,,the ,,making ,,of ,,the ,,new         
,,testament     ,,the ,,home            
,,university ,,library ,,of ,,modern    
,,knowledge    ,editors of ,,the ,,home 
,,university ,,library ,,of ,,modern    
,,knowledge    ,rt4 ,hon4 ,h4 ,a4 ,l4   
,fisher1 ,m4,a41 ,f4,b4,a4   ,prof4     
,gilbert ,murray1 ,litt4,d41 ,,ll4,d41  
,f4,b4,a4   ,prof4 ,j4 ,arthur ,thomson1
 ,m4,a41 ,,ll4,d4     ,for list of      
volumes in the ,library see end of book4
    ,,the ,,making ,,of ,,the ,,new     
,,testament    ,by ,,benjamin ,w4       
,,bacon ,d4,d4    ,,professor ,,of ,,new
 ,,criticism ,,and ,,exegesis ,,in      
,,yale ,,university    ,illustration    
,,thornton ,,butterworth ,,limited #ae  
,,bedford ,,street1 ,,london1 ,w4,c4#b  
,first ,impression ,september #aiab -   
,all ,rights ,reserved  ,,made ,,and    
,,printed ,,in ,,great ,,britain        
,,contents     ,,part ,i                
,,canonization ,,and ,,criticism        
,,chap4                                 
,,page        ,i ,,inspiration ,,and    

,,canonization                          
#g       ,,ii ,,the ,,reaction ,,to     
,,criticism                             
#cc       ,,part ,,ii      ,,the        
,,literature ,,of ,,the ,,apostle       
,,iii ,,paul ,,as ,,missionary ,,and    
,,defender ,,of ,,the ,,gospel ,,of     
,,grace   #ef       ,,iv ,,paul ,,as    
,,prisoner ,,and ,,church ,,father      
#hc        ,v ,,pseudo-,,apostolic      
,,epistles                              
#ajd       ,,part ,,iii      ,,the      
,,literature ,,of ,,catechist ,,and     
,,prophet       ,,vi ,,the ,,matthaean  
,,tradition ,,of ,,the ,,precepts ,,of  
,,jesus         #abh      ,,vii ,,the   
,,petrine ,,tradition4 ,,evangelic      
,,story                  #aed     ,,viii
 ,,the ,,johannine ,,tradition4         
,,prophecy                       #ahe   
,,part ,,iv     ,,the ,,literature ,,of 
,,the ,,theologian       ,,ix ,,the     
,,spiritual ,,gospel ,,and ,,epistles   
#bjf        ,x ,,epilogues ,,and        
,,conclusions                           

#bcc          ,,bibliography            
#bea          ,,index                   
#bee     ,,the ,,making ,,of ,,the ,,new
 ,,testament  ,,part ,i   ,,canonization
 ,,and ,,criticism  ,,chapter ,i        
,,inspiration ,,and ,,canonization      
,the ,new ,testament presents the       
paradox of a literature born of protest 
against the tyranny of a canon1 yet     
ultimately canonized itself through an  
increasing demand for external          
authority4 ,this paradox is full of     
significance4 ,we must examine it more  
closely4  ,the work of ,jesus was a     
consistent effort to set religion free  
from the deadening system of the        
scribes4 ,he was conscious of a direct1 
divine authority4 ,the broken lights of 
former inspiration are lost in the full 
dawn of ,god's presence to ,his soul4   
,so with ,paul4 ,the key to ,paul's     
thought is his revolt against legalism4 
,it had been part of his servitude to   
persecute the sect which claimed to know
 another ,way besides the way#a of the  

scribes4 ,these ,christians signalized  
their faith by the rite of baptism1 and 
gloried in the sense of endowment with  
the ,spirit4 ,saul was profoundly       
conscious of the yoke2 only he had not  
drammed that his own deliverance could  
come from such a quarter4 ,but contact  
with victims of the type of ,stephen1   
men filled with the ,spirit1 conscious  
of the very power from ,god for lack of 
which his soul was fainting1 could not  
but have some effect4 ,it came suddenly1
 overwhelmingly4 ,the real issue1 as    
,saul saw it1 both before and after his 
conversion1 was ,law versus ,grace4 ,in 
seeking justification by favour of      
,jesus these ,christians were opening a 
new and living way to acceptance with   
,god4 ,traitorous and apostate as the   
attempt must seem while the way of the  
,law still gave promise of success1 to  
souls sinking like ,saul's deeper and   
deeper into the despairing consciousness
 of the weakness of the flesh           
forgiveness in the name of ,jesus might 

prove to be light and life from ,god4   
,the despised sect of 'sinners' whom he 
had been persecuting expressed the      
essence of their faith in the doctrine  
that the gift of the ,spirit of ,jesus  
had made them sons and heirs of ,god4   
,if the converted ,paul in turn is      
uplifted--energized1 as he terms        
it--even beyond his fellow-,christians1 
by the sense of present inspiration1 it 
is no more than we should expect4       
,footnote #a3 ,tarik1 i4 e4 way1 is     
still the ,arabic term for a     sect1  
and the ,rabbinic term for legal        
requirement is halacha1 i4     e4 walk4 
,paul's conversion to the new faith--or 
at least his persistent satisfaction in 
it--will be inexplicable unless we      
appreciate the logic of his recognition 
in it of an inherent opposition to the  
growing demands of legalism4 ,jesus had1
 in truth1 led a revolt against mere    
book-religion4 ,his chief opponents were
 the scribes1 the devotees and exponents
 of a sacred scripture1 the ,law4 ,law  

and ,prophets1 the one prescribing the  
conditions of the expected              
transcendental ,kingdom1 the other      
illustrating their application and      
guaranteeing their promise1 constituted 
the canon of the synagogue4 ,judaism had
 become a religion of written authority4
 ,jesus set over against this a direct  
relation to the living ,father in       
heaven1 ever presently revealed to the  
filial spirit4 ,the ,sermon on the      
,mount makes the doing of this ,father's
 will something quite other than        
servitude to written precepts           
interpreted by official authority and   
imposed under penalty4 ,it is to be     
self-discipline in the ,father's spirit 
of disinterested goodness1 as revealed  
in everyday experience4  ,even the      
reward of this self-discipline1 the     
,kingdom1 ,jesus did not conceive quite 
as the scribes4 ,to them obedience in   
this world procured a share in the world
 to come4 ,to ,him the reward was more a
 matter of being than of getting4 ,the  

,kingdom was an heir-apparency2 and1    
therefore1 present as well as future4   
,it was within and among men as well as 
before them4 ,they should seek to be    
sons and daughters of the ,highest1     
taking for granted that all other good  
things would be added4 ,so ,jesus made  
religion live again4 ,it became         
spiritual1 inward1 personal1 actual4    
,after ,john the ,baptist's ministry to 
what we should call the 'unchurched'    
masses1 ,jesus took up their cause4 ,he 
became the friend and champion of the   
little ones1 the publicans and sinners1 
the mixed 'people of the land' in       
populous1 half-heathen1 ,galilee4 ,the  
burdens imposed by the scribes in the   
name of ',scripture' were accepted with 
alacrity by the typical ,pharisee       
unaffected by ,pauline misgivings of    
'moral inability4' ,to fulfil all       
righteousness was to the ,pharisee      
untainted by ,hellenism a pride and     
delight4 ,to the lost sheep of ,israel  
whom ,jesus addressed1 remote from      

temple and synagogue1 this righteousness
 had proved 7equally as to ,paul1 though
 on very different grounds7 a yoke which
 neither we nor our fathers were able to
 bear4 ,jesus had compassion on the     
multitude4 ,to them he spoke with       
authority2 and yet not as the scribes   
but as a prophet4 ,when challenged by   
the scribes for his authority he        
referred to the baptism of ,john1 and   
asked whether ,john's commission was    
from heaven1 or of men4 ,they admitted  
that ,john was a prophet4 ,those who    
give utterance after this manner to the 
simple1 sincere conviction of the soul1 
voicing its instinctive aspiration      
toward the things that be of ,god1 are  
conscious that they speak not of        
themselves4  ,jesus1 it is true1 was no 
iconoclast4 ,he took pains to make clear
 that if he superseded what they of old 
time had taught as righteousness1 it was
 in the interest of a higher1 a         
righteousness of ,god4 ,if he           
disregarded fasts and sabbaths1 it was  

to put substance for form1 end for      
means4 ,judgment1 mercy1 and good faith 
should count more than tithes from mint 
and anise and cummin4 ,he echoed what   
,john the ,baptist had taught of        
repentance and forgiveness4 ,hope should
 no longer be based on birth1 or        
prerogative1 or ritual form1 but on the 
mercy of a ,god who demands that we     
forgive if we would be forgiven4 ,such  
had been1 however1 the message not of   
,john only1 but of all the prophets     
before him3 ,i will have mercy1 and not 
sacrifice4 ,jesus taught this higher1   
inward1 righteousness2 but not merely as
 ,john had done4 ,john had said3        
,repent1 for the wrath of ,god is at    
hand4 ,jesus said3 ,repent1 for the     
forgiveness of ,god is open4 ,the       
,father's heart yearns over the wayward 
sons4 ,jesus preached the nearness of   
the ,kingdom as glad tidings to the     
poor2 and among these poor were included
 even aliens who put faith in the ,god  
of ,abraham4  ,the new ,way started from

 the same ,scripture as that of the     
scribes1 but it tended in an opposite   
direction4 ,theirs had been gradually   
developing in definiteness and authority
 since the time of ,ezra2 yes1 since    
,josiah had made formal covenant1 after 
the discovery of the book of the ,law in
 the temple1 pledging himself and his   
people to obedience4 ,as with many      
ancient peoples1 the codification of the
 ancient law had been followed by its   
canonization1 and as the national life  
had waned the religious significance of 
the ,law had increased4 ,it was now     
declared to express the complete will of
 ,god1 for an ideal people of ,god1 in a
 renovated universe1 whose centre was to
 be a new and glorified ,jerusalem4 ,the
 ,exile interrupted for a time the      
process of formal development2 but in   
the ecclesiastical reconstruction which 
followed in ,ezra's time the book of the
 ,law had become all the more supreme2  
the scribe took the place of the civil  
officer1 the synagogue became local     

sanctuary and court-house in one1 the   
nation became a church1 ,israel became  
'the people of the book4'  ,legal       
requirement calls for the incentive of  
reward4 ,we need not wonder1 then1 that 
the canon of the ,law was soon          
supplemented by that of the writings of 
the ,prophets1 historical and hortatory4
 ,the former were considered to         
interpret the ,law by showing its       
application in practice1 the latter were
 valued for their predictive element4   
,law and ,prophets were supplemented by 
,psalms1 and elements from the later    
literature having application to the    
religious system4 ,the most influential 
were the apocalypses1 or revelations of 
the transcendental ,kingdom and of the  
conditions and mode of its coming4      
,scripture had thus become an embodiment
 of ,israel's religion4 ,it set forth   
the national law1 civil1 criminal1 or   
religious2 and the national hope1 the   
,kingdom of ,god4 ,its custodian and    
interpreter was the 'scribe1' lawyer and

 cleric in one4 ,the scribe held the key
 of knowledge2 to him it was given to   
'bind and loose1' 'open and shut4' ,any 
preacher who presumed to prescribe a    
righteousness apart from 'the yoke of   
the ,law1' or to promise forgiveness of 
sins on other authority1 must reckon    
with the scribes4 ,he would be regarded 
as seeking to 'take the ,kingdom by     
violence4'  ,jesus' martyrdom was       
effected through the priests1 the temple
 authorities2 but at the instigation of 
the scribes and ,pharisees4 ,his        
adherents were soon after driven out    
from orthodox ,judaism and subjected to 
persecution4 ,this persecution1 however1
 soon found its natural leadership1 not 
among the ,sadducean temple-priesthood1 
but among the devotees of the ,law4 ,it 
was in the synagogues4 ,from having been
 quasi-political it became distinctly   
religious4 ,this persecution by the     
,pharisees is on the whole less         
surprising than the fact that so many of
 the ,jewish believers should have      

continued to regard themselves as       
consistent ,pharisees1 and even been so 
regarded by their fellow-,jews4 ,in     
reality ,jewish ,christians as a rule   
could see no incompatibility between    
average synagogue religion and their    
acceptance of ,jesus as the man         
supernaturally attested in the          
resurrection as destined to return      
bringing the glory of the ,kingdom4     
,jesus' idea of 'righteousness' did not 
seem to them irreconcilable with the    
legalism of the scribes2 still less had 
they felt the subtle difference between 
his promise ,ye shall be sons and       
daughters of the ,highest and the       
apocalyptic dreams which they shared    
with their fellow-,jews4 ,saul the      
persecutor and ,paul the apostle were   
more logical4 ,in ,gal4 ii4 #ae-ba we   
have ,paul's own statement of the       
essential issue as it still appeared to 
his clear mind4 ,average synagogue      
religion still left room for a more     
fatherly relation of ,god to the        

individual1 in spite of the gradual     
encroachment of the legalistic system of
 the scribes4 ,men not sensitive to     
inconsistency could find room within the
 synagogue for the 'paternal theism' of 
,jesus1 even if this must more and more 
be placed under the head of             
'uncovenanted mercies4' ,to ,paul1      
however1 the dilemma is absolute4 ,one  
must trust either to law or grace4      
,partial reliance on the one is to just 
that extent negation of faith in the    
other4 ,the system of written precept   
permits no exception1 tolerates no      
divided allegiance4 ,if the canon of    
written law be the ,god-given condition 
of the messianic promise1 then no man   
can aspire to share in the hope of      
,israel who does not submit unreservedly
 to its yoke4 ,conversely1 faith is not 
faith if one seek to supplement it by   
the merit of works of law4  ,from this  
point of view the ,jew who seeks        
forgiveness of sins by baptism into the 
name of ,jesus must be considered an    

apostate from the ,law4 ,he acknowledges
 thereby that he is following another   
,way1 a way of grace1 a short-cut1 as it
 were1 to a share in ,israel's messianic
 inheritance by the favour of a         
pretended ,messiah4 ,the same ,paul who 
after his conversion maintains 7,gal4   
ii4 #ba7 that to seek justification     
through the ,law makes the grace of ,god
 of none effect1 must conversely have   
held before conversion that to seek it  
by grace of ,jesus made the ,law of none
 effect4 ,even at the time of writing   
the axiom still held3 ,no resistance to 
the yoke of the ,law1 no persecution    
7,gal4 v4 #aa74  ,it is true1 then1 that
 the legalistic system of prescription  
and reward had developed--could         
develop--only at the expense of the less
 mechanical1 more fatherly1 religion of 
a ,hosea or an ,isaiah4 ,even scribes   
had admitted that the law of love was   
much more than all whole burnt-offering 
and sacrifice4 ,and the movement of the 
,baptist and of ,jesus had really been  

of the nature of a reaction toward this 
older1 simpler faith4 ,the sudden revolt
 in ,paul's own mind against the scribal
 system might not have occurred in the  
mind of a ,pharisee unfamiliar with     
,greek ideas4 ,but to some extent       
,paul's experience of the conflict of   
flesh and spirit1 a 'moral inability' to
 meet the ,law's demands was a typical  
,christian experience1 as ,paul felt it 
to be4 ,to him it became the basis of an
 independent gospel4 ,to him the ,cross 
and the ,spirit imparted from the risen 
,messiah were tokens from ,god that the 
dispensation of ,law is ended and a     
dispensation of ,grace and ,son ship    
begun4 ,without this ,pauline gospel    
about ,jesus ,christianity could never  
have become more than a sect of reformed
 ,judaism4  ,the teaching and martyrdom 
of ,jesus had thus served to bring out a
 deep and real antithesis4 ,only1 men   
who had not passed like ,paul from the  
extreme of trust in legalism to a       
corresponding extremity of despair might

 be pardoned for some insensibility to  
this inconsistency4 ,we can appreciate  
that ,james and ,peter might honestly   
hold themselves still under obligation  
of the written law1 even while we admit 
,paul's logic that any man who had once 
sought to be justified in ,christ could 
not turn back in any degree to legal    
observance without being self-condemned4
  ,christianity may be said to have     
attained self-consciousness as a new    
religion in the great argument directed 
by ,paul along the lines of his own     
gospel against ,peter and the older     
apostles4 ,its victory as a universal   
religion of 'grace' over the limitations
 of ,judaism was due to the common      
doctrine of 'the ,spirit4' ,this was the
 one point of agreement1 the one hope of
 ultimate concord among the contending  
parties4 ,all were agreed that endowment
 with 'the ,spirit' marks the           
,christian4 ,it was in truth the great  
inheritance from ,jesus shared by all in
 common4 ,and ,peter and ,james admitted

 that to deny that uncircumcized        
,gentiles had received the ,spirit was  
to contend against ,god4  ,after ,paul's
 death ecclesiastical development took  
mostly the road of the synagogue4 ,the  
sense of the presence and authority of  
'the ,spirit' grew weaker1 the authority
 of the letter stronger4 ,from the      
outset even the ,pauline churches1 in   
ritual1 order1 observance1 had followed 
instinctively this pattern4 ,all        
continued1 as a matter of course1 to use
 the synagogue's sacred writings4 ,paul 
himself1 spite of his protest against   
the letter1 could make no headway       
against his opponents1 save by argument 
from ',scripture4' ,he had found in it  
anticipations and predictions of his own
 ,christian faith2 but by an exegesis   
often only little less forced and       
fantastic than that of the rabbinic     
schools in which he had been trained4   
,this was a necessity of the times4 ,the
 reasoning1 fallacious as it seems      
to-day1 had appealed to and strengthened

 ,paul's own faith1 and was probably    
effective with others1 even if the faith
 really rested on other grounds than the
 reasoning by which it was defended4    
,the results of this biblicism were not 
all salutary4 ,the claims of written    
authority were loosened rather than     
broken4 ,paul himself had found room    
enough within these defences for the    
religion of the ,spirit2 but a          
generation was coming with less of the  
sense of present inspiration4           
,dependence on past authority would be  
increased in this new generation in     
direct proportion to its sense of the   
superior 'inspiration' of the generation
 which had gone before4 ,paul is        
unhampered by even the scriptures of the
 prophets because in his view these take
 all their authority and meaning from   
the ,lord1 the ,spirit4 ,hence where the
 ,spirit of the ,lord is1 there is      
liberty4 ,only the remembered word of   
the ,lord has authority for ,paul beyond
 his own1 even when he thinks that he   

also has the ,spirit4 ,with that        
exception past revelation is for ,paul  
subordinate to present4 ,but ,paul's    
immediate disciple1 the author of       
,hebrews1 is already on a lower plane4  
,this writer looks back to a threefold  
source of authority3 ,god had spoken in 
former ages by the prophets and to the  
present by a ,son1 but he looks also to 
an apostolic authority higher than his  
own3 ,the word was confirmed unto us by 
them that heard1 ,god also bearing      
witness with them1 both by signs and    
wonders1 and by manifold powers1 and by 
gifts of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,similarly   
the author of the ,pastoral ,epistles   
7#ij-ajj87 holds the pattern of sound   
words heard from ,paul as a sacred      
deposit1 which is guarded1 rather than  
revealed1 by the ,holy ,spirit4 ,the    
sound words in question are defined to  
be the words of our ,lord ,jesus        
,christ4 ,these1 taken together with the
 doctrine which is according to         
godliness1 fix the standard of          

orthodoxy4 ,to ,jude 7#ajj-aaj87 the    
faith is something once for all         
delivered to the saints4 ,his message   
is3 ,remember1 beloved1 the words spoken
 before by the apostles of our ,lord    
,jesus ,christ4 ,authority increases1   
the sense of the revealing ,spirit      
decreases4  ,it is long before the sense
 of present inspiration1 both in word   
and work is lost2 still longer before   
the recorded precepts of ,jesus1 the    
exhortations and directions of apostles1
 the visions of prophets1 come to take  
their place alongside the ,bible of the 
synagogue as writings of the new        
covenant4 ,melito of ,sardis 7c4 #agj7  
is the first to use this expression1 and
 even in his case it does not bear the  
sense of a canon with definite limits4  
,tertullian 7#bjj-baj7 is the first to  
place a definite ,new ,testament over   
against the ,old4 ,we must glance at    
some of the intermediate steps to       
appreciate this gradual process of      
canonization4  ,at first there is no    

other ',scripture' than the synagogue's4
 ,clement of ,rome 7#ie7 still uses only
 the ,law and the ,prophets 7including  
certain apocrypha now lost7 as his      
,bible4 ,he refers to the precepts of   
,jesus 7quoted as in ,acts ,,xx4 #ce    
from oral tradition71 with the same     
sense as ,paul of their paramount       
authority1 and bids the ,corinthians    
whom he addresses give heed to what the 
blessed ,apostle ,paul had written to   
them in the beginning of the gospel     
service1 to warn them against           
factiousness4 ,nor has ,clement yet lost
 the sense of direct inspiration2 for he
 attaches to his own epistle1 written in
 behalf of the church at ,rome1 the same
 superhuman authority claimed in ,acts  
,,xv4 #bh for the letter sent by the    
church at ,jerusalem4 ,if the           
,corinthians disregard the words spoken 
by ,god through us they will incur no   
slight transgression and danger1 for    
these warnings of a sister church are   
uttered in the name and by inspiration  

of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,still1 ,clement   
does not dream of comparing his         
authority1 even when he writes as agent 
of the church1 with that of the oracles 
of the teaching of ,god1 the sacred     
,scriptures1 the ,scriptures which are  
true1 which were given through the ,holy
 ,ghost1 wherein is written nothing     
unrighteous or counterfeit4 ,he does not
 even rank his own authority with that  
of the good apostles1 ,peter and ,paul4 
,ignatius1 bishop of ,antioch1          
transported to ,rome for martyrdom in   
#aaj-aag1 employs a brief stay among the
 churches of ,asia to exhort them to    
resist the encroachments of heresy by   
consolidation of church organization1   
discipline1 strict obedience to the     
bishop4 ,ignatius1 too1 still feels the 
afflatus4 ,his message1 he declares with
 emphasis1 was revealed to him1 together
 with the occasion for it1 directly from
 heaven4 ,it was the voice of ,god and  
not only of a man when he cried out     
among the ,philadelphians3 ,give heed to

 the bishop1 and the presbytery and     
deacons4 ,yet ,ignatius cannot enjoin   
the ,romans as ,peter and ,paul did4    
,they were apostles4 ,he is a convict4  
,his inspiration1 however undoubted1 is 
of a lower order4  ,hermas1 a 'prophet' 
of the same ,roman church as ,clement1  
though a generation later1 is still so  
conscious of the superhuman character of
 his ,visions1 ,parables1 and ,mandates 
that he gives them out for circulation  
as inspired messages of the ,spirit2 and
 this not for ,rome alone4 ,clement1    
then apparently still living1 and the   
one to whom this duty is committed1 is  
to send them to foreign cities4 ,in     
point of fact the ,shepherd of ,hermas  
long held a place for many churches as  
part of the ,new ,testament canon4 ,yet 
less than a generation after ,hermas1   
the claim to exercise the gift of       
prophecy in the church was looked upon  
as dangerous if not heretical4  ,in the 
nature of the case it was really        
impossible that the original sense of   

endowment with the ,spirit should       
survive4 ,not only did the rapidly      
growing reverence for the apostles and  
the ,lord open a chasm separating the   
word of wisdom and the word of power    
given to that age1 from the slighter    
contemporary claims of miracle and      
revelation2 the very growth and wide    
dissemination of the gospel message made
 standardization imperative4 ,before the
 middle of the second century ,gnostic  
schism had swept nearly half the church 
into the vortex of speculative heresy4  
,marcion at ,rome 7c4 #adj7 carried     
,pauline anti-legalism to the extreme of
 an entire rejection of the ,old        
,testament4 ,judaism and all its works  
and ways were to be repudiated4 ,the    
very ,god of ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and      
,jacob was declared other than1 and     
ignorant of1 the heavenly ,father of    
,jesus4 ,against such vagaries there    
must be some historic standard4 ,even   
,marcion himself looked to the past1    
however recent1 as the source of light1 

and since some written standard must be 
found1 it was he1 the heretic1 who gave 
to ,christianity its first canon of     
,christian writings4 ,the ,marcionite   
churches did away with the public       
reading of the ,law and the ,prophets1  
and could only put in their place       
,gospel and ,apostle4 ,not that         
,epistles1 ,gospels1 and even           
',revelations' were not also in use     
among the orthodox2 but they are not yet
 referred to as ',scripture4' ,even     
gospels are treated merely as aids to   
the memory in transmitting the teaching 
of the ,lord4 ,this teaching itself is  
but the authoritative interpretation of 
,law and ,prophets1 and is in turn      
interpreted by the writings of the      
apostles4  ,marcion's ',gospel'         
consisted of our ,luke1 expurgated      
according to his own ideas4 ,his        
',apostle' contained the ,epistles of   
,paul minus the ,pastoral ,epistles and 
a series of passages cancelled out from 
the rest as ,jewish interpolations4     

,this was the first ,christian ,bible   
distinct from 'the ,scriptures' of the  
synagogue4  ,indirectly the growth of   
,gnostic heresy contributed still more  
to the increasing authority of apostolic
 and quasi-apostolic writings4 ,one of  
its earliest and most obnoxious forms   
was called ',doketism1' from its        
exaggeration of ,paulinism into a       
complete repudiation of the historic    
,jesus1 whose earthly career was        
stigmatized as mere 'phantasm'          
7dokesis74 ,doketism is known to us not 
only through description by orthodox    
opponents1 but by a few writings of its 
own4 ,it is the type of heresy          
antagonized in the ,johannine ,epistles 
7c4 #ajj7 and in those of ,ignatius     
7#aaj-aag74 ,now ,ignatius1 as we have  
seen1 relied mainly on church           
organization and discipline4 ,the       
,pastoral ,epistles 7#ij-ajj71 while    
they emphasize also the form of         
healthful words1 even the words of our  
,lord ,jesus take1 on the whole1 a      

similar direction4 ,but #ast ,john1     
which relies far less than the ,pastoral
 ,epistles or ,ignatius on mere church  
organization1 is also driven back upon  
the life and teaching of ,jesus as the  
historic standard4 ,it does1 therefore1 
make formal appeal to the sacred        
tradition in both its elements1 but with
 a difference characteristic of the     
,pauline spirit4 ,the redeeming life and
 death of ,jesus are viewed as a        
manifestation of the life1 even the     
eternal life 7of the ,logos7 which was  
with the ,father and was manifested unto
 us 7the historic body of believers74   
,again ,jesus' one new commandment1 the 
law of love1 is the epitome of all      
righteousness4  ,in his doctrine of     
,scripture as in many other respects the
 ,johannine writer shows a breadth and  
catholicity of mind which almost        
anticipates the development of later    
ages4 ,his task was in fact the         
adjustment of the developed ,pauline    
gospel to a type of ,christianity more  

nearly akin to synagogue tradition4     
,this type had grown up under the name  
of ,peter4 ,on the question of the      
standard of written authority ',john'#b 
leaves room for the freedom of the      
,spirit so splendidly set forth in the  
teaching and example of ,jesus and      
,paul1 while he resists the erratic     
licence of those that would lead you    
astray4 ,the result is a doctrine of    
historic authority in general1 and of   
that of the ,scriptures in particular1  
sharply differentiated from the ,jewish1
 and deserving in every respect to be   
treated as the basis of the ,christian4 
,in a great chapter of his ,gospel      
7,john v471 wherein ,jesus debates with 
the scribes the question of ,his own    
authority1 the dialogue closes with a   
denunciation of them because they search
 the ,scriptures with the idea that in  
them they have eternal life1 that is1   
they treat them as a code of precepts1  
obedience to which will be thus         
rewarded4 ,on the contrary1 says ,jesus1

 the ,scriptures only bear witness to   
the life that is present in ,himself as 
the incarnate1 eternal1 ,word2 but ye   
will not come unto me that ye might have
 life4      ,footnote #b3 ,in using     
traditional names and titles such as    
,luke1     ,john1 ,matthew1 ,james1 no  
assumption is made as to                
authenticity4 ,the designation is       
employed for convenience                
irrespective of its critical accuracy or
 inaccuracy4  ,in seeking the life      
behind the literature as the real       
revelation1 the ,johannine writer makes 
the essential distinction between       
,jewish and ,christian doctrine4 ,he    
stands between ,paul1 whose peculiar    
view was based on an exceptional        
personal experience1 and the modern     
investigator1 who can but treat all     
literary monuments and records of       
religious movements objectively1 as data
 for the history and psychology of      
religion4 ,if the student be devoutly   
minded the ,scriptures will be to him1  

too1 however conditioned by the         
idiosyncrasies of temporal environment  
and individual character1 manifestations
 of the life1 even the eternal life1    
which was with the ,father and was      
manifested unto us4  ,but the ,johannine
 writer was far deeper and more         
'spiritual'#c than the trend of his age4
 ,ignatius' friend and contemporary1    
,polycarp1 the father of the ,christians
 of ,asia1 in his ,epistle to the       
,philippians 7#aaj-aag7 urges avoidance 
of the false teachers who pervert the   
sayings of the ,lord to their own lusts1
 denying the 7bodily7 resurrection and  
judgment4 ,but he has no better remedy  
than to turn 7probably in a somewhat    
mechanical way7 to the tradition handed 
down from the beginning and to study the
 ,epistles of ,paul4 ,the former process
 is in full application in ,polycarp's  
later colleague1 ,papias of ,hierapolis 
7c4 #ade871 who publishes a little      
volume entitled ,interpretation of the  
,sayings of the ,lord4 ,it is based on  

