from the ,google ,print project47       
,,the ,,humanists' ,,library   ,edited  
by ,lewis ,einstein    ,,ii    ,,erasmus
   ,,against ,,war       ,,erasmus      
,,against ,,war     ,illustration       
,,with ,,an ,,introduction ,,by         
,j4,w4,,mackail    ,,the ,,merrymount   
,,press   ,,boston1 ,,mdccccvii         
,copyright1 #aijg1 by ,d4 ,b4 ,updike   
,,contents     ,introduction      ix    
,against ,war        #c                 
,,introduction   ,the ,treatise on ,war1
 of which the earliest ,english         
translation is here reprinted1 was among
 the most famous writings of the most   
illustrious writer of his age4 ,few     
people now read ,erasmus2 he has become 
for the world in general a somewhat     
vague name4 ,only by some effort of the 
historical imagination is it possible   
for those who are not professed scholars
 and students to realize the enormous   
force which he was at a critical period 
in the history of civilization4 ,the    
free institutions and the material      

progress of the modern world have alike 
their roots in humanism4 ,humanism as a 
movement of the human mind culminated in
 the age1 and even in a sense in the    
person1 of ,erasmus4 ,its brilliant     
flower was of an earlier period2 its    
fruits developed and matured later2 but 
it was in his time1 and in him1 that the
 fruit set6 ,the earlier sixteenth      
century is not so romantic as its       
predecessors1 nor so rich in solid      
achievement as others that have followed
 it4 ,as in some orchard when spring is 
over1 the blossom lies withered on the  
grass1 and the fruit has long to wait   
before it can ripen on the boughs4 ,yet 
here1 in the dull1 hot midsummer days1  
is the central and critical period of   
the year's growth4  ,the life of        
,erasmus is accessible in many popular  
forms as well as in more learned and    
formal works4 ,to recapitulate it here  
would fall beyond the scope of a        
preface4 ,but in order to appreciate    
this treatise fully it is necessary to  

realize the time and circumstances in   
which it appeared1 and to recall some of
 the main features of its author's life 
and work up to the date of its          
composition4  ,that date can be fixed   
with certainty1 from a combination of   
external and internal evidence1 between 
the years #aeac and #aeae2 in all       
probability it was the winter of        
#aead-ae4 ,it was printed in the latter 
year1 in the editio princeps of the     
enlarged and rewritten ,adagia then     
issued from ,froben's great             
printing-works at ,basel4 ,the stormy   
decennate of ,pope ,julius ,,ii had     
ended in ,february1 #aeac4 ,to his      
successor1 ,giovanni de' ,medici1 who   
succeeded to the papal throne under the 
name of ,leo ,x1 the treatise is        
particularly addressed4 ,the years which
 ensued were a time singularly momentous
 in the history of religion1 of letters1
 and of the whole life of the civilized 
world4 ,the eulogy of ,leo with which   
,erasmus ends indicates the hopes then  

entertained of a new ,augustan age of   
peace and reconciliation4 ,the          
,reformation was still capable of being 
regarded as an internal and constructive
 force1 within the framework of the     
society built up by the ,middle ,ages4  
,the final divorce between humanism and 
the ,church had not yet been made4 ,the 
long and disastrous epoch of the wars of
 religion was still only a dark cloud on
 the horizon4 ,the ,renaissance was     
really dead1 but few yet realized the   
fact4 ,the new head of the ,church was a
 lover of peace1 a friend of scholars1 a
 munificent patron of the arts4 ,this   
treatise shows that ,erasmus1 to a      
certain extent1 shared or strove to     
share in an illusion widely spread among
 the educated classes of ,europe4 ,with 
a far keener instinct for that which the
 souls of men required1 an ,augustinian 
monk from ,wittenberg1 who had visited  
,rome two years earlier1 had turned away
 from the temple where a corpse lay     
swathed in gold and half hid in the     

steam of incense4 ,with a far keener    
insight into the real state of things1  
,machiavelli was1 at just this time1    
composing ,the ,prince4  ,in one form or
 another1 the subject of his impassioned
 pleading for peace among beings human1 
civilized1 and ,christian1 had been long
 in ,erasmus's mind4 ,in his most       
celebrated single work1 the ,praise of  
,folly1 he had bitterly attacked the    
attitude towards war habitual1 and      
evilly consecrated by usage1 among kings
 and popes4 ,the same argument had      
formed the substance of a document      
addressed by him1 under the title of    
,anti-,polemus1 to ,pope ,julius in     
#aejg4 ,much of the substance1 much even
 of the phraseology of that earlier work
 is doubtless repeated here4 ,beyond the
 specific reference to ,pope ,leo1 the  
other notes of time in the treatise now 
before us are few and faint4 ,allusions 
to ,louis ,,xii of ,france 7#adih-aeae71
 to ,ferdinand the ,catholic            
7#adgi-aeaf71 to ,philip1 king of       

,aragon 7#aejd-aeaf71 and ,sigismund1   
king of ,poland 7#aejf-aedh71 are all   
consistent with the composition of the  
treatise some years earlier4 ,at the end
 of it he promises to treat of the      
matter more largely when he publishes   
the ,anti-,polemus4 ,but this intention 
was never carried into effect4 ,perhaps 
,erasmus had become convinced of its    
futility2 for the events of the years   
which followed soon showed that the new 
,augustan age was but a false dawn over 
which night settled more stormily and   
profoundly than before4  ,for ten or a  
dozen years ,erasmus had stood at the   
head of ,european scholarship4 ,his name
 was as famous in ,france and ,england  
as in the ,low ,countries and ,germany4 
,the age was indeed one of those in     
which the much-abused term of the       
republic of letters had a real and vital
 meaning4 ,the nationalities of modern  
,europe had already formed themselves2  
the notion of the ,empire had become    
obsolete1 and if the imperial title was 

still coveted by princes1 it was under  
no illusion as to the amount of         
effective supremacy which it carried    
with it1 or as to any life yet remaining
 in the mediaeval doctrine of the unity 
of ,christendom whether as a church or  
as a state4 ,the discovery of the new   
world near the end of the previous      
century precipitated a revolution in    
,european politics towards which events 
had long been moving1 and finally broke 
up the political framework of the       
,middle ,ages4 ,but the other great     
event of the same period1 the invention 
and diffusion of the art of printing1   
had created a new ,european commonwealth
 of the mind4 ,the history of the       
century which followed it is a history  
in which the landmarks are found less in
 battles and treaties than in books4    
,the earlier life of the man who        
occupies the central place in the       
literary and spiritual movement of his  
time in no important way differs from   
the youth of many contemporary scholars 

and writers4 ,even the illegitimacy of  
his birth was an accident shared with so
 many others that it does not mark him  
out in any way from his fellows4 ,his   
early education at ,utrecht1 at         
,deventer1 at ,herzogenbosch2 his       
enforced and unhappy novitiate in a     
house of ,augustinian canons near       
,gouda2 his secretaryship to the bishop 
of ,cambray1 the grudging patron who    
allowed rather than assisted him to     
complete his training at the ,university
 of ,paris--all this was at the time    
mere matter of common form4 ,it is with 
his arrival in ,england in #adig1 at the
 age of thirty-one1 that his effective  
life really begins4  ,for the next      
twenty years that life was one of       
restless movement and incessant         
production4 ,in ,england1 ,france1 the  
,low ,countries1 on the upper ,rhine1   
and in ,italy1 he flitted about         
gathering up the whole intellectual     
movement of the age1 and pouring forth  
the results in that admirable ,latin    

which was not only the common language  
of scholars in every country1 but the   
single language in which he himself     
thought instinctively and wrote freely4 
,between the ,adagia of #aejj and the   
,colloquia of #aeaf comes a mass of     
writings equivalent to the total product
 of many fertile and industrious pens4  
,he worked in the cause of humanism with
 a sacred fury1 striving with all his   
might to connect it with all that was   
living in the old and all that was      
developing in the newer world4 ,in his  
travels no less than in his studies the 
aspect of war must have perpetually met 
him as at once the cause and the effect 
of barbarism2 it was the symbol of      
everything to which humanism in its     
broader as well as in its narrower      
aspect was utterly opposed and          
repugnant4 ,he was a student at ,paris  
in the ominous year of the first ,french
 invasion of ,italy1 in which the death 
of ,pico della ,mirandola and ,politian 
came like a symbol of the death of the  

,italian ,renaissance itself4 ,charles  
,,viii1 as has often been said1 brought 
back the ,renaissance to ,france from   
that expedition2 but he brought her back
 a captive chained to the wheels of his 
cannon4 ,the epoch of the ,italian wars 
began4 ,a little later 7#aejj7 ,sandro  
,botticelli painted that amazing        
,nativity which is one of the chief     
treasures of the ,london ,national      
,gallery4 ,over it in mystical ,greek   
may still be read the painter's own     
words3 ,this picture was painted by me  
,alexander amid the confusions of ,italy
 at the time prophesied in the ,second  
,woe of the ,apocalypse1 when ,satan    
shall be loosed upon the earth4 ,in     
,november1 #aejf1 ,erasmus was at       
,bologna1 and saw the triumphal entry of
 ,pope ,julius into the city at the head
 of a great mercenary army4 ,two years  
later the league of ,cambray1 a         
combination of folly1 treachery and     
shame which filled even hardened        
politicians with horror1 plunged half   

,europe into a war in which no one was a
 gainer and which finally ruined ,italy3
 bellum quo nullum1 says the historian1 
vel atrocius vel diuturnius in ,italia  
post exactos ,gothos majores nostri     
meminerunt4 ,in ,england ,erasmus found1
 on his first visit1 a country exhausted
 by the long and desperate struggle of  
the ,wars of the ,roses1 out of which   
she had emerged with half her ruling    
class killed in battle or on the        
scaffold1 and the whole fabric of       
society to reconstruct4 ,the ,empire was
 in a state of confusion and turmoil no 
less deplorable and much more extensive4
 ,the ,diet of #adie had indeed1 by an  
expiring effort towards the suppression 
of absolute anarchy1 decreed the        
abolition of private war4 ,but in a     
society where every owner of a castle1  
every lord of a few square miles of     
territory1 could conduct public war on  
his own account1 the prohibition was of 
little more than formal value4 ,humanism
 had been introduced by the end of the  

fifteenth century in some of the ,german
 universities1 but too late to have much
 effect on the rising fury of religious 
controversy4 ,the very year in which    
this treatise against war was published 
gave to the world another work of even  
wider circulation and more profound     
consequences4 ,the famous ,epistolae    
,obscurorum ,virorum1 first published in
 #aeae1 and circulated rapidly among all
 the educated readers of ,europe1 made  
an open breach between the humanists and
 the ,church4 ,that breach was never    
closed2 nor on the other hand could the 
efforts of well-intentioned reformers   
like ,melancthon bring humanism into any
 organic relation with the reformed     
movement4 ,when mutual exhaustion       
concluded the ,european struggle1       
civilization had to start afresh2 it    
took a century more to recover the lost 
ground4 ,the very idea of humanism had  
long before then disappeared4  ,war1    
pestilence1 the theologians3 these were 
the three great enemies with which      

,erasmus says he had throughout life to 
contend4 ,it was during the years he    
spent in ,england that he was perhaps   
least harassed by them4 ,his three      
periods of residence there--a fourth1 in
 #aeag1 appears to have been of short   
duration and not marked by any very     
notable incident--were of the utmost    
importance in his life4 ,during the     
first1 in his residence between the     
years #adig and #adii at ,london and    
,oxford1 the ,english ,renaissance1 if  
the name be fully applicable to so      
partial and inconclusive a movement1 was
 in the promise and ardour of its brief 
spring4 ,it was then that ,erasmus made 
the acquaintance of those great         
,englishmen whose names cannot be       
mentioned with too much reverence3      
,colet1 ,grocyn1 ,latimer1 ,linacre4    
,these men were the makers of modern    
,england to a degree hardly realized4   
,they carried the future in their hands4
 ,peace had descended upon a weary      
country2 and the younger generation was 

full of new hopes4 ,the ,enchiridion    
,militis ,christiani1 written soon after
 ,erasmus returned to ,france1 breathes 
the spirit of one who had not lost hope 
in the reconciliation of the ,church and
 the world1 of the old and new4 ,when   
,erasmus made his second visit to       
,england1 in #aejf1 that fair promise   
had grown and spread4 ,colet had become 
dean of ,saint ,paul's2 and through him1
 as it would appear1 ,erasmus now made  
the acquaintance of another great man   
with whom he soon formed as close an    
intimacy1 ,thomas ,more4  ,his ,italian 
journey followed3 he was in ,italy      
nearly three years1 at ,turin1 ,bologna1
 ,venice1 ,padua1 ,siena1 ,rome4 ,it was
 in the first of these years that       
,albert ,duerer was also in ,italy1     
where he met ,bellini and was recognized
 by the ,italian masters as the head of 
a new transalpine art in no way inferior
 to their own4 ,the year after ,erasmus 
left ,italy1 ,botticelli1 the last      
survivor of the ancient world1 died at  

,florence4  ,meanwhile1 ,henry ,,viii1 a
 prince1 young1 handsome1 generous1     
pious1 had succeeded to the throne of   
,england4 ,a golden age was thought to  
have dawned4 ,lord ,mountjoy1 who had   
been the pupil of ,erasmus at ,paris1   
and with whom he had first come to      
,england1 lost no time in urging ,henry 
to send for the most brilliant and      
famous of ,european scholars1 and attach
 him to his court4 ,the king1 who had   
already met and admired him1 needed no  
pressing4 ,in the letter which ,henry   
himself wrote to ,erasmus entreating him
 to take up his residence in ,england1  
the language employed was that of       
sincere admiration2 nor was there any   
conscious insincerity in the main motive
 which he urged4 ,it is my earnest wish1
 wrote the king1 to restore ,christ's   
religion to its primitive purity4 ,the  
history of the ,english ,reformation    
supplies a strange commentary on these  
words4  ,but the first few years of the 
new reign 7#aeji-aeac71 which coincide  

with the third and longest sojourn of   
,erasmus in ,england1 were a time in    
which high hopes might not seem         
unreasonable4 ,while ,italy was ravaged 
by war and the rest of ,europe was in   
uneasy ferment1 ,england remained       
peaceful and prosperous4 ,the lust of   
the eyes and the pride of life were     
indeed the motive forces of the court2  
but alongside of these was a real desire
 for reform1 and a real if very         
imperfect attempt to cultivate the      
nobler arts of peace1 to establish      
learning1 and to purify religion4       
,colet's great foundation of ,saint     
,paul's ,school in #aeaj is one of the  
landmarks of ,english history4 ,erasmus 
joined the founder and the first high   
master1 ,colet and ,lily1 in composing  
the schoolbooks to be used in it4 ,he   
had already written1 in ,more's house at
 ,chelsea1 where pure religion reigned  
alongside of high culture1 the ,encomium
 ,moriae1 in which all his immense gifts
 of eloquence and wit were lavished on  

the cause of humanism and the larger    
cause of humanity4 ,that war was at once
 a sin1 a scandal1 and a folly was one  
of the central doctrines of the group of
 eminent ,englishmen with whom he was   
now associated4 ,it was a doctrine held 
by them with some ambiguity and in      
varying degrees4 ,in the ,utopia 7#aeaf7
 ,more condemns wars of aggression1     
while taking the common view as to wars 
of so-called self-defence4 ,in #aeac1   
when ,henry1 swept into the seductive   
scheme for a partition of ,france by a  
,european confederacy1 was preparing for
 the first of his many useless and      
inglorious continental campaigns1 ,colet
 spoke out more freely4 ,he preached    
before the court against war itself as  
barbarous and unchristian1 and did not  
spare either kings or popes who dealt   
otherwise4 ,henry was disturbed2 he sent
 for ,colet1 and pressed him hard on the
 point whether he meant that all wars   
were unjustifiable4 ,colet was in       
advance of his age1 but not so far in   

advance of it as this4 ,he gave some    
kind of answer which satisfied the king4
 ,the preparations for war went forward2
 the ,battle of ,spurs plunged the court
 and all the nation into the            
intoxication of victory2 while at       
,flodden-edge1 in the same autumn1 the  
ancestral allies of ,france sustained   
the most crushing defeat recorded in    
,scottish history4 ,when both sides in a
 war have invoked ,god's favour1 the    
successful side is ready enough to      
believe that its prayers have been      
answered and its action accepted by     
,god4  ,erasmus was now reader in ,greek
 and professor of divinity at           
,cambridge2 but ,cambridge was far away 
from the centre of ,european thought and
 of literary activities4 ,he left       
,england before the end of the year for 
,basel1 where the greater part of his   
life thenceforth was passed4 ,froben had
 made ,basel the chief literary centre  
of production for the whole of ,europe4 
,through ,froben's printing-presses     

