,transcriber's ,note ,marginal notes are used for multiple purposes in this edition4 ,footnotes and section headers were both printed in the margins4 ,for this text version1 numbered marginal footnotes have been moved to the end of their paragraphs4 ,the headers have been moved to appear on a separate line at the beginning of each section4 ,redundant sidenotes merely indicating ,part and ,section numbers have been removed4 ,those notes which serve as paragraph descriptions1 at or near the head of a paragraph1 precede that paragraph4 ,those which serve to annotate specific points are inserted parenthetically as ,,sn3 notes4 ,italics are used freely1 and have been rendered using underscore characters4 ,superscripted characters are rendered as x4 ,please consult the more detailed notes at the end of this text4 ,,the ,,english ,,library ,,the ,,works ,,of ,,sir ,,thomas ,,browne ,,volume ,,ii ,illustration3 ,sir ,thomas ,browne's ,skull ,,the ,,works ,,of ,,sir ,,thomas ,,browne ,edited by ,,charles ,,sayle ,,volume ,,ii ,,london ,,grant ,,richards #aijd ,edinburgh ,t4 and ,a4 ,,constable1 ,printers to ,his ,majesty ,,prefatory ,,note ,the frontispiece to this volume is reproduced from a photograph kindly lent to me for the purpose by ,mr4 ,charles ,williams1 ,f4,r4,c4,s4,e41 of ,norwich1 whose note upon the measurements of ,sir ,thomas ,browne's skull appeared as ,appendix ,,ii4 in the edition of ,browne's ,hydriotaphia and ,garden of ,cyrus1 published in the ',golden ,treasury ,series1' by ,messrs4 ,macmillan and ,co41 in #ahif4 ,the identification of the author quoted in the margin of page #bcc 7,book v4 ,chapter x474 ,i owe to ,mr4 ,w4 ,aldis ,wright4 ,c4,s4 ,may #a1 #aijd4 ,,contents ,,page ,,pseudodoxia ,,epidemica ,,the ,,third ,,book 7continued73 #aa4 ,of ,griffins1 #a #ab4 ,of the ,phnix1 #d #ac4 ,of ,frogs1 ,toads1 and ,toad-stone1 #ac #ad4 ,of the ,salamander1 #ah #ae4 ,of the ,amphisbna1 #bb #af4 ,of the ,viper1 #bf #ag4 ,of ,hares1 #cc #ah4 ,of ,moles1 or ,molls1 #db #ai4 ,of ,lampries1 #df #bj4 ,of ,snayls1 #dh #ba4 ,of the ,chameleon1 #ej #bb4 ,of the ,ostrich1 #fb #bc4 ,of ,unicorns ,horn1 #ff #bd4 ,that all animals of the ,land1 are in their kind in the ,sea1 #gc #be4 ,concerning the common course of ,diet1 in making choice of some ,animals1 and abstaining from eating others1 #gf #bf4 ,of ,sperma-,ceti1 and the ,sperma-,ceti ,whale1 #he #bg4 ,compendiously of ,sundry ,tenents concerning other ,animals1 which examined1 prove either false or dubious1 #hi #bh4 ,of some others1 #ajc ,,the ,,fourth ,,book3 #a4 ,of the ,erectness of ,man1 #aji #b4 ,of the ,heart1 #aac #c4 ,of ,pleurisies1 #aaf #d4 ,of the ,ring-finger1 #aag #e4 ,of the right and left ,hand1 #abb #f4 ,of ,swimming and ,floating1 #acd #g4 ,concerning ,weight1 #ach #h4 ,of the passage of ,meat and ,drink1 #adb #i4 ,of ,sneezing1 #add #aj4 ,of the ,jews1 #adg #aa4 ,of ,pigmies1 #aee #ab4 ,of the great ,climacterical year1 that is1 ,sixty-three1 #afj #ac4 ,of the ,canicular or ,dog daies1 #ahc ,,the ,,fifth ,,book3 #a4 ,of the ,picture of the ,pelecan1 #bjb #b4 ,of the ,picture of ,dolphins1 #bje #c4 ,of the ,picture of a ,grashopper1 #bjg #d4 ,of the ,picture of the ,serpent tempting ,eve1 #bji #e4 ,of the ,picture of ,adam and ,eve with ,navels1 #bab #f4 ,of the ,pictures of ,eastern ,nations1 and the ,jews at their ,feasts1 especially our ,saviour at the ,passover1 #bae #g4 ,of the ,picture of our ,saviour with long hair1 #bbd #h4 ,of the ,picture of ,abraham sacrificing ,isaac1 #bbf #i4 ,of the ,picture of ,moses with horns1 #bbg #aj4 ,of the ,scutcheons of the ,tribes of ,israel1 #bbi #aa4 ,of the ,pictures of the ,sibyls1 #bcc #ab4 ,of the ,picture describing the death of ,cleopatra1 #bce #ac4 ,of the ,pictures of the ,nine ,worthies1 #bcg #ad4 ,of the ,picture of ,jephthah sacryficing his daughter1 #bda #ae4 ,of the ,picture of ,john the ,baptist1 #bde #af4 ,of the ,picture of ,st4 ,christopher1 #bdg #ag4 ,of the ,picture of ,st4 ,george1 #bdi #ah4 ,of the ,picture of ,jerom1 #bea #ai4 ,of the ,pictures of ,mermaids1 ,unicorns1 and some others1 #bec #bj4 ,of the ,hieroglyphical ,pictures of the ,egyptians1 #beh #ba4 ,of the ,picture of ,haman hanged1 #bfj #bb4 ,compendiously of many questionable ,customs1 ,opinions1 ,pictures1 ,practices1 and ,popular ,observations1 #bfd #bc4 ,of some others1 #bgf ,,the ,,sixth ,,book3 #a4 ,concerning the beginning of the ,world1 #bhc #b4 ,of mens ,enquiries in what season or ,point of the ,zodiack it began1 #cjj #c4 ,of the ,divisions of the seasons and four ,quarters of the year1 #cjb #d4 ,of some computation of days and deductions of one part of the year unto another1 #cji #e4 ,a ,digression of the wisdom of ,god in the site and motion of the ,sun1 #cac #f4 ,concerning the vulgar opinion1 that the ,earth was slenderly peopled before the ,flood1 #cai #g4 ,of ,east and ,west1 #cch #h4 ,of the ,river ,nilus1 #cdi #i4 ,of the ,red ,sea1 #cfc #aj4 ,of the ,blackness of ,negroes1 #cfg #aa4 ,of the same1 #chj #ab4 ,a ,digression concerning ,blackness1 #chg #ac4 ,of ,gypsies1 #cie #ad4 ,of some others1 #cig ,,pseudodoxia ,,epidemica ,,the ,,third ,,book--continued ,,chapter ,,xi ,of ,griffins4 ,that there are ,griffins in ,nature1 that is a mixt and dubious ,animal1 in the fore-part resembling an ,eagle1 and behind1 the shape of a ,lion1 with erected ears1 four feet and a long tail1 many affirm1 and most1 ,i perceive1 deny not4 ,the same is averred by lian1 ,solinus1 ,mela1 and ,herodotus1 countenanced by the ,name sometimes found in ,scripture1 and was an ,hieroglyphick of the ,egyptians4 ,notwithstanding we find most diligent enquirers to be of a contrary assertion4 ,for beside that ,albertus and ,pliny have disallowed it1 the learned ,aldrovandus hath in a large discourse rejected it2 ,mathias ,michovius who writ of those ,northern parts wherein men place these ,griffins1 hath positively concluded against it2 and if examined by the ,doctrine of ,animals1 the invention is monstrous1 nor much inferiour unto the figment of ,sphynx1 ,chimra1 and ,harpies1 for though there be some flying ,animals of mixed and participating ,natures1 that is1 between ,bird and quadruped1 yet are their wings and legs so set together1 that they seem to make each other2 there being a commixtion of both1 rather then an adaptation or cement of prominent parts unto each other1 as is observable in the ,bat1 whose wings and fore-legs are contrived in each other4 ,for though some species there be of middle and participating ,natures1 that is1 of ,bird and ,beast1 as ,bats and some few others1 yet are their parts so conformed and set together1 that we cannot define the beginning or end of either2 there being a commixtion of both in the whole1 rather then an adaptation or cement of the one unto the other4 ,now for the word or ,gryps1 sometimes mentioned in ,scripture ,,sn3 ,levit4 #aa41 and frequently in humane ,authors1 properly understood1 it signifies some kind of ,eagle or ,vulture1 from whence the ,epithete ,grypus for an hooked or ,aquiline ,nose4 ,thus when the ,septuagint makes use of this word1 ,tremellius and our ,translation hath rendred it the ,ossifrage1 which is one kind of ,eagle4 ,and although the ,vulgar ,translation1 and that annexed unto the ,septuagint1 retain the word ,gryps1 which in ordinary and school construction is commonly rendred a ,griffin1 yet cannot the ,latine assume any other sense then the ,greek1 from whence it is borrowed4 ,and though the ,latine ,gryphes be altered somewhat by the addition of an h1 or aspiration of the letter 1 yet is not this unusual2 so what the ,greeks call 1 the ,latine will call ,trophum2 and that person which in the ,gospel is named 1 the ,latines will render ,cleophas4 ,and therefore the quarrel of ,origen was unjust1 and his conception erroneous1 when he conceived the food of ,griffins forbidden by the law of ,moses3 that is1 ,poetical ,animals1 and things of no existence4 ,and therefore when in the ,hecatombs and mighty ,oblations of the ,gentiles1 it is delivered they sacrificed ,gryphes or ,griffins2 hereby we may understand some stronger sort of ,eagles4 ,and therefore also when its said in ,virgil of an improper ,match1 or ,mopsus marrying ,nysa1 ,jungentur jam gryphes equis2 we need not hunt after other sense1 then that strange unions shall be made1 and different ,natures be conjoined together4 ,as for the testimonies of ancient ,writers1 they are but derivative1 and terminate all in one ,aristeus a ,poet of ,proconesus2 who affirmed that near the ,arimaspi1 or one-eyed ,nation1 ,griffins defended the ,mines of ,gold4 ,but this1 as ,herodotus delivereth1 he wrote by hear-say2 and ,michovius who hath expresly written of those parts1 plainly affirmeth1 there is neither ,gold nor ,griffins in that ,country1 nor any such ,animal extant2 for so doth he conclude1 ,ego vero contra veteres authores1 ,gryphes nec in illa septentrionis1 nec in aliis orbis partibus inveniri affirmarim4 ,lastly1 ,concerning the ,hieroglyphical authority1 although it nearest approach the truth1 it doth not infer its existency4 ,the conceit of the ,griffin properly taken being but a symbolical phansie1 in so intollerable a shape including allowable morality4 ,so doth it well make out the properties of a ,guardian1 or any person entrusted2 the ears implying attention1 the wings celerity of execution1 the ,lion-like shape1 courage and audacity1 the hooked bill1 reservance and tenacity4 ,it is also an ,emblem of valour and magnanimity1 as being compounded of the ,eagle and ,lion1 the noblest ,animals in their kinds2 and so is it appliable unto ,princes1 ,presidents1 ,generals1 and all heroick ,commanders2 and so is it also born in the ,coat-arms of many noble ,families of ,europe4 ,but the original invention seems to be ,hieroglyphical1 derived from the ,egyptians1 and of an higher signification4 ,by the mystical conjunction of ,hawk and ,lion1 implying either the ,genial or the sydereous ,sun1 the great celerity thereof1 and the strength and vigour in its operations4 ,and therefore under such ,hieroglyphicks ,osyris was described2 and in ancient ,coins we meet with ,gryphins conjointly with ,apollo's1 ,tripodes and ,chariot wheels2 and the marble ,gryphins at ,saint ,peters in ,rome1 as learned men conjecture1 were first translated from the ,temple of ,apollo4 ,whether hereby were not also mystically implied the activity of the ,sun in ,leo1 the power of ,god in the ,sun1 or the influence of the ,clestial ,osyris1 by ,moptha the ,genius of ,nilus1 might also be considered4 ,and then the learned ,kircherus1 no man were likely to be a better ,oedipus4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,of the ,phnix4 ,that there is but one ,phnix in the ,world1 which after many hundred years burneth it self1 and from the ashes thereof ariseth up another1 is a conceit not new or altogether popular1 but of great ,antiquity2 not only delivered by humane ,authors1 but frequently expressed also by holy ,writers2 by ,cyril1 ,epiphanius1 and others1 by ,ambrose in his ,hexameron1 and ,tertullian in his ,poem ,de ,judicio ,domini2 but more agreeably unto the present sense1 in his excellent ,tract1 ,de ,resurrectione carnis4 ,illum dico alitem orientis peculiarem1 de singularitate famosum1 de posteritate monstruosum2 qui semetipsum libenter funerans renovat1 natali fine decedens1 atque succedens iterum ,phnix4 ,ubi jam nemo1 iterum ipse2 quia non jam1 alius idem4 ,the ,scripture also seems to favour it1 particularly that of ,job #ba4 ,in the interpretation of ,beda1 ,dicebam in nidulo meo moriar1 et sicut ,phnix multiplicabo dies3 and ,psal4 #ca4 1 vir justus ut ,phnix florebit1 as ,tertullian renders it1 and so also expounds it in his ,book before alledged4 ,sidenote3 ,against the story of the ,phnix4 ,all which notwithstanding1 we cannot presume the existence of this ,animal2 nor dare we affirm there is any ,phnix in ,nature4 ,for1 first there wants herein the definitive confirmator and test of things uncertain1 that is1 the sense of man4 ,for though many ,writers have much enlarged hereon1 yet is there not any ocular describer1 or such as presumeth to confirm it upon aspection4 ,and therefore ,herodotus that led the story unto the ,greeks1 plainly saith1 he never attained the sight of any1 but only in the picture4 ,again1 ,primitive ,authors1 and from whom the stream of relations is derivative1 deliver themselves very dubiously2 and either by a doubtful parenthesis1 or a timorous conclusion overthrow the whole relation4 ,thus ,herodotus in his ,euterpe1 delivering the story hereof1 presently interposeth1 2 that is1 which account seems to me improbable4 ,tacitus in his annals affordeth a larger story1 how the ,phnix was first seen at ,heliopolis in the reign of ,sesostris1 then in the reign of ,amasis1 after in the days of ,ptolomy1 the third of the ,macedonian race2 but at last thus determineth1 ,sed ,antiquitas obscura1 et nonnulli falsum esse hunc ,phnicem neque ,arabum terris credidere4 ,pliny makes yet a fairer story1 that the ,phnix flew into ,egypt in the ,consulship of ,quintus ,plancius1 that it was brought to ,rome in the ,censorship of ,claudius1 in the eight hundred year of the ,city1 and testified also in their records2 but after all concludeth1 ,sed qu falsa nemo dubitabit1 ,as we read it in the fair and ancient impression of ,brixia2 as ,aldrovandus hath quoted it1 and as it is found in the manuscript ,copy1 as ,dalechampius hath also noted4 ,moreover1 ,such as have naturally discoursed hereon1 have so diversly1 contrarily1 or contradictorily delivered themselves1 that no affirmative from thence can reasonably be deduced4 ,for most have positively denied it1 and they which affirm and believe it1 assign this name unto many1 and mistake two or three in one4 ,so hath that bird been taken for the ,phnix which liveth in ,arabia1 and buildeth its nest with ,cinnamon2 by ,herodotus called ,cinnamulgus1 and by ,aristotle1 ,cinnamomus2 and as a fabulous conceit is censured by ,scaliger4 ,some have conceived that bird to be the ,phnix1 which by a ,persian name with the ,greeks is called ,rhyntace2 but how they made this good we find occasion of doubt2 whilest we read in the life of ,artaxerxes1 that this is a little bird brought often to their ,tables1 and wherewith ,parysatis cunningly poisoned the ,queen4 ,the ,manucodiata or ,bird of ,paradise1 hath had the honour of this name1 and their feathers brought from the ,molucca's do pass for those of the ,phnix4 ,which though promoted by rarity with us1 the ,eastern ,travellers will hardly admit2 who know they are common in those parts1 and the ordinary plume of ,janizaries among the ,turks4 ,and lastly1 the ,bird ,semenda hath found the same appellation1 for so hath ,scaliger observed and refuted2 nor will the solitude of the ,phnix allow this denomination2 for many there are of that species1 and whose trifistulary bill and crany we have beheld our selves4 ,nor are men only at variance in regard of the ,phnix it self1 but very disagreeing in the accidents ascribed thereto3 for some affirm it liveth three hundred1 some five1 others six1 some a thousand1 others no less then fifteen hundred years2 some say it liveth in thiopia1 others in ,arabia1 some in ,egypt1 others in ,india1 and some in ,utopia2 for such a one must that be which is described by ,lactantius2 that is1 which neither was singed in the combustion of ,phaeton1 or overwhelmed by the innundation of ,deucalion4 ,lastly1 ,many ,authors who have discoursed hereof1 have so delivered themselves1 and with such intentions1 that we cannot from thence deduce a confirmation4 ,for some have written ,poetically1 as ,ovid1 ,mantuan1 ,lactantius1 ,claudian1 and others3 ,some have written mystically1 as ,paracelsus in his ,book ,de ,azoth1 or ,de ligno et linea vit2 and as several ,hermetical ,philosophers1 involving therein the secret of their ,elixir1 and enigmatically expressing the nature of their great work4 ,some have written ,rhetorically1 and concessively1 not controverting1 but assuming the question1 which taken as granted1 advantaged the illation4 ,so have holy men made use hereof as far as thereby to confirm the ,resurrection2 for discoursing with ,heathens who granted the story of the ,phnix1 they induced the ,resurrection from principles of their own1 and positions received among themselves4 ,others have spoken ,emblematically and ,hieroglyphically2 and so did the ,egyptians1 unto whom the ,phnix was the ,hieroglyphick of the ,sun4 ,and this was probably the ground of the whole relation2 succeeding ,ages adding fabulous accounts1 which laid together built up this singularity1 which every ,pen proclaimeth4 ,as for the ,texts of ,scripture1 which seem to confirm the conceit1 duly perpended1 they add not thereunto4 ,for whereas in that of ,job1 according to the ,septuagint or ,greek ,translation we find the word ,phnix1 yet can it have no animal signification2 for therein it is not expressed 1 but o 1 the trunk of the ,palm-tree1 which is also called ,phnix2 and therefore the construction will be very hard1 if not applied unto some vegetable nature4 ,nor can we safely insist upon the ,greek expression at all2 for though the ,vulgar translates it ,palma1 and some retain the word ,phnix1 others do render it by a word of a different sense2 for so hath ,tremellius delivered it3 ,dicebam quod apud nidum meum expirabo1 et sicut arena multiplicabo dies2 so hath the ,geneva and ours translated it1 ,i said ,i shall die in my ,nest1 and shall multiply my days as the sand4 ,as for that in the ,book of ,psalms1 ,vir justus ut ,phnix florebit1 as ,epiphanius and ,tertullian render it1 it was only a mistake upon the ,homonymy of the ,greek word ,pnix1 which signifies also a ,palm-tree4 ,,sn3 ,consent of names4 ,which is a fallacy of equivocation1 from a community in name inferring a common nature2 and whereby we may as firmly conclude1 that ,diaphnicon a purging ,electuary hath some part of the ,phnix for its ingredient2 which receiveth that name from ,dates1 or the fruit of the ,palm-tree1 from whence1 as ,pliny delivers1 the ,phnix had its name4 ,nor do we only arraign the existence of this ,animal1 but many things are questionable which are ascribed thereto1 especially its unity1 long life1 and generation4 ,as for its unity or conceit there should be but one in nature1 it seemeth not only repugnant unto ,philosophy1 but also holy ,scripture2 which plainly affirms1 there went of every sort two at least into the ,ark of ,noah1 according to the ,text1 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #g4 ,every ,fowl after his kind1 every bird of every sort1 they went into the ,ark1 two and two of all flesh1 wherein there is the breath of life1 and they that went in1 went in both male and female of all flesh4 ,it infringeth the benediction of ,god concerning multiplication4 ,god blessed them1 saying1 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #a4 ,be fruitful and multiply1 and fill the waters in the seas1 and let fowl multiply in the earth3 ,and again1 ,,sn3 ,chap4 #h4 ,bring forth with thee every living thing1 that they may breed abundantly in the earth1 and be fruitful and multiply upon the earth3 which terms are not appliable unto the ,phnix1 whereof there is but one in the world1 and no more now living then at the first benediction4 ,for the production of one1 being the destruction of another1 although they produce and generate1 they encrease not2 and must not be said to multiply1 who do not transcend an unity4 ,as for longvity1 that it liveth a thousand years or more2 beside that from imperfect observations and rarity of appearance1 no confirmation can be made2 there may be probable a mistake in the compute4 ,for the tradition being very ancient and probably ,egyptian1 the ,greeks who dispersed the ,fable1 might summ up the account by their own numeration of years2 whereas the conceit might have its original in times of shorter compute4 ,for if we suppose our present calculation1 the ,phnix now in nature will be the sixth from the ,creation1 but in the middle of its years2 and if the ,rabbins ,prophecie ,,sn3 ,that the ,world should last but six thousand years4 succeed1 shall conclude its days not in his own but the last and general flames1 without all hope of ,reviviction4 ,concerning its generation1 that without all conjunction it begets and reseminates it self1 hereby we introduce a vegetable production in ,animals1 and unto sensible natures1 transfer the propriety of ,plants2 that is1 to multiply within themselves1 according to the ,law of the ,creation ,,sn3 ,gen4 #a41 ,let the earth bring forth grass1 the herb yielding seed1 and the tree yielding fruit1 whose seed is in it self4 ,which is indeed the natural way of ,plants1 who having no distinction of sex1 and the power of the species contained in every individuum1 beget and propagate themselves without commixtion2 and therefore their fruits proceeding from simpler roots1 are not so unlike1 or distinguishable from each other1 as are the off-springs of sensible creatures and prolifications descending from double originals4 ,but ,animal generation is accomplished by more1 and the concurrence of two sexes is required to the constitution of one4 ,and therefore such as have no distinction of sex1 engender not at all1 as ,aristotle conceives of ,eels1 and testaceous animals4 ,and though ,plant-animals do multiply1 they do it not by copulation1 but in a way analogous unto ,plants4 ,so ,hermaphrodites although they include the parts of both sexes1 and may be sufficiently potent in either2 yet unto a conception require a separated sex1 and cannot impregnate themselves4 ,and so also though ,adam included all humane nature1 or was 7as some opinion7 an ,hermaphrodite1 yet had he no power to propagate himself2 and therefore ,god said1 ,it is not good that man should be alone1 let us make him an help meet for him2 that is1 an help unto generation2 for as for any other help1 it had been fitter to have made another man4 ,now whereas some affirm that from one ,phnix there doth not immediately proceed another1 but the first corrupteth into a worm1 which after becometh a ,phnix1 it will not make probable this production4 ,,sn3 ,irregularities4 ,for hereby they confound the generation of perfect animals with imperfect1 sanguineous with exanguious1 vermiparous with oviparous1 and erect ,anomalies1 disturbing the laws of ,nature4 ,nor will this corruptive production be easily made out in most imperfect generations2 for although we deny not that many animals are vermiparous1 begetting themselves at a distance1 and as it were at the second hand 7as generally ,insects1 and more remarkably ,butter-flies and ,silkworms7 yet proceeds not this generation from a corruption of themselves1 but rather a specifical and seminal diffusion1 retaining still the ,idea of themselves1 though it act that part a while in other shapes4 ,and this will also hold in generations equivocal1 and such as are not begotten from ,parents like themselves2 so from ,frogs corrupting1 proceed not ,frogs again2 so if there be anatiferous ,trees1 whose corruption breaks forth into ,bernacles1 yet if they corrupt1 they degenerate into ,maggots1 which produce not them again4 ,for this were a confusion of corruptive and seminal production1 and a frustration of that seminal power committed to animals at the ,creation4 ,the problem might have been spared1 ,why we love not our lice as well as our children8 ,noah's ,ark had been needless1 the graves of ,animals would be the fruitful'st wombs2 for death would not destroy1 but empeople the world again4 ,since therefore we have so slender grounds to confirm the existence of the ,phnix1 since there is no ocular witness of it1 since as we have declared1 by ,authors from whom the story is derived1 it rather stands rejected2 since they who have seriously discoursed hereof1 have delivered themselves negatively1 diversly1 or contrarily2 since many others cannot be drawn into ,argument1 as writing ,poetically1 ,rhetorically1 ,enigmatically1 ,hieroglyphically2 since holy ,scripture alledged for it duly perpended1 doth not advantage it2 and lastly1 since so strange a generation1 unity and long life1 hath neither experience nor reason to confirm it1 how far to rely on this tradition1 we refer unto consideration4 ,but surely they were not well-wishers unto parable ,physick ,,sn3 41 or remedies easily acquired1 who derived medicines from the ,phnix2 as some have done1 and are justly condemned by ,pliny2 ,irridere est vit remedia post millesimum annum reditura monstrare2 ,it is a folly to find out remedies that are not recoverable under a thousand years2 or propose the prolonging of life by that which the twentieth generation may never behold4 ,more veniable is a dependance upon the ,philosophers stone1 potable gold1 or any of those ,arcana's whereby ,paracelsus that died himself at forty-seven1 gloried that he could make other men immortal4 ,which1 although extreamly difficult1 and tantum non infesible1 yet are they not impossible1 nor do they 7rightly understood7 impose any violence on ,nature4 ,and therefore if strictly taken for the ,phnix1 very strange is that which is delivered by ,plutarch ,,sn3 ,de sanitate tuenda41 ,that the brain thereof is a pleasant bit1 but that it causeth the head-ach4 ,which notwithstanding the luxurious ,emperour ,,sn3 ,heliogabalus4 could never taste1 though he had at his ,table many a ,phnicopterus1 yet had he not one ,phnix2 for though he expected and attempted it1 we read not in ,lampridius that he performed it2 and considering the unity thereof1 it was a vain design1 that is1 to destroy any species1 or mutilate the great accomplishment of six days4 ,and although some conceive1 and it may seem true1 that there is in man a natural possibility to destroy the world in one generation1 that is1 by a general conspire to know no woman themselves1 and disable all others also3 yet will this never be effected4 ,and therefore ,cain after he had killed ,abel1 were there no other woman living1 could not have also destroyed ,eve3 which although he had a natural power to effect1 yet the execution thereof1 the providence of ,god would have resisted3 for that would have imposed another creation upon him1 and to have animated a second ,rib of ,adam4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,of ,frogs1 ,toads1 and ,toad-stone4 ,concerning the venomous ,urine of ,toads1 of the stone in the ,toads head1 and of the generation of ,frogs1 conceptions are entertained which require consideration4 ,and first1 that a ,toad pisseth1 and this way diffuseth its venome1 is generally received1 not only with us1 but also in other parts2 for so hath ,scaliger observed in his ,comment1 ,aversum urinam reddere ob oculos persecutoris perniciosam ruricolis persuasum est2 and ,mathiolus hath also a passage1 that a ,toad communicates its venome1 not only by ,urine1 but by the humidity and slaver of its mouth2 which notwithstanding strictly understood1 may admit of examination3 for some doubt may be made whether a ,toad properly pisseth1 that is distinctly and separately voideth the serous excretion3 for though not only birds1 but oviparous quadrupeds and ,serpents have kidneys and ureters1 and some ,fishes also bladders3 yet for the moist and dry excretion they seem at last to have but one vent and common place of exclusion3 and with the same propriety of language1 we may ascribe that action unto ,crows and ,kites4 ,and this not onely in ,frogs and ,toads1 but may be enquired in ,tortoyses3 that is1 whether that be strictly true1 or to be taken for a distinct and separate miction1 when ,aristotle affirmeth1 that no oviparous animal1 that is1 which either spawneth or layeth ,eggs1 doth ,urine except the ,tortois4 ,the ground or occasion of this expression might from hence arise1 that ,toads are sometimes observed to exclude or spit out a dark and liquid matter behind3 which we have observed to be true1 and a venomous condition there may be perhaps therein1 but some doubt there may be1 whether this is to be called their urine3 not because it is emitted aversly or backward1 by both sexes1 but because it is confounded with the intestinal excretions and egestions of the belly3 and this way is ordinarily observed1 although possible it is that the liquid excretion may sometimes be excluded without the other4 ,as for the stone commonly called a ,toad-stone1 which is presumed to be found in the head of that animal1 we first conceive it not a thing impossible3 nor is there any substantial reason why in a ,toad there may not be found such hard and lapideous concretions4 ,for the like we daily observe in the heads of ,fishes1 as ,cods1 ,carps1 and ,pearches3 the like also in ,snails1 a soft and exosseous animal1 whereof in the naked and greater sort1 as though she would requite the defect of a shell on their back1 ,nature near the head hath placed a flat white stone1 or rather testaceous concretion4 ,which though ,aldrovandus affirms1 that after dissection of many1 he found but in some few3 yet of the great gray ,snails1 ,i have not met with any that wanted it3 and the same indeed so palpable1 that without dissection it is discoverable by the hand4 ,again1 though it be not impossible1 yet it is surely very rare3 as we are induced to believe from some enquiry of our own1 from the trial of many who have been deceived1 and the frustrated search of ,porta1 who upon the explorement of many1 could scarce find one4 ,nor is it only of rarity1 but may be doubted whether it be of existencie1 or really any such stone in the head of a ,toad at all4 ,for although ,lapidaries and questuary enquirers affirm it1 yet the ,writers of ,minerals and natural speculators1 are of another belief3 conceiving the stones which bear this name1 to be a ,mineral concretion2 not to be found in animals1 but in fields4 ,and therefore ,btius refers it to ,asteria or some kind of ,lapis stellaris1 and plainly concludeth1 reperiuntur in agris1 quos tamen alii in annosis ac qui diu in ,arundinetis inter rubos sentesque delituerunt bufonis capitibus generari pertinaciter affirmant4 ,lastly1 ,if any such thing there be1 yet must it not1 for ought ,i see1 be taken as we receive it1 for a loose and moveable stone1 but rather a concretion or induration of the crany it self2 for being of an earthy temper1 living in the earth1 and as some say feeding thereon1 such indurations may sometimes happen4 ,thus when ,brassavolus after a long search had discovered one1 he affirms it was rather the forehead bone petrified1 then a stone within the crany2 and of this belief was ,gesner4 ,which is also much confirmed from what is delivered in ,aldrovandus1 upon experiment of very many ,toads1 whose cranies or sculs in time grew hard1 and almost of a stony substance4 ,all which considered1 we must with circumspection receive those stones which commonly bear this name1 much less believe the traditions1 that in envy to mankind they are cast out1 or swallowed down by the ,toad2 which cannot consist with ,anatomy1 and with the rest1 enforced this censure from ,btius1 ,ab eo tempore pro nugis habui quod de ,bufonio lapide1 ejusque origine traditur4 ,what therefore best reconcileth these divided determinations1 may be a middle opinion2 that of these stones some may be mineral1 and to be found in the earth2 some animal1 to be met with in ,toads1 at least by the induration of their cranies4 ,the first are many and manifold1 to be found in ,germany and other parts2 the last are fewer in number1 and in substance not unlike the stones in ,crabs heads4 ,this is agreeable unto the determination of ,aldrovandus,,sn3 ,de ,mineral4 lib4 #d4 ,musi ,calceolariani1 ,sect4 #c41 and is also the judgment of learned ,spigelius in his ,epistle unto ,pignorius4 ,but these ,toadstones1 at least very many thereof1 which are esteemed among us1 are at last found to be taken not out of ,toads heads1 but out of a ,fishes mouth1 being handsomely contrived out of the teeth of the ,lupus ,marinus1 a ,fish often taken in our ,northern ,seas1 as was publickly declared by an eminent and learned ,physitian4 ,,sn3 ,sir ,george ,ent4 ,but because men are unwilling to conceive so low of their ,toadstones which they so highly value1 they may make some trial thereof by a candentorned hot ,iron applied unto the hollow and unpolished part thereof1 whereupon if they be true stones they will not be apt to burn or afford a burnt odour1 which they may be apt to do1 if contrived out of animal parts or the teeth of fishes4 ,concerning the generation of ,frogs1 we shall briefly deliver that account which observation hath taught us4 ,by ,frogs ,i understand not such as arising from putrefaction1 are bred without copulation1 and because they subsist not long1 are called ,temporari2 nor do ,i mean the little ,frog of an excellent ,parrat green1 that usually sits on ,trees and ,bushes1 and is therefore called ,ranunculus viridis1 or arboreus2 but hereby ,i understand the aquatile or ,water-,frog1 whereof in ditches and standing plashes we may behold many millions every ,spring in ,england4 ,now these do not as ,pliny conceiveth1 exclude black pieces of flesh1 which after become ,frogs2 but they let fall their spawn in the water1 of excellent use in ,physick1 and scarce unknown unto any4 ,in this spawn of a lentous and transparent body1 are to be discerned many specks1 or little conglobulations1 which in a small time become of deep black1 a substance more compacted and terrestrious then the other2 for it riseth not in distillation1 and affords a powder when the white and aqueous part is exhaled4 ,now of this black or dusky substance is the ,frog at last formed2 as we have beheld1 including the spawn with water in a glass1 and exposing it unto the ,sun4 ,for that black and round substance1 in a few days began to dilate and grow longer1 after a while the head1 the eyes1 the tail to be discernable1 and at last to become that which the ,ancients called ,gyrinus1 we a ,porwigle or ,tadpole4 ,this in some weeks after becomes a perfect ,frog1 the legs growing out before1 and the tail wearing away1 to supply the other behind2 as may be observed in some which have newly forsaken the water2 for in such1 some part of the tail will be seen1 but curtailed and short1 not long and finny as before4 ,a part provided them a while to swim and move in the water1 that is1 untill such time as ,nature excluded legs1 whereby they might be provided not only to swim in the water1 but move upon the land1 according to the amphibious ,,sn3 ,amphibious ,animals1 such as live in both elements of land and water4 and mixt intention of ,nature1 that is1 to live in both4 ,so that whoever observeth the first progression of the seed before motion1 or shall take notice of the strange indistinction of parts in the ,tadpole1 even when it moveth about1 and how successively the inward parts do seem to discover themselves1 until their last perfection2 may easily discern the high curiosity of ,nature in these inferiour animals1 and what a long line is run to make a ,frog4 ,and because many affirm1 and some deliver1 that in regard it hath lungs and breatheth1 a ,frog may be easily drowned2 though the reason be probable1 ,i find not the experiment answerable2 for fastning one about a span under water1 it lived almost six days4 ,nor is it only hard to destroy one in water1 but difficult also at land3 for it will live long after the lungs and heart be out2 how long it will live in the seed1 or whether the spawn of this year being preserved1 will not arise into ,frogs in the next1 might also be enquired3 and we are prepared to trie4 ,,chapter ,,xiv ,of the ,salamander4 ,that a ,salamander is able to live in flames1 to endure and put out fire1 is an assertion1 not only of great antiquity1 but confirmed by frequent1 and not contemptible testimony4 ,the ,egyptians have drawn it into their ,hieroglyphicks1 ,aristotle seemeth to embrace it2 more plainly ,nicander1 ,sarenus ,sammonicus1 lian and ,pliny1 who assigns the cause of this effect3 ,an ,animal 7saith he7 so cold that it extinguisheth the fire like ,ice4 ,all which notwithstanding1 there is on the negative1 ,authority and ,experience2 ,sextius a ,physitian1 as ,pliny delivereth1 denied this effect2 ,dioscorides affirmed it a point of folly to believe it2 ,galen that it endureth the fire a while1 but in continuance is consumed therein4 ,for experimental conviction1 ,mathiolus affirmeth1 he saw a ,salamander burnt in a very short time2 and of the like assertion is ,amatus ,lusitanus2 and most plainly ,pierius1 whose words in his ,hieroglyphicks are these3 ,whereas it is commonly said that a ,salamander extinguisheth fire1 we have found by experience1 that it is so far from quenching hot coals1 that it dieth immediately therein4 ,as for the contrary assertion of ,aristotle1 it is but by hear say1 as common opinion believeth1 ,hc enim 7ut aiunt7 ignem ingrediens1 eum extinguit2 and therefore there was no absurdity in ,galen1 when as a ,septical medicine ,,sn3 ,a corruptive ,medicine destroying the parts like ,arsenike4 he commended the ashes of a ,salamander2 and ,magicians in vain from the power of this ,tradition1 at the burning of ,towns or ,houses expect a relief from ,salamanders4 ,the ground of this opinion1 might be some sensible resistance of fire observed in the ,salamander3 which being1 as ,galen determineth1 cold in the fourth1 and moist in the third degree1 and having also a mucous humidity above and under the skin1 by vertue thereof it may a while endure the flame3 which being consumed1 it can resist no more4 ,such an humidity there is observed in ,newtes1 or ,water-,lizards1 especially if their skins be perforated or pricked4 ,thus will ,frogs and ,snails endure the ,flame3 thus will whites of ,eggs1 vitreous or glassie flegm extinguish a coal3 thus are unguents made which protect a while from the fire3 and thus beside the ,hirpini there are later stories of men that have passed untoucht through the fire4 ,and therefore some truth we allow in the tradition3 truth according unto ,galen1 that it may for a time resist a flame1 or as ,scaliger avers1 extinguish or put out a coal3 for thus much will many humid bodies perform3 but that it perseveres and lives in that destructive element1 is a fallacious enlargement4 ,nor do we reasonably conclude1 because for a time it endureth fire1 it subdueth and extinguisheth the same1 because by a cold and aluminous moisture1 it is able a while to resist it3 from a peculiarity of ,nature it subsisteth and liveth in it4 ,it hath been much promoted by ,stories of incombustible napkins and textures which endure the fire1 whose materials are called by the name of ,salamanders wool4 ,which many too literally apprehending1 conceive some investing part1 or tegument of the ,salamander3 wherein beside that they mistake the condition of this ,animal 7which is a kind of ,lizard1 a quadruped corticated and depilous1 that is1 without wool1 fur1 or hair7 they observe not the method and general rule of nature2 whereby all ,quadrupeds oviparous1 as ,lizards1 ,frogs1 ,tortois1 ,chamelions1 ,crocodiles1 are without hair1 and have no covering part or hairy investment at all4 ,and if they conceive that from the skin of the ,salamander1 these incremable pieces are composed2 beside the experiments made upon the living1 that of ,brassavolus will step in1 who in the search of this truth1 did burn the skin of one dead4 ,nor is this ,salamanders wooll desumed from any ,animal1 but a ,mineral substance ,metaphorically so called from this received opinion4 ,for beside ,germanicus his heart1 ,,sn3 ,suetonius4 and ,pyrrhus his great ,toe1 ,,sn3 ,plutarch4 which would not burn with the rest of their bodies1 there are in the number of ,minerals some bodies incombustible2 more remarkably that which the ancients named ,asbeston1 and ,pancirollus treats of in the ,chapter of ,linum vivum4 ,whereof by art were weaved ,napkins1 ,shirts1 and ,coats1 inconsumable by fire2 and wherein in ancient times to preserve their ashes pure1 and without commixture1 they burnt the bodies of ,kings4 ,a ,napkin hereof ,pliny reports that ,nero had1 and the like saith ,paulus ,venetus the ,emperour of ,tartary sent unto ,pope ,alexander2 and also affirms that in some part of ,tartary there were ,mines of ,iron whose filaments were weaved into incombustible cloth4 ,which rare ,manufacture1 although delivered for lost by ,pancirollus1 yet ,salmuth his ,commentator affirmeth1 that one ,podocaterus a ,cyprian1 had shewed the same at ,venice2 and his materials were from ,cyprus1 where indeed ,dioscorides placeth them2 the same is also ocularly confirmed by ,vives upon ,austin1 and ,maiolus in his ,colloquies4 ,and thus in our days do men practise to make long-lasting ,snasts for ,lamps out of ,alumen plumosum2 and by the same we read in ,pausanius1 that there always burnt a ,lamp before the ,image of ,minerva4 ,,chapter ,,xv ,of the ,amphisbna4 ,that the ,amphisbna1 that is1 a smaller kind of ,serpent1 which moveth forward and backward1 hath two heads1 or one at either extream1 was affirmed first by ,nicander1 and after by many others1 by the ,author of the ,book ,de ,theriaca ad ,pisonem1 ascribed unto ,galen2 more plainly ,pliny1 ,geminum habet caput1 tanquam parum esset uno ore effundi venenum3 but lian most confidently1 who referring the conceit of ,chimera and ,hydra unto ,fables1 hath set down this as an undeniable truth4 ,whereunto while men assent1 and can believe a bicipitous conformation in any continued species1 they admit a gemination of principle parts1 not naturally discovered in any ,animal4 ,true it is that other parts in ,animals are not equal2 for some make their progression with many legs1 even to the number of an hundred1 as ,juli1 ,scolopendr2 or such as are termed ,centipedes3 some fly with two wings1 as ,birds and many ,insects1 some with four1 as all farinaceous or mealy-winged ,animals1 as ,butterflies1 and ,moths3 all vaginipennous or sheath-winged ,insects1 as ,beetles and ,dorrs4 ,some have three ,testicles1 as ,aristotle speaks of the ,buzzard2 and some have four stomachs1 as horned and ruminating ,animals2 but for the principle parts1 the ,liver1 ,heart1 and especially the brains2 regularly they are but one in any kind or species whatsoever4 ,and were there any such species or natural kind of animal1 it would be hard to make good those six positions of body1 which according to the three dimensions are ascribed unto every ,animal3 that is1 infra1 supra1 ante1 retro1 dextrosum1 sinistrosum3 for if 7as it is determined7 that be the anterior and upper part1 wherein the senses are placed1 and that the posterior and lower part which is opposite thereunto1 there is no inferiour or former part in this ,animal2 for the senses being placed at both extreams1 doth make both ends anterior1 which is impossible2 the terms being ,relative1 which mutually subsist1 and are not without each other4 ,and therefore this duplicity was ill contrived to place one head at both extreams1 and had been more tolerable to have setled three or four at one4 ,and therefore also ,poets have been more reasonable then ,philosophers1 and ,geryon or ,cerberus less monstrous than ,amphisbna4 ,again1 if any such thing there were1 it were not to be obtruded by the name of ,amphisbna1 or as an ,animal of one denomination2 for properly that ,animal is not one1 but multiplicious or many1 which hath a duplicity or gemination of principal parts4 ,and this doth ,aristotle define1 when he affirmeth a monster is to be esteemed one or many1 according to its principle1 which he conceived the heart1 whence he derived the original of ,nerves1 and thereto ascribed many acts which ,physitians assign unto the brain3 and therefore if it cannot be called one1 which hath a duplicity of hearts in his sense1 it cannot receive that appellation with a plurality of heads in ours4 ,and this the practice of ,christians hath acknowledged1 who have baptized these geminous births1 and double connascencies with several names1 as conceiving in them a distinction of souls1 upon the divided execution of their functions2 that is1 while one wept1 the other laughing2 while one was silent1 the other speaking2 while one awaked1 the other sleeping2 as is declared by three remarkable examples in ,petrarch1 ,vincentius and the ,scottish ,history of ,buchanan4 ,it is not denied there have been bicipitous ,serpents with the head at each extream1 for an example hereof we find in ,aristotle1 and of the like form in ,aldrovandus we meet with the ,icon of a ,lizzard2 and of this kind perhaps might that ,amphisbna be1 the picture whereof ,cassianus ,puteus shewed unto the learned ,faber4 ,which double formations do often happen unto multiparous generations1 more especially that of ,serpents2 whose productions being numerous1 and their ,eggs in chains or links together 7which sometime conjoin and inoculate into each other7 they may unite into various shapes and come out in mixed formations4 ,but these are monstrous productions1 beside the intention of ,nature1 and the statutes of generation1 neither begotten of like parents1 nor begetting the like again1 but irregularly produced1 do stand as ,anomalies in the general ,book of ,nature4 ,which being shifts and forced pieces1 rather then genuine and proper effects1 they afford us no illation2 nor is it reasonable to conclude1 from a monstrosity unto a species1 or from accidental effects1 unto the regular works of ,nature4 ,lastly1 ,the ground of the conceit was the figure of this ,animal1 and motion oft-times both ways2 for described it is to be like a worm1 and so equally framed at both extreams1 that at an ordinary distance it is no easie matter to determine which is the head2 and therefore some observing them to move both ways1 have given the appellation of heads unto both extreams1 which is no proper and warrantable denomination2 for many ,animals with one head1 do ordinarily perform both different and contrary ,motions2 ,crabs move sideling1 ,lobsters will swim swiftly backward1 ,worms and ,leeches will move both ways2 and so will most of those ,animals1 whose bodies consist of round and annulary fibers1 and move by undulation2 that is1 like the waves of the ,sea1 the one protruding the other1 by inversion whereof they make a backward ,motion4 ,upon the same ground hath arisen the same mistake concerning the ,scolopendra or hundred-footed ,insect1 as is delivered by ,rhodiginus from the ,scholiast of ,nicander3 ,dicitur ,nicandro1 1 id est dicephalus aut biceps fictum vero1 quoniam retrorsum 7ut scribit ,aristoteles71 arrepit1 observed by ,aldrovandus1 but most plainly by ,muffetus1 who thus concludeth upon the ,text of ,nicander3 ,tamen pace tanti authoris dixerim1 unicum illi duntaxat caput licet pari facilitate1 prorsum capite1 retrorsum ducente cauda1 incedat1 quod ,nicandro aliisque imposuisse dubito3 that is1 under favour of so great an ,author1 the ,scopolendra hath but one head1 although with equal facility it moveth forward and backward1 which ,i suspect deceived ,nicander1 and others4 ,and therefore we must crave leave to doubt of this double-headed ,serpent until we have the advantage to behold or have an iterated ocular testimony concerning such as are sometimes mentioned by ,american relators2 and also such as ,cassianus ,puteus shewed in a picture to ,johannes ,faber2 and that which is set down under the name of ,amphisbna ,europa in his learned discourse upon ,hernandez his ,history of ,america4 ,,chapter ,,xvi ,of the ,viper4 ,that the young ,vipers force their way through the bowels of their ,dam1 or that the female ,viper in the act of generation bites off the head of the male1 in revenge whereof the young ones eat through the womb and belly of the female1 is a very ancient tradition4 ,in this sense entertained in the ,hieroglyphicks of the ,egyptians2 affirmed by ,herodotus1 ,nicander1 ,pliny1 ,plutarch1 lian1 ,jerome1 ,basil1 ,isidore1 seems countenanced by ,aristotle1 and his ,scholar ,theophrastus3 from hence is commonly assigned the reason why the ,romans punished ,parricides by drowning them in a ,sack with a ,viper4 ,and so perhaps upon the same opinion the men of ,melita when they saw a ,viper upon the hand of ,paul1 said presently without conceit of any other sin1 ,no doubt this man is a murderer1 who though he have escaped the ,sea1 yet vengeance suffereth him not to live3 that is1 he is now paid in his own way1 the parricidous ,animal and punishment of murderers is upon him4 ,and though the tradition were currant among the ,greeks1 to confirm the same the ,latine name is introduced1 ,vipera quasi vi pariat2 ,that passage also in the ,gospel1 ,o ye generation of ,vipers6 hath found expositions which countenance this conceit4 ,notwithstanding which authorities1 transcribed relations and conjectures1 upon enquiry we find the same repugnant unto experience and reason4 ,and first1 it seems not only injurious unto the providence of ,nature1 to ordain a way of production which should destroy the producer1 or contrive the continuation of the species by the destruction of the ,continuator2 but it overthrows and frustrates the great ,benediction of ,god1 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #a4 ,god blessed them1 saying1 ,be fruitful and multiply4 ,now if it be so ordained that some must regularly perish by multiplication1 and these be the fruits of fructifying in the ,viper2 it cannot be said that ,god did bless1 but curse this ,animal3 ,upon thy belly shalt thou go1 and dust shalt thou eat all thy life1 was not so great a punishment unto the ,serpent after the fall1 as encrease1 be fruitful and multiply1 was before4 ,this were to confound the ,maledictions of ,god1 and translate the curse of the ,woman upon the ,serpent3 that is1 in dolore paries1 in sorrow shalt thou bring forth2 which being proper unto the ,woman1 is verified best in the ,viper1 whose delivery is not only accompanied with pain1 but also with death it self4 ,and lastly1 it overthrows the careful course1 and parental provision of ,nature1 whereby the young ones newly excluded are sustained by the ,dam1 and protected until they grow up to a sufficiency for themselves4 ,all which is perverted in this eruptive generation3 for the ,dam being destroyed1 the younglings are left to their own protection3 which is not conceivable they can at all perform1 and whereof they afford us a remarkable continuance many days after birth4 ,for the young one supposed to break through the belly of the ,dam1 will upon any fright for protection run into it2 for then the old one receives them in at her mouth1 which way the fright being past1 they will return again1 which is a peculiar way of refuge2 and although it seem strange1 is avowed by frequent experience and undeniable testimony4 ,as for the experiment1 although we have thrice attempted it1 it hath not well succeeded2 for though we fed them with ,milk1 ,bran1 ,cheese1 etc41 the females always died before the young ones were mature for this eruption2 but rest sufficiently confirmed in the experiments of worthy enquirers4 ,wherein to omit the ancient conviction of ,apollonius1 we shall set down some few of ,modern ,writers4 ,,sn3 ,that ,vipers exclude their young ones by an ordinary passage1 as other viviparous creatures4 ,the first1 of ,amatus ,lusitanus in his ,comment upon ,dioscorides1 ,vidimus nos viperas prgnantes inclusas pixidibus parere1 qu inde ex partu nec mortu1 nec visceribus perforat manserunt4 ,the second is that of ,scaliger1 ,viperas ab impatientibus mor ftibus numerosissimis rumpi atque interire falsum esse scimus1 qui in ,vincentii ,camerini circulatoris lignea theca vidimus1 enatas viperellas1 parente salva4 ,the last and most plain of ,franciscus ,bustamantinus1 a ,spanish ,physitian of ,alcala de ,henares1 whose words in his third de ,animantibus ,scriptur1 are these3 ,cum vero per me et per alios hc ipsa disquisissem servata ,viperina progenie1 etc43 that is1 when by my self and others ,i had enquired the truth hereof1 including ,vipers in a glass1 and feeding them with ,cheese and ,bran1 ,i undoubtedly found that the ,viper was not delivered by the tearing of her bowels2 but ,i beheld the young ones excluded by the passage of generation1 near the orifice of the seidge4 ,whereto we might also add the ocular confirmation of ,lacuna upon ,dioscorides1 ,ferdinandus ,imperatus1 and that learned ,physician of ,naples1 ,aurelius ,severinus4 ,now although the ,tradition be untrue1 there wanted not many grounds which made it plausibly received4 ,the first was a favourable indulgence and special contrivance of ,nature2 which was the conceit of ,herodotus1 who thus delivereth himself4 ,fearful ,animals1 and such as serve for food1 ,nature hath made more fruitful2 but upon the offensive and noxious kind1 she hath not conferred fertility4 ,so the ,hare that becometh a prey unto ,man1 unto ,beasts1 and ,fowls of the air1 is fruitful even to superftation2 but the ,lion1 a fierce and ferocious ,animal hath young ones but seldom1 and also but one at a time2 ,vipers indeed although destructive are fruitful2 but lest their number should increase1 ,providence hath contrived another way to abate it3 for in copulation the female bites off the head of the male1 and the young ones destroy the mother4 ,but this will not consist with reason1 as we have declared before4 ,and if we more nearly consider the condition of ,vipers and noxious ,animals we shall discover an higher provision of ,nature3 how although in their paucity she hath not abridged their malignity1 yet hath she notoriously effected it by their secession or latitancy4 ,for not only offensive insects1 as ,hornets1 ,wasps1 and the like2 but sanguineous corticated ,animals1 as ,serpents1 ,toads and ,lizzards1 do lie hid and betake themselves to coverts in the ,winter4 ,whereby most ,countries enjoying the immunity of ,ireland and ,candie1 there ariseth a temporal security from their venoms2 and an intermission of their mischiefs1 mercifully requiting the time of their activities4 ,a second ground of this effect1 was conceived the justice of ,nature1 whereby she compensates the death of the father by the matricide or murder of the mother3 and this was the expression of ,nicander4 ,but the cause hereof is as improbable as the effect2 and were indeed an improvident revenge in the young ones1 whereby in consequence1 and upon defect of provision they must destroy themselves4 ,and whereas he expresseth this decollation of the male by so full a term as 1 that is1 to cut or lop off1 the act is hardly conceiveable2 for the ,viper hath but two considerable teeth1 and those so disposed1 so slender and needle-pointed1 that they are apter for puncture then any act of incision4 ,and if any like action there be1 it may be only some fast retention or sudden compression in the ,orgasmus or fury of their lust2 according as that expression of ,horace is construed concerning ,lydia and ,telephus4 ----,sive puer furens1 ,impressit memorem dente labris notam4 ,others ascribe this effect unto the numerous conception of the ,viper2 and this was the opinion of ,theophrastus4 ,who though he denieth the exesion or forcing through the belly1 conceiveth nevertheless that upon a full and plentiful impletion there may perhaps succeed a disruption of the matrix1 as it happeneth sometimes in the long and slender fish ,acus4 ,,sn3 ,needle-fish1 found sometimes upon the ,sea-shore1 consisting of four lines unto the vent1 and six from thence unto the head4 ,now although in hot ,countries1 and very numerous conceptions1 in the ,viper or other ,animals1 there may sometimes ensue a dilaceration of the genital parts2 yet is this a rare and contingent effect1 and not a natural and constant way of exclusion4 ,for the wise ,creator hath formed the organs of ,animals unto their operations1 and in whom he ordaineth a numerous conception1 in them he hath prepared convenient receptacles1 and a sutable way of exclusion4 ,others do ground this disruption upon their continued or protracted time of delivery1 presumed to last twenty days2 whereat excluding but one a day1 the latter brood impatient1 by a forcible proruption anticipate their period of exclusion2 and this was the assertion of ,pliny1 ,cteri tarditatis impatientes prorumpunt latera1 occis parente2 which was occasioned upon a mistake of the ,greek ,text in ,aristotle1 1 1 which are literally thus translated1 ,parit autem una die secundum unum1 parit autem plures quam viginti1 and may be thus ,englished1 ,she bringeth forth in one day1 one by one1 and sometimes more than twenty3 and so hath ,scaliger rendered it1 ,sigillatim parit absolvit1 una die1 interdum plures quam viginti3 ,but ,pliny1 whom ,gaza followeth1 hath differently translated it1 ,singulos diebus singulis parit1 numero fer viginti2 whereby he extends the exclusion unto twenty days1 which in the textuary sense is fully accomplished in one4 ,but what hath most advanced it1 is a mistake in another text of ,aristotle1 which seemeth directly to determine this disruption1 1 1 1 which ,gaza hath thus translated1 ,purit catulos abvolutos membranis qu tertio die rumpuntur1 evenit interdum ut qui in utero adhuc sunt abrosis membranis prorumpant4 ,now herein probably ,pliny1 and many since have been mistaken2 for the disruption of the membranes or skins1 which include the young ones1 conceiving a dilaceration of the matrix and belly of the ,viper3 and concluding from a casual dilaceration1 a regular and constant disruption4 ,as for the ,latine word ,vipera1 which in the ,etymologie of ,isidore promoteth this conceit2 more properly it may imply vivipera4 ,for whereas other ,serpents lay ,eggs1 the ,viper excludeth living ,animals2 and though the ,cerastes be also viviparous1 and we have found formed ,snakes in the belly of the ,cicilia or ,slow-worm2 yet may the ,viper emphatically bear the name4 ,for the notation or ,etymology is not of necessity adequate unto the name2 and therefore though animal be deduced from anima1 yet are there many animations beside1 and ,plants will challenge a right therein as well as sensible ,creatures4 ,as touching the ,text of ,scripture1 and compellation of the ,pharisees1 by ,generation of ,vipers1 although constructions be made hereof conformable to this ,tradition2 and it may be plausibly expounded1 that out of a viperous condition1 they conspired against their ,prophets1 and destroyed their spiritual parents2 yet 7as ,jansenius observeth7 ,gregory and ,jerome1 do make another construction2 apprehending thereby what is usually implied by that ,proverb1 ,mali corvi1 malum ovum2 that is1 of evil parents1 an evil generation1 a posterity not unlike their majority2 of mischievous progenitors1 a venomous and destructive progeny4 ,and lastly1 ,concerning the ,hieroglyphical account1 according to the ,vulgar conception set down by ,orus ,apollo1 the ,authority thereof is only ,emblematical2 for were the conception true or false1 to their apprehensions1 it expressed filial impiety4 ,which strictly taken1 and totally received for truth1 might perhaps begin1 but surely promote this conception4 ,more doubtful assertions have been raised of no ,animal then the ,viper1 as we have dispersedly noted3 and ,francisco ,redi hath amply discovered in his noble observations of ,vipers2 from good reasons and iterated experiments affirming1 that a ,viper containeth no humour1 excrement1 or part which either dranke or eat1 is able to kill any3 that the remorsores or dog-teeth1 are not more than two in either sex3 that these teeth are hollow1 and though they bite and prick therewith1 yet are they not venomous1 but only open a way and entrance unto the poyson1 which notwithstanding is not poysonous except it touch or attain unto the bloud4 ,and that there is no other poison in this ,animal1 but only that almost insipid liquor like oyl of ,almonds1 which stagnates in the sheaths and cases that cover the teeth2 and that this proceeds not from the bladder of gall1 but is rather generated in the head1 and perhaps demitted and sent from thence into these cases by salival conducts and passages1 which the head communicateth unto them4 ,,chapter ,,xvii ,of ,hares4 ,the double sex of single ,hares1 or that every ,hare is both male and female1 beside the vulgar opinion1 was the affirmative of ,archelaus1 of ,plutarch1 ,philostratus1 and many more4 ,of the same belief have been the ,jewish ,rabbins2 ,the same is likewise confirmed from the ,hebrew word2 ,,sn3 ,arnabeth4 which1 as though there were no single males of that kind1 hath only obtained a name of the feminine gender4 ,as also from the symbolical foundation of its prohibition in the law1 ,,sn3 ,levit4 #aa4 and what vices therein are figured2 that is1 not only pusillanimity and timidity from its temper1 feneration or usury from its fcundity and superfetation2 but from this mixture of sexes1 unnatural venery and degenerous effemination4 ,nor are there hardly any who either treat of mutation or mixtion of sexes1 who have not left some mention of this point2 some speaking positively1 others dubiously1 and most resigning it unto the enquiry of the ,reader4 ,now hereof to speak distinctly1 they must be male and female by mutation and succession of sexes2 or else by composition1 mixture or union thereof4 ,sidenote3 ,transmutation of ,sexes1 viz4 of ,women into ,men1 granted4 ,as for the mutation of sexes1 or transition into one another1 we cannot deny it in ,hares1 it being observable in ,man4 ,for hereof beside ,empedocles or ,tiresias1 there are not a few examples3 and though very few1 or rather none which have emasculated or turned women1 yet very many who from an esteem or reality of being ,women have infallibly proved ,men4 ,some at the first point of their menstruous eruptions1 some in the day of their marriage1 others many years after3 which occasioned disputes at ,law1 and contestations concerning a restore of the dowry4 ,and that not only mankind1 but many other ,animals may suffer this transexion1 we will not deny1 or hold it at all impossible3 although ,i confess by reason of the postick and backward position of the feminine parts in quadrupedes1 they can hardly admit the substitution of a protrusion1 effectual unto masculine generation2 except it be in ,retromingents1 and such as couple backward4 ,nor shall we only concede the succession of sexes in some1 but shall not dispute the transition of reputed species in others2 that is1 a transmutation1 or 7as ,paracelsians term it7 ,transplantation of one into another4 ,hereof in perfect ,animals of a congenerous seed1 or near affinity of natures1 examples are not unfrequent1 as in ,horses1 ,asses1 ,dogs1 ,foxes1 ,pheasants1 ,cocks1 etc4 but in imperfect kinds1 and such where the discrimination of sexes is obscure1 these transformations are more common2 and in some within themselves without commixtion1 as particularly in ,caterpillars or ,silkworms1 wherein there is a visible and triple transfiguration4 ,but in ,plants1 wherein there is no distinction of sex1 these transplantations are conceived more obvious then any2 as that of ,barley into ,oats1 of ,wheat into ,darnel2 and those grains which generally arise among ,corn1 as ,cockle1 ,aracus1 gilops1 and other degenerations2 which come up in unexpected shapes1 when they want the support and maintenance of the primary and master-forms4 ,and the same do some affirm concerning other ,plants in less analogy of figures2 as the mutation of ,mint into ,cresses1 ,basil into ,serpoile1 and ,turneps into ,radishes4 ,in all which1 as ,severinus conceiveth1 ,,sn3 ,in ,idea ,medicin ,philosophic4 there may be equivocal seeds and ,hermaphroditical principles1 which contain the radicality and power of different forms2 thus in the seed of ,wheat there lieth obscurely the seminality of ,darnel1 although in a secondary or inferiour way1 and at some distance of production2 which nevertheless if it meet with convenient promotion1 or a conflux and conspiration of causes more powerful then the other1 it then beginneth to edifie in chief1 and contemning the superintendent form1 produceth the signatures of its self4 ,now therefore although we deny not these several mutations1 and do allow that ,hares may exchange their sex1 yet this we conceive doth come to pass but sometimes1 and not in that vicissitude or annual alteration as is presumed4 ,that is1 from imperfection to perfection1 from perfection to imperfection2 from female unto male1 from male to female again1 and so in a circle to both without a permansion in either4 ,for beside the inconceivable mutation of temper1 which should yearly alternate the sex1 this is injurious unto the order of nature1 whose operations do rest in the perfection of their intents2 which having once attained1 they maintain their accomplished ends1 and relapse not again into their progressional imperfections4 ,so if in the minority of natural vigor1 the parts of seminality take place2 when upon the encrease or growth thereof the masculine appear1 the first design of nature is atchieved1 and those parts are after maintained4 ,but surely it much impeacheth this iterated transexion of ,hares1 if that be true which ,cardan and other ,physicians affirm1 that ,transmutation of sex is only so in opinion2 and that these transfeminated persons were really men at first2 although succeeding years produced the manifesto or evidence of their virilities4 ,which although intended and formed1 was not at first excluded3 and that the examples hereof have undergone no real or new transexion1 but were ,androgynally born1 and under some kind of ,hermaphrodites4 ,for though ,galen do favour the opinion1 that the distinctive parts of sexes are only different in ,position1 that is1 inversion or protrusion2 yet will this hardly be made out from the ,anatomy of those parts4 ,the testicles being so seated in the female1 that they admit not of protrusion2 and the neck of the matrix wanting those parts which are discoverable in the organ of virility4 ,the second and most received acception1 is1 that ,hares are male and female by conjunction of both sexes2 and such as are found in mankind1 ,poetically called ,hermaphrodites2 supposed to be formed from the equality1 or non victorie of either seed2 carrying about them the parts of ,man and ,woman2 although with great variety in perfection1 site and ability2 not only as ,aristotle conceived1 with a constant impotency in one2 but as later observers affirm1 sometimes with ability of either venery4 ,and therefore the providence of some ,laws have thought good1 that at the years of maturity they should elect one sex1 and the errors in the other should suffer a severer punishment4 ,whereby endeavouring to prevent incontinency1 they unawares enjoyned perpetual chastity2 for being executive in both parts1 and confined unto one1 they restrained a natural power1 and ordained a partial virginity4 ,plato and some of the ,rabbins proceeded higher2 who conceived the first ,man an ,hermaphrodite2 and ,marcus ,leo the learned ,jew1 in some sense hath allowed it2 affirming that ,adam in one suppositum without division1 contained both ,male and ,female4 ,and therefore whereas it is said in the text1 ,that ,god created man in his own ,image1 in the ,image of ,god created he him1 male and female created he them3 applying the singular and plural unto ,adam1 it might denote1 that in one substance1 and in himself he included both sexes1 which was after divided1 and the female called ,woman4 ,the opinion of ,aristotle extendeth farther1 from whose assertion all men should be ,hermaphrodites2 for affirming that ,women do not spermatize1 and confer a place or receptacle rather then essential principles of generation1 he deductively includes both sexes in mankind2 for from the father proceed not only males and females1 but from him also must ,hermaphroditical and masculo-feminine generations be derived1 and a commixtion of both sexes arise from the seed of one4 ,but the ,schoolmen have dealt with that sex more hardly then any other2 who though they have not much disputed their generation1 yet have they controverted their ,resurrection1 and raisen a querie1 whether any at the last day should arise in the sex of ,women2 as may be observed in the supplement of ,aquinas4 ,now as we must acknowledge this ,androgynal condition in ,man ,,sn3 ,consisting of man and woman41 so can we not deny the like doth happen in beasts4 ,thus do we read in ,pliny1 that ,neroes ,chariot was drawn by four ,hermaphroditical ,mares1 and ,cardan affirms he also beheld one at ,antwerp4 ,and thus may we also concede1 that ,hares have been of both sexes1 and some have ocularly confirmed it2 but that the whole species or kind should be bisexous or double-sexed1 we cannot affirm1 who have found the parts of male and female respectively distinct and single in any wherein we have enquired3 ,and the like success had ,bacchinus,,sn3 ,bacch4 ,de ,hermaphroditis4 in such as he dissected4 ,and whereas it is conceived1 that being an harmless ,animal and delectable food unto man1 nature hath made them with double sexes1 that actively and passively performing they might more numerously increase2 we forget an higher providence of nature whereby she especially promotes the multiplication of ,hares1 which is by superfetation2 that is1 a conception upon a conception1 or an improvement of a second fruit before the first be excluded2 preventing hereby the usual intermission and vacant time of generation2 which is very common and frequently observable in ,hares1 mentioned long ago by ,aristotle1 ,herodotus1 and ,pliny2 and we have often observed1 that after the first cast1 there remain successive conceptions1 and other younglings very immature1 and far from their term of exclusion4 ,sidenote3 ,superfetation possible in women1 and that unto a perfect birth4 ,nor need any man to question this in ,hares1 for the same we observe doth sometime happen in ,women2 for although it be true1 that upon conception the inward orifice of the matrix exactly closeth1 so that it commonly admitteth nothing after2 yet falleth it out sometime1 that in the act of coition1 the avidity of that part dilateth it self1 and receiveth a second burden2 which if it happen to be near in time unto the first1 they do commonly both proceed unto perfection1 and have legitimate exclusions1 periodically succeeding each other4 ,but if the superfetation be made with considerable intermission1 the latter most commonly proves abortive2 for the first being confirmed1 engrosseth the aliment from the other4 ,however therefore the project of ,julia seem very plausible1 and that way infallible1 when she received not her passengers1 before she had taken in her lading1 yet was there a fallibility therein3 nor indeed any absolute security in the policy of adultery after conception4 ,for the ,matrix 7which some have called another ,animal within us1 and which is not subjected unto the law of our will7 after reception of its proper ,tenant1 may yet receive a strange and spurious inmate4 ,as is confirmable by many examples in ,pliny2 by ,larissa in ,hippocrates and that merry one in ,plautus urged also by ,aristotle3 that is1 of ,iphicles and ,hercules1 the one begat by ,jupiter1 the other by ,amphitryon upon ,alemna as also in those super-conceptions1 where one child was like the father1 the other like the adulterer1 the one favoured the servant1 the other resembled the master4 ,now the grounds that begat1 or much promoted the opinion of a double sex in ,hares1 might be some little bags or tumours1 at first glance representing stones or ,testicles1 to be found in both sexes about the parts of generation2 which men observing in either sex1 were induced to believe a masculine sex in both4 ,but to speak properly1 these are no ,testicles or parts official unto generation1 but glandulous substances that seem to hold the nature of ,emunctories4 ,for herein may be perceived slender perforations1 at which may be expressed a black and fculent matter4 ,if therefore from these we shall conceive a mixtion of sexes in ,hares1 with fairer reason we may conclude it in ,bevers2 whereof both sexes contain a double bag or ,tumour in the groin1 commonly called the ,cod of ,castor1 as we have delivered before4 ,another ground were certain holes or cavities observable about the siedge2 which being perceived in ,males1 made some conceive there might be also a fminine nature in them4 ,and upon this very ground1 the same opinion hath passed upon the ,hyna1 and is declared by ,aristotle1 and thus translated by ,scaliger2 ,quod autem aiunt utriusque sexus habere genitalia1 falsum est1 quod videtur esse fmineum sub cauda est simile figura fminino1 verum pervium non est2 and thus is it also in ,hares1 in whom these holes1 although they seem to make a deep cavity1 yet do they not perforate the skin1 nor hold a community with any part of generation3 but were 7as ,pliny delivereth7 esteemed the marks of their age1 the number of those deciding their number of years4 ,in which opinion what truth there is we shall not contend2 for if in other ,animals there be authentick notations1 if the characters of years be found in the horns of ,cows1 or in the ,antlers of ,deer2 if we conjecture the age of ,horses from joints in their docks1 and undeniably presume it from their teeth2 we cannot affirm1 there is in this conceit1 any affront unto nature2 although who ever enquireth shall find no assurance therein4 ,the last foundation was ,retromingency or pissing backward2 for men observing both sexes to urine backward1 or aversly between their legs1 they might conceive there was a fminine part in both2 wherein they are deceived by the ignorance of the just and proper site of the ,pizzel1 or part designed unto the ,excretion of urine2 which in the ,hare holds not the common position1 but is aversly seated1 and in its distention enclines unto the ,coccix or ,scut4 ,now from the nature of this position1 there ensueth a necessity of ,retrocopulation1 which also promoteth the conceit3 for some observing them to couple without ascension1 have not been able to judge of male or female1 or to determine the proper sex in either4 ,and to speak generally1 this way of copulation is not appropriate unto ,hares1 nor is there one1 but many ways of coition3 according to divers shapes and different conformations4 ,for some couple laterally or sidewise1 as ,worms3 some circularly or by complication1 as ,serpents3 some pronely1 that is1 by contaction of the ventral parts in both1 as ,apes1 ,porcupines1 ,hedgehogs1 and such as are termed ,mollia1 as the ,cuttle-fish and the ,purple2 some mixtly1 that is1 the male ascending the female1 or by application of the ventral parts of the one1 unto the postick parts of the other1 as most ,quadrupeds3 ,some aversly1 as all ,crustaceous ,animals1 ,lobsters1 ,shrimps1 and ,crevises1 and also ,retromingents1 as ,panthers1 ,tygers1 and ,hares4 ,this is the constant ,law of their ,coition1 this they observe and transgress not3 onely the vitiosity of man hath acted the varieties hereof2 nor content with a digression from sex or species1 hath in his own kind run thorow the ,anomalies of venery2 and been so bold1 not only to act1 but represent to view1 the irregular ways of ,lust4 ,,chapter ,,xviii ,of ,moles1 or ,molls4 ,that ,moles are blind and have no eyes1 though a common opinion1 is received with much variety2 some affirming only they have no sight1 as ,oppianus1 the ,proverb ,talpa ,ccior1 and the word 1 or ,talpitas1 which in ,hesychius is made the same with ,ccitas3 some that they have eyes1 but no sight1 as the text of ,aristotle seems to imply2 some neither eyes nor sight1 as ,albertus1 ,pliny1 and the vulgar opinion2 some both eyes and sight1 as ,scaliger1 ,aldrovandus1 and some others4 ,of which opinions the last with some restriction1 is most consonant unto truth3 for that they have eyes in their head is manifest unto any1 that wants them not in his own3 and are discoverable1 not only in old ones1 but as we have observed in young and naked conceptions1 taken out of the belly of the ,dam4 ,and he that exactly enquires into the cavity of their cranies1 may perhaps discover some propagation of nerves communicated unto these parts4 ,but that the humours together with their coats are also distinct 7though ,galen seem to affirm it7 transcendeth our discovery2 for separating these little ,orbs1 and including them in magnifying ,glasses1 we discerned no more then ,aristotle mentions1 1 that is1 a black humour1 nor any more if they be broken4 ,that therefore they have eyes we must of necessity affirm2 but that they be comparatively incomplete we need not to deny3 ,so ,galen affirms the parts of generation in women are imperfect1 in respect of those of men1 as the eyes of ,moles in regard of other ,animals2 ,so ,aristotle terms them 1 which ,gaza translates ,oblsos1 and ,scaliger by a word of imperfection inchoatos4 ,now as that they have eyes is manifest unto sense1 so that they have sight not incongruous unto reason2 if we call not in question the providence of this provision1 that is1 to assign the ,organs1 and yet deny the ,office1 to grant them eyes and withhold all manner of vision4 ,for as the inference is fair1 affirmatively deduced from the action to the ,organ1 that they have eyes because they see2 so is it also from the organ to the action1 that they have eyes1 therefore some sight designed1 if we take the intention of ,nature in every species1 and except the casual impediments1 or morbosities in individuals4 ,but as their eyes are more imperfect then others1 so do we conceive of their sight or act of vision1 for they will run against things1 and hudling forwards fall from high places4 ,so that they are not blind1 nor yet distinctly see2 there is in them no ,cecity1 yet more then a ,cecutiency2 they have sight enough to discern the light1 though not perhaps to distinguish of objects or colours2 so are they not exactly blind1 for light is one object of vision4 ,and this 7as ,scaliger observeth7 might be as full a sight as ,nature first intended1 for living in darkness under the earth1 they had no further need of eyes then to avoid the light2 and to be sensible when ever they lost that darkness of earth1 which was their natural confinement4 ,and therefore however ,translators do render the word of ,aristotle or ,galen1 that is1 imperfectos oblsos or inchoatos1 it is not much considerable2 for their eyes are sufficiently begun to finish this action1 and competently perfect for this imperfect ,vision4 ,and lastly1 although they had neither eyes nor sight1 yet could they not be termed blind4 ,for blindness being a privative term unto sight1 this appellation is not admittible in propriety of speech1 and will overthrow the doctrine of privations2 which presuppose positive forms or habits1 and are not indefinite negations1 denying in all subjects1 but such alone wherein the positive habits are in their proper ,nature1 and placed without repugnancy4 ,so do we improperly say a ,mole is blind1 if we deny it the ,organs or a capacity of vision from its created ,nature2 so when the text of ,john had said1 that person was blind from his nativity1 whose cecity our ,saviour cured1 it was not warrantable in ,nonnus to say he had no eyes at all1 as in the judgment of ,heinsius1 he describeth in his paraphrase2 and as some ancient ,fathers affirm1 that by this miracle they were created in him4 ,and so though the sense may be accepted1 that ,proverb must be candidly interpreted1 which maketh fishes ,mute2 and calls them silent which have no voice in ,nature4 ,now this conceit is erected upon a misapprehension or mistake in the symtomes of vision2 men confounding abolishment1 diminution and depravement1 and naming that an abolition of sight1 which indeed is but an abatement4 ,for if vision be abolished1 it is called ccitas1 or blindness2 if depraved and receive its objects erroneously1 ,hallucination2 if diminished1 hebetudo visus1 caligatio1 or dimness4 ,now instead of a diminution or imperfect vision in the ,mole1 we affirm an abolition or total privation2 instead of a caligation or dimness1 we conclude a cecity or blindness4 ,which hath been frequently inferred concerning other ,animals2 so some affirm the ,water-,rat is blind1 so ,sammonicus and ,nicander do call the ,mus-,araneus the shrew or ,ranny1 blind3 ,and because darkness was before light1 the gyptians worshipped the same4 ,so are ,ccili or ,slow-worms accounted blind1 and the like we affirm proverbially of the ,beetle2 although their eyes be evident1 and they will flye against lights1 like many other ,insects1 and though also ,aristotle determines1 that the eyes are apparent in all flying ,insects1 though other senses be obscure1 and not perceptible at all4 ,and if from a diminution we may infer a total privation1 or affirm that other ,animals are blind which do not acutely see1 or comparatively unto others1 we shall condemn unto blindness many not so esteemed2 for such as have corneous or horney eyes1 as ,lobsters and crustaceous ,animals1 are generally dim-sighted2 all ,insects that have antenn1 or long horns to feel out their way1 as ,butterflyes and ,locusts2 or their forelegs so disposed1 that they much advance before their heads1 as may be observed in ,spiders2 and if the ,eagle were judge1 we might be blind our selves4 ,the expression therefore of ,scripture in the story of ,jacob is surely with circumspection3 ,and it came to pass when ,jacob was old1 and his eyes were dim1 quando caligarunt oculi1 saith ,jerome and ,tremellius1 which are expressions of diminution1 and not of absolute privation4 ,other concerns there are of ,molls1 which though not commonly opinioned are not commonly enough considered3 ,as the peculiar formation of their feet1 the slender ossa ,iugalia1 and ,dogteeth1 and how hard it is to keep them alive out of the ,earth3 ,as also the ferity and voracity of these animals2 for though they be contented with ,roots1 and stringy parts of ,plants1 or ,wormes under ground1 yet when they are above it will sometimes tear and eat one another1 and in a large glass wherein a ,moll1 a ,toad1 and a ,viper were inclosed1 we have known the ,moll to dispatch them and to devour a good part of them both4 ,,chapter ,,xix ,of ,lampries4 ,whether ,lampries have nine eyes1 as is received1 we durst refer it unto ,polyphemus1 who had but one1 to judge it4 ,an error concerning eyes1 occasioned by the error of eyes2 deduced from the appearance of diverse cavities or holes on either side1 which some call eyes that carelessly behold them2 and is not only refutable by experience1 but also repugnant unto ,reason4 ,for beside the monstrosity they fasten unto ,nature1 in contriving many eyes1 who hath made but two unto any ,animal1 that is1 one of each side1 according to the division of the brain2 it were a superfluous inartificial act to place and settle so many in one plane2 for the two extreams would sufficiently perform the office of sight without the help of the intermediate eyes1 and behold as much as all seven joyned together4 ,for the visible base of the object would be defined by these two2 and the middle eyes1 although they behold the same thing1 yet could they not behold so much thereof as these2 so were it no advantage unto man to have a third eye between those two he hath already2 and the fiction of ,argus seems more reasonable then this2 for though he had many eyes1 yet were they placed in circumference and positions of advantage1 and so are they placed in several lines in ,spiders4 ,again1 ,these cavities which men call eyes are seated out of the head1 and where the ,gils of other fish are placed2 containing no ,organs of sight1 nor having any ,communication with the brain4 ,,sn3 ,all sense is from the brain4 ,now all sense proceeding from the brain1 and that being placed 7as ,galen observeth7 in the upper part of the body1 for the fitter situation of the eyes1 and conveniency required unto sight2 it is not reasonable to imagine that they are any where else1 or deserve that name which are seated in other parts4 ,and therefore we relinquish as fabulous what is delivered of ,sternopthalmi1 or men with eyes in their breast1 and when it is said by ,solomon1 ,a wise mans eyes are in his head1 it is to be taken in a second sense1 and affordeth no objection4 ,true it is that the eyes of ,animals are seated with some difference1 but in sanguineous animals in the head1 and that more forward then the ear or hole of hearing4 ,in quadrupedes1 in regard of the figure of their heads1 they are placed at some distance2 in latirostrous and flat-bill'd birds they are more laterally seated1 and therefore when they look intently they turn one eye upon the object1 and can convert their heads to see before and behind1 and to behold two opposite points at once4 ,but at a more easie distance are they situated in man1 and in the same circumference with the ear2 for if one foot of the compass be placed upon the ,crown1 a circle described thereby will intersect1 or pass over both the ears4 ,sidenote3 ,to what use the nine eyes in a ,lamprie do serve4 ,the error in this conceit consists in the ignorance of these cavities1 and their proper use in nature2 for this is a particular disposure of parts1 and a peculiar conformation whereby these holes and sluces supply the defect of ,gils1 and are assisted by the conduit in the head2 for like cetaceous ,animals and ,whales1 the ,lamprie hath a fistula1 spout or pipe at the back part of the head1 whereat it spurts out water4 ,nor is it only singular in this formation1 but also in many other2 as in defect of bones1 whereof it hath not one2 and for the spine or backbone1 a cartilaginous substance without any spondyles1 processes or protuberance whatsoever4 ,as also in the provision which ,nature hath made for the heart2 which in this ,animal is very strangely secured1 and lies immured in a cartilage or gristly substance4 ,and lastly1 in the colour of the liver3 which is in the ,male of an excellent grass-green3 but of a deeper colour in the ,female1 and will communicate a fresh and durable verdure4 ,,chapter ,,xx ,of ,snayls4 ,whether ,snayls have eyes some ,learned men have doubted4 ,for ,scaliger terms them but imitations of eyes2 and ,aristotle upon consequence denyeth them1 when he affirms that ,testaceous ,animals have no eyes4 ,but this now seems sufficiently asserted by the help of exquisite ,glasses1 which discover those black and atramentous spots or globales to be their eyes4 ,that they have two eyes is the common opinion1 but if they have two eyes1 we may grant them to have no less than four1 that is1 two in the larger extensions above1 and two in the shorter and lesser horns below1 and this number may be allowed in these inferiour and exanguious animals2 since we may observe the articulate and latticed eyes in ,flies1 and nine in some ,spiders3 ,and in the great ,phalangium ,spider of ,america1 we plainly number eight4 ,but in sanguineous animals1 quadrupeds1 bipeds1 or man1 no such number can be regularly verified1 or multiplicity of eyes confirmed4 ,and therefore what hath been under this kind delivered1 concerning the plurality1 paucity or anomalous situation of eyes1 is either monstrous1 fabulous1 or under things never seen includes good sense or meaning4 ,and so may we receive the figment of ,argus1 who was an ,hieroglyphick of heaven1 in those centuries of eyes expressing the stars2 and their alternate wakings1 the vicissitude of day and night4 ,which strictly taken cannot be admitted2 for the subject of sleep is not the eye1 but the common sense1 which once asleep1 all eyes must be at rest4 ,and therefore what is delivered as an ,embleme of vigilancy1 that the ,hare and ,lion do sleep with one eye open1 doth not evince they are any more awake then if they were both closed4 ,for the open eye beholds in sleep no more then that which is closed2 and no more one eye in them then two in other ,animals that sleep with both open2 as some by disease1 and others naturally which have no eye-lids at all4 ,sidenote3 ,how things happen to be seen as double4 ,as for ,polyphemus1 although the story be fabulous1 the monstrosity is not impossible4 ,for the act of ,vision may be performed with one eye2 and in the deception and fallacy of sight1 hath this advantage of two1 that it beholds not objects double1 or sees two things for one4 ,for this doth happen when the axis of the visive cones1 diffused from the object1 fall not upon the same plane2 but that which is conveyed into one eye1 is more depressed or elevated then that which enters the other4 ,so if beholding a ,candle1 we protrude either upward or downward the pupill of one eye1 the object will appear double2 but if we shut the other eye1 and behold it with one1 it will their appear but single2 and if we abduce the eye unto either corner1 the object will not duplicate3 for in that position the axis of the cones remain in the same plane1 as is demonstrated in the opticks1 and delivered by ,galen1 in his tenth ,de usu partium4 ,relations also there are of men that could make themselves invisible1 which belongs not to this discourse3 but may serve as notable expressions of wise and prudent men1 who so contrive their affairs1 that although their actions be manifest1 their designs are not discoverable4 ,in this acception there is nothing left of doubt1 and ,giges ,ring remaineth still amongst us3 for vulgar eyes behold no more of wise men then doth the ,sun3 they may discover their exteriour and outward ways1 but their interiour and inward pieces he only sees1 that sees into their beings4 ,,chapter ,,xxi ,of the ,chameleon4 ,concerning the ,chameleon there generally passeth an opinion that it liveth only upon air1 and is sustained by no other aliment3 ,thus much is in plain terms affirmed by ,solinus1 ,pliny1 and others1 and by this periphrasis is the same described by ,ovid4 ,all which notwithstanding1 upon enquiry ,i find the assertion mainly controvertible1 and very much to fail in the three inducements of belief4 ,and first for its verity1 although asserted by some1 and traditionally delivered by others1 yet is it very questionable4 ,for beside lian1 who is seldom defective in these accounts2 ,aristotle distinctly treating hereof1 hath made no mention of this remarkable propriety3 which either suspecting its verity1 or presuming its falsity1 he surely omitted3 for that he remained ignorant of this account it is not easily conceiveable3 it being the common opinion1 and generally received by all men4 ,some have positively denied it1 as ,augustinus1 ,niphus1 ,stobus1 ,dalechampius1 ,fortunius ,licetus1 with many more2 others have experimentally refuted it1 as namely ,johannes ,landius1 who in the relation of ,scaliger1 observed a ,chameleon to lick up a fly from his breast3 ,but ,bellonius ,,sn3 ,comment4 in ,ocell4 ,lucan4 hath been more satisfactorily experimental1 not only affirming they feed on ,flies1 ,caterpillars1 ,beetles and other ,insects1 but upon exenteration he found these ,animals in their bellies3 whereto we might also add the experimental decisions of the worthy ,peireschius and learned ,emanuel ,vizzanius1 in that ,chameleon which had been often observed to drink water1 and delight to feed on ,meal-worms4 ,and although we have not had the advantage of our own observation1 yet have we received the like confirmation from many ocular spectators4 ,as touching the verisimility or probable truth of this relation1 several reasons there are which seem to overthrow it4 ,for first1 there are found in this ,animal1 the guts1 the stomack1 and other parts official unto nutrition2 which were its aliment the empty reception of air1 their provisions had been superfluous4 ,now the wisdom of nature abhorring superfluities1 and effecting nothing in vain1 unto the intention of these operations1 respectively contriveth the ,organs2 and therefore where we find such ,instruments1 we may with strictness expect their actions2 and where we discover them not1 we may with safety conclude the non-intention of their operations4 ,so when we perceive that ,bats have teats1 it is not unreasonable to infer they suckle their younglings with milk2 but whereas no other flying ,animal hath these parts1 we cannot from them expect a viviparous exclusion2 but either a generation of eggs1 or some vermiparous separation1 whose navel is within it self at first1 and its nutrition after not connexedly depending of its original4 ,again1 ,nature is so far from leaving any one part without its proper action1 that she oft-times imposeth two or three labours upon one1 so the ,pizel in ,animals is both official unto ,urine and to generation1 but the first and primary use is generation2 for some creatures enjoy that part which urine not4 ,so the nostrils are useful both for respiration and smelling1 but the principal use is smelling2 for many have nostrils which have no lungs1 as fishes1 but none have lungs or respiration1 which have not some shew1 or some analogy of nostrils4 ,,sn3 ,nature provides no part without its proper function or office4 ,thus we perceive the providence of ,nature1 that is1 the wisdom of ,god1 which disposeth of no part in vain1 and some parts unto two or three uses1 will not provide any without the execution of its proper office1 nor where there is no digestion to be made1 make any parts inservient to that intention4 ,beside the remarkable teeth1 the tongue of this animal is a second argument to overthrow this airy nutrication3 and that not only in its proper nature1 but also its peculiar figure4 ,for of this part properly taken there are two ends2 that is1 the formation of the voice1 and the execution of tast2 for the voice1 it can have no office in ,chameleons1 for they are mute ,animals2 as beside fishes1 are most other sorts of ,lizards4 ,as for their tast1 if their nutriment be air1 neither can it be an ,instrument thereof2 for the body of that element is ingustible1 void of all sapidity1 and without any action of the tongue1 is by the rough artery or wezon conducted into the lungs4 ,and therefore ,pliny much forgets the strictness of his assertion1 when he alloweth excrements unto that ,animal1 that feedeth only upon ,air2 which notwithstanding with the urine of an ,ass1 he commends as a magicall ,medicine upon our enemies4 ,the figure of the tongue seems also to overthrow the presumption of this aliment1 which according to exact delineation1 is in this ,animal peculiar1 and seemeth contrived for prey4 ,for in so little a creature it is at the least a palm long1 and being it self very slow in motion1 hath in this part a very great agility2 withall its food being flies and such as suddenly escape1 it hath in the tongue a mucous and slimy extremity1 whereby upon a sudden emission it inviscates and tangleth those ,insects4 ,and therefore some have thought its name not unsuitable unto its nature2 the nomination in ,greek is a little ,lion ,,sn3 42 not so much for the resemblance of shape1 as affinity of condition2 that is for vigilancy in its prey1 and sudden rapacity thereof1 which it performeth not like the ,lion with its teeth1 but a sudden and unexpected ejaculation of the tongue4 ,this exposition is favoured by some1 especially the old gloss upon ,leviticus1 whereby in the ,translation of ,jerome and the ,septuagint1 this ,animal is forbidden2 what ever it be1 it seems as reasonable as that of ,isidore1 who derives this name ,camelo et ,leone1 as presuming herein resemblance with a ,camell4 ,as for the possibility hereof1 it is not also unquestionable2 and wise men are of opinion1 the bodies of ,animals cannot receive a proper aliment from air2 for beside that tast being 7as ,aristotle terms it7 a kind of touch2 it is required the aliment should be tangible1 and fall under the palpable affections of touch2 beside also that there is some sapor in all aliments1 as being to be distinguished and judged by the gust2 which cannot be admitted in air3 ,beside these1 ,i say1 if we consider the nature of aliment1 and the proper use of air in respiration1 it will very hardly fall under the name hereof1 or properly attain the act of nutrication4 ,sidenote3 ,requisites unto ,nutrition4 ,and first concerning its nature1 to make a perfect nutrition into the body nourished1 there is required a transmutation of the nutriment1 now where this conversion or aggeneration is made1 there is also required in the aliment a familiarity of matter1 and such a community or vicinity unto a living nature1 as by one act of the soul may be converted into the body of the living1 and enjoy one common soul4 ,which cannot be effected by air1 it concurring only with our flesh in common principles1 which are at the largest distance from life1 and common also unto inanimated constitutions4 ,and therefore when it is said by ,fernelius1 and asserted by divers others1 that we are only nourished by living bodies1 and such as are some way proceeding from them1 that is1 the fruits1 effects1 parts1 or seeds thereof2 they have laid out an object very agreeable unto assimulation2 for these indeed are fit to receive a quick and immediate conversion1 as holding some community with our selves1 and containing approximate dispositions unto animation4 ,secondly1 7as is argued by ,aristotle against the ,pythagoreans7 whatsoever properly nourisheth before its assimulation1 by the action of natural heat it receiveth a corpulency or incrassation progressional unto its conversion2 which notwithstanding cannot be effected upon air2 for the action of heat doth not condense but rarifie that body1 and by attenuation1 rather then for nutrition1 disposeth it for expulsion4 ,thirdly1 7which is the argument of ,hippocrates7 all aliment received into the body1 must be therein a considerable space retained1 and not immediately expelled4 ,now air but momentally remaining in our bodies1 it hath no proportionable space for its conversion2 only of length enough to refrigerate the heart2 which having once performed1 lest being it self heated again1 it should suffocate that part1 it maketh no stay1 but hasteth back the same way it passed in4 ,fourthly1 ,the use of air attracted by the lungs1 and without which there is no durable continuation in life1 is not the nutrition of parts1 but the contemperation and ventilation of that fire always maintained in the forge of life2 whereby although in some manner it concurreth unto nutrition1 yet can it not receive the proper name of nutriment4 ,and therefore by ,hippocrates,,sn3 ,de ,alimento4 it is termed ,alimentum non ,alimentum1 a nourishment and no nourishment4 ,that is1 in a large acception1 but not in propriety of language2 conserving the body1 not nourishing the same2 nor repairing it by assimulation1 but preserving it by ventilation2 for thereby the natural flame is preserved from extinction1 and so the individuum supported in some way like nutrition4 ,and though the air so entreth the ,lungs1 that by its nitrous ,spirit doth affect the heart1 and several ways qualifie the blood2 and though it be also admitted into other parts1 even by the meat we chew1 yet that it affordeth a proper nutriment alone1 it is not easily made out4 ,again1 ,some are so far from affirming the air to afford any nutriment1 that they plainly deny it to be any ,element1 or that it entreth into mixt bodies as any principle in their compositions1 but performeth other offices in the ,universe2 as to fill all vacuities about the earth or beneath it1 to convey the heat of the sun1 to maintain fires and flames1 to serve for the flight of volatils1 respiration of breathing ,animals1 and refrigeration of others4 ,and although we receive it as an ,element1 yet since the transmutation of ,elements and simple bodies1 is not beyond great question1 since also it is no easie matter to demonstrate that air is so much as convertible into water ,,sn3 ,wherein ,vapour is commonly mistaken for air42 how transmutable it is into flesh1 may be of deeper doubt4 ,and although the air attracted may be conceived to nourish the invisible flame of life1 in as much as common and culinary flames are nourished by the air about them2 we make some doubt whether air is the pabulous supply of fire1 much less that flame is properly air kindled4 ,and the same before us1 hath been denied by the ,lord of ,verulam1 in his ,tract of ,life and ,death1 and also by ,dr4 ,jorden in his book of ,mineral waters4 ,,sn3 ,what the matter of ,culinary or ,kitchin fire is4 ,for that which substantially maintaineth the fire1 is the combustible matter in the kindled body1 and not the ambient air1 which affordeth exhalation to its fuliginous atomes2 nor that which causeth the flame properly to be termed air1 but rather as he expresseth it1 the accension of fuliginous exhalations1 which contain an unctuosity in them1 and arise from the matter of fuel1 which opinion will salve many doubts1 whereof the common conceit affordeth no solution4 ,as first1 ,how fire is stricken out of flints8 that is1 not by kindling the air from the collision of two hard bodies2 for then ,diamonds should do the like better than ,flints3 but rather from sulphureous inflamed and even vitrified effluviums and particles1 as hath been observed of late4 ,the like saith ,jorden we observe in canes and woods1 that are unctuous and full of oyl1 which will yield fire by frication1 or collision1 not by kindling the air about them1 but the inflamable oyl within them4 ,,sn3 ,why fire goes out commonly wanting air1 and why sometimes continued many ages in flame without fuel4 ,why the fire goes out without air8 that is1 because the fuliginous exhalations wanting evaporation recoil upon the flame and choak it1 as is evident in cupping glasses2 and the artifice of charcoals1 where if the air be altogether excluded1 the fire goes out4 ,why some lamps included in those bodies have burned many hundred years1 as that discovered in the ,sepulchre of ,tullia1 the sister of ,cicero1 and that of ,olibius many years after1 near ,padua8 because whatever was their matter1 either a preparation of gold1 or ,naptha1 the duration proceeded from the purity of their oyl which yielded no fuliginous exhalations to suffocate the fire2 ,for if air had nourished the flame1 it had not continued many minutes1 for it would have been spent and wasted by the fire4 ,why a piece of flax will kindle1 though it touch not the flame8 because the fire extendeth further1 then indeed it is visible1 being at some distance from the week1 a pellucide and transparent body1 and thinner then the air it self4 ,why ,mettals in their liquation1 although they intensly heat the air above their surface1 arise not yet into a flame1 nor kindle the air about them8 because their sulphur is more fixed1 and they emit not inflamable exhalations4 ,and lastly1 why a lamp or candle burneth only in the air about it1 and inflameth not the air at a distance from it8 because the flame extendeth not beyond the inflamable effluence1 but closely adheres unto the original of its inflamation2 and therefore it only warmeth1 not kindleth the air about it4 ,which notwithstanding it will do1 if the ambient air be impregnate with subtile inflamabilities1 and such as are of quick accension2 as experiment is made in a close room2 upon an evaporation of spirits of wine and ,camphire2 as subterraneous fires do sometimes happen1 and as ,creusa and ,alexanders boy in the bath were set on fire by ,naptha4 ,lastly1 ,the ,element of air is so far from nourishing the body1 that some have questioned the power of water2 many conceiving it enters not the body in the power of aliment1 or that from thence there proceeds a substantial supply4 ,for beside that some creatures drink not at all2 ,even unto our selves1 and more perfect ,animals1 though many ways assistent thereto1 it performs no substantial nutrition1 serving for refrigeration1 dilution of solid aliment1 and its elixation in the stomack2 which from thence as a vehicle it conveys through less accessible cavities1 and so in a rorid substance through the capillary cavities1 into every part2 which having performed1 it is afterward excluded by ,urine1 sweat and serous separations4 ,and this opinion surely possessed the ,ancients2 for when they so highly commended that water which is suddenly hot and cold1 which is without all savour1 the lightest1 the thinnest1 and which will soonest boil ,beans or ,pease1 they had no consideration of nutrition2 whereunto had they had respect1 they would have surely commended gross and turbid streams1 in whose confusion at least1 there might be contained some nutriment2 and not jejune or limped water1 nearer the simplicity of its ,element4 ,although1 ,i confess1 our clearest waters and such as seem simple unto sense1 are much compounded unto reason1 as may be observed in the evaporation of large quantities of water2 wherein beside a terreous residence some salt is also found1 as is also observable in rain water2 which appearing pure and empty1 is full of seminal principles1 and carrieth vital atomes of plants and ,animals in it1 which have not perished in the great circulation of nature2 as may be discovered from several ,insects generated in rain water1 from the prevalent fructification of plants thereby2 and 7beside the real plant of ,cornerius ,,sn3 ,a seed of plants and animals contained in rain-water4 ,zibavius1 tom4 #d4 ,chym47 from vegetable figurations1 upon the sides of glasses1 so rarely delineated in frosts4 ,all which considered1 severer heads will be apt enough to conceive the opinion of this ,animal1 not much unlike that of the ,astomi1 or men without mouths1 in ,pliny2 sutable unto the relation of the ,mares in ,spain1 and their subventaneous conceptions1 from the ,western wind2 and in some way more unreasonable then the figment of ,rabican the famous horse in ,ariosto1 which being conceived by flame and wind1 never tasted grass1 or fed on any grosser provender then air2 for this way of nutrition was answerable unto the principles of his generation4 ,which being not airy1 but gross and seminal in the ,chameleon2 unto its conservation there is required a solid pasture1 and a food congenerous unto the principles of its nature4 ,the grounds of this opinion are many2 the first observed by ,theophrastus1 was the inflation or swelling of the body1 made in this ,animal upon inspiration or drawing in its breath2 which people observing1 have thought it to feed upon air4 ,but this effect is rather occasioned upon the greatness of its lungs1 which in this ,animal are very large1 and by their backward situation1 afford a more observable dilation2 and though their lungs be less1 the like inflation is also observable in ,toads1 but especially in ,sentortoises4 ,a second is the continual hiation or holding open its mouth1 which men observing1 conceive the intention thereof to receive the aliment of air2 but this is also occasioned by the greatness of its lungs2 for repletion whereof not having a sufficient or ready supply by its nostrils2 it is enforced to dilate and hold open the jaws4 ,the third is the paucity of blood observed in this ,animal1 scarce at all to be found but in the eye1 and about the heart2 which defect being observed1 inclined some into thoughts1 that the air was a sufficient maintenance for these exanguious parts4 ,but this defect or rather paucity of blood1 is also agreeable unto many other ,animals1 whose solid nutriment we do not controvert2 as may be observed in other sorts of ,lizards1 in ,frogs and divers ,fishes2 and therefore an ,horse-leech will not readily fasten upon every fish2 and we do not read of much blood that was drawn from ,frogs by ,mice1 in that famous battel of ,homer4 ,the last and most common ground which begat or promoted this opinion1 is the long continuation hereof without any visible food1 which some observing1 precipitously conclude they eat not at all4 ,it cannot be denied it is 7if not the most of any7 a very abstemious ,animal1 and such as by reason of its frigidity1 paucity of blood1 and latitancy in the winter 7about which time the observations are often made7 will long subsist without a visible sustentation4 ,but a like condition may be also observed in many other ,animals2 for ,lizards and ,leeches1 as we have made trial1 will live some months without sustenance2 and we have included ,snails in glasses all winter1 which have returned to feed again in the spring4 ,now these notwithstanding1 are not conceived to pass all their lives without food2 for so to argue is fallacious1 and is moreover sufficiently convicted by experience4 ,and therefore probably other relations are of the same verity1 which are of the like affinity2 as is the conceit of the ,rhintace in ,persia1 the ,canis ,levis of ,america1 and the ,manucodiata or bird of ,paradise in ,india4 ,to assign a reason of this abstinence in ,animals1 or declare how without a supply there ensueth no destructive exhaustion1 exceedeth the limits and intention of my discourse4 ,fortunius ,licetus in his excellent ,tract1 de his qui diu vivunt sine alimento1 hath very ingeniously attempted it2 deducing the cause hereof from an equal conformity of natural heat and moisture1 at least no considerable exuperancy in either2 which concurring in an unactive proportion1 the natural heat consumeth not the moisture 7whereby ensueth no exhaustion7 and the condition of natural moisture is able to resist the slender action of heat 7whereby it needeth no reparation7 and this is evident in ,snakes1 ,lizards1 ,snails1 and divers ,insects latitant many months in the year2 which being cold creatures1 containing a weak heat in a crass or copious humidity1 do long subsist without nutrition4 ,for the activity of the agent1 being not able to overmaster the resistance of the patient1 there will ensue no deperdition4 ,and upon the like grounds it is1 that cold and phlegmatick bodies1 and 7as ,hippocrates determineth7 that old men will best endure fasting4 ,now the same harmony and stationary constitution1 as it happeneth in many species1 so doth it fall out sometime in ,individuals4 ,for we read of many who have lived long without aliment2 and beside deceits and impostures1 there may be veritable ,relations of some1 who without a miracle1 and by peculiarity of temper1 have far out fasted ,elias4 ,which notwithstanding doth not take off the miracle2 for that may be miraculously effected in one1 which is naturally causable in another4 ,some naturally living unto an hundred2 unto which age1 others notwithstanding could not attain without a miracle4 ,,chapter ,,xxii ,of the ,ostrich4 ,the common opinion of the ,ostrich1 ,struthiocamelus or ,sparrow-,camel conceives that it digesteth ,iron2 and this is confirmed by the affirmations of many2 beside swarms of others1 ,rhodiginus in his prelections taketh it for granted1 ,johannes ,langius in his ,epistles pleadeth experiment for it2 the common picture also confirmeth it1 which usually describeth this ,animal with an horshoe in its mouth4 ,notwithstanding upon enquiry we find it very questionable1 and the negative seems most reasonably entertained2 whose verity indeed we do the rather desire1 because hereby we shall relieve our ignorance of one occult quality2 for in the list thereof it is accounted1 and in that notion imperiously obtruded upon us4 ,for my part1 although ,i have had the sight of this ,animal1 ,i have not had the opportunity of its experiment1 but have received great occasion of doubt1 from learned discourses thereon4 ,for ,aristotle and ,oppianus who have particularly treated hereof are silent in this singularity2 either omitting it as dubious1 or as the ,comment saith1 rejecting it as fabulous4 ,pliny speaketh generally1 affirming only1 the digestion is wonderful in this ,animal2 lian delivereth1 that it digesteth stones without any mention of ,iron2 ,leo ,africanus1 who lived in those ,countries wherein they most abound1 speaketh diminutively1 and but half way into this assertion3 ,surdum ac simplex animal est1 quicquid invenit1 absque delectu1 usque ad ferrum devorat3 ,fernelius in his second ,de abditis rerum causis1 extenuates it1 and ,riolanus in his ,comment thereof positively denies it4 ,some have experimentally refuted it1 as ,albertus ,magnus2 and most plainly ,ulysses ,aldrovandus1 whose words are these3 ,ego ferri frusta devorare1 dum ,tridenti essem1 observavi1 sed qu incocta rursus excerneret1 that is1 at my being at ,trent1 ,i observed the ,ostrich to swallow ,iron1 but yet to exclude it undigested again4 ,now beside experiment1 it is in vain to attempt against it by ,philosophical argument1 it being an occult quality1 which contemns the law of ,reason1 and defends it self by admitting no reason at all4 ,,sn3 ,how 7possibly7 the stomack of the ,ostrich may alter ,iron4 ,as for its possibility we shall not at present dispute2 nor will we affirm that ,iron ingested1 receiveth in the stomack of the ,ostrich no alteration at all2 but if any such there be1 we suspect this effect rather from some way of corrosion1 then any of digestion2 not any liquid reduction or tendance to chilification by the power of natural heat1 but rather some attrition from an acide and vitriolous humidity in the stomack1 which may absterse and shave the scorious parts thereof4 ,so rusty ,iron crammed down the throat of a ,cock1 will become terse and clear again in its gizzard3 ,so the ,counter which according to the relation of ,amatus remained a whole year in the body of a youth1 and came out much consumed at last2 might suffer this diminution1 rather from sharp and acide humours1 then the strength of natural heat1 as he supposeth4 ,so silver swallowed and retained some time in the body1 will turn black1 as if it had been dipped in ,aqua fortis1 or some corrosive water1 but ,lead will remain unaltered2 for that mettal containeth in it a sweet salt or sugar1 whereby it resisteth ordinary corrosion1 and will not easily dissolve even in ,aqua fortis4 ,so when for medical uses1 we take down the filings of ,iron or ,steel1 we must not conceive it passeth unaltered from us2 for though the grosser parts be excluded again1 yet are the dissoluble parts extracted1 whereby it becomes effectual in deopilations2 and therefore for speedier operation we make extinctions1 infusions1 and the like1 whereby we extract the salt and active parts of the ,medicine2 which being in solution1 more easily enter the veins4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,chymists would have by their ,aurum ,potabile4 ,and this is that the ,chymists mainly drive at in the attempt of their ,aurum ,potabile2 that is1 to reduce that indigestible substance into such a form as may not be ejected by siege1 but enter the cavities1 and less accessible parts of the body1 without corrosion4 ,the ground of this conceit is its swallowing down fragments of ,iron1 which men observing1 by a froward illation1 have therefore conceived it digesteth them2 which is an inference not to be admitted1 as being a fallacy of the consequent1 that is1 concluding a position of the consequent1 from the position of the antecedent4 ,for many things are swallowed by ,animals1 rather for condiment1 gust or medicament1 then any substantial nutriment4 ,so ,poultrey1 and especially the ,turkey1 do of themselves take down stones2 and we have found at one time in the gizzard of a ,turkey no less then seven hundred4 ,now these rather concur unto digestion1 then are themselves digested2 for we have found them also in the guts and excrements2 but their descent is very slow1 for we have given them stones and small pieces of ,iron1 which eighteen days after we have found remaining in the gizzard4 ,and therefore the experiment of ,langius and others might be fallible1 whilst after the taking they expected it should come down within a day or two after4 ,,sn3 ,how ,cherry-stones may be thought to prevent surfets upon eating ,cherries4 ,thus also we swallow ,cherry-stones1 but void them unconcocted1 and we usually say they preserve us from surfet2 for being hard bodies they conceive a strong and durable heat in the stomack1 and so prevent the crudities of their fruit3 ,and upon the like reason do culinary operators observe1 that flesh boiles best1 when the bones are boiled with it4 ,thus dogs will eat grass1 which they digest not3 ,thus ,camels to make the water sapid1 do raise the mud with their feet3 ,thus horses will knable at walls1 ,pigeons delight in salt stones4 ,rats will gnaw iron1 and ,aristotle saith the ,elephant swalloweth stones4 ,and thus may also the ,ostrich swallow ,iron2 not as his proper aliment1 but for the ends above expressed1 and even as we observe the like in other ,animals4 ,and whether these fragments of ,iron and hard substances swallowed by the ,ostrich1 have not also that use in their stomacks1 which they have in other birds2 that is1 in some way to supply the use of teeth1 by commolition1 grinding and compression of their proper aliment1 upon the action of the strongly conformed muscles of the stomack2 as the honor'd ,dr4 ,harvey discourseth1 may also be considered4 ,what effect therefore may be expected from the stomack of an ,ostrich by application alone to further digestion in ours1 beside the experimental refute of ,galen1 we refer it unto considerations above alledged2 ,or whether there be any more credit to be given unto the ,medicine of lian1 who affirms the stones they swallow have a peculiar vertue for the eyes1 then that of ,hermolaus and ,pliny drawn from the urine of this ,animal2 let them determine who can swallow so strange a transmission of qualities1 or believe that any ,bird or flying ,animal doth separately and distinctly urine beside the ,bat4 ,that therefore an ,ostrich will swallow and take down ,iron1 is easily to be granted3 that oftimes it pass entire away1 if we admit of ocular testimony not to be denied4 ,and though some experiment may also plead1 that sometimes they are so altered1 as not to be found or excluded in any discernable parcels3 yet whether this be not effected by some way of corrosion1 from sharp and dissolving humidities1 rather then any proper digestion1 chilifactive mutation1 or alimental conversion1 is with good reason doubted4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii ,of ,unicorns ,horn4 ,great account and much profit is made of ,unicorns horn1 at least of that which beareth the name thereof2 wherein notwithstanding1 many ,i perceive suspect an ,imposture1 and some conceive there is no such ,animal extant4 ,herein therefore to draw up our determinations2 beside the several places of ,scripture mentioning this ,animal 7which some may well contend to be only meant of the ,rhinoceros ,,sn3 ,some doubt to be made what signifieth in ,scripture47 we are so far from denying there is any ,unicorn at all1 that we affirm there are many kinds thereof4 ,in the number of ,quadrupedes1 we will concede no less then five2 that is1 the ,indian ,ox1 the ,indian ,ass1 the ,rhinoceros1 the ,oryx1 and that which is more eminently termed ,monoceros1 or ,unicornis4 ,some of the list of fishes2 as that described by ,olaus1 ,albertus and others3 and some ,unicorns we will allow even among ,insects2 as those four kinds of nasicornous ,beetles described by ,muffetus4 ,secondly1 ,although we concede there may be many ,unicorns1 yet are we still to seek2 for whereunto to affix this ,horn in question1 or to determine from which thereof we receive this magnified ,medicine1 we have no assurance1 or any satisfactory decision4 ,for although we single out one1 and eminently thereto assign the name of the ,unicorn2 yet can we not be secure what creature is meant thereby2 what constant shape it holdeth1 or in what number to be received4 ,for as far as our endeavours discover1 this animal is not uniformly described1 but differently set forth by those that undertake it4 ,,sn3 ,the ,unicorn1 how variously reported by ,authors4 ,pliny affirmeth it is a fierce and terrible creature2 ,vartomannus a tame and mansuete ,animal3 those which ,garcias ab ,horto described about the cape of good hope1 were beheld with heads like horses2 those which ,vartomannus beheld1 he described with the head of a ,deer2 ,pliny1 lian1 ,solinus1 and after these from ocular assurance1 ,paulus ,venetus affirmeth1 the feet of the ,unicorn are undivided1 and like the ,elephants3 ,but those two which ,vartomannus beheld at ,mecha1 were as he describeth1 footed like a ,goat4 ,as lian describeth1 it is in the bigness of an ,horse1 as ,vartomannus1 of a ,colt2 that which ,thevet speaketh of was not so big as an ,heifer2 but ,paulus ,venetus affirmeth1 they are but little less then ,elephants4 ,which are discriminations very material1 and plainly declare1 that under the same name ,authors describe not the same ,animal3 so that the ,unicorns ,horn of one1 is not that of another1 although we proclaim an equal vertue in all4 ,thirdly1 ,although we were agreed what ,animal this was1 or differed not in its description1 yet would this also afford but little satisfaction2 for the ,horn we commonly extol1 is not the same with that of the ,ancients4 ,for that in the description of lian and ,pliny was black3 this which is shewed amongst us is commonly white1 none black2 and of those five which ,scaliger beheld1 though one spadiceous1 or of a light red1 and two enclining to red1 yet was there not any of this complexion among them4 ,fourthly1 ,what ,horns soever they be which pass amongst us1 they are not surely the ,horns of any one kind of ,animal1 but must proceed from several sorts of ,unicorns4 ,for some are wreathed1 some not3 ,that famous one which is preserved at ,st4 ,dennis near ,paris1 hath wreathy spires1 and chocleary turnings about it1 which agreeth with the description of the ,unicorns ,horn in lian4 ,those two in the treasure of ,st4 ,mark are plain1 and best accord with those of the ,indian ,ass1 or the descriptions of other ,unicorns3 ,that in the ,repository of the electour of ,saxone is plain and not hollow1 and is believed to be a true ,land ,unicorns ,horn4 ,albertus ,magnus describeth one ten foot long1 and at the base about thirteen inches compass3 ,and that of ,antwerp which ,goropius ,becanus describeth1 is not much inferiour unto it2 which best agree unto the descriptions of the ,sea-,unicorns2 for these1 as ,olaus affirmeth1 are of that strength and bigness1 as able to penetrate the ribs of ships4 ,the same is more probable1 because it was brought from ,island1 from whence1 as ,becanus affirmeth1 three other were brought in his days3 ,and we have heard of some which have been found by the ,sea-side1 and brought unto us from ,america4 ,so that while we commend the ,unicorns ,horn1 and conceive it peculiar but unto one animal2 under apprehension of the same vertue1 we use very many2 and commend that effect from all1 which every one confineth unto some one he hath either seen or described4 ,fifthly1 ,although there be many ,unicorns1 and consequently many ,horns1 yet many there are which bear that name1 and currantly pass among us1 which are no ,horns at all4 ,such are those fragments and pieces of ,lapis ,ceratites1 commonly termed ,cornu fossile1 whereof ,btius had no less than twenty several sorts presented him for ,unicorns ,horn4 ,hereof in subterraneous cavities1 and under the earth there are many to be found in several parts of ,germany2 which are but the lapidescencies and petrifactive mutations of hard bodies2 sometimes of ,horn1 of teeth1 of bones1 and branches of trees1 whereof there are some so imperfectly converted1 as to retain the odor and qualities of their originals2 as he relateth of pieces of ,ash and ,walnut4 ,again1 in most1 if not all which pass amongst us1 and are extolled for precious ,horns1 we discover not an affection common unto other ,horns2 that is1 they mollifie not with fire1 they soften not upon decoction or infusion1 nor will they afford a jelly1 or mucilaginous concretion in either2 which notwithstanding we may effect in ,goats horns1 ,sheeps1 ,cows and ,harts-horn1 in the ,horn of the ,rhinoceros1 the horn of the ,pristis or ,sword fish4 ,nor do they become friable or easily powderable by ,philosophical calcination1 that is1 from the vapor or steam of water1 but split and rift contrary to others horns4 ,,sn3 ,unicorns ,horn commonly used in ,england1 what it is4 ,briefly1 many of those commonly received1 and whereof there be so many fragments preserved in ,england1 are not only no ,horn1 but a substance harder then a bone1 that is1 parts of the tooth of a ,morse or ,sea-horse2 in the midst of the solider part contained a curdled grain1 which is not to be found in ,ivory4 ,this in ,northern ,regions is of frequent use for hafts of knives or hilts of swords1 and being burnt becomes a good remedy for fluxes3 but ,antidotally used1 and exposed for ,unicorns ,horn1 it is an insufferable delusion2 and with more veniable deceit1 it might have been practised in ,harts-horn4 ,the like deceit may be practised in the teeth of other ,sea-animals2 in the teeth also of the ,hippopotamus1 or great ,animal which frequenteth the ,river ,nilus3 ,for we read that the same was anciently used instead of ,ivory or ,elephants tooth4 ,nor is it to be omitted1 what hath been formerly suspected1 but now confirmed by ,olaus ,wormius1 and ,thomas ,bartholinus and others1 that those long ,horns preserved as pretious rarities in many places1 are but the teeth of ,narhwales1 to be found about ,island1 ,greenland and other ,northern regions2 of many feet long1 commonly wreathed1 very deeply fastned in the upper jaw1 and standing directly forward1 graphically described in ,bartholinus,,sn3 ,de ,unicornu41 according unto one sent from a ,bishop of ,island1 not separated from the crany4 ,hereof ,mercator hath taken notice in his description of ,island3 some relations hereof there seem to be in ,purchas1 who also delivereth that the ,horn at ,windsor1 was in his second voyage brought hither by ,frobisher4 ,these before the ,northern discoveries1 as unknown rarities1 were carried by ,merchants into all parts of ,europe2 and though found on the ,sea-shore1 were sold at very high rates2 but are now become more common1 and probably in time will prove of little esteem2 and the bargain of ,julius the third1 be accounted a very hard one1 who stuck not to give many thousand crowns for one4 ,nor is it great wonder we may be so deceived in this1 being daily gulled in the brother ,antidote ,bezoar2 whereof though many be false1 yet one there passeth amongst us of more intollerable delusion2 somewhat paler then the true stone1 and given by women in the extremity of great diseases1 which notwithstanding is no stone1 but seems to be the stony seed of some ,lithospermum or greater ,grumwell2 or the ,lobus ,echinatus of ,clusius1 called also the ,bezoar ,nut2 for being broken1 it discovereth a kernel of a leguminous smell and tast1 bitter like a ,lupine1 and will swell and sprout if set in the ground1 and therefore more serviceable for issues1 then dangerous and virulent diseases4 ,sixthly1 ,although we were satisfied we had the ,unicorns ,horn1 yet were it no injury unto reason to question the efficacy thereof1 or whether those vertues pretended do properly belong unto it4 ,for what we observe1 7and it escaped not the observation of ,paulus ,jovius many years past7 none of the ,ancients ascribed any medicinal or antidotal vertue unto the ,unicorns ,horn2 and that which lian extolleth1 who was the first and only man of the ,ancients who spake of the medical vertue of any ,unicorn1 was the ,horn of the ,indian ,ass2 whereof1 saith he1 the ,princes of those parts make bowls and drink therein1 as preservatives against ,poyson1 ,convulsions1 and the ,falling-sickness4 ,now the description of that ,horn is not agreeable unto that we commend2 for that 7saith he7 is red above1 white below1 and black in the middle2 which is very different from ours1 or any to be seen amongst us4 ,and thus1 though the description of the ,unicorn be very ancient1 yet was there of old no vertue ascribed unto it2 and although this amongst us receive the opinion of the same vertue1 yet is it not the same ,horn whereunto the ,antients ascribed it4 ,lastly1 ,although we allow it an ,antidotal efficacy1 and such as the ,ancients commended1 yet are there some vertues ascribed thereto by ,moderns not easily to be received2 and it hath surely faln out in this1 as other magnified medicines1 whose operations effectual in some diseases1 are presently extended unto all4 ,that some ,antidotal quality it may have1 we have no reason to deny2 for since ,elks ,hoofs and ,horns are magnified for ,epilepsies1 since not only the bone in the heart1 but the ,horn of a ,deer is ,alexipharmacal1 and ingredient into the confection of ,hyacinth1 and the ,electuary of ,maximilian2 we cannot without prejudice except against the efficacy of this4 ,,sn3 ,expulsive of ,poisons4 ,but when we affirm it is not only ,antidotal to proper venoms1 and substances destructive by qualities we cannot express2 but that it resisteth also ,sublimate1 ,arsenick1 and poysons which kill by second qualities1 that is1 by corrosion of parts2 ,i doubt we exceed the properties of its nature1 and the promises of experiment will not secure the adventure4 ,and therefore in such extremities1 whether there be not more probable relief from fat oyly substances1 which are the open tyrants over salt and corrosive bodies1 then precious and cordial medicines which operate by secret and disputable proprieties2 or whether he that swallowed ,lime1 and drank down ,mercury water1 did not more reasonably place his cure in milk1 butter or oyl1 then if he had recurred unto ,pearl and ,bezoar1 common reason at all times1 and necessity in the like case would easily determine4 ,since therefore there be many ,unicorns2 since that whereto we appropriate a ,horn is so variously described1 that it seemeth either never to have been seen by two persons1 or not to have been one animal2 ,since though they agreed in the description of the animal1 yet is not the ,horn we extol the same with that of the ,ancients2 ,since what ,horns soever they be that pass among us1 they are not the ,horns of one1 but several animals2 ,since many in common use and high esteem are no ,horns at all2 ,since if there were true ,horns1 yet might their vertues be questioned2 ,since though we allowed some vertues1 yet were not others to be received2 with what security a man may rely on this remedy1 the mistress of fools hath already instructed some1 and to wisdom 7which is never to wise to learn7 it is not too late to consider4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv ,that all ,animals of the ,land1 are in their kind in the ,sea4 ,that all ,animals of the ,land1 are in their kind in the ,sea1 although received as a principle1 is a tenent very questionable1 and will admit of restraint4 ,for some in the ,sea are not to be matcht by any enquiry at ,land1 and hold those shapes which terrestrious forms approach not2 as may be observed in the ,moon-fish1 or ,orthragoriscus1 the several sorts of ,raia's1 ,torpedo's1 ,oysters1 and many more1 and some there are in the ,land which were never maintained to be in the ,sea1 as ,panthers1 ,hyna's1 ,camels1 ,sheep1 ,molls1 and others1 which carry no name in ,icthyology ,,sn3 ,history of fishes41 nor are to be found in the exact descriptions of ,rondoletius1 ,gesner1 or ,aldrovandus4 ,again1 ,though many there be which make out their nominations1 as the ,hedg-hog1 ,sea-serpents and others2 yet are there also very many that bear the name of animals at ,land1 which hold no resemblance in corporal configuration2 in which account we compute ,vulpecula1 ,canis1 ,rana1 ,passer1 ,cuculus1 ,asellus1 ,turdus1 ,lepus1 etc4 ,wherein while some are called the ,fox1 the ,dog1 the ,sparrow or ,frog-fish3 and are known by common names with those at ,land2 yet as their describers attest1 they receive not these appellations from a total similitude in figure1 but any concurrence in common accidents1 in colour1 condition or single conformation4 ,as for ,sea-horses which much confirm this assertion2 in their common descriptions1 they are but ,crotesco deliniations which fill up empty spaces in ,maps1 and meer pictorial inventions1 not any ,physical shapes3 sutable unto those which 7as ,pliny delivereth7 ,praxiteles long ago set out in the ,temple of ,domitius4 ,for that which is commonly called a ,sea-horse1 is properly called a ,morse1 and makes not out that shape4 ,that which the ,ancients named ,hippocampus is a little animal about six inches long1 and not preferred beyond the classis of ,insects4 ,that which they termed ,hippopotamus an amphibious animal1 about the ,river ,nile1 so little resembleth an horse1 that as ,mathiolus observeth1 in all except the feet1 it better makes out a swine4 ,that which they termed a ,lion1 was but a kind of ,lobster3 that which they called the ,bear1 was but one kind of ,crab3 and that which they named ,bos marinus1 was not as we conceive a fish resembling an ,ox1 but a ,skait or ,thornback1 so named from its bigness1 expressed by the ,greek word ,bous1 which is a prefix of augmentation to many words in that language4 ,and therefore although it be not denied that some in the water do carry a justifiable resemblance to some at ,land1 yet are the major part which bear their names unlike2 nor do they otherwise resemble the creatures on earth1 then they on earth the constellations which pass under animal names in heaven3 nor the ,dog fish at ,sea much more make out the ,dog of the ,land1 then that his cognominal or name-sake in the heavens4 ,now if from a similitude in some1 it be reasonable to infer a correspondence in all1 we may draw this analogy of animals upon plants2 for vegetables there are which carry a near and allowable similitude unto animals4 ,,sn3 ,fab4 column4 de stirp4 rarioribus1 ,orchis1 ,cercopithecophora1 ,anthropophora4 ,we might also conclude that animal shapes were generally made out in minerals3 for several stones there are that bear their names in relation to animals or their parts1 as ,lapis anguinus1 ,conchites1 ,echinites1 ,encephalites1 gopthalmus1 and many more2 as will appear in the ,writers of ,minerals1 and especially in ,btius and ,aldrovandus4 ,moreover if we concede1 that the animals of one ,element1 might bear the names of those in the other1 yet in strict reason the watery productions should have the prenomination3 and they of the land rather derive their names1 then nominate those of the ,sea4 ,for the watery plantations were first existent1 and as they enjoyed a priority in form1 had also in nature precedent denominations3 but falling not under that ,nomenclature of ,adam1 which unto terrestrious animals assigned a name appropriate unto their natures3 from succeeding spectators they received arbitrary appellations3 and were respectively denominated unto creatures known at ,land2 who in themselves had independent names and not to be called after them1 which were created before them4 ,lastly1 ,by this assertion we restrain the hand of ,god1 and abridge the variety of the creation2 making the creatures of one ,element1 but an acting over those of another1 and conjoyning as it were the species of things which stood at distance in the intellect of ,god2 and though united in the ,chaos1 had several seeds of their creation4 ,for although in that indistinguisht mass1 all things seemed one2 yet separated by the voice of ,god1 according to their species1 they came out in incommunicated varieties1 and irrelative seminalities1 as well as divided places2 and so although we say the world was made in six days1 yet was there as it were a world in every one2 that is1 a distinct creation of distinguisht creatures2 a distinction in time of creatures divided in nature1 and a several approbation and survey in every one4 ,,chapter ,,xxv ,concerning the common course of ,diet1 in making choice of some ,animals1 and abstaining from eating others4 ,why we confine our food unto certain ,animals1 and totally reject some others2 how these distinctions crept into several ,nations2 and whether this practice be built upon solid reason1 or chiefly supported by custom or opinion2 may admit consideration4 ,for first there is no absolute necessity to feed on any2 and if we resist not the stream of ,authority1 and several diductions from holy ,scripture3 there was no ,sarcophagie before the flood2 ,,sn3 ,eating of ,flesh4 and without the eating of flesh1 our fathers from vegetable aliments1 preserved themselves unto longer lives1 then their posterity by any other4 ,for whereas it is plainly said1 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #a4 #bi4 ,i have given you every herb which is upon the face of all the earth1 and every tree1 to you it shall be for meat2 ,,sn3 ,the natural vertue of vegetables impaired by the deluge4 presently after the deluge1 when the same had destroyed or infirmed the nature of vegetables1 by an expression of enlargement1 it is again delivered3 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #i4 #c4 ,every moving thing that liveth1 shall be meat for you1 even as the green herb1 have ,i given you all things4 ,and therefore although it be said that ,abel was a ,shepherd1 and it be not readily conceived1 the first men would keep sheep1 except they made food thereof3 great ,expositors will tell us1 that it was partly for their skins1 wherewith they were cloathed1 partly for their milk1 whereby they were sustained2 and partly for ,sacrifices1 which they also offered4 ,and though it may seem improbable1 that they offered flesh1 yet eat not thereof2 and ,abel can hardly be said to offer the firstlings of his flock1 and the fat or acceptable part1 if men used not to tast the same1 whereby to raise such distinctions3 some will confine the eating of flesh unto the line of ,cain1 who extended their luxury1 and confined not unto the rule of ,god4 ,that if at any time the line of ,seth eat flesh1 it was extraordinary1 and only at their sacrifices2 or else 7as ,grotius hinteth7 if any such practice there were1 it was not from the beginning2 but from that time when the waies of men were corrupted1 and whereof it is said1 that the wickedness of mans heart was great2 the more righteous part of mankind probably conforming unto the diet prescribed in ,paradise1 and the state of innocency4 ,,sn3 ,eating of ,flesh 7probably7 not so common before the flood4 ,and yet however the practice of men conformed1 this was the injunction of ,god1 and might be therefore sufficient1 without the food of flesh4 ,that they fed not on flesh1 at least the faithful party before the flood1 may become more probable1 because they refrained the same for some time after4 ,for so was it generally delivered of the golden age and reign of ,saturn2 which is conceived the time of ,noah1 before the building of ,babel4 ,and he that considereth how agreeable this is unto the traditions of the ,gentiles2 that that age was of one tongue3 that ,saturn devoured all his sons but three2 that he was the son of ,oceanus and ,thetis2 that a ,ship was his ,symbole2 that he taught the culture of vineyards1 and the art of husbandry1 and was therefore described with a sickle1 may well conceive1 these traditions had their original in ,noah4 ,nor did this practice terminate in him1 but was continued at least in many after3 as 7beside the ,pythagoreans of old1 ,bannyans now in ,india1 who upon single opinions refrain the food of flesh7 ancient records do hint or plainly deliver4 ,although we descend not so low1 as that of sclepiades delivered by ,porphyrius ,,sn3 41 that men began to feed on flesh in the raign of ,pygmaleon brother of ,dido1 who invented several torments1 to punish the eaters of flesh4 ,nor did men only refrain from the flesh of beasts at first1 but as some will have it1 beasts from one another4 ,and if we should believe very grave conjecturers1 carnivorous animals now1 were not flesh devourers then1 according to the expression of the divine provision for them4 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #a4 #cf4 ,to every beast of the earth1 and to every fowl of the air1 ,i have given every green herb for meat1 and it was so4 ,as is also collected from the store laid up in the ,ark2 wherein there seems to have been no fleshly provision for carnivorous ,animals4 ,for of every kind of unclean beast there went but two into the ,ark3 and therefore no stock of flesh to sustain them many days1 much less almost a year4 ,but when ever it be acknowledged that men began to feed on flesh1 yet how they betook themselves after to particular kinds thereof1 with rejection of many others1 is a point not clearly determined4 ,as for the distinction of clean and unclean beasts1 the original is obscure1 and salveth not our practice4 ,for no ,animal is naturally unclean1 or hath this character in nature2 and therefore whether in this distinction there were not some mystical intention3 ,,sn3 ,how ,moses might distinguish beasts into clean and unclean before the flood4 whether ,moses after the distinction made of unclean beasts1 did not name these so before the flood by anticipation3 whether this distinction before the flood1 were not only in regard of sacrifices1 as that delivered after was in regard of food3 7for many were clean for food1 which were unclean for sacrifice7 or whether the denomination were but comparative1 and of beasts less commodious for food1 although not simply bad1 is not yet resolved4 ,and as for the same distinction in the time of ,moses1 long after the flood1 from thence we hold no restriction1 as being no rule unto ,nations beside the ,jews in dietetical consideration1 or natural choice of diet1 they being enjoyned or prohibited certain foods upon remote and secret intentions4 ,especially thereby to avoid community with the ,gentiles upon promiscuous commensality3 or to divert them from the ,idolatry of ,egypt whence they came1 they were enjoyned to eat the ,gods of ,egypt in the food of ,sheep and ,oxen4 ,withall in this distinction of ,animals the consideration was hieroglyphical2 in the bosom and inward sense implying an abstinence from certain vices symbolically intimated from the nature of those animals2 as may be well made out in the prohibited meat of ,swine1 ,cony1 ,owl1 and many more4 ,at least the intention was not medical1 or such as might oblige unto conformity or imitation2 ,for some we refrain which that ,law alloweth1 as ,locusts and many others2 and some it prohibiteth1 which are accounted good meat in strict and ,medical censure3 as 7beside many fishes which have not finns and scales17 the ,swine1 ,cony and ,hare1 a dainty dish with the ,ancients2 as is delivered by ,galen1 testified by ,martial ,,sn3 ,inter quadrupedes mattya prima ,lepus41 as the popular opinion implied1 that men grew fair by the flesh thereof3 by the diet of ,cato1 that is ,hare and ,cabbage2 and the ,jus nigrum1 or ,black broath of the ,spartans1 which was made with the blood and bowels of an ,hare4 ,and if we take a view of other ,nations1 we shall discover that they refrained many meats upon the like considerations4 ,for in some the abstinence was symbolical2 so ,pythagoras enjoyned abstinence from fish3 that is1 luxurious and dainty dishes2 ,so according to ,herodotus1 some ,egyptians refrained swines flesh1 as an impure and sordid animal3 which whoever but touched1 was fain to wash himself4 ,some abstained superstitiously or upon religious consideration3 ,so the ,syrians refrained ,fish and ,pigeons2 the ,egyptians of old1 ,dogs1 ,eeles and ,crocodiles2 though ,leo ,africanus delivers1 that many of late1 do eat them with good gust3 and ,herodotus also affirmeth1 that the ,egyptians of ,elephantina 7unto whom they were not sacred17 did eat thereof in elder times3 and ,writers testify1 that they are eaten at this day in ,india and ,america4 ,and so1 as ,csar reports1 ,,sn3 ,lib4 #c4 de bello ,gall4 unto the ancient ,britains it was piaculous to tast a ,goose1 which dish at present no table is without4 ,unto some ,nations the abstinence was political and for some civil advantage3 ,so the ,thessalians refrained ,storks1 because they destroyed their ,serpents2 and the like in sundry animals is observable in other ,nations4 ,and under all these considerations were some animals refrained3 so the ,jews abstained from swine at first symbolically1 as an ,emblem of impurity2 and not for fear of the ,leprosie1 as ,tacitus would put upon them4 ,the ,cretians superstitiously1 upon tradition that ,jupiter was suckled in that countrey by a ,sow4 ,some ,egyptians politically1 because they supplyed the labour of plowing by rooting up the ground4 ,and upon like considerations perhaps the ,phnicians and ,syrians fed not on this ,animal3 and as ,solinus reports1 the ,arabians also and ,indians4 ,a great part of mankind refraining one of the best foods1 and such as ,pythagoras himself would eat2 who1 as ,aristoxenus records ,,sn3 ,aul4 ,gell4 lib4 #d41 refused not to feed on ,pigs4 ,sidenote3 ,certain dishes in great request with the ,ancients1 not so much esteemed now4 ,moreover while we single out several dishes and reject others1 the selection seems but arbitrary1 or upon opinion2 for many are commended and cryed up in one age1 which are decryed and nauseated in another4 ,thus in the dayes of ,mecenas1 no flesh was preferred before young ,asses2 which notwithstanding became abominable unto succeeding appetites4 ,at the table of ,heliogabalus the combs of ,cocks were an esteemed service2 which country stomacks will not admit at ours4 ,the ,sumen or belly and dugs of swine with ,pig1 and sometimes beaten and bruised unto death3 the womb of the same ,animal1 especially that was barren1 or else had cast her young ones1 though a tough and membranous part1 was magnified by ,roman ,palats2 whereunto nevertheless we cannot perswade our stomacks4 ,how ,alec1 ,muria1 and ,garum1 would humour our gust ,i know not2 but surely few there are that could delight in their ,cyceon2 that is1 the common draught of ,honey1 ,cheese1 parcht ,barley-flower1 ,oyl and ,wine2 which notwithstanding was commended mixture1 and in high esteem among them4 ,we mortifie our selves with the diet of fish1 and think we fare coursly if we refrain from the flesh of other animals4 ,but antiquity held another opinion hereof3 ,when ,pythagoras in prevention of luxury advised1 not so much as to tast on fish4 ,since the ,rhodians were wont to call them clowns that eat flesh3 and since ,plato to evidence the temperance of the noble ,greeks before ,troy1 observed1 that it was not found they fed on fish1 though they lay so long near the ,hellespont,,sn3 ,odyss4 #d42 and was only observed in the companions of ,menelaus1 that being almost starved1 betook themselves to fishing about ,pharos4 ,nor will 7,i fear7 the attest or prescript of ,philosophers and ,physitians1 be a sufficient ground to confirm or warrant common practice1 as is deducible from ancient ,writers1 from ,hippocrates1 ,galen1 ,simeon1 ,sethi3 and the later tracts of ,nonnus ,,sn3 ,non de re cibaria4 and ,castellanus4 ,,sn3 ,cast4 de esu carnium4 ,so ,aristotle and ,albertus commend the flesh of young ,hawks3 ,galen ,,sn3 ,gal4 ,alim4 fac4 lib4 #c4 when they feed on ,grapes3 but condemneth ,quails1 and ranketh ,geese but with ,ostriches2 which notwithstanding1 present practice and every table extolleth4 ,men think they have fared hardly1 if in times of extremity they have descended so low as ,dogs3 but ,galen delivereth ,,sn3 ,gal4 ,simpl4 fac4 lib4 #c4 were the food of many ,nations3 and ,hippocrates ,,sn3 ,hip4 de morbis de superfit4 ranketh the flesh of ,whelps with that of ,birds3 who also commends them against the ,spleen1 and to promote conception4 ,the opinion in ,galens time1 which ,pliny also followeth1 deeply condemned ,horse-flesh1 and conceived the very blood thereof destructive2 but no diet is more common among the ,tartars1 who also drink their blood4 ,and though this may only seem an adventure of ,northern stomacks1 yet as ,herodotus tells us1 in the hotter clime of ,persia1 the same was a convivial dish1 and solemnly eaten at the feasts of their nativities3 whereat they dressed whole ,horses1 ,camels and ,asses2 contemning the ,poverty of ,grecian feasts1 as unfurnish'd of dishes sufficient to fill the bellies of their guests4 ,again1 ,while we confine our diet in several places1 all things almost are eaten1 if we take in the whole earth3 for that which is refused in one country1 is accepted in another1 and in the collective judgment of the world1 particular distinctions are overthrown4 ,thus were it not hard to shew1 that ,tigers1 ,elephants1 ,camels1 ,mice1 ,bats and others1 are the food of several countries2 and ,lerius with others delivers1 that some ,americans eat of all kinds1 not refraining ,toads and ,serpents3 and some have run so high1 as not to spare the flesh of man3 a practise inexcusable1 nor to be drawn into example1 a diet beyond the rule and largest indulgence of ,god4 ,as for the objection against beasts and birds of prey1 it acquitteth not our practice1 who observe not this distinction in fishes3 nor regard the same in our diet of ,pikes1 ,perches and ,eels2 ,nor are we excused herein1 if we examine the stomacks of ,mackerels1 ,cods1 and ,whitings4 ,nor is the foulness of food sufficient to justifie our choice2 for 7beside that their natural heat is able to convert the same into laudable aliment7 we refuse not many whose diet is more impure then some which we reject2 as may be considered in hogs1 ducks1 puets1 and many more4 ,thus we perceive the practice of diet doth hold no certain course1 nor solid rule of selection or confinement2 ,some in an indistinct voracity eating almost any1 others out of a timorous pre-opinion1 refraining very many4 ,wherein indeed necessity1 reason and ,physick1 are the best determinators4 ,surely many animals may be fed on1 like many plants2 though not in alimental1 yet medical considerations3 ,whereas having raised ,antipathies by prejudgement or education1 we often nauseate proper meats1 and abhor that diet which disease or temper requireth4 ,sidenote3 ,a problem4 ,now whether it were not best to conform unto the simple diet of our fore-fathers2 whether pure and simple waters were not more healthfull then fermented liquors2 whether there be not an ample sufficiency without all flesh1 in the food of honey1 oyl1 and the several parts of milk3 in the variety of grains1 pulses1 and all sorts of fruits2 since either bread or beverage may be made almost of all8 whether nations have rightly confined unto several meats8 or whether the common food of one countrey be not more agreeable unto another8 how indistinctly all tempers apply unto the same1 and how the diet of youth and old age is confounded3 were considerations much concerning health1 and might prolong our days1 but must not this discourse4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi ,of ,sperma-,ceti1 and the ,sperma-,ceti ,whale4 ,what ,sperma-,ceti is1 men might justly doubt1 since the learned ,hofmannus in his work of ,thirty years1 ,,sn3 ,de medicamentis officin4 saith plainly1 ,nescio quid sit4 ,and therefore need not wonder at the variety of opinions2 while some conceived it to be flos maris1 and many1 a bituminous substance floating upon the sea4 ,that it was not the spawn of the ,whale1 according to vulgar conceit1 or nominal appellation ,phylosophers have always doubted1 not easily conceiving the ,seminal humour of ,animals1 should be inflamable2 or of a floating nature4 ,that it proceedeth from a ,whale1 beside the relation of ,clusius and other learned observers1 was indubitably determined1 not many years since by a ,sperma-,ceti ,whale1 cast on our coast of ,norfolk ,,sn3 ,near ,wells44 ,which1 to lead on further inquiry1 we cannot omit to inform4 ,it contained no less then sixty foot in length1 the head somewhat peculiar1 with a large prominency over the mouth2 teeth only in the lower ,jaw1 received into fleshly sockets in the upper4 ,the ,weight of the largest about two pound3 ,no gristly substances in the mouth1 commonly called ,whale-bones2 ,only two short finns seated forwardly on the back2 the eyes but small1 the pizell large1 and prominent4 ,a lesser ,whale of this kind above twenty years ago1 was cast upon the same shore4 ,,sn3 ,near ,hunstanton4 ,the discription of this ,whale seems omitted by ,gesner1 ,rondeletius1 and the first ,editions of ,aldrovandus2 but describeth the latin impression of ,pareus1 in the ,exoticks of ,clusius1 and the natural history of ,nirembergius2 but more amply in ,icons and figures of ,johnstonus4 ,mariners 7who are not the best ,nomenclators7 called it a ,jubartas1 or rather ,gibbartas4 ,of the same appellation we meet with one in ,rondeletius1 called by the ,french ,gibbar1 from its round and ,gibbous back4 ,the name ,gibbarta we find also given unto one kind of ,greenland ,whales3 ,but this of ours seemed not to answer the ,whale of that denomination2 but was more agreeable unto the ,trumpa or ,sperma-,ceti ,whale3 according to the account of our ,greenland describers in ,purchas4 ,and maketh the third among the eight remarkable ,whales of that ,coast4 ,out of the head of this ,whale1 having been dead divers days1 and under putrifaction1 flowed streams of oyl and ,sperma-,ceti2 which was carefully taken up and preserved by the ,coasters4 ,but upon breaking up1 the ,magazin of ,sperma-,ceti1 was found in the head lying in folds and courses1 in the bigness of goose eggs1 encompassed with large flakie substances1 as large as a mans head1 in form of hony-combs1 very white and full of oyl4 ,some resemblance or trace hereof there seems to be in the ,physiter or ,capidolio of ,rondeletius2 while he delivers1 that a fatness more liquid then oyl1 runs from the brain of that animal2 which being out1 the ,reliques are like the scales of ,sardinos pressed into a mass2 which melting with heat1 are again concreted by cold4 ,and this many conceive to have been the fish which swallowed ,jonas4 ,although for the largeness of the mouth1 and frequency in those seas1 it may possibly be the ,lamia4 ,some part of the ,sperma-,ceti found on the shore was pure1 and needed little depuration2 a great part mixed with fetid oyl1 needing good preparation1 and frequent expression1 to bring it to a flakie consistency4 ,and not only the head1 but other parts contained it4 ,for the carnous parts being roasted1 the oyl dropped out1 an axungious and thicker parts subsiding2 the oyl it self contained also much in it1 and still after many years some is obtained from it4 ,greenland ,enquirers seldom meet with a ,whale of this kind3 and therefore it is but a contingent ,commodity1 not reparable from any other4 ,it flameth white and candent like ,camphire1 but dissolveth not in aqua fortis1 like it4 ,some lumps containing about two ounces1 kept ever since in water1 afford a fresh and flosculous smell4 ,well prepared and separated from the oyl1 it is of a substance unlikely to decay1 and may out last the oyl required in the ,composition of ,mathiolus4 ,of the large quantity of oyl1 what first came forth by expression from the ,sperma-,ceti1 grew very white and clear1 like that of ,almonds or ,ben4 ,what came by decoction was red4 ,it was found to spend much in the vessels which contained it3 ,it freezeth or coagulateth quickly with cold1 and the newer soonest4 ,it seems different from the oyl of any other animal1 and very much frustrated the expectation of our soap-boylers1 as not incorporating or mingling with their lyes4 ,but it mixeth well with painting ,colours1 though hardly drieth at all4 ,combers of wooll made use hereof1 and ,country people for cuts1 aches and hard tumors4 ,it may prove of good ,medical use2 and serve for a ground in compounded oyls and ,balsams4 ,distilled1 it affords a strong oyl1 with a quick and piercing water4 ,upon ,evaporation it gives a balsame1 which is better performed with ,turpentine distilled with ,sperma-,ceti4 ,had the abominable scent permitted1 enquiry had been made into that strange composure of the head1 and hillock of flesh about it4 ,since the ,work-men affirmed1 they met with ,sperma-,ceti before they came to the bone1 and the head yet preserved1 seems to confirm the same4 ,the ,sphincters inserving unto the ,fistula or spout1 might have been examined1 since they are so notably contrived in other cetaceous ,animals2 as also the ,larynx or ,throtle1 whether answerable unto that of ,dolphins and ,porposes in the strange composure and figure which it maketh4 ,what figure the stomack maintained in this ,animal of one jaw of teeth1 since in ,porposes1 which abound in both1 the ventricle is trebly divided1 and since in that formerly taken nothing was found but ,weeds and a ,loligo4 ,the heart1 lungs1 and kidneys had not escaped2 wherein are remarkable differences from ,animals of the land1 likewise what humor the bladder contained1 but especially the seminal parts1 which might have determined the difference of that humour2 from this which beareth its name4 ,in vain it was to rake for ,ambergreece in the panch of this ,leviathan1 as ,greenland discoverers1 and attests of experience dictate1 that they sometimes swallow great lumps thereof in the ,sea2 insufferable fetour denying that enquiry4 ,and yet if1 as ,paracelsus encourageth1 ,ordure makes the best ,musk1 and from the most fetid substances may be drawn the most odoriferous ,essences2 all that had not ,vespasians ,nose ,,sn3 ,cui dulcis odor lucri ex re qualibet41 might boldly swear1 here was a subject fit for such extractions4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii ,compendiously of sundry ,tenents concerning other ,animals1 which examined1 prove either false or dubious4 #a4 ,and first from great ,antiquity1 and before the ,melody of ,syrens1 the ,musical note of ,swans hath been commended1 and that they sing most sweetly before their death4 ,for thus we read in ,plato1 that from the opinion of ,metempsuchosis1 or transmigration of the souls of men into the bodies of beasts most sutable unto their humane condition1 after his death1 ,orpheus the ,musician became a ,swan4 ,thus was it the bird of ,apollo the god of ,musick by the ,greeks2 and an ,hieroglyphick of musick among the ,egyptians1 from whom the ,greeks derived the conception2 hath been the affirmation of many ,latines1 and hath not wanted assertors almost from every ,nation4 ,sidenote3 ,of swans1 and their singing before death4 ,all which notwithstanding1 we find this relation doubtfully received by lian1 as an hear-say account by ,bellonius1 as a false one by ,pliny1 expresly refuted by ,myndius in ,athenus2 and severely rejected by ,scaliger2 whose words unto ,cardan are these3 ,de ,cygni vero cantu suavissimo quem cum parente mendaciorum ,grcia jactare ausus est1 ad ,luciani tribunal1 apud quem novi aliquid dicas1 statuo4 ,authors also that countenance it1 speak not satisfactorily of it4 ,some affirming they sing not till they die2 some that they sing1 yet die not4 ,some speak generally1 as though this note were in all2 some but particularly1 as though it were only in some2 some in places remote1 and where we can have no trial of it2 others in places where every experience can refute it2 as ,aldrovandus upon relation delivered1 concerning the ,musick of the ,swans on the river of ,thames near ,london4 ,sidenote3 ,the figuration to be found in ,elks1 and not in common ,swans4 ,now that which countenanceth1 and probably confirmeth this opinion1 is the strange and unusual conformation of the wind pipe1 or vocal organ in this animal2 observed first by ,aldrovandus1 and conceived by some contrived for this intention4 ,for in its length it far exceedeth the gullet2 and hath in the chest a sinuous revolution1 that is1 when it ariseth from the lungs1 it ascendeth not directly unto the throat1 but descending first into a capsulary reception of the breast bone2 by a ,serpentine and ,trumpet recurvation it ascendeth again into the neck2 and so by the length thereof a great quantity of air is received1 and by the figure thereof a ,musical modulation effected4 ,but to speak indifferently1 this formation of the ,weazon1 is not peculiar unto the ,swan1 but common also unto the ,platea or ,shovelard1 a bird of no ,musical throat2 ,and as ,aldrovandus confesseth1 may thus be contrived in the ,swan to contain a larger stock of air1 whereby being to feed on weeds at the bottom1 they might the longer space detain their heads under water4 ,but were this formation peculiar1 or had they unto this effect an advantage from this part3 yet have they a known and open disadvantage from another2 that is1 a flat bill4 ,for no ,latirostrous animal 7whereof nevertheless there are no slender numbers7 were ever commended for there note1 or accounted among those animals which have been instructed to speak4 ,when therefore we consider the dissention of ,authors1 the falsity of relations1 the indisposition of the ,organs1 and the immusical note of all we ever beheld or heard of2 if generally taken and comprehending all ,swans1 or of all places1 we cannot assent thereto4 ,surely he that is bit with a ,tarantula1 shall never be cured by this ,musick2 and with the same hopes we expect to hear the harmony of the ,spheres4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,peacock4 #b4 ,that there is a special propriety in the flesh of ,peacocks1 roast or boiled1 to preserve a long time incorrupted1 hath been the assertion of many2 stands yet confirmed by ,austin1 ,de ,civitate ,dei2 by ,gygas ,sempronius1 in ,aldrovandus2 and the same experiment we can confirm our selves1 in the brawn or fleshly parts of ,peacoks so hanged up with thred1 that they touch no place whereby to contract a moisture2 and hereof we have made trial both in summer and winter4 ,the reason1 some1 ,i perceive1 attempt to make out from the siccity and driness of its flesh1 and some are content to rest in a secret propriety thereof4 ,as for the siccity of the flesh1 it is more remarkable in other animals1 as ,eagles1 ,hawks1 and birds of prey2 ,that it is a propriety or agreeable unto none other1 we cannot with reason admit3 for the same preservation1 or rather incorruption we have observed in the flesh of ,turkeys1 ,capons1 ,hares1 ,partridge1 ,venison1 suspended freely in the air1 and after a year and a half1 dogs have not refused to eat them4 ,as for the other conceit1 that a ,peacok is ashamed when he looks on his legs1 as is commonly held1 and also delivered by ,cardan2 beside what hath been said against it by ,scaliger2 let them believe that hold specificial deformities2 or that any part can seem unhandsome to their eyes1 which hath appeared good and beautiful unto their makers4 ,the occasion of this conceit1 might first arise from a common observation1 that when they are in their pride1 that is1 advance their train1 if they decline their neck to the ground1 they presently demit1 and let fall the same3 which indeed they cannot otherwise do2 for contracting their body1 and being forced to draw in their foreparts to establish the hinder in the elevation of the train2 if the foreparts depart and incline to the ground1 the hinder grow too weak1 and suffer the train to fall4 ,and the same in some degree is also observable in ,turkeys4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,stork4 #c4 ,that ,storks are to be found1 and will only live in ,republikes or free ,states1 is a petty conceit to advance the opinion of popular policies1 and from ,antipathies in nature1 to disparage ,monarchical government4 ,but how far agreeable unto truth1 let them consider who read in ,pliny1 that among the ,thessalians who were governed by ,kings1 and much abounded with ,serpents1 it was no less then capital to kill a ,stork4 ,that the ,ancient ,egyptians honoured them1 whose government was from all times ,monarchical4 ,that ,bellonius affirmeth1 men make them nests in ,france4 ,that relations make them common in ,persia1 and the dominions of the great ,turk4 ,and lastly1 how ,jeremy the ,prophet delivered himself ,,sn3 ,ier4 #h4 #g4 unto his countreymen1 whose government was at that time ,monarchical4 ,the ,stork in the heaven knowing her appointed time1 the ,turtle1 ,crane and ,swallow observe the time of their coming1 but my people know not the judgment of the ,lord4 ,wherein to exprobate their stupidity1 he induceth the providence of ,storks4 ,now if the bird had been unknown1 the illustration had been obscure1 and the exprobation not so proper4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,bittor4 #d4 ,that a ,bittor maketh that mugient noise1 or as we term it ,bumping1 by putting its bill into a reed as most believe1 or as ,bellonius and ,aldrovandus conceive1 by putting the same in water or mud1 and after a while retaining the air by suddenly excluding it again1 is not so easily made out4 ,for my own part1 though after diligent enquiry1 ,i could never behold them in this motion2 ,notwithstanding by others whose observations we have expressly requested1 we are informed1 that some have beheld them making this noise on the shore1 their bills being far enough removed from reed or water2 that is1 first strongly attracting the air1 and unto a manifest distention of the neck1 and presently after with great contention and violence excluding the same again4 ,as for what others affirm of putting their bill in water or mud1 it is also hard to make out4 ,for what may be observed from any that walketh the ,fens1 there is little intermission1 nor any observable pawse1 between the drawing in and sending forth of their breath4 ,and the expiration or breathing forth doth not only produce a noise1 but the inspiration or hailing in of the air1 affordeth a sound that may be heard almost a flight-shot4 ,now the reason of this strange and peculiar noise1 is deduced from the conformation of the wind-pipe1 which in this bird is different from other volatiles4 ,for at the upper extream it hath no fit ,larinx1 or throttle to qualify the sound1 and at the other end1 by two branches deriveth it self into the lungs4 ,which division consisteth only of ,semicircular fibers1 and such as attain but half way round the part2 ,by which formation they are dilatable into larger capacities1 and are able to contain a fuller proportion of air2 which being with violence sent up the weazon1 and finding no resistance by the ,larinx1 it issueth forth in a sound like that from caverns1 and such as sometimes subterraneous eruptions1 from hollow rocks afford4 ,as ,aristotle observeth in a ,problem1 ,,sn3 ,sect4 #ae4 and is observable in pitchers1 bottles1 and that instrument which ,aponensis upon that ,problem describeth1 wherewith in ,aristotles time ,gardiners affrighted birds4 ,whether the large perforations of the extremities of the weazon1 in the abdomen1 admitting large quantity of ayr within the cavity of its membrans1 as it doth in ,frogs2 may not much assist this mugiency or boation1 may also be considered4 ,for such as have beheld them making this noise out of the water1 observe a large distention in their bodies2 and their ordinary note is but like that of a ,raven4 ,sidenote3 ,of ,whelps4 #e4 ,that whelps are blind nine days and then begin to see1 is the common opinion of all1 and some will be apt enough to descend unto oaths upon it4 ,but this ,i find not answerable unto experience1 for upon a strict observation of many1 ,i have scarce found any that see the ninth day1 few before the twelfth1 and the eyes of some not open before the fourteenth day4 ,and this is agreeable unto the determination of ,aristotle3 who computeth the time of their anopsie or non-vision by that of their gestation4 ,for some1 saith he1 do go with their young the sixt part of a year1 two days over or under1 that is1 about sixty days or nine weeks2 and the whelps of these see not till twelve days4 ,some go the fifth part of a year1 that is1 seventy-one days1 and these1 saith he1 see not before the fourteenth day4 ,others do go the fourth part of the year1 that is1 three whole months1 and these1 saith he1 are without sight no less then seventeen days4 ,wherein although the accounts be different1 yet doth the least thereof exceed the term of nine days1 which is so generally received4 ,and this compute of ,aristotle doth generally overthrow the common cause alleadged for this effect1 that is1 a precipitation or over-hasty exclusion before the birth be perfect1 according unto the vulgar ,adage1 ,festinans canis ccos parit catulos3 for herein the whelps of longest gestation1 are also the latest in vision4 ,the manner hereof is this4 ,at the first littering1 their eyes are fastly closed1 that is1 by coalition or joining together of the eyelids1 and so continue untill about the twelfth day2 at which time they begin to separate1 and may be easily divelled or parted asunder2 they open at the inward ,canthis or greater ,angle of the eye1 and so by degrees dilate themselves quite open4 ,an effect very strange1 and the cause of much obscurity1 wherein as yet mens enquiries are blind1 and satisfaction not easily acquirable4 ,what ever it be1 thus much may we observe1 those animals are only excluded without sight1 which are multiparous and multifidous1 that is1 which have many at a litter1 and have also their feet divided into many portions4 ,for the ,swine1 although multiparous1 yet being bisulcous1 and only cloven hoofed1 is not excluded in this manner1 but farrowed with open eyes1 as other bisulcous animals4 ,sidenote3 ,of a ,toad and a ,spider4 #f4 ,the ,antipathy between a ,toad and a ,spider1 and that they poisonously destroy each other1 is very famous1 and solemn stories have been written of their combats2 wherein most commonly the victory is given unto the ,spider4 ,of what ,toads and ,spiders it is to be understood would be considered4 ,for the ,phalangium and deadly ,spiders1 are different from those we generally behold in ,england4 ,however the verity hereof1 as also of many others1 we cannot but desire2 for hereby we might be surely provided of proper ,antidotes in cases which require them2 ,but what we have observed herein1 we cannot in reason conceal2 who having in a ,glass included a ,toad with several ,spiders1 we beheld the ,spiders without resistance to sit upon his head and pass over all his body2 which at last upon advantage he swallowed down1 and that in few hours1 unto the number of seven4 ,and in the like manner will ,toads also serve ,bees1 and are accounted enemies unto their ,hives4 ,sidenote3 ,of a ,lion and a ,cock4 #g4 ,whether a ,lion be also afraid of a ,cock1 as is related by many1 and believed by most1 were very easie in some places to make trial4 ,although how far they stand in fear of that animal1 we may sufficiently understand1 from what is delivered by ,camerarius1 whose words in his ,symbola are these3 ,nostris temporibus in ,aula serenissimi ,principis ,bavari1 unus ex ,leonibus miris saltibus in vicinam cujusdam domus aream sese dimisit1 ubi ,gallinaceorum cantum aut clamores nihil reformidans1 ipsos un cum plurimis gallinis devoravit4 ,that is1 ,in our time in the ,court of the ,prince of ,bavaria1 one of the ,lions leaped down into a ,neighbours yard1 where nothing regarding the crowing or noise of the ,cocks1 he eat them up with many other ,hens4 ,and therefore a very unsafe defensative it is against the fury of this animal 7and surely no better then ,virginity or bloud ,royal7 which ,pliny,,sn3 ,de sacrificiis et magia4 doth place in ,cock broth3 ,for herewith1 saith he1 whoever is anointed 7especially if ,garlick be boiled therein7 no ,lion or ,panther will touch him4 ,but of an higher nature it were1 and more exalted ,antipathy1 if that were certain which ,proclus delivers1 that solary ,dmons1 and such as appear in the shape of ,lions1 will disappear and vanish1 if a ,cock be presented upon them4 #h4 ,it is generally conceived1 an ,ear-wig hath no ,wings1 and is reckoned amongst impennous insects by many2 but he that shall narrowly observe them1 or shall with a needle put aside the short and sheathy cases on their back1 may extend and draw forth two wings of a proportionable length for flight1 and larger then in many flies4 ,the experiment of ,pennius is yet more perfect1 who with a ,rush or ,bristle so pricked them as to make them flie4 ,sidenote3 ,of ,worms4 #i4 ,that ,worms are exanguious ,animals1 and such as have no bloud at all1 is the determination of ,philosophy1 the general opinion of ,scholars1 and ,i know not well to dissent from thence my self4 ,if so1 surely we want a proper term whereby to express that humour in them which so strictly resembleth bloud3 and we refer it unto the discernment of others what to determine of that red and sanguineous humor1 found more plentifully about the ,torquis or carneous ,circle of great ,worms in the ,spring1 affording in ,linnen or ,paper an indiscernable tincture from bloud4 ,or wherein that differeth from a vein1 which in an apparent blew runneth along the body1 and if dexterously pricked with a lancet1 emitteth a red drop1 which pricked on either side it will not readily afford4 ,in the upper parts of ,worms1 there are likewise found certain white and oval ,glandulosities1 which ,authors term ,eggs1 and in magnifying ,glasses1 they also represent them2 how properly1 may also be enquired2 since if in them there be distinction of ,sexes1 these ,eggs are to be found in both4 ,for in that which is presumed to be their coition1 that is1 their usual complication1 or lateral adhesion above the ground1 dividing suddenly with two ,knives the adhering parts of both1 ,i have found these ,eggs in either4 #aj4 ,that ,flies1 ,bees1 etc4 do make that noise or humming sound by their mouth1 or as many believe with their wings only1 would be more warily asserted1 if we consulted the determination of ,aristotle1 who as in sundry other places1 so more expresly in his book of respiration1 affirmeth this sound to be made by the illision of an inward spirit upon a pellicle or little membrane about the precinct or pectoral division of their body4 ,if we also consider that a ,bee or ,flie1 so it be able to move the body1 will buz1 though its head be off2 that it will do the like if deprived of wings1 reserving the head1 whereby the body may be the better moved4 ,and that some also which are big and lively will hum without either head or wing4 ,nor is it only the beating upon this little membrane1 by the inward and con-natural spirit as ,aristotle determines1 or the outward air as ,scaliger conceiveth1 which affordeth this humming noise1 but most of the other parts may also concur hereto2 as will be manifest1 if while they hum we lay our finger on the back or other parts2 for thereupon will be felt a serrous or jarring motion like that which happeneth while we blow on the teeth of a comb through paper2 and so if the head or other parts of the trunk be touched with oyl1 the sound will be much impaired1 if not destroyed3 for those being also dry and membranous parts1 by attrition of the spirit do help to advance the noise3 ,and therefore also the sound is strongest in dry weather1 and very weak in rainy season1 and toward winter2 for then the air is moist1 and the inward spirit growing weak1 makes a languid and dumb allision upon the parts4 ,sidenote3 ,of a ,tainct4 #aa4 ,there is found in the ,summer a kind of ,spider called a ,tainct1 of