carefully authenticated traditions of   
the 'apostles and elders1' especially a 
certain contemporary ,elder ,john who   
speaks for the ,jerusalem succession4   
,according to ,papias our two ,greek    
,gospels of ,matthew and ,mark represent
 two apostolic sources1 the one an      
,aramaic compilation of the ,precepts of
 ,jesus by ,matthew1 the other anecdotes
 of his sayings and doings collated from
 the preaching of ,peter4      ,footnote
 #c3 ,the ,fourth ,gospel is thus       
characterized by ,clement of            
,alexandria1 meaning that it had a deep 
symbolic sense4  ,grateful as we must be
 for ,papias' efforts to authenticate   
evangelic tradition1 since they are     
corroborated in their main results by   
all other ancient tradition as well as  
by critical study of the documents1 it  
is noticeable how they stand in line    
with the tendencies of the age4         
,eusebius 7#cbe7 characterizes the reign
 of ,trajan 7#ih-aag7 as a period when  
many undertook to disseminate in writing

 the divine ,gospels4 ,one of our own   
evangelists1 whose work must probably be
 referred to the beginning of this      
period1 but is not mentioned by 'the    
,elder1' alludes to the same phenomenon4
 ,the apostles were gone4 ,hence to     
,luke#d the question of order was a     
perplexity1 as the ,elder observes that 
it had already been to ,mark4 ,soon     
after ,luke and ,papias comes ,basilides
 with his ,exegetics1 probably based on 
,luke 7#abj871 and ,marcion 7#adj71 both
 engaged from their own point of view   
with the current questions of ,jesus'   
teaching and ministry4      ,footnote   
#d3 ,see ,footnote #c above4  ,thus1 at 
the beginning of the second century1 the
 elements necessary to the formation of 
a ,new ,testament canon were all at     
hand4 ,they included the tradition of   
the teaching and work of ,jesus1 the    
letters of apostles and church leaders  
revered as given by authority of the    
,spirit and the visions and revelations 
of 'prophets4' ,not only the elements   

were present1 the irresistible pressure 
of the times was certain to force them  
into crystallization4 ,the wonder is not
 that the canon should have been formed1
 but that it should have been delayed so
 long4  ,for there were also resistant  
factors4 ,phrygia1 the scene of ,paul's 
first great missionary conquests1 the   
immemorial home of religious enthusiasm1
 became the seat1 about the middle of   
the second century1 of a movement of    
protest against the church policy of    
consolidation and standardization4      
,montanus arose to maintain the         
persistence in the church of the gift of
 prophecy1 tracing the succession in    
both the male and female line back to   
,silas the companion of ,paul and the   
prophesying daughters of ,philip the    
,evangelist4 ,the ',phrygians1' as they 
were called1 naturally made much of the 
writings current in ,asia ,minor1       
especially the book of 'prophecy'       
attributed to ',john4' ,theoretically   
indeed the church was unwilling to      

acknowledge the disappearance of this   
gift4 ,to ,hermas 7#acj-adj7 and the    
,teaching of the ,twelve 7#abj-acj7 it  
is still a sin against the ,spirit to   
interrupt or oppose a prophet during his
 ecstatic utterance4 ,on the other hand1
 the ,teaching reiterates the apostolic 
warnings to try the spirits1 with       
prohibitions of specific excesses of the
 order4 ,moreover by the time of        
,montanus and the ',phrygians'          
theoretical recognition of revelation   
through the prophets was rapidly giving 
way before the practical dangers        
inseparable from 'revelations' of this  
enthusiastic character1 of which any    
member of the church1 man or woman1     
ignorant or learned1 lay or cleric1     
might be the recipient4 ,the strict     
regulative control imposed by both ,paul
 and ,john#e upon this type of spiritual
 gift 7#ast ,thess4 v4 #bj f42 #ast     
,cor4 xii4 #c2 xv4 #bi f4 #cb2 cf4 #ast 
,john iv4 #a7 was found to be doubly    
necessary in face of the disintegrating 

tendencies of the post-apostolic age1   
and after long debate and much protest  
the movement of ,montanus was at last   
decreed heretical at ,rome1 though      
,irenaeus 7#ahf7 interceded for it1 and 
,tertullian 7#baj7 became a convert4    
,footnote #e3 ,see ,footnote #c above4  
,the history of this movement in the    
formative period of the ,new ,testament 
canon explains why the revelations of   
the prophets obtained but scant         
recognition as compared with the word of
 the ,lord and the commandment of the   
apostles4 ,last of the three1 in order  
of rank 7#ast ,cor4 xii4 #bh2 ,eph4 iv4 
#aa71 last also to be codified in       
written form1 we need not be surprised  
that our present ,new ,testament retains
 but a single one of the once current   
books of 'prophecy4' ,for a time the    
,shepherd of ,hermas and the ,apocalypse
 of ,peter rivalled the claims to       
canonicity of our own ,revelation of    
,john1 but were soon dropped4 ,our own  
,apocalypse has suffered more opposition

 than any other ,new ,testament writing1
 being still excluded from the canon in 
some branches of the church4 ,its       
precarious place at the end of the canon
 which we moderns have inherited from   
,athanasius 7ob4 #cgc7 was due1 in fact1
 far less to its author's vigorous      
assertions of authority as an inspired  
prophet 7i4 #a-c2 xxii4 #f-i1 #ah f47   
than to the claims to apostolicity put  
forward in the preface and appendix4    
,for until the third century no one     
drammed of understanding the ,john of   
,rev4 i4 #d1 #i and xxii4 #h otherwise  
than as the ,apostle4 ,eusebius         
accordingly 7#cbe7 is uncertain only as 
to whether the book should be classed in
 his first group of accepted writings1  
along with the ,gospels and ,pauline    
,epistles1 or in the third as spurious4 
,if written by some other ,john than the
 ,apostle he would not even honour it   
with a place in his second group of     
disputed books1 along with ,hebrews1    
,james1 ,jude1 and #bnd ,peter4  ,thus  

at the end of the second century1 while 
there was still much dispute 7destined  
indeed to continue for centuries7 as to 
the limits of the ,new ,testament canon1
 there had in fact come to be a real    
canonical ,new ,testament set over      
against the ,old1 as of equal1 or even  
greater authority4 ,the word of the     
,lord1 the commandment of the apostles1 
and at last even the revelations of the 
prophets1 had successively ceased as    
living realities1 and become            
crystallized into written form4 ,they   
had been codified and canonized4 ,the   
church had travelled the beaten track of
 the synagogue1 and all the more rapidly
 from the example set before it4 ,none  
of the early canons 7i4 e4 lists of     
writings permitted to be read in the    
churches7 coincides exactly1 it is true1
 with the ,new ,testament current among 
ourselves4 ,the list of ,athanasius is  
the first to give just our books4 ,the  
,roman list of the ,muratorian fragment 
7#ahe-bjj7 omits ,hebrews1 ,james and   

#bnd ,peter1 and gives at least a       
partial sanction to the ,apocalypse of  
,peter4 ,the lists of ,origen 7ob4 #bea7
 and ,eusebius 7#cbe7 vary as respects  
both inclusion and exclusion4 ,all early
 authorities express a doubtful judgment
 regarding the outer fringe of minor    
writings such as ,james1 ,jude1 #bnd    
,peter1 #bnd and #crd ,john4 ,even those
 of larger content1 such as ,hebrews and
 ,revelation1 if their apostolicity was 
questioned1 remained subjects of        
dispute4 ,but already by ,a4,d4 #bjj the
 time had long since passed when any of 
the thirteen epistles bearing the name  
of ,paul could be deemed open to        
question4 ,marcion's exclusion of the   
three ,pastorals had been forgotten4    
,dispute of the four-gospel canon could 
still be tolerated2 but not for long4   
,irenaeus 7#ahf7 has no patience with   
those wretched men who cannot see that  
in the nature of the case there should  
be neither more nor less than this      
number4 ,but he explicitly refers to    

those who disputed that aspect of the   
gospel which is called ,john's4 ,there  
were1 in fact1 opponents of ,montanism  
at ,rome1 who under the lead of ,gaius  
had denied the authenticity of all the  
writings attributed to ,john1 including 
the ,gospel itself4 ,but even those of  
the orthodox who were willing enough to 
reject ,revelation1 with its now        
unfashionable eschatology1 agreed that  
,gaius' attack upon the fourth ,gospel  
was too radical4 ,the small body who    
continued for a few generations to      
resist the inclusion of any of the      
,johannine writings in the canon        
remained without influence1 and were    
ultimately forgotten4 ,the 'catholic'#f 
church had repudiated heresy1           
standardized the faith1 and confined its
 recognized historic expression to a    
'canon' of ,new ,testament ,scripture4  
,footnote #f3 ,catholic is here used in 
its etymological sense of     general or
 universal4 ,we shall have occasion to  
apply the term in     a more limited    

sense hereafter4     ,,chapter ,,ii     
,,the ,,reaction ,,to ,,criticism   ,the
 consolidated 'catholic' church of the  
third century might seem1 so far as its 
doctrine of ,scripture was concerned1 to
 have retraced its steps to a standpoint
 corresponding completely to that of the
 synagogue4 ,only1 the paradox still    
held that the very writings canonized   
were those supremely adapted to evoke a 
spirit of resistance to the despotism of
 either priest or scribe4 ,the          
,protestant ,reformation was a revolt   
against the former1 and it is noticeable
 how large a part was played by the ,new
 ,testament doctrine of the ',spirit' in
 this struggle of spiritual democracy   
against hierocratic tyranny4 ,paul's    
,epistle to the ,galatians became       
,luther's ,palladium4  ,but the         
post-,reformation dogmatists took fright
 at their own freedom4 ,the prediction  
of the ,romanists that repudiation of   
traditional authority in its            
ecclesiastical embodiment would result  

in internecine schism and conflict      
seemed on the point of being realized4  
,the theological system-makers1 like    
their predecessors of the post-apostolic
 age1 could see no way out but to throw 
all their weight on a past inspiration  
assumed to be without error4 ,the       
canonical books were declared to furnish
 an infallible rule of faith and        
practice4  ,it was in the sincere desire
 to meet the requirements of this theory
 that the science of criticism grew up4 
,in the earlier days it did not venture 
for the most part beyond what is known  
as 'textual' criticism4 ,for a doctrine 
of inerrancy is manifestly unserviceable
 until errors of transmission have been 
eliminated4 ,textual criticism set      
itself to this task1 asking the         
question3 ,as between the various       
readings found in different ,new        
,testament manuscripts1 which is        
original8 ,unfortunately1 to meet the   
logical requirement the critic1 if not  
backed like those of ,rome by a papal   

guarantee1 must himself be infallible4  
,the inevitable result of this attempt1 
begun in the sincerest spirit of        
apologetics1 was to prove that an       
infallible text is hopelessly           
unattainable4 ,textual criticism is     
indispensable2 but as the servant of    
apologetics it is foredoomed to failure4
  ,the variation of the manuscripts was 
not the only obstacle to biblical       
infallibility4 ,to say nothing of       
differences of interpretation there was 
the question of the canon4 ,either the  
decision of the 'catholic' church must  
be accepted as infallible1 or           
scholarship must undertake a 'criticism 
of the canon' to defend the current list
 of inspired books4 ,a 'higher'         
criticism became necessary if only to   
vindicate the church's choice on        
historical grounds4 ,roman ,catholics   
like ,simon1 whose ,critical ,history of
 the ,biblical books appeared in        
#afhi-afie1 could reopen the question   
with impunity4 ,those who based their   

authority on the infallibility of       
,scripture alone could not meet the     
challenge otherwise than as ,michaelis  
did in his ,introduction to the ,divine 
,writings of the ,new ,testament        
7#agej-aghj74 ,michaelis undertook a    
historical inquiry into the             
circumstances of origin of each of the  
canonical books1 with the object of     
proving each to be in reality what      
tradition declared4 ,the twenty-seven   
commonly accepted were supposed to have 
been either written by apostles1 or at  
least so super-intended and guaranteed  
by them1 as to cover all with the aegis 
of an infallibility not conceded to the 
post-apostolic age4 ,scholarship in the 
harness of apologetics again found its  
task impracticable4 ,michaelis himself  
confessed it difficult to prove         
authenticity in cases like that of the  
,epistle of ,jude4 ,conceive the task as
 the scientific vindication of a verdict
 rendered centuries before on unknown   
grounds1 but now deprived of official   

authority1 and it becomes inevitably    
hopeless4 ,can it be expected that      
doctors will not disagree on the        
authenticity or pseudonymity of #bnd    
,peter1 who always have disagreed on    
this and similar questions1 and have    
just admitted failure to agree in the   
matter of text8  ,for half a century    
criticism seemed lost in the slough of  
mere controversy over the 7assumed7     
infallible text1 and the 7assumed7      
infallible canon4 ,apologists fought    
merely on the defensive1 endeavouring to
 prove that men whose fallibility was   
admitted had nevertheless pronounced an 
infallible verdict on the most difficult
 subjects of literary and historical    
inquiry4 ,critics had an easy task in   
showing that the church's theory of     
inspiration and canonicity was          
incorrect2 but made no progress toward a
 constructive explanation of the        
religious1 or even the historical1      
significance of the literature4 ,real   
progress was made only when criticism   

left off the attempt either to establish
 or disestablish a 'received' text1 or  
an 'authorized' canon1 and became simply
 an instrument in the hand of the       
historian1 as he seeks to trace to their
 origins the ideas the church enshrined 
in her literature because she found them
 effective in her growth4  ,for the     
great awakening in which ,new ,testament
 criticism 'found itself' as a genuine  
and indispensable branch of the history 
of religion1 we are largely indebted to 
the eminent church historian1 ,ferdinand
 ,christian ,baur 7ob4 #ahfj74 ,baur    
gathered up the fragmentary results of a
 generation of mere negation1 a war of  
independence against the tyranny of     
dogmatic tradition1 and sought to place 
the ,new ,testament writings in their   
true setting of primitive church        
history4 ,his particular views have been
 superseded4 ,subsequent study has      
disproved many of his inferences1 and   
brought from friend and foe far-reaching
 modifications to his general theory4   

,but1 consciously or not1 ,baur1 in     
making criticism the hand-maid of       
history1 was working in the interest of 
that constructive1 ,christian1 doctrine 
of inspired ,scripture which an ancient 
and nameless teacher of the church had  
described as witness to the ,life1 even 
the eternal life1 which was with the    
,father1 and is in man1 and has been    
manifested in the origin and historical 
development of our religion4  ,the      
,reformation had been a revolt against  
the despotism of the priest2 this was a 
revolt against the despotism of the     
scribe4  ,baur gave scant--too          
scant--consideration to early tradition1
 making his results unduly negative4    
,none of the ,new ,testament books are  
dated2 few besides the ,pauline         
,epistles embody even an author's name2 
and these few1 #ast and #bnd ,peter1    
,james1 ,jude and ,revelation1 were     
7#ast ,peter alone excepted7 just those 
which even the canon-makers had         
classified as doubtful1 or spurious4    

,not even a ,calvin would support the   
authenticity of #bnd ,peter1 a ,luther  
had denied the value of ,james and      
,revelation4 ,it had been an easy task  
for 'criticism of the canon' to show    
that those who determined its content   
had not been actuated by considerations 
of pure science4 ,those books secured   
admission which were most widely current
 as ancient and trustworthy1 and whose  
orthodoxy met the standards of the time4
 ,those were disputed1 or rejected1     
which were less widely current1 or      
unorthodox1 or could establish no direct
 relation to an apostle4 ,it was proper 
for the critic1 once his aim had become 
not apologetic but historical1 to drop  
once for all the question whether the   
canon-makers' selection--made not for   
scientific1 but for religious           
purposes--is good1 bad or indifferent4  
,the time had come for him to apply the 
available evidence to his own scientific
 question3 ,what relation do these      
several writings bear to the development

 of ,christianity8 ,it remained to be   
seen whether he could offer constructive
 evidence more convincing than          
tradition4  ,the latest date to which an
 undated1 or disputed1 writing can be   
assigned is that when the marks of its  
employment by others1 or influence upon 
them1 become undeniable4 ,this is termed
 the 'external' evidence4 ,the earliest 
date1 conversely1 is that to which we   
are brought down by references in the   
book itself to antecedent and current   
events1 and writings1 or by undeniable  
marks of their influence4 ,this is      
termed the 'internal' evidence4         
,counting tradition as part of the      
external evidence1 modern scientific    
criticism is able to fix within a few   
decades the origin of all the ,new      
,testament writings1 without incurring  
opposition even from the apologist4 ,no 
scholar now dreams of adopting any other
 method of proof1 whatever his doctrinal
 proclivities4 ,the overwhelming        
majority are agreed that the period     

covered1 from the earliest ,pauline     
,epistles to the latest brief           
fulminations against ,gnostic ,doketism 
and denial of 'resurrection and         
judgment1' is included in the century   
from ,a4,d4 #ej to #aej4  ,baur's       
conception of the course of events in   
this momentous century has been         
described as a theory of historical     
progress by fusion of opposites in a    
higher unity4 ,the ,hegelian scheme of  
thesis1 antithesis and synthesis had in 
fact some justification in the          
recognized phenomena of the development 
of ,christianity4 ,it had sprung from   
,judaism1 overcoming the particularism  
of that still nationalistic faith by the
 sense of its mission to the world at   
large4 ,the conflict acknowledged in all
 the sources and most vividly reflected 
in the great ,epistles of ,paul to the  
,galatians1 ,corinthians and ,romans1 a 
conflict between those who conceived    
,christianity as a universal religion1  
and those who looked upon it as only a  

reformed1 spiritualized and perfected   
,judaism1 was the characteristic        
phenomenon of the first or apostolic    
age4 ,it was the struggle of the infant 
faith against its swaddling bands4 ,the 
critical historian is compelled to      
estimate all later1 anonymous1 accounts 
of this development in the light of the 
confessedly earlier1 and indubitably    
authentic records1 the four great       
,epistles of ,paul2 for these simply    
reflect the actual conditions1 and are  
not affected by the later disposition to
 idealize the story4 ,thesis and        
antithesis were therefore really in     
evidence at the beginnings4  ,equal     
unanimity prevailed as to the close of  
the period in question4 ,in ,a4,d4 #aej 
to #bjj1 ,christianity was solidifying  
into the 'catholic' church1 rejecting   
extremes of doctrine on both sides1     
formulating its 'rule of faith1'        
determining its canon1 centralizing     
administrative control4 ,it had thrown  
off as heretical upon the extreme left  

,marcion and the ,gnostics1 who either  
repudiated the ,jewish scriptures       
altogether1 or interpreted them with    
more than ,pauline freedom4 ,on the     
extreme right it had renounced the      
unprogressive ,ebionites of ,palestine1 
still unreconciled to ,paul1 and        
insistent on submission to the ,law for 
,jew and ,gentile1 as the condition of a
 'share in the world to come4' ,what    
could be imagined as to the course of   
events in the intervening century of    
obscurity8 ,must it not have witnessed a
 progressive divergence of the extremes 
of ,paulinists and ,judaizers1          
coincidently with a rapprochement of the
 moderates from the side of ,peter and  
that of ,paul respectively8 ,baur's     
outline seemed thus to describe         
adequately the main course of events4   
,he relied upon internal evidence to    
determine the dates of the disputed     
writings and their relation to it4 ,but 
'criticism of the canon' in ,baur's own1
 and in the preceding generation1 had   

come to include among the writings of   
doubtful date and authenticity not only 
those disputed in antiquity1 and the    
anonymous narrative books1 but also #ast
 ,peter and the minor ,epistles of      
,paul4 ,nothing strictly apostolic was  
left save the four great ,epistles of   
,paul4  ,the theory of ,baur and the    
,tuebingen school 7for so his followers 
came to be designated7 was broadly      
conceived and ably advocated4 ,in two   
vital respects it has had permanent     
influence4 7#a7 ,criticism1 as already  
noted1 has ceased to be mere debate     
about text and canon1 and concerns      
itself to-day primarily with the history
 of ,christian ideas as embodied in its 
primitive literature4 ,its problem is to
 relate the ,new ,testament writings1   
together with all other cognate         
material1 to the history of the         
developing religion from its earliest   
traceable form in the greater ,pauline  
,epistles to where it emerges into the  
full light of day toward the close of   

the second century4 7#b7 ,again1 ,baur's
 outline of the process through which   
the nascent faith attained to full      
self-consciousness as a world-religion  
required correction rather than         
disproof4 ,it was a grievous mistake to 
identify ,peter1 ,james1 and ,john with 
those whom ,paul bitterly denounces as  
,judaizing false brethren1 super extra  
apostles1 ministers of ,satan4 ,it was a
 perversion of internal evidence to     
reject as post-,pauline the ,epistles of
 the later period such as ,philippians  
and ,colossians1 on the ground that     
,paul himself did not live to           
participate in the second crisis1 the   
defence of his doctrine against         
perversion on the side of mystical1     
,hellenistic theosophy4 ,the great      
,epistles written under the name of     
,paul from the period of his captivity  
are innocent of reference to the        
developed ,gnostic systems of the second
 century4 ,they antagonize only an      
incipient tendency in this direction4   

,but while the transition of ,a4,d4     
#ej-aej was both deeper and more complex
 than ,baur conceived1 the transfer of  
the gospel during that century from     
,jewish to ,gentile soil is really the  
great outstanding fact1 against which as
 a background the literature must be    
read2 and the initial stage of the      
process is marked by the controversy of 
,paul with the ,galilean apostles4 ,what
 we must call1 in distinction from      
,paulinism1 'apostolic' ,christianity is
 well represented in the ,book of ,acts4
 ,paul's writings show that he felt     
himself and his churches to represent an
 independent type of ,christianity in   
all respects equal to the 'apostolic1'  
the problem being unification of the    
two4 ,now it is axiomatic that the      
investigator must proceed from the      
relatively known and determinable to the
 unknown and disputable4 ,accordingly it
 is in reality from the ,epistolary     
literature of the church1 in particular 
the greater ,pauline ,epistles1 that he 

must take his start4 ,as a source for   
our understanding of the development of 
the life of the church the ,literature  
of the ,apostle1 directly participant in
 the conflicts and issues of the times1 
even if in its later elements of        
doubtful or pseudonymous authorship1    
takes precedence as a whole over the    
,literature of the ,catechist1 with its 
later and more or less idealized        
narration1 exemplified in the ,book of  
,acts4  ,modern criticism acknowledges1 
then1 its indebtedness to the ,tuebingen
 school for a clearer definition of both
 its task and method1 by concentrating  
attention upon the contrast between the 
,petrine and the ,pauline conception of 
'the gospel4' ,still it must be admitted
 that most of the inferences first drawn
 have since been overthrown4 ,in their  
chronological scheme of the ,new        
,testament writings the ,tuebingen      
critics under-estimated the force of the
 external evidences 7including early    
tradition7 and misinterpreted the       

internal4 ,new discovery and more       
careful study of literary relations have
 inverted ,baur's views as to dates of  
the ,johannine writings4 ,four of these 
7the ,gospel and three ,epistles7 are   
anonymous4 ,baur's date for these has   
been forced back by no less than half a 
century4 ,the fifth 7,revelation7 bears 
the name of ,john1 but was hotly        
disputed as pseudonymous in the second  
century1 and even by its supporters was 
dated so late as the end of the reign of
 ,domitian 7#ie74 ,the ,tuebingen school
 placed ,revelation thirty years        
earlier1 and attributed it to the       
,apostle4 ,modern criticism emphatically
 reverts to the ancient date1 and       
regards the book as pseudonymous1 or as 
written by some other ,john4  ,again the
 relative dates of the ,synoptic        
writings 7,matthew1 ,mark1 ,luke-,acts7 
were inverted by the ,tuebingen critics1
 primarily through wrong application of 
their theory of doctrinal development2  
secondarily1 and as a consequence1      

through misinterpretation of the        
intricate literary relationships4       
,present-day criticism considers it     
established that ,mark is the oldest of 
the three1 taken up by each of the other
 two4 ,there is almost equal unanimity  
in regarding the discourse material     
common to ,matthew and ,luke and        
variously combined by each with ,mark1  
as independently drawn by them from the 
book of the ,precepts of the ,lord1     
reported by ,papias to have been        
compiled by ,matthew in the ,hebrew 7i4 
e4 ,aramaic7 tongue4 ,tuebingen gospel  
criticism is thus almost entirely set   
aside1 in favour of the so-called       
',two-document' theory4  ,so with the   
,pauline ,epistles of the second period4
 ,doubt still clings to ,ephesians4 ,it 
had been treated by some as             
pseudo-,pauline even before the time of 
,baur2 but ,baur's own followers soon   
receded from his extreme application of 
his theory to the internal evidence of  
,philippians1 ,colossians and ,philemon4

 ,it became evident that ,paul's gospel 
included something more than the mere   
antithesis of ,law and ,grace4 ,he had  
other opponents than the ,judaizers1 and
 had to defend his doctrine against     
perversion by ,grecizing mystics as well
 as against opposition by ,pharisaic    
legalists4  ,two generations of research
 and controversy have greatly advanced  
the cause of constructive criticism4    
,hand in hand with a more accurate      
dating of the literature1 secured       
through more impartial judgment of both 
the external and internal evidence1     
there has gone a reconstruction of our  
conception of the course of events4 ,the
 tendencies in the early church were not
 two only1 but four2 corresponding1     
perhaps1 to those rebuked by ,paul at   
,corinth1 which called themselves by the
 names respectively of ,peter1 of ,paul1
 of ,apollos and of ,christ4 ,it seems  
probable from the bitterness with which 
in #bnd ,cor4 x4 #g ,paul denounces the 
man who says1 ,i am of ,christ1 that    

this party-cry was employed in the sense
 of following the example of ,jesus as  
respects obedience to the ,law 7for even
 ,paul acknowledged that ,christ had    
been made a minister of the circumcision
 for the truth of ,god74 ,if so1 the    
,corinthian ,christ-party may be        
identified with those ministers of the  
circumcision who denied both the        
apostleship and the gospel of ,paul4 ,at
 all events those of ,cephas were       
relatively harmless4 ,they may be       
identified with the so-called 'weak' of 
,romans1 for whose scruples on the score
 of 'pollutions of idols' ,paul demands 
such consideration both at ,corinth and 
at ,rome4 ,his own adherents both at    
,corinth 7those 'of ,paul'7 and at ,rome
 7the 'strong'7 are to follow his       
example not merely in recognizing that3 
,no idol is anything in the world1 that 
there is nothing unclean of itself1 and 
that all things are lawful4 ,it is to be
 followed also in recognizing the       
limitations of this liberty4 ,limits are

 imposed among other things by the      
scruples of others1 so that ,paul       
himself becomes as under the ,law when  
among ,jews1 though as without the ,law 
among the ,gentiles4 ,the weak are to be
 resisted only when the admission of    
themselves or their claims would lead to
 doubtful disputations1 or to a         
rebuilding of walls of separation that  
had been torn down through faith in     
,christ4 ,galatians sounds the          
battle-cry of endangered liberty4       
,corinthians 7and ,romans in still      
higher degree7 shows the magnanimity of 
the victor4  ,whether it be possible to 
identify those of ,apollos at ,corinth  
with the beginnings of that ,hellenistic
 perversion of the ,pauline gospel into 
a mystical theosophy which afterwards   
passed into ,gnosticism may be left an  
open question4 ,at least we have come to
 see that the conditions of the church's
 growth were far more complex than ,baur
 imagined4 ,in particular it is         
necessary to distinguish four different 

attitudes on the single question of the 
obligation of the ,law4 ,there were 7#a7
 ,judaizers who insisted on complete    
submission to the ,law as the condition 
of salvation1 for both ,jews and        
,gentiles2 7#b7 imitators of ,cephas1   
who considered believers of ,jewish     
birth to be under the ,law1 but asked of
 ,gentiles only such consideration for  
it as the special conditions seemed to  
require2 7#c7 ,paulinists1 who held that
 neither ,jews nor ,gentiles are under  
the law1 yet felt that consideration    
should be shown for the scrupulous when 
asked not as of right1 but as of        
charity2 7#d7 radicals1 who recognized  
no limits to their freedom save the one 
new commandment4  ,but while conflict   
first broke out over the mere concrete  
question of ,gentile liberty1 the real  
distinction of ,paul's gospel from that 
of the older apostles was far deeper4   
,the question as ,tuebingen critics     
conceived it concerned primarily the    
extent of the gospel message1--to how   

large a circle was it offered8 ,modern  
criticism has come to see that the      
difference was in higher degree a       
difference of quality4 ,paul's whole    
message of redemption through the cross 
and resurrection started from other     
premises than those of the ,galilean    
apostles1 and was conceived in other    
terms4 ,for this reason it leads over to
 a new ,christology4 ,in short1 the     
transition of ,christianity from its    
,jewish to its ,gentile form is not a   
mere enlargement of its field by the    
abolition of particularistic barriers4  
,the background we must study for the   
understanding of it is not so much mere 
contemporary history as the contemporary
 history of religion4 ,the development  
from the ,petrine gospel broadly        
characteristic of the ,synoptic         
writings1 through the ,pauline ,epistles
 to that of the ,johannine writings1 is 
a transition from ,hebrew to            
,hellenistic conceptions of what        
redemption is1 and how it is effected4  

,modern criticism expresses the contrast
 in its distinction of the gospel of    
,jesus from the gospel about ,jesus4    
,in the case of both ,paul and his      
predecessors in the faith there is a    
common starting-point4 ,it was the      
doctrine that ,god had raised ,jesus    
from the dead and exalted ,him as       
,christ and ,lord to the throne of      
glory4 ,its proofs were the ecstatic    
phenomena of the ,spirit1 those strange 
manifestations of 'prophecy1' 'tongues1'
 and the like in the ,christian         
assembly4 ,the inference from this      
resurrection faith for an apostle of the
 ,galilean group was that he must teach 
all men everywhere to observe all things
 whatsoever ,jesus had commanded4 ,jesus
 had been raised up in ,israel as the   
,prophet like unto ,moses2 ,his apostle 
must repeat the remembered word of      
commandment and the word of promise4 ,he
 will have an authority derived from the
 manifestations of signs and wonders4   
,these had accompanied ,jesus' own      

career1 and now1 by grace of ,his       
endowment of ,his disciples with the    
,spirit1 they will be repeated by their 
hands4 ,the 'apostolic' gospel is thus  
primarily historical4 ,the ,pauline     
gospel centres at the other pole of     
religious conviction4 ,it is primarily  
psychological4 ,for ,paul the immediate 
effect of the revelation of ,god's ,son 
in him is an irresistible impulse to    
relate his own soul's experience4 ,the  
gospel he preaches is not so much what  
,jesus did or said while on earth1 as   
what ,god has done1 and is still doing1 
through the life-giving ,spirit which   
emanates from the risen ,lord4 ,signs   
and wonders are tokens of the ,spirit1  
but are of less value1 and must vanish  
before the abiding ethical gifts4 ,both 
the ,pauline and the ,petrine gospel    
start from the common confession of     
,jesus as ,lord2 but the ,christology of
 the ,synoptic literature is an         
,apotheosis doctrine1 falling back on   
the historical ,jesus4 ,that of the     

