when taken in connection with the idea of mana4 ,so on this ground1 it is possible to say that it is the result of a secondary formation2 but we are speaking of a secondary formation in the logical1 not the chronological1 sense of the word4 ,v ,but how does it come that men have believed that the soul survives the body and is even able to do so for an indefinite length of time8 ,from the analysis which we have made1 it is evident that the belief in immortality has not been established under the influence of moral ideas4 ,men have not imagined the prolongation of their existence beyond the tomb in order that a just retribution for moral acts may be assured in another life1 if it fails in this one2 for we have seen that all considerations of this sort are foreign to the primitive conception of the beyond4 ,nor is the other hypothesis any better1 according to which the other life was imagined as a means of escaping the agonizing prospect of annihilation4 ,in the first place1 it is not true that the need of personal survival was actively felt at the beginning4 ,the primitive generally accepts the idea of death with a sort of indifference4 ,being trained to count his own individuality for little1 and being accustomed to exposing his life constantly1 he gives it up easily enough4#hfd ,more than that1 the immortality promised by the religions he practices is not personal4 ,in a large number of cases1 the soul does not continue the personality of the dead man1 or does not continue it long1 for1 forgetful of its previous existence1 it goes away1 after a while1 to animate another body and thus becomes the vivifying principle of a new personality4 ,even among the most advanced peoples1 it was only a pale and sad existence that shades led in ,sheol or ,erebus1 and could hardly attenuate the regrets occasioned by the memories of the life lost4 ,a more satisfactory explanation is the one attaching the conception of a posthumous life to the experiences of dreams4 ,our dead friends and relatives reappear to us in dreams3 we see them act1 we hear them speak2 it is natural to conclude that they continue to exist4 ,but if these observations were able to confirm the idea after it had once been born1 they hardly seem capable of creating it out of nothing4 ,dreams in which we see departed persons living again are too rare and too short and leave only too vague recollections of themselves1 to have been able to suggest so important a system of beliefs to men all by themselves4 ,there is a remarkable lack of proportion between the effect and the cause to which it is attributed4 ,what makes this question embarrassing is the fact that in itself1 the idea of the soul does not imply that of its survival1 but rather seems to exclude it4 ,in fact1 we have seen that the soul1 though being distinguished from the body1 is believed1 nevertheless1 to be closely united to it3 it ages along with the body1 it feels a reaction from all the maladies that fall upon the body2 so it would seem natural that it should die with the body4 ,at least1 men ought to have believed that it ceased to exist from the moment when it definitely lost its original form1 and when it was no longer what it had been4 ,yet it is at just this moment that a new life opens out before it4 ,the myths which we have already described give the only possible explanation of this belief4 ,we have seen that the souls of new-born children are either emanations of the ancestral souls1 or these souls themselves reincarnated4 ,but in order that they may either reincarnate themselves1 or periodically give off new emanations1 they must have survived their first holders4 ,so it seems as though they admitted the survival of the dead in order to explain the birth of the living4 ,the primitive does not have the idea of an all-powerful god who creates souls out of nothing4 ,it seems to him that souls cannot be made except out of souls4 ,so those who are born can only be new forms of those who have been2 consequently1 it is necessary that these latter continue to exist in order that others may be born4 ,in fine1 the belief in the immortality of the soul is the only way in which men were able to explain a fact which could not fail to attract their attention2 this fact is the perpetuity of the life of the group4 ,individuals die1 but the clan survives4 ,so the forces which give it life must have the same perpetuity4 ,now these forces are the souls which animate individual bodies2 for it is in them and through them that the group is realized4 ,for this reason1 it is necessary that they endure4 ,it is even necessary that in enduring1 they remain always the same2 for1 as the clan always keeps its characteristic appearance1 the spiritual substance out of which it is made must be thought of as qualitatively invariable4 ,since it is always the same clan with the same totemic principle1 it is necessary that the souls be the same1 for souls are only the totemic principle broken up and particularized4 ,thus there is something like a germinative plasm1 of a mystic order1 which is transmitted from generation to generation and which makes1 or at least is believed to make1 the spiritual unity of the clan through all time4 ,and this belief1 in spite of its symbolic character1 is not without a certain objective truth4 ,for though the group may not be immortal in the absolute sense of the word1 still it is true that it endures longer than the individuals and that it is born and incarnated afresh in each new generation4 ,a fact confirms this interpretation4 ,we have seen that according to the testimony of ,strehlow1 the ,arunta distinguish two sorts of souls3 on the one hand are those of the ancestors of the ,alcheringa1 on the other1 those of the individuals who actually compose the active body of the tribe at each moment in history4 ,the second sort only survive the body for a relatively short time2 they are soon totally annihilated4 ,only the former are immortal2 as they are uncreated1 so they do not perish4 ,it is also to be noticed that they are the only ones whose immortality is necessary to explain the permanence of the group2 for it is upon them1 and upon them alone1 that it is incumbent to assure the perpetuity of the clan1 for every conception is their work4 ,in this connection1 the others have no part to play4 ,so souls are not said to be immortal except in so far as this immortality is useful in rendering intelligible the continuity of the collective life4 ,thus the causes leading to the first beliefs in a future life had no connections with the functions to be filled at a later period by the institutions beyond the tomb4 ,but when that had once appeared1 they were soon utilized for other purposes besides those which had been their original reasons for existence4 ,even in the ,australian societies1 we see them beginning to organize themselves for this other purpose4 ,moreover1 there was no need of any fundamental transformation for this4 ,how true it is that the same social institution can successively fulfil different functions without changing its nature6 ,,vi ,the idea of the soul was for a long time1 and still is in part1 the popular form of the idea of personality4#hfe ,so the genesis of the former of these ideas should aid us in understanding how the second one was formed4 ,from what has already been said1 it is clear that the notion of person is the product of two sorts of factors4 ,one of these is essentially impersonal3 it is the spiritual principle serving as the soul of the group4 ,in fact1 it is this which constitutes the very substance of individual souls4 ,now this is not the possession of any one in particular3 it is a part of the collective patrimony2 in it and through it1 all consciousnesses communicate4 ,but on the other hand1 in order to have separate personalities1 it is necessary that another factor intervene to break up and differentiate this principle3 in other words1 an individualizing factor is necessary4 ,it is the body that fulfils this function4 ,as bodies are distinct from each other1 and as they occupy different points of space and time1 each of them forms a special centre about which the collective representations reflect and colour themselves differently4 ,the result is that even if all the consciousnesses in these bodies are directed towards the same world1 to wit1 the world of the ideas and sentiments which brings about the moral unity of the group1 they do not all see it from the same angle2 each one expresses it in its own fashion4 ,of these two equally indispensable factors1 the former is certainly not the less important1 for this is the one which furnishes the original matter for the idea of the soul4 ,perhaps some will be surprised to see so considerable a rle attributed to the impersonal element in the genesis of the idea of personality4 ,but the philosophical analysis of the idea of person1 which has gone far ahead of the sociological analysis1 has reached analogous results on this point4 ,among all the philosophers1 ,leibniz is one of those who have felt most vividly what a personality is2 for before all1 the nomad is a personal and autonomous being4 ,yet1 for ,leibniz1 the contents of all the monads is identical4 ,in fact1 all are consciousnesses which express one and the same object1 the world2 and as the world itself is only a system of representations1 each particular consciousness is really only the reflection of the universal consciousness4 ,however1 each one expresses it from its own point of view1 and in its own manner4 ,we know how this difference of perspectives comes from the fact that the monads are situated differently in relation to each other and to the whole system which they constitute4 ,kant expresses the same sentiment1 though in a different form4 ,for him1 the corner-stone of the personality is the will4 ,now the will is the faculty of acting in conformity with reason1 and the reason is that which is most impersonal within us4 ,for reason is not my reason2 it is human reason in general4 ,it is the power which the mind has of rising above the particular1 the contingent and the individual1 to think in universal forms4 ,so from this point of view1 we may say that what makes a man a personality is that by which he is confounded with other men1 that which makes him a man1 not a certain man4 ,the senses1 the body and1 in a word1 all that individualizes1 is1 on the contrary1 considered as the antagonist of the personality by ,kant4 ,this is because individuation is not the essential characteristic of the personality4 ,a person is not merely a single subject distinguished from all the others4 ,it is especially a being to which is attributed a relative autonomy in relation to the environment with which it is most immediately in contact4 ,it is represented as capable of moving itself1 to a certain degree3 this is what ,leibniz expressed in an exaggerated way when he said that the monad was completely closed to the outside4 ,now our analysis permits us to see how this conception was formed and to what it corresponds4 ,in fact1 the soul1 a symbolic representation of the personality1 has the same characteristic4 ,although closely bound to the body1 it is believed to be profoundly distinct from it and to enjoy1 in relation to it1 a large degree of independence4 ,during life1 it may leave it temporarily1 and it definitely withdraws at death4 ,far from being dependent upon the body1 it dominates it from the higher dignity which is in it4 ,it may well take from the body the outward form in which it individualizes itself1 but it owes nothing essential to it4 ,nor is the autonomy which all peoples have attributed to the soul a pure illusion2 we know now what its objective foundation is4 ,it is quite true that the elements which serve to form the idea of the soul and those which enter into the representation of the body come from two different sources that are independent of one another4 ,one sort are made up of the images and impressions coming from all parts of the organism2 the others consist in the ideas and sentiments which come from and express society4 ,so the former are not derived from the latter4 ,there really is a part of ourselves which is not placed in immediate dependence upon the organic factor3 this is all that which represents society in us4 ,the general ideas which religion or science fix in our minds1 the mental operations which these ideas suppose1 the beliefs and sentiments which are at the basis of our moral life1 and all these superior forms of psychical activity which society awakens in us1 these do not follow in the trail of our bodily states1 as our sensations and our general bodily consciousness do4 ,as we have already shown1 this is because the world of representations in which social life passes is superimposed upon its material substratum1 far from arising from it2 the determinism which reigns there is much more supple than the one whose roots are in the constitution of our tissues and it leaves with the actor a justified impression of the greatest liberty4 ,the medium in which we thus move is less opaque and less resistant3 we feel ourselves to be1 and we are1 more at our ease there4 ,in a word1 the only way we have of freeing ourselves from physical forces is to oppose them with collective forces4 ,but whatever we receive from society1 we hold in common with our companions4 ,so it is not at all true that we are more personal as we are more individualized4 ,the two terms are in no way synonymous3 in one sense1 they oppose more than they imply one another4 ,passion individualizes1 yet it also enslaves4 ,our sensations are essentially individual2 yet we are more personal the more we are freed from our senses and able to think and act with concepts4 ,so those who insist upon all the social elements of the individual do not mean by that to deny or debase the personality4 ,they merely refuse to confuse it with the fact of individuation4#hff ,,chapter ,,ix ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,,spirits ,,and ,,gods ,when we come to the idea of the soul1 we have left the circle of purely impersonal forces4 ,but above the soul the ,australian religions already recognize mythical personalities of a superior order3 spirits1 civilizing heroes and even gods who are properly so-called4 ,while it will be unnecessary to enter into the detail of the mythologies1 we must at least seek the form in which these three categories of spiritual beings are presented in ,australia1 and the way in which they are connected with the whole religious system4 ,i ,a soul is not a spirit4 ,in fact1 it is shut up in a determined organism2 though it may leave it at certain moments1 it is ordinarily a prisoner there4 ,it definitely escapes only at death1 and we have already seen the difficulties under which the separation is accomplished4 ,a spirit1 on the contrary1 though often tied by the closest bonds to some particular object1 such as a spring1 a rock1 a tree1 a star1 etc41 and though residing there by preference1 may go away at will and lead an independent existence in free space4 ,so it has a more extended circle of action4 ,it can act upon the individuals who approach it or whom it approaches4 ,the soul1 on the contrary1 has almost no influence except over the body it animates2 it is very exceptional that it succeeds in influencing outside objects during the course of its terrestrial life4 ,but if the soul does not have the distinctive characteristics of the spirit1 it acquires them1 at least in part1 at death4 ,in fact1 when it has been disincarnated1 so long as it does not descend into a body again1 it has the same liberty of movement as a spirit4 ,of course1 after the rites of mourning have been accomplished1 it is thought to go to the land of souls1 but before this it remains about the tomb for a rather long time4 ,also1 even after it has definitely departed1 it is believed to prowl about in the brush near the camp4#hfg ,it is generally represented as a rather beneficent being1 especially for the surviving members of its family2 we have seen that the soul of the father comes to aid the growth of his children or his grandchildren4 ,but it also happens sometimes that it shows signs of a veritable cruelty2 everything depends upon its humour and the manner in which it is treated by the living4#hfh ,so it is recommended1 especially to women and children1 not to venture outside of the camp during the night so as not to expose oneself to dangerous encounters4#hfi ,however1 a ghost is not a real spirit4 ,in the first place1 it generally has only a limited power of action2 also1 it does not have a definite province4 ,it is a vagabond1 upon whom no determined task is incumbent1 for the effect of death has been to put it outside of all regular forms2 as regards the living1 it is a sort of a exile4 ,a spirit1 on the other hand1 always has a power of a certain sort and it is by this that it is defined2 it is set over a certain order of cosmic or social phenomena2 it has a more or less precise function to fulfil in the system of the universe4 ,but there are some souls which satisfy this double condition and which are consequently spirits1 in the proper sense of the word4 ,these are the souls of the mythical personages whom popular imagination has placed at the beginning of time1 the ,altjirangamitjina or the men of the ,alcheringa among the ,arunta2 the ,mura-mura among the tribes of ,lake ,eyre2 the ,muk-,kurnai among the ,kurnai1 etc4 ,in one sense1 they are still souls1 for they are believed to have formerly animated bodies from which they separated themselves at a certain moment4 ,but even when they led a terrestrial life1 they already had1 as we have seen1 exceptional powers2 they had a mana superior to that of ordinary men1 and they have kept it4 ,also1 they are charged with definite functions4 ,in the first place1 whether we accept the version of ,spencer and ,gillen or that of ,strehlow1 it is to them that the care of assuring the periodical recruiting of the clan falls4 ,they have charge of the phenomena of conception4 ,even when the conception has been accomplished1 the task of the ancestor is not yet completed4 ,it is his duty to guard over the new-born child4 ,later1 when the child has become a man1 he accompanies him in the hunt1 brings game to him1 warns him by dreams of the dangers he may run1 protects him against his enemies1 etc4 ,on this point1 ,strehlow is entirely in accord with ,spencer and ,gillen4#hgj ,it is true that someone may ask how it is possible1 according to the version of these latter1 for the ancestor to fulfil this function2 for1 since he reincarnates himself at the moment of conception1 it seems as though he should be confounded with the soul of the child and should therefore be unable to protect it from without4 ,but the fact is that he does not reincarnate himself entirely2 he merely duplicates himself4 ,one part of him enters the body of the woman and fertilizes her2 another part continues to exist outside and1 under the special name of ,arumburinga1 fulfils the office of guardian genius4#hga ,thus we see how great a kinship there is between this ancestral spirit and the genius of the ,latins or the ,greek3 daimn of the ,greeks4#hgb ,the identification of function is complete4 ,in fact1 at first the genius is the one who begets1 qui gignit2 he expresses and personifies the powers of generation4#hgc ,but at the same time1 he is the protector and director of the particular individual to whose person he is attached4#hgd ,he is finally confused with the personality itself of this individual2 he represents the totality of the proclivities and tendencies which characterize him and give him a distinctive appearance among other men4#hge ,hence come the well-known expressions indulgere genio1 defraudere genium with the sense of to follow one's natural temperament4 ,at bottom1 the genius is another form or double of the soul of the individual4 ,this is proved by the partial synonomy of genius and manes4#hgf ,the manes is the genius after death2 but it is also all that survives of the dead man1 that is to say1 his soul4 ,in the same way1 the soul of the ,arunta and the ancestral spirit which serves as his genius are only two different aspects of one and the same being4 ,but it is not only in relation to persons that the ancestor has a definite situation2 he also has one in relation to things4 ,though he is believed to have his real residence under the ground1 they think that he is always haunting the place where his nanja-tree or rock is1 or the water-hole which was spontaneously formed at the exact spot where he disappeared into the ground1 having terminated his first existence4 ,as this tree or rock is believed to represent the body of the hero1 they imagine that the soul itself is constantly coming back there1 and lives there more or less permanently2 it is by the presence of this soul that they explain the religious respect inspired by these localities4 ,no one can break the branch of a nanja-tree without a risk of falling sick4#hgg ,formerly the act of breaking it down or injuring it was punished with death4 ,an animal or bird taking refuge there could not be killed4 ,even the surrounding bushes had to be respected3 the grass could not be burned1 the rocks also had to be treated with respect4 ,it was forbidden to remove them or break them4#hgh ,as this sacred character is attributed to the ancestor1 he appears as the spirit of this tree or rock1 of this water-hole or spring4#hgi ,if the spring is thought of as having some connection with rain1#hhj he will become a spirit of rain4 ,thus1 the same souls which serve as protecting geniuses for men also fulfil cosmic functions at the same time4 ,it is undoubtedly in this sense that we must understand the text of ,roth where he says that in northern ,queensland1 the spirits of nature are the souls of the dead who have chosen to live in the forests or caves4#hha ,so we have here some spiritual beings that are different from the wandering souls with no definite powers4 ,strehlow calls them gods2#hhb but this expression is inexact1 at least in the great majority of cases4 ,if it were true1 then in a society like the ,arunta where each one has his protecting ancestor1 there would be as many or more gods than there are individuals4 ,it would merely introduce confusion into our terminology to give the name of god to a sacred being with only one worshipper4 ,it may be1 of course1 that the figure of the ancestor grows to a point where it resembles a real divinity4 ,among the ,warramunga1 as we have already pointed out1#hhc the clan as a whole is thought to be descended from one sole and unique ancestor4 ,it is easily seen how this collective ancestor might1 under certain circumstances1 become the object of a collective devotion4 ,to choose a notable example1 this is what has happened to the snake ,wollunqua4#hhd ,this mythical beast1 from whom the clan of the same name is held to be descended1 continues to live1 they believe1 in water-holes which are therefore surrounded with a religious respect4 ,thus it becomes the object of a cult which the clan celebrates collectively3 through determined rites1 they attempt to please him and to win his favours1 and they address to him all sorts of prayers1 etc4 ,so we may say that he is like a god of the clan4 ,but this is a very exceptional case1 or even1 according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 a unique one4 ,normally1 the word spirits is the only one suitable for designating these ancestral personages4 ,as to the manner in which this conception has been formed1 we may say that it is evident from what has preceded4 ,as we have already shown1 the existence of individual souls1 when once admitted1 cannot be understood unless one imagines an original supply of fundamental souls at the origin of things1 from which all the others were derived4 ,now these architype souls had to be conceived as containing within them the source of all religious efficacy2 for1 since the imagination does not go beyond them1 it is from them and only from them that all sacred things are believed to come1 both the instruments of the cult1 the members of the clan and the animals of the totemic species4 ,they incarnate all the sacredness diffused in the whole tribe and the whole world1 and so they are attributed powers noticeably superior to those enjoyed by the simple souls of men4 ,moreover1 time by itself increases and reinforces the sacred character of things4 ,a very ancient churinga inspires much more respect than a new one1 and is supposed to have more virtues4#hhe ,the sentiments of veneration of which it has been the object during the series of successive generations who have handled it are1 as it were1 accumulated in it4 ,for the same reason1 the personages who for centuries have been the subject of myths respectfully passed on from mouth to mouth1 and periodically put into action by the rites1 could not fail to take a very especial place in the popular imagination4 ,but how does it happen that1 instead of remaining outside of the organized society1 they have become regular members of it8 ,this is because each individual is the double of an ancestor4 ,now when two beings are related as closely as this1 they are naturally conceived as incorporated together2 since they participate in the same nature1 it seems as though that which affects one ought to affect the other as well4 ,thus the group of mythical ancestors became attached to the society of the living2 the same interests and the same passions were attributed to each2 they were regarded as associates4 ,however1 as the former had a higher dignity than the latter1 this association takes1 in the public mind1 the form of an agreement between superiors and inferiors1 between patrons and clients1 benefactors and recipients4 ,thus comes this curious idea of a protecting genius who is attached to each individual4 ,the question of how this ancestor came to have relations not only with men1 but also with things1 may appear more embarrassing2 for1 at the first glance1 we do not see what connection there can be between a personage of this sort and a rock or tree4 ,but a fact which we owe to ,strehlow furnishes us with a solution of this problem1 which is at least probable4 ,these trees and rocks are not situated at any point in the tribal territory1 but1 for the most part1 they are grouped around the sanctuaries1 called ertnatulunga by ,spencer and ,gillen and arknanaua by ,strehlow1 where the churinga of the clan is kept4#hhf ,we know the respect with which these localities are enhaloed from the mere fact that the most precious instruments of the cult are there4 ,each of these spreads sanctity all about it4 ,it is for this reason that the neighbouring trees and rocks appear sacred1 that it is forbidden to destroy or harm them1 and that all violence used against them is a sacrilege4 ,this sacred character is really due to a simple phenomenon of psychic contagiousness2 but in order to explain it1 the native must admit that these different objects have relations with the different beings in whom he sees the source of all religious power1 that is to say1 with the ancestors of the ,alcheringa4 ,hence comes the system of myths of which we have spoken4 ,they imagined that each ertnatulunga marked the spot where a group of ancestors entered into the ground4 ,the mounds or trees which covered the ground were believed to represent their bodies4 ,but as the soul retains1 in a general way1 a sort of affinity for the body in which it dwelt1 they were naturally led to believe that these ancestral souls continued to frequent these places where their material envelope remained4 ,so they were located in the rocks1 the trees or the water-holes4 ,thus each of them1 though remaining attached to some determined individual1 became transformed into a sort of genius loci and fulfilled its functions4#hhg ,the conceptions thus elucidated enable us to understand a form of totemism which we have left unexplained up to the present3 this is individual totemism4 ,an individual totem is defined1 in its essence1 by the two following characteristics3 7#a7 it is a being in an animal or vegetable form whose function is to protect an individual2 7#b7 the fate of this individual and that of his patron are closely united3 all that touches the latter is sympathetically communicated to the former4 ,now the ancestral spirits of which we have just been speaking answer to this same definition4 ,they also belong1 at least in part1 to the animal or vegetable kingdoms4 ,they1 too1 are protecting geniuses4 ,finally1 a sympathetic bond unites each individual to his protecting ancestor4 ,in fact1 the nanja-tree1 representing the mystical body of this ancestor1 cannot be destroyed without the man's feeling himself menaced4 ,it is true that this belief is losing its force to-day1 but ,spencer and ,gillen have observed it1 and in any case1 they are of the opinion that formerly it was quite general4#hhh ,the identity of these two conceptions is found even in their details4 ,the ancestral souls reside in trees or rocks which are considered sacred4 ,likewise1 among the ,euahlayi1 the spirit of the animal serving as individual totem is believed to inhabit a tree or stone4#hhi ,this tree or stone is sacred2 no one may touch it except the proprietor of the totem2 when it is a stone or rock1 this interdiction is still absolute4#hij ,the result is that they are veritable places of refuge4 ,finally1 we have seen that the individual soul is only another aspect of the ancestral spirit1 according to ,strehlow1 this serves after a fashion1 as a second self4#hia ,likewise1 following an expression of ,mrs4 ,parker1 the individual totem of the ,euahlayi1 called ,yunbeai1 is the alter ego of the individual3 ,the soul of a man is in his ,yunbeai and the soul of his ,yunbeai is in him4#hib ,so at bottom1 it is one soul in two bodies4 ,the kinship of these two notions is so close that they are sometimes expressed by one and the same word4 ,this is the case in ,melanesia and in ,polynesia3 atai in the island ,mota1 tamaniu in the island ,aurora1 and talegia in ,motlaw all designate both the soul of the individual and his personal totem4#hic ,it is the same with aitu in ,samoa4#hid ,this is because the individual totem is merely the outward and visible form of the ego or the personality1 of which the soul is the inward and invisible form4#hie ,thus the individual totem has all the essential characteristics of the protecting ancestor and fills the same rle3 this is because it has the same origin and proceeds from the same idea4 ,each of them1 in fact1 consists in a duplication of the soul4 ,the totem1 as the ancestor1 is the soul of the individual1 but externalized and invested with powers superior to those it is believed to possess while within the organism4 ,now this duplication is the result of a psychological necessity2 for it only expresses the nature of the soul which1 as we have seen1 is double4 ,in one sense1 it is ours3 it expresses our personality4 ,but at the same time1 it is outside of us1 for it is only the reaching into us of a religious force which is outside of us4 ,we cannot confound ourselves with it completely1 for we attribute to it an excellence and a dignity by which it rises far above us and our empirical individuality4 ,so there is a whole part of ourselves which we tend to project into the outside4 ,this way of thinking of ourselves is so well established in our nature that we cannot escape it1 even when we attempt to regard ourselves without having recourse to any religious symbols4 ,our moral consciousness is like a nucleus about which the idea of the soul forms itself2 yet when it speaks to us1 it gives the effect of an outside power1 superior to us1 which gives us our law and judges us1 but which also aids and sustains us4 ,when we have it on our side1 we feel ourselves to be stronger against the trials of life1 and better assured of triumphing over them1 just as the ,australian who1 when trusting in his ancestor or his personal totem1 feels himself more valiant against his enemies4#hif ,so there is something objective at the basis of these conceptions1 whether we have in mind the ,roman genius1 the individual totem1 or the ,alcheringa ancestor2 and this is why they have survived1 in various forms1 up to the present day4 ,everything goes just as if we really had two souls2 one which is within us1 or rather1 which is us2 the other which is above us1 and whose function it is to control and assist the first one4 ,frazer thought that the individual totem was an external soul2 but he believed that this exteriority was the result of an artifice and a magic ruse4 ,in reality1 it is implied in the very constitution of the idea of the soul4#hig ,,ii ,the spirits of which we have just been speaking are essentially benefactors4 ,of course they punish a man if he does not treat them in a fitting manner2#hih but it is not their function to work evil4 ,however1 a spirit is in itself just as capable of doing evil as good4 ,this is why we find a class of evil geniuses forming itself naturally1 in opposition to these auxiliary and protecting spirits1 which enables men to explain the permanent evils that they have to suffer1 their nightmares#hii and illnesses1#ijj whirlwinds and tempests1#ija etc4 ,of course this is not saying that all these human miseries have appeared as things too abnormal to be explained in any way except by supernatural forces2 but it is saying that these forces are thought of under a religious form4 ,as it is a religious principle which is considered the source of life1 so1 all the events which disturb or destroy life ought logically to be traced to a principle of the same sort4 ,these harmful spirits seem to have been conceived on the same model as the good spirits of which we have just been speaking4 ,they are represented in an animal form1 or one that is half-animal1 half-man2#ijb but men are naturally inclined to give them enormous dimensions and a repulsive aspect4#ijc ,like the souls of the ancestors1 they are believed to inhabit trees1 rocks1 water-holes and subterranean caverns4#ijd ,taking the ,arunta as a particular example1 ,spencer and ,gillen say expressly that these evil geniuses1 known under the name of ,oruncha1 are beings of the ,alcheringa4#ije ,many are represented as the souls of persons who had led a terrestrial life4#ijf ,among the personages of the fabulous epoch1 there were1 in fact1 many different temperaments3 some had cruel and evil instincts which they retained2#ijg others were naturally of a bad constitution2 they were thin and emaciated2 so after they had entered into the ground1 the nanja rocks to which they gave birth were considered the homes of dangerous influences4#ijh ,yet they are distinguished by special characteristics from their confrres1 the heroes of the ,alcheringa4 ,they do not reincarnate themselves2 among living men1 there is no one who represents them2 they are without human posterity4#iji ,when1 judging from certain signs1 they believe that a child is the result of their work1 it is put to death as soon as born4#iaj ,also1 these belong to no determined totemic group2 they are outside the social organization4#iaa ,by all these traits1 they are recognized as magic powers rather than religious ones4 ,and in fact1 it is especially with the magician that they have relations2 very frequently it is from them that he gets his powers4#iab ,so we have now arrived at the point where the world of religion stops and that of magic commences2 and as this latter is outside the field of our research1 we need not push our researches further4#iac ,,iii ,the appearance of the notion of spirits marks an important step in advance in the individualization of religious forces4 ,however1 the spiritual beings of whom we have been speaking up to the present are as yet only secondary personages4 ,they are either evil-working geniuses who belong to magic rather than religion1 or else1 being attached to determined individuals or places1 they cannot make their influence felt except within a circle of a very limited radius4 ,so they can only be the objects of private and local rites4 ,but after the idea has once been established1 it naturally spreads to the higher spheres of the religious life1 and thus mythical personalities of a superior order are born4 ,though the ceremonies of the different clans differ from one another1 they all belong to the same religion1 none the less2 also1 a certain number of essential similarities exist between them4 ,since all the clans are only parts of one and the same tribe1 the unity of the tribe cannot fail to make itself felt through this diversity of particular cults4 ,in fact1 there is no totemic group that does not have churinga and bull-roarers1 and these are used everywhere in the same way4 ,the organization of the tribe into phratries1 matrimonial classes and clans1 and the exogamic interdictions attached to them1 are veritable tribal institutions4 ,the initiation celebrations all include certain fundamental practices1 the extraction of a tooth1 circumcision1 subincision1 etc41 which do not vary with the totems within a single tribe4 ,the uniformity on this point is the more easily established as the initiation always takes place in the presence of the tribe1 or at least1 before an assembly to which the different clans have been summoned4 ,the reason for this is that the object of the initiation is to introduce the neophyte into the religious life1 not merely of the clan into which he was born1 but of the tribe as a whole2 so it is necessary that the various aspects of the tribal religion be represented before him and take place1 in a way1 under his very eyes4 ,it is on this occasion that the moral and religious unity of the tribe is affirmed the best4 ,thus1 in each society there are a certain number of rites which are distinguished from all the others by their homogeneity and their generality4 ,so noticeably a harmony seemed to be explicable only by a unity of origin4 ,so they imagined that each group of similar rites had been founded by one and the same ancestor1 who came to reveal them to the tribe as a whole4 ,thus1 among the ,arunta1 it was an ancestor of the ,wild ,cat clan1 named ,putiaputia1#iad who is thought to have taught men the way of making churinga and using it ritually2 among the ,warramunga1 it was ,murtu-murtu2#iae among the ,urabunna1 ,witurna2#iaf it was ,atnatu among the ,kaitish#iag and ,tendun among the ,kurnai4#iah ,likewise1 the practice of circumcision is attributed by the eastern ,dieri and many other tribes#iai to two special ,muramura1 and by the ,arunta to a hero of the ,alcheringa1 of the ,lizard totem1 named ,mangarkunjerkunja4#ibj ,to this same personage are ascribed the foundation of the matrimonial institutions and the social organization they imply1 the discovery of fire1 the invention of the spear1 the buckler1 the boomerang1 etc4 ,it also happens very frequently that the inventor of the bull-roarer is also considered the founder of the rites of initiation4#iba ,these special ancestors cannot be put in the same rank as the others4 ,on the one hand1 the sentiments of veneration which they inspire are not limited to one clan1 but are common to the whole tribe4 ,on the other hand1 it is to them that men ascribe all that is most esteemed in the tribal civilization4 ,for this double reason1 they became the object of a special consideration4 ,for example1 they say of ,atnatu that he was born in heaven at an epoch even prior to the times of the ,alcheringa1 that he made himself and that he gave himself the name he bears4 ,the stars are his wives and daughters4 ,beyond the heaven where he lives1 there is another one with another sun4 ,his name is sacred1 and should never be pronounced before women or non-initiated persons4#ibb ,yet1 howsoever great the prestige enjoyed by these personages may be1 there was no occasion for founding special rites in their honour2 for they themselves are only rites personified4 ,they have no other reason for existence than to explain existing practices2 they are only another aspect of these4 ,the churinga and the ancestor who invented it are only one2 sometimes1 both have the same name4#ibc ,when someone makes the bull-roarer resound1 they say that it is the voice of the ancestor making himself heard4#ibd ,but1 for the very reason that each of these heroes is confounded with the cult he is believed to have founded1 they believe that he is attentive to the way in which it is celebrated4 ,he is not satisfied unless the worshippers fulfil their duties exactly2 he punishes those who are negligent4#ibe ,so he is thought of as the guardian of the rite1 as well as its founder1 and for this reason1 he becomes invested with a veritable moral rle4#ibf ,,iv ,however1 this mythological formation is not the highest which is to be found among the ,australians4 ,there are at least a certain number of tribes who have arrived at a conception of a god who1 if not unique1 is at least supreme1 and to whom is attributed a pre-eminent position among all the other religious entities4 ,the existence of this belief was pointed out long ago by different observers2#ibg but it is ,howitt who has contributed the most to establishing its relative generality4 ,in fact1 he has verified it over a very extended geographical area embracing the ,state of ,victoria and ,new ,south ,wales and even extending up to ,queensland4#ibh ,in all this entire region1 a considerable number of tribes believe in the existence of a veritable tribal divinity1 who has different names1 according to the district4 ,the ones most frequently employed are ,bunjil or ,punjil1#ibi ,daramulun#icj and ,baiame4#ica ,but we also find ,nuralie or ,nurelle1#icb ,kohin#icc and ,mangan-ngaua4#icd ,the same conception is found again farther west1 among the ,narrinyeri1 where the great god is called ,nurunderi or ,ngurrunderi4#ice ,among the ,dieri1 it is probable that there is one of the ,mura-mura1 or ordinary ancestors1 who enjoys a sort of supremacy over the others4#icf ,finally1 in opposition to the affirmations of ,spencer and ,gillen1 who declare that they have observed no belief in a real divinity among the ,arunta1#icg ,strehlow assures us that this people1 as well as the ,loritja1 recognize1 under the name ,altjira1 a veritable good god4#ich ,the essential characteristics of this personage are the same everywhere4 ,it is an immortal1 and even an eternal being1 for it was not derived from any other4 ,after having lived on earth for a certain length of time1 he ascended to heaven1 or else was taken up there1#ici and continues to live there1 surrounded by his family1 for generally he is said to have one or several wives1 children and brothers1#idj who sometimes assist him in his functions4 ,under the pretext of a visit he is said to have made to them1 he and his family are frequently identified with certain stars4#ida ,moreover1 they attribute to him a power over stars4 ,it is he who regulates the journey of the sun and moon2#idb he gives them orders4#idc ,it is he who makes the lightning leap from the clouds and who throws the thunder-bolts4#idd ,since he is the thunder1 he is also connected with the rain3#ide it is to him that men address themselves when there is a scarcity of water1 or when too much falls4#idf ,they speak of him as a sort of creator3 he is called the father of men and they say that he made them4 ,according to a legend current around ,melbourne1 ,bunjil made the first man in the following manner4 ,he made a little statue out of white clay2 then1 after he had danced all around it several times and had breathed into its nostrils1 the statue became animated and commenced to walk about4#idg ,according to another myth1 he lighted the sun2 thus the earth became heated and men came out of it4#idh ,at the same time that he made men1#idi this divine personage made the animals and trees2#iej it is to him that men owe all the arts of life1 arms1 language and tribal rites4#iea ,he is the benefactor of humanity4 ,even yet1 he plays the rle of a sort of providence for them4 ,it is he who supplies his worshippers with all that is necessary for their existence4#ieb ,he is in communication with them1 either directly or through intermediaries4#iec ,but being at the same time guardian of the morals of the tribe1 he treats them severely when these are violated4#ied ,if we are to believe certain observers1 he will even fulfil the office of judge1 after this life2 he will separate the good from the bad1 and will not reward the ones like the others4#iee ,in any case1 they are often represented as ruling the land of the dead1#ief and as gathering the souls together when they arrive in the beyond4#ieg ,as the initiation is the principal form of the tribal cult1 it is to the rites of initiation that he is attached especially2 he is their centre4 ,he is very frequently represented by an image cut on a piece of bark or soaked into the ground4 ,they dance around it2 they sing in its honour2 they even address real prayers to it4#ieh ,they explain to the young men who the personage is whom this image represents2 they tell them his secret name1 which the women and the uninitiated cannot know2 they relate to them his history and the part attributed to him in the life of the tribe4 ,at other times they raise their hands towards the heaven where he is thought to dwell1 or else they point their arms or the ritual instruments they have in hand in this direction2#iei this is a way of entering into communication with him4 ,they feel his presence everywhere4 ,he watches over the neophyte when he has withdrawn into the forest4#ifj ,he is attentive to the manner in which the ceremonies are celebrated4 ,the initiation is his cult4 ,so he gives special attention to seeing that these are carried out exactly3 if there are any faults or negligences1 he punishes them in a terrible manner4#ifa ,moreover1 the authority of each of these supreme gods is not limited to a single tribe2 it is recognized equally by a number of neighbouring tribes4 ,bunjil is adored in nearly all of ,victoria1 ,baiame in a considerable portion of ,new ,south ,wales1 etc42 this is why there are so few gods for a relatively extended geographical area4 ,so the cults of which they are the object have an international character4 ,it even happens sometimes that mythologies intermingle1 combine and make mutual borrowings4 ,thus the majority of the tribes who believe in ,baiame also admit the existence of ,daramulun2 however1 they accord him a slighter dignity4 ,they make him a son or brother of ,baiame1 and subordinate to this latter4#ifb ,thus the faith in ,daramulun has spread in diverse forms1 into all of ,new ,south ,wales4 ,so it is far from true that religious internationalism is a peculiarity of the most recent and advanced religions4 ,from the dawn of history1 religious beliefs have manifested a tendency to overflow out of one strictly limited political society2 it is as though they had a natural aptitude for crossing frontiers1 and for diffusing and internationalizing themselves4 ,of course there have been peoples and times when this spontaneous aptitude has been held in check by opposed social necessities2 but that does not keep it from being real and1 as we see1 very primitive4 ,to ,tylor this conception has appeared to be a part of so elevated a theology that he refuses to see in it anything but the product of a ,european importation3 he would have it be a more or less denatured ,christian idea4#ifc ,andrew ,lang1 on the contrary1 considers them autochthonous2#ifd but as he also admits that it is contrasted with all the other ,australian beliefs and rests on completely different principles1 he concludes that the religions of ,australia are made up of two heterogeneous systems1 superimposed one upon the other1 and consequently derived from a double origin4 ,on the one hand1 there were ideas relative to totems and spirits1 which had been suggested to men by the sight of certain natural phenomena4 ,but at the same time1 by a sort of intuition as to the nature of which he refuses to make himself clear1#ife the human intelligence succeeded at the first onset in conceiving a unique god1 creator of the world and legislator of the moral order4 ,lang even estimates that this idea was purer of foreign elements at the beginning1 and especially in ,australia1 than in the civilizations which immediately followed4 ,with time1 it was covered over and obscured little by little by the ever-growing mass of animistic and totemic superstitions4 ,thus it underwent a sort of progressive degeneration up to the day when1 as the effect of a privileged culture1 it succeeded in coming into its own and restated itself again with more force and clarity than it had in the first place4#iff ,but the facts allow neither the sceptical hypothesis of ,tylor nor the theological interpretation of ,lang4 ,in the first place1 it is certain to-day that the ideas relative to the great tribal god are of indigenous origin4 ,they were observed before the influence of the missionaries had as yet had time to make itself felt4#ifg ,but it does not follow that it is necessary to attribute them to a mysterious revelation4 ,far from being derived from a different source than the regular totemic beliefs1 they are1 on the contrary1 only the logical working-out of these beliefs and their highest form4 ,we have already seen how the notion of mythical ancestors is implied in the very principles upon which totemism rests1 for each of them is a totemic being4 ,now1 though the great gods are certainly superior to these1 still1 there are only differences of degree between them2 we pass from the first to the second with no break of continuity4 ,in fact1 a great god is himself an ancestor of especial importance4 ,they frequently speak to us about him as though he were a man1 endowed1 to be sure1 with more than human powers1 but one who lived a human life upon the earth4#ifh ,he is pictured as a great hunter1#ifi a powerful magician1#igj or the founder of the tribe4#iga ,he was the first man4#igb ,one legend even represents him in the form of a worn-out old man who could hardly move about4#igc ,if a supreme god named ,mura-mura has existed among the ,dieri1 the very word is significant1 for it serves to designate the class of the ancestors4 ,likewise1 ,nuralie1 the name of a great god among the tribes on the ,murray ,river1 is sometimes used as a collective expression which is applied to the group of mythical beings whom tradition places at the origin of things4#igd ,they are personages wholly comparable to those of the ,alcheringa4#ige ,in ,queensland1 we have already met with a god ,anjea or ,anjir1 who made men but who seems1 nevertheless1 to be only the first man4#igf ,a fact that has aided ,australian thought to pass from the numerous ancestral geniuses to the idea of the tribal god is that between the two extremes a middle term has been inserted1 which has served as a transition3 these are the civilizing heroes4 ,the fabulous beings whom we call by this name are really simple ancestors to whom mythology has attributed an eminent place in the history of the tribe1 and whom it has1 for this reason1 set above the others4 ,we have even seen that they ordinarily form a part of the totemic organization3 ,mangarkunjerkunja belongs to the ,lizard totem and ,putiaputia to the ,wild ,cat totem4 ,but on the other hand1 the functions which they are believed to fulfil1 or to have fulfilled1 are closely similar to those incumbent upon a great god4 ,he1 too1 is believed to have introduced the arts of civilization among men1 to have been the founder of the principal social institutions and the revealer of the great religious ceremonies which still remain under his control4 ,if he is the father of men1 it is because he manufactured them rather than begat them3 but ,mangarkunjerkunja also made them4 ,before his time1 there were no men1 but only unformed masses of flesh1 in which the different members and even the different individuals were not yet separated from one another4 ,it was he who cut up this original matter and made real human beings out of it4#igg ,between this mode of fabrication and the one the myth we have spoken of attributes to ,bunjil1 there are only shades of difference4 ,moreover1 the bonds uniting these two sorts of figures to each other are well shown by the fact that a relationship of descent is sometimes established between them4 ,among the ,kurnai1 the hero of the bull-roarer1 ,tundun1 is the son of the great god ,mungan-ngaua4#igh ,likewise1 among the ,euahlayi1 ,daramulun1 the son or brother of ,baiame1 is identical with ,gayandi who is the equivalent of the ,tundun of the ,kurnai4#igi ,of course it is not necessary to conclude from these facts that the great god is nothing more than a civilizing hero4 ,there are cases where these two personages are carefully differentiated4 ,but if they are not confounded1 they are at least relatives4 ,so it sometimes happens that we find it hard to distinguish them2 there are some who could be classified equally well in one category or the other4 ,thus1 we have spoken of ,atnatu as a civilizing hero2 but he comes very near to being a great god4 ,the notion of a supreme god even depends so closely upon the entire system of the totemic beliefs that it still bears their mark4 ,tundun is a divine hero1 as we have just seen1 who is very close to the tribal divinity2 now among the ,kurnai1 the same word means totem4#ihj ,similarly1 among the ,arunta1 ,altjira is the name of a great god2 it is also the name of the maternal totem4#iha ,but there is more to be said than this2 many great gods have an obviously totemic aspect4 ,daramulun is an eagle-hawk2#ihb his mother1 an emu4#ihc ,it is also under the features of an emu that ,baiame is represented4#ihd ,the ,altjira of the ,arunta has the legs of an emu4#ihe ,before being the name of a great god1 ,nuralie designated1 as we just saw1 the ancestor-founders of the tribe2 now some of these were crows1 the others hawks4#ihf ,according to ,howitt1#ihg ,bunjil is always represented in a human form2 however1 the same word serves to designate the totem of a phratry1 the eagle-hawk4 ,at least one of his sons is among the totems included in the phratry to which he has given1 or from which he has taken his name4#ihh ,his brother is ,pallyan1 the bat2 now this latter serves as sexual totem for the men in many tribes in ,victoria4#ihi ,we can even go farther and state more definitely the connection which these great gods have with the totemic system4 ,we have just seen that ,bunjil is the totem of a phratry4 ,daramulun1 like ,bunjil1 is an eagle-hawk1 and we know that this bird is the totem of phratries in a large number of south-eastern tribes4#iij ,we have already pointed out that ,nuralie seems to have originally been a collective term designating indistinctly either eagle-hawks or crows2 now in the tribes where this myth has been observed1 the crow is the totem of one of the two phratries1 the eagle-hawk1 that of the other4#iia ,also1 the legendary history of the great gods resembles that of the totems of the phratries very closely4 ,the myths1 and sometimes the rites1 commemorate the struggles which each of these divinities fought against a carnivorous bird1 over which it triumphed only with the greatest difficulty4 ,bunjil1 the first man1 after making the second man1 ,karween1 entered into a conflict with him1 and in the course of a sort of duel1 he wounded him severely and changed him into a crow4#iib ,the two species of ,nurtalie are represented as two hostile groups which were originally in a constant state of war4#iic ,baiame1 on his side1 had to fight against ,mullian1 the cannibal eagle-hawk1 who1 by the way1 is identical with ,daramulun4#iid ,now1 as we have seen1 there is also a sort of constitutional hostility between the totems of the phratries4 ,this parallelism completes the proof that the mythology of the great gods and that of these totems are closely related4 ,this relationship will appear still more evident if we notice that the rival of the god is regularly either a crow or an eagle-hawk1 and that these are quite generally the totems of the phratries4#iie ,so ,baiame1 ,daramulun1 ,nuralie and ,bunjil seem to be phratry-totems who have been deified2 and we may imagine that this apotheosis took place as follows4 ,it is obviously in the assemblies which take place in regard to the initiation that the conception was elaborated1 for the great gods do not play a rle of any importance except in these rites1 and are strangers to the other religious ceremonies4 ,moreover1 as the initiation is the principal form of the tribal cult1 it is only on this occasion that a tribal mythology could arise4 ,we have already seen how the rituals of circumcision and subincision spontaneously tend to personify themselves under the form of civilizing heroes4 ,however1 these heroes exercised no supremacy2 they were on the same footing as the other legendary benefactors of society4 ,but wherever the tribe acquired a livelier sentiment of itself1 this sentiment naturally incarnated itself in some personage1 who became its symbol4 ,in order to account for the bonds uniting them to one another1 no matter what clan they belonged to1 men imagined that they were all descended from the same stock and that they were all descended from a single father1 to whom they owe their existence1 though he owed his to no one4 ,the god of the initiation was predestined to this rle1 for1 according to an expression frequently coming to the lips of the natives1 the object of the initiation is to make or manufacture men4 ,so they attributed a creative power to this god1 and for all these reasons1 he found himself invested with a prestige setting him well above the other heroes of the mythology4 ,these others became his auxiliaries1 subordinate to him2 they were made his sons or younger brothers1 as was the case with ,tundun1 ,gayandi1 ,karween1 ,pallyan1 etc4 ,but other sacred beings already existed1 who occupied an equally eminent place in the religious system of the clan3 these were the totems of the phratries4 ,wherever these are maintained1 they are believed to keep the totems of the clans dependent upon them4 ,thus they had all that was necessary for becoming tribal divinities themselves4 ,so it was only natural that a partial confusion should arise between these two sorts of mythical beings2 it is thus that one of the two fundamental totems of the tribe gave his traits to the great god4 ,but as it was necessary to explain why only one of them was called to this dignity and the other excluded1 they supposed that this latter1 in the course of a fight against his rival1 was vanquished and that his exclusion was the consequence of his defeat4 ,this theory was the more readily admitted because it was in accord with the rest of the mythology1 where the totems of the phratries are generally considered enemies of one another4 ,a myth observed by ,mrs4 ,parker among the ,euahlayi#iif may serve to confirm this explanation1 for it merely translates it into figurative language4 ,it is related that in this tribe1 the totems were only the names given to the different parts of ,baiame's body at first4 ,so the clans were1 in a sense1 the fragments of the divine body4 ,now is this not just another way of saying that the great god is the synthesis of all the totems and consequently the personification of the tribal unity8 ,but at the same time1 it takes an international character4 ,in fact1 the members of the tribe to which the young initiates belong are not the only ones who assist at the ceremonies of initiation2 representatives from the neighbouring tribes are specially summoned to these celebrations1 which thus become sorts of international fairs1 at once religious and laical4#iig ,beliefs elaborated in social environments thus constituted could not remain the exclusive patrimony of any special nationality4 ,the stranger to whom they are revealed carries them back to his own tribe when he returns home2 and as1 sooner or later1 he is forced to invite his former hosts1 there is a continual exchange of ideas from tribe to tribe4 ,it is thus that an international mythology was established1 of which the great god was quite naturally the essential element1 for it had its origin in the rites of initiation which it is his function to personify4 ,so his name passed from one language to another1 along with the representations which were attached to it4 ,the fact that the names of the phratries are generally the same in very different tribes could not fail to facilitate this diffusion4 ,the internationalism of the totems opened the way for that of the great god4 ,v ,we thus reach the highest conception to which totemism has arrived4 ,this is the point where it touches and prepares the religions which are to follow1 and aids us in understanding them4 ,but at the same time1 we are able to see that this culminating idea is united without any interruption to the crudest beliefs which we analysed to start with4 ,in fact1 the great tribal god is only an ancestral spirit who finally won a pre-eminent place4 ,the ancestral spirits are only entities forged in the image of the individual souls whose origin they are destined to explain4 ,the souls1 in their turn1 are only the form taken by the impersonal forces which we found at the basis of totemism1 as they individualize themselves in the human body4 ,the unity of the system is as great as its complexity4 ,in this work of elaboration1 the idea of the soul has undoubtedly played an important part3 it is through it that the idea of personality has been introduced into the domain of religion4 ,but it is not true that1 as the theorists of animism maintain1 it contains the germ of the whole religion4 ,first of all1 it presupposes the notion of mana or the totemic principle of which it is only a special form4 ,then1 if the spirits and gods could not be conceived before the soul1 they are1 nevertheless1 more than mere human souls1 liberated by death2 else whence would come their supernatural powers8 ,the idea of the soul has merely served to direct the mythological imagination in a new way and to suggest to it constructions of a new sort4 ,but the matter for these conceptions has been taken1 not from the representation of the soul1 but from this reservoir of the anonymous and diffused forces which constitute the original foundation of religions4 ,the creation of mythical personalities has only been another way of thinking of these essential forces4 ,as for the notion of the great god1 it is due entirely to the sentiment whose action we have already observed in the genesis of the most specifically totemic beliefs3 this is the tribal sentiment4 ,in fact1 we have seen that totemism was not the work of isolated clans1 but that it was always elaborated in the body of a tribe which was to some degree conscious of its unity4 ,it is for this reason that the different cults peculiar to each clan mutually touch and complete each other in such a way as to form a unified whole4#iih ,now it is this same sentiment of a tribal unity which is expressed in the conception of a supreme god1 common to the tribe as a whole4 ,so they are quite the same causes which are active at the bottom and at the top of this religious system4 ,however1 up to the present1 we have considered the religious representations as if they were self-sufficient and could be explained by themselves4 ,but in reality1 they are inseparable from the rites1 not only because they manifest themselves there1 but also because they1 in their turn1 feel the influence of these4 ,of course the cult depends upon the beliefs1 but it also reacts upon them4 ,so in order to understand them better1 it is important to understand it better4 ,the moment has come for undertaking its study4 ,,book ,,iii ,,the ,,principal ,,ritual ,,attitudes ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,negative ,,cult ,,and ,,its ,,functions ,,the ,,ascetic ,,rites ,we do not have the intention of attempting a complete description of the primitive cult in what is to follow4 ,being preoccupied especially with reaching that which is most elementary and most fundamental in the religious life1 we shall not attempt to reconstruct in detail the frequently confused multiplicity of all the ritual forms4 ,but out of the midst of this extreme diversity of practices we should like to touch upon the most characteristic attitudes which the primitive observes in the celebration of his cult1 to classify the most general forms of his rites1 and to determine their origins and significance1 in order that we may control and1 if there is occasion1 make more definite the results to which the analysis of the beliefs has led us4#iii ,every cult presents a double aspect1 one negative1 the other positive4 ,in reality1 of course1 the two sorts of rites which we denominate thus are closely associated2 we shall see that they suppose one another4 ,but still1 they are different and1 if it is only to understand their connection1 it is necessary to distinguish them4 ,i ,by definition1 sacred beings are separated beings4 ,that which characterizes them is that there is a break of continuity between them and the profane beings4 ,normally1 the first are outside the others4 ,a whole group of rites has the object of realizing this state of separation which is essential4 ,since their function is to prevent undue mixings and to keep one of these two domains from encroaching upon the other1 they are only able to impose abstentions or negative acts4 ,therefore1 we propose to give the name negative cult to the system formed by these special rites4 ,they do not prescribe certain acts to the faithful1 but confine themselves to forbidding certain ways of acting2 so they all take the form of interdictions1 or as is commonly said by ethnographers1 of taboos4 ,this latter word is the one used in the ,polynesian languages to designate the institution in virtue of which certain things are withdrawn from common use#ajjj2 it is also an adjective expressing the distinctive characteristic of these kinds of things4 ,we have already had occasion to show how hard it is to translate a strictly local and dialectical expression like this into a generic term4 ,there is no religion where there are no interdictions and where they do not play a considerable part2 so it is regrettable that the consecrated terminology should seem to make so universal an institution into a peculiarity of ,polynesia4#ajja ,the expression interdicts or interdictions seems to us to be much more preferable4 ,however1 the word taboo1 like the word totem1 is so customary that it would show an excess of purism to prohibit it systematically2 also1 the inconveniences it may have are attenuated when its real meaning and importance have once been definitely stated4 ,but there are interdictions of different sorts which it is important to distinguish2 for we shall not have to treat all kinds of interdictions in this chapter4 ,first of all1 beside those coming from religion1 there are others which are due to magic4 ,the two have this in common1 that they declare certain things incompatible1 and prescribe the separation of the things whose incompatibility is thus proclaimed4 ,but there are also very grave differences between them4 ,in the first place1 the sanctions are not the same in the two cases4 ,of course the violation of the religious interdicts is frequently believed1 as we shall presently see1 to bring about material disorders mechanically1 from which the guilty man will suffer1 and which are regarded as a judgment on his act4 ,but even if these really come about this spontaneous and automatic judgment is not the only one2 it is always completed by another one1 supposing human intervention4 ,a real punishment is added to this1 if it does not anticipate it1 and this one is deliberately inflicted by men2 or at least there is a blame and public reprobation4 ,even when the sacrilege has been punished1 as it were1 by the sickness or natural death of its author1 it is also defamed2 it offends opinion1 which reacts against it2 it puts the man who did it in fault4 ,on the contrary1 the magic interdiction is judged only by the material consequences which the forbidden act is believed to produce1 with a sort of physical necessity4 ,in disobeying1 a man runs risks similar to those to which an invalid exposes himself in not following the advice of his physician2 but in this case disobedience is not a fault2 it creates no indignation4 ,there is no sin in magic4 ,moreover1 this difference in sanction is due to a profound difference in the nature of the interdictions4 ,the religious interdiction necessarily implies the notion of sacredness2 it comes from the respect inspired by the sacred object1 and its purpose is to keep this respect from failing4 ,on the other hand1 the interdictions of magic suppose only a wholly lay notion of property4 ,the things which the magician recommends to be kept separate are those which1 by reason of their characteristic properties1 cannot be brought together and confused without danger4 ,even if he happens to ask his clients to keep at a distance from certain sacred things1 it is not through respect for them and fear that they may be profaned1 for1 as we know1 magic lives on profanations2#ajjb it is merely for reasons of temporal utility4 ,in a word1 religious interdictions are categorical imperatives2 others are useful maxims1 the first form of hygienic and medical interdictions4 ,we cannot study two orders of facts as different as these simultaneously1 or even under the same name1 without confusion4 ,we are only concerned with the religious interdictions here4#ajjc ,but a new distinction is necessary between these latter4 ,there are religious interdictions whose object is to separate two sacred things of different species from each other4 ,for example1 it will be remembered that among the ,wakelbura the scaffold upon which the corpse is exposed must be made exclusively of materials belonging to the phratry of the dead man2 this is as much as to say that all contact between the corpse1 which is sacred1 and the things of the other phratry1 which are also sacred1 but differently1 is forbidden4 ,elsewhere1 the arms which one uses to hunt an animal with cannot be made out of a kind of wood that is classed in the same social group as the animal itself4#ajjd ,but the most important of these interdictions are the ones which we shall study in the next chapter2 they are intended to prevent all communication between the purely sacred and the impurely sacred1 between the sacredly auspicious and the sacredly inauspicious4 ,all these interdictions have one common characteristic2 they come1 not from the fact that some things are sacred while others are not1 but from the fact that there are inequalities and incompatibilities between sacred things4 ,so they do not touch what is essential in the idea of sacredness4 ,the observance of these prohibitions can give place only to isolated rites which are particular and almost exceptional2 but it could not make a real cult1 for before all1 a cult is made by regular relations between the profane and the sacred as such4 ,but there is another system of religious interdictions which is much more extended and important2 this is the one which separates1 not different species of sacred things1 but all that is sacred from all that is profane4 ,so it is derived immediately from the notion of sacredness itself1 and it limits itself to expressing and realizing this4 ,thus it furnishes the material for a veritable cult1 and even of a cult which is at the basis of all the others2 for the attitude which it prescribes is one from which the worshipper must never depart in all his relations with the sacred4 ,it is what we call the negative cult4 ,we may say that its interdicts are the religious interdicts par excellence4#ajje ,it is only these that we shall discuss in the following pages4 ,but they take multiple forms4 ,here are the principal ones which we observe in ,australia4 ,before all are the interdictions of contact2 these are the original taboos1 of which the others are scarcely more than particular varieties4 ,they rest upon the principle that the profane should never touch the sacred4 ,we have seen already that the uninitiated may not touch the churinga or the bull-roarers under any circumstances4 ,if adults are allowed the free use of them1 it is because initiation has conferred a sacred character upon them4 ,blood1 and especially that which flows during the initiation1 has a religious virtue2#ajjf it is under the same interdict4#ajjg ,it is the same with the hair4#ajjh ,a dead man is sacred because the soul which animated the body stays with the corpse2 for this reason it is sometimes forbidden to carry the bones of a dead man about unless they are wrapped up in a piece of bark4#ajji ,even the place where the death took place should be avoided1 for they believe that the soul of the dead man continues to haunt the spot4 ,that is why they break camp and move some distance away2#ajaj in certain cases they destroy it along with everything it contains1#ajaa and a certain time must elapse before they can come back to the same place4#ajab ,thus it comes about that a dying man creates an empty space about him2 they abandon him after they have installed him as comfortably as possible4#ajac ,an exceptionally intimate contact is the one resulting from the absorption of food4 ,hence comes the interdiction against eating the sacred animals or vegetables1 and especially those serving as totems4#ajad ,such an act appears so very sacrilegious that the prohibition covers even adults1 or at least1 the majority of them2 only the old men attain a sufficient religious dignity to escape this interdict sometimes4 ,this prohibition has sometimes been explained by the mythical kinship uniting the man to the animals whose name he bears2 they are protected by the sentiment of sympathy which they inspire by their position as kin4#ajae ,but the fact that the consumption of the forbidden flesh is believed to cause sickness or death automatically shows that this interdiction does not have its origin in the simple revolt of the feeling of domestic relationship4 ,forces of another sort are in action which are analogous to those in all religions and which are believed to react against sacrileges4 ,moreover1 if certain foods are forbidden to the profane because they are sacred1 certain others1 on the contrary1 are forbidden to persons of a sacred character1 because they are profane4 ,thus it frequently happens that certain animals are specially designated as the food of women2 for this reason1 they believe that they partake of a feminine nature and that they are consequently profane4 ,on the other hand1 the young initiate is submitted to a series of rites of particular severity2 to give him the virtues which will enable him to enter into the world of sacred things1 from which he had up till then been excluded1 they centre an exceptionally powerful group of religious forces upon him4 ,thus he enters into a state of sanctity which keeps all that is profane at a distance4 ,then he is not allowed to eat the game which is regarded as the special food of women4#ajaf ,but contact may be established by other means than the touch4 ,one comes into relations with a thing by merely regarding it3 a look is a means of contact4 ,this is why the sight of sacred things is forbidden to the profane in certain cases4 ,a woman should never see the instruments of the cult2 the most that is permitted her is to catch a glimpse of them from afar4#ajag ,it is the same with the totemic paintings executed on the bodies of the officiants in the exceptionally important ceremonies4#ajah ,the exceptional solemnity of the rites of initiation prevents the women in certain tribes from seeing the place where they were celebrated#ajai or even the neophyte himself4#ajbj ,the sacred character which is imminent in the ceremony as a whole is naturally found in the persons of those who directed it or took some part in it2 the result of this is that the novice may not raise his eyes to them1 and this interdiction continues even after the rite is accomplished4#ajba ,a dead man is also removed from view sometimes3 his face is covered over in such a way that it cannot be seen4#ajbb ,the word is another way of entering into relations with persons or things4 ,the breath expired establishes a communication2 this is a part of us which spreads outwards4 ,thus it is forbidden to the profane to address the sacred beings or simply to speak in their presence4 ,just as the neophyte must not regard either the operators or the assistants1 so it is forbidden to him to converse with them except by signs2 and this interdiction keeps the place to which it has been raised1 by means of a special rite4#ajbc ,in a general way1 there are1 among the ,arunta1 moments in the course of the great ceremonies when silence is obligatory4#ajbd ,as soon as the churinga are exposed1 every one keeps still1 or if someone talks1 he does so in a low voice or with his lips only4#ajbe ,besides the sacred things1 there are words and sounds which have the same character2 they should not pass the lips of the profane or enter their ears4 ,there are ritual songs which women must not hear under pain of death4#ajbf ,they may hear the noise of the bull-roarers1 but only from a distance4 ,every proper name is considered an essential element of the person who bears it2 being closely associated in the mind to the idea of this person1 it participates in the sentiments which this latter inspires4 ,so if the one is sacred1 the other is4 ,therefore1 it may not be pronounced in the course of the profane life4 ,among the ,warramunga there is one totem which is particularly venerated1 this is the snake called ,wollunqua2 its name is taboo4#ajbg ,it is the same with ,baiame1 ,daramulun and ,bunjil2 the esoteric form of their name must not be revealed to the uninitiate4#ajbh ,during mourning1 the name of the dead man must not be mentioned1 at least by his parents1 except when there is an absolute necessity1 and even in this case it must be whispered4#ajbi ,this interdiction is frequently perpetual for the widow and certain relatives4#ajcj ,among certain peoples1 this even extends beyond the family2 all the individuals whose name is the same as that of the dead man must change theirs temporarily4#ajca ,but there is more than this3 the relatives and intimate friends sometimes abstain from certain words in the usual language1 undoubtedly because they were employed by the dead man2 these gaps are filled in by means of periphrases or words taken from some foreign dialects4#ajcb ,in addition to their public and everyday names all men have another which is kept a secret3 the women and children do not know it2 it is never used in the ordinary life4 ,this is because it has a religious character4#ajcc ,there are even ceremonies during which it is necessary to speak a special language which must not be used for profane purposes4 ,it is the beginning of a sacred language4#ajcd ,not only are the sacred beings separated from the profane1 but also nothing which either directly or indirectly concerns the profane life should be confused with the religious life4 ,complete nudity is frequently demanded of the native as a prerequisite to being admitted to participation in the rites2#ajce he is required to strip himself of all his habitual ornaments1 even those to which he is the most attached1 and from which he separates himself the least willingly because of the protecting virtues he attributes to them4#ajcf ,if he is obliged to decorate himself to play his part in the ritual1 this decoration has to be made specially for the occasion2 it is a ceremonial costume1 a gala dress4#ajcg ,as these ornaments are sacred1 owing to the use made of them1 he is forbidden to use them in profane affairs2 when the ceremony is finished1 they are buried or burnt2#ajch the men must even wash themselves in such a way as to carry away with them no trace of the decorations with which they were adorned4#ajci ,in general1 all acts characteristic of the ordinary life are forbidden while those of the religious life are taking place4 ,the act of eating is1 of itself1 profane2 for it takes place every day1 it satisfies essentially utilitarian and material needs and it is a part of our ordinary existence4#ajdj ,this is why it is prohibited in religious times4 ,when one totemic group has loaned its churinga to a foreign clan1 it is an exceptionally solemn moment when they are brought back and put into the ertnatulunga2 all those who take part in the ceremony must fast as long as it lasts1 and it lasts a long time4#ajda ,the same rule is observed during the rites1#ajdb of which we shall speak in the next chapter1 as well as at certain moments of the initiation4#ajdc ,for this same reason1 all temporal occupations are suspended while the great religious solemnities are taking place4 ,according to a remark of ,spencer and ,gillen1#ajdd which we have already had occasion to cite1 the life of the ,australian is divided into two very distinct parts3 the one is devoted to hunting1 fishing and warfare2 the other is consecrated to the cult1 and these two forms of activity mutually exclude and repel one another4 ,it is on this principle that the universal institution of religious days of rest reposes4 ,the distinctive character of the feast-days in all known religions is the cessation of work and the suspension of public and private life1 in so far as it does not have a religious objective4 ,this repose is not merely a sort of temporary relaxation which men have given themselves in order to give themselves up more freely to the sentiments of joy ordinarily awakened by the feast-days2 for they are sad feasts1 consecrated to mourning and repentance1 and during which this cessation is no less obligatory4 ,this is because work is an eminent form of profane activity3 it has no other apparent end than to provide for the temporal necessities of life2 it puts us in relations with ordinary things only4 ,on feast days1 on the contrary1 the religious life attains an exceptional degree of intensity4 ,so the contrast between the two forms of existence is especially marked at this moment2 consequently1 they cannot remain near to each other4 ,a man cannot approach his god intimately while he still bears on him marks of his profane life2 inversely1 he cannot return to his usual occupations when a rite has just sanctified him4 ,so the ritual day of rest is only one particular case of the general incompatibility separating the sacred from the profane2 it is the result of an interdiction4 ,it would be impossible to enumerate here all the different interdictions which have been observed1 even in the ,australian religions alone4 ,like the notion of sacredness upon which it rests1 the system of interdicts extends into the most diverse relations2 it is even used deliberately for utilitarian ends4#ajde ,but howsoever complex it may be1 it finally rests upon two fundamental interdictions1 which summarize it and dominate it4 ,in the first place1 the religious life and the profane life cannot coexist in the same place4 ,if the former is to develop1 a special spot must be placed at its disposition1 from which the second is excluded4 ,hence comes the founding of temples and sanctuaries3 these are the spots awarded to sacred beings and things and serve them as residences1 for they cannot establish themselves in any place except on the condition of entirely appropriating to themselves all within a certain distance4 ,such arrangements are so indispensable to all religious life that even the most inferior religions cannot do without them4 ,the ertnatulunga1 the spot where the churinga are deposited1 is a veritable sanctuary4 ,so the uninitiated are not allowed to approach it4 ,it is even forbidden to carry on any profane occupation whatsoever there4 ,as we shall presently see1 there are other holy places where important ceremonies are celebrated4#ajdf ,likewise1 the religious life and the profane life cannot coexist in the same unit of time4 ,it is necessary to assign determined days or periods to the first1 from which all profane occupations are excluded4 ,thus feast days are born4 ,there is no religion1 and1 consequently1 no society which has not known and practised this division of time into two distinct parts1 alternating with one another according to a law varying with the peoples and the civilizations2 as we have already pointed out1 it was probably the necessity of this alternation which led men to introduce into the continuity and homogeneity of duration1 certain distinctions and differentiations which it does not naturally have4#ajdg ,of course1 it is almost impossible that the religious life should ever succeed in concentrating itself hermetically in the places and times which are thus attributed to it2 it is inevitable that a little of it should filter out4 ,there are always some sacred things outside the sanctuaries2 there are some rites that can be celebrated on work-days4 ,but these are sacred things of the second rank and rites of a lesser importance4 ,concentration remains the dominating characteristic of this organization4 ,generally this concentration is complete for all that concerns the public cult1 which cannot be celebrated except in common4 ,the individual1 private cult is the only one which comes very near to the temporal life4 ,thus the contrast between these two successive phases of human life attains its maximum of intensity in the inferior societies2 for it is there that the individual cult is the most rudimentary4#ajdh ,,ii ,up to the present1 the negative cult has been presented to us only as a system of abstentions4 ,so it seems to serve only to inhibit activity1 and not to stimulate it or to modify it4 ,and yet1 as an unexpected reaction to this inhibitive effect1 it is found to exercise a positive action of the highest importance over the religious and moral nature of the individual4 ,in fact1 owing to the barrier which separates the sacred from the profane1 a man cannot enter into intimate relations with sacred things except after ridding himself of all that is profane in him4 ,he cannot lead a religious life of even a slight intensity unless he commences by withdrawing more or less completely from the temporal life4 ,so the negative cult is in one sense a means in view of an end3 it is a condition of access to the positive cult4 ,it does not confine itself to protecting sacred beings from vulgar contact2 it acts upon the worshipper himself and modifies his condition positively4 ,the man who has submitted himself to its prescribed interdictions is not the same afterwards as he was before4 ,before1 he was an ordinary being who1 for this reason1 had to keep at a distance from the religious forces4 ,afterwards1 he is on a more equal footing with them2 he has approached the sacred by the very act of leaving the profane2 he has purified and sanctified himself by the very act of detaching himself from the base and trivial matters that debased his nature4 ,so the negative rites confer efficient powers just as well as the positive ones2 the first1 like the second1 can serve to elevate the religious tone of the individual4 ,according to a very true remark which has been made1 no one can engage in a religious ceremony of any importance without first submitting himself to a sort of preliminary initiation which introduces him progressively into the sacred world4#ajdi ,unctions1 lustrations1 benedictions or any essentially positive operation may be used for this purpose2 but the same result may be attained by means of fasts and vigils or retreat and silence1 that is to say1 by ritual abstinences1 which are nothing more than certain interdictions put into practice4 ,when there are only particular and isolated negative rites1 their positive action is generally too slight to be easily perceptible4 ,but there are circumstances when a whole system of interdictions is concentrated on one man2 in these cases1 their effects accumulate1 and thus become more manifest4 ,this takes place in ,australia at the time of the initiation4 ,the neophyte is submitted to a great variety of negative rites4 ,he must withdraw from the society