a red colour1 and so little of body that ten of the largest will hardly outway a grain2 this by ,country people is accounted a deadly poison unto ,cows and ,horses2 who1 if they suddenly die1 and swell thereon1 ascribe their death hereto1 and will commonly say1 they have licked a ,tainct4 ,now to satisfie the doubts of men we have called this tradition unto experiment2 we have given hereof unto ,dogs1 ,chickens1 ,calves and ,horses1 and not in the singular number2 yet never could find the least disturbance ensue4 ,there must be therefore other causes enquired of the sudden death and swelling of cattle2 and perhaps this insect is mistaken1 and unjustly accused for some other4 ,for some there are which from elder times have been observed pernicious unto cattle1 as the ,buprestis or ,burstcow1 the ,pityocampe or ,eruca ,pinuum1 by ,dioscorides1 ,galen and tius1 the ,staphilinus described by ,aristotle and others1 or those red ,phalangious ,spiders like ,cantharides mentioned by ,muffetas4 ,now although the animal may be mistaken and the opinion also false1 yet in the ground and reason which makes men most to doubt the verity hereof1 there may be truth enough1 that is1 the inconsiderable quantity of this insect4 ,for that a poison cannot destroy in so small a bulk1 we have no reason to affirm4 ,for if1 as ,leo ,africanus reporteth1 the tenth part of a grain of the poison of ,nubia,,sn3 granum ,nubi41 will dispatch a man in two hours2 if the bite of a ,viper and sting of a ,scorpion1 is not conceived to impart so much2 if the bite of an ,asp will kill within an hour1 yet the impression scarce visible1 and the poison communicated not ponderable2 we cannot as impossible reject this way of destruction2 or deny the power of death in so narrow a circumscription4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,glow-worm4 #ab4 ,wondrous things are promised from the ,glow-worm2 from thence perpetual lights are pretended1 and waters said to be distilled which afford a lustre in the night2 and this is asserted by ,cardan1 ,albertus1 ,gaudentinus1 ,mizaldus1 and many more4 ,but hereto we cannot with reason assent3 for the light made by this animal depends much upon its life4 ,for when they are dead they shine not1 nor alwaies while they live2 but are obscure or light1 according to the protrusion of their luminous parts1 as observation will instruct us4 ,for this flammeous light is not over all the body1 but only visible on the inward side2 in a small white part near the tail4 ,when this is full and seemeth protruded1 there ariseth a flame of a circular figure and ,emerald green colour2 which is discernable in any dark place in the day2 but when it falleth and seemeth contracted1 the light disappeareth1 and the colour of the part only remaineth4 ,now this light1 as it appeareth and disappeareth in their life1 so doth it go quite out at their death4 ,as we have observed in some1 which preserved in fresh grass have lived and shined eighteen days2 but as they declined1 and the luminous humor dryed1 their light grew languid1 and at last went out with their lives4 ,thus also the ,torpedo1 which alive hath a power to stupifie at a distance1 hath none upon contaction being dead1 as ,galen and ,rondeletius particularly experimented4 ,and this hath also disappointed the mischief of those intentions1 which study the advancement of poisons2 and fancy destructive compositions from ,asps or ,vipers teeth1 from ,scorpions or ,hornet stings4 ,for these omit their efficacy in the death of the individual1 and act but dependantly on their forms4 ,and thus far also those ,philosophers concur with us1 which held the ,sun and ,stars were living creatures1 for they conceived their lustre depended on their lives2 but if they ever died1 their light must also perish4 ,it were a ,notable piece of ,art to translate the light from the ,bononian ,stone into another ,body2 he that would attempt to make a shining ,water from ,glow-worms1 must make trial when the ,splendent part is fresh and turgid4 ,for even from the great ,american ,glow-worms1 and ,flaming ,flies1 the light declineth as the luminous humor dryeth4 ,now whether the light of animals1 which do not occasionally shine from contingent causes1 be of ,kin unto the light of ,heaven2 whether the invisible flame of life received in a convenient matter1 may not become visible1 and the diffused therial light make little ,stars by conglobation in idoneous parts of the compositum3 whether also it may not have some original in the seed and spirit analogous unto the ,element of ,stars1 whereof some glympse is observable in the little refulgent humor1 at the first attempts of formation3 ,philosophy may yet enquire4 ,true it is1 that a ,glow-worm will afford a faint light1 almost a days space when many will conceive it dead2 but this is a mistake in the compute of death1 and term of disanimation2 for indeed1 it is not then dead1 but if it be distended will slowly contract it self again1 which when it cannot do1 it ceaseth to shine any more4 ,and to speak strictly1 it is no easie matter to determine the point of death in ,insects and ,creatures who have not their vitalities radically confined unto one part2 for they are not dead when they cease to move or afford the visible evidences of life2 as may be observed in ,flies1 who when they appear even desperate and quite forsaken of their forms2 by vertue of the ,sun or warm ashes will be revoked unto life1 and perform its functions again4 ,now whether this lustre1 a while remaining after death1 dependeth not still upon the first impression1 and light communicated or raised from an inward spirit1 subsisting a while in a moist and apt recipient1 nor long continuing in this1 or the more remarkable ,indian ,glow-worm2 or whether it be of another ,nature1 and proceedeth from different causes of illumination2 yet since it confessedly subsisteth so little a while after their lives1 how to make perpetual lights1 and sublunary moons thereof as is pretended1 we rationally doubt1 though not so sharply deny1 with ,scaliger and ,muffetus4 #ac4 ,the wisdom of the ,pismire is magnified by all1 and in the ,panegyricks of their providence we alwaies meet with this1 that to prevent the growth of ,corn which they store up1 they bite off the end thereof3 ,and some have conceived that from hence they have their name in ,hebrew ,,sn3 ,nemalah ,namal circumcidit43 ,from whence ariseth a conceit that ,corn will not grow if the extreams be cut or broken4 ,but herein we find no security to prevent its germination2 as having made trial in grains1 whose ends cut off have notwithstanding suddenly sprouted1 and accordingly to the ,law of their kinds2 that is1 the roots of barley and oats at contrary ends1 of wheat and rye at the same4 ,and therefore some have delivered that after rainy weather they dry these grains in the ,sun2 which if effectual1 we must conceive to be made in a high degree and above the progression of ,malt2 for that ,malt will grow1 this year hath informed us1 and that unto a perfect ear4 ,sidenote3 ,a natural vicissitude of generation in ,homogeneous things4 ,and if that be true which is delivered by many1 and we shall further experiment1 that a decoction of ,toad-stools if poured upon earth1 will produce the same again3 ,if ,sow-thistles will abound in places manured with dung of ,hogs1 which feeds much upon that plant3 ,if ,horse-dung reproduceth oats3 ,if winds and rains will transport the seminals of plants2 it will not be easie to determine where the power of generation ceaseth4 ,the forms of things may lie deeper then we conceive them2 seminal principles may not be dead in the divided atoms of plants3 but wandering in the ocean of nature1 when they hit upon proportionable materials1 may unite1 and return to their visible selves again4 ,but the prudence of this ,animal is by knawing1 piercing1 or otherwise1 to destroy the little nebbe or principle of germination4 ,which notwithstanding is not easily discoverable2 it being no ready business to meet with such grains in ,ant-hils2 and he must dig deep1 that will seek them in the ,winter4 ,,chapter ,,xxviii ,of some others4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,chicken4 ,that a ,chicken is formed out of the yelk of the ,egg1 was the opinion of some ,ancient ,philosophers4 ,whether it be not the nutriment of the ,pullet1 may also be considered3 ,since umbilical vessels are carried unto it3 ,since much of the yelk remaineth after the ,chicken is formed3 ,since in a ,chicken newly hatched1 the stomack is tincted yellow1 and the belly full of yelk1 which is drawn in at the navel or vessels towards the vent1 as may be discerned in ,chickens within a day or two before exclusion4 ,whether the ,chicken be made out of the white1 or that be not also its aliment1 is likewise very questionable3 ,since an umbilical vessel is derived unto it3 ,since after the formation and perfect shape of the ,chicken1 much of the white remaineth4 ,whether it be not made out of the grando1 gallature1 germ or tred of the ,egg1 as1 ,aquapendente informeth us1 seemed to many of doubt3 for at the blunter end it is not discovered after the ,chicken is formed2 by this also the yelk and white are continued1 whereby it may conveniently receive its nutriment from them both4 ,now that from such slender materials1 nature should effect this production it is no more then is observed in other animals2 and even in grains and kernels1 the greatest part is but the nutriment of that generative particle1 so disproportionable unto it4 ,sidenote3 ,of ,eggs4 ,a greater difficulty in the doctrine of ,eggs1 is1 how the sperm of the ,cock prolificates and makes the oval conception fruitful1 or how it attaineth unto every ,egg1 since the vitellary or place of the yelk is very high3 ,since the ovary or part where the white involveth it1 is in the second region of the matrix1 which is somewhat long and inverted3 ,since also a ,cock will in one day fertilate the whole racemation or cluster of ,eggs1 which are not excluded in many weeks after4 ,but these at last1 and how in the ,cicatricula or little pale circle formation first beginneth1 how the ,grando or tredle1 are but the poles and establishing particles of the tender membrans1 firmly conserving the floating parts1 in their proper places1 with many other observables1 that ocular ,philosopher1 and singular discloser of truth1 ,dr4 ,harvey hath discovered1 in that excellent discourse of ,generation2 ,so strongly erected upon the two great pillars of truth1 experience and solid reason4 ,that the sex is discernable from the figure of ,eggs1 or that ,cocks or ,hens proceed from long or round ones1 as many contend1 experiment will easily frustrate4 ,the gyptians observed a better way to hatch their ,eggs in ,ovens1 then the ,babylonians to roast them at the bottom of a sling1 by swinging them round about1 till heat from motion had concocted them2 for that confuseth all parts without any such effect4 ,though slight distinction be made between boiled and roasted ,eggs1 yet is there no slender difference1 for the one is much drier then the other3 the ,egg expiring less in the elixation or boiling2 whereas in the assation or roasting1 it will sometimes abate a dragm2 that is1 threescore grains in weight4 ,so a new laid ,egg will not so easily be boiled hard1 because it contains a greater stock of humid parts2 which must be evaporated1 before the heat can bring the inexhalable parts into consistence4 ,why the ,hen hatcheth not the ,egg in her belly1 or maketh not at least some rudiment thereof within her self1 by the natural heat of inward parts1 since the same is performed by incubation from an outward warmth after8 ,why the ,egg is thinner at one extream8 ,why there is some cavity or emptiness at the blunter end8 ,why we open them at that part8 ,why the greater end is first excluded8 ,why some ,eggs are all red1 as the ,kestrils2 some only red at one end1 as those of ,kites and ,buzzards8 why some ,eggs are not ,oval but ,round1 as those of fishes8 etc4 are problems1 whose decisions would too much enlarge this discourse4 ,sidenote3 ,of ,snakes1 etc4 ,that ,snakes and ,vipers do sting or transmit their mischief by the tail1 is a common expression not easily to be justified2 and a determination of their venoms unto a part1 wherein we could never find it2 the poison lying about the teeth1 and communicated by bite1 in such are destructive4 ,and therefore when biting ,serpents are mentioned in the ,scripture1 they are not differentially set down from such as mischief by stings2 nor can conclusions be made conformable to this opinion1 because when the ,rod of ,moses was turned into a ,serpent1 ,god determinately commanded him to take up the same by the tail4 ,nor are all ,snakes of such empoisoning qualities1 as common opinion presumeth2 as is confirmable from the ordinary green ,snake with us1 from several histories of domestick ,snakes1 from ,ophiophagous nations1 and such as feed upon ,serpents4 ,surely the destructive delusion of ,satan in this shape1 hath much enlarged the opinion of their mischief4 ,which notwithstanding was not so high with the heathens1 in whom the ,devil had wrought a better opinion of this animal1 it being sacred unto the ,egyptians1 ,greeks and ,romans1 and the common symbole of sanity4 ,in the shape whereof sculapius the ,god of health appeared unto the ,romans1 accompanied their ,embassadors to ,rome from ,epidaurus2 and the same did stand in the ,tiberine ,isle upon the ,temple of sculapius4 ,some doubt many have of the ,tarantula1 or poisonous ,spider of ,calabria1 and that magical cure of the bite thereof by ,musick4 ,but since we observe that many attest it from experience3 ,since the learned ,kircherius hath positively averred it1 and set down the songs and tunes solemnly used for it2 ,since some also affirm the ,tarantula it self will dance upon certain stroaks1 whereby they set their instruments against its poison2 we shall not at all question it4 ,much wonder is made of the ,boramez1 that strange plant-animal or vegetable ,lamb of ,tartary1 which ,wolves delight to feed on1 which hath the shape of a ,lamb1 affordeth a bloody juyce upon breaking1 and liveth while the plants be consumed about it4 ,and yet if all this be no more1 then the shape of a ,lamb in the flower or seed1 upon the top of the stalk1 as we meet with the forms of ,bees1 ,flies and ,dogs in some others2 he hath seen nothing that shall much wonder at it4 ,it may seem too hard to question the swiftness of ,tigers1 which hath therefore given names unto ,horses1 ,ships and ,rivers1 nor can we deny what all have thus affirmed2 yet cannot but observe1 that ,jacobus ,bontius late ,physitian at ,java in the ,east ,indies1 as an ocular and frequent witness is not afraid to deny it2 to condemn ,pliny who affirmeth it1 and that indeed it is but a slow and tardigradous animal1 preying upon advantage1 and otherwise may be escaped4 ,many more there are whose serious enquiries we must request of others1 and shall only awake considerations1 ,whether that common opinion that ,snakes do breed out of the back or spinal marrow of man1 doth build upon any constant root or seed in nature2 or did not arise from contingent generation1 in some single bodies remembred by ,pliny or others1 and might be paralleld since in living corruptions of the guts and other parts2 which regularly proceed not to putrifactions of that nature4 ,whether the ,story of the ,remora be not unreasonably amplified2 whether that of ,bernacles and ,goose-trees be not too much enlarged2 whether the common history of ,bees will hold1 as large accounts have delivered2 whether the brains of ,cats be attended with such destructive malignities1 as ,dioscorides and others put upon them4 ,as also whether there be not some additional help of ,art1 unto the ,numismatical and ,musical shells1 which we sometimes meet with in conchylious collections among us8 ,whether the fasting spittle of man be poison unto ,snakes and ,vipers1 as experience hath made us doubt8 ,whether the ,nightingals setting with her breast against a thorn1 be any more then that she placeth some prickels on the outside of her nest1 or roosteth in thorny and prickly places1 where ,serpents may least approach her8 ,whether ,mice may be bred by putrifaction as well as univocall production1 as may be easily believed1 if that receit to make ,mice out of wheat will hold1 which ,helmont hath delivered4 ,,sn3 ,helm4 ,imago fermenti1 etc4 ,whether ,quails from any idiosyncracy or peculiarity of constitution1 do innocuously feed upon ,hellebore1 or rather sometime but medically use the same2 because we perceive that ,stares1 which are commonly said harmlessly to feed on ,hemlock1 do not make good the tradition2 and he that observes what vertigoes1 cramps and convulsions follow thereon in these animals1 will be of our belief4 ,,the ,,fourth ,,book ,of many popular and received ,tenents concerning ,man1 which examined1 prove either false or dubious4 ,,chapter ,i ,of the ,erectness of ,man4 ,sidenote3 ,what figure in animals is properly erect4 ,that only ,man hath an ,erect figure1 and for to behold and look up toward heaven1 according to that of the ,poet1 ,pronaque cum spectant animalia ctera terram1 ,os homini sublime dedit1 clumque tueri ,jussit1 et erectos ad sydera tollere vultus1 is a double assertion1 whose first part may be true1 if we take ,erectness strictly1 and so as ,galen hath defined it2 for they only1 saith he1 have an ,erect figure1 whose spine and thigh-bone are carried in right lines2 and so indeed of any we yet know1 ,man only is ,erect4 ,for the thighs of other animals do stand at ,angles with their spine1 and have rectangular positions in ,birds1 and perfect ,quadrupeds4 ,nor doth the ,frog1 though stretched out1 or swimming1 attain the rectitude of ,man1 or carry its thigh without all angularity4 ,,sn3 ,what seiante or sitting4 ,and thus is it also true1 that ,man only sitteth1 if we define sitting to be a firmation of the body upon the ,ischias3 wherein if the position be just and natural1 the ,thigh-bone lieth at right angles to the ,spine1 and the ,leg-bone or ,tibia to the ,thigh4 ,for others when they seem to sit1 as ,dogs1 ,cats1 or ,lions1 do make unto their ,spine acute angles with their ,thigh1 and acute to the ,thigh with their ,shank4 ,thus is it likewise true1 what ,aristotle alledgeth in that ,problem2 why ,man alone suffereth pollutions in the ,night ,,sn3 41 because ,man only lyeth upon his ,back2 if we define not the same by every supine position1 but when the ,spine is in rectitude with the ,thigh1 and both with the arms lie parallel to the ,horizon3 so that a line through their ,navel will pass through the ,zenith and ,centre of the ,earth4 ,and so cannot other ,animals lie upon their ,backs3 for though the ,spine lie parallel with the ,horizon1 yet will their ,legs incline1 and lie at angles unto it4 ,and upon these three divers positions in ,man1 wherein the ,spine can only be at right lines with the ,thigh1 arise those remarkable postures1 prone1 supine and erect2 which are but differenced in situation1 or in angular postures upon the ,back1 the ,belly and the ,feet4 ,but if ,erectness be popularly taken1 and as it is largely opposed unto proneness1 or the posture of animals looking downwards1 carrying their venters or opposite part to the ,spine1 directly towards the ,earth1 it may admit of question4 ,for though in ,serpents and ,lizards we may truly allow a proneness1 yet ,galen acknowledgeth that perfect ,quadrupeds1 as ,horses1 ,oxen and ,camels1 are but partly prone1 and have some part of ,erectness4 ,and ,birds or flying ,animals1 are so far from this kind of proneness1 that they are almost ,erect2 advancing the ,head and ,breast in their progression1 and only prone in the ,act of volitation or flying4 ,and if that be true which is delivered of the ,pengin or ,anser ,magellanicus1 often described in ,maps about those ,straits1 that they go ,erect like ,men1 and with their ,breast and ,belly do make one line perpendicular unto the axis of the ,earth2 it will almost make up the exact ,erectness of ,man ,,sn3 ,observe also the ,vrias ,bellanii and ,mergus major44 ,nor will that ,insect come very short which we have often beheld1 that is1 one kind of ,locust which stands not prone1 or a little inclining upward1 but in a large ,erectness1 elevating alwaies the two fore ,legs1 and sustaining it self in the middle of the other four3 by ,zoographers ,,sn3 ,describers of animals4 called ,mantis1 and by the common people of ,provence1 ,prega1 ,dio1 the ,prophet and praying ,locust2 as being generally found in the posture of supplication1 or such as resembleth ours1 when we lift up our hands to ,heaven4 ,as for the end of this ,erection2 to look up toward ,heaven2 though confirmed by several testimonies1 and the ,greek ,etymology of ,man1 it is not so readily to be admitted2 and as a popular and vain conceit was ,anciently rejected by ,galen2 who in his third1 ,de usu partium1 determines1 that ,man is ,erect1 because he was made with hands1 and was therewith to exercise all ,arts1 which in any other figure he could not have performed2 as he excellently declareth in that place1 where he also proves that ,man could have been made neither ,quadruped nor ,centaur4 ,and for the accomplishment of this intention1 that is1 to look up and behold the ,heavens1 ,man hath a notable disadvantage in the ,eye lid2 whereof the upper is far greater than the lower1 which abridgeth the sight upwards2 contrary to those of ,birds1 who herein have the advantage of ,man3 ,insomuch that the ,learned ,plempius,,sn3 ,plemp4 ,ophthalmographia4 is bold to affirm1 that if he had had the formation of the ,eye-lids1 he would have contrived them quite otherwise4 ,the ground and occasion of this conceit was a literal apprehension of a figurative expression in ,plato1 as ,galen thus delivers2 ,to opinion that ,man is ,erect to look up and behold the ,heavens1 is a conceit only fit for those that never saw the ,fish ,uranoscopus1 that is1 the ,beholder of ,heaven2 which hath its ,eyes so placed1 that it looks up directly to ,heaven2 which ,man doth not1 except he recline1 or bend his head backward3 and thus to look up to ,heaven1 agreeth not only unto ,men1 but ,asses2 to omit ,birds with long necks1 which look not only upwards1 but round about at pleasure4 ,and therefore ,men of this opinion understood not ,plato when he said that ,man doth ,sursum aspicere2 for thereby was not meant to gape1 or look upward with the ,eye1 but to have his thoughts sublime2 and not only to behold1 but speculate their ,nature1 with the ,eye of the understanding4 ,now although ,galen in this place makes instance but in one1 yet are the other fishes1 whose ,eyes regard the ,heavens1 as ,plane1 and ,cartilagineous ,fishes2 as ,pectinals1 or such as have their bones made laterally like a ,comb2 for when they apply themselves to sleep or rest upon the white side1 their ,eyes on the other side look upward toward ,heaven4 ,for ,birds1 they generally carry their heads ,erectly like ,man1 and have advantage in their upper ,eye-lid2 and many that have long necks1 and bear their heads somewhat backward1 behold far more of the ,heavens1 and seem to look above the quinoxial ,circle4 ,and so also in many ,quadrupeds1 although their progression be partly prone1 yet is the sight of their ,eye direct1 not respecting the ,earth but ,heaven2 and make an higher ,arch of altitude then our own4 ,the position of a ,frog with his head above water exceedeth these2 for therein he seems to behold a large part of the ,heavens1 and the acies of his ,eye to ascend as high as the ,tropick2 but he that hath beheld the posture of a ,bittor1 will not deny that it beholds almost the very ,zenith4 ,,sn3 ,point of heaven over our heads4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,of the ,heart4 ,sidenote3 ,how a ,mans heart is placed in his ,body4 ,that the ,heart of ,man is seated in the left side1 is an asseveration1 which strictly taken1 is refutable by inspection1 whereby it appears the base and centre thereof is in the midst of the chest2 true it is1 that the ,mucro or ,point thereof inclineth unto the left2 for by this position it giveth way unto the ascension of the midriff1 and by reason of the hollow vein could not commodiously deflect unto the right4 ,from which diversion1 nevertheless we cannot so properly say tis placed in the left1 as that it consisteth in the middle1 that is1 where its centre resteth2 for so do we usually say a ,gnomon or ,needle is in the middle of a ,dial1 although the extreams may respect the ,north or ,south1 and approach the circumference thereof4 ,the ground of this mistake is a general observation from the pulse or motion of the ,heart1 which is more sensible on this side2 but the reason hereof is not to be drawn from the situation of the ,heart1 but the site of the left ventricle wherein the vital ,spirits are laboured2 and also the great ,artery that conveieth them out2 both which are situated on the left4 ,upon this reason ,epithems or cordial ,applications are justly applied unto the left ,breast2 and the ,wounds under the fifth ,rib may be more suddenly destructive if made on the sinister side1 and the ,spear of the ,souldier that peirced our ,saviour1 is not improperly described1 when ,painters direct it a little towards the left4 ,the other ground is more particular and upon inspection2 for in dead ,bodies especially lying upon the ,spine1 the ,heart doth seem to incline unto the left4 ,which happeneth not from its proper site2 but besides its sinistrous gravity1 is drawn that way by the great ,artery1 which then subsideth and haleth the ,heart unto it4 ,and therefore strictly taken1 the ,heart is seated in the middle of the ,chest2 but after a careless and inconsiderate aspection1 or according to the readiest sense of pulsation1 we shall not quarrel1 if any affirm it is seated toward the left4 ,and in these considerations must ,aristotle be salved1 when he affirmeth the ,heart of ,man is placed in the left side1 and thus in a popular acception may we receive the ,periphrasis of ,persius,,sn3 ----,leva in parte mamill42 when he taketh the part under the left ,pap for the ,heart2 and if rightly apprehended1 it concerneth not this controversie1 when it is said in ,ecclesiastes3 ,the ,heart of a wise ,man is in the right side1 but that of a ,fool in the left1 for thereby may be implied1 that the ,heart of a wise ,man delighteth in the right way1 or in the path of ,vertue2 that of a ,fool in the left or road of ,vice2 according to the mystery of the ,letter of ,pythagoras1 or that expression in ,jonah1 concerning sixscore thousand1 that could not discern between their right hand and their left1 or knew not good from evil4 ,that assertion also that ,man proportionally hath the largest brain1 ,i did ,i confess somewhat doubt2 and conceived it might have failed in ,birds1 especially such as having little ,bodies1 have yet large ,cranies1 and seem to contain much ,brain1 as ,snipes1 ,woodcocks1 etc4 ,but upon trial ,i find it very true4 ,the ,brains of a ,man1 ,archangelus and ,bauhinus observe1 to weigh four pound1 and sometime five and a half4 ,if therefore a ,man weigh one hundred and fourty pounds1 and his ,brain but five1 his ,weight is #bg4 times as much as his brain1 deducting the weight of that five pound which is allowed for it4 ,now in a ,snipe1 which weighed four ounces two dragms1 ,i find the ,brains to weigh but half a dragm2 so that the weight of the ,body 7allowing for the ,brain7 exceeded the weight of the ,brain1 sixty seven times and an half4 ,more controvertible it seemeth in the ,brains of ,sparrows1 whose ,cranies are rounder1 and so of larger capacity3 and most of all in the ,heads of ,birds1 upon the first formation in the ,egg1 wherein the ,head seems larger then all the ,body1 and the very ,eyes almost as big as either4 ,a ,sparrow in the total we found to weigh seven dragms and four and twenty grans2 whereof the ,head a dragm1 but the ,brain not fifteen grains2 which answereth not fully the proportion of the brain of ,man4 ,and therefore it is to be taken of the whole ,head with the ,brains1 when ,scaliger,,sn3 ,histor4 ,animal4 lib4 #a4 objecteth that the ,head of a ,man is the fifteenth part of his ,body2 that of a ,sparrow1 scarce the fifth4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,of ,pleurisies4 ,sidenote3 ,what a ,pleurisie is4 ,that ,pleurisies are only on the left side1 is a popular ,tenent not only absurd but dangerous4 ,from the misapprehension hereof1 men omitting the opportunity of remedies1 which otherwise they would not neglect4 ,chiefly occasioned by the ,ignorance of ,anatomy and the extent of the part affected2 which in an exquisite ,pleurisie is determined to be the skin or membrane which invested the ,ribs1 for so it is defined1 ,inflammatio membran costas succingentis2 ,an ,inflammation1 either simple1 consisting only of an hot and sanguineous affluxion2 or else denominable from other humours1 according to the predominancy of melancholy1 flegm1 or choler4 ,the membrane thus inflamed1 is properly called ,pleura2 from whence the disease hath its name2 and this investeth not only one side1 but overspreadeth the cavity of the chest1 and affordeth a common coat unto the parts contained therein4 ,now therefore the ,pleura being common unto both sides1 it is not reasonable to confine the inflammation unto one1 nor strictly to determine it is alwaies in the side2 but sometimes before and behind1 that is1 inclining to the ,spine or ,breast-bone2 for thither this ,coat extendeth2 and therefore with equal propriety we may affirm1 that ulcers of the lungs1 or ,apostems of the brain do happen only in the left side2 or that ,ruptures are confinable unto one side1 whereas the ,peritoneum or ,rib of the ,belly may be broke1 or its perforations relaxed in either4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,of the ,ring-finger4 ,an opinion there is1 which magnifies the fourth ,finger of the left ,hand2 presuming therein a cordial relation1 that a particular vessel1 nerve1 vein or artery is conferred thereto from the heart1 and therefore that especially hath the honour to bear our ,rings4 ,which was not only the ,christian practice in ,nuptial contracts1 but observed by ,heathens1 as ,alexander ab ,alexandro1 ,gellius1 ,macrobius and ,pierius have delivered1 as ,levinus ,lemnius hath confirmed1 who affirms this peculiar vessel to be an artery1 and not a ,nerve1 as ,antiquity hath conceived it2 adding moreover that ,rings hereon peculiarly affect the ,heart2 that in ,lipothymies or swoundings he used the frication of this ,finger with saffron and gold3 that the ancient ,physitians mixed up their ,medicines herewith2 that this is seldom or last of all affected with the ,gout1 and when that becometh nodous1 ,men continue not long after4 ,notwithstanding all which we remain unsatisfied1 nor can we think the reasons alleadged sufficiently establish the preheminency of this ,finger4 ,for first1 ,concerning the practice of ,antiquity1 the custom was not general to wear their ,rings either on this hand or ,finger2 for it is said1 and that emphatically in ,jeremiah1 ,si fuerit ,jeconias filius ,joachim regis ,jud annulus in manu dextr me1 inde evallam eum3 ,though ,coniah the son of ,joachim ,king of ,judah1 were the signet on my right ,hand1 yet would ,i pluck thee thence4 ,so is it observed by ,pliny1 that in the portraits of their ,gods1 the ,rings were worn on the ,finger next the ,thumb2 that the ,romans wore them also upon their little ,finger1 as ,hero is described in ,petronius2 some wore them on the middle ,finger1 as the ancient ,gaules and ,britans2 and some upon the fore-,finger1 as is deduceable from ,julius ,pollux3 who names that ,ring ,corionos4 ,sidenote3 ,rings anciently of ,iron4 ,again1 ,that the practice of the ancients1 had any such respect of cordiality or reference unto the ,heart1 will much be doubted1 if we consider their ,rings were made of iron2 such was that of ,prometheus1 who is conceived the first that brought them in use4 ,so1 as ,pliny affirmeth1 for many years the ,senators of ,rome did not wear any ,rings of ,gold2 but the slaves wore generally ,iron ,rings until their manumission or preferment to some dignity4 ,that the ,lacedemonians continued their ,iron ,rings unto his daies1 ,pliny also delivereth1 and surely they used few of ,gold2 for beside that ,lycurgus prohibited that mettal1 we read in ,athenus1 that having a desire to guild the face of ,apollo1 they enquired of the ,oracle where they might purchase so much ,gold2 and were directed unto ,crsus ,king of ,lydia4 ,moreover whether the ,ancients had any such intention1 the grounds which they conceived in ,vein1 ,nerve or ,artery1 are not to be justified1 nor will inspection confirm a peculiar vessel in this ,finger4 ,for as ,anatomy informeth1 the ,basilica vein dividing into two branches below the cubit1 the outward sendeth two surcles unto the thumb1 two unto the fore-finger1 and one unto the middle finger in the inward side2 the other branch of the ,basilica sendeth one surcle unto the outside of the middle finger1 two unto the ,ring1 and as many unto the little fingers2 so that they all proceed from the ,basilica1 and are in equal numbers derived unto every one4 ,in the same manner are the branches of the axillary artery distributed into the ,hand2 for below the cubit it divideth into two parts1 the one running along the ,radius1 and passing by the wrest or place of the pulse1 is at the ,fingers subdivided into three ,branches2 whereof the first conveyeth two surcles unto the ,thumb1 the second as many to the fore-,finger1 and the third one unto the middle ,finger2 the other or lower division of the artery descendeth by the ulna1 and furnisheth the other ,fingers2 that is the middle with one surcle1 and the ,ring and little ,fingers with two4 ,,sn3 ,whence the ,nerves proceed4 ,as for the ,nerves1 they are disposed much after the same manner1 and have their original from the ,brain1 and not the ,heart1 as many of the ,ancients conceived2 which is so far from affording ,nerves unto other parts1 that it receiveth very few it self from the sixth conjugation1 or pair of ,nerves in the ,brain4 ,lastly1 ,these propagations being communicated unto both ,hands1 we have no greater reason to wear our ,rings on the left1 then on the right2 nor are there cordial considerations in the one1 more then the other4 ,and therefore when ,forestus for the stanching of blood makes use of ,medical applications unto the fourth ,finger1 he confines not that practice unto the left1 but varieth the side according to the nostril bleeding4 ,so in ,feavers1 where the ,heart primarily suffereth1 we apply ,medicines unto the wrests of either arm2 so we touch the pulse of both1 and judge of the affections of the ,heart by the one as well as the other4 ,and although in indispositions of ,liver or ,spleen1 considerations are made in ,phlebotomy respectively to their situation2 yet when the ,heart is affected1 ,men have thought it as effectual to bleed on the right as the left2 and although also it may be thought1 a nearer respect is to be had of the left1 because the great artery proceeds from the left ventricle1 and so is nearer that arm2 it admits not that consideration4 ,for under the channel bones the artery divideth into two great branches1 from which trunk or point of division1 the distance unto either ,hand is equal1 and the consideration also answerable4 ,all which with many respective ,niceties1 in order unto parts1 sides1 and veines1 are now become of less consideration1 by the new and noble doctrine of the circulation of the blood4 ,and therefore ,macrobius discussing the point1 hath alleadged another reason2 affirming that the gestation of ,rings upon this ,hand and ,finger1 might rather be used for their conveniency and preservation1 then any cordial relation4 ,for at first 7saith he7 it was both free and usual to wear ,rings on either ,hand2 but after that luxury encreased1 when pretious gems and rich insculptures were added1 the custom of wearing them on the right ,hand was translated unto the left2 for that ,hand being less imployed1 thereby they were best preserved4 ,and for the same reason they placed them on this ,finger2 for the ,thumb was too active a ,finger1 and is commonly imployed with either of the rest3 the ,index or fore-,finger was too naked whereto to commit their pretiosities1 and hath the tuition of the ,thumb scarce unto the second joint3 the middle and little ,finger they rejected as extreams1 and too big or too little for their ,rings1 and of all chose out the fourth1 as being least used of any1 as being guarded on either side1 and having in most this peculiar condition1 that it cannot be extended alone and by itself1 but will be accompanied by some ,finger on either side4 ,and to this opinion assenteth ,alexander ab ,alexandro1 ,annulum nuptialem prior tas in sinistr ferebat1 crediderim ne attereretur4 ,now that which begat or promoted the common opinion1 was the common conceit that the ,heart was seated on the left side2 but how far this is verified1 we have before declared4 ,the ,egyptian practice hath much advanced the same1 who unto this ,finger derived a ,nerve from the ,heart2 and therefore the ,priest anointed the same with precious oyls before the ,altar4 ,but how weak ,anatomists they were1 which were so good ,embalmers1 we have already shewed4 ,and though this reason took most place1 yet had they another which more commended that practice3 and that was the number whereof this ,finger was an ,hieroglyphick4 ,for by holding down the fourth ,finger of the left ,hand1 while the rest were extended1 they signified the perfect and magnified number of six4 ,for as ,pierius hath graphically declared1 ,antiquity expressed numbers by the ,fingers of either ,hand3 on the left they accounted their digits and articulate numbers unto an hundred2 on the right ,hand hundreds and thousands2 the depressing this ,finger1 which in the left ,hand implied but six1 in the right indigitated six hundred4 ,in this way of numeration1 may we construe that of ,juvenal concerning ,nestor1 ----,qui per tot scula mortem ,distulit1 atque suos jam dextr computat annos4 ,and however it were intended1 in this sense it will be very elegant what is delivered of ,wisdom1 ,prov4 #c4 ,length of daies is in her right ,hand1 and in her left ,hand riches and honour4 ,sidenote3 ,hand-,gouty persons4 ,as for the observation of ,lemnius an eminent ,physitian1 concerning the ,gout2 however it happened in his ,country1 we may observe it otherwise in ours2 that is1 that chiragrical persons do suffer in this ,finger as well as in the rest1 and sometimes first of all1 and sometimes no where else4 ,and for the mixing up medicines herewith2 it is rather an argument of opinion1 then any considerable effect2 and we as highly conceive of the practice in ,diapalma1 that is1 in the making of that plaister1 to stir it with the stick of a ,palm4 ,,chapter ,v ,of the right and left ,hand4 ,it is also suspicious1 and not with that certainty to be received1 what is generally believed concerning the right and left hand2 that ,men naturally make use of the right1 and that the use of the other is a digression or aberration from that way which nature generally intendeth4 ,we do not deny that almost all ,nations have used this hand1 and ascribed a preheminence thereto3 hereof a remarkable passage there is in the #dh4 of ,genesis1 ,and ,joseph took them both1 ,ephraim in his right hand towards ,israels left hand1 and ,manasses in his left hand towards ,israels right hand1 and ,israel stretched out his right hand and laid it upon ,ephraims head1 who was the younger1 and his left hand upon ,manasses head1 guiding his hands wittingly1 for ,manasses was the first-born2 and when ,joseph saw that his father laid his right hand upon the head of ,ephraim1 it displeased him1 and he held up his fathers hand to remove it from ,ephraims head unto ,manasses head1 and ,joseph said1 ,not so my father1 for this is the first-born1 put thy right hand upon his head3 ,the like appeareth from the ordinance of ,moses in the consecration of their ,priests1 ,then shalt thou kill the ,ram1 and take of his blood1 and put it upon the tip of the right ear of ,aaron1 and upon the tip of the right ear of his sons1 and upon the thumb of the right hand1 and upon the great toe of the right foot1 and sprinkle the blood on the ,altar round about4 ,that the ,persians were wont herewith to plight their faith1 is testified by ,diodorus3 ,that the ,greeks and ,romans made use hereof1 beside the testimony of divers ,authors1 is evident from their custom of discumbency at their meals1 which was upon their left side1 for so their right hand was free1 and ready for all service4 ,as also from the conjunction of the right hands and not the left observable in the ,roman medals of concord4 ,nor was this only in use with divers ,nations of ,men1 but was the custom of whole ,nations of ,women2 as is deduceable from the ,amazones in the amputation of their right breast1 whereby they had the freer use of their bow4 ,all which do seem to declare a natural preferment of the one unto motion before the other2 wherein notwithstanding in submission to future information1 we are unsatisfied unto great dubitation4 ,for first1 if there were a determinate prepotency in the right1 and such as ariseth from a constant root in nature1 we might expect the same in other animals1 whose parts are also differenced by dextrality2 wherein notwithstanding we cannot discover a distinct and complying account2 for we find not that ,horses1 ,buls1 or ,mules1 are generally stronger on this side4 ,as for ,animals whose forelegs more sensibly supply the use of arms1 they hold1 if not an equality in both1 a prevalency oft-times in the other1 as ,squirrels1 ,apes1 and ,monkies2 the same is also discernable in ,parrets1 who feed themselves more commonly by the left-leg1 and ,men observe that the ,eye of a ,tumbler is biggest1 not constantly in one1 but in the bearing side4 ,sidenote3 ,whence the dextral activity in men proceeds4 ,that there is also in ,men a natural prepotency in the right1 we cannot with constancy affirm1 if we make observation in children2 who permitted the freedom of both1 do oft-times confine unto the left1 and are not without great difficulty restrained from it4 ,and therefore this prevalency is either uncertainly placed in the laterality1 or custom determines its differency4 ,which is the resolution of ,aristotle in that ,problem1 which enquires why the right side being better then the left1 is equal in the senses8 because1 saith he1 the right and left do differ by use and custom1 which have no place in the senses4 ,for right and left as parts inservient unto the motive faculty1 are differenced by degrees from use and assuefaction1 according whereto the one grows stronger and oft-times bigger then the other4 ,but in the senses it is otherwise2 for they acquire not their perfection by use or custom1 but at the first we equally hear and see with one ,eye1 as well as with another4 ,and therefore1 were this indifferency permitted1 or did not constitution1 but nature determine dextrality1 there would be many more ,scevolaes then are delivered in story2 nor needed we to draw examples of the left1 from the sons of the right hand ,,sn3 ,benjamin filius dextr42 as we read of seven thousand in the ,army of the ,benjamites4 ,true it is1 that although there be an indifferency in either1 or a prevalency indifferent in one1 yet is it most reasonable for uniformity1 and sundry respective uses1 that ,men should apply themselves to the constant use of one2 for there will otherwise arise anomalous disturbances in manual actions1 not only in civil and artificial1 but also in ,military affairs1 and the several actions of war4 ,secondly1 ,the grounds and reasons alleadged for the right1 are not satisfactory1 and afford no rest in their decision4 ,scaliger finding a defect in the reason of ,aristotle1 introduceth one of no less deficiency himself2 ,ratio materialis 7saith he7 sanguinis crassitudo simul et multitudo2 that is1 the reason of the vigour of this side1 is the crassitude and plenty of blood2 but this is not sufficient2 for the crassitude or thickness of blood affordeth no reason why one arm should be enabled before the other1 and the plenty thereof1 why both not enabled equally4 ,fallopius is of another conceit1 deducing the reason from the ,azygos or vena sine pari1 a large and considerable vein arising out of the cava or hollow vein1 before it enters the right ventricle of the ,heart1 and placed only in the right side4 ,but neither is this perswasory2 for the ,azygos communicates no branches unto the arms or legs on either side1 but disperseth into the ,ribs on both1 and in its descent doth furnish the left ,emulgent with one vein1 and the first vein of the loins on the right side with another2 which manner of derivation doth not confer a peculiar addition unto either4 ,clius ,rodiginus undertaking to give a reason of ,ambidexters and ,left-handed ,men1 delivereth a third opinion3 ,men1 saith he1 are ,ambidexters1 and use both ,hands alike1 when the heat of the ,heart doth plentifully disperse into the left side1 and that of the ,liver into the right1 and the spleen be also much dilated2 but ,men are ,left-handed when ever it happeneth that the ,heart and ,liver are seated on the left-side2 or when the ,liver is on the right side1 yet so obducted and covered with thick skins1 that it cannot diffuse its vertue into the right4 ,which reasons are no way satisfactory2 for herein the spleen is injustly introduced to invigorate the sinister side1 which being dilated it would rather infirm and debilitate4 ,as for any tunicles or skins which should hinder the ,liver from enabling dextral parts2 we must not conceive it diffuseth its vertue by meer irradiation1 but by its veins and proper vessels1 which common skins and teguments cannot impede4 ,and for the seat of the ,heart and ,liver in one side1 whereby ,men become ,left-handed1 it happeneth too rarely to countenance an effect so common2 for the seat of the ,liver on the left side is monstrous1 and rarely to be met with in the observations of ,physitians4 ,others not considering ambidextrous and ,left-handed ,men1 do totally submit unto the efficacy of the ,liver2 which though seated on the right side1 yet by the subclavian division doth equidistantly communicate its activity unto either ,arm2 nor will it salve the doubts of observation2 for many are ,right-handed whose ,livers are weakly constituted1 and many use the left1 in whom that part is strongest2 and we observe in ,apes1 and other animals1 whose ,liver is in the right1 no regular prevalence therein4 ,and therefore the brain1 especially the spinal marrow1 which is but the brain prolonged1 hath a fairer plea hereto2 for these are the principles of motion1 wherein dextrality consists2 and are divided within and without the ,crany4 ,by which division transmitting ,nerves respectively unto either side2 according to the indifferency1 or original and native prepotency1 there ariseth an equality in both1 or prevalency on either side4 ,and so may it be made out1 what many may wonder at1 why some most actively use the contrary ,arm and ,leg2 for the vigour of the one dependeth upon the upper part of the spine1 but the other upon the lower4 ,and therefore many things are ,philosophically delivered concerning right and left1 which admit of some suspension4 ,that a ,woman upon a masculine conception advanceth her right ,leg1 will not be found to answer strick observation4 ,that males are conceived in the right side of the womb1 females in the left1 though generally delivered1 and supported by ancient testimony1 will make no infallible account2 it happening oft times that males and females do lie upon both sides1 and ,hermaphrodites for ought we know on either4 ,it is also suspitious what is delivered concerning the right and left testicle1 that males are begotten from the one1 and females from the other4 ,for though the left seminal vein proceedeth from the emulgent1 and is therefore conceived to carry down a serous and feminine matter2 yet the seminal ,arteries which send forth the active materials1 are both derived from the great ,artery4 ,beside this original of the left vein was thus contrived1 to avoid the pulsation of the great ,artery1 over which it must have passed to attain unto the testicle4 ,nor can we easily infer such different effects from the divers situation of parts which have one end and office2 for in the kidneys which have one office1 the right is seated lower then the left1 whereby it lieth free1 and giveth way unto the ,liver4 ,and therefore also that way which is delivered for masculine generation1 to make a strait ligature about the left testicle1 thereby to intercept the evacuation of that part1 deserveth consideration4 ,for one sufficeth unto generation1 as hath been observed in semicastration1 and oft times in carnous ruptures4 ,,sn3 ,how an ,horse or ,bull may generate after they be gelt4 ,beside1 the seminal ejaculation proceeds not immediately from the testicle1 but from the spermatick glandules2 and therefore ,aristotle affirms 7and reason cannot deny7 that although there be nothing diffused from the testicles1 an ,horse or ,bull may generate after castration2 that is1 from the stock and remainder of seminal matter1 already prepared and stored up in the ,prostates or grandules of generation4 ,thirdly1 ,although we should concede a right and left in ,nature1 yet in this common and received account we may err from the proper acception2 mistaking one side for another2 calling that in ,man and other animals the right which is the left1 and that the left which is the right1 and that in some things right and left1 which is not properly either4 ,for first the right and left1 are not defined by ,phylosophers according to common acception1 that is1 respectively from one ,man unto another1 or any constant site in each2 as though that should be the right in one1 which upon confront or facing1 stands athwart or diagonally unto the other2 but were distinguished according to the activity and predominant locomotion upon either side4 ,thus ,aristotle in his excellent ,tract de incessu animalium1 ascribeth six positions unto ,animals1 answering the three dimensions2 which he determineth not by site or position unto the ,heavens1 but by their faculties and functions2 and these are ,imum 1 ,ante ,retro1 ,dextra et ,sinistra3 that is1 the superiour part1 where the aliment is received1 that the lower extream1 where it is last expelled2 so he termeth a ,man a plant inverted2 for he supposeth the root of a ,tree the head or upper part thereof1 whereby it receiveth its aliment1 although therewith it respects the ,center of the ,earth1 but with the other the ,zenith2 and this position is answerable unto longitude4 ,those parts are anteriour and measure profundity1 where the senses1 especially the ,eyes are placed1 and those posterior which are opposite hereunto4 ,the dextrous and sinistrous parts of the body make up the latitude2 and are not certain and inalterable like the other2 for that1 saith he1 is the right side1 from whence the motion of the body beginneth1 that is1 the active or moving side2 but that the sinister which is the weaker or more quiescent part4 ,of the same determination were the ,platonicks and ,pythagoreans before him2 who conceiving the heavens an animated body1 named the ,east1 the right or dextrous part1 from whence began their motion3 and thus the ,greeks1 from whence the ,latins have borrowed their appellation1 have named this hand 1 denominating it not from the site1 but office1 from capio1 that is1 the hand which receiveth1 or is usually implied in that action4 ,now upon these grounds we are most commonly mistaken1 defining that by situation which they determined by motion2 and giving the term of right hand to that which doth not properly admit it4 ,for first1 ,many in their ,infancy are sinistrously disposed1 and divers continue all their life 1 that is1 left handed1 and have but weak and imperfect use of the right2 now unto these1 that hand is properly the right1 and not the other esteemed so by situation4 ,thus may ,aristotle be made out1 when he affirmeth the right claw of ,crabs and ,lobsters is biggest1 if we take the right for the most vigorous side1 and not regard the relative situation3 for the one is generally bigger then the other1 yet not alwayes upon the same side4 ,so may it be verified what is delivered by ,scaliger in his ,comment1 that ,palsies do oftnest happen upon the left side1 if understood in this sense2 the most vigorous part protecting it self1 and protruding the matter upon the weaker and less resistive side4 ,and thus the ,law of ,common-,weals1 that cut off the right hand of ,malefactors1 if ,philosophically executed1 is impartial2 otherwise the amputation not equally punisheth all4 ,some are 1 that is1 ambidextrous or right handed on both sides2 which happeneth only unto strong and ,athletical bodies1 whose heat and spirits are able to afford an ability unto both4 ,,sn3 ,apt for contention4 ,and therefore ,hippocrates saith1 that ,women are not ambidextrous1 that is1 not so often as ,men2 for some are found1 which indifferently make use of both4 ,and so may ,aristotle say1 that only ,men are ambidexterous2 of this constitution was ,asteropus in ,homer1 and ,parthenopeus the ,theban ,captain in ,statius3 and of the same1 do some conceive our ,father ,adam to have been1 as being perfectly framed1 and in a constitution admitting least defect4 ,now in these ,men the right hand is on both sides1 and that is not the left which is opposite unto the right1 according to common acception4 ,again1 ,some are 1 as ,galen hath expressed it2 that is1 ambilevous or left-handed on both sides2 such as with agility and vigour have not the use of either3 who are not gymnastically ,,sn3 ,strongly or fit for corporal exercise4 composed3 nor actively use those parts4 ,now in these there is no right hand3 of this constitution are many ,women1 and some ,men1 who though they accustom themselves unto either hand1 do dexterously make use of neither4 ,and therefore although the ,political advice of ,aristotle be very good1 that ,men should accustom themselves to the command of either hand3 yet cannot the execution or performance thereof be general3 for though there be many found that can use both1 yet will there divers remain that can strenuously make use of neither4 ,lastly1 ,these lateralities in ,man are not only fallible1 if relatively determined unto each other1 but made in reference unto the heavens and quarters of the ,globe3 for those parts are not capable of these conditions in themselves1 nor with any certainty respectively derived from us1 nor from them to us again4 ,and first in regard of their proper nature1 the heavens admit not these sinister and dexter respects2 there being in them no diversity or difference1 but a simplicity of parts1 and equiformity in motion continually succeeding each other2 so that from what point soever we compute1 the account will be common unto the whole circularity4 ,and therefore though it be plausible1 it is not of consequence hereto what is delivered by ,solinus4 ,that ,man was therefore a ,microcosm or little ,world1 because the dimensions of his positions were answerable unto the greater4 ,for as in the ,heavens the distance of the ,north and ,southern pole1 which are esteemed the superiour and inferiour points1 is equal unto the space between the ,east and ,west1 accounted the dextrous and sinistrous parts thereof2 so is it also in ,man1 for the extent of his fathome or distance betwixt the extremity of the fingers of either hand upon expansion1 is equal unto the space between the sole of the foot and the crown4 ,but this doth but petionarily infer a dextrality in the ,heavens1 and we may as reasonably conclude a right and left laterality in the ,ark or naval edifice of ,noah4 ,for the length thereof was thirty cubits1 the breadth fifty1 and the height or profundity thirty2 which well agreeth unto the proportion of ,man1 whose length1 that is1 a perpendicular from the vertex unto the sole of the foot is sextuple unto his breadth1 or a right line drawn from the ribs of one side to another2 and decuble unto his profundity2 that is1 a direct line between the breast bone and the spine4 ,again1 ,they receive not these conditions with any assurance or stability from our selves4 ,for the relative foundations and points of denomination1 are not fixed and certain1 but variously designed according to imagination4 ,the ,philosopher accounts that ,east from whence the ,heavens begin their motion4 ,the ,astronomer regarding the ,south and ,meridian ,sun1 calls that the dextrous part of ,heaven which respecteth his right hand2 and that is the ,west4 ,poets respecting the ,west1 assign the name of right unto the ,north1 which regardeth their right hand2 and so must that of ,ovid be explained utque du dextr ,zon totidemqu sinistr4 ,,sn3 ,declarable from the original expression1 ,psalm #hi4 #ac4 ,but ,augurs or ,southsayers turning their face to the ,east1 did make the right in the ,south2 which was also observed by the ,hebrews and ,chaldeans4 ,now if we name the quarters of ,heaven respectively unto our sides1 it will be no certain or invariable denomination4 ,for if we call that the right side of ,heaven which is seated ,easterly unto us1 when we regard the ,meridian ,sun2 the inhabitants beyond the quator and ,southern ,tropick when they face us1 regarding the ,meridian1 will contrarily define it2 for unto them1 the opposite part of ,heaven will respect the left1 and the ,sun arise to their right4 ,and thus have we at large declared that although the right be most commonly used1 yet hath it no regular or certain root in nature4 ,since it is not confirmable from other ,animals3 ,since in ,children it seems either indifferent or more favourable in the other2 but more reasonable for uniformity in action1 that ,men accustom unto one3 ,since the grounds and reasons urged for it1 do not sufficiently support it3 ,since if there be a right and stronger side in nature1 yet may we mistake in its denomination2 calling that the right which is the left1 and the left which is the right4 ,since some have one right1 some both1 some neither4 ,and lastly1 ,since these affections in ,man are not only fallible in relation unto one another1 but made also in reference unto the ,heavens1 they being not capable of these conditions in themselves1 nor with any certainty from us1 nor we from them again4 ,and therefore what admission we ow unto many conceptions concerning right and left1 requireth circumspection4 ,that is1 how far we ought to rely upon the remedy in ,kiranides1 that is1 the left eye of an ,hedg-hog fried in oyl to procure sleep1 and the right foot of a ,frog in a ,dears skin for the ,gout2 or that to dream of the loss of right or left tooth1 presageth the death of male or female kindred1 according to the doctrine of ,artemidorus4 ,what verity there is in that numeral conceit in the lateral division of ,man by even and odd1 ascribing the odd unto the right side1 and even unto the left2 and so by parity or imparity of letters in ,mens names to determine misfortunes on either side of their bodies2 by which account in ,greek numeration1 ,hephstus or ,vulcan was lame in the right foot1 and ,anibal lost his right eye4 ,and lastly1 what substance there is in that ,auspicial principle1 and fundamental doctrine of ,ariolation1 that the left hand is ominous1 and that good things do pass sinistrously upon us1 because the left hand of man respected the right hand of the ,gods1 which handed their favours unto us4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,of ,swimming and ,floating4 ,that ,men swim naturally1 if not disturbed by fear2 that ,men being drowned and sunk1 do float the ninth day when their gall breaketh2 that ,women drowned1 swim prone1 but ,men supine1 or upon their backs2 are popular affirmations1 whereto we cannot assent4 ,and first1 that ,man should swim naturally1 because we observe it is no lesson unto other ,animals1 we are not forward to conclude2 for other ,animals swim in the same manner as they go1 and need no other way of motion for natation in the water1 then for progression upon the land4 ,and this is true whether they move per latera1 that is1 two legs of one side together1 which is ,tollutation or ambling2 or per diametrum1 lifting one foot before1 and the cross foot behind1 which is succussation or trotting2 or whether per frontem or quadratum1 as ,scaliger terms it1 upon a square base1 the legs of both sides moving together1 as ,frogs and salient ,animals1 which is properly called leaping4 ,for by these motions they are able to support and impel themselves in the water1 without alteration in the stroak of their legs1 or position of their bodies4 ,but with ,man it is performed otherwise2 for in regard of site he alters his natural posture and swimmeth prone2 whereas he walketh erect4 ,again1 in progression the arms move parallel to the legs1 and the arms and legs unto each other2 but in natation they intersect and make all sorts of angles4 ,and lastly1 in progressive motion1 the arms and legs do move successively1 but in natation both together2 all which aptly to perform1 and so as to support and advance the body1 is a point of ,art1 and such as some in their young and docile years could never attain4 ,but although swimming be acquired by art1 yet is there somewhat more of nature in it then we observe in other habits1 nor will it strictly fall under that definition2 for once obtained1 it is not to be removed2 nor is there any who from disuse did ever yet forget it4 ,secondly1 ,that persons drowned arise and float the ninth day when their gall breaketh1 is a questionable determination both in the time and cause4 ,for the time of floating1 it is uncertain according to the time of putrefaction1 which shall retard or accelerate according to the subject and season of the year2 for as we observed1 ,cats and ,mice will arise unequally1 and at different times1 though drowned at the same4 ,such as are fat do commonly float soonest1 for their bodies soonest ferment1 and that substance approacheth nearest unto air3 and this is one of ,aristotles reasons why dead ,eels will not float1 because saith he1 they have but slender bellies1 and little fat4 ,sidenote3 ,why drowned bodies float after a time4 ,as for the cause1 it is not so reasonably imputed unto the breaking of the gall as the putrefaction or corruptive firmentation of the body1 whereby the unnatural heat prevailing1 the putrifying parts do suffer a turgescence and inflation1 and becoming aery and spumous affect to approach the air1 and ascend unto the surface of the water4 ,and this is also evidenced in ,eggs1 whereof the sound ones sink1 and such as are addled swim1 as do also those which are termed hypenemia or wind-eggs2 and this is also a way to separate seeds1 whereof such as are corrupted and steril1 swim2 and this agreeth not only unto the seed of plants lockt up and capsulated in their husks1 but also unto the sperm and seminal humour of ,man2 for such a passage hath ,aristotle upon the ,inquisition and test of its fertility4 ,that the breaking of the gall is not the cause hereof1 experience hath informed us4 ,for opening the abdomen1 and taking out the gall in ,cats and ,mice1 they did notwithstanding arise4 ,and because we had read in ,rhodiginus of a ,tyrant1 who to prevent the emergency of murdered bodies1 did use to cut off their lungs1 and found ,mens minds possessed with this reason2 we committed some unto the water without lungs1 which notwithstanding floated with the others4 ,and to compleat the experiment1 although we took out the guts and bladder1 and also perforated the ,cranium1 yet would they arise1 though in a longer time4 ,from these observations in other ,animals1 it may not be unreasonable to conclude the same in ,man1 who is too noble a subject on whom to make them expressly1 and the casual opportunity to rare almost to make any4 ,now if any should ground this effect from gall or choler1 because it is the highest humour and will be above the rest2 or being the fiery humour will readiest surmount the water1 we must confess in the common putrescence it may promote elevation1 which the breaking of the bladder of gall1 so small a part in ,man1 cannot considerably advantage4 ,lastly1 ,that ,women drowned float prone1 that is1 with their bellies downward1 but ,men supine or upward1 is an assertion wherein the hoti or point it self is dubious2 and were it true1 the reason alledged for it1 is of no validity4 ,the reason yet currant was first expressed by ,pliny1 veluti pudori defunctorum parcente natur1 nature modestly ordaining this position to conceal the shame of the dead2 which hath been taken up by ,solinus1 ,rhodiginus1 and many more4 ,this indeed 7as ,scaliger termeth it7 is ratio civilis non philosophica1 strong enough for morality of ,rhetoricks1 not for ,philosophy or ,physicks4 ,for first1 in nature the concealment of secret parts is the same in both sexes1 and the shame of their reveal equal3 so ,adam upon the tast of the fruit was ashamed of his nakedness as well as ,eve4 ,and so likewise in ,america and ,countries unacquainted with habits1 where modesty conceals these parts in one sex1 it doth it also in the other2 and therefore had this been the intention of nature1 not only ,women but ,men also had swimmed downwards2 the posture in reason being common unto both1 where the intent is also common4 ,again1 ,while herein we commend the modesty1 we condemn the wisdom of nature3 for that prone position we make her contrive unto the ,woman1 were best agreeable unto the ,man1 in whom the secret parts are very anteriour and more discoverable in a supine and upward posture4 ,and therefore ,scaliger declining this reason1 hath recurred unto another from the difference of parts in both sexes2 ,quod ventre vasto sunt mulieres plenoque intestinis1 itaque minus impletur et subsidet1 inanior maribus quibus nates prponderant3 ,if so1 then ,men with great bellies will float downward1 and only ,callipyg1 and ,women largely composed behind1 upward4 ,but ,anatomists observe1 that to make the larger cavity for the ,infant1 the hanch bones in ,women1 and consequently the parts appendant are more protuberant then they are in ,men4 ,they who ascribe the cause unto the breasts of ,women1 take not away the doubt2 for they resolve not why children float downward1 who are included in that sex1 though not in the reason alleadged4 ,but hereof we cease to discourse1 lest we undertake to afford a reason of the #a;golden tooth1 that is1 to invent or assign a cause when we remain unsatisfied or unassured of the effect4 #a ,of the cause whereof much dispute was made1 and at last proved an imposture4 ,that a ,mare will sooner drown then a ,horse1 though commonly opinion'd1 is not ,i fear experienced3 nor is the same observed1 in the drowning of ,whelps and ,kitlins4 ,but that a ,man cannot shut or open his eyes under water1 easie experiment may convict4 ,whether ,cripples and mutilated ,persons1 who have lost the greatest part of their thighs1 will not sink but float1 their lungs being abler to waft up their bodies1 which are in others overpoised by the hinder legs2 we have not made experiment4 ,thus much we observe1 that ,animals drown downwards1 and the same is observable in ,frogs1 when the hinder legs are cut off4 ,but in the air most seem to perish headlong from high places2 however ,vulcan thrown from ,heaven1 be made to fall on his feet4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,concerning ,weight4 ,that ,men weigh heavier dead then alive1 if experiment hath not failed us1 we cannot reasonably grant4 ,for though the trial hereof cannot so well be made on the body of ,man1 nor will the difference be sensible in the abate of scruples and dragms1 yet can we not confirm the same in lesser ,animals1 from whence the inference is good2 and the affirmative of ,pliny saith1 that it is true in all4 ,for exactly weighing and strangling a ,chicken in the ,scales2 upon an immediate ponderation1 we could discover no sensible difference in weight2 but suffering it to lie eight or ten hours1 untill it grew perfectly cold1 it weighed most sensibly lighter2 the like we attempted1 and verified in ,mice1 and performed their trials in ,scales1 that would turn upon the eighth or tenth part of a grain4 ,now whereas some alledge that spirits are lighter substances1 and naturally ascending1 do elevate and waft the body upward1 whereof dead bodies being destitute1 contract a greater gravity2 although we concede that spirits are light1 comparatively unto the body1 yet that they are absolutely so1 or have no weight at all1 we cannot readily allow4 ,for since ,philosophy affirmeth1 that spirits are middle substances between the soul and body1 they must admit of some corporiety1 which supposeth weight or gravity4 ,beside1 in carcasses warm1 and bodies newly disanimated1 while transpiration remaineth1 there do exhale and breath out vaporous and fluid parts1 which carry away some power of gravitation4 ,which though we allow1 we do not make answerable unto living expiration2 and therefore the ,chicken or ,mice were not so light being dead1 as they would have been after ten hours kept alive2 for in that space a man abateth many ounces4 ,nor if it had slept1 for in that space of sleep1 a ,man will sometimes abate fourty ounces2 nor if it had been in the middle of summer1 for then a ,man weigheth some pounds less1 then in the height of winter2 according to experience1 and the statick ,aphorisms of ,sanctorius4 ,again1 ,whereas ,men affirm they perceive an addition of ponderosity in dead bodies1 comparing them usually unto blocks and stones1 whensoever they lift or carry them2 this accessional preponderancy is rather in appearance then reality4 ,for being destitute of any motion1 they confer no relief unto the ,agents1 or ,elevators2 which makes us meet with the same complaints of gravity in animated and living bodies1 where the ,nerves subside1 and the faculty locomotive seems abolished2 as may be observed in the lifting or supporting of persons inebriated1 ,apoplectical1 or in ,lypothymies and swoundings4 ,many are also of opinion1 and some learned ,men maintain1 that ,men are lighter after meals then before1 and that by a supply and addition of spirits obscuring the gross ponderosity of the aliment ingested2 but the contrary hereof we have found in the trial of sundry persons in different sex and ages4 ,and we conceive ,men may mistake if they distinguish not the sense of levity unto themselves1 and in regard of the scale or decision of trutination4 ,for after a draught of wine1 a ,man may seem lighter in himself from sudden refection1 although he be heavier in the balance1 from a corporal and ponderous addition2 but a ,man in the morning is lighter in the scale1 because in sleep some pounds have perspired2 and is also lighter unto himself1 because he is refected4 ,and to speak strictly1 a ,man that holds his breath is weightier while his lungs are full1 then upon expiration4 ,for a bladder blown is weightier then one empty1 and if it contain a quart1 expressed and emptied it will abate about a quarter of a grain4 ,and therefore we somewhat mistrust the experiment of a pumice stone taken up by ,montanus1 in his ,comment upon ,avicenna1 where declaring how the rarity of parts1 and numerosity of pores1 occasioneth a lightness in bodies1 he affirms that a pumice-stone powdered1 is lighter then one entire2 which is an experiment beyond our satisfaction2 for beside that abatement can hardly be avoided in the ,trituration2 if a bladder of good capacity will scarce include a grain of air1 a pumice of three or four dragms1 cannot be presumed to contain the hundred part thereof2 which will not be sensible upon the exactest beams we use4 ,nor is it to be taken strictly which is delivered by the learned ,lord ,verulam1 and referred unto further experiment2 ,that a dissolution of ,iron in aqua fortis1 will bear as good weight as their bodies did before1 notwithstanding a great deal of waste by a thick vapour that issueth during the working2 for we cannot find it to hold neither in ,iron nor ,copper1 which is dissolved with less ebullition2 and hereof we made trial in ,scales of good exactness3 wherein if there be a defect1 or such as will not turn upon quarter grains1 there may be frequent mistakes in experiments of this nature4 ,that also may be considered which is delivered by ,hamerus ,poppius,,sn3 ,basilica ,antimonii41 that ,antimony calcin'd or reduced to ashes by a burning glass1 although it emit a gross and ponderous exhalation1 doth rather exceed then abate its former gravity4 ,nevertheless1 strange it is2 how very little and almost insensible abatement there will be sometimes in such operations1 or rather some encrease1 as in the refining of metals1 in the test of bone ashes1 according to experience3 and in a burnt brick1 as ,monsieur de ,clave,,sn3 ,des ,pierres4 affirmeth4 ,mistake may be made in this way of trial1 when the ,antimony is not weighed immediately upon the calcination2 but permitted the air1 it imbibeth the humidity thereof1 and so repaireth its gravity4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,of the passage of ,meat and ,drink4 ,that there are different passages for ,meat and ,drink1 the ,meat or dry aliment descending by the one1 the ,drink or moistening vehicle by the other1 is a popular ,tenent in our daies1 but was the assertion of learned men of old4 ,for the same was affirmed by ,plato1 maintained by ,eustathius in ,macrobius1 and is deducible from ,eratosthenes1 ,eupolis and ,euripides4 ,now herein ,men contradict experience1 not well understanding ,anatomy1 and the use of parts4 ,for at the ,throat there are two cavities or conducting parts2 the one the ,oesophagus or ,gullet1 seated next the spine1 a part official unto nutrition1 and whereby the aliment both wet and dry is conveied unto the stomack2 the other 7by which tis conceived the ,drink doth pass7 is the weazon1 rough artery1 or wind-pipe1 a part inservient to voice and respiration2 for thereby the air descendeth into the lungs1 and is communicated unto the heart4 ,and therefore all ,animals that breath or have lungs1 have also the weazon2 but many have the gullet or feeding channel1 which have no lungs or wind-pipe2 as fishes which have gils1 whereby the heart is refrigerated2 for such thereof as have lungs and respiration1 are not without the weazon1 as ,whales and cetaceous ,animals4 ,again1 ,beside these parts destin'd to divers offices1 there is a peculiar provision for the wind-pipe1 that is1 a cartilagineous flap upon the opening of the ,larinx or ,throttle1 which hath an open cavity for the admission of the air2 but lest thereby either meat or drink should descend1 ,providence hath placed the ,epiglottis1 ,ligula1 or flap like an ,ivy leaf1 which alwaies closeth when we swallow1 or when the meat and drink passeth over it into the gullet4 ,which part although all have not that breath1 as all cetaceous and oviparous ,animals1 yet is the weazon secured some other way2 and therefore in ,whales that breath1 least the water should get into the lungs1 an ejection thereof is contrived by a ,fistula or spout at the head4 ,and therefore also though birds have no ,epiglottis1 yet can they so contract the rim or chink of their ,larinx1 as to prevent the admission of wet or dry ingested2 either whereof getting in1 occasioneth a cough1 until it be ejected4 ,,sn3 ,why a man cannot drink and breath at once4 ,and this is the reason why a ,man cannot drink and breath at the same time2 why1 if we laugh while we drink1 the drink flies out at the nostrils2 why1 when the water enters the weazon1 ,men are suddenly drowned2 and thus must it be understood1 when we read ,,sn3 ,anacreon the ,poet1 if the story be taken literally4 of one that died by the seed of a ,grape1 and another by an hair in milk4 ,now if any shall still affirm1 that some truth there is in the assertion1 upon the experiment of ,hippocrates1 who killing an ,hog after a red potion1 found the tincture thereof in the ,larinx2 if any will urge the same from medical practice1 because in affections both of ,lungs and weazon1 ,physitians make use of syrupes1 and lambitive medicines2 we are not averse to acknowledge1 that some may distil and insinuate into the wind-pipe1 and medicines may creep down1 as well as the rheum before them2 yet to conclude from hence1 that air and water have both one common passage1 were to state the question upon the weaker side of the distinction1 and from a partial or guttulous irrigation1 to conclude a total descension4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,of ,sneezing4 ,concerning ,sternutation or ,sneezing1 and the custom of saluting or blessing upon that motion1 it is pretended1 and generally believed to derive its original from a disease1 wherein ,sternutation proved mortal1 and such as ,sneezed1 died4 ,and this may seem to be proved from ,carolus ,sigonius1 who in his ,history of ,italy1 makes mention of a ,pestilence in the time of ,gregory the ,great1 that proved pernitious and deadly to those that ,sneezed4 ,which notwithstanding will not sufficiently determine the grounds hereof3 that custom having an elder ra1 then this ,chronology affordeth4 ,for although the age of ,gregory extend above a thousand1 yet is this custom mentioned by ,apuleius1 in the ,fable of the ,fullers wife1 who lived three hundred years before2 by ,pliny in that ,problem of his1 ,cur ,sternutantes salutantur2 and there are also reports that ,tiberius the ,emperour1 otherwise a very sower ,man1 would perform this rite most punctually unto others1 and expect the same from others1 unto himself4 ,petronius ,arbiter1 who lived before them both1 and was ,proconsul of ,bythinia in the raign of ,nero1 hath mentioned it in these words1 ,gyton collectione spiritus plenus1 ter continuo ita sternutavit ut grabatum concuteret1 ad quem motum ,eumolpus conversus1 ,salvere ,gytona jubet4 ,clius ,rhodiginus hath an example hereof among the ,greeks1 far antienter than these1 that is1 in the time of ,cyrus the younger2 when consulting about their retreat1 it chanced that one among them ,sneezed2 at the noise whereof1 the rest of the ,souldiers called upon ,jupiter ,soter4 ,there is also in the ,greek ,anthology ,,sn3 ,a ,collection of ,greek ,epigrams1 ,titulo 41 a remarkable mention hereof in an ,epigram1 upon one ,proclus2 the ,latin whereof we shall deliver1 as we find it often translated4 ,non potis est ,proclus digitis emungere nasum1 ,namq2 est pro nasi mole pusilla manus3 ,non vocat ille ,jovem sternutans1 quippe1 nec audit ,sternutamentum1 tam procul aure sonat4 ,proclus with his hand his nose can never wipe1 ,his hand too little is his nose to gripe2 ,he ,sneezing calls not ,jove1 for why8 he hears ,himself not ,sneeze1 the sound's so far from's ears4 ,nor was this only an ancient custom among the ,greeks and ,romans1 and is still in force with us1 but is received at this day in remotest parts of ,africa4 ,for so we read in ,codignus,,sn3 ,de rebus ,abassinorum2 that upon a ,sneeze of the ,emperour of ,monomotapa1 there passed acclamations successively through the ,city4 ,and as remarkable an example there is of the same custom1 in the remotest parts of the ,east1 recorded in the travels of ,pinto,,sn3 ,buxt4 ,lex4 ,chald44 ,but the history will run much higher1 if we should take in the ,rabinical account hereof2 that ,sneezing was a mortal sign even from the first ,man2 until it was taken off by the special supplication of ,jacob4 ,from whence1 as a thankful acknowledgment1 this salutation first began2 and was after continued by the expression of ,tobim ,chaiim1 or vita bona1 by standers by1 upon all occasion of ,sneezing4 ,sidenote3 ,whence ,sternutation or ,sneezing proceeds4 ,now the ground of this ancient custom was probably the opinion the ancients held of sternutation1 which they generally conceived1 to be a good sign or a bad1 and so upon this motion accordingly used1 a ,salve or 1 as a gratulation for the one1 and a deprecation for the other4 ,now of the waies whereby they enquired and determined its signality2 the first was natural1 arising from ,physical causes1 and consequences oftentimes naturally succeeding this motion2 and so it might be justly esteemed a good sign4 ,for ,sneezing being properly a motion of the brain1 suddenly expelling through the nostrils what is offensive unto it1 it cannot but afford some evidence of its vigour2 and therefore saith ,aristotle,,sn3 ,problem ,sect4 #cc41 they that hear it1 1 honour it as somewhat sacred1 and a sign of ,sanity in the diviner part2 and this he illustrates from the practice of ,physitians1 who in persons near death1 do use ,sternutatories1 or such medicines as provoke unto ,sneezing2 when if the faculty awaketh1 and ,sternutation ensueth1 they conceive hopes of life1 and with gratulation receive the signs of safety4 ,,sn3 ,in what cases a sign of good4 ,and so is it also of good signality1 according to that of ,hippocrates1 that ,sneezing cureth the hicket1 and is profitable unto ,women in hard labour2 and so is it good in ,lethargies1 ,apoplexies1 ,catalepsies1 and ,coma's ,,sn3 #b4 ,king #d4 #ce44 ,,sn3 ,in what of bad4 ,and in this natural way it is sometime likewise of bad effects or signs1 and may give hints of deprecation2 as in diseases of the chest2 for therein ,hippocrates condemneth it as too much exagitating3 in the beginning of ,catarrhs according unto ,avicenna1 as hindering concoction1 in new and tender conceptions 7as ,pliny observeth7 for then it endangers abortion4 ,the second way was superstitious and ,augurial1 as ,clius ,rhodiginus hath illustrated in testimonies1 as ancient as ,theocritus and ,homer3 as appears from the ,athenian ,master1 who would have retired1 because a ,boat-man ,sneezed2 and the testimony of ,austin1 that the ,ancients were wont to go to bed again if they ,sneezed while they put on their shoe4 ,and in this way it was also of good and bad signification2 so ,aristotle hath a ,problem1 why ,sneezing from noon unto midnight was good1 but from night to noon unlucky8 ,so ,eustathius upon ,homer observes1 that ,sneezing to the left hand was unlucky1 but prosperous unto the right2 so1 as ,plutarch relateth1 when ,themistocles sacrificed in his galley before the battle of ,xerxes1 and one of the assistants upon the right hand sneezed2 ,euphrantides the ,southsayer1 presaged the victory of the ,greeks1 and the overthrow of the ,persians4 ,thus we may perceive the custom is more ancient then commonly conceived2 and these opinions hereof in all ages1 not any one disease to have been the occasion of this salute and deprecation4 ,arising at first from this vehement and affrighting motion of the brain1 inevitably observable unto the standers by2 from whence some finding dependent effects to ensue2 others ascribing hereto as a cause what perhaps but casually or inconnexedly succeeded2 they might proceed unto forms of speeches1 felicitating the good1 or deprecating the evil to follow4 ,,chapter ,x ,of the ,jews4 ,that ,jews stink naturally1 that is1 that in their race and nation there is an evil savour1 is a received opinion we know not how to admit2 although concede many questionable points1 and dispute not the verity of sundry opinions which are of affinity hereto4 ,we will acknowledg that certain odours attend on animals1 no less then certain colours2 that pleasant smels are not confined unto vegetables1 but found in divers animals1 and some more richly then in plants4 ,and though the ,problem of ,aristotle enquire why no animal smels sweet beside the ,parde8 yet later discoveries add divers sorts of ,monkeys1 the ,civet ,cat and ,gazela1 from which our ,musk proceedeth4 ,we confess that beside the smell of the species1 there may be individual odours1 and every ,man may have a proper and peculiar savour2 which although not perceptible unto ,man1 who hath this sense1 but weak1 yet sensible unto ,dogs1 who hereby can single out their masters in the dark4 ,we will not deny that particular ,men have sent forth a pleasant savour1 as ,theophrastus and ,plutarch report of ,alexander the great1 and ,tzetzes and ,cardan do testifie of themselves4 ,that some may also emit an unsavory odour1 we have no reason to deny2 for this may happen from the quality of what they have taken2 the ,ftor whereof may discover it self by sweat and urine1 as being unmasterable by the natural heat of ,man1 not to be dulcified by concoction beyond an unsavory condition3 the like may come to pass from putrid humours1 as is often discoverable in putrid and malignant feavers4 ,and sometime also in gross and humid bodies even in the latitude of sanity2 the natural heat of the parts being insufficient for a perfect and through digestion1 and the errors of one concoction not rectifiable by another4 ,but that an unsavory odour is gentilitious or national unto the ,jews1 if rightly understood1 we cannot well concede2 nor will the information of reason or sence induce it4 ,for first1 ,upon consult of reason1 there will be found no easie assurance to fasten a material or temperamental propriety upon any nation2 there being scarce any condition 7but what depends upon clime7 which is not exhausted or obscured from the commixture of introvenient nations either by commerce or conquest2 much more will it be difficult to make out this affection in the ,jews2 whose race however pretended to be pure1 must needs have suffered inseparable commixtures with nations of all sorts2 not only in regard of their proselytes1 but their universal dispersion2 some being posted from several parts of the earth1 others quite lost1 and swallowed up in those nations where they planted4 ,for the tribes of ,reuben1 ,gad1 part of ,manasses and ,naphthali1 which were taken by ,assur1 and the rest at the ,sacking of ,samaria1 which were led away by ,salmanasser into ,assyria1 and after a year and half arrived at ,arsereth1 as is delivered in ,esdras2 these ,i say never returned1 and are by the ,jews as vainly expected as their ,messias4 ,of those of the tribe of ,judah and ,benjamin1 which were led captive into ,babylon by ,nebuchadnezzar1 many returned under ,zorobabel2 the rest remained1 and from thence long after upon invasion of the ,saracens1 fled as far as ,india2 where yet they are said to remain1 but with little difference from the ,gentiles4 ,the ,tribes that returned to ,judea1 were afterward widely dispersed2 for beside sixteen thousand which ,titus sent to ,rome unto the triumph of his father ,vespasian1 he sold no less then an hundred thousand for slaves4 ,not many years after1 ,adrian the ,emperour1 who ruined the whole ,countrey1 transplanted many thousands into ,spain1 from whence they dispersed into divers ,countreys1 as into ,france and ,england1 but were banished after from both4 ,from ,spain they dispersed into ,africa1 ,italy1 ,constantinople1 and the ,dominions of the ,turk1 where they remain as yet in very great numbers4 ,and if 7according to good relations7 where they may freely speak it1 they forbear not to boast that there are at present many thousand ,jews in ,spane1 ,france and ,england1 and some dispensed withall even to the degree of ,priesthood2 it is a matter very