,erasmus could reach a wider audience   
than was allowed him at any court1      
however favourable to pure religion and 
the new learning4 ,it was at this       
juncture that he made an eloquent and   
far-reaching appeal1 on a matter which  
lay very near his heart1 to the         
conscience of ,christendom4  ,the       
,adagia1 that vast work which was1 at   
least to his own generation1 ,erasmus's 
foremost title to fame1 has long ago    
passed into the rank of those monuments 
of literature dont la reputation        
s'affermira toujours parcequ'on ne les  
lit guere4 ,so far as ,erasmus is more  
than a name for most modern readers1 it 
is on slighter and more popular works   
that any direct knowledge of him is     
grounded on the ,colloquies1 which only 
ceased to be a schoolbook within living 
memory1 on the ,praise of ,folly1 and on
 selections from the enormous masses of 
his letters4 ,an ,oxford scholar of the 
last generation1 whose profound         
knowledge of humanistic literature was  

accompanied by a gift of terse and      
pointed expression1 describes the       
,adagia in a single sentence1 as a      
manual of the wit and wisdom of the     
ancient world for the use of the modern1
 enlivened by commentary in ,erasmus's  
finest vein4 ,in its first form1 the    
,adagiorum ,collectanea1 it was         
published by him at ,paris in #aejj1    
just after his return from ,england4 ,in
 the author's epistle dedicatory to     
,mountjoy he ascribes to him and to     
,richard ,charnock1 the prior of ,saint 
,mary's ,college in ,oxford1 the        
inspiration of the work4 ,it consists of
 a series of between eight and nine     
hundred comments in brief essays1 each  
suggested by some terse or proverbial   
phrase from an ancient ,latin author4   
,the work gave full scope for the       
display1 not only of the immense        
treasures of his learning1 but of those 
other qualities1 the combination of     
which raised their author far above all 
other contemporary writers1 his keen    

wit1 his copiousness and facility1 his  
complete control of ,latin as a living  
language4 ,it met with an enthusiastic  
reception1 and placed him at once at the
 head of ,european men of letters4      
,edition after edition poured from the  
press4 ,it was ten times reissued at    
,paris within a generation4 ,eleven     
editions were published at ,strasburg   
between #aeji and #aeba4 ,within the    
same years it was reprinted at ,erfurt1 
,the ,hague1 ,cologne1 ,mayence1        
,leyden1 and elsewhere4 ,the ,rhine     
valley was the great nursery of letters 
north of the ,alps1 and along the ,rhine
 from source to sea the book spread and 
was multiplied4  ,this success induced  
,erasmus to enlarge and complete his    
labours4 ,the ,adagiorum ,chiliades1 the
 title of the work in its new form1 was 
part of the work of his residence in    
,italy in the years #aejf-i1 and was    
published at ,venice by ,aldus in       
,september1 #aejh4 ,the enlarged        
collection1 to all intents and purposes 

a new work1 consists of no less than    
three thousand two hundred and sixty    
heads4 ,in a preface1 ,erasmus speaks   
slightingly of the ,adagiorum           
,collectanea1 with that affectation from
 which few authors are free1 as a little
 collection carelessly made4 ,some      
people got hold of it1 he adds1 7and    
here the affectation becomes absolute   
untruth17 and had it printed very       
incorrectly4 ,in the new work1 however1 
much of the old disappears1 much more is
 partially or wholly recast2 and such of
 the old matter as is retained is       
dispersed at random among the new4 ,in  
the ,collectanea the commentaries had   
all been brief3 here many are expanded  
into substantial treatises covering four
 or five pages of closely printed folio4
  ,the ,aldine edition had been         
reprinted at ,basel by ,froben in #aeac4
 ,shortly afterwards ,erasmus himself   
took up his permanent residence there4  
,under his immediate supervision there  
presently appeared what was to all      

intents and purposes the definitive     
edition of #aeae4 ,it is a book of      
nearly seven hundred folio pages1 and   
contains1 besides the introductory      
matter1 three thousand four hundred and 
eleven headings4 ,in his preface        
,erasmus gives some details with regard 
to its composition4 ,of the original    
,paris work he now says1 no doubt with  
truth1 that it was undertaken by him    
hastily and without enough method4 ,when
 preparing the ,venice edition he had   
better realized the magnitude of the    
enterprise1 and was better fitted for it
 by reading and learning1 more          
especially by the mass of ,greek        
manuscripts1 and of newly printed ,greek
 first editions1 to which he had access 
at ,venice and in other parts of ,italy4
 ,in ,england also1 owing very largely  
to the kindness of ,archbishop ,warham1 
more leisure and an ampler library had  
been available4  ,among several         
important additions made in the edition 
of #aeae1 this essay1 the text of which 

is the proverbial phrase ,dulce bellum  
inexpertis1 is at once the longest and  
the most remarkable4 ,the adage itself1 
with a few lines of commentary1 had     
indeed been in the original collection2 
but the treatise1 in itself a           
substantial work1 now appeared for the  
first time4 ,it occupied a conspicuous  
place as the first heading in the fourth
 ,chiliad of the complete work2 and it  
was at once singled out from the rest as
 of special note and profound import4   
,froben was soon called upon for a      
separate edition4 ,this appeared in     
,april1 #aeag1 in a quarto of twenty    
pages4 ,this little book1 the ,bellum   
,erasmi as it was called for the sake of
 brevity1 ran like wildfire from reader 
to reader4 ,half the scholarly presses  
of ,europe were soon employed in        
reprinting it4 ,within ten years it had 
been reissued at ,louvain1 twice at     
,strasburg1 twice at ,mayence1 at       
,leipsic1 twice at ,paris1 twice at     
,cologne1 at ,antwerp1 and at ,venice4  

,german translations of it were         
published at ,basel and at ,strasburg in
 #aeai and #aebj4 ,it soon made its way 
to ,england1 and the translation here   
utilized was issued by ,berthelet1 the  
king's printer1 in the winter of        
#aecc-d4  ,whether the translation be by
 ,richard ,taverner1 the translator and 
editor1 a few years later1 of an epitome
 or selection of the ,chiliades1 or by  
some other hand1 there are no direct    
means of ascertaining2 nor except for   
purposes of curiosity is the question an
 important one4 ,the version wholly     
lacks distinction4 ,it is a work of     
adequate scholarship but of no          
independent literary merit4 ,english    
prose was then hardly formed4 ,the      
revival of letters had reached the      
country1 but for political and social   
reasons which are readily to be found in
 any handbook of ,english history1 it   
had found a soil1 fertile indeed1 but   
not yet broken up4 ,since ,chaucer1     
,english poetry had practically stood   

still1 and except where poetry has      
cleared the way1 prose does not in      
ordinary circumstances advance4 ,a few  
adventurers in setting forth had        
appeared4 ,more's ,utopia1 one of the   
earliest of ,english prose classics1 is 
a classic in virtue of its style as well
 as of its matter4 ,berners's           
translation of ,froissart1 published in 
#aebc1 was the first and one of the     
finest of that magnificent series of    
translations which from this time       
onwards for about a century were        
produced in an almost continuous stream1
 and through which the secret of prose  
was slowly wrung from older and more    
accomplished languages4 ,latimer1 about 
the same time1 showed his countrymen how
 a vernacular prose1 flexible1 well     
knit1 and nervous1 might be written     
without its lines being traced on any   
ancient or foreign model4 ,coverdale1   
the greatest master of ,english prose   
whom the century produced1 whose name   
has just missed the immortality that is 

secure for his work1 must have          
substantially completed that magnificent
 version of the ,bible which appeared in
 #aece1 and to which the authorized     
version of the seventeenth century owes 
all that one work of genius can owe to  
another4 ,it is not with these great men
 that the translator of this treatise   
can be compared4 ,but he wrought1 after 
his measure1 on the same structure as   
they4  ,it is then to the original      
,latin1 not to this rude and stammering 
version1 that scholars must turn now1 as
 still more certainly they turned then1 
for the mind of ,erasmus2 for with him1 
even more eminently than with other     
authors1 the style is the man1 and his  
,latin is the substance1 not merely the 
dress1 of his thought4 ,when he wrote it
 he was about forty-eight years of age4 
,he was still in the fullness of his    
power4 ,if he was often crippled by     
delicate health1 that was no more than  
he had habitually been from boyhood4 ,in
 this treatise we come very near the    

real man1 with his strange mixture of   
liberalism and orthodoxy1 of            
clear-sighted courage and a delicacy    
which nearly always might be mistaken   
for timidity4  ,his text is that 7in the
 translator's words7 nothing is either  
more wicked or more wretched1 nothing   
doth worse become a man 7,i will not say
 a ,christian man7 than war4 ,war was   
shocking to ,erasmus alike on every side
 of his remarkably complex and sensitive
 nature4 ,it was impious2 it was        
inhuman2 it was ugly2 it was in every   
sense of the word barbarous1 to one who 
before all things and in the full sense 
of the word was civilized and a lover of
 civilization4 ,all these varied aspects
 of the case1 seen by others singly and 
partially1 were to him facets of one    
truth1 rays of one light4 ,his argument 
circles and flickers among them1 hardly 
pausing to enforce one before passing   
insensibly to another4 ,in the splendid 
vindication of the nature of man with   
which the treatise opens1 the tone is   

rather that of ,cicero than of the ,new 
,testament4 ,the majesty of man resides 
above all in his capacity to behold the 
very pure strength and nature of things2
 in essence he is no fallen and corrupt 
creature1 but a piece of workmanship    
such as ,shakespeare describes him      
through the mouth of ,hamlet4 ,he was   
shaped to this heroic mould by ,nature1 
or rather god1 so the ,tudor translation
 reads1 and the use of capital letters1 
though only a freak of the printer1     
brings out with a singular              
suggestiveness the latent pantheism     
which underlies the thought of all the  
humanists4 ,to this wonderful creature  
strife and warfare are naturally        
repugnant4 ,not only is his frame weak  
and tender1 but he is born to love and  
amity4 ,his chief end1 the object to    
which all his highest and most          
distinctively human powers are directed1
 is cooperant labour in the pursuit of  
knowledge4 ,war comes out of ignorance1 
and into ignorance it leads2 of war     

comes contempt of virtue and of godly   
living4 ,in the age of ,machiavelli the 
word virtue had a double and sinister   
meaning2 but here it is taken in its    
nobler sense4 ,yet1 the argument        
continues1 for virtue1 even in the      
,florentine statesman's sense1 war gives
 but little room4 ,it is waged mainly   
for vain titles or childish wrath2 it   
does not foster1 in those responsible   
for it1 any one of the nobler           
excellences4 ,the argument throughout   
this part of the treatise is1 both in   
its substance and in its ornament1      
wholly apart from the dogmas of         
religion4 ,the furies of war are        
described as rising out of a very pagan 
hell4 ,the apostrophe of ,nature to     
mankind immediately suggests the spirit 
as well as the language of ,lucretius4  
,erasmus had clearly been reading the   
,de ,rerum ,natura1 and borrows some of 
his finest touches from that miraculous 
description of the growth of            
civilization in the fifth book1 which is

 one of the noblest contributions of    
antiquity towards a real conception of  
the nature of the world and of man4 ,the
 progressive degeneration of morality1  
because1 as its scope becomes higher1   
practice falls further and further short
 of it1 is insisted upon by both these  
great thinkers in much the same spirit  
and with much the same illustrations4   
,the rise of empires1 of which there was
 never none yet in any nation1 but it   
was gotten with the great shedding of   
man's blood1 is seen by both in the same
 light4 ,but ,erasmus passes on to the  
more expressly religious aspect of the  
whole matter in the great double climax 
with which he crowns his argument1 the  
wickedness of a ,christian fighting     
against another man1 the horror of a    
,christian fighting against another     
,christian4 ,yea1 and with a thing so   
devilish1 he breaks out in a mingling of
 intense scorn and profound pity1 we    
mingle ,christ4  ,from this passionate  
appeal he passes to the praises of      

peace4 ,why should men add the horrors  
of war to all the other miseries and    
dangers of life8 ,why should one man's  
gain be sought only through another's   
loss8 ,all victories in war are         
,cadmean2 not only from their cost in   
blood and treasure1 but because we are  
in very truth the members of one body1  
redeemed with ,christ's blood4 ,such was
 the clear1 unmistakable teaching of our
 ,lord himself1 such of his apostles4   
,but the doctrine of ,christ has been   
plied to worldly opinion4 ,worldly men1 
philosophers following the sophistries  
of ,aristotle1 worst of all1 divines and
 theologians themselves1 have corrupted 
the ,gospel to the heathenish doctrine  
that every man must first provide for   
himself4 ,the very words of ,scripture  
are wrested to this abuse4 ,self-defence
 is held to excuse any violence4 ,peter 
fought1 they say1 in the garden1--yes1  
and that same night he denied his       
,master6 ,but punishment of wrong is a  
divine ordinance4 ,in war the punishment

 falls on the innocent4 ,but the law of 
nature bids us repel violence by        
violence4 ,what is the law of ,christ8  
,but may not a prince go to war justly  
for his right8 ,did any war ever lack a 
title8 ,but what of wars against the    
,turk8 ,such wars are of ,turk against  
,turk2 let us overcome evil with good1  
let us spread the ,gospel by doing what 
the ,gospel commands3 did ,christ say1  
,hate them that hate you8  ,then1 with  
the tact of an accomplished orator1 he  
lets the tension relax1 and drops to a  
lower tone4 ,even apart from all that   
has been urged1 even if war were ever   
justifiable1 think of the price that has
 to be paid for it4 ,on this ground     
alone an unjust peace is far preferable 
to a just war4 7,these had been the very
 words of ,colet to the king of         
,england47 ,men go to war under fine    
pretexts1 but really to get riches1 to  
satisfy hatred1 or to win the poor glory
 of destroying4 ,the hatred is but      
exasperated2 the glory is won by and for

 the dregs of mankind2 the riches are in
 the most prosperous event swallowed up 
ten times over4 ,yet if it be impossible
 but war should be1 if there may be     
sometimes a colour of equity in it1 and 
if the tyrant's plea1 necessity1 be ever
 well-founded1 at least1 so ,erasmus    
ends1 let it be conducted mercifully4   
,let us live in fervent desire of the   
peace that we may not fully attain4 ,let
 princes restrain their peoples2 let    
churchmen above all be peacemakers4 ,so 
the treatise passes to its conclusion   
with that eulogy of the ,medicean pope  
already mentioned1 which perhaps was not
 wholly undeserved4 ,to the modern world
 the name of ,leo ,x has come down      
marked with a note of censure or even of
 ignominy4 ,it is fair to remember that 
it did not bear quite the same aspect to
 its contemporaries1 nor to the ages    
which immediately followed4 ,under      
,rodrigo ,borgia it might well seem to  
others than to the ,florentine mystic   
that antichrist was enthroned1 and      