in which his existence has been passed up till then1 and from almost all human society4 ,not only is it forbidden for him to see women and uninitiated persons1#ajej but he also goes to live in the brush1 far from his fellows1 under the direction of some old men who serve him as godfathers4#ajea ,so very true is it that the forest is considered his natural environment1 that in a certain number of tribes1 the word with which the initiation is designated signifies that which is from the forest4#ajeb ,for this same reason1 he is frequently decorated with leaves during the ceremonies at which he assists4#ajec ,in this way he passes long months1#ajed interspersed from time to time with rites in which he must take a part4 ,this time is a period of all sorts of abstinences for him4 ,a multitude of foods are forbidden him2 he is allowed only that quantity of food which is absolutely indispensable for the maintenance of life2#ajee he is even sometimes bound to a rigorous fast1#ajef or must eat impure foods4#ajeg ,when he eats1 he must not touch the food with his hands2 his godfathers put it into his mouth for him4#ajeh ,in some cases1 he must go to beg his food4#ajei ,likewise1 he sleeps only as much as is indispensable4#ajfj ,he must abstain from talking1 to the extent of not uttering a word2 it is by signs that he makes known his needs4#ajfa ,he must not wash2#ajfb sometimes he must not move4 ,he remains stretched out upon the earth1 immobile#ajfc and without clothing of any sort4#ajfd ,now the result of the numerous interdictions is to bring about a radical change of condition in the initiate4 ,before the initiation1 he lived with the women2 he was excluded from the cult4 ,after it1 he is admitted to the society of men2 he takes part in the rites1 and has acquired a sacred character4 ,the metamorphosis is so complete that it is sometimes represented as a second birth4 ,they imagine that the profane person1 who was the young man up till then1 has died1 that he has been killed and carried away by the god of the initiation1 ,bunjil1 ,baiame or ,daramulun1 and that quite another individual has taken the place of the one that no longer is4#ajfe ,so here we find the very heart of the positive effects of which negative rites are capable4 ,of course we do not mean to say that these latter produced this great transformation all by themselves2 but they certainly contributed to it1 and largely4 ,in the light of these facts1 we are able to understand what asceticism is1 what place it occupies in the religious life and whence come the virtues which have generally been attributed to it4 ,in fact1 there is no interdict1 the observance of which does not have an ascetic character to a certain degree4 ,abstaining from something which may be useful or from a form of activity which1 since it is usual1 should answer to some human need1 is1 of necessity1 imposing constraints and renunciations4 ,so in order to have real asceticism1 it is sufficient for these practices to develop in such a way as to become the basis of a veritable scheme of life4 ,normally1 the negative cult serves only as an introduction and preparation for the positive cult4 ,but it sometimes happens that it frees itself from this subordination and passes to the first place1 and that the system of interdicts swells and exaggerates itself to the point of usurping the entire existence4 ,thus a systematic asceticism is born which is consequently nothing more than a hypertrophy of the negative cult4 ,the special virtues which it is believed to confer are only an amplified form of those conferred1 to a lesser degree1 by the practice of any interdiction4 ,they have the same origin2 for they both rest on the principle that a man sanctifies himself only by efforts made to separate himself from the profane4 ,the pure ascetic is a man who raises himself above men and acquires a special sanctity by fasts and vigils1 by retreat and silence1 or in a word1 by privations1 rather than by acts of positive piety 7offerings1 sacrifices1 prayers1 etc474 ,history shows to what a high religious prestige one may attain by this method3 the ,buddhist saint is essentially an ascetic1 and he is equal or superior to the gods4 ,it follows that asceticism is not a rare1 exceptional and nearly abnormal fruit of the religious life1 as some have supposed it to be2 on the contrary1 it is one of its essential elements4 ,every religion contains it1 at least in germ1 for there are none in which a system of interdicts is not found4 ,their only difference in this regard which there may be between cults is that this germ is more or less developed in different ones4 ,it should also be added that there probably is not a single one in which this development does not take1 at least temporarily1 the characteristic traits of real asceticism4 ,this is what generally takes place at certain critical periods when1 for a relatively short time1 it is necessary to bring about a grave change of condition in a subject4 ,then1 in order to introduce him more rapidly into the circle of sacred things with which he must be put in contact1 he is separated violently from the profane world2 but this does not come without many abstinences and an exceptional recrudescence of the system of interdicts4 ,now this is just what happens in ,australia at the moment of initiation4 ,in order to transform youths into men1 it is necessary to make them live the life of a veritable ascetic4 ,mrs4 ,parker very justly calls them the monks of ,baiame4#ajff ,but abstinences and privations do not come without suffering4 ,we hold to the profane world by all the fibres of our flesh2 our senses attach us to it2 our life depends upon it4 ,it is not merely the natural theatre of our activity2 it penetrates us from every side2 it is a part of ourselves4 ,so we cannot detach ourselves from it without doing violence to our nature and without painfully wounding our instincts4 ,in other words1 the negative cult cannot develop without causing suffering4 ,pain is one of its necessary conditions4 ,some have been led to think of it as constituting a sort of rite in itself2 they have seen in it a state of grace which is to be sought and aroused1 even artificially1 because of the powers and privileges which it confers in the same way as these systems of interdicts1 of which it is the natural accompaniment4 ,so far as we know1 ,preuss is the first who has realized the religious rle#ajfg which is attributed to suffering in the inferior societies4 ,he cites the case of the ,arapahs who inflict veritable torments upon themselves in order to become immune from the dangers of battle2 of the ,big ,belly ,indians who submit to actual tortures on the eve of military expeditions2 of the ,hupa who swim in icy rivers and then remain stretched out on the bank as long as possible1 in order to assure themselves of success in their enterprises2 of the ,karaya who from time to time draw blood from their arms and legs by means of scratches made out of the teeth of fish1 in order to strengthen their muscles2 of the men of ,dallmannhafen 7,emperor ,william's ,land in ,new ,guinea7 who combat the sterility of their women by making bloody incisions in the upper part of their thighs4#ajfh ,but similar facts may be found without leaving ,australia1 especially in the course of the initiation ceremonies4 ,many of the rites practised on this occasion consist in systematically inflicting certain pains on the neophyte in order to modify his condition and to make him acquire the qualities characteristic of a man4 ,thus1 among the ,larakia1 while the young men are in retreat in the forest1 their godfathers and guardians give them violent blows at any instant1 without warning and without cause4#ajfi ,among the ,urabunna1 at a certain time1 the novice is stretched out on the ground1 his face against the earth4 ,all the men present beat him rudely2 then they make four or eight gashes on his back1 arranged on each side of the dorsal spine and one on the meridial line of the nape of his neck4#ajgj ,among the ,arunta1 the first rite of the initiation consists in tossing the subject in a blanket2 the men throw him into the air and catch him when he comes down1 to throw him up again4#ajga ,in the same tribe1 at the close of this long series of ceremonies1 the young man lies down on a bed of leaves under which they have placed live coals2 he remains there1 immobile in the midst of the heat and suffocating smoke4#ajgb ,a similar rite is observed among the ,urabunna2 but in addition1 while the patient is in this painful situation1 they beat him on the back4#ajgc ,in a general way1 all the exercises to which he is submitted have this same character to such an extent that when he is allowed to re-enter the ordinary life1 he has a pitiful aspect and appears half stupefied4#ajgd ,it is true that all these practices are frequently represented as ordeals destined to prove the value of the neophyte and to show whether he is worthy of being admitted into the religious society or not4#ajge ,but in reality1 the probational function of the rite is only another aspect of its efficacy4 ,for the fact that it has been undergone is proved by its producing its effect1 that is to say1 by its conferring the qualities which are the original reason for its existence4 ,in other cases1 these ritual cruelties are executed1 not on the organism as a whole1 but on a particular organ or tissue1 whose vitality it is their object to stimulate4 ,thus1 among the ,arunta1 the ,warramunga and many other tribes1#ajgf at a certain moment in the initiation1 certain persons are charged with biting the novice severely in the scalp4 ,this operation is so painful that the patient can hardly support it without uttering cries4 ,its object is to make the hair grow4#ajgg ,the same treatment is applied to make the beard grow4 ,the rite of pulling out hairs1 which ,howitt mentions in other tribes1 seems to have the same reason for existence4#ajgh ,according to ,eylmann1 the men and women of the ,arunta and the ,kaitish make small wounds on their arms with sticks red with fire1 in order to become skilful in making fire or to acquire the strength necessary for carrying heavy loads of wood4#ajgi ,according to this same observer1 the ,warramunga girls amputate the second and third joints of the index finger on one hand1 thinking that the finger thus becomes better fitted for finding yams4#ajhj ,it is not impossible that the extraction of teeth was sometimes destined to produce effects of this sort4 ,in any case1 it is certain that the cruel rites of circumcision and subincision have the object of conferring particular powers on the genital organs4 ,in fact1 the young man is not allowed to marry until after he has undergone them2 so he owes them special virtues4 ,what makes this initiation sui generis indispensable is that in all inferior societies1 the union of the sexes is marked with a religious character4 ,it is believed to put redoubtable forces into play which a man cannot approach without danger1 until after he has acquired the necessary immunity1 by ritual processes3#ajha for this1 a whole series of positive and negative practices is used1 of which circumcision and subincision are the forerunners4 ,by painfully mutilating an organ1 a sacred character is given to it1 since by that act1 it is put into shape for resisting the equally sacred forces which it could not meet otherwise4 ,at the beginning of this work1 we said that all the essential elements of religious thought and life ought to be found1 at least in germ1 in the most primitive religions3 the preceding facts confirm this assertion4 ,if there is any one belief which is believed to be peculiar to the most recent and idealistic religions1 it is the one attributing a sanctifying power to sorrow4 ,now this same belief is at the basis of the rites which have just been observed4 ,of course1 it is understood differently at the different moments of history when it is studied4 ,for the ,christian1 it acts especially upon the soul3 it purges it1 ennobles it1 spiritualizes it4 ,for the ,australian1 it is the body over which it is efficient3 it increases its vital energies2 it makes its beard and hair grow2 it toughens its members4 ,but in both cases the principle is the same4 ,in both it is admitted that suffering creates exceptional strength4 ,and this belief is not without foundation4 ,in fact1 it is by the way in which he braves suffering that the greatness of a man is best manifested4 ,he never rises above himself with more brilliancy than when he subdues his own nature to the point of making it follow a way contrary to the one it would spontaneously take4 ,by this1 he distinguishes himself from all the other creatures who follow blindly wherever pleasure calls them2 by this1 he makes a place apart for himself in the world4 ,suffering is the sign that certain of the bonds attaching him to his profane environment are broken2 so it testifies that he is partially freed from this environment1 and1 consequently1 it is justly considered the instrument of deliverance4 ,so he who is thus delivered is not the victim of a pure illusion when he believes himself invested with a sort of mastery over things3 he really has raised himself above them1 by the very act of renouncing them2 he is stronger than nature1 because he makes it subside4 ,moreover1 it is by no means true that this virtue has only an sthetic value3 the whole religious life supposes it4 ,sacrifices and privations do not come without privations which cost the worshipper dear4 ,even if the rites do not demand material gifts from him1 they require his time and his strength4 ,in order to serve his gods1 he must forget himself2 to make for them a fitting place in his own life1 he must sacrifice his profane interests4 ,the positive cult is possible only when a man is trained to renouncement1 to abnegation1 to detachment from self1 and consequently to suffering4 ,it is necessary that he have no dread of them3 he cannot even fulfil his duties joyfully unless he loves them to some extent4 ,but for that1 it is necessary that he train himself1 and it is to this that the ascetic practices tend4 ,so the suffering which they impose is not arbitrary and sterile cruelty2 it is a necessary school1 where men form and temper themselves1 and acquire the qualities of disinterestedness and endurance without which there would be no religion4 ,if this result is to be obtained1 it is even a good thing that the ascetic ideal be incarnated eminently in certain persons1 whose speciality1 so to speak1 it is to represent1 almost with excess1 this aspect of the ritual life2 for they are like so many living models1 inciting to effort4 ,such is the historic rle of the great ascetics4 ,when their deeds and acts are analysed in detail1 one asks himself what useful end they can have4 ,he is struck by the fact that there is something excessive in the disdain they profess for all that ordinarily impassions men4 ,but these exaggerations are necessary to sustain among the believers a sufficient disgust for an easy life and common pleasures4 ,it is necessary that an elite put the end too high1 if the crowd is not to put it too low4 ,it is necessary that some exaggerate1 if the average is to remain at a fitting level4 ,but asceticism does not serve religious ends only4 ,here1 as elsewhere1 religious interests are only the symbolic form of social and moral interests4 ,the ideal beings to whom the cults are addressed are not the only ones who demand of their followers a certain disdain for suffering3 society itself is possible only at this price4 ,though exalting the strength of man1 it is frequently rude to individuals2 it necessarily demands perpetual sacrifices from them2 it is constantly doing violence to our natural appetites1 just because it raises us above ourselves4 ,if we are going to fulfil our duties towards it1 then we must be prepared to do violence to our instincts sometimes and to ascend the decline of nature when it is necessary4 ,so there is an asceticism which1 being inherent in all social life1 is destined to survive all the mythologies and all the dogmas2 it is an integral part of all human culture4 ,at bottom1 this is the asceticism which is the reason for the existence of and the justification of that which has been taught by the religions of all times4 ,,iii ,having determined what the system of interdicts consists in and what its positive and negative functions are1 we must now seek the causes which have given it birth4 ,in one sense1 it is logically implied in the very notion of sacredness4 ,all that is sacred is the object of respect1 and every sentiment of respect is translated1 in him who feels it1 by movements of inhibition4 ,in fact1 a respected being is always expressed in the consciousness by a representation which1 owing to the emotion it inspires1 is charged with a high mental energy2 consequently1 it is armed in such a way as to reject to a distance every other representation which denies it in whole or in part4 ,now the sacred world and the profane world are antagonistic to each other4 ,they correspond to two forms of life which mutually exclude one another1 or which at least cannot be lived at the same time with the same intensity4 ,we cannot give ourselves up entirely to the ideal beings to whom the cult is addressed and also to ourselves and our own interests at the same time2 we cannot devote ourselves entirely to the group and entirely to our own egoism at once4 ,here there are two systems of conscious states which are directed and which direct our conduct towards opposite poles4 ,so the one having the greater power of action should tend to exclude the other from the consciousness4 ,when we think of holy things1 the idea of a profane object cannot enter the mind without encountering grave resistance2 something within us opposes itself to its installation4 ,this is because the representation of a sacred thing does not tolerate neighbours4 ,but this psychic antagonism and this mutual exclusion of ideas should naturally result in the exclusion of the corresponding things4 ,if the ideas are not to coexist1 the things must not touch each other or have any sort of relations4 ,this is the very principle of the interdict4 ,moreover1 the world of sacred things is1 by definition1 a world apart4 ,since it is opposed to the profane world by all the characteristics we have mentioned1 it must be treated in its own peculiar way3 it would be a misunderstanding of its nature and a confusion of it with something that it is not1 to make use of the gestures1 language and attitudes which we employ in our relations with ordinary things1 when we have to do with the things that compose it4 ,we may handle the former freely2 we speak freely to vulgar beings2 so we do not touch the sacred beings1 or we touch them only with reserve2 we do not speak in their presence1 or we do not speak the common language there4 ,all that is used in our commerce with the one must be excluded from our commerce with the other4 ,but if this explanation is not inexact1 it is1 nevertheless1 insufficient4 ,in fact1 there are many beings which are the objects of respect without being protected by systems of rigorous interdictions such as those we have just described4 ,of course there is a general tendency of the mind to localize different things in different places1 especially when they are incompatible with each other4 ,but the profane environment and the sacred one are not merely distinct1 but they are also closed to one another2 between them there is an abyss4 ,so there ought to be some particular reason in the nature of sacred things1 which causes this exceptional isolation and mutual exclusion4 ,and1 in fact1 by a sort of contradiction1 the sacred world is inclined1 as it were1 to spread itself into this same profane world which it excludes elsewhere3 at the same time that it repels it1 it tends to flow into it as soon as it approaches4 ,this is why it is necessary to keep them at a distance from one another and to create a sort of vacuum between them4 ,what makes these precautions necessary is the extraordinary contagiousness of a sacred character4 ,far from being attached to the things which are marked with it1 it is endowed with a sort of elusiveness4 ,even the most superficial or roundabout contact is sufficient to enable it to spread from one object to another4 ,religious forces are represented in the mind in such a way that they always seem ready to escape from the points where they reside and to enter everything passing within their range4 ,the nanja tree where the spirit of an ancestor lives is sacred for the individual who considers himself the reincarnation of this ancestor4 ,but every bird which alights upon this tree participates in this same nature3 it is also forbidden to touch it4#ajhb ,we have already had occasion to show how simple contact with a churinga is enough to sanctify men and things2#ajhc it is also upon this principle of the contagiousness of sacredness that all the rites of consecration repose4 ,the sanctity of the churinga is so great that its action is even felt at a distance4 ,it will be remembered how this extends not only to the cave where they are kept1 but also to the whole surrounding district1 to the animals who take refuge there1 whom it is forbidden to kill1 and to the plants which grow there1 which must not be touched4#ajhd ,a snake totem has its centre at a place where there is a water-hole4 ,the sacred character of the totem is communicated to this place1 to the water-hole and even to the water itself1 which is forbidden to all the members of the totemic group4#ajhe ,the initiate lives in an atmosphere charged with religiousness1 and it is as though he were impregnated with it himself4#ajhf ,consequently all that he possesses and all that he touches is forbidden to the women1 and withdrawn from their contact1 even down to the bird he has struck with his stick1 the kangaroo he has pierced with his lance or the fish which has bit on his hook4#ajhg ,but1 on the other hand1 the rites to which he is submitted and the things which have a part in them have a sanctity superior to his own3 this sanctity is contagiously transmitted to everything which evokes the idea of one or the other4 ,the tooth which has been knocked out of him is considered very holy4#ajhh ,for this reason1 he may not eat animals with prominent teeth1 because they make him think of his own lost tooth4 ,the ceremonies of the ,kuringal terminate with a ritual washing2#ajhi acquatic birds are forbidden to the neophyte because they make him think of this rite4 ,animals that climb to the tops of trees are equally sacred for him1 because they are too near to ,daramulun1 the god of the initiation1 who lives in heaven4#ajij ,the soul of a dead man is a sacred thing3 we have already seen how this same property passes to the corpse in which the soul resided1 to the spot where this is buried1 to the camp in which he lived when alive1 and which is either destroyed or quitted1 to the name he bore1 to his wife and to his relations4#ajia ,they1 too1 are invested1 as it were1 with a sacred character2 consequently1 men keep at a distance from them2 they do not treat them as mere profane beings4 ,in the societies observed by ,dawson1 their names1 like that of the dead man1 cannot be pronounced during the period of mourning4#ajib ,certain animals which he ate may also be prohibited4#ajic ,this contagiousness of sacredness is too well known a phenomenon#ajid to require any proof of its existence from numerous examples2 we only wish to show that it is as true in totemism as in the more advanced religions4 ,when once established1 it quickly explains the extreme rigour of the interdicts separating the sacred from the profane4 ,since1 in virtue of this extraordinary power of expansion1 the slightest contact1 the least proximity1 either material or simply moral1 suffices to draw religious forces out of their domain1 and since1 on the other hand1 they cannot leave it without contradicting their nature1 a whole system of measures is indispensable for maintaining the two worlds at a respectful distance from one another4 ,this is why it is forbidden to the profane1 not only to touch1 but even to see or hear that which is sacred1 and why these two sorts of life cannot be mixed in their consciousnesses4 ,precautions are necessary to keep them apart because1 though opposing one another1 they tend to confuse themselves into one another4 ,when we understand the multiplicity of these interdicts we also understand the way in which they operate and the sanctions which are attached to them4 ,owing to the contagiousness inherent in all that is sacred1 a profane being cannot violate an interdict without having the religious force1 to which he has unduly approached1 extend itself over him and establish its empire over him4 ,but as there is an antagonism between them1 he becomes dependent upon a hostile power1 whose hostility cannot fail to manifest itself in the form of violent reactions which tend to destroy him4 ,this is why sickness or death are considered the natural consequences of every transgression of this sort2 and they are consequences which are believed to come by themselves1 with a sort of physical necessity4 ,the guilty man feels himself attacked by a force which dominates him and against which he is powerless4 ,has he eaten the totemic animal8 ,then he feels it penetrating him and gnawing at his vitals2 he lies down on the ground and awaits death4#ajie ,every profanation implies a consecration1 but one which is dreadful1 both for the subject consecrated and for those who approach him4 ,it is the consequences of this consecration which sanction1 in part1 the interdict4#ajif ,it should be noticed that this explanation of the interdicts does not depend upon the variable symbols by the aid of which religious forces are conceived4 ,it matters little whether these are conceived as anonymous and impersonal energies or figured as personalities endowed with consciousness and feeling4 ,in the former case1 of course1 they are believed to react against profaning transgressions in an automatic and unconscious manner1 while in the latter case1 they are thought to obey passionate movements determined by the offence resented4 ,but at bottom1 these two conceptions1 which1 moreover1 have the same practical effect1 only express one and the same psychic mechanism in two different languages4 ,the basis of both is the antagonism of the sacred and the profane1 combined with the remarkable aptitude of the former for spreading over to the latter2 now this antagonism and this contagiousness act in the same way1 whether the sacred character is attributed to blind forces or to conscious ones4 ,thus1 so far is it from being true that the real religious life commences only where there are mythical personalities1 that we see that in this case the rite remains the same1 whether the religious beings are personified or not4 ,this is a statement which we shall have occasion to repeat in each of the chapters which follow4 ,,iv ,but if this contagiousness of sacredness helps to explain the system of interdicts1 how is it to be explained itself8 ,some have tried to explain it with the well-known laws of the association of ideas4 ,the sentiments inspired in us by a person or a thing spread contagiously from the idea of this thing or person to the representations associated with it1 and thence to the objects which these representations express4 ,so the respect which we have for a sacred being is communicated to everything touching this being1 or resembling it1 or recalling it4 ,of course a cultivated man is not deceived by these associations2 he knows that these derived emotions are due to mere plays of the images and to entirely mental combinations1 so he does not give way to the superstitions which these illusions tend to bring about4 ,but they say that the primitive navely objectifies his impressions1 without criticising them4 ,does something inspire a reverential fear in him8 ,he concludes that an august and redoubtable force really resides in it2 so he keeps at a distance from this thing and treats it as though it were sacred1 even though it has no right to this title4#ajig ,but whoever says this forgets that the most primitive religions are not the only ones which have attributed this power of propagation to the sacred character4 ,even in the most recent cults1 there is a group of rites which repose upon this principle4 ,does not every consecration by means of anointing or washing consist in transferring into a profane object the sanctifying virtues of a sacred one8 ,yet it is difficult to regard an enlightened ,catholic of to-day as a sort of retarded savage who continues to be deceived by his associations of ideas1 while nothing in the nature of things explains or justifies these ways of thinking4 ,moreover1 it is quite arbitrarily that they attribute to the primitive this tendency to objectify blindly all his emotions4 ,in his ordinary life1 and in the details of his lay occupations1 he does not impute the properties of one thing to its neighbours1 or vice versa4 ,if he is less careful than we are about clarity and distinction1 still it is far from true that he has some vague1 deplorable aptitude for jumbling and confusing everything4 ,religious thought alone has a marked leaning towards these sorts of confusions4 ,so it is in something special to the nature of religious things1 and not in the general laws of the human intelligence1 that the origin of these predispositions is to be sought4 ,when a force or property seems to be an integral part or constituent element of the subject in which it resides1 we cannot easily imagine its detaching itself and going elsewhere4 ,a body is defined by its mass and its atomic composition2 so we do not think that it could communicate any of these distinctive characteristics by means of contact4 ,but1 on the other hand1 if we are dealing with a force which has penetrated the body from without1 since nothing attaches it there and since it is foreign to the body1 there is nothing inconceivable in its escaping again4 ,thus the heat or electricity which a body has received from some external source may be transmitted to the surrounding medium1 and the mind readily accepts the possibility of this transmission4 ,so the extreme facility with which religious forces spread out and diffuse themselves has nothing surprising about it1 if they are generally thought of as outside of the beings in which they reside4 ,now this is just what the theory we have proposed implies4 ,in fact1 they are only collective forces hypostatized1 that is to say1 moral forces2 they are made up of the ideas and sentiments awakened in us by the spectacle of society1 and not of sensations coming from the physical world4 ,so they are not homogeneous with the visible things among which we place them4 ,they may well take from these things the outward and material forms in which they are represented1 but they owe none of their efficacy to them4 ,they are not united by external bonds to the different supports upon which they alight2 they have no roots there2 according to an expression we have already used#ajih and which serves best for characterizing them1 they are added to them4 ,so there are no objects which are predestined to receive them1 to the exclusion of all others2 even the most insignificant and vulgar may do so2 accidental circumstances decide which are the chosen ones4 ,the terms in which ,codrington speaks of the mana should be borne in mind3 it is a force1 he says1 which is not fixed in anything and can be conveyed in almost anything4#ajii ,likewise1 the ,dakota of ,miss ,fletcher represented the wakan as a sort of surrounding force which is always coming and going through the world1 alighting here and there1 but definitely fixing itself nowhere4#aajj ,even the religious character inherent in men does not have a different character4 ,there is certainly no other being in the world of experience which is closer to the very source of all religious life2 none participates in it more directly1 for it is in human consciousnesses that it is elaborated4 ,yet we know that the religious principle animating men1 to wit1 the soul1 is partially external4 ,but if religious forces have a place of their own nowhere1 their mobility is easily explained4 ,since nothing attaches them to the things in which we localize them1 it is natural that they should escape on the slightest contact1 in spite of themselves1 so to speak1 and that they should spread afar4 ,their intensity incites them to this spreading1 which everything favours4 ,this is why the soul itself1 though holding to the body by very personal bonds1 is constantly threatening to leave it3 all the apertures and pores of the body are just so many ways by which it tends to spread and diffuse itself into the outside4#aaja ,but we shall account for this phenomenon which we are trying to understand1 still better if1 instead of considering the notion of religious forces as it is when completely formulated1 we go back to the mental process from which it results4 ,we have seen1 in fact1 that the sacred character of a being does not rest in any of its intrinsic attributes4 ,it is not because the totemic animal has a certain aspect or property that it inspires religious sentiments2 these result from causes wholly foreign to the nature of the object upon which they fix themselves4 ,what constitutes them are the impressions of comfort and dependence which the action of the society provokes in the mind4 ,of themselves1 these emotions are not attached to the idea of any particular object2 but as these emotions exist and are especially intense1 they are also eminently contagious4 ,so they make a stain of oil2 they extend to all the other mental states which occupy the mind2 they penetrate and contaminate those representations especially in which are expressed the various objects which the man had in his hands or before his eyes at the moment3 the totemic designs covering his body1 the bull-roarers which he was making roar1 the rocks surrounding him1 the ground under his feet1 etc4 ,it is thus that the objects themselves get a religious value which is really not inherent in them but is conferred from without4 ,so the contagion is not a sort of secondary process by which sacredness is propagated1 after it has once been acquired2 it is the very process by which it is acquired4 ,it is by contagion that it establishes itself3 we should not be surprised1 therefore1 if it transmits itself contagiously4 ,what makes its reality is a special emotion2 if it attaches itself to some object1 it is because this emotion has found this object in its way4 ,so it is natural that from this one it should spread to all those which it finds in its neighbourhood1 that is to say1 to all those which any reason whatsoever1 either material contiguity or mere similarity1 has mentally connected with the first4 ,thus1 the contagiousness of sacredness finds its explanation in the theory which we have proposed of religious forces1 and by this very fact1 it serves to confirm our theory4#aajb ,and1 at the same time1 it aids us in understanding a trait of primitive mentality to which we have already called the attention4 ,we have seen#aajc the facility with which the primitive confuses kingdoms and identifies the most heterogeneous things1 men1 animals1 plants1 stars1 etc4 ,now we see one of the causes which has contributed the most to facilitating these confusions4 ,since religious forces are eminently contagious1 it is constantly happening that the same principle animates very different objects equally2 it passes from some into others as the result of either a simple material proximity or of even a superficial similarity4 ,it is thus that men1 animals1 plants and rocks come to have the same totem3 the men because they bear the name of the animal3 the animals because they bring the totemic emblem to mind2 the plants because they nourish these animals2 the rocks because they mark the place where the ceremonies are celebrated4 ,now religious forces are therefore considered the source of all efficacy2 so beings having one single religious principle ought to pass as having the same essence1 and as differing from one another only in secondary characteristics4 ,this is why it seemed quite natural to arrange them in a single category and to regard them as mere varieties of the same class1 transmutable into one another4 ,when this relation has been established1 it makes the phenomena of contagion appear under a new aspect4 ,taken by themselves1 they seem to be quite foreign to the logical life4 ,is their effect not to mix and confuse beings1 in spite of their natural differences8 ,but we have seen that these confusions and participation have played a rle of the highest utility in logic2 they have served to bind together things which sensation leaves apart from one another4 ,so it is far from true that contagion1 the source of these connections and confusions1 is marked with that fundamental irrationality that one is inclined to attribute it at first4 ,it has opened the way for the scientific explanations of the future4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,the ,,positive ,,cult ,i4--,the ,elements of the ,sacrifice ,whatever the importance of the negative cult may be1 and though it may indirectly have positive effects1 it does not contain its reason for existence in itself2 it introduces one to the religious life1 but it supposes this more than it constitutes it4 ,if it orders the worshipper to flee from the profane world1 it is to bring him nearer to the sacred world4 ,men have never thought that their duties towards religious forces might be reduced to a simple abstinence from all commerce2 they have always believed that they upheld positive and bilateral relations with them1 whose regulation and organization is the function of a group of ritual practices4 ,to this special system of rites we give the name of positive cult4 ,for some time we almost completely ignored the positive cult of the totemic religion and what it consists in4 ,we knew almost nothing more than the initiation rites1 and we do not know those sufficiently well even now4 ,but the observations of ,spencer and ,gillen1 prepared for by those of ,schulze and confirmed by those of ,strehlow1 on the tribes of central ,australia1 have partially filled this gap in our information4 ,there is one ceremony especially which these explorers have taken particular pains to describe to us and which1 moreover1 seems to dominate the whole totemic cult3 this is the one that the ,arunta1 according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 call the ,intichiuma4 ,it is true that ,strehlow contests the meaning of this word4 ,according to him1 intichiuma 7or1 as he writes it1 intijiuma7 means to instruct and designates the ceremonies performed before the young man to teach him the traditions of the tribe4 ,the feast which we are going to describe bears1 he says1 the name mbatjalkatiuma1 which means to fecundate or to put into a good condition4#aajd ,but we shall not try to settle this question of vocabulary1 which touches the real problem but slightly1 as the rites in question are all celebrated in the course of the initiation4 ,on the other hand1 as the word ,intichiuma now belongs to the current language of ethnography1 and has almost become a common noun1 it seems useless to replace it with another4#aaje ,the date on which the ,intichiuma takes place depends largely upon the season4 ,there are two sharply separated seasons in ,australia3 one is dry and lasts for a long time2 the other is rainy and is1 on the contrary1 very short and frequently irregular4 ,as soon as the rains arrive1 vegetation springs up from the ground as though by enchantment and animals multiply1 so that the country which had recently been only a sterile desert is rapidly filled with a luxurious flora and fauna4 ,it is just at the moment when the good season seems to be close at hand that the ,intichiuma is celebrated4 ,but as the rainy season is extremely variable1 the date of the ceremonies cannot be fixed once for all4 ,it varies with the climatic circumstances1 which only the chief of the totemic group1 the ,alatunja1 is qualified to judge3 on a day which he considers suitable1 he informs his companions that the moment has arrived4#aajf ,each totemic group has its own ,intichiuma4 ,even if this rite is general in the societies of the centre1 it is not the same everywhere2 among the ,warramunga1 it is not what it is among the ,arunta2 it varies1 not only among the tribes1 but also within the tribe1 among the clans4 ,but it is obvious that the different mechanisms in use are too closely related to each other to be dissociated completely4 ,there is no ceremony1 perhaps1 which is not made up of several1 though these are very unequally developed3 what exists only as a germ in one1 occupies the most important place in another1 and inversely4 ,yet they must be carefully distinguished1 for they constitute just so many different ritual types to be described and explained separately1 but afterwards we must seek some common source from which they were derived4 ,let us commence with those observed among the ,arunta4 ,i ,the celebration includes two successive phases4 ,the object of the rites which take place in the first is to assure the prosperity of the animal or vegetable species serving the clan as totem4 ,the means employed for this end may be reduced to two principal types4 ,it will be remembered that the fabulous ancestors from whom each clan is supposed to be descended1 formerly lived on earth and left traces of their passage there4 ,these traces consist especially in stones and rocks which they deposited at certain places1 or which were formed at the spots where they entered into the ground4 ,these rocks and stones are considered the bodies or parts of the bodies of the ancestors1 whose memory they keep alive2 they represent them4 ,consequently1 they also represent the animals and plants which served these same ancestors as totems1 for an individual and his totem are only one4 ,the same reality and the same properties are attributed to them as to the actually living plants or animals of the same species4 ,but they have this advantage over these latter1 that they are imperishable1 knowing neither sickness nor death4 ,so they are like a permanent immutable and ever-available reserve of animal and vegetable life4 ,also1 in a certain number of cases1 it is this reserve that they annually draw upon to assure the reproduction of the species4 ,here1 for example1 is how the ,witchetty grub clan1 at ,alice ,springs1 proceeds at its ,intichiuma4#aajg ,on the day fixed by the chief1 all the members of the totemic group assemble in the principal camp4 ,the men of the other totems retire to a distance2#aajh for among the ,arunta1 they are not allowed to be present at the celebration of the rite1 which has all the characteristics of a secret ceremony4 ,an individual of a different totem1 but of the same phratry1 may be invited to be present1 as a favour2 but this is only as a witness4 ,in no case can he take an active part4 ,after the men of the totem have assembled1 they leave the camp1 leaving only two or three of their number behind4 ,they advance in a profound silence1 one behind another1 all naked1 without arms and without any of their habitual ornaments4 ,their attitude and their pace are marked with a religious gravity3 this is because the act in which they are taking part has an exceptional importance in their eyes4 ,also1 until the end of the ceremony they are required to observe a rigorous fast4 ,the country which they traverse is all filled with souvenirs left by the glorious ancestors4 ,thus they arrive at a spot where a huge block of quartz is found1 with small round stones all around it4 ,this block represents the witchetty grub as an adult4 ,the ,alatunja strikes it with a sort of wooden tray called apmara1#aaji and at the same time he intones a chant1 whose object is to invite the animal to lay eggs4 ,he proceeds in the same fashion with the stones which are regarded as the eggs of the animal and with one of which he rubs the stomach of each assistant4 ,this done1 they all descend a little lower1 to the foot of a cliff also celebrated in the myths of the ,alcheringa1 at the base of which is another stone1 also representing the witchetty grub4 ,the ,alatunja strikes it with his apmara2 the men accompanying him do so as well1 with branches of a gum-tree which they have gathered on the way1 all of which goes on in the midst of chants renewing the invitation previously addressed to the animal4 ,about ten different spots are visited in turn1 some of which are a mile or more from the others4 ,at each of them there is a stone at the bottom of a cave or hole1 which is believed to represent the witchetty grub in one of his aspects or at one of the phases of his existence1 and upon each of these stones1 the same ceremonies are repeated4 ,the meaning of the rite is evident4 ,when the ,alatunja strikes the sacred stones1 it is to detach some dust4 ,the grains of this very holy dust are regarded as so many germs of life2 each of them contains a spiritual principle which will give birth to a new being1 when introduced into an organism of the same species4 ,the branches with which the assistants are provided serve to scatter this precious dust in all directions2 it is scattered everywhere1 to accomplish its fecundating work4 ,by this means1 they assure1 in their own minds1 an abundant reproduction of the animal species over which the clans guard1 so to speak1 and upon which it depends4 ,the natives themselves give the rite this interpretation4 ,thus1 in the clan of the ilpirla 7a kind of manna71 they proceed in the following manner4 ,when the day of the ,intichiuma arrives1 the group assembles near a huge rock1 about fifty feet high2 on top of this rock is another1 very similar to the first in aspect and surrounded by other smaller ones4 ,both represent masses of manna4 ,the ,alatunja digs up the ground at the foot of this rock and uncovers a churinga which is believed to have been buried there in ,alcheringa times1 and which is1 as it were1 the quintessence of the manna4 ,then he climbs up to the summit of the higher rock and rubs it1 first with the churinga and then with the smaller stones which surround it4 ,finally1 he brushes away the dust which has thus been collected on the surface of the rock1 with the branches of a tree2 each of the assistants does the same in his turn4 ,now ,spencer and ,gillen say that the idea of the natives is that the dust thus scattered will settle upon the mulga trees and so produce manna4 ,in fact1 these operations are accompanied by a hymn sung by those present1 in which this idea is expressed4#aaaj ,with variations1 this same rite is found in other societies4 ,among the ,urabunna1 there is a rock representing an ancestor of the ,lizard clan2 bits are detached from it which they throw in every direction1 in order to secure an abundant production of lizards4#aaaa ,in this same tribe1 there is a sand-bank which mythological souvenirs closely associate with the louse totem4 ,at the same spot are two trees1 one of which is called the ordinary louse tree1 the other1 the crab-louse tree4 ,they take some of this sand1 rub it on these trees1 throw it about on every side and become convinced that1 as a result of this1 lice will be born in large numbers4#aaab ,the ,mara perform the ,intichiuma of the bees by scattering dust detached from sacred rocks4#aaac ,for the kangaroo of the plains1 a slightly different method is used4 ,they take some kangaroo-dung and wrap it up in a certain herb of which the animal is very fond1 and which belongs to the kangaroo totem for this reason4 ,then they put the dung1 thus enveloped1 on the ground between two bunches of this herb and set the whole thing on fire4 ,with the flame thus made1 they light the branches of trees and then whirl them about in such a way that sparks fly in every direction4 ,these sparks play the same rle as the dust in the preceding cases4#aaad ,in a certain number of clans1#aaae men mix something of their own substance with that of the stone1 in order to make the rite more efficacious4 ,young men open their veins and let streams of blood flow on to the rock4 ,this is the case1 for example1 in the ,intichiuma of the ,hakea flower among the ,arunta4 ,the ceremony takes place in a sacred place around an equally sacred rock which1 in the eyes of the natives1 represents ,hakea flowers4 ,after certain preliminary operations1 the old leader asks one of the young men to open a vein in his arm1 which he does1 and allows the blood to sprinkle freely1 while the other men continue the singing4 ,the blood flows until the stone is completely covered4#aaaf ,the object of this practice is to revivify the virtues of the stone1 after a fashion1 and to reinforce its efficacy4 ,it should not be forgotten that the men of the clan are relatives of the plant or animal whose name they bear2 the same principle of life is in them1 and especially in their blood4 ,so it is only natural that one should use this blood and the mystic germs which it carries to assure the regular reproduction of the totemic species4 ,it frequently happens among the ,arunta that when a man is sick or tired1 one of his young companions opens his veins and sprinkles him with his blood in order to reanimate him4#aaag ,if blood is able to reawaken life in a man in this way1 it is not surprising that it should also be able to awaken it in the animal or vegetable species with which the men of the clan are confounded4 ,the same process is employed in the ,intichiuma of the ,undiara kangaroo among the ,arunta4 ,the theatre of the ceremony is a water-hole vaulted over by a peaked rock4 ,this rock represents an animal-kangaroo of the ,alcheringa which was killed and deposited there by a man-kangaroo of the same epoch2 many kangaroo spirits are also believed to reside there4 ,after a certain number of sacred stones have been rubbed against each other in the way we have described1 several of the assistants climb up on the rock upon which they let their blood flow4#aaah ,the purpose of the ceremony at the present day1 so say the natives1 is by means of pouring out the blood of kangaroo men upon the rock1 to drive out in all directions the spirits of the kangaroo animals and so to increase the number of the animals4#aaai ,there is even one case among the ,arunta where the blood seems to be the active principle in the rite4 ,in the ,emu group1 they do not use sacred stones or anything resembling them4 ,the ,alatunja and some of his assistants sprinkle the ground with their blood2 on the ground thus soaked1 they trace lines in various colours1 representing the different parts of the body of an emu4 ,they kneel down around this design and chant a monotonous hymn4 ,from the fictitious emu to which this chant is addressed1 and1 consequently1 from the blood which has served to make it1 they believe that vivifying principles go forth1 which animate the embryos of the new generation1 and thus prevent the species from disappearing4#aabj ,among the ,wonkgongaru1#aaba there is one clan whose totem is a certain kind of fish2 in the ,intichiuma of this totem also1 it is the blood that plays the principal part4 ,the chief of the group1 after being ceremoniously painted1 goes into a pool of water and sits down there4 ,then he pierces his scrotum and the skin around his navel with small pointed bones4 ,the blood from the wounds goes into the water and gives rise to fish4#aabb ,by a wholly similar process1 the ,dieri think that they assure the reproduction of two of their totems1 the carpet snake and the woma snake 7the ordinary snake74 ,a ,mura-mura named ,minkani is thought to live under a dune4 ,his body is represented by some fossil bones of animals or reptiles1 such as the deltas of the rivers flowing into ,lake ,eyre contain1 according to ,howitt4 ,when the day of the ceremony arrives1 the men assemble and go to the home of the ,minkani4 ,there they dig until they come to a layer of damp earth which they call the excrement of ,minkani4 ,from now on1 they continue to turn up the soil with great care until they uncover the elbow of ,minkani4 ,then two young men open their veins and let their blood flow on to the sacred rock4 ,they chant the hymn of ,minkani while the assistants1 carried away in a veritable frenzy1 beat each other with their arms4 ,the battle continues until they get back to the camp1 which is about a mile away4 ,here1 the women intervene and put an end to the combat4 ,they collect the blood which has flown from the wounds1 mix it with the excrement of ,minkani1 and scatter the resulting mixture over the dune4 ,when this rite has been accomplished1 they are convinced that carpet snakes will be born in abundance4#aabc ,in certain cases1 they use the very substance which they wish to produce as the vivifying principle4 ,thus among the ,kaitish1 in the course of a ceremony whose object is to create rain1 they sprinkle water over a sacred rock which represents the mythical heroes of the ,water clan4 ,it is evident that they believe that by this means they augment the productive virtues of the rock just as well as with blood1 and for the same reasons4#aabd ,among the ,mara1 the actor takes water from a sacred hole1 puts it in his mouth and spits it out in every direction4#aabe ,among the ,worgaia1 when the yams begin to sprout1 the chief of the ,yam clan sends men of the phratry of which he is not a member himself to gather some of these plants2 these bring some to him1 and ask him to intervene1 in order that the species may develop well4 ,he takes one1 chews it1 and throws the bits in every direction4#aabf ,among the ,kaitish when1 after various rites which we shall not describe1 the grain of a certain grass called ,erlipinna has reached its full development1 the chief of the totem brings a little of it to camp and grinds it between two stones2 the dust thus obtained is piously gathered up1 and a few grains are placed on the lips of the chief1 who scatters them by blowing4 ,this contact with the mouth of the chief1 which has a very special sacramental virtue1 undoubtedly has the object of stimulating the vitality of the germs which these grains contain and which1 being blown to all the quarters of the horizon1 go to communicate these fecundating virtues which they possess to the plants4#aabg ,the efficacy of these rites is never doubted by the native3 he is convinced that they must produce the results he expects1 with a sort of necessity4 ,if events deceive his hopes1 he merely concludes that they were counteracted by the sorcery of some hostile group4 ,in any case1 it never enters his mind that a favourable result could be obtained by any other means4 ,if by chance the vegetation grows or the animals produce before he has performed his ,intichiuma1 he supposes that another ,intichiuma has been celebrated under the ground by the ancestors and that the living reap the benefits of this subterranean ceremony4#aabh ,,ii ,this is the first act of the celebration4 ,during the period immediately following1 there are no regular ceremonies4 ,however1 the religious life remains intense3 this is manifested especially by an aggravation of the system of interdicts4 ,it is as though the sacred character of the totem were reinforced3 they do not even dare to touch it4 ,in ordinary times1 the ,arunta may eat the animal or plant which serves as totem1 provided they do so with moderation1 but on the morrow of the ,intichiuma this right is suspended2 the alimentary interdiction is strict and without exceptions4 ,they believe that any violation of this interdict would result in neutralizing the good effects of the rite and in preventing the increase of the species4 ,it is true that the men of other totems who happen to be in the same locality are not submitted to the same prohibition4 ,however1 their liberty is less than ordinary at this time4 ,they may not consume the totemic animal wherever they place1 in the brush1 for example2 they must bring it to camp1 and it is there only that it may be cooked4#aabi ,a final ceremony terminates this period of extraordinary interdictions and definitely closes this long series of rites4 ,it varies somewhat in different clans1 but the essential elements are the same everywhere4 ,here are the two principal forms which it takes among the ,arunta4 ,one of these is in connection with the witchetty grub1 the other with the kangaroo4 ,when the grubs have attained full maturity and appear in abundance1 the men of the totem1 as well as others1 collect as many of them as possible2 then they all bring those they have found back to camp and cook them until they become hard and brittle4 ,they are then preserved in wooden vessels called pitchi4 ,the harvest of grubs is possible only during a very short time1 for they appear only after the rain4 ,when they begin to be less numerous1 the ,alatunja summons everybody to the camp2 on his invitation1 each one brings his supply4 ,the others place theirs before the men of that totem4 ,the ,alatunja takes one of these pitchi and1 with the aid of his companions1 he grinds its contents between two stones2 after this1 he eats a little of the powder thus obtained1 his assistants do the same1 and what remains is given to the men of the other clans1 who may now dispose of it freely4 ,they proceed in exactly the same manner with the supply provided by the ,alatunja4 ,from now on1 the men and women of the totem may eat it1 but only a little at a time2 if they went beyond the limits allowed1 they would lose the powers necessary to celebrate the ,intichiuma and the species would not reproduce4 ,yet1 if they did not eat any at all1 and especially if the ,alatunja ate none in the circumstances we have just described1 they would be overtaken by the same incapacity4 ,in the totemic group of the ,kangaroo1 which has its centre at ,undiara1 certain characteristics of the ceremony are more clearly marked4 ,after the rites which we have described have been accomplished on the sacred rock1 the young men go and hunt the kangaroo1 bringing their game back to the camp4 ,here1 the old men1 with the ,alatunja in their midst1 eat a little of the flesh of the animal1 and anoint the bodies of those who took part in the ,intichiuma with its fat4 ,the rest is divided up among the men assembled4 ,next1 the men of the totem decorate themselves with totemic designs and the night is passed in songs commemorating the exploits accomplished by men and animal kangaroos in the times of the ,alcheringa4 ,the next day1 the young men go hunting again in the forest and bring back a larger number of kangaroos than the first time1 and the ceremonies of the day before recommence4#aacj ,with variations of detail1 the same rite is found in other ,arunta clans1#aaca among the ,urabunna1#aacb the ,kaitish1#aacc the ,unmatjera1#aacd and in the ,encounter ,bay ,tribe4#aace ,everywhere1 it is made up of the same essential elements4 ,a few specimens of the totemic animal or plant are presented to the chief of the clan1 who solemnly eats them and who must eat them4 ,if he did not fulfil this duty1 he would lose the power of celebrating the ,intichiuma efficaciously1 that is to say1 so as to recreate the species annually4 ,sometimes the ritual consumption is followed by an unction made with the fat of the animal or certain parts of the plant4#aacf ,this rite is generally repeated by the men of the totem1 or at least by the old men1 and after it has been accomplished1 the exceptional interdictions are raised4 ,in the tribes located farther north1 among the ,warramunga and neighbouring societies1#aacg this ceremony is no longer found4 ,however1 traces are found which seem to indicate that there was a time when it was known4 ,it is true that the chief of the clan never eats the totem ritually and obligatorily4 ,but in certain cases1 men who are not of the totem whose ,intichiuma has just been celebrated1 must bring the animal or plant to camp and offer it to the chief1 asking him if he wants to eat it4 ,he refuses and adds1 ,i have made this for you2 you may eat it freely4#aach ,so the custom of the presentation remains and the question asked of the chief seems to date back to an epoch when the ritual consumption was practised4#aaci ,,iii ,the interest of the system of rites which has just been described lies in the fact that in them we find1 in the most elementary form that is actually known1 all the essential principles of a great religious institution which was destined to become one of the foundation stones of the positive cult in the superior religions3 this is the institution of sacrifice4 ,we know what a revolution the work of ,robertson ,smith brought about in the traditional theory of sacrifice4#aadj ,before him1 sacrifice was regarded as a sort of tribute or homage1 either obligatory or optional1 analogous to that which subjects owe to their princes4 ,robertson ,smith was the first to remark that this classic explanation did not account for two essential characteristics of the rite4 ,in the first place1 it is a repast3 its substance is food4 ,secondly1 it is a repast in which the worshippers who offer it take part1 along with the god to whom it is offered4 ,certain parts of the victim are reserved for the divinity2 others are attributed to the sacrificers1 who consume them2 this is why the ,bible often speaks of the sacrifice as a repast in the presence of ,jahveh4 ,now in a multitude of societies1 meals taken in common are believed to create a bond of artificial kinship between those who assist at them3 ,in fact1 relatives are people who are naturally made of the same flesh and blood4 ,but food is constantly remaking the substance of the organism4 ,so a common food may produce the same effects as a common origin4 ,according to ,smith1 sacrificial banquets have the object of making the worshipper and his god communicate in the same flesh1 in order to form a bond of kinship between them4 ,from this point of view1 sacrifice takes on a wholly new aspect4 ,its essential element is no longer the act of renouncement which the word sacrifice ordinarily expresses2 before all1 it is an act of alimentary communion4 ,of course there are some reservations to be made in the details of this way of explaining the efficacy of sacrificial banquets4 ,this does not result exclusively from the act of eating together4 ,a man does not sanctify himself merely by sitting down1 in some way1 at the same table with a god1 but especially by eating food at this ritual repast which has a sacred character4 ,it has been shown how a whole series of preliminary operations1 lustrations1 unctions1 prayers1 etc41 transform the animal to be immolated into a sacred thing1 whose sacredness is subsequently transferred to the worshipper who eats it4#aada ,but it is true1 none the less1 that the alimentary communion is one of the essential elements of the sacrifice4 ,now when we turn to the rite which terminates the ceremonies of the ,intichiuma1 we find that it1 too1 consists in an act of this sort4 ,after the totemic animal has been killed1 the ,alatunja and the old men solemnly eat it4 ,so they communicate with the sacred principle residing in it and they assimilate it4 ,the only difference we find here is that the animal is naturally sacred while it ordinarily acquires this character artificially in the course of the sacrifice4 ,moreover1 the object of this communion is manifest4 ,every member of a totemic clan contains a mystic substance within him which is the pre-eminent part of his being1 for his soul is made out of it4 ,from it come whatever powers he has and his social position1 for it is this which makes him a person4 ,so he has a vital interest in maintaining it intact and in keeping it1 as far as is possible1 in a state of perpetual youth4 ,unfortunately all forces1 even the most spiritual1 are used up in the course of time if nothing comes to return to them the energy they lose through the normal working of things2 there is a necessity of the first importance here which1 as we shall see1 is the real reason for the positive cult4 ,therefore the men of a totem cannot retain their position unless they periodically revivify the totemic principle which is in them2 and as they represent this principle in the form of a vegetable or animal1 it is to the corresponding animal or vegetable species that they go to demand the supplementary forces needed to renew this and to rejuvenate it4 ,a man of the ,kangaroo clan believes himself and feels himself a kangaroo2 it is by this quality that he defines himself2 it is this which marks his place in the society4 ,in order to keep it1 he takes a little of the flesh of this same animal into his own body from time to time4 ,a small bit is enough1 owing to the rule3 the part is equal to the whole4#aadb ,if this operation is to produce all the desired effects1 it may not take place at no matter what moment4 ,the most opportune time is when the new generation has just reached its complete development1 for this is also the moment when the forces animating the totemic species attain their maximum intensity4 ,they have just been drawn with great difficulty from those rich reservoirs of life1 the sacred trees and rocks4 ,moreover1 all sorts of means have been employed to increase their intensity still more2 this is the use of the rites performed during the first part of the ,intichiuma4 ,also1 by their very aspect1 the firstfruits of the harvest manifest the energy which they contain3 here the totemic god acclaims himself in all the glory of his youth4 ,this is why the firstfruits have always been regarded as a very sacred fruit1 reserved for very holy beings4 ,so it is natural that the ,australian uses it to regenerate himself spiritually4 ,thus both the date and the circumstances of the ceremonies are explained4 ,perhaps some will be surprised that so sacred a food may be eaten by ordinary profane persons4 ,but in the first place1 there is no positive cult which does not face this contradiction4 ,every sacred being is removed from profane touch by this very character with which it is endowed2 but1 on the other hand1 they would serve for nothing and have no reason whatsoever for their existence if they could not come in contact with these same worshippers who1 on another ground1 must remain respectfully distant from them4 ,at bottom1 there is no positive rite which does not constitute a veritable sacrilege1 for a man cannot hold commerce with the sacred beings without crossing the barrier which should ordinarily keep them separate4 ,but the important thing is that the sacrilege should be accompanied with precautions which attenuate it4 ,among those employed1 the most usual one consists in arranging the transition so as to introduce the worshipper slowly and gradually into the circle of sacred things4 ,when it has been broken and diluted in this fashion1 the sacrilege does not offend the religious conscience so violently2 it is not regarded as a sacrilege and so vanishes4 ,this is what happens in the case now before us4 ,the effect of the whole series of rites which has preceded the moment when the totem is solemnly eaten has been to sanctify those who took an active part in them4 ,they constitute an essentially religious period1 through which no one could go without a transformation of his religious state4 ,the fasts1 the contact with sacred rocks1 the churinga1#aadc the totemic decorations1 etc41 have gradually conferred upon him a character which he did not have before and which enables him to approach1 without a shocking and dangerous profanation1 this desirable and redoubtable food which is forbidden him in ordinary times4#aadd ,if the act by which a sacred being is first immolated and then eaten by those who adore it may be called a sacrifice1 the rite of which we have just been speaking has a right to this same name4 ,moreover1 its significance is well shown by the striking analogies it presents with so many practices met with in a large number of agrarian cults4 ,it is a very general rule that even among peoples who have attained a high degree of civilization1 the firstfruits of the harvest are used in the ritual repasts1 of which the pascal feast is the best known example4#aade ,on the other hand1 as the agrarian rites are at the very basis of the most advanced forms of the cult1 we see that the ,intichiuma of the ,australian societies is closer to us than one might imagine from its apparent crudeness4 ,by an intuition of genius1 ,smith had an intuition of all this1 though he was not acquainted with the facts4 ,by a series of ingenious deductions--which need not be reproduced here1 for their interest is now only historical#aadf--;he thought that he could establish the fact that at the beginning the animal immolated in the sacrifice must have been regarded as quasi-divine and as a close relative of those who immolated it3 now these characteristics are just the ones with which the totemic species is defined4 ,smith even went so far as to suppose that totemism must have known and practised a rite wholly similar to the one we have been studying2 he was even inclined to see the original source of the whole sacrificial institution in a sacrifice of this sort4#aadg ,sacrifice was not founded to create a bond of artificial kinship between a man and his gods1 but to maintain and renew the natural kinship which primitively united them4 ,here1 as elsewhere1 the artifice was born only to imitate nature4 ,but in the book of ,smith this hypothesis was presented as scarcely more than a theory which the then known facts supported very imperfectly4 ,the rare cases of totemic sacrifice which he cites in support of his theory do not have the significance he attributed to them2 the animals which figure in them are not real totems4#aadh ,but to-day we are able to state that on at least one point the demonstration is made3 in fact1 we have just seen that in an important number of societies the totemic sacrifice1 such as ,smith conceived it1 is or has been practised4 ,of course1 we have no proof that this practice is necessarily inherent to totemism or that it is the germ out of which all the other types of sacrifices have developed4 ,but if the universality of the rite is hypothetical1 its existence is no longer to be contested4 ,hereafter it is to be regarded as established that the most mystical form of the alimentary communion is found even in the most rudimentary cults known to-day4 ,,iv ,but on another point the new facts at our disposal invalidate the theories of ,smith4 ,according to him1 the communion was not only an essential element of the sacrifice1 but at the beginning1 at least1 it was the unique element4 ,not only is one mistaken when he reduces sacrifice to nothing more than a tribute or offering1 but the very idea of an offering was originally absent from it2 this intervened only at a late period and under the influence of external circumstances2 so instead of being able to aid us in understanding it1 it has rather masked the real nature of the ritual mechanism4 ,in fact1 ,smith claimed to find in the very notion of oblation an absurdity so revolting that it could never have been the fundamental reason for so great an institution4 ,one of the most important functions incumbent upon the divinity is to assure to men that food which is necessary for life2 so it seems impossible that the sacrifice1 in its turn1 should consist in a presentation of food to the divinity4 ,it even seems self-contradictory that the gods should expect their food from a man1 when it is from them that he gets his4 ,why should they have need of his aid in order to deduct beforehand their just share of the things which he receives from their hands8 ,from these considerations ,smith concluded that the idea of a sacrifice-offering could have been born only in the great religions1 where the gods1 removed from the things with which they were primitively confused1 were thought of as sorts of kings and the eminent proprietors of the earth and its products4 ,from this moment onwards1 the sacrifice was associated with the tribute which subjects paid to their prince1 as a price of the rights which were conceded to them4 ,but this new interpretation was really an alteration and even a corruption of the primitive conception4 ,for the idea of property materializes all that it touches2 by introducing itself into the sacrifice1 it denatured it and made it into a sort of bargain between the man and the divinity4#aadi ,but the facts which we have described overthrow this argumentation4 ,these rites are certainly among the most primitive that have ever been observed4 ,no determined mythical personality appears in them2 there is no question of gods or spirits that are properly so called2 it is only vaguely anonymous and impersonal forces which they put into action4 ,yet the reasoning which they suppose is exactly the one that ,smith declared impossible because of its absurdity4 ,let us return to the first act of the ,intichiuma1 to the rites destined to assure the fecundity of the animal or vegetable species which serves the clan as totem4 ,this species is the pre-eminently sacred thing2 in it is incarnated that which we have been able to call1 by metaphor1 the totemic divinity4 ,yet we have seen that to perpetuate itself it has need of the aid of men4 ,it is they who dispense the life of the new generation each year2 without them1 it would never be born4 ,if they stopped celebrating the ,intichiuma1 the sacred beings would disappear from the face of the earth4 ,so in one sense1 it is from men that they get their existence2 yet in another way1 it is from them that men get theirs2 for after they have once arrived at maturity1 it is from them that men acquire the force needed to support and repair their spiritual beings4 ,thus we are able to say that men make their gods1 or1 at least1 make them live2 but at the same time1 it is from them that they live themselves4 ,so they are regularly guilty of the circle which1 according to ,smith1 is implied in the very idea of a sacrificial tribute3 they give to the sacred beings a little of what they receive from them1 and they receive from them all that they give4 ,but there is still more to be said3 the oblations which he is thus forced to make every year do not differ in nature from those which are made later in the rites properly called sacrifices4 ,if the sacrificer immolates an animal1 it is in order that the living principles within it may be disengaged from the organism and go to nourish the divinity4 ,likewise1 the grains of dust which the ,australian detaches from the sacred rock are so many sacred principles which he scatters into space1 so that they may go to animate the totemic species and assure its renewal4 ,the gesture with which this scattering is made is also that which normally accompanies offerings4 ,in certain cases1 the resemblance between the two rites may be followed even to the details of the movements effected4 ,we have seen that in order to have rain the ,kaitish pour water over the sacred stone2 among certain peoples1 the priest pours water over the altar1 with the same end in view4#aaej ,the effusions of blood which are usual in a certain number of ,intichiuma are veritable oblations4 ,just as the ,arunta or ,dieri sprinkle the sacred rock or the totemic design with blood1 so it frequently happens that in the more advanced cults1 the blood of the sacrificed victim or of the worshipper himself is spilt before or upon the altar4#aaea ,in these cases1 it is given to the gods1 of whom it is the preferred food2 in ,australia1 it is given to the sacred species4 ,so we have no ground for saying that the idea of oblation is a late product of civilization4 ,a document which we owe to ,strehlow puts this kinship of the ,intichiuma and the sacrifice clearly into evidence4 ,this is a hymn which accompanies the ,intichiuma of the ,kangaroo2 the ceremony is described at the same time that its expected effects are announced4 ,a morsel of kangaroo fat has been placed by the chief upon a support made of branches4 ,the text says that this fat makes the fat of the kangaroos increase4#aaeb ,this time1 they do not confine themselves to sprinkling sacred dust or human blood about2 the animal itself is immolated1 or sacrificed as one might say1 placed upon a sort of altar1 and offered to the species1 whose life it should maintain4 ,now we see the sense in which we may say that the ,intichiuma contains the germs of the sacrificial system4 ,in the form which it takes when fully constituted1 a sacrifice is composed of two essential elements3 an act of communion and an act of oblation4 ,the worshipper communes with his god by taking in a sacred food1 and at the same time he makes an offering to this god4 ,we find these two acts in the ,intichiuma1 as we have described it4 ,the only difference is that in the ordinary sacrifice#aaec they are made simultaneously or else follow one another immediately1 while in the ,australian ceremony they are separated4 ,in the former case1 they are parts of one undivided rite2 here1 they take place at different times1 and may even be separated by a rather long interval4 ,but1 at bottom1 the mechanism is the same4 ,taken as a whole1 the ,intichiuma is a sacrifice1 but one whose parts are not yet articulated and organized4 ,the relating of these two ceremonies has the double advantage of enabling us to understand better the nature of the ,intichiuma and that of sacrifice4 ,we understand the ,intichiuma better4 ,in fact1 the conception of ,frazer1 which made it a simple magic operation#aaed with no religious character at all1 is now seen to be unsupportable4 ,one cannot dream of excluding from religion a rite which is the forerunner of so great a religious institution4 ,but we also understand what the sacrifice itself is better4 ,in the first place1 the equal importance of the two elements entering into it is now established4 ,if the ,australian makes offerings to his sacred beings1 there is no reason for supposing that the idea of oblation was foreign to the primitive organization of the sacrificial institution and later upset its natural arrangement4 ,the theory of ,smith must be revised on this point4#aaee ,of course the sacrifice is partially a communion2 but it is also1 and no less essentially1 a gift and an act of renouncement4 ,it always presupposes that the worshipper gives some of his substance or his goods to his gods4 ,every attempt to deduce one of these elements from the other is hopeless4 ,perhaps the oblation is even more permanent than the communion4#aaef ,in the second place1 it ordinarily seems as though the sacrifice1 and especially the sacrificial oblation1 could only be addressed to personal beings4 ,but the oblations which we have met with in ,australia imply no notion of this sort4 ,in other words1 the sacrifice is independent of the varying forms in which the religious forces are conceived2 it is founded upon more profound reasons1 which we shall seek presently4 ,in any case1 it is clear that the act of offering naturally arouses in the mind the idea of a moral subject1 whom this offering is destined to please4 ,the ritual acts which we have described become more intelligible when it is believed that they are addressed to persons4 ,so the practices of the ,intichiuma1 while actually putting only impersonal forces into play1 prepare the way for a different conception4#aaeg ,of course they were not sufficient to form the idea of mythical personalities by themselves1 but when this idea had once been formed1 the very nature of these rites made it enter into the cult2 thus1 taking a more direct interest in action and life1 it also acquired a greater reality4 ,so we are even able to believe that the cult favoured1 in a secondary manner1 no doubt1 but nevertheless one which is worthy of attention1 the personification of the religious forces4 ,v ,but we still have to explain the contradiction in which ,robertson ,smith saw an inadmissible logical scandal4 ,if the sacred beings always manifested their powers in a perfectly equal manner1 it would appear inconceivable that men should dream of offering them services1 for we cannot see what need they could have of them4 ,but in the first place1 in so far as they are confused with things1 and in so far as they are regarded as principles of the cosmic life1 they are themselves submitted to the rhythm of this life4 ,now this goes in oscillations in contrary directions1 which succeed one another according to a determined law4 ,sometimes it is affirmed in all its glory2 sometimes it weakens to such an extent that one may ask himself whether it is not going to fade away4 ,vegetation dies every year2 will it be reborn8 ,animal species tend to become extinguished by the effect of natural and violent death2 will they be renewed at such a time and in such a way as is proper8 ,above all1 the rain is capricious2 there are long periods during which it seems to have disappeared for ever4 ,these periodical variations of nature bear witness to the fact that at the corresponding periods1 the sacred beings upon whom the plants1 animals1 rain1 etc41 depend are themselves passing through grave crises2 so they1 too1 have their periods of giving way4 ,but men could not regard these spectacles as indifferent spectators4 ,if he is to live1 the universal life must continue1 and consequently the gods must not die4 ,so he seeks to sustain and aid them2 for this1 he puts at their service whatever forces he has at his disposition1 and mobilizes them for this purpose4 ,the blood flowing in his veins has fecundating virtues2 he pours it forth4 ,from the sacred rocks possessed by his clan he takes those germs of life which lie dormant there1 and scatters them into space4 ,in a word1 he makes oblations4 ,the external and physical crises1 moreover1 duplicate internal and mental crises which tend toward the same result4 ,sacred beings exist only when they are represented as such in the mind4 ,when we cease to believe in them1 it is as though they did not exist4 ,even those which have a material form and are given by sensible experience1 depend upon the thought of the worshippers who adore them2 for the sacred character which makes them objects of the cult is not given by their natural constitution2 it is added to them by belief4 ,the kangaroo is only an animal like all others2 yet1 for the men of the ,kangaroo1 it contains within it a principle which puts it outside the company of others1 and this principle exists only in the minds of those who believe in it4#aaeh ,if these sacred beings1 when once conceived1 are to have no need of men to continue1 it would be necessary that the representations expressing them always remain the same4 ,but this stability is impossible4 ,in fact1 it is in the communal life that they are formed1 and this communal life is essentially intermittent4 ,so they necessarily partake of this same intermittency4 ,they attain their greatest intensity at the moment when the men are assembled together and are in immediate relations with one another1 when they all partake of the same idea and the same sentiment4 ,but when the assembly has broken up and each man has returned to his own peculiar life1 they progressively lose their original energy4 ,being covered over little by little by the rising flood of daily experiences1 they would soon fall into the unconscious1 if we did not find some means of calling them back into consciousness and revivifying them4 ,if we think of them less forcefully1 they amount to less for us and we count less upon them2 they exist to a lesser degree4 ,so here we have another point of view1 from which the services of men are necessary to them4 ,this second reason for their existence is even more important than the first1 for it exists all the time4 ,the intermittency of the physical life can affect religious beliefs only when religions are not yet detached from their cosmic basis4 ,the intermittency of the social life1 on the other hand1 is inevitable2 even the most idealistic religions cannot escape it4 ,moreover1 it is owing to this state of dependency upon the thought of men1 in which the gods find themselves1 that the former are able to believe in the efficacy of their assistance4 ,the only way of renewing the collective representations which relate to sacred beings is to retemper them in the very source of the religious life1 that is to say1 in the assembled groups4 ,now the emotions aroused by these periodical crises through which external things pass induce the men who witness them to assemble1 to see what should be done about it4 ,but by the very fact of uniting1 they are mutually comforted2 they find a remedy because they seek it together4 ,the common faith becomes reanimated quite naturally in the heart of this reconstituted group2 if is born again because it again finds those very conditions in which it was born in the first place4 ,after it has been restored1 it easily triumphs over all the private doubts which may have arisen in individual minds4 ,the image of the sacred things regains power enough to resist the internal or external causes which tended to weaken it4 ,in spite of their apparent failure1 men can no longer believe that the gods will die1 because they feel them living in their own hearts4 ,the means employed to succour them1 howsoever crude these may be1 cannot appear vain1 for everything goes on as if they were really effective4 ,men are more confident because they feel themselves stronger2 and they really are stronger1 because forces which were languishing are now reawakened in the consciousness4 ,so we must be careful not to believe1 along with ,smith1 that the cult was founded solely for the benefit of men and that the gods have nothing to do with it3 they have no less need of it than their worshippers4 ,of course men would be unable to live without gods1 but1 on the other hand1 the gods would die if their cult were not rendered4 ,this does not have the sole object of making profane subjects communicate with sacred beings1 but it also keeps these latter alive and is perpetually remaking and regenerating them4 ,of course it is not the material oblations which bring about this regeneration by their own virtues2 it is the mental states which these actions1 though vain in themselves1 accompany or reawaken4 ,the real reason for the existence of the cults1 even of those which are the most materialistic in appearance1 is not to be sought in the acts which they prescribe1 but in the internal and moral regeneration which these acts aid in bringing about4 ,the things which the worshipper really gives his gods are not the foods which he places upon the altars1 nor the blood which he lets flow from his veins3 it is his thought4 ,nevertheless1 it is true that there is an exchange of services1 which are mutually demanded1 between the divinity and its worshippers4 ,the rule do ut des1 by which the principle of sacrifice has sometimes been defined1 is not a late invention of utilitarian theorists3 it only expresses in an explicit way the very mechanism of the sacrificial system and1 more generally1 of the whole positive cult4 ,so the circle pointed out by ,smith is very real2 but it contains nothing humiliating for the reason4 ,it comes from the fact that the sacred beings1 though superior to men1 can live only in the human consciousness4 ,but this circle will appear still more natural to us1 and we shall understand its meaning and the reason for its existence still better if1 carrying our analysis still farther and substituting for the religious symbols the realities which they represent1 we investigate how these behave in the rite4 ,if1 as we have attempted to establish1 the sacred principle is nothing more nor less than society transfigured and personified1 it should be possible to interpret the ritual in lay and social terms4 ,and1 as a matter of fact1 social life1 just like the ritual1 moves in a circle4 ,on the one hand1 the individual gets from society the best part of himself1 all that gives him a distinct character and a special place among other beings1 his intellectual and moral culture4 ,if we should withdraw from men their language1 