considerable1 and could they be smelled out1 would much advantage1 not only the ,church of ,christ1 but also the coffers of ,princes4 ,now having thus lived in several ,countries1 and alwaies in subjection1 they must needs have suffered many commixtures2 and we are sure they are not exempted from the common contagion of ,venery contracted first from ,christians4 ,nor as fornications unfrequent between them both2 there commonly passing opinions of invitement1 that their ,women desire copulation with them rather then their own ,nation1 and affect ,christian carnality above circumcised venery4 ,it being therefore acknowledged1 that some are lost1 evident that others are mixed1 and not assured that any are distinct1 it will be hard to establish this quality upon the ,jews1 unless we also transfer the same unto those whose generations are mixed1 whose genealogies are ,jewish1 and naturally derived from them4 ,again1 if we concede a ,national unsavouriness in any people1 yet shall we find the ,jews less subject hereto then any1 and that in those regards which most powerfully concur to such effects1 that is1 their diet and generation4 ,,sn3 ,the ,jews generally very temperate4 ,as for their diet whether in obedience unto the precepts of reason1 or the injunctions of parsimony1 therein they are very temperate2 seldom offending in ebriety or excess of drink1 nor erring in gulosity or superfluity of meats2 whereby they prevent indigestion and crudities1 and consequently putrescence of humors4 ,they have in abomination all flesh maimed1 or the inwards any way vitiated2 and therefore eat no meat but of their own killing4 ,they observe not only fasts at certain times1 but are restrained unto very few dishes at all times2 so few1 that whereas ,st4 ,peters sheet will hardly cover our ,tables1 their ,law doth scarce permit them to set forth a ,lordly feast2 nor any way to answer the luxury of our times1 or those of our fore-fathers4 ,for of flesh their ,law restrains them many sorts1 and such as compleat our feasts3 ,that ,animal1 ,propter convivia natum ,,sn3 ,quanta est gula1 qu sibi totos ponit ,apros6 ,animal propter convivia natum41 they touch not1 nor any of its preparations1 or parts so much in respect at ,roman ,tables1 nor admit they unto their board1 ,hares1 ,conies1 ,herons1 ,plovers or ,swans4 ,of ,fishes they only taste of such as have both fins and scales2 which are comparatively but few in number1 such only1 saith ,aristotle1 whose ,egg or spawn is arenaceous2 whereby are excluded all cetaceous and cartilagious ,fishes2 many pectinal1 whose ribs are rectilineal2 many costal1 which have their ribs embowed2 all spinal1 or such as have no ribs1 but only a back bone1 or somewhat analogous thereto1 as ,eels1 ,congers1 ,lampries2 all that are testaceous1 as ,oysters1 ,cocles1 ,wilks1 ,scollops1 ,muscles2 and likewise all crustaceous1 as ,crabs1 ,shrimps and ,lobsters4 ,so that observing a spare and simple diet1 whereby they prevent the generation of crudities2 and fasting often whereby they might also digest them2 they must be less inclinable unto this infirmity then any other ,nation1 whose proceedings are not so reasonable to avoid it4 ,as for their generations and conceptions 7which are the purer from good diet17 they become more pure and perfect by the strict observation of their ,law2 upon the injunctions whereof1 they severely observe the times of ,purification1 and avoid all copulation1 either in the uncleanness of themselves1 or impurity of their ,women4 ,a ,rule1 ,i fear1 not so well observed by ,christians2 whereby not only conceptions are prevented1 but if they proceed1 so vitiated and defiled1 that durable inquinations remain upon the birth4 ,,sn3 ,the original or material causes of the ,pox and ,meazels4 ,which1 when the conception meets with these impurities1 must needs be very potent2 since in the purest and most fair conceptions1 learned ,men derive the cause of ,pox and ,meazels1 from principles of that nature2 that is1 the menstrous impurities in the ,mothers blood1 and virulent tinctures contracted by the ,infant1 in the nutriment of the womb4 ,lastly1 ,experience will convict it2 for this offensive odor is no way discoverable in their ,synagogues where many are1 and by reason of their number could not be concealed3 nor is the same discernable in commerce or conversation with such as are cleanly in ,apparel1 and decent in their ,houses4 ,surely the ,viziars and ,turkish ,basha's are not of this opinion2 who as ,sir ,henry ,blunt informeth1 do generally keep a ,jew of their private ,counsel4 ,and were this true1 the ,jews themselves do not strictly make out the intention of their ,law1 for in vain do they scruple to approach the dead1 who livingly are cadaverous1 or fear any outward pollution1 whose temper pollutes themselves4 ,and lastly1 were this true1 yet our opinion is not impartial2 for unto converted ,jews who are of the same seed1 no ,man imputeth this unsavoury odor2 as though ,aromatized by their conversion1 they lost their scent with their ,religion1 and smelt no longer then they savoured of the ,jew4 ,now the ground that begat or propagated this assertion1 might be the distasteful aversness of the ,christian from the ,jew1 upon the villany of that fact1 which made them abominable and stink in the nostrils of all ,men4 ,which real practise1 and metaphorical expression1 did after proceed into a literal construction2 but was a fraudulent illation2 for such an evil savour their father ,jacob acknowledged in himself1 ,,sn3 ,gen4 #cd4 when he said1 his sons had made him stink in the land1 that is1 to be abominable unto the inhabitants thereof4 ,now how dangerous it is in sensible things to use metaphorical expressions unto the people1 and what absurd conceits they will swallow in their literals2 an impatient example we have in our profession2 who having called an eaten ulcer by the name of a ,wolf1 common apprehension conceives a reality therein2 and against our selves1 ocular affirmations are pretended to confirm it4 ,the nastiness of that ,nation1 and sluttish course of life hath much promoted the opinion1 occasioned by their servile condition at first1 and inferiour ways of parsimony ever since2 as is delivered by ,mr4 ,sandys4 ,they are generally fat1 saith he1 and rank of the savours which attend upon sluttish corpulency4 ,the ,epithetes assigned them by ancient times1 have also advanced the same2 for ,ammianus ,marcellinus describeth them in such language2 and ,martial more ancient1 in such a relative expression sets forth unsavoury ,bassa4 ,quod jejunia ,sabbatoriorum4 ,mallem1 quam quod oles1 olere ,bassa4 ,from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer an inward imperfection in the temper of that ,nation2 it being but an effect in the breath from outward observation1 in their strict and tedious fasting2 and was a common effect in the breaths of other ,nations1 became a ,proverb ,,sn3 4 ,iejunia olere4 among the ,greeks1 and the reason thereof begot a ,problem in ,aristotle4 ,lastly1 ,if all were true1 and were this savour conceded1 yet are the reasons alleadged for it no way satisfactory4 ,hucherius,,sn3 ,de sterilitate1 and after him ,alsarius ,crucius,,sn3 ,cruc4 ,med4 ,epist41 imputes this effect unto their abstinence from salt or salt meats2 which how to make good in the present diet of the ,jews1 we know not2 nor shall we conceive it was observed of old1 if we consider they seasoned every ,sacrifice1 and all oblations whatsoever2 whereof we cannot deny a great part was eaten by the ,priests4 ,and if the offering were of flesh1 it was salted no less than thrice1 that is1 once in the common chamber of salt1 at the foot-step of the ,altar1 and upon the top thereof1 as is at large delivered by ,maimonides4 ,nor if they refrained all salt1 is the illation very urgent2 for many there are1 not noted for ill odours1 which eat no salt at all2 as all carnivorous ,animals1 most ,children1 many whole ,nations1 and probably our ,fathers after the ,creation2 there being indeed in every thing we eat1 a natural and concealed salt1 which is separated by digestions1 as doth appear in our tears1 sweat and urines1 although we refrain all salt1 or what doth seem to contain it4 ,another cause is urged by ,campegius1 and much received by ,christians2 that this ill savour is a curse derived upon them by ,christ1 and stands1 as a badge or brand of a generation that crucified their ,salvator4 ,but this is a conceit without all warrant2 and an easie way to take off dispute in what point of obscurity soever4 ,a method of many ,writers1 which much depreciates the esteem and value of miracles2 that is1 therewith to salve not only real verities1 but also nonexistencies4 ,thus have elder times not only ascribed the immunity of ,ireland from any venemous beast1 unto the staff or rod of ,patrick2 but the long tails of ,kent1 unto the malediction of ,austin4 ,thus therefore1 although we concede that many opinions are true which hold some conformity unto this1 yet in assenting hereto1 many difficulties must arise3 it being a dangerous point to annex a constant property unto any ,nation1 and much more this unto the ,jew2 since this quality is not verifiable by observation2 since the grounds are feeble that should establish it2 and lastly1 since if all were true1 yet are the reasons alleadged for it1 of no sufficiency to maintain it4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,of ,pigmies4 ,by ,pigmies we understand a dwarfish race of people1 or lowest diminution of mankind1 comprehended in one cubit1 or as some will have it1 in two foot or three spans2 not taking them single1 but nationally considering them1 and as they make up an aggregated habitation4 ,whereof although affirmations be many1 and testimonies more frequent then in any other point which wise men have cast into the list of fables1 yet that there is1 or ever was such a race or ,nation1 upon exact and confirmed testimonies1 our strictest enquiry receives no satisfaction4 ,i say1 exact testimonies1 first1 ,in regard of the ,authors1 from whom we derive the account1 for though we meet herewith in ,herodotus1 ,philostratus1 ,mela1 ,pliny1 ,solinus1 and many more2 yet were they derivative ,relators1 and the primitive ,author was ,homer2 who1 using often similies1 as well to delight the ear1 as to illustrate his matter1 in the third of his ,iliads1 compareth the ,trojans unto ,cranes1 when they descend against the ,pigmies2 which was more largely set out by ,oppian1 ,juvenal1 ,mantuan1 and many ,poets since1 and being only a pleasant figment in the fountain1 became a solemn story in the stream1 and current still among us4 ,again1 ,many professed enquirers have rejected it2 ,strabo an exact and judicious ,geographer1 hath largely condemned it as a fabulous story1 ,julius ,scaliger a diligent enquirer1 accounts thereof1 but as a ,poetical fiction2 ,ulysses ,aldrovandus a most exact ,zoographer in an express discourse hereon1 concludes the story fabulous1 and a ,poetical account of ,homer2 and the same was formerly conceived by ,eustathius1 his excellent ,commentator4 ,albertus ,magnus a man ofttimes too credulous1 herein was more then dubious2 for he affirmeth1 if any such dwarfs were ever extant1 they were surely some kind of ,apes3 which is a conceit allowed by ,cardan1 and not esteemed improbable by many others4 ,there are ,i confess two testimonies1 which from their authority admit of consideration4 ,the first of ,aristotle,,sn3 ,hist4 animal4 lib4 #c41 whose words are these1 d 1 etc4 ,that is1 ,hic locus est quem incolunt ,pygmi1 non enim id fabula est1 sed pusillum genus ut aiunt4 ,wherein indeed ,aristotle plaies the ,aristotle1 that is1 the wary and evading assertor2 ,for though with non est fabula1 he seems at first to confirm it1 yet at the last he claps in ,sciunt aiunt1 and shakes the belief he put before upon it4 ,and therefore ,i observe ,scaliger hath not translated the first2 perhaps supposing it surreptitious or unworthy so great an assertor4 ,and truly for those books of animals1 or work of eight hundred talents1 as ,athenus terms it1 although ever to be admired1 as containing most excellent truths2 yet are many things therein delivered upon relation1 and some repugnant unto the history of our senses2 as we are able to make out in some1 and ,scaliger hath observed in many more1 as he hath freely declared in his ,comment upon that piece4 ,the second testimony is deduced from holy ,scripture2 ,,sn3 ,ezek4 #bg4 #ab4 thus rendered in the vulgar translation1 ,sed et ,pygmi qui erant in turribus tuis1 pharetras suas suspenderunt in muris tuis per gyrum3 from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer this assertion1 for first the ,translators accord not1 and the ,hebrew word ,gammadim is very variously rendered4 ,though ,aquila1 ,vetablus and ,lyra will have it ,pygmi1 yet in the ,septuagint1 it is no more then ,watchmen2 and so in the ,arabick and high ,dutch4 ,in the ,chalde1 ,cappadocians1 in ,symmachus1 ,medes1 and in the ,french1 those of ,gamad4 ,theodotian of old1 and ,tremellius of late1 have retained the ,textuary word2 and so have the ,italian1 ,low ,dutch and ,english ,translators1 that is1 the ,men of ,arvad were upon thy walls round about1 and the ,gammadims were in thy ,towers4 ,nor do men only dissent in the ,translation of the word1 but in the ,exposition of the sense and meaning thereof2 for some by ,gammadims understand a people of ,syria1 so called from the ,city ,gamala2 some hereby understand the ,cappadocians1 many the ,medes ,,sn3 ,see ,mr4 ,fullers excellent description of ,palestine43 and hereof ,forerius hath a singular ,exposition1 conceiving the ,watchmen of ,tyre might well be called ,pigmies1 the ,towers of that ,city being so high1 that unto ,men below1 they appeared in a cubital stature4 ,others expounded it quite contrary to common acception1 that is not ,men of the least1 but of the largest size2 so doth ,cornelius construe ,pygmi1 or viri cubitales1 that is1 not ,men of a cubit high1 but of the largest stature1 whose height like that of ,giants1 is rather to be taken by the cubit then the foot2 in which phrase we read the measure of ,goliah1 whose height is said to be six cubits and a span4 ,of affinity hereto is also the ,exposition of ,jerom2 not taking ,pigmies for dwarfs1 but stout and valiant ,champions2 not taking the sense of 1 which signifies the cubit measure1 but that which expresseth ,pugils2 that is1 ,men fit for combat and the exercise of the fist4 ,thus can there be no satisfying illation from this ,text1 the diversity or rather contrariety of ,expositions and interpretations1 distracting more then confirming the truth of the story4 ,again1 ,i say1 exact testimonies2 in reference unto circumstantial relations so diversly or contrarily delivered4 ,thus the ,relation of ,aristotle placeth them above ,egypt towards the head of ,nyle in ,africa2 ,philostratus affirms they are about ,ganges in ,asia1 and ,pliny in a third place1 that is1 ,gerania in ,scythia3 some write they fight with ,cranes1 but ,menecles in ,athenus affirms they fight with ,partridges1 some say they ride on ,partridges1 and some on the backs of ,rams4 ,lastly1 ,i say1 confirmed testimonies2 for though ,paulus ,jovius delivers there are ,pigmies beyond ,japan2 ,pigafeta1 about the ,molucca's2 and ,olaus ,magnus placeth them in ,greenland2 yet wanting frequent confirmation in a matter so confirmable1 their affirmation carrieth but slow perswasion2#b and wise men may think there is as much reality in the #c,pigmies of ,paracelsus2 that is1 his non-,adamical men1 or middle natures betwixt men and spirits4 ,there being thus no sufficient confirmation of their verity1 some doubt may arise concerning their possibility1 wherein1 since it is not defined in what dimensions the soul may exercise her faculties1 we shall not conclude impossibility2 or that there might not be a race of ,pigmies1 as there is sometimes of ,giants4 ,so may we take in the opinion of ,austin1 and his ,comment ,ludovicus1 but to believe they should be in the stature of a foot or span1 requires the preaspection of such a one as ,philetas the ,poet in ,athenus3 who was fain to fasten lead unto his feet lest the wind should blow him away4 ,or that other in the same ,author1 who was so little ut ad obolum accederet2 a story so strange1 that we might herein excuse the ,,printer1 did not the account of lian accord unto it1 as ,causabone hath observed in his learned ,animadversions4 ,lastly1 ,if any such ,nation there were1 yet is it ridiculous what ,men have delivered of them2 that they fight with ,cranes upon the backs of ,rams or ,partridges3 or what is delivered by ,ctesias1 that they are ,negroes in the middest of ,india2 whereof the ,king of that ,country entertaineth three thousand ,archers for his guard4 ,which is a relation below the tale of ,oberon2 nor could they better defend him1 then the ,emblem saith1 they offended ,hercules whilest he slept2 that is1 to wound him no deeper1 then to awake him4 #b ,the story of ,pigmies rejected4 #c ,by ,pigmies intending ,fairies and other spirits about the earth as by ,nymphs and ,salamanders1 spirits of fire and water4 ,lib4 ,de ,pigmis1 ,nymphis1 etc4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,of the great ,climacterical year1 that is1 ,sixty three4 ,certainly the ,eyes of the understanding1 and those of the sense are differently deceived in their greatest objects2 the sense apprehending them in lesser magnitudes then their dimensions require2 so it beholdeth the ,sun1 the ,stars1 and the ,earth it self4 ,but the understanding quite otherwise3 for that ascribeth unto many things far larger horizons then their due circumscriptions require3 and receiveth them with amplifications which their reality will not admit4 ,thus hath it fared with many ,heroes and most worthy persons1 who being sufficiently commendable from true and unquestionable merits1 have received advancement from falshood and the fruitful stock of ,fables4 ,thus hath it happened unto the ,stars1 and ,luminaries of heaven3 who being sufficiently admirable in themselves1 have been set out by effects1 no way dependent on their efficiencies1 and advanced by amplifications to the questioning of their true endowments4 ,thus is it not improbable it hath also fared with number1 which though wonderful in it self1 and sufficiently magnifiable from its demonstrable affections1 hath yet received adjections from the multiplying conceits of men1 and stands laden with additions1 which its equity will not admit4 ,and so perhaps hath it happened unto the number1 #g and #i1 which multiplied into themselves do make up ,sixty three1 commonly esteemed the great ,climacterical of our lives4 ,for the daies of men are usually cast up by ,septenaries1 and every seventh year conceived to carry some altering character with it1 either in the temper of body1 mind1 or both4 ,but among all other1 three are most remarkable1 that is1 #g times #g or fourty nine1 #i times #i or eighty one1 and #g times #i or the year of ,sixty three2 which is conceived to carry with it the most considerable fatality2 and consisting of both the other numbers was apprehended to comprise the vertue of either3 is therefore expected and entertained with fear1 and esteemed a favour of fate to pass it over4 ,,sn3 ,the great ,climacterical1 ,sixty-three1 no such dangerous year4 ,which notwithstanding many suspect to be but a ,panick terrour1 and men to fear they justly know not what3 and to speak indifferently1 ,i find no satisfaction3 nor any sufficiency in the received grounds to establish a rational fear4 ,now herein to omit ,astrological considerations 7which are but rarely introduced7 the popular foundation whereby it hath continued1 is first1 the extraordinary power and secret virtue conceived to attend these numbers3 whereof we must confess there have not wanted not only especial commendations1 but very singular conceptions4 ,among ,philosophers1 ,pythagoras seems to have played the leading part2 which was long after continued by his disciples1 and the ,italick ,school4 ,the ,philosophy of ,plato1 and most of the ,platonists abounds in numeral considerations3 above all1 ,philo the learned ,jew1 hath acted this part even to superstition2 bestowing divers pages in summing up every thing1 which might advantage this number4 ,which notwithstanding1 when a serious ,reader shall perpend1 he will hardly find any thing that may convince his judgment1 or any further perswade1 then the lenity of his belief1 or prejudgment of reason inclineth4 ,for first1 ,not only the number of #g and #i from considerations abstruse1 have been extolled by most1 but all or most of the other digits have been as mystically applauded4 ,for the number of ,one and ,three have not been only admired by the ,heathens1 but from adorable grounds1 the unity of ,god1 and mystery of the ,trinity admired by many ,christians4 ,the number of four stands much admired1 not only in the quaternity of the ,elements1 which are the principles of bodies1 but in the letters of the ,name of ,god1 which in the ,greek1 ,arabian1 ,persian1 ,hebrew1 and ,egyptian1 consisteth of that number2 and was so venerable among the ,pythagoreans1 that they swore by the number four4 ,that of six hath found many leaves in its favour2 not only for the daies of the ,creation1 but its natural consideration1 as being a perfect number1 and the first that is compleated by its parts2 that is1 the sixt1 the half1 and the third1 #a4 #b4 #c4 ,which drawn into a sum1 make six4 ,the number of ,ten hath been as highly extolled1 as containing even1 odd1 long1 plain1 quadrate and cubical numbers2 and ,aristotle observed with admiration1 that ,barbarians as well as ,greeks1 did use numeration unto ,ten1 which being so general1 was not to be judged casual1 but to have a foundation in nature4 ,so that not only #g and #i1 but all the rest have had their ,elogies1 as may be observed at large in ,rhodiginus1 and in several ,writers since3 every one extolling number1 according to his subject1 and as it advantaged the present discourse in hand4 ,again1 ,they have been commended not only from pretended grounds in nature1 but from artificial1 casual or fabulous foundations3 so have some endeavoured to advance their admiration1 from the #i ,muses1 from the #g ,wonders of the ,world1 from the #g ,gates of ,thebes3 in that #g ,cities contended for ,homer1 in that there are #g ,stars in ,ursa minor1 and #g in ,charles wayn1 or ,plaustrum of ,ursa major4 ,wherein indeed although the ground be natural1 yet either from constellations or their remarkable parts1 there is the like occasion to commend any other number1 the number #e from the stars in ,sagitta1 #c from the girdle of ,orion1 and #d from ,equiculus1 ,crusero1 or the feet of the ,centaur3 yet are such as these clapt in by very good ,authors1 and some not omitted by ,philo4 ,nor are they only extolled from ,arbitrary and ,poetical grounds1 but from foundations and principles1 false or dubious4 ,that ,women are menstruant1 and ,men pubescent at the year of twice seven is accounted a punctual truth2 which period nevertheless we dare not precisely determine1 as having observed a variation and latitude in most1 agreeable unto the heat of clime or temper2 ,men arising variously unto virility1 according to the activity of causes that promote it4 ,sanguis menstruosus ad diem1 ut plurimum1 septimum durat1 saith ,philo4 ,which notwithstanding is repugnant unto experience1 and the doctrine of ,hippocrates1 who in his book1 de dita1 plainly affirmeth1 it is thus but with few women1 and only such as abound with pituitous and watery humours4 ,it is further conceived to receive addition1 in that there are #g heads of ,nyle1 but we have made manifest elsewhere1 that by the description of ,geographers1 they have been sometime more1 and are at present fewer4 ,in that there were #g ,wise men of ,greece1 which though generally received1 yet having enquired into the verity thereof we cannot so readily determine it1 for in the life of ,thales1 who was accounted in that number1 ,diogenes ,laertius plainly saith1 ,magna de eorum numero discordia est2 some holding but four1 some ten1 others twelve1 and none agreeth in their names1 though according in their number4 ,in that there are just #g ,planets or errant ,stars in the lower orbs of ,heaven1 but it is now demonstrable unto sense1 that there are many more2 as ,galileo,,sn3 ,nuncius ,sydereus4 hath declared1 that is1 two more in the orb of ,saturn1 and no less then four more in the sphere of ,jupiter4 ,and the like may be said of the ,pleiades or #g ,stars1 which are also introduced to magnifie this number1 for whereas scarce discerning six1 we account them #g1 by his relation1 there are no less then fourty4 ,that the ,heavens are encompassed with #g ,circles1 is also the allegation of ,philo2 which are in his account1 the ,arctick1 ,antarctick1 the ,summer and ,winter ,tropicks1 the quator1 ,zodiack1 and the ,milky circle2 whereas by ,astronomers they are received in greater number4 ,for though we leave out the ,lacteous circle 7which ,aratus1 ,geminus1 and ,proclus1 out of him hath numbred among the rest7 yet are there more by four then ,philo mentions2 that is1 the ,horizon1 ,meridian and both the ,colures2 circles very considerable1 and generally delivered1 not only by ,ptolomie1 and the ,astronomers since his time1 but such as flourished long before1 as ,hipparchus and ,eudoxus4 ,so that for ought ,i know1 if it make for our purpose1 or advance the theme in hand1 with equal liberty1 we may affirm there were #g ,sybils1 or but #g signs in the ,zodiack circle of ,heaven4 ,that verse in ,virgil translated out of ,homer ,,sn3 41 ,o terque quaterque beati2 that is as men will have it1 #g times happy1 hath much advanced this number in critical apprehensions2 yet is not this construction so indubitably to be received1 as not at all to be questioned3 for though ,rhodiginus1 ,beroaldus1 and others from the authority of ,macrobius so interpret it1 yet ,servius his ancient commentator conceives no more thereby then a finite number for indefinite1 and that no more is implied then often happy4 ,strabo,,sn3 ,lib4 #aj4 the ancientest of them all1 conceives no more by this in ,homer1 then a full and excessive expression2 whereas in common phrase and received language1 he should have termed them thrice happy2 herein exceeding that number1 he called them four times happy1 that is1 more then thrice4 ,and this he illustrates by the like expression of ,homer1 in the speech of ,circe2 who to express the dread and terrour of the ,ocean1 sticks not unto the common form of speech in the strict account of its reciprocations1 but largely speaking1 saith1 it ebbs and flows no less then thrice a day1 terque die revomit fluctus iterumque resorbet4 ,and so when it is said by ,horace1 flices ter et amplius1 the exposition is sufficient1 if we conceive no more then the letter fairly beareth1 that is1 four times1 or indefinitely more then thrice4 ,but the main considerations which most set of this number1 are observations drawn from the motions of the ,moon1 supposed to be measured by sevens2 and the critical or decretory daies dependent on that number4 ,as for the motion of the ,moon1 though we grant it to be measured by sevens1 yet will not this advance the same before its fellow numbers2 for hereby the motion of other ,stars are not measured1 the fixed ,stars by many thousand years1 the ,sun by #cfe daies1 the superiour ,planets by more1 the inferiour by somewhat less4 ,and if we consider the revolution of the first ,movable1 and the daily motion from ,east to ,west1 common unto all the ,orbs1 we shall find it measured by another number1 for being performed in four and twenty hours1 it is made up of #d times #f3 and this is the measure and standard of other parts of time1 of months1 of years1 ,olympiades1 ,lustres1 ,indictions of ,cycles1 ,jubilies1 etc4 ,sidenote3 ,what a ,solary month is4 ,again1 ,months are not only ,lunary1 and measured by the ,moon1 but also ,solary1 and determined by the motion of the ,sun2 that is1 the space wherein the ,sun doth pass #cj degrees of the ,ecliptick4 ,by this month ,hippocrates,,sn3 ,de octomestri partu4 computed the time of the ,infants gestation in the womb2 for #i times #cj1 that is1 #bgj daies1 or compleat #i months1 make up forty weeks1 the common compute of women4 ,and this is to be understood1 when he saith1 #b daies makes the fifteenth1 and #c the tenth part of a mouth4 ,this was the month of the ancient ,hebrews before their departure out of ,egypt3 and hereby the compute will fall out right1 and the account concur1 when in one place it is said1 the waters of the flood prevailed an hundred and fifty daies1 and in another it is delivered1 that they prevailed from the seventeenth day of the second month1 unto the seventeenth day of the seventh4 ,as for hebdomadal periods or weeks1 although in regard of their ,sabbaths1 they were observed by the ,hebrews1 yet it is not apparent the ancient ,greeks or ,romans used any3 but had another division of their months into ,ides1 ,nones and ,calends4 ,moreover1 ,moneths howsoever taken1 are not exactly divisible into septenaries or weeks1 which fully contain seven daies3 whereof four times do make compleatly twenty eight4 ,for1 beside the usual or ,calendary month1 there are but four considerable3 the month of ,peragration1 of ,apparition1 of ,consecution1 and the medical or ,decretorial month2 whereof some come short1 others exceed this account4 ,a month of ,peragration1 is the time of the ,moons revolution from any part of the ,zodiack1 unto the same again2 and this containeth but #bg daies1 and about #h hours3 which cometh short to compleat the septenary account4 ,the month of ,consecution1 or as some will term it1 of progression1 is the space between one conjunction of the ,moon with the ,sun1 unto another3 and this containeth #bi daies and an half3 for the ,moon returning unto the same point wherein it was kindled by the ,sun1 and not finding it there again 7for in the mean time1 by its proper motion it hath passed through #b signs7 it followeth after1 and attains the ,sun in the space of #b daies and #d hours more1 which added unto the account of ,peragration1 makes #bi daies and an half3 so that this month exceedeth the latitude of ,septenaries1 and the fourth part comprehendeth more then #g daies4 ,a month of ,apparition1 is the space wherein the ,moon appeareth 7deducting three daies wherein it commonly disappeareth2 and being in combustion with the ,sun1 is presumed of less activity17 and this containeth but #bf daies and #ab hours4 ,the medical month1 not much exceedeth this1 consisting of #bf daies and #bb hours1 and is made up out of all the other months4 ,for if out of #bi and an half1 the month of ,consecution1 we deduct #c daies of disappearance1 there will remain the month of ,apparition #bf daies and #ab hours3 whereto if we add #bg daies and #h hours1 the month of ,peragration1 there will arise #ec daies and #aj hours1 which divided by #b1 makes #bf daies and #bb hours3 called by ,physitians the medical month3 introduced by ,galen against ,archigenes1 for the better compute of ,decretory or ,critical daies4 ,sidenote3 ,what a ,critical day is4 ,as for the ,critical daies 7such ,i mean wherein upon a decertation between the disease and nature1 there ensueth a sensible alteration1 either to life or death17 the reasons thereof are rather deduced from ,astrology1 then ,arithmetick3 for accounting from the beginning of the disease1 and reckoning on unto the seventh day1 the ,moon will be in a ,tetragonal or ,quadrate aspect1 that is1 #d signs removed from that wherein the disease began3 in the fourteenth day it will be in an opposite aspect3 and at the end of the third septenary1 ,tetragonal again3 as will most graphically appear in the figures of ,astrologers1 especially ,lucas ,gauricus1 ,de diebus decretoriis4 ,again1 7,beside that computing by the ,medical month1 the first hebdomade or septenary consists of #f daies1 seventeen hours and an half1 the second happeneth in #ac daies and eleven hours1 and the third but in the twentieth natural day7 what ,galen first1 and ,aben-,ezra since observed in his ,tract of ,critical daies1 in regard of ,eccentricity and the ,epicycle or lesser orb wherein it moveth1 the motion of the ,moon is various and unequal2 whereby the ,critical account must also vary4 ,for though its middle motion be equal1 and of #ac degrees1 yet in the other it moveth sometimes fifteen1 sometimes less then twelve4 ,for moving in the upper part of its orb1 it performeth its motion more slowly then in the lower2 insomuch that being at the height1 it arriveth at the ,tetragonal and opposite signs sooner1 and the ,critical day will be in #f and #ac2 and being at the lowest1 the critical account will be out of the latitude of #g1 nor happen before the eighth or ninth day4 ,which are considerations not to be neglected in the compute of decretory daies1 and manifestly declare that other numbers must have a respect herein as well as #g and fourteen4 ,lastly1 ,some things to this intent are deduced from holy ,scripture2 thus is the year of ,jubile introduced to magnifie this number1 as being a year made out of #g times #g2 wherein notwithstanding there may be a misapprehension2 for this ariseth not from #g times #g1 that is1 #di2 but was observed the fiftieth year1 as is expressed1 ,,sn3 ,levit4 #be4 ,and you shall hallow the fiftieth year1 a ,jubile shall that fiftieth year be unto you4 ,answerable whereto is the ,exposition of the ,jews themselves1 as is delivered by ,ben-,maimon2 that is1 the year of ,jubile1 cometh not into the account of the years of #g1 but the fourty ninth is the ,release1 and the fiftieth the year of ,jubile4 ,thus is it also esteemed no small advancement unto this number1 that the ,genealogy of our ,saviour is summed up by #ad1 that is1 this number doubled2 according as is expressed4 ,,sn3 ,mat4 #a4 ,so all the generations from ,abraham to ,david are fourteen generations1 and from ,david unto the carrying away into ,babylon1 are fourteen generations2 and from the carrying away into ,babylon unto ,christ1 are fourteen generations4 ,which nevertheless must not be strictly understood as numeral relations require2 for from ,david unto ,jeconiah are accounted by ,matthew but #ad generations2 whereas according to the exact account in the ,history of ,kings1 there were at least #ag2 and #c in this account1 that is1 ,ahazias1 ,joas and ,amazias are left out4 ,for so it is delivered by the ,evangelist3 ,and ,joram begat ,ozias3 whereas in the regal ,genealogy there are #c successions between3 for ,ozias or ,uzziah was the son of ,amazias1 ,amazias of ,joas1 ,joas of ,azariah1 and ,azariah of ,joram3 so that in strict account1 ,joram was the ,abavus or ,grand-father twice removed1 and not the ,father of ,ozias4 ,and these second omitted descents made a very considerable measure of time1 in the ,royal chronology of ,judah3 for though ,azariah reigned but one year1 yet ,joas reigned fourty1 and ,amazias no less then nine and twenty4 ,however therefore these were delivered by the ,evangelist1 and carry 7no doubt7 an incontroulable conformity unto the intention of his delivery3 yet are they not appliable unto precise numerality1 nor strictly to be drawn unto the rigid test of numbers4 ,lastly1 ,though many things have been delivered by ,authors concerning number1 and they transferred unto the advantage of their nature1 yet are they oft-times otherwise to be understood1 then as they are vulgarly received in active and causal considerations2 they being many times delivered ,hieroglyphically1 ,metaphorically1 ,illustratively1 and not with reference unto action or causality4 ,true it is1 that ,god made all things in number1 weight and measure1 yet nothing by them or through the efficacy of either4 ,indeed our daies1 actions and motions being measured by time 7which is but motion measured7 what ever is observable in any1 falls under the account of some number2 which notwithstanding cannot be denominated the cause of those events4 ,so do we injustly assign the power of ,action even unto ,time it self2 nor do they speak properly who say that ,time consumeth all things2 for ,time is not effective1 nor are bodies destroyed by it1 but from the action and passion of their ,elements in it2 whose account it only affordeth3 and measuring out their motion1 informs us in the periods and terms of their duration1 rather then effecteth or physically produceth the same4 ,a second consideration which promoteth this opinion1 are confirmations drawn from ,writers1 who have made observations1 or set down favourable reasons for this ,climacterical year2 so have ,henricus ,ranzovius1 ,baptista ,codronchus,,sn3 ,de annis ,climactericis41 and ,levinus ,lemnius,,sn3 ,de occultis natur miraculis4 much confirmed the same2 but above all1 that memorable ,letter of ,augustus ,,sn3 ,bel4 lib4 #e4 sent unto his ,nephew ,caius1 wherein he encourageth him to celebrate his nativity1 for he had now escaped ,sixty three1 the great ,climacterical and dangerous year unto man3 which notwithstanding rightly perpended1 it can be no singularity to question it1 nor any new ,paradox to deny it4 ,for first1 ,it is implicitely1 and upon consequence denied by ,aristotle in his ,politicks1 in that discourse against ,plato1 who measured the vicissitude and mutation of ,states1 by a periodical fatality of number4 ,ptolomie that famous ,mathematician plainly saith1 he will not deliver his doctrines by parts and numbers which are ineffectual1 and have not the nature of causes2 now by these numbers saith ,rhodiginus and ,mirandula1 he implieth ,climacterical years1 that is1 septenaries1 and novenaries set down by the bare observation of numbers4 ,censorinus an ,author of great authority1 and sufficient antiquity1 speaks yet more amply in his book ,de die ,natali1 wherein expresly treating of ,climacterical daies1 he thus delivereth himself4 ,some maintain that #g times #g1 that is1 fourty nine1 is most dangerous of any other1 and this is the most general opinion2 others unto #g times #g1 add #i times #i1 that is1 the year of eighty one1 both which consisting of square and quadrate numbers1 were thought by ,plato and others to be of great consideration2 as for this year of ,sixty three or #g times #i1 though some esteem it of most danger1 yet do ,i conceive it less dangerous then the other2 for though it containeth both numbers above named1 that is1 #g and #i1 yet neither of them square or quadrate2 and as it is different from them both1 so is it not potent in either4 ,nor is this year remarkable in the death of many famous men4 ,i find indeed that ,aristotle died this year1 but he by the vigour of his mind1 a long time sustained a natural infirmity of stomack2 so that it was a greater wonder he attained unto ,sixty three1 then that he lived no longer4 ,the ,psalm of ,moses hath mentioned a year of danger differing from all these3 and that is ten times #g or seventy2 for so it is said1 ,the daies of ,man are threescore and ten4 ,and the very same is affirmed by ,solon1 as ,herodotus relates in a speech of his unto ,crsus1 ,ego annis septuaginta human vit modum definio3 and surely that year must be of greatest danger1 which is the ,period of all the rest2 and fewest safely pass thorow that1 which is set as a bound for few or none to pass4 ,and therefore the consent of elder times1 setling their conceits upon ,climacters1 not only differing from this of ours1 but one another2 though several ,nations and ,ages do fancy unto themselves different years of danger1 yet every one expects the same event1 and constant verity in each4 ,again1 ,though ,varro divided the daies of man into five proportions1 ,hippocrates into #g1 and ,solon into #aj2 yet probably their divisions were to be received with latitude1 and their considerations not strictly to be confined unto their last unities4 ,so when ,varro extendeth ,puertia unto #ae4 ,adolescentia unto #cj4 ,juventus unto #ce4 ,there is a latitude between the terms or ,periods of compute1 and the verity holds good in the accidents of any years between them4 ,so when ,hippocrates divideth our life into #g degrees or stages1 and maketh the end of the first #g4 ,of the second #ad4 ,of the third #bh4 ,of the fourth #ce4 ,of the fift #dg4 ,of the sixt #ef4 ,and of the seventh1 the last year when ever it happeneth2 herein we may observe1 he maketh not his divisions precisely by #g and #i1 and omits the great ,climacterical2 beside there is between every one at least the latitude of #g years1 in which space or interval1 that is either in the third or fourth year1 what ever falleth out is equally verified of the whole degree1 as though it had happened in the seventh4 ,solon divided it into ten ,septenaries1 because in every one thereof1 a man received some sensible mutation2 in the first is ,dedention or falling of teeth2 in the second ,pubescence2 in the third the beard groweth2 in the fourth strength prevails2 in the fift maturity for issue2 in the sixt moderation of appetite2 in the seventh prudence1 etc4 ,now herein there is a tolerable latitude1 and though the division proceed by #g1 yet is not the total verity to be restrained unto the last year2 nor constantly to be expected the beard should be compleat at #ba4 or wisdom acquired just in #di4 and thus also though #g times #i contain one of those septenaries1 and doth also happen in our declining years2 yet might the events thereof be imputed unto the whole septenary2 and be more reasonably entertained with some latitude1 then strictly reduced unto the last number1 or all the accidents from #ef4 imputed unto ,sixty three4 ,thirdly1 ,although this opinion may seem confirmed by observation1 and men may say it hath been so observed1 yet we speak also upon experience1 and do believe that men from observation will collect no satisfaction4 ,that other years may be taken against it1 especially if they have the advantage to precede it2 as sixty against sixty three1 and sixty three against sixty six4 ,for fewer attain to the latter then the former2 and so surely in the first septenary do most die1 and probably also in the very first year2 for all that ever lived were in the account of that year2 beside the infirmities that attend it are so many1 and the body that receives them so tender and inconfirmed1 we scarce count any alive that is not past it4 ,fabritius ,paduanius,,sn3 ,de catena temporis4 discoursing of the great ,climacterical1 attempts a numeration of eminent men1 who died in that year2 but in so small a number1 as not sufficient to make a considerable ,induction4 ,he mentioneth but four1 ,diogenes ,cynicus1 ,dyonysius ,heracleoticus1 ,xenocrates ,platonicus1 and ,plato4 ,as for ,dionysius1 as ,censorinus witnesseth1 he famished himself in the #hb year of his life2 ,xenocrates by the testimony of ,laertius fell into a cauldron1 and died the same year1 and ,diogenes the ,cynick1 by the same testimony lived almost unto ninety4 ,the date of ,plato's death is not exactly agreed on1 but all dissent from this which he determineth3 ,neanthes in ,laertius extendeth his daies unto #hd4 ,suidas unto #hb4 ,but ,hermippus defineth his death in #ha4 ,and this account seemeth most exact2 for if1 as he delivereth1 ,plato was born in the #hh ,olympiade1 and died in the first year of the #ajh1 the account will not surpass the year of #ha1 and so in his death he verified the opinion of his life1 and of the life of man1 whose period1 as ,censorinus recordeth1 he placeth in the ,quadrate of #i1 or #i times #i1 that is1 eighty one3 and therefore as ,seneca delivereth1 the ,magicians at ,athens did sacrifice unto him1 as declaring in his death somewhat above humanity2 because he died in the day of his nativity1 and without deduction justly accomplished the year of eighty one4 ,bodine ,i confess1 delivers a larger list of men that died in this year1 ,,sn3 ,method4 ,hist4 ,moriuntur innumerabiles anno sexagesimo tertio1 ,aristoteles1 ,chrysippus1 ,bocatius1 ,bernardus1 ,erasmus1 ,lutherus1 ,melancthon1 ,sylvius1 ,alexander1 ,jacobus ,sturmius1 ,nicolaus ,causanus1 ,thomas ,linacer1 eodem anno ,cicero csus est4 ,wherein beside that it were not difficult to make a larger ,catalogue of memorable persons that died in other years1 we cannot but doubt the verity of his ,induction4 ,as for ,sylvius and ,alexander1 which of that name he meaneth ,i know not2 but for ,chrysippus1 by the testimony of ,laertius1 he died in the #gc year1 ,bocatius in the #fb1 ,linacer the #fd1 and ,erasmus exceedeth #gj1 as ,paulus ,jovius hath delivered in his ,elogy of learned men4 ,and as for ,cicero1 as ,plutarch in his life affirmeth1 he was slain in the year of #fd2 and therefore sure the question is hard set1 and we have no easie reason to doubt1 when great and entire ,authors shall introduce injustifiable examples1 and authorize their assertions by what is not authentical4 ,fourthly1 ,they which proceed upon strict numerations1 and will by such regular and determined waies measure out the lives of men1 and periodically define the alterations of their tempers2 conceive a regularity in mutations1 with an equality in constitutions1 and forget that variety1 which ,physitians therein discover4 ,,sn3 ,cholerick men commonly shorter lived4 ,for seeing we affirm that women do naturally grow old before men1 that the cholerick fall short in longvity of the sanguine1 that there is senium ante senectum1 and many grow old before they arrive at age1 we cannot affix unto them all one common point of danger1 but should rather assign a respective fatality unto each4 ,which is concordant unto the doctrine of the numerists1 and such as maintain this opinion3 for they affirm that one number respecteth ,men1 another ,women1 as ,bodin explaineth that of ,seneca ,septimus quisque annus tati signum imprimit1 subjoins ,hoc de maribus dictum oportuit1 hoc primum intueri licet1 perfectum numerum1 id est1 sextum fminas septenarium mares immutare4 ,fiftly1 ,since we esteem this opinion to have some ground in nature1 and that nine times seven revolutions of the ,sun1 imprints a dangerous ,character on such as arrive unto it2 it will have some doubt behind1 in what subjection hereunto were the lives of our fore-fathers presently after the flood1 and more especially before it2 who attaining unto #h or #ijj years1 had not their ,climacters ,computable by digits1 or as we do account them2 for the great ,climacterical was past unto them before they begat ,children1 or gave any ,testimony of their virility2 for we read not that any begat children before the age of sixty five4 ,and this may also afford a hint to enquire1 what are the ,climacters of other animated creatures2 whereof the lives of some attain not so far as this of ours1 and that of others extend a considerable space beyond it4 ,lastly1 ,the imperfect accounts that ,men have kept of time1 and the difference thereof both in the same and divers common ,wealths1 will much distract the certainty of this assertion4 ,for though there were a fatality in this year1 yet divers were1 and others might be out in their account1 aberring several waies from the true and just compute1 and calling that one year1 which perhaps might be another4 ,for first1 ,they might be out in the commencement or beginning of their account2 for every man is many months elder then he computeth4 ,for although we begin the same from our nativity1 and conceive that no arbitrary1 but natural term of compute1 yet for the duration of life or existence1 we are liable in the ,womb unto the usual distinctions of time2 and are not to be exempted from the account of age and life1 where we are subject to diseases1 and often suffer death4 ,and therefore ,pythagoras1 ,hippocrates1 ,diocles1 ,avicenna and others1 have set upon us numeral relations and temporal considerations in the womb2 not only affirming the birth of the seventh month to be vital1 that of the eighth mortal1 but the progression thereto to be measured by rule1 and to hold a proportion unto motion and formation4 ,as what receiveth motion in the seventh1 to be perfected in the ,triplicities2 that is1 the time of conformation unto motion is double1 and that from motion unto the birth1 treble2 ,so what is formed the #ce day1 is moved the seventy1 and born the #baj day4 ,and therefore if any invisible causality there be1 that after so many years doth evidence it self as ,sixty three1 it will be questionable whether its activity only set out at our nativity1 and begin not rather in the womb1 wherein we place the like considerations4 ,which doth not only entangle this assertion1 but hath already embroiled the endeavours of ,astrology in the erection of ,schemes1 and the judgment of death or diseases2 for being not incontroulably determined1 at what time to begin1 whether at conception1 animation or exclusion 7it being indifferent unto the influence of ,heaven to begin at either7 they have invented another way1 that is1 to begin ab ,hora qustionis1 as ,haly1 ,messahallach1 ,ganivetus1 and ,guido ,bonatus have delivered4 ,again1 ,in regard of the measure of time by months and years1 there will be no small difficulty2 and if we shall strictly consider it1 many have been and still may be mistaken4 ,for neither the motion of the ,moon1 whereby months are computed2 nor of the ,sun1 whereby years are accounted1 consisteth of whole numbers1 but admits of fractions1 and broken parts1 as we have already declared concerning the ,moon4 ,that of the ,sun consisteth of #cfe daies1 and almost #f hours1 that is1 wanting eleven minutes2 which #f hours omitted1 or not taken notice of1 will in process of time largely deprave the compute2 and this is the occasion of the ,bissextile or leap-year1 which was not observed in all times1 nor punctually in all ,common-,wealths2 so that in ,sixty three years there may be lost almost #ah daies1 omitting the intercalation of one day every fourth year1 allowed for this quadrant1 or #f hours supernumerary4 ,and though the same were observed1 yet to speak strictly a man may be somewhat out in the account of his age at ,sixty three1 for although every fourth year we insert one day1 and so fetch up the quadrant1 yet those eleven minutes whereby the year comes short of perfect #f hours1 will in the circuit of those years arise unto certain hours2 and in a larger progression of time unto certain daies4 ,whereof at present we find experience in the ,calender we observe4 ,for the ,julian year of #cfe daies being eleven minutes larger then the annual revolution of the ,sun1 there will arise an anticipation in the quinoxes2 and as ,junctinus ,,sn3 ,comment4 in ,sphram ,ioh4 de ,sacro bosco4 computeth1 in every #acf year they will anticipate almost one day4 ,and therefore those ancient men and ,nestors of old times1 which yearly observed their nativities1 might be mistaken in the day2 nor that to be construed without a grain of ,salt1 which is delivered by ,moses2 ,at the end of four hundred years1 even the self same day1 all the host of ,israel went out of the land of ,egypt4 ,for in that space of time the quinoxes had anticipated1 and the eleven minutes had amounted far above a day4 ,and this compute rightly considered will fall fouler on them who cast up the lives of ,kingdoms1 and sum up their duration by particular numbers2 as ,plato first began1 and some have endeavoured since by perfect and spherical numbers1 by the square and cube of #g and #i and #ab1 the great number of ,plato4 ,wherein indeed ,bodine,,sn3 ,mat4 ,histor4 hath attempted a particular enumeration2 but 7beside the mistakes committible in the solary compute of years7 the difference of ,chronology disturbs the satisfaction and quiet of his computes2 some adding1 others detracting1 and few punctually according in any one year2 whereby indeed such accounts should be made up2 for the variation in an unite destroys the total illation4 ,thirdly1 ,the compute may be unjust not only in a strict acception1 of few daies or hours1 but in the latitude also of some years2 and this may happen from the different compute of years in divers ,nations1 and even such as did maintain the most probable way of account3 their year being not only different from one another1 but the civil and common account disagreeing much from the natural year1 whereon the consideration is founded4 ,thus from the testimony of ,herodotus1 ,censorinus and others1 the ,greeks observed the ,lunary year ,,sn3 ,the ,lunary year what41 that is1 twelve revolutions of the ,moon1 #ced daies2 but the ,egyptians1 and many others adhered unto the ,solary account ,,sn3 ,the ,solary year what41 that is1 #cfe daies1 that is1 eleven daies longer4 ,now hereby the account of the one would very much exceed the other3 ,a man in the one would account himself #fc1 when one in the other would think himself but #fa2 and so although their nativities were under the same hour1 yet did they at different years believe the verity of that which both esteemed affixed and certain unto one4 ,the like mistake there is in a tradition of our daies2 men conceiving a peculiar danger in the beginning daies of ,may1 set out as a fatal period unto consumptions and ,chronical diseases2 wherein notwithstanding we compute by ,calenders1 not only different from our ancestors1 but one another2 the compute of the one anticipating that of the other2 so that while we are in ,april1 others begin ,may1 and the danger is past unto one1 while it beginneth with another4 ,fourthly1 ,men were not only out in the number of some daies1 the latitude of a few years1 but might be wide by whole ,olympiades and divers ,decades of years4 ,,sn3 ,the different account or measure of a year4 ,for as ,censorinus relateth1 the ancient ,arcadians observed a year of three months1 the ,carians of six1 the ,iberians of four2 and as ,diodorus and ,xenophon de quivocis alleadgeth1 the ancient ,egyptians have used a year of three1 two1 and one moneth3 so that the ,climacterical was not only different unto those ,nations1 but unreasonably distant from ours2 for ,sixty three will pass in their account1 before they arrive so high as ten in ours4 ,nor if we survey the account of ,rome it self1 may we doubt they were mistaken2 and if they feared ,climacterical years1 might err in their numeration4 ,for the civil year whereof the people took notice1 did sometimes come short1 and sometimes exceed the natural4 ,for according to ,varro1 ,suctoninus and ,censorinus1 their year consisted first of ten months2 which comprehended but #cjd daies1 that is1 #fa less than ours containeth2 after by ,numa or ,tarquine from a superstitious conceit of imparity were added #ea daies1 which made #cee1 one day more then twelve revolutions of the ,moon4 ,and thus a long time it continued1 the civil compute exceeding the natural2 the correction whereof1 and the due ordering of the ,leap year was referred unto the ,pontifices2 who either upon favour or malice1 that some might continue their offices a longer or shorter time2 or from the magnitude of the year that men might be advantaged1 or endamaged in their contracts1 by arbitrary intercalations depraved the whole account4 ,of this abuse ,cicero accused ,verres1 which at last proceeded so far1 that when ,julius ,csar came unto that office1 before the redress hereof he was fain to insert two intercalary months unto ,november and ,december1 when he had already inserted #bc daies unto ,february2 so that the year consisted of #dde daies2 a quarter of a year longer then that we observe2 and though at the last the year was reformed1 yet in the mean time they might be out wherein they summed up ,climacterical observations4 ,lastly1 ,one way more there may be of mistake1 and that not unusual among us1 grounded upon a double compute of the year2 the one beginning from the #be of ,march1 the other from the day of our birth1 unto the same again which is the natural account4 ,now hereupon many men frequently miscast their daies2 for in their age they deduce the account not from the day of their birth1 but the year of our ,lord1 wherein they were born4 ,so a man that was born in ,january #aehb1 if he live to fall sick in the latter end of ,march #afde1 will sum up his age1 and say ,i am now ,sixty three1 and in my ,climacterical and dangerous year2 for ,i was born in the year #aehb1 and now it is #afde1 whereas indeed he wanteth many months of that year1 considering the true and natural account unto his birth2 and accounteth two months for a year3 and though the length of time and accumulation of years do render the mistake insensible2 yet is it all one1 as if one born in ,january #afdd1 should be accounted a year old the #be of ,march #afde4 ,all which perpended1 it may be easily perceived with what insecurity of truth we adhere unto this opinion2 ascribing not only effects depending on the natural period of time unto arbitrary calculations1 and such as vary at pleasure2 but confirming our tenets by the uncertain account of others and our selves4 ,there being no positive or indisputable ground where to begin our compute2 that if there were1 men have been several waies mistaken2 the best in some latitude1 others in greater1 according to the different compute of divers states1 the short and irreconcilable years of some1 the exceeding error in the natural frame of others1 and the lapses and false deductions of ordinary accountants in most4 ,which duly considered1 together with a strict account and critical examen of reason1 will also distract the witty determinations of ,astrology4 ,that ,saturn the enemy of life1 comes almost every seventh year1 unto the quadrate or malevolent place2 that as the ,moon about every seventh day arriveth unto a contrary sign1 so ,saturn1 which remaineth about as many years1 as the ,moon doth daies in one sign1 and holdeth the same consideration in years as the ,moon in daies2 doth cause these periculous periods4 ,which together with other ,planets1 and profection of the ,horoscope1 unto the seventh house1 or opposite signs every seventh year2 oppresseth living natures1 and causeth observable mutations1 in the state of sublunary things4 ,further satisfaction may yet be had from the learned discourse of ,salmasius lately published1 ,,sn3 ,de annis ,climactericis4 if any desire to be informed how different the present observations are from those of the ancients2 how every one hath different ,climactericals2 with many other observables1 impugning the present opinion4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,of the ,canicular or ,dog daies4 ,whereof to speak distinctly3 among the ,southern constellations two there are which bear the name of the ,dog2 the one in #af degrees of latitude1 containing on the left thigh a ,star of the first magnitude1 usually called ,procyon or ,anticanis1 because say some it riseth before the other2 which if truly understood1 must be restrained unto those habitations1 who have elevation of pole above thirty two degrees4 ,mention thereof there is in ,horace,,sn3 ,iam ,procyon fuerit et stella vesani ,leonis41 who seems to mistake or confound the one with the other2 and after him in ,galen1 who is willing1 the remarkablest ,star of the other should be called by this name2 because it is the first that ariseth in the constellation2 which notwithstanding1 to speak strictly1 it is not2 unless we except one of the third magnitude in the right paw in his own and our elevation1 and two more on his head in and beyond the degree of ,sixty4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,dog-star is4 ,a second and more considerable one there is1 and neighbour unto the other1 in #dj degrees of latitude1 containing #ah ,stars1 whereof that in his mouth of the first magnitude1 the ,greeks call 1 the ,latines canis major1 and we emphatically the ,dog-,star4 ,now from the rising of this ,star1 not cosmically1 that is1 with the ,sun1 but ,heliacally1 that is1 its emersion from the raies of the ,sun1 the ,ancients computed their canicular daies2 concerning which there generally passeth an opinion1 that during those daies1 all medication or use of physick is to be declined2 and the cure committed unto nature4 ,and therefore as though there were any feriation in nature1 or justitiums imaginable in professions1 whose subject is natural1 and under no intermissive1 but constant way of mutation2 this season is commonly termed the ,physitians vacation1 and stands so received by most men4 ,which conceit however general1 is not only erroneous1 but unnatural1 and subsisting upon foundations either false1 uncertain1 mistaken or misapplied1 deserves not of mankind that indubitable assent it findeth4 ,for first1 which seems to be the ground of this assertion1 and not to be drawn into question1 that is1 the magnified quality of this ,star conceived to cause1 or intend the heat of this season whereby these daies become more observable then the rest3 ,we find that wiser ,antiquity was not of this opinion4 ,for1 seventeen hundred years ago it was as a vulgar error rejected by ,geminus1 a learned ,mathematician in his ,elements of ,astronomy2 wherein he plainly affirmeth1 that common opinion made that a cause1 which was at first observed but as a sign4 ,the rising and setting both of this ,star and others being observed by the ,ancients1 to denote and testifie certain points of mutation rather then conceived to induce or effect the same4 ,for our fore-fathers1 saith he1 observing the course of the ,sun1 and marking certain mutations to happen in his progress through particular parts of the ,zodiack1 they registred and set them down in their ,parapegmes1 or ,astronomical ,canons2 and being not able to design these times by daies1 months or years 7the compute thereof1 and the beginning of the year being different1 according unto different ,nations7 they thought best to settle a general account unto all2 and to determine these alterations by some known and invariable signs2 and such did they conceive the rising and setting of the fixed ,stars2 not ascribing thereto any part of causality1 but notice and signification4 ,and thus much seems implied in that expression of ,homer1 when speaking of the ,dog ,star1 he concludeth---- 1 ,malum autem signum est2 ,the same1 as ,petavius observeth1 is implied in the word of ,ptolomy1 and the ,ancients1 1 that is1 of the signification of ,stars4 ,the term of ,scripture also favours it1 as that of ,isaiah1 ,nolite timere signis cli2 and that in ,genesis1 ,ut sint in signa et tempora3 ,let there be lights in the firmament1 and let them be for signs and for seasons4 ,the ,primative and leading magnifiers of this ,star1 were the ,egyptians1 the great admirers of ,dogs in ,earth and ,heaven4 ,,sn3 ,dionysius ,periegesi4 ,wherein they worshipped ,anubis or ,mercurius1 the ,scribe of ,saturn1 and ,counseller of ,osyris1 the great inventor of their religious rites1 and ,promoter of good unto ,egypt4 ,who was therefore translated into this ,star2 by the ,egyptians called ,sothis1 and ,siris by the ,ethiopians2 from whence that ,sirius or the ,dog-star had its name1 is by some conjectured4 ,and this they looked upon1 not with reference unto heat1 but clestial influence upon the faculties of man1 in order to religion and all sagacious invention2 and from hence derived the abundance and great fertility of ,egypt1 the overflow of ,nilus happening about the ascent hereof4 ,and therefore in hieroglyphical monuments1 ,anubis is described with a ,dogs-head1 with a ,crocodile between his legs1 with a sphere in his hand1 with two ,stars1 and a water ,pot standing by him2 implying thereby1 the rising and setting of the ,dog-star1 and the inundation of the ,river ,nilus4 ,but if all were silent1 ,galen hath explained this point unto the life2 who expounding the reason why ,hippocrates declared the affections of the year by the rising and setting of ,stars2 it was saith he1 because he would proceed on signs and principles best known unto all ,nations4 ,and upon his words in the first of the ,epidemicks1 ,in ,thaso ,autumno circa ,equinoxium et sub virgilias pluvi erant mult1 he thus enlargeth4 ,if 7saith he7 the same compute of times and months were observed by all ,nations1 ,hippocrates had never made any mention either of ,arcturus1 ,pleiades or the ,dog-star2 but would have plainly said1 in ,macedonia1 in the month ,dion1 thus or thus was the air disposed4 ,but for as much as the month ,dion is only known unto the ,macedonians1 but obscure unto the ,athenians and other ,nations1 he found more general distinctions of time1 and instead of naming months1 would usually say1 at the quinox1 the rising of the ,pleiades1 or the ,dog-star4 ,,sn3 ,how the ,ancients divided the seasons of the year4 ,and by this way did the ,ancients divide the seasons of the year1 the ,autumn1 ,winter1 ,spring1 and ,summer4 ,by the rising of the ,pleiades1 denoting the beginning of ,summer1 and by that of the ,dog-star1 the declination thereof4 ,by this way ,aristotle through all his books of ,animals1 distinguishing their times of generation1 latitancy1 migration1 sanity and venation4 ,and this were an allowable way of compute1 and still to be retained1 were the site of the ,stars as inalterable1 and their ascents as invariable as primitive ,astronomy conceived them4 ,and therefore though ,aristotle frequently mentioneth this ,star1 and particularly affirmeth that ,fishes in the ,bosphorus are best catched from the arise of the ,dog-star1 we must not conceive the same a meer effect thereof4 ,nor though ,scaliger from hence be willing to infer the efficacy of this ,star1 are we induced hereto2 except because the same ,philosopher affirmeth1 that ,tunny is fat about the rising of the ,pleiades1 and departs upon ,arcturus1 or that most insects are latent1 from the setting of the #g ,stars2 except1 ,i say1 he give us also leave to infer that these particular effects and alterations proceed from those ,stars2 which were indeed but designations of such quarters and portions of the year1 wherein the same were observed4 ,now what ,pliny affirmeth of the ,orix1 that it seemeth to adore this ,star1 and taketh notice thereof by voice and sternutation2 until we be better assured of its verity1 we shall not salve the sympathy4 ,secondly1 ,what slender opinion the ,ancients held of the efficacy of this ,star1 is declarable from their compute4 ,for as ,geminus affirmeth1 and ,petavius his learned ,commentator proveth1 they began their account from its ,heliacal emersion1 and not its cosmical ascent4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,cosmical4 ,the cosmical ascention of a ,star we term that1 when it ariseth together with the ,sun1 or the same degree of the ,ecliptick wherein the ,sun abideth3 ,,sn3 ,what the ,heliacal ascent of ,star is4 and that the ,heliacal1 when a ,star which before for the vicinity of the ,sun was not visible1 being further removed1 beginning to appear4 ,for the annual motion of the ,sun from ,west to ,east being far swifter then that of the fixed ,stars1 he must of necessity leave them on the ,east while he hasteneth forward1 and obscureth others to the ,west3 and so the ,moon who performs its motion swifter then the ,sun 7as may be observed in their ,conjunctions and ,eclipses7 gets ,eastward out of his raies2 and appears when the ,sun is set4 ,if therefore the ,dog-star had this effectual heat which is ascribed unto it1 it would afford best evidence thereof1 and the season would be most fervent1 when it ariseth in the probablest place of its activity1 that is1 the cosmical ascent2 for therein it ariseth with the ,sun1 and is included in the same irradiation4 ,but the time observed by the ,ancients was long after this ascent1 and in the ,heliacal emersion2 when it becomes at greatest distance from the ,sun1 neither rising with it nor near it4 ,and therefore had they conceived any more then a bare signality in this ,star1 or ascribed the heat of the season therunto1 they would not have computed from its ,heliacal ascent1 which was of inferiour efficacy2 nor imputed the vehemency of heat unto those points wherein it was more remiss1 and where with less probability they might make out its action4 ,thirdly1 ,although we derive the authority of these daies from observations of the ,ancients1 yet are our computes very different1 and such as confirm not each other4 ,for whereas they observed it ,heliacally1 we seem to observe it ,cosmically2 for before it ariseth ,heliacally unto our latitude1 the ,summer is even at an end4 ,again1 we compute not only from different ascents1 but also from divers ,stars2 they from the greater ,dog-star1 we from the lesser2 they from ,orions we from ,cephalus his ,dog2 they from ,seirius1 we from ,procyon2 for the beginning of the ,dog-daies with us is set down the #ai of ,july1 about which time the lesser ,dog-star ariseth with the ,sun2 whereas the ,star of the greater ,dog ascendeth not until after that month4 ,and this mistake will yet be larger1 if the compute be made stricter1 and as ,dr4 ,bainbrigge late professor of ,astronomy in ,oxford1 hath set it down ,,sn3 ,bainb4 ,canicularis44 ,who in the year #afbi computed1 that in the ,horizon of ,oxford the ,dog-star arose not before the fifteenth day of ,august2 when in our ,almanack accounts1 those daies are almost ended4 ,so that the common and received time not answering the true compute1 it frustrates the observations of our selves4 ,and being also different from the calculations of the ,ancients1 their observations confirm not ours1 nor ours theirs1 but rather confute each other4 ,nor will the computes of the ,ancients be so ,authentick unto those1 who shall take notice1 how commonly they applied the celestial descriptions of other climes unto their own2 wherein the learned ,bainbrigius justly reprehendeth ,manilius1 who transferred the gyptian descriptions unto the ,roman account2 confounding the observation of the ,greek and ,barbarick ,spheres4 ,fourthly1 7which is the ,argument of ,geminus7 were there any such effectual heat in this ,star1 yet could it but weakly evidence the same in ,summer2 it being about #dj degrees distant from the ,sun3 and should rather manifest its warming power in the ,winter1 when it remains conjoyned with the ,sun in its ,hybernal conversion4 ,for about the #bi of ,october1 and in the #af of ,scorpius and so again in ,january1 the ,sun performs his revolution in the same parallel with the ,dog-star4 ,again1 ,if we should impute the heat of this season1 unto the co-operation of any ,stars with the ,sun1 it seems more favourable for our times1 to ascribe the same unto the constellation of ,leo4 ,where besides that the ,sun is in his proper house1 it is conjoyned with many ,stars2 whereof two of the first magnitude2 and in the #hth of ,august is corporally conjoyned with ,basilicus2 a ,star of eminent name in ,astrology1 and seated almost in the ,ecliptick4 ,fifthly1 ,if all were granted1 that observation and reason were also for it1 and were it an undeniable truth1 that an effectual fervour proceeded from this ,star2 yet would not the same determine the opinion now in question2 it necessarily suffering such restrictions as take off general illations4 ,for first in regard of different latitudes1 unto some the canicular daies are in the ,winter2 as unto such as have no latitude1 but live in a right ,sphere1 that is1 under the ,equinoctial line2 for unto them it ariseth when the ,sun is about the ,tropick of ,cancer2 which season unto them is ,winter1 and the ,sun remotest from them4 ,nor hath the same position in the ,summer1 that is1 in the ,equinoctial points1 any advantage from it2 for in the one point the ,sun is at the ,meridian1 before the ,dog-star ariseth2 in the other the ,star is at the ,meridian1 before the sun ascendeth4 ,sidenote3 ,what latitudes have no ,dog-daies at all4 ,some latitudes have no canicular daies at all2 as namely all those which have more then #gc degrees of ,northern ,elevation2 as the territory of ,nova ,zembla1 part of ,greenland and ,tartary2 for unto that habitation the ,dog-star is invisible1 and appeareth not above the ,horizon4 ,unto such latitudes wherein it ariseth1 it carrieth a various and very different respect2 unto some it ascendeth when ,summer is over1 whether we compute ,heliacally or ,cosmically2 for though unto ,alexandria it ariseth in ,cancer2 yet it ariseth not unto ,biarmia ,cosmically before it be in ,virgo1 and ,heliacally about the ,autumnal ,equinox4 ,even unto the latitude of #eb1 the efficacy thereof is not much considerable1 whether we consider its ascent1 ,meridian1 altitude or abode above the ,horizon4 ,for it ariseth very late in the year1 about the eighteenth of ,leo1 that is1 the #ca of ,july4 ,of ,meridian ,altitude it hath but #bc degrees1 so that it plaies but obliquely upon us1 and as the ,sun doth about the #bc of ,january4 ,and lastly1 his abode above the ,horizon is not great2 for in the eighteenth of ,leo1 the #ca of ,july1 although they arise together2 yet doth it set above #e hours before the ,sun1 that is1 before two of the clock1 after which time we are more sensible of heat1 then all the day before4 ,secondly1 ,in regard of the variation of the longitude of the ,stars1 we are to consider 7what the ,ancients observed not7 that the site of the fixed ,stars is alterable1 and that since elder times they have suffered a large and considerable variation of their longitudes4 ,,sn3 ,what the longitude of a ,star is4 ,the longitude of a ,star1 to speak plainly1 is its distance from the first point of numeration toward the ,east2 which first point unto the ,ancients was the vernal quinox4 ,now by reason of their motion from ,west to ,east1 they have very much varied from this point3 ,the first ,star of ,aries in the time of ,meton the ,athenian was placed in the very intersection1 which is now elongated and removed ,eastward #bh degrees2 insomuch that now the sign of ,aries possesseth the place of ,taurus1 and ,taurus that of ,gemini4 ,which variation of longitude must very much distract the opinion of the ,dog star2 not only in our daies1 but in times before and after2 for since the ,world began it hath arisen in ,taurus1 and if the ,world last1 may have its ascent in ,virgo2 so that we must place the canicular daies1 that is1 the hottest time of the year in the ,spring in the first age1 and in the ,autumn in ,ages to come4 ,thirdly1 ,the ,stars have not only varied their longitudes1 whereby their ascents have altered2 but have also changed their declinations1 whereby their rising at all1 that is1 their appearing hath varied4 ,,sn3 ,what the declination of a ,star is4 ,the declination of a ,star we call its distance from the ,equator4 ,now though the ,poles of the world and the ,equator be immovable1 yet because the ,stars in their proper motions from ,west to ,east1 do move upon the poles of the ,ecliptick1 distant #bc degrees and an half from the ,poles of the ,equator1 and describe circles parallel not unto the ,equator1 but the ,ecliptick2 they must be therefore sometimes nearer1 sometimes removed further from the ,equator4 ,all ,stars that have their distance from the ,ecliptick ,northward not more then #bc degrees and an half 7which is the greatest distance of the ,ecliptick from the ,equator7 may in progression of time have declination ,southward1 and move beyond the ,equator3 but if any ,star hath just this distance of #bc and an half 7as hath ,capella on the back of ,ericthonius7 it may hereafter move under the ,equinoctial2 and the same will happen respectively unto ,stars which have declination ,southward4 ,and therefore many ,stars may be visible in our ,hemisphere1 which are not so at present2 and many which are at present1 shall take leave of our ,horizon1 and appear unto ,southern habitations4 ,and therefore the time may come that the ,dog star may not be visible in our ,horizon1 and the time hath been1 when it hath not shewed it self unto our neighbour latitudes4 ,so that canicular daies there have been none1 nor shall be2 yet certainly in all times some season of the year more notably hot then other4 ,lastly1 ,we multiply causes in vain2 and for the reason hereof1 we need not have recourse unto any ,star but the ,sun1 and continuity of its action4 ,for the ,sun ascending into the ,northern signs1 begetteth first a temperate heat in the air2 which by his approach unto the solstice he intendeth2 and by continuation increaseth the same even upon declination4 ,,sn3 ,why the ,dog-daies be so hot4 ,for running over the same degrees again1 that is1 in ,leo1 which he hath done in ,taurus1 in ,july which he did in ,may2 he augmenteth the heat in the latter which he began in the first2 and easily intendeth the same by continuation which was well promoted before4 ,so it is observed1 that they which dwell between the ,tropicks and the ,equator1 have their second summer hotter and more maturative of fruits then the former4 ,so we observe in the day 7which is a short year7 the greatest heat about two in the afternoon1 when the ,sun is past the ,meridian 7which is his diurnal solstice7 and the same is evident from the ,thermometer or observations of the weather-glass4 ,so are the colds of the night sharper in the ,summer about two or three after midnight1 and the frosts in ,winter stronger about those hours4 ,so likewise in the year we observe the cold to augment1 when the daies begin to increase1 though the ,sun be then ascensive1 and returning from the ,winter ,tropick4 ,and therefore if we rest not in this reason for the heat in the declining part of ,summer1 we must discover freezing ,stars that may resolve the latter colds of ,winter2 which whoever desires to invent1 let him study the ,stars of ,andromeda1 or the nearer constellation of ,pegasus1 which are about that time ascendent4 ,it cannot therefore seem strange1 or savour of singularity that we have examined this point2 since the same hath been already denied by some1 since the authority and observations of the ,ancients rightly understood1 do not confirm it1 since our present computes are different from those of the ,ancients1 whereon notwithstanding they depend2 since there is reason against it1 and if all were granted1 yet must it be maintained with manifold restraints1 far otherwise then is received4 ,and lastly1 since from plain and natural principles1 the doubt may be fairly salved1 and not clapt up from petitionary foundations and principles unestablished4 ,but that which chiefly promoted the consideration of these daies1 and medically advanced the same1 was the doctrin of ,hippocrates2 a ,physitian of such repute1 that he received a testimony from a ,christian1 that might have been given unto ,christ4 ,,sn3 ,qui nec fallere potest nec falli4 ,the first in his book1 de ,acre1 ,aquis1 et locis4 ,syderum ortus1 etc4 ,that is1 we are to observe the rising of ,stars1 especially the ,dog-star1 ,arcturus1 and the setting of the ,pleiades or seven ,stars4 ,from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer the general efficacy of these ,stars1 or co-efficacy particular in medications4 ,probably expressing no more hereby then if he should have plainly said1 especial notice we are to take of the hottest time in ,summer1 of the beginning of ,autumn and ,winter2 for by the rising and setting of those ,stars were these times and seasons defined4 ,,sn3 ,diseases commonly determined1 by what seasons4 ,and therefore subjoyns this reason1 ,quoniam his temporibus morbi finiuntur1 because at these times diseases have their ends2 as ,physitians well known1 and he elsewhere affirmeth1 that seasons determine diseases1 beginning in their contraries2 as the ,spring the diseases of ,autumn1 and the ,summer those of ,winter4 ,now 7what is very remarkable7 whereas in the some place he adviseth to observe the times of notable mutations1 as the ,equinoxes1 and the ,solstices1 and to decline ,medication ten daies before and after2 how precisely soever canicular cautions be considered1 this is not observed by ,physitians1 nor taken notice of by the people4 ,and indeed should we blindly obey the restraints both of ,physitians and ,astrologers1 we should contract the liberty of our prescriptions1 and confine the utility of ,physick unto a very few daies4 ,for observing the ,dog-daies1 and as is expressed1 some daies before1 likewise ten daies before and after the ,equinoctial and ,solsticial points2 by this observation alone are exempted an hundred daies4 ,whereunto if we add the two ,egyptian daies in every month1 the interlunary and plenilunary exemptions1 the ,eclipses of ,sun and ,moon1 conjunctions and oppositions ,planetical1 the houses of ,planets1 and the site of the ,luminaries under the signs 7wherein some would induce a restraint of ,purgation or ,phlebotomy7 there would arise above an hundred more2 so that of the whole year the use of ,physick would not be secure much above a quarter4 ,now as we do not strictly observe these daies1 so need we not the other2 and although consideration be made hereof1 yet must we prefer the nearer indications before those which are drawn from the time of the year2 or other clestial relations4 ,the second ,testimony is taken out of the last piece of his ,age1 and after the experience 7as some think7 of no less then an hundred years1 that is1 his book of ,aphorisms1 or short and definitive determinations in ,physick4 ,the ,aphorism alleadged is this1 ,sub ,cane et ante ,canem difficiles sunt purgationes4 ,sub ,cane et ,anticane1 say some including both the ,dog-stars2 but that cannot consist with the ,greek3 1 nor had that ,criticism been ever omitted by ,galen4 ,now how true this sentence was in the mouth of ,hippocrates1 and with what restraint it must be understood by us1 will readily appear from the difference between us both1 in circumstantial relations4 ,and first1 ,concerning his time and ,chronology3 ,,sn3 ,when ,hippocrates lived4 he lived in the reign of ,artaxerxes ,longimanus1 about the #hb ,olympiade1 #dej years before ,christ2 and from our times above two thousand4 ,now since that time 7as we have already declared7 the ,stars have varied their longitudes2 and having made large progressions from ,west to ,east1 the time of the ,dog-stars ascent must also very much alter4 ,for it ariseth later now in the year1 then it formerly did in the same latitude2 and far later unto us who have a greater elevation2 for in the daies of ,hippocrates this ,star ascended in ,cancer1 which now ariseth in ,leo3 and will in progression of time arise in ,virgo4 ,and therefore in regard of the time wherein he lived1 the ,aphorism was more considerable in his daies then in ours1 and in times far past then present1 and in his ,countrey then ours4 ,the place of his nativity was ,coos1 an ,island in the ,myrtoan ,sea1 not far from ,rhodes1 described in ,maps by the name of ,lango1 and called by the ,turks who are ,masters thereof1 ,stancora2 according unto ,ptolomy of ,northern latitude #cf degrees4 ,that he lived and writ in these parts1 is not improbably collected from the ,epistles that passed betwixt him and ,artaxerxes2 as also between the ,citizens of ,abdera1 and ,coos1 in the behalf of ,democritus4 ,which place being seated from our latitude of #eb1 #af degrees ,southward1 there will arise a different consideration2 and we may much deceive our selves if we conform the ascent of ,stars in one place unto another1 or conceive they arise the same day of the month in ,coos and in ,england4 ,for as ,petavius computes in the first ,julian year1 at ,alexandria of latitude #ca1 the ,star arose cosmically in the twelfth degree of ,cancer1 ,heliacally the #bf1 by the compute of ,geminus about this time at ,rhodes of latitude #cg1 it ascended cosmically the #af of ,cancer1 ,heliacally the first of ,leo2 and about that time at ,rome of latitude #db1 cosmically the #bb of ,cancer1 and ,heliacally the first of ,leo4 ,for unto places of greater latitude it ariseth ever later2 so that in some latitudes the cosmical ascent happeneth not before the twentieth degree of ,virgo1 ten daies before the ,autumnal ,equinox1 and if they compute ,heliacally1 after it1 in ,libra4 ,again1 ,should we allow all1 and only compute unto the latitude of ,coos2 yet would it not impose a total omission of ,physick4 ,for if in the hottest season of that clime1 all ,physick were to be declined1 then surely in many other none were to be used at any time whatsoever2 for unto many parts1 not only in the ,spring and ,autumn1 but also in the ,winter1 the ,sun is nearer1 then unto the clime of ,coos in the ,summer4 ,the third consideration concerneth purging medicines1 which are at present far different from those implied in this ,aphorism1 and such as were commonly used by ,hippocrates4 ,,sn3 ,three degrees of purgations4 ,for three degrees we make of purgative medicines3 ,the first thereof is very benign1 nor far removed from the nature of ,aliment1 into which1 upon defect of working1 it is oft-times converted2 and in this form do we account ,manna1 ,cassia1 ,tamarindes1 and many more2 whereof we find no mention in ,hippocrates4 ,this second is also gentle having a familiarity with some humor1 into which it is but converted if it fail of its operation3 of this sort are ,aloe1 ,rhabarb1 ,senna1 etc4 ,whereof also few or none were known unto ,hippocrates4 ,the third is of a violent and venemous quality1 which frustrate of its action1 assumes as it were the nature of poison2 such as are ,scammoneum1 ,colocynthis1 ,elaterium1 ,euphorbium1 ,tithymallus1 ,laureola1 ,peplum1 etc4 ,of this sort ,hippocrates made use1 even in ,fevers1 ,pleurisies and ,quinsies2 and that composition is very remarkable which is ascribed unto ,diogenes in tius,,sn3 ,tetrab4 lib4 #a4 ,serm4 #c42 that is1 of ,pepper1 ,sal ,armoniac1 ,euphorbium1 of each an ounce1 the ,dosis whereof four scruples and an half2 which whosoever should take1 would find in his bowels more then a canicular heat1 though in the depth of ,winter2 many of the like nature may be observed in tius1 or in the book ,de ,dinamidiis1 ascribed unto ,galen1 which is the same verbatim with the other4 ,now in regard of the second1 and especially the first degree of ,purgatives1 the ,aphorism is not of force2 but we may safely use them1 they being benign and of innoxious qualities4 ,and therefore ,lucas ,gauricus1 who hath endeavoured with many testimonies to advance this consideration1 at length concedeth that lenitive ,physick may be used1 especially when the ,moon is well affected in ,cancer or in the watery signs4 ,but in regard of the third degree the ,aphorism is considerable3 purgations may be dangerous2 and a memorable example there is in the medical ,epistles of ,crucius1 of a ,roman ,prince that died upon an ounce of ,diaphnicon1 taken in this season4 ,from the use whereof we refrain not only in hot seasons1 but warily exhibit it at all times in hot diseases4 ,which when necessity requires1 we can perform more safely then the ,ancients1 as having better waies of preparation and correction2 that is1 not only by addition of other bodies1 but separation of noxious parts from their own4 ,but beside these differences between ,hippocrates and us1 the ,physitians of these times and those of ,antiquity2 the condition of the disease1 and the intention of the ,physitian1 hold a main consideration in what time and place soever4 ,for ,physick is either curative or preventive2 ,preventive we call that which by purging noxious humors1 and the causes of diseases1 preventeth sickness in the healthy1 or the recourse thereof in the valetudinary2 this is of common use at the