,satan let loose upon earth4 ,the eight 
years of ,leo's pontificate 7#aeac-ba7  
were at least a period of outward       
splendour and of a refinement hitherto  
unknown4 ,the corruption1 half veiled by
 that refinement and splendour1 was deep
 and mortal1 but the collapse did not   
come till later4 ,by comparison with the
 disastrous reign of ,clement ,,vii1 his
 bastard cousin1 that of ,giovanni de'  
,medici seemed a last gleam of light    
before blackness descended on the world4
 ,even the licence of a dissolute age   
was contrasted to its favour with the   
gloom1 tristitia1 that settled down over
 ,europe with the great ,catholic       
reaction4 ,the age of ,leo ,x has       
descended to history as the age of      
,bembo1 ,sannazaro1 ,lascaris1 of the   
,stanze of the ,vatican1 of ,raphael's  
,sistine ,madonna and ,titian's         
,assumption2 of the conquest of ,mexico 
and the circumnavigation of ,magellan2  
of ,magdalen ,tower and ,king's ,college
 ,chapel4 ,it was an interval of        

comparative peace before a long epoch of
 wars more cruel and more devastating   
than any within the memory of men4 ,the 
general ,european conflagration did not 
break out until ten years after         
,erasmus's death2 though it had then    
long been foreseen as inevitable4 ,but  
he lived to see the conquest of ,rhodes 
by ,soliman1 the sack of ,rome1 the     
breach between ,england and the papacy1 
the ill-omened marriage of ,catherine   
de' ,medici to the heir of the ,french  
throne4 ,humanism had done all that it  
could1 and failed4 ,in the sanguinary   
era of one hundred years between the    
outbreak of the civil war in the ,empire
 and the ,peace of ,westphalia1 the     
,renaissance followed the ,middle ,ages 
to the grave1 and the modern world was  
born4  ,the mere fact of this treatise  
having been translated into ,english and
 published by the king's printer shows1 
in an age when the literary product of  
,england was as yet scanty1 that it had 
some vogue and exercised some influence4

 ,but only a few copies of the work are 
known to exist2 and it was never        
reprinted4 ,it was not until nearly     
three centuries later1 amid the throes  
of an ,european revolution equally vast1
 that the work was again presented in an
 ,english dress4 ,vicesimus ,knox1 a    
whig essayist1 compiler1 and publicist  
of some reputation at the time1 was the 
author of a book which was published    
anonymously in #agid and found some     
readers in a year filled with great     
events in both the history and the      
literature of ,england4 ,it was entitled
 ,anti-,polemus3 or the ,plea of        
,reason1 ,religion1 and ,humanity       
against ,war3 a ,fragment translated    
from ,erasmus and addressed to          
,aggressors4 ,that was the year when the
 final breach took place in the whig    
party1 and when ,pitt initiated his     
brief and ill-fated policy of           
conciliation in ,ireland4 ,it was also  
the year of two works of enormous       
influence over thought1 ,paley's        

,evidences and ,paine's ,age of ,reason4
 ,among these great movements ,knox's   
work had but little chance of appealing 
to a wide audience4 ,sed quid ad nos8   
the bitter motto on the title-page1     
probably expressed the feelings with    
which it was generally regarded4 ,a     
version of the treatise against war1    
made from the ,latin text of the ,adagia
 with some omissions1 is the main       
substance of the volume2 and ,knox added
 a few extracts from other writings of  
,erasmus on the same subject4 ,it does  
not appear to have been reprinted in    
,england1 except in a collected edition 
of ,knox's works which may be found on  
the dustiest shelves of old-fashioned   
libraries1 until1 after the close of the
 ,napoleonic wars1 it was again         
published as a tract by the ,society for
 the ,promotion of ,permanent and       
,universal ,peace4 ,some half dozen     
impressions of this tract appeared at   
intervals up to the middle of the       
century2 its publication passed into the

 hands of the ,society of ,friends1 and 
the last issue of which any record can  
be found was made just before the       
outbreak of the ,crimean war4 ,but in   
#ahac an abridged edition was printed at
 ,new ,york1 and was one of the books   
which influenced the great movement     
towards humanity then stirring in the   
young ,republic4  ,at the present day1  
the reactionary wave which has          
overspread the world has led1 both in   
,england and ,america1 to a new         
glorification of war4 ,peace is on the  
lips of governments and of individuals1 
but beneath the smooth surface the same 
passions1 draped as they always have    
been under fine names1 are a menace to  
progress and to the higher life of      
mankind4 ,the increase of armaments1 the
 glorification of the military life1 the
 fanaticism which regards organized     
robbery and murder as a sacred imperial 
mission1 are the fruits of a spirit     
which has fallen as far below the       
standard of humanism as it has left     

behind it the precepts of a still       
outwardly acknowledged religion4 ,at    
such a time the noble pleading of       
,erasmus has more than a merely literary
 or antiquarian interest4 ,for the      
appeal of humanism still is1 as it was  
then1 to the dignity of human nature    
itself4  ,j4 ,w4 ,mackail     ,,against 
,,war     ,,dulce ,,bellum ,,inexpertis 
,it is both an elegant proverb1 and     
among all others1 by the writings of    
many excellent authors1 full often and  
solemnly used1 ,dulce bellum inexpertis1
 that is to say1 ,war is sweet to them  
that know it not4 ,there be some things 
among mortal men's businesses1 in the   
which how great danger and hurt there   
is1 a man cannot perceive till he make a
 proof4 ,the love and friendship of a   
great man is sweet to them that be not  
expert3 he that hath had thereof        
experience1 is afraid4 ,it seemeth to be
 a gay and a glorious thing1 to strut up
 and down among the nobles of the court1
 and to be occupied in the king's       

business2 but old men1 to whom that     
thing by long experience is well known1 
do gladly abstain themselves from such  
felicity4 ,it seemeth a pleasant thing  
to be in love with a young damsel2 but  
that is unto them that have not yet     
perceived how much grief and bitterness 
is in such love4 ,so after this manner  
of fashion1 this proverb may be applied 
to every business that is adjoined with 
great peril and with many evils3 the    
which no man will take on hand1 but he  
that is young and wanteth experience of 
things4  ,aristotle1 in his book of     
,rhetoric1 showeth the cause why youth  
is more bold1 and contrariwise old age  
more fearful3 for unto young men lack of
 experience is cause of great boldness1 
and to the other1 experience of many    
griefs engendereth fear and doubting4   
,then if there be anything in the world 
that should be taken in hand with fear  
and doubting1 yea1 that ought by all    
manner of means to be fled1 to be       
withstood with prayer1 and to be clean  

avoided1 verily it is war2 than which   
nothing is either more wicked1 or more  
wretched1 or that more farther          
destroyeth1 or that never hand cleaveth 
sorer to1 or doth more hurt1 or is more 
horrible1 and briefly to speak1 nothing 
doth worse become a man 7,i will not say
 a ,christian man7 than war4 ,and yet it
 is a wonder to speak of1 how nowadays  
in every place1 how lightly1 and how for
 every trifling matter1 it is taken in  
hand1 how outrageously and barbarously  
it is gested and done1 not only of      
heathen people1 but also of ,christian  
men2 not only of secular men1 but also  
of priests and bishops2 not only of     
young men and of them that have no      
experience1 but also of old men and of  
those that so often have had experience2
 not only of the common and movable     
vulgar people1 but most specially of the
 princes1 whose duty had been1 by wisdom
 and reason1 to set in a good order and 
to pacify the light and hasty movings of
 the foolish multitude4 ,nor there lack 

neither lawyers1 nor yet divines1 the   
which are ready with their firebrands to
 kindle these things so abominable1 and 
they encourage them that else were cold1
 and they privily provoke those to it   
that were weary thereof4 ,and by these  
means it is come to that pass that war  
is a thing now so well accepted1 that   
men wonder at him that is not pleased   
therewith4 ,it is so much approved1 that
 it is counted a wicked thing 7and ,i   
had almost said heresy7 to reprove this 
one thing1 the which as it is above all 
other things most mischievous1 so it is 
most wretched4 ,but how more justly     
should this be wondered at1 what evil   
spirit1 what pestilence1 what mischief1 
and what madness put first in man's mind
 a thing so beyond measure beastly1 that
 this most pleasant and reasonable      
creature ,man1 the which ,nature hath   
brought forth to peace and benevolence1 
which one alone she hath brought forth  
to the help and succour of all other1   
should with so wild wilfulness1 with so 

mad rages1 run headlong one to destroy  
another8 ,at the which thing he shall   
also much more marvel1 whosoever would  
withdraw his mind from the opinions of  
the common people1 and will turn it to  
behold the very pure strength and nature
 of things2 and will apart behold with  
philosophical eyes the image of man on  
the one side1 and the picture of war on 
the other side4  ,then first of all if  
one would consider well but the         
behaviour and shape of man's body shall 
he not forthwith perceive that ,nature1 
or rather ,god1 hath shaped this        
creature1 not to war1 but to friendship1
 not to destruction1 but to health1 not 
to wrong1 but to kindness and           
benevolence8 ,for whereas ,nature hath  
armed all other beasts with their own   
armour1 as the violence of the bulls she
 hath armed with horns1 the ramping lion
 with claws2 to the boar she hath given 
the gnashing tusks2 she hath armed the  
elephant with a long trump snout1       
besides his great huge body and hardness

 of the skin2 she hath fenced the       
crocodile with a skin as hard as a      
plate2 to the dolphin fish she hath     
given fins instead of a dart2 the       
porcupine she defendeth with thorns2 the
 ray and thornback with sharp prickles2 
to the cock she hath given strong spurs2
 some she fenceth with a shell1 some    
with a hard hide1 as it were thick      
leather1 or bark of a tree2 some she    
provideth to save by swiftness of       
flight1 as doves2 and to some she hath  
given venom instead of a weapon2 to some
 she hath given a much horrible and ugly
 look1 she hath given terrible eyes and 
grunting voice2 and she hath also set   
among some of them continual dissension 
and debate--man alone she hath brought  
forth all naked1 weak1 tender1 and      
without any armour1 with most soft flesh
 and smooth skin4 ,there is nothing at  
all in all his members that may seem to 
be ordained to war1 or to any violence4 
,i will not say at this time1 that where
 all other beasts1 anon as they are     

brought forth1 they are able of         
themselves to get their food4 ,man alone
 cometh so forth1 that a long season    
after he is born1 he dependeth          
altogether on the help of others4 ,he   
can neither speak nor go1 nor yet take  
meat2 he desireth help only by his      
infant crying3 so that a man may1 at the
 least way1 by this conject1 that this  
creature alone was born all to love and 
amity1 which specially increaseth and is
 fast knit together by good turns done  
eftsoons of one to another4 ,and for    
this cause ,nature would1 that a man    
should not so much thank her1 for the   
gift of life1 which she hath given unto 
him1 as he should thank kindness and    
benevolence1 whereby he might evidently 
understand himself1 that he was         
altogether dedicate and bounden to the  
gods of graces1 that is to say1 to      
kindness1 benevolence1 and amity4 ,and  
besides this ,nature hath given unto man
 a countenance not terrible and loathly1
 as unto other brute beasts2 but meek   

and demure1 representing the very tokens
 of love and benevolence4 ,she hath     
given him amiable eyes1 and in them     
assured marks of the inward mind4 ,she  
hath ordained him arms to clip and      
embrace4 ,she hath given him the wit and
 understanding to kiss3 whereby the very
 minds and hearts of men should be      
coupled together1 even as though they   
touched each other4 ,unto man alone she 
hath given laughing1 a token of good    
cheer and gladness4 ,to man alone she   
hath given weeping tears1 as it were a  
pledge or token of meekness and mercy4  
,yea1 and she hath given him a voice not
 threatening and horrible1 as unto other
 brute beasts1 but amiable and pleasant4
 ,nature not yet content with all this1 
she hath given unto man alone the       
commodity of speech and reasoning3 the  
which things verily may specially both  
get and nourish benevolence1 so that    
nothing at all should be done among men 
by violence4  ,she hath endued man with 
hatred of solitariness1 and with love of

 company4 ,she hath utterly sown in man 
the very seeds of benevolence4 ,she hath
 so done1 that the selfsame thing1 that 
is most wholesome1 should be most sweet 
and delectable4 ,for what is more       
delectable than a friend8 ,and again1   
what thing is more necessary8 ,moreover1
 if a man might lead all his life most  
profitably without any meddling with    
other men1 yet nothing would seem       
pleasant without a fellow3 except a man 
would cast off all humanity1 and        
forsaking his own kind would become a   
beast4  ,besides all this1 ,nature hath 
endued man with knowledge of liberal    
sciences and a fervent desire of        
knowledge3 which thing as it doth most  
specially withdraw man's wit from all   
beastly wildness1 so hath it a special  
grace to get and knit together love and 
friendship4 ,for ,i dare boldly say1    
that neither affinity nor yet kindred   
doth bind the minds of men together with
 straiter and surer bands of amity1 than
 doth the fellowship of them that be    

learned in good letters and honest      
studies4 ,and above all this1 ,nature   
hath divided among men by a marvellous  
variety the gifts1 as well of the soul  
as of the body1 to the intent truly that
 every man might find in every singular 
person one thing or other1 which they   
should either love or praise for the    
excellency thereof2 or else greatly     
desire and make much of it1 for the need
 and profit that cometh thereof4        
,finally she hath endowed man with a    
spark of a godly mind3 so that though he
 see no reward1 yet of his own courage  
he delighteth to do every man good3 for 
unto ,god it is most proper and natural1
 by his benefit1 to do everybody good4  
,else what meaneth it1 that we rejoice  
and conceive in our minds no little     
pleasure when we perceive that any      
creature is by our means preserved4     
,moreover ,god hath ordained man in this
 world1 as it were the very image of    
himself1 to the intent1 that he1 as it  
were a god on earth1 should provide for 

the wealth of all creatures4 ,and this  
thing the very brute beasts do also     
perceive1 for we may see1 that not only 
the tame beasts1 but also the leopards1 
lions1 and other more fierce and wild1  
when they be in any great jeopardy1 they
 flee to man for succour4 ,so man is1   
when all things fail1 the last refuge to
 all manner of creatures4 ,he is unto   
them all the very assured altar and     
sanctuary4  ,i have here painted out to 
you the image of man as well as ,i can4 
,on the other side 7if it like you7     
against the figure of ,man1 let us      
portray the fashion and shape of ,war4  
,now1 then1 imagine in thy mind1 that   
thou dost behold two hosts of barbarous 
people1 of whom the look is fierce and  
cruel1 and the voice horrible2 the      
terrible and fearful rustling and       
glistering of their harness and weapons2
 the unlovely murmur of so huge a       
multitude2 the eyes sternly menacing2   
the bloody blasts and terrible sounds of
 trumpets and clarions2 the thundering  