sciences1 arts and moral beliefs1 they would drop to the rank of animals4 ,so the characteristic attributes of human nature come from society4 ,but1 on the other hand1 society exists and lives only in and through individuals4 ,if the idea of society were extinguished in individual minds and the beliefs1 traditions and aspirations of the group were no longer felt and shared by the individuals1 society would die4 ,we can say of it what we just said of the divinity3 it is real only in so far as it has a place in human consciousnesses1 and this place is whatever one we may give it4 ,we now see the real reason why the gods cannot do without their worshippers any more than these can do without their gods2 it is because society1 of which the gods are only a symbolic expression1 cannot do without individuals any more than these can do without society4 ,here we touch the solid rock upon which all the cults are built and which has caused their persistence ever since human societies have existed4 ,when we see what religious rites consist of and towards what they seem to tend1 we demand with astonishment how men have been able to imagine them1 and especially how they can remain so faithfully attached to them4 ,whence could the illusion have come that with a few grains of sand thrown to the wind1 or a few drops of blood shed upon a rock or the stone of an altar1 it is possible to maintain the life of an animal species or of a god8 ,we have undoubtedly made a step in advance towards the solution of this problem when we have discovered1 behind these outward and apparently unreasonable movements1 a mental mechanism which gives them a meaning and a moral significance4 ,but we are in no way assured that this mechanism itself does not consist in a simple play of hallucinatory images4 ,we have pointed out the psychological process which leads the believers to imagine that the rite causes the spiritual forces of which they have need to be reborn about them2 but it does not follow from the fact that this belief is psychologically explicable that it has any objective value4 ,if we are to see in the efficacy attributed to the rites anything more than the product of a chronic delirium with which humanity has abused itself1 we must show that the effect of the cult really is to recreate periodically a moral being upon which we depend as it depends upon us4 ,now this being does exist3 it is society4 ,howsoever little importance the religious ceremonies may have1 they put the group into action2 the groups assemble to celebrate them4 ,so their first effect is to bring individuals together1 to multiply the relations between them and to make them more intimate with one another4 ,by this very fact1 the contents of their consciousnesses is changed4 ,on ordinary days1 it is utilitarian and individual avocations which take the greater part of the attention4 ,every one attends to his own personal business2 for most men1 this primarily consists in satisfying the exigencies of material life1 and the principal incentive to economic activity has always been private interest4 ,of course social sentiments could never be totally absent4 ,we remain in relations with others2 the habits1 ideas and tendencies which education has impressed upon us and which ordinarily preside over our relations with others1 continue to make their action felt4 ,but they are constantly combated and held in check by the antagonistic tendencies aroused and supported by the necessities of the daily struggle4 ,they resist more or less successfully1 according to their intrinsic energy3 but this energy is not renewed4 ,they live upon their past1 and consequently they would be used up in the course of time1 if nothing returned to them a little of the force that they lose through these incessant conflicts and frictions4 ,when the ,australians1 scattered in little groups1 spend their time in hunting and fishing1 they lose sight of what concerns their clan or tribe3 their only thought is to catch as much game as possible4 ,on feast days1 on the contrary1 these preoccupations are necessarily eclipsed2 being essentially profane1 they are excluded from these sacred periods4 ,at this time1 their thoughts are centred upon their common beliefs1 their common traditions1 the memory of their great ancestors1 the collective ideal of which they are the incarnation2 in a word1 upon social things4 ,even the material interests which these great religious ceremonies are designed to satisfy concern the public order and are therefore social4 ,society as a whole is interested that the harvest be abundant1 that the rain fall at the right time and not excessively1 that the animals reproduce regularly4 ,so it is society that is in the foreground of every consciousness2 ,it dominates and directs all conduct2 this is equivalent to saying that it is more living and active1 and consequently more real1 than in profane times4 ,so men do not deceive themselves when they feel at this time that there is something outside of them which is born again1 that there are forces which are reanimated and a life which reawakens4 ,this renewal is in no way imaginary and the individuals themselves profit from it4 ,for the spark of a social being which each bears within him necessarily participates in this collective renovation4 ,the individual soul is regenerated too1 by being dipped again in the source from which its life comes2 consequently it feels itself stronger1 more fully master of itself1 less dependent upon physical necessities4 ,we know that the positive cult naturally tends to take periodic forms2 this is one of its distinctive features4 ,of course there are rites which men celebrate occasionally1 in connection with passing situations4 ,but these episodic practices are always merely accessory1 and in the religions studied in this book1 they are almost exceptional4 ,the essential constituent of the cult is the cycle of feasts which return regularly at determined epochs4 ,we are now able to understand whence this tendency towards periodicity comes2 the rhythm which the religious life follows only expresses the rhythm of the social life1 and results from it4 ,society is able to revivify the sentiment it has of itself only by assembling4 ,but it cannot be assembled all the time4 ,the exigencies of life do not allow it to remain in congregation indefinitely2 so it scatters1 to assemble anew when it again feels the need of this4 ,it is to these necessary alternations that the regular alternations of sacred and profane times correspond4 ,since the apparent object1 at least1 of the cult was at first to regularize the course of natural phenomena1 the rhythm of the cosmic life has put its mark on the rhythm of the ritual life4 ,this is why the feasts have long been associated with the seasons2 we have seen this characteristic already in the ,intichiuma of ,australia4 ,but the seasons have only furnished the outer frame-work for this organization1 and not the principle upon which it rests2 for even the cults which aim at exclusively spiritual ends have remained periodical4 ,so this periodicity must be due to other causes4 ,since the seasonal changes are critical periods for nature1 they are a natural occasion for assembling1 and consequently for religious ceremonies4 ,but other events can and have successfully fulfilled this function of occasional cause4 ,however1 it must be recognized that this frame-work1 though purely external1 has given proof of a singular resistive force1 for traces of it are found even in the religions which are the most fully detached from all physical bases4 ,many ,christian celebrations are founded1 with no break of continuity1 on the pastoral and agrarian feasts of the ancient ,hebrews1 although in themselves they are neither pastoral nor agrarian4 ,moreover1 this rhythm is capable of varying in different societies4 ,where the period of dispersion is long1 and the dispersion itself is extreme1 the period of congregation1 in its turn1 is very prolonged1 and produces veritable debauches of collective and religions life4 ,feasts succeed one another for weeks or even for months1 while the ritual life sometimes attains to a sort of frenzy4 ,this is what happens among the ,australian tribes and many of the tribes of ,north-western ,america4#aaei ,elsewhere1 on the contrary1 these two phases of the social life succeed one another after shorter intervals1 and then the contrast between them is less marked4 ,the more societies develop1 the less they seem to allow of too great intermittences4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,positive ,,cult--continued ,,ii4--,imitative ,rites and the ,principle of ,causality ,but the processes which we have just been describing are not the only ones employed to assure the fecundity of the totemic species4 ,there are others which serve for the same end1 whether they accompany the preceding ones or replace them4 ,i ,in the very ceremonies which we have been describing1 in addition to the oblations1 whether bloody or otherwise1 there are other rites which are frequently celebrated1 whose object is to complete the former ones and to consolidate their effects4 ,they consist in movements and cries whose object is to imitate the different attitudes and aspects of the animal whose reproduction is desired2 therefore1 we shall call them imitative4 ,thus the ,intichiuma of the ,witchetty grub among the ,arunta includes more than the rites performed upon the sacred rocks1 of which we have already spoken4 ,when these are finished1 the men set out to return to camp2 but when they still are about a mile away1 they halt and all decorate themselves ritually2 after this1 the march is resumed4 ,the decorations with which they thus adorn themselves announce that an important ceremony is going to take place4 ,and1 in fact1 while the company was absent1 one of the old men who had been left to guard the camp had built a shelter out of branches1 called ,umbana1 which represented the chrysalis out of which the insect comes4 ,all of those who had taken part in the previous ceremonies assemble near the spot where this construction has been raised2 then they advance slowly1 stopping from time to time1 until they reach the ,umbana1 which they enter4 ,at once all the men who do not belong to the phratry of the ,witchetty grub totem1 and who assist at the scene1 though from a distance1 lie down on the ground1 with their faces against the earth2 they must remain in this position without moving until they are allowed to get up again4 ,meanwhile1 a chant arises from the interior of the ,umbana1 which describes the different phases through which the animal passes in the course of its development1 and the myths of which the sacred rocks are the subject4 ,when this hymn ceases1 the ,alatunja glides out of the ,umbana1 though remaining in a squatting position1 and advances slowly over the ground before him2 he is followed by all his companions who reproduce gestures whose evident object is to represent the insect as it leaves the chrysalis4 ,also1 a hymn which is heard at just this moment and which is like an oral commentary on the rite1 consists in a description of the movements made by the insect at this stage of its development4#aafj ,another ,intichiuma1#aafa celebrated in connection with another kind of grub1 the unchalka#aafb grub1 has this character still more clearly4 ,the actors of this rite decorate themselves with designs representing the unchalka bush upon which this grub lives at the beginning of its existence4 ,then they cover a buckler with concentric circles of down1 representing another kind of bush upon which the insect lays its eggs when it has become adult4 ,when all these preparations are finished1 they all sit down on the ground in a semicircle facing the principal officiant4 ,he alternately bends his body double by leaning towards the ground and then rises on his knees2 at the same time1 he shakes his stretched-out arms1 which is a way of representing the wings of the insect4 ,from time to time1 he leans over the buckler1 imitating the way in which the butterfly flies over the trees where it lays its eggs4 ,when this ceremony is finished1 another commences at a different spot1 to which they go in silence4 ,this time they use two bucklers4 ,upon one the tracks of the grub are represented by zigzag lines2 upon the other1 concentric circles of uneven dimensions represent the eggs of the insect and the seed of the ,eremophile bush1 upon which it is nourished4 ,as in the former ceremony1 they all sit down in silence while the officiant acts1 representing the movements of the animal when leaving its chrysalis and taking its first flight4 ,spencer and ,gillen also point out certain analogous facts among the ,arunta1 though these are of a minor importance3 in the ,intichiuma of the ,emu1 for example1 at a certain moment the actors try to reproduce by their attitude the air and aspect of this bird2#aafc in the ,intichiuma of water1 the men of the totem utter the characteristic cry of the plover1 a cry which is naturally associated in the mind with the rainy season4#aafd ,but in all1 the examples of imitative rites which these two explorers have noted are rather few in number4 ,however1 it is certain that their relative silence on this point is due either to their not having observed the ,intichiuma sufficiently or else to their having neglected this side of the ceremonies2 ,schulze1 on the other hand1 has been struck by the essentially imitative nature of the ,arunta rites4 ,the sacred corrobbori1 he says1 are generally ceremonies representing animals3 he calls them animal tjurunga#aafe and his testimony is now confirmed by the documents collected by ,strehlow4 ,the examples given by this latter author are so numerous that it is impossible to cite them all3 there are scarcely any ceremonies in which some imitating gesture is not pointed out4 ,according to the nature of the animals whose feast is celebrated1 they jump after the manner of kangaroos1 or imitate the movements they make in eating1 the flight of winged ants1 the characteristic noise of the bat1 the cry of the wild turkey1 the hissing of the snake1 the croaking of the frog1 etc4#aaff ,when the totem is a plant1 they make the gesture of plucking it1#aafg or eating it1#aafh etc4 ,among the ,warramunga1 the ,intichiuma generally takes a special form1 which we shall describe in the next chapter and which differs from those which we have studied up to the present4 ,however1 there is one typical case of a purely imitative ,intichiuma among this people2 it is that of the black cockatoo4 ,the ceremony described by ,spencer and ,gillen commenced at ten o'clock in the evening4 ,all night long the chief of the clan imitated the cry of the bird with a disheartening monotony4 ,he stopped only when he had come to the end of his force1 and then his son replaced him2 then he commenced again as soon as he felt a little refreshed4 ,these exhausting exercises continued until morning without interruption4#aafi ,living beings are not the only ones which they try to imitate4 ,in a large number of tribes1 the ,intichiuma of rain consists essentially in imitative rites4 ,one of the most simple of these is that celebrated among the ,arabunna4 ,the chief of the clan is seated on the ground1 all covered with white down and holding a lance in his hands4 ,he shakes himself1 undoubtedly in order to detach from his body the down which is fixed there and which represents clouds when scattered about in the air4 ,thus he imitates the men-clouds of the ,alcheringa who1 according to the legend1 had the habit of ascending to heaven and forming clouds there1 from which the rain then fell4 ,in a word1 the object of the whole rite is to represent the formation and ascension of clouds1 the bringers of rain4#aagj ,the ceremony is much more complicated among the ,kaitish4 ,we have already spoken of one of the means employed3 the officiant pours water over the sacred stones and himself4 ,but the action of this sort of oblation is reinforced by other rites4 ,the rainbow is considered to have a close connection with rain3 they say that it is its son and that it is always urged to appear to make the rain stop4 ,to make the rain fall1 it is therefore necessary that it should not appear2 they believe that this result can be obtained in the following manner4 ,a design representing a rainbow is made upon a buckler4 ,they carry this buckler to camp1 taking care to keep it hidden from all eyes4 ,they are convinced that by making this image of the rainbow invisible1 they keep the rainbow itself from appearing4 ,meanwhile1 the chief of the clan1 having beside him a pitchi full of water1 throws in all directions flakes of down which represent clouds4 ,repeated imitations of the cry of the plover complete this ceremony1 which seems to have an especial gravity2 for as long as it lasts1 all those who participate in it1 either as actors or assistants1 may have no relations whatsoever with their wives2 they may not even speak to them4#aaga ,the processes of figuration are different among the ,dieri4 ,rain is not represented by water1 but by blood1 which the men cause to flow from their veins on to the assistants4#aagb ,at the same time they throw handfuls of white down about1 which represent clouds4 ,a hut has been constructed previously1 in which they now place two large stones representing piles of clouds1 a sign of rain4 ,after they have been left there for a little while1 they are carried a little distance away and placed as high as possible in the loftiest tree to be found2 this is a way of making the clouds mount into the sky4 ,powdered gypsum is then thrown into a water-hole1 for when he sees this1 the rain spirit soon makes the clouds appear4 ,finally all the men1 young and old1 assemble around the hut and with heads lowered1 they charge upon it2 they rush violently through it1 repeating the operation several times1 until nothing remains of the whole construction except the supporting posts4 ,then they fall upon these and shake and pull at them until the whole thing has tumbled down4 ,the operation consisting in running through the hut is supposed to represent clouds bursting2 the tumbling down of the construction1 the fall of rain4#aagc ,in the north-western tribes studied by ,clement1#aagd which occupy the district included between the ,fontescue and ,fitzroy rivers1 certain ceremonies are celebrated whose object is exactly the same as that of the ,intichiuma of the ,arunta1 and which seem to be1 for the most part1 essentially imitative4 ,these peoples give the name tarlow to certain piles of stones which are evidently sacred1 for1 as we shall see1 they are the object of important rites4 ,every animal1 every plant1 and in fact1 every totem or sub-totem1#aage is represented by a tarlow which a special clan#aagf guards4 ,the analogy between these tarlow and the sacred rocks of the ,arunta is easily seen4 ,when kangaroos1 for example1 become rare1 the chief of the clan to which the tarlow of the kangaroo belongs goes to it with a certain number of companions4 ,here various rites are performed1 the chief of which consist in jumping around the tarlow as kangaroos jump1 in drinking as they drink and1 in a word1 in imitating all their most characteristic movements4 ,the weapons used in hunting the animal have an important part in these rites4 ,they brandish them1 throw them against the stones1 etc4 ,when they are concerned for emus1 they go to the tarlow of the emu1 and walk and run as these birds do4 ,the skill which the natives show in these imitations is1 as it appears1 really remarkable4 ,other tarlow are consecrated to plants1 such as the cereals4 ,in this case1 they imitate the actions of threshing and grinding the grain4 ,since in ordinary life it is the women who are normally charged with these tasks1 it is also they who perform the rite1 in the midst of songs and dances4 ,,ii ,all these rites belong to the same type4 ,the principle upon which they rest is one of those at the basis of what is commonly and incorrectly called sympathetic#aagg magic4 ,these principles are ordinarily reduced to two4#aagh ,the first may be stated thus3 anything touching an object also touches everything which has any relation of proximity or unity whatsoever with this object4 ,thus1 whatever affects the part also affects the whole2 any action exercised over an individual is transmitted to his neighbours1 relatives and all those to whom he is united in any way4 ,all these cases are simple applications of the law of contagion1 which we have already studied4 ,a condition or a good or bad quality are communicated contagiously from one subject to another who has some connection with the former4 ,the second principle is ordinarily summed up in the formula3 like produces like4 ,the representation of a being or condition produces this being or condition4 ,this is the maxim which brings about the rites which we have just been describing1 and it is in them that we can best observe its characteristics4 ,the classical example of the magic charm1 which is ordinarily given as the typical application of this same precept1 is much less significant4 ,the charm is1 to a large extent1 a simple phenomenon of transfer4 ,the idea of the image is associated in the mind with that of the model2 consequently the effects of an action performed upon a statue are transmitted contagiously to the person whose traits it reproduces4 ,the function of the image is for its original what that of a part is for the whole3 it is an agent of transmission4 ,therefore men think that they can obtain the same result by burning the hair of the person whom they wish to injure3 the only difference between these two sorts of operations is that in one1 the communication is made through similarity1 while in the other it is by means of contiguity4 ,it is different with the rites which concern us4 ,they suppose not only the displacement of a given condition or quality1 which passes from one object into the other1 but also the creation of something entirely new4 ,the mere act of representing the animal gives birth to this animal and creates it2 by imitating the sound of wind or falling water1 they cause clouds to form1 rain to fall1 etc4 ,of course resemblance plays an important part in each case1 but not at all the same one4 ,in a charm1 it only gives a special direction to the action exercised2 it directs in a certain way an action not originating in it4 ,in the rites of which we have just been speaking1 it acts by itself and is directly efficacious4 ,so1 in contradiction to the usual definitions1 the real difference between the two principles of the so-called sympathetic magic and the corresponding practices is not that it is contiguity acts in one case and resemblance in the other1 but that in the former there is a simple contagious communication1 while there is production and creation in the latter4#aagi ,the explanation of imitative rites therefore implies the explanation of the second of these principles1 and reciprocally4 ,we shall not tarry long to discuss the explanation proposed by the anthropological school1 and especially by ,tylor and ,frazer4 ,just as in their attempts to account for the contagiousness of a sacred character1 they invoke the association of ideas4 ,homoeopathic magic1 says ,frazer1 who prefers this expression to imitative magic1 is founded on the association of ideas by similarity2 contagious magic is founded on the association of ideas by contiguity4 ,homoeopathic magic commits the mistake of assuming that things which resemble each other are the same4#aahj ,but this is a misunderstanding of the special nature of the practices under discussion4 ,on the one hand1 the formula of ,frazer may be applied with some fitness to the case of charms2#aaha here1 in fact1 two distinct things are associated with each other1 owing to their partial resemblance3 these are the image and the model which it represents more or less systematically4 ,but in the imitative rites1 which we have just been observing1 the image alone is given2 as for the model1 it does not exist1 for the new generation of the totemic species is as yet only a hope and even an uncertain hope at that4 ,so there could be no question of association1 whether correct or not2 there is a real creation1 and we cannot see how the association of ideas could possibly lead to a belief in this creation4 ,how could the mere act of representing the movements of an animal bring about the certitude that this animal will be born1 and born in abundance8 ,the general properties of human nature cannot explain such special practices4 ,so instead of considering the principle upon which they rest in its general and abstract form1 let us replace it in the environment of which it is a part and where we have been observing it1 and let us connect it with the system of ideas and sentiments which the above rites put into practice1 and then we shall be better able to perceive the causes from which it results4 ,the men who assemble on the occasion of these rites believe that they are really animals or plants of the species whose name they bear4 ,they feel within them an animal or vegetable nature1 and in their eyes1 this is what constitutes whatever is the most essential and the most excellent in them4 ,so when they assemble1 their first movement ought to be to show each other this quality which they attribute to themselves and by which they are defined4 ,the totem is their rallying sign2 for this reason1 as we have seen1 they design it upon their bodies2 but it is no less natural that they should seek to resemble it in their gestures1 their cries1 their attitude4 ,since they are emus or kangaroos1 they comport themselves like the animals of the same name4 ,by this means1 they mutually show one another that they are all members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship uniting them4 ,the rite does not limit itself to expressing this kinship2 it makes it or remakes it4 ,for it exists only in so far as it is believed in1 and the effect of all these collective demonstrations is to support the beliefs upon which they are founded4 ,therefore1 these leaps1 these cries and these movements of every sort1 though bizarre and grotesque in appearance1 really have a profound and human meaning4 ,the ,australian seeks to resemble his totem just as the faithful in more advanced religions seek to resemble their ,god4 ,for the one as for the other1 this is a means of communicating with the sacred being1 that is to say1 with the collective ideal which this latter symbolizes4 ,this is an early form of the ,greek3 homoisis t the4 ,however1 as this first reason is connected with the most specialized portions of the totemic beliefs1 the principle by which like produces like should not have survived totemism1 if this had been the only one in operation4 ,now there is probably no religion in which rites derived from it are not found4 ,so another reason must co-operate with this first one4 ,and1 in fact1 the ceremonies where we have seen it applied do not merely have the very general object which we have just mentioned1 howsoever essential this may be2 they also aim at a more immediate and more conscious end1 which is the assurance of the reproduction of the totemic species4 ,the idea of this necessary reproduction haunts the minds of the worshippers3 upon it the forces of their attention and will are concentrated4 ,now a single preoccupation cannot possess a group of men to this point without being externalized in a material form4 ,since all think of the animal or plant to whose destinies the clan is united1 it is inevitable that this common thought should not be manifested outwardly by gestures1#aahb and those naturally designated for this office are those which represent this animal or plant in one of its most characteristic attitudes2 there are no other movements so close to the idea filling every mind1 for these are an immediate and almost automatic translation of it4 ,so they make themselves imitate the animal2 they cry like it1 they jump like it2 they reproduce the scenes in which they make daily use of the plant4 ,all these ways of representation are just so many means of ostensibly showing the end towards which all minds are directed1 of telling the thing which they wish to realize1 of calling it up and of evoking it4 ,and this need belongs to no one time1 nor does it depend upon the beliefs of any special religion2 it is essentially human4 ,this is why1 even in religions very far removed from those we have been studying1 the worshippers1 when assembled to ask their gods for some event which they ardently desire1 are forced to figure it4 ,of course1 the word is also a way of expressing it2 but the gesture is no less natural2 it bursts out from the organism just as spontaneously2 it even precedes the word1 or1 in any case1 accompanies it4 ,but if we can thus understand how the gestures acquired a place in the ceremony1 we still must explain the efficacy attributed to them4 ,if the ,australian repeats them regularly each new season1 it is because he believes them essential to the success of the rite4 ,where could he have gotten the idea that by imitating an animal1 one causes it to reproduce8 ,so manifest an error seems hardly intelligible so long as we see in the rite only the material end towards which it seems to aim4 ,but we know that in addition to the effect which it is thought to have on the totemic species1 it also exercises a profound influence over the souls of the worshippers who take part in it4 ,they take away with them a feeling of well-being1 whose causes they cannot clearly see1 but which is well founded4 ,they feel that the ceremony is good for them2 and1 as a matter of fact1 they reforge their moral nature in it4 ,how could this sort of well-being fail to give them a feeling that the rite has succeeded1 that it has been what it set out to be1 and that it has attained the ends at which it was aimed8 ,as the only end which was consciously sought was the reproduction of the totemic species1 this seems to be assured by the means employed1 the efficacy of which is thus proven4 ,thus it comes about that men attribute creative virtues to their gestures1 which in themselves are vain4 ,the moral efficacy of the rite1 which is real1 leads to the belief in its physical efficacy1 which is imaginary2 that of the whole1 to the belief in that of each part by itself4 ,the truly useful effects produced by the whole ceremony are like an experimental justification of the elementary practices out of which it is made1 though in reality1 all these practices are in no way indispensable to its success4 ,a certain proof1 moreover1 that they do not act by themselves is that they may be replaced by others1 of a very different nature1 without any modification of the final result4 ,it appears that there are ,intichiuma which include only oblations1 with no imitative rites2 others are purely imitative1 and include no oblations4 ,however1 both are believed to have the same efficacy4 ,so if a price is attached to these various manoeuvres1 it is not because of their intrinsic value1 but because they are a part of a complex rite1 whose utility as a whole is realized4 ,we are able to understand this state of mind all the easier because we can still observe it about us4 ,especially among the most cultivated peoples and environments1 we frequently meet with believers who1 though having doubts as to the special efficacy attributed by dogma to each rite considered separately1 still continue to participate in the cult4 ,they are not sure that the details of the prescribed observances are rationally justifiable2 but they feel that it would be impossible to free oneself of them without falling into a moral confusion before which they recoil4 ,the very fact that in them the faith has lost its intellectual foundations throws into eminence the profound reasons upon which they rest4 ,this is why the easy criticisms to which an unduly simple rationalism has sometimes submitted ritual prescriptions generally leave the believer indifferent3 it is because the true justification of religious practices does not lie in the apparent ends which they pursue1 but rather in the invisible action which they exercise over the mind and in the way in which they affect our mental status4 ,likewise1 when preachers undertake to convince1 they devote much less attention to establishing directly and by methodical proofs the truth of any particular proposition or the utility of such and such an observance1 than to awakening or reawakening the sentiment of the moral comfort attained by the regular celebration of the cult4 ,thus they create a predisposition to belief1 which precedes proofs1 which leads the mind to overlook the insufficiency of the logical reasons1 and which thus prepares it for the proposition whose acceptance is desired4 ,this favourable prejudice1 this impulse towards believing1 is just what constitutes faith2 and it is faith which makes the authority of the rites1 according to the believer1 whoever he may be1 ,christian or ,australian4 ,the only superiority of the former is that he better accounts for the psychological process from which his faith results2 he knows that it is faith that saves4 ,it is because faith has this origin that it is1 in a sense1 impermeable to experience4#aahc ,if the intermittent failures of the ,intichiuma do not shake the confidence of the ,australian in his rite1 it is because he holds with all the strength of his soul to these practices in which he periodically recreates himself2 he could not deny their principle without causing an upheaval of his own being1 which resists4 ,but howsoever great this force of resistance may be1 it cannot radically distinguish religious mentality from the other forms of human mentality1 even those which are the most habitually opposed to it4 ,in this connection1 that of a scholar differs from the preceding only in degree4 ,when a scientific law has the authority of numerous and varied experiments1 it is against all method to renounce it too quickly upon the discovery of a fact which seems to contradict it4 ,it is still necessary to make sure that the fact does not allow of a single interpretation1 and that it is impossible to account for it1 without abandoning the proposition which it seems to invalidate4 ,now the ,australian does not proceed otherwise when he attributes the failure of the ,intichiuma to some sorcery1 or the abundance of a premature crop to a mystic ,intichiuma celebrated in the beyond4 ,he has all the more reason for not doubting his rite on the belief in a contrary fact1 since its value is1 or seems to be1 established by a larger number of harmonizing facts4 ,in the first place1 the moral efficacy of the ceremony is real and is felt directly by all who participate in it2 there is a constantly renewed experience in it1 whose importance no contradictory experience can diminish4 ,also1 the physical efficacy itself is not unable to find an at least apparent confirmation in the data of objective observation4 ,as a matter of fact1 the totemic species normally does reproduce regularly2 so in the great majority of cases1 everything happens just as if the ritual gestures really did produce the effects expected of them4 ,failures are the exception4 ,as the rites1 and especially those which are periodical1 demand nothing more of nature than that it follow its ordinary course1 it is not surprising that it should generally have the air of obeying them4 ,so if the believer shows himself indocile to certain lessons of experience1 he does so because of other experiences which seem more demonstrative4 ,the scholar does not do otherwise2 only he introduces more method4 ,so magic is not1 as ,frazer has held1#aahd an original fact1 of which religion is only a derived form4 ,quite on the contrary1 it was under the influence of religious ideas that the precepts upon which the art of the magician is based were established1 and it was only through a secondary extension that they were applied to purely lay relations4 ,since all the forces of the universe have been conceived on the model of the sacred forces1 the contagiousness inherent in the second was extended to the first1 and men have believed that all the properties of a body could be transmitted contagiously4 ,likewise1 when the principle according to which like produces like had been established1 in order to satisfy certain religious needs1 it detached itself from its ritual origins to become1 through a sort of spontaneous generalization1 a law of nature4#aahe ,but in order to understand these fundamental axioms of magic1 they must be replaced in the religious atmosphere in which they arose and which alone enables us to account for them4 ,when we regard them as the work of isolated individuals or solitary magicians1 we ask how they could ever have occurred to the mind of man1 for nothing in experience could either suggest or verify them2 and especially we do not explain how so deceiving an art has been able to impose itself for so long a time in the confidence of men4 ,but this problem disappears when we realize that the faith inspired by magic is only a particular case of religious faith in general1 and that it is itself the product1 at least indirectly1 of a collective effervescence4 ,this is as much as to say that the use of the expression sympathetic magic to designate the system of rites which we have just been speaking is not very exact4 ,there are sympathetic rites1 but they are not peculiar to magic2 not only are they to be found in religion1 but it was from religion that magic received them4 ,so we only risk confusion when1 by the name we give them1 we have the air of making them something which is specifically magic4 ,the results of our analysis thus attach themselves to and confirm those attained by ,,mm4 ,hubert and ,mauss when they studied magic directly4#aahf ,they have shown that this is nothing more nor less than crude industry based on incomplete science4 ,behind the mechanisms1 purely laical in appearance1 which are used by the magician1 they point out a background of religious conceptions and a whole world of forces1 the idea of which has been taken by magic from religion4 ,we are now able to understand how it comes that magic is so full of religious elements3 it is because it was born of religion4 ,,iii ,but the principle which has just been set forth does not merely have a function in the ritual2 it is of direct interest for the theory of knowledge4 ,in fact1 it is a concrete statement of the law of causality and1 in all probability1 one of the most primitive statements of it which has ever existed4 ,a full conception of the causal relation is implied in the power thus attributed to the like to produce the like2 and this conception dominates primitive thought1 for it is the basis both of the practices of the cult and the technique of the magician4 ,so the origins of the precept upon which the imitative rites depend are able to clarify those of the principle of causality4 ,the genesis of one should aid us in understanding the genesis of the other4 ,now we have shown how the former is a product of social causes3 it was elaborated by groups having collective ends in view1 and it translates collective sentiments4 ,so we may assume that the same is true for the second4 ,in fact1 an analysis of the principle of causality is sufficient to assure us that the diverse elements of which it is composed really did have this origin4 ,the first thing which is implied in the notion of the causal relation is the idea of efficacy1 of productive power1 of active force4 ,by cause we ordinarily mean something capable of producing a certain change4 ,the cause is the force before it has shown the power which is in it2 the effect is this same power1 only actualized4 ,men have always thought of causality in dynamic terms4 ,of course certain philosophers had refused all objective value to this conception2 they see in it only an arbitrary construction of the imagination1 which corresponds to nothing in the things themselves4 ,but1 at present1 we have no need of asking whether it is founded in reality or not2 it is enough for us to state that it exists and that it constitutes and always has constituted an element of ordinary mentality2 and this is recognized even by those who criticize it4 ,our immediate purpose is to seek1 not what it may be worth logically1 but how it is to be explained4 ,now it depends upon social causes4 ,our analysis of facts has already enabled us to see that the prototype of the idea of force was the mana1 wakan1 orenda1 the totemic principle or any of the various names given to collective force objectified and projected into things4#aahg ,the first power which men have thought of as such seems to have been that exercised by humanity over its members4 ,thus reason confirms the results of observation2 in fact1 it is even possible to show why this notion of power1 efficacy or active force could not have come from any other source4 ,in the first place1 it is evident and recognized by all that it could not be furnished to us by external experience4 ,our senses only enable us to perceive phenomena which coexist or which follow one another1 but nothing perceived by them could give us the idea of this determining and compelling action which is characteristic of what we call a power or force4 ,they can touch only realized and known conditions1 each separate from the others2 the internal process uniting these conditions escapes them4 ,nothing that we learn could possibly suggest to us the idea of what an influence or efficaciousness is4 ,it is for this very reason that the philosophers of empiricism have regarded these different conceptions as so many mythological aberrations4 ,but even supposing that they all are hallucinations1 it is still necessary to show how they originated4 ,if external experience counts for nothing in the origin of these ideas1 and it is equally inadmissible that they were given us ready-made1 one might suppose that they come from internal experience4 ,in fact1 the notion of force obviously includes many spiritual elements which could only have been taken from our psychic life4 ,some have believed that the act by which our will brings a deliberation to a close1 restrains our impulses and commands our organism1 might have served as the model of this construction4 ,in willing1 it is said1 we perceive ourselves directly as a power in action4 ,so when this idea had once occurred to men1 it seems that they only had to extend it to things to establish the conception of force4 ,as long as the animist theory passed as a demonstrated truth1 this explanation was able to appear to be confirmed by history4 ,if the forces with which human thought primitively populated the world really had been spirits1 that is to say1 personal and conscious beings more or less similar to men1 it was actually possible to believe that our individual experience was enough to furnish us with the constituent elements of the notion of force4 ,but we know that the first forces which men imagined were1 on the contrary1 anonymous1 vague and diffused powers which resemble cosmic forces in their impersonality1 and which are therefore most sharply contrasted with the eminently personal power1 the human will4 ,so it is impossible that they should have been conceived in its image4 ,moreover1 there is one essential characteristic of the impersonal forces which would be inexplicable under this hypothesis3 this is their communicability4 ,the forces of nature have always been thought of as capable of passing from one object to another1 of mixing1 combining and transforming themselves into one another4 ,it is even this property which gives them their value as an explanation1 for it is through this that effects can be connected with their causes without a break of continuity4 ,now the self has just the opposite characteristic3 it is incommunicable4 ,it cannot change its material substratum or spread from one to another2 it spreads out in metaphor only4 ,so the way in which it decides and executes its decisions could never have suggested the idea of an energy which communicates itself and which can even confound itself with others and1 through these combinations and mixings1 give rise to new effects4 ,therefore1 the idea of force1 as implied in the conception of the causal relation1 must present a double character4 ,in the first place1 it can come only from our internal experience2 the only forces which we can directly learn about are necessarily moral forces4 ,but1 at the same time1 they must be impersonal1 for the notion of an impersonal power was the first to be constituted4 ,now the only ones which satisfy these two conditions are those coming from life together3 they are collective forces4 ,in fact1 these are1 on the one hand1 entirely psychical2 they are made up exclusively of objectified ideas and sentiments4 ,but1 on the other hand1 they are impersonal by definition1 for they are the product of a co-operation4 ,being the work of all1 they are not the possession of anybody in particular4 ,they are so slightly attached to the personalities of the subjects in whom they reside that they are never fixed there4 ,just as they enter them from without1 they are also always ready to leave them4 ,of themselves1 they tend to spread further and further and to invade ever new domains3 we know that there are none more contagious1 and consequently more communicable4 ,of course physical forces have the same property1 but we cannot know this directly2 we cannot even become acquainted with them as such1 for they are outside us4 ,when ,i throw myself against an obstacle1 ,i have a sensation of hindrance and trouble2 but the force causing this sensation is not in me1 but in the obstacle1 and is consequently outside the circle of my perception4 ,we perceive its effects1 but we cannot reach the cause itself4 ,it is otherwise with social forces3 they are a part of our internal life1 as we know1 more than the products of their action2 we see them acting4 ,the force isolating the sacred being and holding profane beings at a distance is not really in this being2 it lives in the minds of the believers4 ,so they perceive it at the very moment when it is acting upon their wills1 to inhibit certain movements or command others4 ,in a word1 this constraining and necessitating action1 which escapes us when coming from an external object1 is readily perceptible here because everything is inside us4 ,of course we do not always interpret it in an adequate manner1 but at least we cannot fail to be conscious of it4 ,moreover1 the idea of force bears the mark of its origin in an apparent way4 ,in fact1 it implies the idea of power which1 in its turn1 does not come without those of ascendancy1 mastership and domination1 and their corollaries1 dependence and subordination2 now the relations expressed by all these ideas are eminently social4 ,it is society which classifies beings into superiors and inferiors1 into commanding masters and obeying servants2 it is society which confers upon the former the singular property which makes the command efficacious and which makes power4 ,so everything tends to prove that the first powers of which the human mind had any idea were those which societies have established in organizing themselves3 it is in their image that the powers of the physical world have been conceived4 ,also1 men have never succeeded in imagining themselves as forces mistress over the bodies in which they reside1 except by introducing concepts taken from social life4 ,in fact1 these must be distinguished from their physical doubles and must be attributed a dignity superior to that of these latter2 in a word1 they must think of themselves as souls4 ,as a matter of fact1 men have always given the form of souls to the forces which they believe that they are4 ,but we know that the soul is quite another thing from a name given to the abstract faculty of moving1 thinking and feeling2 before all1 it is a religious principle1 a particular aspect of the collective force4 ,in fine1 a man feels that he has a soul1 and consequently a force1 because he is a social being4 ,though an animal moves its members just as we do1 and though it has the same power as we over its muscles1 nothing authorizes us to suppose that it is conscious of itself as an active and efficacious cause4 ,this is because it does not have1 or1 to speak more exactly1 does not attribute to itself a soul4 ,but if it does not attribute a soul to itself1 it is because it does not participate in a social life comparable to that of men4 ,among animals1 there is nothing resembling a civilization4#aahh ,but the notion of force is not all of the principle of causality4 ,this consists in a judgment stating that every force develops in a definite manner1 and that the state in which it is at each particular moment of its existence predetermines the next state4 ,the former is called cause1 the latter1 effect1 and the causal judgment affirms the existence of a necessary connection between these two moments for every force4 ,the mind posits this connection before having any proofs of it1 under the empire of a sort of constraint from which it cannot free itself2 it postulates it1 as they say1 a priori4 ,empiricism has never succeeded in accounting for this apriorism and necessity4 ,philosophers of this school have never been able to explain how an association of ideas1 reinforced by habit1 could produce more than an expectation or a stronger or weaker predisposition on the part of ideas to appear in a determined order4 ,but the principle of causality has quite another character4 ,it is not merely an imminent tendency of our thought to take certain forms2 it is an external norm1 superior to the flow of our representations1 which it dominates and rules imperatively4 ,it is invested with an authority which binds the mind and surpasses it1 which is as much as to say that the mind is not its artisan4 ,in this connection1 it is useless to substitute hereditary habit for individual habit1 for habit does not change its nature by lasting longer than one man's life2 it is merely stronger4 ,an instinct is not a rule4 ,the rites which we have been studying allow us to catch a glimpse of another source of this authority1 which1 up to the present1 has scarcely been suspected4 ,let us bear in mind how the law of causality1 which the imitative rites put into practice1 was born4 ,being filled with one single preoccupation1 the group assembles3 if the species whose name it bears does not reproduce1 it is a matter of concern to the whole clan4 ,the common sentiment thus animating all the members is outwardly expressed by certain gestures1 which are always the same in the same circumstances1 and after the ceremony has been performed1 it happens1 for the reasons set forth1 that the desired result seems obtained4 ,so an association arises between the idea of this result and that of the gestures preceding it2 and this association does not vary from one subject to another2 it is the same for all the participators in the rite1 since it is the product of a collective experience4 ,however1 if no other factor intervened1 it would produce only a collective expectation2 after the imitative gestures had been accomplished1 everybody would await the subsequent appearance of the desired event1 with more or less confidence2 an imperative rule of thought could never be established by this4 ,but since a social interest of the greatest importance is at stake1 society cannot allow things to follow their own course at the whim of circumstances2 it intervenes actively in such a way as to regulate their march in conformity with its needs4 ,so it demands that this ceremony1 which it cannot do without1 be repeated every time that it is necessary1 and consequently1 that the movements1 a condition of its success1 be executed regularly3 it imposes them as an obligation4 ,now they imply a certain definite state of mind which1 in return1 participates in this same obligatory character4 ,to prescribe that one must imitate an animal or plant to make them reproduce1 is equivalent to stating it as an axiom which is above all doubt1 that like produces like4 ,opinion cannot allow men to deny this principle in theory without also allowing them to violate it in their conduct4 ,so society imposes it1 along with the practices which are derived from it1 and thus the ritual precept is doubled by a logical precept which is only the intellectual aspect of the former4 ,the authority of each is derived from the same source3 society4 ,the respect which this inspires is communicated to the ways of thought to which it attaches a value1 just as much as to ways of action4 ,so a man cannot set aside either the ones or the others without hurling himself against public opinion4 ,this is why the former require the adherence of the intelligence before examination1 just as the latter require the submission of the will4 ,from this example1 we can show once more how the sociological theory of the idea of causality1 and of the categories in general1 sets aside the classical doctrines on the question1 while conciliating them4 ,together with apriorism1 it maintains the prejudicial and necessary character of the causal relation2 but it does not limit itself to affirming this2 it accounts for it1 yet without making it vanish under the pretext of explaining it1 as empiricism does4 ,on the other hand1 there is no question of denying the part due to individual experience4 ,there can be no doubt that by himself1 the individual observes the regular succession of phenomena and thus acquires a certain feeling of regularity4 ,but this feeling is not the category of causality4 ,the former is individual1 subjective1 incommunicable2 we make it ourselves1 out of our own personal observations4 ,the second is the work of the group1 and is given to us ready-made4 ,it is a frame-work in which our empirical ascertainments arrange themselves and which enables us to think of them1 that is to say1 to see them from a point of view which makes it possible for us to understand one another in regard to them4 ,of course1 if this frame can be applied to the contents1 that shows that it is not out of relation with the matter which it contains2 but it is not to be confused with this4 ,it surpasses it and dominates it4 ,this is because it is of a different origin4 ,it is not a mere summary of individual experiences2 before all else1 it is made to fulfil the exigencies of life in common4 ,in fine1 the error of empiricism has been to regard the causal bond as merely an intellectual construction of speculative thought and the product of a more or less methodical generalization4 ,now1 by itself1 pure speculation can give birth only to provisional1 hypothetical and more or less plausible views1 but ones which must always be regarded with suspicion1 for we can never be sure that some new observation in the future will not invalidate them4 ,an axiom which the mind accepts and must accept1 without control and without reservation1 could never come from this source4 ,only the necessities of action1 and especially of collective action1 can and must express themselves in categorical formul1 which are peremptory and short1 and admit of no contradiction1 for collective movements are possible only on condition of being in concert and1 therefore1 regulated and definite4 ,they do not allow of any fumbling1 the source of anarchy2 by themselves1 they tend towards an organization which1 when once established1 imposes itself upon individuals4 ,and as action cannot go beyond intelligence1 it frequently happens that the latter is drawn into the same way and accepts without discussion the theoretical postulates demanded by action4 ,the imperatives of thought are probably only another side of the imperatives of action4 ,it is to be borne in mind1 moreover1 that we have never dreamed of offering the preceding observations as a complete theory of the concept of causality4 ,the question is too complex to be resolved thus4 ,the principle of causality has been understood differently in different times and places2 in a single society1 it varies with the social environment and the kingdoms of nature to which it is applied4#aahi ,so it would be impossible to determine with sufficient precision the causes and conditions upon which it depends1 after a consideration of only one of the forms which it has presented during the course of history4 ,the views which we have set forth should be regarded as mere indications1 which must be controlled and completed4 ,however1 as the causal law which we have been considering is certainly one of the most primitive which exists1 and as it has played a considerable part in the development of human thought and industry1 it is a privileged experiment1 so we may presume that the remarks of which it has been the occasion may be generalized to a certain degree4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,positive ,,cult--continued ,,iii4--,representative or ,commemorative ,rites ,the explanation which we have given of the positive rites of which we have been speaking in the two preceding chapters attributes to them a significance which is1 above all1 moral and social4 ,the physical efficaciousness assigned to them by the believer is the product of an interpretation which conceals the essential reason for their existence3 it is because they serve to remake individuals and groups morally that they are believed to have a power over things4 ,but even if this hypothesis has enabled us to account for the facts1 we cannot say that it has been demonstrated directly2 at first view1 it even seems to conciliate itself rather badly with the nature of the ritual mechanisms which we have analysed4 ,whether they consist in oblations or imitative acts1 the gestures composing them have purely material ends in view2 they have1 or seem to have1 the sole object of making the totemic species reproduce4 ,under these circumstances1 is it not surprising that their real function should be to serve moral ends8 ,it is true that their physical function may have been exaggerated by ,spencer and ,gillen1 even in the cases where it is the most incontestable4 ,according to these authors1 each clan celebrates its ,intichiuma for the purpose of assuring a useful food to the other clans1 and the whole cult consists in a sort of economic co-operation of the different totemic groups2 each works for the others4 ,but according to ,strehlow1 this conception of ,australian totemism is wholly foreign to the native mind4 ,if1 he says1 the members of one totemic group set themselves to multiplying the animals or plants of the consecrated species1 and seem to work for their companions of other totems1 we must be careful not to regard this collaboration as the fundamental principle of ,arunta or ,loritja totemism4 ,the blacks themselves have never told me that this was the object of their ceremonies4 ,of course1 when ,i suggested and explained the idea to them1 they understood it and acquiesced4 ,but ,i should not be blamed for having some distrust of replies gained in this fashion4 ,strehlow also remarks that this way of interpreting the rite is contradicted by the fact that the totemic animals and plants are not all edible or useful2 some are good for nothing2 some are even dangerous4 ,so the ceremonies which concern them could not have any such end in view4#aaij ,when some one asks the natives what the determining reason for these ceremonies is1 concludes our author1 they are unanimous in replying3 ',it is because our ancestors arranged things thus4 ,this is why we do thus and not differently4'#aaia ,but in saying that the rite is observed because it comes from the ancestors1 it is admitted that its authority is confounded with the authority of tradition1 which is a social affair of the first order4 ,men celebrate it to remain faithful to the past1 to keep for the group its normal physiognomy1 and not because of the physical effects which it may produce4 ,thus1 the way in which the believers themselves explain them show the profound reasons upon which the rites proceed4 ,but there are cases when this aspect of the ceremonies is immediately apparent4 ,i ,these may be observed the best among the ,warramunga4#aaib ,among this people1 each clan is thought to be descended from a single ancestor who1 after having been born in some determined spot1 passed his terrestrial existence in travelling over the country in every direction4 ,it is he who1 in the course of his voyages1 gave to the land the form which it now has2 it is he who made the mountains and plains1 the water-holes and streams1 etc4 ,at the same time1 he sowed upon his route living germs which were disengaged from his body and1 after many successive reincarnations1 became the actual members of the clan4 ,now the ceremony of the ,warramunga which corresponds exactly to the ,intichiuma of the ,arunta1 has the object of commemorating and representing the mythical history of this ancestor4 ,there is no question of oblations or1 except in one single case1#aaic of imitative practices4 ,the rite consists solely in recollecting the past and1 in a way1 making it present by means of a veritable dramatic representation4 ,this word is the more exact because in this ceremony1 the officiant is in no way considered an incarnation of the ancestor1 whom he represents2 he is an actor playing a rle4 ,as an example1 let us describe the ,intichiuma of the ,black ,snake1 as ,spencer and ,gillen observed it4#aaid ,an initial ceremony does not seem to refer to the past2 at least the description of it which is given us gives no authorization for interpreting it in this sense4 ,it consists in running and leaping on the part of two officiants1#aaie who are decorated with designs representing the black snake4 ,when they finally fall exhausted on the ground1 the assistants gently pass their hands over the emblematic designs with which the backs of the two actors are covered4 ,they say that this act pleases the black snake4 ,it is only afterwards that the series of commemorative ceremonies commences4 ,they put into action the mythical history of the ancestor ,thalaualla1 from the moment he emerged from the ground up to his definite return thither4 ,they follow him through all his voyages4 ,the myth says that in each of the localities where he sojourned1 he celebrated totemic ceremonies2 they now repeat them in the same order in which they are supposed to have taken place originally4 ,the movement which is acted the most frequently consists in twisting the entire body about rhythmically and violently2 this is because the ancestor did the same thing to make the germs of life which were in him come out4 ,the actors have their bodies covered with down1 which is detached and flies away during these movements2 this is a way of representing the flight of these mystic germs and their dispersion into space4 ,it will be remembered that among the ,arunta1 the scene of the ceremony is determined by the ritual3 it is the spot where the sacred rocks1 trees and water-holes are found1 and the worshippers must go there to celebrate the cult4 ,among the ,warramunga1 on the contrary1 the ceremonial ground is arbitrarily chosen according to convenience4 ,it is a conventional scene4 ,however1 the original scene of the events whose reproduction constitutes the theme of the rite is itself represented by means of designs4 ,sometimes these designs are made upon the very bodies of the actors4 ,for example1 a small circle coloured red1 painted on the back and stomach1 represents a water-hole4#aaif ,in other cases1 the image is traced on the soil4 ,upon a ground previously soaked and covered with red ochre1 they draw curved lines1 made up of a series of white points1 which symbolize a stream or a mountain4 ,this is a beginning of decoration4 ,in addition to the properly religious ceremonies which the ancestor is believed to have celebrated long ago1 they also represent simple episodes of his career1 either epic or comic4 ,thus1 at a given moment1 while three actors are on the scene1 occupied in an important rite1 another one hides behind a bunch of trees situated at some distance4 ,a packet of down is attached about his neck which represents a wallaby4 ,as soon as the principal ceremony is finished1 an old man traces a line upon the ground which is directed towards the spot where the fourth actor is hidden4 ,the others march behind him1 with eyes lowered and fixed upon this line1 as though following a trail4 ,when they discover the man1 they assume a stupefied air and one of them beats him with a club4 ,this represents an incident in the life of the great black snake4 ,one day1 his son went hunting1 caught a wallaby and ate it without giving his father any4 ,the latter followed his tracks1 surprised him and forced him to disgorge2 it is to this that the beating at the end of the representation alludes4#aaig ,we shall not relate here all the mythical events which are represented successively4 ,the preceding examples are sufficient to show the character of these ceremonies3 they are dramas1 but of a particular variety2 they act1 or at least they are believed to act1 upon the course of nature4 ,when the commemoration of ,thalaualla is terminated1 the ,warramunga are convinced that black snakes cannot fail to increase and multiply4 ,so these dramas are rites1 and even rites which1 by the nature of their efficacy1 are comparable on every point to those which constitute the ,intichiuma of the ,arunta4 ,therefore each is able to clarify the other4 ,it is even more legitimate to compare them than if there were no break of continuity between them4 ,not only is the end pursued identical in each case1 but the most characteristic part of the ,warramunga ritual is found in germ in the other4 ,in fact1 the ,intichiuma1 as the ,arunta generally perform it1 contains within it a sort of implicit commemoration4 ,the places where it is celebrated are necessarily those which the ancestor made illustrious4 ,the roads over which the worshippers pass in the course of their pious pilgrimages are those which the heroes of the ,alcheringa traversed2 the places where they stop to proceed with the rites are those where their fathers sojourned themselves1 where they vanished into the ground1 etc4 ,so everything brings their memory to the minds of the assistants4 ,moreover1 to the manual rites they frequently add hymns relating the exploits of their ancestors4#aaih ,if1 instead of being told1 these stories are acted1 and if1 in this new form1 they develop in such a way as to become an essential part of the ceremony1 then we have the ceremony of the ,warramunga4 ,but even more can be said1 for on one side1 the ,arunta ,intichiuma is already a sort of representation4 ,the officiant is one with the ancestor from whom he is descended and whom he reincarnates4#aaii ,the gestures he makes are those which this ancestor made in the same circumstances4 ,speaking exactly1 of course he does not play the part of the ancestral personage as an actor might do it2 he is this personage himself4 ,but it is true1 notwithstanding1 that1 in one sense1 it is the hero who occupies the scene4 ,in order to accentuate the representative character of the rite1 it would be sufficient for the duality of the ancestor and the officiant to become more marked2 this is just what happens among the ,warramunga4#abjj ,even among the ,arunta1 at least one ,intichiuma is mentioned in which certain persons are charged with representing ancestors with whom they have no relationship of mythical descent1 and in which there is consequently a proper dramatic representation3 this is the ,intichiuma of the ,emu4#abja ,it seems that in this case1 also1 contrarily to the general rule among this people1 the theatre of the ceremony is artificially arranged4#abjb ,it does not follow from the fact that1 in spite of the differences separating them1 these two varieties of ceremony thus have an air of kinship1 as it were1 that there is a definite relation of succession between them1 and that one is a transformation of the other4 ,it may very well be that the resemblances pointed out come from the fact that the two sprang from the same source1 that is1 from the same original ceremony1 of which they are only divergent forms3 we shall even see that this hypothesis is the most probable one4 ,but even without taking sides on this question1 what has already been said is enough to show that they are rites of the same nature4 ,so we may be allowed to compare them1 and to use the one to enable us to understand the other better4 ,now the peculiar thing in the ceremonies of the ,warramunga of which we have been speaking1 is that not a gesture is made whose object is to aid or to provoke directly the increase of the totemic species4#abjc ,if we analyse the movements made1 as well as the words spoken1 we generally find nothing which betrays any intention of this sort4 ,everything is in representations whose only object can be to render the mythical past of the clan present to the mind4 ,but the mythology of a group is the system of beliefs common to this group4 ,the traditions whose memory it perpetuates express the way in which society represents man and the world2 it is a moral system and a cosmology as well as a history4 ,so the rite serves and can serve only to sustain the vitality of these beliefs1 to keep them from being effaced from memory and1 in sum1 to revivify the most essential elements of the collective consciousness4 ,through it1 the group periodically renews the sentiment which it has of itself and of its unity2 at the same time1 individuals are strengthened in their social natures4 ,the glorious souvenirs which are made to live again before their eyes1 and with which they feel that they have a kinship1 give them a feeling of strength and confidence3 a man is surer of his faith when he sees to how distant a past it goes back and what great things it has inspired4 ,this is the characteristic of the ceremony which makes it instructive4 ,its tendency is to act entirely upon the mind and upon it alone4 ,so if men believe nevertheless that it acts upon things and that it assures the prosperity of the species1 this can be only as a reaction to the moral action which it exercises and which is obviously the only one which is real4 ,thus the hypothesis which we have proposed is verified by a significant experiment1 and this verification is the more convincing because1 as we have shown1 there is no difference in nature between the ritual system of the ,warramunga and that of the ,arunta4 ,the one only makes more evident what we had already conjectured from the other4 ,,ii ,but there are ceremonies in which this representative and idealistic character is still more accentuated4 ,in those of which we have been speaking1 the dramatic representation did not exist for itself2 it was only a means having a very material end in view1 namely1 the reproduction of the totemic species4 ,but there are others which do not differ materially from the preceding ones1 but from which1 nevertheless1 all preoccupations of this sort are absent4 ,the past is here represented for the mere sake of representing it and fixing it more firmly in the mind1 while no determined action over nature is expected of the rite4 ,at least1 the physical effects sometimes imputed to it are wholly secondary and have no relation with the liturgical importance attributed to it4 ,this is the case notably with the ceremonies which the ,warramunga celebrate in honour of the snake ,wollunqua4#abjd ,as we have already said1 the ,wollunqua is a totem of a very especial sort4 ,it is not an animal or vegetable species1 but a unique being3 there is only one ,wollunqua4 ,moreover1 this being is purely mythical4 ,the natives represent it as a colossal snake whose length is such that when it rises on its tail its head is lost in the clouds4 ,it resides1 they believe1 in a water-hole called ,thapauerlu1 which is hidden in the bottom of a solitary valley4 ,but if it differs in certain ways from the ordinary totems1 it has all their distinctive characteristics nevertheless4 ,it serves as the collective name and emblem of a whole group of individuals who regard it as their common ancestor1 while the relations which they sustain with this mythical beast are identical with those which the members of other totems believe that they sustain with the founders of their respective clans4 ,in the ,alcheringa#abje times1 the ,wollunqua traversed the country in every direction4 ,in the different localities where it stopped1 it scattered spirit-children1 the spiritual principles which still serve as the souls of the living of to-day4 ,the ,wollunqua is even considered as a sort of pre-eminent totem4 ,the ,warramunga are divided into two phratries1 called ,uluuru and ,kingilli4 ,nearly all the totems of the former are snakes of different kinds4 ,now they are all believed to be descended from the ,wollunqua2 they say that it was their grandfather4#abjf ,from this1 we can catch a glimpse of how the myth of the ,wollunqua probably arose4 ,in order to explain the presence of so many similar totems in the same phratry1 they imagined that all were derived from one and the same totem2 it was necessary to give it a gigantic form so that in its very appearance it might conform to the considerable rle assigned to it in the history of the tribe4 ,now the ,wollunqua is the object of ceremonies not differing in nature from those which we have already studied3 they are representations in which are portrayed the principal events of its fabulous life4 ,they show it coming out of the ground and passing from one locality to another2 they represent different episodes in its voyages1 etc4 ,spencer and ,gillen assisted at fifteen ceremonies of this sort which took place between the #bgth of ,july and the #bcrd of ,august1 all being linked together in a determined order1 in such a way as to form a veritable cycle4#abjg ,in the details of the rites constituting it1 this long celebration is therefore indistinct from the ordinary ,intichiuma of the ,warramunga1 as is recognized by the authors who have described it to us4#abjh ,but1 on the other hand1 it is an ,intichiuma which could not have the object of assuring the fecundity of an animal or vegetable species1 for the ,wollunqua is a species all by itself and does not reproduce4 ,it exists1 and the natives do not seem to feel that it has need of a cult to preserve it in its existence4 ,these ceremonies not only seem to lack the efficacy of the classic ,intichiuma1 but it even seems as though they have no material efficacy of any sort4 ,the ,wollunqua is not a divinity set over a special order of natural phenomena1 so they expect no definite service from him in exchange for the cult4 ,of course they say that if the ritual prescriptions are badly observed1 the ,wollunqua becomes angry1 leaves his retreat and comes to punish his worshippers for their negligence2 and inversely1 when everything passes regularly1 they are led to believe that they will be fortunate and that some happy event will take place2 but it is quite evident that these possible sanctions are an after-thought to explain the rite4 ,after the ceremony had been established1 it seemed natural that it should serve for something1 and that the omission of the prescribed observances should therefore expose one to grave dangers4 ,but it was not established to forestall these mythical dangers or to assure particular advantages4 ,the natives1 moreover1 have only the very haziest ideas of them4 ,when the whole ceremony is completed1 the old men announce that if the ,wollunqua is pleased1 he will send rain4 ,but it is not to have rain that they go through with the celebration4#abji ,they celebrate it because their ancestors did1 because they are attached to it as to a highly respected tradition and because they leave it with a feeling of moral well-being4 ,other considerations have only a complimentary part2 they may serve to strengthen the worshippers in the attitude prescribed by the rite1 but they are not the reason for the existence of this attitude4 ,so we have here a whole group of ceremonies whose sole purpose is to awaken certain ideas and sentiments1 to attach the present to the past or the individual to the group4 ,not only are they unable to serve useful ends1 but the worshippers themselves demand none4 ,this is still another proof that the psychical state in which the assembled group happens to be constitutes the only solid and stable basis of what we may call the ritual mentality4 ,the beliefs which attribute such or such a physical efficaciousness to the rites are wholly accessory and contingent1 for they may be lacking without causing any alteration in the essentials of the rite4 ,thus the ceremonies of the ,wollunqua show even better than the preceding ones the fundamental function of the positive cult4 ,if we have insisted especially upon these solemnities1 it is because of their exceptional importance4 ,but there are others with exactly the same character4 ,thus1 the ,warramunga have a totem of the laughing boy4 ,spencer and ,gillen say that the clan bearing this name has the same organization as the other totemic groups4 ,like them1 it has its sacred places 7mungai7 where the founder-ancestor celebrated ceremonies in the fabulous times1 and where he left behind him spirit-children who became the men of the clan2 the rites connected with this totem are indistinguishable from those relating to the animal or vegetable totems4#abaj ,yet it is evident that they could not have any physical efficaciousness4 ,they consist in a series of four ceremonies which repeat one another more or less1 but which are intended only to amuse and to provoke laughter by laughter1 in fine1 to maintain the gaiety and good-humour which the group has as its speciality4#abaa ,we find more than one totem among the ,arunta themselves which has no other ,intichiuma4 ,we have seen that among this people1 the irregularities and depressions of the land1 which mark the places where some ancestor sojourned1 sometimes serve as totems4#abab ,ceremonies are attached to these totems which are manifestly incapable of physical effects of any sort4 ,they can consist only in representations whose object is to commemorate the past1 and they can aim at no end beyond this commemoration4#abac ,while they enable us to understand the nature of the cult better1 these ritual representations also put into evidence an important element of religion3 this is the recreative and esthetic element4 ,we have already had occasion to show that they are closely akin to dramatic representations4#abad ,this kinship appears with still greater clarity in the latter ceremonies of which we have spoken4 ,not only do they employ the same processes as the real drama1 but they also pursue an end of the same sort3 being foreign to all utilitarian ends1 they make men forget the real world and transport them into another where their imagination is more at ease2 they distract4 ,they sometimes even go so far as to have the outward appearance of a recreation3 the assistants may be seen laughing and amusing themselves openly4#abae ,representative rites and collective recreations are even so close to one another that men pass from one sort to the other without any break of continuity4 ,the characteristic feature of the properly religious ceremonies is that they must be celebrated on a consecrated ground1 from which women and non-initiated persons are excluded4#abaf ,but there are others in which this religious character is somewhat effaced1 though it has not disappeared completely4 ,they take place outside the ceremonial ground1 which proves that they are already laicized to a certain degree2 but profane persons1 women and children1 are not yet admitted to them4 ,so they are on the boundary between the two domains4 ,they generally deal with legendary personages1 but ones having no regular place in the frame-work of the totemic religion4 ,they are spirits1 more generally malevolent ones1 having relations with the magicians rather than the ordinary believers1 and sorts of bugbears1 in whom men do not believe with the same degree of seriousness and firmness of conviction as in the proper totemic beings and things4#abag ,as the bonds by which the events and personages represented are attached to the history of the tribe relax1 these take on a proportionately more unreal appearance1 while the corresponding ceremonies change in nature4 ,thus men enter into the domain of pure fancy1 and pass from the commemorative rite to the ordinary corrobbori1 a simple public merry-making1 which has nothing religious about it and in which all may take part indifferently4 ,perhaps some of these representations1 whose sole object now is to distract1 are ancient rites1 whose character has been changed4 ,in fact1 the distinction between these two sorts of ceremonies is so variable that it is impossible to state with precision to which of the two kinds they belong4#abah ,it is a well-known fact that games and the principal forms of art seem to have been born of religion and that for a long time they retained a religious character4#abai ,we now see what the reasons for this are3 it is because the cult1 though aimed primarily at other ends1 has also been a sort of recreation for men4 ,religion has not played this rle by hazard or owing to a happy chance1 but through a necessity of its nature4 ,though1 as we have established1 religious thought is something very different from a system of fictions1 still the realities to which it corresponds express themselves religiously only when religion transfigures them4 ,between society as it is objectively and the sacred things which express it symbolically1 the distance is considerable4 ,it has been necessary that the impressions really felt by men1 which served as the original matter of this construction1 should be interpreted1 elaborated and transformed until they became unrecognizable4 ,so the world of religious things is a partially imaginary world1 though only in its outward form1 and one which therefore lends itself more readily to the free creations of the mind4 ,also1 since the intellectual forces which serve to make it are intense and tumultuous1 the unique task of expressing the real with the aid of appropriate symbols is not enough to occupy them4 ,a surplus generally remains available which seeks to employ itself in supplementary and superfluous works of luxury1 that is to say1 in works of art4 ,there are practices as well as beliefs of this sort4 ,the state of effervescence in which the assembled worshippers find themselves must be translated outwardly by exuberant movements which are not easily subjected to too carefully defined ends4 ,in part1 they escape aimlessly1 they spread themselves for the mere pleasure of so doing1 and they take delight in all sorts of games4 ,besides1 in so far as the beings to whom the cult is addressed are imaginary1 they are not able to contain and regulate this exuberance2 the pressure of tangible and resisting realities is required to confine activities to exact and economical forms4 ,therefore one exposes oneself to grave misunderstandings if1 in explaining rites1 he believes that each gesture has a precise object and a definite reason for its existence4 ,there are some which serve nothing2 they merely answer the need felt by worshippers for action1 motion1 gesticulation4 ,they are to be seen jumping1 whirling1 dancing1 crying and singing1 though it may not always be possible to give a meaning to all this agitation4 ,therefore religion would not be itself if it did not give some place to the free combinations of thought and activity1 to play1 to art1 to all that recreates the spirit that has been fatigued by the too great slavishness of daily work3 the very same causes which called it into existence make it a necessity4 ,art is not merely an external ornament with which the cult has adorned itself in order to dissimulate certain of its features which may be too austere and too rude2 but rather1 in itself1 the cult is something sthetic4 ,owing to the well-known connection which mythology has with poetry1 some have wished to exclude the former from religion2#abbj the truth is that there is a poetry inherent in all religion4 ,the representative rites which have just been studied make this aspect of the religious life manifest2 but there are scarcely any rites which do not present it to some degree4 ,one would certainly commit the gravest error if he saw only this one aspect of religion1 or if he even exaggerated its importance4 ,when a rite serves only to distract1 it is no longer a rite4 ,the moral forces expressed by religious symbols are real forces with which we must reckon and with which we cannot do what we will4 ,even when the cult aims at producing no physical effects1 but limits itself to acting on the mind1 its action is in quite a different way from that of a pure work of art4 ,the representations which it seeks to awaken and maintain in our minds are not vain images which correspond to nothing in reality1 and which we call up aimlessly for the mere satisfaction of seeing them appear and combine before our eyes4 ,they are as necessary for the well working of our moral life as our food is for the maintenance of our physical life1 for it is through them that the group affirms and maintains itself1 and we know the point to which this is indispensable for the individual4 ,so a rite is something different from a game2 it is a part of the serious life4 ,but if its unreal and imaginary element is not essential1 nevertheless it plays a part which is by no means negligible4 ,it has its share in the feeling of comfort which the worshipper draws from the rite performed2 for recreation is one of the forms of the moral remaking which is the principal object of the positive rite4 ,after we have acquitted ourselves of our ritual duties1 we enter into the profane life with increased courage and ardour1 not only because we come into relations with a superior source of energy1 but also because our forces have been reinvigorated by living1 for a few moments1 in a life that is less strained1 and freer and easier4 ,hence religion acquires a charm which is not among the slightest of its attractions4 ,this is why the very idea of a religious ceremony of some importance awakens the idea of a feast4 ,inversely1 every feast1 even when it has purely lay origins1 has certain characteristics of the religious ceremony1 for in every case its effect is to bring men together1 to put the masses into movement and thus to excite a state of effervescence1 and sometimes even of delirium1 which is not without a certain kinship with the religious state4 ,a man is carried outside himself and diverted from his ordinary occupation and preoccupations4 ,thus the same manifestations are to be observed in each case3 cries1 songs1 music1 violent movements1 dances1 the search for exciteants which raise the vital level1 etc4 ,it has frequently been remarked that popular feasts lead to excesses1 and cause men to lose sight of the distinction separating the licit from the illicit2#abba there are also religious ceremonies which make it almost necessary to violate the rules which are ordinarily the most respected4#abbb ,of course this does not mean that there is no way to distinguish these two forms of public activity4 ,the simple merry-making1 the profane corrobbori1 has no serious object1 while1 as a whole1 a ritual ceremony always has an important end4 ,still it is to be remembered that there is perhaps no merry-making in which the serious life does not have some echo4 ,the difference consists rather in the unequal proportions in which the two elements are combined4 ,,iii ,a more general fact confirms the views which precede4 ,in their first book1 ,spencer and ,gillen presented the ,intichiuma as a perfectly definite ritual entity3 they spoke of it as though it were an operation destined exclusively for the assurance of the reproduction of the totemic species1 and it seemed as though it ought to lose all meaning1 if this unique function were set aside4 ,but in their ,northern ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 the same authors use a different language1 though perhaps without noticing it4 ,they recognize that these same ceremonies may