spring and fall1 and we commend not the same at this season4 ,therapeutick or curative ,physick1 we term that1 which restoreth the ,patient unto ,sanity1 and taketh away diseases actually affecting4 ,,sn3 ,diseases ,chronical and ,acute what they be4 ,now of diseases some are cronical and of long duration1 as quartane ,agues1 ,scurvy1 etc4 ,wherein because they admit of delay we defer the cure to more advantagious seasons2 ,others we term acute1 that is1 of short duration and danger1 as ,fevers1 ,pleurisies1 etc4 ,in which1 because delay is dangerous1 and they arise unto their state before the ,dog-daies determine1 we apply present remedies according unto ,indications2 respecting rather the acuteness of the disease1 and precipitancy of occasion1 then the rising or setting of ,stars2 the effects of the one being disputable1 of the other assured and inevitable4 ,and although ,astrology may here put in1 and plead the secret influence of this ,star2 yet ,galen in his ,comment1 makes no such consideration2 confirming the truth of the ,aphorism from the heat of the year2 and the operation of ,medicines exhibited4 ,,sn3 ,strong purgations not so well given in the heat of summer1 and why4 ,in regard that bodies being heated by the ,summer1 cannot so well endure the acrimony of purging ,medicines2 and because upon purgations contrary motions ensue1 the heat of the air attracting the humours outward1 and the action of the ,medicine retracting the same inward4 ,but these are readily salved in the distinctions before alleadged2 and particularly in the constitution of our climate and divers others1 wherein the air makes no such exhaustion of spirits4 ,and in the benignity of our ,medicines2 whereof some in their own natures1 others well prepared1 agitate not the humors1 or make sensible perturbation4 ,sidenote3 ,a ,problem4 ,nor do we hereby reject or condemn a sober and regulated ,astrology2 we hold there is more truth therein then in ,astrologers2 in some more then many allow1 yet in none so much as some pretend4 ,we deny not the influence of the ,stars1 but often suspect the due application thereof2 for though we should affirm that all things were in all things2 that heaven were but earth celestified1 and earth but heaven terrestrified1 or that each part above had an influence upon its divided affinity below2 yet how to single out these relations1 and duly to apply their actions is a work oft times to be effected by some revelation1 and ,cabala from above1 rather then any ,philosophy1 or speculation here below4 ,what power soever they have upon our bodies1 it is not requisite they should destroy our reasons1 that is1 to make us rely on the strength of ,nature1 when she is least able to relieve us2 and when we conceive the heaven against us1 to refuse the assistance of the earth created for us4 ,,sn3 ,upon the biting of a mad ,dog there ensues an hydrophobia or fear of water4 ,this were to suffer from the mouth of the ,dog above1 what others do from the teeth of ,dogs below2 that is1 to be afraid of their proper remedy1 and refuse to approach any water1 though that hath often proved a cure unto their disease4 ,there is in wise men a power beyond the ,stars2 and ,ptolomy encourageth us1 that by foreknowledge1 we may evade their actions2 for1 being but universal causes1 they are determined by particular agents2 which being inclined1 not constrained1 contain within themselves the casting act1 and a power to command the conclusion4 ,lastly1 ,if all be conceded1 and were there in this ,aphorism an unrestrained truth1 yet were it not reasonable from a caution to inferr a non-usance or abolition1 from a thing to be used with discretion1 not to be used at all4 ,because the ,apostle bids us beware of ,philosophy1 heads of extremity will have none at all2 an usual fallacy in vulgar and less distinctive brains1 who having once overshot the mean1 run violently on1 and find no rest but in the extreams4 ,now hereon we have the longer insisted1 because the error is material1 and concerns oft-times the life of man2 an error to be taken notice of by ,state1 and provided against by ,princes1 who are of the opinion of ,solomon1 that their riches consists in the multitude of their subjects4 ,an error worse then some reputed ,heresies2 and of greater danger to the body1 then they unto the soul2 which whosoever is able to reclaim1 he shall salve more in one summer then ,themison,,sn3 ,a ,physitian4 ,quot ,themison gros ,autumno occiderit uno4 ,juvenal4 destroyed in any ,autumn2 he shall introduce a new way of cure1 preserving by ,theory1 as well as practice1 and men not only from death1 but from destroying themselves4 ,,the ,,fifth ,,book ,of many things questionable as they are commonly described in ,pictures4 ,,chapter ,i ,of the ,picture of the ,pelecan4 ,and first in every place we meet with the picture of the ,pelecan1 opening her breast with her bill1 and feeding her young ones with the blood distilling from her4 ,thus is it set forth not only in common ,signs1 but in the ,crest and ,schucheon of many ,noble families2 hath been asserted by many holy ,writers1 and was an ,hierogliphick of piety and pitty among the gyptians2 on which consideration1 they spared them at their tables4 ,notwithstanding upon enquiry we find no mention hereof in ,ancient ,zodiographers1 and such as have particularly discoursed upon ,animals1 as ,aristotle1 lian1 ,pliny1 ,solinus and many more2 who seldom forget proprieties of such a nature1 and have been very punctual in less considerable ,records4 ,some ground hereof ,i confess we may allow1 nor need we deny a remarkable affection in ,pelecans toward their young2 for lian discoursing of ,storks1 and their affection toward their brood1 whom they instruct to fly1 and unto whom they re-deliver up the provision of their ,bellies1 concludeth at last1 that ,herons and ,pelecans do the like4 ,as for the testimonies of ,ancient ,fathers1 and ,ecclesiastical ,writers1 we may more safely conceive therein some ,emblematical than any real ,story3 so doth ,eucherius confess it to be the ,emblem of ,christ4 ,and we are unwilling literally to receive that account of ,jerom1 that perceiving her young ones destroyed by ,serpents1 she openeth her side with her bill1 by the blood whereof they revive and return unto life again4 ,by which relation they might indeed illustrate the destruction of man by the old ,serpent1 and his restorement by the blood of ,christ3 and in this sense we shall not dispute the like relations of ,austine1 ,isidore1 ,albertus1 and many more3 and under an ,emblematical intention1 we accept it in coat-armour4 ,as for the ,hieroglyphick of the ,egyptians1 they erected the same upon another consideration1 which was parental affection2 manifested in the protection of her young ones1 when her nest was set on fire4 ,for as for letting out her blood1 it was not the assertion of the ,egyptians1 but seems translated unto the ,pelecan from the ,vulture1 as ,pierius hath plainly delivered4 ,sed quod ,pelicanum 7ut etiam aliis plerisque persuasum est7 rostro pectus dissecantem pingunt1 ita ut suo sanguine filios alat1 ab gyptiorum histori valde alienum est1 illi enim vulturem tantum id facere tradiderunt4 ,and lastly1 as concerning the picture1 if naturally examined1 and not ,hierogliphically conceived1 it containeth many improprieties1 disagreeing almost in all things from the true and proper description4 ,for1 whereas it is commonly set forth green or yellow1 in its proper colour1 it is inclining to white2 excepting the extremities or tops of the wing feathers1 which are brown4 ,,sn3 ,the bigness of a ,pelecan4 ,it is described in the bigness of a ,hen1 whereas it approacheth and sometimes exceedeth the magnitude of a ,swan4 ,it is commonly painted with a short bill2 whereas that of the ,pelecan attaineth sometimes the length of two spans4 ,the bill is made acute or pointed at the end2 whereas it is flat and broad1 though somewhat inverted at the extream4 ,it is described like fissipedes1 or birds which have their feet or claws divided2 whereas it is palmipedous1 or fin-footed like ,swans and ,geese2 according to the method of nature1 in latirostrous or flat-bild birds2 which being generally swimmers1 the organ is wisely contrived unto the action1 and they are framed with fins or oars upon their feet2 and therefore they neither light1 nor build on trees1 if we except ,cormorants1 who make their nests like ,herons4 ,,sn3 ,of her ,crop4 ,lastly1 there is one part omitted more remarkable than any other1 that is1 the chowle or crop adhering unto the lower side of the bill1 and so descending by the throat3 a bag or sachel very observable1 and of a capacity almost beyond credit2 which notwithstanding1 this animal could not want2 for therein it receiveth ,oysters1 ,cochels1 ,scollops1 and other testaceous animals2 which being not able to break1 it retains them until they open1 and vomiting them up1 takes out the meat contained4 ,this is that part preserved for a rarity and wherein 7as ,sanctius delivers7 in one dissected1 a ,negro child was found4 ,a possibility there may be of opening and bleeding their breast2 for this may be done by the uncous and pointed extremity of their bill3 and some probability also that they sometimes do it1 for their own relief1 though not for their young ones2 that is by nibling and biting themselves on their itching part of their breast1 upon fullness or acrimony of blood4 ,and the same may be better made out2 if 7as some relate7 their feathers on that part are sometimes observed to be red and tincted with blood4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,of the ,picture of ,dolphins4 ,that ,dolphins are crooked1 is not only affirmed by the hand of the ,painter1 but commonly conceived their natural and proper figure2 which is not only the opinion of our times1 but seems the belief of elder times before us4 ,for1 beside the expressions of ,ovid and ,pliny1 their ,pourtraicts in some ancient ,coyns are framed in this figure1 as will appear in some thereof in ,gesner1 others in ,goltsius1 and ,lvinus ,hulsius in his discription of ,coyns1 from ,julius ,csar unto ,rhodulphus the second4 ,notwithstanding1 to speak strictly in their natural figure they are streight1 nor have their spine convexed1 or more considerably embowed1 than ,sharks1 ,porposes1 ,whales1 and other ,cetaceous animals1 as ,scaliger plainly affirmeth3 ,corpus habet non magis curvum quam reliqui pisces4 ,as ocular enquiry informeth2 and as unto such as have not had the opportunity to behold them1 their proper pourtraicts will discover in ,rondeletius1 ,gesner1 and ,aldrovandus4 ,and as indeed is deducible from pictures themselves2 for though they be drawn repandous1 or convexedly crooked in one piece1 yet the ,dolphin that carrieth ,arion is concavously inverted1 and hath its spine depressed in another4 ,and answerably hereto may we behold them differently bowed in medalls1 and the ,dolphins of ,tarus and ,fulius do make another flexure from that of ,commodus and ,agrippa4 ,and therefore what is delivered of their incurvity1 must either be taken ,emphatically1 that is1 not really but in appearance2 which happeneth1 when they leap above water1 and suddenly shoot down again2 which is a fallacy in vision1 whereby straight bodies in a sudden motion protruded obliquely downward1 appear unto the eye crooked2 and this is the construction of ,bellonius4 ,or if it be taken really1 it must not universally and perpetually2 that is1 not when they swim and remain in their proper figures1 but only when they leap1 or impetuously whirl their bodies any way2 and this is the opinion of ,gesnerus4 ,or lastly1 ,it may be taken neither really nor emphatically1 but only ,emblematically3 for being the ,hieroglyphick of celerity1 and swifter than other animals1 men best expressed their velocity by incurvity1 and under some figure of a bow3 and in this sense probably do ,heralds also receive it1 when from a ,dolphin extended1 they distinguish a ,dolphin embowed4 ,and thus also must that picture be taken of a ,dolphin clasping an ,anchor3 that is1 not really1 as is by most conceived out of affection unto man1 conveighing the ,anchor unto the ground3 but emblematically1 according as ,pierius hath expressed it1 ,the swiftest animal conjoyned with that heavy body1 implying that common moral1 ,festina lent3 and that celerity should always be contempered with cunctation4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,of the ,picture of a ,grashopper4 ,there is also among us a common description and picture of a ,grashopper1 as may be observed in the pictures of ,emblematists1 in the coats of several families1 and as the word ,cicada is usually translated in ,dictionaries4 ,wherein to speak strictly1 if by this word ,grashopper1 we understand that animal which is implied by with the ,greeks1 and by ,cicada with the ,latines2 we may with safety affirm the picture is widely mistaken1 and that for ought enquiry can inform1 there is no such insect in ,england4 ,which how paradoxical soever1 upon a strict enquiry1 will prove undeniable truth4 ,for first1 ,that animal which the ,french term ,sauterelle1 we a ,grashopper1 and which under this name is commonly described by us1 is named by the ,greeks1 by the ,latines ,locusta1 and by our selves in proper speech a ,locust2 as in the diet of ,john ,baptist1 and in our ,translation ,,sn3 ,prov4 #cj41 the ,locusts have no ,king1 yet go they forth all of them by bands4 ,again1 ,between the ,cicada and that we call a ,grashopper1 the differences are very many1 as may be observed in themselves1 or their descriptions in ,matthiolus1 ,aldrovandus and ,muffetus4 ,for first1 ,they are differently cucullated or capuched upon the head and back1 and in the ,cicada the eyes are more prominent3 the ,locusts have ,antenn3 or long horns before1 with a long falcation or forcipated tail behind2 and being ordained for saltation1 their hinder legs do far exceed the other4 ,the ,locust or our ,grashopper hath teeth1 the ,cicada none at all2 nor any mouth according unto ,aristotle3 the ,cicada is most upon trees2 and lastly1 the fritinnitus or proper note thereof1 is far more shril than that of the ,locust2 and its life so short in ,summer1 that for provision it needs not have recourse unto the providence of the ,pismire in ,winter4 ,and therefore where the ,cicada must be understood1 the pictures of ,heralds and ,emblematists are not exact1 nor is it safe to adhere unto the interpretation of ,dictionaries2 and we must with candour make out our own ,translations3 for in the ,plague of gypt1 ,exodus #aj4 the word is translated a ,locust1 but in the same sense and subject1 ,wisdom #af4 it is translated a ,grashopper2 ,for them the bitings of ,grashoppers and flies killed3 whereas we have declared before1 the ,cicada hath no teeth1 but is conceived to live upon dew2 and the possibility of its subsistence is disputed by ,licetus4 ,hereof ,i perceive ,muffetus hath taken notice1 dissenting from ,langius and ,lycostenes1 while they deliver1 the ,cicada's destroyed the fruits in ,germany1 where that insect is not found2 and therefore concludeth1 ,tam ipsos quam alios deceptos fuisse autumo1 dum locustas cicadas esse vulgari errore crederent4 ,and hereby there may be some mistake in the due dispensation of ,medicines desumed from this animal2 particularly of ,diatettigon commended by tius in the affections of the kidnies4 ,it must be likewise understood with some restriction what hath been affirmed by ,isidore1 and yet delivered by many1 that ,cicades are bred out of ,cuccow spittle or ,woodsear2 that is1 that spumous1 frothy dew or exudation1 or both1 found upon ,plants1 especially about the joints of ,lavender and ,rosemary1 observable with us about the latter end of ,may4 ,for here the true ,cicada is not bred1 but certain it is1 that out of this1 some kind of ,locust doth proceed2 for herein may be discovered a little insect of a festucine or pale green1 resembling in all parts a ,locust1 or what we call a ,grashopper4 ,lastly1 ,the word it self is improper1 and the term of ,grashopper not appliable unto the ,cicada2 for therein the organs of motion are not contrived for saltation1 nor are the hinder legs of such extension1 as is observable in salient animals1 and such as move by leaping4 ,whereto the ,locust is very well conformed2 for therein the legs behind are longer than all the body1 and make at the second joynt acute angles1 at a considerable advancement above their backs4 ,the mistake therefore with us might have its original from a defect in our language2 for having not the insect with us1 we have not fallen upon its proper name1 and so make use of a term common unto it and the ,locust2 whereas other countries have proper expressions for it4 ,so the ,italian calls it ,cicada1 the ,spaniard ,cigarra1 and the ,french ,cigale2 all which appellations conform unto the original1 and properly express this animal4 ,whereas our word is borrowed from the ,saxon ,grsthopp1 which our forefathers1 who never beheld the ,cicada1 used for that insect which we yet call a ,grashopper4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,of the ,picture of the ,serpent tempting ,eve4 ,in the ,picture of ,paradise1 and delusion of our first ,parents1 the ,serpent is often described with humane visage2 not unlike unto ,cadmus or his wife1 in the act of their ,metamorphosis4 ,which is not a meer pictorial contrivance or invention of the ,picturer1 but an ancient tradition and conceived reality1 as it stands delivered by ,beda and ,authors of some antiquity2 that is1 that ,sathan appeared not unto ,eve in the naked form of a ,serpent1 but with a ,virgins head1 that thereby he might become more acceptable1 and his temptation find the easier entertainment4 ,which nevertheless is a conceit not to be admitted1 and the plain and received figure1 is with better reason embraced4 ,for first1 as ,pierius observeth from ,barcephas1 the assumption of humane shape had proved a disadvantage unto ,sathan2 affording not only a suspicious amazement in ,eve1 before the fact1 in beholding a third humanity beside her self and ,adam2 but leaving some excuse unto the woman1 which afterward the man took up with lesser reason2 that is1 to have been deceived by another like her self4 ,again1 ,there was no inconvenience in the shape assumed1 or any considerable impediment that might disturb that performance in the common form of a ,serpent4 ,for whereas it is conceived the woman must needs be afraid thereof1 and rather flie than approach it2 it was not agreeable unto the condition of ,paradise and state of innocency therein2 if in that place as most determine1 no creature was hurtful or terrible unto man1 and those destructive effects they now discover succeeded the curse1 and came in with thorns and briars4 ,and therefore ,eugubinus 7who affirmeth this ,serpent was a ,basilisk7 incurreth no absurdity1 nor need we infer that ,eve should be destroyed immediately upon that ,vision4 ,for noxious animals could offend them no more in the ,garden1 than ,noah in the ,ark3 as they peaceably received their names1 so they friendly possessed their natures3 and were their conditions destructive unto each other1 they were not so unto man1 whose constitutions then were antidotes1 and needed not fear poisons4 ,and if 7as most conceive7 there were but two created of every kind1 they could not at that time destroy either man or themselves2 for this had frustrated the command of multiplication1 destroyed a species1 and imperfected the ,creation4 ,and therefore also if ,cain were the first man born1 with him entred not only the act1 but the first power of murther2 for before that time neither could the ,serpent nor ,adam destroy ,eve2 nor ,adam and ,eve each other2 for that had overthrown the intention of the world1 and put its ,creator to act the sixt day over again4 ,moreover1 ,whereas in regard of speech1 and vocal conference with ,eve1 it may be thought he would rather assume an humane shape and organs1 then the improper form of a serpent2 it implies no material impediment4 ,nor need we to wonder how he contrived a voice out of the mouth of a ,serpent1 who hath done the like out of the belly of a ,pythonissa1 and the trunk of an ,oak2 as he did for many years at ,dodona4 ,sidenote3 ,why ,eve wondered not at the serpents speaking4 ,lastly1 ,whereas it might be conceived that an humane shape was fitter for this enterprise2 it being more than probable she would be amazed to hear a ,serpent speak2 some conceive she might not yet be certain that only man was priviledged with speech2 and being in the novity of the ,creation1 and inexperience of all things1 might not be affrighted to hear a ,serpent speak4 ,beside she might be ignorant of their natures1 who was not versed in their names1 as being not present at the general survey of ,animals1 when ,adam assigned unto every one a name concordant unto its nature4 ,nor is this my opinion1 but the determination of ,lombard and ,tostatus2 and also the reply of ,cyril unto the objection of ,julian1 who compared this story unto the fables of the ,greeks4 ,,chapter ,v ,of the ,picture of ,adam and ,eve with ,navels4 ,another mistake there may be in the ,picture of our first ,parents1 who after the manner of their posterity are both delineated with a ,navel4 ,and this is observable not only in ordinary and stained pieces1 but in the ,authentick draughts of ,urbin1 ,angelo and others4 ,which notwithstanding cannot be allowed1 except we impute that unto the first cause1 which we impose not on the second2 or what we deny unto nature1 we impute unto ,naturity it self2 that is1 that in the first and most accomplished piece1 the ,creator affected superfluities1 or ordained parts without use or office4 ,sidenote3 ,what the ,navel is1 and for what use4 ,for the use of the ,navel is to continue the ,infant unto the ,mother1 and by the vessels thereof to convey its aliment and sustentation4 ,the vessels whereof it consisteth1 are the umbilical vein1 which is a branch of the ,porta1 and implanted in the ,liver of the ,infant2 two ,arteries likewise arising from the ,iliacal branches1 by which the ,infant receiveth the purer portion of blood and spirits from the mother2 and lastly1 the ,urachos or ligamental passage derived from the bottom of the bladder1 whereby it dischargeth the waterish and urinary part of its aliment4 ,now upon the birth1 when the ,infant forsaketh the womb1 although it dilacerate1 and break the involving membranes1 yet do these vessels hold1 and by the mediation thereof the ,infant is connected unto the womb1 not only before1 but a while also after the birth4 ,these therefore the midwife cutteth off1 contriving them into a knot close unto the body of the ,infant2 from whence ensueth that tortuosity or complicated modosity we usually call the ,navel2 occasioned by the colligation of vessels before mentioned4 ,,sn3 ,that ,adam and ,eve had not ,navels4 ,now the ,navel being a part1 not precedent1 but subsequent unto generation1 nativity or parturition1 it cannot be well imagined at the creation or extraordinary formation of ,adam1 who immediately issued from the ,artifice of ,god2 nor also that of ,eve2 who was not solemnly begotten1 but suddenly framed1 and anomalously proceeded from ,adam4 ,and if we be led into conclusions that ,adam had also this part1 because we behold the same in our selves1 the inference is not reasonable2 for if we conceive the way of his formation1 or of the first animals1 did carry in all points a strict conformity unto succeeding productions1 we might fall into imaginations that ,adam was made without ,teeth2 or that he ran through those notable alterations in the vessels of the heart1 which the ,infant suffereth after birth3 we need not dispute whether the egg or bird were first2 and might conceive that ,dogs were created blind1 because we observe they are littered so with us4 ,which to affirm1 is to confound1 at least to regulate creation unto generation1 the first ,acts of ,god1 unto the second of ,nature2 which were determined in that general indulgence1 ,encrease and ,multiply1 produce or propagate each other2 that is1 not answerably in all points1 but in a prolonged method according to seminal progression4 ,for the formation of things at first was different from their generation after2 and although it had nothing to precede it1 was aptly contrived for that which should succeed it4 ,and therefore though ,adam were framed without this part1 as having no other womb than that of his proper principles1 yet was not his posterity without the same3 for the seminality of his fabrick contained the power thereof2 and was endued with the science of those parts whose predestinations upon succession it did accomplish4 ,all the ,navel therefore and conjunctive part we can suppose in ,adam1 was his dependency on his ,maker1 and the connexion he must needs have unto heaven1 who was the ,son of ,god4 ,for holding no dependence on any preceding efficient but ,god2 in the act of his production there may be conceived some connexion1 and ,adam to have been in a momental ,navel with his ,maker4 ,and although from his carnality and corporal existence1 the conjunction seemeth no nearer than of causality and effect2 yet in his immortal and diviner part he seemed to hold a nearer coherence1 and an umbilicality even with ,god himself4 ,and so indeed although the propriety of this part be found but in some animals1 and many species there are which have no ,navel at all2 yet is there one link and common connexion1 one general ligament1 and necessary obligation of all what ever unto ,god4 ,whereby although they act themselves at distance1 and seem to be at loose2 yet do they hold a continuity with their ,maker4 ,which catenation or conserving union when ever his pleasure shall divide1 let go1 or separate1 they shall fall from their existence1 essence1 and operations3 in brief1 they must retire unto their primitive nothing1 and shrink into their ,chaos again4 ,they who hold the egg was before the ,bird1 prevent this doubt in many other animals1 which also extendeth unto them3 ,for birds are nourished by umbilical vessels1 and the ,navel is manifest sometimes a day or two after exclusion4 ,the same is probable in oviparous exclusions1 if the lesser part of eggs must serve for the formation1 the greater part for nutriment4 ,the same is made out in the eggs of ,snakes2 and is not improbable in the generation of ,porwiggles or ,tadpoles1 and may be also true in some vermiparous exclusions3 although 7as we have observed in the daily progress in some7 the whole ,maggot is little enough to make a ,fly1 without any part remaining4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,of the ,pictures of ,eastern ,nations1 and the ,jews at their ,feasts1 especially our ,saviour at the ,passover4 ,concerning the ,pictures of the ,jews1 and ,eastern ,nations at their ,feasts1 concerning the gesture of our ,saviour at the ,passover1 who is usually described sitting upon a stool or bench at a square table1 in the middest of the twelve1 many make great doubt2 and 7though they concede a table-gesture7 will hardly allow this usual way of ,session4 ,wherein restraining no mans enquiry1 it will appear that accubation1 or lying down at meals was a gesture used by very many ,nations4 ,that the ,persians used it1 beside the testimony of humane ,writers1 is deducible from that passage in ,esther,,sn3 ,esther #g44 ,that when the ,king returned into the place of the banquet of wine1 ,haman was fallen upon the bed whereon ,esther was4 ,that the ,parthians used it1 is evident from ,athenus1 who delivereth out of ,possidonius1 that their ,king lay down at meals1 on an higher bed than others4 ,that ,cleopatra thus entertained ,anthony1 the same ,author manifesteth when he saith1 she prepared twelve ,tricliniums4 ,that it was in use among the ,greeks1 the word ,triclinium implieth1 and the same is also declarable from many places in the ,symposiacks of ,plutarch4 ,that it was not out of fashion in the days of ,aristotle1 he declareth in his politicks2 when among the ,institutionary rules of youth1 he adviseth they might not be permitted to hear ,iambicks and ,tragedies before they were admitted unto discumbency or lying along with others at their meals4 ,that the ,romans used this gesture at repast1 beside many more1 is evident from ,lipsius1 ,mercurialis1 ,salmasius and ,ciaconius1 who have expresly and distinctly treated hereof4 ,now of their accumbing places1 the one was called ,stibadion and ,sigma1 carrying the figure of an half ,moon1 and of an uncertain capacity1 whereupon it received the name of ,hexaclinon1 ,octoclinon1 according unto that of ,martial1 ,accipe ,lunata scriptum testudine ,sigma3 ,octo capit1 veniat quisquis amicus erit4 ,hereat in several ages the left and right horn were the principal places1 and the most honorable person1 if he were not master of the feast1 possessed one of those rooms4 ,the other was termed ,triclinium1 that is1 ,three beds about a table1 as may be seen in the figures thereof1 and particularly in the ,rhamnusian ,triclinium1 set down by ,mercurialis,,sn3 ,merc4 ,de ,arte ,gymnastica44 ,the customary use hereof was probably deduced from the frequent use of bathing1 after which they commonly retired to bed1 and refected themselves with repast2 and so that custom by degrees changed their cubiculary beds into discubitory1 and introduced a fashion to go from the bathes unto these4 ,sidenote3 ,the ancient gesture or position of the body at feasts4 ,as for their gesture or position1 the men lay down leaning on their left elbow1 their back being advanced by some pillow or soft substance3 the second lay so with his back towards the first1 that his head attained about his bosome2 and the rest in the same order4 ,for women1 they sat sometimes distinctly with their sex1 sometime promiscuously with men1 according to affection or favour1 as is delivered by ,juvenal1 ,gremio jacuit nova nupta mariti4 ,and by ,suetonius of ,caligula1 that at his feasts he placed his sisters1 with whom he had been incontinent1 successively in order below him4 ,again1 ,as their beds were three1 so the guests did not usually exceed that number in every one2 according to the ancient ,laws1 and proverbial observations to begin with the ,graces1 and make up their feasts with the ,muses4 ,and therefore it was remarkable in the ,emperour ,lucius ,verus1 that he lay down with twelve3 which was1 saith ,julius ,capitolinus1 prter exempla majorum1 not according to the custom of his ,predecessors1 except it were at publick and nuptial suppers4 ,the regular number was also exceeded in this last supper1 whereat there were no less than thirteen1 and in no place fewer than ten1 for1 as ,josephus delivereth1 it was not lawful to celebrate the ,passover with fewer than that number4 ,lastly1 ,for the disposing and ordering of the persons3 ,the first and middle beds were for the guests1 the third and lowest for the ,master of the house and his family2 he always lying in the first place of the last bed1 that is1 next the middle bed2 but if the wife or children were absent1 their rooms were supplied by the ,umbr1 or hangers on1 according to that of ,juvenal ,,sn3 ,who the ,umbr were at banquets4----,locus est et pluribus ,umbris4 ,for the guests1 the honourablest place in every bed was the first1 excepting the middle or second bed2 wherein the most honourable ,guest of the feast was placed in the last place1 because by that position he might be next the ,master of the feast ,,sn3 ,iul4 ,scalig4 familiarium exercitationum ,problema #a44 ,for the ,master lying in the first of the last bed1 and the principal ,guest in the last place of the second1 they must needs be next each other2 as this figure doth plainly declare1 and whereby we may apprehend the feast of ,perpenna made unto ,sertorius1 described by ,salustius1 whose words we shall thus read with ,salmasius3 ,igitur discubuere1 ,sertorius inferior in medio lecto1 supra ,fabius2 ,antonius in summo2 ,infra ,scriba ,sertorii ,versius2 alter scriba ,mcenas in ,imo1 medius inter ,tarquitium et ,dominum ,perpennam4 ,ultimus ,honoratissimus ,locus ,summus ,infra ,medius ,supra -------------------------------- ,l4 ,fabius ,locus ,vacuus ,sertorius ,medius ,lectus ---------------------------------------- -------------- ,l o ,s ,u c e ,i l u u ,s n t s u,perpenna ,versinis f i ,d p,dominus r m ,s o r a u u m a s m i m n u i s ,m ,m e ,locus e d,mcenas ,vacuus d i,imus ,summus i u,lectus ,lectus u s s ,p ,u ,s r l e i t ,s u m i,tarquitius ,antonius u u m p ,s s u r u s a m ,l m o u c s u s ,at this feast there were but seven2 the middle places of the highest and middle bed being vacant2 and hereat was ,sertorius the ,general and principal guest slain4 ,and so may we make out what is delivered by ,plutarch in his life1 that lying on his back1 and raising himself up1 ,perpenna cast himself upon his stomack2 which he might very well do1 being ,master of the feast1 and lying next unto him4 ,and thus also from this ,tricliniary disposure1 we may illustrate that obscure expression of ,seneca2 ,that the ,northwind was in the middle1 the ,north-,east on the higher side1 and the ,north-,west on the lower4 ,for as appeareth in the circle of the winds1 the ,north-,east will answer the bed of ,antonius1 and the ,north-,west that of ,perpenna4 ,that the custom of feasting upon beds was in use among the ,hebrews1 many deduce from ,ezekiel,,sn3 ,ezek4 #bc44 ,thou sattest upon a stately bed1 and a table prepared before it4 ,the custom of ,discalceation or putting off their shoes at meals1 is conceived to confirm the same2 as by that means keeping their beds clean2 and therefore they had a peculiar charge to eat the ,passover with their shooes on2 which ,injunction were needless1 if they used not to put them off4 ,however it were in times of high antiquity1 probable it is that in after ages they conformed unto the fashions of the ,assyrians and ,eastern ,nations1 and lastly of the ,romans1 being reduced by ,pompey unto a ,provincial subjection4 ,that this discumbency at meals was in use in the days of our ,saviour1 is conceived probable from several speeches of his expressed in that phrase1 even unto common ,auditors1 as ,luke #ad4 ,cum invitatus fueris ad nuptias1 non discumbas in primo loco1 and besides many more1 ,matthew #bc4 ,when reprehending the ,scribes and ,pharises1 he saith1 ,amant protoclisias1 id est1 primos recubitus in cnis1 et protocathedrias1 sive1 primas cathedras1 in ,synagogis3 wherein the terms are very distinct1 and by an ,antithesis do plainly distinguish the posture of sitting1 from this of lying on beds4 ,the consent of the ,jews with the ,romans in other ceremonies and rites of feasting1 makes probable their conformity in this4 ,the ,romans washed1 were anointed1 and wore a cenatory garment3 and that the same was practised by the ,jews1 is deduceable from that expostulation of our ,saviour with ,simon,,sn3 ,luke #g41 that he washed not his feet1 nor anointed his head with oyl2 the common civilities at festival entertainments2 and that expression of his concerning the cenatory or wedding garment ,,sn3 ,matth4 #bb42 and as some conceive of the linnen garment of the young man or ,st4 ,john2 which might be the same he wore the night before at the last ,supper4 ,that they used this gesture at the ,passover1 is more than probable from the testimony of ,jewish ,writers1 and particularly of ,ben-maimon recorded by ,scaliger ,de emendatione temporum4 ,after the second cup according to the ,institution4 ,,sn3 ,exod4 #ab4 ,the ,son asketh1 what meaneth this service8 ,then he that maketh the declaration1 saith1 ,how different is this night from all other nights8 for all other nights we wash but once but this night twice2 all other we eat leavened or unleavened bread1 but this only leavened2 all other we eat flesh roasted1 boyled or baked1 but this only roasted1 all other nights we eat together lying or sitting1 but this only lying along4 ,and this posture they used as a token of rest and security which they enjoyed1 far different from that at the eating of the ,passover in gypt4 ,that this gesture was used when our ,saviour eat the ,passover1 is not conceived improbable from the words whereby the ,evangelists express the same1 that is1 1 1 1 1 which terms do properly signifie this ,gesture in ,aristotle1 ,athenus1 ,euripides1 ,sophocles1 and all humane ,authors2 and the like we meet with in the paraphrastical expression of ,nonnus4 ,lastly1 ,if it be not fully conceded1 that this gesture was used at the ,passover1 yet that it was observed at the last supper1 seems almost incontrovertible3 for at this feast or cenatory convention1 learned men make more than one supper1 or at least many parts thereof4 ,the first was that ,legal one of the ,passover1 or eating of the ,paschal ,lamb with bitter herbs1 and ceremonies described by ,moses4 ,of this it is said1 ,,sn3 ,matth4 #bf4 then when the even was come he sat down with the twelve4 ,this is supposed when it is said1 ,,sn3 ,john #ac4 that the supper being ended1 our ,saviour arose1 took a towel and washed the disciples feet4 ,the second was common and ,domestical1 consisting of ordinary and undefined provisions2 of this it may be said1 that our ,saviour took his garment1 and sat down again1 after he had washed the ,disciples feet1 and performed the preparative civilities of suppers2 at this 'tis conceived the sop was given unto ,judas1 the ,original word implying some broath or decoction1 not used at the ,passover4 ,the third or latter part was ,eucharistical1 which began at the breaking and blessing of the bread1 according to that of ,matthew1 ,and as they were eating1 ,jesus took bread and blessed it4 ,now although at the ,passover or first supper1 many have doubted this ,reclining posture1 and some have affirmed that our ,saviour stood2 yet that he lay down at the other1 the same men have acknowledged1 as ,chrysostom1 ,theophylact1 ,austin1 and many more4 ,and if the tradition will hold1 the position is unquestionable2 for the very ,triclinium is to be seen at ,rome1 brought thither by ,vespasian1 and graphically set forth by ,casalius,,sn3 ,de veterum ritibus44 ,thus may it properly be made out2 what is delivered1 ,john #ac4 ,erat recumbens unus ex ,discipulis ejus in sinu ,jesu quem diligebat2 ,now there was leaning on ,jesus bosom one of his ,disciples whom ,jesus loved2 which gesture will not so well agree unto the position of sitting1 but is natural1 and cannot be avoided in the ,laws of accubation4 ,and the very same expression is to be found in ,pliny1 concerning the ,emperour ,nerva and ,veiento whom he favoured2 ,cnabat ,nerva cum paucis1 ,veiento recumbebat proprius atque etiam in sinu2 and from this custom arose the word 1 that is1 a near and bosom friend4 ,and therefore ,causabon ,,sn3 ,not in ,evan4 justly rejecteth ,theophylact2 who not considering the ancient manner of decumbency1 imputed this gesture of the beloved ,disciple unto ,rusticity1 or an act of incivility4 ,and thus also have some conceived1 it may be more plainly made out what is delivered of ,mary ,magdalen,,sn3 ,luke #g44 ,that she stood at ,christs feet behind him weeping1 and began to wash his feet with tears1 and did wipe them with the hairs of her head4 ,which actions1 if our ,saviour sat1 she could not perform standing1 and had rather stood behind his back1 than at his feet4 ,and therefore it is not allowable1 what is observable in many pieces1 and even of ,raphael ,urbin2 wherein ,mary ,magdalen is pictured before our ,saviour1 washing his feet on her knees2 which will not consist with the strict description and letter of the ,text4 ,now whereas this position may seem to be discountenanced by our ,translation1 which usually renders it sitting1 it cannot have that illation1 for the ,french and ,italian ,translations expressing neither position of session or recubation1 do only say that he placed himself at the table2 and when ours expresseth the same by sitting1 it is in relation unto our custom1 time1 and apprehension4 ,the like upon occasion is not unusual3 so when it is said1 ,luke #d4 1 and the ,vulgar renders it1 ,cum plicasset librum1 ours translateth it1 he shut or closed the book2 which is an expression proper unto the paginal books of our times1 but not so agreeable unto volumes or rolling books in use among the ,jews1 not only in elder times1 but even unto this day4 ,,sn3 ,what ,denarius1 or the penny in the ,gospel is4 ,so when it is said1 the ,samaritan delivered unto the host two pence for the provision of the ,levite2 and when our ,saviour agreed with the ,labourers for a penny a day1 in strict translation it should be seven pence half penny2 and is not to be conceived our common penny1 the sixtieth part of an ounce4 ,for the word in the ,original is 1 in ,latine1 ,denarius1 and with the ,romans did value the eight part of an ounce1 which after five shillings the ounce amounteth unto seven pence half penny of our money4 ,lastly1 ,whereas it might be conceived that they eat the ,passover standing rather than sitting1 or lying down1 according to the ,institution1 ,exod4 #ab4 ,,sn3 ,ceremonies of the ,passover omitted4 ,thus shall you eat1 with your loins girded1 your shooes on your feet1 and your staff in your hand2 the ,jews themselves reply1 this was not required of succeeding generations1 and was not observed1 but in the ,passover of gypt4 ,and so also many other injunctions were afterward omitted1 as the taking up of the ,paschal ,lamb1 from the tenth day1 the eating of it in their houses dispersed2 the striking of the blood on the door posts1 and the eating thereof in hast4 ,solemnities and ,ceremonies primitively enjoyned1 afterward omitted2 as was also this of station1 for the occasion ceasing1 and being in security1 they applied themselves unto gestures in use among them4 ,now in what order of recumbancy ,christ and the ,disciples were disposed1 is not so easily determined4 ,casalius from the ,lateran ,triclinium will tell us1 that there being thirteen1 five lay down in the first bed1 five in the last1 and three in the middle bed2 and that our ,saviour possessed the upper place thereof4 ,that ,john lay in the same bed seems plain1 because he leaned on our ,saviours bosom4 ,that ,peter made the third in that bed1 conjecture is made1 because he beckened unto ,john1 as being next to him1 to ask of ,christ1 who it was that should betray him4 ,that ,judas was not far off seems probable1 not only because he dipped in the same dish1 but because he was so near1 that our ,saviour could hand the sop unto him4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,of the ,picture of our ,saviour with long hair4 ,another ,picture there is of our ,saviour described with long hair1 according to the custom of the ,jews1 and his description sent by ,lentulus unto the ,senate4 ,wherein indeed the hand of the ,painter is not accusable1 but the judgement of the common ,spectator2 conceiving he observed this fashion of his hair2 because he was a ,nazarite1 and confounding a ,nazarite by vow1 with those by birth or education4 ,the ,nazarite by vow is declared1 ,numb4 #f4 ,and was to refrain three things1 drinking of ,wine1 cutting the hair1 and approaching unto the dead2 and such a one was ,sampson4 ,now that our ,saviour was a ,nazarite after this kind1 we have no reason to determine2 for he drank ,wine1 and was therefore called by the ,pharisees1 a ,wine-bibber2 he approached also the dead1 as when he raised from death ,lazarus1 and the daughter of ,jairus4 ,the other ,nazarite was a ,topical appellation1 and appliable unto such as were born in ,nazareth1 a ,city of ,galilee1 and in the ,tribe of ,napthali4 ,neither if strictly taken was our ,saviour in this sense a ,nazarite2 for he was born in ,bethlehem in the ,tribe of ,judah2 but might receive that name1 because he abode in that ,city2 and was not only conceived therein1 but there also passed the silent part of his life1 after his return from gypt2 as is delivered by ,matthew1 ,and he came and dwelt in a ,city called ,nazareth1 that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the ,prophet1 ,he shall be called a ,nazarene4 ,both which kinds of ,nazarites1 as they are distinguishable by ,zain1 and ,tsade in the ,hebrew1 so in the ,greek1 by ,alpha and ,omega2 for as ,jansenius observeth1 ,,sn3 ,ians4 ,concordia ,evangelica4 where the votary ,nazarite is mentioned1 it is written1 1 as ,levit4 #f4 and ,lament4 #d4 ,where it is spoken of our ,saviour1 we read it1 1 as in ,matthew1 ,luke and ,john2 only ,mark who writ his ,gospel at ,rome1 did ,latinize1 and wrote it 4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,of the ,picture of ,abraham sacrificing ,isaac4 ,in the ,picture of the ,immolation of ,isaac1 or ,abraham sacrificing his son1 ,isaac is described as a little boy2 which notwithstanding is not consentaneous unto the authority of ,expositors1 or the circumstance of the ,text4 ,for therein it is delivered that ,isaac carried on his back the wood for the sacrifice2 which being an holocaust or burnt offering to be consumed unto ashes1 we cannot well conceive a burthen for a boy2 but such a one unto ,isaac1 as that which it typified was unto ,christ1 that is1 the wood or cross whereon he suffered2 which was too heavy a load for his shoulders1 and was fain to be relieved therein by ,simon of ,cyrene4 ,again1 ,he was so far from a boy1 that he was a man grown1 and at his full stature1 if we believe ,josephus1 who placeth him in the last of ,adolescency1 and makes him twenty five years old4 ,and whereas in the ,vulgar ,translation he is termed puer1 it must not be strictly apprehended 7for that age properly endeth in puberty1 and extendeth but unto fourteen7 but respectively unto ,abraham1 who was at that time above sixscore4 ,and therefore also herein he was not unlike unto him1 who was after led dumb unto the slaughter1 and commanded by others1 who had legions at command2 that is1 in meekness and humble submission4 ,for had he resisted1 it had not been in the power of his aged parent to have enforced2 and many at his years have performed such acts1 as few besides at any4 ,,sn3 ,men of eminent fame and prowess at #be4 ,david was too strong for a ,lion and a ,bear2 ,pompey had deserved the name of ,great2 ,alexander of the same cognomination was ,generalissimo of ,greece2 and ,anibal but one year after1 succeeded ,asdruball in that memorable war against the ,romans4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,of the ,picture of ,moses with horns4 ,in many pieces1 and some of ancient ,bibles1 ,moses is described with horns4 ,the same description we find in a silver ,medal2 that is1 upon one side ,moses horned1 and on the reverse the commandment against sculptile ,images4 ,which is conceived to be a coynage of some ,jews1 in derision of ,christians1 who first began that ,pourtract4 ,the ground of this absurdity1 was surely a mistake of the ,hebrew ,text1 in the history of ,moses when he descended from the ,mount2 ,,sn3 ,exod4 #cd4bi1 #ce4 upon the affinity of ,kren and ,karan1 that is1 an horn1 and to shine1 which is one quality of horn3 ,the ,vulgar ,translation conforming unto the former4 ,ignorabat quod cornuta esset facies ejus4 ,qui videbant faciem ,mosis esse cornutam4 ,but the ,chaldee paraphrase1 translated by ,paulus ,fagius1 hath otherwise expressed it4 ,moses nesciebat quod multus esset splendor glori vultus ejus4 ,et viderunt filii ,israel quod multa esset claritas glori faciei ,moses4 ,the expression of the ,septuagint is as large1 1 ,glorificatus est aspectus cutis1 seu coloris faciei4 ,and this passage of the ,old ,testament1 is well explained by another of the ,new ,,sn3 #b ,cor4 #c42 wherein it is delivered1 that they could not stedfastly behold the face of ,moses1 2 that is1 for the glory of his countenance4 ,and surely the exposition of one ,text is best performed by another2 men vainly interposing their constructions1 where the ,scripture decideth the controversie4 ,and therefore some have seemed too active in their expositions1 who in the story of ,rahab the harlot1 have given notice that the word also signifieth an ,hostess2 for in the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 she is plainly termed 1 which signifies not an ,hostess1 but a pecuniary and prostituting ,harlot ,,sn3 ,what kind of ,harlot she was1 read ,camar4 ,de vita ,eli42 a term applied unto ,lais by the ,greeks1 and distinguished from 1 or amica1 as may appear in the thirteenth of ,athenus4 ,and therefore more allowable is the ,translation of ,tremellius1 ,quod splendida facta esset cutis facici ejus2 or as ,estius hath interpreted it1 facies ejus erat radiosa1 his face was radiant1 and dispersing beams like many horns and cones about his head2 which is also consonant unto the original signification1 and yet observed in the pieces of our ,saviour1 and the ,virgin ,mary1 who are commonly drawn with scintillations1 or radient ,halo's about their head2 which after the ,french expression are usually termed1 the ,glory4 ,now if besides this occasional mistake1 any man shall contend a propriety in this picture1 and that no injury is done unto ,truth by this description1 because an horn is the ,hieroglyphick of authority1 power and dignity1 and in this ,metaphor is often used in ,scripture2 the piece ,i confess in this acception is harmless and agreeable unto ,moses3 and under such emblematical constructions1 we find that ,alexander the ,great1 and ,attila ,king of ,hunnes1 in ancient ,medals are described with horns4 ,but if from the common mistake1 or any solary consideration we persist in this description1 we vilify the mystery of the irradiation1 and authorize a dangerous piece conformable unto that of ,jupiter ,hammon2 which was the ,sun1 and therefore described with horns2 as is delivered by ,macrobius2 ,hammonem quem ,deum solem occidentem ,lybies existimant1 arietinis cornibus fingunt1 quibus id animal valet1 sicut radiis sol4 ,we herein also imitate the ,picture of ,pan1 and ,pagan emblem of ,nature4 ,and if 7as ,macrobius and very good ,authors concede7 ,bacchus1 7who is also described with horns7 be the same ,deity with the ,sun2 and if 7as ,vossius well contendeth7 ,,sn3 ,moses and ,bacchus supposed to be the same person1 ,de origine ,idolatri4 ,moses and ,bacchus were the same person2 their descriptions must be relative1 or the ,tauricornous picture of the one1 perhaps the same with the other4 ,,chapter ,x ,of the ,scutcheons of the ,tribes of ,israel4 ,we will not pass over the ,scutcheons of the ,tribes of ,israel1 as they are usually described in the ,maps of ,canaan and several other pieces2 generally conceived to be the proper coats1 and distinctive badges of their several ,tribes4 ,so ,reuben is conceived to bear three ,bars wave1 ,judah a ,lyon ,rampant1 ,dan a ,serpent nowed1 ,simeon a sword inpale the point erected1 etc4 ,the ground whereof is the last ,benediction of ,jacob,,sn3 ,gen4 #di41 wherein he respectively draweth comparisons from things here represented4 ,now herein although we allow a considerable measure of truth1 yet whether as they are usually described1 these were the proper cognizances1 and coat-arms of the ,tribes2 whether in this manner applyed1 and upon the grounds presumed1 material doubts remain4 ,for first1 ,they are not strictly made out1 from the ,prophetical blessing of ,jacob2 for ,simeon and ,levi have distinct coats1 that is1 a ,sword1 and the two ,tables1 yet are they by ,jacob included in one ,prophesie1 ,simeon and ,levi are brethren1 ,instruments of cruelties are in their habitations4 ,so ,joseph beareth an ,ox1 whereof notwithstanding there is no mention in this ,prophesie2 for therein it is said ,joseph is a fruitful bough1 even a fruitful bough by a well2 by which repitition are intimated the two ,tribes descending from him1 ,ephraim and ,manasses2 whereof notwithstanding ,ephraim only beareth an ,ox3 ,true it is1 that many years after in the benediction of ,moses1 it is said of ,joseph,,sn3 ,deut4 #cc41 ,his glory is like the firstlings of his ,bullock3 and so we may concede1 what ,vossius learnedly declareth1 that the gyptians represented ,joseph1 in the ,symbole of an ,ox2 for thereby was best implied the dream of ,pharoah1 which he interpreted1 the benefit by ,agriculture1 and provident provision of corn which he performed2 and therefore did ,serapis bear a bushel upon his head4 ,again1 ,if we take these two benedictions together1 the resemblances are not appropriate1 and ,moses therein conforms not unto ,jacob3 for that which in the ,prophesie of ,jacob is appropriated unto one1 is in the blessing of ,moses made common unto others4 ,so whereas ,judah is compared unto a ,lion by ,jacob1 ,judah is a ,lions whelp1 the same is applied unto ,dan by ,moses1 ,dan is a ,lions whelp1 he shall leap from ,bashan1 and also unto ,gad2 he dwelleth as a ,lion4 ,thirdly1 ,if a lion were the proper coat of ,judah1 yet were it not probably a ,lion ,rampant1 as it is commonly described1 but rather couchant or dormant1 as some ,heralds and ,rabbins do determine2 according to the letter of the ,text1 ,recumbens dormisti ut ,leo1 ,he couched as a ,lion1 and as a young ,lion1 who shall rouse him8 ,lastly1 when it is said1 ,,sn3 ,num4 #b4 ,every man of the ,children of ,israel shall pitch by his own standard with the ,ensign of their fathers house2 upon enquiry what these standards and ensigns were there is no small incertainty2 and men conform not unto the ,prophesie of ,jacob4 ,christian expositors are fain herein to rely upon the ,rabbins1 who notwithstanding are various in their traditions1 and confirm not these common descriptions4 ,for as for inferiour ensigns1 either of particular bands or houses1 they determine nothing at all2 and of the four principal or ,legionary standards1 that is1 of ,judah1 ,reuben1 ,ephraim1 and ,dan 7under every one whereof marched three ,tribes7 they explain them very variously4 ,jonathan who compiled the ,thargum conceives the colours of these banners to answer the precious stones in the breast-plate1 and upon which the names of the ,tribes were engraven4 ,,sn3 ,the like also ,p4 ,fagius upon the ,thargum or ,chaldie ,paraphrase of ,onkelus4 ,num4 #a4 ,so the standard for the ,camp of ,judah was of three colours1 according unto the stones1 ,chalcedony1 ,saphir and ,sardonix2 and therein were expressed the names of the three ,tribes1 ,,sn3 ,num4 #aj4 ,judah1 ,isachar1 and ,zabulon1 and in the middest thereof was written1 ,rise up ,lord1 and let thy enemies be scattered1 and let them that hate thee flee before thee2 in it was also the pourtrait of a ,lion4 ,the standard of ,reuben was also of three colours1 ,sardine1 ,topaz1 and ,amethyst2 therein were expressed the names of ,reuben1 ,simeon1 and ,gad1 in the middest was written1 ,,sn3 ,deut4 #f4 ,hear1 ,o ,israel1 ,the ,lord our ,god1 the ,lord is one3 ,therein was also the pourtraiture of a ,hart4 ,but ,abenezra and others1 beside the colours of the field1 do set down other charges1 in ,reubens the form of a man or mandrake1 in that of ,judah a ,lion1 in ,ephraims an ,ox1 in ,dan's the figure of an ,eagle4 ,and thus indeed the four figures in the banners of the principal squadrons of ,israel are answerable unto the ,cherubins in the vision of ,ezekiel,,sn3 ,ezek4 #a42 every one carrying the form of all these4 ,as for the likeness of their faces1 they four had the likeness of the face of a ,man1 and the face of a ,lion on the right side1 and they four had the face of an ,ox on the left side1 they four had also the face of an ,eagle4 ,,sn3 ,the common ,pictures of the #d ,evangelists explicated4 ,and conformable hereunto the pictures of the ,evangelists 7whose ,gospels are the ,christian banners7 are set forth with the addition of a man or ,angel1 an ,ox1 a ,lion1 and a ,eagle4 ,and these symbolically represent the office of ,angels1 and ,ministers of ,gods ,will2 in whom is required understanding as in a man1 courage and vivacity as in the ,lion1 service and ministerial officiousness1 as in the ,ox1 expedition or celerity of execution1 as in the ,eagle4 ,from hence therefore we may observe that these descriptions1 the most authentick of any1 are neither agreeable unto one another1 nor unto the ,scutcheons in question4 ,for though they agree in ,ephraim and ,judah1 that is1 the ,ox and the ,lion1 yet do they differ in those of ,dan1 and ,reuben1 as far as an ,eagle is different from a ,serpent1 and the figure of a ,man1 ,hart1 or ,mandrake1 from three ,bars wave4 ,,sn3 ,the ,antiquity of bearing ,scutcheons4 ,wherein notwithstanding we rather declare the incertainty of ,arms in this particular1 than any way question their antiquity2 for hereof more ancient examples there are1 than the ,scutcheons of the ,tribes1 if ,osyris1 ,mizraim or ,jupiter the ,just1 were the ,son of ,cham2 for of his two ,sons1 as ,diodorus delivereth1 the one for his ,device gave a ,dog1 the other a ,wolf4 ,and1 beside the shield of ,achilles1 and many ancient ,greeks3 if we receive the conjecture of ,vossius1 that the ,crow upon ,corvinus his head1 was but the figure of that ,animal upon his helmet1 it is an example of ,antiquity among the ,romans4 ,but more widely must we walk1 if we follow the doctrine of the ,cabalists,,sn3 ,ricius#d de clesti ,agricultura1 lib4 #d41 who in each of the four banners inscribe a letter of the ,tetragrammaton1 or quadriliteral name of ,god3 and mysterizing their ensigns1 do make the particular ones of the twelve ,tribes1 accommodable unto the twelve signs in the ,zodiack1 and twelve moneths in the year3 but the ,tetrarchical or general banners1 of ,judah1 ,reuben1 ,ephraim1 and ,dan1 unto the signs of ,aries1 ,cancer1 ,libra and ,capricornus3 that is1 the four cardinal parts of the ,zodiack1 and seasons of the year4 #d ,recius1 #afej1 #afeh1 #affi1 #afgb1 #afhf4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,of the ,pictures of the ,sibyls4 ,the ,pictures of the ,sibyls are very common1 and for their ,prophesies of ,christ in high esteem with ,christians2 described commonly with youthful faces1 and in a defined number4 ,common pieces making twelve1 and many precisely ten2 observing therein the account of ,varro1 that is1 ,sibylla1 ,delphica1 ,erythra1 ,samia1 ,cumana1 ,cuma1 or ,cimmeria1 ,hellespontiaca1 ,lybica1 ,phrygia1 ,tiburtina1 ,persica4 ,in which enumeration ,i perceive learned men are not satisfied1 and many conclude an irreconcilable incertainty2 some making more1 others fewer1 and not this certain number4 ,for ,suidas1 though he affirm that in divers ages there were ten1 yet the same denomination he affordeth unto more2 ,boysardus in his ,tract of ,divination hath set forth the ,icons of these ,ten1 yet addeth two others1 ,epirotica1 and gyptia2 and some affirm that ,prophesying women were generally named ,sibyls4 ,others make them fewer3 ,martianus ,capella two2 ,pliny and ,solinus three2 lian four2 and ,salmasius in effect but seven4 ,for discoursing hereof in his ,plinian ,exercitations1 he thus determineth2 ,ridere licet hodiernos ,pictores1 qui tabulas proponunt ,cuman1 ,cume1 et ,erythr1 quasi trium diversarum ,sibyllarum2 cum una cademque fuerit ,cumana1 ,cuma1 et ,erythra1 ex plurium et doctissimorum ,authorum sententia4 ,boysardus gives us leave to opinion there was no more than one2 for so doth he conclude1 ,in tanta ,scriptorum varietate liberum relinquimus ,lectori credere1 an una et eadem in diversis regionibus peregrinata1 cognomen sortita sit ab iis locis ubi oracula reddidisse comperitur1 an plures extiterint3 ,and therefore not discovering a resolution of their number from pens of the best ,writers1 we have no reason to determine the same from the hand and pencil of ,painters4 ,as touching their age1 that they are generally described as young women1 ,history will not allow2 for the ,sibyl whereof ,virgil speaketh is termed by him longva sacerdos1 and ,servius in his ,comment amplifieth the same4 ,the other that sold the books unto ,tarquin1 and whose ,history is plainer than any1 by ,livie and ,gellius is termed ,anus2 that is1 properly no woman of ordinary age1 but full of years1 and in the dayes of dotage1 according to the ,etymology of ,festus,,sn3 ,anus1 quasi nos1 sine mente42 and consonant unto the ,history2 wherein it is said1 that ,tarquin thought she doted with old age4 ,which duly perpended1 the ,licentia pictoria is very large2 with the same reason they may delineate old ,nestor like ,adonis1 ,hecuba with ,helens face1 and ,time with ,absolons head4 ,but this absurdity that eminent ,artist ,michael ,angelo hath avoided1 in the ,pictures of the ,cumean and ,persian ,sibyls1 as they stand described from the printed sculptures of ,adam ,mantuanus4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,of the ,picture describing the death of ,cleopatra4 ,the ,picture concerning the death of ,cleopatra with two ,asps or venemous ,serpents unto her arms1 or breasts1 or both1 requires consideration3 for therein 7beside that this variety is not excusable7 the thing it self is questionable2 nor is it indisputably certain what manner of death she died4 ,plutarch in the life of ,antony plainly delivereth1 that no man knew the manner of her death2 for some affirmed she perished by poison1 which she alwayes carried in a little hollow comb1 and wore it in her hair4 ,beside1 there were never any ,asps discovered in the place of her death1 although two of her maids perished also with her2 only it was said1 two small and almost insensible pricks were found upon her arm2 which was all the ground that ,csar had to presume the manner of her death4 ,galen who was contemporary unto ,plutarch1 delivereth two wayes of her death3 that she killed her self by the bite of an ,asp1 or bit an hole in her arm1 and poured poison therein4 ,strabo that lived before them both hath also two opinions2 that she died by the bite of an ,asp1 or else a poisonous ointment4 ,we might question the length of the ,asps1 which are sometimes described exceeding short2 whereas the ,chersa or land-,asp which most conceive she used1 is above four cubits long4 ,their number is not unquestionable2 for whereas there are generally two described1 ,augustus 7as ,plutarch relateth7 did carry in his triumph the ,image of ,cleopatra but with one ,asp under her arm4 ,as for the two pricks1 or little spots in her arm1 they infer not their plurality3 for like the ,viper1 the ,asp hath two teeth2 whereby it left this impression1 or double puncture behind it4 ,and lastly1 ,we might question the place2 for some apply them unto her breast1 which notwithstanding will not consist with the ,history2 and ,petrus ,victorius hath well observed the same4 ,but herein the mistake was easie2 it being the custom in capital malefactors to apply them unto the breast1 as the ,author ,de ,theriaca ad ,pisonem1 an eye witness hereof in ,alexandria1 where ,cleopatra died1 determineth3 ,i beheld1 saith he1 in ,alexandria1 how suddenly these ,serpents bereave a man of life2 for when any one is condemned to this kind of death1 if they intend to use him favourably1 that is1 to dispatch him suddenly1 they fasten an ,asp unto his breast2 and bidding him walk about1 he presently perisheth thereby4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,of the ,pictures of the ,nine ,worthies4 ,the ,pictures of the nine ,worthies are not unquestionable1 and to critical spectators may seem to contain sundry improprieties4 ,some will enquire why ,alexander the ,great is described upon an ,elephant3 for1 we do not find he used that animal in his armies1 much less in his own person2 but his horse is famous in ,history1 and its name alive to this day4 ,beside1 he fought but one remarkable battel1 wherein there were any ,elephants1 and that was with ,porus ,king of ,india2 in which notwithstanding1 as ,curtius1 ,arrianus1 and ,plutarch report1 he was on ,horseback himself4 ,and if because he fought against ,elephants1 he is with propriety set upon their backs2 with no less or greater reason is the same description agreeable unto ,judas ,maccabeus1 as may be observed from the history of the ,maccabees2 and also unto ,julius ,csar1 whose triumph was honoured with captive ,elephants1 as may be observed in the order thereof1 set forth by ,jacobus ,laurus,,sn3 ,in splendere urbis ,antiqu44 ,and if also we should admit this description upon an ,elephant1 yet were not the manner thereof unquestionable1 that is1 in his ruling the beast alone2 for beside the ,champion upon their back1 there was also a guide or ruler1 which sat more forward to command or guide the beast4 ,thus did ,king ,porus ride when he was overthrown by ,alexander2 and thus are also the towred ,elephants described1 ,maccab4 #b4 #f4 ,upon the beasts there were strong towers of wood1 which covered every one of them1 and were girt fast unto them by devices3 there were also upon every one of them thirty two strong men1 beside the ,indian that ruled them4 ,others will demand1 not only why ,alexander upon an ,elephant1 but ,hector upon an ,horse3 whereas his manner of fighting1 or presenting himself in battel1 was in a ,chariot1 as did the other noble ,trojans1 who as ,pliny affirmeth were the first inventers thereof4 ,the same way of fight is testified by ,diodorus1 and thus delivered by ,sir ,walter ,rawleigh4 ,of the vulgar little reckoning was made1 for they fought all on foot1 slightly armed1 and commonly followed the success of their ,captains2 who rode not upon horses1 but in ,chariots drawn by two or three ,horses4 ,and this was also the ancient way of fight among the ,britains1 as is delivered by ,diodorus1 ,csar1 and ,tacitus2 and there want not some who have taken advantage hereof1 and made it one argument of their original from ,troy4 ,sidenote3 ,the use of stirrops not ancient4 ,lastly1 ,by any man versed in ,antiquity1 the question can hardly be avoided1 why the ,horses of these ,worthies1 especially of ,csar1 are described with the furniture of great saddles1 and stirrops2 for saddles largely taken1 though some defence there may be1 yet that they had not the use of stirrops1 seemeth of lesser doubt2 as ,pancirollus hath observed1 as ,polydore ,virgil1 and ,petrus ,victorius have confirmed1 ,,sn3 ,de inventione rerum1 vari ,lectiones4 expresly discoursing hereon2 as is observable from ,pliny1 and cannot escape our eyes in the ancient monuments1 medals and ,triumphant arches of the ,romans4 ,nor is there any ancient classical word in ,latine to express them4 ,for ,staphia1 ,stapes or ,stapeda is not to be found in ,authors of this ,antiquity4 ,and divers words which may be urged of this signification1 are either later1 or signified not thus much in the time of ,csar4 ,and therefore as ,lipsius observeth1 lest a thing of common use should want a common word1 ,franciscus ,philelphus named them ,stapedas1 and ,bodinus ,subicus ,pedaneos4 ,and whereas the name might promise some ,antiquity1 because among the three small bones in the ,auditory ,organ1 by ,physitians termed ,incus1 ,malleus and stapes1 one thereof from some resemblance doth bear this name2 these bones were not observed1 much less named by ,hippocrates1 ,galen1 or any ancient ,physitian4 ,but as ,laurentius observeth1 concerning the invention of the stapes or stirrop bone1 there is some contention between ,columbus and ,ingrassias2 the one of ,sicilia1 the other of ,cremona1 and both within the compass of this ,century4 ,the same is also deduceable from very approved ,authors3 ,polybius speaking of the way which ,anibal marched into ,italy1 useth the word 1 that is1 saith ,petrus ,victorius1 it was stored with devices for men to get upon their horses1 which ascents were termed ,bemata1 and in the life of ,caius ,gracchus1 ,plutarch expresseth as much4 ,for endevouring to ingratiate himself with the people1 besides the placing of stones at every miles end1 he made at nearer distances certain elevated places1 and ,scalary ascents1 that by the help thereof they might with better ease ascend or mount their ,horses4 ,now if we demand how ,cavaliers then destitute of stirrops did usually mount their ,horses2 as ,lipsius informeth the unable and softer sort of men had their 1 or ,stratores1 which helped them up on horse back1 as in the practice of ,crassus in ,plutarch1 and ,caracalla in ,spartianus1 and the later example of ,valentinianus1 who because his horse rised before that he could not be setled on his back1 cut off the right hand of his ,strator4 ,but how the active and hardy persons mounted1 ,vegetius ,,sn3 ,de re ,milit4 resolves us1 that they used to vault or leap up1 and therefore they had wooden horses in their houses and abroad3 that thereby young men might enable themselves in this action3 wherein by instruction and practice they grew so perfect1 that they could vault up on the right or left1 and that with their sword in hand1 according to that of ,virgil ,poscit equos atque arma simul1 saltuque superbus ,emicat4 ,and again3 ,infrnant alii currus et corpora saltu ,injiciunt in equos4 ,so ,julius ,pollux adviseth to teach horses to incline1 dimit1 and bow down their bodies1 that their riders may with better ease ascend them4 ,and thus may it more causally be made out1 what ,hippocrates affirmeth of the ,scythians1 that using continual riding1 they were generally molested with the ,sciatica or hip-gout4 ,or what ,suetonius delivereth of ,germanicus1 that he had slender legs1 but encreased them by riding after meals2 that is1 the humours descending upon their pendulosity1 they having no support or suppedaneous stability4 ,now if any shall say that these are petty errors and minor lapses1 not considerably injurious unto truth1 yet is it neither reasonable nor fair to contemn inferiour falsities2 but rather as between falshood and truth there is no medium1 so should they be maintained in their distances3 nor the contagion of the one1 approach the sincerity of the other4 ,,chapter ,,xiv ,of the ,picture of ,jephthah sacryficing his daughter4 ,sidenote3 ,that ,jephthah did not kill his daughter4 ,the hand of the ,painter confidently setteth forth the ,picture of ,jephthah in the posture of ,abraham1 sacrificing his only daughter3 ,thus is it commonly received1 and hath had the attest of many worthy ,writers4 ,notwithstanding upon enquiry we find the matter doubtful1 and many upon probable grounds to have been of another opinion3 conceiving in this oblation not a natural but a civil kind of death1 and a separation only unto the ,lord4 ,for that he pursued not his vow unto a literal oblation1 there want not arguments both from the ,text4 ,,sn3 ,judg4 #aa4ci and reason4 ,for first1 ,it is evident that she deplored her ,virginity1 and not her death2 ,let me go up and down the mountains1 and bewail my ,virginity1 ,i and my fellows4 ,secondly1 ,when it is said1 that ,jephthah did unto her according unto his vow1 it is immediately subjoyned1 ,et non cognovit virum1 and she knew no man2 which as immediate in words1 was probably most near in sense unto the vow4 ,thirdly1 ,it is said in the ,text1 that the daughters of ,israel went yearly to talk with the daughter of ,jephthah four dayes in the year2 which had she been sacrificed1 they could not have done3 ,for whereas the word is sometime translated to lament1 yet doth it also signifie to talk or have conference with one1 and by ,tremellius1 who was well able to ,judge of the ,original1 it is in this sense translated3 ,ibant filii ,israelitarum1 ad confabulandum cum filia ,jephthaci1 quatuor diebus quotannis3 ,and so it is also set down in the marginal notes of our ,translation4 ,and from this annual concourse of the daughters of ,israel1 it is not improbable in future ,ages1 the daughter of ,jephthah came to be worshipped as a ,deity2 and had by the ,samaritans an annual festivity observed unto her honour1 as ,epiphanius hath left recorded in the ,heresie of the ,melchidecians4 ,it is also repugnant unto reason2 for the offering of mankind was against the ,law of ,god1 who so abhorred humane sacrifice1 that he omitted not the oblation of unclean beasts1 and confined his ,altars but unto few kinds of ,animals1 the ,ox1 the ,goat1 the ,sheep1 the ,pigeon and its kinds3 ,in the cleansing of the ,leper1 there is ,i confess1 mention made of the ,sparrow2 but great dispute may be made whether it be properly rendered4 ,and therefore the ,scripture with indignation oft-times makes mention of humane sacrifice among the ,gentiles2 whose oblations scarce made scruple of any ,animal1 sacrificing not only ,man1 but ,horses1 ,lions1 gles2 and though they come not into holocausts1 yet do we read the ,syrians did make oblations of fishes unto the goddess ,derceto4 ,it being therefore a sacrifice so abominable unto ,god1 although he had pursued it1 it is not probable the ,priests and ,wisdom of ,israel would have permitted it2 and that not only in regard of the subject or sacrifice it self1 but also the sacrificator1 which the ,picture makes to be ,jephthah2 who was neither ,priest1 nor capable of that ,office3 for he was a ,gileadite1 and as the ,text affirmeth1 the son also of an harlot4 ,and how hardly the ,priesthood would endure encroachment upon their function1 a notable example there is in the story of ,ozias4 ,secondly1 ,the offering up of his daughter was not only unlawful1 and entrenched upon his ,religion1 but had been a course that had much condemned his discretion2 that is1 to have punished himself in the strictest observance of his vow1 when as the ,law of ,god had allowed an evasion2 that is1 by way of commutation or redemption1 according as is determined1 ,levit4 #bg4 ,whereby if she were between the age of five and twenty1 she was to be estimated but at ten shekels1 and if between twenty and sixty1 not above thirty4 ,a sum that could never discourage an indulgent ,parent2 it being but the value of servant slain2 the inconsiderable ,salary of ,judas2 and will make no greater noise than three pound fifteen shillings with us4 ,and therefore their conceit is not to be exploded1 who say that from the story of ,jephthah sacrificing his own daughter1 might spring the fable of ,agamemnon1 delivering unto sacrifice his daughter ,iphigenia1 who was also contemporary unto ,jephthah3 wherein to answer the ground that hinted it1 ,iphigenia was not sacrificed her self1 but redeemed with an ,hart1 which ,diana accepted for her4 ,lastly1 ,although his vow run generally for the words1 ,whatsoever shall come forth1 etc4 ,yet might it be restrained in the sense1 for whatsoever was sacrificable1 and justly subject to lawful immolation3 and so would not have sacrificed either ,horse or ,dog1 if they had come out upon him4 ,nor was he obliged by oath unto a strict observation of that which promissorily was unlawful2 or could he be qualified by vow to commit a fact which naturally was abominable4 ,which doctrine had ,herod understood1 it might have saved ,john ,baptists head2 when he promised by oath to give unto ,herodias whatsoever she would ask2 that is1 if it were in the compass of things1 which he could lawfully grant4 ,for his oath made not that lawful which was illegal before3 and if it were unjust to murther ,john1 the supervenient ,oath did not extenuate the fact1 or oblige the ,juror unto it4 ,now the ground at least which much promoted the opinion1 might be the dubious words of the text1 which contain the sense of his vow2 most men adhering unto their common and obvious acception4 ,whatsoever shall come forth of the doors of my house shall surely be the ,lords1 and ,i will offer it up for a burnt offering4 ,now whereas it is said1 ,erit ,jehov1 et offeram illud holocaustum1 the word signifying both et and aut1 it may be taken disjunctively2 aut offeram1 that is1 it shall either be the ,lords by separation1 or else1 an holocaust by common oblation2 even as our marginal translation advertiseth2 and as ,tremellius rendreth it1 ,erit inquam ,jehov1 aut offeram illud holocaustum3 and for the vulgar translation1 it useth often et1 where aut must be presumed1 as ,exod4 #ba4 ,si quis percusserit patrem et matrem1 that is1 not both1 but either4 ,there being therefore two waies to dispose of her1 either to separate her unto the ,lord1 or offer her as a sacrifice1 it is of no necessity the later should be necessary2 and surely less derogatory unto the sacred text and history of the people of ,god1 must be the former4 ,,chapter ,,xv ,of the ,picture of ,john the ,baptist4 ,the ,picture of ,john the ,baptist1 in a ,camels skin is very questionable1 and many ,i perceive have condemned it4 ,the ground or occasion of this description are the words of the holy ,scripture1 especially of ,matthew and ,mark1 for ,luke and ,john are silent herein2 by them it is delivered1 his garment was of ,camels hair1 and had a leather girdle about his loins4 ,now here it seems the ,camels hair is taken by ,painters for the skin or pelt with the hair upon it4 ,but this ,exposition will not so well consist with the strict acceptation of the words2 for ,mark #a4 ,it is said1 he was1 1 and ,matthew #c4 1 that is1 as the vulgar translation1 that of ,beza1 that of ,sixtus ,quintus1 and ,clement the eight hath rendred it1 vestimentum habebat pilis camelinis2 which is as ours translateth it1 a garment of ,camels hair2 that is1 made of some texture of that hair1 a course garment2 a cilicious or sackcloth habit2 sutable to the austerity of his life2 the severity of his ,doctrine1 ,repentance2 and the place thereof1 the wilderness1 his food and diet1 locusts and wild hony4 ,agreeable unto the example of ,elias ,,sn3 #b ,kings #c4 #ah41 who is said to be vir pilosus1 that is1 as ,tremellius interprets1 ,veste villosa#e cinctus1 answerable unto the habit of the ancient ,prophets1 according to that of ,zachary ,,sn3 ,zach4 #ac44 ,in that day the ,prophets shall be ashamed1 neither shall they wear a rough garment to deceive2 and sutable to the ,cilicious and hairy ,vests of the strictest ,orders of ,fryers1 who derive the institution of their ,monastick life from the example of ,john and ,elias4 #e villoso1 #afdf1 #afej1 #afeh1 #affi1 #afgb4 ,as for the wearing of skins1 where that is properly intended1 the expression of the ,scripture is plain2 so it is said1 ,heb4 #aa4 ,they wandered about 1 that is1 in ,goats skins2 and so it is said of our first ,parents1 ,gen4 #c4 ,that ,god made them 1 ,vestes pelliceas1 or coats of skins2 which though a natural habit unto all1 before the invention of ,texture1 was something more unto ,adam1 who had newly learned to die2 for unto him a garment from the dead1 was but a dictate of death1 and an habit of mortality4 ,now if any man will say this habit of ,john was neither of ,camels skin1 nor any course ,texture of its hair1 but rather some finer ,weave of ,camelot1 ,grograin or the like1 in as much as these stuffs are supposed to be made of the hair of that ,animal1 or because that lian affirmeth1 that ,camels hair of ,persia1 is as fine as ,milesian wool1 wherewith the great ones of that place were cloathed2 they have discovered an habit1 not only unsutable unto his leathern cincture1 and the coarseness of his life2 but not consistent with the words of our ,saviour1 when reasoning with the people concerning ,john1 he saith1 ,what went you out into the wilderness to see8 a man clothed in soft raiment8 ,behold1 they that wear soft raiment1 are in ,kings houses4 ,,chapter ,,xvi ,of the ,picture of ,st4 ,christopher4 ,the ,picture of ,st4 ,christopher1 that is1 a man of a ,giantlike stature1 bearing upon his shoulders our ,saviour ,christ1 and with a staff in his hand1 wading thorow the water1 is known unto ,children1 common over all ,europe1 not only as a sign unto houses1 but is described in many ,churches1 and stands ,colossus like in the entrance of ,nostre ,dame in ,paris4 ,now from hence1 common eyes conceive an history sutable unto this description1 that he carried our ,saviour in his ,minority over some river or water3 which notwithstanding we cannot at all make out4 ,for we read not thus much in any good ,author1 nor of any remarkable ,christopher1 before the reign of ,decius3 who lived #bej years after ,christ4 ,this man indeed according unto ,history suffered as a ,martyr in the second year of that ,emperour1 and in the ,roman ,calendar takes up the #ba of ,july4 ,the ground that begat or promoted this opinion1 was1 first the fabulous adjections of succeeding ages unto the veritable acts of this ,martyr1 who in the most probable accounts was remarkable for his staff1 and a man of a goodly stature4 ,the second might be a mistake or misapprehension of the ,picture1 most men conceiving that an ,history which was contrived at first but as an ,emblem or ,symbolical fancy3 as from the ,annotations of ,baronius upon the ,roman ,martyrologie1 ,lipellous,,sn3 ,lip4 ,de vitis ,sanctorum4 in the life of ,st4 ,christopher hath observed in these words2 ,acta ,s4 ,christopheri multis depravata inveniuntur3 quod quidem non aliunde originem sumpsisse certum est1 quam quod symbolicas figuras imperiti ad veritatem successu temporis transtulerint3 itaque cuncta illa de ,sancto ,christophero pingi consueta1 symbola potius1 quam histori alicujus existimandum est esse expressam imaginem2 that is1 ,the ,acts of ,st4 ,christopher are depraved by many3 which surely began from no other ground1 then1 that in process of time1 unskilful men translated symbolical figures unto real verities3 and therefore what is usually described in the ,picture of ,st4 ,christopher1 is rather to be received as an ,emblem1 or ,symbolical description1 then any real ,history4 ,now what ,emblem this was1 or what its signification1 conjectures are many2 ,pierius hath set down one1 that is1 of the ,disciple of ,christ2 for he that will carry ,christ upon his shoulders1 must rely upon the staff of his direction1 whereon if he firmeth himself1 he may be able to overcome the billows of resistance1 and in the vertue of this staff1 like that of ,jacob1 pass over the waters of ,jordan4 ,or otherwise thus2 ,he that will submit shoulders unto ,christ1 shall by the concurrence of his power encrease into the strength of a ,giant2 and being supported by the staff of his holy ,spirit1 shall not be overwhelmed by the waves of the world1 but wade through all resistance4 ,add also the mystical reasons of this pourtract alleadged by ,vida and ,xerisanus3 and the recorded story of ,christopher1 that before his ,martyrdom he requested of ,god1 that where ever his body were1 the places should be freed from pestilence and mischiefs1 from infection4 ,,sn3 ,anton4 ,castellioni antiquitates ,mediolanenses4 ,and therefore his picture or pourtract1 was usually placed in publick wayes1 and at the entrance of ,towns and ,churches1 according to the received ,distich ,christophorum videas1 postea tutus eris4 ,,chapter ,,xvii ,of the ,picture of ,st4 ,george4 ,the ,picture of ,st4 ,george killing the ,dragon1 and1 as most ancient draughts do run1 with the daughter of a ,king standing by1 is famous amongst ,christians4 ,and upon this description dependeth a solemn story1 how by this atchievement he redeemed a ,kings daughter3 which is more especially believed by the ,english1 whose ,protector he is3 and in which form and history1 according to his description in the ,english ,colledge at ,rome1 he is set forth in the ,icons or ,cuts of ,martyrs by ,cevalerius3 and all this according to the ,historia ,lombardica1 or golden legend of ,jacobus de ,voragine4 ,now of what authority soever this piece be amongst us1 it is ,i perceive received with different beliefs3 for some believe the person and the story2 some the person1 but not the story2 and others deny both4 ,that such a person there was1 we shall not contend3 for besides others1 ,dr4 ,heilin hath clearly asserted it in his ,history of ,st4 ,george4 ,the indistinction of many in the community of name1 or the misapplication of the acts of one unto another1 hath made some doubt thereof4 ,for of this name we meet with more then one in ,history1 and no less then two conceived of ,cappadocia4 ,the one an ,arrian1 who was slain by the ,alexandrians in the time of ,julian2 the other a valiant ,souldier and ,christian ,martyr1 beheaded in the reign of ,dioclesian4 ,this is the ,george conceived in this ,picture1 who hath his day in the ,roman ,calender1 on whom so many fables are delivered1 whose story is set forth by ,metaphrastes1 and his miracles by ,turonensis4 ,as for the story depending hereon1 some conceive as lightly thereof1 as of that of ,persius and ,andromeda2 conjecturing the one to be the father of the other2 and some too highly assert it4 ,others with better moderation1 do either entertain the same as a fabulous addition unto the true and authentick story of ,st4 ,george2 or else conceive the literal acception to be a misconstruction of the symbolical expression2 apprehending a veritable ,history1 in an ,emblem or piece of ,christian ,poesie4 ,and this ,emblematical construction hath been received by men not forward to extenuate the acts of ,saints3 as from ,baronius1 ,lipellous the ,carthusian hath delivered in the life of ,st4 ,george2 ,picturam illam ,st4 ,georgii qu effingitur eques armatus1 qui hast cuspide hostem interficit1 juxta quam etiam virgo posita manus supplices tendens ejus explorat auxilium1 ,symboli potius quam histori alicujus censenda expressa imago4 ,consuevit quidem ut equestris militi miles equestri imagine referri3 that is1 ,the ,picture of ,st4 ,george1 wherein he is described like a ,curassier or horseman compleatly armed1 etc4 ,is rather a symbolical image1 then any proper figure4 ,now in the ,picture of this ,saint and ,souldier1 might be implied the ,christian ,souldier and true ,champion of ,christ4 ,a horseman armed ,cap a pe1 intimating the ,panoplia or compleat armour of a ,christian2 combating with the ,dragon1 that is1 with the ,devil2 in defence of the ,kings daughter1 that is1 the ,church of ,god4 ,and therefore although the history be not made out1 it doth not disparage the ,knights and ,noble order of ,st4 ,george3 whose cognisance is honourable in the ,emblem of the ,souldier of ,christ1 and is a worthy memorial to conform unto its mystery4 ,nor1 were there no such person at all1 had they more reason to be ashamed1 then the ,noble order of ,burgundy1 and ,knights of the ,golden ,fleece2 whose badge is a confessed fable4 ,,chapter ,,xviii ,of the ,picture of ,jerom4 ,sidenote3 ,clocks no very ancient invention4 ,the ,picture of ,jerom usually described at his study1 with a ,clock hanging by1 is not to be omitted2 for though the meaning be allowable1 and probable it is that industrious ,father did not let slip his time without account2 yet must not perhaps that ,clock be set down to have been his measure thereof4 ,for ,clocks or ,automatous organs1 whereby we now distinguish of time1 have found no mention in any ancient ,writers but are of late invention1 as ,pancirollus observeth4 ,and ,polydore ,virgil discoursing of new inventions whereof the authors are not known1 makes instance in ,clocks and ,guns4 ,now ,jerom is no late ,writer1 but one of the ancient ,fathers1 and lived in the fourth ,century1 in the reign of ,theodosius the first4 ,it is not to be denied that before the daies of ,jerom there were ,horologies1 and several accounts of time2 for they measured the hours not only by drops of water in glasses called ,clepsydr1 but also by sand in glasses called ,clepsammia4 ,there were also from great antiquity1 ,scioterical or ,sun ,dials1 by the shadow of a stile or gnomon denoting the hours of the day3 an invention ascribed unto ,anaximines by ,pliny4 ,hereof