,epistles is a doctrine of ,incarnation1
 appealing to the eternal manifestation 
of ,god in man4 ,for the former1 ,jesus 
was a prophet mighty in deed and word1  
raised up by ,god in accordance with the
 promise of ,deut4 xviii4 #ah1 to turn  
,israel to repentance4 ,having fulfilled
 this mission in rejection and martyrdom
 ,jesus had been exalted to ,god's right
 hand and made both ,lord and ,christ4  
,he there awaits the subjection of all  
,his enemies4 ,in the ,pauline gospel   
the story of ,jesus is a drama of the   
supernal regions1 wherein ,his earthly  
career as prophet1 leader1 teacher1     
sinks to the level of the merest        
episode4 ,as pre-existent spirit1 ,jesus
 had been from the beginning of the     
creation in the form of ,god4 ,as the   
period of its consummation drew near ,he
 took upon ,him human form1 descended   
through suffering and death to the      
lowest depths of the underworld1 and by 
divine power had reascended above all   
the heavens with their ranks of angelic 

hierarchies4 ,whether ,paul himself so  
conceived it or not1 the ,gentile world 
had no other moulds of thought wherein  
to formulate such a ,christology than   
the current myths of ,redeemer-gods4    
,the value of the individual soul had at
 last been discovered1 and men resorted 
to the ancient personifications of the  
forces of nature as deliverers of this  
new-found soul from its weakness and    
mortality4 ,the influential religions of
 the time were those of personal        
redemption by mystic union with a dying 
and resurrected ,saviour-god1 an        
,osiris1 an ,adonis1 an ,attis1 a       
,mithra4 ,religions of this type were   
everywhere displacing the old national  
faiths4 ,the ,gentile could not think of
 the ,christ primarily as a ,son of     
,david who restores the kingdom to      
,israel1 shatters the ,gentiles like a  
potter's vessel and rules them with a   
rod of iron4 ,if he employed this ,old  
,testament language at all1 it had for  
him a purely symbolical sense4 ,the     

whole conception was spiritualized4 ,the
 enemies overcome were the spiritual    
foes of humanity1 sin and death2        
redemption was not the deliverance of   
,israel out of the hand of all their    
enemies1 that 7together with all afar   
off that call upon the name of this     
merciful ,god7 they may serve ,him in   
holiness and righteousness all their    
days4 ,it was the rescue of the sons of 
,adam out of the bondage to evil ,powers
 incurred through inheritance of ,adam's
 sinful flesh4 ,this had been the       
tendency already of ,jewish apocalypse4 
,the starting-point of ,paul's own      
conceptions was not ,israel's bondage in
 ,egypt1 but a conception already       
tinged1 like the late book of ,jewish   
philosophy called the ,wisdom of        
,solomon1 with the ,stoic conception of 
'flesh' as prison-house of 'spirit1'    
already inflamed1 like the contemporary 
,jewish apocalypses of ,esdras and      
,baruch1 with lurid visions of a        
universe rescued by superhuman power    

from a thraldom of demonic rule4 ,paul's
 preaching was made real by his own     
experience4 ,for if ever there was an   
evangelist whose message was his own    
experience1 ,paul was such4 ,and ,paul's
 experience was not so much that of a   
,palestinian ,jew1 as that of a         
,hellenist1 one whose whole idea of     
'redemption' has been unconsciously     
universalized1 individualized1 and      
spiritualized1 by contact with ,greek   
and ,hellenistic thought4 ,paul and the 
,galilean apostles were not far apart in
 their expectations of the future4 ,both
 stood gazing up into heaven4 ,but for  
his authority ,paul inevitably looked   
inwards1 the ,galilean apostles looked  
backwards4  ,it is hopeless at the      
present stage of acquaintance with the  
history of religion1 particularly the   
spread of the various 'mysteries' and   
religions of personal redemption in the 
early empire1 to deny this contrast     
between the gospel of ,paul and the     
gospel of the apostles and elders at    

,jerusalem4 ,it is shortsighted to      
overlook its significance in the        
transition of the faith4 ,whereas the   
,jewish-,christian had as its principal 
background the national history1 more or
 less transcendentalized in the forms of
 apocalypse1 ,paul's had as its         
principal background the speculative    
mythology of the ,hellenistic world1    
more or less adapted to the forms of    
,judaism4 ,only ignorance of the        
function of mythology1 especially as    
then employed to express the aspiration 
of the soul for purity1 life and        
fellowship with ,god1 can make these    
mythologically framed religious ideas   
seem an inappropriate vehicle to convey 
,paul's sense of the significance of    
,jesus' message and life of ,son ship4  
,they were at least the best expression 
those times and that environment could  
afford of the greater ,kingdom ,god had 
proclaimed in the resurrection of the   
,christ1 and was bringing to pass       
through the outpouring of ,his ,spirit4 

,modern criticism must therefore        
recognize that the beginnings of our    
religion were not a mere enlargement of 
,judaism by abolition of the barriers of
 the ,law1 but a fusion of the two great
 streams of religious thought           
distinctive of the ,jewish and the      
,hellenistic world in a higher unity4   
,alexander's hoped-for marriage of      
,europe and ,asia was consummated at    
last in the field of religion itself4   
,denationalized ,judaism contributed the
 social ideal3 the messianic hope of a  
world-wide ,kingdom of ,god4 ,it is the 
worthy contribution of a highly ethical 
national religion4 ,hellenism           
contributed the individual ideal3       
personal redemption in mystic union with
 the life of ,god4 ,it is a concept     
derived from the ,greek's newly-awakened
 consciousness of a personality         
agonizing for deliverance out of the    
bondage of the material and transitory1 
alien and degrading to its proper life4 
,the critic who has become a historian  

of ideas will find his study of the     
literature of the apostolic and         
post-apostolic age here widening out    
into a prospect of unsuspected largeness
 and significance4 ,he will see as the  
two great divisions of his subject1 7#a7
 the gospel of ,jesus1 represented1 as  
we are told1 in the first beginnings of 
literary development by an ,aramaic     
compilation of the ,precepts of the     
,lord by the ,apostle ,matthew1         
circulating possibly even before the    
great ,pauline ,epistles among the      
,palestinian churches2 7#b7 the gospel  
about ,jesus1 represented in the        
,pauline ,epistles1 and these based on  
their author's personal experience4 ,it 
is a gospel of ,god's action in ,christ1
 reconciling the world4 ,it interprets  
the personality of ,jesus and his       
experience of the cross and resurrection
 as manifestations of the divine idea4  
,the interpretation employs             
,hellenistically coloured forms of      
thought1 and is forced to vindicate     

itself first against subjection to      
legalism1 afterwards against perversion 
into an unethical1 superstitious        
theosophy4 ,but surely the doctrine     
about ,jesus1 interpreting the          
significance of ,his person and work as 
the culmination of redemption through   
the indwelling of ,god in men and among 
men belongs as much to the essence of   
,christianity as the gospel of love and 
faith proclaimed by ,jesus4  ,besides   
these two principal types of gospel and 
their subordinate combinations the      
critical historian may see ultimately   
emerging a type of 'spiritual' gospel1  
growing upon ,gentile soil1 in fact1    
receiving its first literary expression 
in the early years of the second century
 at the very headquarters of the        
,pauline mission-field4 ,this third type
 aims to be comprehensive of the other  
two4 ,it is essentially a gospel about  
,jesus1 though it takes the form for its
 main literary expression of a gospel   
preached by ,jesus4 ,the fourth         

evangelist is the true successor of     
,paul1 though the conditions of the age 
compel him to go beyond the literary    
form of the ,epistle and to construct a 
,gospel wherein both factors of the     
sacred tradition shall appear1 the words
 and works1 the ,precepts and the       
,saving ,ministry of ,jesus4 ,but it is 
in no mechanical or slavish sense that  
the fourth evangelist appeals to this   
supreme authority4 ,he lifts the whole  
message above the level of mere baptized
 legalism1 even while he guards it      
against the unbridled licence of        
,gnostic theosophy1 applying to this    
purpose his doctrine of the ,incarnate  
,logos4 ,his basis is psychology as well
 as history4 ,it is the ,life which is  
the light of men1 that life whose source
 is ,god1 and which permeates and       
redeems ,his creation2 even the eternal 
,life which was with the ,father and was
 manifested to us4  ,in the critical    
grouping of our ,new ,testament writings
 the ,gospel and ,epistles of ,john can 

occupy1 then1 no lesser place than that 
of the keystone of the arch4  ,to sum   
up3 the ,literature of the ,apostle owed
 its early development and long         
continuance among the ,pauline churches 
of ,asia ,minor and ,greece1 to the     
impetus and example of ,paul's apostolic
 authority4 ,the ,literature of the     
,teacher and ,prophet1 growing up around
 ,jerusalem and its daughter churches at
 ,antioch and ,rome1 came slowly to     
surpass in influence the commandment of 
the apostles1 as the church became more 
and more exclusively dependent upon it  
for the teaching of the ,lord4 ,it was  
the function of the great theologian of 
,ephesus 7as he came early to be        
called71 linking the authority of both1 
to furnish the fundamental basis for the
 catholic faith4     ,,part ,,ii  ,,the 
,,literature ,,of ,,the ,,apostle       
,,chapter ,,iii  ,,paul ,,as            
,,missionary ,,and ,,defender ,,of ,,the
 ,,gospel ,,of ,,grace   ,most vital of 
all passages for historical appreciation

 of the great period of ,paul's         
missionary activity and its literature  
is the retrospect over his career as    
apostle to the ,gentiles and defender of
 a gospel without the yoke of the ,law  
in ,gal4 i4-ii4 ,especially must the    
contrast be observed between this and   
the very different account in ,acts     
ix4-xvi4  ,galatians aims to counteract 
the encroachments of certain ,judaizing 
interlopers upon ,paul's field1 and     
seems to have been written from         
,corinth1 shortly after his arrival     
there 7c4 #ej7 on the ,second           
,missionary ,journey 7,acts xv4         
#cf--xviii4 #bb74 ,we take the churches 
of ,galatia to be those founded by ,paul
 in company with ,barnabas on the ,first
 ,missionary ,journey 7,acts            
xiii4-xiv471 and revisited with ,silas  
after a division of the recently        
evangelized territory whereby ,cyprus   
had been left to ,barnabas and ,mark    
7,acts xv4 #cf--xvi4 #e2 cf4 ,gal4 iv4  
#ac74  ,the retrospect is in two parts3 

7#a7 a proof of the divine origin of    
,paul's apostleship and gospel by the   
independence of his conversion and      
missionary career2 7#b7 an account of   
his defence of his gospel of            
uncircumcision on the two occasions when
 it had been threatened4 ,visiting      
,jerusalem for the second time some     
fifteen years#g after his conversion1 he
 secured from its pillars1 ,james1      
,peter1 and ,john1 an unqualified1      
though private1 endorsement4 ,at        
,antioch subsequently he overcame       
renewed opposition by public exposure of
 the inconsistency of ,peter1 who had   
been won over by the reactionaries4     
,footnote #g3 ,or perhaps thirteen4     
,gal4 ii4 #a may reckon from the        
conversion 7#ca-cc74 ,in both periods   
7,gal4 i4 #ah1 and ii4 #a7 both         
termini are counted4  ,acts reverses    
,paul's point of view1 making his career
 in the period of unobstructed          
evangelization one of labour for ,jews  
alone1 in complete dependence on the    

,twelve4 ,it practically excludes the   
period of opposition by a determination 
of the ,gentile status in an ',apostolic
 ,council4' ,paul is represented as     
simply acquiescing in this decision4    
,as described by ,paul1 the whole       
earlier period of fifteen years had been
 occupied by missionary effort for      
,gentiles1 first at ,damascus1          
afterwards in the regions of ,syria and 
,cilicia4 ,it was interrupted only by a 
journey to ,arabia1 and later1 three    
years after his conversion1 by a        
two-weeks' private visit to ,peter in   
,jerusalem4 ,in this period must fall   
most of the journeys and adventures of  
#bnd ,cor4 xi4 #bc-cc4 ,it was          
practically without contact with        
,judaea4 ,his gospel was what ,god alone
 had taught him through an inward       
manifestation of the risen ,jesus4  ,as 
described by ,luke#h the whole period   
was spent in the evangelization of      
,greek-speaking ,jews1 principally at   
,jerusalem4 ,this was ,paul's chosen    

field1 worked under direction of the    
apostles4 ,only against his will#i was  
he driven for refuge to ,tarsus1 whence 
,barnabas1 who had first introduced him 
to the apostles1 brought him to         
,antioch4 ,there was no ,gentile mission
 until ,barnabas and he were by that    
church made its 'apostles4' ,this       
mission was on express direction of the 
,spirit 7,acts ix4 #ai-cj2 xi4 #be f42  
xiii4 #a-c2 cf4 xxii4 #aj-ba74 ,paul's  
apostleship to the ,gentiles begins1    
then1 according to ,luke1 with the      
,first ,missionary ,journey1 when in    
company with 7and at first in           
subordination to7 ,barnabas he          
evangelizes ,cyprus and southern        
,galatia4 ,the two are agents of        
,antioch1 with letters of commendation  
from the apostles and elders in         
,jerusalem 7,acts xv4 #bc-bf74 ,paul is 
not an apostle of ,christ in the same   
sense as the ,twelve 7cf4 ,acts i4 #ba  
f474 ,he is a providential vessel of the
 ,spirit1 ordained by men and through   

men4 ,his gospel is ,peter's unaltered  
7cf4 ,acts xxvi4 #af-bc74      ,footnote
 #h3 ,we apply the name to the writer of
 ,luke-,acts without     prejudice to   
the question of authorship4             
,footnote #i3 ,acts xxii4 #aj-ba is not 
quite consistent with xxvi4     #ae-ah2 
but the general sense is clear4  ,there 
is even wider disparity regarding the   
period of opposition4 ,luke slightly    
postpones its beginning and very greatly
 antedates its suppression4 ,moreover1  
he makes ,paul accept a solution which  
his letters emphatically repudiate4     
,according to ,acts there was no        
opposition before the ,first ,missionary
 ,journey1 for the excellent reason that
 there had been no ,gentile             
propaganda4#aj ,there was no opposition 
after the ,council called to consider it
 7,acts xv471 for the conclusive reason 
that the apostles and elders left       
nothing to dispute about4 ,as soon as   
the objections were raised the church in
 ,antioch laid the question before these

 authorities1 sending ,paul and         
,barnabas to testify4 ,on their witness 
to the grace of ,god among the          
,gentiles1 ,peter 7explicitly claiming  
for himself 767 this special            
apostleship1 ,acts xv4 #g7 proposes     
unconditional acknowledgment of ,gentile
 liberty1 referring to the precedent of 
,cornelius4 ,in this there was general  
acquiescence4 ,in fact the matter had   
really been decided before 7,acts xi4   
#a-ah74 ,the only wholly new point was  
that raised by ,james in behalf of the  
,jews among the ,gentiles 7,acts xv4    
#ba2 cf4 xxi4 #ba74 ,for their sake it  
is held necessary to limit ,gentile     
freedom on four points4 ,they must      
abstain from three prohibited meats1 and
 from fornication1 for these convey the 
pollution of idols4 ,the necessity lies 
in the fact that liberty from the ,law  
is not conceded to ,jews4 ,they will be 
7involuntarily7 defiled if they eat with
 their ,gentile brethren unprotected4   
,fornication is added because 7in the   

words of an ancient ,jewish ,christian7 
it differs from all other sins in that  
it defiles not only the sinner1 but     
those also who eat or associate with    
him4 ,paul and ,barnabas1 according to  
,luke1 gladly accepted these decrees1   
and ,paul distributed them for to keep  
among his converts in ,galatia 7674     
,peter is the apostle to the ,gentiles4 
,antioch and ,jerusalem decide the      
question of their status4 ,the terms of 
fellowship are those of ,james and      
,peter4      ,footnote #aj3 ,cornelius' 
case 7,acts x4-xi4 #ah7 is exceptional1 
and no     propaganda follows4 ,the     
reading ,greeks in ,acts xi4 #bj1 though
     required by the sense and therefore
 adopted by the ,english                
translators1 is not supported by the    
textual evidence4 ,luke has here        
corrected his source to suit his theory1
 just as in x4 #a--xi4 #ah he     passes
 by the true significance of the story1 
which really deals     with the question
 of eating with ,gentiles 7xi4 #c1 #g   

f474  ,paul has no mention of either    
,council or 'decrees4' ,his terms of    
fellowship positively exclude both4 ,he 
falls back upon the private ,conference1
 and lays bare a story of agonizing     
struggle to make effective its          
recognition of the equality and         
independence of ,gentile ,christianity4 
,the struggle is a result of his        
resistance to emissaries from ,james at 
,antioch1 who had brought over all the  
,jewish element in that mixed church1   
including ,peter and even ,barnabas to  
terms of fellowship acceptable to the   
,pillars4 ,after the collision at       
,antioch ,paul leaves the regions of    
,syria and ,cilicia1 and transfers the  
scene of his missionary efforts to the  
,greek world between the ,taurus range  
and the ,adriatic4 ,for the next ten    
years we see him on the one side        
conducting an independent mission1      
proclaiming the doctrine of the ,cross  
as inaugurating a new era1 wherein law  
has been done away1 and ,jew and        

,gentile have access in one ,spirit unto
 the ,father4 ,on the other he is       
defending this gospel of 'grace' against
 unscrupulous ,jewish-,christian        
traducers1 and labouring to reconcile   
differences between his own followers   
and those of 'the circumcision' who are 
not actively hostile1 but only have     
taken 'offence4' ,throughout the period1
 until the arrest in ,jerusalem which   
ends his career as an evangelist1 ,paul 
stands alone as champion of unrestricted
 ,gentile liberty and equality4 ,he     
cannot admit terms of fellowship which  
imply a continuance of the legal        
dispensation4 ,jewish ,christians may   
keep circumcision and the customs if    
they wish2 but may not hold or recommend
 them as conferring the slightest       
advantage in ,god's sight4 ,he will not 
admit the doctrine of salvation by faith
 with works of law4 ,jew as well as     
,gentile must have died to the ,law4    
,there is no justification except by    
faith apart from works of law4#aa       

,footnote #aa3 ,the assertion has       
recently been made in very high         
quarters on the basis of #ast ,cor4 vii4
 #ah that ,paul also took the           
apostolic view that the ,christian of   
,jewish birth remains under             
obligation to keep the law4 ,one would  
think ,paul had not added verse     #ai6
  ,unless we distinctly apprehend the   
deep difference1 almost casually brought
 out by this question of the 7converted7
 ,jew among ,gentiles and his obligation
 to eat with his ,gentile brother1 a    
difference between 'apostolic'          
,christianity as ,luke gives it1 and the
 'gospel' of ,paul1 we can have no      
adequate appreciation of the great      
,epistles produced during this period of
 conflict4 ,the basis of ,luke's        
pleasing picture of peace and concord is
 a fundamentally different conception of
 the relation of ,law and ,grace4 ,paul 
and ,luke both hold that the ,mosaic    
commandments are not binding on         
,gentiles4 ,the point of difference--and

 ,paul's own account of his ,conference 
with the ,pillars goes to show that     
,luke's idea is also theirs2 else why   
need there be a division of 'spheres of 
influence'8--is ,paul's doctrine that   
the believing ,jew as well as the       
,gentile is dead to the ,law4 ,and this 
doctrine was never accepted south of the
 ,taurus range4  ,agreement and union   
were sure to come1 if only by the rapid 
disappearance from the church after #gj 
,a4,d4 of the element of the            
circumcised1 and the progressive        
realization in ',syria and ,cilicia' of 
the impracticability of the             
,jerusalem-,antioch plan of requiring   
,gentiles to make their tables innocuous
 to the legalist4 ,if only the          
participation of ,paul and ,barnabas be 
excluded from the story of ,acts xv4 7or
 better1 restored to its proper sequence
 after ,acts xi4 #cj7 we have every     
reason to accept ,luke's account of an  
,apostolic ,council held at ,jerusalem  
not long after ,peter came to ,antioch  

to settle between the churches of       
northern and southern ,syria the knotty 
question of the ,christian ,jew's eating
 or not eating with ,gentiles4 ,it is   
almost certain that ,syria did adopt    
this modus vivendi for the brethren     
which are of the ,gentiles in ,antioch1 
,syria and ,cilicia 7,acts xv4 #bc72 for
 we can trace its gradual obsolescence  
there4 ,in ,revelation 7a book of       
,palestinian origin republished at      
,ephesus c4 #ie2 cf4 ,rev4 ii4 #ad1 #bj1
 #bd7 in the ,teaching of the ,twelve   
7#abe71 and in the ',western' text of   
,acts xv4 7#aej87 there is a progressive
 scaling down of the 'burden4' ,gentiles
 are at last asked to do almost nothing 
more than ,paul had demanded on moral   
grounds without recognition of the      
validity of distinctions of meats4 ,in  
,a4,d4 #abj the 'burden' is3 ,concerning
 meats1 keep what thou art able2        
however1 abstain at all events from     
things offered to idols1 for it is the  
food of dead gods4  ,but to take ,luke's

 account of how peace was restored1 with
 its implication that the ,pauline      
gospel as developed in ,greek           
,christendom between the ,taurus range  
and the ,adriatic was nothing more than 
a branch from the parent stock of the   
'apostolic' church in ,syria and        
,cilicia1 would be like viewing the     
history of the ,united ,states from the 
standpoint of a ,british imperialist of 
a period of ,anglo-,saxon reunion in    
,a4,d4 #bjjj1 who should omit entirely  
the ,american ,war of ,independence1    
holding that ,washington and ,franklin  
after bearing testimony before          
,parliament accepted for the colonies a 
plan of settlement prepared by a        
,liberal ,government which reduced to a 
minimum the obnoxious requirements of   
the ,tories4  ,the history of this      
period of the development of the        
independent 'gospel' of ,paul and of his
 independent churches is so vital1 and  
so confused by generations of           
well-meaning 'harmonizers1' that we must

 take time to contrast once more ,luke's
 theory of the process of reunion with  
,paul's4  ,in ,acts ,paul takes         
precisely the view of ,peter and ,james4
 ,he is himself 'under the ,law4' ,he   
does not disregard it even among        
,gentiles4 ,on the contrary1 he sets an 
example of scrupulous legality to the   
,jews among the ,gentiles1 himself      
'walking orderly1 keeping the ,law4'    
,the statement that he teaches them to  
forsake ,moses1 telling them not to     
circumcise their children1 nor to obey  
the customs is a calumny 767 which he   
takes public occasion to disprove 7,acts
 xxi4 #bj-bf74 ,before the ,sanhedrin he
 emphatically declares himself a        
consistent ,pharisee 7,acts xxiii4 #a1  
#f72 before ,felix and ,festus1         
blameless by the standard of ,law and   
,prophets 7xxiv4 #ad-af2 xxv4 #h72      
before ,agrippa1 a strict ,pharisee in  
his conduct hitherto 7xxvi4 #e1 #bb f474
 ,titus1 whose circumcision ,paul       
strenuously resisted1 is never mentioned

 in ,acts4 ,conversely ,timothy 7a ,jew 
only on his mother's side7 ,paul took   
and circumcised immediately after the   
,jerusalem ,council because of the ,jews
 that were in those parts 7,galatia674  
,his visit with ,barnabas to ,jerusalem 
is not occasioned by opposition to      
,gentile missions1 though it falls      
between ,barnabas' mission from         
,jerusalem to investigate the alarming  
reports of ,gentile conversions at      
,antioch1 and the ,first ,missionary    
,journey on which the two take with them
 ,mark1 who had accompanied them from   
,jerusalem4 ,no2 according to ,luke     
,gentile missions did not yet           
exist#ab7674 ,this visit 7that of the   
,conference1 ,gal4 ii4 #a-aj7 was merely
 to convey a gift from the ,antioch     
church to that of ,jerusalem because of 
the famine about that time 7it occurred 
in #df-dg74 ,conversely the great       
'offering of the ,gentiles' made at the 
risk of ,paul's life in company with    
delegates from each province of his     

field1 as a proffer of peace1 the       
enterprise which occupies so large a    
place in his effort and his letters of  
this period 7#ast ,cor4 xvi4 #a-f2 #bnd 
,cor4 #h-i2 ,rom4 xv4 #ae1 #af1 #be-cb71
 has in ,acts no relation to the        
controversy--for the demonstration of   
,paul's exemplary legalism in the temple
 is merely incidental4 ,the gift ,paul  
brought was alms to my nation 767 7,acts
 xxiv4 #ag74 ,the reader asks in vain   
what necessitates this dangerous        
journey4 ,the only motives assigned are 
a ,nazarite vow assumed in ,cenchreae   
7xviii4 #ah2 xxi4 #bd71 and regard for  
the ,jewish feasts 7xx4 #af74           
,footnote #ab3 ,on the reading ,greeks  
in ,acts xi4 #bj see ,footnote #aj      
above41 p4 #ei4  ,the background of     
history against which the modern reader 
must place the great letters of ,paul of
 the first period1 is manifestly        
something quite different from the mere 
unsifted story of ,acts4 ,their real    
origin is in a profound difference in   

,paul's idea of 'the gospel' and the    
necessity of defending the independence 
of it and of the ,gentile churches      
founded on it4 ,the difference          
originates in ,paul's own religious     
experience4 ,it found its first         
expression in his antithesis of ,law and
 ,grace1 his doctrine that the cross    
marks the abolition of the economy of   
,law4  ,both in ,galatians and          
everywhere else ,paul treats on equal   
terms with the representatives of the   
apostleship of the circumcision4 ,he    
denounces ,peter and the rest of the    
,jews1 including even ,barnabas1 at     
,antioch1 after they have withdrawn from
 ,gentile fellowship in order to        
preserve their legal 'cleanness1' and   
the point of the denunciation is that   
this is inconsistent with their         
7implied7 abandonment of the ,law as a  
means of salvation when they sought to  
be justified by faith in ,christ4 ,this 
makes their conduct not only            
inconsistent but cowardly and           

hypocritical4  ,here is something far   
deeper than a mere question of policy4  
,paul's attitude shows that from the    
beginning he has really been preaching a
 different gospel4 ,a gospel about      
,christ in which the central fact is the
 cross as the token of the abolition of 
a dispensation of ,law wherein ,jew and 
,gentile alike were in a servile        
relation to ,god1 under angelic 7or     
demonic7 stewards and governors1 and the
 inauguration of a dispensation of      
,grace1 wherein all who have 'faith' and
 receive in baptism the gift of 'the    
,spirit1' are thereby adopted to be     
,god's sons4 ,beside this cosmic drama  
of the cross and resurrection wherein   
,god reveals his redemptive purpose for 
the world1 the mere inculcation of the  
easy yoke of ,jesus as a new ,law1      
simplifying and supplementing the old by
 restoring the doctrine of forgiveness  
for the repentant believer 7cf4 ,matt4  
xxviii4 #bj2 ,acts x4 #db f42 xiii4 #ci2
 xxvi4 #bb f47 seems only half a gospel4