take place either in the regular ,intichiuma or in the initiation rites4#abbc ,so they serve equally in the making of animals or plants of the totemic species1 or in conferring upon novices the qualities necessary to make them regular members of the men's society4#abbd ,from this point of view1 the ,intichiuma takes on a new aspect4 ,it is no longer a distinct ritual mechanism1 resting upon principles of its own1 but a particular application of more general ceremonies which may be utilized for very different ends4 ,for this reason1 in their later work1 before speaking of the ,intichiuma and the initiation they consecrate a special chapter to the totemic ceremonies in general1 making abstraction of the diverse forms which they may take1 according to the ends for which they are employed4#abbe ,this fundamental indetermination of the totemic ceremonies was only indicated by ,spencer and ,gillen1 and rather indirectly at that2 but it has now been confirmed by ,strehlow in more explicit terms4 ,when they lead the young novices through the different feasts of the initiation1 he says1 they perform before them a series of ceremonies which1 though reproducing1 even in their most characteristic details1 the rites of the regular cult 7viz4 the rites which ,spencer and ,gillen call the ,intichiuma71 do not have1 nevertheless1 the end of multiplying the corresponding totem and causing it to prosper4#abbf ,it is the same ceremony which serves in the two cases2 the name alone is not the same4 ,when its special object is the reproduction of the species1 they call it mbatjalkatiuma and it is only when it is a part of the process of initiation that they give it the name ,intichiuma4#abbg ,moreover1 these two sorts of ceremonies are distinguished from one another among the ,arunta by certain secondary characteristics4 ,though the structure of the rite is the same in both cases1 still we know that the effusions of blood and1 more generally1 the oblations characteristic of the ,arunta ,intichiuma are not found in the initiation ceremonies4 ,moreover1 among this same people1 the ,intichiuma takes place at a spot regularly fixed by tradition1 to which men must make a pilgrimage1 while the scene of the initiation ceremonies is purely conventional4#abbh ,but when the ,intichiuma consists in a simple dramatic representation1 as is the case among the ,warramunga1 the lack of distinction between the two rites is complete4 ,in the one as in the other1 they commemorate the past1 they put the myth into action1 they play--and one cannot play in two materially different ways4 ,so1 according to the circumstances1 one and the same ceremony serves two distinct functions4#abbi ,it may even lend itself to other uses4 ,we know that as blood is a sacred thing1 women must not see it flow4 ,yet it happens sometimes that a quarrel breaks out in their presence and ends in the shedding of blood4 ,thus an infraction of the ritual is committed4 ,among the ,arunta1 the man whose blood flowed first must1 to atone for this fault1 celebrate a ceremony connected with the totem either of his father or of his mother2#abcj this ceremony has a special name1 ,alua uparilima1 which means the washing away of blood4 ,but in itself1 it does not differ from those celebrated at the time of the initiation or in the ,intichiuma3 it represents an event of ancestral history4 ,so it may serve equally to initiate1 to act upon the totemic species or to expiate a sacrilege4 ,we shall see that a totemic ceremony may also take the place of a funeral rite4#abca ,,mm4 ,hubert and ,mauss have already pointed out a functional ambiguity of this same sort in the case of sacrifice1 and more especially1 in that of ,hindu sacrifice4#abcb ,they have shown how the sacrifice of communion1 that of expiation1 that of a vow and that of a contract are only variations of one and the same mechanism4 ,we now see that the fact is much more primitive1 and in no way limited to the institution of sacrifice4 ,perhaps no rite exists which does not present a similar indetermination4 ,the mass serves for marriages as for burials2 it redeems the faults of the dead and wins the favours of the deity for the living1 etc4 ,fasting is an expiation and a penance2 but it is also a preparation for communion2 it even confers positive virtues4 ,this ambiguity shows that the real function of a rite does not consist in the particular and definite effects which it seems to aim at and by which it is ordinarily characterized1 but rather in a general action which1 though always and everywhere the same1 is nevertheless capable of taking on different forms according to the circumstances4 ,now this is just what is demanded by the theory which we have proposed4 ,if the real function of the cult is to awaken within the worshippers a certain state of soul1 composed of moral force and confidence1 and if the various effects imputed to the rites are due only to a secondary and variable determination of this fundamental state1 it is not surprising if a single rite1 while keeping the same composition and structure1 seems to produce various effects4 ,for the mental dispositions1 the excitation of which is its permanent function1 remain the same in every case2 they depend upon the fact that the group is assembled1 and not upon the special reasons for which it is assembled4 ,but1 on the other hand1 they are interpreted differently according to the circumstances to which they are applied4 ,is it a physical result which they wish to obtain8 ,the confidence they feel convinces them that the desired result is or will be obtained by the means employed4 ,has some one committed a fault for which he wishes to atone8 ,the same state of moral assurance will lead him to attribute expiatory virtues to these same ritual gestures4 ,thus1 the apparent efficacy will seem to change while the real efficacy remains invariable1 and the rite will seem to fulfil various functions though in fact it has only one1 which is always the same4 ,inversely1 just as a single rite may serve many ends1 so many rites may produce the same effect and mutually replace one another4 ,to assure the reproduction of the totemic species1 one may have recourse equally to oblations1 to imitative practices or to commemorative representations4 ,this aptitude of rites for substituting themselves for one another proves once more both their plasticity and the extreme generality of the useful action which they exercise4 ,the essential thing is that men are assembled1 that sentiments are felt in common and expressed in common acts2 but the particular nature of these sentiments and acts is something relatively secondary and contingent4 ,to become conscious of itself1 the group does not need to perform certain acts in preference to all others4 ,the necessary thing is that it partakes of the same thought and the same action2 the visible forms in which this communion takes place matter but little4 ,of course1 these external forms do not come by chance2 they have their reasons2 but these reasons do not touch the essential part of the cult4 ,so everything leads us back to this same idea3 before all1 rites are means by which the social group reaffirms itself periodically4 ,from this1 we may be able to reconstruct hypothetically the way in which the totemic cult should have arisen originally4 ,men who feel themselves united1 partially by bonds of blood1 but still more by a community of interest and tradition1 assemble and become conscious of their moral unity4 ,for the reasons which we have set forth1 they are led to represent this unity in the form of a very special kind of consubstantiality3 they think of themselves as all participating in the nature of some determined animal4 ,under these circumstances1 there is only one way for them to affirm their collective existence3 this is to affirm that they are like the animals of this species1 and to do so not only in the silence of their own thoughts1 but also by material acts4 ,these are the acts which make up the cult1 and they obviously can consist only in movements by which the man imitates the animal with which he identifies himself4 ,when understood thus1 the imitative rites appear as the first form of the cult4 ,it will be thought that this is attributing a very considerable historical importance to practices which1 at first view1 give the effect of childish games4 ,but1 as we have shown1 these nave and awkward gestures and these crude processes of representation translate and maintain a sentiment of pride1 confidence and veneration wholly comparable to that expressed by the worshippers in the most idealistic religions when1 being assembled1 they proclaim themselves the children of the almighty ,god4 ,for in the one case as in the other1 this sentiment is made up of the same impressions of security and respect which are awakened in individual consciousnesses by this great moral force which dominates them and sustains them1 and which is the collective force4 ,the other rites which we have been studying are probably only variations of this essential rite4 ,when the close union of the animal and men has once been admitted1 men feel acutely the necessity of assuring the regular reproduction of the principal object of the cult4 ,these imitative practices1 which probably had only a moral end at first1 thus became subordinated to utilitarian and material ends1 and they were thought of as means of producing the desired result4 ,but proportionately as1 through the development of mythology1 the ancestral hero1 who was at first confused with the totemic animal1 distinguished himself more and more1 and became a more personal figure1 the imitation of the ancestor was substituted for the imitation of the animal1 or took a place beside it1 and then representative ceremonies replaced or completed the imitative rites4 ,finally1 to be surer of attaining the end they sought1 men felt the need of putting into action all the means at their disposal4 ,close at hand they had reserves of living forces accumulated in the sacred rocks1 so they utilized them2 since the blood of the men was of the same nature as that of the animal1 they used it for the same purpose and shed it4 ,inversely1 owing to this same kinship1 men used the flesh of the animal to remake their own substance4 ,hence came the rites of oblation and communion4 ,but1 at bottom1 all these different practices are only variations of one and the same theme3 everywhere their basis is the same state of mind1 interpreted differently according to the situations1 the moments of history and the dispositions of the worshippers4 ,,chapter ,v ,,piacular ,,rites ,,and ,,the ,,ambiguity ,,of ,,the ,,notion ,,of ,,sacredness ,howsoever much they may differ from one another in the nature of the gestures they imply1 the positive rites which we have been passing under review have one common characteristic3 they are all performed in a state of confidence1 joy and even enthusiasm4 ,though the expectation of a future and contingent event is not without a certain uncertainty1 still it is normal that the rain fall when the season for it comes1 and that the animal and vegetable species reproduce regularly4 ,oft-repeated experiences have shown that the rites generally do produce the effects which are expected of them and which are the reason for their existence4 ,men celebrate them with confidence1 joyfully anticipating the happy event which they prepare and announce4 ,whatever movements men perform participate in this same state of mind3 of course1 they are marked with the gravity which a religious solemnity always supposes1 but this gravity excludes neither animation nor joy4 ,these are all joyful feasts4 ,but there are sad celebrations as well1 whose object is either to meet a calamity1 or else merely to commemorate and deplore it4 ,these rites have a special aspect1 which we are going to attempt to characterize and explain4 ,it is the more necessary to study them by themselves since they are going to reveal a new aspect of the religious life to us4 ,we propose to call the ceremonies of this sort piacular4 ,the term piaculum has the advantage that while it suggests the idea of expiation1 it also has a much more extended signification4 ,every misfortune1 everything of evil omen1 everything that inspires sentiments of sorrow or fear necessitates a piaculum and is therefore called piacular4#abcc ,so this word seems to be very well adapted for designating the rites which are celebrated by those in a state of uneasiness or sadness4 ,i ,mourning offers us a first and important example of piacular rites4 ,however1 a distinction is necessary between the different rites which go to make up mourning4 ,some consist in mere abstentions3 it is forbidden to pronounce the name of the dead1#abcd or to remain near the place where the death occurred2#abce relatives1 especially the female ones1 must abstain from all communication with strangers2#abcf the ordinary occupations of life are suspended1 just as in feast-time1#abcg etc4 ,all these practices belong to the negative cult and are explained like the other rites of the same sort1 so they do not concern us at present4 ,they are due to the fact that the dead man is a sacred being4 ,consequently1 everything which is or has been connected with him is1 by contagion1 in a religious state excluding all contact with things from profane life4 ,but mourning is not made up entirely of interdicts which have to be observed4 ,positive acts are also demanded1 in which the relatives are both the actors and those acted upon4 ,very frequently these rites commence as soon as the death appears imminent4 ,here is a scene which ,spencer and ,gillen witnessed among the ,warramunga4 ,a totemic ceremony had just been celebrated and the company of actors and spectators was leaving the consecrated ground when a piercing cry suddenly came from the camp3 a man was dying there4 ,at once1 the whole company commenced to run as fast as they could1 while most of them commenced to howl4 ,between us and the camp1 say these observers1 lay a deep creek1 and on the bank of this1 some of the men1 scattered about here and there1 sat down1 bending their heads forwards between their knees1 while they wept and moaned4 ,crossing the creek we found that1 as usual1 the men's camp had been pulled to pieces4 ,some of the women1 who had come from every direction1 were lying prostrate on the body1 while others were standing or kneeling around1 digging the sharp ends of yam-sticks into the crown of their heads1 from which the blood streamed down over their faces1 while all the time they kept up a loud1 continuous wail4 ,many of the men1 rushing up to the spot1 threw themselves upon the body1 from which the women arose when the men approached1 until in a few minutes we could see nothing but a struggling mass of bodies all mixed up together4 ,to one side1 three men of the ,thapungarti class1 who still wore their ceremonial decorations1 sat down wailing loudly1 with their backs towards the dying man1 and in a minute or two another man of the same class rushed on to the ground yelling and brandishing a stone knife4 ,reaching the camp1 he suddenly gashed both thighs deeply1 cutting right across the muscles1 and1 unable to stand1 fell down into the middle of the group1 from which he was dragged out after a time by three or four female relatives1 who immediately applied their mouths to the gaping wounds while he lay exhausted on the ground4 ,the man did not actually die until late in the evening4 ,as soon as he had given up his last breath1 the same scene was re-enacted1 only this time the wailing was still louder1 and men and women1 seized by a veritable frenzy1 were rushing about cutting themselves with knives and sharp-pointed sticks1 the women battering one another's heads with fighting clubs1 no one attempting to ward off either cuts or blows4 ,finally1 after about an hour1 a torchlight procession started off across the plain1 to a tree in whose branches the body was left4#abch ,howsoever great the violence of these manifestations may be1 they are strictly regulated by etiquette4 ,the individuals who make bloody incisions in themselves are designated by usage3 they must have certain relations of kinship with the dead man4 ,thus1 in the case observed by ,spencer and ,gillen among the ,warramunga1 those who slashed their thighs were the maternal grandfather of the deceased1 his maternal uncle1 and the maternal uncle and brother of his wife4#abci ,others must cut their whiskers and hair1 and then smear their scalps with pipe-clay4 ,women have particularly severe obligations4 ,they must cut their hair and cover the whole body with pipe-clay2 in addition to this1 a strict silence is imposed upon them during the whole period of mourning1 which may last as long as two years4 ,it is not rare among the ,warramunga that1 as a result of this interdiction1 all the women of a camp are condemned to the most absolute silence4 ,this becomes so habitual to them that even after the expiration of the period of mourning1 they voluntarily renounce all spoken language and prefer to communicate with gestures--in which1 by the way1 they acquire a remarkable ability4 ,spencer and ,gillen knew one old woman who had not spoken for over twenty-four years4#abdj ,the ceremony which we have described opens a long series of rites which succeed one another for weeks and even for months4 ,during the days which follow1 they are renewed in various forms4 ,groups of men and women sit on the ground1 weeping and lamenting1 and kissing each other at certain moments4 ,these ritual kissings are repeated frequently during the period of mourning4 ,it seems as though men felt a need of coming close together and communicating most closely2 they are to be seen holding to each other and wound together so much as to make one single mass1 from which loud groans escape4#abda ,meanwhile1 the women commence to lacerate their heads again1 and1 in order to intensify the wounds they make1 they even go so far as to burn them with the points of fiery sticks4#abdb ,practices of this sort are general in all ,australia4 ,the funeral rites1 that is1 the ritual cares given to the corpse1 the way in which it is buried1 etc41 change with different tribes1#abdc and in a single tribe they vary with the age1 sex and social importance of the individual4#abdd ,but the real ceremonies of mourning repeat the same theme everywhere2 the variations are only in the details4 ,everywhere we find this same silence interrupted by groans1#abde the same obligation of cutting the hair and beard1#abdf or of covering one's head with pipe-clay or cinders1 or perhaps even with excrements2#abdg everywhere1 finally1 we find this same frenzy for beating one's self1 lacerating one's self and burning one's self4 ,in central ,victoria1 when death visits a tribe there is great weeping and lamentation amongst the women1 the elder portion of whom lacerate their temples with their nails4 ,the parents of the deceased lacerate themselves fearfully1 especially if it be an only son whose loss they deplore4 ,the father beats and cuts his head with a tomahawk until he utters bitter groans1 the mother sits by the fire and burns her breasts and abdomen with a small fire-stick4 ,sometimes the burns thus inflicted are so severe as to cause death4#abdh ,according to an account of ,brough ,smyth1 here is what happens in one of the southern tribes of the same state4 ,as the body is lowered into the grave1 the widow begins her sad ceremonies4 ,she cuts off her hair above her forehead1 and becoming frantic1 seizes fire-sticks1 and burns her breasts1 arms1 legs and thighs4 ,she seems to delight in the self-inflicted torture4 ,it would be rash and vain to interrupt her4 ,when exhausted1 and when she can hardly walk1 she yet endeavours to kick the embers of the fire1 and to throw them about4 ,sitting down1 she takes the ashes into her hands1 rubs them into her wounds1 and then scratches her face 7the only part not touched by the fire-sticks7 until the blood mingles with the ashes1 which partly hide her cruel wounds4 ,in this plight1 scratching her face continually1 she utters howls and lamentations4#abdi ,the description which ,howitt gives of the rites of mourning among the ,kurnai is remarkably similar to these others4 ,after the body has been wrapped up in opossum skins and put in a shroud of bark1 a hut is built in which the relatives assemble4 ,there they lay lamenting their loss1 saying1 for instance1 ',why did you leave us8' ,now and then their grief would be intensified by some one1 for instance1 the wife1 uttering an ear-piercing wail1 ',my spouse is dead1' or another would say1 ',my child is dead4' ,all the others would then join in with the proper term of relationship1 and they would gash themselves with sharp stones and tomahawks until their heads and bodies streamed with blood4 ,this bitter wailing and weeping continued all night4#abej ,sadness is not the only sentiment expressed during these ceremonies2 a sort of anger is generally mixed with it4 ,the relatives feel a need of avenging the death in some way or other4 ,they are to be seen throwing themselves upon one another and trying to wound each other4 ,sometimes the attack is real2 sometimes it is only pretended4#abea ,there are even cases when these peculiar combats are organized4 ,among the ,kaitish1 the hair of the deceased passes by right to his son-in-law4 ,but he1 in return1 must go1 in company with some of his relatives and friends1 and provoke a quarrel with one of his tribal brothers1 that is1 with a man belonging to the same matrimonial class as himself and one who might therefore have married the daughter of the dead man4 ,this provocation cannot be refused and the two combatants inflict serious wounds upon each other's shoulders and thighs4 ,when the duel is terminated1 the challenger passes on to his adversary the hair which he had temporarily inherited4 ,this latter then provokes and fights with another of his tribal brothers1 to whom the precious relic is next transmitted1 but only provisionally2 thus it passes from hand to hand and circulates from group to group4#abeb ,also1 something of these same sentiments enters into that sort of rage with which each relative beats himself1 burns himself or slashes himself3 a sorrow which reaches such a paroxysm is not without a certain amount of anger4 ,one cannot fail to be struck by the resemblances which these practices present to those of the vendetta4 ,both proceed from the same principle that death demands the shedding of blood4 ,the only difference is that in one case the victims are the relatives1 while in the other they are strangers4 ,we do not have to treat especially of the vendetta1 which belongs rather to the study of juridic institutions2 but it should be pointed out1 nevertheless1 how it is connected with the rites of mourning1 whose end it announces4#abec ,in certain societies1 the mourning is terminated by a ceremony whose effervescence reaches or surpasses that produced by the inaugural ceremonies4 ,among the ,arunta1 this closing rite is called ,urpmilchima4 ,spencer and ,gillen assisted at two of these rites4 ,one was celebrated in honour of a man1 the other of a woman4 ,here is the description they give of the latter4#abed ,they commence by making some ornaments of a special sort1 called ,chimurilia by the men and ,aramurilia by the women4 ,with a kind of resin1 they fixed small animal bones1 which had previously been gathered and set aside1 to locks of hair furnished by the relatives of the dead woman4 ,these are then attached to one of the head-bands which women ordinarily wear and the feathers of black cockatoos and parrots are added to it4 ,when these preparations are completed1 the women assemble in their camp4 ,they paint their bodies different colours1 according to their degree of kinship with the deceased4 ,after being embraced by one another for some ten minutes1 while uttering uninterrupted groans1 they set out for the tomb4 ,at a certain distance1 they meet a brother by blood of the dead woman1 who is accompanied by some of his tribal brothers4 ,everybody sits down on the ground1 and the lamentations recommence4 ,a pitchi#abee containing the ,chimurilia is then presented to the elder brother1 who presses it against his stomach2 they say that this is a way of lessening his sorrow4 ,they take out one of the ,chimurilia and the dead woman's mother puts it on her head for a little while2 then it is put back into the pitchi1 which each of the other men presses against his breast1 in his turn4 ,finally1 the brother puts the ,chimurilia on the heads of two elder sisters and they set out again for the tomb4 ,on the way1 the mother throws herself on the ground several times1 and tries to slash her head with a pointed stick4 ,every time1 the other women pick her up1 and seem to take care that she does not hurt herself too much4 ,when they arrive at the tomb1 she throws herself on the knoll and endeavours to destroy it with her hands1 while the other women literally dance upon her4 ,the tribal mothers and aunts 7sisters of the dead woman's father7 follow her example2 they also throw themselves on the ground1 and mutually beat and tear each other2 finally their bodies are all streaming with blood4 ,after a while1 they are dragged aside4 ,the elder sisters then make a hole in the earth of the tomb1 in which they place the ,chimurilia1 which had previously been torn to pieces4 ,once again the tribal mothers throw themselves on the ground and slash each other's heads4 ,at this moment1 the weeping and wailing of the women who were standing round seemed to drive them almost frenzied1 and the blood1 streaming down their bodies over the white pipe-clay1 gave them a ghastly appearance4 ,at last only the old mother was left crouching alone1 utterly exhausted and moaning weakly on the grave4#abef ,then the others raised her up and rubbed off the pipe-clay with which she was covered2 this was the end of the ceremony and of the mourning4#abef ,among the ,warramunga1 the final rite presents some rather particular characteristics4 ,there seems to be no shedding of blood here1 but the collective effervescence is translated in another manner4 ,among his people1 before the body is definitely interred1 it is exposed upon a platform placed in the branches of a tree2 it is left there to decompose slowly1 until nothing remains but the bones4 ,then these are gathered together and1 with the exception of the humerus1 they are placed inside an ant-hill4 ,the humerus is wrapped up in a bark box1 which is decorated in different manners4 ,the box is then brought to camp1 amid the cries and groans of the women4 ,during the following days1 they celebrate a series of totemic rites1 concerning the totem of the deceased and the mythical history of the ancestors from whom the clan is descended4 ,when all these ceremonies have been terminated1 they proceed to the closing rite4 ,a trench one foot deep and fifteen feet long is dug in the field of the ceremony4 ,a design representing the totem of the deceased and certain spots where the ancestor stopped is made on the ground a little distance from it4 ,near this design1 a little ditch is dug in the ground4 ,ten decorated men then advance1 one behind another1 and with their hands crossed behind their heads and their legs wide apart they stand astraddle the trench4 ,at a given signal1 the women run from the camp in a profound silence2 when they are near1 they form in ,indian file1 the last one holding in her hands the box containing the humerus4 ,then1 after throwing themselves on the ground1 they advance on their hands and knees1 and pass all along the trench1 between the legs of the men4 ,the scene shows a state of great sexual excitement4 ,as soon as the last woman has passed1 they take the box from her1 and take it to the ditch1 near which is an old man2 he breaks the bone with a sharp blow1 and hurriedly buries it in the debris4 ,during this time1 the women have remained at a distance1 with their backs turned upon the scene1 for they must not see it4 ,but when they hear the blow of the axe1 they flee1 uttering cries and groans4 ,the rite is accomplished2 the mourning is terminated4#abeg ,,ii ,these rites belong to a very different type from those which we have studied hitherto4 ,we do not mean to say that important resemblances cannot be found between the two1 which we shall have to note2 but the differences are more apparent4 ,instead of happy dances1 songs and dramatic representations which distract and relax the mind1 they are tears and groans and1 in a word1 the most varied manifestations of agonized sorrow and a sort of mutual pity1 which occupy the whole scene4 ,of course the shedding of blood also takes place in the ,intichiuma1 but this is an oblation made with a movement of pious enthusiasm4 ,even though the motions may be the same1 the sentiments expressed are different and even opposed4 ,likewise1 the ascetic rites certainly imply privations1 abstinences and mutilations1 but ones which must be borne with an impassive firmness and serenity4 ,here1 on the contrary1 dejection1 cries and tears are the rule4 ,the ascetic tortures himself in order to prove1 in his own eyes and those of his fellows1 that he is above suffering4 ,during mourning1 men injure themselves to prove that they suffer4 ,by all these signs1 the characteristic traits of the piacular rites are to be recognized4 ,but how are they to be explained8 ,one initial fact is constant3 mourning is not the spontaneous expression of individual emotions4#abeh ,if the relations weep1 lament1 mutilate themselves1 it is not because they feel themselves personally affected by the death of their kinsman4 ,of course1 it may be that in certain particular cases1 the chagrin expressed is really felt4#abei ,but it is more generally the case that there is no connection between the sentiments felt and the gestures made by the actors in the rite4#abfj ,if1 at the very moment when the weepers seem the most overcome by their grief1 some one speaks to them of some temporal interest1 it frequently happens that they change their features and tone at once1 take on a laughing air and converse in the gayest fashion imaginable4#abfa ,mourning is not a natural movement of private feelings wounded by a cruel loss2 it is a duty imposed by the group4 ,one weeps1 not simply because he is sad1 but because he is forced to weep4 ,it is a ritual attitude which he is forced to adopt out of respect for custom1 but which is1 in a large measure1 independent of his affective state4 ,moreover1 this obligation is sanctioned by mythical or social penalties4 ,they believe1 for example1 that if a relative does not mourn as is fitting1 then the soul of the departed follows upon his steps and kills him4#abfb ,in other cases1 society does not leave it to the religious forces to punish the negligent2 it intervenes itself1 and reprimands the ritual faults4 ,if a son-in-law does not render to his father-in-law the funeral attentions which are due him1 and if he does not make the prescribed incisions1 then his tribal fathers-in-law take his wife away from him and give him another4#abfc ,therefore1 in order to square himself with usage1 a man sometimes forces tears to flow by artificial means4#abfd ,whence comes this obligation8 ,ethnographers and sociologists are generally satisfied with the reply which the natives themselves give to this question4 ,they say that the dead wish to be lamented1 that by refusing them the tribute of sorrow which is their right1 men offend them1 and that the only way of preventing their anger is to conform to their will4#abfe ,but this mythological interpretation merely modifies the terms of the problem1 without resolving it2 it is still necessary to explain why the dead imperatively reclaim the mourning4 ,it may be said that it is natural for men to wish to be mourned and regretted4 ,but in making this sentiment explain the complex system of rites which make up mourning1 we attribute to the ,australian affective exigencies of which the civilized man himself does not always give evidence4 ,let us admit--as is not evident a priori--that the idea of not being forgotten too readily is pleasing to a man who thinks of the future4 ,it is still to be established that it has ever had enough importance in the minds of the living for one to attribute to the dead a state of mind proceeding almost entirely from this preoccupation4 ,it seems especially improbable that such a sentiment could obsess and impassion men who are seldom accustomed to thinking beyond the present moment4 ,so far is it from being a fact that the desire to survive in the memory of those who are still alive is to be regarded as the origin of mourning1 that we may even ask ourselves whether it was not rather mourning itself which1 when once established1 aroused the idea of and the taste for posthumous regrets4 ,the classic interpretation appears still more unsustainable when we know what the primitive mourning consists in4 ,it is not made up merely of pious regrets accorded to him who no longer is1 but also of severe abstinences and cruel sacrifices4 ,the rite does not merely demand that one think of the deceased in a melancholy way1 but also that he beat himself1 bruise himself1 lacerate himself and burn himself4 ,we have even seen that persons in mourning sometimes torture themselves to such a degree that they do not survive their wounds4 ,what reason has the dead man for imposing such torments upon them8 ,such a cruelty on his part denotes something more than a desire not to be forgotten4 ,if he is to find pleasure in seeing his own suffer1 it is necessary that he hate them1 that he be thirsty for their blood4 ,this ferocity would undoubtedly appear natural to those for whom every spirit is necessarily an evil and redoubted power4 ,but we know that there are spirits of every sort2 how does it happen that the soul of the dead man is necessarily an evil spirit8 ,as long as the man is alive1 he loves his relatives and exchanges services with them4 ,is it not strange that as soon as it is freed from his body1 his soul should instantly lay aside its former sentiments and become an evil and tormenting genius8 ,it is a general rule that the dead man retains the personality of the living1 and that he has the same character1 the same hates and the same affections4 ,so this metamorphosis is not easily understandable by itself4 ,it is true that the natives admit it implicitly when they explain the rite by the exigencies of the dead man1 but the question now before us is to know whence this conception came4 ,far from being capable of being regarded as a truism1 it is as obscure as the rite itself1 and consequently cannot account for it4 ,finally1 even if we had found the reasons for this surprising transformation1 we would still have to explain why it is only temporary4 ,for it does not last beyond the period of mourning2 after the rites have once been accomplished1 the dead man becomes what he was when alive1 an affectionate and devoted relation4 ,he puts the new powers which he receives from his new condition at the service of his friends4#abff ,thenceforth1 he is regarded as a good genius1 always ready to aid those whom he was recently tormenting4 ,whence come these successive transfers8 ,if the evil sentiments attributed to the soul come solely from the fact that it is no longer in life1 they should remain invariable1 and if the mourning is due to this1 it should be interminable4 ,these mythical explanations express the idea which the native has of the rite1 and not the rite itself4 ,so we may set them aside and face the reality which they translate1 though disfiguring it in doing so4 ,if mourning differs from the other forms of the positive cult1 there is one feature in which it resembles them3 it1 too1 is made up out of collective ceremonies which produce a state of effervescence among those who take part in them4 ,the sentiments aroused are different2 but the arousal is the same4 ,so it is presumable that the explanation of the joyous rites is capable of being applied to the sad rites1 on condition that the terms be transposed4 ,when some one dies1 the family group to which he belongs feels itself lessened and1 to react against this loss1 it assembles4 ,a common misfortune has the same effects as the approach of a happy event3 collective sentiments are renewed which then lead men to seek one another and to assemble together4 ,we have even seen this need for concentration affirm itself with a particular energy3 they embrace one another1 put their arms round one another1 and press as close as possible to one another4 ,but the affective state in which the group then happens to be only reflects the circumstances through which it is passing4 ,not only do the relatives1 who are effected the most directly1 bring their own personal sorrow to the assembly1 but the society exercises a moral pressure over its members1 to put their sentiments in harmony with the situation4 ,to allow them to remain indifferent to the blow which has fallen upon it and diminished it1 would be equivalent to proclaiming that it does not hold the place in their hearts which is due it2 it would be denying itself4 ,a family which allows one of its members to die without being wept for shows by that very fact that it lacks moral unity and cohesion3 it abdicates2 it renounces its existence4 ,an individual in his turn1 if he is strongly attached to the society of which he is a member1 feels that he is morally held to participating in its sorrows and joys2 not to be interested in them would be equivalent to breaking the bonds uniting him to the group2 it would be renouncing all desire for it and contradicting himself4 ,when the ,christian1 during the ceremonies commemorating the ,passion1 and the ,jew1 on the anniversary of the fall of ,jerusalem1 fast and mortify themselves1 it is not in giving way to a sadness which they feel spontaneously4 ,under these circumstances1 the internal state of the believer is out of all proportion to the severe abstinences to which they submit themselves4 ,if he is sad1 it is primarily because he consents to being sad1 and he consents to it in order to affirm his faith4 ,the attitude of the ,australian during mourning is to be explained in the same way4 ,if he weeps and groans1 it is not merely to express an individual chagrin2 it is to fulfil a duty of which the surrounding society does not fail to remind him4 ,we have seen elsewhere how human sentiments are intensified when affirmed collectively4 ,sorrow1 like joy1 becomes exalted and amplified when leaping from mind to mind1 and therefore expresses itself outwardly in the form of exuberant and violent movements4 ,but these are no longer expressive of the joyful agitation which we observed before2 they are shrieks and cries of pain4 ,each is carried along by the others2 a veritable panic of sorrow results4 ,when pain reaches this degree of intensity1 it is mixed with a sort of anger and exasperation4 ,one feels the need of breaking something1 of destroying something4 ,he takes this out either upon himself or others4 ,he beats himself1 burns himself1 wounds himself or else he falls upon others to beat1 burn and wound them4 ,thus it became the custom to give one's self up to the veritable orgies of tortures during mourning4 ,it seems very probable that blood-revenge and head-hunting have their origin in this4 ,if every death is attributed to some magic charm1 and for this reason it is believed that the dead man ought to be avenged1 it is because men must find a victim at any price1 upon whom the collective pain and anger may be discharged4 ,naturally this victim is sought outside the group2 a stranger is a subject minoris resistenti2 as he is not protected by the sentiments of sympathy inspired by a relative or neighbour1 there is nothing in him which subdues and neutralizes the evil and destructive sentiments aroused by the death4 ,it is undoubtedly for this same reason that women serve more frequently than men as the passive objects of the cruellest rites of mourning2 since they have a smaller social value1 they are more obviously designated as scapegoats4 ,we see that this explanation of mourning completely leaves aside all ideas of souls or spirits4 ,the only forces which are really active are of a wholly impersonal nature3 they are the emotions aroused in the group by the death of one of its members4 ,but the primitive does not know the psychical mechanism from which these practices result4 ,so when he tries to account for them1 he is obliged to forge a wholly different explanation4 ,all he knows is that he must painfully mortify himself4 ,as every obligation suggests the notion of a will which obliges1 he looks about him to see whence this constraint which he feels may come4 ,now1 there is one moral power1 of whose reality he is assured and which seems designated for this rle3 this is the soul which the death has liberated4 ,for what could have a greater interest than it in the effects which its own death has on the living8 ,so they imagine that if these latter inflict an unnatural treatment upon themselves1 it is to conform to its exigencies4 ,it was thus that the idea of the soul must have intervened at a later date into the mythology of mourning4 ,but also1 since it is thus endowed with inhuman exigencies1 it must be supposed that in leaving the body which it animated1 the soul lays aside every human sentiment4 ,hence the metamorphosis which makes a dreaded enemy out of the relative of yesterday4 ,this transformation is not the origin of mourning2 it is rather its consequence4 ,it translates a change which has come over the affective state of the group3 men do not weep for the dead because they fear them2 they fear them because they weep for them4 ,but this change of the affective state can only be a temporary one1 for while the ceremonies of mourning result from it1 they also put an end to it4 ,little by little1 they neutralize the very causes which have given rise to them4 ,the foundation of mourning is the impression of a loss which the group feels when it loses one of its members4 ,but this very impression results in bringing individuals together1 in putting them into closer relations with one another1 in associating them all in the same mental state1 and therefore in disengaging a sensation of comfort which compensates the original loss4--,since they weep together1 they hold to one another and the group is not weakened1 in spite of the blow which has fallen upon it4 ,of course they have only sad emotions in common1 but communicating in sorrow is still communicating1 and every communion of mind1 in whatever form it may be made1 raises the social vitality4 ,the exceptional violence of the manifestations by which the common pain is necessarily and obligatorily expressed even testifies to the fact that at this moment1 the society is more alive and active than ever4 ,in fact1 whenever the social sentiment is painfully wounded1 it reacts with greater force than ordinarily3 one never holds so closely to his family as when it has just suffered4 ,this surplus energy effaces the more completely the effects of the interruption which was felt at first1 and thus dissipates the feeling of coldness which death always brings with it4 ,the group feels its strength gradually returning to it2 it begins to hope and to live again4 ,presently one stops mourning1 and he does so owing to the mourning itself4 ,but as the idea formed of the soul reflects the moral state of the society1 this idea should change as this state changes4 ,when one is in the period of dejection and agony1 he represents the soul with the traits of an evil being1 whose sole occupation is to persecute men4 ,but when he feels himself confident and secure once more1 he must admit that it has retaken its former nature and its former sentiments of tenderness and solidarity4 ,thus we explain the very different ways in which it is conceived at different moments of its existence4#abfg ,not only do the rites of mourning determine certain of the secondary characteristics attributed to the soul1 but perhaps they are not foreign to the idea that it survives the body4 ,if he is to understand the practices to which he submits on the death of a parent1 a man is obliged to believe that these are not an indifferent matter for the deceased4 ,the shedding of blood which is practised so freely during mourning is a veritable sacrifice offered to the dead man4#abfh ,so something of the dead man must survive1 and as this is not the body1 which is manifestly immobile and decomposed1 it can only be the soul4 ,of course it is impossible to say with any exactness what part these considerations have had in the origin of the idea of immortality4 ,but it is probable that here the influence of the cult is the same as it is elsewhere4 ,rites are more easily explicable when one imagines that they are addressed to personal beings2 so men have been induced to extend the influence of the mythical personalities in the religious life4 ,in order to account for mourning1 they have prolonged the existence of the soul beyond the tomb4 ,this is one more example of the way in which rites react upon beliefs4 ,,iii ,but death is not the only event which may disturb a community4 ,men have many other occasions for being sorry and lamenting1 so we might foresee that even the ,australians would know and practise other piacular rites besides mourning4 ,however1 it is a remarkable fact that only a small number of examples are to be found in the accounts of the observers4 ,one rite of this sort greatly resembles those which have just been studied4 ,it will be remembered that among the ,arunta1 each local group attributes exceptionally important virtues to its collection of churinga3 this is this collective palladium1 upon whose fate the fate of the community itself is believed to depend4 ,so when enemies or white men succeed in stealing one of these religious treasures1 this loss is considered a public calamity4 ,this misfortune is the occasion of a rite having all the characteristics of mourning3 men smear their bodies with white pipe-clay and remain in camp1 weeping and lamenting1 during a period of two weeks4#abfi ,this is a new proof that mourning is determined1 not by the way in which the soul of the dead is conceived1 but by impersonal causes1 by the moral state of the group4 ,in fact1 we have here a rite which1 in its structure1 is indistinguishable from the real mourning1 but which is1 nevertheless1 independent of every notion of spirits or evil-working demons4#abgj ,another circumstance which gives occasion for ceremonies of the same nature is the distress in which the society finds itself after an insufficient harvest4 ,the natives who live in the vicinity of ,lake ,eyre1 says ,eylmann1 also seek to prevent an insufficiency of food by means of secret ceremonies4 ,but many of the ritual practices observed in this region are to be distinguished from those which have been mentioned already3 it is not by symbolic dances1 by imitative movements nor dazzling decorations that they try to act upon the religious powers or the forces of nature1 but by means of the suffering which individuals inflict upon themselves4 ,in the northern territories1 it is by means of tortures1 such as prolonged fasts1 vigils1 dances persisted up to the exhaustion of the dancers1 and physical pains of every sort1 that they attempt to appease the powers which are ill-disposed towards men4#abga ,the torments to which the natives submit themselves for this purpose sometimes leave them in such a state of exhaustion that they are unable to follow the hunt for some days to come4#abgb ,these practices are employed especially for fighting against drought4 ,this is because a scarcity of water results in a general want4 ,to remedy this evil1 they have recourse to violent methods4 ,one which is frequently used is the extraction of a tooth4 ,among the ,kaitish1 for example1 they pull out an incisor from one man1 and hang it on a tree4#abgc ,among the ,dieri1 the idea of rain is closely associated with that of bloody incisions made in the skin of the chest and arms4#abgd ,among this same people1 whenever the drought is very great1 the great council assembles and summons the whole tribe4 ,it is really a tribal event4 ,women are sent in every direction to notify men to assemble at a given place and time4 ,after they have assembled1 they groan and cry in a piercing voice about the miserable state of the land1 and they beg the ,mura-mura 7the mythical ancestors7 to give them the power of making an abundant rain fall4#abge ,in the cases1 which1 by the way1 are very rare1 when there has been an excessive rainfall1 an analogous ceremony takes place to stop it4 ,old men then enter into a veritable frenzy1#abgf while the cries uttered by the crowd are really painful to hear4#abgg ,spencer and ,gillen describe1 under the name of ,intichiuma1 a ceremony which may well have the same object and the same origin as the preceding ones3 a physical torture is applied to make an animal species multiply4 ,among the ,urabunna1 there is one clan whose totem is a variety of snake called wadnungadni4 ,this is how the chief of the clan proceeds1 to make sure that these snakes may never be lacking4 ,after having been decorated1 he kneels down on the ground1 holding his arms straight out4 ,an assistant pinches the skin of his right arm between his fingers1 and the officiant forces a pointed bone five inches long through the fold thus formed4 ,this self-mutilation is believed to produce the desired result4#abgh ,an analogous rite is used among the ,dieri to make the wild-hens lay3 the operators pierce their scrotums4#abgi ,in certain of the ,lake ,eyre tribes1 men pierce their ears to make yams reproduce4#abhj ,but these partial or total famines are not the only plagues which may fall upon a tribe4 ,other events happen more or less periodically which menace1 or seem to menace1 the existence of the group4 ,this is the case1 for example1 with the southern lights4 ,the ,kurnai believe that this is a fire lighted in the heavens by the great god ,mungan-ngaua2 therefore1 whenever they see it1 they are afraid that it may spread to the earth and devour them1 so a great effervescence results in the camp4 ,they shake a withered hand1 to which the ,kurnai attribute various virtues1 and utter such cries as ,send it away2 do not let us be burned4 ,at the same time1 the old men order an exchange of wives1 which always indicates a great excitement4#abha ,the same sexual licence is mentioned among the ,wiimbaio whenever a plague appears imminent1 and especially in times of an epidemic4#abhb ,under the influence of these ideas1 mutilations and the shedding of blood are sometimes considered an efficient means of curing maladies4 ,if an accident happens to a child among the ,dieri1 his relations beat themselves on the head with clubs or boomerangs until the blood flows down over their faces4 ,they believe that by this process1 they relieve the child of the suffering4#abhc ,elsewhere1 they imagine that they can obtain the same end by means of a supplementary totemic ceremony4#abhd ,we may connect with these the example already given of a ceremony celebrated specially to efface the effects of a ritual fault4#abhe ,of course there are neither wounds nor blows nor physical suffering of any sort in these two latter cases1 yet the rite does not differ in nature from the others3 the end sought is always the turning aside of an evil or the expiation of a fault by means of an extraordinary ritual prestation4 ,outside of mourning1 such are the only cases of piacular rites which we have succeeded in finding in ,australia4 ,to be sure1 it is probable that some have escaped us1 while we may presume equally well that others have remained unperceived by the observers4 ,but if those discovered up to the present are few in number1 it is probably because they do not hold a large place in the cult4 ,we see how far primitive religions are from being the daughters of agony and fear from the fact that the rites translating these painful emotions are relatively rare4 ,of course this is because the ,australian1 while leading a miserable existence as compared with other more civilized peoples1 demands so little of life that he is easily contented4 ,all that he asks is that nature follow its normal course1 that the seasons succeed one another regularly1 that the rain fall1 at the ordinary time1 in abundance and without excess4 ,now great disturbances in the cosmic order are always exceptional2 thus it is noticeable that the majority of the regular piacular rites1 examples of which we have given above1 have been observed in the tribes of the centre1 where droughts are frequent and constitute veritable disasters4 ,it is still surprising1 it is true1 that piacular rites specially destined to expiate sins1 seem to be completely lacking4 ,however1 the ,australian1 like every other man1 must commit ritual faults1 which he has an interest in redeeming2 so we may ask if the silence of the texts on this point may not be due to insufficient observation4 ,but howsoever few the facts which we have been able to gather may be1 they are1 nevertheless1 instructive4 ,when we study piacular rites in the more advanced religions1 where the religious forces are individualized1 they appear to be closely bound up with anthropomorphic conceptions4 ,when the believer imposes privations upon himself and submits himself to austerities1 it is in order to disarm the malevolence attributed by him to certain of the sacred beings upon whom he thinks that he is dependent4 ,to appease their hatred or anger1 he complies with their exigencies2 he beats himself in order that he may not be beaten by them4 ,so it seems as though these practices could not arise until after gods and spirits were conceived as moral persons1 capable of passions analogous to those of men4 ,for this reason1 ,robertson ,smith thought it possible to assign a relatively late date to expiatory sacrifices1 just as to sacrificial oblations4 ,according to him1 the shedding of blood which characterizes these rites was at first a simple process of communion3 men poured forth their blood upon the altar in order to strengthen the bonds uniting them to their god4 ,the rite acquired a piacular and penal character only when its original significance was forgotten and when the new idea which was formed of sacred beings allowed men to attribute another function to it4#abhf ,but as piacular rites are met with even in the ,australian societies1 it is impossible to assign them so late an origin4 ,moreover1 all that we have observed1 with one single exception1#abhg are independent of all anthropomorphic conceptions3 there is no question of either spirits or gods4 ,abstinences and effusions of blood stop famines and cure sicknesses directly and by themselves4 ,no spiritual being introduces his action between the rite and the effect it is believed to produce4 ,so mythical personalities intervened only at a late date4 ,after the mechanism of the ritual had once been established1 they served to make it more easily representable in the mind1 but they are not conditions of its existence4 ,it is for other reasons that it was founded2 it is to another cause that it owes its efficacy4 ,it acts through the collective forces which it puts into play4 ,does a misfortune which menaces the group appear imminent8 ,then the group unites1 as in the case of mourning1 and it is naturally an impression of uneasiness and perplexity which dominates the assembled body4 ,now1 as always1 the pooling of these sentiments results in intensifying them4 ,by affirming themselves1 they exalt and impassion themselves and attain a degree of violence which is translated by the corresponding violence of the gestures which express them4 ,just as at the death of a relative1 they utter terrible cries1 fly into a passion and feel that they must tear and destroy2 it is to satisfy this need that they beat themselves1 wound themselves1 and make their blood flow4 ,when emotions have this vivacity1 they may well be painful1 but they are not depressing2 on the contrary1 they denote a state of effervescence which implies a mobilization of all our active forces1 and even a supply of external energies4 ,it matters little that this exaltation was provoked by a sad event1 for it is real1 notwithstanding1 and does not differ specifically from what is observed in the happy feasts4 ,sometimes it is even made manifest by movements of the same nature3 there is the same frenzy which seizes the worshippers and the same tendency towards sexual debauches1 a sure sign of great nervous over-excitement4 ,robertson ,smith had already noticed this curious influence of sad rites in the ,semitic cults3 in evil times1 he says1 when men's thoughts were habitually sombre1 they betook themselves to the physical excitement of religion as men now take refuge in wine4444 ,and so in general when an act of ,semitic worship began with sorrow and lamentation--as in the mourning for ,adonis1 or the great atoning ceremonies which became common in later times--a swift revulsion of feeling followed1 and the gloomy part of the service was presently succeeded by a burst of hilarious revelry4#abhh ,in a word1 even when religious ceremonies have a disquieting or saddening event as their point of departure1 they retain their stimulating power over the affective state of the group and individuals4 ,by the mere fact that they are collective1 they raise the vital tone4 ,when one feels life within him--whether it be in the form of painful irritation or happy enthusiasm--he does not believe in death2 so he becomes reassured and takes courage again1 and subjectively1 everything goes on as if the rite had really driven off the danger which was dreaded4 ,this is how curing or preventive virtues come to be attributed to the movements which one makes1 to the cries uttered1 to the blood shed and to the wounds inflicted upon one's self or others2 and as these different tortures necessarily make one suffer1 suffering by itself is finally regarded as a means of conjuring evil or curing sickness4#abhi ,later1 when the majority of the religious forces had taken the form of moral personalities1 the efficacy of these practices was explained by imagining that their object was to appease an evil-working or irritated god4 ,but these conceptions only reflect the rite and the sentiments it arouses2 they are an interpretation of it1 not its determining cause4 ,a negligence of the ritual acts in the same way4 ,it1 too1 is a menace for the group2 it touches it in its moral existence for it touches it in its beliefs4 ,but if the anger which it causes is affirmed ostensibly and energetically1 it compensates the evil which it has caused4 ,for if it is acutely felt by all1 it is because the infraction committed is an exception and the common faith remains entire4 ,so the moral unity of the group is not endangered4 ,now the penalty inflicted as an expiation is only a manifestation of the public anger1 the material proof of its unanimity4 ,so it really does have the healing effect attributed to it4 ,at bottom1 the sentiment which is at the root of the real expiatory rites does not differ in nature from that which we have found at the basis of the other piacular rites3 it is a sort of irritated sorrow which tends to manifest itself by acts of destruction4 ,sometimes it is assuaged to the detriment of him who feels it2 sometimes it is at the expense of some foreign third party4 ,but in either case1 the psychic mechanism is essentially the same4#abij ,,iv ,one of the greatest services which ,robertson ,smith has rendered to the science of religions is to have pointed out the ambiguity of the notion of sacredness4 ,religious forces are of two sorts4 ,some are beneficent1 guardians of the physical and moral order1 dispensers of life and health and all the qualities which men esteem3 this is the case with the totemic principle1 spread out in the whole species1 the mythical ancestor1 the animal-protector1 the civilizing heroes and the tutelar gods of every kind and degree4 ,it matters little whether they are conceived as distinct personalities or as diffused energies2 under either form they fulfil the same function and affect the minds of the believers in the same way3 the respect which they inspire is mixed with love and gratitude4 ,the things and the persons which are normally connected with them participate in the same sentiments and the same character3 these are holy things and persons4 ,such are the spots consecrated to the cult1 the objects which serve in the regular rites1 the priests1 the ascetics1 etc4--,on the other hand1 there are evil and impure powers1 productive of disorders1 causes of death and sickness1 instigators of sacrilege4 ,the only sentiments which men have for them are a fear into which horror generally enters4 ,such are the forces upon which and by which the sorcerer acts1 those which arise from corpses or the menstrual blood1 those freed by every profanation of sacred things1 etc4 ,the spirits of the dead and malign genii of every sort are their personified forms4 ,between these two categories of forces and beings1 the contrast is as complete as possible and even goes into the most radical antagonism4 ,the good and salutary powers repel to a distance these others which deny and contradict them4 ,therefore the former are forbidden to the latter3 any contact between them is considered the worst of profanations4 ,this is the typical form of those interdicts between sacred things of different species1 the existence of which we have already pointed out4#abia ,women during menstruation1 and especially at its beginning1 are impure2 so at this moment they are rigorously sequestered2 men may have no relations with them4#abib ,bull-roarers and churinga never come near a dead man4#abic ,a sacrilegious person is excluded from the society of the faithful2 access to the cult is forbidden him4 ,thus the whole religious life gravitates about two contrary poles between which there is the same opposition as between the pure and the impure1 the saint and the sacrilegious1 the divine and the diabolic4 ,but while these two aspects of the religious life oppose one another1 there is a close kinship between them4 ,in the first place1 both have the same relation towards profane beings3 these must abstain from all contact with impure things just as from the most holy things4 ,the former are no less forbidden than the latter3 they are withdrawn from circulation alike4 ,this shows that they too are sacred4 ,of course the sentiments inspired by the two are not identical3 respect is one thing1 disgust and horror another4 ,yet1 if the gestures are to be the same in both cases1 the sentiments expressed must not differ in nature4 ,and1 in fact1 there is a horror in religious respect1 especially when it is very intense1 while the fear inspired by malign powers is generally not without a certain reverential character4 ,the shades by which these two attitudes are differentiated are even so slight sometimes that it is not always easy to say which state of mind the believers actually happen to be in4 ,among certain ,semitic peoples1 pork was forbidden1 but it was not always known exactly whether this was because it was a pure or an impure thing#abid and the same may be said of a very large number of alimentary interdictions4 ,but there is more to be said2 it very frequently happens that an impure thing or an evil power becomes a holy thing or a guardian power1 without changing its nature1 through a simple modification of external circumstances4 ,we have seen how the soul of a dead man1 which is a dreaded principle at first1 is transformed into a protecting genius as soon as the mourning is finished4 ,likewise1 the corpse1 which begins by inspiring terror and aversion1 is later regarded as a venerated relic3 funeral anthropophagy1 which is frequently practised in the ,australian societies1 is a proof of this transformation4#abie ,the totemic animal is the pre-eminently sacred being2 but for him who eats its flesh unduly1 it is a cause of death4 ,in a general way1 the sacrilegious person is merely a profane one who has been infected with a benevolent religious force4 ,this changes its nature in changing its habitat2 it defiles rather than sanctifies4#abif ,the blood issuing from the genital organs of a woman1 though it is evidently as impure as that of menstruation1 is frequently used as a remedy against sickness4#abig ,the victim immolated in expiatory sacrifices is charged with impurities1 for they have concentrated upon it the sins which were to be expiated4 ,yet1 after it has been slaughtered1 its flesh and blood are employed for the most pious uses4#abih ,on the contrary1 though the communion is generally a religious operation whose normal function is to consecrate1 it sometimes produces the effects of a sacrilege4 ,in certain cases1 the persons who have communicated are forced to flee from one another as from men infected with a plague4 ,one would say that they have become a source of dangerous contamination for one another3 the sacred bond which unites them also separates them4 ,examples of this sort of communion are numerous in ,australia4 ,one of the most typical has been observed among the ,narrinyeri and the neighbouring tribes4 ,when an infant arrives in the world1 its parents carefully preserve its umbilical cord1 which is believed to conceal a part of its soul4 ,two persons who exchange the cords thus preserved communicate together by the very act of this exchange1 for it is as though they exchanged their souls4 ,but1 at the same time1 they are forbidden to touch or speak to or even to see one another4 ,it is just as though they were each an object of horror for the other4#abii ,so the pure and the impure are not two separate classes1 but two varieties of the same class1 which includes all sacred things4 ,there are two sorts of sacredness1 the propitious and the unpropitious1 and not only is there no break of continuity between these two opposed forms1 but also one object may pass from the one to the other without changing its nature4 ,the pure is made out of the impure1 and reciprocally4 ,it is in the possibility of these transmutations that the ambiguity of the sacred consists4 ,but even if ,robertson ,smith did have an active sentiment of this ambiguity1 he never gave it an express explanation4 ,he confined himself to remarking that1 as all religious forces are indistinctly intense and contagious1 it is wise not to approach them except with respectful precautions1 no matter what direction their action may be exercised in4 ,it seemed to him that he could thus account for the air of kinship which they all present1 in spite of the contrasts which oppose them otherwise4 ,but the question was only put off2 it still remains to be shown how it comes that the powers of evil have the same intensity and contagiousness as the others4 ,in other words1 how does it happen that they1 too1 are of a religious nature8 ,also1 the energy and force of expansion which they have in common do not enable us to understand how1 in spite of the conflict which divides them1 they may be transformed into one another or substituted for each other in their respective functions1 and how the pure may contaminate while the impure sometimes serves to sanctify4#acjj ,the explanation of piacular rites which we have proposed enables us to reply to this double question4 ,we have seen1 in fact1 that the evil powers are the product of these rites and symbolize them4 ,when a society is going through circumstances which sadden1 perplex or irritate it1 it exercises a pressure over its members1 to make them bear witness1 by significant acts1 to their sorrow1 perplexity or anger4 ,it imposes upon them the duty of weeping1 groaning or inflicting wounds upon themselves or others1 for these collective manifestations1 and the moral communion which they show and strengthen1 restore to the group the energy which circumstances threaten to take away from it1 and thus they enable it to become settled4 ,this is the experience which men interpret when they imagine that outside them there are evil beings whose hostility1 whether constitutional or temporary1 can be appeased only by human suffering4 ,these beings are nothing other than collective states objectified2 they are society itself seen under one of its aspects4 ,but we also know that the benevolent powers are constituted in the same way2 they1 too1 result from the collective life and express it2 they1 too1 represent the society1 but seen from a very different attitude1 to wit1 at the moment when it confidently affirms itself and ardently presses on towards the realization of the ends which it pursues4 ,since these two sorts of forces have a common origin1 it is not at all surprising that1 though facing in opposite directions1 they should have the same nature1 that they are equally intense and contagious and consequently forbidden and sacred4 ,from this we are able to understand how they change into one another4 ,since they reflect the abjective state in which the group happens to be1 it is enough that this state change for their character to change4 ,after the mourning is over1 the domestic group is re-calmed by the mourning itself2 it regains confidence2 the painful pressure which they felt exercised over them is relieved2 they feel more at their ease4 ,so it seems to them as though the spirit of the deceased had laid aside its hostile sentiments and become a benevolent protector4 ,the other transmutations1 examples of which we have cited1 are to be explained in the same way4 ,as we have already shown1 the sanctity of a thing is due to the collective sentiment of which it is the object4 ,if1 in violation of the interdicts which isolate it1 it comes in contact with a profane person1 then this same sentiment will spread contagiously to this latter and imprint a special character upon him4 ,but in spreading1 it comes into a very different state from the one it was in at first4 ,offended and irritated by the profanation implied in this abusive and unnatural extension1 it becomes aggressive and inclined to destructive violences3 it tends to avenge itself for the offence suffered4 ,therefore the infected subject seems to be filled with a mighty and harmful force which menaces all that approaches him2 it is as though he were marked with a stain or blemish4 ,yet the cause of this blemish is the same psychic state which1 in other circumstances1 consecrates and sanctifies4 ,but if the anger thus aroused is satisfied by an expiatory rite1 it subsides1 alleviated2 the offended sentiment is appeased and returns to its original state4 ,so it acts once more as it acted in the beginning2 instead of contaminating1 it sanctifies4 ,as it continues to infect the object to which it is attached1 this could never become profane and religiously indifferent again4 ,but the direction of the religious force with which it seems to be filled is inverted3 from being impure1 it has become pure and an instrument of purification4 ,in rsum1 the two poles of the religious life correspond to the two opposed states through which all social life passes4 ,between the propitiously sacred and the unpropitiously sacred there is the same contrast as between the states of collective well-being and ill-being4 ,but since both are equally collective1 there is1 between the mythological constructions symbolizing them1 an intimate kinship of nature4 ,the sentiments held in common vary from extreme dejection to extreme joy1 from painful irritation to ecstatic enthusiasm2 but1 in any case1 there is a communion of minds and a mutual comfort resulting from this communion4 ,the fundamental process is always the same2 only circumstances colour it differently4 ,so1 at bottom1 it is the unity and the diversity of social life which make the simultaneous unity and diversity of sacred beings and things4 ,this ambiguity1 moreover1 is not peculiar to the idea of sacredness alone2 something of this characteristic has been found in all the rites which we have been studying4 ,of course it was essential to distinguish them2 to confuse them would have been to misunderstand the multiple aspects of the religious life4 ,but1 on the other hand1 howsoever different they may be1 there is no break of continuity between them4 ,quite on the contrary1 they overlap one another and may even replace each other mutually4 ,we have already shown how the rites of oblation and communion1 the imitative rites and the commemorative rites frequently fulfil the same function4 ,one might imagine that the negative cult1 at least1 would be more sharply separated from the positive cult2 yet we have seen that the former may produce positive effects1 identical with those produced by the latter4 ,the same results are obtained by fasts1 abstinences and self-mutilations as by communions1 oblations and commemorations4 ,inversely1 offerings and sacrifices imply privations and renunciations of every sort4 ,the continuity between ascetic and piacular rites is even more apparent3 both are made up of sufferings1 accepted or undergone1 to which an analogous efficacy is attributed4 ,thus the practices1 like the beliefs1 are not arranged in two separate classes4 ,howsoever complex the outward manifestations of the religious life may be1 at bottom it is one and simple4 ,it responds everywhere to one and the same need1 and is everywhere derived from one and the same mental state4 ,in all its forms1 its object is to raise man above himself and to make him lead a life superior to that which he would lead1 if he followed only his own individual whims3 beliefs express this life in representations2 rites organize it and regulate its working4 ,,conclusion ,at the beginning of this work we announced that the religion whose study we were taking up contained within it the most characteristic elements of the religious life4 ,the exactness of this proposition may now be verified4 ,howsoever simple the system which we have studied may be1 we have found within it all the great ideas and the principal ritual attitudes which are at the basis of even the most advanced religions3 the division of things into sacred and profane1 the notions of the soul1 of spirits1 of mythical personalities1 and of a national and even international divinity1 a negative cult with ascetic practices which are its exaggerated form1 rites of oblation and communion1 imitative rites1 commemorative rites and expiatory rites2 nothing essential is lacking4 ,we are thus in a position to hope that the results at which we have arrived are not peculiar to totemism alone1 but can aid us in an understanding of what religion in general is4 ,it may be objected that one single religion1 whatever its field of extension may be1 is too narrow a base for such an induction4 ,we have not dreamed for a moment of ignoring the fact that an extended verification may add to the authority of a theory1 but it is equally true that when a law has been proven by one well-made experiment1 this proof is valid universally4 ,if in one single case a scientist succeeded in finding out the secret of the life of even the most protoplasmic creature that can be imagined1 the truths thus obtained would be applicable to all living beings1 even the most advanced4 ,then if1 in our studies of these very humble societies1 we have really succeeded in discovering some of the elements out of which the most fundamental religious notions are made up1 there is no reason for not extending the most general results of our researches to other religions4 ,in fact1 it is inconceivable that the same effect may be due now to one cause1 now to another1 according to the circumstances1 unless the two causes are at bottom only one4 ,a single idea cannot express one reality here and another one there1 unless the duality is only apparent4 ,if among certain peoples the ideas of sacredness1 the soul and ,god are to be explained sociologically1 it should be presumed scientifically that1 in principle1 the same explanation is valid for all the peoples among whom these same ideas are found with the same essential characteristics4 ,therefore1 supposing that we have not been deceived1 certain at least of our conclusions can be legitimately generalized4 ,the moment has come to disengage these4 ,and an induction of this sort1 having at its foundation a clearly defined experiment1 is less adventurous than many summary generalizations which1 while attempting to reach the essence of religion at once1 without resting upon the careful analysis of any religion in particular1 greatly risk losing themselves in space4 ,i ,the theorists who have undertaken to explain religion in rational terms have generally seen in it before all else a system of ideas1 corresponding to some determined object4 ,this object has been conceived in a multitude of ways3 nature1 the infinite1 the unknowable1 the ideal1 etc42 but these differences matter but little4 ,in any case1 it was the conceptions and beliefs which were considered as the essential elements of religion4 ,as for the rites1 from this point of view they appear to be only an external translation1 contingent and material1 of these internal states which alone pass as having any intrinsic value4 ,this conception is so commonly held that generally the disputes of which religion is the theme turn about the question whether it can conciliate itself with science or not1 that is to say1 whether or not there is a place beside our scientific knowledge for another form of thought which would be specifically religious4 ,but the believers1 the men who lead the religious life and have a direct sensation of what it really is1 object to this way of regarding it1 saying that it does not correspond to their daily experience4 ,in fact1 they feel that the real function of religion is not to make us think1 to enrich our knowledge1 nor to add to the conceptions which we owe to science others of another origin and another character1 but rather1 it is to make us act1 to aid us to live4 ,the believer who has communicated with his god is not merely a man who sees new truths of which the unbeliever is ignorant2 he is a man who is stronger4 ,he feels within him more force1 either to endure the trials of existence1 or to conquer them4 ,it is as though he were raised above the miseries of the world1 because he is raised above his condition as a mere man2 he believes that he is saved from evil1 under whatever form he may conceive this evil4 ,the first article in every creed is the belief in salvation by faith4 ,but it is hard to see how a mere idea could have this efficacy4 ,an idea is in reality only a part of ourselves2 then how could it confer upon us powers superior to those which we have of our own nature8 ,howsoever rich it might be in affective virtues1 it could add nothing to our natural vitality2 for it could only release the motive powers which are within us1 neither creating them nor increasing them4 ,from the mere fact that we consider an object worthy of being loved and sought after1 it does not follow that we feel ourselves stronger afterwards2 it is also necessary that this object set free energies superior to these which we ordinarily have at our command and also that we have some means of making these enter into us and unite themselves to our interior lives4 ,now for that1 it is not enough that we think of them2 it is also indispensable that we place ourselves within their sphere of action1 and that we set ourselves where we may best feel their influence2 in a word1 it is necessary that we act1 and that we repeat the acts thus necessary every time we feel the need of renewing their effects4 ,from this point of view1 it is readily seen how that group of regularly repeated acts which form the cult get their importance4 ,in fact1 whoever has really practised a religion knows very well that it is the cult which gives rise to these impressions of joy1 of interior peace1 of serenity1 of enthusiasm which are1 for the believer1 an experimental proof of his beliefs4 ,the cult is not simply a system of signs by which the faith is outwardly translated2 it is a collection of the means by which this is created and recreated periodically4 ,whether it consists in material acts or mental operations1 it is always this which is efficacious4 ,our entire study rests upon this postulate that the unanimous sentiment of the believers of all times cannot be purely illusory4 ,together with a recent apologist of the faith#acja we admit that these religious beliefs rest upon a specific experience whose demonstrative value is1 in one sense1 not one bit inferior to that of scientific experiments1 though different from them4 ,we1 too1 think that a tree is known by its fruits1#acjb and that fertility is the best proof of what the roots are worth4 ,but from the fact that a religious experience1 if we choose to call it this1 does exist and that it has a certain foundation--and1 by the way1 is there any experience which has none8--it does not follow that the reality which is its foundation conforms objectively to the idea which believers have of it4 ,the very fact that the fashion in which it has been conceived has varied infinitely in different times is enough to prove that none of these conceptions express it adequately4 ,if a scientist states it as an axiom that the sensations of heat and light which we feel correspond to some objective cause1 he does not conclude that this is what it appears to the senses to be4 ,likewise1 even if the impressions which the faithful feel are not imaginary1 still they are in no way privileged intuitions2 there is no reason for believing that they inform us better upon the nature of their object than do ordinary sensations upon the nature of bodies and their properties4 ,in order to discover what this object consists of1 we must submit them to an examination and elaboration analogous to that which has substituted for the sensuous idea of the world another which is scientific and conceptual4 ,this is precisely what we have tried to do1 and we have seen that this reality1 which mythologies have represented under so many different forms1 but which is the universal and eternal objective cause of these sensations sui generis out of which religious experience is made1 is society4 ,we have shown what moral forces it develops and how it awakens this sentiment of a refuge1 of a shield and of a guardian support which attaches the believer to his cult4 ,it is that which raises him outside himself2 it is even that which made him4 ,for that which makes a man is the totality of the intellectual property which constitutes civilization1 and civilization is the work of society4 ,thus is explained the preponderating rle of the cult in all religions1 whichever they may be4 ,this is because society cannot make its influence felt unless it is in action1 and it is not in action unless the individuals who compose it are assembled together and act in common4 ,it is by common action that it takes consciousness of itself and realizes its position2 it is before all else an active co-operation4 ,the collective ideas and sentiments are even possible only owing to these exterior movements which symbolize them1 as we have established4#acjc ,then it is action which dominates the religious life1 because of the mere fact that it is society which is its source4 ,in addition to all the reasons which have been given to justify this conception1 a final one may be added here1 which is the result of our whole work4 ,as we have progressed1 we have established the fact that the fundamental categories of thought1 and consequently of science1 are of religious origin4 ,we have seen that the same is true for magic and consequently for the different processes which have issued from it4 ,on the other hand1 it has long been known that up until a relatively advanced moment of evolution1 moral and legal rules have been indistinguishable from ritual prescriptions4 ,in summing up1 then1 it may be said that nearly all the great social institutions have been born in religion4#acjd ,now in order that these principal aspects of the collective life may have commenced by being only varied aspects of the religious life1 it is obviously necessary that the religious life be the eminent form and1 as it were1 the concentrated expression of the whole collective life4 ,if religion has given birth to all that is essential in society1 it is because the idea of society is the soul of religion4 ,religious forces are therefore human forces1 moral forces4 ,it is true that since collective sentiments can become conscious of themselves only by fixing themselves upon external objects1 they have not been able to take form without adopting some of their characteristics from other things3 they have thus acquired a sort of physical nature2 in this way they have come to mix themselves with the life of the material world1 and then have considered themselves capable of explaining what passes there4 ,but when they are considered only from this point of view and in this rle1 only their most superficial aspect is seen4 ,in reality1 the essential elements of which these collective sentiments are made have been borrowed by the understanding4 ,it ordinarily seems that they should have a human character only when they are conceived under human forms2#acje but even the most impersonal and the most anonymous are nothing else than objectified sentiments4 ,it is only by regarding religion from this angle that it is possible to see its real significance4 ,if we stick closely to appearances1 rites often give the effect of purely manual operations3 they are anointings1 washings1 meals4 ,to consecrate something1 it is put in contact with a source of religious energy1 just as to-day a body is put in contact with a source of heat or electricity to warm or electrize it2 the two processes employed are not essentially different4 ,thus understood1 religious technique seems to be a sort of mystic mechanics4 ,but these material manoeuvres are only the external envelope under which the mental operations are hidden4 ,finally1 there is no question of exercising a physical constraint upon blind and1 incidentally1 imaginary forces1 but rather of reaching individual consciousnesses1 of giving them a direction and of disciplining them4 ,it is sometimes said that inferior religions are materialistic4 ,such an expression is inexact4 ,all religions1 even the crudest1 are in a sense spiritualistic3 for the powers they put in play are before all spiritual1 and also their principal object is to act upon the moral life4 ,thus it is seen that whatever has been done in the name of religion cannot have been done in vain3 for it is necessarily the society that did it1 and it is humanity that has reaped the fruits4 ,but1 it is said1 what society is it that has thus made the basis of religion8 ,is it the real society1 such as it is and acts before our very eyes1 with the legal and moral organization which it has laboriously fashioned during the course of history8 ,this is full of defects and imperfections4 ,in it1 evil goes beside the good1 injustice often reigns supreme1 and the truth is often obscured by error4 ,how could anything so crudely organized inspire the sentiments of love1 the ardent enthusiasm and the spirit of abnegation which all religions claim of their followers8 ,these perfect beings which are gods could not have taken their traits from so mediocre1 and sometimes even so base a reality4 ,but1 on the other hand1 does someone think of a perfect society1 where justice and truth would be sovereign1 and from which evil in all its forms would be banished for ever8 ,no one would deny that this is in close relations with the religious sentiment2 for1 they would say1 it is towards the realization of this that all religions strive4 ,but that society is not an empirical fact1 definite and observable2 it is a fancy1 a dream with which men have lightened their sufferings1 but in which they have never really lived4 ,it is merely an idea which comes to express our more or less obscure aspirations towards the good1 the beautiful and the ideal4 ,now these aspirations have their roots in us2 they come from the very depths of our being2 then there is nothing outside of us which can account for them4 ,moreover1 they are