a memorable one there was in ,campus ,martius1 from an obelisk erected1 and golden figures placed horozontally about it2 which was brought out of ,egypt by ,augustus1 and described by ,jacobus ,laurus4 ,and another of great antiquity we meet with in the story of ,ezechias2 for so it is delivered in ,king4 #b4 #bj4 ,that the ,lord brought the shadow backward ten degrees by which it had gone down in the dial of ,ahaz4 ,,sn3 ,a peculiar description and particular construction hereof out of ,r4 ,chomer1 is set down1 ,curios de ,caffarel4 chap4 #i4 ,that is1 say some1 ten degrees1 not lines2 for the hours were denoted by certain divisions or steps in the ,dial1 which others distinguished by lines1 according to that of ,persius ,stertimus indomitum quod despumare ,falernum ,sufficiat1 quint dum linea tangitur umbra4 ,that is1 the line next the ,meridian1 or within an hour of noon4 ,sidenote3 ,doctrine of circular motions4 ,of later years there succeeded new inventions1 and horologies composed by ,trochilick or the artifice of wheels2 whereof some are kept in motion by weight1 others perform without it4 ,now as one age instructs another1 and time that brings all things to ruin1 perfects also every thing2 so are these indeed of more general and ready use then any that went before them4 ,by the ,water-glasses the account was not regular3 for from attenuation and condensation1 whereby that ,element is altered1 the hours were shorter in hot weather then in cold1 and in ,summer then in ,winter4 ,as for ,scioterical ,dials1 whether of the ,sun or ,moon1 they are only of use in the actual radiation of those ,luminaries1 and are of little advantage unto those inhabitants1 which for many months enjoy not the ,lustre of the ,sun4 ,it is ,i confess no easie wonder how the horometry of ,antiquity discovered not this ,artifice1 how ,architas that contrived the moving ,dove1 or rather the ,helicosophie of ,archimedes1 fell not upon this way4 ,surely as in many things1 so in this particular1 the present age hath far surpassed ,antiquity2 whose ingenuity hath been so bold not only to proceed below the account of minutes1 but to attempt perpetual motions1 and engines whose revolutions 7could their substance answer the design7 might out-last the exemplary mobility1 and out measure time it self4 ,for such a one is that mentioned by ,john ,dee1 whose words are these in his learned ,preface unto ,euclide3 ,by ,wheels strange works and incredible are done3 ,a wondrous example was seen in my time in a certain ,instrument1 which by the ,inventer and ,artificer was sold for twenty talents of gold2 and then by chance had received some injury1 and one ,janellus of ,cremona did mend the same1 and presented it unto the ,emperor ,charles the fift4 ,jeronimus ,cardanus can be my witness1 that therein was one ,wheel that moved at such a rate1 that in seven thousand years his own period should be finished2 a thing almost incredible1 but how far ,i keep within my bounds1 many men yet alive can tell4 ,,chapter ,,xix ,of the ,pictures of ,mermaids1 ,unicorns1 and some others4 ,few eyes have escaped the ,picture of ,mermaids3 that is1 according to ,horace his ,monster1 with womans head above1 and fishy extremity below2 and these are conceived to answer the shape of the ancient ,syrens that attempted upon ,ulysses4 ,which notwithstanding were of another description1 containing no fishy composure1 but made up of ,man and ,bird2 the humane mediety variously placed not only above1 but below2 according unto lian1 ,suidas1 ,servius1 ,boccatius1 and ,aldrovandus1 who hath referred their description unto the story of fabulous ,birds2 according to the description of ,ovid1 and the account thereof in ,hyginus1 that they were the daughters of ,melpomene1 and metamorphosed into the shape of man and bird by ,ceres4 ,and therefore these pieces so common among us1 do rather derive their original1 or are indeed the very description of ,dagon,,sn3 ,dagon the ,idol1 of what form42 which was made with human figure above1 and fishy shape below2 whose stump1 or as ,tremellius and our margin renders it1 whose fishy part only remained1 when the hands and upper part fell before the ,ark4 ,,sn3 #a ,sam4 #e4 ,of the shape of ,artergates1 or ,derceto with the ,phnitians2 in whose fishy and feminine mixture1 as some conceive1 were implied the ,moon and the ,sea1 or the ,deity of the waters2 and therefore1 in their sacrifices1 they made oblations of fishes4 ,from whence were probably occasioned the ,pictures of ,nereides and ,tritons among the ,grecians1 and such as we read in ,macrobius1 to have been placed on the top of the ,temple of ,saturn4 ,we are unwilling to question the ,royal ,supporters of ,england1 that is1 the approved descriptions of the ,lion and the ,unicorn4 ,although1 if in the ,lion1 the position of the pizel be proper1 and that the natural situation2 it will be hard to make out their retro-copulation1 or their coupling and pissing backward1 according to the determination of ,aristotle2 ,all that urine backward do copulate clunatim1 or aversly1 as ,lions1 ,hares1 ,linxes4 ,as for the ,unicorn1 if it have the head of a ,deer1 and the tail of a ,boar1 as ,vartomannus describeth it1 how agreeable it is to this picture every eye may discern4 ,if it be made bisulcous or cloven footed1 it agreeth unto the description of ,vartommanus1 but scarce of any other2 and ,aristotle supposeth that such as divide the hoof1 do also double the horn2 they being both of the same nature1 and admitting division together4 ,and lastly if the horn have this situation and be so forwardly affixed1 as is described1 it will not be easily conceived1 how it can feed from the ground2 and therefore we observe1 that ,nature in other cornigerous animals1 hath placed the horns higher and reclining1 as in ,bucks2 in some inverted upwards1 as in the ,rhinoceros1 the ,indian ,ass1 and ,unicornous ,beetles2 and thus have some affirmed it is seated in this animal4 ,we cannot but observe that in the ,picture of ,jonah and others1 ,whales are described with two prominent spouts on their heads2 whereas indeed they have but one in the forehead1 and terminating over the wind-pipe4 ,nor can we overlook the ,picture of ,elephants with ,castles on their backs1 made in the form of land ,castles1 or stationary fortifications1 and answerable unto the ,arms of ,castile1 or ,sir ,john ,old ,castle2 whereas the towers they bore were made of wood1 and girt unto their bodies2 as is delivered in the books of ,maccabees1 and as they were appointed in the ,army of ,antiochus4 ,we will not dispute the ,pictures of ,retiary ,spiders1 and their position in the web1 which is commonly made lateral1 and regarding the ,horizon2 although1 if observed1 we shall commonly find it downward1 and their heads respecting the ,center4 ,,sn3 ,where the seven ,stars be situated4 ,we will not controvert the ,picture of the seven ,stars2 although if thereby be meant the ,pleiades1 or subconstellation upon the back of ,taurus1 with what congruity they are described1 either in site or magnitude1 in a clear night an ordinary eye may discover1 from ,july unto ,april4 ,we will not question the tongues of ,adders and ,vipers1 described like an ,anchor2 nor the ,picture of the ,flower de ,luce3 though how far they agree unto their natural draughts1 let every spectator determine4 ,whether the ,cherubims about the ,ark be rightly described in the common ,picture1 that is1 only in humane heads1 with two wings2 or rather in the shape of ,angels or young men1 or somewhat at least with feet1 as the ,scripture seems to imply4 ,,sn3 #b ,chron4 #c4 #ac4 ,whether the ,cross seen in the air by ,constantine1 were of that figure wherein we represent it2 or rather made out of and 1 the two first letters of 4 ,whether the ,cross of ,christ did answer the common figure2 whether so far advanced above his head2 whether the feet were so disposed1 that is1 one upon another1 or separately nailed1 as some with reason describe it3 we shall not at all contend4 ,much less whether the house of ,diogenes were a ,tub framed of wood1 and after the manner of ours1 or rather made of earth1 as learned men conceive1 and so more clearly make out that expression of ,juvenal ,,sn3 ----,dolia magni non ardent ,cynici1 etc44 ,we should be too critical to question the letter ,y1 or bicornous element of ,pythagoras1 that is1 the making of the horns equal3 or the left less then the right1 and so destroying the ,symbolical intent of the figure2 confounding the narrow line of ,vertue1 with the larger road of ,vice2 answerable unto the narrow door of ,heaven1 and the ample gates of ,hell1 expressed by our ,saviour1 and not forgotten by ,homer1 in that ,epithete of ,pluto's house4 ,,sn3 4 ,many more there are whereof our pen shall take no notice1 nor shall we urge their enquiry2 we shall not enlarge with what incongruity1 and how dissenting from the pieces of ,antiquity1 the ,pictures of their gods and goddesses are described1 and how hereby their symbolical sense is lost2 although herein it were not hard to be informed from ,phornutus,,sn3 ,phornut4 ,de natura deorum41 ,fulgentius,,sn3 ,fulg4 mytho4 ,logia1 and ,albricus,,sn3 ,albric4 ,de deorum imaginibus44 ,whether ,hercules be more properly described strangling than tearing the ,lion1 as ,victorius hath disputed2 nor how the characters and figures of the ,signs and ,planets be now perverted1 as ,salmasius hath learnedly declared4 ,we will dispence with ,bears with long tails1 such as are described in the figures of heaven2 ,we shall tolerate flying ,horses1 black ,swans1 ,hydra's1 ,centaur's1 ,harpies and ,satyrs2 for these are monstrosities1 rarities1 or else ,poetical fancies1 whose shadowed moralities requite their substantial falsities4 ,wherein indeed we must not deny a liberty2 nor is the hand of the ,painter more restrainable than the ,poet4 ,but where the real works of ,nature1 or veritable acts of storie are to be described1 digressions are aberrations2 and ,art being but the imitator or secondary representor1 it must not vary from the verity of the example2 or describe things otherwise than they truly are or have been4 ,for hereby introducing false ,idea's of things it perverts and deforms the face and symmetry of truth4 ,,chapter ,,xx ,of the ,hieroglyphical ,pictures of the ,egyptians4 ,certainly of all men that suffered from the confusion of ,babel1 the gyptians found the best evasion2 for1 though words were confounded1 they invented a language of things1 and spake unto each other by common notions in ,nature4 ,whereby they discoursed in silence1 and were intuitively understood from the theory of their ,expresses4 ,for they assumed the shapes of animals common unto all eyes2 and by their conjunctions and compositions were able to communicate their conceptions1 unto any that co-apprehended the ,syntaxis of their ,natures4 ,this many conceive to have been the primitive way of writing1 and of greater antiquity than letters2 and this indeed might ,adam well have spoken1 who understanding the nature of things1 had the advantage of natural expressions4 ,which the ,egyptians but taking upon trust1 upon their own or common opinion2 from conceded mistakes they authentically promoted errors2 describing in their ,hieroglyphicks creatures of their own invention2 or from known and conceded animals1 erecting significations not inferrible from their natures4 ,and first1 ,although there were more things in ,nature than words which did express them2 yet even in these mute and silent discourses1 to express complexed significations1 they took a liberty to compound and piece together creatures of allowable forms into mixtures inexistent4 ,thus began the descriptions of ,griphins1 ,basilicks1 ,phnix1 and many more2 which ,emblematists and ,heralds have entertained with significations answering their institutions2 ,hieroglyphically adding ,martegres1 ,wivernes1 ,lion fishes1 with divers others4 ,pieces of good and allowable invention unto the prudent ,spectator1 but are lookt on by vulgar eyes as literal truths1 or absurd impossibilities2 whereas indeed1 they are commendable inventions1 and of laudable significations4 ,again1 ,beside these pieces fictitiously set down1 and having no ,copy in ,nature2 they had many unquestionable drawn1 of inconsequent signification1 nor naturally verifying their intention4 ,we shall instance but in few1 as they stand recorded by ,orus4 ,the male sex they expressed by a ,vulture1 because of ,vultures all are females1 and impregnated by the wind2 which authentically transmitted hath passed many pens1 and became the assertion of lian1 ,ambrose1 ,basil1 ,isidore1 ,tzetzes1 ,philes1 and others4 ,wherein notwithstanding what injury is offered unto the ,creation in this confinement of sex1 and what disturbance unto ,philosophy in the concession of windy conceptions1 we shall not here declare4 ,by two dragms they thought it sufficient to signifie an heart2 because the heart at one year weigheth two dragms1 that is1 a quarter of an ounce1 and unto fifty years annually encreaseth the weight of one dragm1 after which in the same proportion it yearly decreaseth2 so that the life of a man doth not naturally extend above an hundred4 ,and this was not only a popular conceit1 but consentaneous unto their ,physical principles1 as ,heurnius hath accounted it4 ,,sn3 ,in his ,philosophia ,barbarica4 ,a ,woman that hath but one ,child1 they express by a ,lioness2 for that conceiveth but once4 ,fecundity they set forth by a ,goat1 because but seven daies old1 it beginneth to use coition4 ,the abortion of a ,woman they describe by an ,horse kicking a ,wolf2 because a ,mare will cast her foal if she tread in the track of that animal4 ,deformity they signifie by a ,bear2 and an unstable ,man by an ,hyna1 because that animal yearly exchangeth its sex4 ,a ,woman delivered of a female ,child1 they imply by a ,bull looking over his left shoulder2 because if in coition a ,bull part from a ,cow on that side1 the ,calf will prove a female4 ,all which1 with many more1 how far they consent with truth1 we shall not disparage our ,reader to dispute2 and though some way allowable unto wiser conceits1 who could distinctly receive their significations3 yet carrying the majesty of ,hieroglyphicks1 and so transmitted by ,authors3 they crept into a belief with many1 and favourable doubt with most4 ,and thus1 ,i fear1 it hath fared with the ,hieroglyphical ,symboles of ,scripture3 which excellently intended in the species of things sacrificed1 in the prohibited meats1 in the dreams of ,pharoah1 ,joseph1 and many other passages3 are oft-times wrackt beyond their symbolizations1 and inlarg'd into constructions disparaging their true intentions4 ,,chapter ,,xxi ,of the ,picture of ,haman hanged4 ,in common draughts1 ,haman is hanged by the ,neck upon an high ,gibbet1 after the usual and now practised way of suspension1 but whether this description truly answereth the ,original1 ,learned pens consent not1 and good grounds there are to doubt4 ,for it is not easily made out that this was an ancient way of ,execution1 in the publick punishment of ,malefactors among the ,persians2 but we often read of ,crucifixion in their ,stories4 ,so we find that ,oroetes#f a ,persian ,governour crucified ,polycrates the ,samian ,tyrant4 ,and hereof we have an example in the life of ,artaxerxes ,king of ,persia2 7whom some will have to be ,ahasuerus in this ,story7 that his ,mother ,parysatis flead and crucified her ,eunuch4 ,the same also seems implied in the letters patent of ,king ,cyrus4 ,,sn3 ,in ,ezra #f4 ,omnis qui hanc mutaverit jussionem1 tollatur lignum de domo ejus1 et erigatur et configatur in eo4 #f ,oroetes1 #afgb1 #afhf1 etc4 ,the same kind of punishment was in use among the ,romans1 ,syrians1 ,egyptians1 ,carthaginians and ,grecians4 ,for though we find in ,homer1 that ,ulysses in a fury hanged the strumpets of those who courted ,penelope1 yet is it not so easie to discover1 that this was the publick practice or open course of justice among the ,greeks4 ,and even that the ,hebrews used this present way of hanging1 by illaqueation or pendulous suffocation in publick justice and executions2 the expressions and examples in scripture conclude not beyond good doubt4 ,that the ,king of ,hai was hanged1 or destroyed by the common way of suspension1 is not conceded by the learned ,masius in his comment upon that text2 who conceiveth thereby rather some kind of crucifixion2 at least some patibulary affixion after he was slain2 and so represented unto the people untill toward the evening4 ,though we read in our translation1 that ,pharaoh hanged the chief ,baker1 yet learned expositors understand hereby some kind of crucifixion1 according to the mode of ,egypt1 whereby he exemplarily hanged out till the fowls of the air fed on his head or face1 the first part of their prey being the eyes4 ,and perhaps according to the signal draught hereof in a very old manuscript of ,genesis1 now kept in the ,emperors ,library at ,vienna2 and accordingly set down by the learned ,petrus ,zamberius1 in the second ,tome of the description of that ,library4 ,when the ,gibeonites hanged the bodies of those of the house of ,saul1 thereby was intended some kind of crucifying1 according unto good expositors1 and the vulgar translation3 crucifixerunt eos in monte coram domino2 many both in ,scripture and humane writers might be said to be crucified1 though they did not perish immediately by crucifixion3 ,but however otherwise destroyed1 their bodies might be afterward appended or fastned unto some elevated engine1 as exemplary objects unto the eyes of the people3 ,so sometimes we read of the crucifixion of only some part1 as of the ,heads of ,julianus and ,albinus1 though their bodies were cast away4 ,that legal ,text ,,sn3 ,deut4 #ba4 which seems to countenance the common way of hanging1 if a man hath committed a sin worthy of ,death1 and they hang him on a ,tree2 is not so received by ,christian and ,jewish expositors4 ,and as a good ,annotator of ours ,,sn3 ,ainsworth4 delivereth1 out of ,maimonides3 ,the ,hebrews understand not this of putting him to death by hanging1 but of hanging of a ,man after he was stoned to death2 and the manner is thus described4 ,after he is stoned to death1 they fasten a piece of timber in the ,earth1 and out of it there commeth a piece of wood1 and then they tye both his hands one to another1 and hang him unto the setting of the ,sun4 ,beside1 the original word ,hakany determineth not the doubt4 ,for that by ,lexicographers or ,dictionarie interpreters1 is rendred suspension and crucifixion2 there being no ,hebrew word peculiarly and fully expressing the proper word of crucifixion1 as it was used by the ,romans2 nor easie to prove it the custom of the ,jewish ,nation to nail them by distinct parts unto a ,cross1 after the manner of our ,,saviour crucified3 wherein it was a special favour indulged unto ,joseph to take down the ,body4 ,lipsius#g lets fall a good caution to take off doubts about suspension delivered by ancient ,authors1 and also the ambiguous sence of among the ,greeks4 ,tale apud ,latinos ipsum suspendere1 quod in crucem referendum moneo juventutem1 as that also may be understood of ,seneca4 ,latrocinium fecit aliquis1 quid ergo meruit8 ut suspendatur4 ,and this way of crucifying he conceiveth to have been in general use among the ,romans1 until the latter daies of ,constantine1 who in reverence unto our ,,saviour abrogated that opprobrious and infamous way of crucifixion4 ,whereupon succeeded the common and now practised way of suspension4 ,but long before this abrogation of the ,cross1 the ,jewish ,nation had known the true sense of crucifixion2 whereof no ,nation had a sharper apprehension1 while ,adrian crucified five hundred of them every day1 until ,wood was wanting for that service4 ,so that they which had nothing but crucifie in their mouths1 were therewith paid home in their own bodies3 ,early suffering the reward of their imprecations1 and properly in the same kind4 #g ,zipsias1 #afgb4 ,,chapter ,,xxii ,compendiously of many questionable ,customs1 ,opinions1 ,pictures1 ,practices1 and ,popular ,observations4 ,sidenote3 ,the ground of many vain observations4 #a4 ,if an ,hare cross the high way1 there are few above threescore years that are not perplexed thereat3 which notwithstanding is but an ,augurial terror1 according to that received expression1 ,inauspicatum dat iter oblatus ,lepus4 ,and the ground of the conceit was probably no greater than this1 that a fearful animal passing by us1 portended unto us some thing to be feared3 as upon the like consideration1 the meeting of a ,fox presaged some future imposture2 which was a superstitious observation prohibited unto the ,jews1 as is expressed in the ,idolatry of ,maimonides1 and is referred unto the sin of an observer of ,fortunes1 or one that abuseth events unto good or bad signs2 forbidden by the ,law of ,moses,,sn3 ,deut4 #ah42 which notwithstanding sometimes succeeding1 according to fears or desires1 have left impressions and timerous expectations in credulous minds for ever4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,emblem of superstition4 #b4 ,that ,owls and ,ravens are ominous appearers1 and pre-signifying unlucky events1 as ,christians yet conceit1 was also an ,augurial conception4 ,because many ,ravens were seen when ,alexander entred ,babylon1 they were thought to pre-ominate his death2 and because an ,owl appeared before the battle1 it presaged the ruin of ,crassus4 ,which though decrepite superstitions1 and such as had their nativity in times beyond all history1 are fresh in the observation of many heads1 and by the credulous and feminine party still in some ,majesty among us4 ,and therefore the ,emblem of ,superstition was well set out by ,ripa,,sn3 ,iconologia de ,csare ,ripa41 in the picture of an ,owl1 an ,hare1 and an ,old ,woman4 ,and it no way confirmeth the ,augurial consideration1 that an ,owl is a forbidden food in the ,law of ,moses2 or that ,jerusalem was threatned by the ,raven and the ,owl1 in that expression of ,esay #cd4 ,that it should be a court for ,owls1 that the ,cormorant and the ,bittern should possess it1 and the ,owl and the ,raven dwell in it4 ,for thereby was only implied their ensuing desolation1 as is expounded in the words succeeding2 ,he shall draw upon it the line of confusion1 and the stones of emptiness4 #c4 ,the falling of ,salt is an authentick presagement of ill luck1 nor can every temper contemn it2 from whence notwithstanding nothing can be naturally feared3 nor was the same a general prognostick of future evil among the ,ancients1 but a particular omination concerning the breach of friendship4 ,for ,salt as incorruptible1 was the ,symbole of friendship1 and before the other service was offered unto their guests2 which if it casually fell1 was accounted ominous1 and their amity of no duration4 ,but whether ,salt were not only a ,symbole of friendship with man1 but also a figure of amity and reconciliation with ,god1 and was therefore observed in sacrifices1 is an higher speculation4 #d4 ,to break the egg shell after the meat is out1 we are taught in our childhood1 and practise it all our lives2 which nevertheless is but a superstitious relict1 according to the judgment of ,pliny1 ,huc pertinet ovorum1 ut exorbuerit quisq2 calices protinus frangi1 aut eosdem coclearibus perforari2 and the intent hereof was to prevent witchcraft2 for lest witches should draw or prick their names therein1 and veneficiously mischief their persons1 they broke the shell1 as ,dalecampius hath observed4 #e4 ,the true ,lovers knot is very much magnified1 and still retained in presents of ,love among us2 which though in all points it doth not make out1 had perhaps its original from the ,nodus ,herculanus1 or that which was called ,hercules his knot1 resembling the snaky complication in the caduceus or rod of ,hermes2 and in which form the ,zone or woollen girdle of the ,bride was fastned1 as ,turnebus observeth in his ,adversaria4 #f4 ,when our cheek burneth or ear tingleth1 we usually say that some body is talking of us1 which is an ancient conceit1 and ranked among superstitious opinions by ,pliny4 ,absentes tinnitu aurium prsentire sermones de se receptum est1 according to that distick noted by ,dalecampius4 ,garrula quid totis resonas mihi noctibus auris8 ,nescio quem dicis nunc meminisse mei4 ,which is a conceit hardly to be made out without the concession of a signifying ,genius1 or universal ,mercury2 conducting sounds unto their distant subjects1 and teaching us to hear by touch4 ,sidenote3 ,the original of the proverb1 ,under the ,rose be it1 etc4 #g4 ,when we desire to confine our words1 we commonly say they are spoken under the ,rose2 which expression is commendable1 if the ,rose from any natural property may be the ,symbole of silence1 as ,nazianzene seems to imply in these translated verses3 ,utq2 latet ,rosa ,verna suo putamine clausa1 ,sic os vincla ferat1 validisq2 arctetur habenis1 ,indicatq2 suis prolixa silentia labris3 ,and is also tolerable1 if by desiring a secrecy to words spoke under the ,rose1 we only mean in society and compotation1 from the ancient custom in ,symposiack meetings1 to wear chaplets of ,roses about their heads3 and so we condemn not the ,german custom1 which over the ,table describeth a ,rose in the cieling4 ,but more considerable it is1 if the original were such as ,lemnius1 and others have recorded2 that the ,rose was the flower of ,venus1 which ,cupid consecrated unto ,harpocrates the ,god of silence1 and was therefore an ,emblem thereof1 to conceal the pranks of ,venery2 as is declared in this ,tetrastick2 ,est ,rosa flos veneris1 cujus quo facta laterent1 ,harpocrati matris1 dona dicavit ,amor2 ,inde ,rosam mensis hospes suspendit ,amicis4 ,conviv ut sub e dicta tacenda sciant4 #h4 ,that smoak doth follow the fairest1 is an usual saying with us1 and in many parts of ,europe2 whereof although there seem no natural ground1 yet it is the continuation of a very ancient opinion1 as ,petrus ,victorius and ,causabon have observed from a passage in ,athenus3 wherein a ,parasite thus describeth himself3 ,to every ,table first ,i come1 ,whence ,porridge ,i am cal'd by some3 ,a ,capaneus at ,stares ,i am1 ,to enter any ,room a ,ram2 ,like whips and thongs to all ,i ply1 ,like smoake unto the ,fair ,i fly4 #i4 ,to sit cross leg'd1 or with our fingers pectinated or shut together1 is accounted bad1 and friends will perswade us from it4 ,the same conceit religiously possessed the ,ancients1 as is observable from ,pliny4 ,poplites alternis genibus imponere nefas olim2 and also from ,athenus1 that it was an old veneficious practice1 and ,juno is made in this posture to hinder the delivery of ,alcmena4 ,and therefore1 as ,pierius observeth1 in the ,medal of ,julia ,pia1 the right hand of ,venus was made extended with the inscription of ,venus1 ,genetrix2 for the complication or pectination of the fingers was an ,hieroglyphick of impediment1 as in that place he declareth4 #aj4 ,the set and statary times of pairing of nails1 and cutting of hair1 is thought by many a point of consideration2 which is perhaps but the continuation of an ancient superstition4 ,for piaculous it was unto the ,romans to pare their nails upon the ,nundin1 observed every ninth day2 and was also feared by others in certain daies of the week2 according to that of ,ausonius1 ,ungues ,mercurio1 ,barbam ,jove1 ,cypride ,crines2 and was one part of the wickedness that filled up the measure of ,manasses1 when 'tis delivered that he observed times4 ,,sn3 #b ,chron4 #cc4 #aa4 ,a common fashion it is to nourish hair upon the mouls of the face2 which is the perpetuation of a very ancient custom2 and though innocently practised among us1 may have a superstitious original1 according to that of ,pliny1 ,nvos in facie tondere religiosum habent nunc multi4 ,from the like might proceed the fears of poling ,elvelocks or complicated hairs of the head1 and also of locks longer than the other hair2 they being votary at first1 and dedicated upon occasion2 preserved with great care1 and accordingly esteemed by others1 as appears by that of ,apuleius1 ,adjuro per dulcem capilli tui nodulum4 #ab4 ,a custom there is in most parts of ,europe to adorn ,aqueducts1 spouts and ,cisterns with ,lions heads3 which though no illaudable ornament1 is of an ,egyptian genealogy1#h who practised the same under a symbolical illation4 ,for because the ,sun being in ,leo1 the flood of ,nilus was at the full1 and water became conveyed into every part1 they made the spouts of their ,aqueducts through the head of a ,lion4 ,and upon some clestial respects it is not improbable the great ,mogul or ,indian ,king doth bear for his ,arms a ,lion and the ,sun4 #h geneologie1 #afeh1 #affi1 geneology1 #afgb4 ,sidenote3 ,symbolical significations of the girdle4 #ac4 ,many conceive there is somewhat amiss1 and that as we usually say1 they are unblest until they put on their girdle4 ,wherein 7although most know not what they say7 there are involved unknown considerations4 ,for by a girdle or cincture are symbolically implied ,truth1 ,resolution1 and ,readiness unto action1 which are parts and vertues required in the service of ,god4 ,according whereto we find that the ,israelites did eat the ,paschal ,lamb with their loins girded2 and the ,almighty challenging ,job1 bids him gird up his loins like a man4 ,so runneth the expression of ,peter1 ,gird up the loins of your minds1 be sober and hope to the end3 so the high ,priest was girt with the girdle of fine linnen3 so is it part of the holy habit to have our lines girt about with truth2 and so is it also said concerning our ,saviour1 ,righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins1 and faithfulness the girdle of his reins4 ,,sn3 ,isa4 #aa4 ,moreover by the girdle1 the heart and parts which ,god requires are divided from the inferior and concupiscential organs2 implying thereby a memento unto purification and cleanness of heart1 which is commonly denied from the concupiscence and affection of those parts2 and therefore unto this day the ,jews do bless themselves when they put on their zone or cincture4 ,and thus may we make out the doctrin of ,pythagoras1 to offer sacrifice with our feet naked1 that is1 that our inferiour parts and farthest removed from reason might be free1 and of no impediment unto us4 ,thus ,achilles1 though dipped in ,styx1 yet having his heel untouched by that water2 although he were fortified elsewhere1 he was slain in that part1 as only vulnerable in the inferiour and brutal part of ,man4 ,this is that part of ,eve and her posterity the devil still doth bruise1 that is1 that part of the soul which adhereth unto earth1 and walks in the paths thereof4 ,and in this secundary and symbolical sense it may be also understood1 when the ,priests in the ,law washed their feet before the sacrifice2 when our ,saviour washed the feet of his ,disciples1 and said unto ,peter1 ,if ,i wash not thy feet thou hast no part in me4 ,and thus is it symbolically explainable1 and implyeth purification and cleanness1 when in the burnt offerings the ,priest is commanded to wash the inwards and legs thereof in water2 and in the peace and sin-offerings1 to burn the two kidneys1 the fat which is about the flanks1 and as we translate it1 the ,caul above the ,liver4 ,but whether the ,jews when they blessed themselves1 had any eye unto the words of ,jeremy,,sn3 ,jer4 #ac41 wherein ,god makes them his ,girdle2 or had therein any reference unto the ,girdle1 which the ,prophet was commanded to hide in the hole of the rock of ,euphrates1 and which was the type of their captivity1 we leave unto higher conjecture4 ,sidenote3 ,certain ,hereticks who ascribed humane figure unto ,god1 after which they conceived he created man in his likeness4 #ad4 ,the ,picture of the ,creator1 or ,god the ,father in the shape of an old ,man1 is a dangerous piece1 and in this ,fecundity of sects may revive the ,anthropomorphites4 ,which although maintained from the expression of ,daniel1 ,i beheld where the ,ancient of dayes did sit1 whose hair of his head was like the pure wool2 yet may it be also derivative from the ,hieroglyphical description of the gyptians2 who to express their ,eneph1 or ,creator of the world1 described an old man in a blew mantle1 with an egg in his mouth2 which was the ,emblem of the world4 ,surely those heathens1 that notwithstanding the exemplary advantage in heaven1 would endure no pictures of ,sun or ,moon1 as being visible unto all the world1 and needing no representation2 do evidently accuse the practice of those pencils1 that will describe invisibles4 ,and he that challenged the boldest hand unto the picture of an ,echo1 must laugh at this attempt1 not only in the description of invisibility1 but circumscription of ,ubiquity1 and fetching under lines incomprehensible circularity4 ,the ,pictures of the gyptians were more tolerable1 and in their sacred letters more veniably expressed the apprehension of ,divinity4 ,for though they implied the same by an eye upon a ,scepter1 by an gles head1 a ,crocodile1 and the like3 yet did these manual descriptions pretend no corporal representations2 nor could the people misconceive the same unto real correspondencies4 ,so though the ,cherub carried some apprehension of ,divinity1 yet was it not conceived to be the shape thereof3 and so perhaps because it is metaphorically predicated of ,god1 that he is a consuming fire1 he may be harmlessly described by a flaming representation2 ,yet if1 as some will have it1 all mediocrity of folly is foolish1 and because an unrequitable evil may ensue1 an indifferent convenience must be omitted2 we shall not urge such representments2 we could spare the holy ,lamb for the picture of our ,saviour1 and the ,dove or fiery ,tongues to represent the holy ,ghost4 #ae4 ,the ,sun and ,moon are usually described with humane faces2 whether herein there be not a ,pagan imitation1 and those visages at first implied ,apollo and ,diana1 we may make some doubt2 and we find the statua of the ,sun was framed with raies about the head1 which were the indiciduous and unshaven locks of ,apollo4 ,we should be too ,iconomical ,,sn3 ,or quarrelsom with ,pictures4 to question the pictures of the winds1 as commonly drawn in humane heads1 and with their cheeks distended2 which notwithstanding we find condemned by ,minutius1 as answering poetical fancies1 and the gentile description of olus1 ,boreas1 and the feigned ,deities of winds4 #af4 ,we shall not1 ,i hope1 disparage the ,resurrection of our ,redeemer1 if we say the ,sun doth not dance on ,easter day4 ,and though we would willingly assent unto any sympathetical exultation1 yet cannot conceive therein any more than a ,tropical expression4 ,whether any such motion there were in that day wherein ,christ arised1 ,scripture hath not revealed1 which hath been punctual in other records concerning solary miracles3 and the ,areopagite ,,sn3 ,dion4 ,ep4 #g4 a4 ad ,policar4 et ,pet4 ,hall not4 in vit4 ,s4 ,dionys4 that was amazed at the ,eclipse1 took no notice of this4 ,and if metaphorical expressions go so far1 we may be bold to affirm1 not only that one ,sun danced1 but two arose that day3 ,that light appeared at his nativity1 and darkness at his death1 and yet a light at both2 for even that darkness was a light unto the ,gentiles1 illuminated by that obscurity4 ,that 'twas the first time the ,sun set above the ,horizon2 that although there were darkness above the earth1 there was light beneath it1 nor dare we say that hell was dark if he were in it4 #ag4 ,great conceits are raised of the involution or membranous covering1 commonly called the ,silly-how1 that sometimes is found about the heads of children upon their birth2 and is therefore preserved with great care1 not only as medical in diseases1 but effectual in success1 concerning the ,infant and others2 which is surely no more than a continued superstition4 ,for hereof we read in the life of ,antoninus delivered by ,spartianus1 that children are born sometimes with this natural cap2 which ,midwives were wont to sell unto credulous ,lawyers1 who had an opinion it advantaged their promotion4 ,but to speak strictly1 the effect is natural1 and thus may be conceived3 ,animal conceptions have largely taken three teguments1 or membranous films which cover them in the womb1 that is1 the ,corion1 ,amnios1 and ,allantois2 the ,corion is the outward membrance wherein are implanted the ,veins1 ,arteries and umbilical vessels1 whereby its nourishment is conveyed3 the ,allantois a thin coat seated under the ,corion1 wherein are received the watery separations conveyed by the ,urachus1 that the acrimony thereof should not offend the skin4 ,,sn3 ,de formato ftu4 ,the ,amnios is a general investment1 containing the sudorus or thin serosity perspirable through the skin4 ,now about the time when the ,infant breaketh these coverings1 it sometimes carrieth with it about the head a part of the ,amnios or nearest coat2 which saith ,spiegelius1 either proceedeth from the toughness of the membrance or weakness of the ,infant that cannot get clear thereof4 ,and therefore herein significations are natural and concluding upon the ,infant1 but not to be extended unto magical signalities1 or any other person4 #ah4 ,that 'tis good to be drunk once a moneth1 is a common flattery of sensuality1 supporting it self upon ,physick1 and the healthful effects of inebriation4 ,this indeed seems plainly affirmed by ,avicenna1 a ,physitian of great authority1 and whose religion prohibiting ,wine1 could less extenuate ebriety4 ,but ,averroes a man of his own faith was of another belief2 restraining his ebriety unto hilarity1 and in effect making no more thereof than ,seneca commendeth1 and was allowable in ,cato2 that is1 a sober incalescence and regulated stuation from wine2 or what may be conceived between ,joseph and his brethren1 when the text expresseth they were merry1 or drank largely1 and whereby indeed the commodities set down by ,avicenna1 that is1 alleviation of spirits1 resolution of superfluities1 provocation of sweat and urine may also ensue4 ,but as for dementation1 sopition of reason1 and the diviner particle from drink2 though ,american religion approve1 and ,pagan piety of old hath practised it1 even at their sacrifices2 ,christian morality and the doctrine of ,christ will not allow4 ,and surely that religion which excuseth the fact of ,noah1 in the aged surprizal of six hundred years1 and unexpected inebriation from the unknown effects of wine1 will neither acquit ebriosity nor ebriety1 in their known and intended perversions4 ,and indeed1 although sometimes effects succeed which may relieve the body1 yet if they carry mischief or peril unto the soul1 we are therein restrainable by ,divinity1 which circumscribeth ,physick1 and circumstantially determines the use thereof4 ,from natural considerations1 ,physick commendeth the use of venery2 and happily1 incest1 adultery1 or stupration may prove as ,physically advantagious1 as conjugal copulation2 which notwithstanding must not be drawn into practise4 ,and truly effects1 consequents1 or events which we commend1 arise oft-times from wayes which we all condemn4 ,thus from the fact of ,lot1 we derive the generation of ,ruth1 and blessed ,nativity of our ,saviour2 which notwithstanding did not extenuate the incestuous ebriety of the generator4 ,and if1 as is commonly urged1 we think to extenuate ebriety from the benefit of vomit oft succeeding1 ,egyptian sobriety will condemn us1 which purged both wayes twice a moneth1 without this perturbation3 and we foolishly contemn the liberal hand of ,god1 and ample field of medicines which sobriety produce that action4 ,sidenote3 ,why the devil is commonly said to appear with a cloven foot4 #ai4 ,a conceit there is1 that the ,devil commonly appeareth with a cloven hoof2 wherein although it seem excessively ridiculous1 there may be somewhat of truth2 and the ground thereof at first might be his frequent appearing in the shape of a ,goat1 which answers that description4 ,this was the opinion of ancient ,christians concerning the apparition of ,panites1 ,fauns and ,satyres2 and in this form we read of one that appeared unto ,antony in the wilderness4 ,the same is also continued from expositions of holy ,scripture2 for whereas it is said1 ,,sn3 ,levit4 #ag4 ,thou shalt not offer unto ,devils1 the ,original word is ,seghnirim1 that is1 rough and hairy ,goats1 because in that shape the ,devil most often appeared2 as is expounded by the ,rabbins1 as ,tremellius hath also explained2 and as the word ,ascimah1 the god of ,emath is by some conceived4 ,nor did he only assume this shape in elder times1 but commonly in later dayes1 especially in the place of his worship1 if there be any truth in the confession of ,witches1 and as in many stories it stands confirmed by ,bodinus,,sn3 ,in his ,dmonomania44 ,and therefore a ,goat is not improperly made the ,hieroglyphick of the devil1 as ,pierius hath expressed it4 ,so might it be the ,emblem of sin1 as it was in the sin-offering2 and so likewise of wicked and sinful men1 according to the expression of ,scripture in the method of the last distribution2 when our ,saviour shall separate the ,sheep from the ,goats1 that is1 the ,sons of the ,lamb from the children of the devil4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii ,of some others4 #a4 ,that temperamental dignotions1 and conjecture of prevalent humours1 may be collected from spots in our nails1 we are not averse to concede4 ,but yet not ready to admit sundry divinations1 vulgarly raised upon them4 ,nor do we observe it verified in others1 what ,cardan,,sn3 ,de varietate rerum4 discovered as a property in himself3 to have found therein some signs of most events that ever happened unto him4 ,or that there is much considerable in that doctrine of ,cheiromancy1 that spots in the top of the nails do signifie things past2 in the middle1 things present2 and at the bottom1 events to come4 ,that white specks presage our felicity1 blew ones our misfortunes4 ,that those in the nail of the thumb have significations of honour1 those in the forefinger1 of riches1 and so respectively in other fingers1 7according to ,planetical relations1 from whence they receive their names7 as ,tricassus hath taken up1 and ,picciolus,,sn3 ,de inspectione manus4 well rejecteth4 ,we shall not proceed to querie1 what truth there is in ,palmistry1 or divination from those lines in our hands1 of high denomination4 ,although if any thing be therein1 it seems not confinable unto man2 but other creatures are also considerable2 as is the fore-foot of the ,moll1 and especially of the ,monkey2 wherein we have observed the table line1 that of life1 and of the liver4 #b4 ,that ,children committed unto the school of ,nature1 without institution would naturally speak the primitive language of the world1 was the opinion of ancient heathens1 and continued since by ,christians3 who will have it our ,hebrew tongue1 as being the language of ,adam4 ,that this were true1 were much to be desired1 not only for the easie attainment of that useful tongue1 but to determine the true and primitive ,hebrew4 ,for whether the present ,hebrew1 be the unconfounded language of ,babel1 and that which remaining in ,heber was continued by ,abraham and his posterity1 or rather the language of ,phnicia and ,canaan1 wherein he lived1 some learned men ,i perceive do yet remain unsatisfied4 ,although ,i confess probability stands fairest for the former3 nor are they without all reason1 who think that at the confusion of tongues1 there was no constitution of a new speech in every family3 but a variation and permutation of the old2 out of one common language raising several ,dialects3 the primitive tongue remaining still intire4 ,which they who retained1 might make a shift to understand most of the rest4 ,,sn3 ,how ,abraham might understand the language of several ,nations4 ,by vertue whereof in those primitive times and greener confusions1 ,abraham of the family of ,heber was able to converse with the ,chaldeans1 to understand ,mesopotamians1 ,cananites1 ,philistins1 and ,egyptians3 whose several ,dialects he could reduce unto the ,original and primitive tongue1 and so be able to understand them4 #c4 ,though useless unto us1 and rather of molestation1 we commonly refrain from killing ,swallows1 and esteem it unlucky to destroy them3 whether herein there be not a ,pagan relique1 we have some reason to doubt4 ,for we read in lian1 that these birds were sacred unto the ,penates or houshold gods of the ancients1 and therefore were preserved4 ,the same they also honoured as the nuncio's of the spring2 and we find in ,athenus,,sn3 ,the same is extant in the #hth of ,athenus4 that the ,rhodians had a solemn song to welcome in the ,swallow4 ,sidenote3 ,why candles may burn blew1 before the apparition of a spirit4 #d4 ,that ,candles and ,lights burn dim and blew at apparition of spirits1 may be true1 if the ambient ayr be full of sulphurious spirits1 as it happeneth oft-times in mines2 where damps and acide exhalations are able to extinguish them4 ,and may be also verified1 when spirits do make themselves visible by bodies of such effluviums4 ,but of lower consideration is the common foretelling of strangers1 from the fungous parcels about the weeks of ,candles3 which only signifieth a moist and pluvious ayr about them1 hindering the avolation of the light and favillous particles3 whereupon they are forced to settle upon the ,snast4 #e4 ,though ,coral doth properly preserve and fasten the ,teeth in men1 yet is it used in ,children to make an easier passage for them3 and for that intent is worn about their necks4 ,but whether this custom were not superstitiously founded1 as presumed an amulet or defensative against fascination1 is not beyond all doubt4 ,for the same is delivered by ,pliny,,sn3 ,lib4 #cb44 ,aruspices religiosum ,coralli gestamen amoliendis periculis arbitrantur2 et surculi infanti alligati1 tutelam habere creduntur4 #f4 ,a strange kind of exploration and peculiar way of ,rhabdomancy is that which is used in mineral discoveries2 that is1 with a forked hazel1 commonly called ,moses his ,rod1 which freely held forth1 will stir and play if any mine be under it4 ,and though many there are who have attempted to make it good1 yet until better information1 we are of opinion with ,agricola,,sn3 ,de re metallica1 lib4 #b41 that in it self it is a fruitless exploration1 strongly scenting of ,pagan derivation1 and the virgula ,divina1 proverbially magnified of old4 ,the ground whereof were the ,magical rods in ,poets that of ,pallas in ,homer1 that of ,mercury that charmed ,argus1 and that of ,circe which transformed the followers of ,ulysses4 ,too boldly usurping the name of ,moses rod1 from which notwithstanding1 and that of ,aaron1 were probably occasioned the fables of all the rest4 ,for that of ,moses must needs be famous unto the gyptians2 and that of ,aaron unto many other ,nations1 as being preserved in the ,ark1 until the destruction of the ,temple built by ,solomon4 #g4 ,a practise there is among us to determine doubtful matters1 by the opening of a book1 and letting fall a staff2 which notwithstanding are ancient fragments of ,pagan divinations4 ,the first an imitation of ,sortes ,homeric2 or ,virgilian1 drawing determinations from verses casually occurring4 ,the same was practised by ,severus1 who entertained ominous hopes of the ,empire1 from that verse in ,virgil1 ,tu regere imperio populos1 ,romane1 memento2 and ,cordianus who reigned but few dayes was discouraged by another1 that is1 ,ostendunt terris hunc tantum fata1 nec ultra esse sinunt4 ,nor was this only performed in heathen ,authors1 but upon the sacred text of ,scripture1 as ,gregorius ,turonensis hath left some account1 and as the practise of the ,emperour ,heraclius1 before his ,expedition into ,asia minor1 is delivered by ,cedrenus4 ,as for the ,divination or decision from the staff2 it is an ,augurial relique1 and the practise thereof is accused by ,god himself2 ,,sn3 ,hosea #d4 ,my people ask counsel of their stocks1 and their staff declareth unto them4 ,of this kind of ,rhabdomancy was that practised by ,nabuchadonozor in that ,caldean miscellany1 delivered by ,ezekiel,,sn3 ,ezek4 #bd42 the king of ,babylon stood at the parting of the way1 at the head of two wayes to use divination1 he made his arrows bright1 he consulted with ,images1 he looked in the ,liver2 at the right hand were the divinations of ,jerusalem4 ,that is1 as ,estius expounded it1 the left way leading unto ,rabbah1 the chief ,city of the ,ammonites1 and the right unto ,jerusalem1 he consulted ,idols and entrails1 he threw up a bundle of arrows to see which way they would light2 and falling on the right hand he marched towards ,jerusalem4 ,a like way of ,belomancy or ,divination by arrows hath been in request with ,scythians1 ,alanes1 ,germans1 with the ,africans and ,turks of ,algier4 ,but of another nature was that which was practised by ,elisha,,sn3 #b ,king4 #ac4ae41 when by an arrow shot from an ,eastern window1 he pre-signified the destruction of ,syria2 or when according unto the three stroaks of ,joash1 with an arrow upon the ground1 he foretold the number of his victories4 ,for thereby the spirit of ,god particular'd the same2 and determined the stroaks of the ,king unto three1 which the hopes of the ,prophet expected in twice that number4 #h4 ,we cannot omit to observe the tenacity of ancient customs1 in the nominal observation of the several dayes of the week1 according to ,gentile and ,pagan appellations ,,sn3 ,dion4 ,cassii4 lib4 #cg43 for the ,original is very high1 and as old as the ancient gyptians1 who named the same according to the seven ,planets1 the admired stars of heaven1 and reputed ,deities among them4 ,unto every one assigning a several day2 not according to their clestial order1 or as they are disposed in heaven2 but after a diatesseron or musical fourth4 ,for beginning ,saturday with ,saturn1 the supremest ,planet1 they accounted by ,jupiter and ,mars unto ,sol1 making ,sunday4 ,from ,sol in like manner by ,venus and ,mercury unto ,luna1 making ,munday2 and so through all the rest4 ,and the same order they confirmed by numbering the hours of the day unto twenty four1 according to the natural order of the ,planets4 ,for beginning to account from ,saturn1 ,jupiter1 ,mars1 and so about unto twenty four1 the next day will fall unto ,sol2 whence accounting twenty four1 the next will happen unto ,luna1 making ,munday4 ,and so with the rest1 according to the account and order observed still among us4 ,the ,jews themselves in their ,astrological considerations1 concerning ,nativities1 and ,planetary hours1 observe the same order1 upon as witty foundations4 ,because by an equal interval1 they make seven triangles1 the bases whereof are the seven sides of a septilateral figure1 described within a circle4 ,that is1 ,if a figure of seven sides be described in a circle1 and at the angles thereof the names of the ,planets be placed in their natural order on it3 if we begin with ,saturn1 and successively draw lines from angle to angle1 until seven equicrural triangles be described1 whose bases are the seven sides of the septilateral figure2 the triangles will be made by this order4 ,the first being made by ,saturn1 ,sol and ,luna1 that is1 ,saturday1 ,sunday1 and ,munday2 and so the rest in the order still retained4 ,,sn3 ,cujus ,icon apud doct4 ,iaffarel4 chap4 #aa4 ,et ,fabrit4 ,paduantum4 ,but thus much is observable1 that however in clestial considerations they embraced the received order of the ,planets1 yet did they not retain either characters1 or names in common use amongst us2 but declining humane denominations1 they assigned them names from some remarkable qualities2 as is very observable in their red and splendent ,planets1 that is1 of ,mars ,,sn3 ,maadim4 and ,venus4 ,,sn3 ,nogah4 ,but the change of their names disparaged not the consideration of their natures2 nor did they thereby reject all memory of these remarkable ,stars2 which ,god himself admitted in his ,tabernacle1 if conjecture will hold concerning the ,golden ,candlestick1 whose shaft resembled the ,sun1 and six branches the ,planets about it4 #i4 ,we are unwilling to enlarge concerning many other2 only referring unto sober examination1 what natural effects can reasonably be expected1 when to prevent the ,ephialtes or night-,mare we hang up an hollow stone in our stables2 when for amulets against ,agues we use the chips of ,gallows and places of execution4 ,when for ,warts we rub our hands before the ,moon1 or commit any maculated part unto the touch of the dead4 ,what truth there is in those common female ,doctrines1 that the first ,rib of ,roast ,beef powdered is a peculiar remedy against ,fluxes4 ,that to urine upon earth newly cast up by a ,moll1 bringeth down the menses in ,women4 ,that if a ,child dieth1 and the neck becommeth not stiff1 but for many howers remaineth ,lythe and ,flaccid1 some other in the same house will dye not long after4 ,that if a woman with child looketh upon a dead body1 her child will be of a pale complexion1 our learned ,philosophers and critical ,philosophers might illustrate1 whose exacter performances our adventures do but solicite2 mean while1 ,i hope1 they will plausibly receive our attempts1 or candidly correct our misconjectures4 ,disce1 sed ira cadat naso1 rugosaque sanna1 ,dum veteres avias tibi de pulmone recello4 ,,the ,,sixth ,,book ,of sundry common opinions ,cosmographical and ,historical ,the first ,discourse comprehended in several ,chapters4 ,,chapter ,i ,concerning the beginning of the ,world1 that the time thereof is not precisely to be known1 as men generally suppose3 ,of mens enquiries in what season or point of the ,zodiack it began4 ,that as they are generally made they are in vain1 and as particularly applied uncertain4 ,of the division of the seasons and four quarters of the year1 according to ,astronomers and ,physitians4 ,that the common compute of the ,ancients1 and which is yet retained by most1 is unreasonable and erroneous4 ,of some ,divinations and ridiculous diductions from one part of the year to another4 ,and of the ,providence and ,wisdom of ,god in the site and motion of the ,sun4 ,sidenote3 ,the age of the world not certainly determinable4 ,concerning the ,world and its temporal circumscriptions1 who ever shall strictly examine both extreams1 will easily perceive there is not only obscurity in its end1 but its beginning2 that as its period is inscrutable1 so is its nativity indeterminable3 ,that as it is presumption to enquire after the one1 so is there no rest or satisfactory decision in the other4 ,and hereunto we shall more readily assent1 if we examine the informations1 and take a view of the several difficulties in this point2 which we shall more easily do1 if we consider the different conceits of men1 and duly perpend the imperfections of their discoveries4 ,and first1 ,the histories of the ,gentiles afford us slender satisfaction1 nor can they relate any story1 or affix a probable point to its beginning4 ,for some thereof 7and those of the wisest amongst them7 are so far from determining its beginning1 that they opinion and maintain it never had any at all2 as the doctrin of ,epicurus implieth1 and more positively ,aristotle in his books ,de ,clo declareth4 ,endeavouring to confirm it with arguments of reason1 and those appearingly demonstrative2 wherein his labours are rational1 and uncontroulable upon the grounds assumed1 that is1 of ,physical generation1 and a ,primary or first matter1 beyond which no other hand was apprehended4 ,but herein we remain sufficiently satisfied from ,moses1 and the ,doctrin delivered of the ,creation2 that is1 a production of all things out of nothing1 a formation not only of matter1 but of form1 and a materiation even of matter it self4 ,others are so far from defining the ,original of the ,world or of mankind1 that they have held opinions not only repugnant unto ,chronology1 but ,philosophy2 that is1 that they had their beginning in the soil where they inhabited2 assuming or receiving appellations conformable unto such conceits4 ,,sn3 ,why the ,athenians did wear a golden ,insect upon their head4 ,so did the ,athenians1 term themselves or ,aborigines1 and in testimony thereof did wear a golden ,insect on their heads3 the same name is also given unto the ,inlanders1 or ,midland inhabitants of this ,island by ,csar4 ,but this is a conceit answerable unto the generation of the ,giants2 not admittable in ,philosophy1 much less in ,divinity1 which distinctly informeth we are all the seed of ,adam1 that the whole world perished unto eight persons before the flood1 and was after peopled by the ,colonies of the sons of ,noah4 ,there was therefore never any ,autochthon1 or man arising from the earth but ,adam2 for the ,woman being formed out of the rib1 was once removed from earth1 and framed from that ,element under incarnation4 ,and so although her production were not by copulation1 yet was it in a manner seminal3 ,for if in every part from whence the seed doth flow1 there be contained the ,idea of the whole2 there was a seminality and contracted ,adam in the rib1 which by the information of a soul1 was individuated into ,eve4 ,and therefore this conceit applied unto the ,original of man1 and the beginning of the world1 is more justly appropriable unto its end4 ,for then indeed men shall rise out of the earth3 the graves shall shoot up their concealed seeds1 and in that great ,autumn1 men shall spring up1 and awake from their ,chaos again4 ,others have been so blind in deducing the ,original of things1 or delivering their own beginnings1 that when it hath fallen into controversie1 they have not recurred unto ,chronologie or the ,records of time3 but betaken themselves unto probabilities1 and the conjecturalities of ,philosophy4 ,thus when the two ancient ,nations1 ,egyptians and ,scythians1 contended for antiquity1 the ,egyptians pleaded their antiquity from the fertility of their soil1 ,,sn3 ,diodor4 ,justin4 inferring that men there first inhabited1 where they were with most facility sustained2 and such a land did they conceive was ,egypt4 ,the ,scythians1 although a cold and heavier ,nation urged more acutely1 deducing their arguments from the two active ,elements and ,principles of all things1 ,fire and ,water4 ,for if of all things there was first an union1 and that ,fire over-ruled the rest3 surely that part of earth which was coldest1 would first get free1 and afford a place of habitation4 ,but if all the earth were first involved in ,water1 those parts would surely first appear1 which were most high1 and of most elevated situation1 and such was theirs4 ,these reasons carried indeed the antiquity from the ,egyptians1 but confirmed it not in the ,scythians3 for as ,herodotus relateth from ,pargitaus1 their first ,king unto ,darius1 they accounted but two thousand years4 ,sidenote3 ,that men speak not by natural instinct1 but by instruction and imitation4 ,as for the ,egyptians they invented another way of trial2 for as the same ,author relateth1 ,psammitichus their ,king attempted this decision by a new and unknown experiment1 bringing up two ,infants with ,goats1 and where they never heard the voice of man2 concluding that to be the ancientest ,nation1 whose language they should first deliver4 ,but herein he forgot that speech was by instruction not instinct1 by imitation1 not by nature1 that men do speak in some kind but like ,parrets1 and as they are instructed1 that is1 in simple terms and words1 expressing the open notions of things2 which the second act of ,reason compoundeth into propositions1 and the last into ,syllogisms and ,forms of ratiocination4 ,and howsoever the account of ,manethon the ,egyptian ,priest run very high1 and it be evident that ,mizraim peopled that ,country 7whose name with the ,hebrews it beareth unto this day7 and there be many things of great antiquity related in ,holy ,scripture1 yet was their exact account not very ancient2 for ,ptolomy their ,country-man beginning his ,astronomical compute no higher than ,nabonasser1 who is conceived by some the same with ,salmanasser4 ,as for the argument deduced from the ,fertility of the soil1 duly enquired1 it rather overthroweth than promoteth their antiquity2 if that ,country whose ,fertility they so advance1 was in ancient times no firm or open land1 but some vast lake or part of the ,sea1 and became a gained ground by the mud and limous matter brought down by the ,river ,nilus1 which setled by degrees into a firm land4 ,according as is expressed by ,strabo1 and more at large by ,herodotus1 both from the ,egyptian tradition and probable inducements from reason1 called therefore fluvii donum1 an accession of earth1 or tract of land acquired by the ,river4 ,lastly1 ,some indeed there are1 who have kept ,records of time1 and a considerable duration1 yet do the exactest thereof afford no satisfaction concerning the beginning of the world1 or any way point out the time of its creation4 ,the most authentick ,records and best approved antiquity are those of the ,chaldeans2 yet in the time of ,alexander the ,great1 they attained not so high as the flood4 ,for as ,simplicius relateth1 ,aristotle required of ,calisthenes1 who accompanied that ,worthy in his ,expedition1 that at his arrive at ,babylon1 he would enquire of the antiquity of their ,records2 and those upon compute he found to amount unto #aijc years2 which account notwithstanding ariseth no higher than #ie years after the flood4 ,the ,arcadians ,i confess1 were esteemed of great antiquity1 and it was usually said they were before the ,moon1 according unto that of ,seneca1 ,sydus post veteres ,arcades editum2 and that of ,ovid1 ,lun gens prior illa fuit4 ,but this as ,censorinus observeth1 must not be taken grosly1 as though they were existent before that ,luminary2 but were so esteemed1 because they observed a set course of year1 before the ,greeks conformed their year unto the course and motion of the ,moon4 ,thus the ,heathens affording no satisfaction herein1 they are most likely to manifest this truth1 who have been acquainted with ,holy ,scripture1 and the sacred ,chronology delivered by ,moses1 who distinctly sets down this account1 computing by certain intervails1 by memorable ras1 ,epoches1 or terms of time4 ,as from the ,creation unto the flood1 from thence unto ,abraham1 from ,abraham unto the departure from ,egypt1 etc4 ,now in this number have only been ,samaritans1 ,jews and ,christians4 ,,sn3 ,different accounts upon ,scripture concerning the ,age of the ,world4 ,for the ,jews they agree not in their accounts1 as ,bodine in his method of ,history hath observed out of ,baal ,seder1 ,rabbi ,nassom1 ,gersom1 and others2 in whose compute the age of the ,world is not yet #edjj years4 ,the same is more evidently observable from the two most learned ,jews1 ,philo and ,josephus2 who very much differ in the accounts of time1 and variously sum up these ,intervails assented unto by all4 ,thus ,philo from the departure out of ,egypt unto the building of the ,temple1 accounts but #ibj years1 but ,josephus sets down #ajfb4 ,philo from the building of the ,temple to its destruction #ddj4 ,josephus #dgj4 ,philo from the ,creation to the ,destruction of the ,temple #ccgc1 but ,josephus #ceac4 ,philo from the ,deluge to the ,destruction of the ,temple #agah1 but ,josephus #aiac4 ,in which ,computes there are manifest disparities1 and such as much divide the concordance and harmony of times4 ,for the ,samaritans2 their account is different from these or any others2 for they account from the ,creation to the ,deluge1 but #acjb years2 which cometh to pass upon the different account of the ages of the ,patriarks set down when they begat children4 ,for whereas the ,hebrew1 ,greek and ,latin texts account ,jared #afb when he begat ,enoch1 they account but #fb1 and so in others4 ,now the ,samaritans were no incompetent ,judges of times and the ,chronology thereof2 for they embraced the five books of ,moses1 and as it seemeth1 preserved the ,text with far more integrity then the ,jews2 who as ,tertullian1 ,chrysostom1 and others observe1 did several wayes corrupt the same1 especially in passages concerning the prophesies of ,christ2 ,so that as ,jerom professeth1 in his translation he was fain sometime to relieve himself by the ,samaritan ,pentateuch2 as amongst others in that ,text1 ,deuteronomy #bg4 ,maledictus omnis qui non permanserit in omnibus qu scripta sunt in libro ,legis4 ,from hence ,saint ,paul ,,sn3 ,gal4 #c4 inferreth there is no justification by the ,law1 and urgeth the ,text according to the ,septuagint4 ,now the ,jews to afford a latitude unto themselves1 in their copies expunged the word or ,syncategorematical term omnis3 wherein lieth the strength of the ,law1 and of the ,apostles argument2 but the ,samaritan ,bible retained it right1 and answerable unto what the ,apostle had urged4 ,as for ,christians from whom we should expect the exactest and most concurring account1 there is also in them a manifest disagreement1 and such as is not easily reconciled4 ,for first1 the ,latins accord not in their account3 to omit the calculation of the ,ancients1 of ,austin1 ,bede1 and others1 the ,chronology of the ,moderns doth manifestly dissent4 ,josephus ,scaliger1 whom ,helvicus seems to follow1 accounts the ,creation in #gfe of the ,julian period2 and from thence unto the ,nativity of our ,saviour alloweth #cidg years2 but ,dionysius ,petavius a learned ,chronologer dissenteth from this compute almost #dj years2 placing the ,creation in the #gcj of the ,julian period1 and from thence unto the ,incarnation accounteth #cihc years4 ,for the ,greeks2 their accounts are more anomalous3 for if we recur unto ancient computes1 we shall find that ,clemens ,alexandrinus1 an ancient ,father and ,prceptor unto ,origen1 accounted from the ,creation unto our ,saviour1 #effd years2 for in the first of his ,stromaticks1 he collecteth the time from ,adam unto the death of ,commodus to be #eheh years2 now the death of ,commodus he placeth in the year after ,christ #aid1 which number deducted from the former1 there remaineth #effd4 ,theophilus ,bishop of ,antioch accounteth unto the ,nativity of ,christ #eeae1 deduceable from the like way of compute1 for in his first book ad ,autolychum1 he accounteth from ,adam unto ,aurelius ,verus #efie years2 now that ,emperour died in the year of our ,lord #ahj1 which deducted from the former sum1 there remaineth #eeae4 ,julius ,africanus1 an ancient ,chronologer1 accounteth somewhat less1 that is1 #eejj4 ,eusebius1 ,orosius and others dissent not much from this1 but all exceed five thousand4 ,the latter compute of the ,greeks1 as ,petavius observeth1 hath been reduced unto two or three accounts4 ,the first accounts unto our ,saviour #eeja1 and this hath been observed by ,nicephorus1 ,theophanes1 and ,maximus4 ,,sn3 ,by what account the world hath lasted #gaed years4 ,the other accounts #eeji2 and this of all at present is generally received by the ,church of ,constantinople1 observed also by the ,moscovite1 as ,i have seen in the date of the ,emperors letters2 wherein this year of ours #afde is from the year of the world #gaed1 which doth exactly agree unto this last account #eeji1 for if unto that sum be added #afde1 the product will be #gaed1 by this ,chronology are many ,greek ,authors to be understood2 and thus is ,martinus ,crusius to be made out1 when in his ,turcogrecian history he delivers1 the ,city of ,constantinople was taken by the ,turks in the year 2 that is1 #fifa4 ,now according unto these ,chronologists1 the ,prophecy of ,elias the ,rabbin1 so much in request with the ,jews1 and in some credit also with ,christians1 that the world should last but six thousand years2 unto these ,i say1 it hath been long and out of memory disproved1 for the ,sabbatical and #gjjj year wherein the world should end 7as did the ,creation on the seventh day7 unto them is long ago expired2 they are proceeding in the eight thousand year1 and numbers exceeding those days which men have made the types and shadows of these4 ,but certainly what ,marcus ,leo the ,jew conceiveth of the end of the heavens1 exceedeth the account of all that ever shall be2 for though he conceiveth the ,elemental frame shall end in the ,seventh or ,sabbatical ,millenary1 yet cannot he opinion the heavens and more durable part of the ,creation shall perish before seven times seven1 or #di1 that is1 the ,quadrant of the other seven1 and perfect ,jubilee of thousands4 ,thus may we observe the difference and wide dissent of mens opinions1 and thereby the great incertainty in this establishment4 ,the ,hebrews not only dissenting from the ,samaritans1 the ,latins from the ,greeks1 but every one from another4 ,insomuch that all can be in the right it is impossible2 that any one is so1 not with assurance determinable4 ,and therefore as ,petavius confesseth1 to effect the same exactly without inspiration it is impossible1 and beyond the ,arithmetick of any but ,god himself4 ,and therefore also what satisfaction may be obtained from those violent disputes1 and eager enquirers in what day of the month the world began either of ,march or ,october2 likewise in what face or position of the ,moon1 whether at the prime or full1 or soon after1 let our second and serious considerations determine4 ,sidenote3 ,the cause of so different accounts about the age of the world4 ,now the reason and ground of this dissent1 is the unhappy difference between the ,greek and ,hebrew ,editions of the ,bible1 for unto these two ,languages have all translations conformed2 the holy ,scripture being first delivered in ,hebrew1 and first translated into ,greek4 ,for the ,hebrew2 it seems the primitive and surest text to rely on1 and to preserve the same entire and uncorrupt there hath been used the highest caution humanity could invent4 ,for as ,r4 ,ben4 ,maimon hath declared1 if in the copying thereof one letter were written twice1 or if one letter but touched another1 that copy was not admitted into their ,synagogues1 but only allowable to be read in ,schools and private families4 ,neither were they careful only in the exact number of their ,sections of the ,law1 but had also the curiosity to number every word1 and affixed the account unto their several books4 ,,sn3 ,corruption even in the ,hebrew ,text of the ,bible4 ,notwithstanding all which1 divers corruptions ensued1 and several depravations slipt in1 arising from many and manifest grounds1 as hath been exactly noted by ,morinus in his preface unto the ,septuagint4 ,as for the ,septuagint1 it is the first and most ancient ,translation2 and of greater antiquity than the ,chaldee version2 occasioned by the request of ,ptolomeus ,philadelphus1 ,king of ,egypt1 for the ornament of his memorable ,library2 unto whom the high ,priest addressed six ,jews out of every ,tribe1 which amounteth unto #gb2 and by these was effected that ,translation we usually term the ,septuagint1 or ,translation of seventy4 ,,sn3 ,the ,credit of the ,septuagint translation4 ,which name1 however it obtain from the number of their persons1 yet in respect of one common ,spirit1 it was the ,translation but as it were of one man2 if as the story relateth1 although they were set apart and severed from each other1 yet were their ,translations found to agree in every point1 according as is related by ,philo and ,josephus2 although we find not the same in ,aristas ,sidenote3 ,aristeas ad ,philocratorem de #gb interpretibus41 who hath expresly treated thereof4 ,but of the ,greek compute there have passed some learned dissertations not many years ago1 wherein the learned ,isacius ,vossius makes the nativity of the world to anticipate the common account one thousand four hundred and forty years4 ,this ,translation in ancient times was of great authority1 by this many of the ,heathens received some notions of the ,creation and the mighty works of ,god2 ,this in express terms is often followed by the ,evangelists1 by the ,apostles1 and by our ,saviour himself in the quotations of the ,old ,testament4 ,this for many years was used by the ,jews themselves1 that is1 such as did ,hellenize and dispersedly dwelt out of ,palestine with the ,greeks2 and this also the succeeding ,christians and ancient ,fathers observed2 although there succeeded other ,greek versions1 that is1 of ,aquila1 ,theodosius and ,symmachus2 for the ,latin translation of ,jerom1 called now the ,vulgar1 was about #hjj years after the ,septuagint2 although there was also a ,latin translation before1 called the ,italick version4 ,which was after lost upon the general reception of the translation of ,saint ,jerom ,,sn3 ,prfat4 in ,paralipom44 ,which notwithstanding 7as he himself acknowledgeth7 had been needless1 if the ,septuagint copys had remained pure1 and as they were first translated4 ,but1 7beside that different copys were used1 that ,alexandria and ,egypt followed the copy of ,hesychius1 ,antioch and ,constantinople that of ,lucian the ,martyr1 and others that of ,origen7 the ,septuagint was much depraved1 not only from the errors of ,scribes1 and the emergent corruptions of time1 but malicious contrivance of the ,jews2 as ,justin ,martyr hath declared1 in his learned dialogue ,tryphon1 and ,morinus hath learnedly shewn from many confirmations4 ,sidenote3 ,de ,hebri et ,grci textus sinceritate4 ,whatsoever ,interpretations there have been since1 have been especially effected with reference unto these1 that is1 the ,greek and ,hebrew text1 the ,translators sometimes following the one1 sometimes adhering unto the other1 according as they found them consonant unto truth1 or most correspondent unto the rules of faith4 ,now however it cometh to pass1 these two are very different in the enumeration of ,genealogies1 and particular accounts of time2 for in the second intervail1 that is1 between the ,flood and ,abraham1 there is by the ,septuagint introduced one ,cainan to be the son of ,arphaxad and father of ,salah2 whereas in the ,hebrew there is no mention of such a person1 but ,arphaxad is set down to be the father of ,salah4 ,but in the first intervail1 that is1 from the ,creation unto the ,flood1 their disagreement is more considerable2 for therein the ,greek exceedeth the ,hebrew1 and common account almost #fjj years4 ,and 'tis indeed a thing not very strange1 to be at the difference of a third part1 in so large and collective an account1 if we consider how differently they are set forth in minor and less mistakable numbers4 ,so in the ,prophesie of ,jonah1 both in the ,hebrew and ,latin text1 it is said1 ,yet forty dayes and ,ninevy shall be overthrown3 ,but the ,septuagint saith plainly1 and that in letters at length1 that is1 yet three dayes and ,ninevy shall be destroyed4 ,which is a difference not newly crept in1 but an observation very ancient1 discussed by ,austin and ,theodoret1 and was conceived an error committed by the ,scribe4 ,men therefore have raised different computes of time1 according as they have followed their different texts2 and so have left the history of times far more perplexed than ,chronology hath reduced4 ,again1 ,however the texts were plain1 and might in their numerations agree1 yet were there no small difficulty to set down a determinable ,chronology1 or establish from whence any fixed point of time4 ,for the doubts concerning the time of the ,judges are inexplicable2 that of the ,reigns and succession of ,kings is as perplexed2 it being uncertain whether the years both of their lives and reigns ought to be taken as compleat1 or in their beginning and but currant accounts4 ,nor is it unreasonable to make some doubt whether in the first ages and long lives of our fathers1 ,moses doth not sometime account by full and round numbers1 whereas strictly taken they might be some few years above or under2 as in the age of ,noah1 it is delivered to be just five hundred when he begat ,sem2 whereas perhaps he might be somewhat above or below that round and compleat number4 ,for the same way of speech is usual in divers other expressions3 ,thus do we say the ,septuagint1 and using the full and articulate number1 do write the ,translation of ,seventy2 whereas we have shewn before1 the precise number was ,seventy two4 ,so is it said that ,christ was three days in the grave2 according to that of ,mathew1 as ,jonas was three days and three nights in the ,whales belly1 so shall the ,son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth3 which notwithstanding must be taken ,synecdochically2 or by understanding a part for an whole day2 for he remained but two nights in the grave2 for he was buried in the afternoon of the first day1 and arose very early in the morning on the third2 that is1 he was interred in the eve of the ,sabbath1 and arose in the morning after it4 ,moreover although the number of years be determined and rightly understood1 and there be without doubt a certain truth herein2 yet the text speaking obscurely or dubiously1 there is oft-times no slender difficulty at what point to begin or terminate the account4 ,so when it is said ,exod4 #ab4 the sojourning of the children of ,israel who dwelt in ,egypt was #dcj years1 it cannot be taken strictly1 and from their first arrival into ,egypt1 for their habitation in that land was far less2 but the account must begin from the ,covenant of ,god with ,abraham1 and must also comprehend their sojourn in the land of ,canaan1 according as is expressed1 ,gal4 #c4 ,the ,covenant that was confirmed before of ,god in ,christ1 the ,law which was #dcj years after cannot disanul4 ,thus hath it also happened in the account of the #gj years of their captivity1 according to that of ,jeremy ,,sn3 ,chap4 #bj41 ,this whole land shall be a desolation1 and these nations shall serve the ,king of ,babylon #gj years4 ,now where to begin or end this compute1 ariseth no small difficulties2 for there were three remarkable captivities and deportations of the ,jews4 ,the first was in the third or fourth year of ,joachim1 and first of ,nabuchodonozor1 when ,daniel was carried away2 the second in the reign of ,ieconiah1 and the eighth year of the same ,king2 the third and most deplorable to the reign of ,zedechias and in the nineteenth year of ,nabuchodonozor1 whereat both the ,temple and ,city were burned4 ,now such is the different conceit of these times1 that men have computed from all2 but the probablest account and most concordant unto the intention of ,ieremy1 is from the first of ,nabuchodonozor unto the first of ,king ,cyrus over ,babylon2 although the ,prophet ,zachary ,,sn3 ,chap4 #a4 #ab4 accounteth from the last4 ,o ,lord of hosts1 ,how ,long6 ,wilt thou not have mercy on ,ierusalem1 against which thou hast had indignation these threescore and ten years8 for he maketh this expostulation in the second year of ,darius ,histaspes1 wherein he prophesied1 which is about eighteen years in account after the other4 ,sidenote3 ,the difficulties of ,daniels #gj ,weeks4 ,thus also although there be a certain truth therein1 yet is there no easie doubt concerning the seventy weeks1 or seventy times seven years of ,daniel2 whether they have reference unto the nativity or passion of our ,saviour1 and especially from whence1 or what point of time they are to be computed4 ,for thus is it delivered by the ,angel ,gabriel3 ,seventy weeks are determined upon the people2 and again in the following verse3 ,know therefore and understand1 that from the going forth of the ,commandment to restore and to build ,ierusalem unto the ,messias the ,prince1 shall be seven weeks1 and threescore and two weeks1 the street shall be built again1 and the wall even in troublesome times2 and after threescore and two weeks shall ,messiah be cut off4 ,now the going out of the ,commandment to build the ,city1 being the point from whence to compute1 there is no slender controversie when to begin4 ,for there are no less than four several ,edicts to this effect1 the one in the first year of ,cyrus1 the other in the second of ,darius1 the third and fourth in the seventh1 and in the twentieth of ,artaxerxes ,longimanus2 although as ,petavius accounteth1 it best accordeth unto the twenty year of ,artaxerxes1 from whence ,nehemiah deriveth his ,commission4 ,,sn3 ,of our ,bless4 ,saviours age at his ,passion4 ,now that computes are made uncertainly with reference unto ,christ1 it is no wonder1 since ,i perceive the time of his ,nativity is in controversie1 and no less his age at his ,passion4 ,for ,clemens and ,tertullian conceive he suffered at thirty2 but ,irenus a ,father neerer his time1 is further off in his account1 that is1 between forty and fifty4 ,longomontanus a late ,astronomer1 endeavours to discover this secret from ,astronomical grounds1 that is1 the ,apogeum of the ,sun2 conceiving the ,excentricity invariable1 and the ,apogeum yearly to move one scruple1 two seconds1 fifty thirds1 etc4 ,wherefore if in the time of ,hipparchus1 that is1 in the year of the ,iulian period #deeg it was in the fifth degree of ,gemini1 and in the daies of ,tycho ,brahe1 that is in the year of our ,lord #aehh1 or of the world #eeed1 the same was removed unto the fift degree of ,cancer2 by the proportion of its motion1 it was at the ,creation first in the beginning of ,aries1 and the ,perigeum or nearest point in ,libra4 ,but this conceit how ingenious or subtile soever1 is not of satisfaction2 it being not determinable1 or yet agreed in what time precisely the ,apogeum absolveth one degree1 as ,petavius ,,sn3 ,de ,doctrina temporum #a4d4 hath also delivered4 ,lastly1 ,however these or other difficulties intervene1 and that we cannot satisfie our selves in the exact compute of time1 yet may we sit down with the common and usual account2 nor are these differences derogatory unto the ,advent or ,passion of ,christ1 unto which indeed they all do seem to point1 for the ,prophecies concerning our ,saviour were indefinitely delivered before that of ,daniel2 so was that pronounced unto ,eve in paradise1 that after of ,balaam1 those of ,isaiah and the ,prophets1 and that memorable one of ,iacob1 the ,scepter shall not depart from ,israel untill ,shilo come2 which time notwithstanding it did not define at all4 ,in what year therefore soever1 either from the destruction of the ,temple1 from the re-edifying thereof1 from the flood1 or from the ,creation he appeared1 certain it is1 that in the fulness of time he came4 ,when he therefore came is not so considerable1 as that he is come3 in the one there is consolation1 in the other no satisfaction4 ,the greater ,quere is1 when he will come again2 and yet indeed it is no ,quere at all3 for that is never to be known1 and therefore vainly enquired3 'tis a professed and authentick obscurity1 unknown to all but to the omniscience of the ,almighty4 ,certainly the ends of things are wrapt up in the hands of ,god1 he that undertakes the knowledge thereof1 forgets his own beginning1 and disclaims his principles of earth4 ,no man knows the end of the world1 nor assuredly of any thing in it3 ,god sees it1 because unto his ,eternity it is present2 he knoweth the ends of us1 but not of himself3 and because he knows not this1 he knoweth all things1 and his knowledge is endless1 even in the object of himself4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,of mens ,enquiries in what season or ,point of the ,zodiack it began1 that as they are generally made1 they are in vain1 and as particularly1 uncertain4 ,sidenote3 ,the world began in all the four quarters of the year4 ,concerning the ,seasons1 that is1 the quarters of the year1 some are ready to enquire1 others to determine1 in what season1 whether in the ,autumn1 ,spring1 ,winter or ,summer the ,world had its beginning4 ,wherein we affirm1 that as the question is generally1 and in respect of the whole earth proposed1 it is with manifest injury unto reason in any particular determined2 because when ever the world had its beginning it was created in all these four4 ,for1 as we have elsewhere delivered1 whatsoever sign the ,sun possesseth 7whose recess or vicinity defineth the quarters of the year7 those four seasons were actually existent2 it being the nature of that ,luminary to distinguish the several seasons of the year2 all which it maketh at one time in the whole earth1 and successively in any part thereof4 ,thus if we suppose the ,sun created in ,libra1 in which sign unto some it maketh ,autumn2 at the same time it had been ,winter unto the ,northern-pole1 for unto them at that time the ,sun beginneth to be invisible1 and to shew it self again unto the ,pole of the ,south4 ,unto the position of a right ,sphere or directly under the quator1 it had been ,summer2 for unto that situation the ,sun is at that time vertical4 ,unto the latitude of ,capricorn1 or the ,winter ,solstice it had been ,spring2 for unto that position it had been in a middle point1 and that of ascent1 or approximation1 but unto the latitude of ,cancer or the ,summer ,solstice it had been ,autumn2 for then had it been placed in a middle point1 and that of descent1 or elongation4 ,and if we shall take it literally what ,moses described popularly1 this was also the constitution of the first day4 ,for when it was evening unto one longitude1 it was morning unto another2 when night unto one1 day unto another4 ,and therefore that question1 whether our ,saviour shall come again in the twilight 7as is conceived he arose7 or whether he shall come upon us in the night1 according to the comparison of a thief1 or the ,jewish tradition1 that he will come about the time of their departure out of gypt1 when they eat the ,passover1 and the ,angel passed by the doors of their houses2 this ,quere ,i say needeth not further dispute4 ,for if the earth be almost every where inhabited1 and his coming 7as ,divinity affirmed7 must needs be unto all2 then must the time of his appearance be both in the day and night4 ,for if unto ,jerusalem1 or what part of the world soever he shall appear in the night1 at the same time unto the ,antipodes1 it must be day2 if twilight unto them1 broad day unto the ,indians2 if noon unto them1 yet night unto the ,americans3 and so with variety according unto various habitations1 or different positions of the ,sphere1 as will be easily conceived by those who understand the affections of different habitations1 and the conditions of ,antci1 ,perici1 and ,antipodes4 ,and so although he appear in the night1 yet may the day of ,judgement or ,dooms-day well retain that name2 for that implieth one revolution of the ,sun1 which maketh the day and night1 and that one natural day4 ,,sn3 ,and yet to speak strictly1 if 7as the ,apostle affirmeth7 we shall be changed in the twinckling of an eye 7and as the ,schools determine7 the destruction of the world shall not be successive but in an instant2 we cannot properly apply thereto the usual distinctions of time2 called that twelve hours1 which admits not the parts thereof1 or use at all the name of time1 when the nature thereof shall perish4 ,but if the enquiry be made unto a particular place1 and the question determined unto some certain ,meridian2 as namely1 unto ,mesopotamia wherein the seat of paradice is presumed1 the ,query becomes more reasonable1 and is indeed in nature also determinable4 ,yet positively to define that season1 there is no slender difficulty2 for some contend that it began in the ,spring2 as 7beside ,eusebius1 ,ambrose1 ,bede1 and ,theodoret7 some few years past ,henrico ,philippi