  ,paul can never surrender the         
independence of his ,god-given message1 
nor the liberty wherewith ,christ has   
made all believers free in abolishing   
the economy of law and making them sons 
by the ,spirit4 ,and yet he is even more
 determined to achieve peace and reunion
 than the apostles 'of the              
circumcision'2 only he has a different  
plan4 ,paul and his churches fall back  
upon the ,jerusalem ,conference1 not    
upon the ',apostolic ,council4' ,the    
,conference is their ,magna ,carta4 ,its
 recognition of ,paul's independent     
gospel and apostleship as no less divine
 than ,peter's is their guarantee of    
liberty and equality2 its request for   
brotherly aid is their promise of       
fraternity4  ,approaches were made on   
both sides4 ,it is true the ill-advised 
attempt of the ,judaizers to secure     
unity by a renewal of their propaganda  
of the ,law1 seducing the ,greek        
churches from their loyalty to ,paul and
 his gospel1 provoked from him only such

 thunderbolts as ,galatians1 with its   
defence of the liberty wherewith ,christ
 hath made us free1 or #bnd ,cor4 x4 #a 
to xiii4 #aj1 with its denunciation of  
the ministers of ,satan4 ,peace through 
surrender was not to ,paul's mind4 ,but 
the sincere attempt of the followers of 
,peter to find a modus vivendi1 even if 
they did not venture to claim liberty   
from the ,law for themselves1 found     
,paul prepared to go more than half-way4
 ,his epistles are not more remarkable  
for their strenuous defence of the      
liberty of ,son ship1 than for their    
insistence on the obligation of         
brotherly love4 ,his churches must be   
not only morally pure for their own     
sakes1 but must avoid offences to the   
more scrupulous4 ,even that which       
,christian liberty allows must be       
sacrificed to the scruples of the       
'weak1' if only it be not unto doubtful 
disputations1 or demanded as of right4  
,from #ast ,thessalonians 7,corinth1    
,a4,d4 #ej71 where1 in the absence of   

all ,judaizing opposition ,paul merely  
exhibits his simple gospel of the       
resurrection and judgment to come1      
unaffected by questions of ,law and     
,grace1 on through ,galatians with its  
sublime polemic for the liberty of sons1
 to the ,corinthian correspondence1 with
 its insistence on the duty of          
consideration and forbearance1 its      
stronger note of love1 its revelation of
 the widespread1 strenuous exertions of 
,paul to promote his great 'offering1'  
down to ,romans1 where the 'offering of 
the ,gentiles' is ready to be made      
7,rom4 xv4 #af-cc71 and ,paul is        
sedulously preparing to enter a great   
new field already partially occupied1 by
 presenting a full and superlatively    
conciliatory statement of his entire    
'gospel' 7i4 #ae-ag71 there is steady   
progress toward the peace and acceptance
 which he hopes to find in ,jerusalem4  
,the later ,epistles1 with their        
different phase of conflict1 the very   
attitude of 'apostolic' ,christianity   

toward ,paul1 as exhibited in ,acts1    
make it incredible that substantial     
unity was not in fact secured4#ac ,we   
cannot1 indeed1 accept ,luke's          
representation of ,paul as performing   
the ,nazarite ceremonial in the temple  
in order to prove that he does not teach
 that the ,law is not binding on ,jews4 
,but it does not follow that ,paul may  
not have done even this to prove that   
his principle of accommodation to the   
weak 7#ast ,cor4 ix4 #ai-bb7 left ample 
room for fellowship with the ,jewish    
,christian--except when 7as with ,peter 
and ,barnabas at ,antioch7 the needless 
scruples of the legalist were made a    
pretext for compelling the ,gentiles to 
live as do the ,jews4      ,footnote    
#ac3 ,the actual outcome is seen in the 
reduction of the     'burden' to the two
 items of abstinence from fornication   
and from     things offered to idols4   
,paul's nicer distinctions under the    
latter     head 7#ast ,cor4 viii4 #a-ac1
 x4 #ad-bc7 as well as his distinction  

between the ceremonial and the moral    
grounds for abstinence1 were            
disregarded4  ,had unity been attained  
through the simple process imagined by  
,luke1 obedient acquiescence of ,paul   
and the ,gentiles in the divinely       
inspired verdict of the apostles and    
elders in ,jerusalem1 ,christianity     
would have been an immeasurably poorer  
thing than it became4 ,indeed1 it is    
questionable whether a gospel of mere   
simplification1 extension and           
supplementation of the ,law would ever  
have made permanent conquest of the     
,gentile world4 ,it is because ,paul    
stood out on this question of 'meats'   
for the equal right of his independent  
gospel1 refusing submission until his   
great ten-years' work of evangelization 
by tongue and pen had made ,gentile     
,christianity a factor of at least equal
 importance with ,jewish1 that our      
religion was enriched by its            
,hellenistic strain4 ,the deeper insight
 into the real significance of ,jesus'  

work and fate born of ,paul's peculiar  
experience and his ,hellenistic         
apprehension of the gospel found        
embodiment in the beginnings of a ,new  
,testament literature4 ,the writings of 
this period must accordingly be viewed  
against the background of a critical    
history4 ,luke's account1 written in the
 interest of apostolic authority1 must  
receive such modifications as the       
contemporary documents require4  ,taking
 up the story at the point of divergence
 we see ,paul and ,barnabas returning to
 ,antioch after the ,conference with the
 ,pillars1 glad at heart1 and expecting 
now to resume the work for ,gentiles    
without impediment4 ,besides ,titus1    
,john ,mark of ,jerusalem1 a nephew of  
,barnabas1 accompanied them4 ,the       
,missionary ,journey to ,cyprus and     
7southern7 ,galatia follows1 ,mark      
returning1 however1 to ,jerusalem after 
leaving ,cyprus4  ,it was probably      
during the absence of the missionaries  
that ,peter came to ,antioch and1 at    

first1 followed the ,pauline practice of
 disregarding 'distinctions of meats4'  
,later1 on arrival of certain from      
,james he drew back and separated       
himself1 fearing those of the           
circumcision4 ,while matters were at    
this stage ,paul and ,barnabas          
reappeared on the scene4 ,paul thought  
it necessary to rebuke ,peter openly1   
before them all4 ,barnabas1 former head 
of the ,antioch church1 took sides with 
,peter and the rest of the ,jews1       
doubtless determining the attitude of   
the church2 for ,paul says nothing of   
prevailing upon them by his argument1   
but merely turns it at once upon the    
,galatians themselves4 ,moreover1       
,barnabas now takes ,cyprus as his      
mission field1 with ,mark as his helper1
 while ,paul with a new companion1      
,silvanus 7in ,acts ,silas1 a bearer of 
the 'decrees' from ,jerusalem71 takes   
the northern half of the newly          
evangelized territory1 and through much 
difficulty and opposition makes his way 

to the coasts of the ,a,egean4  ,this   
second visit to the churches of ,galatia
 7,acts xvi4 #a-e7 was signalized by    
warnings against the 7possible7         
preaching of another gospel 7,gal4 i4   
#i72 for ,paul had reason to anticipate 
trouble from the false brethren4 ,if    
,acts may be believed1 it was also      
marked by an extraordinary evidence of  
,paul's readiness to become all things  
to all men in the interest of           
conciliation4 ,he is said to have       
circumcised a ,galatian half-,jew named 
,timothy4 ,if so1 it was certainly not  
to prove his respect for the legal      
requirement1 but rather its             
indifference4 ,circumcision is nothing  
and uncircumcision nothing2 only faith  
working through love4 ,but these        
generous 'accommodations' of ,paul      
produced more of misrepresentation than 
of conciliation4 ,he had cause to regret
 his liberality later 7,gal4 i4 #aj2 v4 
#aa f42 cf4 #ast ,cor4 vii4 #ah74  ,some
 unexplained obstacle 7,acts xvi4 #f7   

prevented ,paul's entrance into the     
,province of ,asia at this time4        
,ephesus1 his probable objective1 had   
perhaps already been occupied 7xviii4   
#bd-bh74 ,he turned north through       
,phrygia-,galatia1 hoping to find a     
field in ,bithynia1 but was again       
disappointed4 ,at ,troas1 the very      
extremity of ,asia1 came the            
turning-point in the fortunes of the    
missionaries4 ,encouraged by a vision   
they crossed into ,macedonia and found  
fields white for the harvest4  ,the     
,epistles to ,thessalonica address one  
of these ,macedonian churches from      
,corinth1 whither the missionaries have 
been driven4 ,timothy had been sent back
 from ,athens when ,paul's own repeated 
attempts to return had been frustrated1 
and has just arrived with good news of  
the church's perseverance in spite of a 
persecution stirred up by the ,jews4 ,it
 is against these1 apparently1 not      
against ,jewish-,christian detractors1  
that ,paul defends his character and    

message 7#ast ,thess4 ii4 #a-ac74 ,there
 is also an urgent warning against      
fornication 7iv4 #a-h7 and exhortation  
to abound in love 7iv4 #i-ab71 with     
correction of the natural ,greek        
tendency to misapprehend the ,jewish    
eschatology and resurrection-doctrine   
7iv4 #ac--v4 #a-aa2 cf4 #ast ,cor4 xv474
 ,the closing admonitions relate to the 
direction of church meetings and        
discipline4  #bnd ,thessalonians        
corrects and supplements the eschatology
 of #ast ,thessalonians by adding a     
doctrine of ,antichrist1 which is at all
 events thoroughly ,jewish and earlier  
than #gj1 when the temple was destroyed 
in which it expects the manifestation of
 the man of sin4 ,it is the only one of 
the ,epistles of this period whose      
authenticity is seriously questioned by 
critical scholarship4 ,how little this  
affects the question of ,paul's 'gospel'
 may be seen by the fact that the entire
 contents cover less than #c per cent4  
of the earlier ,epistles1 while the     

subject is a mere detail4  ,far more    
significant is it to observe the close  
correspondence between the missionary   
preaching of ,paul as here described by 
himself 7#ast ,thess4 i4 #i f47 and the 
general apostolic message 7kerygma7 as  
described by ,luke 7,acts x4 #db f42    
xiv4 #ae-ag2 xvii4 #bd-ca74 ,where there
 are no ,judaizers there is no reference
 to the dispensations of ,law and ,grace
 and the abolition of the former in the 
,cross4 ,the doctrine is the common     
gospel of the ,resurrection1 wherein    
,jesus has been manifested as the       
,messiah4 ,faith in him secures         
forgiveness to the repentant2 all others
 are doomed to perish in the judgment   
shown by his 'manifestation' to be at   
hand 7cf4 #ast ,cor4 xv4 #aa2 ,rom4 i4  
#c-e74  ,galatians was written but      
slightly before 7or after87 the letters 
to ,thessalonica4 ,its single theme     
7after the retrospect7 is the ,adoption 
to ,son ship through the ,spirit4       
,against the ,judaizer's plea that to   

share in the ,inheritance one must be   
adopted 7preferably by circumcision7    
into the family of ,abraham1 or at all  
events pay respect to the ,mosaic ,law1 
,paul asserts the single fact of the    
adoption of the ,spirit4 ,it is because 
ye are sons that ,god sent forth the    
,spirit of his ,son into our hearts     
crying 7in the ecstatic utterances of   
'tongues'7 ,abba1 that is1 ,father      
7,gal4 iv4 #f74 ,to go back to legal    
observances is to revert from redemption
 to bondage4 ,all ,christians are indeed
 sons of ,abraham1 but only as sharers  
of his trust in ,god4 ,abraham was made 
heir of the world 7,rom4 iv4 #ac7 for   
his faith4 ,circumcision and the ,law   
came afterwards4 ,they were not         
superimposed stipulations and conditions
 of the promise4 ,on the contrary they  
were temporary pedagogic measures       
intended to produce the consciousness of
 sin and 7moral7 death1 so that when the
 ,heir should come men should be ready  
to cast themselves on the mercy of ,god 

displayed in his vicarious death4#ad    
,thus the messianic ,redemption is a    
redemption from a system issuing in sin 
and death4 ,on the cross even the       
sinless ,christ incurred the curse in   
order that believers thus redeemed might
 have the ,blessing of the ,abrahamic   
promise 7,gal4 iii4 #a--;iv4 #g74       
,footnote #ad3 ,romans enlarges the     
conception of the economy of ,law by    
making it include the ,gentile law of   
'conscience' 7,rom4 i4 #ah--;ii4        
#af74 ,in ,galatians this point is      
covered only by classing the     angels 
through whom the ,mosaic ,law was given1
 with the ,elements     honoured in     
,gentile religion4 ,both are codes of   
stewards and     governors4  ,but this  
transfer from bondage to liberty1 from  
the legal to the filial relation1 does  
not make ,christ a minister of sin4 ,on 
the contrary1 if the delivering ,spirit 
of ,son ship has been received at all1  
it controls the life for purity and     
love4 ,one cannot be a son and be       

unfilial or unbrotherly4 ,the unity of  
the redeemed world in ,christ is the    
unity of loving service1 not of         
subjection to a bygone system of rules  
7iv4 #h--vi4 #ah74 ,thus does ,galatians
 meet the insidious plea of the         
,judaizers1 and their charges against   
,pauline liberty4  ,the church founded  
by ,paul in ,corinth 7,acts xviii4      
#a-ag7 was grounded from the beginning  
in this doctrine of the ,cross4 ,paul   
purposely restricted himself to it 7#ast
 ,cor4 i4 #ag-be2 ii4 #a-e74 ,he had    
indeed a world-view1 of which we learn  
more in the ,epistles of the ,captivity1
 a philosophy revealed by the ,spirit as
 a mystery of ,god4 ,those who          
afterwards in ,corinth came to call     
themselves followers of ,apollos had    
nothing to teach him on this score4 ,but
 consideration of this ,grecizing       
tendency1 too often issuing in a mere   
philosophy and vain deceit after the    
,elements of the world and not after    
,christ 7,col4 ii4 #h71 must be         

deferred1 in favour of questions which  
became more immediately pressing4 ,for  
after ,paul had left ,corinth to make a 
brief visit via ,ephesus to ,caesarea   
and ,antioch1 and had returned through  
the now pacified ,galatian churches to  
make ,ephesus his permanent headquarters
 7,acts xviii4 #ah-bc71 he received     
disturbing news of conditions in        
,corinth4 ,under ,apollos 7now at       
,ephesus with ,paul7 an ,alexandrian    
convert thoroughly indoctrinated with   
,paul's gospel 7,acts xviii4 #bd-bh7 the
 church had flourished1 but discussions 
had subsequently arisen1 resulting in a 
letter to ,paul asking his advice on    
disputed points4 ,besides this there    
were moral blemishes4 ,first the        
factious strife itself1 of which ,paul  
has learnt from newcomers from ,corinth2
 secondly a case of unpunished incest4  
,a previous letter from ,paul 7now lost1
 or but partially preserved in #bnd     
,cor4 vi4 #ad--vii4 #a7 had required the
 church to have no company with         

fornicators4 ,the church1 making the    
application general1 had pleaded the    
impracticability of going out of the    
world4 ,paul now explains3 ,if any man  
that is named a brother be a fornicator 
444 with such a one no1 not to eat4     
,after further rebuke for litigiousness1
 and a lack of moral tone1 especially in
 the matter of fornication 7ch4 vi471   
,paul takes up seriatim the things      
whereof ye wrote4 ,we are chiefly       
interested in the long section 7viii4   
#a--xi4 #a7 on things offered to idols  
wherein ,paul instructs those who would 
be imitators of his freedom1 but who    
forget that he has always refused to    
assert his rights when thereby the      
'weak' were stumbled4 ,moreover         
fornication is never among the          
permissible things1 nor even the eating 
of meats offered to idols at the heathen
 banquet itself4 ,such food is          
unobjectionable only when it has been   
sold in the market1 and can be eaten    
without 'offence4'  ,the other questions

 related to church meetings for the     
,lord's supper and the exercise of      
spiritual gifts4 ,they give opportunity 
for the development of ,paul's noble    
doctrine of unity through loving service
 7xi4 #b--xiv4 #dj74 ,the doctrinal     
section of #ast ,corinthians concludes  
with a full statement of ,paul's        
doctrine of the resurrection body       
7called forth by ,greek objections to   
the ,jewish74 ,from the items of        
business at the close we learn that the 
collection for the saints has been under
 way some time already in ,galatia1 and 
that ,paul hopes1 after passing through 
,macedonia1 to join the delegation which
 is to carry the money to ,jerusalem    
7xvi4 #a-f74  ,as it turned out ,paul   
actually followed the itinerary outlined
 in #ast ,cor4 xvi4 #a-f1 but not until 
after distressing experiences4 ,timothy1
 sent 7by way of ,macedonia1 ,acts xix4 
#bb7 as ,paul's representative 7iv4 #ag2
 xvi4 #aj f471 was unable to restore    
order4 ,the opposition to ,paul's       

apostolic authority1 treated almost     
contemptuously in ix4 #a-ad1 grew to    
alarming proportions4 ,paul received so 
direct and personal an affront 7either  
on a hasty visit undertaken in person   
from ,ephesus1 or in the person of      
,timothy7 that he despatched a          
peremptory ultimatum1 whose effect he is
 anxiously waiting to hear when #bnd    
,corinthians opens with ,paul driven out
 from ,ephesus1 a refugee in ,macedonia 
7c4 #ee74 ,it is highly probable that   
the disconnected section appended       
between #bnd ,cor4 ix4 #ae and the      
,farewell1 is taken from this grievous  
letter written out of much affliction   
and anguish of heart with many tears    
7#bnd ,cor4 ii4 #a-d2 vii4 #h-af72 for  
it was not only a peremptory demand for 
punishment of the offender1 but also a  
letter of forced self-commendation4     
,paul cannot have written in            
self-commendation on more than one      
occasion1 and he promises not to repeat 
this in iii4 #a ff4 ,we may take #bnd   

,cor4 x4-xiii41 then1 as representing   
the grievous letter4 ,the opposition    
emanates from ,judaizers who say they   
are of ,christ1 and may therefore be    
identical with those of #ast ,cor4 i4   
#ab4 ,but it has grown to proportions   
which for a time made ,paul despair of  
the church's loyalty4 ,titus' arrival in
 ,macedonia with news of their restored 
obedience had been an inexpressible     
relief 7ii4 #e-ag2 vii4 #h-af74 ,it     
remains only to set his 'ministry of the
 new covenant' once more in contrast    
with the ,mosaic 'ministry of           
condemnation and death1' including      
further elucidation of the doctrine of  
the resurrection body 7iii4 #a--vi4 #aj7
 and to urge generosity in the matter of
 the collection 7chh4 viii4-ix474  ,the 
somewhat disordered1 but unmistakably   
genuine material of #bnd ,corinthians   
was probably given out as a kind of     
residuum of ,pauline material long after
 our #ast ,corinthians had been put in  
circulation1 perhaps when renewed strife

 had caused the church in ,rome to      
intervene through ,clement 7#ie71 who   
quotes #ast ,corinthians1 but shows no  
knowledge of #bnd ,corinthians4 ,the    
correspondence is not only invaluable to
 the church for its paean of love as the
 invincible1 abiding gift of the ,spirit
 7#ast ,cor4 xiii47 and its sublime     
eulogy of the ministry of the new       
covenant1 but instructive in the highest
 degree to the historian4 ,almost every 
aspect of ,paul's work as missionary1   
defender of his own independent         
apostleship and gospel1 guide and       
instructor of developing                
,gentile-,christian thought1 and ardent 
commissioner for peace with the         
apostolic community in ,syria1 is here  
set forth4 ,the best exposition of the  
history is the documentary material     
itself1 and conversely4  ,romans was    
written during the peaceful winter at   
,corinth 7#ee-ef7 which followed these  
weeks of tormenting anxiety in          
,macedonia 7,acts xx4 #a-c74 ,paul feels

 that he has carried the gospel to the  
very shores of the ,adriatic 7xv4 #ai74 
,he is on the point of going to         
,jerusalem with his great 'offering of  
the ,gentiles1' and has already fixed   
his eye on ,rome and ,spain6 ,just as   
before the ,first ,missionary ,journey  
he forestalled opposition by frankly    
laying his gospel before the ,pillars1  
so now he lays it before the church in  
,rome1 but most delicately and          
tactfully1 not as though assuming to    
admonish ,christians already filled with
 all knowledge and able to admonish one 
another 7xv4 #ad71 but that ,i with you 
may be comforted in you1 each of us by  
the other's faith 7i4 #ab74 ,thus the   
,epistle is an eirenicon4 ,for ,rome was
 even more than ,ephesus had been1 a    
preoccupied territory1 though a         
metropolis of ,paul's mission-field4    
,most of the church are ,paul's         
sympathizers1 but there are many of the 
'weak1' who may easily be 'offended4'   
,the letter repeats and enlarges the    

argument of ,galatians for the gospel of
 ,grace1 carrying back the promise to   
,abraham to its antecedent in the fall  
of ,adam1 whereby all mankind had passed
 under the domination of ,sin and       
,death4 ,the function of the ,law is    
again made clear as bringing men to     
consciousness of this bondage1 till it  
is done away by 7mystical7 death and    
resurrection with ,christ4 ,in the      
adoption wrought by the ,spirit the     
whole creation even1 groaning since     
,adam's time under 'vanity1' is         
liberated in the manifestation of the   
sons of ,god4 ,jesus1 glorified at the  
right hand of ,god1 is the firstfruits  
of the cosmic redemption 7,rom4         
i4-viii474 ,such is ,paul's theory of   
'evolution4' ,it is followed by a       
vindication of ,god in history4 ,rom4   
ix4-xi4 exhibits the relation of ,jew   
and ,gentile in the process of the      
redemption4 ,israel has for the time    
being been hardened that the ,gentiles  
may be brought in4 ,ultimately their    

very jealousy at this result will bring 
them also to repentant faith4  ,paul's  
sublime exposition of his view of cosmic
 and historic redemption is followed 7as
 in all the ,epistles7 by a practical   
exhortation 7chh4 xii4-xiv471 the       
keynote of which is unity through mutual
 forbearance and loving service4 ,it    
repeats the ,corinthian figure of the   
members in the body1 and the ,galatian  
definition of the 'law of ,christ4'     
,special application is made to the case
 of the scrupulous who make distinctions
 of days and of meats4 ,here1 however   
7xiv4 #a--xv4 #ac71 there is no longer  
need to resist a threatened yoke4 ,only 
tenderness and consideration are urged  
for the over-scrupulous brother in      
,christ4 ,it was in this spirit that    
,paul and his great company of delegates
 from the churches of the ,gentiles went
 up to ,jerusalem 7,acts xx4 #d--xxi4   
#ag74     ,,chapter ,,iv  ,,paul ,,as   
,,prisoner ,,and ,,church ,,father      
,the second period of ,paul's literary  

career begins after an interval of      
several years4 ,this interval is covered
 indeed1 so far as the great events of  
the ,apostle's personal story are       
concerned1 by the last nine chapters of 
,acts1 but exceedingly obscure as       
respects the fortunes of his            
mission-field and the occasion for the  
group of ,epistles which come to us     
after its close4 ,it is barely possible 
that a fragment or two from the         
so-called ,pastoral ,epistles 7#ast     
,timothy1 #bnd ,timothy1 ,titus71 which 
seem to be compiled long after ,paul's  
death on the basis of some remnants of  
his correspondence1 may have been       
written shortly after the arrest in     
,jerusalem and first defence4 ,in #bnd  
,tim4 iv4 #aa-ah a journey is referred  
to from ,troas by way of ,ephesus which 
coincides in many respects with that of 
,acts xx4 ,if the fragment could be     
taken out from its present setting it   
might be possible to identify the two2  
for it is clear from the forecast of    

,acts xx4 #be1 #ch that ,paul never did 
revisit this region4 ,the grip of ,rome 
upon her troublesome prisoner was not   
relaxed until his martyrdom1 probably   
some considerable time before the great 
multitude whom ,nero condemned after the
 conflagration of #fd4 ,however1 until  
analysis can dissect out with greater   
definiteness the genuine elements of the
 ,pastoral ,epistles1 they cannot be    
used to throw light upon the later      
period of ,paul's career4 ,a historical 
background has indeed been created to   
meet their requirements--a release of   
,paul1 resumption of missionary         
activities on the coasts of the         
,a,egean1 renewed imprisonment in ,rome 
and ultimate martyrdom4 ,but this has   
absolutely no warrant outside the       
,pastorals themselves1 and is both      
inconsistent with ,acts and open to     
criticism intrinsically4 ,the story thus
 created of a release1 second visitation
 of the ,greek churches1 and second     
imprisonment must1 therefore1 be        

regarded as fictitious1 and the         
,pastoral ,epistles in their present    
form as products of the post-,pauline   
age4  ,it is our task to trace the      
development among the ,greek churches of
 ,christianity conceived as a revelation
 of ,god in ,christ1 alongside of its   
development in the 'apostolic' church1  
until the period of 'catholic' unity and
 the completed canon4 ,upon this        
development the story of ,paul's        
personal fortunes in ,acts throws but   
little light4 ,we merely see that his   
great peace-making visit to ,jerusalem  
was suddenly interrupted by his arrest  
in the temple1 while engaged in an act  
of worship undoubtedly intended by him  
to demonstrate his willingness in the   
interest of unity to become as under the
 ,law to them that are under the ,law4  
,after this his great delegation from   
the ,gentile churches must have         
scattered to their homes4 ,paul remained
 a prisoner for two years in ,caesarea1 
and after an adventurous journey        

covering the ensuing autumn and winter  
7#ei-fj71 spent two more years in less  
rigid confinement at ,rome4 ,we need no 
hint from his request in #bnd ,tim4 iv4 
#ac for books and parchments to infer   
that the years of forced seclusion in   
,caesarea were marked by study and      
meditation2 but narrative and inference 
together convey but little of what we   
mainly desire to know3 the course of    
religious development in the ,pauline   
churches1 as a background for the       
literature4  ,on the other hand recent  
research into religious conditions in   
the early ,empire has removed the       
principal objections to the authenticity
 of ,philippians1 ,philemon1            
,colossians1 and even ,ephesians4 ,we   
are far from being compelled to come    
down to the time of the great ,gnostic  
systems of the second century to find a 
historical situation appropriate to this
 group of letters purporting to be      
written by ,paul from his captivity4    
,indeed they exhibit on any theory of   

their origin a characteristic and       
legitimate development of the ,pauline  
gospel of ,son ship by the ,spirit of   
,adoption abolishing the dispensation of
 ,law4 ,it is a development almost      
inevitable in a conception of 'the      
gospel' formed on ,greek ideas of       
,redemption1 if we place in opposition  
to it a certain baser type of           
superstitious1 mongrel ,judaism1        
revealed in the ,epistles themselves1   
repeatedly referred to in ,acts1 and now
 known to us by a mass of extraneous    
documentary material4  ,the new         
disturbers of the churches' peace       
revealed in the ,epistles of the        
,captivity are still of ,jewish origin  
and tendency2 but at least in the region
 of ,colossae 7in the ,lycus ,valley1   
adjacent to southern ,galatia7 the issue
 is no longer that between ,law and     
,grace1 but concerns the nature and     
extent of the ,redemption4 ,the trouble 
still comes from a superstitious        
exaltation of the ,mosaic revelation2   

but those whom ,paul here opposes do not
 use the ,law lawfully1 frankly         
insisting on its permanent obligation as
 the will of ,god for all sons1         
unaffected by the ,cross4 ,it is now    
admitted to be an ordinance of angels2  
but the observance of it is inculcated  
because man's redemption can only come  
through conciliation of these higher    
beings4 ,mystical union with superhuman 
,powers is to be promoted by its        
observances4 ,this superstition is      
neither purely ,jewish1 nor purely      
,greek4 ,it is composite--,hellenistic4 
,judaism is imitated in the             
superstitious reverence for the ,law2   
but the conception of ,redemption leaves
 behind every thought of national       
particularism and is openly             
individualistic4 ,the redemption sought 
is that of the individual soul from the 
limitations of humanity1 and doubtless  
the name of ,jesus played an important  
role in the emancipation1 as in the     
exorcisms of the sons of ,sceva 7,acts  

xix4 #ac f472 only it was not above     
every name4  ,but even ,jewish          
apocalypses such as ,enoch and ,baruch  
with all their superstitious angelology 
and demonology manage somehow to cling  
to the ancient ,jewish faith in the     
primacy of man1 and ,paul in like manner
 upholds against the theosophists the   
doctrine of the believer's ,son ship and
 joint-heirship with ,christ4 ,in fact  
the ,adoption1 ,redemption and          
,inheritance accorded in the gift of the
 ,spirit are to his mind gifts so great 
and exalted as to make it a gratuitous  
self-humiliation to pay homage1 in      
,mosaic or other ceremonial1 to angels1 
principalities1 or powers4 ,in ,christ  
we already have a foothold in the       
heavenly regions4 ,we were foreordained 
in his person to be heirs before the    
foundation of the world4 ,his           
resurrection and ascension to the right 
hand of ,god participated in by us      
through the ,spirit was a triumph over  
the ',elements' and ',rulers4' ,they    

should be beneath the ,christian's feet 
in feeling1 as they soon will be in     
reality4  ,this exalted doctrine of     
,christ's ,son ship as compared with the
 mere temporary authority of angels and 
principalities and powers1 secures to   
the ,epistles of the ,captivity their   
well-deserved title of ,christological2 
for they lay the foundation for all     
later doctrines of the ,logos or ,word4 
,it is well to realize1 however1 that   
the doctrine is in origin and meaning   
simply a vindication of the divine      
dignity of manhood4  ,an idea of outward
 conditions at the time of writing may  
be gained from the two ,epistles of the 
group most universally admitted to be   
genuine1 ,philemon and ,philippians4    
,both are written from captivity1 almost
 certainly in ,rome1 because the writer 
is expecting1 if released1 to revisit   
the ,a,egean coasts1 which was not      
,paul's expectation in ,caesarea4 ,but  
there is a wide difference between the  
two as respects the circumstances       

presupposed4 ,the tone of ,philemon is  
hopeful1 sprightly1 even jocose4 ,paul  
is in company with a group of           
fellow-workers which significantly      
includes ,mark1 as well as two          
companions of the voyage to ,rome1      
,aristarchus of ,thessalonica1 and ,luke
 7,acts xxvii4 #b74 ,epaphras1 his      
fellow-prisoner1 appears in ,colossians 
as the founder of that church and a     
teacher in the adjacent towns of        
,hierapolis and ,laodicea4 ,he has      
brought to ,paul either of his own      
knowledge or by report from others1     
disturbing news of the inroads of the   
heresy4 ,onesimus1 whose case occasions 
the letter to ,philemon1 is an escaped  
slave of this friend and convert of     
,paul4 ,the apostle is sending back the 
slave with the request that he be       
forgiven and manumitted4 ,the           
interrelation of the persons mentioned  
in ,philemon and ,colossians shows that 
the occasion is the same4 ,tychicus 7cf4
 ,acts xx4 #c7 the bearer of ,colossians

 7,col4 iv4 #g7 accompanies ,onesimus4  
,ephesians 7if authentic7 belongs to the
 same group1 being also carried by      
,tychicus 7,eph4 vi4 #ba74 ,it was      
certainly not intended for ,ephesus1 but
 for some church or churches not        
directly known to ,paul 7i4 #ae2 iii4   
#b74 ,it bears much the same relation to
 ,colossians as ,romans to ,galatians4  
,in spite of copious evidences of its   
use reaching back even to ,clement of   
,rome 7#ie7 the genuineness of          
,ephesians is more seriously questioned 
than that of any other ,pauline letter  
save the ,pastorals4 ,in the present    
writer's judgment this suspicion is     
unfounded1 but the question of ,pauline1
 semi-,pauline or deutero-,pauline is   
immaterial to the general development4  
,philippians is of later date than      
,philemon and its companions4 ,paul has 
been in circumstances of dire physical  
distress1 and is comforting his         
correspondents in view of an immediately
 impending decision of his case 7ii4    