of the guns1 no less fearful than       
thunder indeed1 but much more hurtful2  
the frenzied cry and clamour1 the       
furious and mad running together1 the   
outrageous slaughter1 the cruel chances 
of them that flee and of those that are 
stricken down and slain1 the heaps of   
slaughters1 the fields overflowed with  
blood1 the rivers dyed red with man's   
blood4 ,and it chanceth oftentimes1 that
 the brother fighteth with the brother1 
one kinsman with another1 friend against
 friend2 and in that common furious     
desire ofttimes one thrusteth his weapon
 quite through the body of another that 
never gave him so much as a foul word4  
,verily1 this tragedy containeth so many
 mischiefs1 that it would abhor any     
man's heart to speak thereof4 ,i will   
let pass to speak of the hurts which are
 in comparison of the other but light   
and common1 as the treading down and    
destroying of the corn all about1 the   
burning of towns1 the villages fired1   
the driving away of cattle1 the         

ravishing of maidens1 the old men led   
forth in captivity1 the robbing of      
churches1 and all things confounded and 
full of thefts1 pillages1 and violence4 
,neither ,i will not speak now of those 
things which are wont to follow the most
 happy and most just war of all4  ,the  
poor commons pillaged1 the nobles       
overcharged2 so many old men of their   
children bereaved1 yea1 and slain also  
in the slaughter of their children2 so  
many old women destitute1 whom sorrow   
more cruelly slayeth than the weapon    
itself2 so many honest wives become     
widows1 so many children fatherless1 so 
many lamentable houses1 so many rich men
 brought to extreme poverty4 ,and what  
needeth it here to speak of the         
destruction of good manners1 since there
 is no man but knoweth right well that  
the universal pestilence of all         
mischievous living proceedeth at once   
from war4 ,thereof cometh despising of  
virtue and godly living2 thereof cometh1
 that the laws are neglected and not    

regarded2 thereof cometh a prompt and a 
ready stomach1 boldly to do every       
mischievous deed4 ,out of this fountain 
spring so huge great companies of       
thieves1 robbers1 sacrilegers1 and      
murderers4 ,and what is most grievous of
 all1 this mischievous pestilence cannot
 keep herself within her bounds2 but    
after it is begun in some one corner1 it
 doth not only 7as a contagious disease7
 spread abroad and infect the countries 
near adjoining to it1 but also it       
draweth into that common tumult and     
troublous business the countries that be
 very far off1 either for need1 or by   
reason of affinity1 or else by occasion 
of some league made4 ,yea and moreover1 
one war springeth of another3 of a      
dissembled war there cometh war indeed1 
and of a very small1 a right great war  
hath risen4 ,nor it chanceth oftentimes 
none otherwise in these things than it  
is feigned of the monster1 which lay in 
the lake or pond called ,lerna4  ,for   
these causes1 ,i trow1 the old poets1   

the which most sagely perceived the     
power and nature of things1 and with    
most meet feignings covertly shadowed   
the same1 have left in writing1 that war
 was sent out of hell3 nor every one of 
the ,furies was not meet and convenient 
to bring about this business1 but the   
most pestilent and mischievous of them  
all was chosen out for the nonce1 which 
hath a thousand names1 and a thousand   
crafts to do hurt4 ,she being armed with
 a thousand serpents1 bloweth before her
 her fiendish trumpet4 ,pan with furious
 ruffling encumbereth every place4      
,bellona shaketh her furious flail4 ,and
 then the wicked furiousness himself1   
when he hath undone all knots and broken
 all bonds1 rusheth out with bloody     
mouth horrible to behold4  ,the         
grammarians perceived right well these  
things1 of the which some will1 that war
 have his name by contrary meaning of   
the word ,bellum1 that is to say fair1  
because it hath nothing good nor fair4  
,nor bellum1 that is for to say war1 is 

none otherwise called ,bellum1 that is  
to say fair1 than the furies are called 
,eumenides1 that is to say meek1 because
 they are wilful and contrary to all    
meekness4 ,and some grammarians think   
rather1 that bellum1 war1 should be     
derived out of this word ,belva1 that is
 for to say1 a brute beast3 forasmuch as
 it belongeth to brute beasts1 and not  
unto men1 to run together1 each to      
destroy each other4 ,but it seemeth to  
me far to pass all wild and all brute   
beastliness1 to fight together with     
weapons4  ,first1 for there are many of 
the brute beasts1 each in his kind1 that
 agree and live in a gentle fashion     
together1 and they go together in herds 
and flocks1 and each helpeth to defend  
the other4 ,nor is it the nature of all 
wild beasts to fight1 for some are      
harmless1 as does and hares4 ,but they  
that are the most fierce of all1 as     
lions1 wolves1 and tigers1 do not make  
war among themselves as we do4 ,one dog 
eateth not another4 ,the lions1 though  

they be fierce and cruel1 yet they fight
 not among themselves4 ,one dragon is in
 peace with another4 ,and there is      
agreement among poisonous serpents4 ,but
 unto man there is no wild or cruel     
beast more hurtful than man4  ,again1   
when the brute beasts fight1 they fight 
with their own natural armour3 we men1  
above nature1 to the destruction of men1
 arm ourselves with armour1 invented by 
craft of the devil4 ,nor the wild beasts
 are not cruel for every cause2 but     
either when hunger maketh them fierce1  
or else when they perceive themselves to
 be hunted and pursued to the death1 or 
else when they fear lest their          
younglings should take any harm or be   
stolen from them4 ,but 7,o good ,lord7  
for what trifling causes what tragedies 
of war do we stir up8 ,for most vain    
titles1 for childish wrath1 for a wench1
 yea1 and for causes much more scornful 
than these1 we be inflamed to fight4    
,moreover1 when the brute beasts fight1 
then war is one for one1 yea1 and that  

is very short4 ,and when the battle is  
sorest fought1 yet is there not past one
 or two1 that goeth away sore wounded4  
,when was it ever heard that an hundred 
thousand brute beasts were slain at one 
time fighting and tearing one another3  
which thing men do full oft and in many 
places8 ,and besides this1 whereas some 
wild beasts have natural debate with    
some other that be of a contrary kind1  
so again there be some with which they  
lovingly agree in a sure amity4 ,but man
 with man1 and each with other1 have    
among them continual war2 nor is there  
league sure enough among any men4 ,so   
that whatsoever it be1 that hath gone   
out of kind1 it hath gone out of kind   
into a worse fashion1 than if ,nature   
herself had engendered therein a malice 
at the beginning4  ,will ye see how     
beastly1 how foul1 and how unworthy a   
thing war is for man8 ,did ye never     
behold a lion let loose unto a bear8    
,what gapings1 what roarings1 what      
grisly gnashing1 what tearing of their  

flesh1 is there8 ,he trembleth that     
beholdeth them1 yea1 though he stand    
sure and safe enough from them4 ,but how
 much more grisly a sight is it1 how    
much more outrageous and cruel1 to      
behold man to fight with man1 arrayed   
with so much armour1 and with so many   
weapons8 ,i beseech you1 who would      
believe that they were men1 if it were  
not because war is a thing so much in   
custom that no man marvelleth at it8    
,their eyes glow like fire1 their faces 
be pale1 their marching forth is like   
men in a fury1 their voice screeching   
and grunting1 their cry and frenzied    
clamour2 all is iron1 their harness and 
weapons jingling and clattering1 and the
 guns thundering4 ,it might have been   
better suffered1 if man1 for lack of    
meat and drink1 should have fought with 
man1 to the intent he might devour his  
flesh and drink his blood3 albeit1 it is
 come also now to that pass1 that some  
there be that do it more of hatred than 
either for hunger or for thirst4 ,but   

now this same thing is done more        
cruelly1 with weapons envenomed1 and    
with devilish engines4 ,so that nowhere 
may be perceived any token of man4 ,trow
 ye that ,nature could here know it was 
the same thing1 that she sometime had   
wrought with her own hands8 ,and if any 
man would inform her1 that it were man  
that she beheld in such array1 might she
 not well1 with great wondering1 say    
these words8  ,what new manner of       
pageant is this that ,i behold8 ,what   
devil of hell hath brought us forth this
 monster4 ,there be some that call me a 
stepmother1 because that among so great 
heaps of things of my making ,i have    
brought forth some venomous things 7and 
yet have ,i ordained the selfsame       
venomous things for man's behoof72 and  
because ,i have made some beasts very   
fierce and perilous3 and yet is there no
 beast so wild nor so perilous1 but that
 by craft and diligence he may be made  
tame and gentle4 ,by man's diligent     
labour the lions have been made tame1   

the dragons meek1 and the bears         
obedient4 ,but what is this1 that worse 
is than any stepmother1 which hath      
brought us forth this new unreasonable  
brute beast1 the pestilence and mischief
 of all this world8 ,one beast alone ,i 
brought forth wholly dedicate to be     
benevolent1 pleasant1 friendly1 and     
wholesome to all other4 ,what hath      
chanced1 that this creature is changed  
into such a brute beast8 ,i perceive    
nothing of the creature man1 which ,i   
myself made4 ,what evil spirit hath thus
 defiled my work8 ,what witch hath      
bewitched the mind of man1 and          
transformed it into such brutishness8   
,what sorceress hath thus turned him out
 of his kindly shape8 ,i command and    
would that the wretched creature should 
behold himself in a glass4 ,but1 alas1  
what shall the eyes see1 where the mind 
is away8 ,yet behold thyself 7if thou   
canst71 thou furious warrior1 and see if
 thou mayst by any means recover thyself
 again4 ,from whence hast thou that     

threatening crest upon thy head8 ,from  
whence hast thou that shining helmet8   
,from whence are those iron horns8      
,whence cometh it1 that thine elbows are
 so sharp and piked8 ,where hadst thou  
those scales8 ,where hadst thou those   
brazen teeth8 ,of whence are those hard 
plates8 ,whence are those deadly        
weapons8 ,from whence cometh to thee    
this voice more horrible than of a wild 
beast8 ,what a look and countenance hast
 thou more terrible than of a brute     
beast8 ,where hast thou gotten this     
thunder and lightning1 both more fearful
 and hurtful than is the very thunder   
and lightning itself8 ,i formed thee a  
goodly creature2 what came into thy     
mind1 that thou wouldst thus transform  
thyself into so cruel and so beastly    
fashion1 that there is no brute beast so
 unreasonable in comparison unto man8   
,these words1 and many other such like1 
,i suppose1 the ,dame ,nature1 the      
worker of all things1 would say4 ,then  
since man is such as is showed before   

that he is1 and that war is such a      
thing1 like as too oft we have felt and 
known1 it seemeth to me no small wonder1
 what ill spirit1 what disease1 or what 
mishap1 first put into man's mind1 that 
he would bathe his mortal weapon in the 
blood of man4 ,it must needs be1 that   
men mounted up to so great madness by   
divers degrees4 ,for there was never man
 yet 7as ,juvenal saith7 that was       
suddenly most graceless of all4 ,and    
always things the worst have crept in   
among men's manners of living1 under the
 shadow and shape of goodness4 ,for some
 time those men that were in the        
beginning of the world led their lives  
in woods2 they went naked1 they had no  
walled towns1 nor houses to put their   
heads in3 it happened otherwhile that   
they were sore grieved and destroyed    
with wild beasts4 ,wherefore with them  
first of all1 men made war1 and he was  
esteemed a mighty strong man1 and a     
captain1 that could best defend mankind 
from the violence of wild beasts4 ,yea1 

and it seemed to them a thing most      
equable to strangle the stranglers1 and 
to slay the slayers1 namely1 when the   
wild beast1 not provoked by us for any  
hurt to them done1 would wilfully set   
upon us4 ,and so by reason that this was
 counted a thing most worthy of praise  
7for hereof it rose that ,hercules was  
made a god71 the lusty-stomached young  
men began all about to hunt and chase   
the wild beasts1 and as a token of their
 valiant victory the skins of such      
beasts as they slew were set up in such 
places as the people might behold them4 
,besides this they were not contented to
 slay the wild beasts1 but they used to 
wear their skins to keep them from the  
cold in winter4 ,these were the first   
slaughters that men used3 these were    
their spoils and robberies4 ,after this1
 they went so farforth1 that they were  
bold to do a thing which ,pythagoras    
thought to be very wicked2 and it might 
seem to us also a thing monstrous1 if   
custom were not1 which hath so great    

strength in every place3 that by custom 
it was reputed in some countries a much 
charitable deed if a man would1 when his
 father was very old1 first sore beat   
him1 and after thrust him headlong into 
a pit1 and so bereave him of his life1  
by whom it chanced him to have the gift 
of life4 ,it was counted a holy thing   
for a man to feed on the flesh of his   
own kinsmen and friends4 ,they thought  
it a goodly thing1 that a virgin should 
be made common to the people in the     
temple of ,venus4 ,and many other       
things1 more abominable than these3 of  
which if a man should now but only      
speak1 every man would abhor to hear    
him4 ,surely there is nothing so        
ungracious1 nor nothing so cruel1 but   
men will hold therewith1 if it be once  
approved by custom4 ,then will ye hear1 
what a deed they durst at the last do8  
,they were not abashed to eat the       
carcases of the wild beasts that were   
slain1 to tear the unsavoury flesh with 
their teeth1 to drink the blood1 to suck

 out the matter of them1 and 7as ,ovid  
saith7 to hide the beasts' bowels within
 their own4 ,and although at that time  
it seemed to be an outrageous deed unto 
them that were of a more mild and gentle
 courage3 yet was it generally allowed1 
and all by reason of custom and         
commodity4 ,yet were they not so        
content4 ,for they went from the slaying
 of noisome wild beasts1 to kill the    
harmless beasts1 and such as did no hurt
 at all4 ,they waxed cruel everywhere   
upon the poor sheep1 a beast without    
fraud or guile4 ,they slew the hare1 for
 none other offence1 but because he was 
a good fat dish of meat to feed upon4   
,nor they forbare not to kill the tame  
ox1 which had a long season1 with his   
sore labour1 nourished the unkind       
household4 ,they spared no kind of      
beasts1 of fowls1 nor of fishes4 ,yea1  
and the tyranny of gluttony went so     
farforth that there was no beast        
anywhere that could be sure from the    
cruelty of man4 ,yea1 and custom        

persuaded this also1 that it seemed no  
cruelty at all to slay any manner of    
beast1 whatsoever it was1 so they       
abstained from manslaughter4 ,now       
peradventure it lieth in our power to   
keep out vices1 that they enter not upon
 the manners of men1 in like manner as  
it lieth in our power to keep out the   
sea1 that it break not in upon us2 but  
when the sea is once broken in1 it      
passeth our power to restrain it within 
any bounds4 ,so either of them both once
 let in1 they will not be ruled1 as we  
would1 but run forth headlong           
whithersoever their own rage carrieth   
them4 ,and so after that men had been   
exercised with such beginnings to       
slaughter1 wrath anon enticed man to set
 upon man1 either with staff1 or with   
stone1 or else with his fist4 ,for as   
yet1 ,i think they used no other        
weapons4 ,and now had they learned by   
the killing of beasts1 that man also    
might soon and easily be slain with     
little labour4 ,but this cruelty        

remained betwixt singular persons1 so   
that yet there was no great number of   
men that fought together1 but as it     
chanced one man against another4 ,and   
besides this1 there was no small colour 
of equity1 if a man slew his enemy2 yea1
 and shortly after1 it was a great      
praise to a man to slay a violent and a 
mischievous man1 and to rid him out of  
the world1 such devilish and cruel      
caitiffs1 as men say ,cacus and ,busiris
 were4 ,for we see plainly1 that for    
such causes1 ,hercules was greatly      
praised4 ,and in process of time1 many  
assembled to take part together1 either 
as affinity1 or as neighbourhood1 or    
kindred bound them4 ,and what is now    
robbery was then war4 ,and they fought  
then with stones1 or with stakes1 a     
little burned at the ends4 ,a little    
river1 a rock1 or such other like thing1
 chancing to be between them1 made an   
end of their battle4  ,in the mean      
season1 while fierceness by use         
increaseth1 while wrath is grown great1 