already religious in themselves2 thus it would seem that the ideal society presupposes religion1 far from being able to explain it4#acjf ,but1 in the first place1 things are arbitrarily simplified when religion is seen only on its idealistic side3 in its way1 it is realistic4 ,there is no physical or moral ugliness1 there are no vices or evils which do not have a special divinity4 ,there are gods of theft and trickery1 of lust and war1 of sickness and of death4 ,christianity itself1 howsoever high the idea which it has made of the divinity may be1 has been obliged to give the spirit of evil a place in its mythology4 ,satan is an essential piece of the ,christian system2 even if he is an impure being1 he is not a profane one4 ,the anti-god1 is a god1 inferior and subordinated1 it is true1 but nevertheless endowed with extended powers2 he is even the object of rites1 at least of negative ones4 ,thus religion1 far from ignoring the real society and making abstraction of it1 is in its image2 it reflects all its aspects1 even the most vulgar and the most repulsive4 ,all is to be found there1 and if in the majority of cases we see the good victorious over evil1 life over death1 the powers of light over the powers of darkness1 it is because reality is not otherwise4 ,if the relation between these two contrary forces were reversed1 life would be impossible2 but1 as a matter of fact1 it maintains itself and even tends to develop4 ,but if1 in the midst of these mythologies and theologies we see reality clearly appearing1 it is none the less true that it is found there only in an enlarged1 transformed and idealized form4 ,in this respect1 the most primitive religions do not differ from the most recent and the most refined4 ,for example1 we have seen how the ,arunta place at the beginning of time a mythical society whose organization exactly reproduces that which still exists to-day2 it includes the same clans and phratries1 it is under the same matrimonial rules and it practises the same rites4 ,but the personages who compose it are ideal beings1 gifted with powers and virtues to which common mortals cannot pretend4 ,their nature is not only higher1 but it is different1 since it is at once animal and human4 ,the evil powers there undergo a similar metamorphosis3 evil itself is1 as it were1 made sublime and idealized4 ,the question now raises itself of whence this idealization comes4 ,some reply that men have a natural faculty for idealizing1 that is to say1 of substituting for the real world another different one1 to which they transport themselves by thought4 ,but that is merely changing the terms of the problem2 it is not resolving it or even advancing it4 ,this systematic idealization is an essential characteristic of religions4 ,explaining them by an innate power of idealization is simply replacing one word by another which is the equivalent of the first2 it is as if they said that men have made religions because they have a religious nature4 ,animals know only one world1 the one which they perceive by experience1 internal as well as external4 ,men alone have the faculty of conceiving the ideal1 of adding something to the real4 ,now where does this singular privilege come from8 ,before making it an initial fact or a mysterious virtue which escapes science1 we must be sure that it does not depend upon empirically determinable conditions4 ,the explanation of religion which we have proposed has precisely this advantage1 that it gives an answer to this question4 ,for our definition of the sacred is that it is something added to and above the real3 now the ideal answers to this same definition2 we cannot explain one without explaining the other4 ,in fact1 we have seen that if collective life awakens religious thought on reaching a certain degree of intensity1 it is because it brings about a state of effervescence which changes the conditions of psychic activity4 ,vital energies are over-excited1 passions more active1 sensations stronger2 there are even some which are produced only at this moment4 ,a man does not recognize himself2 he feels himself transformed and consequently he transforms the environment which surrounds him4 ,in order to account for the very particular impressions which he receives1 he attributes to the things with which he is in most direct contact properties which they have not1 exceptional powers and virtues which the objects of every-day experience do not possess4 ,in a word1 above the real world where his profane life passes he has placed another which1 in one sense1 does not exist except in thought1 but to which he attributes a higher sort of dignity than to the first4 ,thus1 from a double point of view it is an ideal world4 ,the formation of the ideal world is therefore not an irreducible fact which escapes science2 it depends upon conditions which observation can touch2 it is a natural product of social life4 ,for a society to become conscious of itself and maintain at the necessary degree of intensity the sentiments which it thus attains1 it must assemble and concentrate itself4 ,now this concentration brings about an exaltation of the mental life which takes form in a group of ideal conceptions where is portrayed the new life thus awakened2 they correspond to this new set of psychical forces which is added to those which we have at our disposition for the daily tasks of existence4 ,a society can neither create itself nor recreate itself without at the same time creating an ideal4 ,this creation is not a sort of work of supererogation for it1 by which it would complete itself1 being already formed2 it is the act by which it is periodically made and remade4 ,therefore when some oppose the ideal society to the real society1 like two antagonists which would lead us in opposite directions1 they materialize and oppose abstractions4 ,the ideal society is not outside of the real society2 it is a part of it4 ,far from being divided between them as between two poles which mutually repel each other1 we cannot hold to one without holding to the other4 ,for a society is not made up merely of the mass of individuals who compose it1 the ground which they occupy1 the things which they use and the movements which they perform1 but above all is the idea which it forms of itself4 ,it is undoubtedly true that it hesitates over the manner in which it ought to conceive itself2 it feels itself drawn in divergent directions4 ,but these conflicts which break forth are not between the ideal and reality1 but between two different ideals1 that of yesterday and that of to-day1 that which has the authority of tradition and that which has the hope of the future4 ,there is surely a place for investigating whence these ideals evolve2 but whatever solution may be given to this problem1 it still remains that all passes in the world of the ideal4 ,thus the collective ideal which religion expresses is far from being due to a vague innate power of the individual1 but it is rather at the school of collective life that the individual has learned to idealize4 ,it is in assimilating the ideals elaborated by society that he has become capable of conceiving the ideal4 ,it is society which1 by leading him within its sphere of action1 has made him acquire the need of raising himself above the world of experience and has at the same time furnished him with the means of conceiving another4 ,for society has constructed this new world in constructing itself1 since it is society which this expresses4 ,thus both with the individual and in the group1 the faculty of idealizing has nothing mysterious about it4 ,it is not a sort of luxury which a man could get along without1 but a condition of his very existence4 ,he could not be a social being1 that is to say1 he could not be a man1 if he had not acquired it4 ,it is true that in incarnating themselves in individuals1 collective ideals tend to individualize themselves4 ,each understands them after his own fashion and marks them with his own stamp2 he suppresses certain elements and adds others4 ,thus the personal ideal disengages itself from the social ideal in proportion as the individual personality develops itself and becomes an autonomous source of action4 ,but if we wish to understand this aptitude1 so singular in appearance1 of living outside of reality1 it is enough to connect it with the social conditions upon which it depends4 ,therefore it is necessary to avoid seeing in this theory of religion a simple restatement of historical materialism3 that would be misunderstanding our thought to an extreme degree4 ,in showing that religion is something essentially social1 we do not mean to say that it confines itself to translating into another language the material forms of society and its immediate vital necessities4 ,it is true that we take it as evident that social life depends upon its material foundation and bears its mark1 just as the mental life of an individual depends upon his nervous system and in fact his whole organism4 ,but collective consciousness is something more than a mere epiphenomenon of its morphological basis1 just as individual consciousness is something more than a simple efflorescence of the nervous system4 ,in order that the former may appear1 a synthesis sui generis of particular consciousnesses is required4 ,now this synthesis has the effect of disengaging a whole world of sentiments1 ideas and images which1 once born1 obey laws all their own4 ,they attract each other1 repel each other1 unite1 divide themselves1 and multiply1 though these combinations are not commanded and necessitated by the condition of the underlying reality4 ,the life thus brought into being even enjoys so great an independence that it sometimes indulges in manifestations with no purpose or utility of any sort1 for the mere pleasure of affirming itself4 ,we have shown that this is often precisely the case with ritual activity and mythological thought4#acjg ,but if religion is the product of social causes1 how can we explain the individual cult and the universalistic character of certain religions8 ,if it is born in foro externo1 how has it been able to pass into the inner conscience of the individual and penetrate there ever more and more profoundly8 ,if it is the work of definite and individualized societies1 how has it been able to detach itself from them1 even to the point of being conceived as something common to all humanity8 ,in the course of our studies1 we have met with the germs of individual religion and of religious cosmopolitanism1 and we have seen how they were formed2 thus we possess the more general elements of the reply which is to be given to this double question4 ,we have shown how the religious force which animates the clan particularizes itself1 by incarnating itself in particular consciousnesses4 ,thus secondary sacred beings are formed2 each individual has his own1 made in his own image1 associated to his own intimate life1 bound up with his own destiny2 it is the soul1 the individual totem1 the protecting ancestor1 etc4 ,these beings are the object of rites which the individual can celebrate by himself1 outside of any group2 this is the first form of the individual cult4 ,to be sure1 it is only a very rudimentary cult2 but since the personality of the individual is still only slightly marked1 and but little value is attributed to it1 the cult which expresses it could hardly be expected to be very highly developed as yet4 ,but as individuals have differentiated themselves more and more and the value of an individual has increased1 the corresponding cult has taken a relatively greater place in the totality of the religious life and at the same time it is more fully closed to outside influences4 ,thus the existence of individual cults implies nothing which contradicts or embarrasses the sociological interpretation of religion2 for the religious forces to which it addresses itself are only the individualized forms of collective forces4 ,therefore1 even when religion seems to be entirely within the individual conscience1 it is still in society that it finds the living source from which it is nourished4 ,we are now able to appreciate the value of the radical individualism which would make religion something purely individual3 it misunderstands the fundamental conditions of the religious life4 ,if up to the present it has remained in the stage of theoretical aspirations which have never been realized1 it is because it is unrealizable4 ,a philosophy may well be elaborated in the silence of the interior imagination1 but not so a faith4 ,for before all else1 a faith is warmth1 life1 enthusiasm1 the exaltation of the whole mental life1 the raising of the individual above himself4 ,now how could he add to the energies which he possesses without going outside himself8 ,how could he surpass himself merely by his own forces8 ,the only source of life at which we can morally reanimate ourselves is that formed by the society of our fellow beings2 the only moral forces with which we can sustain and increase our own are those which we get from others4 ,let us even admit that there really are beings more or less analogous to those which the mythologies represent4 ,in order that they may exercise over souls the useful direction which is their reason for existence1 it is necessary that men believe in them4 ,now these beliefs are active only when they are partaken by many4 ,a man cannot retain them any length of time by a purely personal effort2 it is not thus that they are born or that they are acquired2 it is even doubtful if they can be kept under these conditions4 ,in fact1 a man who has a veritable faith feels an invincible need of spreading it3 therefore he leaves his isolation1 approaches others and seeks to convince them1 and it is the ardour of the convictions which he arouses that strengthens his own4 ,it would quickly weaken if it remained alone4 ,it is the same with religious universalism as with this individualism4 ,far from being an exclusive attribute of certain very great religions1 we have found it1 not at the base1 it is true1 but at the summit of the ,australian system4 ,bunjil1 ,daramulun or ,baiame are not simple tribal gods2 each of them is recognized by a number of different tribes4 ,in a sense1 their cult is international4 ,this conception is therefore very near to that found in the most recent theologies4 ,so certain writers have felt it their duty to deny its authenticity1 howsoever incontestable this may be4 ,and we have been able to show how this has been formed4 ,neighbouring tribes of a similar civilization cannot fail to be in constant relations with each other4 ,all sorts of circumstances give an occasion for it3 besides commerce1 which is still rudimentary1 there are marriages2 these international marriages are very common in ,australia4 ,in the course of these meetings1 men naturally become conscious of the moral relationship which united them4 ,they have the same social organization1 the same division into phratries1 clans and matrimonial classes2 they practise the same rites of initiation1 or wholly similar ones4 ,mutual loans and treaties result in reinforcing these spontaneous resemblances4 ,the gods to which these manifestly identical institutions were attached could hardly have remained distinct in their minds4 ,everything tended to bring them together and consequently1 even supposing that each tribe elaborated the notion independently1 they must necessarily have tended to confound themselves with each other4 ,also1 it is probable that it was in inter-tribal assemblies that they were first conceived4 ,for they are chiefly the gods of initiation1 and in the initiation ceremonies1 the different tribes are usually represented4 ,so if sacred beings are formed which are connected with no geographically determined society1 that is not because they have an extra-social origin4 ,it is because there are other groups above these geographically determined ones1 whose contours are less clearly marked3 they have no fixed frontiers1 but include all sorts of more or less neighbouring and related tribes4 ,the particular social life thus created tends to spread itself over an area with no definite limits4 ,naturally the mythological personages who correspond to it have the same character2 their sphere of influence is not limited2 they go beyond the particular tribes and their territory4 ,they are the great international gods4 ,now there is nothing in this situation which is peculiar to ,australian societies4 ,there is no people and no state which is not a part of another society1 more or less unlimited1 which embraces all the peoples and all the ,states with which the first comes in contact1 either directly or indirectly2 there is no national life which is not dominated by a collective life of an international nature4 ,in proportion as we advance in history1 these international groups acquire a greater importance and extent4 ,thus we see how1 in certain cases1 this universalistic tendency has been able to develop itself to the point of affecting not only the higher ideas of the religious system1 but even the principles upon which it rests4 ,,ii ,thus there is something eternal in religion which is destined to survive all the particular symbols in which religious thought has successively enveloped itself4 ,there can be no society which does not feel the need of upholding and reaffirming at regular intervals the collective sentiments and the collective ideas which make its unity and its personality4 ,now this moral remaking cannot be achieved except by the means of reunions1 assemblies and meetings where the individuals1 being closely united to one another1 reaffirm in common their common sentiments2 hence come ceremonies which do not differ from regular religious ceremonies1 either in their object1 the results which they produce1 or the processes employed to attain these results4 ,what essential difference is there between an assembly of ,christians celebrating the principal dates of the life of ,christ1 or of ,jews remembering the exodus from ,egypt or the promulgation of the decalogue1 and a reunion of citizens commemorating the promulgation of a new moral or legal system or some great event in the national life8 ,if we find a little difficulty to-day in imagining what these feasts and ceremonies of the future could consist in1 it is because we are going through a stage of transition and moral mediocrity4 ,the great things of the past which filled our fathers with enthusiasm do not excite the same ardour in us1 either because they have come into common usage to such an extent that we are unconscious of them1 or else because they no longer answer to our actual aspirations2 but as yet there is nothing to replace them4 ,we can no longer impassionate ourselves for the principles in the name of which ,christianity recommended to masters that they treat their slaves humanely1 and1 on the other hand1 the idea which it has formed of human equality and fraternity seems to us to-day to leave too large a place for unjust inequalities4 ,its pity for the outcast seems to us too ,platonic2 we desire another which would be more practicable2 but as yet we cannot clearly see what it should be nor how it could be realized in facts4 ,in a word1 the old gods are growing old or already dead1 and others are not yet born4 ,this is what rendered vain the attempt of ,comte with the old historic souvenirs artificially revived2 it is life itself1 and not a dead past which can produce a living cult4 ,but this state of incertitude and confused agitation cannot last for ever4 ,a day will come when our societies will know again those hours of creative effervescence1 in the course of which new ideas arise and new formul are found which serve for a while as a guide to humanity2 and when these hours shall have been passed through once1 men will spontaneously feel the need of reliving them from time to time in thought1 that is to say1 of keeping alive their memory by means of celebrations which regularly reproduce their fruits4 ,we have already seen how the ,french ,revolution established a whole cycle of holidays to keep the principles with which it was inspired in a state of perpetual youth4 ,if this institution quickly fell away1 it was because the revolutionary faith lasted but a moment1 and deceptions and discouragements rapidly succeeded the first moments of enthusiasm4 ,but though the work may have miscarried1 it enables us to imagine what might have happened in other conditions2 and everything leads us to believe that it will be taken up again sooner or later4 ,there are no gospels which are immortal1 but neither is there any reason for believing that humanity is incapable of inventing new ones4 ,as to the question of what symbols this new faith will express itself with1 whether they will resemble those of the past or not1 and whether or not they will be more adequate for the reality which they seek to translate1 that is something which surpasses the human faculty of foresight and which does not appertain to the principal question4 ,but feasts and rites1 in a word1 the cult1 are not the whole religion4 ,this is not merely a system of practices1 but also a system of ideas whose object is to explain the world2 we have seen that even the humblest have their cosmology4 ,whatever connection there may be between these two elements of the religious life1 they are still quite different4 ,the one is turned towards action1 which it demands and regulates2 the other is turned towards thought1 which it enriches and organizes4 ,then they do not depend upon the same conditions1 and consequently it may be asked if the second answers to necessities as universal and as permanent as the first4 ,when specific characteristics are attributed to religious thought1 and when it is believed that its function is to express1 by means peculiar to itself1 an aspect of reality which evades ordinary knowledge as well as science1 one naturally refuses to admit that religion can ever abandon its speculative rle4 ,but our analysis of the facts does not seem to have shown this specific quality of religion4 ,the religion which we have just studied is one of those whose symbols are the most disconcerting for the reason4 ,there all appears mysterious4 ,these beings which belong to the most heterogeneous groups at the same time1 who multiply without ceasing to be one1 who divide without diminishing1 all seem1 at first view1 to belong to an entirely different world from the one where we live2 some have even gone so far as to say that the mind which constructed them ignored the laws of logic completely4 ,perhaps the contrast between reason and faith has never been more thorough4 ,then if there has ever been a moment in history when their heterogeneousness should have stood out clearly1 it is here4 ,but contrary to all appearances1 as we have pointed out1 the realities to which religious speculation is then applied are the same as those which later serve as the subject of reflection for philosophers3 they are nature1 man1 society4 ,the mystery which appears to surround them is wholly superficial and disappears before a more painstaking observation3 it is enough merely to set aside the veil with which mythological imagination has covered them for them to appear such as they really are4 ,religion sets itself to translate these realities into an intelligible language which does not differ in nature from that employed by science2 the attempt is made by both to connect things with each other1 to establish internal relations between them1 to classify them and to systematize them4 ,we have even seen that the essential ideas of scientific logic are of religious origin4 ,it is true that in order to utilize them1 science gives them a new elaboration2 it purges them of all accidental elements2 in a general way1 it brings a spirit of criticism into all its doings1 which religion ignores2 it surrounds itself with precautions to escape precipitation and bias1 and to hold aside the passions1 prejudices and all subjective influences4 ,but these perfectionings of method are not enough to differentiate it from religion4 ,in this regard1 both pursue the same end2 scientific thought is only a more perfect form of religious thought4 ,thus it seems natural that the second should progressively retire before the first1 as this becomes better fitted to perform the task4 ,and there is no doubt that this regression has taken place in the course of history4 ,having left religion1 science tends to substitute itself for this latter in all that which concerns the cognitive and intellectual functions4 ,christianity has already definitely consecrated this substitution in the order of material things4 ,seeing in matter that which is profane before all else1 it readily left the knowledge of this to another discipline1 tradidit mundum hominum disputationi1 ,he gave the world over to the disputes of men2 it is thus that the natural sciences have been able to establish themselves and make their authority recognized without very great difficulty4 ,but it could not give up the world of souls so easily2 for it is before all over souls that the god of the ,christians aspires to reign4 ,that is why the idea of submitting the psychic life to science produced the effect of a sort of profanation for a long time2 even to-day it is repugnant to many minds4 ,however1 experimental and comparative psychology is founded and to-day we must reckon with it4 ,but the world of the religious and moral life is still forbidden4 ,the great majority of men continue to believe that here there is an order of things which the mind cannot penetrate except by very special ways4 ,hence comes the active resistance which is met with every time that someone tries to treat religious and moral phenomena scientifically4 ,but in spite of these oppositions1 these attempts are constantly repeated and this persistence even allows us to foresee that this final barrier will finally give way and that science will establish herself as mistress even in this reserved region4 ,that is what the conflict between science and religion really amounts to4 ,it is said that science denies religion in principle4 ,but religion exists2 it is a system of given facts2 in a word1 it is a reality4 ,how could science deny this reality8 ,also1 in so far as religion is action1 and in so far as it is a means of making men live1 science could not take its place1 for even if this expresses life1 it does not create it2 it may well seek to explain the faith1 but by that very act it presupposes it4 ,thus there is no conflict except upon one limited point4 ,of the two functions which religion originally fulfilled1 there is one1 and only one1 which tends to escape it more and more3 that is its speculative function4 ,that which science refuses to grant to religion is not its right to exist1 but its right to dogmatize upon the nature of things and the special competence which it claims for itself for knowing man and the world4 ,as a matter of fact1 it does not know itself4 ,it does not even know what it is made of1 nor to what need it answers4 ,it is itself a subject for science1 so far is it from being able to make the law for science6 ,and from another point of view1 since there is no proper subject for religious speculation outside that reality to which scientific reflection is applied1 it is evident that this former cannot play the same rle in the future that it has played in the past4 ,however1 it seems destined to transform itself rather than to disappear4 ,we have said that there is something eternal in religion3 it is the cult and the faith4 ,men cannot celebrate ceremonies for which they see no reason1 nor can they accept a faith which they in no way understand4 ,to spread itself or merely to maintain itself1 it must be justified1 that is to say1 a theory must be made of it4 ,a theory of this sort must undoubtedly be founded upon the different sciences1 from the moment when these exist2 first of all1 upon the social sciences1 for religious faith has its origin in society2 then upon psychology1 for society is a synthesis of human consciousnesses2 and finally upon the sciences of nature1 for man and society are a part of the universe and can be abstracted from it only artificially4 ,but howsoever important these facts taken from the constituted sciences may be1 they are not enough2 for faith is before all else an impetus to action1 while science1 no matter how far it may be pushed1 always remains at a distance from this4 ,science is fragmentary and incomplete2 it advances but slowly and is never finished2 but life cannot wait4 ,the theories which are destined to make men live and act are therefore obliged to pass science and complete it prematurely4 ,they are possible only when the practical exigencies and the vital necessities which we feel without distinctly conceiving them push thought in advance1 beyond that which science permits us to affirm4 ,thus religions1 even the most rational and laicized1 cannot and never will be able to dispense with a particular form of speculation which1 though having the same subjects as science itself1 cannot be really scientific3 the obscure intuitions of sensation and sentiment too often take the place of logical reasons4 ,on one side1 this speculation resembles that which we meet with in the religions of the past2 but on another1 it is different4 ,while claiming and exercising the right of going beyond science1 it must commence by knowing this and by inspiring itself with it4 ,ever since the authority of science was established1 it must be reckoned with2 one can go farther than it under the pressure of necessity1 but he must take his direction from it4 ,he can affirm nothing that it denies1 deny nothing that it affirms1 and establish nothing that is not directly or indirectly founded upon principles taken from it4 ,from now on1 the faith no longer exercises the same hegemony as formerly over the system of ideas that we may continue to call religion4 ,a rival power rises up before it which1 being born of it1 ever after submits it to its criticism and control4 ,and everything makes us foresee that this control will constantly become more extended and efficient1 while no limit can be assigned to its future influence4 ,,iii ,but if the fundamental notions of science are of a religious origin1 how has religion been able to bring them forth8 ,at first sight1 one does not see what relations there can be between religion and logic4 ,or1 since the reality which religious thought expresses is society1 the question can be stated in the following terms1 which make the entire difficulty appear even better3 what has been able to make social life so important a source for the logical life8 ,it seems as though nothing could have predestined it to this rle1 for it certainly was not to satisfy their speculative needs that men associated themselves together4 ,perhaps we shall be found over bold in attempting so complex a question here4 ,to treat it as it should be treated1 the sociological conditions of knowledge should be known much better than they actually are2 we are only beginning to catch glimpses of some of them4 ,however1 the question is so grave1 and so directly implied in all that has preceded1 that we must make an effort not to leave it without an answer4 ,perhaps it is not impossible1 even at present1 to state some general principles which may at least aid in the solution4 ,logical thought is made up of concepts4 ,seeking how society can have played a rle in the genesis of logical thought thus reduces itself to seeking how it can have taken a part in the formation of concepts4 ,if1 as is ordinarily the case1 we see in the concept only a general idea1 the problem appears insoluble4 ,by his own power1 the individual can compare his conceptions and images1 disengage that which they have in common1 and thus1 in a word1 generalize4 ,then it is hard to see why this generalization should be possible only in and through society4 ,but1 in the first place1 it is inadmissible that logical thought is characterized only by the greater extension of the conceptions of which it is made up4 ,if particular ideas have nothing logical about them1 why should it be different with general ones8 ,the general exists only in the particular2 it is the particular simplified and impoverished4 ,then the first could have no virtues or privileges which the second has not4 ,inversely1 if conceptual thought can be applied to the class1 species or variety1 howsoever restricted these may be1 why can it not be extended to the individual1 that is to say1 to the limit towards which the conception tends1 proportionately as its extension diminishes8 ,as a matter of fact1 there are many concepts which have only individuals as their object4 ,in every sort of religion1 gods are individualities distinct from each other2 however1 they are conceived1 not perceived4 ,each people represents its historic or legendary heroes in fashions which vary with the time4 ,finally1 every one of us forms an idea of the individuals with whom he comes in contact1 of their character1 of their appearance1 their distinctive traits and their moral and physical temperaments3 these notions1 too1 are real concepts4 ,it is true that in general they are formed crudely enough2 but even among scientific concepts1 are there a great many that are perfectly adequate for their object8 ,in this direction1 there are only differences of degree between them4 ,therefore the concept must be defined by other characteristics4 ,it is opposed to sensual representations of every order--sensations1 perceptions or images--by the following properties4 ,sensual representations are in a perpetual flux2 they come after each other like the waves of a river1 and even during the time that they last1 they do not remain the same thing4 ,each of them is an integral part of the precise instant when it takes place4 ,we are never sure of again finding a perception such as we experienced it the first time2 for if the thing perceived has not changed1 it is we who are no longer the same4 ,on the contrary1 the concept is1 as it were1 outside of time and change2 it is in the depths below all this agitation2 it might be said that it is in a different portion of the mind1 which is serener and calmer4 ,it does not move of itself1 by an internal and spontaneous evolution1 but1 on the contrary1 it resists change4 ,it is a manner of thinking that1 at every moment of time1 is fixed and crystallized4#acjh ,in so far as it is what it ought to be1 it is immutable4 ,if it changes1 it is not because it is its nature to do so1 but because we have discovered some imperfection in it2 it is because it had to be rectified4 ,the system of concepts with which we think in everyday life is that expressed by the vocabulary of our mother tongue2 for every word translates a concept4 ,now language is something fixed2 it changes but very slowly1 and consequently it is the same with the conceptual system which it expresses4 ,the scholar finds himself in the same situation in regard to the special terminology employed by the science to which he has consecrated himself1 and hence in regard to the special scheme of concepts to which this terminology corresponds4 ,it is true that he can make innovations1 but these are always a sort of violence done to the established ways of thinking4 ,and at the same time that it is relatively immutable1 the concept is universal1 or at least capable of becoming so4 ,a concept is not my concept2 ,i hold it in common with other men1 or1 in any case1 can communicate it to them4 ,it is impossible for me to make a sensation pass from my consciousness into that of another2 it holds closely to my organism and personality and cannot be detached from them4 ,all that ,i can do is to invite others to place themselves before the same object as myself and to leave themselves to its action4 ,on the other hand1 conversation and all intellectual communication between men is an exchange of concepts4 ,the concept is an essentially impersonal representation2 it is through it that human intelligences communicate4#acji ,the nature of the concept1 thus defined1 bespeaks its origin4 ,if it is common to all1 it is the work of the community4 ,since it bears the mark of no particular mind1 it is clear that it was elaborated by a unique intelligence1 where all others meet each other1 and after a fashion1 come to nourish themselves4 ,if it has more stability than sensations or images1 it is because the collective representations are more stable than the individual ones2 for while an individual is conscious even of the slight changes which take place in his environment1 only events of a greater gravity can succeed in affecting the mental status of a society4 ,every time that we are in the presence of a type#acaj of thought or action which is imposed uniformly upon particular wills or intelligences1 this pressure exercised over the individual betrays the intervention of the group4 ,also1 as we have already said1 the concepts with which we ordinarily think are those of our vocabulary4 ,now it is unquestionable that language1 and consequently the system of concepts which it translates1 is the product of a collective elaboration4 ,what it expresses is the manner in which society as a whole represents the facts of experience4 ,the ideas which correspond to the diverse elements of language are thus collective representations4 ,even their contents bear witness to the same fact4 ,in fact1 there are scarcely any words among those which we usually employ whose meaning does not pass1 to a greater or less extent1 the limits of our personal experience4 ,very frequently a term expresses things which we have never perceived or experiences which we have never had or of which we have never been the witnesses4 ,even when we know some of the objects which it concerns1 it is only as particular examples that they serve to illustrate the idea which they would never have been able to form by themselves4 ,thus there is a great deal of knowledge condensed in the word which ,i never collected1 and which is not individual2 it even surpasses me to such an extent that ,i cannot even completely appropriate all its results4 ,which of us knows all the words of the language he speaks and the entire signification of each8 ,this remark enables us to determine the sense in which we mean to say that concepts are collective representations4 ,if they belong to a whole social group1 it is not because they represent the average of the corresponding individual representations2 for in that case they would be poorer than the latter in intellectual content1 while1 as a matter of fact1 they contain much that surpasses the knowledge of the average individual4 ,they are not abstractions which have a reality only in particular consciousnesses1 but they are as concrete representations as an individual could form of his own personal environment3 they correspond to the way in which this very special being1 society1 considers the things of its own proper experience4 ,if1 as a matter of fact1 the concepts are nearly always general ideas1 and if they express categories and classes rather than particular objects1 it is because the unique and variable characteristics of things interest society but rarely2 because of its very extent1 it can scarcely be affected by more than their general and permanent qualities4 ,therefore it is to this aspect of affairs that it gives its attention3 it is a part of its nature to see things in large and under the aspect which they ordinarily have4 ,but this generality is not necessary for them1 and1 in any case1 even when these representations have the generic character which they ordinarily have1 they are the work of society and are enriched by its experience4 ,that is what makes conceptual thought so valuable for us4 ,if concepts were only general ideas1 they would not enrich knowledge a great deal1 for1 as we have already pointed out1 the general contains nothing more than the particular4 ,but if before all else they are collective representations1 they add to that which we can learn by our own personal experience all that wisdom and science which the group has accumulated in the course of centuries4 ,thinking by concepts1 is not merely seeing reality on its most general side1 but it is projecting a light upon the sensation which illuminates it1 penetrates it and transforms it4 ,conceiving something is both learning its essential elements better and also locating it in its place2 for each civilization has its organized system of concepts which characterizes it4 ,before this scheme of ideas1 the individual is in the same situation as the ,greek3 nos of ,plato before the world of ,ideas4 ,he must assimilate them to himself1 for he must have them to hold intercourse with others2 but the assimilation is always imperfect4 ,each of us sees them after his own fashion4 ,there are some which escape us completely and remain outside of our circle of vision2 there are others of which we perceive certain aspects only4 ,there are even a great many which we pervert in holding1 for as they are collective by nature1 they cannot become individualized without being retouched1 modified1 and consequently falsified4 ,hence comes the great trouble we have in understanding each other1 and the fact that we even lie to each other without wishing to3 it is because we all use the same words without giving them the same meaning4 ,we are now able to see what the part of society in the genesis of logical thought is4 ,this is possible only from the moment when1 above the fugitive conceptions which they owe to sensuous experience1 men have succeeded in conceiving a whole world of stable ideas1 the common ground of all intelligences4 ,in fact1 logical thinking is always impersonal thinking1 and is also thought sub species trnitatis--as though for all time4 ,impersonality and stability are the two characteristics of truth4 ,now logical life evidently presupposes that men know1 at least confusedly1 that there is such a thing as truth1 distinct from sensuous appearances4 ,but how have they been able to arrive at this conception8 ,we generally talk as though it should have spontaneously presented itself to them from the moment they opened their eyes upon the world4 ,however1 there is nothing in immediate experience which could suggest it2 everything even contradicts it4 ,thus the child and the animal have no suspicion of it4 ,history shows that it has taken centuries for it to disengage and establish itself4 ,in our ,western world1 it was with the great thinkers of ,greece that it first became clearly conscious of itself and of the consequences which it implies2 when the discovery was made1 it caused an amazement which ,plato has translated into magnificent language4 ,but if it is only at this epoch that the idea is expressed in philosophic formul1 it was necessarily pre-existent in the stage of an obscure sentiment4 ,philosophers have sought to elucidate this sentiment1 but they have not succeeded4 ,in order that they might reflect upon it and analyse it1 it was necessary that it be given them1 and that they seek to know whence it came1 that is to say1 in what experience it was founded4 ,this is in collective experience4 ,it is under the form of collective thought that impersonal thought is for the first time revealed to humanity2 we cannot see by what other way this revelation could have been made4 ,from the mere fact that society exists1 there is also1 outside of the individual sensations and images1 a whole system of representations which enjoy marvellous properties4 ,by means of them1 men understand each other and intelligences grasp each other4 ,they have within them a sort of force or moral ascendancy1 in virtue of which they impose themselves upon individual minds4 ,hence the individual at least obscurely takes account of the fact that above his private ideas1 there is a world of absolute ideas according to which he must shape his own2 he catches a glimpse of a whole intellectual kingdom in which he participates1 but which is greater than he4 ,this is the first intuition of the realm of truth4 ,from the moment when he first becomes conscious of these higher ideas1 he sets himself to scrutinizing their nature2 he asks whence these pre-eminent representations hold their prerogatives and1 in so far as he believes that he has discovered their causes1 he undertakes to put these causes into action for himself1 in order that he may draw from them by his own force the effects which they produce2 that is to say1 he attributes to himself the right of making concepts4 ,thus the faculty of conception has individualized itself4 ,but to understand its origins and function1 it must be attached to the social conditions upon which it depends4 ,it may be objected that we show the concept in one of its aspects only1 and that its unique rle is not the assuring of a harmony among minds1 but also1 and to a greater extent1 their harmony with the nature of things4 ,it seems as though it had a reason for existence only on condition of being true1 that is to say1 objective1 and as though its impersonality were only a consequence of its objectivity4 ,it is in regard to things1 thought of as adequately as possible1 that minds ought to communicate4 ,nor do we deny that the evolution of concepts has been partially in this direction4 ,the concept which was first held as true because it was collective tends to be no longer collective except on condition of being held as true3 we demand its credentials of it before according it our confidence4 ,but we must not lose sight of the fact that even to-day the great majority of the concepts which we use are not methodically constituted2 we get them from language1 that is to say1 from common experience1 without submitting them to any criticism4 ,the scientifically elaborated and criticized concepts are always in the very slight minority4 ,also1 between them and those which draw all their authority from the fact that they are collective1 there are only differences of degree4 ,a collective representation presents guarantees of objectivity by the fact that it is collective3 for it is not without sufficient reason that it has been able to generalize and maintain itself with persistence4 ,if it were out of accord with the nature of things1 it would never have been able to acquire an extended and prolonged empire over intellects4 ,at bottom1 the confidence inspired by scientific concepts is due to the fact that they can be methodically controlled4 ,but a collective representation is necessarily submitted to a control that is repeated indefinitely2 the men who accept it verify it by their own experience4 ,therefore1 it could not be wholly inadequate for its subject4 ,it is true that it may express this by means of imperfect symbols2 but scientific symbols themselves are never more than approximative4 ,it is precisely this principle which is at the basis of the method which we follow in the study of religious phenomena3 we take it as an axiom that religious beliefs1 howsoever strange their appearance may be at times1 contain a truth which must be discovered4#acaa ,on the other hand1 it is not at all true that concepts1 even when constructed according to the rules of science1 get their authority uniquely from their objective value4 ,it is not enough that they be true to be believed4 ,if they are not in harmony with the other beliefs and opinions1 or1 in a word1 with the mass of the other collective representations1 they will be denied2 minds will be closed to them2 consequently it will be as though they did not exist4 ,to-day it is generally sufficient that they bear the stamp of science to receive a sort of privileged credit1 because we have faith in science4 ,but this faith does not differ essentially from religious faith4 ,in the last resort1 the value which we attribute to science depends upon the idea which we collectively form of its nature and rle in life2 that is as much as to say that it expresses a state of public opinion4 ,in all social life1 in fact1 science rests upon opinion4 ,it is undoubtedly true that this opinion can be taken as the object of a study and a science made of it2 this is what sociology principally consists in4 ,but the science of opinion does not make opinions2 it can only observe them and make them more conscious of themselves4 ,it is true that by this means it can lead them to change1 but science continues to be dependent upon opinion at the very moment when it seems to be making its laws2 for1 as we have already shown1 it is from opinion that it holds the force necessary to act upon opinion4#acab ,saying that concepts express the manner in which society represents things is also saying that conceptual thought is coeval with humanity itself4 ,we refuse to see in it the product of a more or less retarded culture4 ,a man who did not think with concepts would not be a man1 for he would not be a social being4 ,if reduced to having only individual perceptions1 he would be indistinguishable from the beasts4 ,if it has been possible to sustain the contrary thesis1 it is because concepts have been defined by characteristics which are not essential to them4 ,they have been identified with general ideas#acac and with clearly limited and circumscribed general ideas4#acad ,in these conditions it has possibly seemed as though the inferior societies had no concepts properly so called2 for they have only rudimentary processes of generalization and the ideas which they use are not generally very well defined4 ,but the greater part of our concepts are equally indetermined2 we force ourselves to define them only in discussions or when doing careful work4 ,we have also seen that conceiving is not generalizing4 ,thinking conceptually is not simply isolating and grouping together the common characteristics of a certain number of objects2 it is relating the variable to the permanent1 the individual to the social4 ,and since logical thought commences with the concept1 it follows that it has always existed2 there is no period in history when men have lived in a chronic confusion and contradiction4 ,to be sure1 we cannot insist too much upon the different characteristics which logic presents at different periods in history2 it develops like the societies themselves4 ,but howsoever real these differences may be1 they should not cause us to neglect the similarities1 which are no less essential4 ,,iv ,we are now in a position to take up a final question which has already been raised in our introduction#acae and which has been taken as understood in the remainder of this work4 ,we have seen that at least some of the categories are social things4 ,the question is where they got this character4 ,undoubtedly it will be easily understood that since they are themselves concepts1 they are the work of the group4 ,it can even be said that there are no other concepts which present to an equal degree the signs by which a collective representation is recognized4 ,in fact1 their stability and impersonality are such that they have often passed as being absolutely universal and immutable4 ,also1 as they express the fundamental conditions for an agreement between minds1 it seems evident that they have been elaborated by society4 ,but the problem concerning them is more complex1 for they are social in another sense and1 as it were in the second degree4 ,they not only come from society1 but the things which they express are of a social nature4 ,not only is it society which has founded them1 but their contents are the different aspects of the social being3 the category of class was at first indistinct from the concept of the human group2 it is the rhythm of social life which is at the basis of the category of time2 the territory occupied by the society furnished the material for the category of space2 it is the collective force which was the prototype of the concept of efficient force1 an essential element in the category of causality4 ,however1 the categories are not made to be applied only to the social realm2 they reach out to all reality4 ,then how is it that they have taken from society the models upon which they have been constructed8 ,it is because they are the pre-eminent concepts1 which have a preponderating part in our knowledge4 ,in fact1 the function of the categories is to dominate and envelop all the other concepts3 they are permanent moulds for the mental life4 ,now for them to embrace such an object1 they must be founded upon a reality of equal amplitude4 ,undoubtedly the relations which they express exist in an implicit way in individual consciousnesses4 ,the individual lives in time1 and1 as we have said1 he has a certain sense of temporal orientation4 ,he is situated at a determined point in space1 and it has even been held1 and sustained with good reasons1 that all sensations have something special about them4#acaf ,he has a feeling of resemblances2 similar representations are brought together and the new representation formed by their union has a sort of generic character4 ,we also have the sensation of a certain regularity in the order of the succession of phenomena2 even an animal is not incapable of this4 ,however1 all these relations are strictly personal for the individual who recognizes them1 and consequently the notion of them which he may have can in no case go beyond his own narrow horizon4 ,the generic images which are formed in my consciousness by the fusion of similar images represent only the objects which ,i have perceived directly2 there is nothing there which could give me the idea of a class1 that is to say1 of a mould including the whole group of all possible objects which satisfy the same condition4 ,also1 it would be necessary to have the idea of group in the first place1 and the mere observations of our interior life could never awaken that in us4 ,but1 above all1 there is no individual experience1 howsoever extended and prolonged it may be1 which could give a suspicion of the existence of a whole class which would embrace every single being1 and to which other classes are only co-ordinated or subordinated species4 ,this idea of all1 which is at the basis of the classifications which we have just cited1 could not have come from the individual himself1 who is only a part in relation to the whole and who never attains more than an infinitesimal fraction of reality4 ,and yet there is perhaps no other category of greater importance2 for as the rle of the categories is to envelop all the other concepts1 the category par excellence would seem to be this very concept of totality4 ,the theorists of knowledge ordinarily postulate it as if it came of itself1 while it really surpasses the contents of each individual consciousness taken alone to an infinite degree4 ,for the same reasons1 the space which ,i know by my senses1 of which ,i am the centre and where everything is disposed in relation to me1 could not be space in general1 which contains all extensions and where these are co-ordinated by personal guide-lines which are common to everybody4 ,in the same way1 the concrete duration which ,i feel passing within me and with me could not give me the idea of time in general3 the first expresses only the rhythm of my individual life2 the second should correspond to the rhythm of a life which is not that of any individual in particular1 but in which all participate4#acag ,in the same way1 finally1 the regularities which ,i am able to conceive in the manner in which my sensations succeed one another may well have a value for me2 they explain how it comes about that when ,i am given the first of two phenomena whose concurrence ,i have observed1 ,i tend to expect the other4 ,but this personal state of expectation could not be confounded with the conception of a universal order of succession which imposes itself upon all minds and all events4 ,since the world expressed by the entire system of concepts is the one that society regards1 society alone can furnish the most general notions with which it should be represented4 ,such an object can be embraced only by a subject which contains all the individual subjects within it4 ,since the universe does not exist except in so far as it is thought of1 and since it is not completely thought of except by society1 it takes a place in this latter2 it becomes a part of society's interior life1 while this is the totality1 outside of which nothing exists4 ,the concept of totality is only the abstract form of the concept of society3 it is the whole which includes all things1 the supreme class which embraces all other classes4 ,such is the final principle upon which repose all these primitive classifications where beings from every realm are placed and classified in social forms1 exactly like men4#acah ,but if the world is inside of society1 the space which this latter occupies becomes confounded with space in general4 ,in fact1 we have seen how each thing has its assigned place in social space1 and the degree to which this space in general differs from the concrete expanses which we perceive is well shown by the fact that this localization is wholly ideal and in no way resembles what it would have been if it had been dictated to us by sensuous experience alone4#acai ,for the same reason1 the rhythm of collective life dominates and embraces the varied rhythms of all the elementary lives from which it results2 consequently the time which it expresses dominates and embraces all particular durations4 ,it is time in general4 ,for a long time the history of the world has been only another aspect of the history of society4 ,the one commences with the other2 the periods of the first are determined by the periods of the second4 ,this impersonal and total duration is measured1 and the guide-lines in relation to which it is divided and organized are fixed by the movements of concentration or dispersion of society2 or1 more generally1 the periodical necessities for a collective renewal4 ,if these critical instants are generally attached to some material phenomenon1 such as the regular recurrence of such or such a star or the alternation of the seasons1 it is because objective signs are necessary to make this essentially social organization intelligible to all4 ,in the same way1 finally1 the causal relation1 from the moment when it is collectively stated by the group1 becomes independent of every individual consciousness2 it rises above all particular minds and events4 ,it is a law whose value depends upon no person4 ,we have already shown how it is clearly thus that it seems to have originated4 ,another reason explains why the constituent elements of the categories should have been taken from social life3 it is because the relations which they express could not have been learned except in and through society4 ,if they are in a sense immanent in the life of an individual1 he has neither a reason nor the means for learning them1 reflecting upon them and forming them into distinct ideas4 ,in order to orient himself personally in space and to know at what moments he should satisfy his various organic needs1 he has no need of making1 once and for all1 a conceptual representation of time and space4 ,many animals are able to find the road which leads to places with which they are familiar2 they come back at a proper moment without knowing any of the categories2 sensations are enough to direct them automatically4 ,they would also be enough for men1 if their sensations had to satisfy only individual needs4 ,to recognize the fact that one thing resembles another which we have already experienced1 it is in no way necessary that we arrange them all in groups and species3 the way in which similar images call up each other and unite is enough to give the feeling of resemblance4 ,the impression that a certain thing has already been seen or experienced implies no classification4 ,to recognize the things which we should seek or from which we should flee1 it would not be necessary to attach the effects of the two to their causes by a logical bond1 if individual conveniences were the only ones in question4 ,purely empirical sequences and strong connections between the concrete representations would be as sure guides for the will4 ,not only is it true that the animal has no others1 but also our own personal conduct frequently supposes nothing more4 ,the prudent man is the one who has a very clear sensation of what must be done1 but which he would ordinarily be quite incapable of stating as a general law4 ,it is a different matter with society4 ,this is possible only when the individuals and things which compose it are divided into certain groups1 that is to say1 classified1 and when these groups are classified in relation to each other4 ,society supposes a self-conscious organization which is nothing other than a classification4 ,this organization of society naturally extends itself to the place which this occupies4 ,to avoid all collisions1 it is necessary that each particular group have a determined portion of space assigned to it3 in other terms1 it is necessary that space in general be divided1 differentiated1 arranged1 and that these divisions and arrangements be known to everybody4 ,on the other hand1 every summons to a celebration1 a hunt or a military expedition implies fixed and established dates1 and consequently that a common time is agreed upon1 which everybody conceives in the same fashion4 ,finally1 the co-operation of many persons with the same end in view is possible only when they are in agreement as to the relation which exists between this end and the means of attaining it1 that is to say1 when the same causal relation is admitted by all the co-operators in the enterprise4 ,it is not surprising1 therefore1 that social time1 social space1 social classes and causality should be the basis of the corresponding categories1 since it is under their social forms that these different relations were first grasped with a certain clarity by the human intellect4 ,in summing up1 then1 we must say that society is not at all the illogical or a-logical1 incoherent and fantastic being which it has too often been considered4 ,quite on the contrary1 the collective consciousness is the highest form of the psychic life1 since it is the consciousness of the consciousnesses4 ,being placed outside of and above individual and local contingencies1 it sees things only in their permanent and essential aspects1 which it crystallizes into communicable ideas4 ,at the same time that it sees from above1 it sees farther2 at every moment of time1 it embraces all known reality2 that is why it alone can furnish the mind with the moulds which are applicable to the totality of things and which make it possible to think of them4 ,it does not create these moulds artificially2 it finds them within itself2 it does nothing but become conscious of them4 ,they translate the ways of being which are found in all the stages of reality but which appear in their full clarity only at the summit1 because the extreme complexity of the psychic life which passes there necessitates a greater development of consciousness4 ,attributing social origins to logical thought is not debasing it or diminishing its value or reducing it to nothing more than a system of artificial combinations2 on the contrary1 it is relating it to a cause which implies it naturally4 ,but this is not saying that the ideas elaborated in this way are at once adequate for their object4 ,if society is something universal in relation to the individual1 it is none the less an individuality itself1 which has its own personal physiognomy and its idiosyncrasies2 it is a particular subject and consequently particularizes whatever it thinks of4 ,therefore collective representations also contain subjective elements1 and these must be progressively rooted out1 if we are to approach reality more closely4 ,but howsoever crude these may have been at the beginning1 the fact remains that with them the germ of a new mentality was given1 to which the individual could never have raised himself by his own efforts3 by them the way was opened to a stable1 impersonal and organized thought which then had nothing to do except to develop its nature4 ,also1 the causes which have determined this development do not seem to be specifically different from those which gave it its initial impulse4 ,if logical thought tends to rid itself more and more of the subjective and personal elements which it still retains from its origin1 it is not because extra-social factors have intervened2 it is much rather because a social life of a new sort is developing4 ,it is this international life which has already resulted in universalizing religious beliefs4 ,as it extends1 the collective horizon enlarges2 the society ceases to appear as the only whole1 to become a part of a much vaster one1 with indetermined frontiers1 which is susceptible of advancing indefinitely4 ,consequently things can no longer be contained in the social moulds according to which they were primitively classified2 they must be organized according to principles which are their own1 so logical organization differentiates itself from the social organization and becomes autonomous4 ,really and truly human thought is not a primitive fact2 it is the product of history2 it is the ideal limit towards which we are constantly approaching1 but which in all probability we shall never succeed in reaching4 ,thus it is not at all true that between science on the one hand1 and morals and religion on the other1 there exists that sort of antinomy which has so frequently been admitted1 for the two forms of human activity really come from one and the same source4 ,kant understood this very well1 and therefore he made the speculative reason and the practical reason two different aspects of the same faculty4 ,according to him1 what makes their unity is the fact that the two are directed towards the universal4 ,rational thinking is thinking according to the laws which are imposed upon all reasonable beings2 acting morally is conducting one's self according to those maxims which can be extended without contradiction to all wills4 ,in other words1 science and morals imply that the individual is capable of raising himself above his own peculiar point of view and of living an impersonal life4 ,in fact1 it cannot be doubted that this is a trait common to all the higher forms of thought and action4 ,what ,kant's system does not explain1 however1 is the origin of this sort of contradiction which is realized in man4 ,why is he forced to do violence to himself by leaving his individuality1 and1 inversely1 why is the impersonal law obliged to be dissipated by incarnating itself in individuals8 ,is it answered that there are two antagonistic worlds in which we participate equally1 the world of matter and sense on the one hand1 and the world of pure and impersonal reason on the other8 ,that is merely repeating the question in slightly different terms1 for what we are trying to find out is why we must lead these two existences at the same time4 ,why do these two worlds1 which seem to contradict each other1 not remain outside of each other1 and why must they mutually penetrate one another in spite of their antagonism8 ,the only explanation which has ever been given of this singular necessity is the hypothesis of the ,fall1 with all the difficulties which it implies1 and which need not be repeated here4 ,on the other hand1 all mystery disappears the moment that it is recognized that impersonal reason is only another name given to collective thought4 ,for this is possible only through a group of individuals2 it supposes them1 and in their turn1 they suppose it1 for they can continue to exist only by grouping themselves together4 ,the kingdom of ends and impersonal truths can realize itself only by the co-operation of particular wills1 and the reasons for which these participate in it are the same as those for which they co-operate4 ,in a word1 there is something impersonal in us because there is something social in all of us1 and since social life embraces at once both representations and practices1 this impersonality naturally extends to ideas as well as to acts4 ,perhaps some will be surprised to see us connect the most elevated forms of thought with society3 the cause appears quite humble1 in consideration of the value which we attribute to the effect4 ,between the world of the senses and appetites on the one hand1 and that of reason and morals on the other1 the distance is so considerable that the second would seem to have been able to add itself to the first only by a creative act4 ,but attributing to society this preponderating rle in the genesis of our nature is not denying this creation2 for society has a creative power which no other observable being can equal4 ,in fact1 all creation1 if not a mystical operation which escapes science and knowledge1 is the product of a synthesis4 ,now if the synthesis of particular conceptions which take place in each individual consciousness are already and of themselves productive of novelties1 how much more efficacious these vast syntheses of complete consciousnesses which make society must be6 ,a society is the most powerful combination of physical and moral forces of which nature offers us an example4 ,nowhere else is an equal richness of different materials1 carried to such a degree of concentration1 to be found4 ,then it is not surprising that a higher life disengages itself which1 by reacting upon the elements of which it is the product1 raises them to a higher plane of existence and transforms them4 ,thus sociology appears destined to open a new way to the science of man4 ,up to the present1 thinkers were placed before this double alternative3 either explain the superior and specific faculties of men by connecting them to the inferior forms of his being1 the reason to the senses1 or the mind to matter1 which is equivalent to denying their uniqueness2 or else attach them to some super-experimental reality which was postulated1 but whose existence could be established by no observation4 ,what put them in this difficulty was the fact that the individual passed as being the finis natur--the ultimate creation of nature2 it seemed that there was nothing beyond him1 or at least nothing that science could touch4 ,but from the moment when it is recognized that above the individual there is society1 and that this is not a nominal being created by reason1 but a system of active forces1 a new manner of explaining men becomes possible4 ,to conserve his distinctive traits it is no longer necessary to put them outside experience4 ,at least1 before going to this last extremity1 it would be well to see if that which surpasses the individual1 though it is within him1 does not come from this super-individual reality which we experience in society4 ,to be sure1 it cannot be said at present to what point these explanations may be able to reach1 and whether or not they are of a nature to resolve all the problems4 ,but it is equally impossible to mark in advance a limit beyond which they cannot go4 ,what must be done is to try the hypothesis and submit it as methodically as possible to the control of facts4 ,this is what we have tried to do4 ,,index ,alatunja1 #cbg4 ,alcheringa1 or mythical period1 #bdg4 ,ambiguity of sacredness1 #dji ff42 explanation of1 #dab ff4 ,animal-worship1 totemism not1 #id1 #aci1 #agj f4 ,animism1 as expounded by ,tylor and ,spencer1 #di ff42 how it explains the origin of the idea of the soul1 #ej f42 of spirits1 #ea f42 their cult1 #eb2 and the nature-cult1 #ec f42 criticism of these theories1 #ee ff42 implies that religions are systems of hallucinations1 #fh2 which is its best refutation1 #gj4 ,anthropomorphism1 not found among primitives1 #fg f42 denied by ,spencer1 #ec ff41 #fe2 cannot explain totemic view of world1 #bce1 or primitive rites1 #djf f4 ,apriorism1 philosophical1 #ad f41 #cfh4 ,art1 why principal forms of1 have been born in religion1 #cha2 dramatic1 in totemic ceremonies1 #cgc1 #chj2 totemic emblems first form of1 #abg and n4 #d4 ,arungquiltha1 or magic force1 in ,australia1 #aig f42 how it enables us to understand totemic principle1 #aih4 ,asceticism1 nature of1 #ci1 #caa2 based on negative rites1 #caa2 essential element of religious life1 #caa f42 religious function of1 #cad ff42 sociological import of1 #caf2 implied in the notion of sacredness1 #cag1 its antagonism to the profane1 #ci f41 #cag1 and its contagiousness1 #cah2 not dependent upon idea of divine personalities1 #cba2 positive effects of1 #cab ff41 #chf4 ,atonement for faults by rites1 #che1 #dje1 #djh4 ,authority1 moral1 of society1 #bjg f41 #bjh n4 #d2 based on social opinion1 #bjh1 #bac4 ,beliefs1 how related to rites1 #aja1 #djc2 translate social facts1 #dca1 what they seem destined to become1 #dbi ff42 all contain an element of truth1 #dch4 ,blood1 human1 sacredness of1 #abf1 #acg1 #ccj f4 ,body1 essentially profane1 #bfb2 explanation of this1 #bfc4 ,bull-roarers1 definition of1 #aai4 ,categories of the understanding1 religious origin of1 #i ff42 social origin of1 #aj ff41 #dci2 necessity of1 explained1 #ag ff42 real function of1 #ddj2 only social necessity for1 #ddc2 modelled on social forms1 #ah ff41 #add ff41 #ddj4 ,causality1 law of1 #cfb ff42 first stated in imitative rites1 #cfc2 social origin1 #cfc1 #cfg f41 #ddc2 imposed by society1 #cfh2 sociological theory of1 and classical theories1 #cfh f41 #ddc2 varying statements of1 #cfi and n4 #a4 ,charms1 magic1 explanation of1 #cef4 ,church1 essential to religion1 #dd ff4 ,churinga1 definition of1 #aai2 eminently sacred character of1 #abj2 due to totemic mark1 #abb f42 as religious force1 #aih and n4 #d4 ,civilizing heroes1 #bhc ff42 common to whole tribe1 #bhd2 tribal rites personified1 #bhe2 moral rle of1 #bhe2 connecting link between spirits and gods1 #bij f4 ,clan1 characteristics of1 #ajb2 basis of simplest social system known1 #if1 #afg2 how recruited1 #ajf f42 totem as name of1 #ajb f42 symbolized by totem1 #bjf2 implied by totemism1 #afg2 basis for classification of natural things1 #ada ff4 ,classes1 logical1 religious origin of1 #adh ff42 in higher religions1 #add2 based on social classifications1 #ada ff42 collective life basis of1 #adg ff41 #ddc4 ,communion1 alimentary1 essential to sacrifice1 #ccg2 found in ,australia1 #ccd f41 #ccg1 #cdj2 positive effects of1 #ccg f4 ,concept1 society's rle in the genesis of1 #dcb ff42 not equivalent to general idea1 #dcb2 distinguished from sensations1 #dcc2 immutability of1 #dcc2 universality of1 #dcc2 essentially social nature of1 #dce2 coeval with humanity1 #dch2 objective truth of1 #dcg ff4 ,contagiousness of sacredness1 #bbb2 at basis of ascetic rites1 #cah ff42 not due to associations of ideas1 #cba1 but to the externality of religious forces1 #cbc f42 at basis of logical classifications1 #cbd f4 ,contradiction1 idea of1 religious nature of1 #ch f42 social nature of1 #ab f42 based on social life1 #adf2 origin of1 #bcd ff4 ,contraries1 logical1 nature of primitive1 #bce1 #bch f4 ,corrobbori1 #bae n4 #b1 #chj4 ,cosmology of totemism1 #ada ff42 in all religions1 #i1 #dbh ff4 ,cult1 needed by gods1 #cde ff42 moral reasons for1 #fc1 #cdf1 #dag f42 social interpretation of1 #cdg ff42 real function of1 #chf2 periodical nature of1 #fc2 imitative rites first form of1 #chg2 sthetic nature of1 #chb4 ,death1 insufficiency of1 to make a soul into a spirit1 #fj f41 #cih1 or give sacredness1 #fb4 ,deity4 ,see ,gods1 ,spiritual ,beings4 ,dreams1 as origin of idea of double or soul1 #ej f41 #eh f41 #bfd2 inadequacy of this theory1 #ef f42 as suggesting posthumous life1 #bfh4 ,ecstasy1 in religion1 explained1 #bbf f4 ,efficacy1 idea of1 social origin of1 #cfc f4 ,emblem1 totem as1 of clan1 #bjf1 #bai ff42 psychological need for1 #bbj1 #bcj2 creates unity of group1 #bcj2 and maintains it1 #bca2 incarnates collective sentiments1 #bcb2 why primitives chose theirs in animal or vegetable worlds1 #bcc f4 ,empiricism1 philosophical1 #ac f41 #cfh4 ,ertnatulunga1 #abj1 #bdg4 ,eschatology1 ,australian1 #bde1 #bhg4 ,evil spirits1 #bha ff41 #dbj4 ,expiatory rites1 #djf ff4 ,faith1 religious1 nature of1 #cfj f41 #dcj f4 ,family group1 based on totemism1 #ajf n4 #b4 ,fear1 religion not based on1 #bbc ff41 #djf4 ,fetishism1 #age4 ,folk-lore1 how related to religion1 #da1 #hc n4 #a2 related to totemism1 #ij4 ,force1 religious1 ambiguity of1 #bbb2 why outside object in which it resides1 #bbi2 as collective force1 #bba1 #bbi2 takes form from society1 #ccf2 represents how collective consciousness acts on individuals1 #bbc2 idea of1 precedes that of scientific force1 #bjc f41 #cfc2 collective force as prototype of physical force1 #cfe4 ,see ,sacred1 ,totemic ,principle4 ,formalism1 religious1 explanation of1 #ce2 first form of legal1 #ce f4 ,free-will1 doctrine of1 how explained1 #bga f4 ,games1 born in religion1 #cha and n4 #a4 ,gods1 religions without1 #cj ff42 in ,australia1 #bhe ff42 immortal1 #bhf2 creators1 #bhg2 benefactors1 #bhg2 connected with initiation rites1 #bhh2 international character of1 #bhh1 #bid f41 #dbe ff42 of indigenous origin1 #bhi f42 developed form of civilizing heroes1 #bij f41 #bie2 closely connected with totemic system1 #aia1 #bia f42 first conceived in tribal assemblies1 #bic2 expressions of tribal unity1 #bid1 #dbf4 ,hair1 human1 sacredness of1 #fd1 #acg f4 ,hazing1 sociological import of1 #cac n4 #d4 ,ideal1 the1 in religion1 #dbj ff42 formation of1 a natural and necessary product of collective life1 #dbb4 ,idealism1 essential1 of social and religious worlds1 #bbh1 #cde1 #cdg4 ,imitative ,rites1 #cea ff42 in ,australia1 #cea ff42 based on so-called sympathetic magic1 #cee ff42 distinguished from charms1 #cef2 reasons for1 #ceg ff42 material efficacy attributed to1 #cei2 explained by moral efficacy of1 #cei f42 first expression of law of causality1 #cfc2 original form of cult1 #chg4 ,immortality of soul1 idea of1 not established for moral purposes1 #bfg2 nor to escape annihilation1 #bfg2 influence of dreams1 #bfh2 but this not enough to account for doctrine1 #bfh2 doctrine of1 invented to explain origin of souls1 #bfh f41 and expresses the immortality of society1 #bfh f42 moral value of1 an after-thought1 #bfi2 doctrine of future judgment in ,australia1 #bde1 #bhg2 influence of mourning upon1 #djb f4 ,individual totem1 #aeg ff42 relations of1 to individual1 #aeh f42 his alter ego1 #aei2 individual1 not a species1 #afj2 how related to collective totem1 #afa2 how acquired1 #afa ff42 how related to genius1 #bgi2 origin of1 #bhj f41 #bha n4 #a4 ,see ,totemism1 ,individual4 ,individualism1 religious1 #aeg ff41 #agb ff41 #agi f42 importance attributed to1 by some1 #de ff41 #agb2 how explained1 #dbd f4 ,infinite1 conception of1 in religion1 #gd2 not equivalent to sacred1 #he2 the1 not characteristic of religion1 #be4 ,initiation into tribe by religious ceremonies1 #ci1 #chd2 no special rites for1 #che n4 #b4 ,interdictions1 or taboos1 various sorts of1 #cjj ff42 forms of1 in ,australia1 #cjb ff42 of touch1 #cjb2 of eating1 #cjc2 of seeing1 #cjd2 of speech1 #cje2 sexual1 #cjd and n4 #a2 of all temporal activity on certain days1 #cjf f41 #ccd2 ideas at the basis of1 #cjh2 positive effects of1 #cji ff42 implied in notion of sacredness1 #cag4 ,intichiuma1 #cbf ff42 description of among the ,australians1 #cbg-ccf2 as elementary form of sacrifice1 #ccf2 material efficacy expected of1 #cca1 #ccc2 alimentary communion in1 #ccd f41 #ccg2 imitative elements in1 #cec2 commemorative nature of1 #cga f42 used for initiating young men into tribe1 #che and n4 #a4 ,knowledge1 theory of4 ,see ,apriorism1 ,empiricism1 ,sociological4 ,language1 importance of1 for logical thought1 #ge ff41 #dcd2 social character of1 #dcd4 ,logic1 related to religion and society1 #bcd1 #bcg ff42 basis for1 furnished by society1 #ah ff41 #adh1 #dca ff4 ,magic1 based on religious ideas1 #db ff41 #cfa f41 #cfb n4 #a2 distinguished from religion1 #dc ff42 hostility of1 towards religion1 #dc2 sympathetic1 #cee ff4 ,majesty1 essentially religious nature of idea of1 #fb1 cf4 #bac4 ,man1 sacred character of1 #acd1 explained1 #bba f42 partakes of nature of totemic animal1 #acd ff42 sacred to varying degrees1 #ach ff42 double nature of1 #bfc f41 #ddd ff4 ,mana1 of the ,melanesians1 #aid f4 ,see ,totemic ,principle4 ,matrimonial classes1 definition of1 #aji4 ,metempsychosis1 not found in ,australia1 #afi1 cf4 #bfa f4 ,mourning1 #cij ff42 nature of1 determined by etiquette1 #cia2 especially severe for women1 #cia ff41 #djj ff42 anger as well as sorrow expressed in1 #cic2 how related to vendetta1 #cid2 not the expression of individual emotions1 #cig1 but a duty imposed by group1 #cig2 classic interpretation of1 unsustainable1 #cih f42 not connected with ideas of souls or spirits1 #cih1 #dja2 social interpretation of1 #cii ff4 ,mystery in religion1 #be2 idea of1 not primitive1 #be2 absent from many religions1 #bi4 ,myths1 essential element of religious life1 #hb2 distinguished from fables1 #hc n4 #a2 as work of art1 #hb1 #aja2 interpret rites1 #aja1 #acj2 as a society's representation of man and the world1 #cge4 ,nanji1 rock or tree1 #bej f4 ,naturism1 as expounded by ,max ,mller1 #gc ff42 seeks to establish religion in reality1 #gc2 teaches that gods are personifications of natural phenomena1 #gc2 distinguishes between religion and mythology1 #ha2 but makes religion a fabric of errors1 #gi ff42 cannot account for origin of sacredness1 #hd ff4 ,negative rites1 nature of1 in ,australia1 #cjb ff42 see also ,interdictions2 positive effects of1 #cji ff42 as preparation for positive rites1 #caj f42 basis of asceticism1 #caa2 in mourning1 #cij4 ,nurtunja1 #abd2 as rallying-centre for group1 #abe4 ,oblations1 essential to sacrifice1 #cda2 this denied by ,smith1 #cdj f42 found in ,australia1 #cda f42 vicious circle implied in1 #cdj f41 explained1 #cdd ff42 profound reasons for1 #cdd f4 ,orenda1 of the ,iroquois1 #aic f41 #aih4 ,see ,totemic ,principle4 ,origins1 definition of1 #h n4 #a4 ,pantheism1 totemic1 #aec f4 ,part equal to whole1 religious principle that1 explained1 #bbi2 in magic1 #bbi n4 #c2 in sacrificial communions1 #cch4 ,personality1 idea of1 double origin of1 #bgj2 impersonal elements in1 #bga2 its alleged autonomy explained1 #bga2 importance of social elements in1 #bgb2 represented by individual totem1 #bhj4 ,phratry1 definition of1 #ajg ff42 predecessor of clan1 #ajh and n4 #i1 #aji1 #ade2 as basis for classifications of natural things1 #ada ff41 #ade4 ,piacular rites1 definition of1 #chi2 distinguished from ascetic rites1 #cif2 based on same needs as positive rites1 #cii-djc2 material benefits expected of1 #djd f42 as expiation for ritual faults1 #dje f42 social function of1 #djg f4 ,pitchi1 #ccd4 ,primitives1 definition of1 #a n4 #a2 best studied in ,australia1 #ie2 why especially important for us1 #c ff4 ,profane1 absolute distinction of1 from sacred1 #ch f4 ,ratapa1 or soul-germs1 #bea1 #beb4 ,recreative elements of religion1 #cgi ff41 #chb f4 ,reincarnation of souls1 doctrine of1 in ,australia1 #afi1 #bej1 #bec f41 #bef1 #bfe4 ,religion1 must have a foundation in reality1 #b1 #gj1 #bbe2 none are false1 #c1 #dag1 #dch2 real purpose of1 #daf2 eternal elements of1 #dbg ff42 as source of all civilization1 #i1 #gj1 #bbc1 #dah f41 #dai n4 #a2 source of science and philosophy1 #i1 #bjc1 #bch1 #cbe1 #cfb ff42 so-called conflict of1 with science1 #daf ff42 speculative functions of1 #dcj2 recreative and sthetic elements of1 #cgi ff42 as pre-eminent expression of social life1 #dai ff42 said to be characterized by supernatural1 #bd ff41 or by idea of spiritual beings1 #bi ff42 not based on fear1 #bbc ff41 but happy confidence1 #bbd2 characterized by that which is sacred1 #cg2 distinguished from magic1 #db ff42 none proceeds on any unique principle1 #da2 importance of primitive1 #c ff42 totemism most elementary form of1 #afg f42 definition of1 #dg4 ,representative rites1 #cgj ff42 value of1 for showing real reasons for cult1 #cga1 #cgh f42 as dramatic representations1 #cgc1 #cgf ff41 #chj2 moral purpose of1 evident1 #cge2 expect no material benefits1 #cgg ff4 ,respect1 inspired by society1 #bjg f4 ,rites1 how related to beliefs1 #aja2 totemic principle attached to1 #bjj2 social function of1 #bbf2 material efficacy attributed to1 due to moral efficacy of1 #cdf1 #cei f42 moral and social significance of1 #cgj ff42 reasons for1 as given by ,australians1 #cga2 as form of dramatic art1 #cgc1 #chj2 sthetic nature of1 #cha2 interchangeability of1 #chd ff4 ,sacred1 the1 characteristic of all that is religious1 #cg2 not characterized by its exalted position1 #cg1 but by its distinction from the profane1 #ch2 superimposed upon its basis1 #bbi2 created by society1 #bjf ff4 ,see ,totemic ,principle2 double nature of1 #cja1 #cbj1 #dji ff4 ,sacrifice1 forms of1 in ,australia1 #cbg ff41 #ccf2 see ,intichiuma2 theory of ,robertson ,smith of1 #ccf ff41 #cdj2 alimentary communion essential part of1 #ccg2 how this strengthens one's religious nature1 #ccg f42 sacrilege inherent in1 explained1 #cch f42 oblations essential to1 #cda2 why gods have need of1 #ch1 #cdf2 social function of1 #cdg ff4 ,science1 so-called conflict of1 with religion1 #daf ff41 #dcj1 #dde2 religious origin of1 #i1 #bjc1 #bch1 #cbe1 #cfb ff42 supplants religious speculation1 #dbi ff42 but cannot do so completely1 #dca2 authority of1 #bjh1 #dca4 ,sexual totems1 #afe f4 ,social life1 basis for religious representations1 #bba1 #caf1 #cdg2 rhythm of1 and religion1 #bai1 #cdi2 model for philosophical representations1 #ah1 #ai n4 #b1 #add ff4 ,society1 how forms of1 determine character of religion1 #id1 #aif f41 #bcd2 characterized by institutions1 #cff n4 #a2 ideal nature of1 #bhh1 #cde1 #dbj ff41 #dbb f42 not an illogical or a-logical being1 #ddd2 how it recasts animal nature into human nature1 #ff2 how it arouses sensations of divine1 #bjf ff41 of dependence1 #bjf f41 of respect1 #bjg1 of moral authority1 #bjg f41 of an external moral force1 #bji1 of kindly external forces1 #bab1 of the sacred1 #bab ff41 #bah2 stimulating and sustaining action of1 #bji ff42 how it gives men their most characteristic attributes1 #bab2 how it exists only through its individual members1 #bba1 #cdg2 how this gives men their sacred character1 #bba f42 foundation of religious experience1 #dah4 ,sociological theory of knowledge1 #ac1 #ae ff41 #ah ff41 #add ff41 #bjc f41 #bcd ff41 #bfi ff41 #cba ff41 #cfb ff41 #dca ff41 #dci ff4 ,soul1 idea of1 found in all religions1 #bdj2 various representations of1 #bda ff42 relation of1 to body1 #bdb ff42 after death1 #bdd ff42 origin of1 according to the ,arunta1 #bdg ff42 reincarnation of1 #bej1 #bec ff41 #bfe2 as totemic principle incarnate in the individual1 #bdh ff41 #bed ff41 #bei ff42 or parts of totemic divinity1 #fe1 #bdi2 close relations of1 with totemic animal1 #bei f2 sacred character of1 #bfb2 notion of1 founded in reality1 #bfb f42 represents the social part of our nature1 #bfb f42 reality of our double nature1 #bfc f41 #ddd ff42 coeval with notion of mana1 #bff f42 how a secondary formation1 #bff2 idea of immortality of1 explained1 #bfg ff41 see ,immortality2 how related to idea of personality1 #bfi ff41 see ,personality2 distinguished from spirit1 #bgc2 form in which human force is represented1 #cff2 social elements of1 #cff2 how employed to explain mourning1 #dja2 origin of idea of1 according to animism1 #ej f4 ,space1 category of1 religious and social origin of1 #aa f41 #dda and n4 #a4 ,spirits1 distinguished from souls1 #bgc2 from ghosts1 #bgd2 related to ,roman genius1 #bge2 relations of1 to things1 #bge f42 how derived from idea of soul1 #bgg f42 objective basis of idea of1 #bhj f42 spirits of evil1 #bha f41 #dbj2 animistic theory of origin of1 #ea f4 ,spiritual beings1 as characteristic of religion1 #bi2 absent from many religions1 #cj1 #acg1 or strictly religious rites1 #ce2 not sufficient to explain religion1 #ce4 ,see ,soul1 ,spirits4 ,spiritualism1 ,lang's theory of1 as origin of idea of soul1 #fj n4 #a4 ,suffering1 religious rle of1 in inferior societies1 #cab ff42 believed to give extra strength1 #cad2 how this idea is well founded1 #cae4 ,supernatural1 the1 as characteristic of religion1 #bd ff42 conception of1 quite modern1 #bf2 not the essential element of religion1 #bh4 ,sympathetic magic1 so-called1 at basis of imitative rites1 #cee ff42 fundamental principles of1 #cef2 why this term is inexact1 #cfa f4 ,taboo1 derivation of word1 #cjj4 ,see ,interdictions4 ,tattooings1 totemic1 #aag1 #bcb4 ,time1 category of1 religious and social origin of1 #aj f41 #ddj f41 #dda n4 #a4 ,totality1 concept of1 could never be suggested by individual experience1 #dda2 related to concepts of society and divinity1 #ddb n4 #a4 ,totem1 derivation of word1 #ajc2 as name of clan1 #ajb f42 nature of things serving as1 #ajc ff42 species1 not individuals1 #ajd f42 how inherited1 #ajf ff42 of phratries1 #ajg ff41 #aab2 of matrimonial classes1 #aji ff42 as emblem or coat-of-arms of group1 #aac2 religious nature of1 #aai2 relations of1 with men and things1 #aej2 sub-totems1 #aea2 individual totems1 #aeg ff42 symbol of totemic principle of clan1 #bjf2 clan inseparable from1 #afg4 ,totemic animals1 interdiction against eating by men of that clan1 #abh ff42 or by those of other clans of the same phratry1 #aca and n4 #a2 and against killing1 #acb2 less sacred and powerful than totemic emblems1 #acc2 related to men1 #acd1 #aci1 #bei ff42 sacredness of1 due to resemblance to emblem1 #bbb4 ,totemic emblem1 as collective emblem1 #aac2 sacred character of1 #abb1 #abf2 conventional nature of1 #abf f42 more sacred and powerful than totemic animal1 #acc2 as first form of art1 #abg n4 #d4 ,totemic principle1 or ,mana1 cause of the sacredness of things1 #fb ff41 #ahh1 #aii f42 totem material representation of1 #ahi1 #bjf2 as a force1 #aij2 as source of moral life of clan1 #aij2 compared to totemic god1 #ahi2 personified in gods of higher religions1 #aia1 #aii1 #bia f42 as ,wakan1 #aib f42 as ,orenda1 #aic f42 as ,mana1 #aid f42 ubiquity of1 #ahi1 #aic1 #aid2 multiformity of1 #aic2 used in magic1 #aih1 #bja f42 attached to rites1 words1 etc41 #bjj2 as representation of clan1 #bjf1 #bad ff42 first conceived in the midst of great social effervescence1 #bah f42 how it comes to be symbolized by totem1 #bai ff4 ,totemic system1 unity of1 #bie f42 work of whole tribe1 #aed f41 #bhc1 #bie4 ,totemism1 early theoricians of1 #hh ff42 ,australia as classic land of1 #ic f42 importance of ,american1 #if f42 as most elementary religion1 #hh1 #afg2 former universality of1 unimportant1 #ie2 religious nature of1 unquestionable1 #afg2 not animal-worship1 #aci1 #agj f41 nor nature-cult1 #aga f42 contains all the elements of the religious life1 #dae2 conceptional totemism1 inadequacies of1 #ahj ff4 ,tribe1 totemic system work of whole1 #aed f41 #bhc1 #bie2 unity of1 expressed by great gods1 #bid f4 ,universalism1 religious1 #bid f42 how explained1 #dbe ff4 ,vendetta1 how related to rites of mourning1 #cid4 ,wakan1 or great spirit of ,sioux1 #aib f41 #aie f41 #aii4 ,see ,totemic ,principle4 ,waninga1 #abd4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,in the same way1 we shall say of these societies that they are primitive1 and we shall call the men of these societies primitives4 ,undoubtedly the expression lacks precision1 but that is hardly evitable1 and besides1 when we have taken pains to fix the meaning1 it is not inconvenient4 #b ,but that is not equivalent to saying that all luxury is lacking to the primitive cults4 ,on the contrary1 we shall see that in every religion there are beliefs and practices which do not aim at strictly utilitarian ends 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 iv1 #b74 ,this luxury is indispensable to the religious life2 it is at its very heart4 ,but it is much more rudimentary in the inferior religions than in the others1 so we are better able to determine its reason for existence here4 #c ,it is seen that we give a wholly relative sense to this word origins1 just as to the word primitive4 ,by it we do not mean an absolute beginning1 but the most simple social condition that is actually known or that beyond which we cannot go at present4 ,when we speak of the origins or of the commencement of religious history or thought1 it is in this sense that our statements should be understood4 #d ,we say that time and space are categories because there is no difference between the rle played by these ideas in the intellectual life and that which falls to the ideas of class or cause 7on this point see1 ,hamelin1 ,essai sur les lments principaux de la reprsentation1 pp4 #fc1 #gf74 #e ,see the support given this assertion in ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,mlanges d',histoire des ,religions 7,travaux de l',anne ,sociologique71 chapter on ,la ,reprsentation du ,temps dans la ,religion4 #f ,thus we see all the difference which exists between the group of sensations and images which serve to locate us in time1 and the category of time4 ,the first are the summary of individual experiences1 which are of value only for the person who experienced them4 ,but what the category of time expresses is a time common to the group1 a social time1 so to speak4 ,in itself it is a veritable social institution4 ,also1 it is peculiar to man2 animals have no representations of this sort4 ,this distinction between the category of time and the corresponding sensations could be made equally well in regard to space or cause4 ,perhaps this would aid in clearing up certain confusions which are maintained by the controversies of which these questions are the subject4 ,we shall return to this point in the conclusion of the present work 7 #d74 #g ,op4 cit41 pp4 #ge ff4 #h ,or else it would be necessary to admit that all individuals1 in virtue of their organo-physical constitution1 are spontaneously affected in the same manner by the different parts of space3 which is more improbable1 especially as in themselves the different regions are sympathetically indifferent4 ,also1 the divisions of space vary with different societies1 which is a proof that they are not founded exclusively upon the congenital nature of man4 #i ,see ,durkheim and ,mauss1 ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 in ,anne ,sociologique1 ,,vi1 pp4 #dg ff4 #aj ,see ,durkheim and ,mauss1 ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 in ,anne ,sociologique1 ,,vi1 p4 #cd4 #aa ,zui ,creation ,myths1 in #acth ,rep4 of the ,bureau of ,amer4 ,ethnol41 pp4 #cfg ff4 #ab ,see ,hertz1 ,la prminence de la main droite4 ,etude de polarit religieuse1 in the ,revue ,philosophique1 ,dec41 #aiji4 ,on this same question of the relations between the representation of space and the form of the group1 see the chapter in ,ratzel1 ,politische ,geographie1 entitled ,der ,raum in ,geist der ,vlker4 #ac ,we do not mean to say that mythological thought ignores it1 but that it contradicts it more frequently and openly than scientific thought does4 ,inversely1 we shall show that science cannot escape violating it1 though it holds to it far more scrupulously than religion does4 ,on this subject1 as on many others1 there are only differences of degree between science and religion2 but if these differences should not be exaggerated1 they must be noted1 for they are significant4 #ad ,this hypothesis has already been set forth by the founders of the ,vlkerpsychologie4 ,it is especially remarked in a short article by ,windelbrand entitled ,die ,erkenntnisslehre unter dem ,vlkerpsychologischen ,gesichtspunke1 in the ,zeitsch4 f4 ,vlkerpsychologie1 viii1 pp4 #aff ff4 ,cf4 a note of ,steinthal on the same subject1 ibid41 pp4 #agh ff4 #ae ,even in the theory of ,spencer1 it is by individual experience that the categories are made4 ,the only difference which there is in this regard between ordinary empiricism and evolutionary empiricism is that according to this latter1 the results of individual experience are accumulated by heredity4 ,but this accumulation adds nothing essential to them2 no element enters into their composition which does not have its origin in the experience of the individual4 ,according to this theory1 also1 the necessity with which the categories actually impose themselves upon us is the product of an illusion and a superstitious prejudice1 strongly rooted in the organism1 to be sure1 but without foundation in the nature of things4 #af ,perhaps some will be surprised that we do not define the apriorist theory by the hypothesis of innateness4 ,but this conception really plays a secondary part in the doctrine4 ,it is a simple way of stating the impossibility of reducing rational knowledge to empirical data4 ,saying that the former is innate is only a positive way of saying that it is not the product of experience1 such as it is ordinarily conceived4 #ag ,at least1 in so far as there are any representations which are individual and hence wholly empirical4 ,but there are in fact probably none where the two elements are not found closely united4 #ah ,this irreducibility must not be taken in any absolute sense4 ,we do not wish to say that there is nothing in the empirical representations which shows rational ones1 nor that there is nothing in the individual which could be taken as a sign of social life4 ,if experience were completely separated from all that is rational1 reason could not operate upon it2 in the same way1 if the psychic nature of the individual were absolutely opposed to the social life1 society would be impossible4 ,a complete analysis of the categories should seek these germs of rationality even in the individual consciousness4 ,we shall have occasion to come back to this point in our conclusion4 ,all that we wish to establish here is that between these indistinct germs of reason and the reason properly so called1 there is a difference comparable to that which separates the properties of the mineral elements out of which a living being is composed from the characteristic attributes of life after this has once been constituted4 #ai ,it has frequently been remarked that social disturbances result in multiplying mental disturbances4 ,this is one more proof that logical discipline is a special aspect of social discipline4 ,the first gives way as the second is weakened4 #bj ,there is an analogy between this logical necessity and moral obligation but there is not an actual identity4 ,to-day society treats criminals in a different fashion than subjects whose intelligence only is abnormal2 that is a proof that the authority attached to logical rules and that inherent in moral rules are not of the same nature1 in spite of certain similarities4 ,they are two species of the same class4 ,it would be interesting to make a study on the nature and origin of this difference1 which is probably not primitive1 for during a long time1 the public conscience has poorly distinguished between the deranged and the delinquent4 ,we confine ourselves to signalizing this question4 ,by this example1 one may see the number of problems which are raised by the analysis of these notions which generally pass as being elementary and simple1 but which are really of an extreme complexity4 #ba ,this question will be treated again in the conclusion of this work4 #bb ,the rationalism which is imminent in the sociological theory of knowledge is thus midway between the classical empiricism and apriorism4 ,for the first1 the categories are purely artificial constructions2 for the second1 on the contrary1 they are given by nature2 for us1 they are in a sense a work of art1 but of an art which imitates nature with a perfection capable of increasing unlimitedly4 #bc ,for example1 that which is at the foundation of the category of time is the rhythm of social life2 but if there is a rhythm in collective life1 one may rest assured that there is another in the life of the individual1 and more generally1 in that of the universe4 ,the first is merely more marked and apparent than the others4 ,in the same way1 we shall see that the notion of class is founded on that of the human group4 ,but if men form natural groups1 it can be assumed that among things there exists groups which are at once analogous and different4 ,classes and species are natural groups of things4 ,if it seems to many minds that a social origin cannot be attributed to the categories without depriving them of all speculative value1 it is because society is still too frequently regarded as something that is not natural2 hence it is concluded that the representations which express it express nothing in nature4 ,but the conclusion is not worth more than the premise4 #bd ,this is how it is legitimate to compare the categories to tools2 for on its side1 a tool is material accumulated capital4 ,there is a close relationship between the three ideas of tool1 category and institution4 #be ,we have already attempted to define religious phenomena in a paper which was published in the ,anne ,sociologique 7,vol4 ,,ii1 pp4 #a ff474 ,the definition then given differs1 as will be seen1 from the one we give to-day4 ,at the end of this chapter 7p4 #dg1 n4 #a71 we shall explain the reasons which have led us to these modifications1 but which imply no essential change in the conception of the facts4 #bf ,see above1 p4 #c4 ,we shall say nothing more upon the necessity of these preliminary definitions nor upon the method to be followed to attain them4 ,that is exposed in our ,rgles de la ,mthode sociologique1 pp4 #dc ff4 ,cf4 ,le ,suicide1 pp4 #a ff4 7,paris1 ,f4 ,alcan74 #bg ,first ,principles1 p4 #cg4 #bh ,introduction to the ,science of ,religions1 p4 #ah4 ,cf4 ,origin and ,development of ,religion1 p4 #bc4 #bi ,this same frame of mind is also found in the scholastic period1 as is witnessed by the formula with which philosophy was defined at this time3 ,fides qurens intellectum4 #cj ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 pp4 #ae ff4 #ca ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 p4 #bc4 #cb ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii4 #cc ,prolegomena to the ,history of ,religions1 p4 #be 7tr4 by ,squire74 #cd ,primitive ,culture1 ,i1 p4 #dbd4 7,fourth edition1 #aijc47 #ce ,beginning with the first edition of the ,golden ,bough1 ,i1 pp4 #cj-cb4 #cf ,notably ,spencer and ,gillen and even ,preuss1 who gives the name magic to all non-individualized religious forces4 #cg ,burnouf1 ,introduction l'histoire du bouddhisme indien1 sec4 edit41 p4 #dfd4 ,the last word of the text shows that ,buddhism does not even admit the existence of an eternal ,nature4 #ch ,barth1 ,the ,religions of ,india1 p4 #aaj 7tr4 by ,wood74 #ci ,oldenberg1 ,buddha1 p4 #ec 7tr4 by ,hoey74 #dj ,oldenberg1 ibid41 pp4 #cac ff4 ,cf4 ,kern1 ,histoire du bouddhisme dans l',inde1 ,i1 pp4 #chi ff4 #da ,oldenberg1 p4 #bej2 ,barth1 p4 #aaj4 #db ,oldenberg1 p4 #cad4 #dc ,barth1 p4 #aji4 ,in the same way1 ,burnouf says1 ,i have the profound conviction that if kya had not found about him a ,pantheon already peopled with the gods just named1 he would have felt no need of inventing them 7,introd4 l'hist4 du bouddhisme indien1 p4 #aai74 #dd ,burnouf1 op4 cit41 p4 #aag4 #de ,kern1 op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #bhi4 #df ,the belief1 universally admitted in ,india1 that great holiness is necessarily accompanied by supernatural faculties1 is the only support which he 7kya7 should find in spirits 7,burnouf1 p4 #aai74 #dg ,burnouf1 p4 #abj4 #dh ,ibid41 p4 #ajg4 #di ,ibid41 p4 #cjb4 #ej ,this is what ,kern expresses in the following terms3 ,in certain regards1 he is a man2 in certain others1 he is not a man2 in others1 he is neither the one nor the other 7op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #bij74 #ea ,the conception was foreign to ,buddhism that the divine ,head of the ,community is not absent from his people1 but that he dwells powerfully in their midst as their lord and king1 so that all cultus is nothing else but the expression of this continuing living fellowship4 ,buddha has entered into ,nirvna2 if his believers desired to invoke him1 he could not hear them 7,oldenberg1 p4 #cfi74 #eb ,buddhist doctrine might be in all its essentials what it actually is1 even if the idea of ,buddha remained completely foreign to it 7,oldenberg1 p4 #cbb74--;,and whatever is said of the historic ,buddha can be applied equally well to the mythological ,buddhas4 #ec ,for the same idea1 see ,max ,mller1 ,natural ,religion1 pp4 #ajc ff4 and #aij4 #ed ,op4 cit41 p4 #adf4 #ee ,barth1 in ,encyclopdie des sciences religieuses1 ,,vi1 p4 #edh4 #ef ,oldenberg1 op4 cit41 p4 #ec4 #eg #a ,sam4 xxi41 #f4 #eh ,levit4 xii4 #ei ,deut4 xxii41 #aj and #aa4 #fj ,la religion vdique1 ,i1 p4 #abb4 #fa ,ibid41 p4 #acc4 #fb ,no text1 says ,bergaigne1 bears better witness to the consciousness of a magic action by man upon the waters of heaven than verse x1 #cb1 #g1 where this belief is expressed in general terms1 applicable to an actual man1 as well as to his real or mythological ancestors3 ',the ignorant man has questioned the wise2 instructed by the wise1 he acts1 and here is the profit of his instruction3 he obtains the flowing of streams' 7p4 #acg74 #fc ,ibid41 p4 #aci4 #fd ,examples will also be found in ,hubert1 art4 ,magia in the ,dictionnaire des ,antiquits1 ,,vi1 p4 #aeji4 #fe ,not to mention the sage and the saint who practise these truths and who for that reason are sacred4 #ff ,this is not saying that these relations cannot take a religious character4 ,but they do not do so necessarily4 #fg ,schultze1 ,fetichismus1 p4 #abi4 #fh ,examples of these usages will be found in ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 #b edit41 ,i1 pp4 #ha ff4 #fi ,the conception according to which the profane is opposed to the sacred1 just as the irrational is to the rational1 or the intelligible is to the mysterious1 is only one of the forms under which this opposition is expressed4 ,science being once constituted1 it has taken a profane character1 especially in the eyes of the ,christian religions2 from that it appears as though it could not be applied to sacred things4 #gj ,see ,frazer1 ,on ,some ,ceremonies of the ,central ,australian ,tribes in ,australian ,association for the ,advancement of ,science1 #aija1 pp4 #cac ff4 ,this conception is also of an extreme generality4 ,in ,india1 the simple participation in the sacrificial act has the same effects2 the sacrificer1 by the mere act of entering within the circle of sacred things1 changes his personality4 7,see1 ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,essai sur le ,sacrifice in the ,anne ,sociologique1 ,,ii1 p4 #aja47 #ga ,see what was said of the initiation above1 p4 #ci4 #gb ,we shall point out below how1 for example1 certain species of sacred things exist1 between which there is an incompatibility as all-exclusive as that between the sacred and the profane 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 v1 #d74 #gc ,this is the case with certain marriage and funeral rites1 for example4 #gd ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 pp4 #ecd ff42 ,northern ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 p4 #dfc2 ,howitt1 ,native ,tribes of ,s4,e4 ,australia1 pp4 #cei-cfa4 #ge ,see ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 ch4 xii4 #gf ,see ,hubert1 art4 ,magia in ,dictionnaire des ,antiquits4 #gg ,for example1 in ,melanesia1 the tindalo is a spirit1 now religious1 now magic 7,codrington1 pp4 #abe ff41 #aid ff474 #gh ,see ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,thorie ,gnrale de la ,magie1 in ,anne ,sociologique1 vol4 ,,vii1 pp4 #hc-hd4 #gi ,for example1 the host is profaned in the black mass4 #hj ,one turns his back to the altar1 or goes around the altar commencing by the left instead of by the right4 #ha ,loc4 cit41 p4 #ai4 #hb ,undoubtedly it is rare that a ceremony does not have some director at the moment when it is celebrated2 even in the most crudely organized societies1 there are generally certain men whom the importance of their social position points out to exercise a directing influence over the religious life 7for example1 the chiefs of the local groups of certain ,australian societies74 ,but this attribution of functions is still very uncertain4 #hc ,at ,athens1 the gods to whom the domestic cult was addressed were only specialized forms of the gods of the city 7,greek3 ,zeus ktsios1 ,zeus herkeios74 ,in the same way1 in the ,middle ,ages1 the patrons of the guilds were saints of the calendar4 #hd ,for the name ,church is ordinarily applied only to a group whose common beliefs refer to a circle of more special affairs4 #he ,hubert and ,mauss1 loc4 cit41 p4 #ah4 #hf ,robertson ,smith has already pointed out that magic is opposed to religion1 as the individual to the social 7,the ,religion of the ,semites1 #b edit41 pp4 #bfd-bfe74 ,also1 in thus distinguishing magic from religion1 we do not mean to establish a break of continuity between them4 ,the frontiers between the two domains are frequently uncertain4 #hg ,codrington1 ,trans4 and ,proc4 ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,victoria1 ,,xvi1 p4 #acf4 #hh ,negrioli1 ,dei ,genii presso i ,romani4 #hi ,this is the conclusion reached by ,spencer in his ,ecclesiastical ,institutions 7ch4 xvi71 and by ,sabatier in his ,outlines of a ,philosophy of ,religion1 based on ,psychology and ,history 7tr4 by ,seed71 and by all the school to which he belongs4 #ij ,notably among numerous ,indian tribes of ,north ,america4 #ia ,this statement of fact does not touch the question whether exterior and public religion is not merely the development of an interior and personal religion which was the primitive fact1 or whether1 on the contrary1 the second is not the projection of the first into individual consciences4 ,the problem will be directly attacked below 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 v1 #b1 cf4 the same book1 ch4 vi and vii1 #a74 ,for the moment1 we confine ourselves to remarking that the individual cult is presented to the observer as an element of1 and something dependent upon1 the collective cult4 #ib ,it is by this that our present definition is connected to the one we have already proposed in the ,anne ,sociologique4 ,in this other work1 we defined religious beliefs exclusively by their obligatory character2 but1 as we shall show1 this obligation evidently comes from the fact that these beliefs are the possession of a group which imposes them upon its members4 ,the two definitions are thus in a large part the same4 ,if we have thought it best to propose a new one1 it is because the first was too formal1 and neglected the contents of the religious representations too much4 ,it will be seen1 in the discussions which follow1 how important it is to put this characteristic into evidence at once4 ,moreover1 if their imperative character is really a distinctive trait of religious beliefs1 it allows of an infinite number of degrees2 consequently there are even cases where it is not easily perceptible4 ,hence come difficulties and embarrassments which are avoided by substituting for this criterium the one we now employ4 #ic ,we thus leave aside here those theories which1 in whole or in part1 make use of super-experimental data4 ,this is the case with the theory which ,andrew ,lang exposed in his book1 ,the ,making of ,religion1 and which ,father ,schmidt has taken up again1 with variations of detail1 in a series of articles on ,the ,origin of the ,idea of ,god 7,anthropos1 #aijh1 #aiji74 ,lang does not set animism definitely aside1 but in the last analysis1 he admits a sense or intuition of the divine directly4 ,also1 if we do not consider it necessary to expose and discuss this conception in the present chapter1 we do not intend to pass it over in silence2 we shall come to it again below1 when we shall ourselves explain the facts upon which it is founded 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 ix1 #d74 #id ,this is the case1 for example1 of ,fustel de ,coulanges who accepts the two conceptions together 7,the ,ancient ,city1 ,bk4 ,i and ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii74 #ie ,this is the case with ,jevons1 who criticizes the animism taught by ,tylor1 but accepts his theories on the origin of the idea of the soul and the anthropomorphic instinct of man4 ,inversely1 ,usener1 in his ,gtternamen1 rejects certain hypotheses of ,max ,mller which will be described below1 but admits the principal postulates of naturism4 #if ,primitive ,culture1 chs4 xi-xviii4 #ig ,principles of ,sociology1 ,parts ,i and ,,vi4 #ih ,this is the word used by ,tylor4 ,it has the inconvenience of seeming to imply that men1 in the proper sense of the term1 existed before there was a civilization4 ,however1 there is no proper term for expressing the idea2 that of primitive1 which we prefer to use1 lacking a better1 is1 as we have said1 far from satisfactory4 #ii ,tylor1 op4 cit41 ,i1 pp4 #dee f4 #ajj ,see ,spencer1 ,principles of ,sociology1 ,i1 pp4 #adc ff41 and ,tylor1 op4 cit41 ,i1 pp4 #dcd ff41 #dde ff4 #aja ,tylor1 ,,ii1 pp4 #aac ff4 #ajb ,tylor1 ,i1 pp4 #dha ff4 #ajc ,principles of ,sociology1 ,i1 p4 #abf4 #ajd ,ibid41 pp4 #cbb ff4 #aje ,ibid41 pp4 #cff-cfg4 #ajf ,ibid41 p4 #cdf4 ,cf4 p4 #chd4 #ajg ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 viii4 #ajh ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,the ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 pp4 #abc-abg2 ,strehlow1 ,die ,aranda- und ,loritja-,stmme in ,zentral ,australien1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eb ff4 #aji ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #bdi-bej4 #aaj ,howitt1 ,the ,native ,tribes of ,south-,eastern ,australia1 p4 #ceh4 #aaa ,ibid41 pp4 #dcd-ddb4 #aab ,of the negroes of southern ,guinea1 ,tylor says that their sleeping hours are characterized by almost as much intercourse with the dead as their waking are with the living 7,primitive ,culture1 ,i1 p4 #ddc74 ,in regard to these peoples1 the same author cites this remark of an observer3 ,all their dreams are construed into visits from the spirits of their deceased friends 7ibid41 p4 #ddc74 ,this statement is certainly exaggerated2 but it is one more proof of the frequency of mystic dreams among the primitives4 ,the etymology which ,strehlow proposes for the ,arunta word altjirerama1 which means to dream1 also tends to confirm this theory4 ,this word is composed of altjira1 which ,strehlow translates by god and rama1 which means see4 ,thus a dream would be the moment when a man is in relations with sacred beings 7,die ,aranda- und ,loritja-,stmme1 ,i1 p4 #b74 #aac ,andrew ,lang1 who also refuses to admit that the idea of the soul was suggested to men by their dream experiences1 believes that he can derive it from other empirical data3 these are the data of spiritualism 7telepathy1 distance-seeing1 etc474 ,we do not consider it necessary to discuss the theory such as it has been exposed in his book ,the ,making of ,religion4 ,it reposes upon the hypothesis that spiritualism is a fact of constant observation1 and that distance-seeing is a real faculty of men1 or at least of certain men1 but it is well known how much this theory is scientifically contested4 ,what is still more contestable is that the facts of spiritualism are apparent enough and of a sufficient frequency to have been able to serve as the basis for all the religious beliefs and practices which are connected with souls and spirits4 ,the examination of these questions would carry us too far from what is the object of our study4 ,it is still less necessary to engage ourselves in this examination1 since the theory of ,lang remains open to many of the objections which we shall address to that of ,tylor in the paragraphs which follow4 #aad ,jevons has made a similar remark4 ,with ,tylor1 he admits that the idea of the soul comes from dreams1 and that after it was created1 men projected it into things4 ,but1 he adds1 the fact that nature has been conceived as animated like men does not explain how it became the object of a cult4 ,the man who believes the bowing tree or the leaping flame to be a living thing like himself1 does not therefore believe it to be a supernatural being--rather1 so far as it is like himself1 it1 like himself1 is not supernatural 7,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 p4 #ee74 #aae ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ejf1 and ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eab4 #aaf ,this is the ritual and mythical theme which ,frazer studies in his ,golden ,bough4 #aag ,the ,melanesians1 p4 #aai4 #aah ,ibid41 p4 #abe4 #aai ,there are sometimes1 as it seems1 even funeral offerings4 7,see ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 in ,north ,queensland ,ethnog41 ,bulletin ,no4 #e1 #fi c41 and ,burial ,customs1 in ibid41 ,no4 #aj1 in ,records of the ,australian ,museum1 ,vol4 ,,vi1 ,no4 #e1 p4 #cie74 ,but these offerings are not periodical4 #abj ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ech1 #eec1 and ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #dfc1 #edc1 #edg4 #aba ,see especially1 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,northern ,tribes1 ch4 vi1 vii1 ix4 #abb ,the ,religions of ,primitive ,peoples1 pp4 #dg ff4 #abc ,myth1 ,ritual and ,religions1 p4 #abc4 #abd ,les ,religions des peuples non civiliss1 ,,ii1 ,conclusion4 #abe ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 #b ed41 pp4 #abf1 #acb4 #abf ,this is the reasoning of ,westermarck 7,origins of ,human ,marriage1 p4 #f74 #abg ,by sexual communism we do not mean a state of promiscuity where man knows no matrimonial rules3 we believe that such a state has never existed4 ,but it has frequently happened that groups of men have been regularly united to one or several women4 #abh ,see our ,suicide1 pp4 #bcc ff4 #abi ,spencer1 ,principles of ,sociology1 ,i1 pp4 #abi f4 #acj ,the ,melanesians1 p4 #abc4 #aca ,dorsey1 ,a ,study of ,siouan ,cults1 in ,x,ith ,annual ,report of the ,bureau of ,amer4 ,ethnology1 pp4 #dca ff41 and passim4 #acb ,la religion des peuples non civiliss1 ,i1 p4 #bdh4 #acc ,v4 ,w4 de ,visser1 ,de ,graecorum diis non referentibus speciem humanam4 ,cf4 ,p4 ,perdrizet1 ,bulletin de correspondance hellnique1 #ahii1 p4 #fce4 #acd ,however1 according to ,spencer1 there is a germ of truth in the belief in spirits3 this is the idea that the power which manifests itself inside the consciousness is a different form of power from that manifested outside the consciousness 7,ecclesiastical ,institutions1 #fei74 ,spencer understands by this that the notion of force in general is the sentiment of the force which we have extended to the entire universe2 this is what animism admits implicitly when it peoples nature with spirits analogous to our own4 ,but even if this hypothesis in regard to the way in which the idea of force is formed were true--and it requires important reservations which we shall make 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 iii1 #c7--;it has nothing religious about it2 it belongs to no cult4 ,it thus remains that the system of religious symbols and rites1 the classification of things into sacred and profane1 all that which is really religious in religion1 corresponds to nothing in reality4 ,also1 this germ of truth1 of which he speaks1 is still more a germ of error1 for if it be true that the forces of nature and those of the mind are related1 they are profoundly distinct1 and one exposes himself to grave misconceptions in identifying them4 #ace ,this is undoubtedly what explains the sympathy which folk-lorists like ,mannhardt have felt for animistic ideas4 ,in popular religions as in inferior religions1 these spiritual beings of a second order hold the first place4 #acf ,in the essay entitled ,comparative ,mythology 7pp4 #dg ff74 #acg ,herabkunft des ,feuers und ,gottertranks1 ,berlin1 #ahei 7a new edition was given by ,ernst ,kuhn in #ahhf74 ,cf4 ,der ,schuss des ,wilden ,jgers auf den ,sonnen-hirsch1 ,zeitschrift f4 d4 ,phil41 ,i1 #ahfi1 pp4 #hi-afi4 ,entwickelungsstufen des ,mythus1 ,abhandl4 d4 ,berl4 ,akad41 #ahgc4 #ach ,der ,ursprung der ,mythologie1 ,berlin1 #ahfj4 #aci ,in his book ,hercule et ,cacus4 tude de mythologie compare4 ,max ,mller's ,comparative ,mythology is there signalized as a work which marks a new epoch in the history of ,mythology 7p4 #ab74 #adj ,die ,griechischen ,kulte und ,mythen1 ,i1 p4 #gh4 #ada ,among others who have adopted this conception may be cited ,renan4 ,see his ,nouvelles tudes d'histoire religieuse1 #ahhd1 p4 #ca4 #adb ,aside from the ,comparative ,mythology1 the works where ,max ,mller has exposed his general theories on religion are3 ,hibbert ,lectures 7#ahgh7 under the title ,the ,origin and ,development of ,religion2 ,natural ,religion 7#ahhi72 ,physical ,religion 7#ahij72 ,anthropological ,religion 7#ahib72 ,theosophy1 or ,psychological ,religion 7#ahic72 ,contributions to the ,science of ,mythology 7#ahig74 ,since his mythological theories are closely related to his philosophy of language1 these works should be consulted in connection with the ones consecrated to language or logic1 especially ,lectures on the ,science of ,language1 and ,the ,science of ,thought4 #adc ,natural ,religion1 p4 #aad4 #add ,physical ,religion1 pp4 #aai-abj4 #ade ,ibid41 p4 #aba2 cf4 p4 #cjd4 #adf ,natural ,religion1 pp4 #aba ff41 and #adi-aee4 #adg ,the overwhelming pressure of the infinite 7ibid41 p4 #ach74 #adh ,ibid41 pp4 #aie-aif4 #adi ,max ,mller even goes so far as to say that until thought has passed this first stage1 it has very few of the characteristics which we now attribute to religion 7,physic4 ,rel41 p4 #abj74 #aej ,physic4 ,rel41 p4 #abh4 #aea ,the ,science of ,thought1 p4 #cj4 #aeb ,natural ,religion1 pp4 #cic ff4 #aec ,physic4 ,rel41 p4 #acc2 ,the ,science of ,thought1 p4 #bai2 ,lectures on the ,science of ,language1 ,,ii1 pp4 #a ff4 #aed ,the ,science of ,thought1 p4 #bgb4 #aee ,the ,science of ,thought1 ,i1 p4 #cbg2 ,physic4 ,rel41 pp4 #abe ff4 #aef ,mlanges de mythologie et de linguistique1 p4 #h4 #aeg ,anthropological ,religion1 pp4 #abh-acj4 #aeh ,this explanation is not as good as that of ,tylor4 ,according to ,max ,mller1 men could not admit that life stopped with death2 therefore they concluded that there were two beings within them1 one of which survived the body4 ,but it is hard to see what made them think that life continued after the body was decomposed4 #aei ,for the details1 see ,anthrop4 ,rel41 pp4 #cea ff4 #afj ,anthrop4 ,rel41 p4 #acj4--,this is what keeps ,max ,mller from considering ,christianity the climax of all this development4 ,the religion of ancestors1 he says1 supposes that there is something divine in man4 ,now is that idea not the one at the basis of the teaching of ,christ8 7ibid41 pp4 #cgh ff474 ,it is useless to insist upon the strangeness of the conception which makes ,christianity the latest of the cults of the dead4 #afa ,see the discussion of the hypothesis in ,gruppe1 ,griechishen ,kulte und ,mythen1 pp4 #gi-ahd4 #afb ,see ,meillet1 ,introduction l'tude comparative des langues indo-europennes1 p4 #aai4 #afc ,oldenberg1 ,die ,religion des ,vedas1 pp4 #ei ff42 ,meillet1 ,le dieu ,iranien ,mythra1 in ,journal ,asiatique1 ,x1 ,no4 #a1 ,july-,august1 #aijg1 pp4 #adc ff4 #afd ,in this category are a large number of the maxims of popular wisdom4 #afe ,it is true that this argument does not touch those who see in religion a code 7especially of hygiene7 whose provisions1 though placed under the sanction of imaginary beings1 are nevertheless well founded4 ,but we shall not delay to discuss a conception so insupportable1 and which has1 in fact1 never been sustained in a systematic manner by persons somewhat informed upon the history of religions4 ,it is difficult to see what good the terrible practices of the initiation bring to the health which they threaten2 what good the dietetic restrictions1 which generally deal with perfectly clean animals1 have hygienically2 how sacrifices1 which take place far from a house1 make it more solid1 etc4 ,undoubtedly there are religious precepts which at the same time have a practical utility2 but they are lost in the mass of others1 and even the services which they render are frequently not without some drawbacks4 ,if there is a religiously enforced cleanliness1 there is also a religious filthiness which is derived from these same principles4 ,the rule which orders a corpse to be carried away from the camp because it is the seat of a dreaded spirit is undoubtedly useful4 ,but the same belief requires the relatives to anoint themselves with the liquids which issue from a corpse in putrefaction1 because they are supposed to have exceptional virtues4--,from this point of view1 magic has served a great deal more than religion4 #aff ,contributions to the ,science of ,mythology1 ,i1 pp4 #fh f4 #afg ,lectures on the ,science of ,language1 ,,ii1 p4 #def ff42 ,physic4 ,rel41 pp4 #bgf ff4--,also ,bral1 ,mlanges1 p4 #f1 ,to bring the necessary clarity into this question of the origin of mythology1 it is necessary to distinguish carefully the gods1 which are the immediate product of the human intelligence1 from the fables1 which are its indirect and involuntary product4 #afh ,max ,mller recognized this4 ,see ,physic4 ,rel41 p4 #acb1 and ,comparative ,mythology1 p4 #eh4 ,the gods are nomina and not numina1 names without being and not beings without name4 #afi ,it is true that ,max ,mller held that for the ,greeks1 ,zeus was1 and remained1 in spite of all mythological obscurations1 the name of the ,supreme ,deity 7,science of ,language1 ,,ii1 p4 #dgh74 ,we shall not dispute this assertion1 though it is historically contestable2 but in any case1 this conception of ,zeus could never have been more than a glimmer in the midst of all the other religious beliefs of the ,greeks4 ,besides this1 in a later work1 ,max ,mller went so far as to make even the notion of god in general the product of a wholly verbal process and thus of a mythological elaboration 7,physic4 ,rel41 p4 #ach74 #agj ,undoubtedly outside the real myths there were always fables which were not believed1 or at least were not believed in the same way and to the same degree1 and hence had no religious character4 ,the line of demarcation between fables and myths is certainly floating and hard to determine4 ,but this is no reason for making all myths stories1 any more than we should dream of making all stories myths4 ,there is at least one characteristic which in a number of cases suffices to differentiate the religious myth3 that is its relation to the cult4 #aga ,see above1 p4 #bh4 #agb ,more than that1 in the language of ,max ,mller1 there is a veritable abuse of words4 ,sensuous experience1 he says1 implies1 at least in certain cases1 beyond the known1 something unknown1 something which ,i claim the liberty to call infinite 7,natural ,rel41 p4 #aie2 cf4 p4 #bah74 ,the unknown is not necessarily the infinite1 any more than the infinite is necessarily the unknown if it is in all points the same1 and consequently like the part which we know4 ,it would be necessary to prove that the part of it which we perceive differs in nature from that which we do not perceive4 #agc ,max ,mller involuntarily recognizes this in certain passages4 ,he confesses that he sees little difference between ,agni1 the god of fire1 and the notion of ether1 by which the modern physicist explains light and heat 7,phys4 ,rel41 pp4 #abf f474 ,also1 he connects the notion of divinity to that of agency 7p4 #ach7 or of a causality which is not natural and profane4 ,the fact that religion represents the causes thus imagined1 under the form of personal agents1 is not enough to explain how they got a sacred character4 ,a personal agent can be profane1 and also1 many religious forces are essentially impersonal4 #agd ,we shall see below1 in speaking of the efficacy of rites and faith1 how these illusions are to be explained 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii74 #age ,voyages and ,travels of an ,indian ,interpreter4 #agf ,this idea was so common that even ,m4 ,rville continued to make ,america the classic land of totemism 7,religions des peuples non civiliss1 ,i1 p4 #bdb74 #agg ,journals of ,two ,expeditions in ,north-,west and ,western ,australia1 ,,ii1 p4 #bbh4 #agh ,the ,worship of ,animals and ,plants4 ,totems and ,totemism 7#ahfi1 #ahgj74 #agi ,this idea is found already very clearly expressed in a study by ,gallatin entitled ,synopsis of the ,indian ,tribes 7,archologia ,americana1 ,,ii1 pp4 #aji ff471 and in a notice by ,morgan in the ,cambrian ,journal1 #ahfj1 p4 #adi4 #ahj ,this work had been prepared for and preceded by two others by the same author3 ,the ,league of the ,iroquois 7#ahea71 and ,systems of ,consanguinity and ,affinity of the ,human ,family 7#ahga74 #aha ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 #ahhj4 #ahb ,in the very first volumes of the ,annual ,report of the ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology are found the study of ,powell1 ,wyandot ,government 7,i1 p4 #ei71 that of ,cushing1 ,zui ,fetiches 7,,ii1 p4 #i71 ,smith1 ,myths of the ,iroquois 7ibid41 p4 #gg71 and the important work of ,dorsey1 ,omaha ,sociology 7,,iii1 p4 #baa71 which are also contributions to the study of totemism4 #ahc ,this first appeared1 in an abridged form1 in the ,encyclopdia ,britannica 7#ith ed474 #ahd ,in his ,primitive ,culture1 ,tylor had already attempted an explanation of totemism1 to which we shall return presently1 but which we shall not give here2 for by making totemism only a particular case of the ancestor-cult1 he completely misunderstood its importance4 ,in this chapter we mention only those theories which have contributed to the progress of the study of totemism4 #ahe ,published at ,cambridge1 #ahhe4 #ahf ,first edition1 #ahhi4 ,this is the arrangement of a course given at the ,university of ,aberdeen in #ahhh4 ,cf4 the article ,sacrifice in the ,encyclopdia ,britannica 7#ith edition74 #ahg ,london1 #ahij4 ,a second edition in three volumes has since appeared 7#aijj7 and a third in five volumes is already in course of publication4 #ahh ,in this connection must be mentioned the interesting work of ,sidney ,hartland1 ,the ,legend of ,perseus1 #c vols41 #ahid-ahif4 #ahi ,we here confine ourselves to giving the names of the authors2 their works will be indicated below1 when we make use of them4 #aij ,if ,spencer and ,gillen have been the first to study these tribes in a scientific and thorough manner1 they were not the first to talk about them4 ,howitt had already described the social organization of the ,wuaramongo 7,warramunga of ,spencer and ,gillen7 in #ahhh in his ,further ,notes on the ,australian ,classes in ,the ,journal of the ,anthropological ,institute 7hereafter1 ,j4,a4,i471 pp4 #dd f4 ,the ,arunta had already been briefly studied by ,schulze 7,the ,aborigines of the ,upper and ,middle ,finke ,river1 in ,transactions of the ,royal ,society of ,south ,australia1 ,vol4 ,,xiv1 fasc4 #b73 the organization of the ,chingalee 7the ,tjingilli of ,spencer and ,gillen71 the ,wombya1 etc41 by ,mathews 7,wombya ,organization of the ,australian ,aborigines1 in ,american ,anthropologist1 ,new ,series1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 p4 #did2 ,divisions of some ,west ,australian ,tribes1 ibid41 p4 #ahe2 ,proceedings ,amer4 ,philos4 ,soc41 ,,xxxvii1 pp4 #aea-aeb1 and ,journal ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxii1 p4 #ga and ,,xxxiii1 p4 #aaa74 ,the first results of the study made of the ,arunta had also been published already in the ,report on the ,work of the ,horn ,scientific ,expedition to ,central ,australia1 ,pt4 ,,iv 7#ahif74 ,the first part of this ,report is by ,stirling1 the second by ,gillen2 the entire publication was placed under the direction of ,baldwin ,spencer4 #aia ,london1 #ahii4 ,hereafter1 ,native ,tribes or ,nat4 ,tr4 #aib ,london1 #aijd4 ,hereafter1 ,northern ,tribes or ,nor4 ,tr4 #aic ,we write the ,arunta1 the ,anula1 the ,tjingilli1 etc41 without adding the characteristic s of the plural4 ,it does not seem very logical to add to these words1 which are not ,european1 a grammatical sign which would have no meaning except in our languages4 ,exceptions to this rule will be made when the name of the tribe has obviously been ,europeanized 7the ,hurons for example74 #aid ,strehlow has been in ,australia since #ahib2 at first he lived among the ,dieri1 and from them he went to the ,arunta4 #aie ,die ,aranda- und ,loritja-,stmme in ,zentral ,australien4 ,four fascicules have been published up to the present4 ,the last appeared at the moment when the present book was finished1 so it could not be used4 ,the two first have to do with the myths and legends1 and the third with the cult4 ,it is only just to add to the name of ,strehlow that of von ,leonhardi1 who has had a great deal to do with this publication4 ,not only has he charged himself with editing the manuscripts of ,strehlow1 but by his judicious questions he has led the latter to be more precise on more than one point4 ,it would be useful also to consult an article which von ,leonhardi gave the ,globus1 where numerous extracts from his correspondence with ,strehlow will be found 7,ueber einige religise und totemistische ,vorstellungen der ,aranda und ,loritja in ,zentral ,australien1 in ,globus1 ,,xci1 p4 #bhe74 ,cf4 an article on the same subject by ,n4 ,w4 ,thomas in ,folk-lore1 ,,xvi1 pp4 #dbh ff4 #aif ,spencer and ,gillen are not ignorant of it1 but they are far from possessing it as thoroughly as ,strehlow4 #aig ,notably by ,klaatsch1 ,schlussbericht ber meine ,reise nach ,australien1 in ,zeitschrift f4 ,ethnologie1 #aijg1 pp4 #fce ff4 #aih ,the book of ,k4 ,langloh ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi ,tribe1 that of ,eylmann1 ,die ,eingeborenen der ,kolonie ,sdaustralien2 that of ,john ,mathews1 ,two ,representative ,tribes of ,queensland1 and certain recent articles of ,mathews all show the influence of ,spencer and ,gillen4 #aii ,a list of these publications will be found in the preface to his ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #h-i4 #bjj ,london1 #aijd4 ,hereafter we shall cite this work by the abbreviation ,nat4 ,tr41 but always mentioning the name of ,howitt1 to distinguish it from the first work of ,spencer and ,gillen1 which we abbreviate in the same manner4 #bja ,totemism and ,exogamy1 #d vols41 ,london1 #aiaj4 ,the work begins with a re-edition of ,totemism1 reproduced without any essential changes4 #bjb ,it is true that at the end and at the beginning there are some general theories on totemism1 which will be described and discussed below4 ,but these theories are relatively independent of the collection of facts which accompanies them1 for they had already been published in different articles in reviews1 long before this work appeared4 ,these articles are reproduced in the first volume 7pp4 #hi-agb74 #bjc ,totemism1 p4 #ab4 #bjd ,ibid41 p4 #ae4 #bje ,ibid41 p4 #cb4 #bjf ,it should be noted that in this connection1 the more recent work1 ,totemism and ,exogamy1 shows an important progress in the thought as well as the method of ,frazer4 ,every time that he describes the religious or domestic institutions of a tribe1 he sets himself to determine the geographic and social conditions in which this tribe is placed4 ,howsoever summary these analyses may be1 they bear witness nevertheless to a rupture with the old methods of the anthropological school4 #bjg ,undoubtedly we also consider that the principal object of the science of religions is to find out what the religious nature of man really consists in4 ,however1 as we do not regard it as a part of his constitutional make-up1 but rather as the product of social causes1 we consider it impossible to find it1 if we leave aside his social environment4 #bjh ,we cannot repeat too frequently that the importance which we attach to totemism is absolutely independent of whether it was ever universal or not4 #bji ,this is the case with the phratries and matrimonial classes2 on this point1 see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,northern ,tribes1 ch4 iii2 ,howitt1 ,native ,tribes1 pp4 #aji and #acg-adb2 ,thomas1 ,kinship and ,marriage in ,australia1 ch4 vi and vii4 #baj ,division du ,travail social1 #crd ed41 p4 #aej4 #baa ,it is to be understood that this is not always the case4 ,it frequently happens1 as we have already said1 that the simpler forms aid to a better understanding of the more complex4 ,on this point1 there is no rule of method which is applicable to every possible case4 #bab ,thus the individual totemism of ,america will aid us in understanding the function and importance of that in ,australia4 ,as the latter is very rudimentary1 it would probably have passed unobserved4 #bac ,besides1 there is not one unique type of totemism in ,america1 but several different species which must be distinguished4 #bad ,we shall leave this field only very exceptionally1 and when a particularly instructive comparison seems to us to impose itself4 #bae ,this is the definition given by ,cicero3 ,gentiles sunt qui inter se eodem nomine sunt 7,top4 #f74 7,those are of the same gens who have the same name among themselves47 #baf ,it may be said in a general way that the clan is a family group1 where kinship results solely from a common name2 it is in this sense that the gens is a clan4 ,but the totemic clan is a particular sort of the class thus constituted4 #bag ,in a certain sense1 these bonds of solidarity extend even beyond the frontiers of the tribe4 ,when individuals of different tribes have the same totem1 they have peculiar duties towards each other4 ,this fact is expressly stated for certain tribes of ,north ,america 7see ,frazer1 ,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 pp4 #eg1 #ha1 #bii1 #cef-ceg74 ,the texts relative to ,australia are less explicit4 ,however1 it is probable that the prohibition of marriage between members of a single totem is international4 #bah ,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 p4 #afe4 #bai ,in ,australia the words employed differ with the tribes4 ,in the regions observed by ,grey1 they said ,kobong2 the ,dieri say ,murdu 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ia72 the ,narrinyeri1 ,ngaitye 7,talpin1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #bdd72 the ,warramunga1 ,mungi or ,mungii 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ged71 etc4 #bbj ,indian ,tribes of the ,united ,states1 ,,iv1 p4 #hf4 #bba ,this fortune of the word is the more regrettable since we do not even know exactly how it is written4 ,some write totam1 others toodaim1 or dodaim1 or ododam 7see ,frazer1 ,totemism1 p4 #a74 ,nor is the meaning of the word determined exactly4 ,according to the report of the first observer of the ,ojibway1 ,j4 ,long1 the word totam designated the protecting genius1 the individual totem1 of which we shall speak below 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 iv7 and not the totem of the clan4 ,but the accounts of other explorers say exactly the contrary 7on this point1 see ,frazer1 ,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 pp4 #di-eb74 #bbb ,the ,wotjobaluk 7p4 #aba7 and the ,buandik 7p4 #abc74 #bbc ,the same4 #bbd ,the ,wolgal 7p4 #ajb71 the ,wotjobaluk and the ,buandik4 #bbe ,the ,muruburra 7p4 #aag71 the ,wotjobaluk and the ,buandik4 #bbf ,the ,buandik and the ,kaiabara 7p4 #aaf74 ,it is to be remarked that all the examples come from only five tribes4 #bbg ,thus1 out of #bjd kinds of totems1 collected by ,spencer and ,gillen out of a large number of tribes1 #ahh are animals or plants4 ,the inanimate objects are the boomerang1 cold weather1 darkness1 fire1 lightning1 the moon1 red ochre1 resin1 salt water1 the evening star1 a stone1 the sun1 water1 the whirlwind1 the wind and hail-stones 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ggc4 ,cf4 ,frazer1 ,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,i1 pp4 #bec-bed74 #bbh ,frazer 7,totemism1 pp4 #aj and #ac7 cites a rather large number of cases and puts them in a special group which he calls split-totems1 but these are taken from tribes where totemism is greatly altered1 such as in ,samoa or the tribes of ,bengal4 #bbi ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ajg4 #bcj ,see the tables collected by ,strehlow1 op4 cit41 ,,ii1 pp4 #fa-gb 7cf4 ,,iii1 pp4 xiii-xvii74 ,it is remarkable that these fragmentary totems are taken exclusively from animal totems4 #bca ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eb and #gb4 #bcb ,for example1 one of these totems is a cave where an ancestor of the ,wild ,cat totem rested2 another is a subterranean gallery which an ancestor of the ,mouse clan dug1 etc4 7ibid41 p4 #gb74 #bcc ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #efa ff4 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ga1 note #b4 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dbf ff42 ,on ,australian ,medicine ,men1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #ec2 ,further ,notes on the ,australian ,class ,systems1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xviii1 pp4 #fc ff4 #bcd ,thaballa means laughing boy1 according to the translation of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,the members of the clan which bear this name think they hear him laughing in the rocks which are his residence 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bjg1 #bae1 #bbf note74 ,according to a myth given on p4 #dbb1 there was an initial group of mythical ,thaballa 7cf4 p4 #bjh74 ,the clan of the ,kati1 full-grown men1 as ,spencer and ,gillen say1 seems to be of the same sort 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bjg74 #bce ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bbf ff4 #bcf ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ga f4 ,he mentions a totem of the ,loritja and ,arunta which is very close to the serpent ,wollunqua3 it is the totem of a mythical water-snake4 #bcg ,this is the case with ,klaatsch1 in the article already cited 7see above1 p4 #ib1 n4 #c74 #bch ,as we indicated in the preceding chapter1 totemism is at the same time of interest for the question of religion and that of the family1 for the clan is a family4 ,in the lower societies1 these two problems are very closely connected4 ,but both are so complex that it is indispensable to treat them separately4 ,also1 the primitive family organization cannot be understood before the primitive religious beliefs are known2 for the latter serve as the basis of the former4 ,this is why it is necessary to study totemism as a religion before studying the totemic clan as a family group4 #bci ,see ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri ,tribe1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bdd f42 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aca4 #bdj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #afc1 #afi1 #agj1 #agb4 ,it is to be noted that in all these tribes1 except the ,mara and the ,anula1 the transmission of the totem in the paternal line is only a general rule1 which has exceptions4 #bda ,according to ,spencer and ,gillen 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #abc ff471 the soul of the ancestor becomes reincarnate in the body of the mother and becomes the soul of the child2 according to ,strehlow 7,,ii1 pp4 #ea ff471 the conception1 though being the work of the ancestor1 does not imply any reincarnation2 but in neither interpretation does the totem of the child necessarily depend upon that of the parents4 #bdb ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acc2 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ec4 #bdc ,it is in large part the locality where the mother believes that she conceived which determines the totem of the child4 ,each totem1 as we shall see1 has its centre and the ancestors preferably frequent the places serving as centres for their respective totems4 ,the totem of the child is therefore that which belongs to the place where the mother believes that she conceived4 ,as this should generally be in the vicinity of the place which serves as totemic centre for her husband1 the child should generally follow the totem of his father4 ,it is undoubtedly this which explains why the greater part of the inhabitants of a given locality belong to the same totem 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #i74 #bdd ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 pp4 #aei ff4 ,cf4 ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 pp4 #dj f42 ,john ,mathews1 ,eaglehawk and ,crow2 ,thomas1 ,kinship and ,marriage in ,australia1 pp4 #eb ff4 #bde ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abd4 #bdf ,howitt1 pp4 #aba1 #abc1 #abd2 ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfa4 #bdg ,howitt1 p4 #abf4 #bdh ,howitt1 pp4 #ih ff4 #bdi ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #afe2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #dbc2 ,howitt1 op4 cit41 p4 #dbi4 #bej ,howitt1 pp4 #aja1 #ajb4 #bea ,j4 ,mathews1 ,two ,representative ,tribes of ,queensland1 p4 #aci4 #beb ,still other reasons could be given in support of this hypothesis1 but it would be necessary to bring in considerations relative to the organization of the family1 and we wish to keep these two studies separate4 ,also this question is only of secondary interest to our subject4 #bec ,for example1 ,mukwara1 which is the name of a phratry among the ,barkinji1 the ,paruinji and the ,milpulko1 designates the eagle-hawk1 according to ,brough ,smyth2 now one of the clans of this phratry has the eagle-hawk as totem4 ,but here the animal is designated by the word ,bilyara4 ,many cases of the same thing are cited by ,lang1 op4 cit41 p4 #afb4 #bed ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aae4 ,according to ,howitt 7op4 cit41 pp4 #aba and #ded71 among the ,wotjobaluk1 the clan of the pelican is found in the two phratries equally4 ,this fact seems doubtful to us4 ,it is very possible that the two clans may have two varieties of pelicans as totems4 ,information given by ,mathews on the same tribe seems to point to this 7,aboriginal ,tribes of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,victoria1 in ,journal and ,proceedings of the ,royal ,society of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 #aijd1 pp4 #bhg f474 #bee ,in connection with this question1 see our memoir on ,le ,totmisme1 in the ,anne ,sociologique1 ,vol4 ,v1 pp4 #hb ff4 #bef ,on the question of ,australian matrimonial classes in general1 see our memoir on ,la ,prohibition de l'inceste1 in the ,anne ,soc41 ,i1 pp4 #i ff41 and especially for the tribes with eight classes1 ,l',organisation matrimoniale des societs ,australiennes1 in ,anne ,soc41 ,,viii1 pp4 #aah-adg4 #beg ,this principle is not maintained everywhere with an equal strictness4 ,in the central tribes of eight classes notably1 beside the class with which marriage is regularly permitted1 there is another with which a sort of secondary concubinage is allowed 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ajf74 ,it is the same with certain tribes of four classes4 ,each class has a choice between the two classes of the other phratry4 ,this is the case with the ,kabi 7see ,mathews1 in ,curr1 ,,iii1 #afb74 #beh ,see ,roth1 ,ethnological ,studies among the ,north-,west-,central ,queensland ,aborigines1 pp4 #ef ff42 ,palmer1 ,notes on some ,australian ,tribes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xiii 7#ahhd71 pp4 #cjb ff4 #bei ,nevertheless1 some tribes are cited where the matrimonial classes bear the names of animals or plants3 this is the case with the ,kabi 7,mathew1 ,two ,representative ,tribes1 p4 #aej71 the tribes observed by ,mrs4 ,bates 7,the ,marriage ,laws and ,customs of the ,west ,australian ,aborigines1 in ,victorian ,geographical ,journal1 ,,xxiii-,,xxiv1 p4 #dg71 and perhaps in two tribes observed by ,palmer4 ,but these facts are very rare and their significance badly established4 ,also1 it is not surprising that the classes1 as well as the sexual groups1 should sometimes adopt the names of animals4 ,this exceptional extension of the totemic denominations in no way modifies our conception of totemism4 #bfj ,perhaps the same explanation is applicable to certain other tribes of the ,south-,east and the ,east where1 if we are to believe the informers of ,howitt1 totems specially attached to each matrimonial class are to be found4 ,this is the case among the ,wiradjuri1 the ,wakelbura and the ,bunta-,murra on the ,bulloo ,river 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #baj1 #bba1 #bbf74 ,however1 the evidence collected is suspect1 according to his own admission4 ,in fact1 it appears from the lists which he has drawn up1 that many totems are found equally in the two classes of the same phratry4 ,the explanation which we propose1 after ,frazer 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 pp4 #eca ff471 raises one difficulty4 ,in principle1 each clan and consequently each totem1 is represented equally in the two classes of a single phratry1 since one of the classes is that of the children and the other that of the parents from whom the former get their totems4 ,so when the clans disappeared1 the totemic interdictions which survived should have remained in both matrimonial classes1 while in the actual cases cited1 each class has its own4 ,whence comes this differentiation8 ,the example of the ,kaiabara 7a tribe of southern ,queensland7 allows us to see how it may have come about4 ,in this tribe1 the children have the totem of their mother1 but it is particularized by some distinctive mark4 ,if the mother has the black eagle-hawk as totem1 the child has the white eagle-hawk 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bbi74 ,this appears to be the beginning of a tendency for the totems to differentiate themselves according to the matrimonial classes4 #bfa ,a tribe of only a few hundred members frequently has fifty or sixty clans1 or even many more4 ,on this point1 see ,durkheim and ,mauss1 ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 in the ,anne ,sociologique1 ,vol4 ,,vi1 p4 #bh1 n4 #a4 #bfb ,except among the ,pueblo ,indians of the ,south-,west1 where they are more numerous4 ,see ,hodge1 ,pueblo ,indian ,clans1 in ,american ,anthropologist1 #ast series1 ,vol4 ,,ix1 pp4 #cde ff4 ,it may always be asked whether the groups which have these totems are clans or sub-clans4 #bfc ,see the tables arranged by ,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 pp4 #aec-ahe4 #bfd ,krause1 ,die ,tlinkit-,indianer1 p4 #aab2 ,swanton1 ,social ,condition1 ,beliefs and ,linguistic ,relationship of the ,tlingit ,indians1 in ,x,x,v,ith ,rep41 p4 #cjh4 #bfe ,swanton1 ,contributions to the ,ethnology of the ,haida1 p4 #fb4 #bff ,the distinction between the two clans is absolute in every respect1 says ,swanton1 p4 #fh2 he gives the name clan to what we call phratries4 ,the two phratries1 he says elsewhere1 are like two foreign nations in their relations to each other4 #bfg ,among the ,haida at least1 the totem of the real clans is altered more than that of the phratries4 ,in fact1 usage permits a clan to sell or give away the right of bearing its totem1 as a result of which each clan has a number of totems1 some of which it has in common with other clans 7see ,swanton1 pp4 #ajg and #bfh74 ,since ,swanton calls the phratries clans1 he is obliged to give the name of family to the real clans1 and of household to the regular families4 ,but the real sense of his terminology is not to be doubted4 #bfh ,journals of two ,expeditions in ,n4,w4 and ,w4 ,australia1 ,,ii1 p4 #bbh4 #bfi ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afe4 #bgj ,indian ,tribes1 ,i1 p4 #dbj2 cf4 ,i1 p4 #eb4 ,this etymology is very doubtful4 ,cf4 ,handbook of ,american ,indians ,north of ,mexico 7,smithsonian ,inst4 ,bur4 of ,ethnol41 ,pt4 ,,ii1 s4v41 ,totem1 p4 #ghg74 #bga ,schoolcraft1 ,indian ,tribes1 ,,iii1 #ahd2 ,garrick ,mallery1 ,picture ,writing of the ,american ,indians1 in ,tenth ,report1 #ahic1 p4 #cgg4 #bgb ,hearne1 ,journey to the ,northern ,ocean1 p4 #adh 7quoted from ,frazer1 ,totemism1 p4 #cj74 #bgc ,charlevoix1 ,histoire et description de la ,nouvelle ,france1 ,v1 p4 #cbi4 #bgd ,krause1 ,tlinkit-,indianer1 p4 #bdh4 #bge ,erminnie ,a4 ,smith1 ,myths of the ,iroquois1 in ,sec4 ,rep4 of the ,bur4 of ,ethnol41 p4 #gh4 #bgf ,dodge1 ,our ,wild ,indians1 p4 #bbe4 #bgg ,powell1 ,wyandot ,government1 in ,first ,rep4 of the ,bur4 of ,ethnol41 #ahha1 p4 #fd4 #bgh ,dorsey1 ,omaha ,sociology1 in ,third ,rep41 pp4 #bbi1 #bdj1 #bdh4 #bgi ,krause1 op4 cit41 pp4 #acj f4 #bhj ,krause1 p4 #cjh4 #bha ,see a photograph of a ,haida village in ,swanton1 op4 cit41 ,pl4 ,,ix4 ,cf4 ,tylor1 ,totem ,post of the ,haida ,village of ,masset1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,new ,series ,i1 p4 #acc4 #bhb ,hill ,tout1 ,report on the ,ethnology of the ,statlumh of ,british ,columbia1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #aee4 #bhc ,krause1 op4 cit41 p4 #bcj2 ,swanton1 ,haida1 pp4 #abi1 #ace ff42 ,schoolcraft1 op4 cit41 ,i1 pp4 #eb-ec1 #ccg1 #cef4 ,in the latter case the totem is represented upside down1 in sign of mourning4 ,similar usages are found among the ,creek 7,c4 ,swan1 in ,schoolcraft1 ,v1 p4 #bfe7 and the ,delaware 7,heckewelder1 ,an ,account of the ,history1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,indian ,nations who once inhabited ,pennsylvania1 pp4 #bdf-bdg74 #bhd ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #afh1 #ecg1 #edj4 #bhe ,ibid41 p4 #agd4 #bhf ,brough ,smyth1 ,the ,aborigines of ,victoria1 ,i1 p4 #ii n4 #bhg ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #bhd4 ,strehlow cites a fact of the same sort among the ,arunta 7,,iii1 p4 #fh74 #bhh ,an ,account of the ,english ,colony in ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,ii1 p4 #cha4 #bhi ,krause1 p4 #bcg4 #bij ,swanton1 ,social ,condition1 ,beliefs and ,linguistic ,relationship of the ,tlingit ,indians1 in ,x,x,v,ith ,rep41 pp4 #dce ff42 ,boas1 ,the ,social ,organization and ,secret ,societies of the ,kwakiutl ,indians1 p4 #ceh4 #bia ,frazer1 ,totemism1 p4 #bf4 #bib ,bourke1 ,the ,snake ,dance of the ,moquis of ,arizona1 p4 #bbi2 ,j4 ,w4 ,fewkes1 ,the ,group of ,tusayan ,ceremonials called ,katcinas1 in ,x,vth ,rep41 #ahig1 pp4 #aea-bfc4 #bic ,mller1 ,geschichte der ,amerikanischen ,urreligionen1 p4 #cbg4 #bid ,schoolcraft1 op4 cit41 ,,iii1 p4 #bfi4 #bie ,dorsey1 ,omaha ,sociol41 ,third ,rep41 pp4 #bbi1 #bch1 #bdj1 #bde4 #bif ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dea4 #big ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #beg4 #bih ,the meaning of these relations will be seen below 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 iv74 #bii ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bif4 #cjj ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #gdd-gdf2 cf4 p4 #abi4 #cja ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #ff n4 ,it is true that other informers contest this fact4 #cjb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #gdd4 #cjc ,swanton1 ,contributions to the ,ethnology of the ,haida1 pp4 #da ff41 ,pl4 ,,xx and ,,xxi2 ,boas1 ,the ,social ,organization of the ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cah2 ,swanton1 ,tlingit1 ,pl4 ,,xvi ff4--,in one place1 outside the two ethnographic regions which we are specially studying1 these tattooings are put on the animals which belong to the clan4 ,the ,bechuana of ,south ,africa are divided into a certain number of clans2 there are the people of the crocodile1 the buffalo1 the monkey1 etc4 ,now the crocodile people1 for example1 make an incision in the ears of their cattle whose form is like the jaws of this animal 7,casalis1 ,les ,basoutos1 p4 #bba74 ,according to ,robertson ,smith1 the same custom existed among the ancient ,arabs 7,kinship and ,marriage in ,early ,arabia1 pp4 #bab-bad74 #cjd ,however1 according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 there are some which have no religious sense 7see ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #da f42 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #de1 #ed-ef74 #cje ,among the ,arunta1 this rule has exceptions which will be explained below4 #cjf ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #afb2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #agi1 #bei1 #bib1 #bie f42 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bba4 ,the thing thus represented is not always the totem itself1 but one of those things which1 being associated to this totem1 are regarded as being in the same family of things4 #cjg ,this is the case1 for example1 among the ,warramunga1 the ,walpari1 the ,wulmala1 the ,tjingilli1 the ,umbaia and the ,unmatjera 7,nor4 ,tr41 #cci1 #cdh74 ,among the ,warramunga1 at the moment when the design is executed1 the performers address the initiated with the following words3 ,that mark belongs to your place2 do not look out along another place4 ,this means1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 that the young man must not interfere with ceremonies belonging to other totems than his own3 it also indicates the very close association which is supposed to exist between a man and his totem and any spot especially connected with the totem 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ehd and n474 ,among the ,warramunga1 the totem is transmitted from father to child1 so each locality has its own4 #cjh ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bae1 #bda1 #cgf4 #cji ,it will be remembered 7see above1 p4 #ajg7 that in this tribe1 the child may have a different totem than his father1 his mother1 or his relatives in general4 ,now the relatives on both sides are the performers designated for the ceremonies of initiation4 ,consequently1 since in principle a man can have the quality of performer or officiant only for the ceremonies of his own totem1 it follows that in certain cases the rites by which the young man is initiated must be in connection with a totem that is not his own4 ,that is why the paintings made on the body of the novice do not necessarily represent his own totem3 cases of this sort will be found in ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bbi4 ,that there is an anomaly here is well shown by the fact that the circumcision falls to the totem which predominates in the local group of the initiate1 that is to say1 to the one which would be the totem of the initiate himself1 if the totemic organization were not disturbed1 if among the ,arunta it were what it is among the ,warramunga 7see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ibid41 p4 #bai74 ,the same disturbance has had another consequence4 ,in a general way1 its effect is to extend a little the bonds attaching each totem to a special group1 since each totem may have members in all the local groups possible1 and even in the two phratries4 ,the idea that these ceremonies of a totem might be celebrated by an individual of another totem--an idea which is contrary to the very principles of totemism1 as we shall see better after a while--has thus been accepted without too much resistance4 ,it has been admitted that a man to whom a spirit revealed the formula for a ceremony had the right of presiding over it1 even when he was not of the totem in question himself 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eai74 ,but that this is an exception to the rule and the product of a sort of toleration is proved by the fact that the beneficiary of the formula does not have the free disposition of it2 if he transmits it--and these transmissions are frequent--it can be only to a member of the totem which the rite concerns 7,nat4 ,tr41 ibid474 #caj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adj4 ,in this case1 the novice keeps the decoration with which he has thus been adorned until it disappears of itself by the effect of time4 #caa ,boas1 ,general ,report on the ,indians of ,british ,columbia in ,british ,association for the ,advancement of ,science1 ,fifth ,rep4 of the ,committee on the ,n4,w4 ,tribes of the ,dominion of ,canada1 p4 #da4 #cab ,there are also some among the ,warramunga1 but in smaller numbers than among the ,arunta2 they do not figure in the totemic ceremonies1 though they do have a place in the myths 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afc74 #cac ,other names are used by other tribes4 ,we give a generic sense to the ,arunta term because it is in this tribe that the churinga have the most important place and have been studied the best4 #cad ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ha4 #cae ,there are a few which have no apparent design 7see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #add74 #caf ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aci and #fdh2 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ge4 #cag ,strehlow1 who writes tjurunga1 gives a slightly different translation to the word4 ,this word1 he says1 means that which is secret and personal 7der eigene geheime74 ,tju is an old word which means hidden or secret1 and runga means that which is my own4 ,but ,kempe1 who has more authority than ,strehlow in this matter1 translates tju by great1 powerful1 sacred 7,kempe1 ,vocabulary of the ,tribes inhabiting ,macdonell ,ranges1 s4v4 ,tju1 in ,transactions of the ,r4 ,society of ,victoria1 ,vol4 ,,xiii74 ,at bottom1 the translation of ,strehlow is not so different from the other as might appear at first glance1 for what is secret is hidden from the knowledge of the profane1 that is1 it is sacred4 ,as for the meaning given to runga1 it appears to us very doubtful4 ,the ceremonies of the emu belong to all the members of that clan2 all may participate in them2 therefore they are not personal to any one of them4 #cah ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #acj-acb2 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gh4 ,a woman who has seen a churinga or a man who has shown one to her are both put to death4 #cai ,strehlow calls this place1 defined in exactly the same terms as by ,spencer and ,gillen1 arknanaua instead of ertnatulunga 7,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gh74 #cbj ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bgj2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adj4 #cba ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ace4 #cbb ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gh4 ,however1 ,strehlow says that if a murderer takes refuge near an ertnatulunga1 he is unpityingly pursued there and put to death4 ,we find some difficulty in conciliating this fact with the privilege enjoyed by animals1 and ask ourselves if the rigour with which a criminal is treated is not something recent and should not be attributed to a weakening of the taboo which originally protected the ertnatulunga4 #cbc ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bdh4 #cbd ,ibid41 pp4 #ede f4 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gi4 ,for example1 the dust detached by rubbing a churinga with a stone1 when dissolved in water1 forms a potion which restores health to sick persons4 #cbe ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ede f4 ,strehlow 7,,ii1 p4 #gi7 contests this fact4 #cbf ,for example1 the churinga of the yam totem1 if placed in the soil1 make the yams grow 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bge74 ,it has the same power over animals 7,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #gf1 #gh2 ,,iii1 pp4 #c1 #g74 #cbg ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ace2 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gi4 #cbh ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bgh4 #cbi ,ibid41 p4 #ahj4 #ccj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bgb f4 #cca ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ace4 #ccb ,one group borrows the churinga of another with the idea that these latter will communicate some of the virtues which are in them and that their presence will quicken the vitality of the individuals and of the group 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aeh ff474 #ccc ,ibid41 p4 #acf4 #ccd ,each individual is united by a particular bond to a special churinga which assures him his life1 and also to those which he has received as a heritage from his parents4 #cce ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aed2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aic4 ,the churinga are so thoroughly collective that they take the place of the message-sticks with which the messengers of other tribes are provided1 when they are sent to summon foreign groups to a ceremony 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ada f474 #ccf ,ibid41 p4 #cbf4 ,it should be remarked that the bull-roarers are used in the same way 7,mathews1 ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,victoria1 in ,jour4 of ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 pp4 #cjg f474 #ccg ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #afa1 #bei ff4 #cch ,ibid41 p4 #ach4 #cci ,strehlow1 ,i1 ,vorwort4 in fine2 ,,ii1 pp4 #gf1 #gg and #hb4 ,for the ,arunta1 it is the body of the ancestor itself2 for the ,loritja1 it is only an image4 #cdj ,when a child has just been born1 the mother shows the father the spot where she believes that the soul of the ancestor entered her4 ,the father1 accompanied by a few relatives1 goes to this spot and looks for the churinga which the ancestor is believed to have left at the moment that he reincarnated himself4 ,if it is found there1 some old man of the group undoubtedly put it there 7this is the hypothesis of ,spencer and ,gillen74 ,if they do not find it1 a new churinga is made in a determined manner 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acb4 ,cf4 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #hj74 #cda ,this is the case among the ,warramunga1 the ,urabunna1 the ,worgaia1 the ,umbaia1 the ,tjingilli and the ,guangi 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #beh1 #bge f474 ,then1 say ,spencer and ,gillen1 they were regarded as of especial value because of their association with a totem 7ibid41 p4 #bgf74 ,there are examples of the same fact among the ,arunta 7,nat4 ,tr41 #aef74 #cdb ,strehlow writes tnatanja 7,i1 pp4 #d-e74 #cdc ,the ,kaitish1 the ,ilpirra1 the ,unmatjera2 but it is rare among the latter4 #cdd ,the pole is sometimes replaced by very long churinga1 placed end to end4 #cde ,sometimes another smaller one is hung from the top of the nurtunja4 ,in other cases1 the nurtunja is in the form of a cross or a ,t4 ,more rarely1 the central support is lacking 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bih-cjj1 #cfj-cfd1 #fbg74 #cdf ,sometimes there are even three of these cross-bars4 #cdg ,nat4 ,tr11 pp4 #bca-bcd1 #cjf-caj1 #fbg4 ,in addition to the nurtunja and the waninga1 ,spencer and ,gillen distinguish a third sort of sacred post or flag1 called the kanana 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #cfd1 #cgj1 #fbi71 whose functions they admit they have been unable to determine4 ,they merely note that it is regarded as something common to the members of all the totems4 ,according to ,strehlow 7,,ii1 p4 #bc1 n4 #b7 the kanana of which ,spencer and ,gillen speak1 is merely the nurtunja of the ,wild ,cat totem4 ,as this animal is the object of a tribal cult1 the veneration of which it is the object might easily be common to all the clans4 #cdh ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cdb2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cji4 #cdi ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bee4 #cej ,ibid41 ch4 x and xi4 #cea ,ibid41 pp4 #ach1 #add4 #ceb ,see ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,cults1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #dac2 ,omaha ,sociology1 ,third ,rep41 p4 #bcd4 ,it is true that there is only one sacred post for the tribe1 while there is a nurtunja for each clan4 ,but the principle is the same4 #cec ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bcb1 #cjh1 #cac1 #ccd1 etc42 ,nor4 ,tr41 #ahb1 #ahf1 etc4 #ced ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cdf4 ,it is true that some say that the nurtunja represents the lance of the ancestor who was at the head of each clan in ,alcheringa times4 ,but it is only a symbolic representation of it2 it is not a sort of relic1 like the churinga1 which is believed to come from the ancestor himself4 ,here the secondary character of the explanation is very noticeable4 #cee ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #fad ff41 esp4 p4 #fag2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #gdi4 #cef ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fbd4 #ceg ,ibid41 p4 #agi4 #ceh ,ibid41 p4 #aha4 #cei ,see the examples given in ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 ,fig4 #aca4 ,here are designs1 many of which evidently have the object of representing animals1 plants1 the heads of men1 etc41 though of course all are very conventional4 #cfj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fag2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #gaf ff4 #cfa ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ade2 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #hj4 #cfb ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aea4 #cfc ,ibid41 p4 #cdf4 #cfd ,it cannot be doubted that these designs and paintings also have an sthetic character2 here is the first form of art4 ,since they are also1 and even above all1 a written language1 it follows that the origins of design and those of writing are one4 ,it even becomes clear that men commenced designing1 not so much to fix upon wood or stone beautiful forms which charm the senses1 as to translate his thought into matter 7cf4 ,schoolcraft1 ,indian ,tribes1 ,i1 p4 #dje2 ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,cults1 pp4 #cid ff474 #cfe ,see the cases in ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 p4 #fc2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #adf1 #gfi2 ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afi2 ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 #aej2 ,wyatt1 ,adelaide and ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 p4 #afh2 ,meyer1 ibid41 p4 #ahf4 #cff ,this is the case with the ,warramunga 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afh74 #cfg ,for example1 among the ,warramunga1 the ,urabunna1 the ,wonghibon1 the ,yuin1 the ,wotjobaluk1 the ,buandik1 ,ngeumba1 etc4 #cfh ,among the ,kaitish1 if a man of the clan eats too much of his totem1 the members of the other phratry have recourse to a magic operation which is expected to kill him 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bhd2 cf4 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjd2 ,langloh ,parker1 ,the ,euahlavi ,tribe1 p4 #bj74 #cfi ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjb1 n42 ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eh4 #cgj ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #agc4 #cga ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bjg ff4 #cgb ,see above1 p4 #abh4 #cgc ,it should also be borne in mind that in these myths the ancestors are never represented as nourishing themselves regularly with their totem4 ,consumption of this sort is1 on the contrary1 the exception4 ,their ordinary food1 according to ,strehlow1 was the same as that of the corresponding animal 7see ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #d74 #cgd ,also1 this whole theory rests upon an entirely arbitrary hypothesis3 ,spencer and ,gillen1 as well as ,frazer1 admit that the tribes of central ,australia1 and especially the ,arunta1 represent the most archaic and consequently the purest form of totemism4 ,we shall presently say why this conjecture seems to us to be contrary to all probability4 ,it is even probable that these authors would not have accepted their thesis so readily if they had not refused to regard totemism as a religion and if they had not consequently misunderstood the sacred character of the totem4 #cge ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 p4 #fd2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ade and #adg2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjb2 ,grey1 loc4 cit42 ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfb4 #cgf ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #afj1 #afg4 ,it is not enough that the intermediary be of another totem3 as we shall see1 every totem of a phratry is forbidden in a certain measure for the members of the phratry who are of a different totem4 #cgg ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afg4 ,we can now explain more easily how it happens that when an interdiction is not observed1 it is the other phratry which revenges this sacrilege 7see above1 p4 #abi1 n4 #b74 ,it is because it has an interest in seeing that the rule is observed4 ,in fact1 they believe that when the rule is broken1 the totemic species may not reproduce abundantly4 ,now the members of the other phratry consume it regularly3 therefore it is they who are affected4 ,that is why they revenge themselves4 #cgh ,this is the case among the ,loritja 7,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #fj1 #fa71 the ,worgaia1 the ,warramunga1 the ,walpari1 the ,mara1 the ,anula and the ,binbinga 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #aff1 #afg1 #aga1 #agc74 ,it may be eaten by a ,warramunga or a ,walpari1 but only when offered by a member of the other phratry4 ,spencer and ,gillen remark 7p4 #afg1 n471 that in this regard the paternal and the maternal totems appear to be under different rules4 ,it is true that in both cases the offer must come from the other phratry4 ,but when it is a question of the paternal totem1 or the totem properly so-called1 this phratry is the one to which the totem does not belong2 for the maternal totem1 the contrary is the case4 ,probably the principle was first established for the former1 then mechanically extended to the other1 though the situation was different4 ,when the rule had once become established that the prohibition protecting the totem could be neglected only on the invitation of the other phratry1 it was applied also to the maternal totem4 #cgi ,for example1 among the ,warramunga 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aff71 the ,wotjobaluk1 the ,buandik1 the ,kurnai 7,howitt1 pp4 #adf f47 and the ,narrinyeri 7,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 p4 #fc74 #chj ,even this is not always the case4 ,an ,arunta of the ,mosquito totem must not kill this insect1 even when it bothers him3 he must confine himself to driving it away 7,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eh2 cf4 ,taplin1 p4 #fc74 #cha ,among the ,kaitish and the ,unmatjera 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afj74 ,it even happens that in certain cases an old man gives a young one of a different totem one of his churinga1 so that he may kill the donor's totem more easily 7ibid41 p4 #bgb74 #chb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adf2 ,grey1 op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #bbh2 ,casalis1 ,basoutos1 p4 #bba4 ,among these latter1 one must be purified after committing such a sacrilege4 #chc ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eh1 #ei1 #fa4 #chd ,dorsey1 ,omaha ,sociology1 ,i,i,ird ,rep41 pp4 #bbe1 #bca4 #che ,casalis1 ibid4 #chf ,even among the ,omaha1 it is not certain that the interdictions of contact1 certain examples of which we have just cited1 are really of a totemic nature1 for many of them have no direct connection with the animal that serves as totem of the clan4 ,thus in the sub-clan of the ,eagle1 the characteristic interdiction is against touching the head of a buffalo 7,dorsey1 op4 cit41 p4 #bci72 in another sub-clan with the same totem1 they must not touch verdigris1 charcoal1 etc4 7ibid41 p4 #bde74 ,we do not mention other interdictions mentioned by ,frazer1 such as those of naming or looking at the animal or plant1 for it is still less certain that they are of totemic origin1 except perhaps for certain facts observed among the ,bechuana 7,totemism1 pp4 #ab-ac74 ,frazer admits too readily--and in this regard1 he has imitators--that the prohibitions against eating or touching an animal depend upon totemic beliefs4 ,however1 there is one case in ,australia1 where the sight of the animal seems to be forbidden4 ,according to ,strehlow 7,,ii1 p4 #ei71 among the ,arunta and the ,loritja1 a man who has the moon as totem must not look at it very long1 or he would be likely to die at the hand of an enemy4 ,but we believe that this is a unique case4 ,we must not forget1 also1 that astronomical totems were probably not primitive in ,australia1 so this prohibition may be the product of a complex elaboration4 ,this hypothesis is confirmed by the fact that among the ,euahlayi1 looking at the moon is