#bc74 ,the issue will be life or death1 
and ,paul has no earthly 7but only      
super-earthly7 reasons for hoping the   
verdict may not be adverse4 ,he is still
 expecting1 if released1 to revisit the 
,a,egean coast 7ii4 #bd72 but it is only
 smiling through his tears when he tells
 the ,philippians that their need of him
 is so great that he is confident he    
will be spared to them 7,phil4 #a4      
#ab-cj74 ,knowing that this journey was 
never made1 we can but infer that the   
fate so near at hand in ,phil4 ii4 #ag  
came actually to pass4 ,paul's blood was
 poured out a libation1 as tradition of 
extreme antiquity credibly reports1 and 
it can hardly have been after a release1
 return to ,greece and second arrest4   
,the passage in #bnd ,tim iv4 #e-h which
 repeats the figure of the libation     
7,phil4 ii4 #ag71 treating it no longer 
as doubtful1 but a tragic certainty1    
will have been penned 7if authentic7 but
 a few weeks at most after ,philippians1
 and immediately before the end4 ,if    

,philemon-,colossians-,ephesians be     
dated in #fb1 ,philippians1 with the    
possible fragments in #bnd ,timothy1 may
 be dated a few months later4           
,conditions at ,philippi appear only in 
a favourable light from this latest     
authentic epistle4 ,paul can thank ,god 
upon every remembrance of these loyal   
and liberal ,macedonian friends4 ,in    
,rome1 however1 he is still affected by 
,judaizing opposition1 though his       
attitude toward it 7in ,rome at least7  
shows the significant difference from   
,galatians that he can now be thankful  
that ,christ is preached even thus      
7,phil4 i4 #ae-ah74 ,moreover there is a
 difference in the type of legalism     
represented2 for while in his warning to
 the ,philippians of the possible coming
 of the heretics ,paul is moved to      
recall his own renunciation of          
legalistic righteousness1 the terms of  
opprobrium applied to the disturbers    
imply an immorality and assimilation to 
heathenism 7,phil4 iii4 #b #ai2 cf4     

,rom4 xvi4 #ag-bj7 which could not      
justly be said to characterize the      
legalism of the synagogue4  ,the        
doctrinal elements of ,philippians      
consist of two passages3 7#a7 the       
denunciation of the concision 7a term   
applied to the heathenized renegade     
,jew7 ending with a reminder of the high
 enthronement of our spiritual ,redeemer
 7iii4 #a-ba72 7#b7 the definition of   
the mind1 or disposition1 of ,christ    
exhibited in his self-abnegating        
incarnation1 obedient suffering1 and    
supreme exaltation 7ii4 #e-aa74 ,both   
passages are characteristic of ,paul's  
gospel in general1 which is always1 as  
against that of the ,judaizers1 the     
gospel of a drama1 or spectacle1        
witnessed2 not a gospel of teachings    
heard4 ,it is a gospel about ,jesus1 not
 of precepts inculcated by ,jesus1 a    
drama of redemption for all mankind out 
of servitude into ,son ship1 wherein the
 cross is central4 ,both passages are   
also characteristic1 as we shall see1 of

 the later period of ,paul's literary   
activity2 for even in ,philippians1 the 
dominant doctrinal motive is the        
,redemption to which ,paul is looking   
forward1 and this is now conceived even 
more strongly than in the earlier       
letters in terms of personal religion4  
,he anticipates departing to be with    
,christ 7i4 #bc7 rather than awaiting   
,him on earth 7#ast ,thess4 iv4 #ag74   
,the goal toward which the ,christian   
presses on is personal immortality      
through mystic union with ,christ in the
 life of ,god 7iii4 #aj-ad74 ,this too  
is a real doctrine of the ,kingdom of   
,god2 but its starting-point is         
humanity's triumph over its enemies     
'sin' and 'death1' not ,israel's triumph
 over its oppressors4 ,still more in the
 ,colossian group does it become        
apparent how the 'far-off1 divine event'
 is a unity of mankind through the      
,spirit corresponding to the ,stoic     
figure of the members and the body      
rather than the ',kingdom of ,david4'   

,again the opponents in ,phil4 iii4 #b1 
#ah f4 are not mere ,pharisaic          
legalists1 unable to see that ,law and  
,grace are mutually exclusive systems1  
and nullifying the significance of the  
,cross by perpetuating the system it was
 intended to abolish4 ,if we may explain
 the difference by ,colossians1 they are
 ,jews of heathenish tendencies1        
pretended adherents of the gospel1 who  
nullify its significance by perpetuating
 regard for the ,law2 only the servility
 deplored is not servility toward ,god1 
but toward angels 7,col4 ii4 #ah74  ,to 
appreciate the enlargement which has    
come to ,christianity beyond its merely 
'apostolic' form through the independent
 development of the ,greek churches in  
this second period we must realize that 
,paul's 'gospel of the uncircumcision'  
differed in respect to promise as well  
as law4 ,the coming ,kingdom which he   
preached was something more than the    
kingdom of our father ,david extended   
from ,jerusalem4 ,what it really was    

becomes fully apparent only in the      
',christological ,epistles4' ,but we    
must study the opposition to appreciate 
how differently the idea of ,redemption 
had developed on ,greek soil4  ,that    
aspect of ,judaism which was most       
conspicuous to the outsider in ,paul's  
day was not the legalism of the scribes 
and the ,palestinian synagogue1         
perpetually embalmed in the ,talmud and 
orthodox rabbinism of to-day4 ,it was   
the superstition and magic which excite 
the contempt of satirists like ,horace1 
,juvenal1 and ,martial1 and call forth  
descriptions like that of the letter of 
,hadrian to ,servianus1 characterizing  
the ,samaritans1 ,jews and ,christians  
dwelling in ,egypt as all astrologers1  
haruspices1 and quacksalvers4 ,it is    
this type of ,jew who is most widely    
known in the contemporary ,hellenistic  
world2 whose spells and incantations1   
framed in ,old ,testament language1 are 
perpetuated in the leaden incantation   
rolls and magic papyri of the ,berlin   

collection2 whose portrait is painted in
 the ,simon ,magus of ,acts viii4       
#ad-bd1 the ,elymas the sorcerer of     
,acts xiii4 #f-ab1 the strolling ,jews1 
exorcists1 and the seven sons of ,sceva 
of ,acts xix4 #ac-bj4 ,a ,christian     
writer early in the second century is so
 impressed with this characteristic of  
contemporary ,judaism that he even      
distinguishes as the third type of      
religion1 besides idolatry and          
,christianity1 the ,jews1 who fancy that
 they alone know ,god1 but do not1      
worshipping angels and archangels1 the  
moon and the month1 and seeks to prove  
his case by citing the ,old ,testament  
festal system4 ,indeed this idea of     
,judaism is the predominant one among   
the second-century apologists4 ,jewish  
superstition is a notorious fact of the 
time4 ,the transcendentalizing of       
,jewish theology after the ,persian     
period had led inevitably to an         
elaborate angelology and demonology4    
,when as part of this process a more and

 more supernatural character was        
attributed to the ,law it could but have
 a two-fold effect4 ,the learned and    
orthodox would treat it soberly as a    
revelation of the divine will4 ,this is 
the legalistic development we see in the
 ,talmud and the ,palestinian synagogue4
 ,the ignorant and superstitious1       
especially in the ,greek-speaking world1
 would use it as a book of magic4 ,this 
is what we see among many ,jewish sects1
 particularly in ,samaria1 ,egypt and   
among the ,greek-speaking ,jews4 ,the   
tendency was marked even in ,galilee4   
,jesus ,himself stigmatizes the morbid  
craving of ,his countrymen for miracles 
as the mark of an adulterous generation1
 because the power invoked was not      
divine1 but always angelic1 or even     
demonic4 ,paul alludes to the same trait
 7#ast ,cor4 i4 #bb74 ,but while there  
is a singular absence both from the     
,pauline and the ,johannine writings of 
any reference to exorcism1 the typical  
miracle of ,synoptic story1 it has been 

justly remarked that no element of      
,paul's thought has been so little      
affected by that of ,jesus as his       
angelology and demonology4 ,paul's      
world-view1 like that of the apocalypses
 of his time1 is a perfect              
phantasmagoria of angels and demons1    
gods many and lords many4 ,his          
conception of the redemption conflict is
 not a wrestling against flesh and      
blood1 but against world-rulers of this 
7lower region of7 darkness1 against     
archangels1 elements1 principalities1   
powers4 ,the one thing which takes away 
all harmful influence from this         
credulity 7if we must apply an unfairly 
modern judgment to an ancient writer7 is
 his doctrine of the ,son ship and      
,lordship of ,jesus1 with whom the      
redeemed are joint-heirs of the entire  
creation and thus superior to angels4   
,in this respect ,paul has imbibed the  
mind of ,christ4 ,jesus' remedy for     
superstition is not scientific but      
religious4 ,it does not deny the        

popularly assumed relation to spirits   
good or evil1 but affirms a direct      
relation to the ,infinite ,spirit1 which
 reduces all angels and demons to       
insignificance save as ministers4       
,paul's world-view starts with the      
creation of man to be lord and heir of  
the world 7,gal4 iv4 #a2 #ast ,cor4 iii4
 #bb2 cf4 ,gen4 i4 #bh74 ,the purpose of
 ,god1 which he purposed in ,christ     
,jesus1 before the creation1 unto a     
dispensation of the fulness of the ages 
is to our glory4 ,it would be frustrated
 if the ,second ,adam did not become the
 ,heir1 in whom the redeemed creation   
would find the goal of its long         
expectancy4 ,paul has a cosmology as    
well as ,enoch4 ,he could not be a      
worthy follower of ,jesus--he could not 
even be a loyal son of the ,law without 
holding to the accepted doctrine of the 
,inheritance intended for ,messiah and  
his obedient people4 ,it did not make   
him less firm in this conviction when as
 a ,christian he thought of ,jesus as   

the ,messiah1 and of ,jew and ,gentile  
united in his kingdom2 only the         
starting-point is not the subjection of 
the sons of ,abraham under ,gentiles1   
but the subjection of the sons of ,adam 
under world-rulers of this darkness4    
,when he combines ,ps4 viii4 and ,ps4   
cx4 in his depiction of the reign of    
,christ in #ast ,cor4 xv4 #bd-bg1 it is 
a sure indication of its scope as ,paul 
understood it4 ,he included in the      
lordship over creation1 and the         
subjection of all enemies which the     
exalted ,christ is awaiting at the right
 hand of ,god1 the subjection of angels1
 and principalities1 and powers and     
every name that is named1 whether of    
beings in heaven1 or on earth1 or under 
the earth4 ,paul pursues1 then1 the     
method of the apocalyptic writers in    
making his doctrine of ,redemption and  
the ,kingdom transcendental4 ,by making 
it cosmic he undermines its ,jewish     
particularism4 ,he avoids the           
superstition by holding firmly to       

,jesus' doctrine of ,son ship by moral  
affinity with ,god4  ,in the            
,christological ,epistles accordingly it
 is apparent that the ,pauline churches 
are learning to think of the coming     
,kingdom in a widely different way from 
the 'apostolic4' ,the ,greek doctrine of
 mystic union1 not the rabbinic of a    
share in the world to come1 is the      
basis4 ,in due time we shall see how    
difficult the process of reconciliation 
became between ,greek and ,semitic      
thought in this field also4 ,for the    
present we can only note how in the     
great theme of the ,unity of the ,spirit
 in ,eph4 iv4 #a--vi4 #i it is not the  
'apostolic' ideal of a restoration of   
the kingdom to ,israel according to the 
oath sworn to ,abraham 7,luke i4 #fh-ge2
 cf4 ,acts i4 #f7 that dominates1 but an
 enlargement of the figure of the body  
and members1 a figure commonly employed 
by ,stoic writers1 to apply to the unity
 of the church in ,corinthians and      
,romans4 ,in the ,epistles of the       

,captivity the doctrine of the ,kingdom 
is a social organism permeated and      
vitalized by ,christ's spirit of        
service4 ,personal immortality is union 
with the life of ,god4  ,in view of the 
notoriety of ,ephesus as the very centre
 of the trade in magic 7so much so that 
spells and incantations were technically
 known as ,ephesian letters7 and of what
 ,acts tells us of the enormous         
destruction there of books of magic     
effected by ,paul's preaching1 it is not
 surprising that ,asia and ,phrygia     
should appear a few years after ,paul's 
departure as the hot-bed of a philosophy
 and vain deceit1 after the tradition of
 men1 after the 'elements' of the world1
 and not after ,christ4 ,acts xx4 #bi   
makes ,paul predict the heresy4  ,such  
was especially the case at ,colossae1 a 
little town long after notorious for its
 superstition1 where ,epaphras1 now     
,paul's fellow-prisoner1 had founded the
 church4 ,epaphras himself at the time  
of ,paul's writing was in great anxiety 

both for this church and for the        
adjoining churches at ,hierapolis and   
,laodicea4 ,colossians is written to    
meet this danger1 and was sent by the   
same bearers as the note to ,philemon4  
,it was to be exchanged1 after being    
read at ,colossae1 for another epistle  
sent simultaneously to ,laodicea4       
,whether our ,ephesians is this         
companion letter or only a              
deutero-,pauline production framed on   
the basis of some genuine letter written
 on this occasion1 is a disputed point  
among critics4 ,in ,marcion's canon our 
,ephesians was called ,laodiceans1 and  
in our own oldest textual authorities it
 has no address4 ,we may assume that    
,ephesians is really the companion      
letter1 whose original address was for  
some reason cancelled2#ae or that it is 
but partially from ,paul's own hand4    
,neither view will materially alter our 
conception of his teaching1 or the      
special application of it to the        
circumstances of the churches of the    

,lycus ,valley4 ,the important thing to 
observe is that whereas the application 
in ,colossians is specific1 in          
,ephesians it is systematic and general4
 ,colossians wages a direct polemic     
against those who are making believers  
the spoil of mere ',elements' by        
introducing distinctions of meats and   
drinks 7a step beyond ,mosaism71 with   
observance of feast days1 new moons and 
sabbaths4 ,in ,ephesians we have1 either
 altogether at first hand1 or to a      
greater or less extent at second1 a     
general1 affirmative presentation of    
,paul's doctrine of ,lordship in        
,christ4 ,it has only incidental        
allusion to being deceived with empty   
words 7v4 #f71 and a warning not to be  
children tossed to and fro and carried  
about with every wind of doctrine1 by   
the sleight of men in craftiness1 after 
the wiles of error 7iv4 #ad74           
,footnote #ae3 ,harnack very ingeniously
 suggests as a reason the ill     repute
 later incurred by ,laodicea 7cf4 ,rev4 

iii4 #ae f472     comparing the         
chiselling out from inscriptions of the 
names of     unpopular kings4           
,colossians and ,ephesians develop1     
accordingly1 that 7cosmological7 wisdom 
of ,god conveyed to ,paul by the ,spirit
 of ,christ in a mystery1 at which he   
had only hinted in #ast ,cor4 ii4 #a-af4
 ,paul's gnosis1 or insight1 concerns   
the purpose of ,god in creation1 hidden 
even from the 7angelic7 world-rulers1   
who are coming to nought4 ,the ,spirit  
of ,christ1 who as the divine ,wisdom   
had been the agent of creation1 is given
 to ,christian apostles and prophets4   
,it affords them in the revelation of   
this mystery a philosophy both of       
creation and redemption which puts to   
shame mere speculative reasoning4 ,the  
,inheritance--the things ,god prepared  
for those that love ,him--consists 7as  
an apocalyptic writer had said7 of      
things which eye had not seen1 nor ear  
heard1 nor had entered into the heart of
 man to conceive4 ,paul had purposely   

refrained from unfolding this revealed  
cosmology and philosophy of history to  
the ,corinthians1 in order to avoid just
 the evils which the teaching of        
,apollos had apparently precipitated at 
the time when #ast ,corinthians was     
written4 ,still1 we can gain from this  
very epistle 7#ast ,cor4 viii4 #f2 xv4  
#bd-bh7 a partial conception of his     
doctrine of ,christ as the beginning and
 end of the creation1 the ,wisdom of    
,god by whom and for whom as ,heir1 all 
things were created4 ,from ,romans      
i4-viii4 and ix4-xi4 we can easily see  
that as ,second ,adam the ,messiah was  
to ,paul the key to the world's         
development and to human history2 for   
since the triumph of ,satan in ,eden the
 whole creation had waited1 groaning1   
for the advent of the sons4 ,galatians  
makes it no less clear that he thought  
of the ,cross as the epoch-making event1
 which marks the transition from the    
period of the control of the world by   
secondary agencies1 to the rule of the  

,son4 ,this mystery is simply brought   
out and developed now in the ,epistles  
of the ,captivity4 ,the effort and      
prayer is that the readers may have the 
eyes of their heart enlightened1 obtain 
something of ,paul's own insight into   
the riches of the inheritance they are  
to share with ,christ1 something of     
,paul's experience of the power of ,god 
in raising ,christ from the dead and    
setting ,him on the throne of glory4 ,if
 they but realize what ,son ship and    
heirship with ,christ implies--if they  
but take in the fact that by the        
resurrection ,spirit within them they   
have already in a sense shared in this  
deliverance and this exaltation1 they   
will be forearmed against all the vain  
deceits of theosophy4 ,it is in fact    
this resurrection ,spirit which brings  
about the unity of the world as a single
 organism4 ,it extends from the         
uppermost height to the nethermost      
abyss4 ,and because it is the ,spirit of
 ,jesus1 it fills all it touches with   

the disposition to loving service4 ,it  
affords a new ethics and a new politics 
whose keynote is the law of love in     
imitation of ,god and ,christ4 ,all     
social relations are recreated by it1   
beginning with family and church4 ,hence
 we must think of our redemption as like
 ,israel's from the bondage and darkness
 of ,egypt4 ,the principalities and     
powers of this world1 spiritual hosts of
 wickedness in the super-terrestrial    
regions1 are vainly endeavouring to hold
 back the people of ,god1 in this       
darkness4 ,we have only to wait like    
,israel at the ,passover with our loins 
girt1 and our feet shod4 ,the ,deliverer
 will soon appear from heaven1 clad in  
armour of salvation1 as in the ancient  
passover songs1 cleaving the darkness   
with his sword of light1 and leading    
forth the captives4  ,in these themes1  
variously interwoven in ,ephesians and  
,colossians1 it is difficult to say     
whether it is the note of unity or the  
note of freedom which predominates4     

,certainly we can recognize the same    
great apostle of liberty who in the     
epistles of the earlier period had      
proved the power and value of his       
religious insight by seizing upon the   
doctrine of ,son ship as the essential  
heart of the gospel4 ,it is the same    
genius consciously taught of ,god who   
had demanded and obtained recognition on
 equal terms for his gospel of ,grace   
and ,son ship1 a gospel given by        
revelation of ,god's ,son in him1 who   
now demands that the gift of the ,spirit
 to ,jew and ,gentile be recognized as  
calling for reconstruction of the       
doctrine of the coming ,kingdom4 ,he    
that ascended is the same also that     
descended to the lowest depths that he  
might fill all things4 ,and he poured   
out the gifts in order that they might  
make one organism of the new social     
order1 a new creation animated and      
vitalized by ,jesus' spirit of loving   
service4  ,for just as in all the great 
earlier epistles the note of longing for

 peace and unity in love rings ever     
stronger and clearer above the strife1  
so in the later epistles1 the note of   
triumph in liberty has a deep           
under-chord of thanksgiving for         
reconciliation achieved4 ,the great     
paean of reverent adoration for the     
glory of ,god's grace in ,eph4 i4 #c-ad1
 is a thanksgiving for the union of ,jew
 and ,gentile in one common redemption4 
,the retrospect of the work of ,god in  
ii4 #aa-ba is the proclamation of peace 
to him that was far off and peace to him
 that was nigh4 ,it is described as the 
building of ,jew and ,gentile into one  
living temple1 upon the foundation of   
the apostles and prophets1 ,christ      
,jesus ,himself being the chief         
corner-stone4 ,the exhortation to the   
unity of the ,spirit in iv4 #a--vi4 #i  
rests upon an exultant application of   
the figure of the one new man in whose  
body all are members1 that would be     
inconceivable if at the time of writing 
the church which had received the gifts 

from the ascended ,lord was not indeed  
one body1 but two bodies standing apart 
in mutual distrust and jealousy4  ,in   
fact we may say not of ,ephesians only1 
but of ,colossians likewise1 and indeed 
of all the group3 ,their keynote is not 
so much the conquest of all things by   
,christ as the reconciliation of all    
things in ,christ1 whether things upon  
the earth1 or things in the heavens     
7,col4 i4 #bj74 ,it is not unreasonable 
to infer from such undertones as these  
that the prayer was answered in which   
,paul when he set out from ,corinth had 
besought the ,roman church by our ,lord 
,jesus ,christ and by the love of the   
,spirit to strive together with him1    
that his ministration which he had for  
,jerusalem might be acceptable to the   
saints1 that so his coming to them in   
,rome through the will of ,god might be 
in joy1 and that together with them he  
might find rest4     ,,chapter ,v       
,,pseudo-,,apostolic ,,epistles   ,we   
cannot wonder that an epoch of the      

church's history which followed upon the
 martyrdom in rapid succession of all   
its remaining great leaders1 should at  
first be poor in literary products4     
,james the ,lord's brother was stoned to
 death by a mob in ,jerusalem in the    
year #fa-b4 ,his namesake1 brother of   
,john1 had been beheaded early in #dd by
 ,herod ,agrippa ,i4 ,among the others  
who1 as ,josephus informs us1 perished  
along with ,james in #fa1 we may1       
perhaps1 reckon ,john1 who stands beside
 him in ,paul's list of the ,pillars4   
,this ,john1 son of ,zebedee1 brother of
 the other ,james1 is reckoned a martyr 
in the same sense as his brother in the 
earliest gospels4 ,the brothers are     
assured that they shall drink the same  
cup of suffering as the ,lord1 though   
they may not claim in return pre-eminent
 seats in glory 7,mark x4 #ci f474 ,john
 did not suffer with his brother ,james 
in #dd1 because he is present at the    
conference in #df-g 7,gal4 ii4 #i72 but 
one of the traditions of the ,jerusalem 

elders reported by ,papias declared that
 he was killed by the ,jews in          
fulfilment of the ,lord's prediction1   
and this early tradition must be        
accepted in spite of its conflict with  
one which gradually superseded it after 
,john came to be regarded as author of  
,revelation and the ,fourth ,gospel4    
,the statement that he was killed       
together with ,james his brother may be 
due merely to the 7not infrequent7      
confusion of the two ,jameses4  ,paul's 
decapitation in ,rome occurred not more 
than a year or two later1 and was       
followed there in #fd1 according to very
 ancient and trustworthy tradition1 by  
the martyrdom of ,peter4 ,the death of  
all the principal leaders explains why  
the ,jerusalem church when it           
reassembled after the overthrow of city 
and temple in the year #gj1 put forward 
no more prominent candidates for the    
leadership than a certain ,symeon1 son  
of ,clopas1 one of the group of         
'relatives of the ,lord' who are        

traceable until the time of ,trajan1 and
 a certain unknown ,thebuthis4 ,symeon1 
according to ,eusebius1 who takes his   
account from ,hegesippus 7#afe71 was the
 representative of those of the apostles
 and disciples of the ,lord that were   
still living1 together with the ,lord's 
relatives4 ,thebuthis is said to have   
sprung from one of the heretical ,jewish
 sects and to have organized a schism in
 consequence of his disappointment4 ,all
 we can be sure of is that ,jerusalem   
'down to the time of ,trajan' continued 
to regard itself as the seat of         
apostolic authority and arbiter of      
orthodoxy1 on account of its succession 
of disciples and relatives of the ,lord4
 ,among the latter the leading1 if not  
the only1 representatives of the seed of
 ,david1 when search was made in the    
persecution under ,domitian 7#ha-ie71   
were two grandsons of ,jude1 the ,lord's
 brother4 ,jude himself1 then1 was no   
longer living4 ,luke 7c4 #ajj71 ,papias 
7#ade71 and ,hegesippus 7#afe7          

successively exhibit the growing        
authority of the tradition handed down1 
especially that of the apostles and     
elders in ,jerusalem4 ,but what ,papias 
records of the traditions of these      
elders does not rise above the level of 
,jewish midrash1 and the epistles which 
bear the names of ,james and ,jude have 
little intrinsic value1 and enjoyed from
 the beginning only the most meagre     
acceptance4 ,at ,rome tradition attaches
 to the name of ,peter1 but besides the 
bare fact of his martyrdom at the same  
time with ,paul 7#fd-e7 it has little of
 value to relate4 ,we cannot safely go  
beyond the tradition reported by        
,porphyry that ,peter fed the lambs 7at 
,rome7 for a few months before his      
martyrdom1 and that reported by ,papias 
that ,mark1 who had been ,peter's       
assistant1 compiled there the ,gospel   
which bears his name1 basing it upon his
 recollections of ,peter's preaching4   
,of this vitally important work 7c4     
,a4,d4 #ge7 we must speak in another    

connection4 ,we are concerned at present
 with writings which directly reflect   
the development of ,christian life and  
doctrine in this sub-apostolic period1  
especially that in the ,pauline         
mission-field4  ,except for the         
appearance of the ,gospel of ,mark at   
,rome 7c4 #ge7 there remains nothing to 
break the silence and darkness of twenty
 years after the deaths of ,james and   
,peter and ,paul4 ,the writings which   
finally did appear were almost          
inevitably anonymous or pseudepigraphic1
 because apostolic authority stood so   
high that no other could secure         
circulation4 ,hebrews 7c4 #he7 has an   
epistolary attachment at the close of   
its exhortation1 but either never had an
 address or superscription1 or else has 
been deprived of it4 ,all the ,synoptic 
writings are anonymous1 though          
,luke-,acts 7c4 #ajj7 is dedicated to a 
literary patron4 ,revelation 7c4 #ie7 is
 boldly asserted to be the work of the  
,apostle ,john in the prefatory chapters

 and the epilogue 7i4 #b1 #d1 #i2 xxii4 
#h74 ,but the body of the work1 though  
of ,palestinian origin1 has a totally   
different standpoint1 and claims the    
authority of a prophet1 not that of an  
apostle4 ,similarly the ,fourth gospel  
when finally published received an      
appendix 7ch4 xxi47 which cautiously    
suggests the ,apostle ,john as its      
author2 but the three ,epistles by the  
same writer are anonymous4 ,the homily  
called ,james 7#ij-ajj7 has a           
superscription which superficially      
connects it with the chief authority in 
,jerusalem1 and the ,epistle of ,jude   
prefixes to itself the name which stood 
next in the same class4 ,but even in    
antiquity they had a precarious         
standing1 and neither is a real letter4 
,finally there are the ,epistles to     
,timothy and ,titus1 purporting to be   
written by ,paul1 and a whole series of 
every kind1 epistles1 gospel1 acts1 and 
apocalypse1 written in the name of      
,peter1 of which only two secured final 

adoption into the canon4 ,of all these  
only #ast ,peter and the so-called      
,pastoral ,epistles 7#ast and #bnd      
,timothy and ,titus7 have some claim to 
be considered genuine2 for #ast ,peter  
is certainly of early origin 7c4 #he71  
and was undisputed in antiquity2 while  
the ,pastorals1 though rejected by      
,marcion1 and as a whole of late date   
7#ij-aaj71 are made up on the basis of  
some authentic ,pauline material4  ,the 
post-apostolic epistles may be grouped  
into two classes1 according as they are 
predominantly occasioned 7a7 by internal
 dangers of heresy and moral laxity2 or 
7b7 by the external peril of            
persecution4 ,to the former 7a7 must be 
reckoned 7#a7 the so-called ,pastoral   
,epistles2 7#b7 ,jude2 7#c7 #bnd ,peter4
 ,all these concern themselves          
outspokenly with a type of false        
doctrine which has certain more or less 
definite traits1 and is tending toward  
the ,gnostic heresies of the second     
century1 if not yet clearly identifiable

 with them4 ,but the inspired genius of 
,paul is wanting4 ,the age is not       
creative1 but conservative4 ,its writers
 are ecclesiastics and church teachers1 
not apostles and prophets4 ,their       
distinctive note is appeal to apostolic 
authority4 ,whether the name by which   
they cover their own insignificance be  
that of ,paul1 or ,jude the brother     
7son87 of ,james1 or ,peter1 they have  
little or no independent message4 ,they 
hark back to the pattern of sound words 
the deposit1 the faith once for all     
delivered to the saints1 the words      
spoken before by the holy prophets1 and 
the commandments of the ,lord and       
,saviour through your apostles1 in      
particular the wisdom of our beloved    
brother ,paul who 7in the ,pastoral     
,epistles7 had predicted the heresy1 and
 in all his epistles had spoken of the  
resurrection and judgment4 ,second      
,peter1 which refers in the passage just
 quoted 7#bnd ,pet4 iii4 #b1 #ae f47 to 
the ,pauline ,epistles alongside the    

other ,scriptures belongs to a very late
 period 7c4 #aej74 ,in fact this        
,epistle1 now almost universally        
recognized to be pseudonymous1 merely   
reedits the ,epistle of ,jude1 supplying
 a prefix 7ch4 i47 and an appendix 7ch4 
iii47 to make special application of its
 denunciations to the case of the false 
teachers who were denying the 7bodily7  
resurrection and the judgment4 ,neither 
plagiarism nor pseudonymity were        
recognized offences at the time2 so that
 we bring no indictment against the     
author of #bnd ,peter1 were he the      
,apostle or not4 ,still our conception  
of the ,galilean fisherman will be      
higher without this example of pulpit   
rhetoric than with it4  ,of the nature  
of the heresies controverted in this    
series of writings we must speak later4 
,as to the region whence they originate 
something can be made out already4 ,not 
indeed from #bnd ,peter1 which is of too
 late date to be of service4 ,true the  
readers addressed are assumed to be the 

same as in the first epistle1 in other  
words the ,pauline mission-field of     
,asia ,minor 7#ast ,pet4 i4 #a71 and    
there is reason to think ,asia was the  
region first affected4 ,ephesus and     
,asia are in fact the regions affected  
in #ast and #bnd ,timothy 7#ast ,tim4 i4
 #c f42 #bnd ,tim4 i4 #ae74 ,moreover it
 is in this same region that we find    
,polycarp 7#aaj-aag7 adverting to those 
who pervert the sayings of the ,lord to 
their own lusts1 and deny the           
resurrection and judgment4 ,to the same 
region and the same period belong the   
letters of the ,spirit in ,rev4 i4-iii4 
7c4 #ie7 with their denunciation of the 
,balaamite and ,nicolaitan heretics1 and
 still further #ast-#crd ,john and the  
,epistles of ,ignatius1 which are also  
polemics against a ,gnostic heresy      
7,doketism7 tending to moral laxity4 ,it
 is doubtful1 however1 in view of the   
general address 7#bnd ,pet4 i4 #a71     
whether the author of #bnd ,peter really
 has a definite circle in mind1 and does

 not rather in iii4 #a mistakenly treat 
#ast ,peter as a general epistle4       
,denial of the resurrection and judgment
 was not limited to one locality or     
period4 ,hegesippus regards it as a     
pre-,christian heresy combated already  
by ,james4 ,equally precarious would be 
the assumption that ,jude1 with its     
similar general address1 was necessarily
 intended for ,asia ,minor4 ,the false  
teachers resemble those we know of      
there1 and the denunciation is          
incorporated by #bnd ,peter1 but        
',cainites' and ',balaamites' were not  
confined to the regions of #ast ,john   
and ,revelation1 and ,jude might have   
almost any date between #ij and #abj4   
,the most that can be said is that      
before the death of ,paul the last view 
we obtain of his mission-field shows it 
exposed1 especially in the region of    
,ephesus1 to a rising flood of          
superstition and false doctrine1 while  
documents that can be dated with some   
definiteness in #ie-aag1 such as        