and ambition hot and vehement1 by       
ingenious craft they arm their furious  
violence4 ,they devise harness1 such as 
it is1 to fence them with4 ,they invent 
weapons to destroy their enemies with4  
,thus now by few and few1 now with      
greater company1 and now armed they     
begin to fight4 ,nor to this manifest   
madness they forget not to give honour4 
,for they call it ,bellum1 that is to   
say1 a fair thing2 yea1 and they repute 
it a virtuous deed1 if a man1 with the  
jeopardy of his own life1 manly resist  
and defend from the violence of his     
enemies1 his wife1 children1 beasts1 and
 household4 ,and by little and little1  
malice grew so great1 with the high     
esteeming of other things1 that one city
 began to send defiance and make war to 
another1 country against country1 and   
realm against realm4 ,and though the    
thing of itself was then most cruel1 yet
 all this while there remained in them  
certain tokens1 whereby they might be   
known for men3 for such goods as by     

violence were taken away were asked and 
required again by an herald at arms2 the
 gods were called to witness2 yea1 and  
when they were ranged in battle1 they   
would reason the matter ere they fought4
 ,and in the battle they used but homely
 weapons1 nor they used neither guile   
nor deceit1 but only strength4 ,it was  
not lawful for a man to strike his enemy
 till the sign of battle was given2 nor 
was it not lawful to fight after the    
sounding of the retreat4 ,and for       
conclusion1 they fought more to show    
their manliness and for praise1 than    
they coveted to slay4 ,nor all this     
while they armed them not1 but against  
strangers1 the which they called hostes1
 as they had been hospites1 their       
guests4 ,of this rose empires1 of the   
which there was never none yet in any   
nation1 but it was gotten with the great
 shedding of man's blood4 ,and since    
that time there hath followed continual 
course of war1 while one eftsoons       
laboureth to put another out of his     

empire1 and to set himself in4 ,after   
all this1 when the empires came once    
into their hands that were most         
ungracious of all other1 they made war  
upon whosoever pleased them2 nor were   
they not in greatest peril and danger of
 war that had most deserved to be       
punished1 but they that by fortune had  
gotten great riches4 ,and now they made 
not war to get praise and fame1 but to  
get the vile muck of the world1 or else 
some other thing far worse than that4   
,i think not the contrary1 but that the 
great1 wise man ,pythagoras meant these 
things when he by a proper device of    
philosophy frightened the unlearned     
multitude of people from the slaying of 
silly beasts4 ,for he perceived1 it     
should at length come to pass1 that he  
which 7by no injury provoked7 was       
accustomed to spill the blood of a      
harmless beast1 would in his anger1     
being provoked by injury1 not fear to   
slay a man4  ,war1 what other thing else
 is it than a common manslaughter of    

many men together1 and a robbery1 the   
which1 the farther it sprawleth abroad1 
the more mischievous it is8 ,but many   
gross gentlemen nowadays laugh merrily  
at these things1 as though they were the
 dreams and dotings of schoolmen1 the   
which1 saving the shape1 have no point  
of manhood1 yet seem they in their own  
conceit to be gods4 ,and yet of those   
beginnings1 we see we be run so far in  
madness1 that we do naught else all our 
life-days4 ,we war continually1 city    
with city1 prince with prince1 people   
with people1 yea1 and 7it that the      
heathen people confess to be a wicked   
thing7 cousin with cousin1 alliance with
 alliance1 brother with brother1 the son
 with the father1 yea1 and that ,i      
esteem more cruel than all these things1
 a ,christian man against another man2  
and yet furthermore1 ,i will say that ,i
 am very loath to do1 which is a thing  
most cruel of all1 one ,christian man   
with another ,christian man4 ,oh1       
blindness of man's mind6 at those things

 no man marvelleth1 no man abhorreth    
them4 ,there be some that rejoice at    
them1 and praise them above the moon3   
and the thing which is more than        
devilish1 they call a holy thing4 ,old  
men1 crooked for age1 make war1 priests 
make war1 monks go forth to war2 yea1   
and with a thing so devilish we mingle  
,christ4 ,the battles ranged1 they      
encounter the one the other1 bearing    
before them the sign of the ,cross1     
which thing alone might at the leastwise
 admonish us by what means it should    
become ,christian men to overcome4  ,but
 we run headlong each to destroy other1 
even from that heavenly sacrifice of the
 altar1 whereby is represented that     
perfect and ineffable knitting together 
of all ,christian men4 ,and of so wicked
 a thing1 we make ,christ both author   
and witness4 ,where is the kingdom of   
the devil1 if it be not in war8 ,why    
draw we ,christ into war1 with whom a   
brothel-house agreeth more than war8    
,saint ,paul disdaineth1 that there     

should be any so great discord among    
,christian men1 that they should need   
any judge to discuss the matter between 
them4 ,what if he should come and behold
 us now through all the world1 warring  
for every light and trifling cause1     
striving more cruelly than ever did any 
heathen people1 and more cruelly than   
any barbarous people8 ,yea1 and ye shall
 see it done by the authority1          
exhortations1 and furtherings of those  
that represent ,christ1 the prince of   
peace and very bishop that all things   
knitteth together by peace and of those 
that salute the people with good luck of
 peace4 ,nor is it not unknown to me    
what these unlearned people say 7a good 
while since7 against me in this matter1 
whose winnings arise of the common      
evils4 ,they say thus3 ,we make war     
against our wills3 for we be constrained
 by the ungracious deeds of other4 ,we  
make war but for our right4 ,and if     
there come any hurt thereof1 thank them 
that be causers of it4 ,but let these   

men hold their tongues awhile1 and ,i   
shall after1 in place convenient1 avoid 
all their cavillations1 and pluck off   
that false visor wherewith we hide all  
our malice4  ,but first as ,i have above
 compared man with war1 that is to say1 
the creature most demure with a thing   
most outrageous1 to the intent that     
cruelty might the better be perceived3  
so will ,i compare war and peace        
together1 the thing most wretched1 and  
most mischievous1 with the best and most
 wealthy thing that is4 ,and so at last 
shall appear1 how great madness it is1  
with so great tumult1 with so great     
labours1 with such intolerable expenses1
 with so many calamities1 affectionately
 to desire war3 whereas agreement might 
be bought with a far less price4  ,first
 of all1 what in all this world is more 
sweet or better than amity or love8     
,truly nothing4 ,and ,i pray you1 what  
other thing is peace than amity and love
 among men1 like as war on the other    
side is naught else but dissension and  

debate of many men together8 ,and surely
 the property of good things is such1   
that the broader they be spread1 the    
more profit and commodity cometh of     
them4 ,farther1 if the love of one      
singular person with another be so sweet
 and delectable1 how great should the   
felicity be if realm with realm1 and    
nation with nation1 were coupled        
together1 with the band of amity and    
love8 ,on the other side1 the nature of 
evil things is such1 that the farther   
they sprawl abroad1 the more worthy they
 are to be called evil1 as they be      
indeed4 ,then if it be a wretched thing1
 if it be an ungracious thing1 that one 
man armed should fight with another1 how
 much more miserable1 how much more     
mischievous is it1 that the selfsame    
thing should be done with so many       
thousands together8 ,by love and peace  
the small things increase and wax great1
 by discord and debate the great things 
decay and come to naught4 ,peace is the 
mother and nurse of all good things4    

,war suddenly and at once overthroweth1 
destroyeth1 and utterly fordoeth        
everything that is pleasant and fair1   
and bringeth in among men a monster of  
all mischievous things4  ,in the time of
 peace 7none otherwise than as if the   
lusty springtime should show and shine  
in men's businesses7 the fields are     
tilled1 the gardens and orchards freshly
 flourish1 the beasts pasture merrily2  
gay manours in the country are edified1 
the towns are builded1 where as need is 
reparations are done1 the buildings are 
heightened and augmented1 riches        
increase1 pleasures are nourished1 the  
laws are executed1 the common wealth    
flourisheth1 religion is fervent1 right 
reigneth1 gentleness is used1 craftsmen 
are busily exercised1 the poor men's    
gain is more plentiful1 the wealthiness 
of the rich men is more gay and goodly1 
the studies of most honest learnings    
flourish1 youth is well taught1 the aged
 folks have quiet and rest1 maidens are 
luckily married1 mothers are praised for

 bringing forth of children like to     
their progenitors1 the good men prosper 
and do well1 and the evil men do less   
offence4  ,but as soon as the cruel     
tempest of war cometh on us1 good ,lord1
 how great a flood of mischiefs         
occupieth1 overfloweth1 and drowneth all
 together4 ,the fair herds of beasts are
 driven away1 the goodly corn is trodden
 down and destroyed1 the good husbandmen
 are slain1 the villages are burned up1 
the most wealthy cities1 that have      
flourished so many winters1 with that   
one storm are overthrown1 destroyed1 and
 brought to naught3 so much readier and 
prompter men are to do hurt than good4  
,the good citizens are robbed and       
spoiled of their goods by cursed thieves
 and murderers4 ,every place is full of 
fear1 of wailing1 complaining1 and      
lamenting4 ,the craftsmen stand idle2   
the poor men must either die for hunger1
 or fall to stealing4 ,the rich men     
either stand and sorrow for their goods1
 that be plucked and snatched from them1

 or else they stand in great doubt to   
lose such goods as they have left them3 
so that they be on every side woebegone4
 ,the maidens1 either they be not       
married at all1 or else if they be      
married1 their marriages are sorrowful  
and lamentable4 ,wives1 being destitute 
of their husbands1 lie at home without  
any fruit of children1 the laws are laid
 aside1 gentleness is laughed to scorn1 
right is clean exiled1 religion is set  
at naught1 hallowed and unhallowed      
things all are one1 youth is corrupted  
with all manner of vices1 the old folk  
wail and weep1 and wish themselves out  
of the world1 there is no honour given  
unto the study of good letters4         
,finally1 there is no tongue can tell   
the harm and mischief that we feel in   
war4  ,perchance war might be the better
 suffered1 if it made us but only       
wretched and needy2 but it maketh us    
ungracious1 and also full of            
unhappiness4 ,and ,i think ,peace       
likewise should be much made of1 if it  

were but only because it maketh us more 
wealthy and better in our living4 ,alas1
 there be too many already1 yea1 and    
more than too many mischiefs and evils1 
with the which the wretched life of man 
7whether he will or no7 is continually  
vexed1 tormented1 and utterly consumed4 
,it is near hand two thousand years     
since the physicians had knowledge of   
three hundred divers notable sicknesses 
by name1 besides other small sicknesses 
and new1 as daily spring among us1 and  
besides age also1 which is of itself a  
sickness inevitable4  ,we read that in  
one place whole cities have been        
destroyed with earthquakes4 ,we read1   
also1 that in another place there have  
been cities altogether burnt with       
lightning2 how in another place whole   
regions have been swallowed up with     
opening of the earth1 towns by          
undermining have fallen to the ground2  
so that ,i need not here to remember    
what a great multitude of men are daily 
destroyed by divers chances1 which be   

not regarded because they happen so     
often3 as sudden breaking out of the sea
 and of great floods1 falling down of   
hills and houses1 poison1 wild beasts1  
meat1 drink1 and sleep4 ,one hath been  
strangled with drinking of a hair in a  
draught of milk1 another hath been      
choked with a little grapestone1 another
 with a fishbone sticking in his throat4
 ,there hath been1 that sudden joy hath 
killed out of hand3 for it is less      
wonder of them that die for vehement    
sorrow4 ,besides all this1 what mortal  
pestilence see we in every place4 ,there
 is no part of the world1 that is not   
subject to peril and danger of man's    
life1 which life of itself also is most 
fugitive4 ,so manifold mischances and   
evils assail man on every side that not 
without cause ,homer did say3 ,man was  
the most wretched of all creatures      
living4  ,but forasmuch these mischances
 cannot lightly be eschewed1 nor they   
happen not through our fault1 they make 
us but only wretched1 and not ungracious

 withal4 ,what pleasure is it then for  
them that be subject already to so many 
miserable chances1 willingly to seek and
 procure themselves another mischief    
more than they had before1 as though    
they yet wanted misery8 ,yea1 they      
procure not a light evil1 but such an   
evil that is worse than all the others1 
so mischievous1 that it alone passeth   
all the others2 so abundant1 that in    
itself alone is comprehended all        
ungraciousness2 so pestilent1 that it   
maketh us all alike wicked as wretched1 
it maketh us full of all misery1 and yet
 not worthy to be pitied4  ,now go      
farther1 and with all these things      
consider1 that the commodities of ,peace
 spread themselves most far and wide1   
and pertain unto many men4 ,in war if   
there happen anything luckily 7but1 ,o  
good ,lord1 what may we say happeneth   
well and luckily in war871 it pertaineth
 to very few1 and to them that are      
unworthy to have it4 ,the prosperity of 
one is the destruction of another4 ,the 

enriching of one is the spoil and       
robbing of another4 ,the triumph of one 
is the lamentable mourning of another1  
so that as the infelicity is bitter and 
sharp1 the felicity is cruel and bloody4
 ,howbeit otherwhile both parties wept  
according to the proverb1 ,victoria     
,cadmaea1 ,cadmus victorie1 where both  
parties repented4 ,and ,i wot not       
whether it came ever so happily to pass 
in war1 that he that had victory did not
 repent him of his enterprise1 if he    
were a good man4  ,then seeing ,peace is
 the thing above all other most best and
 most pleasant1 and1 contrariwise1 war  
the thing most ungracious and wretched  
of all other1 shall we think those men  
to be in their right minds1 the which   
when they may obtain ,peace with little 
business and labour will rather procure 
war with so great labour and most       
difficulty8  ,first of all consider1 how
 loathly a thing the rumour of war is1  
when it is first spoken of4 ,then how   
envious a thing it is unto a prince1    

while with often tithes and taxes he    
pillageth his subjects4 ,what a business
 hath he to make and entertain friends  
to help him8 what a business to procure 
bands of strangers and to hire soldiers8
  ,what expenses and labours must he    
make in setting forth his navy of ships1
 in building and repairing of castles   
and fortresses1 in preparing and        
apparelling of his tents and pavilions1 
in framing1 making1 and carrying of     
engines1 guns1 armour1 weapons1 baggage1
 carts1 and victual8 ,what great labour 
is spent in making of bulwarks1 in      
casting of ditches1 in digging of mines1
 in keeping of watches1 in keeping of   
arrays1 and in exercising of weapons8 ,i
 pass over the fear they be in2 ,i speak
 not of the imminent danger and peril   
that hangeth over their heads3 for what 
thing in war is not to be feared8 ,what 
is he that can reckon all the           
incommodious life that the most foolish 
soldiers suffer in the field8 ,and for  
that worthy to endure worse1 in that    

they will suffer it willingly4 ,their   
meat is so ill that an ox of ,cyprus    
would be loath to eat it2 they have but 
little sleep1 nor yet that at their own 
pleasure4 ,their tents on every side are
 open on the wind4 ,what1 a tent8 ,no1  
no2 they must all the day long1 be it   
hot or cold1 wet or dry1 stand in the   
open air1 sleep on the bare ground1     
stand in their harness4 ,they must      
suffer hunger1 thirst1 cold1 heat1 dust1
 showers2 they must be obedient to their
 captains2 sometimes they be clapped on 
the pate with a warder or a truncheon3  
so that there is no bondage so vile as  
the bondage of soldiers4  ,besides all  
this1 at the sorrowful sign given to    
fight1 they must run headlong to death3 
for either they must slay cruelly1 or be
 slain wretchedly4 ,so many sorrowful   
labours must they take in hand1 that    
they may bring to pass that thing which 
is most wretched of all other4 ,with so 
many great miseries we must first       
afflict and grieve our own self1 that we

 may afflict and grieve other6  ,now if 
we would call this matter to account1   
and justly reckon how much war will     
cost1 and how much peace1 surely we     
shall find that peace may be got and    
obtained with the tenth part of the     
cares1 labours1 griefs1 perils1         
expenses1 and spilling of blood1 with   
which the war is procured4 ,so great a  
company of men1 to their extreme perils1
 ye lead out of the realm to overthrow  
and destroy some one town3 and with the 
labour of the selfsame men1 and without 
any peril at all1 another town1 much    
more noble and goodly1 might be new     
edified and builded4 ,but you say1 you  
will hurt and grieve your enemy3 so even
 that doing is against humanity4        
,nevertheless1 this ,i would ye should  
consider1 that ye cannot hurt and grieve
 your enemies1 but ye must first greatly
 hurt your own people4 ,and it seemeth a
 point of a madman1 to enterprise where 
he is sure and certain of so great hurt 
and damage1 and is uncertain which way  

the chance of war will turn4  ,but      
admit1 that either foolishness1 or      
wrath1 or ambition1 or covetousness1 or 
outrageous cruelty1 or else 7which ,i   
think more like7 the furies sent from   
hell1 should ravish and draw the heathen
 people to this madness4 ,yet from      
whence cometh it into our minds1 that   
one ,christian man should draw his      
weapon to bathe it in another ,christian
 man's blood8 ,it is called parricide1  
if the one brother slay the other4 ,and 
yet is a ,christian man nearer joined to
 another than is one brother to another3
 except the bonds of nature be stronger 
than the bonds of ,christ4 ,what        
abominable thing1 then1 is it to see    
them almost continually fighting among  
themselves1 the which are the           
inhabitants of one house the ,church1   
which rejoice and say1 that they all be 
the members of one body1 and that have  
one head1 which truly is ,christ2 they  
have all one ,father in heaven2 they are
 all taught and comforted by one ,holy  