forbidden to all mothers and children1 no matter what their totems may be 7,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #ec74 #chg ,see ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii1 #b4 #chh ,perhaps there is no religion which makes man an exclusively profane being4 ,for the ,christian1 the soul which each of us has within him and which constitutes the very essence of our being1 has something sacred about it4 ,we shall see that this conception of the soul is as old as religious thought itself4 ,the place of man in the hierarchy of sacred things is more or less elevated4 #chi ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjb4 #cij ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #ei-fa4 #cia ,among certain clans of the ,warramunga1 for example 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afb74 #cib ,among the ,urabunna 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #adg74 ,even when they tell us that the first beings were men1 these are really only semi-human1 and have an animal nature at the same time4 ,this is the case with certain ,unmatjera 7ibid41 pp4 #aec-aed74 ,here we find ways of thought whose confusion disconcerts us1 but which must be accepted as they are4 ,we would denature them if we tried to introduce a clarity that is foreign to them 7cf4 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aai74 #cic ,among the ,arunta 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #chh ff472 and among certain ,unmatjera 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aec74 #cid ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #chi4 ,cf4 ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #b-g4 #cie ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #chi2 ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #b ff4 ,undoubtedly there is an echo of the initiation rites in this mythical theme4 ,the initiation also has the object of making the young man into a complete man1 and on the other hand1 it also implies actual surgical operations 7circumcision1 sub-incision1 the extraction of teeth1 etc474 ,the processes which served to form the first men would naturally be conceived on the same model4 #cif ,this the case with the nine clans of the ,moqui 7,schoolcraft1 ,indian ,tribes1 ,,iv1 p4 #hf71 the ,crain clan among the ,ojibway 7,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 p4 #ahj71 and the ,nootka clans 7,boas1 ,v,ith ,rep4 on the ,n4,w4 ,tribes of ,canada1 p4 #dc71 etc4 #cig ,it is thus that the ,turtle clan of the ,iroquois took form4 ,a group of turtles had been forced to leave the lake where they dwelt and seek another home4 ,one of them1 which was larger than the others1 stood this exercise very badly owing to the heat4 ,it made such violent efforts that it got out of its shell4 ,the process of transformation1 being once commenced1 went on by itself and the turtle finally became a man who was the ancestor of the clan 7,erminnie ,a4 ,smith1 ,the ,myths of the ,iroquois1 ,i,ind ,report1 p4 #gg74 ,the ,crab clan of the ,choctaw was formed in a similar manner4 ,some men surprised a certain number of crabs that lived in the neighbourhood1 took them home with them1 taught them to talk and to walk1 and finally adopted them into their society 7,catlin1 ,north ,american ,indians1 ,,ii1 p4 #abh74 #cih ,for example1 here is a legend of the ,tsimshian4 ,in the course of a hunt1 an ,indian met a black bear which took him to its home1 and taught him to catch salmon and build canoes4 ,the man stayed with the bear for two years1 and then returned to his native village4 ,but the people were afraid of him1 because he was just like a bear4 ,he could not talk or eat anything except raw food4 ,then he was rubbed with magic herbs and gradually regained his original form4 ,after that1 whenever he was in trouble1 he called upon his bear friends1 who came to aid him4 ,he built a house and painted a bear on the foundation4 ,his sister made a blanket for the dance1 upon which a bear was designed4 ,that is why the descendants of this sister had the bear as their emblem 7,boas1 ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cbc4 ,cf4 ,vth ,rep4 on the ,n4,w4 ,tribes of ,canada1 pp4 #bc1 #bi ff42 ,hill ,tout1 ,report on the ,ethnology of the ,statlumh of ,british ,columbia1 in ,j4,a4,i41 #aije1 ,,xxxv1 p4 #aej74 ,thus we see the inconveniences in making this mystical relationship between the man and the animal the distinctive characteristic of totemism1 as ,m4 ,van ,gennep proposes 7,totmisme et mthode comparative1 in ,revue de l'histoire des religions1 ,vol4 ,,lviii1 ,july1 #aijh1 p4 #ee74 ,this relationship is a mythical representation of otherwise profound facts2 but it may be omitted without causing the disappearance of the essential traits of totemism4 ,undoubtedly there are always close bonds between the people of the clan and the totemic animal1 but these are not necessarily bonds of blood-relationship1 though they are frequently conceived in this form4 #cii ,there are also some ,tlinkit myths in which the relationship of descent between the man and the animal is still more carefully stated4 ,it is said that the clan is descended from a mixed union1 if we may so speak1 that is to say1 one where either the husband or the wife was an animal of the species whose name the clan bears 7see ,swanton1 ,social ,condition1 ,beliefs1 etc41 of the ,tlinkit ,indians1 ,x,x,v,ith ,rep41 pp4 #dae-dah74 #djj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bhd4 #dja ,ibid41 p4 #agi4 #djb ,see ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii4 ,cf4 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ahd1 #bja4 #djc ,ibid41 pp4 #bjd1 #bfb1 #bhd4 #djd ,among the ,dieri and the ,parnkalla4 ,see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #feh1 #ffa1 #ffh1 #ffi-fga4 #dje ,among the ,warramunga1 the blood from the circumcision is drunk by the mother 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ceb74 ,among the ,binbinga1 the blood on the knife which was used in the sub-incision must be licked off by the initiate 7ibid41 p4 #cfh74 ,in general1 the blood coming from the genital organs is regarded as especially sacred 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfd2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eih74 #djf ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bfh4 #djg ,ibid41 pp4 #add1 #efh4 #djh ,ibid41 pp4 #ddb1 #dfd4 ,this myth is quite common in ,australia4 #dji ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fbg4 #daj ,ibid41 p4 #dff4 #daa ,ibid4 ,it is believed that if all these formalities are not rigorously observed1 grave calamities will fall upon the individual4 #dab ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ech2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #fjd4 #dac ,after the foreskin has been detached by circumcision1 it is sometimes hidden1 just like the blood2 it has special virtues2 for example1 it assures the fecundity of certain animal and vegetable species 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cec f474 ,the whiskers are mixed with the hair1 and treated as such 7ibid41 pp4 #fjd1 #edd74 ,they also play a part in the myths 7ibid41 p4 #aeh74 ,as for the fat1 its sacred character is shown by the use made of it in certain funeral rites4 #dad ,this is not saying that the woman is absolutely profane4 ,in the myths1 at least among the ,arunta1 she plays a religious rle much more important than she does in reality 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aie f474 ,even now she takes part in certain initiation rites4 ,finally1 her blood has religious virtues 7see ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfd2 cf4 ,la prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines1 ,anne ,sociol41 ,i1 pp4 #da ff474 ,it is upon this complex situation of the woman that the exogamic restrictions depend4 ,we do not speak of them here because they concern the problem of domestic and matrimonial organization more directly than the present one4 #dae ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfj4 #daf ,among the ,wakelbura1 according to ,howitt1 p4 #adf2 among the ,bechuana1 according to ,casalis1 ,basoutos1 p4 #bba4 #dag ,among the ,buandik and ,kurnai 7,howitt1 ibid472 among the ,arunta 7,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eh74 #dah ,howitt1 ibid4 #dai ,in the ,tully ,river district1 says ,roth 7,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 in ,north ,queensland ,ethnography1 ,no4 #e1 #gd71 as an individual goes to sleep or gets up in the morning1 he pronounces in a rather low voice the name of the animal after which he is named himself4 ,the purpose of this practice is to make the man clever or lucky in the hunt1 or be forewarned of the dangers to which he may be exposed from this animal4 ,for example1 a man who has a species of serpent as his totem is protected from bites if this invocation has been made regularly4 #dbj ,taplin1 ,narrinyeri1 p4 #fd2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adg2 ,roth1 loc4 cit4 #dba ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eh4 #dbb ,howitt1 p4 #adh4 #dbc ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #aei-afj4 #dbd ,ibid4 #dbe ,ibid41 p4 #bbe2 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bjb1 #bjc4 #dbf ,a4 ,l4 ,p4 ,cameron1 ,on ,two ,queensland ,tribes1 in ,science of ,man1 ,australasian ,anthropological ,journal1 #aijd1 ,,vii1 #bh1 col4 ,i4 #dbg ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #agj4 #dbh ,notes on some ,australian ,tribes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xiii1 p4 #cjj4 #dbi ,in ,curr1 ,australian ,race1 ,,iii1 p4 #de2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,the ,aborigines of ,victoria1 ,i1 p4 #ia2 ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afh4 #dcj ,durkheim and ,mauss1 ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,vi1 pp4 #a ff4 #dca ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfa4 #dcb ,curr and ,fison were both informed by the same person1 ,d4 ,s4 ,stewart4 #dcc ,mathews1 ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,victoria1 in ,journal and ,proceedings of the ,royal ,society of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 pp4 #bhg f42 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aba4 #dcd ,the feminine form of the names given by ,mathews is ,gurogigurk and ,gamatykurk4 ,these are the forms which ,howitt reproduces1 with a slightly different orthography4 ,the names are also equivalent to those used by the ,mount ,gambier tribe 7,kumite and ,kroki74 #dce ,the native name of this clan is ,dylup1 which ,mathews does not translate4 ,this word appears to be identical with ,jallup1 by which ,howitt designates a sub-clan of the same tribe1 and which he translates mussel4 ,that is why we think we can hazard this translation4 #dcf ,this is the translation of ,howitt2 ,mathews renders the word ,wartwurt1 heat of the midday sun4 #dcg ,the tables of ,mathews and ,howitt disagree on many important points4 ,it even seems that clans attributed by ,howitt to the ,kroki phratry are given to the ,gamutch phratry by ,mathews1 and inversely4 ,this proves the great difficulties that these observations present4 ,but these differences are without interest for our present question4 #dch ,mrs4 ,langloh ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi ,tribe1 pp4 #ab ff4 #dci ,the facts will be found below4 #ddj ,carr1 ,,iii1 p4 #bg4 ,cf4 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aab4 ,we are merely mentioning the most characteristic facts4 ,for details1 one may refer to the memoir already mentioned on ,les classifications primitives4 #dda ,ibid41 pp4 #cd ff4 #ddb ,swanton1 ,the ,haida1 pp4 #ac-ad1 #ag1 #bb4 #ddc ,this is especially clear among the ,haida4 ,swanton says that with them every animal has two aspects4 ,first1 it is an ordinary animal to be hunted and eaten2 but it is also a supernatural being in the animal's form1 upon which men depend4 ,the mythical beings corresponding to cosmic phenomena have the same ambiguity 7,swanton1 ibid41 #af1 #ad1 #be74 #ddd ,see above1 p4 #adb4 ,this is the case among the ,gournditch-mara 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abd71 in the tribes studied by ,cameron near the ,dead ,lake1 and among the ,wotjobaluk 7ibid41 pp4 #abe1 #bej74 #dde ,j4 ,mathews1 ,two ,representative ,tribes1 p4 #aci2 ,thomas1 ,kinship and ,marriage1 pp4 #ec f4 #ddf ,among the ,osage1 for example 7see ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,sociology1 in ,x,vth ,rep41 pp4 #bcc ff474 #ddg ,at ,mabuiag1 an island in ,torrs' ,strait 7,haddon1 ,head ,hunters1 p4 #acb71 the same opposition is found between the two phratries of the ,arunta3 one includes the men of a water totem1 the other those of earth 7,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #f74 #ddh ,among the ,iroquois there is a sort of tournament between the two phratries 7,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 p4 #id74 ,among the ,haida1 says ,swanton1 the members of the two phratries of the ,eagle and the ,crow are frequently considered as avowed enemies4 ,husband and wife 7who must be of different phratries7 do not hesitate to betray each other 7,the ,haida1 p4 #fb74 ,in ,australia this hostility is carried into the myths4 ,the two animals serving the phratries as totems are frequently represented as in a perpetual war against each other 7see ,j4 ,mathews1 ,eaglehawk and ,crow1 a study of ,australian ,aborigines1 pp4 #ad ff474 ,in games1 each phratry is the natural rival of the other 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ggj74 #ddi ,so ,thomas has wrongly urged against our theory of the origin of the phratries its inability to explain their opposition 7,kinship and ,marriage1 p4 #fi74 ,we do not believe that it is necessary to connect this opposition to that of the profane and the sacred 7see ,hertz1 ,la prminence de la main droite1 in the ,revue ,philosophique1 ,dec41 #aiji1 p4 #eei74 ,the things of one phratry are not profane for the other2 both are a part of the same religious system 7see below1 p4 #aee74 #dej ,for example1 the clan of the ,tea-tree includes the grasses1 and consequently herbivorous animals 7see ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afi74 ,this is undoubtedly the explanation of a particularity of the totemic emblems of ,north ,america pointed out by ,boas4 ,among the ,tlinkit1 he says1 and all the other tribes of the coast1 the emblem of a group includes the animals serving as food to the one whose name the group bears 7,fifth ,rep4 of the ,committee1 etc41 ,british ,association for the ,advancement of ,science1 p4 #be74 #dea ,thus1 among the ,arunta1 frogs are connected with the totem of the gum-tree1 because they are frequently found in the cavities of this tree2 water is related to the water-hen2 with the kangaroo is associated a sort of parrot frequently seen flying about this animal 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #adf-adg1 #ddh74 #deb ,one of the signs of this primitive lack of distinction is that territorial bases are sometimes assigned to the classes just as to the social divisions with which they were at first confounded4 ,thus1 among the ,wotjobaluk in ,australia and the ,zui in ,america1 things are ideally distributed among the different regions of space1 just as the clans are4 ,now this regional distribution of things and that of the clans coincide 7see ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 pp4 #cd ff474 ,classifications keep something of this special character even among relatively advanced peoples1 as for example1 in ,china 7ibid41 pp4 #ee ff474 #dec ,bridgmann1 in ,brough ,smyth1 ,the ,aborigines of ,victoria1 ,i1 p4 #ia4 #ded ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afh2 ,howitt1 ,further ,notes on the ,australian ,class ,systems1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xviii1 p4 #fj4 #dee ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfa4 ,this is about the ,mount ,gambier tribe4 #def ,howitt1 ,on some ,australian ,beliefs1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xiii1 p4 #aia1 n4 #a4 #deg ,howitt1 ,notes on ,australian ,message ,sticks1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xviii1 p4 #cbf2 ,further ,notes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xviii1 p4 #fa1 n4 #c4 #deh ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #bh4 #dei ,mathews1 ,ethnological ,notes on the ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,victoria1 in ,journ4 and ,proceed4 of the ,royal ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bid4 #dfj ,cf4 ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfa2 and ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adf4 ,the expressions ,tooman and ,wingo are applied to the one and the other4 #dfa ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abc4 #dfb ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ddg ff42 cf4 ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 pp4 xii ff4 #dfc ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #afi4 #dfd ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #dfb4 #dfe ,mrs4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi ,tribe1 p4 #bj4 #dff ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aea2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ddg2 ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 xii4 #dfg ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ddi4 #dfh ,however1 there are certain tribes in ,queensland where the things thus attributed to a social group are not forbidden for the members of the group3 this is notably the case with the ,wakelbura4 ,it is to be remembered that in this society1 it is the matrimonial classes that serve as the framework of the classification 7see above1 p4 #add74 ,not only are the men of one class allowed to eat the animals attributed to this class1 but they may eat no others4 ,all other food is forbidden them 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aac2 ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #bg74 ,but we must not conclude from this that these animals are considered profane4 ,in fact1 it should be noticed that the individual not only has the privilege of eating them1 but that he is compelled to do so1 for he cannot nourish himself otherwise4 ,now the imperative nature of this rule is a sure sign that we are in the presence of things having a religious nature1 only this has given rise to a positive obligation rather than the negative one known as an interdiction4 ,perhaps it is not quite impossible to see how this deviation came about4 ,we have seen above 7p4 #adj7 that every individual is thought to have a sort of property-right over his totem and consequently over the things dependent upon it4 ,perhaps1 under the influence of special circumstances1 this aspect of the totemic relation was developed1 and they naturally came to believe that only the members of the clan had the right of disposing of their totem and all that is connected with it1 and that others1 on the contrary1 did not have the right of touching it4 ,under these circumstances1 a tribe could nourish itself only on the food attributed to it4 #dfi ,mrs4 ,parker uses the expression multiplex totems4 #dgj ,as examples1 see the ,euahlayi tribe in ,mrs4 ,parker's book 7pp4 #ae ff47 and the ,wotjobaluk 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aba ff42 cf4 the above-mentioned article of ,mathews74 #dga ,see the examples in ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abb4 #dgb ,see our ,de quelques formes primitives de classification1 p4 #bh1 n4 #b4 #dgc ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #fa-gb4 #dgd ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aab4 #dge ,see especially ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ddg1 and ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aea4 #dgf ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 pp4 xiii-xviii4 ,it sometimes happens that the same secondary totems are attached to two or three principal totems at the same time4 ,this is undoubtedly because ,strehlow has not been able to establish with certainty which is the principal totem4 ,two interesting facts which appear from this table confirm certain propositions which we had already formulated4 ,first1 the principal totems are nearly all animals1 with but rare exceptions4 ,also1 stars are always only secondary or associated totems4 ,this is another proof that these latter were only slowly advanced to the rank of totems and that at first the principal totems were preferably chosen from the animal kingdom4 #dgg ,according to the myth1 the associate totems served as food to the men of the principal totem in the fabulous times1 or1 when these are trees1 they gave their shade 7,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 xii2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #djc74 ,the fact that the associate totems are believed to have been eaten does not imply that they are considered profane2 for in the mythical period1 the principal totem itself was consumed by the ancestors1 the founders of the clan1 according to the belief4 #dgh ,thus in the ,wild ,cat clan1 the designs carved on the churinga represent the ,hakea tree1 which is a distinct totem to-day 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #adg f474 ,strehlow 7,,iii1 p4 xii1 n4 #d7 says that this is frequent4 #dgi ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ahb2 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aea and #big4 #dhj ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aea and #aeh4 #dha ,ibid41 pp4 #ddh and #ddi4 #dhb ,thus ,spencer and ,gillen speak of a pigeon called ,inturrita1 sometimes as a principal totem 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #daj71 sometimes as an associate totem 7ibid41 p4 #ddh74 #dhc ,howitt1 ,further ,notes1 pp4 #fc-fd4 #dhd ,thus it comes about that the clan has frequently been confounded with the tribe4 ,this confusion1 which frequently introduces trouble into the writings of ethnologists1 has been made especially by ,curr 7,i1 pp4 #fa ff474 #dhe ,this is the case especially among the ,warramunga 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bih74 #dhf ,see1 for example1 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #chj and passim4 #dhg ,one might even ask if tribal totems do not exist sometimes4 ,thus1 among the ,arunta1 there is an animal1 the wild cat1 which serves as totem to a particular clan1 but which is forbidden for the whole tribe2 even the people of other clans can eat it only very moderately 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #afh74 ,but we believe that it would be an abuse to speak of a tribal totem in this case1 for it does not follow from the fact that the free consumption of an animal is forbidden that this is a totem4 ,other causes can also give rise to an interdiction4 ,the religious unity of the tribe is undoubtedly real1 but this is affirmed with the aid of other symbols4 ,we shall show what these are below 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 ix74 #dhh ,the totems belong to the tribe in the sense that this is interested as a body in the cult which each clan owes to its totem4 #dhi ,frazer has made a very complete collection of the texts relative to individual totemism in ,north ,america 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 pp4 #cgj-def74 #dij ,for example1 among the ,hurons1 the ,iroquois1 the ,algonquins 7,charlevoix1 ,histoire de la ,nouvelle ,france1 ,,vi1 pp4 #fg-gj2 ,sagard1 ,le grand voyage au pays des ,hurons1 p4 #afj71 or among the ,thompson ,indians 7,teit1 ,the ,thompson ,indians of ,british ,columbia1 p4 #cee74 #dia ,this is the case of the ,yuin 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acc71 the ,kurnai 7ibid41 p4 #ace71 several tribes of ,queensland 7,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 ,north ,queensland ,ethnography1 ,bulletin ,no4 #e1 p4 #ai2 ,haddon1 ,head-,hunters1 p4 #aic72 among the ,delaware 7,heckewelder1 ,an ,account of the ,history 444 of the ,indian ,nations1 p4 #bch71 among the ,thompson ,indians 7,teit1 op4 cit41 p4 #cee71 and among the ,salish ,statlumh 7,hill ,tout1 ,rep4 of the ,ethnol4 of the ,statlumh1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv4 pp4 #adg ff474 #dib ,hill ,tout1 loc4 cit41 p4 #aed4 #dic ,catlin1 ,manners and ,customs1 etc41 ,london1 #ahgf1 ,i1 p4 #cf4 #did ,lettres difiantes et curieuses1 new edition1 ,,vi1 pp4 #agb ff4 #die ,charlevoix1 op4 cit41 ,,vi1 p4 #fi4 #dif ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,cults1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #ddc4 #dig ,boas1 ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cbc4 #dih ,hill ,tout1 loc4 cit41 p4 #aed4 #dii ,boas1 ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cbc4 #ejj ,miss ,fletcher1 ,the ,import of the ,totem1 a ,study from the ,omaha ,tribe 7,smithsonian ,rep4 for #ahig1 p4 #ehc74--,similar facts will be found in ,teit1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ced1 #cef2 ,peter ,jones1 ,history of the ,ojibway ,indians1 p4 #hg4 #eja ,this is the case1 for example1 with the dog among the ,salish ,statlumh1 owing to the condition of servitude in which it lives 7,hill ,tout1 loc4 cit41 p4 #aec74 #ejb ,langloh ,parker1 ,euahlayi1 p4 #ba4 #ejc ,the spirit of a man1 says ,mrs4 ,parker 7ibid471 is in his ,yuanbeai 7his individual totem71 and his ,yuanbeai is in him4 #ejd ,langloh ,parker1 ,euahlayi1 p4 #bj4 ,it is the same among certain ,salish 7,hill ,tout1 ,ethn4 ,rep4 on the ,stseelis and ,skaulits ,tribes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxiv1 p4 #cbd74 ,the fact is quite general among the ,indians of ,central ,america 7,brinton1 ,nagualism1 a ,study in ,native ,american ,folklore and ,history1 in ,proceed4 of the ,am4 ,philos4 ,soc41 ,,xxxiii1 p4 #cb74 #eje ,parker1 ibid42 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adg2 ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,cults1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #ddc4 ,frazer has made a collection of the ,american cases and established the generality of the interdiction 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 p4 #dej74 ,it is true that in ,america1 as we have seen1 the individual must kill the animal whose skin serves to make what ethnologists call his medicine-sack4 ,but this usage has been observed in five tribes only2 it is probably a late and altered form of the institution4 #ejf ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ace1 #adg1 #chg2 ,australian ,medicine ,men1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #cd2 ,teit1 ,the ,shuswap1 p4 #fjg4 #ejg ,meyer1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,aborigines of the ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 p4 #aig4 #ejh ,boas1 ,v,ith ,rep4 on the ,north-,west ,tribes of ,canada1 p4 #ic2 ,teit1 ,the ,thompson ,indians1 p4 #ccf2 ,boas1 ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cid4 #eji ,facts will be found in ,hill ,tout1 ,rep4 of the ,ethnol4 of the ,statlumh1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 pp4 #add1 #ade4 ,cf4 ,langloh ,parker1 op4 cit41 p4 #bi4 #eaj ,according to information given by ,howitt in a personal letter to ,frazer 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,i1 p4 #die1 and n4 #b74 #eaa ,hill ,tout1 ,ethnol4 ,rep4 on the ,stseelis and ,skaulits ,tribes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxiv1 p4 #cbd4 #eab ,howitt1 ,australian ,medicine ,men1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #cd2 ,lafitau1 ,moeurs des ,sauvages ,amriquains1 ,i1 p4 #cgj2 ,charlevoix1 ,histoire de la ,nouvelle ,france1 ,,vi1 p4 #fh4 ,it is the same with the atai and tamaniu in ,mota 7,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #bej f474 #eac ,thus the line of demarcation between the animal protectors and fetishes1 which ,frazer has attempted to establish1 does not exist4 ,according to him1 fetishism commences when the protector is an individual object and not a class 7,totemism1 p4 #ef72 but it frequently happens in ,australia that a determined animal takes this part 7see ,howitt1 ,australian ,medicine ,men1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #cd74 ,the truth is that the ideas of fetish and fetishism do not correspond to any definite thing4 #ead ,brinton1 ,nagualism1 in ,proceed4 ,amer4 ,philos4 ,soc41 ,,xxxiii1 p4 #cb4 #eae ,charlevoix1 ,,vi1 p4 #fg4 #eaf ,hill ,tout1 ,rep4 on the ,ethnol4 of the ,statlumh of ,british ,columbia1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #adb4 #eag ,hill ,tout1 ,ethnol4 ,rep4 on the ,stseelis and ,skaulits ,tribes1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxiv1 pp4 #caa ff4 #eah ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acc4 #eai ,langloh ,parker1 op4 cit41 p4 #bj4 #ebj ,j4 ,w4 ,powell1 ,an ,american ,view of ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijb1 ,no4 #hd2 ,tylor1 ibid41 ,no4 #a2 ,andrew ,lang has expressed analogous ideas in ,social ,origins1 pp4 #acc-ace4 ,also ,frazer himself1 turning from his former opinion1 now thinks that until we are better acquainted with the relations existing between collective totems and guardian spirits1 it would be better to designate them by different names 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 p4 #def74 #eba ,this is the case in ,australia among the ,yuin 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ha71 and the ,narrinyeri 7,meyer1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,aborigines of the ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 pp4 #aig ff474 #ebb ,the totem resembles the patron of the individual no more than an escutcheon resembles the image of a saint1 says ,tylor 7op4 cit41 p4 #b74 ,likewise1 if ,frazer has taken up the theory of ,tylor1 it is because he refuses all religious character to the totem of the clan 7,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,,iii1 p4 #deb74 #ebc ,see below1 chapter ix of this book4 #ebd ,yet according to one passage in ,mathews1 the individual totem is hereditary among the ,wotjobaluk4 ,each individual1 he says1 claims some animal1 plant or inanimate object as his special and personal totem1 which he inherits from his mother 7,journ4 and ,proc4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bia74 ,but it is evident that if all the children in the same family had the personal totem of their mother1 neither they nor she would really have personal totems at all4 ,mathews probably means to say that each individual chooses his individual totem from the list of things attributed to the clan of his mother4 ,in fact1 we shall see that each clan has its individual totems which are its exclusive property2 the members of the other clans cannot make use of them4 ,in this sense1 birth determines the personal totem to a certain extent1 but to a certain extent only4 #ebe ,heckewelder1 ,an ,account of the ,history1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,indian ,nations who once inhabited ,pennsylvania1 in ,transactions of the ,historical and ,literary ,committee of the ,american ,philosophical ,society1 ,i1 p4 #bch4 #ebf ,see ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,cults1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #ejg2 ,catlin1 op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #cg2 ,miss ,fletcher1 ,the ,import of the ,totem1 in ,smithsonian ,rep4 for #ahig1 p4 #ehj2 ,teit1 ,the ,thompson ,indians1 pp4 #cag-cbj2 ,hill ,tout1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #add4 #ebg ,but some examples are found4 ,the ,kurnai magicians see their personal totems revealed to them in dreams 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #chg2 ,on ,australian ,medicine ,men1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #cd74 ,the men of ,cape ,bedford believe that when an old man dreams of something during the night1 this thing is the personal totem of the first person he meets the next day 7,w4 ,e4 ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 p4 #ai74 ,but it is probable that only supplementary and accessory totems are acquired in this way2 for in this same tribe another process is used at the moment of initiation1 as we said in the text4 #ebh ,in certain tribes of which ,roth speaks 7ibid472 also in certain tribes near to ,maryborough 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adg74 #ebi ,among the ,wiradjuri 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #djf2 ,on ,australian ,medicine ,men1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 p4 #ej74 #ecj ,roth1 loc4 cit4 #eca ,haddon1 ,head ,hunters1 pp4 #aic ff4 #ecb ,among the ,wiradjuri 7same references as above1 n4 #d74 #ecc ,in general1 it seems as though these transmissions from father to son never take place except when the father is a shaman or a magician4 ,this is also the case among the ,thompson ,indians 7,teit1 ,the ,thompson ,indians1 p4 #cbj7 and the ,wiradjuri1 of whom we just spoke4 #ecd ,hill ,tout 7,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 pp4 #adf f474 ,the essential rite is the blowing upon the skin3 if this were not done correctly1 the transmission would not take place4 ,as we shall presently see1 the breath is the soul4 ,when both breathe upon the skin of the animal1 the magician and the recipient each exhale a part of their souls1 which are thus fused1 while partaking at the same time of the nature of the animal1 who also takes part in the ceremony in the form of its symbol4 #ece ,n4 ,w4 ,thomas1 ,further ,remarks on ,mr4 ,hill ,tout's ,views on ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijd1 p4 #he4 #ecf ,langloh ,parker1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bj1 #bi4 #ecg ,hill ,tout1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 pp4 #adc and #adf2 ibid41 ,,xxxiv1 p4 #cbd4 #ech ,parker1 op4 cit41 p4 #cj2 ,teit1 ,the ,thompson ,indians1 p4 #cbj2 ,hill ,tout1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #add4 #eci ,charlevoix1 ,,vi1 p4 #fi4 #edj ,hill ,tout1 ibid41 p4 #ade4 #eda ,thus at the birth of a child1 a tree is planted which is cared for piously2 for it is believed that its fate and the child's are united4 ,frazer1 in his ,golden ,bough1 gives a number of customs and beliefs translating this same idea in different ways4 7,cf4 ,hartland1 ,legend of ,perseus1 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-ee47 #edb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #adh ff42 ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 pp4 #aid1 #bja ff42 ,dawson1 ,australian ,aborigines1 p4 #eb4 ,petrie also mentions it in ,queensland 7,tom ,petrie's ,reminiscences of ,early ,queensland1 pp4 #fb and #aah74 #edc ,journ4 and ,proc4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #cci4 ,must we see a trace of sexual totemism in the following custom of the ,warramunga8 ,when a dead person is buried1 a bone of the arm is kept4 ,if it is a woman1 the feathers of an emu are added to the bark in which it is wrapped up2 if it is a man1 the feathers of an owl 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afi74 #edd ,some cases are cited where each sexual group has two sexual totems2 thus the ,wurunjerri unite the sexual totems of the ,kurnai 7the emu-wren and the linnet7 to those of the ,wotjobaluk 7the bat and the nightjar owl74 ,see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aej4 #ede ,totemism1 p4 #ea4 #edf ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #bae4 #edg ,threlkeld1 quoted by ,mathews1 loc4 cit41 p4 #cci4 #edh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #adh1 #aea4 #edi ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 pp4 #bjj-bjc2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adi2 ,petrie1 op4 cit41 p4 #fb4 ,among the ,kurnai1 these bloody battles frequently terminate in marriages of which they are1 as it were1 a sort of ritual precursor4 ,sometimes they are merely plays 7,petrie1 loc4 cit474 #eej ,on this point1 see our study on ,la ,prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines1 in the ,anne ,sociologique1 ,i1 pp4 #dd ff4 #eea ,however1 as we shall presently see 7ch4 ix71 there is a connection between the sexual totems and the great gods4 #eeb ,primitive ,culture1 ,i1 p4 #djb2 ,,ii1 p4 #bcg2 ,remarks on ,totemism1 with especial reference to some modern theories concerning it1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxviii1 and ,i1 ,new ,series1 p4 #ach4 #eec ,het ,animisme bij den ,volken van den indischen ,archipel1 pp4 #fi-ge4 #eed ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ,,ii1 p4 #f4 #eee ,tylor1 ibid41 ,,ii1 pp4 #f-ah4 #eef ,g4 ,mc,call ,theal1 ,records of ,south-,eastern ,africa1 ,,vii4 ,we are acquainted with this work only through an article by ,frazer1 ,south ,african ,totemism1 published in ,man1 #aija1 ,no4 ,,iii4 #eeg ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #cb f41 and a personal letter by the same author cited by ,tylor in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxviii1 p4 #adg4 #eeh ,this is practically the solution adopted by ,wundt 7,mythus und ,religion1 ,,ii1 p4 #bfi74 #eei ,it is true that according to ,tylor's theory1 a clan is only an enlarged family2 therefore whatever may be said of one of these groups is1 in his theory1 applicable to the other 7,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxviii1 p4 #aeg74 ,but this conception is exceedingly contestable2 only the clan presupposes a totem1 which has its whole meaning only in and through the clan4 #efj ,for this same conception1 see ,a4 ,lang1 ,social ,origins1 p4 #aej4 #efa ,see above1 p4 #fc4 #efb ,primitive ,culture1 ,,ii1 p4 #ag4 #efc ,wundt1 who has revived the theory of ,tylor in its essential lines1 has tried to explain this mysterious relationship of the man and the animal in a different way3 it was the sight of the corpse in decomposition which suggested the idea4 ,when they saw worms coming out of the body1 they thought that the soul was incarnate in them and escaped with them4 ,worms1 and by extension1 reptiles 7snakes1 lizards1 etc471 were therefore the first animals to serve as receptacles for the souls of the dead1 and consequently they were also the first to be venerated and to play the rle of totems4 ,it was only subsequently that other animals and plants and even inanimate objects were elevated to the same dignity4 ,but this hypothesis does not have even the shadow of a proof4 ,wundt affirms 7,mythus und ,religion1 ,,ii1 p4 #bif7 that reptiles are much more common totems than other animals2 from this1 he concludes that they are the most primitive4 ,but we cannot see what justifies this assertion1 in the support of which the author cites no facts4 ,the lists of totems gathered either in ,australia or in ,america do not show that any special species of animal has played a preponderating rle4 ,totems vary from one region to another with the flora and fauna4 ,moreover1 if the circle of possible totems was so closely limited at first1 we cannot see how totemism was able to satisfy the fundamental principle which says that the two clans or sub-clans of a tribe must have two different totems4 #efd ,sometimes men adore certain animals1 says ,tylor1 because they regard them as the reincarnation of the divine souls of the ancestors2 this belief is a sort of bridge between the cult rendered to shades and that rendered to animals 7,primitive ,culture1 ,,ii1 p4 #hje1 cf4 #cji1 in fine74 ,likewise1 ,wundt presents totemism as a section of animalism 7,,ii1 p4 #bcd74 #efe ,see above1 p4 #aci4 #eff ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 pp4 #ig ff4 #efg ,see above1 p4 #bh4 #efh ,jevons recognizes this himself1 saying1 ,it is to be presumed that in the choice of an ally he would prefer 444 the kind or species which possessed the greatest power 7p4 #aja74 #efi #bnd ,edition1 ,,iii1 pp4 #daf ff42 see especially p4 #dai1 n4 #e4 ,in more recent articles1 to be analysed below1 ,frazer exposes a different theory1 but one which does not1 in his opinion1 completely exclude the one in the ,golden ,bough4 #egj ,the ,origin of the ,totemism of the ,aborigines of ,british ,columbia1 in ,proc4 and ,transact4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,canada1 #bnd series1 ,,vii1 #b1 pp4 #c ff4 ,also1 ,report on the ,ethnology of the ,statlumh1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #ada4 ,hill ,tout has replies to various objections made to his theory in ,vol4 ,,ix of the ,transact4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,canada1 pp4 #fa-ii4 #ega ,alice ,c4 ,fletcher1 ,the ,import of the ,totem1 in ,smithsonian ,report for #ahig1 pp4 #egg-ehf4 #egb ,the ,kwakiutl ,indians1 pp4 #cbc ff41 #ccf-cch1 #cic4 #egc ,the ,development of the ,clan ,system1 in ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,n4,s4 ,,vi1 #aijd1 pp4 #dgg-dhf4 #egd ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #adb4 #ege ,ibid41 p4 #aej4 ,cf4 ,vth ,rep4 on the 444 ,n4,w4 ,tribes of ,canada1 ,b4,a4,a4,s41 p4 #bd4 ,a myth of this sort has been quoted above4 #egf ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #adg4 #egg ,proc4 and ,transact41 etc41 ,,vii1 #b1 p4 #ab4 #egh ,see ,the ,golden ,bough1#b ,,iii1 pp4 #cea ff4 ,wilken had already pointed out similar facts in ,de ,simsonsage1 in ,de ,gids1 #ahij2 ,de ,betrekking tusschen ,menschen-,dieren en ,plantenleven1 in ,indische ,gids1 #ahhd1 #ahhh2 ,ueber das ,haaropfer1 in ,revue ,coloniale ,internationale1 #ahhf-ahhg4 #egi ,for example1 ,eylmann in ,die ,eingeborenen der ,kolonie ,sdaustralien1 p4 #aii4 #ehj ,mrs4 ,parker says in connection with the ,euahlayi1 that if the ,yunbeai does confer exceptional force1 it also exposes one to exceptional dangers1 for all that hurts the animal wounds the man 7,euahlayi1 p4 #bi74 #eha ,in a later work 7,the ,origin of ,totemism1 in ,the ,fortnightly ,review1 ,may1 #ahii1 pp4 #hdd-hde71 ,frazer raises this objection himself4 ,if1 he says1 ,i deposit my soul in a hare1 and my brother ,john 7a member of another clan7 shoots that hare1 roasts and swallows it1 what becomes of my soul8 ,to meet this obvious danger it is necessary that ,john should know the state of my soul1 and that1 knowing it1 he should1 whenever he shoots a hare1 take steps to extract and restore to me my soul before he cooks and dines upon the animal4 ,now ,frazer believes that he has found this practice in use in ,central ,australia4 ,every year1 in the course of a ceremony which we shall describe presently1 when the animals of the new generation arrive at maturity1 the first game to be killed is presented to men of that totem1 who eat a little of it2 and it is only after this that the men of the other clans may eat it freely4 ,this1 says ,frazer1 is a way of returning to the former the souls they may have confided to these animals4 ,but1 aside from the fact that this interpretation of the fact is wholly arbitrary1 it is hard not to find this way of escaping the danger rather peculiar4 ,this ceremony is annual2 long days may have elapsed since the animal was killed4 ,during all this time1 what has become of the soul which it sheltered and the individual whose life depended on this soul8 ,but it is superfluous to insist upon all the inconceivable things in this explanation4 #ehb ,parker1 op4 cit41 p4 #bj2 ,howitt1 ,australian ,medicine ,men1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 pp4 #cd1 #di f42 ,hill ,tout1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #adf4 #ehc ,according to ,hill ,tout himself1 ,the gift or transmission 7of a personal totem7 can only be made or effected by certain persons1 such as shamans1 or those who possess great mystery power 7,j4,a4,i41 p4 #adf74 ,cf4 ,langloh ,parker1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bi-cj4 #ehd ,cf4 ,hartland1 ,totemism and some recent ,discoveries1 in ,folk-,lore1 ,,xi1 pp4 #ei ff4 #ehe ,except perhaps the ,kurnai2 but even in this tribe1 there are sexual totems in addition to the personal ones4 #ehf ,among the ,wotjobaluk1 the ,buandik1 the ,wiradjuri1 the ,yuin and the tribes around ,maryborough 7,queensland74 ,see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aad-adg2 ,mathews1 ,j4 of the ,r4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bia4 ,cf4 ,thomas1 ,further ,notes on ,mr4 ,hill ,tout's ,views on ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijd1 p4 #he4 #ehg ,this is the case with the ,euahlayi and the facts of personal totemism cited by ,howitt1 ,australian ,medicine ,men1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xvi1 pp4 #cd1 #ce1 #di-ej4 #ehh ,miss ,fletcher1 ,a ,study of the ,omaha ,tribe1 in ,smithsonian ,report for #ahig1 p4 #ehf2 ,boas1 ,the ,kwakiutl1 p4 #cbb4 ,likewise1 ,vth ,rep4 of the ,committee 444 of the ,n4,w4 ,tribes of the ,dominion of ,canada1 ,b4,a4,a4,s41 p4 #be2 ,hill ,tout1 ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxv1 p4 #adh4 #ehi ,the proper names of the gentes1 says ,boas in regard to the ,tlinkit1 are derived from their respective totems1 each gens having its special names4 ,the connection between the name and the 7collective7 totem is not very apparent sometimes1 but it always exists 7,vth ,rep4 of the ,committee1 etc41 p4 #be74 ,the fact that individual forenames are the property of the clan1 and characterize it as surely as the totem1 is also found among the ,iroquois 7,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 p4 #gh71 the ,wyandot 7,powell1 ,wyandot ,government1 in ,ist ,rep41 p4 #ei71 the ,shawnee1 ,sauk and ,fox 7,morgan1 ,ancient ,society1 pp4 #gb1 #gf-gg7 and the ,omaha 7,dorsey1 ,omaha ,sociology1 in ,i,i,ird ,rep41 pp4 #bbg ff474 ,now the relation between forenames and personal totems is already known 7see above1 p4 #aeg74 #eij ,for example1 says ,mathews1 if you ask a ,wartwurt man what totem he is1 he will first tell his personal totem1 and will probably then enumerate those of his clan 7,jour4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bia74 #eia ,the ,beginnings of ,religion and ,totemism among the ,australian ,aborigines1 in ,fortnightly ,review1 ,july1 #aije1 pp4 #afb ff41 and ,sept41 p4 #deb4 ,cf4 the same author1 ,the ,origin of ,totemism1 ibid41 ,april1 #ahii1 p4 #fdh1 and ,may1 p4 #hce4 ,these latter articles1 being slightly older1 differ from the former on one point1 but the foundation of the theory is not essentially different4 ,both are reproduced in ,totemism and ,exogamy1 ,i1 pp4 #hi-agb4 ,in the same sense1 see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,some ,remarks on ,totemism as applied to ,australian ,tribes1 in ,j4,a4,i41 #ahii1 pp4 #bge-bhj1 and the remarks of ,frazer on the same subject1 ibid41 pp4 #bha-bhf4 #eib ,perhaps we may 444 say that it is but one remove from the original pattern1 the absolutely original form of totemism 7,fortnightly ,review1 ,sept41 #aije4 p4 #dee74 #eic ,on this point1 the testimony of ,strehlow 7,,ii1 p4 #eb7 confirms that of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,for a contrary opinion1 see ,a4 ,lang1 ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 p4 #aij4 #eid ,a very similar idea had already been expressed by ,haddon in his ,address to the ,anthropological ,section 7,b4,a4,a4,s41 #aijb1 pp4 #h ff474 ,he supposes that at first1 each local group had some food which was especially its own4 ,the plant or animal thus serving as the principal item of food became the totem of the group4 ,all these explanations naturally imply that the prohibitions against eating the totemic animal were not primitive1 but were even preceded by a contrary prescription4 #eie ,fortnightly ,review1 ,sept41 #aije1 p4 #deh4 #eif ,fortn4 ,rev41 ,may1 #ahii1 p4 #hce1 and ,july1 #aije1 pp4 #afb ff4 #eig ,though considering totemism only a system of magic1 ,frazer recognizes that the first germs of a real religion are sometimes found in it 7,fortn4 ,rev41 ,july1 #aije1 p4 #afc74 ,on the way in which he thinks religion developed out of magic1 see ,the ,golden ,bough1#b ,i1 pp4 #ge-gh4 #eih ,sur le totemisme1 in ,anne ,soc41 ,v1 pp4 #hb-aba4 ,cf41 on this same question1 ,hartland1 ,presidential ,address1 in ,folk-,lore1 ,,xi1 p4 #ge2 ,a4 ,lang1 ,a ,theory of ,arunta ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijd1 ,no4 #dd2 ,conceptional ,totemism and ,exogamy1 ibid41 #aijg1 ,no4 #ee2 ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 ch4 iv2 ,n4 ,w4 ,thomas1 ,arunta ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijd1 ,no4 #fh2 ,p4 ,w4 ,schmidt1 ,die ,stellung der ,aranda unter der ,australischen ,stmmen1 in ,zeitschrift fr ,ethnologie1 #aijh1 pp4 #hff ff4 #eii ,die ,aranda1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eg-eh4 #fjj ,schulze1 loc cit41 pp4 #bch-bci4 #fja ,in the conclusion of ,totemism and ,exogamy 7,,iv1 pp4 #eh-ei71 ,frazer says1 it must be admitted1 that there is a totemism still more ancient than that of the ,arunta3 it is the one observed by ,rivers in the ,banks ,islands 7,totemism in ,polynesia and ,melanesia1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxix1 p4 #agb74 ,among the ,arunta it is the spirit of an ancestor who is believed to impregnate the mother2 in the ,banks ,islands1 it is the spirit of an animal or vegetable1 as the theory supposes4 ,but as the ancestral spirits of the ,arunta have an animal or vegetable form1 the difference is slight4 ,therefore we have not mentioned it in our exposition4 #fjb ,social ,origins1 ,london1 #aijc1 especially ch4 viii1 entitled ,the ,origin of ,totem ,names and ,beliefs1 and ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 ,london1 #aije4 #fjc ,in his ,social ,origins especially1 ,lang attempts to reconstitute by means of conjecture the form which these primitive groups should have2 but it seems superfluous to reproduce these hypotheses1 which do not affect his theory of totemism4 #fjd ,on this point1 ,lang approaches the theory of ,julius ,pickler 7see ,pickler and ,szomolo1 ,der ,ursprung des ,totemismus4 ,ein ,beitrag zur materialistirchen ,geschichtstheorie1 ,berlin1 #cf pp4 in #hvo74 ,the difference between the two hypotheses is that ,pickler attributes a higher importance to the pictorial representation of the name than to the name itself4 #fje ,social ,origins1 p4 #aff4 #fjf ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 p4 #aba2 cf4 pp4 #aaf1 #aag4 #fjg ,the ,secret of the ,totem1 p4 #acf4 #fjh ,j4,a4,i41 ,aug41 #ahhh1 pp4 #ec-ed2 cf4 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #hi1 #dhh1 #dih4 #fji ,with reverence1 as ,lang says 7,the ,secret of the ,totem1 p4 #aaa74 #faj ,lang adds that these taboos are the basis of exogamic practices4 #faa ,ibid41 p4 #abe4 #fab ,however1 we have not spoken of the theory of ,spencer4 ,but this is because it is only a part of his general theory of the transformation of the ancestor-cult into the nature-cult4 ,as we have described that already1 it is not necessary to repeat it4 #fac ,except that ,lang ascribes another source to the idea of the great gods3 as we have already said1 he believes that this is due to a sort of primitive revelation4 ,but ,lang does not make use of this idea in his explanation of totemism4 #fad ,for example1 in a ,kwakiutl myth1 an ancestral hero pierces the head of an enemy by pointing a finger at him 7,boas1 ,vth ,rep4 on the ,north4 ,tribes of ,canada1 ,b4,a4,a4,s41 #ahhi1 p4 #cj74 #fae ,references supporting this assertion will be found on p4 #abh1 n4 #a1 and p4 #cbj1 n4 #a4 #faf ,see ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 ii4 #fag ,see1 for example1 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dhb2 ,schrmann1 ,the ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,port ,lincoln1 in ,woods1 ,nat4 ,tr4 of ,s4 ,australia1 p4 #bca4 #fah ,frazer has even taken many facts from ,samoa which he presents as really totemic 7,see ,totemism1 pp4 #f1 #ab-ae1 #bd1 etc474 ,it is true that we have charged ,frazer with not being critical enough in the choice of his examples1 but so many examples would obviously have been impossible if there had not really been important survivals of totemism in ,samoa4 #fai ,see ,turner1 ,samoa1 p4 #ba and ch4 iv and v4 #fbj ,alice ,fletcher1 ,a ,study of the ,omaha ,tribe1 in ,smithsonian ,rep4 for #ahig1 pp4 #ehb f4 #fba ,dorsey1 ,siouan ,sociology1 in ,x,vth ,rep41 p4 #bch4 #fbb ,ibid41 p4 #bba4 #fbc ,riggs and ,dorsey1 ,dakota-,english ,dictionary1 in ,contrib4 ,n4 ,amer4 ,ethnol41 ,,vii1 p4 #ejh4 ,many observers cited by ,dorsey identify the word wakan with the words wakanda and wakanta1 which are derived from it1 but which really have a more precise signification4 #fbd ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #cgb1 #ba4 ,miss ,fletcher1 while recognizing no less clearly the impersonal character of the wakanda1 adds nevertheless that a certain anthropomorphism has attached to this conception4 ,but this anthropomorphism concerns the various manifestations of the wakanda4 ,men address the trees or rocks where they think they perceive the wakanda1 as if they were personal beings4 ,but the wakanda itself is not personified 7,smithsonian ,rep4 for #ahig1 p4 #egi74 #fbe ,riggs1 ,tah-,koo ,wah-,kon1 pp4 #ef-eg1 quoted from ,dorsey1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #dcc1 #ie4 #fbf ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #chj1 #cc4 #fbg ,ibid41 p4 #cha1 #ce4 #fbh ,ibid41 p4 #cgf1 #bh2 p4 #cgh1 #cj2 cf4 p4 #ddi1 #ach4 #fbi ,ibid41 p4 #dcb1 #ie4 #fcj ,ibid41 p4 #dca1 #ib4 #fca ,ibid41 p4 #dcc1 #ie4 #fcb ,orenda and a ,definition of ,religion1 in ,american ,anthropologist1 #aijb1 p4 #cc4 #fcc ,ibid41 p4 #cf4 #fcd ,tesa1 ,studi del ,thavenet1 p4 #ag4 #fce ,boas1 ,kwakiutl1 p4 #fie4 #fcf ,swanton1 ,social ,condition1 etc1 of the ,tlinkit ,indians1 ,x,x,v,ith ,rep41 #aije1 p4 #dea1 n4 #b4 #fcg ,swanton1 ,contributions to the ,ethnology of the ,haida1 p4 #ad2 cf4 ,social ,condition1 etc41 p4 #dgi4 #fch ,in certain ,melanesian societies 7,banks ,islands1 ,north ,new ,hebrides7 the two exogamic phratries are found which characterize the ,australian organization 7,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #bc ff474 ,in ,florida1 there are regular totems1 called butos 7ibid41 p4 #ca74 ,an interesting discussion of this point will be found in ,lang1 ,social ,origins1 pp4 #agf ff4 ,on the same subject1 and in the same sense1 see ,w4 ,h4 ,r4 ,rivers1 ,totemism in ,polynesia and ,melanesia1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxxix1 pp4 #aef ff4 #fci ,the ,melanesians1 p4 #aah1 n4 #a4 ,cf4 ,parkinson1 ,dreissig ,jahre in der ,sdsee1 pp4 #agh1 #cib1 #cid1 etc4 #fdj ,an analysis of this idea will be found in ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,thorie ,gnrale de la ,magie1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,vii1 p4 #ajh4 #fda ,there are not only totems of clans but also of guilds 7,a4 ,fletcher1 ,smithsonian ,rep4 for #ahig1 pp4 #eha ff474 #fdb ,fletcher1 op4 cit41 pp4 #egh f4 #fdc ,ibid41 p4 #ehc4 ,among the ,dakota1 the totem is called ,wakan4 ,see ,riggs and ,dorsey1 ,dakota ,grammar1 ,texts and ,ethnol41 in ,contributions ,n4 ,amer4 ,ethn41 #ahic1 p4 #bai4 #fdd ,james's ,account of ,long's ,expedition in the ,rocky ,mountains1 ,i1 p4 #bfh4 7,quoted by ,dorsey1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #dca1 #ib47 #fde ,we do not mean to say that in principle every representation of religious forces in an animal form is an index of former totemism4 ,but when we are dealing with societies where totemism is still apparent1 as is the case with the ,dakota1 it is quite natural to think that these conceptions are not foreign to it4 #fdf ,see below1 same book1 ch4 ix1 #d1 pp4 #bhe ff4 #fdg ,the first spelling is that of ,spencer and ,gillen2 the second1 that of ,strehlow4 #fdh ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #edh1 n4 #a4 ,it is true that ,spencer and ,gillen add3 ,the idea can be best expressed by saying that an ,arungquiltha object is possessed of an evil spirit4 ,but this free translation of ,spencer and ,gillen is their own unjustified interpretation4 ,the idea of the arungquiltha in no way implies the existence of spiritual beings1 as is shown by the context and ,strehlow's definition4 #fdi ,die ,aranda1 ,,ii1 p4 #gf1 n4 #fej ,under the name ,boyl-ya 7see ,grey1 ,journal of ,two ,expeditions1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ccg-cch74 #fea ,see above1 p4 #db4 ,spencer and ,gillen recognize this implicitly when they say that the arungquiltha is a supernatural force4 ,cf4 ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,thorie ,gnrale de la ,magie1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,vii1 p4 #aai4 #feb ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #aia ff4 #fec ,hewitt1 loc4 cit41 p4 #ch4 #fed ,there is even ground for asking whether an analogous notion is completely lacking in ,australia4 ,the word churinga1 or tjurunga as ,strehlow writes1 has a very great similarity1 with the ,arunta4 ,spencer and ,gillen say that it designates all that is secret or sacred4 ,it is applied both to the object and to the quality it possesses 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fdh1 s4v4 churinga74 ,this is almost a definition of mana4 ,sometimes ,spencer and ,gillen even use this word to designate religious power or force in a general way4 ,while describing a ceremony among the ,kaitish1 they say that the officiant is full of churinga1 that is to say1 they continue1 of the magic power emanating from the objects called churinga4 ,yet it does not seem that the notion of churinga has the same clarity and precision as that of the mana in ,melanesia or of the wakan among the ,sioux4 #fee ,yet we shall see below 7this book1 ch4 viii and ix7 that totemism is not foreign to all ideas of a mythical personality4 ,but we shall show that these conceptions are the product of secondary formations3 far from being the basis of the beliefs we have just analysed1 they are derived from them4 #fef ,loc4 cit41 p4 #ch4 #feg ,rep4 ,peabody ,museum1 ,,iii1 p4 #bgf1 n4 7quoted by ,dorsey1 ,x,ith ,rep41 p4 #dce74 #feh ,see above1 p4 #ce4 #fei ,in the expressions such as ,greek3 ,zeus yei or ,ceres succiditur1 it is shown that this conception survived in ,greece as well as in ,rome4 ,in his ,gtternamen1 ,usener has clearly shown that the primitive gods of ,greece and ,rome were impersonal forces thought of only in terms of their attributes4 #ffj ,dfinition du phnomne religieux1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,ii1 pp4 #ad-af4 #ffa ,preanimistic ,religion1 in ,folk-,lore1 #aijj1 pp4 #afb-ahb4 #ffb ,ibid41 p4 #agi4 ,in a more recent work1 ,the ,conception of ,mana 7in ,transactions of the ,third ,international ,congress for the ,history of ,religions1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ed ff471 ,marrett tends to subordinate still further the animistic conception of mana1 but his thought on this point remains hesitating and very reserved4 #ffc ,ibid41 p4 #afh4 #ffd ,this return of preanimism to naturism is still more marked in ,clodd1 ,preanimistic ,stages of ,religion 7,trans4 ,third ,inter4 ,congress for the ,h4 of ,rel41 ,i1 p4 #cc74 #ffe ,thorie gnrale de la ,magie1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,vii1 pp4 #ajh ff4 #fff ,der ,ursprung der ,religion und ,kunst1 in ,globus1 #aijd1 ,vol4 ,,lxxxvi1 pp4 #cba1 #cee1 #cgf1 #chi2 #aije1 ,vol4 ,,lxxxvii1 pp4 #ccc1 #cdg1 #chj1 #cid1 #dac4 #ffg ,globus1 ,,lxxxvii1 p4 #cha4 #ffh ,he clearly opposes them to all influences of a profane nature 7,globus1 ,,lxxxvi1 p4 #cgi;a74 #ffi ,it is found even in the recent theories of ,frazer4 ,for if this scholar denies to totemism all religious character1 in order to make it a sort of magic1 it is just because the forces which the totemic cult puts into play are impersonal like those employed by the magician4 ,so ,frazer recognizes the fundamental fact which we have just established4 ,but he draws different conclusions because he recognizes religion only where there are mythical personalities4 #fgj ,however1 we do not take this word in the same sense as ,preuss and ,marrett4 ,according to them1 there was a time in religious evolution when men knew neither souls nor spirits3 a preanimistic phase4 ,but this hypothesis is very questionable3 we shall discuss this point below 7,bk4 ,,ii1 ch4 viii and ix74 #fga ,on this same question1 see an article of ,alessandro ,bruno1 ,sui fenomeni magico-religiosi della communit primitive1 in ,rivista italiana di ,sociologia1 ,,xii ,year1 ,fasc4 ,,iv-,v1 pp4 #efh ff41 and an unpublished communication made by ,w4 ,bogoras to the ,,xiv ,congress of the ,americanists1 held at ,stuttgart in #aijd4 ,this communication is analysed by ,preuss in the ,globus1 ,,lxxxvi1 p4 #bja4 #fgb ,all things1 says ,miss ,fletcher1 are filled with a common principle of life1 ,smiths4 ,rep4 for #ahig1 p4 #egi4 #fgc ,hewitt1 in ,american ,anthropologist1 #aijb1 p4 #cf4 #fgd ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #aah-abj4 #fge ,ibid41 p4 #aai4 #fgf ,see above1 p4 #ajc4 #fgg ,pickler1 in the little work above mentioned1 had already expressed1 in a slightly dialectical manner1 the sentiment that this is what the totem essentially is4 #fgh ,see our ,division du travail social1 #crd ed41 pp4 #fd ff4 #fgi ,ibid41 p4 #gf4 #fhj ,this is the case at least with all moral authority recognized as such by the group as a whole4 #fha ,we hope that this analysis and those which follow will put an end to an inexact interpretation of our thought1 from which more than one misunderstanding has resulted4 ,since we have made constraint the outward sign by which social facts can be the most easily recognized and distinguished from the facts of individual psychology1 it has been assumed that according to our opinion1 physical constraint is the essential thing for social life4 ,as a matter of fact1 we have never considered it more than the material and apparent expression of an interior and profound fact which is wholly ideal3 this is moral authority4 ,the problem of sociology--if we can speak of a sociological problem--consists in seeking1 among the different forms of external constraint1 the different sorts of moral authority corresponding to them and in discovering the causes which have determined these latter4 ,the particular question which we are treating in this present work has as its principal object1 the discovery of the form under which that particular variety of moral authority which is inherent in all that is religious has been born1 and out of what elements it is made4 ,it will be seen presently that even if we do make social pressure one of the distinctive characteristics of sociological phenomena1 we do not mean to say that it is the only one4 ,we shall show another aspect of the collective life1 nearly opposite to the preceding one1 but none the less real 7see p4 #bab74 #fhb ,of course this does not mean to say that the collective consciousness does not have distinctive characteristics of its own 7on this point1 see ,reprsentations individuelles et reprsentations collectives1 in ,revue de ,mtaphysique et de ,morale1 #ahih1 pp4 #bgc ff474 #fhc ,this is proved by the length and passionate character of the debates where a legal form was given to the resolutions made in a moment of collective enthusiasm4 ,in the clergy as in the nobility1 more than one person called this celebrated night the dupe's night1 or1 with ,rivarol1 the ,st4 ,bartholomew of the estates 7see ,stoll1 ,suggestion und ,hypnotismus in der ,vlkerpsychologie1 #bnd ed41 p4 #fah1 n4 #b74 #fhd ,see ,stoll1 op4 cit41 pp4 #cec ff4 #fhe ,ibid41 pp4 #fai1 #fce4 #fhf ,ibid41 pp4 #fbb ff4 #fhg ,the emotions of fear and sorrow are able to develop similarly and to become intensified under these same conditions4 ,as we shall see1 they correspond to quite another aspect of the religious life 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 v74 #fhh ,this is the other aspect of society which1 while being imperative1 appears at the same time to be good and gracious4 ,it dominates us and assists us4 ,if we have defined the social fact by the first of these characteristics rather than the second1 it is because it is more readily observable1 for it is translated into outward and visible signs2 but we have never thought of denying the second 7see our ,rgles de la ,mthode ,sociologique1 preface to the second edition1 p4 xx1 n4 #a74 #fhi ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #ej1 #ajc1 #abj4 ,it is also generally thought that in the ,polynesian languages1 the word mana primitively had the sense of authority 7see ,tregear1 ,maori ,comparative ,dictionary1 s4v474 #fij ,see ,albert ,mathiez1 ,les origines des cultes rvolutionnaires 7#aghi-agib74 #fia ,ibid41 p4 #bd4 #fib ,ibid41 pp4 #bi1 #cb4 #fic ,ibid41 p4 #cj4 #fid ,ibid41 p4 #df4 #fie ,see ,mathiez1 ,la ,thophilanthropie et la ,culte dcadaire1 p4 #cf4 #fif ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cc4 #fig ,there are even ceremonies1 for example1 those which take place in connection with the initiation1 to which members of foreign tribes are invited4 ,a whole system of messages and messengers is organized for these convocations1 without which the great solemnities could not take place 7see ,howitt1 ,notes on ,australian ,message-,sticks and ,messengers1 in ,j4,a4,i41 #ahhi2 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #hc1 #fgh-fia2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aei2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eea74 #fih ,the corrobbori is distinguished from the real religious ceremonies by the fact that it is open to women and uninitiated persons4 ,but if these two sorts of collective manifestations are to be distinguished1 they are1 none the less1 closely related4 ,we shall have occasion elsewhere to come back to this relationship and to explain it4 #fii ,except1 of course1 in the case of the great bush-beating hunts4 #gjj ,the peaceful monotony of this part of his life1 say ,spencer and ,gillen 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cc74 #gja ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fhc4 ,he is speaking of the demonstrations which take place when an ambassador sent to a group of foreigners returns to camp with news of a favourable result4 ,cf4 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #ach2 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bbb4 #gjb ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #if f42 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #acg2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,,ii1 p4 #cai4--,this ritual promiscuity is found especially in the initiation ceremonies 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bfg1 #cha2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #feg71 and in the totemic ceremonies 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bad1 #bih1 #bcg74 ,in these latter1 the ordinary exogamic rules are violated4 ,sometimes among the ,arunta1 unions between father and daughter1 mother and son1 and brothers and sisters 7that is in every case1 relationship by blood7 remain forbidden 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #if f474 #gjc ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ece1 #ede4 ,this is extremely common4 #gjd ,these women were ,kingilli themselves1 so these unions violated the exogamic rules4 #gje ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bcg4 #gjf ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cia4 ,other examples of this collective effervescence during the religious ceremonies will be found in ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bdd-bdf1 #cfe-cff1 #cgd1 #eji-eaj 7this latter in connection with a funeral rite74 ,cf4 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bac1 #cea4 #gjg ,thus we see that this fraternity is the logical consequence of totemism1 rather than its basis4 ,men have not imagined their duties towards the animals of the totemic species because they regarded them as kindred1 but have imagined the kinship to explain the nature of the beliefs and rites of which they were the object4 ,the animal was considered a relative of the man because it was a sacred being like the man1 but it was not treated as a sacred being because it was regarded as a relative4 #gjh ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iii1 ch i1 #c4 #gji ,at the bottom of this conception there is a well-founded and persistent sentiment4 ,modern science also tends more and more to admit that the duality of man and nature does not exclude their unity1 and that physical and moral forces1 though distinct1 are closely related4 ,we undoubtedly have a different conception of this unity and relationship than the primitive1 but beneath these different symbols1 the truth affirmed by the two is the same4 #gaj ,we say that this derivation is sometimes indirect on account of the industrial methods which1 in a large number of cases1 seem to be derived from religion through the intermediacy of magic 7see ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,thorie gnrale de la ,magie1 ,anne ,sociol41 ,,vii1 pp4 #add ff472 for1 as we believe1 magic forces are only a special form of religious forces4 ,we shall have occasion to return to this point several times4 #gaa ,at least after he is once adult and fully initiated1 for the initiation rites1 introducing the young man to the social life1 are a severe discipline in themselves4 #gab ,upon this particular aspect of primitive societies1 see our ,division du travail social1 #crd ed41 pp4 #abc1 #adi1 #agc ff4 #gac ,we provisionally limit ourselves to this general indication3 we shall return to this idea and give more explicit proof1 when we speak of the rites 7,bk4 ,,iii74 #gad ,on this point1 see ,achelis1 ,die ,ekstase1 ,berlin1 #aijb1 especially ch4 i4 #gae ,cf4 ,mauss1 ,essai sur les variations saisonnires des socits eskimos1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,ix1 p4 #abg4 #gaf ,thus we see how erroneous those theories are which1 like the geographical materialism of ,ratzel 7see especially his ,politische ,geographie71 seek to derive all social life from its material foundation 7either economic or territorial74 ,they commit an error precisely similar to the one committed by ,maudsley in individual psychology4 ,just as this latter reduced all the psychical life of the individual to a mere epiphenomenon of his physiological basis1 they seek to reduce the whole psychical life of the group to its physical basis4 ,but they forget that ideas are realities and forces1 and that collective representations are forces even more powerful and active than individual representations4 ,on this point1 see our ,reprsentations individuelles et reprsentations collectives1 in the ,revue de ,mtaphysique et de ,morale1 ,may1 #ahih4 #gag ,see above1 pp4 #ahh and #aid4 #gah ,even the excreta have a religious character4 ,see ,preuss1 ,der ,ursprung der ,religion und ,kunst1 especially ch4 ii1 entitled ,der ,zauber der ,defkation 7,globus1 ,,lxxxvi1 pp4 #cbe ff474 #gai ,this principle has passed from religion into magic3 it is the totem ex parte of the alchemists4 #gbj ,on this point see ,rgles de la mthode sociologique1 pp4 #e ff4 #gba ,procopius of ,gaza1 ,commentarii in ,isaiam1 #dif4 #gbb ,see ,thvenot1 ,voyage au ,levant1 ,paris1 #afhi1 p4 #fch4 ,the fact was still round in #ahfb4 #gbc ,lacassagne1 ,les ,tatouages1 p4 #aj4 #gbd ,lombroso1 ,l'homme criminel1 ,i1 p4 #bib4 #gbe ,lombroso1 ibid41 ,i1 pp4 #bfh1 #bhe1 #bia f42 ,lacassagne1 op4 cit41 p4 #ig4 #gbf ,see above1 p4 #abg4 #gbg ,for the authority of the chiefs1 see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aj2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #be2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bie ff4 #gbh ,at least in ,australia4 ,in ,america1 the population is more generally sedentary2 but the ,american clan represents a relatively advanced form of organization4 #gbi ,to make sure of this1 it is sufficient to look at the chart arranged by ,thomas1 ,kinship and ,marriage in ,australia1 p4 #dj4 ,to appreciate this chart properly1 it should be remembered that the author has extended1 for a reason unknown to us1 the system of totemic filiation in the paternal line clear to the western coast of ,australia1 though we have almost no information about the tribes of this region1 which is1 moreover1 largely a desert4 #gcj ,the stars are often regarded1 even by the ,australians1 as the land of souls and mythical personages1 as will be established in the next chapter3 that means that they pass as being a very different world from that of the living4 #gca ,op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #d4 ,cf4 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bdc4 #gcb ,of course it is to be understood that1 as we have already pointed out 7see above1 p4 #aee71 this choice was not made without a more or less formal agreement between the groups that each should take a different emblem from its neighbours4 #gcc ,the mental state studied in this paragraph is identical to the one called by ,lvy-,bruhl the law of participation 7,les fonctions mentales dans les socits infrieures1 pp4 #gf ff474 ,the following pages were written when this work appeared and we publish them without change2 we confine ourselves to adding certain explanations showing in what we differ from ,m4 ,lvy-,bruhl in our understanding of the facts4 #gcd ,see above1 p4 #bcj4 #gce ,another cause has contributed much to this fusion2 this is the extreme contagiousness of religious forces4 ,they seize upon every object within their reach1 whatever it may be4 ,thus a single religious force may animate the most diverse things which1 by that very fact1 become closely connected and classified within a single group4 ,we shall return again to this contagiousness1 when we shall show that it comes from the social origins of the idea of sacredness 7,bk4 ,,iii1 ch4 i1 in fine74 #gcf ,lvy-,bruhl1 op4 cit41 pp4 #gg ff4 #gcg ,ibid41 p4 #gi4 #gch ,see above1 p4 #adf4 #gci ,this is the case with the ,gnanji2 see ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #agj1 #edf2 cf4 a similar case in ,brough ,smyth1 ,,ii1 p4 #bfi4 #gdj ,australian ,aborigines1 p4 #ea4 #gda ,there certainly was a time when the ,gnanji women had souls1 for a large number of women's souls still exist to-day4 ,however1 they never reincarnate themselves2 since in this tribe the soul animating a new-born child is an old reincarnated soul1 it follows from the fact that women's souls do not reincarnate themselves1 that women cannot have a soul4 ,moreover1 it is possible to explain whence this absence of reincarnation comes4 ,filiation among the ,gnanji1 after having been uterine1 is now in the paternal line3 a mother no longer transmits her totem to her child4 ,so the woman no longer has any descendants to perpetuate her2 she is the finis famili su4 ,to explain this situation1 there are only two possible hypotheses2 either women have no souls1 or else they are destroyed after death4 ,the ,gnanji have adopted the former of these two explanations2 certain peoples of ,queensland have preferred the latter 7see ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic and ,medicine1 in ,n4 ,queensland ,ethnog41 ,no4 #e1 #fh74 #gdb ,the children below four or five years of age have neither soul nor future life1 says ,dawson4 ,but the fact he thus relates is merely the absence of funeral rites for young children4 ,we shall see the real meaning of this below4 #gdc ,dawson1 p4 #ea2 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #ce2 ,eylmann1 p4 #ahh4 #gdd ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #edb2 ,schrmann1 ,the ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,port ,lincoln1 in ,woods1 p4 #bce4 #gde ,this is the expression used by ,dawson1 p4 #ej4 #gdf ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ae1 n4 #a2 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bdf2 this is the theme of the myth of the vampire4 #gdg ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ae2 ,schulze1 p4 #bdd2 ,dawson1 p4 #ea4 ,it is true that it is sometimes said that souls have nothing corporeal2 according to certain testimony collected by ,eylmann 7p4 #ahh71 they are ohne ,fleisch und ,blut4 ,but these radical negations leave us sceptical4 ,the fact that offerings are not made to the souls of the dead in no way implies1 as ,roth thinks 7,superstition1 ,magic1 etc41 #fe71 that they do not eat4 #gdh ,roth1 ibid41 #fe2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ecj4 ,it sometimes happens that the soul emits odours 7,roth1 ibid41 #fh74 #gdi ,roth1 ibid41 #fg2 ,dawson1 p4 #ea4 #gej ,roth1 ibid41 #fe4 #gea ,schrmann1 ,aborig4 ,tr4 of ,port ,lincoln1 in ,woods1 p4 #bce4 #geb ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #bi1 #ce2 ,roth1 ibid41 #fe1 #fg1 #fh4 #gec ,roth1 ibid41 #fe2 ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ae4 #ged ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ad1 n4 #a4 #gee ,frazer1 ,on ,certain ,burial ,customs1 as ,illustrative of the ,primitive ,theory of the ,soul1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xv1 p4 #ff4 #gef ,this is the case with the ,kaitish and the ,unmatjera2 see ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ejf2 and ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eab4 #geg ,roth1 ibid41 #fe1 #ff1 #fg1 #fh4 #geh ,roth1 ibid41 #fh2 this says that when someone faints after a loss of blood1 it is because the soul is gone4 ,cf4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #ch4 #gei ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #bi1 #ce2 ,roth1 ibid41 #fe4 #gfj ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #ab1 #ad4 ,in these passages he speaks of evil spirits which kill little children and eat their souls1 livers and fat1 or else their souls1 livers and kidneys4 ,the fact that the soul is thus put on the same plane as the different viscera and tissues and is made a food like them shows the close connection it has with them4 ,cf4 ,schulze1 p4 #bde4 #gfa ,for example1 among the peoples on the ,pennefather ,river 7,roth1 ibid41 #fh71 there is a name for the soul residing in the heart 7,ngai71 another for the one in the placenta 7,cho-i71 and a third for the one which is confounded with the breath 7,wanji74 ,among the ,euahlayi1 there are three or even four souls 7,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #ce74 #gfb ,see the description of the ,urpmilchima rite among the ,arunta 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejc ff474 #gfc ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dig and #ejh4 #gfd ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #edg1 #edh4 #gfe ,ibid41 pp4 #ejf1 #ebg ff4 #gff ,meyer1 ,the ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 p4 #aih4 #gfg ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eea1 #dfc2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eec4 #gfh ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #edj4 #gfi ,among the ,arunta and ,loritja1 for example 7,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ae1 n4 #b2 ,,ii1 p4 #gg74 ,during life1 the soul is called gumna1 and ltana after death4 ,the ltana of ,strehlow is identical with the ulthana of ,spencer and ,gillen 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ead ff474 ,the same is true of the tribes on the ,bloomfield ,river 7,roth1 ,superstition1 etc41 #ff74 #ggj ,eylmann1 p4 #ahh4 #gga ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ebd1 #dia1 #dif4 #ggb ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #edb1 #ejd4 #ggc ,mathews1 ,ethnol4 ,notes on the ,aboriginal ,tribes of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,victoria1 in ,journal and ,proc4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bhg4 #ggd ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #ae ff4 ,thus1 according to ,strehlow1 the dead live in an island in the ,arunta theory1 but according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 in a subterranean place4 ,it is probable that the two myths coexist and are not the only ones4 ,we shall see that even a third has been found4 ,on this conception of an island of the dead1 see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih2 ,schrmann1 ,aborig4 ,tr4 of ,port ,lincoln1 in ,woods1 p4 #bce2 ,eylmann1 p4 #ahi4 #gge ,schulze1 p4 #bdd4 #ggf ,dawson1 p4 #ea4 #ggg ,in these same tribes evident traces of a more ancient myth will be found1 according to which the dead live in a subterranean place 7,dawson1 ibid474 #ggh ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #ah f42 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dgc2 ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #af4 #ggi ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih4 #ghj ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #af2 ,eylmann1 p4 #ahi2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dgc4 #gha ,these are the spirits of the ancestors of a special clan1 the clan of a certain poisonous gland 7,giftdrsenmnner74 #ghb ,sometimes the work of the missionaries is evident4 ,dawson speaks of a real hell opposed to paradise2 but he too tends to regard this as a ,european importation4 #ghc ,dorsey1 ,x,ith ,rep41 pp4 #dai-dbj1 #dbb1 #dhe4 ,cf4 ,marillier1 ,la survivance de l'me et l'ide de justice chez les peuples non-civiliss1 ,rapport de l',ecole des ,hautes tudes1 #ahic4 #ghd ,they may be doubled temporarily1 as we shall see in the next chapter3 but these duplications add nothing to the number of the souls capable of reincarnation4 #ghe ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #b4 #ghf ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #gc1 n4 #a #ghg ,on this set of conceptions1 see ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aai1 #abc-abg1 #chg ff42 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #ade-agd4 ,among the ,gnanji1 it is not necessarily near the oknanikilla that the conception takes place4 ,but they believe that each couple is accompanied in its wanderings over the continent by a swarm of souls of the husband's totem4 ,when the time comes1 one of these souls enters the body of the wife and fertilizes it1 wherever she may be 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afi74 #ghh ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #eab f42 cf4 ch4 x and xi4 #ghi ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aai4 #gij ,among the ,kaitish 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aed7 and the ,urabunna 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #adf74 #gia ,this is the case among the ,warramunga and the related tribes1 the ,walpari1 ,wulmala1 ,worgaia1 ,tjingilli 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #afa71 and also the ,umbaia and the ,gnanji 7ibid41 p4 #agj74 #gib ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #ae-af4 ,for the ,loritja1 see ,strehlow1 p4 #g4 #gic ,strehlow even goes so far as to say that sexual relations are not even thought to be a necessary condition or sort of preparation for conception 7,,ii1 p4 #eb1 n4 #g74 ,it is true that he adds a few lines below that the old men know perfectly well the connection which unites sexual intercourse and generation1 and that as far as animals are concerned1 the children themselves know it4 ,this lessens the value of his first assertion a little4 #gid ,in general1 we employ the terminology of ,spencer and ,gillen rather than that of ,strehlow because it is now consecrated by long usage4 #gie ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #abd1 #eac4 #gif ,i1 p4 #e4 ,ngarra means eternal1 according to ,strehlow4 ,among the ,loritja1 only rocks fulfil this function4 #gig ,strehlow translates it by ,kinderkeime 7children-germs74 ,it is not true that ,spencer and ,gillen have ignored the myth of the ratapa and the customs connected with it4 ,they explicitly mention it in ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ccf ff4 and #eeb4 ,they noticed1 at different points of the ,arunta territory1 the existence of rocks called ,erathipa from which the spirit children1 or the children's souls1 disengage themselves1 to enter the bodies of women and fertilize them4 ,according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,erathipa means child1 though1 as they add1 it is rarely used in this sense in ordinary conversation 7ibid41 p4 #cch74 #gih ,the ,arunta are divided into four or eight matrimonial classes4 ,the class of a child is determined by that of his father2 inversely1 that of the latter may be deduced from the former 7see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #gj ff42 ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #f ff474 ,it remains to be seen how the ratapa has a matrimonial class2 we shall return to this point again4 #gii ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eb4 ,it happens sometimes1 though rarely1 that disputes arise over the nature of the child's totem4 ,strehlow cites such a case 7,,ii1 p4 #ec74 #hjj ,this is the same word as the namatwinna found in ,spencer and ,gillen 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eda74 #hja ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ec4 #hjb ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ef4 #hjc ,mathews attributes a similar theory of conception to the ,tjingilli 7alias ,chingalee7 7,proc4 ,roy4 ,geogr4 ,trans4 and ,soc4 ,queensland1 ,,xxii 7#aijg71 pp4 #ge-gf74 #hjd ,it sometimes happens that the ancestor who is believed to have thrown the namatuna shows himself to the woman in the form of an animal or a man2 this is one more proof of the affinity of the ancestral soul for a material form4 #hje ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bcg4 #hjf ,this results from the fact that the ratapa can incarnate itself only in the body of a woman belonging to the same matrimonial class as the mother of the mythical ancestor4 ,so we cannot understand how ,strehlow could say 7,i1 p4 #db1 ,anmerkung7 that1 except in one case1 the myths do not attribute determined matrimonial classes to the ,alcheringa ancestors4 ,his own theory of conception proves the contrary 7cf4 ,,ii1 pp4 #ec ff474 #hjg ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eh4 #hjh ,the difference between the two versions becomes still smaller and is reduced to almost nothing1 if we observe that1 when ,spencer and ,gillen tell us that the ancestral soul is incarnated in the woman1 the expressions they use are not to be taken literally4 ,it is not the whole soul which comes to fertilize the mother1 but only an emanation from this soul4 ,in fact1 according to their own statement1 a soul equal or even superior in power to the one that is incarnated continues to live in the nanja tree or rock 7see ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ead72 we shall have occasion to come back to this point again 7cf4 below1 p4 #bge74 #hji ,,ii1 pp4 #gf1 #ha4 ,according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 the churinga is not the soul of the ancestor1 but the object in which his soul resides4 ,at bottom1 these two mythological interpretations are identical1 and it is easy to see how one has been able to pass into the other3 the body is the place where the soul resides4 #haj ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #d4 #haa ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #ec f4 ,in these stories1 the ancestor begins by introducing himself into the body of the woman and causing there the troubles characteristic of pregnancy4 ,then he goes out1 and only then does he leave his namatuna4 #hab ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gf4 #hac ,ibid41 p4 #ha4 ,this is the word for word translation of the terms employed1 as ,strehlow gives them3 ,dies du ,krper bist2 dies du der nmliche4 ,in the myth1 a civilizing hero1 ,mangarkunjerkunja1 says as he presents to each man the churinga of his ancestor3 ,you are born of this churinga 7ibid41 p4 #gf74 #had ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gf4 #hae ,strehlow1 ibid4 #haf ,at bottom1 the only real difference between ,strehlow and ,spencer and ,gillen is the following one4 ,for these latter1 the soul of the individual1 after death1 returns to the nanja tree1 where it is again confounded with the ancestor's soul 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eac72 for ,strehlow1 it goes to the isle of the dead1 where it is finally annihilated4 ,in neither myth does it survive individually4 ,we are not