,revelation1 the ,johannine and         
,ignatian ,epistles1 and the letter of  
,polycarp1 show a great advance of      
heretical teaching in the same region4  
,the later heresy corresponds in several
 respects to that combated in the       
,pastorals1 ,jude and #bnd ,peter1 but  
becomes at last more distinctly         
definable as ,doketism1 whose most      
obnoxious form comes to be denial of the
 7bodily7 resurrection and judgment4    
,the three ,pastoral ,epistles1 ,jude   
and #bnd ,peter may1 therefore1 be taken
 as probably reflecting the growing     
internal danger confronted by the       
churches of ,asia 7if not by all the    
churches7 in the sub-apostolic age4     
,unfortunately1 literary relations      
sometimes interfere with historical     
classification1 and we are1 therefore1  
compelled to defer treatment of         
#ast-#crd ,john and the ,epistles of the
 ,spirit to the churches 7,rev4 i4 #c71 
which really belong to our present group
 7a7 of writings against the heresies of

 7proconsular7 ,asia4 ,their relation to
 the special canon of ,ephesus1 whose   
writings are all ascribed to ,john1     
makes it convenient to consider them in 
another connection4 ,the reader should  
bear in mind1 however1 that the group   
extends continuously down to the        
,epistles of ,ignatius and centres upon 
,ephesus1 where1 according to ,acts xx4 
#bi f41 the grievous wolves were to     
enter in after ,paul's departing4       
,similar considerations affect the      
grouping of the ,epistle of ,james1     
which almost demands a class by itself4 
,it might be called anti-heretical1     
except that its nature is the reverse of
 controversial1 and its author seems to 
have no direct contact with the false   
teachers4 ,in a remote and general way  
he deplores the vain talk and           
disputation which go hand in hand with a
 relaxation of the practical ,christian 
virtues4 ,on the whole it seems more    
correct to class ,james with #ast ,peter
 and ,hebrews1 particularly as it       

displays direct literary dependence on  
the former1 if not on both4  ,our second
 group 7b7 consists of writings not     
primarily concerned with heresy4 ,its   
first and best example speaks in the    
name of ,peter as representative of     
apostolic ,christianity at ,rome4 ,but  
the doctrine1 and even the phraseology  
and illustrations of #ast ,peter are    
largely borrowed from the greater       
,epistles of ,paul1 particularly ,romans
 and ,ephesians4 ,nothing even remotely 
suggests an author who had enjoyed      
personal relations with ,jesus1 or could
 relate his wonderful words and deeds4  
,on the contrary the doctrine is ,paul's
 gospel minus the sting of the abolition
 of the ,law4 ,in view of the known     
internal conditions of the churches to  
which #ast ,peter is addressed in       
,pontus1 ,galatia1 ,cappadocia1 ,asia   
and ,bithynia it is remarkable how      
completely the subject of heresy or     
false doctrine is ignored4 ,their       
adversary the devil is not at present   

taking the form of a seducing serpent   
7#bnd ,cor4 xi4 #c71 but of a roaring   
lion openly destroying and devouring    
7#ast ,pet4 v4 #h f471 and the same     
sufferings the ,asiatics are called upon
 to endure are being inflicted upon     
their brethren throughout the world4 ,a 
systematic1 universal fiery persecution 
is going on1 which has come almost as a 
surprise 7iv4 #ab7 and may compel any   
believer1 after having made defence     
before the magistrate of the hope that  
is in him1 to suffer as a ,christian and
 to glorify ,god in this name4 ,the     
author exhorts to irreproachable conduct
 as citizens1 and kindness and good     
order in the brotherhood4 ,if such      
blamelessness of living be combined with
 patient endurance of the unjust        
punishment1 ,christians who still must  
sanctify in their hearts ,christ 7and   
not the ,emperor7 as ,lord1 will        
ultimately be left unharmed4  ,superior 
as is this noble exhortation to patient 
endurance of suffering in the meekness  

of ,christ to the controversial rhetoric
 of #bnd ,peter1 immeasurably better as 
is its attestation in ancient and modern
 times1 even the most conservative      
modern critics are compelled to regard  
it as at least semi-pseudonymous4 ,it   
might be just possible to carry back the
 conditions of persecution presupposed  
to the time of ,nero4 ,but if it be     
,peter writing from ,rome after the     
recent martyrdoms of ,james and ,paul1  
why is there no allusion to either8     
,again1 we might possibly prolong the   
life of ,peter 7against all probability7
 down to the beginning of the reign of  
,domitian 7#ha-ie74 ,in that case the   
absence of any allusion to the great    
events of recent occurrence in          
,palestine would be almost equally hard 
to explain4 ,moreover1 with any dating  
the real author remains a literary man1 
a ,paulinist1 a ,grecian ,jew1 and the  
share attributable to ,peter personally 
becomes most shadowy4 ,the simpler1 and 
7as the present writer has come to      

believe7 the more probable view is that 
#ast ,peter1 like the later writings    
which assumed the name1 is wholly       
pseudonymous4 ,if1 however1 it appeared 
7as we are persuaded7 some twenty years 
after the ,apostle's death1 among those 
perfectly aware of the fact1 assuming no
 other disguise1 but frankly dealing    
with the existing situation1 this is a  
kind of pseudonymity which should be    
classed with literary fictions and      
conventions which are harmless because  
7at the time7 perfectly transparent4    
,letters written under fictitious names 
were in fact a very common literary     
device of the age4  ,at all events the  
,apostle appears as an old man 7v4 #a7  
writing from ,babylon--rightly taken by 
the fathers to be a cryptogram for      
,rome4 ,salutations are conveyed from   
,mark1 his son 7cf4 ,philem4 i4 #aj74   
,the bearer 7writer87 is represented to 
be ,silvanus 7like ,mark a companion of 
,paul with relations to ,jerusalem as   
well71 and ,silvanus is commended as a  

trustworthy disciple4 ,the author states
 it as his object to exhort and testify 
that this is the true grace of ,god     
wherein ye stand4  ,ignorant as we are  
of its author's name it is fortunate for
 our study of the times that the date of
 #ast ,peter is fairly determinable by  
the convergence of external and internal
 evidence4 ,echoes from it appear       
already in ,clement of ,rome 7#ie7 as   
well as in ,james and ,hermas4 ,we must 
think of it1 then1 as a hand of cordial 
encouragement extended by a             
representative of the ,petro-,pauline   
church at ,rome1 soon after the outbreak
 of the persecution of ,domitian 7c4    
#ij71 to the still independent but      
suffering churches of ,asia ,minor4 ,if 
we remember that it undertakes to       
endorse the doctrine of one third of    
contemporary ,christendom1 and 7in      
substance7 offers a 'letter of          
commendation' to ,silvanus1 it will be  
obvious that no name of less authority  
than that of ,peter could have served4  

,as ,zahn has well remarked3 ,the       
significant thing 444 is that it is     
,peter1 the most distinguished apostle  
of the circumcision 7,gal4 ii4 #g7 who  
bears witness to the genuineness of     
their state of grace4  ,we must place   
alongside of #ast ,peter one other      
epistle in which the motive of          
exhortation to endurance of persecution 
without relaxation of the moral standard
 is prominent1 though not exclusive1 and
 a second1 wherein it appears only in a 
faint echo of trials1 which turn out1   
however1 as the reader proceeds1 to be  
only temptations1 while the real        
occasion of writing is plain--moral     
relaxation without either heresy or     
persecution to excuse it4 ,the two      
writings in question are the anonymous  
exhortation handed down under the title 
,to the ,hebrews1 and the so-called     
,epistle 7in reality a homily7 of       
,james4 ,hebrews begins as an exposition
 of the two psalms ,paul had quoted in  
his reference in #ast ,cor4 xv4 #bd-bh  

to the exaltation of ,jesus 7,pss4 viii4
 and cx47 proving ,him to be the ,son1  
who1 after temporary subordination to   
the angels1 has been exalted above them 
to the place of supreme dominion4       
,christ has thus effected a greater     
redemption than ,moses and ,joshua4 ,he 
is also a high-priest after the order of
 ,melchizedek according to ,ps4 cx42 so 
that the ,aaronic priesthood and        
ceremonial are surpassed as well as the 
,mosaic legislation1 by the sacrifice of
 ,calvary and intercession of the risen 
,redeemer4 ,it is no wonder that in the 
period of debate against ,judaism the   
canon-makers gave to this anonymous     
sermon a title which ranks it first in  
the class of subsequent controversial   
pamphlets against the ,jews4            
,controversy1 however1 is subordinate in
 the writer's purpose to edification4   
,he is not unconscious of the dangers of
 that superstitious 'worship of the     
angels1' against which ,paul's ,asian   
epistles had been directed1 but his     

demonstration of the superiority of the 
institutions and aims of ,christianity  
to those of ,judaism has the practical  
object of reinforcing the courage and   
faith of his readers under pressure of  
persecution4 ,his argument culminates in
 an inspiring list of ,scriptural heroes
 and martyrs1 leading up as a climax to 
,jesus the author and perfecter of our  
faith4 ,as ,jesus endured1 looking      
beyond the shame and suffering of the   
cross to the joy of ,his reward1 so     
should the readers endure their         
chastening4 ,apostacy will meet a       
fearful doom in the judgment of fire4   
,to this homily 7,heb4 i4-xii47 is      
appended a concluding chapter 7probably 
by the author himself7 which transforms 
it into a letter4 ,the author is a      
church-teacher of the second generation1
 as he frankly confesses himself 7ii4   
#c72 a disciple of ,paul1 to judge by   
his use of ,paul's doctrine and some of 
his epistles1 especially ,romans4 ,to   
judge by his rhetorical style and his   

,alexandrian ideas and mode of thought1 
he is the sort of teacher ,apollos will 
have been4 ,just at present he is       
separated from his flock 7xiii4 #ai74   
,where they are we can only infer from  
xiii4 #bd1 which conveys salutations    
from those in the writer's neighbourhood
 who are from ,italy4 ,he himself is    
probably among the ,pauline churches1   
for he sends news of ,timothy 7xiii4    
#bc7 and hopes to come soon in company  
with him4 ,ephesus1 where ,apollos was  
at last accounts1 may possibly be the   
place of writing4 ,hebrews would seem   
then to be written to ,rome1 long after 
the first great fight of afflictions    
7the ,neronian outbreak of #fd7 and when
 the danger of fainting under the       
chastening of a second persecution 7that
 of ,domitian c4 #ij7 was imminent4     
,such slight indications as we have of a
 literary relation between ,hebrews and 
#ast ,peter suggest the priority of     
,hebrews1 but the date and occasion must
 be nearly the same4  ,james is also a  

homily exhorting to patient endurance1  
but there is nothing to suggest its     
having ever been sent anywhere as a     
letter1 save the brief superscription   
written in imitation of #ast ,pet4 i4   
#a4 ,james 444 to the twelve tribes of  
the ,dispersion4 ,imagine the mode of   
delivery6 ,nor is it called forth by any
 special emergency4 ,there is an        
allusion to false doctrine4 ,it is the  
heresy 767 of justification by faith    
apart from works4 ,but the writer is no 
more conscious of contradicting ,paul   
than is ,luke in describing ,paul's     
apostleship and gospel4 ,he merely      
impersonates the 'bishop of bishops'    
addressing ,christendom at large1       
deprecating the loquacity of the many   
teachers1 and commending the 'wisdom' of
 a good life instead4 ,there is protest 
against oppression4 ,but it is only the 
oppression of the poor by the rich in   
the ,christian brotherhood4 ,he returns 
to this subject con amore4 ,evidently   
the church of his age is characterized  

by worldliness both of thought and      
conduct1 among clergy and laity4 ,but   
all colour of region or period is       
wanting4 ,take #ast ,peter1 substitute  
the head of the ,jerusalem succession   
for the head of the ,roman1 remove the  
,pauline doctrine1 the traces of ,jesus 
and his gospel of ,son ship1 remove the 
special references to local conditions  
and particular emergencies1 leaving only
 moral generalities1 and the result will
 be not unlike the ,epistle of ,james4  
,the author has heard something of      
,paulinism1 has read ,hebrews 7,jas4 ii4
 #ba-be2 v4 #aj71 and imitated #ast     
,peter 7,jas4 i4 #a1 #ah1 #ba2 iv4 #f   
f42 v4 #bj74 ,strong arguments have even
 been advanced to prove that he was not 
a ,christian at all4 ,he probably was1  
if only from his literary connection    
with the above-named earlier writings1  
and the influence exerted by his own on 
,hermas 7,rome1 #abj-adj71 and perhaps  
,clement 7,rome1 #ie74 ,but as for      
connection with the historic            

,jesus--,elijah is his example of the   
man of prayer 7v4 #ac-ah71 and ,job and 
the prophets his example of suffering   
and patience 7v4 #aj f474 ,hebrews can  
show more of the influence of ,jesus    
than this 7,heb4 v4 #g f41 xii4 #b-d74  
,like ,hermas 7who1 however1 does not   
even mention the name of ,jesus7        
',james' thinks of ,him simply as the   
,lord of glory1 without raising the     
question how ,he came to be such4       
,apart from the superscription1 whose   
object is only to clothe the homily with
 the authority of a name revered        
throughout the 'catholic' church1 there 
is nothing to connect ,james with ,syria
 rather than any other region outside   
,paul's mission-field4 ,even ,palestine 
might be its place of origin if the date
 were late enough to account for the    
,greek style4 ,at all events it comes   
first to our knowledge at ,rome4 ,there 
is some reason to think that ,clement of
 ,rome 7,a4,d4 #ie71 whose moralizing is
 of a similar type1 has been directly   

influenced by ,james4 ,if so we have in 
,james1 ,clement and ,hermas a series   
illustrative of the decline at ,rome of 
the ,pauline gospel of conscious        
revelation and inspiration toward the   
hum-drum levels of mere 'catholic'      
catechetics4  ,with every allowance for 
differences among critics as to date and
 origin of the non-controversial        
epistles of the sub-apostolic age1 it is
 easy to see that the resistless march  
of events is taking up and accomplishing
 ,paul's effort and prayer for the unity
 of the two branches of the ,church4    
,one great event of this period1 which  
for us stands out with startling        
vividness upon the pages of history1 is 
curiously without trace or reflection in
 this literature4 ,we search the ,new   
,testament in vain for the slightest    
allusion 7outside the writings directly 
or indirectly derived from ,palestine   
itself7 to the fall of ,jerusalem in    
,a4,d4 #gj1 and the consequent cessation
 of ,jewish national life and temple    

ceremonial4 ,the remoteness of the      
writers with whom we are dealing both in
 time and national interest from the    
affairs of ,jerusalem is not the only   
cause4 ,the fate of the temple had no   
effect to weaken the types of ,judaism  
with which the church of the            
sub-apostolic age had to contend4 ,the  
,pharisaic legalism of the synagogue    
became only the stronger when the hollow
 ,sadducean priesthood collapsed1 and   
temple ceremonial became simply a       
ceremonial on paper1 the affair no      
longer of priest and ,levite1 but of    
scribe and ,pharisee4 ,so also with the 
denationalized ,judaism of the          
,dispersion1 a more insidious danger for
 early converts from heathenism than the
 stricter1 legalistic type4 ,the        
crushing of the nationalistic rebellion1
 the temporary suppression of the       
war-party1 the ,zealots1 only           
strengthened and promoted ,pharisaism1  
and the ,dispersion was scarcely        
affected by the losses of the war4 ,when

 ,jerusalem and the temple fell1 temple 
and city had become entirely superfluous
 factors to both parties in the great   
strife of church versus synagogue4      
,hebrews knows of a type of ,judaism    
which is formidable by reason of the    
appeal of its ordinances of angels and  
its sacerdotal system written in a book 
of acknowledged divine authority4 ,but  
the characteristic point is that in     
,hebrews1 as truly as in ,barnabas and  
,justin ,martyr1 it is only the         
prescription and not the practice which 
is in question4 ,but for the fact that  
the new testament of ,heb4 ix4 #ae is   
still unwritten1 its controversy might  
properly be described as a battle of    
books4  ,on the other hand the pressure 
of persecution without1 combined with   
the disappearance of creative leadership
 within1 is visibly forcing the         
independent provinces of ,christendom   
toward organic unity under the principle
 of apostolic authority4 ,first ,peter  
is the first and greatest evidence of   

this tendency to union promoted by      
external pressure4 ,hebrews and ,james  
follow as illustrative of the need felt 
for maintaining the standards both of   
doctrine and of morals at their full    
height4 ,christianity must not be       
thought of as on a level with ,judaism1 
it is the final and universal           
revelation4 ,it must not be practised   
half-heartedly1 with double-mindedness1 
nor in vain philosophizing and          
professions belied by deeds4 ,it must be
 obeyed as a new and royal law1 the     
mirror of divine perfection4  ,if1 then1
 we turn from these evidences of general
 conditions in church and empire to the 
inward dangers revealed by the writings 
against heresy1 we shall see how this   
disruptive influence1 already distinctly
 apprehended in ,paul's later writings1 
makes itself more and more strongly     
felt1 and in more and more definite     
form1 with ,ephesus and the churches of 
,asia as its chief breeding-place4  ,the
 ,pastoral ,epistles in their present   

form cannot be dated much before the    
time when they begin to be used by      
,ignatius and ,polycarp 7#aaj-aag74     
,indeed some phrases 7perhaps editorial 
additions7 seem to imply a still later  
date1 as when in #ast ,tim4 vi4 #bj1    
,timothy is warned against the          
antitheses of miscalled ,gnosis1 as if  
with direct reference to ,marcion's     
system of this title4 ,their avowed     
purpose is to counteract the inroads of 
heresy1 and the remedy applied is       
ecclesiastical authority and discipline4
 ,far more of ,paul's inspired gospel of
 ,son ship and liberty1 far more of his 
conception of the redemption in ,christ 
as a triumph over the spiritual         
world-rulers of this darkness1 is found 
in #ast ,peter and ,hebrews than here4  
,nothing appears of ,paul's broad       
horizon1 his spirit of missionary       
conquest1 his devotion to the unity of  
,jew and ,gentile in their common access
 to the ,father in one ,spirit4 ,there  
is no trace of the great ,pauline       

doctrines of the conflict of flesh and  
spirit1 the superseding of the          
dispensation of ,law by the dispensation
 of ,grace1 the ,adoption1 the          
,redemption1 the ,inheritance4 ,the     
attention is turned wholly to local     
conditions1 maintenance of the          
transmitted doctrine and order1         
resistance to the advance of vain talk1 
,jewish fables1 foolish questionings1   
genealogies and strifes about the ,law1 
which go hand in hand with moral laxity4
 ,in short the outlook and temper are   
those of the ,epistle of ,james1 while  
the remedy is that of ,acts and the     
,epistles of ,ignatius4 ,the ,paul who  
here speaks is not the missionary and   
mystic1 but the shrewd ecclesiastic4    
,there is only too much evidence to show
 that in the ,pauline mission-field the 
remedy resorted to against the licence  
in thought and action which threatened  
decadence and dissolution after         
apostolic inspiration had died out1 was 
the religion of authority1 doctrinal and

 disciplinary1 not the religion of the  
,spirit4 ,ecclesiastical appointees take
 the place as teachers and defenders of 
the faith of those who had been the     
inspired apostles and prophets of its   
extension4  ,and on the other side are  
the false teachers4 ,they are of ,jewish
 character in their doctrine1 aspiring  
to be teachers of the ,law though really
 ignorant of its meaning4 ,the worst of 
them are actual ,jews 7,tit4 i4 #aj71   
which implies that some were not4       
,moreover the type of doctrine is still 
less like the ,pharisaism of the        
synagogue than the philosophy and vain  
deceit rebuked by ,paul at ,colossae4   
,there is similar distinction of meats  
7treated in #bnd ,tim4 iv4 #a-e as a    
doctrine of seducing spirits and        
demons71 and a prohibition of wine and  
marriage4 ,there is side by side with   
this ascetic tendency one equally marked
 toward libertinism and love of money   
7#bnd ,tim4 iii4 #a-i74 ,both phases    
remind us of the concision of ,paul's   

later letters4 ,but besides the larger  
development new features appear of      
,hellenistic rather than ,jewish type4  
,the new doctrine of the resurrection as
 something past already is more closely 
connected with the ,pauline mysticism1  
the present union of the believer with  
the life of ,christ hid in ,god1 than   
with the ,jewish idea of return to earth
 in resuscitated flesh4 ,the ,paulinist 
of the ,pastorals is already            
foreshadowing the great conflict of     
,ignatius1 ,justin and ,irenaeus against
 those who denied the resurrection1     
perverting 7as the fathers allege7 the  
meaning of ,paul's saying1 flesh and    
blood cannot inherit the kingdom of ,god
 7cf4 #bnd ,pet4 iii4 #af74 ,and the    
,pastorals tend toward the un-,pauline  
doctrine soon to be formulated in the   
'catholic' church3 ,i believe in the    
resurrection of the flesh4 ,again the   
false doctrine now distinctly avows     
itself a form of ,gnosis4 ,they profess 
that they know ,god1 but by their works 

they deny him1 being abominable and     
disobedient1 and unto every good work   
reprobate4 ,and our ,paulinist's remedy 
is the traditional doctrine1 the pattern
 of sound words1 the deposit of the     
,church teacher1 more especially the    
whole-some words1 even the words of our 
,lord ,jesus ,christ1 and the doctrine  
which is according to godliness4 ,thus  
even the rich1 if they do good1 and     
become rich in good works will lay up in
 store for themselves a good foundation 
against the time to come4  ,we have only
 to place these pseudo-,pauline writings
 side by side with the ,epistles of     
,john and ,ignatius to recognize the    
advance of the heresy which soon        
declared itself as ,gnostic ,doketism1  
with the ,jew ,cerinthus at ,ephesus as 
its principal exponent4 ,moreover this  
steadily increasing inward danger of the
 ,pauline mission-field1 a danger not   
merely sporadic like the outbursts of   
persecution1 but constant and           
increasing1 is forcing the two great    

branches of the ,christian brotherhood  
together on the basis of 'catholicity'  
and the 'apostolic' tradition4 ,between 
the churches of the ,a,egean and that of
 ,rome1 where both parties stand on     
neutral ground1 there are exchanged     
generous and sympathetic assurances of  
essential unity of doctrine in the great
 outbreak of persecution in #he-ij4     
,among the ,pauline churches themselves 
there is an irresistible reaction       
against the vagaries and moral laxity of
 heretical teaching toward 'apostolic'  
tradition and ecclesiastical authority4 
,it appears with almost startling       
vividness in the ,pastoral ,epistles1   
and meets its answer from without1      
perhaps from ,rome1 perhaps from ,syria1
 in the homily dressed as an encyclical 
called the ,epistle of ,james4 ,it is   
not hard to foresee what sort of        
,christian unity is destined to come    
about4 ,nevertheless the creative spirit
 and genius of ,paul was to find        
expression in one more splendid product 

of ,ephesus before the ,roman unity was 
to be achieved4--,but before we take up 
the writings of the great 'theologian'  
of ,ephesus we must trace the growth in 
,syria and at ,rome of the ,literature  
of the ,church ,teacher and ,prophet4   
,,part ,,iii  ,,the ,,literature ,,of   
,,catechist ,,and ,,prophet   ,,chapter 
,,vi  ,,the ,,matthaean ,,tradition ,,of
 ,,the ,,precepts ,,of ,,jesus   ,as we 
have seen in our study of the later     
literature addressed to1 or emanating   
from1 the ,pauline mission-field1 the   
church teacher and ecclesiastic who     
there took up the pen after the death of
 ,paul had scarcely any alternative but 
to follow the literary model of the     
great founder of ,gentile ,christianity4
 ,inevitably the typical literary       
product of this region became the       
apostolic letter1 framed on the model of
 ,paul's1 borrowing his phraseology and 
ideas1 when not actually embodying      
fragments from his pen and covering     
itself with his name4 ,homilies are made

 over into epistles4 ,even 'prophecy1'  
to obtain literary circulation1 must    
have prefixed epistles of the ,spirit to
 the churches2 and when at last a gospel
 is produced1 this too is accompanied1  
as we shall see1 by three successive    
layers of enclosing 'epistles4'  ,at the
 seat of 'apostolic' ,christianity it   
was equally inevitable that the literary
 products should follow a different     
model4 ,here1 from the beginning1 the   
standard of authority had been the      
commandment of ,jesus4 ,apostleship had 
meant ability to transmit his teaching1 
not endowment with insight into the     
mystery of the divine purpose revealed  
in his cross and resurrection4 ,the     
gospel was the gospel of ,jesus4 ,the   
letters of ,paul1 if they circulated at 
all in ,syria and ,cilicia at this early
 time1 have had comparatively small     
effect on writers like ,luke and ,james4
 ,at ,rome the case was somewhat        
different4 ,here ,pauline influence had 
been effectually superimposed upon an   

originally ,jewish-,christian stock4    
,the ,roman ,gospel of ,mark1           
accordingly1 has just the               
characteristics we should expect from   
this ,petro-,pauline community4         
,antioch1 too1 though at the disruption 
over the question of table-fellowship it
 took the side of ,james1 ,peter1 and   
,barnabas against ,paul1 had always had 
a strong ,gentile element4 ,but         
,jerusalem1 the church of the apostles  
and elders1 with its caliphate in the   
family of ,jesus1 and its zeal for      
,jewish institutions and the ,law1 was  
the pre-eminent seat of traditional     
authority4 ,no other gospel1 oral or    
written1 could for a moment compare in  
its eyes with its own cherished treasury
 of the precepts of ,jesus4 ,its own    
estimate of itself as conservator of    
orthodoxy1 and custodian of the sacred  
deposit1 vividly reflected from the     
pages of ,hegesippus1 was increasingly  
accepted by the other churches4 ',james'
 and ',jude' were probably not the real 

names of the writers of these 'general' 
or 'catholic' epistles2 but they show in
 what direction men looked when there   
was need to counteract a widespread     
tendency to moral relaxation and vain   
disputations1 or to demoralizing heresy4
  ,we have also seen how inevitable was 
the reaction after ,paul's death1 even  
among his own churches1 toward a        
historic standard of authority4 ,even   
more marked than the disposition to draw
 together in fraternal sympathy under   
persecution1 is the reliance shown by   
the ,pastoral ,epistles on health-giving
 words1 even the words of our ,lord     
,jesus ,christ 7#ast ,tim4 vi4 #c71 and 
on a consolidated apostolic succession  
as a bulwark against the disintegrating 
advance of heresy4 ,in 7proconsular7    
,asia early in the second century there 
is an unmistakable and sweeping         
disposition to turn to the word handed  
down to us from the beginning 7,ep4 of  
,polyc41 vii47 against those who were   
perverting the sayings of the ,lord to  

their own lusts4 ,the ancient word of   
prophecy and the former revelations     
granted to apostolic seers were also    
turned to account by men like ,papias   
and the author of #bnd ,peter against   
those who denied the resurrection and   
judgment4  ,this ,papias of ,hierapolis1
 the friend and colleague of ,polycarp1 
had undertaken in opposition to the     
false teachers1 and those who have so   
very much to say1 to write 7probably    
after the utter destruction of the      
community of 'apostles1 elders1 and     
witnesses' at ,jerusalem in #ace71 an   
,exposition of the ,sayings of the      
,lord4 ,he based the work on authentic  
tradition of the ,jerusalem witnesses1  
two of whom 7,aristion1 and ,john 'the  
,elder'7 were still living at the time  
of his inquiries4 ,in fact1 this much   
debated ,john the ,elder1 clearly       
distinguished by ,papias from ,john the 
disciple of the ,lord1 may be           
identified1 in our judgment1 with the   
,john mentioned by ,eusebius and        