,spirit2 they profess the religion of   
,christ all under one manner2 they are  
all redeemed with ,christ's blood2 they 
are all newborn at the holy font2 they  
use alike sacraments2 they be all       
soldiers under one captain2 they are all
 fed with one heavenly bread2 they drink
 all of one spiritual cup2 they have one
 common enemy the devil2 finally1 they  
be all called to one inheritance4 ,where
 be they so many sacraments of perfect  
concord8 ,where be the innumerable      
teachings of peace8 ,there is one       
special precept1 which ,christ called   
his1 that is1 ,charity4 ,and what thing 
is so repugnant to charity as war8      
,christ saluted his disciples with the  
blessed luck of peace4 ,unto his        
disciples he gave nothing save peace1   
saving peace he left them nothing4 ,in  
those holy prayers1 he specially prayed 
the ,father of heaven1 that in like     
manner as he was one with the ,father1  
so all his1 that is to say1 ,christian  
men1 should be one with him4 ,lo1 here  

you may perceive a thing more than      
peace1 more than amity1 more than       
concord4  ,solomon bare the figure of   
,christ3 for ,solomon in the ,hebrew    
tongue signifieth peaceable or peaceful4
 ,him ,god would have to build his      
temple4 ,at the birth of ,christ the    
angels proclaimed neither war nor       
triumphs1 but peace they sang4 ,and     
before his birth the prophet ,david     
prophesied thus of him3 ,et factus est  
in pace locus ejus1 that is to say1 ,his
 dwelling place is made in peace4       
,search all the whole life of ,christ1  
and ye shall never find thing that      
breathes not of peace1 that signifieth  
not amity1 that savoureth not of        
charity4 ,and because he perceived peace
 could not well be kept1 except men     
would utterly despise all those things  
for which the world so greedily         
fighteth1 he commanded that we should of
 him learn to be meek4 ,he calleth them 
blessed and happy that setteth naught by
 riches1 for those he calleth poor in   

spirit4 ,blessed be they that despise   
the pleasures of this world1 the which  
he calleth mourners4 ,and them blessed  
he calleth that patiently suffer        
themselves1 to be put out of their      
possessions1 knowing that here in this  
world they are but as outlaws2 and the  
very true country and possession of     
godly creatures is in heaven4 ,he       
calleth them blessed which1 deserving   
well of all men1 are wrongfully blamed  
and ill afflicted4 ,he forbade that any 
man should resist evil4 ,briefly1 as all
 his doctrine commandeth sufferance and 
love1 so all his life teacheth nothing  
else but meekness4 ,so he reigned1 so he
 warred1 so he overcame1 so he          
triumphed4  ,now the apostles1 that had 
sucked into them the pure spirit of     
,christ1 and were blessedly drunk with  
that new must of the ,holy ,ghost1      
preached nothing but meekness and peace4
 ,what do all the epistles of ,paul     
sound in every place but peace1 but     
long-suffering1 but charity8 ,what      

speaketh ,saint ,john1 what rehearseth  
he so oft1 but love8 ,what other thing  
did ,peter8 ,what other thing did all   
the true ,christian writers8 ,from      
whence then cometh all this tumult of   
wars amongst the children of peace8     
,think ye it a fable1 that ,christ      
calleth himself a vine tree1 and his own
 the branches8 ,who did ever see one    
branch fight with another8 ,is it in    
vain that ,paul so oft wrote1 ,the      
,church to be none other thing1 than one
 body compact together of divers        
members1 cleaving to one head1 ,christ8 
,whoever saw the eye fight with the     
hand1 or the belly with the foot8 ,in   
this universal body1 compact of all     
those unlike things1 there is agreement4
 ,in the body of a beast1 one member is 
in peace with another1 and each member  
useth not the property thereto given for
 itself alone1 but for the profit of all
 the other members4 ,so that if there   
come any good to any one member alone1  
it helpeth all the whole body4 ,and may 

the compaction or knitting of ,nature do
 more in the body of a beast1 that      
shortly must perish1 than the coupling  
of the ,holy ,ghost in the mystical and 
immortal body of the ,church8 ,do we to 
no purpose pray as taught by ,christ3   
,good ,lord1 even as thy will is        
fulfilled in heaven1 so let it be       
fulfilled in the earth8 ,in that city of
 heaven is concord and peace most       
perfect4 ,and ,christ would have his    
,church to be none other than a heavenly
 people in earth1 as near as might be   
after the manner of them that are in    
heaven1 ever labouring and making haste 
to go thither1 and always having their  
mind thereon4  ,now go to1 let us       
imagine1 that there should come some new
 guest out of the lunar cities1 where   
,empedocles dwelleth1 or else out of the
 innumerable worlds1 that ,democritus   
fabricated1 into this world1 desiring to
 know what the inhabitants do here4 ,and
 when he was instructed of everything1  
it should at last be told him that1     

besides all other1 there is one creature
 marvellously mingled1 of body like to  
brute beasts and of soul like unto ,god4
 ,and it should also be told him1 that  
this creature is so noble1 that though  
he be here an outlaw out of his own     
country1 yet are all other beasts at his
 commandment1 the which creature through
 his heavenly beginning inclineth alway 
to things heavenly and immortal4 ,and   
that ,god eternal loved this creature so
 well1 that whereas he could neither by 
the gifts of nature1 nor by the strong  
reasons of philosophy attain unto that  
which he so fervently desired1 he sent  
hither his only begotten son1 to the    
intent to teach this creature a new kind
 of learning4 ,then as soon as this new 
guest had perceived well the whole      
manner of ,christ's life and precepts1  
would desire to stand in some high      
place1 from whence he might behold that 
which he had heard4 ,and when he should 
see all other creatures soberly live    
according to their kind1 and1 being led 

by the laws and course of nature1 desire
 nothing but even as ,nature would2 and 
should see this one special creature man
 given riotously to tavern haunting1 to 
vile lucre1 to buying and selling1      
chopping and changing1 to brawling and  
fighting one with another1 trow ye that 
he would not think that any of the other
 creatures were man1 of whom he heard so
 much of before1 rather than he that is 
indeed man8 ,then if he that had        
instructed him afore would show him     
which creature is man1 now would he look
 about to see if he could spy the       
,christian flock and company1 the which1
 following the ordinance of that        
heavenly teacher ,christ1 should exhibit
 to him a figure or shape of the        
evangelical city4 ,think ye he would not
 rather judge ,christians to dwell in   
any other place than in those countries1
 wherein we see so great superfluity1   
riot1 voluptuousness1 pride1 tyranny1   
discord1 brawlings1 fightings1 wars1    
tumults1 yea1 and briefly to speak1 a   

greater puddle of all those things that 
,christ reproveth than among ,turks or  
,saracens8 ,from whence1 then1 creepeth 
this pestilence in among ,christian     
people8 ,doubtless this mischief also is
 come in by little and little1 like as  
many more other be1 ere men be aware of 
them4 ,for truly every mischief creepeth
 by little and little upon the good     
manners of men1 or else under the colour
 of goodness it is suddenly received4   
,so then first of all1 learning and     
cunning crept in as a thing very meet to
 confound heretics1 which defend their  
opinions with the doctrine of           
philosophers1 poets1 and orators4 ,and  
surely at the beginning of our faith1   
,christian men did not learn those      
things2 but such as peradventure had    
learned them1 before they knew what     
,christ meant1 they turned the thing    
that they had learned already1 into good
 use4  ,eloquence of tongue was at the  
beginning dissembled more than despised1
 but at length it was openly approved4  

,after that1 under colour of confounding
 heretics1 came in an ambitious pleasure
 of brawling disputations1 which hath   
brought into the ,church of ,christ no  
small mischief4 ,at length the matter   
went so farforth that ,aristotle was    
altogether received into the middle of  
divinity1 and so received1 that his     
authority is almost reputed holier than 
the authority of ,christ4 ,for if       
,christ spake anything that did little  
agree with our life1 by interpretation  
of ,aristotle it was lawful to make it  
serve their purpose4 ,but if any do     
never so little repugn against the high 
divinity of ,aristotle1 he is quickly   
with clapping of hands driven out of the
 place4 ,for of him we have learned1    
that the felicity of man is imperfect1  
except he have both the good gifts of   
body and of fortune4 ,of him we have    
learned1 that no commonweal may         
flourish1 in which all things are       
common4 ,and we endeavour ourselves to  
glue fast together the decrees of this  

man and the doctrine of ,christ--which  
is as likely a thing as to mingle fire  
and water together4 ,and a gobbet we    
have received of the civil laws1 because
 of the equity that seemeth to be in    
them4 ,and to the end they should the   
better serve our purpose1 we have1 as   
near as may be1 writhed and plied the   
doctrine of the gospel to them4 ,now by 
the civil law it is lawful for a man to 
defend violence with violence1 and each 
to pursue for his right4 ,those laws    
approve buying and selling2 they allow  
usury1 so it be measurable2 they praise 
war as a noble thing1 so1 it be just4   
,finally all the doctrine of ,christ is 
so defiled with the learning of         
logicians1 sophisters1 astronomers1     
orators1 poets1 philosophers1 lawyers1  
and gentles1 that a man shall spend the 
most part of his life1 ere he may have  
any leisure to search holy scripture1 to
 the which when a man at last cometh1 he
 must come infected with so many worldly
 opinions1 that either he must be       

offended with ,christ's doctrines1 or   
else he must apply them to the mind and 
of them that he hath learned before4    
,and this thing is so much approved1    
that it is now a heinous deed1 if a man 
presume to study holy scripture1 which  
hath not buried himself up to the hard  
ears in those trifles1 or rather        
sophistries of ,aristotle4 ,as though   
,christ's doctrine were such1 that it   
were not lawful for all men to know it1 
or else that it could by any means agree
 with the wisdom of philosophers4       
,besides this we admitted at the        
beginning of our faith some honour1     
which afterward we claimed as of duty4  
,then we received riches1 but that was  
to distribute to relieve poor men1 which
 afterwards we turned to our own use4   
,and why not1 since we have learned by  
the law civil1 that the very order of   
charity is1 that every man must first   
provide for himself8 ,nor lack there    
colours to cloak this mischief3 first it
 is a good deed to provide for our      

children1 and it is right that we       
foresee how to live in age2 finally1 why
 should we1 say they1 give our goods    
away1 if we come by them without fraud8 
,by these degrees it is by little and   
little come to pass1 that he is taken   
for the best man that hath most riches3 
nor never was there more honour given to
 riches among the heathen people1 than  
is at this day among the ,christian     
people4 ,for what thing is there1 either
 spiritual or temporal1 that is not done
 with great show of riches8 ,and it     
seemed a thing agreeable with those     
ornaments1 if ,christian men had some   
great jurisdiction under them4 ,nor     
there wanted not such as gladly         
submitted themselves4 ,albeit at the    
beginning it was against their wills1   
and scantly would they receive it4 ,and 
yet with much work1 they received it so1
 that they were content with the name   
and title only3 the profit thereof they 
gladly gave unto other men4 ,at the     
last1 little by little it came to pass1 

that a bishop thought himself no bishop1
 except he had some temporal lordship   
withal2 an abbot thought himself of     
small authority1 if he had not wherewith
 to play the lordly sire4 ,and in       
conclusion1 we blushed never a deal at  
the matter1 we wiped away all           
shamefastness1 and shoved aside all the 
bars of comeliness4 ,and whatever abuse 
was used among the heathen people1 were 
it covetousness1 ambition1 riot1 pomp1  
or pride1 or tyranny1 the same we       
follow1 in the same we match them1 yea1 
and far pass them4 ,and to pass over the
 lighter things for the while1 ,i pray  
you1 was there ever war among the       
heathen people so long continually1 or  
more cruelly1 than among ,christian     
people8 ,what stormy rumblings1 what    
violent brays of war1 what tearing of   
leagues1 and what piteous slaughters of 
men have we seen ourselves within these 
few years8 ,what nation hath not fought 
and skirmished with another8 ,and then  
we go and curse the ,turk2 and what can 

be a more pleasant sight to the ,turks1 
than to behold us daily each slaying    
other8  ,xerxes doted1 when he led out  
of his own country that huge multitude  
of people to make war upon the ,greeks4 
,trow ye1 was he not mad1 when he wrote 
letters to the mountain called ,athos1  
threatening that the hill should repent 
except it obeyed his lust8 ,and the same
 ,xerxes commanded also the sea to be   
beaten1 because it was somewhat rough   
when he should have sailed over4  ,who  
will deny but ,alexander the ,great was 
mad also8 ,he1 the young god1 wished    
that there were many worlds1 the which  
he might conquer--so great a fever of   
vainglory had embraced his young lusty  
courage4 ,and yet these same men1 the   
which ,seneca doubted not to call mad   
thieves1 warred after a gentler fashion 
than we do2 they were more faithful of  
their promise in war1 nor they used not 
so mischievous engines in war1 nor such 
crafts and subtleties1 nor they warred  
not for so light causes as we ,christian