going to seek the cause of this divergence4 ,it is possible that there has been an error of observation on the part of ,spencer and ,gillen1 who do not speak of the isle of the dead4 ,it is also possible that the myth is not the same among the eastern ,arunta1 whom ,spencer and ,gillen observed particularly1 as in the other parts of the tribe4 #hag ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ea4 #hah ,ibid41 ,,ii1 p4 #ef4 #hai ,ibid41 ,i1 pp4 #c-d4 #hbj ,ibid41 ,,ii1 p4 #fa4 #hba ,see above1 p4 #ahc4 #hbb ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eg2 ,i1 p4 #b4 #hbc ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #eg4 #hbd ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic1 etc41 #gd4 #hbe ,in other words1 the totemic species is made up of the group of ancestors and the mythological species much more than of the regular animal or vegetable species4 #hbf ,see above1 p4 #bed4 #hbg ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gf4 #hbh ,strehlow1 ibid4 #hbi ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eg1 #fj1 #fa4 ,strehlow calls the list of totems the list of ratapa4 #hcj ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dge ff4 #hca ,the ,manners and ,customs of the ,dieyerie ,tribe of ,australian ,aborigines1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #dg4 #hcb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dhb4 #hcc ,ibid41 p4 #dhg4 #hcd ,taplin1 ,folk-,lore1 ,customs1 ,manners1 etc41 of the ,south ,australian ,aborig41 p4 #hh4 #hce ,the clan of each ancestor has its special camp underground2 this camp is the miyur4 #hcf ,mathews1 in ,jour4 of ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bic4 ,he points out the same belief among other tribes of ,victoria 7ibid41 p4 #aig74 #hcg ,mathews1 ibid41 p4 #cdi4 #hch ,j4 ,bishop1 ,die ,niol-,niol1 in ,anthropos1 ,,iii1 p4 #ce4 #hci ,roth1 ,superstition1 etc41 #fh2 cf4 #fi;a1 gives a similar case from among the natives on the ,proserpine ,river4 ,to simplify the description1 we have left aside the complications due to differences of sex4 ,the souls of daughters are made out of the choi of their mother1 though these share with their brothers the ngai of their father4 ,this peculiarity1 coming perhaps from two systems of filiation which have been in use successively1 has nothing to do with the principle of the perpetuity of the soul4 #hdj ,ibid41 p4 #af4 #hda ,die ,tlinkit-,indianer1 p4 #bhb4 #hdb ,swanton1 ,contributions to the ,ethnology of the ,haida1 pp4 #aag ff4 #hdc ,boas1 ,sixth ,rep4 of the ,comm4 on the ,n4,w4 ,tribes of ,canada1 p4 #ei4 #hdd ,lafitau1 ,moeurs des sauvages ,amriquains1 ,,ii1 p4 #dcd2 ,petitot1 ,monographie des ,dn-,dindji1 p4 #ei4 #hde ,see above1 pp4 #acd ff4 #hdf ,see above1 p4 #acg4 #hdg ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #adg2 cf4 ibid41 p4 #gfi4 #hdh ,strehlow 7,i1 p4 #ae1 n4 #b7 and ,schulze 7loc4 cit41 p4 #bdf7 speak of the soul1 as ,howitt here speaks of the totem1 as leaving the body to go to eat another soul4 ,likewise1 as we have seen above1 the altjira or maternal totem shows itself in dreams1 just as a soul or spirit does4 #hdi ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kurnai and ,kamilaroi1 p4 #bhj4 #hej ,globus1 ,vol4 ,,cxi1 p4 #bhi4 ,in spite of the objections of ,leonhardi1 ,strehlow maintains his affirmations on this point 7see ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 xi74 ,leonhardi finds a contradiction between this assertion and the theory according to which the ratapa emanate from trees1 rocks or churinga4 ,but the totemic animal incarnates the totem just as much as the nanja-tree or rock does1 so they may fulfil the same function4 ,the two things are mythological equivalents4 #hea ,notes on the ,west ,coastal ,tribes of the ,northern ,territory of ,s4 ,australia1 in ,trans4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,s4 ,aust41 ,,xxxi 7#aijg71 p4 #d4 ,cf4 ,man1 #aiji1 ,no4 #hf4 #heb ,among the ,wakelbura1 where1 according to ,curr and ,howitt1 each matrimonial class has its own totems1 the animal shows the class 7see ,curr1 ,,iii1 p4 #bh72 among the ,buandik1 it reveals the clan 7,mrs4 ,james ,s4 ,smith1 ,the ,buandik ,tribes of ,s4 ,australian ,aborigines1 p1 #abh74 ,cf4 ,howitt1 ,on ,some ,australian ,beliefs1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xiii1 p4 #aia2 ,,xiv1 p4 #cfb2 ,thomas1 ,an ,american ,view of ,totemism1 in ,man1 #aijb1 ,no4 #he2 ,mathews1 ,journ4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 pp4 #cdg-cdh2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #aaj2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eac4 #hec ,roth1 ,superstition1 etc41 #hc4 ,this is probably a form of sexual totemism4 #hed ,prinz zu ,wied1 ,reise in das innere ,nord-,amerika1 ,,ii1 p4 #aij4 #hee ,k4 von den ,steinen1 ,unter den ,naturvlkern ,zentral-,brsiliens1 #ahid1 pp4 #eaa1 #eab4 #hef ,see ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough#b1 ,i1 pp4 #bej1 #bec1 #bef1 #beg1 #beh4 #heg ,third ,rep41 pp4 #bbi1 #bcc4 #heh ,indian ,tribes1 ,,iv1 p4 #hf4 #hei ,for example1 among the ,batta of ,sumatra 7see ,golden ,bough#b1 ,,iii1 p4 #dbj71 in ,melanesia 7,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 p4 #agh71 in the ,malay ,archipelago 7,tylor1 ,remarks on ,totemism1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,new ,series1 ,i1 p4 #adg74 ,it is to be remarked that the cases where the soul clearly presents itself after death in an animal form all come from the societies where totemism is more or less perverted4 ,this is because the idea of the soul is necessarily ambiguous wherever the totemic beliefs are relatively pure1 for totemism implies that it participate in the two kingdoms at the same time4 ,so it cannot become either one or the other exclusively1 but takes one aspect or the other1 according to the circumstances4 ,as totemism develops1 this ambiguity becomes less necessary1 while at the same time1 spirits more actively demand attention4 ,then the marked affinities of the soul for the animal kingdom are manifested1 especially after it is freed from the human body4 #hfj ,see above1 p4 #agj4 ,on the generality of the doctrine of metempsychosis1 see ,tylor1 ,,ii1 pp4 #h ff4 #hfa ,even if we believe that religious and moral representations constitute the essential elements of the idea of the soul1 still we do not mean to say that they are the only ones4 ,around this central nucleus are grouped other states of consciousness having this same character1 though to a slighter degree4 ,this is the case with all the superior forms of the intellectual life1 owing to the special price and dignity attributed to them by society4 ,when we devote our lives to science or art1 we feel that we are moving in a circle of things that are above bodily sensations1 as we shall have occasion to show more precisely in our conclusion4 ,this is why the highest functions of the intelligence have always been considered specific manifestations of the soul4 ,but they would probably not have been enough to establish the idea of it4 #hfb ,f4 ,tregear1 ,the ,maori-,polynesian ,comparative ,dictionary1 pp4 #bjc-bje4 #hfc ,this is the thesis of ,preuss in his articles in the ,globus which we have cited several times4 ,it seems that ,m4 ,lvy-,bruhl also tends towards this conception 7see his ,fonctions mentales1 etc41 pp4 #ib-ic74 #hfd ,on this point1 see our ,suicide1 pp4 #bcc ff4 #hfe ,it may be objected perhaps that unity is the characteristic of the personality1 while the soul has always been conceived as multiple1 and as capable of dividing and subdividing itself almost to infinity4 ,but we know to-day that the unity of the person is also made up of parts and that it1 too1 is capable of dividing and decomposing4 ,yet the notion of personality does not vanish because of the fact that we no longer think of it as a metaphysical and indivisible atom4 ,it is the same with the popular conceptions of personality which find their expression in the idea of the soul4 ,these show that men have always felt that the human personality does not have that absolute unity attributed to it by certain metaphysicians4 #hff ,for all this1 we do not deny the importance of the individual factor3 this is explained from our point of view just as easily as its contrary4 ,if the essential element of the personality is the social part of us1 on the other hand there can be no social life unless distinct individuals are associated1 and this is richer the more numerous and different from each other they are4 ,so the individual factor is a condition of the impersonal factor4 ,and the contrary is no less true1 for society itself is an important source of individual differences 7see our ,division du travail social1 #crd4 ed41 pp4 #bfg ff474 #hfg ,roth1 ,superstition1 ,magic1 etc41 #fe1 #fh2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ead1 #eaf4 #hfh ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #eba1 #eae2 ,dawson1 ,austral4 ,aborig41 p4 #eh2 ,roth1 op4 cit41 #fg4 #hfi ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eag4 #hgj ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #gf and n4 #a2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ead1 #eaf4 #hga ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eac4 #hgb ,on this question1 see ,negrioli1 ,dei ,genii presso i ,romani2 the articles ,daimon and ,genius in the ,dict4 of ,antiq42 ,preller1 ,romische ,mythologie1 ,,ii1 pp4 #aie ff4 #hgc ,negrioli1 ibid41 p4 #d4 #hgd ,ibid41 p4 #h4 #hge ,ibid41 p4 #g4 #hgf ,ibid41 p4 #aa4 ,cf4 ,samter1 ,der ,ursprung der ,larencultus1 in ,archiv f4 ,religions-wissenschaft1 #aijg1 pp4 #cfh-cic4 #hgg ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bcg4 #hgh ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #e4 ,cf4 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acc2 ,gason1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #fi4 #hgi ,see the case of a ,mura-mura who is considered the spirit of certain hot springs1 in ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dhb4 #hhj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cac f42 ,mathews1 ,journ4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #cea4 ,among the ,dieri there is also a ,mura-mura whose function is to produce rain 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #gih f474 #hha ,roth4 ,superstition1 etc41 #fg4 ,cf4 ,dawson1 p4 #ei4 #hhb ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #b ff4 #hhc ,see above1 p4 #bdi4 #hhd ,nor4 ,tr41 ch4 vii4 #hhe ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bgg4 #hhf ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #e4 #hhg ,it is true that some nanja-trees and rocks are not situated around the ertnatulunga2 they are scattered over different parts of the tribal territory4 ,it is said that these are places where an isolated ancestor disappeared into the ground1 lost a member1 let some blood flow1 or lost a churinga which was transformed into a tree or rock4 ,but these totemic sites have only a secondary importance2 ,strehlow calls them kleinere ,totempltze 7,i1 pp4 #d-e74 ,so it may be that they have taken this character only by analogy with the principal totemic centres4 ,the trees and rocks which1 for some reason or other1 remind one of those found in the neighbourhood of an ertnatulunga1 inspire analogous sentiments1 so the myth which was formed in regard to the latter was extended to the former4 #hhh ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aci4 #hhi ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #ba4 ,the tree serving for this use is generally one of those figuring among the sub-totems of the individual4 ,as a reason for this choice1 they say that as it is of the same family as the individual1 it should be better disposed to giving him aid 7ibid41 p4 #bi74 #hij ,ibid41 p4 #cf4 #hia ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #ha4 #hib ,parker1 op4 cit41 p4 #ba4 #hic ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 pp4 #bdi-bec4 #hid ,turner1 ,samoa1 p4 #ag4 #hie ,these are the very words used by ,codrington 7p4 #bea74 #hif ,this close connection between the soul1 the guardian genius and the moral conscience of the individual is especially apparent among certain peoples of ,indonesia4 ,one of the seven souls of the ,tobabatak is buried with the placenta2 though preferring to live in this place1 it may leave it to warn the individual or to manifest its approbation when he does well4 ,so in one sense1 it plays the rle of a moral conscience4 ,however1 its communications are not confined to the domain of moral facts4 ,it is called the younger brother of the soul1 as the placenta is called the younger brother of the child4444 ,in war1 it inspires the man with courage to march against the enemy 7,warneck1 ,der bataksche ,ahnen und ,geistercult1 in ,allg4 ,missionszeitschrift1 ,berlin1 #aijd4 p4 #aj4 ,cf4 ,kruijt1 ,het ,animisme in den indischen ,archipel1 p4 #be74 #hig ,it still remains to be investigated how it comes that after a certain moment in evolution1 this duplication of the soul was made in the form of an individual totem rather than of a protecting ancestor4 ,perhaps this question has an ethnological rather than a sociological interest4 ,however1 the manner in which this substitution was probably effected may be represented as follows4 ,the individual totem commenced by playing a merely complimentary rle4 ,those individuals who wished to acquire powers superior to those possessed by everybody1 did not and could not content themselves with the mere protection of the ancestor2 so they began to look for another assistant of the same sort4 ,thus it comes about that among the ,euahlayi1 the magicians are the only ones who have or who can procure individual totems4 ,as each one has a collective totem in addition1 he finds himself having many souls4 ,but there is nothing surprising in this plurality of souls3 it is the condition of a superior power4 ,but when collective totemism once begins to lose ground1 and when the conception of the protecting ancestor consequently begins to grow dim in the mind1 another method must be found for representing the double nature of the soul1 which is still felt4 ,the resulting idea was that1 outside of the individual soul1 there was another1 charged with watching over the first one4 ,since this protecting power was no longer demonstrated by the very fact of birth1 men found it natural to employ1 for its discovery1 means analogous to those used by magicians to enter into communion with the forces of whose aid they thus assured themselves4 #hih ,for example1 see ,strehlow1 ,,ii1 p4 #hb4 #hii ,wyatt1 ,adelaide and ,encounter ,bay ,tribes1 in ,woods1 p4 #afh4 #ijj ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #fb f42 ,roth1 ,superstition1 etc41 #aaf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #cef1 #ceh2 ,strehlow1 pp4 #aa-ab4 #ija ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #ac-ad2 ,dawson1 p4 #di4 #ijb ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #aa-ad2 ,eylmann1 pp4 #ahb1 #ahe2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #baa2 ,schrmann1 ,the ,aborig4 ,tr4 of ,port ,lincoln1 in ,woods1 p4 #bci4 #ijc ,eylmann1 p4 #ahb4 #ijd ,mathews1 ,journ4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #cde2 ,fison and ,howitt1 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 p4 #dfg2 ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #aa4 #ije ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #cij-cia4 ,strehlow calls these evil spirits ,erintja2 but this word is evidently equivalent to ,oruncha4 ,yet there is a difference in the ways the two are presented to us4 ,according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 the ,oruncha are malicious rather than evil2 they even say 7p4 #cbh7 that the ,arunta know no necessarily evil spirits4 ,on the contrary1 the regular business of ,strehlow's ,erintja is to do evil4 ,judging from certain myths given by ,spencer and ,gillen 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cij71 they seem to have touched up the figures of the ,oruncha a little3 these were originally ogres 7ibid41 p4 #cca74 #ijf ,roth1 ,superstition1 etc41 #aae2 ,eylmann1 p4 #aij4 #ijg ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #cij f4 #ijh ,ibid41 p4 #eea4 #iji ,ibid41 pp4 #cbf f4 #iaj ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ad4 ,when there are twins1 the first one is believed to have been conceived in this manner4 #iaa ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cbg4 #iab ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ceh1 #cha1 #che2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ccd2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eja1 #ecj4 #iac ,as the magician can either cause or cure sickness1 we sometimes find1 besides these magical spirits whose function is to do evil1 others who forestall or neutralize the evil influence of the former4 ,cases of this sort will be found in ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eja-ejb4 ,the fact that the latter are magic just as much as the former is well shown by the fact that the two have the same name1 among the ,arunta4 ,so they are different aspects of a single magic power4 #iad ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #i4 ,putiaputia is not the only personage of this sort of whom the ,arunta myths speak3 certain portions of the tribe give a different name to the hero to whom the same invention is ascribed4 ,we must not forget that the extent of the territory occupied by the ,arunta prevents their mythology from being completely homogeneous4 #iae ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dic4 #iaf ,ibid41 p4 #dih4 #iag ,ibid41 pp4 #dih f4 #iah ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ace4 #iai ,ibid41 pp4 #dgf ff4 #ibj ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #f-h4 ,the work of ,mangarkunjerkunja must be taken up again later among other heroes2 for1 according to a belief that is not confined to the ,arunta1 a time came when men forgot the teaching of their first initiators and became corrupt4 #iba ,this is the case1 for example1 of ,atnatu 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #aec7 and the ,witurna 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dih71 ,if ,tendun did not establish these rites1 it is he who is charged with the direction of their celebration 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fgj74 #ibb ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dii4 #ibc ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dic2 ,kamilaroi and ,kurnai1 pp4 #aig and #bdg2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dib4 #ibd ,for example1 see ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dii4 #ibe ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cch1 #cdg1 #dii4 #ibf ,it is true that ,spencer and ,gillen maintain that these mythical beings play no moral rle 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #dic72 but this is because they give too narrow a meaning to the word4 ,religious duties are duties3 so the fact of looking after the manner in which these are observed concerns morals1 especially because all morals have a religious character at this period4 #ibg ,the fact was observed as early as #ahde by ,eyre1 ,journals1 etc41 ,,ii1 p4 #cfb1 and1 before ,eyre1 by ,henderson1 ,observations on the ,colonies of ,n4,s4 ,wales and ,van ,diemen's ,land1 p4 #adg4 #ibh ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dhh-ejh4 #ibi ,among the ,kulin1 ,wotjobaluk and ,woworung 7,victoria74 #icj ,among the ,yuin1 ,ngarrigo and ,wolgal 7,new ,south ,wales74 #ica ,among the ,kamilaroi and ,euahlayi 7northern part of ,new ,south ,wales72 and more to the centre1 in the same province1 among the ,wonghibon and the ,wiradjuri4 #icb ,among the ,wiimbaio and the tribes on the lower ,murray 7,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #acg2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dbc1 n41 #dca74 #icc ,among the tribes on the ,herbert ,river 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih74 #icd ,among the ,kurnai4 #ice ,taplin1 p4 #ee2 ,eylmann1 p4 #ahb4 #icf ,it is undoubtedly to this supreme ,mura-mura that ,gason makes allusion in the passage already cited 7,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #ee74 #icg ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bdf4 #ich ,between ,baiame1 ,bunjil and ,daramulun on the one hand1 and ,altjira on the other1 there is the difference that the latter is completely foreign to all that concerns humanity2 he did not make man and does not concern himself with what they do4 ,the ,arunta have neither love nor fear for him4 ,but when this conception is carefully observed and analysed1 it is hard to admit that it is primitive2 for if the ,altjira plays no rle1 explains nothing1 serves for nothing1 what made the ,arunta imagine him8 ,perhaps it is necessary to consider him as a sort of ,baiame who has lost his former prestige1 as an ancient god whose memory is fading away4 ,perhaps1 also1 ,strehlow has badly interpreted the testimony he has gathered4 ,according to ,eylmann1 who1 it is to be admitted1 is neither a very competent nor a very sure observer1 ,altjira made men 7op4 cit41 p4 #acd74 ,moreover1 among the ,loritja1 the corresponding personage1 ,tukura1 is believed to celebrate the initiation ceremonies himself4 #ici ,for ,bunjil1 see ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #dag2 for ,baiame1 see ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #acf2 for ,daramulun1 see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #die4 #idj ,on the composition of ,bunjil's family1 for example1 see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #abh1 #abi1 #dhi1 #dia2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dag1 #dbc2 for ,baiame's1 see ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #g1 #ff1 #ajc2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejb1 #ehe1 #djg2 for ,nurunderi's1 ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #eg f4 ,of course1 there are all sorts of variations in the ways in which the families of these great gods are conceived4 ,the personage who is a brother here1 is a son there4 ,the number and names of the wives vary with the locality4 #ida ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abh4 #idb ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dcj1 #dca4 #idc ,ibid41 ,i1 p4 #dcb1 n4 #idd ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dih1 #ech2 ,mathews1 ,jour4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #cdc2 ,ridley1 p4 #acf4 #ide ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ech2 ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #eg-eh4 #idf ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #h4 #idg ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #dbd4 #idh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dib4 #idi ,according to certain myths1 he made men but not women2 this is related of ,bunjil4 ,but then1 the origin of women is attributed to his son-brother1 ,pallyan 7,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dag and #dbc74 #iej ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dhi1 #dib2 ,mathews1 ,journ4 of the ,roy4 ,soc4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #cdj4 #iea ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #g2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fcj4 #ieb ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #acf2 ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #aad4 #iec ,l4 ,parker1 ,more ,austr4 ,leg4 ,tales1 pp4 #hd-hi1 #ij-ia4 #ied ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #die1 #dih1 #edc1 #efc1 #efd2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #dbi2 ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #gi4 #iee ,ridley1 p4 #acg4 #ief ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #ij-ia4 #ieg ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #die2 ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 p4 #eh4 #ieh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ech1 #edc1 #eec1 #eee1 #eef2 ,mathews1 loc4 cit41 p4 #cah2 ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #f1 #gi1 #hj4 #iei ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dih1 #ebh4 #ifj ,howitt1 ibid41 p4 #dic2 ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #gf4 #ifa ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #gf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dic1 #fab4 #ifb ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #aec2 ,l4 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #fg2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ehe2 ,mathews1 loc4 cit41 p4 #cdc4 ,in opposition to ,baiame1 ,daramulun is sometimes presented as a necessarily evil spirit 7,l4 ,parker1 loc4 cit42 ,ridley1 in ,brough ,smyth1 ,,ii1 p4 #bhe74 #ifc ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxi1 pp4 #bib ff4 #ifd ,the ,making of ,religion1 pp4 #ahg-bic4 #ife ,lang1 ibid41 p4 #cca4 ,the author confines himself to stating that the hypothesis of ,st4 ,paul does not appear to him the most unsatisfactory4 #iff ,the thesis of ,lang has been taken up again by ,father ,schmidt in the ,anthropos 7#aijh-aiji74 ,replying to ,sydney ,hartland1 who had criticized ,lang's theory in an article entitled ,the ,high ,gods of ,australia1 in ,folk-,lore 7,vol4 ,,ix1 pp4 #bij ff471 ,father ,schmidt undertook to show that ,baiame1 ,bunjil1 etc41 are eternal gods1 creators1 omnipotent1 omniscient and guardians of the moral order4 ,we are not going to enter into this discussion1 which seems to have neither interest nor importance4 ,if these different adjectives are given a relative sense1 in harmony with the ,australian mind1 we are quite ready to accept them1 and have even used them ourselves4 ,from this point of view1 omnipotent means having more power than the other sacred beings2 omniscient1 seeing things that escape the vulgar and even the greatest magicians2 guardian of the moral order1 one causing the rules of ,australian morality to be respected1 howsoever much these may differ from our own4 ,but if they want to give these words meanings which only a spiritualistic ,christian could attach to them1 it seems useless to discuss an opinion so contrary to the principles of the historical method4 #ifg ,on this question1 see ,n4 ,w4 ,thomas1 ,baiame and ,bell-bird--,a ,note on ,australian ,religion1 in ,man1 #aije1 ,no4 #bh4 ,cf4 ,lang1 ,magic and ,religion1 p4 #be4 ,waitz had already upheld the original character of this conception in his ,anthropologie d4 ,naturvlker1 pp4 #gif-gih4 #ifh ,dawson1 p4 #di2 ,meyer1 ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 pp4 #bje1 #bjf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dha1 #dia1 #dib1 #did2 ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #acf4 #ifi ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #ee-ef4 #igj ,l4 ,parker1 ,more ,austr4 ,leg4 ,tales1 p4 #id4 #iga ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dbe-dbg4 #igb ,taplin1 ibid41 p4 #fj4 #igc ,taplin1 ibid41 p4 #fa4 #igd ,the world was created by beings called ,nuralie2 these beings1 who had already long existed1 had the forms of crows or of eagle-hawks 7,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dbc-dbd74 #ige ,bayamee1 says ,mrs4 ,parker1 is for the ,euahlayi what the ,alcheringa is for the ,arunta 7,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #f74 #igf ,see above1 pp4 #beg f4 #igg ,in another myth1 reported by ,spencer and ,gillen1 a wholly analogous rle is filled by two personages living in heaven1 named ,ungambikula 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #chh ff474 #igh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dic4 #igi ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 pp4 #fb-ff1 #fg4 ,this is because the great god is connected with the bull-roarer1 which is identified with the thunder2 for the roaring of this ritual instrument is connected with the rolling of thunder4 #ihj ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ace4 ,the word meaning totem is written thundung by ,howitt4 #iha ,strehlow1 ,i1 pp4 #a-b and ,,ii1 p4 #ei4 ,it will be remembered that1 among the ,arunta1 the maternal totem was quite probably the real totem at first4 #ihb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eee4 #ihc ,ibid41 pp4 #edf1 #efj4 #ihd ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 pp4 #acf1 #aef4 ,he is represented in this form during the initiation rites of the ,kamilaroi4 ,according to another legend1 he is a black swan 7,l4 ,parker1 ,more ,aust4 ,leg4 ,tales1 p4 #id74 #ihe ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #a4 #ihf ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dbc-dbd4 #ihg ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dib4 #ihh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #abh4 #ihi ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dag-dbc4 #iij ,see above1 p4 #ajh4 #iia ,there are phratries bearing the names ,kilpara 7crow7 and ,mukwara4 ,this is the explanation of the myth itself1 which is reported by ,brough ,smyth 7,i1 pp4 #dbc-dbd74 #iib ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #dbe-dbg4 ,cf4 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dhf4 ,in this case1 ,karween is identified with the blue heron4 #iic ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #dbc4 #iid ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #acf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ehe2 ,mathews1 ,j4 of ,r4 ,s4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxviii 7#ahid71 p4 #aaa4 #iie ,see above1 p4 #ade4 ,cf4 ,father ,schmidt1 ,the ,origin of the ,idea of ,god1 in ,anthropos1 #aiji4 #iif ,op4 cit41 p4 #g4 ,among these same people1 the principal wife of ,baiame is also represented as the mother of all the totems1 without belonging to any totem herself 7ibid41 pp4 #g1 #gi74 #iig ,see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #eaa f41 #eac1 #fjb ff42 ,mathews1 ,j4 of ,r4,s4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bgj4 ,they invite to these feasts not only the tribes with whom a regular connubium is established1 but also those with whom there are quarrels to be arranged2 the vendetta1 half-ceremonial and half-serious1 take place on these occasions4 #iih ,see above1 p4 #aee4 #iii ,there is one form of ritual especially which we leave completely aside2 this is the oral ritual which must be studied in a special volume of the ,collection de l',anne ,sociologique4 #ajjj ,see the article ,taboo in the ,encyclopdia ,britannica1 written by ,frazer4 #ajja ,facts prove the reality of this inconvenience4 ,there is no lack of writers who1 putting their trust in the word1 have believed that the institution thus designated was peculiar to primitive peoples in general1 or even to the ,polynesians 7see ,rville1 ,religion des peuples primitifs1 ,,ii1 p4 #ee2 ,richard1 ,la ,femme dans l'histoire1 p4 #dce74 #ajjb ,see above1 p4 #dc4 #ajjc ,this is not saying that there is a radical break of continuity between the religious and the magic interdictions3 on the contrary1 it is one whose true nature is not decided4 ,there are interdicts of folk-lore of which it is hard to say whether they are religious or magic4 ,but their distinction is necessary1 for we believe that the magic interdicts cannot be understood except as a function of the religious ones4 #ajjd ,see above1 p4 #adi4 #ajje ,many of the interdictions between sacred things can be traced back1 we think1 to those between the sacred and the profane4 ,this is the case with the interdicts of age or rank4 ,for example1 in ,australia1 there are sacred foods which are reserved for the initiated4 ,but these foods are not all sacred to the same degree2 there is a hierarchy among them4 ,nor are the initiated all equal4 ,they do not enjoy all their religious rights from the first1 but only enter step by step into the domain of religious things4 ,they must pass through a whole series of ranks which are conferred upon them one after another1 after special trials and ceremonies2 it requires months and sometimes even years to reach the highest rank4 ,now special foods are assigned to each of these ranks2 the men of the lower ranks may not touch the foods which rightfully belong to the men of the superior ones 7see ,mathews1 ,ethnol4 ,notes1 etc41 loc4 cit4 pp4 #bfb ff42 ,parker1 ,the ,euahlayi1 p4 #bc2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #faa ff42 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dgj ff474 ,so the more sacred repels the less sacred2 but this is because the second is profane in relation to the first4 ,in fine1 all the interdictions arrange themselves in two classes3 the interdictions between the sacred and the profane and the purely sacred and the impurely sacred4 #ajjf ,see above1 p4 #acg4 #ajjg ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfc4 #ajjh ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ech2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #fdj4 #ajji ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eca4 #ajaj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eah f42 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ddi4 #ajaa ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih2 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bca4 #ajab ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dii4 #ajac ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dea4 #ajad ,if the alimentary interdictions which concern the totemic plant or vegetable are the most important1 they are far from being the only ones4 ,we have seen that there are foods which are forbidden to the non-initiated because they are sacred2 now very different causes may confer this character4 ,for example1 as we shall presently see1 the birds which are seen on the tops of trees are reputed to be sacred1 because they are neighbours to the great god who lives in heaven4 ,thus1 it is possible that for different reasons the flesh of certain animals has been specially reserved for the old men and that consequently it has seemed to partake of the sacred character recognized in these latter4 #ajae ,see ,frazer1 ,totemism1 p4 #g4 #ajaf ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fgd4--,there is one interdiction of contact of which we say nothing because it is very hard to determine its exact nature3 this is sexual contact4 ,there are religious periods when a man cannot have commerce with a woman 7,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bic1 #bie2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cig74 ,is this because the woman is profane or because the sexual act is dreaded8 ,this question cannot be decided in passing4 ,we set it aside along with all that concerns conjugal and sexual rites4 ,it is too closely connected with the problems of marriage and the family to be separated from them4 #ajag ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acd2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ced4 #ajah ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fbd4 #ajai ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #egb4 #ajbj ,ibid41 p4 #ffa4 #ajba ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #chf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #fee1 #ffe4 #ajbb ,among the ,wiimbaio 7,howitt1 ibid41 p4 #dea74 #ajbc ,howitt1 ibid41 pp4 #fbd1 #ffa1 #ffc1 #ffg2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bba1 #chb ff42 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cce1 #cdd1 #cec1 #cfi4 #ajbd ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bba1 #bfb1 #bhh1 #cjc1 #cgh1 #chj4 #ajbe ,ibid41 p4 #cjb4 #ajbf ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eha4 #ajbg ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bbg4 #ajbh ,see above1 p4 #bhh4 #ajbi ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ebf2 ,taplin1 ,narrinyeri1 p4 #ai4 #ajcj ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dff1 #dfi ff4 #ajca ,wyatt1 ,adelaide and ,encounter ,bay ,tribes1 in ,woods1 p4 #afe4 #ajcb ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dgj4 #ajcc ,ibid41 p4 #feg2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aci2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #ehj ff4 #ajcd ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ecg4 #ajce ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #edd1 #eig1 #fad1 #fbj4 #ajcf ,for example1 the hair belt which he ordinarily wears 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aga74 #ajcg ,ibid41 p4 #fbd ff4 #ajch ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eef4 #ajci ,ibid41 p4 #ehg4 #ajdj ,this act takes on a sacred character1 it is true1 when the elements eaten are sacred4 ,but in itself1 the act is so very profane that eating a sacred food always constitutes a profanation4 ,the profanation may be permitted or even ordered1 but1 as we shall see below1 only on condition that rites attenuating or expiating it precede or accompany it4 ,the existence of these rites shows that1 by itself1 the sacred thing should not be eaten4 #ajda ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bfc4 #ajdb ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aga4 #ajdc ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fgd4 ,perhaps the rule against talking during the great religious solemnities is due to the same cause4 ,men speak1 and especially in a high voice1 during ordinary life2 then1 in the religious life they ought to keep still or talk in a low voice4 ,this same consideration is not foreign to the alimentary interdictions 7see above1 p4 #abh74 #ajdd ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cc4 #ajde ,since there is a sacred principle1 the soul1 within each man1 from the very first1 the individual is surrounded by interdicts1 the original form of the moral interdicts which isolate and protect the human person to-day4 ,thus the corpse of his victim is considered dangerous for a murderer 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dib71 and is taboo for him4 ,now the interdicts having this origin are frequently used by individuals as a means of withdrawing certain things from common use and thus establishing a property right over them4 ,when a man goes away from the camp1 leaving his arms and food there1 says ,roth1 speaking of the tribes on the ,palmer ,river 7,north ,queensland71 if he urinates near the objects he leaves1 they become tami 7equivalent to taboo7 and he may be sure of finding them intact on his return 7,north ,queensland ,ethnography1 in ,records of the ,australian ,museum1 ,vol4 ,,vii1 ,no4 #b1 p4 #ge74 ,this is because the urine1 like the blood1 is believed to contain some of the sacred force which is personal to the individual4 ,so it keeps strangers at a distance4 ,for the same reasons1 the spoken word may also serve as a vehicle for these same influences2 that is how it becomes possible to prevent access to an object by a mere verbal declaration4 ,this power of making interdicts varies with different individuals2 it is greater as their character is more sacred4 ,men have this privilege almost to the exclusion of women 7,roth cites one single case of a taboo imposed by women72 it is at its maximum with the chiefs and old men1 who use it to monopolize whatever things they find it convenient to 7,roth1 ibid41 p4 #gg74 ,thus the religious interdict becomes a right of property and an administrative rule4 #ajdf ,see below1 this book1 ch4 ii4 #ajdg ,see above1 p4 #aj4 #ajdh ,see above1 p4 #bai4 #ajdi ,see ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice1 in ,mlanges d'histoire des religions1 pp4 #bb ff4 #ajej ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #efj1 #feg1 #fei1 #ffa4 ,even the shadow of a woman must not fall upon him 7ibid41 p4 #fcc74 ,whatever he has touched must not be touched by a woman 7ibid41 p4 #fba74 #ajea ,ibid41 pp4 #efa1 #efc1 #fgj f42 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bbc2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cdj1 #cdb4 #ajeb ,the word ,jeraeil1 for example1 among the ,kurnai1 or ,kuringal among the ,yuin and ,wolgal 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #eah1 #fag74 #ajec ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cdh4 #ajed ,howitt1 p4 #efa4 #ajee ,howitt1 pp4 #fcc1 #ech1 #efj4 #ajef ,ibid41 p4 #fgd2 ,parker1 ,euahlayi1 p4 #ge4 #ajeg ,ridley1 ,kamilaroi1 p4 #aed4 #ajeh ,howitt1 p4 #efc4 #ajei ,ibid41 p4 #faa4 #ajfj ,ibid41 pp4 #edi1 #fgd4 #ajfa ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ehj1 #eif1 #fjd1 #ffh1 #fgj2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bbc1 #cea4 #ajfb ,howitt1 p4 #eeg4 #ajfc ,ibid41 p4 #fjd2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cea4 #ajfd ,howitt1 p4 #faa4 #ajfe ,howitt1 p4 #ehi4 #ajff ,one may compare these ascetic practices with those used at the initiation of a magician4 ,just like the young neophyte1 the apprentice magician is submitted to a multitude of interdictions1 the observation of which contributes to his acquisition of his specific powers 7see ,l',origine des pouvoirs magiques1 in ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,mlanges d'histoire des religions1 pp4 #aga1 #agc1 #agf74 ,the same is true for the husband and wife on the day before and the day after the wedding 7taboos of the betrothed and newly married72 this is because marriage also implies a grave change of condition4 ,we limit ourselves to mentioning these facts summarily1 without stopping over them2 for the first concern magic1 which is not our subject1 and the second have to do with that system of juridico-religious rules which relates to the commerce of the sexes1 the study of which will be possible only in conjunction with the other precepts of primitive conjugal morality4 #ajfg ,it is true that ,preuss interprets these facts by saying that suffering is a way of increasing a man's magic force 7die menschliche ,zauberkraft72 from this expression1 one might believe that suffering is a magic rite1 not a religious one4 ,but as we have already pointed out1 ,preuss gives the name magic1 without great precision1 to all anonymous and impersonal forces1 whether they belong to magic or religion4 ,of course1 there are tortures which are used to make magicians2 but many of those which we have described are a part of the real religious ceremonies1 and1 consequently1 it is the religious state of the individuals which they modify4 #ajfh ,preuss1 ,der ,ursprung der ,religion und ,kunst1 in ,globus1 ,,lxxxviii1 pp4 #cji-djj4 ,under this same rubric ,preuss classes a great number of incongruous rites1 for example1 effusions of blood which act in virtue of the positive qualities attributed to blood and not because of the suffering which they imply4 ,we retain only those in which suffering is an essential element of the rite and the cause of its efficacy4 #ajfi ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cca f4 #ajgj ,ibid41 p4 #cce4 ,a similar practice will be found among the ,dieri 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #feh ff474 #ajga ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bad ff4--,from this example we see that the rites of initiation sometimes have all the characteristics of hazing4 ,in fact1 hazing is a real social institution which arises spontaneously every time that two groups1 inequal in their moral and social situation1 come into intimate contact4 ,in this case1 the one considering itself superior to the other resists the intrusion of the new-comers2 it reacts against them is such a way as to make them aware of the superiority it feels4 ,this reaction1 which is produced automatically and which takes the form of more or less grave cruelties quite naturally1 is also destined to shape the individuals for their new existence and assimilate them into their new environment4 ,so it is a sort of initiation4 ,thus it is explained how the initiation1 on its side1 takes the form of hazing4 ,it is because the group of old men is superior in religious and moral dignity to that of the young men1 and yet the first must assimilate the second4 ,so all the conditions for hazing are given4 #ajgb ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cgb4 #ajgc ,ibid41 p4 #cce4 #ajgd ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fge4 #ajge ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #efi1 #fjd4 #ajgf ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bea2 ,nor4 ,tr41 #cda1 #ceb4 #ajgg ,among the ,warramunga1 the operation must be made by persons favoured with beautiful hair4 #ajgh ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #fge2 this concerns the tribes on the lower ,darling4 #ajgi ,eylmann1 op4 cit41 p4 #bab4 #ajhj ,ibid4 #ajha ,references on this question will be found in our memoir on ,la ,prohibition de l'incest et ses origines 7,anne ,sociol41 ,i1 pp4 #a ff471 and ,crawley1 ,the ,mystic ,rose1 pp4 #cg ff4 #ajhb ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #acc4 #ajhc ,see above1 p4 #aba4 #ajhd ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #acd f42 ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #gh4 #ajhe ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #afg1 #bii4 #ajhf ,in addition to the ascetic rites of which we have spoken1 there are some positive ones whose object is to charge1 or1 as ,howitt says1 to saturate the initiate with religiousness 7,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ece74 ,it is true that instead of religiousness1 ,howitt speaks of magic powers1 but as we know1 for the majority of the ethnologists1 this word merely signifies religious virtues of an impersonal nature4 #ajhg ,howitt1 ibid41 pp4 #fgd f4 #ajhh ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ded4 ,cf4 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #efa4 #ajhi ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eeg4 #ajij ,ibid41 p4 #efj4 #ajia ,see above1 pp4 #cjc1 #cjf4 ,cf4 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejf1 #ejg1 #eah f41 #ebf2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ddi1 #dfa1 #dfi2 ,mathews1 in ,j4 of ,r4,s4 of ,n4,s4 ,wales1 ,,xxxviii1 p4 #bgd2 ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bca2 ,wyatt1 ,adelaide and ,encounter ,bay ,tribes1 in ,woods1 pp4 #afe1 #aih4 #ajib ,australian ,aborigines1 p4 #db4 #ajic ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dgj-dga4 #ajid ,on this question1 see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #aeb ff41 #ddf1 #dha2 ,frazer1 art4 ,taboo in ,encyc4 ,brit41 ,jevons1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 pp4 #ei f42 ,crawley1 ,mystic ,rose1 ch4 ii-ix2 ,van ,gennep1 ,tabou et ,totemisme ,madagascar1 ch4 iii4 #ajie ,see references above1 p4 #abh1 n4 #a4 ,cf4 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cbc1 #cbd2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #afh2 ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 p4 #af2 ,roth1 ,north ,queensland ,ethnography4 ,bull4 #aj1 ,records of ,austral4 ,museum1 ,,vii1 p4 #gf4 #ajif ,it is to be remembered that when it is a religious interdict that has been violated1 these sanctions are not the only ones2 there is also a real punishment or a stigma of opinion4 #ajig ,see ,jevons1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 pp4 #fg-fh4 ,we say nothing of the recent1 and slightly explicit1 theory of ,crawley 7,mystic ,rose1 ch4 iv-vii71 according to which the contagiousness of taboos is due to a false interpretation of the phenomena of contagion4 ,it is arbitrary4 ,as ,jevons very truly says in the passage to which we refer1 the contagious character of sacredness is affirmed a priori1 and not on a faith in badly interpreted experiences4 #ajih ,see above1 p4 #bbi4 #ajii ,see above1 p4 #aid4 #aajj ,see above1 p4 #aij4 #aaja ,this has been well demonstrated by ,preuss in his articles in the ,globus4 #aajb ,it is true that this contagiousness is not peculiar to religious forces2 those belonging to magic have the same property2 yet it is evident that they do not correspond to objectified social sentiments4 ,it is because magic forces have been conceived on the model of religious forces4 ,we shall come back to this point again 7see p4 #cfa74 #aajc ,see above1 p4 #bce4 #aajd ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #d4 #aaje ,of course the word designating these celebrations changes with the tribes4 ,the ,urabunna call them ,pitjinta 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bhd72 the ,warramunga ,thalaminta 7ibid41 p4 #big71 etc4 #aajf ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bdc2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #afi f4 #aajg ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #agj ff4 #aajh ,of course the women are under the same obligation4 #aaji ,the apmara is the only thing which he brought from the camp4 #aaaj ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ahe-ahf4 #aaaa ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bhh4 #aaab ,ibid4 #aaac ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cab4 #aaad ,ibid4 #aaae ,we shall see below that these clans are much more numerous than ,spencer and ,gillen say4 #aaaf ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ahd-ahe4 #aaag ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dch1 #dfa1 #dfd2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eif ff4 #aaah ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bja4 #aaai ,ibid41 p4 #bjf4 ,we use the words of ,spencer and ,gillen1 and with them1 we say that spirits or spirit parts of kangaroo are disengaged from the rocks4 ,strehlow 7,,iii1 p4 #g7 contests the exactness of this expression4 ,according to him1 the rite makes real kangaroos1 with living bodies1 appear4 ,but this dispute is without interest1 just as the one about the notion of the ratapa was 7see above1 p4 #beb74 ,the kangaroo germs thus escaping from the rock are not visible1 so they are not made out of the same substance as the kangaroos which we see4 ,this is all that ,spencer and ,gillen mean to say4 ,it is quite certain1 moreover1 that they are not pure spirits such as a ,christian might conceive4 ,like human souls1 they have a material form4 #aabj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aha4 #aaba ,a tribe on the east of ,lake ,eyre4 #aabb ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bhg f4 #aabc ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #gih4 ,cf4 ,howitt1 ,legends of the ,dieri and ,kindred ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxiv1 pp4 #abd ff4 ,howitt believes that the ceremony is performed by the men of the totem1 but is not prepared to say so definitely4 #aabd ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bie4 #aabe ,ibid41 p4 #cad4 #aabf ,ibid41 pp4 #bif f4 #aabg ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #agj4 #aabh ,ibid41 p4 #eai4--,the analysis of the rites which have just been studied is based solely on the observations of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,since this chapter was written1 ,strehlow has published the third fascicule of his work1 which deals with the positive cult and especially the ,intichiuma1 or1 as he says1 the rites of the mbatjalkatiuma4 ,but we have found nothing in this publication which obliges us to modify the preceding description or even to complete it with important additions4 ,the most interesting thing taught by ,strehlow on this subject is that the effusions and oblations of blood are much more frequent than one would suspect from the account of ,spencer and ,gillen 7see ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 pp4 #ac1 #ad1 #ai1 #bi1 #ci1 #dc1 #df1 #ef1 #fg1 #hj1 #hi74 ,moreover1 the information given by ,strehlow in regard to the cult must be taken carefully1 for he was not a witness of the rites he describes2 he confined himself to collecting oral testimony1 which is generally rather summary 7see fasc4 ,,iii1 ,preface of ,leonhardi1 p4 v74 ,it may even be asked if he has not confused the totemic ceremonies of initiation with those which he calls mbatjalkatiuma1 to an excessive degree4 ,of course1 he has made a praiseworthy attempt to distinguish them and has made two of their distinctive characteristics very evident4 ,in the first place1 the ,intichiuma always takes place at a sacred spot to which the souvenir of some ancestor is attached1 while the initiation ceremonies may be celebrated anywhere4 ,secondly1 the oblations of blood are special to the ,intichiuma1 which proves that they are close to the heart of the ritual 7,,iii1 p4 #g74 ,but in the description which he gives us of the rites1 we find facts belonging indifferently to each species of ceremony4 ,in fact1 in what he describes under the name mbatjalkatiuma1 the young men generally take an important part 7for example1 see pp4 #aa1 #ac1 etc471 which is characteristic of the initiation4 ,also1 it seems as though the place of the rite is arbitrary1 for the actors construct their scene artificially4 ,they dig a hole into which they go2 he seldom makes any allusion to sacred trees or rocks and their ritual rle4 #aabi ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjc4 ,cf4 ,meyer1 ,the ,encounter ,bay ,tribe1 in ,woods1 p4 #ahg4 #aacj ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjd4 #aaca ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bje-bjg4 #aacb ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bhf f4 #aacc ,ibid41 p4 #bid4 #aacd ,ibid41 p4 #bif4 #aace ,meyer1 in ,woods1 p4 #ahg4 #aacf ,we have already cited one case2 others will be found in ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #bjh2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bhf4 #aacg ,the ,walpari1 ,wulmala1 ,tjingilli1 ,umbaia4 #aach ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cah4 #aaci ,for the second part of the ceremony as for the first1 we have followed ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,on this subject1 the recent fascicule of ,strehlow only confirms the observations of his predecessors1 at least on all essential points4 ,he recognizes that after the first ceremony 7two months afterwards1 he says1 p4 #ac71 the chief of the clan eats the totemic animal or plant ritually and that after this he raises the interdicts2 he calls this operation die ,freigabe des ,totems zum allgemeinen ,gebrauch 7,,iii1 p4 #g74 ,he even tells us that this operation is important enough to have a special word for it in the ,arunta language4 ,he adds1 it is true1 that this ritual consummation is not the only one1 but that the chiefs and old men sometimes eat the sacred plant or animal before the first ceremony and that the performer of the rite does so after the celebration4 ,the fact is not improbable2 these consummations are means employed by the officiants or assistants to acquire virtues which they acquire2 it is not surprising if they are numerous4 ,it does not invalidate the account of ,spencer and ,gillen at all1 for the rite upon which they insist1 and not without reason1 is the ,freigabe des ,totems4 ,on only two points does ,strehlow contest the allegations of ,spencer and ,gillen4 ,in the first place1 he declares that the ritual consumption does not take place in every case4 ,this cannot be doubted1 for there are some animals and plants which are not edible4 ,but still1 the rite is very frequent2 ,strehlow himself cites numerous examples 7pp4 #ac1 #ad1 #ai1 #bc1 #cc1 #cf1 #ej1 #ei1 #fg1 #fh1 #ga1 #ge1 #hj1 #hd1 #hi1 #ic74 ,secondly1 we have seen that according to ,spencer and ,gillen1 if the chief does not eat the totemic animal or plant1 he will lose his powers4 ,strehlow assures us that the testimony of natives does not confirm this assertion4 ,but this question seems to us to be quite secondary4 ,the assured fact is that the ritual consumption is required1 so it must be thought useful or necessary4 ,now1 like every communion1 it can only serve to confer needed virtues upon the person communicating4 ,it does not follow from the fact that the natives1 or some of them1 have forgotten this function of the rite1 that it is not real4 ,is it necessary to repeat that worshippers are generally ignorant of the real reasons for their practices8 #aadj ,see ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 ,lectures vi-xi1 and the article ,sacrifice in the ,encyclopdia ,britannica 7,ninth ,edition74 #aada ,see ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice1 in ,mlanges d'histoire des religions1 pp4 #dj ff4 #aadb ,see the explanation of this rule1 above1 p4 #bbi4 #aadc ,see ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #c4 #aadd ,we must not forget that among the ,arunta it is not completely forbidden to eat the totemic animal4 #aade ,see other facts in ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 pp4 #cdh ff4 #aadf ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #bge ff4 #aadg ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #cah-cai4 #aadh ,on this point1 see ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,mlanges d'histoire des religions1 preface1 p4 v ff4 #aadi ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #cij ff4 #aaej ,smith cites some cases himself in ,the ,rel4 of the ,semites1 p4 #bca4 #aaea ,for example1 see ,exodus xxix4 #aj-ad2 ,leviticus ix4 #h-aa2 it is their own blood which the priests of ,baal pour over the altar 7#a ,kings xviii4 #bh74 #aaeb ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #ab1 verse #g4 #aaec ,at least when it is complete3 in certain cases1 it may be reduced to one of its elements4 #aaed ,strehlow says that the natives regard these ceremonies as a sort of divine service1 just as a ,christian regards the exercises of his religion 7,,iii1 p4 #i74 #aaee ,it should be asked1 for example1 whether the effusions of blood and the offerings of hair which ,smith regards as acts of communion are not real oblations 7see ,smith1 op4 cit41 pp4 #cbj ff474 #aaef ,the expiatory rites1 of which we shall speak more fully in the fifth chapter of this same book1 are almost exclusively oblations4 ,they are communions only secondarily4 #aaeg ,this is why we frequently speak of the ceremonies as if they were addressed to living personalities 7see1 for example1 texts by ,krichauff and ,kemp1 in ,eylmann1 p4 #bjb74 #aaeh ,in a philosophical sense1 the same is true of everything1 for nothing exists except in representation4 ,but as we have shown 7p4 #bbg71 this proposition is doubly true for religious forces1 for there is nothing in the constitution of things which corresponds to sacredness4 #aaei ,see ,mauss1 ,essai sur les variations saisonnires des socits ,eskimos1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,,ix1 pp4 #if ff4 #aafj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #agf4 #aafa ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #agi4 ,it is true that ,spencer and ,gillen do not say expressly that this is an ,intichiuma4 ,but the context allow of no doubt on this point4 #aafb ,in the index of totem names1 ,spencer and ,gillen write ,untjalka 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ggb74 #aafc ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ahb4 #aafd ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aic4 #aafe ,schulze1 loc4 cit41 p4 #bba2 cf4 p4 #bdc4 #aaff ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 pp4 #aa1 #ca1 #cf1 #cg1 #fh1 #gb1 #hd4 #aafg ,ibid41 p4 #ajj4 #aafh ,ibid41 pp4 #ha1 #ajj1 #aab1 #aae4 #aafi ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #caj4 #aagj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bhe-bhf4 ,perhaps the object of these movements of the lance is to pierce the clouds4 #aaga ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bid-bif4 ,it is curious that1 on the contrary1 the ,anula regard the rainbow as productive of rain 7ibid41 p4 #cad74 #aagb ,the same process is employed among the ,arunta 7,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #acb74 ,of course we may ask if this effusion of blood is not an oblation designed to win the powers which produce rain4 ,however1 ,gason says distinctly that this is a way of imitating the water which falls4 #aagc ,gason1 ,the ,dieri ,tribe1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ff-fh4 ,howitt 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #gih-hjj7 mentions other rites of the ,dieri for obtaining rain4 #aagd ,ethnological ,notes on the ,western ,australian ,aborigines1 in ,internationales ,archiv4 f4 ,ethnographie1 ,,xvi1 pp4 #f-g4 ,cf4 ,withnal1 ,marriage ,rites and ,relationship in ,man1 #aijc1 p4 #db4 #aage ,we presume that sub-totems may have tarlow1 for1 according to ,clement1 certain clans have several totems4 #aagf ,clement says a tribal family4 #aagg ,we shall explain below 7p4 #cfb7 why this is incorrect4 #aagh ,on this classification1 see ,frazer1 ,lectures on the ,early ,history of ,kingship1 pp4 #cg ff42 ,hubert and ,mauss1 ,thorie gnrale de la ,magie1 pp4 #fa ff4 #aagi ,we say nothing of what has been called the law of opposition1 for1 as ,,mm4 ,hubert and ,mauss have shown1 a contrary produces its opposite only through the intermediacy of a similar 7,thorie gnrale de la ,magie1 p4 #gj74 #aahj ,lectures on the ,history of ,kingship1 p4 #ci4 #aaha ,it is applicable in the sense that there is really an association of the statue and the person encharmed4 ,but it is true that this association is the simple product of an association of ideas by similarity4 ,the true determining cause of the phenomenon is the contagiousness peculiar to religious forces1 as we have shown4 #aahb ,for the causes determining this outward manifestation1 see above1 pp4 #bcj ff4 #aahc ,m4 ,lvy-,bruhl1 ,les ,fonctions mentales dans les socits infrieures1 pp4 #fa-fh4 #aahd ,golden ,bough#b1 ,i1 pp4 #fi-ge4 #aahe ,we do not wish to say that there was ever a time when religion existed without magic4 ,probably as religion took form1 certain of its principles were extended to non-religious relations1 and it was thus supplemented by a more or less developed magic4 ,but if these two systems of ideas and practices do not correspond to distinct historical phases1 they have a relation of definite derivation between them4 ,this is all we have sought to establish4 #aahf ,loc4 cit41 pp4 #ajh ff4 #aahg ,see above1 pp4 #bjc f4 #aahh ,of course animal societies do exist4 ,however1 the word does not have exactly the same sense when applied to men and to animals4 ,the institution is a characteristic fact of human societies2 but animals have no institutions4 #aahi ,the conception of cause is not the same for a scholar and for a man with no scientific culture4 ,also1 many of our contemporaries understand the principle of causality differently1 as they apply it to social facts and to physico-chemical facts4 ,in the social order1 men frequently exhibit a conception of causality singularly like that which was at the basis of magic for a long time4 ,one might even ask if a physicist and a biologist represent the causal relation in the same fashion4 #aaij ,of course these ceremonies are not followed by an alimentary communion4 ,according to ,strehlow1 they have another name1 at least when they concern non-edible plants3 they are called1 not mbatjalkatiuma1 but knujilelama 7,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #if74 #aaia ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #h4 #aaib ,the ,warramunga are not the only ones among whom the ,intichiuma takes the form of a dramatic representation4 ,it is also found among the ,tjingilli1 the ,umbaia1 the ,wulmala1 the ,walpari and even the ,kaitish1 though in certain of its features the ritual of these latter resembles that of the ,arunta 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bia1 #cji1 #caa1 #cag74 ,if we take the ,warramunga as a type1 it is because they have been studied the best by ,spencer and ,gillen4 #aaic ,this is the case with the ,intichiuma of the black cockatoo 7see above1 p4 #cec74 #aaid ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cjj ff4 #aaie ,one of these two actors does not belong to the ,black ,snake clan1 but to that of the ,crow4 ,this is because the ,crow is supposed to be an associate of the ,black ,snake3 in other words1 it is a sub-totem4 #aaif ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #cjb4 #aaig ,ibid41 p4 #cje4 #aaih ,see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ahh2 ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p4 #e4 #aaii ,strehlow himself recognizes this3 ,the totemic ancestor and his descendant1 who represents him 7der ,darsteller7 are presented as one in these sacred hymns4 7,,iii1 p4 #f74 ,as this incontestable fact contradicts the theory according to which ancestral souls do not reincarnate themselves1 ,strehlow adds1 it is true1 in a note1 that in the course of the ceremony there is no real incarnation of the ancestor in the person who represents him4 ,if ,strehlow wishes to say that the incarnation does not take place on the occasion of the ceremony1 then nothing is more certain4 ,but if he means that there is no incarnation at all1 we do not understand how the officiant and the ancestor can be confounded4 #abjj ,perhaps this difference is partially due to the fact that among the ,warramunga each clan is thought to be descended from one single ancestor about whom the legendary history of the clan centres4 ,this is the ancestor whom the rite commemorates2 now the officiant need not be descended from him4 ,one might even ask if these mythical chiefs1 who are sorts of demigods1 are submitted to reincarnation4 #abja ,in this ,intichiuma1 three assistants represent ancestors of a considerable antiquity2 they play a real part 7,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #aha-ahb74 ,it is true that ,spencer and ,gillen add that these are ancestors posterior to the ,alcheringa4 ,nevertheless1 mythical personages are represented in the course of the rite4 #abjb ,sacred rocks and water-holes are not mentioned4 ,the centre of the ceremony is the image of an emu drawn on the ground1 which can be made anywhere4 #abjc ,we do not mean to say that all the ceremonies of the ,warramunga are of this type4 ,the example of the white cockatoo1 of which we spoke above1 proves that there are exceptions4 #abjd ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bbf ff4 ,on this same subject1 cf4 certain passages of ,eylmann which evidently refer to the same mythical being 7,die ,eingeborenen1 etc41 p4 #ahe74 ,strehlow also mentions a mythical snake among the ,arunta 7,kulaia1 water-snake7 which may not differ greatly from the ,wollunqua 7,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #gh2 cf4 ,,ii1 p4 #ga1 where the ,kulaia is found in a list of totems74 #abje ,we use the ,arunta words1 in order not to complicate our terminology2 the ,warramunga call this mythical period ,wingara4 #abjf ,it is not easy to express in words what is in reality rather a vague feeling amongst the natives1 but after carefully watching the different series of ceremonies1 we were impressed with the feeling that the ,wollunqua represented to the native mind the idea of a dominant totem 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bdh74 #abjg ,one of the most solemn of these ceremonies is the one which we have had occasion to describe above 7p4 #bag71 in the course of which an image of the ,wollunqua is designed on a sort of hillock which is then torn to pieces in the midst of a general effervescence4 #abjh ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bbg1 #bdh4 #abji ,here are the terms of ,spencer and ,gillen in the only passage in which they speak of a possible connection between the ,wollunqua and rain4 ,a few days after the rite about the hillock1 the old men say that they have heard ,wollunqua speak1 that he was satisfied with what had passed and that he was going to send rain4 ,the reason for this prophecy was that they1 as well as ourselves1 had heard thunder rolling at a distance4 ,to such a slight extent is the production of rain the immediate object of the ceremony that they did not attribute it to ,wollunqua until several days later1 and then after accidental circumstances4 ,another fact shows how vague the ideas of the natives are on this point4 ,a few lines below1 thunder is spoken of as a sign1 not of the ,wollunqua's satisfaction1 but of its discontent4 ,in spite of these prognostics1 continue our authors1 the rain did not fall4 ,but some days later1 they heard the thunder rolling in the distance again4 ,the old men said that the ,wollunqua was grumbling because he was not contented with the way in which the rite had been celebrated4 ,thus a single phenomenon1 the noise of thunder1 is sometimes interpreted as a sign of a favouring disposition1 and sometimes as a mark of evil intentions4 ,however1 there is one detail of the ritual which1 if we accept the explanation of it proposed by ,spencer and ,gillen1 is directly efficient4 ,according to them1 the destruction of the hillock was intended to frighten the ,wollunqua and to prevent it1 by magic constraint1 from leaving its retreat4 ,but this interpretation seems very doubtful to us4 ,in fact1 in the very case of which we were speaking1 where it was announced that the ,wollunqua was dissatisfied1 this dissatisfaction was attributed to the fact that they had neglected to take away the debris of the hillock4 ,so this removal is demanded by the ,wollunqua itself1 and in no way intended to intimidate it and exercise a coercive influence over it4 ,this is probably merely one case of a more general rule which is in force among the ,warramunga3 the instruments of the cult must be destroyed after each ceremony4 ,thus the ritual ornamentations with which the officiants are decorated are violently torn off from them when the rite is terminated 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bje74 #abaj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #bjg-bjh4 #abaa ,ibid41 p4 #baj4 #abab ,see1 in the list of totems drawn up by ,strehlow1 ,nos4 #dcb-ddb 7,,ii1 p4 #gb74 #abac ,see ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 p1 #h4 ,among the ,arunta there is also a totem ,worra which greatly resembles the laughing boy totem of ,warramunga 7ibid41 and ,,iii1 p4 #abd74 ,worra means young men4 ,the object of the ceremony is to make the young men take more pleasure in the game labara 7for this game1 see ,strehlow1 ,i1 p4 #ee1 n4 #a74 #abad ,see above1 p4 #cgc4 #abae ,a case of this sort will be found in ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bjd4 #abaf ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aah and n4 #b1 pp4 #fah ff42 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #gaf ff4 ,there are some sacred ceremonies from which women are not wholly excluded 7see1 for example1 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #cge ff472 but this is exceptional4 #abag ,see ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #cbi ff42 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #baj ff4 #abah ,this is the case1 for example1 with the corrobbori of the ,molonga among the ,pitta-,pitta of ,queensland and the neighbouring tribes 7see ,roth1 ,ethnog4 ,studies among the ,n4,w4 ,central ,queensland ,aborigines1 pp4 #abj ff474--,references for the ordinary corrobbori will be found in ,stirling1 ,rep4 of the ,horn ,expedition to ,central ,australia1 ,part ,,iv1 p4 #gb1 and in ,roth1 op4 cit41 pp4 #aag ff4 #abai ,on this question see the excellent work of ,culin1 ,games of the ,north ,american ,indians 7,x,x,i,vth ,rep4 of the ,bureau of ,am4 ,ethnol474 #abbj ,see above1 p4 #ha4 #abba ,especially in sexual matters4 ,in the ordinary corrobbori1 sexual licence is frequent 7see ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #if-ig1 and ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #acf-acg74 ,on sexual licence in popular feasts in general1 see ,hagelstrange1 ,sddeutsches ,bauernleben im ,mittelalter1 pp4 #bba ff4 #abbb ,thus the exogamic rules must be violated in the course of certain religious ceremonies 7see above1 p4 #baf1 n4 #a74 ,a precise ritual meaning probably could not be found for these excesses4 ,it is merely a mechanical consequence of the state of super-excitation provoked by the ceremony4 ,it is an example of rites having no definite object themselves1 but which are mere discharges of energy 7see above1 p4 #cha74 ,the native does not assign them a definite end either2 he merely says that if these licences are not committed1 the rite will not produce its effects2 the ceremony will fail4 #abbc ,here are the very words used by ,spencer and ,gillen3 ,they 7the ceremonies connected with the totems7 are often1 though by no means always1 associated with the performance of the ceremonies attendant upon initiation of young men1 or are connected with the ,intichiuma 7,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #agh74 #abbd ,we leave aside the question of what this character consists in4 ,it is a problem which would lead us into a very long and technical development and which must therefore be treated by itself4 ,moreover1 it does not concern the propositions established in this present work4 #abbe ,this is chapter vi1 entitled ,ceremonies ,connected with the ,totems4 #abbf ,strehlow1 ,,iii1 pp4 #a-b4 #abbg ,this explains the error of which ,strehlow accuses ,spencer and ,gillen3 that they applied to one form of the ceremony the term which is more appropriate for the other4 ,but in these conditions1 the error hardly seems to have the gravity attributed to it by ,strehlow4 #abbh ,it cannot be otherwise4 ,in fact1 as the initiation is a tribal feast1 novices of different totems are initiated at the same time4 ,so the ceremonies which thus succeed one another in the same place have to do with several totems1 and1 therefore1 they must take place away from the places with which they are connected by the myth4 #abbi ,it will now be understood why we have never studied the initiation rites by themselves3 it is because they are not a ritual entity1 but are formed by the conglomeration of rites of different sorts4 ,there are interdictions1 ascetic rites and representative ceremonies which cannot be distinguished from those celebrated at the time of the ,intichiuma4 ,so we had to dismember this composite system and treat each of the different rites composing it separately1 classifying them with the similar rites to which they are to be related4 ,we have also seen 7pp4 #bhe ff47 that the initiation has served as the point of departure for a new religion which tends to surpass totemism4 ,but it has been sufficient for us to show that totemism contained the germs of this religion2 we have had no need of following out its development4 ,the object of this book is to study the elementary beliefs and practices2 so we must stop at the moment when they give birth to more complex forms4 #abcj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfc4 ,if the individual may choose between the ceremonies of his paternal and maternal totems1 it is because1 owing to reasons which we have set forth above 7p4 #ahc71 he participates in both4 #abca ,see below1 ch4 v1 p4 #cie4 #abcb ,see ,essai sur le ,sacrifice1 in ,mlanges d'histoire des ,religions1 p4 #hc4 #abcc ,piacularia auspicia appellabant qu sacrificantibus tristia portendebant 7,paul ex ,fest41 p4 #bdd1 ed4 ,mller74 ,the word piaculum is even used as a synonym of misfortune4 ,vetonica herba1 says ,pliny1 tantum glori habet ut domus in qua sita sit tuta existimetur a piaculis omnibus 7,,xxv1 #h1 #df74 #abcd ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ebf2 ,eylmann1 p4 #bci4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #cje4 #abce ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #ajf2 ,dawson1 p4 #fd2 ,eylmann1 p4 #bci4 #abcf ,dawson1 p4 #ff2 ,eylmann1 p4 #bda4 #abcg ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ejb2 ,dawson1 p4 #fg4 #abch ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eaf-eag4 #abci ,ibid41 pp4 #ebj-eba4 ,the authors do not say whether these were tribal or blood relatives4 ,the former hypothesis is the more probable one4 #abdj ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #ebe f4 ,this interdiction against speaking1 which is peculiar to women1 though it consists in a simple abstention1 has all the appearance of a piacular rite3 it is a way of incommoding one's self4 ,therefore we mention it here4 ,also1 fasting may be a piacular rite or an ascetic one1 according to the circumstances4 ,everything depends upon the conditions in which it takes place and the end pursued 7for the difference between these two sorts of rites1 see below1 p4 #cif74 #abda ,a very expressive illustration showing this rite will be found in ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ebe4 #abdb ,ibid41 p4 #ebb4 #abdc ,for the principal forms of funeral rites1 see ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ddf-ejh1 for the tribes of the ,south-,east2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eje1 and ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #dig ff41 for those of the centre2 ,roth1 ,nor4 ,queensland ,ethnog41 ,bull4 #i1 in ,records of the ,australian ,museum1 ,,vi1 ,no4 #e1 pp4 #cfe ff4 7,burial ,customs and ,disposal of the ,dead74 #abdd ,see1 for example1 ,roth1 loc4 cit41 p4 #cfh2 ,eyre1 ,journals of ,exped4 into ,central ,aust41 ,,ii1 pp4 #cdd f4 #abde ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ejj2 ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejg1 #ejh2 ,eylmann1 p4 #bda2 ,parker1 ,euahlayi1 pp4 #hc ff42 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #aah4 #abdf ,dawson1 p4 #ff2 ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dff2 ,eylmann1 pp4 #bci-bdj4 #abdg ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #aac4 #abdh ,w4 ,e4 ,stanbridge1 ,trans4 ,ethnological ,society of ,london1 ,n4,s41 ,vol4 ,i1 p4 #bhf4 #abdi ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #ajd4 #abej ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dei4 ,similar scenes will be found in ,eyre1 op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #bee1 n41 and p4 #cdg2 ,roth1 loc4 cit41 pp4 #cid1 #cie1 for example2 ,grey1 ,,ii1 pp4 #cbj ff4 #abea ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #ajd1 #aab2 ,roth1 loc4 cit41 p4 #chb4 #abeb ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eaa-eab4 #abec ,dawson1 p4 #fg2 ,roth1 loc4 cit41 pp4 #cff-cfg4 #abed ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejh-eaj4 #abee ,a little wooden vessel1 of which we spoke above1 p4 #ccd4 #abef ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ejh-eaj4 ,the other final rite at which ,spencer and ,gillen assisted is described on pp4 #ejc-ejh of the same work4 ,it does not differ essentially from the one we have analysed4 #abeg ,nor4 ,tr41 pp4 #eca-edj4 #abeh ,contrarily to what ,jevons says1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religion1 pp4 #df ff4 #abei ,this makes ,dawson say that the mourning is sincere 7p4 #ff74 ,but ,eylmann assures us that he never knew a single case where there was a wound from sorrow really felt 7op4 cit41 p4 #aac74 #abfj ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eaj4 #abfa ,eylmann1 pp4 #bch-bci4 #abfb ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #ejg2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dih4 #abfc ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #ejj2 ,eylmann1 p4 #bbg4 #abfd ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 p4 #aad4 #abfe ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #eaj4 #abff ,several examples of this belief are to be found in ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dce4 ,cf4 ,strehlow1 ,i1 #ae-af2 ,,ii1 p4 #g4 #abfg ,it may be asked why repeated ceremonies are necessary to produce the relief which follows upon mourning4 ,the funeral ceremonies are frequently very long2 they include many operations which take place at intervals during many months4 ,thus they prolong and support the moral disturbance brought about by the death 7cf4 ,hertz1 ,la ,representation collective de la mort1 in ,anne ,sociol41 ,x1 pp4 #dh ff474 ,in a general way1 a death marks a grave change of condition which has extended and enduring effects upon the group4 ,it takes a long time to neutralize these effects4 #abfh ,in a case reported by ,grey from the observations of ,bussel1 the rite has all the aspects of a sacrifice3 the blood is sprinkled over the body itself 7,grey1 ,,ii1 p4 #ccj74 ,in other cases1 there is something like an offering of the beard3 men in mourning cut off a part of their beards1 which they throw on to the corpse 7ibid41 p4 #cce74 #abfi ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ace-acf4 #abgj ,of course each churinga is believed to be connected with an ancestor4 ,but it is not to appease the spirits of the ancestors that they mourn for the lost churinga4 ,we have shown elsewhere 7p4 #abc7 that the idea of the ancestor only entered into the conception of the churinga secondarily and late4 #abga ,op4 cit41 p4 #bjg2 cf4 p4 #aaf4 #abgb ,eylmann1 p4 #bjh4 #abgc ,ibid41 p4 #baa4 #abgd ,howitt1 ,the ,dieri1 in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xx 7#ahia71 p4 #ic4 #abge ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #cid4 #abgf ,howitt1 ibid41 p4 #cif4 #abgg ,communication of ,gason in ,j4,a4,i41 ,,xxiv 7#ahie71 p4 #age4 #abgh ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #bhf4 #abgi ,gason1 ,the ,dieri ,tribe1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #fh4 #abhj ,gason1 ,the ,dieri ,tribe3 ,eylmann1 p4 #bjh4 #abha ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #bgg and #dcj4 #abhb ,ibid41 p4 #aie4 #abhc ,gason1 ,the ,dieri ,tribe1 in ,curr1 ,,ii1 p4 #fi4 ,the same process is used to expiate a ridiculous act4 ,whenever anybody1 by his awkwardness or otherwise1 has caused the laughter of others1 he asks one of them to beat him on the head until blood flows4 ,then things are all right again1 and the one who was laughed at joins in the general gaiety 7ibid41 p4 #gj74 #abhd ,eylmann1 pp4 #bab and #ddg4 #abhe ,see above1 p4 #che4 #abhf ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 lect4 ,,xi4 #abhg ,this is the case in which the ,dieri1 according to ,jason1 invoke the ,mura-mura of water during a drought4 #abhh ,op4 cit41 p4 #bfb4 #abhi ,it is also possible that the belief in the morally tempering virtues of suffering 7see above1 p4 #cab7 has added something here4 ,since sorrow sanctifies and raises the religious level of the worshipper1 it may also raise him up again when he falls lower than usual4 #abij ,cf4 what we have said of expiation in our ,division du travail social#c1 pp4 #fd ff4 #abia ,see above1 p4 #cja4 #abib ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfj2 ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #fja2 ,roth1 ,north ,queensland ,ethnography1 ,bulletin ,no4 #e1 p4 #bd4 ,it is useless to multiply references for so well-known a fact4 #abic ,however1 ,spencer and ,gillen cite one case where churinga are placed on the head of the dead man 7,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #aef74 ,but they admit that the fact is unique and abnormal 7ibid41 p4 #aeg71 while ,strehlow energetically denies it 7,,ii1 p4 #gi74 #abid ,smith1 ,rel4 of ,semites1 p4 #aec2 cf4 p4 #ddf1 the additional note1 ,holiness1 ,uncleanness and ,taboo4 #abie ,howitt1 ,nat4 ,tr41 pp4 #ddh-dej2 ,brough ,smyth1 ,i1 pp4 #aah1 #abj2 ,dawson1 p4 #fg2 ,eyre1 ,,ii1 p4 #bea2 ,roth1 ,north ,queensland ,ethn41 ,bull4 ,mo4 #i1 in ,rec4 of the ,austral4 ,museum1 ,,vi1 ,no4 #e1 p4 #cfg4 #abif ,see above1 p4 #cbj4 #abig ,nor4 ,tr41 p4 #eii2 ,nat4 ,tr41 p4 #dfd4 #abih ,among the ,hebrews1 for example1 they sprinkled the altar with the blood of the expiatory victim 7,lev4 iv1 #e ff472 they burned the flesh and used products of this combustion to make water of purification 7,numb4 xix74 #abii ,taplin1 ,the ,narrinyeri1 pp4 #cb-cd4 ,when two persons who have thus exchanged their umbilical cords belong to different tribes1 they are used as inter-tribal messengers4 ,in this case1 the exchange of cords took place shortly after birth1 through the intermediary of their respective parents4 #acjj ,it is true that ,smith did not admit the reality of these substitutions and transformations4 ,according to him1 if the expiatory victim served to purify1 it was because it had nothing impure in itself4 ,at first1 it was a holy thing2 it was destined to re-establish1 by means of a communion1 the bonds of kinship uniting the worshipper to his god1 when a ritual fault had strained or broken them4 ,an exceptionally holy animal was chosen for this operation in order that the communion might be as efficacious as possible1 and efface the effects of the fault as completely as possible4 ,it was only when they no longer understood the meaning of the rite that the sacrosanct animal was considered impure 7op4 cit41 pp4 #cdg ff474 ,but it is inadmissible that beliefs and practices as universal as these1 which we find at the foundation of the expiatory sacrifice1 should be the product of a mere error of interpretation4 ,in fact1 we cannot doubt that the expiatory victim was charged with the impurity of the sin4 ,we have shown1 moreover1 that these transformations of the pure into the impure1 or the contrary1 are to be found in the most inferior societies which we know4 #acja ,william ,james1 ,the ,varieties of ,religious ,experience4 #acjb ,quoted by ,james1 op4 cit41 p4 #bj4 #acjc ,see above1 pp4 #bcj ff4 #acjd ,only one form of social activity has not yet been expressly attached to religion3 that is economic activity4 ,sometimes processes that are derived from magic have1 by that fact alone1 an origin that is indirectly religious4 ,also1 economic value is a sort of power or efficacy1 and we know the religious origins of the idea of power4 ,also1 richness can confer mana2 therefore it has it4 ,hence it is seen that the ideas of economic value and of religious value are not without connection4 ,but the question of the nature of these connections has not yet been studied4 #acje ,it is for this reason that ,frazer and even ,preuss set impersonal religious forces outside of1 or at least on the threshold of religion1 to attach them to magic4 #acjf ,boutroux1 ,science et ,religion1 pp4 #bjf-bjg4 #acjg ,see above1 pp4 #cgi ff4 ,on this same question1 see also our article1 ,reprsentations individuelles et reprsentations collectives1 in the ,revue de ,mtaphysique1 ,may1 #ahih4 #acjh ,william ,james1 ,principles of ,psychology1 ,i1 p4 #dfd4 #acji ,this universality of the concept should not be confused with its generality3 they are very different things4 ,what we mean by universality is the property which the concept has of being communicable to a number of minds1 and in principle1 to all minds2 but this communicability is wholly independent of the degree of its extension4 ,a concept which is applied to only one object1 and whose extension is consequently at the minimum1 can be the same for everybody3 such is the case with the concept of a deity4 #acaj ,it may be objected that frequently1 as the mere effect of repetition1 ways of thinking and acting become fixed and crystallized in the individual1 in the form of habits which resist change4 ,but a habit is only a tendency to repeat an act or idea automatically every time that the same circumstances appear2 it does not at all imply that the idea or act is in the form of an exemplary type1 proposed to or imposed upon the mind or will4 ,it is only when a type of this sort is set up1 that is to say1 when a rule or standard is established1 that social action can and should be presumed4 #acaa ,thus we see how far it is from being true that a conception lacks objective value merely because it has a social origin4 #acab ,see also above1 p4 #bjh4 #acac ,lvy-,bruhl1 ,les fonctions mentales dans les socits infrieures1 pp4 #aca-ach4 #acad ,ibid41 p4 #ddf4 #acae ,see above1 p4 #ah4 #acaf ,william ,james1 ,principles of ,psychology1 ,i1 p4 #acd4 #acag ,men frequently speak of space and time as if they were only concrete extent and duration1 such as the individual consciousness can feel1 but enfeebled by abstraction4 ,in reality1 they are representations of a wholly different sort1 made out of other elements1 according to a different plan1 and with equally different ends in view4 #acah ,at bottom1 the concept of totality1 that of society and that of divinity are very probably only different aspects of the same notion4 #acai ,see our ,classifications primitives1 loc4 cit41 pp4 #dj ff4