,epiphanius midway in the succession of 
',elders' of the ,jerusalem church      
between ,a4,d4 #fb and #ace4 ,epiphanius
 dates his death in #aag4 ,papias gives 
us practically all the information we   
have regarding the beginnings of gospel 
literature4 ,he may have known all four 
of our ,gospels4 ,he certainly knew     
,revelation and vouched for its         
trustworthiness1 doubtless against the  
deniers of the resurrection and         
judgment4 ,he used testimonies from #ast
 ,john1 and probably the saying of      
,jesus of ,john xiv4 #b2 but he seems to
 have based his ,exposition on two      
gospels only1 giving what he had been   
able to learn of their history from     
travellers who reported to him          
testimonies of 'the elders4' ,papias'   
two gospels were our ,matthew and our   
,mark1 whose differences he reconciled  
by what the ,jerusalem elders had       
reported as to their origin4 ,matthew1  
according to these authorities 7871     
represented in its ,greek form a        

collection of the ,precepts of the ,lord
 which had formerly been current in the 
original ,aramaic1 so that its          
circulation had of course been limited  
to ,palestine4 ,the original compiler   
had been the ,apostle ,matthew4 ,various
 ,greek equivalents of this compilation 
had taken its place where ,aramaic was  
not current4 ,thus ,papias1 in explicit 
dependence on the ,elder so far as ,mark
 is concerned1 but without special      
designation of his authority for the    
statement regarding ,matthew4 ,it is    
even possible that his representation   
that the primitive ,matthew was in the  
,hebrew tongue may be due to rumours    
whose real starting-point was nothing   
more than the ,gospel of the ,nazarenes1
 a product of c4 #aaj-adj which misled  
many later fathers1 particularly        
,jerome4 ,we cannot afford1 however1 to 
slight the general bearing of testimony 
borne by one such as ,papias regarding  
the origins of gospel composition1 and  
particularly the two branches into which

 the tradition was divided4 ,for ,papias
 had made diligent inquiry4 ,moreover   
his witness does not stand alone1 but   
has the support of still more ancient   
reference 7e4 g4 #ast ,tim4 vi4 #c1     
,acts i4 #a7 and the internal evidence  
of the ,synoptic ,gospels themselves4   
,the motive for his statement is        
apologetic4 ,differences between the two
 ,gospels had been pointed out on the   
score both of words and events4 ,papias 
shows that ,gospel tradition is not to  
be held responsible for verbal agreement
 between the two parallel reports of the
 ,lord's words4 ,the differences are    
attributable to translation4 ,so1 too1  
regarding events4 ,exact correspondence 
of ,mark with ,matthew 7or other        
gospels7 is not to be looked for1       
especially as regards the order2 because
 ,mark had not himself been a disciple1 
and could not get the true order from   
,peter1 whose anecdotes he reproduced2  
for when ,mark wrote ,peter was no      
longer living4 ,mark has reproduced     

faithfully and accurately his           
recollection of things either said or   
done1 as related by ,peter4 ,but ,peter 
had had no such intention as ,matthew of
 making a systematic compilation        
7syntagma7 of the sayings of the ,lord1 
and had only related his anecdotes as   
occasion required4 ,if the tradition    
regarding ,matthew1 as well as that     
regarding ,mark1 was derived from the   
,elder1 he1 too1 as well as ,papias1    
knew the ,greek ,matthew2 regarding it  
as a translation of the apostolic       
,logia1 he naturally makes ,matthew the 
standard and accounts as above for the  
wide divergence of ,mark as to order4   
,the ,jerusalem elder who thus          
differentiates the two great branches of
 gospel tradition into ,matthaean       
,precepts and ,petrine ,sayings and     
,doings1 is probably the ,elder ,john2  
for this elder's traditions were so     
copiously cited by ,papias as to lead   
,irenaeus1 and after him ,eusebius1 to  
the unwarranted inference of personal   

contact4 ,irenaeus even identified the  
,elder ,john with the ,apostle1 thus    
transporting not only him1 but the      
entire body of ,elders and disciples    
from ,jerusalem to ,asia1 a pregnant    
misapprehension to which we must return 
later4 ,in the meantime we must note    
that this fundamental distinction       
between syntagmas of the ,precepts1 and 
narratives of the ,sayings and ,doings1 
carries us back as far as it is possible
 to penetrate into the history of gospel
 composition4 ,the primitive work of the
 ,apostle ,matthew1 was probably done in
 and for ,jerusalem and                 
vicinity--certainly so if written in    
,aramaic4 ,the date1 if early tradition 
may be believed1 was when ,peter and    
,paul were preaching and founding the   
church at ,rome4 ,oral tradition must   
have begun the process even earlier4#af 
,mark's work was done at ,rome1         
according to internal evidence no less  
than by the unanimous voice of early    
tradition4 ,it dates from after the     

death of ,peter 7#fd-e7 according to    
ancient tradition4 ,according to the    
internal evidence it was written        
certainly not long before1 and probably 
some few years after1 the overthrow of  
,jerusalem and the temple 7#gj74 ,at the
 time of ,papias' writing1 then 7c4     
#ade71 all four gospels were probably   
known1 though only ,matthew and ,mark   
were taken as authoritative because     
7indirectly7 apostolic4 ,at the time of 
prosecution of his inquiries the voice  
of 7,palestinian7 tradition was still   
living and abiding4 ,if1 as tenses and  
phraseology seem to imply1 this means   
,aristion and the ,elder ,john 7ob4     
#aag87 it is reasonable to regard it as 
extending back over a full generation4  
,the original ,matthew was even then 7c4
 #ajj71 and in ,palestine itself1 a     
superseded book4 ,it had three          
successors1 if not more1 two ,greek and 
one ,aramaic1 all still retaining their 
claim to the name and authority of      
,matthew#ag2 but all had been re-cast in

 a narrative frame1 which at least in   
the case of our canonical first ,gospel 
was borrowed from the ,roman work of    
,mark4 ,so far as the remaining         
fragments of its rivals enable us to    
judge1 the same is true in their case   
also1 though to a less extent4 ,it is   
quite unmistakably true of ,luke1 the   
gospel of ,antioch1 that its narrative  
represents the same memorabilia of      
,peter2 for so ,mark's gospel came to be
 called4 ,thus the ,petrine story       
appears almost from the start to have   
gained undisputed supremacy4 ,but side  
by side with this remarkable fact as to 
gospel narrative is the equally notable 
confirmation of the other statements of 
'the ,elders' regarding the ,precepts4  
,for all modern criticism admits1 that  
besides the material of ,mark1 which    
both ,matthew and ,luke freely          
incorporate1 omitting very little1 our  
first and third evangelists have        
embodied1 in 7usually7 the same ,greek  
translation but in greatly varied order1

 large sections from one or more early  
compilations of the ,sayings of ,jesus4 
,footnote #af3 ,some authorities of the 
first rank think there is     evidence  
of literary dependence in #ast ,cor4 i4 
#ah-ba on the ,saying     7,matt4 xi4   
#be-bg  ,lk4 x4 #ba f474      ,footnote 
#ag3 ,the orthodox ,aramaic ,gospel of  
the ,nazarenes borrows     from ,luke as
 well as ,matthew1 but speaks in the    
name of ,matthew4     ,this apostle was 
also regarded as author of the ,gospel  
according to     the ,hebrews1 a        
heretical product of c4 #abj1 current in
 ,greek     among the ,jewish           
,christians of ,palestine 7,ebionites74 
,it is indispensable to a historical    
appreciation of the environment out of  
which any gospel has arisen that we     
realize that no community ever produced 
and permanently adopted as its gospel a 
partial presentation of the message of  
salvation4 ,to its mind the writing must
 have embodied1 for the time at least1  
the message1 the whole message1 and     

nothing but the message4 ,change of mind
 as to the essential contents of the    
message would involve supplementation or
 alteration of the written gospel       
employed4 ,no writing of the kind would 
be produced with tacit reference to some
 other for another aspect of the truth4 
,it was not1 then1 the mere limitation  
of its language which caused the ancient
 ,matthaean ,sayings 7the so-called     
,logia7 to be superseded and disappear2 
nor is mere translation the word to     
describe that which took its place4 ,the
 growth of ,christianity in the         
,greek-speaking world not only called   
upon ,jerusalem to pour out its treasure
 of evangelic tradition in the language 
of the empire1 but stimulated a sense of
 its own increasing need4 ,that which   
could once be supplied by eye-witnesses1
 the testimony of ,jesus' mighty works1 
his death and resurrection1 was now fast
 disappearing4 ,and simultaneously the  
appreciation of its importance was      
growing4 ,it was impossible to be blind 

to the conquests made by the gospel     
about ,jesus4 ,enclosed in it1 as part  
of its substance the gospel of ,jesus   
found its final resting-place1 much as  
the mother church itself was later taken
 up and incorporated in a catholic      
,christendom4 ,so it is that in the     
,elder's time the church of the         
'apostles1 elders and witnesses' have   
done more than merely supersede their   
,aramaic787 ,syntagma of the ,precepts  
by translations4 ,they had adopted      
alongside of it from ,rome ,mark's      
,memorabilia of ,peter as to things     
either said or done by the ,lord4 ,we   
can see indeed from the apologetic way  
in which 'the ,elder' speaks of ,mark's 
limitations 7,peter is not to be held   
responsible for the lack of order7 that 
,mark's authority is still held quite   
secondary to ,matthew's2 but the very   
fact that his work is given             
authoritative standing at all1 still    
more the fact that it has become the    
framework into which the old-time       

syntagma has been set1 marks a great and
 fundamental change of view as to what  
constitutes the gospel4  ,no mere       
syntagma of the ,precepts of ,jesus has 
ever come down to us1 though the papyrus
 leaves of ,sayings of ,jesus discovered
 in #ahig at ,behneseh in ,egypt by     
,grenfell and ,hunt had something of    
this character4#a ,it was impossible    
that any community outside the most     
primitive one1 where personal witnesses 
of the ,lord still survived until the   
times of ,trajan1 could be satisfied    
with a gospel which gave only the       
precepts of ,jesus without so much as an
 account of his crucifixion and         
resurrection4 ,and1 strange as it may   
seem1 the evidence of ,q 7i4 e4 the     
coincident material in ,matthew and     
,luke not derived from ,mark71 as judged
 by nearly all critics1 is that no      
narrative of the kind was given in the  
early compilation of discourses from    
which this element was mainly derived4  
,after the witnesses1 apostolic and     

other1 had begun to disappear1 a mere   
syntagma of ,jesus' sayings could not   
suffice4 ,it became inevitable that the 
precepts should be embodied in the      
story4 ,and yet we have at least two    
significant facts to corroborate the    
intimations of ancient tradition that   
this combination was long postponed4    
7#ah7 ,when it is at last effected1 and 
certainly in the regions of southern    
,syria1#ai there is even there          
practically nothing left of authentic   
narrative material but the ,petrine     
tradition as compiled by ,mark at ,rome4
 ,our ,matthew1 a ,palestinian ,jew1 the
 only writer of the ,new ,testament who 
consistently uses the ,hebrew ,bible1   
makes a theoretical reconstruction of   
the order of events in the ,galilean    
ministry1 but otherwise he just         
incorporates ,mark substantially as it  
was4 ,what he adds in the way of        
narrative is so meagre in amount1 and so
 manifestly inferior and apocryphal in  
character1 as to prove the extreme      

poverty of his resources of oral        
tradition of this type4 ,luke has       
somewhat larger1 and 7as literary       
products7 better1 narrative additions   
than ,matthew's2 but the amount is still
 extremely meagre1 and often            
historically of slight value4 ,some of  
it reappears in the surviving fragments 
of the ,preaching of ,peter4 ,to sum up1
 there is outside of ,mark no           
considerable amount of historical       
material1 canonical or uncanonical1 for 
the story of ,jesus4 ,this fact would be
 hard to account for if in the regions  
where witnesses survived1 the first     
generation really took an interest in   
perpetuating narrative tradition4 7#b7  
,the order of even such events as       
secured perpetuation was already        
hopelessly lost at a time more remote   
than the writing of our earliest gospel4
 ,this is true not only for ,mark1 as   
'the ,elder' frankly confesses1 but for 
,matthew1 ,luke and every one else4     
,unchronological as ,mark's order often 

is 7and the tradition as to the 'casual 
anecdotes' agrees with the critical     
phenomena of the text71 it is vastly    
more historical than ,matthew's         
reconstruction4 ,on the other hand      
,luke1 while expressly undertaking to   
improve in this special respect upon his
 predecessors1 almost never ventures to 
depart from the order of ,mark1 and when
 he does has never the support of       
,matthew1 and usually not that of real  
probability4 ,in short1 incorrect as    
they knew the order of ,mark to be1 it  
was the best that could be had in the   
days when evangelists began to go beyond
 the mere syntagmas1 and to write       
gospels as we understand them1 or1 in   
their own language1 the things which    
,jesus began both to do and to teach    
7,acts i4 #a74 ,from these two great    
outstanding phenomena of gospel         
criticism alone it would be apparent    
that the distinction dimly perceived in 
the tradition of the ,jerusalem elders  
reported by ,papias1 and indeed by many 

later writers1 is no illusion1 but an   
important and vital fact4      ,footnote
 #ah3 ,it was superscribed ,these are   
the 444 words 7logoi     as in the      
,pastoral ,epistles1 not logia as in    
,papias and ,polycarp7     which ,jesus 
the living ,lord spoke to the disciples 
and ,thomas4      ,footnote #ai3 ,the   
possibility should be left open that the
 ,greek     ,matthew was written in     
,egypt 7cf4 ,matt4 ii4 #ae71 as some    
critics     hold4 ,from the point of    
view of the church historian1 however1  
,egypt     must really be classed as in 
the regions of southern ,syria4 ,its    
relations with ,jerusalem were close and
 constant4  ,a third big1 unexpected    
fact looms up as we round the capes of  
critical analysis1 subtracting from     
,matthew and ,luke first the elements   
peculiar to each1 then that derived by  
each from ,mark4 ,it is a fact          
susceptible1 however1 of various        
interpretation4 ,to some it only proves 
either the futility of criticism1 or the

 worthlessness of ancient tradition4 ,to
 us it proves simply that the process of
 transition in ,palestine1 the home of  
evangelic tradition1 from the primitive 
syntagma of ,precepts1 framed on the    
plan of the ,talmudic treatise known as 
,pirke ,aboth1 or ,sayings of the       
,fathers1 to the ,greek type of         
narrative gospel1 was a longer and more 
complex one than has commonly been      
imagined4 ,a cursory statement of the   
results of critical efforts to reproduce
 the so-called second source of ,matthew
 and ,luke 7,mark being considered the  
first71 will serve to bring out the fact
 to which we refer1 and at the same     
time1 we hope1 to throw light upon the  
history of gospel development4  ,the    
mere process of subtraction above       
described to obtain the element ,q      
offers no serious difficulties1 and for 
those who attach value to the tradition 
of 'the ,elders' it is natural to       
anticipate that the remainder will show 
traits corresponding to the description 

of an apostolic syntagma of sayings of  
the ,lord translated from the ,aramaic1 
in short the much-desired ,logia of     
,matthew4 ,the actual result is         
disappointing to such an expectation4   
,the widely1 though perhaps somewhat    
thoughtlessly accepted equivalence ,q   
the ,logia is simply false4 ,q is not   
the ,logia4 ,it is not a syntagma1 nor  
even a consistent whole1 and as it lay  
before our first and third evangelists  
it was not 7for a considerable part at  
least7 in ,aramaic4 ,true1 ,q does      
consist almost exclusively of discourse 
material1 a large part of which has only
 topical order1 and is wholly1 or       
mainly1 destitute of narrative          
connection4 ,also we find traces here   
and there of translation at some period 
from the ,aramaic1 though not more in   
the ,q element than in ,mark4 ,but to   
those who looked for immediate          
confirmation of the tradition the result
 has been on the whole disappointing4   
,some1 more particularly among ,english 

critics1 have considered it to justify a
 falling back upon the vaguer           
generalities of the once prevalent      
theory of oral tradition4 ,in reality we
 are simply called upon to renew the    
process of discrimination4 ,most of the 
,q material has the saying-character and
 is strung together with that lack of   
all save topical order which we look for
 in a syntagma4 ,but parts of it1 such  
as the ,healing of the ,centurion's     
servant 7,matt4 viii4 #e-aj1 #ac  ,luke 
vii4 #a-aj71 or the ,preaching of the   
,baptist and ,temptation ,story 7,matt4 
iii4 #g-aj1 #ab2 iv4 #b-aa  ,luke iii4  
#g-i1 #ag2 iv4 #b-ac71 obstinately      
refuse to be brought under this         
category4 ,moreover1 the latter section 
has the unmistakable motive of          
presenting ,jesus in his character and  
ministry as the ,son of ,god1 precisely 
as in ,mark4 ,it begins by introducing  
,jesus on the stage at the baptism of   
,john1 after the ancient narrative      
outline 7,acts i4 #bb2 x4 #cg f471 and  

cannot be imagined as forming part of   
anything else but a narrative having the
 conclusion characteristic of our own   
type of gospel4 ,other considerable     
sections of ,q1 such as the ,question of
 ,john's ,disciples and ,discourse of   
,jesus on those that were ',stumbled' in
 him 7,matt4 xi4 #b-aa1 #af-bg2 ,luke   
vii4 #ah-ce2 x4 #ac-bb71 share with the 
,baptism and ,temptation section not    
only the doctrinal motive of commending 
,jesus in his person and ministry as the
 longed-for ,son of ,god1 but in a      
number of characteristics which set them
 quite apart from the general mass of   
precepts and parables in ,q4 ,we can    
here mention only the following3 7#a7   
the coincidence in language between     
,matthew and ,luke is much greater in   
these sections of ,q1 often even greater
 than in the sections borrowed from     
,mark1 showing clearly the existence of 
a common document written not in        
,aramaic1 but in the ,greek language4   
7#b7 ,this material1 unlike most of ,q1 

has served as a source and model in many
 portions of ,mark4 7#c7 ,it is for the 
most part not included in the five great
 blocks into which ,matthew has divided 
the ,precepts by means of a special     
concluding formula 7vii4 #bh2 xi4 #a2   
xiii4 #ec2 xix4 #a1 and xxvi4 #a7 but   
appears outside1 in the form of         
supplements to the ,markan narrative    
7iii4 #g--;iv4 #aa2 viii4 #e-ac1 #ah-bb1
 xi4 #b-bg2 xii4 #ch-de1 etc474 ,finally
 7#d7 the ,q material of this type seems
 to be given more copiously by ,luke    
than by ,matthew1 and with something    
more than mere conjecture of his own as 
to its historical occasion4 ,in fact1   
since it appears that at least this     
element of ,q was known to ,mark1 there 
is nothing to justify exclusion from it 
of such material as the ,transfiguration
 story1 though in this case it would be 
needful to prove that ,mark was not the 
source4 ,similarly it would be          
reasonable to think of ,luke's wide     
divergence from ,mark in his story of   

the ,passion as occasioned by his       
preference for material derived from    
this source4 ,only1 since ,matthew has  
preferred to follow ,mark1 we have no   
means of determining whence ,luke did   
derive his new and here often valuable  
material4  ,the existence1 then1 of an  
element of ,q which quite fails to      
correspond to what we take the          
,matthaean syntagma to have been by no  
means proves either the futility of     
criticism or the worthlessness of the   
ancient tradition4 ,it only shows that  
our synoptic evangelists were not the   
first to attempt the combination of     
discourse with narrative1 but that ,luke
 at least had a predecessor in the      
field1 to whom all are more or less     
indebted4 ,criticism and tradition      
together show that there are two great  
streams from which all historically     
trustworthy material has been derived4  
,the one is ,evangelic ,story1 and is   
mainly derived from ,mark's outline of  
the ministry based on the anecdotes of  

,peter1 though some elements come from  
another source1 principally preserved by
 ,luke1 which we must discuss in a later
 chapter devoted to the growth of       
,petrine story at ,rome and ,antioch4   
,the other stream1 ,words of the ,lord1 
comes from ,jerusalem1 and is always    
associated in all its forms with the    
name of ,matthew4 ,we have every reason 
for accepting the statement that as     
early as the founding of the church in  
,rome 7#de-ej7 the ,apostle ,matthew had
 begun the work of compiling the        
,precepts of ,jesus1 in a form          
serviceable to the object of teaching   
men to observe all things whatsoever he 
had commanded4 ,our present ,gospel of  
,matthew1 however1 is neither this work 
nor a translation of it2 for the only   
three things told us about the apostle's
 work are all irreconcilable with the   
characteristics of our ,matthew4 ,the   
compilation of ,words of the ,lord was  
7#a7 a syntagma and not1 like ,mark1 an 
outline of the ministry4 ,it was 7#b7   

written in ,aramaic2 whereas our        
,matthew is an original ,greek          
composition4 ,it was 7#c7 by an apostle 
who had personal acquaintance with      
,jesus2 whereas our first evangelist is 
to the last degree dependent upon the   
confessedly defective story of ,mark4   
,still if we take our ,matthew as the   
last link in the long chain of          
development1 covering perhaps half a    
century1 and including such by-products 
as the ,gospel according to the ,hebrews
 and the ,gospel of the ,nazarenes1 we  
may obtain a welcome light upon the     
environment out of which has come down  
the work which an able scholar justly   
declared1 the most important book ever  
written1 the ,gospel according to       
,matthew4  ,the language in which it was
 written was alone sufficient to place  
the ,greek ,matthew beyond all possible 
competition in the larger world from    
,aramaic rivals4 ,but its               
comprehensiveness and catholicity still 
further helped it to the position which 

it soon attained as the most widely used
 of all the gospels4 ,matthew is not    
only in its whole structure a composite 
gospel1 but shows in high degree the    
catholicizing tendency of the times4    
,just as it frankly adopts the          
,roman-,petrine narrative of ,mark with 
slightest possible modification1 so also
 it places in ,peter's hand with equal  
frankness the primacy in apostolic      
succession4 ,almost the only additions  
it makes to ,mark's account of the      
public ministry are the story of        
,peter's walking on the sea 7xiv4       
#bh-cc71 and his payment of the temple  
tribute for ,christ and himself with the
 coin from the fish's mouth 7xvii4      
#bd-bg74 ,the latter story introduces   
the chapter on the exercise of rulership
 in the church 7ch4 xviii471 beginning  
with the disciples' question3 ,who then 
is greatest in the kingdom8 ,peter is   
again in it the one salient figure      
7xviii4 #ba74 ,an equally important     
addition1 connected with xviii4 #ag f4  

is the famous committal to ,peter of the
 power of the keys1 with the declaration
 making him for his confession the      
',rock' foundation of the church4 ,this 
addition to ,mark's story of the rebuke 
of ,peter at ,caesarea ,philippi1 is one
 which decidedly alters its bearing1 and
 seems even to borrow the very language 
of ,gal4 i4 #af f4 in order to exalt the
 apostleship of ,peter4 ,in fact1 the   
,roman gospel and the ,palestinian      
almost reverse the roles we should      
expect ,peter to play in each4 ,matthew 
alone makes ,peter the first 7x4 #b71   
while ,mark seems to take special pains 
to record rebukes of the twelve and the 
brethren of the ,lord1 and especially   
the rebukes called down upon themselves 
by ,peter1 or ,peter and ,john4  ,in    
respect to the primacy of ,peter we can 
observe a certain difference even among 
the ,palestinian gospels which succeeded
 to the primitive syntagma of ,matthew4 
,little1 indeed1 is known of the        
orthodox ,gospel of the ,nazarenes1     

beyond its relatively late and composite
 character2 for it borrowed from        
,matthew1 ,mark and ,luke in turn4 ,its 
list of apostles1 however1 begins with  
,john and ,james the sons of ,zebedee1  
then ,simon and ,andrew1 and winds up3  
,thee also1 ,matthew1 did ,i call1 as   
thou wert sitting at the seat of custom1
 and thou followedst me4 ,the           
anti-,pauline ,gospel according to the  
,hebrews shows its conception of the    
seat of apostolic authority by giving to
 ,james the ,just the place of ,peter as
 recipient of that first manifestation  
of the risen ,lord1 which laid the      
foundation of the faith4 ,why then does 
the ,greek ,palestinian gospel1 in      
contrast with its rivals1 lay such      
special stress on the primacy of ,peter8
  ,from the cautious and 7as it were7   
deprecatory tone of the appendix to     
,john 7,john xxi47 in seeking to commend
 the other disciple whom ,jesus loved as
 worthy to be accepted as a true witness
 without detriment to the acknowledged  

authority of ,peter as chief            
under-shepherd of the flock1 we may     
infer that not at ,rome alone1 but      
wherever there was question of          
'apostolic' tradition1 the authority of 
,peter was coming rapidly to the fore4  
,the tendency at ,antioch is even more  
marked than at ,rome1 as is manifest    
from ,acts4 ,if1 then1 it seems stronger
 still in a region where we should      
expect the authority of ,james to be put
 forward1 this need not be taken as a   
specifically ,roman trait4 ,we must     
realize the sharp antagonism which      
existed in ,palestine from the time of  
the ,apostolic council down1 between    
7#a7 the consistent legalists1 who      
maintained down to the period of ,justin
 7#aec7 and the ,clementine ,homilies   
and ,recognitions 7#ahj-bjj71 their     
bitter hostility to ,paul and his gospel
 of ,gentile freedom from the ,law2 and 
7#b7 the 'catholic1' or liberal1        
,jewish-,christians1 who took the       
standpoint of the ,pillars4 ,it is but  

one of many indications of its          
'catholic' tendency that our ,matthew   
increases the emphasis on the apostolic 
authority of ,peter to the point of an  
actual primacy4 ,the phenomenon must be 
judged in the light of the disappearance
 or suppression of all evangelic story  
save what came under the name of ,peter1
 and the tendency in ,acts to bring     
under his name even the entire          
apostleship to the ,gentiles4 ,peter is 
not yet in these early writings the     
representative of ,rome1 but of         
catholicity4 ,the issue in ,matthew is  
not as between ,rome and some other     
dominant see1 but 7as the reflection of 
the language of ,gal4 i4 #ag f4 in      
,matt4 xvi4 #ag shows7 as between       
'catholic' apostolic authority and the  
unsafe tendencies of ,pauline           
independence4  ,nevertheless1 for all   
his leanings to catholicity the ,greek  
,matthew has not wholly succeeded in    
excluding materials which still reflect 
,jewish-,christian hostility to ,paul1  

or at least to the tendencies of        
,pauline ,christianity4 ,over and over  
again special additions are made in     
,matthew to emphasize a warning against 
the workers of lawlessness4 ,the        
exhortation of ,jesus in ,luke vi4      
#db-de to effect 7self-7reformation not 
on the surface1 nor in word1 but by     
change of the inward root of disposition
 fructifying in deeds1 is altered in    
,matt4 vii4 #ae-bb into a warning       
against the false prophets who work     
lawlessness1 and who must be judged by  
their fruits4 ,they make the confession 
of ,lordship 7cf4 ,rom4 x4 #i7 but are  
not obedient to ,jesus' commandment1 and
 lack good works4 ,in particular the    
test of ,mark ix4 #ch-dj is directly    
reversed4 ,the principle ,whosoever is  
not against us is for us is not to be   
trusted4 ,a teacher may exercise the    
'spiritual gifts' of prophecy1 exorcism1
 and miracles wrought in the name of    
,jesus1 and still be a reprobate4 ,a    
similar 7and most incongruous7 addition 

is made to ,mark's parable of the       
,patient ,husbandman 7,mark iv4 #bf-bi71
 in ,matt4 xiii4 #bd-cj1 and reiterated 
in a specially appended interpretation  
7xiii4 #cf-dc74 ,this addition likens   
the workers of lawlessness to tares sown
 alongside the good seed of the word by 
an enemy4 ,a similar incongruous        
attachment is made to the parable of the
 ,marriage feast 7,matt4 xxii4 #a-ad2   
cf4 ,luke xiv4 #ae-bd7 to warn against  
the lack of the 'garment of good works4'
 ,finally1 ,matthew closes his whole    
series of the discourses of ,jesus with 
a group of three parables developed with
 great elaboration and rhetorical       
effect1 out of relatively slight        
suggestions as found elsewhere4 ,the    
sole theme of the series is the         
indispensableness of good works in the  
judgment 7,matt4 #be2 cf4 ,luke xii4    
#ce-ch2 xix4 #aa-bh1 and ,mark ix4 #cg1 
#da74 ,a similar interest appears in    
,matthew's insistence on the permanent  
obligation of the ,law 7v4 7#af7 #ag-bj2

 xix4 #af-bb--;in contrast with ,mark x4
 #ag-bb71 on respect for the temple     
7xvii4 #bd-bg7 and on the ,davidic      
descent of ,jesus1 with fulfilment of   
messianic promise in him 7chh4 i4-ii42  
ix4 #bg74 ,he limits the activity of    
,jesus to the ,holy ,land 7xv4 #bb2     
contrast ,mark vii4 #bd f471 makes him  
in sending forth the ,twelve 7x4 #e f47 
specifically forbid mission work among  
,samaritans or ,gentiles1 and while the 
prohibition is finally removed in       
xxviii4 #ah-bj1 the apostolic seat      
cannot be removed1 but remains as in x4 
#bc1 among the cities of ,israel to the 
end of the world4  ,there is probably no
 more of intentional opposition to ,paul
 or to his gospel in all this than in   
,james or ,luke4 ,we cannot for example 
regard it as more than accidental       
coincidence that in the phrase an enemy 
hath done this1 in the parable of the   
tares1 we have the same epithet which   
the ,ebionite literature applies to     
,paul4 ,but enough remains to indicate  

how strongly ,jewish-,christian         
prejudices and limitations still        
affected our evangelist4 ,with respect  
to date1 the atmosphere is in all       
respects such as characterizes the      
period of the nineties4  ,it does not   
belong to our present purpose to analyze
 this gospel into its constituent       
elements4 ,the process can be followed  
in many treatises on gospel criticism1  
and the results will be found summarized
 in ,introductions to the ,new          
,testament such as the recent scholarly 
work of ,moffatt4 ,we have here but to  
note the general character and structure
 of the book as revealing the main      
outlines of its history and the         
conditions which gave it birth4         
,matthew and ,luke are alike in that    
both represent comparatively late       
attempts to combine the ancient         
,matthaean syntagma with the            
',memorabilia of ,peter' compiled by    
,mark4 ,but there is a great difference4
 ,luke contemplates his work with some  

of the motives of the historian4 ,he    
adopts the method of narrative1 and     
therefore subordinates his discourse    
material to a conception 7often confused
 enough7 of sequence in space and time4 
,matthew1 as the structure of his       
gospel1 no less than his own avowal     
shows1 had an aim more nearly           
corresponding to the ancient            
,palestinian type4 ,the demand for the  
narrative form had become irresistible4 
,it controlled even his later ,greek and
 ,aramaic rivals4 ,but ,matthew has     
subordinated the historical to the      
ethical motive4 ,he aims at1 and has    
rendered1 just the service which his age
 demanded and for which it could look to
 no other region than ,jerusalem1 a full
 compilation of the commandments and    
precepts of ,jesus4  ,the narrative     
framework is adopted from ,mark without 
serious alteration1 because this work   
had already proved its effectiveness in 
convincing men everywhere that ,jesus   
was the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god4 ,like