 men do4 ,they rejoiced to advance and  
enrich such provinces as they had       
conquered by war2 and the rude people1  
that lived like wild beasts without     
laws1 learning1 or good manners1 they   
taught them both civil conditions and   
crafts1 whereby they might live like    
men4 ,in countries that were not        
inhabited with people1 they builded     
cities1 and made them both fair and     
profitable4 ,and the places that were   
not very sure1 they fenced1 for         
safeguard of the people1 with bridges1  
banks1 bulwarks2 and with a thousand    
other such commodities they helped the  
life of man4 ,so that then it was right 
expedient to be overcome4 ,yea1 and how 
many things read we1 that were either   
wisely done1 or soberly spoken of them  
in the midst of their wars4 ,as for     
those things that are done in ,christian
 men's wars they are more filthy and    
cruel than is convenient here to        
rehearse4 ,moreover1 look what was worst
 in the heathen peoples' wars1 in that  

we follow them1 yea1 we pass them4  ,but
 now it is worth while to hear1 by what 
means we maintain this our so great     
madness4 ,thus they reason3 ,if it had  
not been lawful by no means to make war1
 surely ,god would never have been the  
author to the ,jews to make war against 
their enemies4 ,well said1 but we must  
add hereunto1 that the ,jews never made 
war among themselves1 but against       
strangers and wicked men4 ,we1          
,christian men1 fight with ,christian   
men4 ,diversity of religion caused the  
,jews to fight against their enemies3   
for their enemies worshipped not ,god as
 they did4 ,we make war oftentimes for a
 little childish anger1 or for hunger of
 money1 or for thirst of glory1 or else 
for filthy meed4 ,the ,jews fought by   
the commandment of ,god2 we make war to 
avenge the grief and displeasure of our 
mind4 ,and nevertheless if men will so  
much lean to the example of the ,jews1  
why do we not then in like manner use   
circumcision8 ,why do we not sacrifice  

with the blood of sheep and other       
beasts8 ,why do we not abstain from     
swine's flesh8 ,why doth not each of us 
wed many wives8 ,since we abhor those   
things1 why doth the example of war     
please us so much8 ,why do we here      
follow the bare letter that killeth8 ,it
 was permitted the ,jews to make war1   
but so likewise as they were suffered to
 depart from their wives1 doubtless     
because of their hard and froward       
manners4 ,but after ,christ commanded   
the sword to be put up1 it is unlawful  
for ,christian men to make any other war
 but that which is the fairest war of   
all1 with the most eager and fierce     
enemies of the ,church1 with affection  
of money1 with wrath1 with ambition1    
with dread of death4 ,these be our      
,philistines1 these be our              
,nabuchodonosors1 these be our ,moabites
 and ,ammonites1 with the which it      
behooveth us to have no truce4 ,with    
these we must continually fight1 until  
7our enemies being utterly vanquished7  

we may be in quiet1 for except we may   
overcome them1 there is no man that may 
attain to any true peace1 neither with  
himself1 nor yet with no other4 ,for    
this war alone is cause of true peace4  
,he that overcometh in this battle1 will
 make war with no man living4 ,nor ,i   
regard not the interpretation that some 
men make of the two swords1 to signify  
either power spiritual or temporal4     
,when ,christ suffered ,peter to err    
purposely1 yea1 after he was commanded  
to put up his sword1 no man should doubt
 but that war was forbidden1 which      
before seemed to be lawful4 ,but ,peter 
7say they7 fought4 ,true it is1 ,peter  
fought2 he was yet but a ,jew1 and had  
not the spirit of a very ,christian man4
 ,he fought not for his lands1 or for   
any such titles of lands as we do1 nor  
yet for his own life1 but for his       
,master's life4 ,and finally1 he fought1
 the which within a while after forsook 
his ,master4 ,now if men will needs     
follow the example of ,peter that       

fought1 why might they not as well      
follow the example of him forsaking his 
,master8 ,and though ,peter through     
simple affection erred1 yet did his     
,master rebuke him4 ,for else1 if       
,christ did allow such manner of        
defence1 as some most foolishly do      
interpret1 why doth both all the life   
and doctrine of ,christ preach no other 
thing but sufferance8 ,why sent he forth
 his disciples again tyrants1 armed with
 nothing else but with a walking-staff  
and a scrip8 ,if that sword1 which      
,christ commanded his disciples to sell 
their coats to buy1 be moderate defence 
against persecutors1 like as some men do
 not only wickedly but also blindly     
interpret1 why did the martyrs never use
 that defence8 ,but 7say they7 the law  
of nature commandeth1 it is approved by 
the laws1 and allowed by custom1 that we
 ought to put off from us violence by   
violence1 and that each of us should    
defend his life1 and eke his money1 when
 the money 7as ,hesiod saith7 is as lief

 as the life4 ,all this ,i grant1 but   
yet grace1 the law of ,christ1 that is  
of more effect than all these things1   
commandeth us1 that we should not speak 
ill to them that speak shrewdly to us2  
that we should do well to them that do  
ill to us1 and to them that take away   
part of our possessions1 we should give 
the whole2 and that we should also pray 
for them that imagine our death4 ,but   
these things 7say they7 appertain to the
 apostles2 yea1 they appertain to the   
universal people of ,christ1 and to the 
whole body of ,christ's ,church1 that   
must needs be a whole and a perfect     
body1 although in its gifts one member  
is more excellent than another4 ,to them
 the doctrine of ,christ appertaineth   
not1 that hope not to have reward with  
,christ4 ,let them fight for money and  
for lordships1 that laugh to scorn the  
saying of ,christ3 ,blessed be the poor 
men in spirit2 that is to say1 be they  
poor or rich1 blessed be they that covet
 no riches in this world4 ,they that put

 all their felicity in these riches1    
they fight gladly to defend their life2 
but they be those that understand not   
this life to be rather a death1 nor they
 perceive not that everlasting life is  
prepared for good men4 ,now they lay    
against us divers bishops of ,rome1 the 
which have been both authors and        
abettors of warring4 ,true it is1 some  
such there have been1 but they were of  
late1 and in such time as the doctrine  
of ,christ waxed cold4 ,yea1 and they be
 very few in comparison of the holy     
fathers that were before them1 which    
with their writings persuade us to flee 
war4 ,why are these few examples most in
 mind8 ,why turn we our eyes from       
,christ to men8 ,and why had we rather  
follow the uncertain examples1 than the 
authority that is sure and certain8 ,for
 doubtless the bishops of ,rome were    
men4 ,and it may be right well1 that    
they were either fools or ungracious    
caitiffs4 ,and yet we find not that any 
of them approved that we should still   

continually war after this fashion as we
 do1 which thing ,i could with arguments
 prove1 if ,i listed to digress and     
tarry thereupon4  ,saint ,bernard       
praised warriors1 but he so praised     
them1 that he condemned all the manner  
of our warfare4 ,and yet why should the 
saying of ,saint ,bernard1 or the       
disputation of ,thomas the ,alquine1    
move me rather than the doctrine of     
,christ1 which commandeth1 that we      
should in no wise resist evil1 specially
 under such manner as the common people 
do resist4  ,but it is lawful 7say they7
 that a transgressor be punished and put
 to death according to the laws3 then is
 it not lawful for a whole country or   
city to be revenged by war8 ,what may be
 answered in this place1 is longer than 
is convenient to reply4 ,but this much  
will ,i say1 there is a great           
difference4 ,for the evil-doer1 found   
faulty and convicted1 is by authority of
 the laws put to death4 ,in war there is
 neither part without fault4 ,whereas   

one singular man doth offend1 the       
punishment falleth only on himself2 and 
the example of the punishment doth good 
unto all others4 ,in war the most part  
of the punishment and harm falls upon   
them that least deserve to be punished2 
that is1 upon husbandmen1 old men1      
honest wives1 young children1 and       
virgins4 ,but if there may any commodity
 at all be gathered of this most        
mischievous thing1 that altogether goeth
 to the behoof of certain most vengeable
 thieves1 hired soldiers1 and strong    
robbers1 and perhaps to a few captains1 
by whose craft war was raised for that  
intent1 and with which the matter goeth 
never better than when the commonweal is
 in most high jeopardy and peril to be  
lost4 ,whereas one is for his offence   
grievously punished1 it is the wealthy  
warning of all other3 but in war to the 
end to revenge the quarrel of one1 or   
else peradventure of a few1 we cruelly  
afflict and grieve many thousands of    
them that nothing deserved4 ,it were    

better to leave the offence of a few    
unpunished than while we seek occasion  
to punish one or two1 to bring into     
assured peril and danger1 both our      
neighbours and innocent enemies 7we call
 them our enemies1 though they never did
 us hurt72 and yet are we uncertain1    
whether it shall fall on them or not1   
that we would have punished4 ,it is     
better to let a wound alone1 that cannot
 be cured without grievous hurt and     
danger of all the whole body1 than go   
about to heal it4  ,now if any man will 
cry out and say3 ,it were against all   
right1 that he that offendeth should not
 be punished2 hereunto ,i answer1 that  
it is much more against all right and   
reason1 that so many thousands of       
innocents should be brought into extreme
 calamity and mischief without          
deserving4 ,albeit nowadays we see1 that
 almost all wars spring up ,i cannot    
tell of what titles1 and of leagues     
between princes1 that while they go     
about to subdue to their dominion some  

one town1 they put in jeopardy all their
 whole empire4 ,and yet within a while  
after1 they sell or give away the same  
town again1 that they got with shedding 
of so much blood4  ,peradventure some   
man will say3 ,wouldst not have princes 
fight for their right8 ,i know right    
well1 it is not meet for such a man as  
,i am1 to dispute overboldly of princes'
 matters1 and though ,i might do it     
without any danger1 yet is it longer    
than is convenient for this place4 ,but 
this much will ,i say3 ,if each         
whatsoever title be a cause convenient  
to go in hand with war1 there is no man 
that in so great alterations of men's   
affairs1 and in so great variety and    
changes1 can want a title4 ,what nation 
is there that hath not sometime been put
 out of their own country1 and also have
 put other out8 ,how oft have people    
gone from one country to another8 ,how  
oft have whole empires been translated  
from one to another either by chance or 
by league4 ,let the citizens of ,padua  

claim now again in ,god's name the      
country of ,troy for theirs1 because    
,antenor was sometime a ,trojan4 ,let   
the ,romans now hardily claim again     
,africa and ,spain1 because those       
provinces were sometime under the       
,romans4 ,we call that a dominion1 which
 is but an administration4 ,the power   
and authority over men1 which be free by
 ,nature1 and over brute beasts1 is not 
all one4 ,what power and sovereignty    
soever you have1 you have it by the     
consent of the people4 ,and if ,i be not
 deceived1 he that hath authority to    
give1 hath authority to take away again4
 ,will ye see how small a matter it is  
that we make all this tumult for8 ,the  
strife is not1 whether this city or that
 should be obeisant to a good prince1   
and not in bondage of a tyrant2 but     
whether ,ferdinand or ,sigismund hath   
the better title to it1 whether that    
city ought to pay tribute to ,philip or 
to ,king ,louis4 ,this is that noble    
right1 for the which all the world is   

thus vexed and troubled with wars and   
manslaughter4  ,yet go to1 suppose that 
this right or title be as strong and of 
as great authority as may be2 suppose   
also there be no difference between a   
private field and a whole city2 and     
admit there be no difference between the
 beasts that you have bought with your  
money and men1 which be not only free1  
but also true ,christians3 yet is it a  
point for a wise man to cast in his     
mind1 whether the thing that you will   
war for1 be of so great value1 that it  
will recompense the exceedingly great   
harms and loss of your own people4 ,if  
ye cannot do in every point as becometh 
a prince1 yet at the leastways do as the
 merchantman doeth3 he setteth naught by
 that loss1 which he well perceiveth    
cannot be avoided without a greater     
loss1 and he reckoneth it a winning1    
that fortune hath been against him with 
his so little loss4 ,or else at the     
leastwise follow him1 of whom there is a
 merry tale commonly told4  ,there were 

two kinsmen at variance about dividing  
of certain goods1 and when they could by
 no means agree1 they must go to law    
together1 that in conclusion the matter 
might be ended by sentence of the       
judges4 ,they got them attorneys1 the   
pleas were drawn1 men of law had the    
matter in hand1 they came before the    
judges1 the complaint was entered1 the  
cause was pleaded1 and so was the war   
begun between them4 ,anon one of them   
remembering himself1 called aside his   
adversary to him and said on this wise3 
,first it were a great shame1 that a    
little money should dissever us twain1  
whom ,nature hath knit so near together4
 ,secondly1 the end of our strife is    
uncertain1 no less than of war4 ,it is  
in our hands to begin when we will1 but 
not to make an end4 ,all our strife is  
but for an hundred crowns1 and we shall 
spend the double thereof upon notaries1 
upon promoters1 upon advocates1 upon    
attorneys1 upon judges1 and upon judges'
 friends1 if we try the law to the      

uttermost4 ,we must wait upon these men1
 we must flatter and speak them fair1 we
 must give them rewards4 ,and yet ,i    
speak not of the care and thought1 nor  
of the great labour and travail1 that we
 must take to run about here and there  
to make friends2 and which of us two    
that winneth the victory1 shall be sure 
of more incommodity than profit4        
,wherefore if we be wise1 let us rather 
see to our own profit1 and the money    
that shall be evil bestowed upon these  
bribers1 let us divide it between us    
twain4 ,and forgive you the half of that
 ye think should be your due1 and ,i    
will forgive as much of mine4 ,and so   
shall we keep and preserve our          
friendship1 which else is like to       
perish1 and we shall also eschew this   
great business1 cost1 and charge4 ,if   
you be not content to forgo anything of 
your part1 ,i commit the whole matter   
into your own hands2 do with it as you  
will4 ,for ,i had liefer my friend had  
this money1 than those insatiable       

thieves4 ,methinks ,i have gained       
enough1 if ,i may save my good name1    
keep my friend1 and avoid this unquiet  
and chargeable business4 ,thus partly   
the telling of the truth1 and partly the
 merry conceit of his kinsman1 moved the
 other man to agree4 ,so they ended the 
matter between themselves1 to the great 
displeasure of the judges and servants1 
for they1 like a sort of gaping ravens1 
were deluded and put beside their prey4 
,let a prince therefore follow the      
wisdom of these two men1 specially in a 
matter of much more danger4 ,nor let him
 not regard what thing it is that he    
would obtain1 but what great loss of    
good things he shall have1 in what great
 jeopardies he shall be1 and what       
miseries he must endure1 to come        
thereby4 ,now if a man will weigh1 as it
 were in a pair of balances1 the        
commodities of war on the one side and  
the incommodities on the other side1 he 
shall find that unjust peace is far     
better than righteous war4 ,why had we  

rather have war than peace8 ,who but a  
madman will angle with a golden         
fish-hook8 ,if ye see that the charges  
and expenses shall amount far above your
 gain1 yea1 though all things go        
according to your mind1 is it not better
 that ye forgo part of your right than  
to buy so little commodity with so      
innumerable mischiefs8 ,i had liefer    
that any other man had the title1 than  
,i should win it with so great effusion 
of ,christian men's blood4 ,he          
7whosoever he be7 hath now been many    
years in possession2 he is accustomed to
 rule1 his subjects know him1 he        
behaveth him like a prince2 and one     
shall come forth1 who1 finding an old   
title in some histories or in some blind
 evidence1 will turn clean upside down  
the quiet state and good order of that  
commonweal4 ,what availeth it with so   
great troubling to change any title1    
which in short space by one chance or   
other must go to another man8 ,specially
 since we might see1 that no things in  