in his ,chronology of the ,scripture4 ,others are altogether for ,autumn2 and from hence do our ,chronologers commence their compute2 as may be observed in ,helvicus1 ,jo4 ,scaliger1 ,calvisius1 and ,petavius4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,of the ,divisions of the seasons and four ,quarters of the year1 according unto ,astronomers and ,physitians2 that the common compute of the ,ancients1 and which is still retained by some is very questionable4 ,as for the divisions of the year1 and the quartering out this remarkable standard of time1 there have passed especially two distinctions2 the first in frequent use with ,astronomers1 according to the cardinal intersections of the ,zodiack1 that is1 the two quinoctials and both the ,solstitial points2 defining that time to be the ,spring of the year1 wherein the ,sun doth pass from the quinox of ,aries unto the ,solstice of ,cancer2 the time between the ,solstice and the quinox of ,libra1 ,summer2 from thence unto the ,solstice of ,capricornus1 ,autumn2 and from thence unto the quinox of ,aries again1 ,winter4 ,now this division although it be regular and equal1 is not universal2 for it includeth not those latitudes which have the seasons of the year double2 as have the inhabitants under the ,equator1 or else between the ,tropicks4 ,,sn3 ,between the ,tropicks two ,summers in a year4 ,for unto them the ,sun is vertical twice a year1 making two distinct ,summers in the different points of verticality4 ,so unto those which live under the quator1 when the sun is in the quinox it is ,summer1 in which points it maketh ,spring or ,autumn unto us2 and unto them it is also ,winter when the ,sun is in either ,tropick2 whereas unto us it maketh always ,summer in the one4 ,and the like will happen unto those habitations1 which are between the ,tropicks and the quator4 ,a second and more sensible division there is observed by ,hippocrates1 and most of the ancient ,greeks1 according to the rising and setting of divers stars2 dividing the year1 and establishing the account of seasons from usual alterations1 and sensible mutations in the air1 discovered upon the rising and setting of those stars1 accounting the ,spring from the quinoxial point of ,aries2 from the rising of the ,pleiades1 or the several stars on the back of ,taurus1 ,summer2 from the rising of ,arcturus1 a star between the thighs of ,bootes1 ,autumn2 and from the setting of the ,pleiades1 ,winter4 ,of these divisions because they were unequal1 they were fain to subdivide the two larger portions1 that is of the ,summer and ,winter quarters2 the first part of the ,summer they named 1 the second unto the rising of the ,dog-star1 1 from thence unto the setting of ,arcturus1 4 ,the ,winter they divided also into three parts2 the first part1 or that of seed time they named 1 the middle or proper ,winter1 1 the last1 which was their planting or grafting time 4 ,this way of division was in former ages received1 is very often mentioned in ,poets1 translated from one ,nation to another2 from the ,greeks unto the ,latines as is received by good ,authors2 and delivered by ,physitians1 even unto our times4 ,now of these two1 although the first in some latitude may be retained1 yet is not the other in any to be admitted4 ,for in regard of time 7as we elsewhere declare7 the stars do vary their longitudes1 and consequently the times of their ascension and descension4 ,that star which is the term of numeration1 or point from whence we commence the account1 altering his site and longitude in process of time1 and removing from ,west to ,east1 almost one degree in the space of #gb years1 so that the same star1 since the age of ,hippocrates who used this account1 is removed in consequentia about #bg degrees4 ,which difference of their longitudes1 doth much diversifie the times of their ascents1 and rendereth the account unstable which shall proceed thereby4 ,again1 ,in regard of different latitudes1 this cannot be a setled rule1 or reasonably applied unto many ,nations4 ,for whereas the setting of the ,pleiades or seven stars1 is designed the term of ,autumn1 and the beginning of ,winter2 unto some latitudes these stars do never set1 as unto all beyond #fg degrees4 ,and if in several and far distant latitudes we observe the same star as a common term of account unto both1 we shall fall upon an unexpected1 but an unsufferable absurdity2 and by the same account it will be ,summer unto us in the ,north1 before it be so unto those1 which unto us are ,southward1 and many degrees approaching nearer the ,sun4 ,for if we consult the ,doctrine of the sphere1 and observe the ascension of the ,pleiades1 which maketh the beginning of ,summer1 we shall discover that in the latitude of #dj1 these stars arise in the #af degree of ,taurus2 but in the latitude of #ej1 they ascend in the eleventh degree of the same sign1 that is1 #e dayes sooner2 so shall it be ,summer unto ,london1 before it be unto ,toledo1 and begin to scorch in ,england1 before it grow hot in ,spain4 ,this is therefore no general way of compute1 nor reasonable to be derived from one ,nation unto another2 the defect of which consideration hath caused divers errors in ,latine poets1 translating these expressions from the ,greeks2 and many difficulties even in the ,greeks themselves2 which living in divers latitudes1 yet observed the same compute4 ,so that to make them out1 we are fain to use distinctions2 sometime computing cosmically what they intended heliacally3 and sometime in the same expression accounting the rising heliacally1 the setting cosmically4 ,otherwise it will be hardly made out1 what is delivered by approved ,authors2 and is an observation very considerable unto those which meet with such expressions1 as they are very frequent in the poets of elder times1 especially ,hesiod1 ,aratus1 ,virgil1 ,ovid1 ,manilius2 and ,authors ,geoponical1 or which have treated de re rustica1 as ,constantine1 ,marcus ,cato1 ,columella1 ,palladius and ,varro4 ,lastly1 ,the absurdity in making common unto many ,nations those considerations whose verity is but particular unto some1 will more evidently appear1 if we examine the ,rules and ,precepts of some one climate1 and fall upon consideration with what incongruity they are transferrible unto others4 ,thus is it advised by ,hesiod4 ,pleiadibus ,atlante natis orientibus ,incipe messem1 ,arationem vero occidentibus4 ,implying hereby the ,heliacal ascent and ,cosmical descent of those stars4 ,now herein he setteth down a rule to begin harvest at the arise of the ,pleiades2 which in his time was in the beginning of ,may4 ,this indeed was consonant unto the clime wherein he lived1 and their harvest began about that season3 but is not appliable unto our own1 for therein we are so far from expecting an harvest1 that our ,barley-seed is not ended4 ,again1 correspondent unto the rule of ,hesiod1 ,virgil affordeth another1 ,ante tibi ,eo ,atlantides abscondantur1 ,debita quam sulcis committas semina4 ,understanding hereby their ,cosmical descent1 or their setting when the ,sun ariseth1 and not their ,heliacal obscuration1 or their inclusion in the lustre of the ,sun1 as ,servius upon this place would have it2 for at that time these stars are many signs removed from that luminary4 ,now herein he strictly adviseth1 not to begin to sow before the setting of these stars2 which notwithstanding without injury to agriculture1 cannot be observed in ,england2 for they set unto us about the #ab of ,november1 when our ,seed-time is almost ended4 ,and this diversity of clime and clestial observations1 precisely observed unto certain stars and moneths1 hath not only overthrown the deductions of one ,nation to another1 but hath perturbed the observation of festivities and statary ,solemnities1 even with the ,jews themselves4 ,for unto them it was commanded that at their entrance into the land of ,canaan1 in the fourteenth of the first moneth 7that is ,abib or ,nisan which is ,spring with us7 they should observe the celebration of the ,passover2 and on the morrow after1 which is the fifteenth day1 the feast of unleavened bread2 and in the sixteenth of the same moneth1 that they should offer the first sheaf of the harvest4 ,now all this was feasible and of an easie possibility in the land of ,canaan1 or latitude of ,jerusalem2 for so it is observed by several ,authors in later times2 and is also testified by holy ,scripture in times very far before4 ,for when the children of ,israel passed the river ,jordan ,,sn3 ,josh4 #c41 it is delivered by way of parenthesis1 that the river overfloweth its banks in the time of harvest2 which is conceived the time wherein they passed2 and it is after delivered ,,sn3 ,josh4 #e41 that in the fourteenth day they celebrated the ,passover3 which according to the ,law of ,moses was to be observed in the first moneth1 or moneth of ,abib4 ,and therefore it is no wonder1 what is related by ,luke1 that the ,disciples upon the ,deuteroproton1 as they passed by1 plucked the ears of corn4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,sabbaton ,deuteroproton1 ,luk4 #f4 was4 ,for the ,deuteroproton or second first ,sabbath1 was the first ,sabbath after the ,deutera or second of the ,passover1 which was the sixteenth of ,nisan or ,abib4 ,and this is also evidenced from the received construction of the first and latter rain4 ,i will give you the rain of your land in his due season1 the first rain and the latter rain4 ,,sn3 ,deut4 #aa4 ,for the first rain fell upon the seed-time about ,october1 and was to make the seed to root1 the latter was to fill the ear1 and fell in ,abib or ,march1 the first moneth3 according as is expressed4 ,,sn3 ,joel #b4 ,and he will cause to come down for you the rain1 the former rain and the latter rain in the first moneth2 that is the moneth of ,abib wherein the ,passover was observed4 ,this was the ,law of ,moses1 and this in the land of ,canaan was well observed1 according to the first institution3 but since their dispersion and habitation in ,countries1 whose constitutions admit not such tempestivity of harvests2 and many not before the latter end of ,summer2 notwithstanding the advantage of their ,lunary account1 and intercalary moneth ,veader1 affixed unto the beginning of the year1 there will be found a great disparity in their observations2 nor can they strictly and at the same season with their forefathers observe the commands of ,god4 ,to add yet further1 those ,geoponical rules and precepts of ,agriculture which are delivered by divers ,authors1 are not to be generally received2 but respectively understood unto climes whereto they are determined4 ,for whereas one adviseth to sow this or that grain at one season1 a second to set this or that at another1 it must be conceived relatively1 and every ,nation must have its ,country ,farm2 for herein we may observe a manifest and visible difference1 not only in the seasons of harvest1 but in the grains themselves4 ,for with us ,barley-harvest is made after wheat-harvest1 but with the ,israelites and gyptians it was otherwise2 so is it expressed by way of priority1 ,ruth the #b4 ,so ,ruth kept fast by the maidens of ,boaz to glean unto the end of ,barley-harvest and of ,wheat-harvest1 which in the plague of hayl in gypt is more plainly delivered1 ,exod4 #i4 ,and the ,flax and the ,barley were smitten1 for the ,barley was in the ear and the ,flax was bolled1 but the ,wheat and the ,rye were not smitten1 for they were not grown up4 ,and thus we see the account established upon the arise or descent of the stars can be no reasonable rule unto distant ,nations at all1 and by reason of their retrogression but temporary unto any one4 ,nor must these respective expressions be entertained in absolute considerations2 for so distinct is the relation1 and so artificial the habitude of this inferiour globe unto the superiour1 and even of one thing in each unto the other1 that general rules are dangerous1 and applications most safe that run with security of circumstance4 ,which rightly to effect1 is beyond the subtlety of sense1 and requires the artifice of reason4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,of some computation of days and deductions of one part of the year unto another4 ,sidenote3 ,that the days decrease and increase unequally4 ,fourthly1 ,there are certain vulgar opinions concerning days of the year1 and conclusions popularly deduced from certain days of the moneth3 men commonly believing the days increase and decrease equally in the whole year3 which notwithstanding is very repugnant unto truth4 ,for they increase in the moneth of ,march1 almost as much as in the two moneths of ,january and ,february3 and decrease as much in ,september1 as they do in ,july and ,august4 ,for the days increase or decrease according to the declination of the ,sun1 that is1 its deviation ,northward or ,southward from the quator4 ,now this digression is not equal but near the quinoxial intersections1 it is right and greater1 near the ,solstices more oblique and lesser4 ,so from the eleventh of ,march the vernal quinox1 unto the eleventh of ,april the ,sun declineth to the ,north twelve degrees2 from the eleventh of ,april unto the eleventh of ,may but eight1 from thence unto the fifteenth of ,june1 or the ,summer ,solstice but three and a half3 all which make twenty two degrees and an half1 the greatest declination of the ,sun4 ,sidenote3 ,the natural proportion of humane growth1 etc4 ,and this inequality in the declination of the ,sun in the ,zodiack or line of life1 is correspondent unto the growth or declination of man4 ,for setting out from infancy we increase not equally1 or regularly attain to our state or perfection3 nor when we descend from our state1 is our declination equal1 or carrieth us with even paces unto the grave4 ,for as ,hippocrates affirmeth1 a man is hottest in the first day of his life1 and coldest in the last3 his natural heat setteth forth most vigorously at first1 and declineth most sensibly at last4 ,,sn3 ,in the world1 ,and so though the growth of man end not perhaps until twenty one1 yet is his stature more advanced in the first septenary than in the second1 and in the second1 more than in the third1 and more indeed in the first seven years1 than in the fourteen succeeding2 for what stature we attain unto at seven years1 we do sometimes but double1 most times come short of at one and twenty4 ,and so do we decline again3 ,for in the latter age upon the ,tropick and first descension from our solstice1 we are scarce sensible of declination3 but declining further1 our decrement accelerates1 we set apace1 and in our last days precipitate into our graves4 ,,sn3 and in the womb4 ,and thus are also our progressions in the womb1 that is1 our formation1 motion1 our birth or exclusion4 ,for our formation is quickly effected1 our motion appeareth later1 and our exclusion very long after3 if that be true which ,hippocrates and ,avicenna have declared1 that the time of our motion is double unto that of formation1 and that of exclusion treble unto that of motion4 ,as if the ,infant be formed at thirty five days1 it moveth at seventy1 and is born the two hundred and tenth day1 that is1 the seventh month2 or if it receives not formation before forty five days1 it moveth the ninetieth day1 and is excluded in the two hundred and seventy1 that is1 the ninth month4 ,there are also certain popular prognosticks drawn from festivals in the ,calender1 and conceived opinions of certain days in months2 so is there a general tradition in most parts of ,europe1 that inferreth the coldness of succeeding winter from the shining of the ,sun upon ,candlemas day1 or the ,purification of the ,virgin ,mary1 according to the proverbial distich1 ,si ,sol splendescat ,mari purificante1 ,major erit glacies post festum quam fuit ante4 ,so is it usual among us to qualifie and conditionate the twelve months of the year1 answerably unto the temper of the twelve days in ,christmas2 and to ascribe unto ,march certain borrowed days from ,april2 all which men seem to believe upon annual experience of their own1 and the received traditions of their fore-fathers4 ,now it is manifest1 and most men likewise know1 that the ,calenders of these computers1 and the accounts of these days are very different2 the ,greeks dissenting from the ,latins1 and the ,latins from each other2 the one observing the ,julian or ancient account1 as great ,britain and part of ,germany2 the other adhering to the ,gregorian or new account1 as ,italy1 ,france1 ,spain1 and the united ,provinces of the ,netherlands4 ,now this later account by ten days at least anticipateth the other2 so that before the one beginneth the account1 the other is past it2 yet in the several calculations1 the same events seem true1 and men with equal opinion of verity1 expect and confess a confirmation from them all4 ,whereby is evident the ,oraculous authority of tradition1 and the easie seduction of men1 neither enquiring into the verity of the substance1 nor reforming upon repugnance of circumstance4 ,and thus may divers easily be mistaken who superstitiously observe certain times1 or set down unto themselves an observation of unfortunate months1 or dayes1 or hours2 ,as did the ,egyptians1 two in every month1 and the ,romans1 the days after the ,nones1 ,ides and ,calends4 ,and thus the ,rules of ,navigators must often fail1 setting down1 as ,rhodiginus observeth1 suspected and ominous days in every month1 as the first and seventh of ,march1 the fift and sixt of ,april1 the sixt1 the twelfth and fifteenth of ,february4 ,for the accounts hereof in these months are very different in our days1 and were different with several ,nations in ,ages past2 and how strictly soever the account be made1 and even by the self-same ,calender1 yet is it possible that ,navigators may be out4 ,for so were the ,hollanders1 who passing ,westward through fretum le ,mayre1 and compassing the ,globe1 upon their return into their own ,country1 found that they had lost a day4 ,for if two men at the same time travel from the same place1 the one ,eastward1 the other ,westward round about the earth1 and meet in the same place from whence the first set forth2 it will so fall out1 that he which hath moved ,eastward against the diurnal motion of the ,sun1 by anticipating dayly something of its circle with his own motion1 will gaine one day2 but he that travelleth ,westward1 with the motion of the ,sun1 by seconding its revolution1 shall lose or come short a day4 ,and therefore also upon these grounds that ,delos was seated in the middle of the earth1 it was no exact decision1 because two ,eagles let fly ,east and ,west by ,jupiter1 their meeting fell out just in the ,island ,delos4 ,,chapter ,v ,a ,digression of the wisdom of ,god in the site and motion of the ,sun4 ,having thus beheld the ignorance of man in some things1 his error and blindness in others1 that is1 in the measure of duration both of years and seasons1 let us a while admire the ,wisdom of ,god in this distinguisher of times1 and visible ,deity 7as some have termed it7 the ,sun4 ,which though some from its glory adore1 and all for its benefits admire1 we shall advance from other considerations1 and such as illustrate the artifice of its ,maker4 ,nor do we think we can excuse the duty of our knowledge1 if we only bestow the flourish of ,poetry hereon1 or those commendatory conceits which popularly set forth the eminency of this creature2 except we ascend unto subtiler considerations1 and such as rightly understood1 convincingly declare the wisdom of the ,creator4 ,which since a ,spanish ,physitian ,,sn3 ,valerius de ,philos4 ,sacr4 hath begun1 we will enlarge with our deductions2 and this we shall endeavour from two considerations2 its proper situation1 and wisely ordered motion4 ,and first we cannot pass over his providence1 in that it moveth at all2 for had it stood still1 and were it fixed like the earth1 there had been then no distinction of times1 either of day or year1 of ,spring1 of ,autumn1 of ,summer1 or of ,winter2 for these seasons are defined by the motions of the ,sun2 when that approacheth neare our ,zenith1 or vertical ,point1 we call it ,summer1 when furthest off1 ,winter1 when in the middle spaces1 ,spring or ,autumn1 whereas remaining in one place these distinctions had ceased1 and consequently the generation of all things depending on their vicissitudes2 making in one hemisphere a perpetual ,summer1 in the other a deplorable and comfortless ,winter4 ,,sn3 ,what the natural day is4 ,and thus had it also been continual day unto some1 and perpetual night unto others2 for the day is defined by the abode of the ,sun above the ,horizon1 and the night by its continuance below2 so should we have needed another ,sun1 one to illustrate our ,hemisphere1 a second to enlighten the other2 which inconvenience will ensue in what site soever we place it1 whether in the ,poles1 or the quator1 or between them both2 no spherical body of what bigness soever illuminating the whole sphere of another1 although it illuminate something more than half of a lesser1 according unto the doctrine of the ,opticks4 ,sidenote3 ,every part of the ,earth habitable4 ,his wisdom is again discernable1 not only in that it moveth at all1 and in its bare motion1 but wonderful in contriving the line of its revolution2 which is so prudently effected1 that by a vicissitude in one body and light it sufficeth the whole earth1 affording thereby a possible or pleasurable habitation in every part thereof2 and this is the line ,ecliptick2 all which to effect by any other circle it had been impossible4 ,for first1 if we imagine the ,sun to make his course out of the ,ecliptick1 and upon a line without any obliquity1 let it be conceived within that ,circle1 that is either on the quator1 or else on either side3 7,for if we should place it either in the ,meridian or ,colures1 beside the subversion of its course from ,east to ,west1 there would ensue the like incommodities47 ,now if we conceive the sun to move between the obliquity of this ,ecliptick in a line upon one side of the quator1 then would the ,sun be visible but unto one pole1 that is the same which was nearest unto it4 ,so that unto the one it would be perpetual day2 unto the other perpetual night2 the one would be oppressed with constant heat1 the other with insufferable cold2 and so the defect of alternation would utterly impugn the generation of all things2 which naturally require a vicissitude of heat to their production1 and no less to their increase and conservation4 ,but if we conceive it to move in the quator2 first unto a parallel sphere1 or such as have the pole for their ,zenith1 it would have made neither perfect day nor night4 ,for being in the quator it would intersect their ,horizon1 and be half above and half beneath it3 or rather it would have made perpetual night to both2 for though in regard of the rational ,horizon1 which bisecteth the ,globe into equal parts1 the ,sun in the quator would intersect the ,horizon3 yet in respect of the sensible ,horizon 7which is defined by the eye7 the ,sun would be visible unto neither4 ,for if as ocular witnesses report1 and some also write1 by reason of the convexity of the ,earth1 the eye of man under the quator cannot discover both the poles2 neither would the eye under the poles discover the ,sun in the quator4 ,thus would there nothing fructifie either near or under them3 ,the ,sun being ,horizontal to the poles1 and of no considerable altitude unto parts a reasonable distance from them4 ,again1 unto a right sphere1 or such as dwell under the quator1 although it made a difference in day and night1 yet would it not make any distinction of seasons3 for unto them it would be constant ,summer1 it being alwaies vertical1 and never deflecting from them3 ,so had there been no fructification at all1 and the ,countries subjected would be as uninhabitable1 as indeed antiquity conceived them4 ,lastly1 ,it moving thus upon the quator1 unto what position soever1 although it had made a day1 yet could it have made no year3 for it could not have had those two motions now ascribed unto it1 that is1 from ,east to ,west1 whereby it makes the day1 and likewise from ,west to ,east1 whereby the year is computed4 ,for according to received ,astronomy1 the poles of the quator are the same with those of the ,primum ,mobile4 ,now it is impossible that on the same circle1 having the same poles1 both these motions from opposite terms should be at the same time performed2 all which is salved1 if we allow an obliquity in his annual motion1 and conceive him to move upon the ,poles of the ,zodiack1 distant from these of the world #bc degrees and an half4 ,thus may we discern the necessity of its obliquity1 and how inconvenient its motion had been upon a circle parallel to the quator1 or upon the quator it self4 ,now with what ,providence this obliquity is determined1 we shall perceive upon the ensuing inconveniences from any deviation4 ,for first1 if its obliquity had been less 7as instead of twenty three degrees1 twelve or the half thereof7 the vicissitude of seasons appointed for the generation of all things1 would surely have been too short2 for different seasons would have hudled upon each other2 and unto some it had not been much better than if it had moved on the quator4 ,but had the obliquity been greater than now it is1 as double1 or of #dj degrees2 several parts of the earth had not been able to endure the disproportionable differences of seasons1 occasioned by the great recess1 and distance of the ,sun4 ,for unto some habitations the ,summer would have been extream hot1 and the ,winter extream cold2 likewise the ,summer temperate unto some1 but excessive and in extremity unto others1 as unto those who should dwell under the ,tropick of ,cancer1 as then would do some part of ,spain1 or ten degrees beyond1 as ,germany1 and some part of ,england2 who would have ,summers as now the ,moors of ,africa4 ,for the ,sun would sometime be vertical unto them3 but they would have ,winters like those beyond the ,artick ,circle2 for in that season the ,sun would be removed above #hj degrees from them4 ,again1 it would be temperate to some habitations in the ,summer1 but very extream in the ,winter3 temperate to those in two or three degrees beyond the ,artick ,circle1 as now it is unto us2 for they would be equidistant from that ,tropick1 even as we are from this at present4 ,but the ,winter would be extream1 the ,sun being removed above an hundred degrees1 and so consequently would not be visible in their ,horizon1 no position of sphere discovering any star distant above #ij degrees1 which is the distance of every ,zenith from the ,horizon4 ,and thus if the obliquity of this ,circle had been less1 the vicissitude of seasons had been so small as not to be distinguished2 if greater1 so large and disproportionable as not to be endured4 ,sidenote3 ,a competent distinction of seasons necessary1 and why4 ,now for its situation1 although it held this ,ecliptick line1 yet had it been seated in any other ,orb1 inconveniences would ensue of condition like the former2 for had it been placed in the lowest sphere of the ,moon1 the year would have consisted but of one month2 for in that space of time it would have passed through every part of the ,ecliptick3 so would there have been no reasonable distinction of seasons required for the generation and fructifying of all things2 contrary seasons which destroy the effects of one another1 so suddenly succeeding4 ,besides by this vicinity unto the earth1 its heat had been intollerable2 for if 7as many affirm7 there is a different sense of heat from the different points of its proper ,orb1 and that in the ,apogeum or highest point 7which happeneth in ,cancer7 it is not so hot under that ,tropick1 on this side the quator1 as unto the other side in the ,perigeum or lowest part of the ,eccentrick 7which happeneth in ,capricornus7 surely being placed in an ,orb far lower1 its heat would be unsufferable1 nor needed we a fable to set the world on fire4 ,but had it been placed in the highest ,orb1 or that of the eighth sphere1 there had been none but ,platoes year1 and a far less distinction of seasons2 for one year had then been many1 and according unto the slow revolution of that ,orb which absolveth not his course in many thousand years1 no man had lived to attain the account thereof4 ,these are the inconveniences ensuing upon its situation in the extream orbs1 and had it been placed in the middle orbs of the ,planets1 there would have ensued absurdities of a middle nature unto them4 ,now whether we adhere unto the hypothesis of ,copernicus1 affirming the earth to move1 and the ,sun to stand still2 or whether we hold1 as some of late have concluded1 from the spots in the ,sun1 which appear and disappear again2 that besides the revolution it maketh with its ,orbs1 it hath also a dinetical motion1 and rowls upon its own ,poles1 whether ,i say we affirm these or no1 the illations before mentioned are not thereby infringed4 ,we therefore conclude this contemplation1 and are not afraid to believe1 it may be literally said of the wisdom of ,god1 what men will have but figuratively spoken of the works of ,christ2 that if the wonders thereof were duly described1 the whole world1 that is1 all within the last circumference1 would not contain them4 ,for as his ,wisdom is infinite1 so cannot the due expressions thereof be finite1 and if the world comprise him not1 neither can it comprehend the story of him4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,concerning the vulgar opinion1 that the ,earth was slenderly peopled before the ,flood4 ,beside the slender consideration men of latter times do hold of the first ages1 it is commonly opinioned1 and at first thought generally imagined1 that the earth was thinly inhabited1 at least not remotely planted before the flood2 whereof there being two opinions1 which seem to be of some extremity1 the one too largely extending1 the other too narrowly contracting the populosity of those times2 we shall not pass over this point without some enquiry into it4 ,now for the true enquiry thereof1 the means are as obscure as the matter1 which being naturally to be explored by ,history1 ,humane or ,divine1 receiveth thereby no small addition of obscurity4 ,for as for humane relations1 they are so fabulous in ,deucalions flood1 that they are of little credit about ,ogyges and ,noahs4 ,for the ,heathens 7as ,varro accounteth7 make three distinctions of time3 the first from the beginning of the world unto the general ,deluge of ,ogyges1 they term ,adelon1 that is1 a time not much unlike that which was before time1 immanifest and unknown2 because thereof there is almost nothing or very obscurely delivered3 for though divers ,authors have made some mention of the ,deluge1 as ,manethon the ,egyptian ,priest1 ,xenophon de quivocis1 ,fabius ,pictor de ,aureo seculo1 ,mar4 ,cato de originibus1 and ,archilochus the ,greek1 who introduceth also the ,testimony of ,moses in his fragment de temporibus3 yet have they delivered no account of what preceded or went before4 ,josephus ,i confess in his ,discourse against ,appion induceth the antiquity of the ,jews unto the flood1 and before from the testimony of humane ,writers2 insisting especially upon ,maseus of ,damascus1 ,jeronimus gyptius1 and ,berosus2 and confirming the long duration of their lives1 not only from these1 but the authority of ,hesiod1 ,erathius1 ,hellanicus and ,agesilaus4 ,berosus the ,chaldean ,priest1 writes most plainly1 mentioning the city of ,enos1 the name of ,noah and his ,sons1 the building of the ,ark1 and also the place of its landing4 ,and ,diodorus ,siculus hath in his third book a passage1 which examined1 advanceth as high as ,adam3 for the ,chaldeans1 saith he1 derive the ,original of their ,astronomy and letters forty three thousand years before the ,monarchy of ,alexander the ,great3 now the years whereby they computed the antiquity of their letters1 being as ,xenophon interprets to be accounted ,lunary3 the compute will arise unto the time of ,adam4 ,for forty three thousand ,lunary years make about three thousand six hundred thirty four years1 which answereth the ,chronology of time from the beginning of the world unto the reign of ,alexander1 as ,annius of ,viterbo computeth in his ,comment upon ,berosus4 ,the second space or interval of time is accounted from the flood unto the first ,olympiad1 that is1 the year of the world #cagd1 which extendeth unto the days of ,isaiah the ,prophet1 and some twenty years before the foundation of ,rome3 this they term ,mythicon or fabulous1 because the account thereof1 especially of the first part1 is fabulously or imperfectly delivered4 ,hereof some things have been briefly related by the ,authors above mentioned3 more particularly by ,dares ,phrygius1 ,dictys ,cretensis1 ,herodotus1 ,diodorus ,siculus1 and ,trogus ,pompeius2 the most famous ,greek ,poets lived also in this interval1 as ,orpheus1 ,linus1 ,musus1 ,homer1 ,hesiod2 and herein are comprehended the grounds and first inventions of ,poetical fables1 which were also taken up by historical ,writers1 perturbing the ,chaldean and ,egyptian ,records with fabulous additions2 and confounding their names and stories1 with their own inventions4 ,the third time succeeding until their present ages1 they term ,historicon1 that is1 such wherein matters have been more truly historified1 and may therefore be believed4 ,of these times also have been written ,herodotus1 ,thucydides1 ,xenophon1 ,diodorus2 and both of these and the other preceding such as have delivered universal ,histories or ,chronologies2 as 7to omit ,philo1 whose ,narrations concern the ,hebrews7 ,eusebius1 ,julius ,africanus1 ,orosius1 ,ado of ,vienna1 ,marianus ,scotus1 ,historia tripartita1 ,urspergensis1 ,carion1 ,pineda1 ,salian1 and with us ,sir ,walter ,raleigh4 ,now from the first hereof that most concerneth us1 we have little or no assistance2 the fragments and broken records hereof inforcing not at all our purpose4 ,and although some things not usually observed1 may be from thence collected1 yet do they not advantage our discourse1 nor any way make evident the point in hand4 ,for the second1 though it directly concerns us not1 yet in regard of our last medium and some illustrations therein1 we shall be constrained to make some use thereof4 ,as for the last1 it concerns us not at all2 for treating of times far below us1 it can no way advantage us4 ,and though divers in this last ,age have also written of the first1 as all that have delivered the general accounts of time1 yet are their ,tractates little auxiliary unto ours1 nor afford us any light to detenebrate and clear this ,truth4 ,as for holy ,scripture and divine revelation1 there may also seem therein but slender information1 there being only left a brief narration hereof by ,moses1 and such as affords no positive determination4 ,for the ,text delivereth but two genealogies1 that is1 of ,cain and ,seth2 in the line of ,seth there are only ten descents1 in that of ,cain but seven1 and those in a right line with mention of father and son2 excepting that of ,lamech1 where is also mention of wives1 sons1 and a daughter4 ,notwithstanding if we seriously consider what is delivered therein1 and what is also deducible1 it will be probably declared what is by us intended1 that is1 the populous and ample habitation of the earth before the flood4 ,which we shall labour to induce not from postulates and entreated ,maxims1 but undeniable ,principles declared in holy ,scripture2 that is1 the length of mens lives before the flood1 and the large extent of time from ,creation thereunto4 ,we shall only first crave notice1 that although in the relation of ,moses there be very few persons mentioned1 yet are there many more to be presumed2 nor when the ,scripture in the line of ,seth nominates but ten persons1 are they to be conceived all that were of this generation3 ,the ,scripture singly delivering the holy line1 wherein the world was to be preserved1 first in ,noah1 and afterward in our ,saviour4 ,for in this line it is manifest there were many more born than are named1 for it is said of them all1 that they begat sons and daughters4 ,and whereas it is very late before it is said they begat those persons which are named in the ,scripture1 the soonest at #fe1 it must not be understood that they had none before2 but not any in whom it pleased ,god the holy line should be continued4 ,and although the expression that they begat sons and daughters be not determined to be before or after the mention of these1 yet must it be before in some2 for before it is said that ,adam begat ,seth at the #acj year1 it is plainly affirmed that ,cain knew his wife1 and had a son2 which must be one of the daughters of ,adam1 one of those whereof it is after said1 he begat sons and daughters4 ,and so for ought can be disproved there might be more persons upon earth then are commonly supposed1 when ,cain slew ,abel2 nor the fact so hainously to be aggravated in the circumstance of the fourth person living4 ,and whereas it is said upon the nativity of ,seth1 ,god hath appointed me another seed instead of ,abel1 it doth not imply he had no other all this while2 but not any of that expectation1 or appointed 7as his name applies7 to make a progression in the holy line2 in whom the world was to be saved1 and from whom he should be born1 that was mystically slain in ,abel4 ,now our first ground to induce the numerosity of people before the flood1 is the long duration of their lives1 beyond #g1 #h1 and #i1 hundred years4 ,which how it conduceth unto populosity we shall make but little doubt1 if we consider there are two main causes of numerosity in any kind or species1 that is1 a frequent and multiparous way of breeding1 whereby they fill the world with others1 though they exist not long themselves2 or a long duration and subsistence1 whereby they do not only replenish the world with a new annumeration of others1 but also maintain the former account in themselves4 ,from the first cause we may observe examples in creatures oviparous1 as ,birds and ,fishes2 in vermiparous1 as ,flies1 ,locusts1 and ,gnats2 in animals also viviparous1 as ,swine and ,conies4 ,of the first there is a great example in the herd of ,swine in ,galilee2 although an unclean beast1 and forbidden unto the ,jews4 ,of the other a remarkable one in ,athenus1 in the ,isle ,astipalea1 one of the ,cyclades now called ,stampalia1 wherein from two that were imported1 the number so increased1 that the ,inhabitants were constrained to have recourse unto the ,oracle ,delphos1 for an invention how to destroy them4 ,others there are which make good the paucity of their breed with the length and duration of their daies1 whereof there want not examples in animals uniparous3 ,,sn3 ,a ,million of ,beeves yearly killed in ,england4 ,first1 in bisulcous or cloven-hooft1 as ,camels1 and ,beeves1 whereof there is above a million annually slain in ,england4 ,it is also said of ,job1 that he had a thousand yoak of ,oxen1 and six thousand ,camels2 and of the children of ,israel passing into the land of ,canaan1 that they took from the ,midianites threescore and ten thousand ,beeves2 and of the ,army of ,semiramis1 that there were therein one hundred thousand ,camels4 ,for ,solipeds or firm-hoofed animals1 as ,horses1 ,asses1 ,mules1 etc41 they are also in mighty numbers1 so it is delivered that ,job had a thousand she ,asses3 that the ,midianites lost sixty one thousand ,asses4 ,for ,horses it is affirmed by ,diodorus1 that ,ninus brought against the ,bactrians two hundred eighty thousand ,horses2 after him ,semiramis five hundred thousand ,horses1 and ,chariots one hundred thousand4 ,even in creatures steril and such as do not generate1 the length of life conduceth much unto the multiplicity of the species2 for the number of ,mules which live far longer then their ,dams or ,sires1 in ,countries where they are bred1 is very remarkable1 and far more common then ,horses4 ,for ,animals multifidous1 or such as are digitated or have several divisions in their feet1 there are but two that are uniparous1 that is1 ,men and ,elephants2 who though their productions be but single1 are notwithstanding very numerous4 ,the ,elephant 7as ,aristotle affirmeth7 carrieth the young two years1 and conceiveth not again 7as ,edvardus ,lopez affirmeth7 in many after1 yet doth their age requite this disadvantage2 they living commonly one hundred1 sometime two hundred years4 ,now although they be rare with us in ,europe1 and altogether unknown unto ,america1 yet in the two other parts of the world they are in great abundance1 as appears by the relation of ,gorcias ab ,horto1 ,physitian to the ,viceroy at ,goa1 who relates that at one venation the ,king of ,sion took four thousand2 and is of opinion they are in other parts in greater number then herds of ,beeves in ,europe4 ,and though this delivered from a ,spaniard unacquainted with our ,northern droves1 may seem very far to exceed2 yet must we conceive them very numerous1 if we consider the number of teeth transported from one ,country to another2 they having only two great teeth1 and those not falling or renewing4 ,as for man1 the disadvantage in his single issue is the same with these1 and in the lateness of his generation somewhat greater then any2 yet in the continual and not interrupted time thereof1 and the extent of his days1 he becomes at present1 if not then any other species1 at least more numerous then these before mentioned4 ,now being thus numerous at present1 and in the measure of threescore1 fourscore or an hundred years1 if their dayes extended unto six1 seven1 or eight hundred1 their generations would be proportionably multiplied2 their times of generation being not only multiplied1 but their subsistence continued4 ,for though the great ,grand-child went on1 the ,petrucius ,,sn3 ,the term for that person from whom consanguineal relations are accounted1 as in the ,arbor civilis4 and first ,original would subsist and make one of the world2 though he outlived all the terms of consanguinity1 and became a stranger unto his proper progeny4 ,so by compute of ,scripture ,adam lived unto the ninth generation1 unto the days of ,lamech the ,father of ,noah2 ,methuselah unto the year of the flood2 and ,noah was contemporary unto all from ,enoch unto ,abraham4 ,so that although some died1 the father beholding so many descents1 the number of ,survivers must still be very great2 for if half the men were now alive1 which lived in the last ,century1 the earth would scarce contain their number4 ,whereas in our abridged and ,septuagesimal ,ages1 it is very rare1 and deserves a ,distick ,,sn3 ,mater ait nat dic nat filia1 etc4 to behold the fourth generation4 ,xerxes complaint still remaining2 and what he lamented in his ,army1 being almost deplorable in the whole world3 men seldom arriving unto those years whereby ,methuselah exceeded nine hundred1 and what ,adam came short of a thousand1 was defined long ago to be the age of man4 ,now although the length of days conduceth mainly unto the numerosity of mankind1 and it be manifest from ,scripture they lived very long1 yet is not the period of their lives determinable1 and some might be longer livers1 than we account that any were4 ,for 7to omit that conceit of some1 that ,adam was the oldest man1 in as much as he is conceived to be created in the maturity of mankind1 that is1 at #fj1 7for in that age it is set down they begat children7 so that adding this number unto his #icj1 he was #ba years older than any of his posterity7 that even ,methuselah was the longest liver of all the children of ,adam1 we need not grant2 nor is it definitively set down by ,moses4 ,indeed of those ten mentioned in ,scripture1 with their severall ages it must be true2 but whether those seven of the line of ,cain and their progeny1 or any of the sons or daughters posterity after them out-lived those1 is not expressed in holy ,scripture2 and it will seem more probable1 that of the line of ,cain some were longer lived than any of ,seth2 if we concede that seven generations of the one lived as long as nine of the other4 ,as for what is commonly alledged1 that ,god would not permit the life of any unto a thousand1 because 7alluding unto that of ,david7 no man should live one day in the sight of the ,lord2 although it be urged by divers1 yet is it methinks an inference somewhat ,rabbinicall2 and not of power to perswade a serious examinator4 ,having thus declared how powerfully the length of lives conduced unto populosity of those times1 it will yet be easier acknowledged if we descend to particularities1 and consider how many in seven hundred years might descend from one man2 wherein considering the length of their dayes1 we may conceive the greatest number to have been alive together4 ,and this that no reasonable spirit may contradict1 we will declare with manifest disadvantage2 for whereas the duration of the world unto the flood was above #afjj years1 we will make our compute in less then half that time4 ,nor will we begin with the first man1 but allow the earth to be provided of women fit for marriage the second or third first ,centuries2 and will only take as granted1 that they might beget children at sixty1 and at an hundred years have twenty1 allowing for that number forty years4 ,nor will we herein single out ,methuselah1 or account from the longest livers1 but make choice of the shortest of any we find recorded in the ,text1 excepting ,enoch2 who after he had lived as many years as there be days in the year1 was translated at #cfe4 ,and thus from one stock of seven hundred years1 multiplying still by twenty1 we shall find the product to be one thousand1 three hundred forty seven millions1 three hundred sixty eight thousand1 four hundred and twenty4 #a #bj4 #b #djj4 #c #hjjj4 #d #afj1jjj4 ,century #e #c1bjj1jjj4 #f #df1jjj1jjj4 #g #a1bhj1jjj1jjj4 ----------------- ,product #a1cdg1cfh1dbj4 ,now if this account of the learned ,petavius will be allowed1 it will make an unexpected encrease1 and a larger number than may be found in ,asia1 ,africa and ,europe2 especially if in ,constantinople1 the greatest ,city thereof1 there be no more of ,europe than ,botero accounteth1 seven hundred thousand souls4 ,which duly considered1 we shall rather admire how the earth contained its inhabitants1 then doubt its inhabitation2 and might conceive the deluge not simply penall1 but in some way also necessary1 as many have conceived of translations1 if ,adam had not sinned1 and the race of man had remained upon earth immortal4 ,now whereas some to make good their longevity1 have imagined that the years of their compute were ,lunary2 unto these we must reply3 ,that if by a ,lunary year they understand twelve revolutions of the ,moon1 that is #ced days1 eleven fewer then in the ,solary year2 there will be no great difference2 at least not sufficient to convince or extenuate the question4 ,but if by a ,lunary year they mean one revolution of the ,moon1 that is1 a moneth1 they first introduce a year never used by the ,hebrews in their ,civil accompts2 and what is delivered before of the ,chaldean years 7as ,xenophon gives a caution7 was only received in the ,chronology of their ,arts4 ,secondly1 they contradict the ,scripture1 which makes a plain enumeration of many moneths in the account of the ,deluge2 for so is it expressed in the ,text4 ,in the tenth moneth1 in the first day of the moneth were the tops of the mountains seen3 ,concordant whereunto is the relation of humane ,authors1 ,inundationes plures fuere1 prima novimestris inundatio terrarum sub prisco ,ogyge4 ,,sn3 ,xenophon de quivocis4 ,meminisse hoc loco par est post primum diluvium ,ogygi temporibus notatum1 cum novem et amplius mensibus diem continua nox inumbrasset1 ,delon ante omnes terras radiis solis illuminatum sortitumque ex eo nomen4 ,,sn3 ,solinus4 ,and lastly1 they fall upon an absurdity1 for they make ,enoch to beget children about six years of age4 ,for whereas it is said he begat ,methuselah at #fe1 if we shall account every moneth a year1 he was at that time some six years and an half1 for so many moneths are contained in that space of time4 ,having thus declared how much the length of mens lives conduced unto the populosity of their kind1 our second foundation must be the large extent of time1 from the ,creation unto the ,deluge1 that is 7according unto received computes about #afee years7 almost as long a time as hath passed since the nativity of our ,saviour3 and this we cannot but conceive sufficient for a very large increase1 if we do but affirm what reasonable enquirers will not deny3 ,that the earth might be as populous in that number of years before the flood1 as we can manifest it was in the same number after4 ,and whereas there may be conceived some disadvantage1 in regard that at the ,creation the original of mankind was in two persons1 but after the flood their propagation issued at least from six2 against this we might very well set the length of their lives before the flood1 which were abbreviated after1 and in half this space contracted into hundreds and threescores4 ,notwithstanding to equalize accounts1 we will allow three hundred years1 and so long a time as we can manifest from the ,scripture4 ,there were four men at least that begat children1 ,adam1 ,cain1 ,seth1 and ,enos2 ,so shall we fairly and favourably proceed1 if we affirm the world to have been as populous in sixteen hundred and fifty before the flood1 as it was in thirteen hundred after4 ,now how populous and largely inhabited it was within this period of time1 we shall declare from probabilities1 and several testimonies of ,scripture and humane ,authors4 ,and first1 ,to manifest the same neer those parts of the earth where the ,ark is presumed to have rested1 we have the relation of holy ,scripture accounting the genealogy of ,japhet1 ,cham and ,sem1 and in this last1 four descents unto the division of the earth in the days of ,peleg1 which time although it were not upon common compute much above an hundred years1 yet were men at this time mightily increased4 ,nor can we well conceive it otherwise1 if we consider they began already to wander from their first habitation1 and were able to attempt so mighty a work as the building of a ,city and a ,tower1 whose top should reach unto the heavens4 ,whereunto there was required no slender number of persons1 if we consider the magnitude thereof1 expressed by some1 and conceived to be ,turris ,beli in ,herodotus2 and the multitudes of people recorded at the erecting of the like or inferiour structures3 for at the building of ,solomons ,temple there were threescore and ten thousand that carried burdens1 and fourscore thousand hewers in the mountains1 beside the chief of his officers three thousand and three hundred2 and at the erecting of the ,piramids in the reign of ,king ,cheops1 as ,herodotus reports1 there were decem myriads1 that is an hundred thousand men4 ,and though it be said of the ,egyptians1 ,porrum et cpe nefas violare et frangere morsu ,,sn3 ,juvenal42 yet did the summes expended in ,garlick and ,onyons amount unto no less then one thousand six hundred ,talents4 ,sidenote3 ,who ,nimrod and ,assur were4 ,the first ,monarchy or ,kingdom of ,babylon is mentioned in ,scripture under the foundation of ,nimrod1 which is also recorded in humane history2 as beside ,berosus1 in ,diodorus and ,justine1 for ,nimrod of the ,scriptures is ,belus of the ,gentiles1 and ,assur the same with ,ninus his successour4 ,there is also mention of divers ,cities1 particularly of ,ninivey and ,resen expressed emphatically in the ,text to be a great ,city4 ,that other ,countries round about were also peopled1 appears by the ,wars of the ,monarchs of ,assyria with the ,bactrians1 ,indians1 ,scythians1 ,ethiopians1 ,armenians1 ,hyrcanians1 ,parthians1 ,persians1 ,susians2 they vanquishing 7as ,diodorus relateth7 ,egypt1 ,syria1 and all ,asia minor1 even from ,bosphorus unto ,tanais4 ,and it is said1 that ,semiramis in her expedition against the ,indians brought along with her the ,king of ,arabia4 ,about the same time of the ,assyrian ,monarchy1 do ,authors place that of the ,sycionians in ,greece1 and soon after that of the ,argives1 and not very long after1 that of the ,athenians under ,cecrops2 and within our period assumed are historified many memorable actions of the ,greeks1 as the expedition of the ,argonautes1 with the most famous ,wars of ,thebes and ,troy4 ,that ,canaan also and ,egypt were well peopled far within this period1 besides their plantation by ,canaan and ,misraim1 appeareth from the history of ,abraham1 who in less then #djj years after the ,flood1 journied from ,mesopotamia unto ,canaan and ,egypt1 both which he found well peopled and policied into ,kingdoms3 wherein also in #dcj years1 from threescore and ten persons which came with ,jacob into ,egypt1 he became a mighty ,nation2 for it is said1 at their departure1 there journeyed from ,rhamesis to ,succoth about six hundred thousand on foot1 that were men1 besides children4 ,now how populous the land from whence they came was1 may be collected not only from their ability in commanding such subjections and mighty powers under them1 but from the several accounts of that ,kingdom delivered by ,herodotus4 ,and how soon it was peopled1 is evidenced from the pillar of their ,king ,osyris1 with this inscription in ,diodorus2 ,mihi pater est ,saturnus deorum junior1 sum vero ,osyris rex qui totum peragravi orbem usq2 ad ,indorum fines1 ad eos quoq2 sum profectus qui septentrioni subjacent usq2 ad ,istri fontes1 et alias partes usq2 ad ,occanum4 ,,sn3 ,who ,osyris and ,saturnus gyptius were4 ,now according unto the best determinations ,osyris was ,misraim1 and ,saturnus ,egyptius the same with ,cham2 after whose name ,egypt is not only called in ,scripture the laud of ,ham1 but thus much is also testified by ,plutarch2 for in his ,treatise de ,osyride1 he delivereth that ,egypt was called ,chamia a ,chamo ,noe filio1 that is from ,cham the son of ,noah4 ,and if according to the consent of ancient ,fathers1 ,adam was buried in the same place where ,christ was crucified1 that is ,mount ,calvary1 the first man ranged far before the ,flood1 and laid his bones many miles from that place1 where its presumed he received them4 ,and this migration was the greater1 if as the text expresseth1 he was cast out of the ,east-side of ,paradise to till the ground2 and as the ,position of the ,cherubines implieth1 who were placed at the east end of the garden to keep him from the tree of life4 ,that the remoter parts of the earth were in this time inhabited is also induceable from the like testimonies2 for 7omitting the numeration of ,josephus1 and the genealogies of the ,sons of ,noah7 that ,italy was inhabited1 appeareth from the ,records of ,livie1 and ,dionysius ,halicarnasscus1 the story of neas1 ,evander and ,janus1 whom ,annius of ,viterbo1 and the ,chorographers of ,italy1 do make to be the same with ,noah4 ,that ,sicily was also peopled1 is made out from the frequent mention thereof in ,homer1 the ,records of ,diodorus and others2 but especially from a remarkable passage touched by ,aretius and ,ranzanus ,bishop of ,lucerium1 but fully explained by ,thomas ,fazelli in his accurate ,history of ,sicily2 that is1 from an ancient inscription in a stone at ,panormo1 expressed by him in its proper characters1 and by a ,syrian thus translated1 ,non est alius ,deus prter unum ,deum1 non est alius potens prter eundem ,deum1 neq2 est alius victor prter eundem quem colimus ,deum3 ,hujus turris prfectus est ,sapha filius ,eliphat1 filii ,esau1 fratris ,jacob1 filii ,isaac1 filii ,abraham3 et turri quidem ipsi nomen est ,baych1 sed turri huic proxim nomen est ,pharath4 ,the antiquity of the inhabitation of ,spain is also confirmable1 not only from ,berosus in the plantation of ,tubal1 and a ,city continuing yet in his name1 but the story of ,gerion1 the travels of ,hercules and his pillars3 and especially a passage in ,strabo1 which advanceth unto the time of ,ninus1 thus delivered in his fourth book4 ,the ,spaniards 7saith he7 affirm that they have had ,laws and ,letters above six thousand years4 ,now the ,spaniards or ,iberians observing 7as ,xenophon hath delivered7 ,annum quadrimestrem1 four moneths unto a year1 this compute will make up #bjjj solary years1 which is about the space of time from ,strabo1 who lived in the days of ,augustus1 unto the reign of ,ninus4 ,that ,mauritania and the coast of ,africa were peopled very soon1 is the conjecture of many wise men1 and that by the ,phnicians1 who left their ,country upon the invasion of ,canaan by the ,israelites4 ,for beside the conformity of the ,punick or ,carthaginian language with that of ,phnicia1 there is a pregnant and very remarkable testimony hereof in ,procopius1 who in his second de bello ,vandalico1 recordeth1 that in a town of ,mauritania ,tingitana1 there was to be seen upon two white ,columns in the ,phnician language these ensuing words2 ,nos ,maurici sumus qui fugimus a facie ,jehoschua filii ,nunis prdatoris4 ,the fortunate ,islands or ,canaries were not unknown2 for so doth ,strabo interpret that speech in ,homer of ,proteus unto ,menelaus1 ,sed te qua terr postremus terminus extat1 ,elysium in ,campum clestia numina ducunt4 ,the like might we affirm from credible histories both of ,france and ,germany1 and perhaps also of our own ,country4 ,for omitting the fabulous and ,trojan original delivered by ,jeofrey of ,monmouth1 and the express text of ,scripture2 that the race of ,japhet did people the ,isles of the ,gentiles2 the ,brittish ,original was so obscure in ,csars time1 that he affirmeth the ,inland inhabitants were ,aborigines1 that is1 such as reported that they had their beginning in the ,island4 ,that ,ireland our neighbour ,island was not long time without ,inhabitants1 may be made probable by sundry accounts2 although we abate the ,traditions of ,bartholanus the ,scythian1 who arrived there three hundred years after the flood1 or the relation of ,giraldus2 that ,csaria the daughter of ,noah dwelt there before4 ,now should we call in the learned account of ,bochartus ,,sn3 ,bochart4 ,geog4 ,sacr4 part4 #b41 deducing the ancient names of ,countries from ,phnicians1 who by their plantations1 discoveries1 and sea negotiations1 have left unto very many ,countries1 ,phnician denominations2 the enquiry would be much shorter1 and if ,spain in the ,phnician ,original1 be but the region of ,conies1 ,lusitania1 or ,portugal the ,countrey of ,almonds1 if ,brittanica were at first ,baratanaca1 or the land of ,tin1 and ,ibernia or ,ireland1 were but ,ibernae1 or the farthest habitation2 and these names imposed and dispersed by ,phnician ,colonies in their several navigations2 the ,antiquity of habitations might be more clearly advanced4 ,thus though we have declared how largely the world was inhabited within the space of #acjj years1 yet must it be conceived more populous then can be clearly evinced2 for a greater part of the earth hath ever been peopled1 then hath been known or described by ,geographers1 as will appear by the discoveries of all ,ages4 ,for neither in ,herodotus or ,thucydides do we find any mention of ,rome1 nor in ,ptolomy of many parts of ,europe1 ,asia or ,africa4 ,and because many places we have declared of long plantations of whose populosity notwithstanding or memorable actions we have no ancient story2 if we may conjecture of these by what we find related of others1 we shall not need many words1 nor assume the half of #acjj years4 ,and this we might illustrate from the mighty acts of the ,assyrians performed not long after the flood2 recorded by ,justine and ,diodorus2 who makes relation of expeditions by ,armies more numerous then have been ever since4 ,for ,ninus ,king of ,assyria brought against the ,bactrians #gjjjjj foot1 #bjjjjj horse1 #ajfjj ,chariots4 ,semiramis his successor led against the ,indians #acjjjjj foot1 #ejjjjj horse1 #ajjjjj ,chariots1 and as many upon ,camels3 ,and it is said1 ,staurobates the ,indian ,king1 met her with greater forces then she brought against him4 ,all which was performed within less then four hundred years after the flood4 ,now if any imagine the unity of their language did hinder their dispersion before the flood1 we confess it some hindrance at first1 but not much afterward4 ,for though it might restrain their dispersion1 it could not their populosity2 which necessarily requireth transmigration and emission of ,colonies2 as we read of ,romans1 ,greeks1 ,phnicians in ages past1 and have beheld examples thereof in our days4 ,we may also observe that after the flood before the confusion of tongues1 men began to disperse3 for it is said1 they journeyed towards the ,east3 and the ,scripture it self expresseth a necessity conceived of their dispersion1 for the intent of erecting the ,tower is so delivered in the text1 ,lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the earth4 ,sidenote3 ,whether any ,islands before the ,flood4 ,again1 ,if any apprehend the plantation of the earth more easie in regard of ,navigation and shipping discovered since the flood1 whereby the ,islands and divided parts of the earth are now inhabited2 he must consider1 that whether there were ,islands or no before the flood1 is not yet determined1 and is with probability denied by very learned ,authors4 ,lastly1 ,if we shall fall into apprehension that it was less inhabited1 because it is said in the sixt of ,genesis about a #abj years before the flood1 and it came to pass that when men began to multiply upon the face of the earth4 ,beside that this may be only meant of the race of ,cain1 it will not import they were not multiplied before1 but that they were at that time plentifully encreased2 for so is the same word used in other parts of ,scripture4 ,and so is it afterward in the #i ,chapter said1 that ,noah began to be an husbandman1 that is1 he was so1 or earnestly performed the ,acts thereof2 so it is said of our ,saviour1 that he began to cast them out that bought and sold in the ,temple1 that is1 he actually cast them out1 or with alacrity effected it4 ,thus have ,i declared some private and probable conceptions in the enquiry of this truth2 but the certainty hereof let the ,arithmetick of the last day determine2 and therefore expect no further belief than probability and reason induce4 ,only desire men would not swallow dubiosities for certainties1 and receive as ,principles points mainly controvertible2 for we are to adhere unto things doubtful in a dubious and opinative way4 ,it being reasonable for every man to vary his opinion according to the variance of his reason1 and to affirm one day what he denied another4 ,wherein although at last we miss of truth2 we die notwithstanding in harmless and inoffensive errors2 because we adhere unto that1 whereunto the examen of our reasons1 and honest enquiries induce us4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,of ,east1 and ,west4 ,the next shall be of ,east and ,west2 that is1 the proprieties and conditions ascribed unto ,regions respectively unto those situations2 which hath been the obvious conception of ,philosophers and ,geographers1 magnifying the condition of ,india1 and the ,eastern ,countries1 above the setting and occidental ,climates1 some ascribing hereto the generation of gold1 precious stones and spices1 others the civility and natural endowments of men2 conceiving the bodies of this situation to receive a special impression from the first salutes of the ,sun1 and some appropriate influence from his ascendent and oriental radiations4 ,but these proprieties affixed unto bodies1 upon considerations deduced from ,east1 ,west1 or those observable points of the sphere1 how specious and plausible so ever1 will not upon enquiry be justified from such foundations4 ,for to speak strictly1 there is no ,east and ,west in nature1 nor are those absolute and invariable1 but respective and mutable points1 according unto different longitudes1 or distant parts of habitation1 whereby they suffer many and considerable variations4 ,for first1 unto some the same part will be ,east or ,west in respect of one another1 that is1 unto such as inhabit the same parallel1 or differently dwell from ,east to ,west4 ,thus as unto ,spain1 ,italy lyeth ,east1 unto ,italy ,greece1 unto ,greece ,persia1 and unto ,persia ,china2 so again unto the ,country of ,china1 ,persia lyeth ,west1 unto ,persia ,greece1 unto ,greece ,italy1 and unto ,italy ,spain4 ,so that the same ,countrey is sometimes ,east and sometimes ,west2 and ,persia though ,east unto ,greece1 yet is it ,west unto ,china4 ,unto other habitations the same point will be both ,east and ,west2 as unto those that are ,antipodes or seated in points of the ,globe diametrically opposed4 ,so the ,americans are ,antipodal unto the ,indians1 and some part of ,india is both ,east and ,west unto ,america1 according as it shall be regarded from one side or the other1 to the right or to the left2 and setting out from any middle point1 either by ,east or ,west1 the distance unto the place intended is equal1 and in the same space of time in nature also performable4 ,to a third that have the ,poles for their vertex1 or dwell in the position of a parallel sphere1 there will be neither ,east nor ,west1 at least the greatest part of the year4 ,for if 7as the name ,oriental implyeth7 they shall account that part to be ,east where ever the ,sun ariseth1 or that ,west where the ,sun is occidental or setteth3 almost half the year they have neither the one nor the other4 ,for half the year it is below their ,horizon1 and the other half it is continually above it1 and circling round about them intersecting not the ,horizon1 nor leaveth any part for this compute4 ,and if 7which will seem very reasonable7 that part should be termed the ,eastern point1 where the ,sun at quinox1 and but once in the year ariseth1 yet will this also disturb the cardinal accounts1 nor will it with propriety admit that appellation4 ,for that surely cannot be accounted ,east which hath the ,south on both sides2 which notwithstanding this position must have4 ,for if unto such as live under the ,pole1 that he only ,north which is above them1 that must be ,southerly which is below them1 which is all the other portion of the by ,globe1 beside that part possessed them4 ,and thus these points of ,east and ,west being not absolute in any1 respective in some1 and not at all relating unto others2 we cannot hereon establish so general considerations1 nor reasonably erect such immutable assertions1 upon so unstable foundations4 ,now the ground that begat or promoted this conceit1 was first a mistake in the apprehension of ,east and ,west1 considering thereof as of the ,north and ,south1 and computing by these as invariably as by the other2 but herein1 upon second thoughts there is a great disparity4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,northern and ,southern ,poles be4 ,for the ,north and ,southern ,pole1 are the invariable terms of that ,axis whereon the heavens do move2 and are therefore incommunicable and fixed points2 wherof the one is not apprehensible in the other4 ,but with ,east and ,west it is quite otherwise3 for the revolution of the ,orbs being made upon the ,poles of ,north and ,south1 all other points about the ,axis are mutable2 and wheresoever therein the ,east point be determined1 by succession of parts in one revolution every point becometh ,east4 ,and so if where the ,sun ariseth1 that part be termed ,east1 every habitation differing in longitude1 will have this point also different2 in as much as the ,sun successively ariseth unto every one4 ,the second ground1 although it depend upon the former1 approacheth nearer the effect2 and that is the efficacy of the ,sun1 set out and divided according to priority of ascent2 whereby his influence is conceived more favourable unto one ,countrey than another1 and to felicitate ,india more than any after4 ,but hereby we cannot avoid absurdities1 and such as infer effects controulable by our senses4 ,for first1 by the same reason that we affirm the ,indian richer than the ,american1 the ,american will also be more plentiful than the ,indian1 and ,england or ,spain more fruitful than ,hispaniola or golden ,castle3 in as much as the ,sun ariseth unto the one sooner than the other3 and so accountably unto any ,nation subjected unto the same parallel1 or with a considerable diversity of longitude from each other4 ,secondly1 ,an unsufferable absurdity will ensue3 for thereby a ,country may be more fruitful than it self3 ,for ,india is more fertile than ,spain1 because more ,east1 and that the ,sun ariseth first unto it3 ,spain1 likewise by the same reason more fruitful than ,america1 and ,america than ,india3 so that ,spain is less fruitful than that ,countrey1 which a less fertile ,country than it self excelleth4 ,lastly1 ,if we conceive the ,sun hath any advantage by priority of ascent1 or makes thereby one ,country more happy than another1 we introduce injustifiable determinations1 and impose a natural partiality on that ,luminary1 which being equidistant from the earth1 and equally removed in the ,east as in the ,west1 his ,power and ,efficacy in both places must be equal1 as ,boetius hath taken notice1 and ,scaliger ,,sn3 ,de gemmis exercitat4 hath graphically declared4 ,some have therefore forsaken this refuge of the ,sun1 and to salve the effect have recurred unto the influence of the ,stars1 making their activities ,national1 and appropriating their ,powers unto particular regions4 ,so ,cardan conceiveth the tail of ,ursa ,major peculiarly respecteth ,europe3 whereas indeed once in #bd hours it also absolveth its course over ,asia and ,america4 ,and therefore it will not be easie to apprehend those stars peculiarly glance on us1 who must of necessity carry a common eye and regard unto all ,countries1 unto whom their revolution and verticity is also common4 ,the effects therefore or different productions in several ,countries1 which we impute unto the action of the ,sun1 must surely have nearer and more immediate causes than that ,luminary4 ,and these if we place in the propriety of clime1 or condition of soil wherein they are produced1 we shall more reasonably proceed1 than they who ascribe them unto the activity of the ,sun4 ,whose revolution being regular1 it hath no power nor efficacy peculiar from its orientality1 but equally disperseth his beams unto all1 which equally1 and in the same restriction1 receive his lustre4 ,and being an universal and indefinite agent1 the effects or productions we behold1 receive not their circle from his causality1 but are determined by the principles of the place1 or qualities of that region which admits them4 ,and this is evident not only in gemms1 minerals1 and mettals1 but observable in plants and animals2 whereof some are common unto many ,countries1 some peculiar unto one1 some not communicable unto another4 ,,sn3 ,whence proceed the different commodities of several ,countries4 ,for the hand of ,god that first created the earth1 hath with variety disposed the principles of all things2 wisely contriving them in their proper seminaries1 and where they best maintain the intention of their species2 whereof if they have not a concurrence1 and be not lodged in a convenient matrix1 they are not excited by the efficacy of the ,sun2 or failing in particular causes1 receive a relief or sufficient promotion from the universal4 ,for although superiour powers co-operate with inferiour activities1 and may 7as some conceive7 carry a stroke in the plastick and formative draught of all things1 yet do their determinations belong unto particular agents1 and are defined from their proper principles4 ,thus the ,sun which with us is fruitful in the generation of ,frogs1 ,toads and ,serpents1 to this effect proves impotent in our neighbour ,island2 wherein as in all other carrying a common aspect1 it concurreth but unto predisposed effects2 and only suscitates those forms1 whose determinations are seminal1 and proceed from the ,idea of themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,why ,astrological judgments upon ,nativities be taken from the ,ascendent4 ,now whereas there be many observations concerning ,east1 and divers considerations of ,art which seem to extol the quality of that point1 if rightly understood they do not really promote it4 ,that the ,astrologer takes account of nativities from the ,ascendent1 that is1 the first house of the heavens1 whose beginning is toward the ,east1 it doth not advantage the conceit4 ,for1 he establisheth not his ,judgment upon the orientality thereof1 but considereth therein his first ascent above the ,horizon2 at which time its efficacy becomes observable1 and is conceived to have the signification of life1 and to respect the condition of all things1 which at the same time arise from their causes1 and ascend to their ,horizon with it4 ,now this ascension indeed falls out respectively in the ,east3 but as we have delivered before1 in some positions there is no ,eastern point from whence to compute these ascentions4 ,so is it in a parallel sphere3 for unto them six houses are continually depressed1 and six never elevated3 and the planets themselves1 whose revolutions are of more speed1 and influences of higher consideration1 must find in that place a very imperfect regard2 for half their period they absolve above1 and half beneath the ,horizon4 ,and so for six years1 no man can have the happiness to be born under ,jupiter3 and for fifteen together all must escape the ascendent dominion of ,saturn4 ,that ,aristotle in his ,politicks1 commends the situation of a ,city which is open towards the ,east1 and admitteth the raies of the rising ,sun1 thereby is implied no more particular efficacy than in the ,west3 ,but that position is commended1 in regard the damps and vaporous exhalations ingendered in the absence of the ,sun1 are by his returning raies the sooner dispelled2 and men thereby more early enjoy a clear and healthy habitation4 ,upon the like considerations it is1 that ,marcus ,varro ,,sn3 ,de re ,rustica4 commendeth the same situation1 and exposeth his farm unto the equinoxial ascent of the ,sun1 and that ,palladius adviseth the front of his edifice should so respect the ,south1 that in the first angle it receive the rising raies of the ,winter ,sun1 and decline a little from the ,winter setting thereof4 ,and concordant hereunto is the instruction of ,columella ,de positione vill3 which he contriveth into ,summer and ,winter habitations1 ordering that the ,winter lodgings regard the ,winter ascent of the ,sun1 that is ,south-,east2 and the rooms of repast at supper1 the quinoxial setting thereof1 that is the ,west3 that the ,summer lodgings regard the quinoxial ,meridian3 but the rooms of cnation in the ,summer1 he obverts unto the ,winter ascent1 that is1 ,south-,east2 and the ,balnearies or bathing places1 that they may remain under the ,sun until evening1 he exposeth unto the ,summer setting1 that is1 ,north-,west1 in all which although the ,cardinal points be introduced1 yet is the consideration ,solary1 and only determined unto the aspect or visible reception of the ,sun4 ,jews and ,mahometans in these and our neighbour parts are observed to use some gestures towards the ,east1 as at their benediction1 and the killing of their meat4 ,and though many ignorant spectators1 and not a few of the ,actors conceive some ,magick or ,mysterie therein1 yet is the ,ceremony only ,topical1 and in a memorial relation unto a place they honour4 ,so the ,jews do carry a respect and cast an eye upon ,jerusalem3 for which practice they are not without the example of their fore-fathers1 and the encouragement of their wise ,king2 ,for so it is said that ,daniel ,,sn3 ,dan4 #f4 went into his house1 and his windows being opened towards ,jerusalem1 he kneeled upon his knees three times a day1 and prayed4 ,so is it expressed in the prayer of ,solomon1 what prayer or supplication soever be made by any man1 which shall spread forth his hands towards this house3 if thy people go out to battle1 and shall pray unto the ,lord towards the ,city which thou hast chosen1 and towards the house which ,i have chosen to build for thy ,name1 then hear thou in heaven their prayer and their supplication1 and maintain their cause4 ,now the observation hereof1 unto the ,jews that are dispersed ,westward1 and such as most converse with us1 directeth their regard unto the ,east3 ,but the words of ,solomon are appliable unto all quarters of ,heaven3 and by the ,jews of the ,east and ,south must be regarded in a contrary position4 ,so ,daniel in ,babylon looking toward ,jerusalem had his face toward the ,west4 ,so the ,jews in their own land looked upon it from all quarters4 ,for the ,tribe of ,judah beheld it to the ,north3 ,manasses1 ,zabulon1 and ,napthali unto the ,south3 ,reuben and ,gad unto the ,west2 only the ,tribe of ,dan regarded it directly or to the due ,east4 ,so when it is said ,,sn3 ,luke #ab41 when you see a cloud rise out of the ,west1 you say there cometh a shower1 and so it is3 the observation was respective unto ,judea3 nor is this a reasonable illation in all other ,nations whatsoever3 ,for the ,sea lay ,west unto that ,country1 and the winds brought rain from that quarter2 ,but this consideration cannot be transferred unto ,india or ,china1 which have a vast ,sea ,eastward1 and a vaster ,continent toward the ,west4 ,so likewise when it is said ,,sn3 ,job4 in the vulgar ,translation1 ,gold cometh out of the ,north1 it is no reasonable inducement unto us and many other ,countries1 from some particular mines septentrional unto his situation1 to search after that mettal in cold and ,northern regions1 which we most plentifully discover in hot and ,southern habitations4 ,for the ,mahometans1 as they partake with all ,religions in something1 so they imitate the ,jew in this4 ,for in their observed gestures1 they hold a regard unto ,mecha and ,medina ,talnabi1 two ,cities in ,arabia flix1 where their ,prophet was born and buried2 whither they perform their pilgrimages3 and from whence they expect he should return again4 ,and therefore they direct their faces unto these parts1 which unto the ,mahometans of ,barbary and ,egypt lie ,east1 and are in some point thereof unto many other parts of ,turkie4 ,wherein notwithstanding there is no ,oriental respect2 for with the same devotion on the other side they regard these parts toward the ,west1 and so with variety wheresover they are seated1 conforming unto the ground of their conception4 ,fourthly1 ,whereas in the ordering of the ,camp of ,israel1 the ,east quarter is appointed unto the noblest ,tribe1 that is the ,tribe of ,judah1 according to the command of ,god ,,sn3 ,num4 #c41 in the ,east-side toward the rising of the ,sun shall the ,standard of the ,tribe of ,judah pitch3 it doth not peculiarly extol that point4 ,for herein the ,east is not to be taken strictly1 but as it signifieth or implieth the foremost place2 for ,judah had the ,van1 and many ,countries through which they passed were seated ,easterly unto them4 ,thus much is implied by the ,original1 and expressed by ,translations which strictly conform thereto3 ,so ,tremelius1 ,castra habentium ab anteriore parte ,orientem versus1 vexillum esto castrorum ,jud2 so hath ,r4 ,solomon ,jarchi expounded it1 the foremost or before1 is the ,east quarter1 and the ,west is called behind4 ,and upon this interpretation may all be salved that is alleageable against it4 ,for if the ,tribe of ,judah were to pitch before the ,tabernacle at the ,east1 and yet to march first1 as is commanded1 ,numb4 #aj4 there must ensue a disorder in the ,camp1 nor could they conveniently observe the execution thereof3 ,for when they set out from ,mount ,sinah where the ,command was delivered1 they made ,northward unto ,rithmah2 from ,rissah unto ,eziongaber about fourteen stations they marched ,south3 ,from ,almon ,diblathaim through the mountains of ,yabarim and plains of ,moab towards ,jordan the face of their march was ,west3 ,so that if ,judah were strictly to pitch in the ,east of the ,tabernacle1 every night he encamped in the ,rear3 and if 7as some conceive7 the whole ,camp could not be less than twelve miles long1 it had been preposterous for him to have marched foremost2 or set out first who was most remote from the place to be approached4 ,fiftly1 ,that ,learning1 ,civility and ,arts had their beginning in the ,east1 it is not imputable either to the action of the ,sun1 or its ,orientality1 but the first plantation of ,man in those parts1 which unto ,europe do carry the respect of ,east4 ,,sn3 ,where the ,ark rested as some think4 ,for on the mountains of ,ararat1 that is part of the hill ,taurus1 between the ,east ,indies and ,scythia1 as ,sir ,w4 ,raleigh accounts it1 the ,ark of ,noah rested2 from the ,east they travelled that built the ,tower of ,babel3 from thence they were dispersed and successively enlarged1 and ,learning1 good ,arts1 and all ,civility communicated4 ,the progression whereof was very sensible2 and if we consider the distance of time between the confusion of ,babel1 and the ,civility of many parts now eminent therein1 it travelled late and slowly into our quarters4 ,for notwithstanding the learning of ,bardes and ,druides of elder times1 he that shall peruse that work of ,tacitus de moribus ,germanorum1 may easily discern how little ,civility two thousand years had wrought upon that ,nation3 the like he may observe concerning our selves1 from the same ,author in the life of ,agricola1 and more directly from ,strabo2 who to the dishonour of our ,predecessors1 and the disparagement of those that glory in the ,antiquity of their ,ancestors1 affirmeth the ,britains were so simple1 that though they abounded in ,milk1 they had not the ,artifice of ,cheese4 ,lastly1 ,that the ,globe it self is by ,cosmographers divided into ,east and ,west1 accounting from the first ,meridian1 it doth not establish this conceit4 ,for that division is not naturally founded1 but artificially set down1 and by agreement2 as the aptest terms to define or commensurate the longitude of places4 ,thus the ancient ,cosmographers do place the division of the ,east and ,western ,hemisphere1 that is the first term of longitude in the ,canary or fortunate ,islands2 conceiving these parts the extreamest habitations ,westward3 ,but the ,moderns have altered that term1 and translated it unto the ,azores or ,islands of ,st4 ,michael2 and that upon a plausible conceit of the small or insensible variation of the ,compass in those parts1 wherein nevertheless1 and though upon second invention1 they proceed upon a common and no appropriate foundation2 for even in that ,meridian farther ,north or ,south the ,compass observably varieth2 and there are also other places wherein it varieth not1 as ,alphonso and ,rodoriges de ,lago will have it about ,capo de las ,agullas in ,africa2 as ,maurolycus affirmeth in the shore of ,peleponesus in ,europe3 and as ,gilbertus averreth1 in the midst of great regions1 in most parts of the earth4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,of the ,river ,nilus4 ,hereof uncontroulably and under general consent many opinions are passant1 which notwithstanding upon due examination1 do admit of doubt or restriction4 ,it is generally esteemed1 and by most unto our days received1 that the ,river of ,nilus hath seven ostiaries2 that is1 by seven ,channels disburdeneth it self into the ,sea4 ,wherein notwithstanding1 beside that we find no concurrent determination of ages past1 and a positive and undeniable refute of these present1 the affirmative is mutable1 and must not be received without all limitation4 ,for some1 from whom we receive the greatest illustrations of ,antiquity1 have made no mention hereof3 ,so ,homer hath given no number of its ,channels1 nor so much as the name thereof in use with all ,historians4 ,eratosthenes in his description of ,egypt hath likewise passed them over4 ,,sn3 ,how ,egypt first became firm land4 ,aristotle is so indistinct in their names and numbers1 that in the first of ,meteors he plainly affirmeth the ,region of ,egypt 7which we esteem the ancientest ,nation in the world7 was a meer gained ground1 and that by the setling of mud and limous matter brought down by the ,river ,nilus1 that which was at first a continued ,sea1 was raised at last into a firm and habitable ,country4 ,the like opinion he held of ,motis ,palus1 that by the floods of ,tanais and earth brought down thereby1 it grew observably shallower in his days1 and would in process of time become a firm land4 ,and though his conjecture be not as yet fulfilled1 yet is the like observable in the ,river ,gihon1 a branch of ,euphrates and ,river of ,paradise2 which having in former ,ages discharged it self into the ,persian ,sea1 doth at present fall short2 being lost in the lakes of ,chaldea1 and hath left between the ,sea1 a large and considerable part of dry land4 ,others expresly treating hereof1 have diversly delivered themselves2 ,herodotus in his ,euterpe makes mention of seven2 but carelesly of two thereof2 that is ,bolbitinum1 and ,bucolicum2 for these1 saith he1 were not the natural currents1 but made by ,art for some occasional convenience4 ,strabo in his ,geography naming but two1 ,peleusiacum and ,canopicum1 plainly affirmeth there were many more than seven2 ,inter hc alia quinque1 etc4 ,there are 7saith he7 many remarkable towns within the currents of ,nile1 especially such which have given the names unto the ostiaries thereof1 not unto all1 for they are eleven1 and four besides1 but unto seven and most considerable2 that is ,canopicum1 ,bolbitinum1 ,selenneticum1 ,sebenneticum1 ,pharniticum1 ,mendesium1 ,taniticum and ,pelusium3 wherein to make up the number1 one of the artificial chanels of ,herodotus is accounted4 ,ptolomy an ,egyptian1 and born at the ,pelusian mouth of ,nile1 in his ,geography maketh nine3 and in the third ,map of ,africa1 hath unto their mouths prefixed their several names2 ,heracleoticum1 ,bolbitinum1 ,sebenneticum1 ,pineptum1 ,diolcos1 ,pathmeticum1 ,mendesium1 ,taniticum1 ,peleusiacum3 wherein notwithstanding there are no less then three different names from those delivered by ,pliny4 ,all which considered1 we may easily discern that ,authors accord not either in name or number2 and must needs confirm the ,judgement of ,maginus1 de ,ostiorum ,nili numero et nominibus1 valde antiqui scriptores discordant4 ,modern ,geographers and travellers do much abate of this number1 for as ,maginus and others observe1 there are now but three or four mouths thereof2 as ,gulielmus ,tyrius long ago1 and ,bellonius since1 both ocular enquirers1 with others have attested4 ,for below ,cairo1 the ,river divides it self into four branches1 whereof two make the chief and navigable streams1 the one running to ,pelusium of the ,ancients1 and now ,damiata2 the other unto ,canopium1 and now ,roscetta2 the other two1 saith ,mr4 ,sandys ,,sn3 ,sand4 ,relation41 do run between these2 but poor in water4 ,of those seven mentioned by ,herodotus1 and those nine by ,ptolomy1 these are all ,i could either see or hear of4 ,which much confirmeth the testimony of the ,bishop of ,tyre a diligent and ocular ,enquirer2 who in his holy war doth thus deliver himself4 ,we wonder much at the ,ancients1 who assigned seven mouths unto ,nilus2 which we can no otherwise salve1 then that by process of time1 the face of places is altered1 and