this world continue still in one state1 
but at the scornful pleasure of fortune 
they roll to and fro1 as the waves of   
the sea4 ,finally1 if ,christian men    
cannot despise and set at naught these  
so light things1 yet whereto need they  
by and by to run to arms8 ,since there  
be so many bishops1 men of great gravity
 and learning2 since there be so many   
venerable abbots2 since there be so many
 noble men of great age1 whom long use  
and experience of things hath made right
 wise3 why are not these trifling and   
childish quarrels of princes pacified   
and set in order by the wisdom and      
discretion of these men8 ,but they seem 
to make a very honest reason of war1    
which pretend as they would defend the  
,church3 as though the people were not  
the ,church1 or as though the ,church of
 ,christ was begun1 augmented1 and      
stablished with wars and slaughters1 and
 not rather in spilling of the blood of 
martyrs1 sufferance1 and despising of   
this life1 or as though the whole       

dignity of the ,church rested in the    
riches of the priests4 ,nor to me truly 
it seemeth not so allowable1 that we    
should so oft make war upon the ,turks4 
,doubtless it were not well with the    
,christian religion1 if the only        
safeguard thereof should depend on such 
succours4 ,nor it is not likely1 that   
they should be good ,christians1 that by
 these means are brought thereto at the 
first4 ,for that thing that is got by   
war1 is again in another time lost by   
war4 ,will ye bring the ,turks to the   
faith of ,christ8 ,let us not make a    
show of our gay riches1 nor of our great
 number of soldiers1 nor of our great   
strength4 ,let them see in us none of   
these solemn titles1 but the assured    
tokens of ,christian men3 a pure1       
innocent life2 a fervent desire to do   
well1 yea1 to our very enemies2 the     
despising of money1 the neglecting of   
glory1 a poor simple life4 ,let them    
hear the heavenly doctrine agreeable to 
such a manner of life4 ,these are the   

best armours to subdue the ,turks to    
,christ4 ,now oftentimes we1 being ill1 
fight with the evil4 ,yea1 and ,i shall 
say another thing 7which ,i would to    
,god were more boldly spoken than       
truly71 if we set aside the title and   
sign of the ,cross1 we fight ,turks     
against ,turks4 ,if our religion were   
first stablished by the might and       
strength of men of war1 if it were      
confirmed by dint of sword1 if it were  
augmented by war1 then let us maintain  
it by the same means and ways4 ,but if  
all things in our faith were brought to 
pass by other means1 why do we1 then 7as
 we mistrusted the help of ,christ71    
seek such succour as the heathen people 
use8 ,but why should we not 7say they7  
kill them that would kill us8 ,so think 
they it a great dishonour1 if other     
should be more mischievous than they4   
,why do ye not1 then1 rob those that    
have robbed you before8 ,why do ye not  
scold and chide at them that rail at    
you8 ,why do ye not hate them that hate 

you8 ,trow ye it is a good ,christian   
man's deed to slay a ,turk8 ,for be the 
,turks never so wicked1 yet they are    
men1 for whose salvation ,christ        
suffered death4 ,and killing ,turks we  
offer to the devil most pleasant        
sacrifice1 and with that one deed we    
please our enemy1 the devil1 twice3     
first because a man is slain1 and again1
 because a ,christian man slew him4     
,there be many1 which desiring to seem  
good ,christian men1 study to hurt and  
grieve the ,turks all that ever they    
may2 and where they be not able to do   
anything1 they curse and ban1 and bid a 
mischief upon them4 ,now by the same one
 point a man may perceive1 that they be 
far from good ,christian men4 ,succour  
the ,turks1 and where they be wicked1   
make them good if ye can2 if ye cannot1 
wish and desire of ,god they may have   
grace to turn to goodness4 ,and he that 
thus doeth1 ,i will say doeth like a    
,christian man4 ,but of all these things
 ,i shall entreat more largely1 when ,i 

set forth my book entitled ,antipolemus1
 which whilom when ,i was at ,rome ,i   
wrote to ,julius1 bishop of ,rome1 the  
second of that name1 at the same time1  
when he was counselled to make war on   
the ,venetians4  ,but there is one thing
 which is more to be lamented then      
reasoned3 ,that if a man would          
diligently discuss the matter1 he shall 
find that all the wars among us         
,christian men do spring either of      
foolishness1 or else of malice4 ,some   
young men without experience1 inflamed  
with the evil examples of their         
forefathers1 that they find by reading  
of histories1 written of some foolish   
authors 7and besides this being moved   
with the exhortations of flatterers1    
with the instigation of lawyers1 and    
assenting thereto of the divines1 the   
bishops winking thereat1 or peradventure
 enticing thereunto71 have rather of    
foolhardiness than of malice1 gone in   
hand with war2 and with the great hurt  
and damage of all this world they learn1

 that war is a thing that should be by  
all means and ways fled and eschewed4   
,some other are moved by privy hatred1  
ambition causeth some1 and some are     
stirred by fierceness of mind to make   
war4 ,for truly there is almost now no  
other thing in our cities and           
commonweals than is contained in        
,homer's work ,iliad1 ,the wrath of     
indiscreet princes and people4  ,there  
be those who for no other cause stir up 
war but to the intent they may by that  
means the more easily exercise tyranny  
on their subjects4 ,for in the time of  
peace1 the authority of the council1 the
 dignity of the rulers1 the vigour and  
strength of the laws1 do somewhat       
hinder1 that a prince cannot do all that
 him listeth2 but as soon as war is once
 begun1 now all the handling of matters 
resteth in the pleasure of a few        
persons4 ,they that the prince favoureth
 are lifted up aloft1 and they that be  
in his displeasure1 go down4 ,they exact
 as much money as pleaseth them4 ,what  

need many words8 ,then they think       
themselves1 that they be the greatest   
princes of the world4 ,in the meantime  
the captains sport and play together1   
till they have gnawed the poor people to
 the hard bones4 ,and think ye that it  
will grieve them1 that be of this mind1 
to enter lightly into war1 when any     
cause is offered8 ,besides all this1 it 
is worth while to see by what means we  
colour our fault4 ,i pretend the defence
 of our religion1 but my mind is to get 
the great riches that the ,turk hath4   
,under colour to defend the ,church's   
right1 ,i purpose to revenge the hatred 
that ,i have in my stomach4 ,i incline  
to ambition1 ,i follow my wrath2 my     
cruel1 fierce and unbridled mind        
compelleth me2 and yet will ,i find a   
cavillation and say1 the league is not  
kept1 or friendship is broken1 or       
something 7,i wot not what myself7      
concerning the laws of matrimony is     
omitted4 ,and it is a wonder to speak1  
how they never obtain the very thing    

that they so greatly desire4 ,and while 
they foolishly labour to eschew this    
mischief or that1 they fall into another
 much worse1 or else deeper into the    
same4 ,and surely if desire of glory    
causeth them thus to do1 it is a thing  
much more magnificent and glorious to   
save than to destroy2 much more gay and 
goodly to build a city than to overthrow
 and destroy a city4  ,furthermore admit
 that the victory in battle is got most 
prosperously1 yet how small a portion of
 the glory shall go unto the prince3 the
 commons will claim a great part of it1 
by the help of whose money the deed was 
done2 foreign soldiers1 that are hired  
for money1 will challenge much more than
 the commons2 the captains look to have 
very much of that glory2 and fortune has
 the most of all1 which striking a great
 stroke in every matter1 in war may do  
most of all4 ,if it come of a noble     
courage or stout stomach1 that you be   
moved to make war3 see1 ,i pray you1 how
 far wide ye be from your purpose4 ,for 

while ye will not be seen to bow to one 
man1 as to a prince your neighbour1     
peradventure of your alliance1 who may  
by fortune have done you good3 how much 
more abjectly must ye bow yourself1 what
 time ye seek aid and help of barbarous 
people2 yea1 and1 what is more unworthy1
 of such men as are defiled with all    
mischievous deeds1 if we must needs call
 such kind of monsters men8 ,meanwhile  
ye go about to allure unto you with fair
 words and promises1 ravishers of       
virgins and of religious women1         
men-killers1 stout robbers and rovers   
7for these be thy special men of war74  
,and while you labour to be somewhat    
cruel and superior over your equal1 you 
are constrained to submit yourselves to 
the very dregs of all men living4 ,and  
while ye go about to drive your         
neighbour out of his land1 ye must needs
 first bring into your own land the most
 pestilent puddle of unthrifts that can 
be4 ,you mistrust a prince of your own  
alliance1 and will you commit yourself  

wholly to an armed multitude8 ,how much 
surer were it to commit yourself to     
concord6  ,if ye will make war because  
of lucre1 take your counters and cast4  
,and ,i will say1 it is better to have  
war than peace1 if ye find not1 that not
 only less1 but also uncertain winning  
is got with inestimable costs4  ,ye say 
ye make war for the safeguard of the    
commonweal1 yea1 but noway sooner nor   
more unthriftily may the commonweal     
perish than by war4 ,for before ye enter
 into the field1 ye have already hurt   
more your country than ye can do good   
getting the victory4 ,ye waste the      
citizens' goods1 ye fill the houses with
 lamentation1 ye fill all the country   
with thieves1 robbers1 and ravishers4   
,for these are the relics of war4 ,and  
whereas before ye might have enjoyed all
 ,france1 ye shut yourselves from many  
regions thereof4 ,if ye love your own   
subjects truly1 why revolve you not in  
mind these words3 ,why shall ,i put so  
many1 in their lusty1 flourishing youth1

 in all mischiefs and perils8 ,why shall
 ,i depart so many honest wives and     
their husbands1 and make so many        
fatherless children8 ,why shall ,i claim
 a title ,i know not1 and a doubtful    
right1 with spilling of my subjects'    
blood8 ,we have seen in our time1 that  
in war made under colour of defence of  
the ,church1 the priests have been so   
often pillaged with contributions1 that 
no enemy might do more4 ,so that while  
we go about foolishly to escape falling 
in the ditch1 while we cannot suffer a  
light injury1 we afflict ourselves with 
most grievous despites4 ,while we be    
ashamed of gentleness to bow to a       
prince1 we be fain to please people most
 base4 ,while we indiscreetly covet     
liberty1 we entangle ourselves in most  
grievous bondage4 ,while we hunt after a
 little lucre1 we grieve ourselves and  
ours with inestimable harness4 ,it had  
been a point of a prudent ,christian man
 7if he be a true ,christian man7 by all
 manner of means to have fled1 to have  

shunned1 and by prayer to have withstood
 so fiendish a thing1 and so far both   
from the life and doctrine of ,christ4  
,but if it can by no means be eschewed1 
by reason of the ungraciousness of many 
men1 when ye have essayed every way1 and
 that ye have for peace sake left no    
stone unturned1 then the next way is1   
that ye do your diligence that so ill a 
thing may be gested and done by them    
that be evil1 and that it be achieved   
with as little effusion of man's blood  
as can be4  ,now if we endeavour to be  
the selfsame thing that we hear         
ourselves called1--that is1 good        
,christian men1--we shall little esteem 
any worldly thing1 nor yet ambitiously  
covet anything of this world4 ,for if we
 set all our mind1 that we may lightly  
and purely part hence2 if we incline    
wholly to heavenly things2 if we pitch  
all our felicity in ,christ alone2 if we
 believe all that is truly good1 truly  
gay and glorious1 truly joyful1 to      
remain in ,christ alone2 if we          

thoroughly think that a godly man can of
 no man be hurt2 if we ponder how vain  
and vanishing are the scornful things of
 this world2 if we inwardly behold how  
hard a thing it is for a man to be in a 
manner transformed into a god1 and so   
here1 with continual and indefatigable  
meditation1 to be purged from all       
infections of this world1 that within a 
while the husk of this body being cast  
off1 it may pass hence to the company of
 angels2 finally1 if we surely have     
these three things1 without which none  
is worthy of the name of a ,christian   
man1--,innocency1 that we may be pure   
from all vices2 ,charity1 that we may do
 good1 as near as we can1 to every man2 
,patience1 that we may suffer them that 
do us ill1 and1 if we can1 with good    
deeds overcome wrongs to us done3 ,i    
pray you1 what war can there be among us
 for trifles8 ,if it be but a tale that 
is told of ,christ1 why do we not openly
 put him out of our company8 ,why should
 we glory in his title8 ,but if he be1  

as he is in very deed1 the true way1 the
 very truth1 and the very life1 why doth
 all the manner of our living differ so 
far asunder from the true example of    
him8 ,if we acknowledge and take ,christ
 for our author1 which is very ,charity1
 and neither taught nor gave other thing
 but charity and peace1 then go to1 let 
us not in titles and signs1 but in our  
deeds and living1 plainly express him4  
,let us have in our hearts a fervent    
desire of peace1 that ,christ may again 
know us for his4 ,to this intent the    
princes1 the prelates1 and the cities   
and commonalties should apply their     
counsels4 ,there hath been hitherto     
enough spilt of ,christian man's blood4 
,we have showed pleasure enough to the  
enemies of the ,christian religion4 ,and
 if the common people1 as they are wont1
 make any disturbance1 let the princes  
bridle and quail them1 which princes    
ought to be the selfsame thing in the   
commonweal that the eye is in the body1 
and the reason in the soul4 ,again1 if  

the princes make any trouble1 it is the 
part of good prelates by their wisdom   
and gravity to pacify and assuage such  
commotion4 ,or else1 at the least1 we   
being satiate with continual wars1 let  
the desire of peace a little move us4   
,the bishop exhorteth us 7if ever any   
bishop did ,leo the ,tenth doth1 which  
occupieth the room of our peaceable     
,solomon1 for all his desire1 all his   
intent and labour1 is for this intent7  
that they whom one common faith hath    
coupled together1 should be joined in   
one common concord4 ,he laboureth that  
the ,church of ,christ should flourish1 
not in riches or lordships1 but in her  
own proper virtues4 ,surely this is a   
right goodly act1 and well beseeming a  
man descended of such a noble lineage as
 the ,medici3 by whose civil prudence   
the noble city of ,florence most freshly
 flourished in long-continued peace2    
whose house of ,medici hath been a help 
unto all good letters4 ,leo himself1    
having alway a sober and a gentle wit1  

giving himself from his tender youth to 
good letters of humanity1 was ever      
brought up1 as it were1 in the lap of   
the ,muses1 among men most highly       
learned4 ,he so faultless led his life1 
that even in the city of ,rome1 where is
 most liberty of vice1 was of him no    
evil rumour1 and so governing himself   
came to the dignity to be bishop there1 
which dignity he never coveted1 but was 
chosen thereto when he least thought    
thereon1 by the provision of ,god to    
help to redress things in great decay by
 long wars4 ,let ,julius the bishop have
 his glory of war1 victories1 and of his
 great triumphs1 the which how evil they
 beseem a ,christian bishop1 it is not  
for such a one as ,i am to declare4 ,i  
will this say1 his glory1 whatsoever it 
be1 was mixed with the great destruction
 and grievous sorrow of many a creature4
 ,but by peace restored now to the      
world1 ,leo shall get more true glory   
than ,julius won by so many wars that he
 either boldly begun1 or prosperously   

fought and achieved4  ,but they that had
 liefer hear of proverbs1 than either of
 peace or of war1 will think that ,i    
have tarried longer about this          
digression than is meet for the         
declaration of a proverb4   ,,finis     
,,of ,,this ,,volume   ,,which ,,is     
,,edited ,,by ,,john ,w4 ,,mackail      
,,with ,,types  ,,decorations   ,,by    
,,herbert ,p4 ,,horne   ,,ccciii        
,,copies ,,were   ,,printed             
,illustration3 ,,optimum   ,,vix ,,satis
    ,,by ,d4 ,b4 ,,updike   ,,at ,,the  
,,merrymount ,,press   ,,boston         
,,massachusetts   ,,in ,,the ,,month    
,,of   ,,august   ,,mcm   ,,vii