the river hath lost his chanels2 or that our fore-fathers did never obtain a true account thereof4 ,and therefore when it is said in holy ,scripture ,,sn3 ,isa4 #aa4 #ae1 #af41 ,the ,lord shall utterly destroy the tongue of the ,egyptian sea1 and with his mighty wind he shall shake his hand over the river1 and shall smite it in the seven streams1 and make men go over dry-shod4 ,if this expression concerneth the river ,nilus1 it must only respect the seven principal streams4 ,but the place is very obscure1 and whether thereby be not meant the river ,euphrates1 is not without some controversie2 as is collectible from the subsequent words2 ,and there shall be an high way for the remnant of his people1 that shall be left from ,assyria2 and also from the bare name ,river1 emphatically signifying ,euphrates1 and thereby the division of the ,assyrian ,empire into many fractions1 which might facilitate their return3 as ,grotius hath observed ,,sn3 ,gr4 ,not in ,isaiam42 and is more plainly made out1 if the ,apocrypha of ,esdras ,,sn3 ,esdr4 #b4 #ac1 #dc1 #dg41 and that of the ,apocalyps,,sn3 ,apoc4 #af4 #ab4 have any relation hereto4 ,lastly1 ,whatever was or is their number1 the contrivers of ,cards and ,maps afford us no assurance or constant description therein4 ,for whereas ,ptolemy hath set forth nine1 ,hondius in his ,map of ,africa makes but eight1 and in that of ,europe ten4 ,ortelius in the ,map of the ,turkish ,empire1 setteth down eight1 in that of ,egypt eleven2 and ,maginus in his ,map of that ,country hath observed the same number4 ,and if we enquire farther1 we shall find the same diversity and discord in divers others4 ,thus may we perceive that this account was differently related by the ,ancients1 that it is undeniably rejected by the ,moderns1 and must be warily received by any4 ,for if we receive them all into account1 they were more then seven1 if only the natural sluces1 they were fewer2 and however we receive them1 there is no agreeable and constant description thereof4 ,and therefore how reasonable it is to draw continual and durable deductions from alterable and uncertain foundations2 let them consider who make the gates of ,thebes1 and the mouths of this ,river a constant and continued periphrasis for this number1 and in their ,poetical expressions do give the ,river that ,epithite unto this day4 ,the same ,river is also accounted the greatest of the earth1 called therefore ,fluviorum pater1 and totius ,orbis maximus1 by ,ortelius3 ,if this be true1 many ,maps must be corrected1 or the relations of divers good ,authors renounced4 ,for first1 ,in the deliniations of many ,maps of ,africa1 the ,river ,niger exceedeth it about ten degrees in length1 that is1 no less then six hundred miles4 ,for arising beyond the quator it maketh ,northward almost #ae degrees1 and deflecting after ,westward1 without ,meanders1 continueth a strait course about #dj degrees2 and at length with many great currents disburdeneth it self into the ,occidental ,ocean4 ,again1 if we credit the descriptions of good ,authors1 other ,rivers excell it in length1 or breadth1 or both4 ,arrianus in his history of ,alexander1 assigneth the first place unto the ,river ,ganges2 which truly according unto latter relations1 if not in length1 yet in breadth and depth may be granted to excell it4 ,for the magnitude of ,nilus consisteth in the dimension of longitude1 and is inconsiderable in the other2 what stream it maintaineth beyond ,syene or ,asna1 and so forward unto its original1 relations are very imperfect2 but below these places1 and farther removed from the head1 the current is but narrow1 and we read in the ,history of the ,turks1 the ,tartar horsemen of ,selimus swam over the ,nile from ,cairo1 to meet the forces of ,tonumbeus4 ,baptista ,scortia expresly treating hereof1 ,,sn3 ,de natura et incremento ,nili4 preferreth the ,river of ,plate in ,america2 for that as ,maffeus hath delivered1 falleth into the ,ocean in the latitude of forty leagues2 and with that source and plenty that men at ,sea do tast fresh water1 before they approach so near as to discover the land4 ,so is it exceeded by that which by ,cardan is termed the greatest in the world1 that is the ,river ,oregliana in the same continent2 which as ,maginus delivereth1 hath been navigated #fjjj miles2 and opens in a chanel of ninety leagues broad2 so that1 as ,acosta1 an ocular witness recordeth1 they that sail in the middle1 can make no land of either side4 ,now the ground of this assertion was surely the magnifying esteem of the ,ancients1 arising from the indiscovery of its head4 ,for as things unknown seem greater then they are1 and are usually received with amplifications above their nature2 so might it also be with this ,river1 whose head being unknown and drawn to a proverbial obscurity1 the opinion thereof became without bounds2 and men must needs conceit a large extent of that to which the discovery of no man had set a period4 ,and this an usual way to give the superlative unto things of eminency in any kind2 and when a thing is very great1 presently to define it to be the greatest of all4 ,whereas indeed ,superlatives are difficult2 whereof there being but one in every kind1 their determinations are dangerous1 and must not be made without great circumspection4 ,,sn3 ,the greatest ,cities of the ,world4 ,so the ,city of ,rome is magnified by the ,latines to be the greatest of the earth2 but time and ,geography informs us1 that ,cairo is bigger1 and ,quinsay in ,china far exceedeth both4 ,,sn3 ,the highest ,hills4 ,so is ,olympus extolled by the ,greeks1 as an hill attaining unto heaven2 but the enlarged ,geography of aftertimes makes slight account hereof1 when they discourse of ,andes in ,peru1 or ,teneriffa in the ,canaries4 ,and we understand by a person who hath lately had a fair opportunity to behold the magnified mount ,olympus1 that it is exceeded by some peakes of the ,alpes4 ,so have all ,ages conceived1 and most are still ready to swear1 the ,wren is the least of ,birds2 yet the discoveries of ,america1 and even of our own ,plantations have shewed us one far less2 that is1 the ,humbird ,,sn3 ,tomineio41 not much exceeding a ,beetle4 ,and truly1 for the least and greatest1 the highest and the lowest of every kind1 as it is very difficult to define them in visible things1 so is it to understand in things invisible4 ,thus is it no easie lesson to comprehend the first matter1 and the affections of that which is next neighbour unto nothing1 but impossible truly to comprehend ,god1 who indeed is all in all4 ,for things as they arise unto perfection1 and approach unto ,god1 or descend to imperfection1 and draw nearer unto nothing1 fall both imperfectly into our apprehensions2 the one being too weak for our conceptions1 our conceptions too weak for the other4 ,thirdly1 ,divers conceptions there are concerning its increment or inundation4 ,the first unwarily opinions1 that this encrease or annual overflowing is proper unto ,nile1 and not agreeable unto any other ,river2 which notwithstanding is common unto many ,currents of ,africa4 ,for about the same time the ,river ,niger and ,zaire do overflow2 and so do the ,rivers beyond the mountains of the ,moon1 as ,suama1 and ,spirito ,santo4 ,and not only these in ,africa1 but some also in ,europe and ,asia2 for so it is reported of ,menan in ,india1 and so doth ,botero report of ,duina in ,livonia2 and the same is also observable in the ,river ,jordan in ,judea2 for so is it delivered1 that ,jordan overfloweth all his banks in the time of harvest4 ,the effect indeed is wonderful in all1 and the causes surely best resolvable from observations made in the ,countries themselves1 the parts through which they pass1 or whence they take their ,original4 ,that of ,nilus hath been attempted by ,many1 and by some to that despair of resolution1 that they have only referred it unto the ,providence of ,god1 and his secret manuduction of all things unto their ends4 ,,sn3 ,the cause of the overflowing of ,nilus4 ,but divers have attained the truth1 and the cause alledged by ,diodorus1 ,seneca1 ,strabo1 and others1 is allowable2 that the inundation of ,nilus in ,egypt proceeded from the rains in thiopia1 and the mighty source of waters falling towards the fountains thereof4 ,for this inundation unto the ,egyptians happeneth when it is winter unto the thiopians2 which habitations1 although they have no cold ,winter 7the ,sun being no farther removed from them in ,cancer1 then unto us in ,taurus7 yet is the fervour of the air so well remitted1 as it admits a sufficient generation of vapors1 and plenty of showers ensuing thereupon4 ,this ,theory of the ,ancients is since confirmed by experience of the ,moderns2 by ,franciscus ,alvarez1 who lived long in those parts1 and left a description of thiopia2 affirming that from the middle of ,june unto ,september1 there fell in his time continual rains4 ,as also ,antonius ,ferdinandus1 who in an ,epistle written from thence1 and noted by ,codignus1 affirmeth1 that during the winter1 in those ,countries there passed no day without rain4 ,now this is also usual1 to translate a remarkable quality into a propriety1 and where we admire an effect in one1 to opinion there is not the like in any other4 ,with these conceits do common apprehensions entertain the antidotal and wondrous condition of ,ireland2 conceiving only in that land an immunity from venemous creatures3 but unto him that shall further enquire1 the same will be affirmed of ,creta1 memorable in ancient stories1 even unto fabulous causes1 and benediction from the birth of ,jupiter4 ,the same is also found in ,ebusus or ,evisa1 an ,island near ,majorca upon the coast of ,spain4 ,with these apprehensions do the eyes of neighbour ,spectators behold tna1 the flaming mountain in ,sicilia2 but ,navigators tell us there is a burning mountain in ,island1 a more remarkable one in ,teneriffa of the ,canaries1 and many ,vulcano's or fiery ,hils elsewhere4 ,thus ,crocodiles were thought to be peculiar unto ,nile1 and the opinion so possessed ,alexander1 that when he had discovered some in ,ganges1 he fell upon a conceit he had found the head of ,nilus2 but later discoveries affirm they are not only in ,asia and ,africa1 but very frequent in some rivers of ,america4 ,another opinion confineth its ,inundation1 and positively affirmeth1 it constantly encreaseth the seventeenth day of ,june2 wherein perhaps a larger form of speech were safer1 then that which punctually prefixeth a constant day thereto4 ,for this expression is different from that of the ,ancients1 as ,herodotus1 ,diodorus1 ,seneca1 etc4 delivering only that it happeneth about the entrance of the ,sun into ,cancer2 wherein they warily deliver themselves1 and reserve a reasonable latitude4 ,so when ,hippocrates saith1 ,sub ,cane et ante ,canem difficiles sunt purgationes3 ,there is a latitude of days comprised therein2 for under the ,dog-star he containeth not only the day of its ascent1 but many following1 and some ten days preceeding4 ,so ,aristotle delivers the affections of animals3 with the wary terms of ,circa1 et magna ex parte3 and when ,theodorus translateth that part of his1 ,coeunt ,thunni et ,scombri mense ,februario post ,idus1 pariunt ,junio ante ,nonas3 ,scaliger for ante ,nonas1 renders it ,junii initio2 because that exposition affordeth the latitude of divers days3 ,for affirming it happeneth before the ,nones1 he alloweth but one day2 that is the ,calends2 for in the ,roman account1 the second day is the fourth of the ,nones of ,june4 ,again1 ,were the day definitive1 it had prevented the delusion of the devil1 nor could he have gained applause by its prediction2 who notwithstanding 7as ,athanasius in the life of ,anthony relateth7 to magnifie his knowledge in things to come1 when he perceived the rains to fall in thiopia1 would presage unto the ,egyptians the day of its inundation4 ,and this would also make useless that natural experiment observed in earth or sand about the ,river2 by the weight whereof 7as good ,authors report7 they have unto this day a knowledge of its encrease4 ,lastly1 ,it is not reasonable from variable and unstable causes1 to derive a fixed and constant effect1 and such are the causes of this inundation1 which cannot indeed be regular1 and therefore their effects not prognosticable like ,eclipses4 ,for depending upon the clouds and descent of showers in thiopia1 which have their generation from vaporous exhalations1 they must submit their existence unto contingencies1 and endure anticipation and recession from the movable condition of their causes4 ,and therefore some years there hath been no encrease at all1 as some conceive in the years of ,famin under ,pharaoh1 as ,seneca1 and divers relate of the eleventh year of ,cleopatra2 nor nine years together1 as is testified by ,calisthenes4 ,some years it hath also retarded1 and came far later then usually it was expected1 as according to ,sozomen and ,nicephorus it happened in the days of ,theodosius2 whereat the people were ready to mutiny1 because they might not sacrifice unto the ,river1 according to the custom of their ,predecessors4 ,now this is also an usual way of mistake1 and many are deceived who too strictly construe the temporal considerations of things4 ,thus books will tell us1 and we are made to believe that the fourteenth year males are seminifical and pubescent2 but he that shall enquire into the generality1 will rather adhere unto the cautelous assertion of ,aristotle1 that is1 bis septem annis exactis1 and then but magna ex parte4 ,that ,whelps are blind nine days1 and then begin to see1 is generally believed1 but as we have elsewhere declared1 it is exceeding rare1 nor do their eye-lids usually open until the twelfth1 and sometimes not before the fourteenth day4 ,and to speak strictly1 an hazardable determination it is unto fluctuating and indifferent effects1 to affix a positive ,type or ,period4 ,for in effects of far more regular causalities1 difficulties do often arise1 and even in time it self1 which measureth all things1 we use allowance in its commensuration4 ,thus while we conceive we have the account of a year in #cfe days1 exact enquirers and ,computists will tell us1 that we escape #f hours1 that is a quarter of a day4 ,and so in a day which every one accounts #bd hours1 or one revolution of the ,sun1 in strict account we must allow the addition of such a part as the ,sun doth make in his proper motion1 from ,west to ,east1 whereby in one day he describeth not a perfect ,circle4 ,fourthly1 ,it is affirmed by many1 and received by most1 that it never raineth in ,egypt1 the river supplying that defect1 and bountifully requiting it in its inundation3 but this must also be received in a qualified sense1 that is1 that it rains but seldom at any time in the ,summer1 and very rarely in the ,winter4 ,,sn3 ,that ,egypt hath rain4 ,but that great showers do sometimes fall upon that ,region1 beside the ,assertion of many ,writers1 ,,sn3 ,sir ,william ,paston ,baronet4 we can confirm from honourable and ocular testimony1 and that not many years past1 it rained in ,grand ,cairo divers days together4 ,the same is also attested concerning other parts of ,egypt1 by ,prosper ,alpinus1 who lived long in that ,country1 and hath left an accurate ,treaty of the medical practise thereof4 ,cayri raro decidunt pluvi1 ,alexandri1 ,pelusiiq2 et in omnibus locis mari adjacentibus1 pluit largissime et spe2 that is1 it raineth seldom at ,cairo1 but at ,alexandria1 ,damiata1 and places near the ,sea1 it raineth plentifully and often4 ,whereto we might add the latter testimony of ,learned ,mr4 ,greaves1 in his accurate description of the ,pyramids4 ,beside1 ,men hereby forget the relation of holy ,scripture4 ,,sn3 ,exod4 #i4 ,behold ,i will cause it to rain a very great hail1 such as hath not been in ,egypt since the foundation thereof1 even untill now4 ,wherein ,god threatning such a rain as had not happened1 it must be presumed they had been acquainted with some before1 and were not ignorant of the substance1 the menace being made in the circumstance4 ,the same concerning hail is inferrible from ,prosper ,alpinus4 ,rarissime nix1 grando1 it seldom snoweth or haileth4 ,where by we must concede that snow and hail do sometimes fall1 because they happen seldom4 ,now this mistake ariseth from a misapplication of the bounds or limits of time1 and an undue transition from one unto another2 which to avoid1 we must observe the punctual differences of time1 and so distinguish thereof1 as not to confound or lose the one in the other4 ,for things may come to pass1 ,semper1 ,plerumq2 ,spe1 aut ,nunquam1 ,aliquando1 ,raro2 that is1 ,always1 or ,never1 ,for the most part1 or ,sometimes1 ,ofttimes1 or ,seldom4 ,now the deception is usual which is made by the mis-application of these2 men presently concluding that to happen often1 which happeneth but sometimes3 that never1 which happeneth but seldom2 and that alway1 which happeneth for the most part4 ,so is it said1 the ,sun shines every day in ,rhodes1 because for the most part it faileth not4 ,so we say and believe that a ,camelion never eateth1 but liveth only upon air1 whereas indeed it is seen to eat very seldom1 but many there are who have beheld it to feed on ,flyes4 ,and so it is said1 that children born in the eighth moneth live not1 that is1 for the most part1 but not to be concluded alwaies3 nor it seems in former ages in all places3 for it is otherwise recorded by ,aristotle concerning the births of ,egypt4 ,lastly1 ,it is commonly conceived that divers ,princes hath attempted to cut the ,isthmus or tract of land ,,sn3 ,lingua maris gyptii4 ,isa4 #aa4 #ae4 which parteth the ,arabian and ,mediterranean ,sea3 but upon enquiry ,i find some difficulty concerning the place attempted2 many with good authority affirming1 that the intent was not immediately to unite these ,seas1 but to make a navigable chanel between the ,red ,sea and the ,nile1 the marks whereof are extant to this day2 it was first attempted by ,sesostris1 after by ,darius1 and in a fear to drown the ,country1 deserted by them both2 but was long after re-attempted and in some manner effected by ,philadelphus4 ,and so the grand ,signior who is ,lord of the ,country1 conveyeth his ,gallies into the ,red ,sea by the ,nile2 for he bringeth them down to ,grand ,cairo where they are taken in pieces1 carried upon ,camels backs1 and rejoyned together at ,sues1 his port and ,naval station for that ,sea2 whereby in effect he acts the design of ,cleopatra1 who after the battle of ,actium in a different way would have conveyed her ,gallies into the ,red ,sea4 ,and therefore that proverb to cut an ,isthmus ,,sn3 ,isthmum perfodere41 that is1 to take great pains1 and effect nothing1 alludeth not unto this attempt2 but is by ,erasmus applyed unto several other1 as that undertaking of the ,cnidians to cut their ,isthmus1 but especially that of ,corinth so unsuccessfully attempted by many ,emperours4 ,the ,cnidians were deterred by the peremptory disswasion of ,apollo1 plainly commanding them to desist2 for if ,god had thought it fit1 he would have made that ,country an ,island at first4 ,but this perhaps will not be thought a reasonable discouragement unto the activity of those spirits which endeavour to advantage nature by ,art1 and upon good grounds to promote any part of the universe2 nor will the ill success of some be made a sufficient determent unto others2 who know that many learned men affirm1 that ,islands were not from the beginning1 that many have been made since by ,art1 that some ,isthmus have been eat through by the ,sea1 and others cut by the spade3 ,and if policy would permit1 that of ,panama in ,america were most worthy the attempt3 it being but few miles over1 and would open a shorter cut unto the ,east ,indies and ,china4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,of the ,red ,sea4 ,contrary apprehensions are made of the ,erythran or ,red ,sea2 most apprehending a material redness therein1 from whence they derive its common denomination2 and some so lightly conceiving hereof1 as if it had no redness at all1 are fain to recur unto other originals of its appellation4 ,,sn3 ,what the ,red ,sea is4 ,wherein to deliver a distinct account1 we first observe that without consideration of colour it is named the ,arabian ,gulph3 ,the ,hebrews who had best reason to remember it1 do call it ,zuph1 or the weedy ,sea2 because it was full of sedge1 or they found it so in their passage2 the ,mahometans who are now lords thereof do know it by no other name then the ,gulph of ,mecha a ,city of ,arabia4 ,the stream of ,antiquity deriveth its name from ,king ,erythrus2 so sleightly conceiving of the nominal deduction from ,redness1 that they plainly deny there is any such accident in it4 ,the words of ,curtius are plain beyond ,evasion1 ,ab ,erythro rege inditum est nomen1 propter quod ignari rubere aquas credunt3 ,of no more obscurity are the words of ,philostratus1 and of later times1 ,sabellicus2 ,stulte persuasam est vulgo rubras alicubi esse maris aquas1 quin ab ,erythro rege nomen pelago inditum4 ,of this opinion was ,andras ,corsalius1 ,pliny1 ,solinus1 ,dio ,cassius1 who although they denied not all redness1 yet did they rely upon the original from ,king ,erythrus4 ,,sn3 ,more exactly hereof ,bochartus and ,mr4 ,dickinson4 ,others have fallen upon the like1 or perhaps the same conceit under another appellation2 deducing its name not from ,king ,erythrus1 but ,esau or ,edom1 whose habitation was upon the coasts thereof4 ,now ,edom is as much as ,erythrus1 and the red ,sea no more then the ,idumean2 from whence the posterity of ,edom removing towards the ,mediterranean coast1 according to their former nomination by the ,greeks were called ,phnicians or red men3 and from a plantation and colony of theirs1 an ,island near ,spain was by the ,greek describers termed ,erithra1 as is declared by ,strabo and ,solinus4 ,very many omitting the nominal derivation1 do rest in the gross and literal conception thereof1 apprehending a real redness and constant colour of parts4 ,of which opinion are also they which hold the ,sea receiveth a red and minious tincture from springs1 wells1 and currents that fall into it2 and of the same belief are probably many ,christians1 who conceiving the passage of the ,israelites through this ,sea to have been the type of ,baptism1 according to that of the ,apostle ,,sn3 #a ,cor4 #aj4 #b41 ,all were baptized unto ,moses in the cloud1 and in the ,sea3 for the better resemblance of the blood of ,christ1 they willingly received it in the apprehension of redness1 and a colour agreeable unto its mystery3 according unto that of ,austin1 ,significat mare illud rubrum ,baptismum ,christi2 unde nobis ,baptismus ,christi nisi sanguine ,christi consecratus8 ,,sn3 ,aug4 in ,johannem4 ,but divers ,moderns not considering these conceptions1 and appealing unto the ,testimony of sense1 have at last determined the point3 concluding a redness herein1 but not in the sense received4 ,sir ,walter ,raleigh from his own and ,portugal observations1 doth place the redness of the ,sea in the reflection from red ,islands1 and the redness of the earth at the bottom3 wherein ,coral grows very plentifully1 and from whence in great abundance it is transported into ,europe4 ,the observations of ,alberquerque and ,stephanus de ,gama 7as from ,johannes de ,bairros1 ,fernandius de ,cordova relateth7 derive this redness from the colour of the sand and argillous earth at the bottom2 for being a shallow ,sea1 while it rowleth to and fro1 there appeareth a redness upon the water1 which is most discernable in sunny and windy weather4 ,but that this is no more than a seeming redness1 he confirmeth by an experiment2 for in the reddest part taking up a vessel of water1 it differed not from the complexion of other ,seas4 ,nor is this colour discoverable in every place of that ,sea1 for as he also observeth1 in some places it is very green1 in others white and yellow1 according to the colour of the earth or sand at the bottom4 ,and so may ,philostratus be made out1 when he saith1 this ,sea is blew2 or ,bellonius denying this redness1 because he beheld not that colour about ,sues2 or when ,corsalius at the mouth thereof could not discover the same4 ,now although we have enquired the ground of redness in this ,sea1 yet are we not fully satisfied3 for what is forgot by many1 and known by few1 there is another ,red ,sea whose name we pretend not to make out from these principles2 that is1 the ,persian ,gulph or ,bay1 which divideth the ,arabian and ,persian shore1 as ,pliny hath described it4 ,mare rubrum in duos dividitur sinus1 is qui ab ,oriente est1 ,persicus appellatur2 or as ,solinus expresseth it1 ,qui ab ,oriente est ,persicus appellatur1 ex adverso unde ,arabia est1 ,arabicus3 whereto assenteth ,suidas1 ,ortelius1 and many more4 ,and therefore there is no absurdity in ,strabo when he delivereth that ,tigris and ,euphrates do fall into the ,red ,sea1 and ,fernandius de ,cordova justly defendeth his ,countryman ,seneca in that expression2 ,et qui renatum prorsus excipiens diem ,tepidum ,rubenti ,tigrin immiscet freto4 ,nor hath only the ,persian ,sea received the same name with the ,arabian1 but what is strange1 and much confounds the distinction1 the name thereof is also derived from ,king ,erythrus2 who was conceived to be buried in an ,island of this ,sea1 as ,dionysius ,afer1 ,curtius and ,suidas do deliver4 ,which were of no less probability than the other1 if 7as with the same authors ,strabo affirmeth7 he was buried neer ,caramania bordering upon the ,persian ,gulph4 ,and if his ,tomb was seen by ,nearchus1 it was not so likely to be in the ,arabian ,gulph2 for we read that from the ,river ,indus he came unto ,alexander at ,babylon1 some few days before his death4 ,now ,babylon was seated upon the ,river ,euphrates1 which runs into the ,persian ,gulph4 ,and therefore however the ,latin expresseth it in ,strabo1 that ,nearchus suffered much in the ,arabian ,sinus1 yet is the original1 that is1 the ,gulf of ,persia4 ,that therefore the ,red ,sea or ,arabian ,gulph received its name from personal derivation1 though probable1 is but uncertain2 that both the ,seas of one name should have one common denominator1 less probable2 that there is a gross and material redness in either1 not to be affirmed3 that there is an emphatical or appearing redness in one1 not well to be denied4 ,and this is sufficient to make good the ,allegory of the ,christians3 and in this distinction may we justifie the name of the ,black ,sea1 given unto ,pontus ,euxinus3 the name of ,xanthus1 or the yellow ,river of ,phrygia3 and the name of ,mar ,vermeio1 or the ,red ,sea in ,america4 ,,chapter ,x ,of the ,blackness of ,negroes4 ,it is evident not only in the general frame of ,nature1 that things most manifest unto sense1 have proved obscure unto the understanding3 ,but even in proper and appropriate ,objects1 wherein we affirm the sense cannot err1 the faculties of reason most often fail us4 ,thus of colours in general1 under whose gloss and vernish all things are seen1 few or none have yet beheld the true nature2 or positively set down their incontroulable causes4 ,which while some ascribe unto the mixture of the ,elements1 others to the graduality of ,opacity and ,light2 they have left our endeavours to grope them out by twi-light1 and by darkness almost to discover that whose existence is evidenced by ,light4 ,,sn3 ,the ,principles of ,colour according to the ,chymists4 ,the ,chymists have laudably reduced their causes unto ,sal1 ,sulphur1 and ,mercury2 and had they made it out so well in this1 as in the objects of smell and taste1 their endeavours had been more acceptable3 ,for whereas they refer ,sapor unto ,salt1 and ,odor unto ,sulphur1 they vary much concerning colour2 some reducing it unto ,mercury1 some to ,sulphur2 others unto ,salt4 ,wherein indeed the last conceit doth not oppress the former2 and though ,sulphur seem to carry the master-stroak1 yet ,salt may have a strong co-operation4 ,for beside the fixed and terrestrious ,salt1 there is in natural bodies a ,sal niter referring unto ,sulphur2 there is also a volatile or ,amnoniack ,salt1 retaining unto ,mercury2 by which ,salts the colours of bodies are sensibly qualified1 and receive degrees of lustre or obscurity1 superficiality or profundity1 fixation or volatility4 ,their general or first ,natures being thus obscure1 there will be greater difficulties in their particular discoveries2 for being farther removed from their simplicities1 they fall into more complexed considerations2 and so require a subtiler act of reason to distinguish and call forth their natures4 ,thus although a man understood the general nature of colours1 yet were it no easie ,problem to resolve1 ,why ,grass is green8 ,why ,garlick1 ,molyes1 and ,porrets have white roots1 deep green leaves1 and black seeds8 ,why several docks and sorts of ,rhubarb with yellow roots1 send forth purple flowers8 ,why also from ,lactary or milky plants which have a white and lacteous juyce dispersed through every part1 there arise flowers blew and yellow8 ,moreover1 beside the specifical and first digressions ordained from the ,creation1 which might be urged to salve the variety in every species2 ,why shall the marvail of ,peru produce its flowers of different colours1 and that not once1 or constantly1 but every day1 and variously8 ,why ,tulips of one colour produce some of another1 and running through almost all1 should still escape a blew8 ,and lastly1 ,why some men1 yea and they a mighty and considerable part of mankind1 should first acquire and still retain the gloss and tincture of blackness8 ,which whoever strictly enquires1 shall find no less of darkness in the cause1 than in the effect it self2 there arising unto examination no such satisfactory and unquarrelable reasons1 as may confirm the causes generally received2 which are but two in number4 ,the heat and scorch of the ,sun2 or the curse of ,god on ,cham and his ,posterity4 ,the first was generally received by the ,ancients1 who in obscurities had no higher recourse than unto ,nature1 as may appear by a ,discourse concerning this point in ,strabo4 ,by ,aristotle it seems to be implied in those ,problems which enquire why the ,sun makes men black1 and not the fire8 ,why it whitens wax1 yet blacks the skin8 ,by the word thiops it self1 applied to the memorablest ,nations of ,negroes1 that is of a burnt and torrid countenance4 ,the fancy of the ,fable infers also the ,antiquity of the opinion2 which deriveth this complexion from the deviation of the ,sun1 and the conflagration of all things under ,phaeton4 ,but this opinion though generally embraced1 was ,i perceive rejected by ,aristobulus a very ancient ,geographer2 as is discovered by ,strabo4 ,it hath been doubted by several modern ,writers1 particularly by ,ortelius2 but amply and satisfactorily discussed as we know by no man4 ,we shall therfore endeavour a full delivery hereof1 declaring the grounds of doubt1 and reasons of denial1 which rightly understood1 may1 if not overthrow1 yet shrewdly shake the security of this ,assertion4 ,and first1 ,many which countenance the opinion in this reason1 do tacitly and upon consequence overthrow it in another4 ,for whilst they make the ,river ,senaga to divide and bound the ,moors1 so that on the ,south side they are black1 on the other only tawny2 they imply a secret causality herein from the air1 place or river2 and seem not to derive it from the ,sun4 ,the effects of whose activity are not precipitously abrupted1 but gradually proceed to their cessations4 ,secondly1 ,if we affirm that this effect proceeded1 or as we will not be backward to concede1 it may be advanced and fomented from the fervour of the ,sun2 yet do we not hereby discover a principle sufficient to decide the question concerning other animals2 nor doth he that affirmeth the heat makes man black1 afford a reason why other animals in the same habitations maintain a constant and agreeable hue unto those in other parts1 as ,lions1 ,elephants1 ,camels1 ,swans1 ,tigers1 ,estriges4 ,which though in thiopia1 in the disadvantage of two ,summers1 and perpendicular ,rayes of the ,sun1 do yet make good the complexion of their species1 and hold a colourable correspondence unto those in milder regions4 ,now did this complexion proceed from heat in man1 the same would be communicated unto other animals which equally participate the ,influence of the common ,agent4 ,for thus it is in the effects of cold1 in ,regions far removed from the ,sun2 for therein men are not only of fair complexions1 gray-eyed1 and of light hair2 but many creatures exposed to the air1 deflect in extremity from their natural colours2 from brown1 russet and black1 receiving the complexion of ,winter1 and turning perfect white4 ,thus ,olaus ,magnus relates1 that after the ,autumnal quinox1 ,foxes begin to grow white2 thus ,michovius reporteth1 and we want not ocular confirmation1 that ,hares and ,partridges turn white in the ,winter2 and thus a white ,crow1 a proverbial rarity with us1 is none unto them2 but that inseparable accident of ,porphyrie is separated in many hundreds4 ,thirdly1 ,if the fervour of the ,sun1 or intemperate heat of clime did solely occasion this complexion1 surely a migration or change thereof might cause a sensible1 if not a total mutation2 which notwithstanding experience will not admit4 ,for ,negroes transplanted1 although into cold and phlegmatick habitations1 continue their hue both in themselves1 and also their generations2 except they mix with different complexions2 whereby notwithstanding there only succeeds a remission of their tinctures2 there remaining unto many descents a strong shadow of their ,originals2 and if they preserve their copulations entire1 they still maintain their complexions4 ,as is very remarkable in the dominions of the ,grand ,signior1 and most observable in the ,moors in ,brasilia1 which transplanted about an hundred years past1 continue the tinctures of their fathers unto this day4 ,and so likewise fair or white people translated in hotter ,countries receive not impressions amounting to this complexion1 as hath been observed in many ,europeans who have lived in the land of ,negroes3 and as ,edvardus ,lopes testifieth of the ,spanish plantations1 that they retained their native complexions unto his days4 ,fourthly1 ,if the fervour of the ,sun were the sole cause hereof in ,ethiopia or any land of ,negroes1 it were also reasonable that inhabitants of the same latitude1 subjected unto the same vicinity of the ,sun1 the same diurnal arch1 and direction of its rayes1 should also partake of the same hue and complexion1 which notwithstanding they do not4 ,for the ,inhabitants of the same latitude in ,asia are of a different complexion1 as are the ,inhabitants of ,cambogia and ,java1 insomuch that some conceive the ,negro is properly a native of ,africa1 and that those places in ,asia inhabited now by ,moors1 are but the intrusions of ,negroes arriving first from ,africa1 as we generally conceive of ,madagascar1 and the adjoyning ,islands1 who retain the same complexion unto this day4 ,but this defect is more remarkable in ,america2 which although subjected unto both the ,tropicks1 yet are not the ,inhabitants black between1 or near1 or under either2 neither to the ,southward in ,brasilia1 ,chili1 or ,peru2 nor yet to the ,northward in ,hispaniola1 ,castilia1 del ,oro1 or ,nicaragua4 ,and although in many parts thereof there be at present swarms of ,negroes serving under the ,spaniard1 yet were they all transported from ,africa1 since the discovery of ,columbus2 and are not indigenous or proper natives of ,america4 ,fifthly1 ,we cannot conclude this complexion in ,nations from the vicinity or habitude they hold unto the ,sun2 for even in ,africa they be ,negroes under the ,southern ,tropick1 but are not all of this hue either under or near the ,northern4 ,so the people of ,gualata1 ,agades1 ,garamantes1 and of ,goaga1 all within the ,northern ,tropicks are not ,negroes2 but on the other side about ,capo ,negro1 ,cefala1 and ,madagascar1 they are of a jetty black4 ,now if to salve this ,anomaly we say the heat of the ,sun is more powerful in the ,southern ,tropick1 because in the sign of ,capricorn fals out the ,perigeum or lowest place of the ,sun in his ,excentrick1 whereby he becomes nearer unto them than unto the other in ,cancer1 we shall not absolve the doubt4 ,and if any insist upon such niceties1 and will presume a different effect of the ,sun1 from such a difference of place or vicinity1 we shall ballance the same with the concernment of its motion1 and time of revolution1 and say he is more powerful in the ,northern ,hemisphere1 and in the ,apogeum2 for therein his motion is slower1 and so his heat respectively unto those habitations1 as of duration1 so also of more effect4 ,for1 though he absolve his revolution in #cfe days1 odd hours and minutes1 yet by reason of ,excentricity1 his motion is unequal1 and his course far longer in the ,northern ,semicircle1 than in the ,southern2 for the latter he passeth in a #agh days1 but the other takes him a #ahg1 that is1 eleven days more4 ,so is his presence more continued unto the ,northern ,inhabitants2 and the longer day in ,cancer is longer unto us1 than that in ,capricorn unto the ,southern ,habitator4 ,beside1 hereby we only infer an inequality of heat in different ,tropicks1 but not an equality of effects in other parts subjected to the same4 ,for1 in the same degree1 and as near the earth he makes his revolution unto the ,american1 whose ,inhabitants notwithstanding partake not of the same effect4 ,and if herein we seek a relief from the ,dog-star1 we shall introduce an effect proper unto a few1 from a cause common unto many2 for upon the same grounds that ,star should have as forcible a power upon ,america and ,asia2 and although it be not vertical unto any part of ,asia1 but only passeth by ,beach1 in terra incognita2 yet is it so unto ,america1 and vertically passeth over the habitations of ,peru and ,brasilia4 ,sixthly1 ,and which is very considerable1 there are ,negroes in ,africa beyond the ,southern ,tropick1 and some so far removed from it1 as ,geographically the clime is not intemperate1 that is1 near the ,cape of good ,hope1 in #cf of the ,southern ,latitude4 ,whereas in the same elevation ,northward1 the ,inhabitants of ,america are fair2 and they of ,europe in ,candy1 ,sicily1 and some parts of ,spain1 deserve not properly so low a name as ,tawny4 ,lastly1 ,whereas the ,africans are conceived to be more peculiarly scorched and torrified from the ,sun1 by addition of driness from the soil1 from want and defect of water1 it will not excuse the doubt4 ,for the parts which the ,negroes possess1 are not so void of ,rivers and moisture1 as is presumed2 for on the other side the mountains of the ,moon1 in that great tract called ,zanzibar1 there are the mighty ,rivers of ,suama and ,spirito ,santo2 on this side1 the great ,river ,zaire1 the mighty ,nile and ,niger2 which do not only moisten and contemperate the air by their exhalations1 but refresh and humectate the earth by their annual ,inundations4 ,beside1 in that part of ,africa1 which with all disadvantage is most dry1 that is1 in situation between the ,tropicks1 defect of ,rivers and inundations1 as also abundance of ,sands1 the people are not esteemed ,negroes2 and that is ,lybia1 which with the ,greeks carries the name of all ,africa4 ,a region so desert1 dry and sandy1 that ,travellers 7as ,leo reports7 are fain to carry water on their ,camels2 whereof they find not a drop sometime in six or seven days4 ,yet is this ,country accounted by ,geographers no part of terra ,nigritarum1 and ,ptolomy placeth herein the ,leuco thiops1 or pale and ,tawny ,moors4 ,now the ground of this opinion might be the visible quality of ,blackness observably produced by heat1 fire and smoak2 but especially with the ,ancients the violent esteem they held of the heat of the ,sun1 in the hot or torrid ,zone2 conceiving that part unhabitable1 and therefore that people in the vicinities or frontiers thereof1 could not escape without this change of their complexions4 ,but how far they were mistaken in this apprehension1 modern ,geography hath discovered3 ,and as we have declared1 there are many within this ,zone whose complexions descend not so low as unto blackness4 ,and if we should strictly insist hereon1 the possibility might fall into question2 that is1 whether the heat of the ,sun1 whose fervour may swart a living part1 and even black a dead or dissolving flesh1 can yet in animals1 whose parts are successive and in continual flux1 produce this deep and perfect gloss of ,blackness4 ,sidenote3 ,the particular causes of the ,negroes blackness probably4 ,thus having evinced1 at least made dubious1 the ,sun is not the ,author of this ,blackness1 how1 and when this tincture first began is yet a ,riddle1 and positively to determine1 it surpasseth my presumption4 ,seeing therefore we cannot discover what did effect it1 it may afford some piece of satisfaction to know what might procure it4 ,it may be therefore considered1 whether the inward use of certain waters or fountains of peculiar operations1 might not at first produce the effect in question4 ,for1 of the like we have records in ,aristotle1 ,strabo and ,pliny1 who hath made a collection hereof1 as of two fountains in ,botia1 the one making ,sheep white1 the other black2 of the water of ,siberis which made ,oxen black1 and the like effect it had also upon men1 dying not only the skin1 but making their hairs black and curled4 ,this was the conceit of ,aristobulus1 who received so little satisfaction from the other1 or that it might be caused by heat1 or any kind of fire1 that he conceived it as reasonable to impute the effect unto water4 ,secondly1 ,it may be perpended whether it might not fall out the same way that ,jacobs cattle became speckled1 spotted and ring-straked1 that is1 by the ,power and ,efficacy of ,imagination2 which produceth effects in the conception correspondent unto the phancy of the ,agents in generation2 and sometimes assimilates the ,idea of the ,generator into a reality in the thing ingendred4 ,for1 hereof there pass for current many indisputed examples2 so in ,hippocrates we read of one1 that from an intent view of a ,picture conceived a ,negro2 ,and in the ,history of ,heliodore of a ,moorish ,queen1 who upon aspection of the ,picture of ,andromeda1 conceived and brought forth a fair one4 ,,sn3 ,vide plura apud ,tho4 ,fienum1 de viribus imaginationis4 ,and thus perhaps might some say was the beginning of this complexion3 induced first by ,imagination1 which having once impregnated the seed1 found afterward concurrent co-operation1 which were continued by ,climes1 whose constitution advantaged the first impression4 ,,sn3 ,why ,beares etc4 white in some places4 ,thus ,plotinus conceiveth white ,peacocks first came in4 ,thus many opinion that from aspection of the ,snow1 which lieth long in ,northern ,regions1 and high mountains4 ,hawks1 ,kites1 ,beares1 and other creatures become white2 and by this way ,austin conceiveth the devil provided1 they never wanted a white spotted ,ox in ,egypt2 for such an one they worshipped1 and called ,apis4 ,thirdly1 ,it is not indisputable whether it might not proceed from such a cause and the like foundation of ,tincture1 as doth the black ,jaundise1 which meeting with congenerous causes might settle durable inclinations1 and advance their generations unto that hue1 which were naturally before but a degree or two below it4 ,and this transmission we shall the easier admit in colour1 if we remember the like hath been effected in organical parts and figures2 the ,symmetry whereof being casually or purposely perverted2 their morbosities have vigorously descended to their posterities1 and that in durable deformities4 ,this was the beginning of ,macrocephali1 or people with long heads1 whereof ,hippocrates ,,sn3 ,de ,aere1 ,aquis1 et ,locis4 hath clearly delivered himself3 ,cum primum editus est ,infans1 caput ejus tenellum manibus effingunt1 et in longitudine adolescere cogunt2 hoc institutum primum hujusmodi1 natur dedit vitium1 successu vero temporis in naturam abiit1 ut proinde instituto nihil amplius opus esset2 semen enim genitale ex omnibus corporis partibus provenit1 ex sanis quidem sanum1 ex morbosis morbosum4 ,si igitur ex calvis calvi1 ex cciis ccii1 et ex distortis1 ut plurimum1 distorti gignuntur1 eademque in cteris formis valet ratio1 quid prohibet cur non ex macrocephalis macrocephali gignantur8 ,thus as ,aristotle observeth1 the ,deers of ,arginusa had their ears divided2 occasioned at first by slitting the ears of ,deers4 ,thus have the ,chineses little feet1 most ,negroes great ,lips and flat ,noses2 ,and thus many ,spaniards1 and ,mediterranean ,inhabitants1 which are of the ,race of ,barbary ,moors 7although after frequent commixture7 have not worn out the ,camoys ,nose ,,sn3 ,flat ,nose4 unto this day4 ,artificial ,negroes1 or ,gypsies acquire their complexion by anointing their bodies with ,bacon and fat substances1 and so exposing them to the ,sun4 ,in ,guiny ,moors and others1 it hath been observed1 that they frequently moisten their skins with fat and oyly materials1 to temper the irksom driness thereof from the parching rayes of the ,sun4 ,whether this practise at first had not some efficacy toward this complexion1 may also be considered4 ,sidenote3 ,how sundry kinds of ,animals come to be found in ,islands4 ,lastly1 ,if we still be urged to particularities1 and such as declare how1 and when the seed of ,adam did first receive this tincture2 we may say that men became black in the same manner that some ,foxes1 ,squirrels1 ,lions1 first turned of this complexion1 whereof there are a constant sort in divers ,countries2 that some ,chaughs came to have red ,legs and ,bils1 that ,crows became pyed3 ,all which mutations however they began1 depend on durable foundations2 and such as may continue for ever4 ,and if as yet we must farther define the cause and manner of this mutation1 we must confess1 in matters of ,antiquity1 and such as are decided by ,history1 if their ,originals and first beginnings escape a due relation1 they fall into great obscurities1 and such as future ,ages seldom reduce unto a resolution4 ,thus if you deduct the administration of ,angels1 and that they dispersed the creatures into all parts after the flood1 as they had congregated them into ,noahs ,ark before2 it will be no easie question to resolve1 how several sorts of animals were first dispersed into ,islands1 and almost how any into ,america3 ,how the venereal ,contagion began in that part of the earth1 since history is silent1 is not easily resolved by ,philosophy4 ,for whereas it is imputed unto ,anthropophagy1 or the eating of mans flesh2 that cause hath been common unto many other ,countries1 and there have been ,canibals or men eaters in the three other parts of the world1 if we credit the relations of ,ptolomy1 ,strabo and ,pliny4 ,and thus if the favourable pen of ,moses had not revealed the confusion of tongues1 and positively declared their division at ,babel1 our disputes concerning their beginning had been without end2 and ,i fear we must have left the hopes of that decision unto ,elias4 ,,sn3 ,elias cum venerit solvet dubium4 ,and if any will yet insist1 and urge the question farther still upon me1 ,i shall be enforced unto divers of the like nature1 wherein perhaps ,i shall receive no greater satisfaction4 ,i shall demand how the ,camels of ,bactria came to have two bunches on their backs1 whereas the ,camels of ,arabia in all relations have but one8 ,how ,oxen in some ,countries began and continue gibbous or bunch-back'd8 what way those many different shapes1 colours1 hairs1 and natures of ,dogs came in8 how they of some ,countries became depilous1 and without any hair at all1 whereas some sorts in excess abound therewith8 ,how the ,indian ,hare came to have a long tail1 whereas that part in others attains no higher than a scut8 ,how the hogs of ,illyria which ,aristotle speaks of1 became solipedes or whole-hoofed1 whereas in other parts they are bisulcous1 and described cloven-hoofed by ,god himself8 ,all which with many others must needs seem strange unto those that hold there were but two of the unclean sort in the ark2 and are forced to reduce these varieties to unknown originals4 ,sidenote3 ,how the complexion of the ,negroes may be propagated4 ,however therefore this complexion was first acquired1 it is evidently maintained by generation1 and by the tincture of the skin as a spermatical part traduced from father unto ,son2 so that they which are strangers contract it not1 and the ,natives which transmigrate1 omit it not without commixture1 and that after divers generations4 ,and this affection 7if the story were true7 might wonderfully be confirmed1 by what ,maginus and others relate of the ,emperour of thiopia1 or ,prester ,john1 who derived from ,solomon is not yet descended into the hue of his ,country1 but remains a ,mulatto1 that is1 of a ,mongril complexion unto this day4 ,now although we conceive this blackness to be seminal1 yet are we not of ,herodotus conceit1 that their seed is black4 ,an opinion long ago rejected by ,aristotle1 and since by sense and enquiry4 ,his assertion against the ,historian was probable1 that all seed was white2 that is without great controversie in viviparous ,animals1 and such as have ,testicles1 or preparing vessels wherein it receives a manifest dealbation4 ,and not only in them1 but 7for ought ,i know7 in ,fishes not abating the seed of ,plants2 whereof at least in most though the skin and covering be black1 yet is the seed and fructifying part not so2 as may be observed in the seeds of ,onyons1 ,pyonie and ,basil4 ,most controvertible it seems in the spawn of ,frogs1 and ,lobsters1 whereof notwithstanding at the very first the spawn is white1 contracting by degrees a blackness1 answerable in the one unto the colour of the shell1 in the other unto the ,porwigle or ,tadpole2 that is that ,animall which first proceedeth from it4 ,and thus may it also be in the generation and sperm of ,negroes2 that being first and in its naturals white1 but upon separation of parts1 accidents before invisible become apparent2 there arising a shadow or dark efflorescence in the outside2 whereby not only their legitimate and timely births1 but their abortions are also dusky1 before they have felt the scorch and fervor of the ,sun4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,of the same4 ,a ,second opinion there is1 that this complexion was first a curse of ,god derived unto them from ,cham1 upon whom it was inflicted for discovering the nakedness of ,noah4 ,which notwithstanding is sooner affirmed then proved1 and carrieth with it sundry improbabilities4 ,for first1 if we derive the curse on ,cham1 or in general upon his posterity1 we shall denigrate a greater part of the earth then was ever so conceived2 and not only paint the thiopians and reputed sons of ,cush1 but the people also of ,egypt1 ,arabia1 ,assyria and ,chaldea2 for by this race were these ,countries also peopled4 ,and if concordantly unto ,berosus1 the fragment of ,cato de ,originibus1 some things of ,halicarnasseus1 ,macrobius1 and out of them of ,leandro and ,annius1 we shall conceive of the travels of ,camese or ,cham2 we may introduce a generation of ,negroes as high as ,italy2 which part was never culpable of deformity1 but hath produced the magnified examples of beauty4 ,secondly1 ,the curse mentioned in ,scripture was not denounced upon ,cham1 but ,canaan his youngest son1 and the reasons thereof are divers4 ,the first1 from the ,jewish ,tradition1 whereby it is conceived that ,canaan made the discovery of the nakedness of ,noah1 and notified it unto ,cham4 ,secondly1 to have cursed ,cham had been to curse all his posterity1 whereof but one was guilty of the fact4 ,and lastly1 he spared ,cham1 because he had blessed him before4 ,,sn3 ,cap4 #i4 ,now if we confine this curse unto ,canaan1 and think the same fulfilled in his posterity2 then do we induce this complexion on the ,sidonians1 then was the promised land a tract of ,negroes2 ,for from ,canaan were descended the ,canaanites1 ,jebusites1 ,amorites1 ,gergazites and ,hivites1 which were possessed of that land4 ,thirdly1 ,although we should place the original of this curse upon one of the sons of ,cham1 yet were it not known from which of them to derive it4 ,for the particularity of their descents is imperfectly set down by accountants1 nor is it distinctly determinable from whom thereof the thiopians are proceeded4 ,for whereas these of ,africa are generally esteemed to be the ,issue of ,chus1 the elder son of ,cham1 it is not so easily made out4 ,for the land of ,chus1 which the ,septuagint translates thiopia1 makes no part of ,africa1 nor is it the habitation of ,blackmores1 but the ,country of ,arabia1 especially the ,happy and ,stony possessions and ,colonies of all the sons of ,chus1 excepting ,nimrod and ,havilah3 possessed and planted wholly by the children of ,chus1 that is1 by ,sabtah and ,raamah1 ,sabtacha1 and the sons of ,raamah1 ,dedan1 and ,sheba1 according unto whose names the ,nations of those parts have received their denominations1 as may be collected from ,pliny and ,ptolemy2 and as we are informed by credible ,authors1 they hold a fair ,analogy in their names1 even unto our days4 ,so the wife of ,moses translated in ,scripture an thiopian1 and so confirmed by the fabulous relation of ,josephus1 was none of the daughters of ,africa1 nor any ,negroe of thiopia1 but the daughter of ,jethro1 ,prince and ,priest of ,madian1 which was a part of ,arabia the stony1 bordering upon the ,red ,sea4 ,so the ,queen of ,sheba came not unto ,solomon out of thiopia1 but from ,arabia1 and that part thereof which bore the name of the first planter1 the son of ,chus4 ,so whether the ,eunuch which ,philip the ,deacon baptised1 were servant unto ,candace ,queen of the ,african thiopia 7although ,damianus a ,goes1 ,codignus1 and the thiopick relations averr7 is yet by many1 and with strong suspitions doubted4 ,so that ,army of a million1 which ,zerah ,king of thiopia is said to bring against ,asa1 was drawn out of ,arabia1 and the plantations of ,chus2 not out of thiopia1 and the remote habitations of the ,moors4 ,for it is said that ,asa pursuing his victory1 took from him the ,city ,gerar2 now ,gerar was no ,city in or near thiopia1 but a place between ,cadesh and ,zur1 where ,abraham formerly sojourned4 ,since thereof these ,african thiopians are not convinced by the common acception to be the sons of ,chus1 whether they be not the posterity of ,phut or ,mizraim1 or both1 it is not assuredly determined4 ,for ,mizraim1 he possessed ,egypt1 and the ,east parts of ,africa4 ,from ,lubym his son came the ,lybians1 and perhaps from them the thiopians4 ,phut possessed ,mauritania1 and the ,western parts of ,africa1 and from these perhaps descended the ,moors of the ,west1 of ,mandinga1 ,meleguette and ,guinie4 ,but from ,canaan1 upon whom the curse was pronounced1 none of these had their originall2 for he was restrained unto ,canaan and ,syria2 although in after ,ages many ,colonies dispersed1 and some thereof upon the coasts of ,africa1 and prepossessions of his elder brothers4 ,fourthly1 ,to take away all doubt or any probable divarication1 the curse is plainly specified in the ,text1 nor need we dispute it1 like the mark of ,cain2 ,servus servorum erit fratribus suis1 ,cursed be ,canaan1 a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren2 which was after fulfilled in the conquest of ,canaan1 subdued by the ,israelites1 the posterity of ,sem4 ,which ,prophecy ,abraham well understanding1 took an oath of his servant not to take a wife for his son ,isaac out of the daughters of the ,canaanites2 and the like was performed by ,isaac in the behalf of his ,son ,jacob4 ,as for ,cham and his other sons1 this curse attained them not2 for ,nimrod the son of ,chus set up his kingdom in ,babylon1 and erected the first great ,empire2 ,mizraim and his posterity grew mighty ,monarchs in ,egypt2 and the ,empire of the thiopians hath been as large as either4 ,nor did the curse descend in generall upon the posterity of ,canaan3 for the ,sidonians1 ,arkites1 ,hamathites1 ,sinites1 ,arvadites1 and ,zemerites seem exempted4 ,but why there being eleven ,sons1 five only were condemned and six escaped the malediction1 is a secret beyond discovery4 ,lastly1 ,whereas men affirm this colour was a ,curse1 ,i cannot make out the propriety of that name1 it neither seeming so to them1 nor reasonably unto us2 for they take so much content therein1 that they esteem deformity by other colours1 describing the ,devil1 and terrible objects1 white4 ,and if we seriously consult the definitions of beauty1 and exactly perpend what wise men determine thereof1 we shall not apprehend a curse1 or any deformity therein4 ,for first1 some place the essence thereof in the proportion of parts1 conceiving it to consist in a comely commensurability of the whole unto the parts1 and the parts between themselves3 which is the determination of the best and learned ,writers4 ,now hereby the ,moors are not excluded from beauty3 there being in this description no consideration of colours1 but an apt connexion and frame of parts and the whole4 ,others there be1 and those most in number1 which place it not only in proportion of parts1 but also in grace of colour4 ,but to make ,colour essential unto ,beauty1 there will arise no slender difficulty3 ,for ,aristotle in two definitions of pulchritude1 and ,galen in one1 have made no mention of colour4 ,neither will it agree unto the ,beauty of ,animals3 wherein notwithstanding there is an approved pulchritude4 ,thus horses are handsome under any colour1 and the symmetry of parts obscures the consideration of complexions4 ,thus in concolour animals and such as are confined unto one colour1 we measure not their ,beauty thereby3 ,for if a ,crow or ,black-bird grow white1 we generally account it more pretty2 and in almost a monstrosity descend not to opinion of deformity4 ,by this way likewise the ,moors escape the curse of deformity3 there concurring no stationary colour1 and sometimes not any unto ,beauty4 ,the ,platonick contemplators reject both these descriptions founded upon parts and colours1 or either3 as ,m4 ,leo the ,jew hath excellently discoursed in his ,genealogy of ,love1 defining beauty a formal grace1 which delights and moves them to love which comprehend it4 ,this grace say they1 discoverable outwardly1 is the resplendor and ,ray of some interiour and invisible ,beauty1 and proceedeth from the forms of compositions amiable4 ,whose faculties if they can aptly contrive their matter1 they beget in the subject an agreeable and pleasing beauty2 if over-ruled thereby1 they evidence not their perfections1 but run into deformity4 ,for seeing that out of the same materials1 ,thersites and ,paris1 ,beauty and monstrosity may be contrived2 the forms and operative faculties introduce and determine their perfections4 ,which in natural bodies receive exactness in every kind1 according to the first ,idea of the ,creator1 and in contrived bodies the phancy of the ,artificer4 ,and by this consideration of ,beauty1 the ,moors also are not excluded1 but hold a common share therein with all mankind4 ,lastly1 ,in whatsoever its ,theory consisteth1 or if in the general1 we allow the common conceit of symmetry and of colour1 yet to descend unto singularities1 or determine in what symmetry or colour it consisted1 were a slippery designation4 ,for ,beauty is determined by opinion1 and seems to have no essence that holds one notion with all2 that seeming beauteous unto one1 which hath no favour with another2 and that unto every one1 according as custome hath made it natural1 or sympathy and conformity of minds shall make it seem agreeable4 ,thus flat noses seem comely unto the ,moor1 an ,aquiline or hawked one unto the ,persian1 a large and prominent nose unto the ,romane2 but none of all these are acceptable in our opinion4 ,thus some think it most ornamental to wear their ,bracelets on their ,wrests1 others say it is better to have them about their ,ancles2 some think it most comely to wear their ,rings and ,jewels in the ,ear1 others will have them about their ,privities2 a third will not think they are compleat except they hang them in their lips1 cheeks1 or noses4 ,thus ,homer to set off ,minerva1 calleth her 1 that is1 gray or light-blew eyed3 now this unto us seems far less amiable then the black4 ,thus we that are of contrary complexions accuse the blackness of the ,moors as ugly3 ,but the ,spouse in the ,canticles excuseth this conceit1 in that description of hers1 ,i am black1 but comely4 ,and howsoever ,cerberus1 and the furies of hell be described by the ,poets under this complexion1 yet in the beauty of our ,saviour blackness is commended1 when it is said1 his locks are bushie and black as a ,raven4 ,so that to inferr this as a curse1 or to reason it as a deformity1 is no way reasonable2 the two foundations of beauty1 ,symmetry and complexion receiving such various apprehensions1 that no deviation will be expounded so high as a curse or undeniable deformity1 without a manifest and confessed degree of monstrosity4 ,lastly1 ,it is a very injurious method unto ,philosophy1 and a perpetual promotion of ignorance1 in points of obscurity2 nor open unto easie considerations1 to fall upon a present refuge unto ,miracles2 or recurr unto immediate contrivance1 from the insearchable hands of ,god4 ,thus in the conceit of the evil odor of the ,jews1 ,christians without a further research into the verity of the thing1 or inquiry into the cause1 draw up a judgement upon them from the passion of their ,saviour4 ,thus in the wondrous effects of the clime of ,ireland1 and the freedom from all venemous creatures1 the credulity of common conceit imputes this immunity unto the benediction of ,s4 ,patrick1 as ,beda and ,gyraldus have left recorded4 ,thus the ,ass having a peculiar mark of a cross made by a black list down his back1 and another athwart1 or at right angles down his shoulders2 common opinion ascribes this figure unto a peculiar signation2 since that beast had the honour to bear our ,saviour on his back4 ,certainly this is a course more desperate then ,antipathies1 ,sympathies1 or occult qualities2 wherein by a final and satisfactive discernment of faith1 we lay the last and particular effects upon the first and general cause of all things2 whereas in the other1 we do but palliate our determinations1 untill our advanced endeavours do totally reject1 or partially salve their evasions4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,a ,digression concerning ,blackness4 ,there being therefore two opinions repugnant unto each other1 it may not be presumptive or skeptical to doubt of both4 ,and because we remain imperfect in the general ,theory of colours1 we shall deliver at present a short discovery of blackness2 wherein although perhaps we afford no greater satisfaction then others1 yet shall we ,emperically and sensibly discourse hereof2 deducing the causes of ,blackness from such ,originals in nature1 as we do generally observe things are denigrated by ,art4 ,and herein ,i hope our progression will not be thought unreasonable1 for ,art being the imitation of ,nature1 or ,nature at the second hand1 it is but a sensible expression of effects dependant on the same1 though more removed causes3 and therefore the works of the one may serve to discover the other4 ,and though colours of bodies may arise according to the receptions1 refraction1 or modification of ,light2 yet are there certain materialls which may dispose them unto such qualities4 ,and first1 ,things become black by a sooty and fuliginous matter proceeding from the ,sulphur of bodies torrified2 not taking fuligo strictly1 but in opposition unto 1 that is any kind of vaporous or madefying excretion2 and comprehending 1 that is as ,aristotle defines it1 a separation of moist and dry parts made by the action of heat or fire1 and colouring bodies objected4 ,hereof in his ,meteors1 from the qualities of the subject he raiseth three kinds2 the exhalations from ligneous and lean bodies1 as bones1 hair1 and the like he calleth 1 fumus1 from fat bodies1 and such as have not their fatness conspicuous or separated he termeth 1 fuligo1 as wax1 rosin1 pitch1 or turpentine2 that from unctuous bodies1 and such whose oyliness is evident1 he named or nidor4 ,now everyone of these do black bodies objected unto them1 and are to be conceived in the sooty and fuliginous matter expressed4 ,i say1 proceeding from the sulphur of bodies torrified1 that is the oylie fat1 and unctuous parts wherein consist the principles of flammability4 ,not pure and refined sulphur1 as in the ,spirits of wine often rectified2 but containing terrestrious parts1 and carrying with it the volatile salt of the body1 and such as is distinguishable by taste in soot2 nor vulgar and usual sulphur1 for that leaves none or very little blackness1 except a metalline body receive the exhalation4 ,i say1 torrified1 sindged1 or suffering some impression from fire2 thus are bodies casually or artificially denigrated1 which in their naturals are of another complexion2 thus are ,charcoals made black by an infection of their own suffitus1 so is it true what is affirmed of combustible bodies4 ,adusta nigra1 perusta alba2 black at first from the fuliginous tincture1 which being exhaled they become white1 as is perceptible in ashes4 ,and so doth fire cleanse and purifie bodies1 because it consumes the sulphureous parts1 which before did make them foul3 and therefore refines those bodies which will never be mundified by water4 ,thus ,camphire of a white substance1 by its fuligo affordeth a deep black4 ,so is pitch black1 although it proceed from the same tree with ,rosin1 the one distilling forth1 the other forced by fire4 ,so of the suffitus of a torch1 do ,painters make a velvet black3 so is lamp-black made3 so of burnt ,harts-horn a sable2 so is ,bacon denigrated in chimnies3 so in ,feavers and hot distempers from choler adust is caused a blackness in our tongues1 teeth and excretions3 so are ustilago1 brant corn and trees black by blasting2 so parts cauterized1 gangrenated1 siderated and mortified1 become black1 the radical moisture1 or vital sulphur suffering an extinction1 and smothered in the part effected4 ,so not only actual but potential fire3 not burning fire1 but also corroding water will induce a blackness4 ,,sn3 ,why the smoak of pure ,sulphur blacks not4 ,so are ,chimnies and ,furnaces generally black1 except they receive a clear and manifest sulphur3 for the smoak of sulphur will not black a paper1 and is commonly used by women to whiten ,tiffinies1 which it performeth by an acide vitriolous1 and penetrating spirit ascending from it1 by reason whereof it is not apt to kindle any thing nor will it easily light a ,candle1 untill that spirit be spent1 and the flame approacheth the match4 ,this is that acide and piercing spirit which with such activity and compunction invadeth the brains and nostrils of those that receive it4 ,and thus when ,bellonius affirmeth that ,charcoals made out of the wood of ,oxycedar are white1 ,dr4 ,jordan in his judicious ,discourse of mineral waters yeeldeth the reason1 because their vapors are rather sulphureous then of any other combustible substance4 ,so we see that ,tinby coals will not black linnen being hanged in the smoak thereof1 but rather whiten it1 by reason of the drying and penetrating quality of sulphur1 which will make ,red roses white4 ,and therefore to conceive a general blackness in ,hell1 and yet therein the pure and refined flames of sulphur1 is no ,philosophical conception1 nor will it well consist with the real effects of its nature4 ,these are the advenient and artificial wayes of denigration1 answerably whereto may be the natural progress4 ,these are the wayes whereby culinary and common fires do operate1 and correspondent hereunto may be the effects of fire elemental4 ,so may ,bitumen1 ,coals1 ,jet1 ,black-lead1 and divers mineral earths become black2 being either fuliginous concretions in the earth1 or suffering a scorch from denigrating ,principles in their formation4 ,so men and other animals receive different tinctures from constitution and complexional efflorescences1 and descend still lower1 as they partake of the fuliginous and denigrating humour4 ,and so may the thiopians or ,negroes become coal-black1 from fuliginous efflorescences and complexional tinctures arising from such probabilities1 as we have declared before4 ,the second way whereby bodies become black1 is an ,atramentous condition or mixture1 that is a vitriolate or copperose quality conjoyning with a terrestrious and astringent humidity2 for so is ,atramentum ,scriptorium1 or writing ,ink commonly made by copperose cast upon a decoction or infusion of galls4 ,i say a vitriolous or copperous quality2 for vitriol is the active or chief ingredient in ,ink1 and no other salt that ,i know will strike the colour with galls2 neither ,alom1 ,sal-gem1 ,nitre1 nor ,armoniack4 ,,sn3 ,what the common ,copperose is4 ,now artificial copperose1 and such as we commonly use1 is a rough and acrimonious kind of salt drawn out of ferreous and eruginous earths1 partaking chiefly of ,iron and ,copper2 the blew of ,copper1 the green most of ,iron3 ,nor is it unusual to dissolve fragments of ,iron in the liquor thereof1 for advantage in the concretion4 ,i say1 a terrestrious or astringent humidity2 for without this there will ensue no tincture2 for ,copperose in a decoction of ,lettuce or ,mallows affords no black1 which with an astringent mixture it will do1 though it be made up with oyl1 as in printing and painting ,ink4 ,but whereas in this composition we use only ,nut-gals1 that is an excrescence from the ,oak1 therein we follow and beat upon the old receit2 for any plant of austere and stiptick parts will suffice1 as ,i have experimented in ,bistorte1 ,myrobolans1 ,myrtus ,brabantica1 ,balaustium and ,red ,roses4 ,and indeed1 most decoctions of astringent plants1 of what colour soever1 do leave in the ,liquor a deep and ,muscadine red3 which by addition of vitriol descends into a black3 and so ,dioscorides in his receit of ,ink1 leaves out gall1 and with copperose makes use of soot4 ,now if we enquire in what part of vitriol this ,atramental and denigrating condition lodgeth1 it will seem especially to lie in the more fixed salt thereof2 for the phlegm or aqueous evaporation will not denigrate2 nor yet spirits of vitriol1 which carry with them volatile and nimbler ,salt3 ,for if upon a decoction of ,copperose and gall1 be poured the spirits or oyl of vitriol1 the liquor will relinquish his blackness2 the gall and parts of the copperose precipitate unto the bottom1 and the ,ink grow clear again2 which it will not so easily do in common ,ink1 because that gum is dissolved therein which hindereth the separation4 ,but ,colcothar or vitriol burnt1 though unto a redness containing the fixed salt1 will make good ,ink2 and so will the ,lixivium1 or ,lye made thereof with warm water2 but the ,terra or ,insipid earth remaining1 affords no black at all1 but serves in many things for a gross and useful red4 ,and though ,spirits of vitriol1 projected upon a decoction of gals1 will not raise a black1 yet if these spirits be any way fixed1 or return into vitriol again1 the same will act their former parts and denigrate as before4 ,and if we yet make a more exact enquiry1 by what this salt of vitriol more peculiarly gives this colour1 we shall find it to be from a metalline condition1 and especially an ,iron ,property or ferreous participation4 ,for blew ,copperose which deeply partakes of the copper will do it but weakly1 ,verdigrise which is made of ,copper will not do it at all1 but the filings of ,iron infused in vinegar1 will with a decoction of gals make good ,ink1 without any ,copperose at all2 and so will infusion of ,load-stone2 which is of affinity with ,iron4 ,and though more conspicuously in iron1 yet such a ,calcanthous or ,atramentous quality1 we will not wholly reject in other mettals2 whereby we often observe black tinctures in their solutions4 ,thus a ,lemmon1 ,quince or sharp ,apple cut with a knife becomes immediately black3 ,and from the like cause1 ,artichokes2 so sublimate beat up with whites of eggs1 if touched with a knife1 becomes incontinently black4 ,so ,aqua fortis1 whose ingredient is vitriol1 will make white bodies black4 ,so leather dressed with the bark of ,oak1 is easily made black by a bare solution of ,copperose4 ,so divers ,mineral waters and such as participate of ,iron1 upon an infusion of gals1 become of a dark colour1 and entering upon black4 ,so steel infused1 makes not only the liquor duskie1 but in bodies wherein it concurs with proportionable tinctures makes also the excretions black4 ,and so also from this vitriolous quality ,mercurius dulcis1 and vitriol vomitive occasion black ejections4 ,but whether this denigrating quality in ,copperose proceedeth from an ,iron participation1 or rather in ,iron from a vitriolous communication2 or whether black tinctures from metallical bodies be not from vitriolous parts contained in their sulphur1 since common sulphur containeth also much vitriol1 may admit consideration4 ,however in this way of tincture1 it seemeth plain1 that ,iron and ,vitriol are the powerful ,denigrators4 ,such a condition there is naturally in some living creatures4 ,thus that black humour by ,aristotle named os1 and commonly translated ,atramentum1 may be occasioned in the ,cuttle-fish4 ,such a condition there is naturally in some ,plants1 as ,black-berries1 ,walnut-rinds1 ,black-cherries2 whereby they extinguish inflammations1 corroborate the stomack1 and are esteemed specifical in the ,epilepsie4 ,such an atramentous condition there is to be found sometime in the blood1 when that which some call ,acetum1 others ,vitriolum1 concurs with parts prepared for this tincture4 ,and so from these conditions the ,moors might possibly become ,negroes1 receiving ,atramentous impressions in some of those wayes1 whose possibility is by us declared4 ,sidenote3 ,how a vitriolous quality may be in living bodies4 ,nor is it strange that we affirm there are vitriolous parts1 qualities1 and even at some distance ,vitriol it self in living bodies2 for there is a sower stiptick salt diffused through the ,earth1 which passing a concoction in plants1 becometh milder and more agreeable unto the sense1 and this is that vegetable vitriol1 whereby divers plants contain a gratefull sharpness1 as ,lemmons1 ,pomegranats1 ,cherries1 or an austere and inconcocted roughness1 as ,sloes1 ,medlars and ,quinces4 ,and that not only vitriol is a cause of blackness1 but that the salts of natural bodies do carry a powerfull stroke in the tincture and vernish of all things1 we shall not deny1 if we contradict not experience1 and the visible art of ,dyars2 who advance and graduate their colours with ,salts4 ,for the decoctions of simples which bear the visible colours of bodies decocted1 are dead and evanid1 without the commixtion of ,alum1 ,argol1 and the like4 ,and this is also apparent in ,chymical preparations4 ,so ,cinaber becomes red by the acide exhalation of sulphur1 which otherwise presents a pure and niveous white4 ,so spirits of ,salt upon a blew paper make an orient red4 ,so ,tartar or vitriol upon an infusion of violets affords a delightfull crimson4 ,,sn3 ,whence the colours of ,plants1 etc4 may arise4 ,thus it is wonderful what variety of colours the spirits of ,saltpeter1 and especially1 if they be kept in a glass while they pierce the sides thereof2 ,i say1 what ,orient greens they will project3 from the like spirits in the earth the plants thereof perhaps acquire their verdure4 ,and from such salary irradiations may those wondrous varieties arise1 which are observable in ,animals1 as ,mallards heads1 and ,peacocks feathers1 receiving intention or alteration according as they are presented unto the light4 ,thus ,saltpeter1 ,ammoniack and ,mineral spirits emit delectable and various colours2 and common ,aqua fortis will in some green and narrow mouthed glasses1 about the verges thereof1 send forth a deep and ,gentianella blew4 ,thus have we at last drawn our conjectures unto a period2 wherein if our contemplations afford no satisfaction unto others1 ,i hope our attempts will bring no condemnation on our selves 7for besides that adventures in knowledge are laudable1 and the assayes of weaker heads afford oftentimes improveable hints unto better7 although in this long journey we miss the intended end2 yet are there many things of truth disclosed by the way2 and the collaterall verity may unto reasonable speculations some what requite the capital indiscovery4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,of ,gypsies4 ,great wonder it is not we are to seek in the original of thiopians and natural ,negroes1 being also at a loss concerning the ,original of ,gypsies and counterfeit ,moors1 observable in many parts of ,europe1 ,asia1 and ,africa4 ,sidenote3 ,opinions concerning the original of ,gypsies4 ,common opinion deriveth them from ,egypt1 and from thence they derive themselves1 according to their own account hereof1 as ,munster discovered in the letters and pass which they obtained from ,sigismund the ,emperour2 that they first came out of lesser ,egypt1 that having defected from the ,christian rule1 and relapsed unto ,pagan rites1 some of every family were enjoyned this penance to wander about the world2 or as ,aventinus delivereth1 they pretend for this vagabond course1 a judgement of ,god upon their fore-fathers1 who refused to entertain the ,virgin ,mary and ,jesus1 when she fled into their ,country4 ,which account notwithstanding is of little probability3 for the generall stream of writers1 who enquire into their originall1 insist not upon this2 and are so little satisfied in their descent from ,egypt1 that they deduce them from several other nations ,,sn3 ,fernand4 de ,cordua didascal4 multipl43 ,polydore ,virgil accounting them originally ,syrians1 ,philippus ,bergomas fetcheth them from ,chalda1 neas ,sylvius from some part of ,tartary1 ,bellonius no further then ,walachia and ,bulgaria1 nor ,aventinus then the confines of ,hungaria4 ,that they are no ,egyptians1 ,bellonius ,,sn3 ,observat4 l4 #b4 maketh evident3 who met great droves of ,gypsies in ,egypt1 about ,gran ,cairo1 ,matrea1 and the villages on the banks of ,nilus1 who notwithstanding were accounted strangers unto that ,nation1 and wanderers from foreign parts1 even as they are esteemed with us4 ,sidenote3 ,gypsies first known in ,germany4 ,that they came not out of ,egypt is also probable1 because their first appearance was in ,germany1 since the year #adjj1 nor were they observed before in other parts of ,europe1 as is deducible from ,munster1 ,genebrard1 ,crantsius and ,ortilius4 ,but that they first set out not far from ,germany1 is also probable from their language1 which was the ,sclavonian tongue2 and when they wandred afterward into ,france1 they were commonly called ,bohemians1 which name is still retained for ,gypsies4 ,and therefore when ,crantsius delivereth1 they first appeared about the ,baltick ,sea1 when ,bellonius deriveth them from ,bulgaria and ,walachia1 and others from about ,hungaria1 they speak not repugnantly hereto3 for the language of those ,nations was ,sclavonian1 at least some dialect thereof4 ,sidenote3 ,what use the ,grand ,signior maketh of ,gypsies4 ,but of what nation soever they were at first1 they are now almost of all2 associating unto them some of every country where they wander3 when they will be lost1 or whether at all again1 is not without some doubt3 for unsetled nations have out-lasted others of fixed habitations3 and though ,gypsies have been banished by most ,christian ,princes1 yet have they found some countenance from the great ,turk1 who suffereth them to live and maintain publick ,stews near the ,imperial ,city in ,pera ,,sn3 ,bellon4 observat4 l4 #b41 of whom he often maketh a politick advantage1 imploying them as spies into other nations1 under which title they were banished by ,charles the fift4 ,,chapter ,,xiv ,of some others4 ,we commonly accuse the phancies of elder times in the improper figures of heaven assigned unto ,constellations1 which do not seem to answer them1 either in ,greek or ,barbarick ,spheres3 yet equall incongruities have been commonly committed by ,geographers and ,historians1 in the figurall resemblances of several regions on earth2 ,while by ,livy and ,julius1 ,rusticus the ,island of ,britain is made to resemble a long dish or two-edged ax2 ,italy by ,numatianus to be like an ,oak-leaf3 and ,spain an ,ox-hide2 while the phancy of ,strabo makes the habitated earth like a cloak1 and ,dionysius ,afer will have it like a sling3 with many others observable in good writers ,,sn3 ,tacit4 de vita ,jul4 ,agric41 yet not made out from the letter or signification2 acquitting ,astronomy in their figures of the ,zodiack3 wherein they are not justified unto strict resemblances1 but rather made out from the effects of ,sun or ,moon in these several portions of heaven1 or from peculiar influences of those constellations1 which some way make good their names4 ,,sn3 ,junctin4 in ,sph4 l4 de ,sacro bosco cap4 #b4 ,which notwithstanding being now authentick by prescription1 may be retained in their naked acceptions1 and names translated from substances known on earth4 ,and therefore the learned ,hevelius in his accurate ,selenography1 or description of the ,moon1 hath well translated the known appellations of ,regions1 ,seas and ,mountains1 unto the parts of that ,luminary3 and rather then use invented names or humane denominations1 with witty congruity hath placed ,mount ,sinai1 ,taurus1 ,motis ,palus1 the ,mediterranean ,sea1 ,mauritania1 ,sicily and ,asia ,minor in the ,moon4 ,more hardly can we find the ,hebrew letters in the heavens1 made out of the greater and lesser ,stars which put together do make up words1 wherein ,cabalisticall ,speculators conceive they read the events of future things ,,sn3 ,the ,cabala of the ,stars42 and how from the ,stars in the head of ,medusa1 to make out the word ,charab2 and thereby desolation presignified unto ,greece or ,javan1 numerally characterized in that word1 requireth no rigid reader4 ,,sn3 ,greffarel out of ,r4 ,chomer4 ,it is not easie to reconcile the different accounts of longitude1 while in modern tables the hundred and eighty degree is more then thirty degrees beyond that part1 where ,ptolomy placeth an #ahj4 ,nor will the wider and more ,western term of ,longitude1 from whence the ,moderns begin their commensuration1 sufficiently salve the difference4 ,,sn3 ,athan4 ,kircher4 in promio4 ,the ancients began the measure of ,longitude from the fortunate ,islands or ,canaries1 the ,moderns from the ,azores or ,islands of ,s4 ,michael2 but since the ,azores are but fifteen degrees more ,west1 why the ,moderns should reckon #ahj1 where ,ptolomy accounteth above #bbj1 or though they take in #ae degrees at the ,west1 why they should reckon #cj at the ,east1 beyond the same measure1 is yet to be determined2 nor would it be much advantaged1 if we should conceive that the compute of ,ptolomy were not so agreeable unto the ,canaries1 as the ,hesperides or ,islands of ,cabo ,verde4 ,,sn3 ,robertus ,hues de globis4 ,sidenote3 ,when the ,moon will be seen on the first day of the change4 ,sidenote3 ,why the ,sun is seen after it is set1 or naturally under the ,horizon4 ,whether the compute of moneths from the first appearance of the ,moon1 which divers nations have followed1 be not a more perturbed way1 then that which accounts from the conjunction1 may seem of reasonable doubt ,,sn3 ,hevel4 ,selenog4 cap4 #i42 not only from the uncertainty of its appearance in foul and cloudy weather1 but unequal time in any2 that is sooner or later1 according as the ,moon shall be in the signs of long descention1 as ,pisces1 ,aries1 ,taurus1 in the ,perigeum or swiftest motion1 and in the ,northern ,latitude3 whereby sometimes it may be seen the very day of the change1 as will observably happen #afed1 in the moneths of ,april and ,may8 or whether also the compute of the day be exactly made1 from the visible arising or setting of the ,sun1 because the ,sun is sometimes naturally set1 and under the ,horizon1 when visibly it is above it2 from the causes of refraction1 and such as make us behold a piece of silver in a basin1 when water is put upon it1 which we could not discover before1 as under the verge thereof4 ,whether the globe of the earth be but a point1 in respect of the ,stars and ,firmament1 or how if the rayes thereof do fall upon a point1 they are received in such variety of ,angles1 appearing greater or lesser from differences of refraction8 ,sidenote3 ,to what the motion of the ,heavens serveth1 ,met4 ,lib4 ,whether if the motion of the ,heavens should cease a while1 all things would instantly perish8 and whether this assertion doth not make the frame of sublunary things to hold too loose a dependency upon the first and conserving cause8 at least impute too much unto the motion of the heavens1 whose eminent activities are by heat1 light and influence1 the motion it self being barren1 or chiefly serving for the due application of celestial virtues unto sublunary bodies as ,cabeus hath learnedly observed8 ,whether ,comets or blazing ,stars be generally of such terrible effects1 as elder times have conceived them2 for since it is found that many1 from whence these predictions are drawn1 have been above the ,moon2 why they may not be qualified from their positions1 and aspects which they hold with stars of favourable natures2 or why since they may be conceived to arise from the effluviums of other ,stars1 they may not retain the benignity of their ,originals2 or since the natures of the fixed ,stars are astrologically differenced by the ,planets1 and are esteemed ,martial or ,jovial1 according to the colours whereby they answer these ,planets2 why although the red ,comets do carry the portensions of ,mars1 the brightly-white should not be of the ,influence of ,jupiter or ,venus1 answerably unto ,cor ,scorpii and ,arcturus1 is not absurd to doubt4 99 99 99 99 99 ,printed by ,t4 and ,a4 ,,constable1 ,printers to ,his ,majesty at the ,edinburgh ,university ,press ,,transcriber',s ,,notes3 ,contemporary spellings are variable 7e4g41 than_/then1 there_/their1 current_/currant7 and are retained4 ,see p4 #ij3 were ever commended for there note4 ,the modern 'itself' and 'myself'1 etc4 were printed as separate words 7e4g41 our selves on p4 #acb47 ,this is retained4 ,the following errors have been corrected1 or noted3 p4 #be 7ut scribit ,aristoteles7 7 added 7 p4 #eg ,why some lamps included in those added 'd' bodies p4 #gj the teeth of ,narhwales sic p4 #adh the information of reason or f_/sence isolated instance of 's' as 'f' -- changed4 p4 #bbj by_/but this only roasted corrected p4 #bef ,based on ,juvenal's ,satires1 line #cje1 where we see3 ,dolia nudi non ardent ,cynici2 rather than magni4 sic p4 #bgb ,the marginal note ,dion4 ,ep4 #g4 444 replaced '#c' in vit4 #c_/,s ,dionys4 was misplaced4 with ',s' ,the numeral '#c' is also a misprint for ',s'4 p4 #bij in the #gcj of the ,julian period sic p4 #cgf longitudine 'n' added