 ,luke1 ,matthew prefixes an account of 
,jesus' miraculous birth and childhood1 
because in his time 7c4 #ij7 the ancient
 beginning of the gospel with the       
baptism by ,john had given opportunity  
to the heresy of the ,adoptionists1     
represented by ,cerinthus1 who          
maintained that ,jesus became the ,son  
of ,god at his baptism1 a merely        
temporary receptacle of the ,spirit4    
,the prefixed chapters have no          
incarnation doctrine1 and no doctrine of
 pre-existence4 ,they do not intend in  
their story of the miraculous birth to  
relate the incoming of a superhuman or  
non-human being into the world1 else    
they could not take up the pedigree of  
,joseph as exhibiting ,jesus' title to  
the throne of ,david4 ,miracle attends  
and signalizes the birth of that ,son of
 ,david who is destined to become the   
,son of ,god4 ,apart from the mere      
question of attendant prodigy the aim of
 ,matthew's story of the ,infancy is    
such as should command the respect and  

sympathy of every rational thinker4     
,against all ,doketic dualism it        
maintains that the ,son of ,god is such 
from birth to death4 ,the presence of   
,god's ,spirit with him is not a mere   
counterpart to demonic possession1 but  
is part of his nature as true man from  
the beginning4  ,but the doctrinal      
interest of ,matthew scarcely goes      
beyond the point of proving that ,jesus 
is the ,christ foretold by the prophets4
 ,doctrine as well as history is        
subordinate to the one great aim of     
teaching men to observe all things      
whatsoever ,jesus commanded4            
,,chapter ,,vii  ,,the ,,petrine        
,,tradition4 ,,evangelic ,,story   ,of  
the extent to which the early church    
could do without narrative of ,jesus'   
earthly ministry we have extraordinary  
evidences in the literature of ,pauline 
,christianity on the one side and of    
,jewish ,christianity on the other4 ,for
 ,paul himself1 as we know1 the real    
story of ,jesus was a transcendental    

drama of the ,incarnation1 ,redemption1 
and ,exaltation4 ,it is probable that   
when at last three years after his      
conversion he went up to ,jerusalem to  
get acquainted with ,peter1 the story he
 was interested to hear had even then   
more to do with that common apostolic   
witness of the resurrection appearances 
reproduced in #ast ,cor4 xv4 #c-aa1 than
 with the sayings and doings of the     
ministry4 ,as to this ,paul preserves1  
as we have seen1 an almost unbroken     
silence4 ,and that which did not        
interest ,paul1 naturally did not       
interest his churches4  ,on the other   
hand those who could have perpetuated a 
full and authentic account of the       
ministry were almost incredibly slow to 
undertake the task2 partly1 no doubt1   
because of their vivid expectation of   
the immediate end of the world1 but     
largely also because to their mind the  
data most in need of preservation were  
the 'life-giving words4' ,the impression
 of ,jesus' character1 his person and   

authority was not1 as they regarded it1 
a thing to be gained from the historical
 outline of his career4 ,it was         
established by the fact of the          
,resurrection1 by the predictions of the
 prophets1 which found fulfilment in the
 circumstances of ,jesus' birth1        
particular incidents here and there in  
his career and fate1 but most of all in 
his resurrection and the gifts of the   
,spirit which argued his present session
 at the right hand of ,god4 ,once this  
authority of ,jesus was established the 
believer had only to observe his        
commandments as handed down by the      
apostles1 elders and witnesses4  ,on all
 sides there was an indifference to such
 historical inquiry as the modern man   
would think natural and inevitable1 an  
indifference that must remain altogether
 inexplicable to us unless we realize   
that until at least the time of the     
fourth evangelist the main proofs of    
messiahship were not looked for in      
,jesus' earthly career4 ,his ,christhood

 was thought of as something in the     
future1 not yet realized4 ,even his     
resurrection and manifestation in glory 
at the right hand of ,god1 which is to  
both ,paul 7,rom4 i4 #d7 and his        
predecessors 7,acts ii4 #cb-cf7 the     
assurance that ,god hath made him both  
,lord and ,christ1 is not yet the       
beginning of his specific messianic     
programme4 ,potentially this has begun1 
because ,jesus has already been seated  
on the 'throne of glory1' from          
henceforth expecting until his enemies  
be made the footstool of his feet4      
,practically it is not yet4 ,the ,christ
 is still a ,christ that is to be4 ,his 
messianic rule is delayed until the     
subjugation of the enemies2 and this    
subjugation in turn is delayed by the   
long suffering of ,god1 who willeth not 
that any should perish1 but that all men
 should come to repentance4 ,meantime a 
special outpouring of the ,spirit is    
given in 'tongues1' 'prophecies1'       
'miracle working1' and the like1 in     

fulfilment of scriptural promise1 as a  
kind of coronation largess to all loyal 
subjects4 ,this outpouring of the       
,spirit1 then1 is the great proof and   
assurance that the ,heir has really     
ascended the 'throne of glory' in spite 
of the continuance of all things as they
 were from the foundation of the world4 
,these 'gifts' are firstfruits of the   
,spirit1 pledges of the ultimate        
inheritance1 proofs both to believers   
and unbelievers of the complete         
,inheritance soon to be received4 ,but  
the gifts have also a practical aspect4 
,they are all endowments for service4   
,the ,great ,repentance in ,israel and  
among the ,gentiles is not to be brought
 about without the co-operation of      
believers4 ,the question which at once  
arises when the manifestation of the    
risen ,christ is granted1 ,lord1 dost   
thou at this time restore the kingdom to
 ,israel8 is therefore answered by the  
assurance that the time is in ,god's    
hand alone1 but that the 'gifts of the  

,spirit1' soon to be imparted1 are      
intended to enable believers to do their
 part1 at home and abroad1 toward       
effecting the ,great ,repentance 7,acts 
i4 #f-h74bj      ,footnote #bj3 ,the    
parallel in ,mark xvi4 #ad-ah is very   
instructive1     but needs the recently 
discovered connection between verses #ad
 and     #ae to complete the sense3 ,and
 they excused themselves 7for their     
unbelief7 saying1 ,this age of          
lawlessness and unbelief is under the   
dominion of ,satan1 who by means of the 
unclean spirits prevents the     truth  
and power of ,god from being            
apprehended4 ,on this account     reveal
 thy righteousness 7i4 e4 justice1 in   
the sense of ,isa4 lvi1     #a b7 even  
now4 ,and ,christ replied to them1 ,the 
limit of years of     ,satan's power is 
7already7 fulfilled1 but other terrible 
things are     at hand2 moreover ,i was 
delivered up to death on behalf of      
sinners     in order that they might    
return unto the truth and sin no more1  

that     they might inherit the         
spiritual and incorruptible glory which 
is in     heaven4 ,then follows the     
mission into all the world and endowment
     with the gifts4  ,for a church     
which felt itself endowed with living   
and present evidences of the messianic  
power of ,jesus it was naturally only a 
second thought 7and not a very early one
 at that7 to look back for proof to     
occurrences in ,jesus' life in ,galilee1
 however notable his career as a prophet
 mighty in deed and word before ,god and
 all the people4 ,the present gifts of  
his power would be 7at least in         
demonstrative effect7 greater works than
 these4 ,with those who had the         
resurrection testimony of #ast ,cor4 xv4
 #c-aa1 and even the recurrent          
experience of visions and revelations of
 the ,lord1 anticipatory revelations of 
his messiahship1 utterances1 like that  
to ,peter at ,caesarea ,philippi1       
wherein ,jesus only predicted the great 
work to be divinely accomplished through

 him1 whether by life or death1 in going
 up to ,jerusalem1 intimations which had
 been disregarded or disbelieved at the 
time1 could not rank with present       
knowledge1 experience and insight4 ,they
 would be recalled merely as            
confirmatory foregleams of the true     
light that now shineth1 as the two who  
had received the manifestation at       
,emmaus exclaim1 ,did not our heart burn
 within us while he talked to us in the 
way8  ,we could not indeed              
psychologically account for the         
development of the resurrection faith   
after the crucifixion1 if before it     
,jesus' life and utterances had not been
 such as to make his manifestation in   
glory seem to the disciples just what   
they ought to have expected4 ,but1      
conversely1 nothing is more certain than
 the fact that they did not expect it2  
and that when the belief had become     
established by other means1 the attitude
 toward the sayings and doings          
maintained by those who had them to     

relate--as we know1 the most successful 
missionary of all felt it no handicap to
 be entirely without them--was one of   
looking back into an obscure past for   
things whose pregnant significance      
became appreciable only in the light of 
present knowledge4 ,these things        
understood not his disciples at the     
first1 but when ,jesus was glorified1   
then remembered they that these things  
had been written of him1 and that they  
had done these things unto him4  ,we are
 fortunate in having even one example of
 the consecutive narratives 7diegeses7  
referred to in ,luke i4 #a4 ,our ,mark  
is a gospel written purely and simply   
from this point of view1 aiming only to 
show how the earthly career of ,jesus   
gave evidence that this was the ,son of 
,god1 predestined to exaltation to the  
right hand of power1 with little        
attempt1 if any1 to bring in the        
precepts of the ,new ,law4 ,we should   
realize1 however1 that this is already a
 beginning in the process soon to become

 controlling1 a process of carrying back
 into the earthly life of ,jesus in     
,galilee of first this trait1 then that1
 then all the attributes of the         
glorified ,lord4  ,ancient and reliable 
tradition informs us that this first    
endeavour to tell the story of ,jesus   
,christ the ,son of ,god was composed at
 ,rome by ,john ,mark1 a former         
companion of both ,peter and ,paul1 from
 data drawn from the anecdotes casually 
employed by ,peter in his preaching4    
,there is much to confirm this in the   
structure1 the style1 and the doctrinal 
object and standpoint of the ,gospel4   
,to begin with1 the date of composition 
cannot be far from #ge4 ,mark is not    
only presupposed by both ,matthew and   
,luke1 but in their time had already    
acquired an extraordinary predominance4 
,to judge by what remains to us of      
similar products1 ,mark in its own field
 might almost be said to reign supreme  
and reign alone4 ,such almost exclusive 
supremacy could not have been attained1 

even by a writing commonly understood to
 represent the preaching of ,peter1     
short of a decade or more of years4 ,on 
the other hand we have the reluctant    
testimony of antiquity1 anxious to claim
 as much as possible of apostolic       
authority for the record1 but unwilling 
to commit ,peter to apparent            
contradictions of ,matthew1 that it was 
written after ,peter's death 7#fd-e74ba 
,internal evidence would in fact bring  
down the date of the work in its present
 form a full decade thereafter4 ,it is  
true that there are many structural     
evidences of more than one form of the  
narrative1 and that the apocalyptic     
chapter 7ch4 xiii471 which furnishes    
most of the evidence of date1 may well  
belong among the later supplements4 ,but
 in the judgment of most critics this   
'eschatological discourse' 7almost the  
only connected discourse of the ,gospel7
 is clearly framed in real retrospect   
upon the overthrow of ,jerusalem and the
 temple1 and the attendant tribulation  

on those that are in ,judaea4 ,the      
writer applies a general saying of      
,jesus known to us from other sources   
about destroying and rebuilding the     
temple specifically to the demolition   
effected by ,titus 7#gj74 ,he warns his 
readers in the same connection that the 
end is not to follow immediately upon   
the great ,judaean war1 but only when   
the powers of evil in the heavenly      
places1 powers inhabiting sun1 moon and 
stars1 are shaken 7xiii4 #ba-bg74 ,the  
,pauline doctrine of #bnd ,thess4 ii4   
#a-ab is adopted1 but with careful      
avoidance of the prediction that the man
 of sin is to appear in the temple of   
,god4 ,paul's man of sin is now         
identified with ,daniel's abomination   
that maketh desolate 7,dan4 xii4 #aa71  
which therefore is spoken of as he      
7masculine74 ,his appearance will       
prelude the great ,judaean tribulation2 
but his standing place is ill-defined4  
,it is only where he ought not4 ,matthew
 7following his usual practice7 returns 

more nearly to the language of ,daniel4 
,with him the ,abomination is again an  
object standing in a holy place4 ,but   
,matthew is already applying the        
prophecy to another tribulation still to
 come4 ,he does not see that ,mark      
refers to the sack of ,jerusalem on     
which he himself looks back in his      
addition to the parable of the ,supper  
7,matt4 xxii4 #f f42 cf4 ,luke xiv4     
#ae-bd71 but takes ,mark xiii4 #ad-bc as
 ,jesus' prediction of a great final    
tribulation still to come4              
,footnote #ba3 ,so ,irenaeus 7#ahf7 and 
7by implication7 ,papias4 ,clement      
of ,alexandria 7#baj7 meets the         
difficulty by alleging that ,peter was  
still alive1 but gave no aid to the     
writer4  ,mark's crudities of language  
and style1 his frequent latinisms1 his  
explanation to his readers 7almost      
contemptuously exaggerated7 of ,jewish  
purifications and distinctions of meats 
7vii4 #c f471 presupposition of the     
,roman form of divorce 7x4 #ab71        

explanation in ,roman money of the value
 of the 7,greek and ,oriental7 mite     
7lepton71 are well-known confirmations  
of the tradition of the writing's place 
of origin4 ,but these are superficial   
characteristics4 ,more important for us 
to note is the fundamental conception of
 what constitutes the gospel1 and the   
writer's attitude on questions of the   
relation of ,jew and ,gentile and the   
authority of the apostles and kindred of
 the ,lord4  ,the most striking         
characteristic of ,mark is that it aims 
to present the gospel about ,jesus1 and 
is relatively indifferent to the gospel 
of ,jesus4 ,had the writer conceived his
 task after the manner of a ,matthew    
there is little doubt that he could have
 compiled catechetic discourses of      
,jesus like the ,sermon on the ,mount or
 the discourse on prayer of ,luke xi4   
#a-ac4 ,the fact that he disregards such
 records of ,jesus' ethical and         
religious instruction does not mean that
 he 7tacitly7 refers his readers to the 

,matthaean ,precepts1 or similar        
compilations1 to supplement his own     
deficiencies4 ,it means a different1    
more ,pauline1 conception of what the   
gospel is4 ,mark conceives its primary  
element to be attachment to the person  
of ,jesus1 and has already gone far     
toward obliterating the primitive       
distinction between a ,jesus whose      
earthly career had been in great        
humility1 and the glorified ,son of     
,god4 ,the earthly ,jesus is still1 it  
is true1 only a man endowed with the    
,spirit of ,adoption4 ,but he is so     
completely in the ,spirit1 and so fully 
endowed with it1 as almost to assume the
 ,greek figure of a demi-god treading   
the earth incognito4 ,no wonder this    
,gospel became the favourite of the     
,adoptionists and ,doketists4  ,mark    
does not leave his reader in the dark as
 to what a man must do to inherit       
eternal life4 ,the requirement does not 
appear until after ,jesus has taken up  
with the twelve the road to ,calvary1   

because it is distinctly not a keeping  
of commandments1 new or old4 ,it is an  
adoption of the mind that was in        
,christ1 who humbled himself and became 
obedient unto death4 ,in ,matthew's     
'improved' version of ,jesus' answer to 
the rich applicant for eternal life1 the
 suppliant is told he may obtain it by  
obeying the commandments1 with          
supererogatory merit 7if thou wouldest  
be perfect71 if he follows ,jesus'      
example of self-abnegating service4 ,in 
the form and context from which ,matthew
 borrows 7,mark x4 #ac-de7 there is no  
trace of this legalism1 and the whole   
idea of supererogatory merit1 or higher 
reward1 is strenuously1 almost          
indignantly1 repudiated4 ,no man can    
receive the kingdom at all who does not 
receive it as a little child4 ,every man
 must be prepared to make every         
sacrifice1 even if he has kept all the  
commandments from his youth up4 ,peter  
and the disciples who have left all and 
followed are in respect to reward on the

 same level as others4 ,peter's plea for
 the twelve is answered1 ,there is no   
man that hath left earthly possessions  
for ,christ's sake that is not amply    
compensated even here4 ,he must expect  
persecution now1 but will receive       
eternal life hereafter4 ,only many that 
are first shall be last1 and last first4
 ,even the martyr-apostles ,james and   
,john will have no superior rights in   
the ,kingdom4  ,such passages as the    
above not only reveal why ,mark's gospel
 shows comparative disregard of the     
,precepts1 but also displays an attitude
 toward the growing claims of apostolic 
authority and neo-legalism which in     
contrast with ,matthew and ,luke is     
altogether refreshing4 ,the kindred of  
the ,lord appear but twice 7iii4 #bj f41
 #ca-ce and vi4 #a-f71 both times in a  
wholly unfavourable light4 ,john appears
 but once1 and that to receive a rebuke 
for intolerance4 ,james and ,john appear
 only to be rebuked for selfish         
ambition4 ,peter seldom otherwise than  

for rebuke4 ,all the disciples show     
constantly the blindness and hardness of
 heart which is explicitly said to      
characterize their nation 7vi4 #eb2 vii4
 #ah2 viii4 #ab1 #ad-ba74 ,their        
self-seeking and unfaithfulness is the  
foil to ,jesus' self-denial and         
faithfulness 7viii4 #cc2 ix4 #f1 #ah f41
 #bi2 x4 #bd1 #bh1 #cb1 #cg1 #da2 xiv4  
#bg-ca1 #cg-da1 #ej1 #ff-gb74 ,that     
which in ,matthew 7xvi4 #af-ai7 has     
become a special divine revelation to   
,peter of the messiahship1 marking the  
foundation of the church1 is in the     
earlier ,markan form 7,mark viii4       
#bg-cc7 not a revelation of the         
messiahship at all4 ,peter's answer1    
,thou are the ,christ1 is common        
knowledge4 ,the twelve are not supposed 
to be more ignorant than the demons6    
,there is1 however1 a caustic rebuke of 
,peter for his carnal1 ,jewish idea of  
the implications of ,christhood4 ,a     
revelation of its significance almost   
,doketic in character is indeed granted 

just after to ,peter1 ,james and ,john2 
but they remain without appreciation or 
understanding of the 'vision1' though it
 exhibits ,jesus in his heavenly glory  
in company with the translated heroes of
 the ,old ,testament4 ,the revelation   
still remains1 therefore1 a sealed book 
until after the resurrection4  ,this    
exaggeration of the disciples'          
obtuseness is partly due1 no doubt1 to  
apologetic motives4 ,the evangelist has 
to meet the objection1 ,if ,jesus was   
really the extraordinary1 superhuman    
being represented1 and was openly       
proclaimed such by the evil spirits1 why
 was nothing heard of his claims until  
after the crucifixion and alleged       
resurrection8 ,his carrying back into   
the ,galilean ministry of the glorified 
,being of ,paul's redemption doctrine   
compels him to represent the twelve as  
sharing the dullness of the people who  
having eyes see not1 and having ears    
hear not4 ,but with all allowance for   
this1 the ,roman ,gospel shows small    

consideration for the apostles and      
kindred of the ,lord4  ,it shows quite  
as little for ,jewish prerogative and   
,jewish law4 ,jesus speaks in parables  
because to those without his preaching  
is to be intentionally a 'veiled' gospel
 7iv4 #a-cd74 ,the ,inheritance will be 
taken away from them and given to others
 7xii4 #a-ab74 ,priests and people      
together were guilty of the rejection   
and murder of ,jesus 7xv4 #aa-ae1       
#bi-cb74 ,forgiveness of sins is offered
 by ,jesus on his own authority in      
defiance of the scribes4 ,their         
exclusion of the publicans and sinners  
he disregards1 proclaims abolition of   
their fasts1 and holds their            
sabbath-keeping up to scorn 7ii4        
#a--;iii4 #f74 ,on the question of      
distinctions of meats his position is   
the most radical possible4 ,the ,jewish 
ceremonial is a vain worship1 mere      
commandments of men4 ,defilement cannot 
be contracted by what goes into a man4  
,jesus' saying about inward purity was  

not aimed at the mere 'hedge of the     
,law' 7,matt4 xv4 #ac71 nor the mere    
matter of ablutions 7,matt4 xv4 #bj71   
but was intended to make all meats clean
 7vii4 #a-bc74 ,moses' law in some of   
its enactments does not represent the   
real divine will1 but a human           
accommodation to human weakness 7x4     
#b-i74 ,obedience to its highest code   
does not ensure eternal life 7x4        
#ai-ba74 ,the single law of love is much
 more than all whole burnt offering and 
sacrifices 7xii4 #bh-cd74 ,when all the 
references to ,judaism1 its ,law1 its   
institutions1 and its prerogative1 are  
of this character1 when ,jesus always   
appears in radical opposition to the    
,law and its exponents 7xii4 #ch-dj2    
xiii4 #a f471 never as their supporter  
in any degree1 the evangelist comes near
 to making it too hard for us to believe
 that he really was of ,jewish birth4   
,on the other hand we cannot doubt the  
statement that he derives his anecdotes1
 however indirectly1 from the preaching 

of ,peter4 ,the prologue 7i4 #a-ac71    
indeed1 makes no pretence of reporting  
the testimony of any witness1 but       
acquaints the reader with the true      
nature of ,jesus as the ,christ1 the    
,son of ,god by means of a mystical     
account of his baptism and endowment    
with the ,spirit of ,adoption1 probably 
resting upon that document of ,q1 which 
we have distinguished from the          
,precepts4 ,but the ensuing story of the
 ministry opens at the home of ,peter in
 ,capernaum1 and continues more or less 
connected therewith in spite of         
interjected groups of anecdotes whose   
connection is not chronological but     
topical1 such as ii4 #a--;iii4 #f2 iii4 
#bb-cj2 iv4 #a-cd4 ,it reaches its      
climax where ,jesus at ,caesarea        
,philippi takes ,peter into his         
confidence4 ,here again the mystical    
,revelation or ,transfiguration vision  
7ix4 #b-aj7 interrupts the connection1  
and shows its foreign derivation by the 
transcendental sense in which it        

interprets the person of ,jesus4        
,certain features suggest its having    
been taken from the same source as the  
prologue 7i4 #a-ac74  ,the story issues 
in the tragedy at ,jerusalem1 where1 as 
before1 ,peter's figure1 however        
unfavourable the contrast in which it is
 set to that of ,jesus1 is still the    
salient one4 ,the outline in general is 
identical with that so briefly sketched 
in ,acts x4 #ch-db--;except that the    
absolutely essential point1 the one     
thing which no gospel narrative can     
possibly have lacked1 the resurrection  
manifestation to the disciples1 and the 
commission to preach the gospel1 is     
absolutely lacking6  ,that ,mark's      
gospel once contained such a conclusion 
is almost a certainty4 ,imagine a gospel
 narrative without a report of the      
manifestation of the risen ,lord to his 
disciples6 ,imagine a church--and that  
the church at ,rome--giving out as the  
first1 the authentic1 original1 and 7in 
intention7 the only account of the      

origin of the ,christian faith 7,mark i4
 #a71 a narrative which ended with the  
apostles scattered in cowardly          
desertion1 and ,peter the most          
conspicuous1 most remorseful renegade of
 them all6 ,he who writes in ,peter's   
name from ,rome but shortly after1      
affectionately naming ,mark my son1 must
 have had indeed a forgiving spirit4    
,but traces of the real sequel have not 
all disappeared4 ,many outside allusions
 still remain to the turning again of   
,peter and stablishing of his brethren  
in the resurrection faith4 ,the earliest
 is ,paul's 7#ast ,cor4 xv4 #e74 ,the   
present ,mark itself implies that it    
once had such an ending2 for ,jesus     
promises to rally his flock in ,galilee 
after he is raised up 7xiv4 #bh71 and   
the women at the sepulchre are bidden to
 remind the disciples of the promise1   
though they fail to deliver their       
message4 ,indeed the whole ,gospel looks
 forward to it4 ,to this end the mystery
 of the kingdom is given to the chosen  

twelve 7iii4 #ac f41 #ca-ce2 iv4        
#aj-ab72 for this they are forewarned   
7though vainly7 of the catastrophe      
7viii4 #cd--;ix4 #a1 #cj-cb2 x4 #cb-cd2 
xiv4 #bg-ca74 ,in fact the promise of a 
baptism of the ,spirit 7i4 #h7 probably 
implies that the original sequel related
 not only the appearance to ,peter and  
7later7 to the rest with the charge to  
preach1 but also their endowment with   
the gifts1 perhaps as in ,john xx4      
#ai-bc4 ,what we now have is only a     
substitute for this original sequel1 a  
substitute so ill-fitting as to have    
provoked repeated attempts at           
improvement4  ,from xvi4 #h onwards1 as 
is well known1 the oldest textual       
authorities have simply a blank4 ,later 
authorities give a shorter or longer    
substitute for the missing              
,manifestation and ,charge to the       
twelve4 ,the shorter follows ,matthew1  
the longer follows ,luke1 with traces of
 acquaintance with ,john4 ,fanciful     
theories to explain these textual       

phenomena1 such as accidental mutilation
 of the only copy1 are improbable1 and  
do not explain4 ,if conjecture be       
permissible it is more likely that the  
original work was in two parts1 after   
the manner of ,luke-,acts1 the 'former  
treatise' ending with the centurion's   
testimony1 ,truly this man was a ,son of
 ,god 7xv4 #ci74 ,the second part       
continued the narrative in the form of a
 ,preaching of ,peter1 perhaps ending   
with his coming to ,rome2 for the       
ancient literature of the church had    
several narratives of this type4 ,its   
disappearance will have been due to the 
superseding 7perhaps the embodiment7 of 
it by the work of ,luke4 ,when the      
primitive ,markan 'former treatise' was 
adapted for separate use as a gospel it 
was quite natural that it should be     
supplemented 7we can hardly say         
completed7 by the addition of the story 
of the ,empty ,sepulchre 7xv4 #dj--xvi4 
#h71 though this narrative is quite     
unknown to the primitive resurrection   

preaching 7cf4 #ast ,cor4 xv4 #c-aa71   
and one in which every character save   
,pilate is a complete stranger to the   
body of the work4 ,the subsequent       
further additions of the so-called      
longer and shorter endings belong to the
 history of transcription after ,a4,d4  
#adj4  ,it will be apparent from the    
above that the ,gospel of ,mark is no   
exception to the rule that              
church-writings of this type inevitably 
undergo recasting and supplementation   
until the advancing process of          
canonization at last fixes their text   
with unalterable rigidity4 ,whether we  
recognize sources1 or earlier forms1 or 
only earlier editions of ,mark1 it is   
certain that appendices could still be  
attached long after the appearance of   
,luke1 and probable that in the early   
period of its purely local currency at  
,rome the fund of ,petrine anecdote had 
received more than one adaptation of    
form before it was carried to ,syria and
 embodied substantially as we now have  

it in the composite gospels of ,matthew 
and ,luke4 ,the omission by ,luke of    
,mark vi4 #de--viii4 #bf is             
intentional1#bb and cannot be used to   
prove the existence of a shorter form2  
and the same is probably true of the    
omission of ,mark ix4 #ch-dj by         
,matthew4 ,mark xii4 #da-dd1 however1 is
 probably an addition later than        
,matthew's time4 ,neither ,matthew nor  
,luke had a text extending beyond xvi4  
#h4 ,but signs of acquaintance with the 
original sequel appear in the appendix  
to ,john 7,john xxi47 and in the late   
and composite ,gospel of ,peter 7c4     
#adj74 ,according to the latter the     
twelve remained in ,jerusalem scattered 
and in hiding for the remaining six days
 of the feast4 ,at its close they       
departed1 mourning and grieving1 each   
man to his own home4 ,peter and a few   
others1 including ,levi the son of      
,alpheus1 resumed their fishing on the  
sea4 444 ,the fragment breaks off at    
this point4 ,the story may be           

conjecturally completed from #ast ,cor4 
xv4 #e-h1 with comparison of ,john xxi4 
#a-ac2 ,luke v4 #d-h2 xxii4 #ca f42     
xxiv4 #cd1 #cf-dc4      ,footnote #bb3  
,see below4  ,as we look back upon the  
undertaking of this humble author1 named
 only by tradition1 one among the       
catechists of the great church of ,paul 
and ,peter1 writing but a few years     
after their death1 but a few years      
before #ast ,peter and ,hebrews1 one is 
struck by the grandeur of his aim4 ,it  
is true he was not wholly without       
predecessors in the field4 ,the work    
which afforded him at least the         
substance of his prologue1 and in all   
probability other considerable sections 
of his book1 had already aimed in a more
 mystical way to connect the ,pauline   
doctrine of ,christ as the ,wisdom of   
,god with the mighty works and teachings
 of ,jesus4 ,duplication of a           
considerable part of ,mark's story 7vii4
 #ca--viii4 #bf repeats with some       
variation vi4 #cj--vii4 #cj7 shows that 

his work was one of combination as well 
as creation4 ,but outline1 proportion   
and onward march of the story show not  
only skill and care1 but large-minded   
and consistent adherence to the         
fundamental plan to tell the origin of  
the ,christian faith 7,mark i4 #a74     
,confirmation of the belief and practice
 of the church--it is for this that     
,mark reports all he can learn of the   
years of obscurity in ,galilee followed 
by the tragedy in ,jerusalem4 ,not only 
belief in ,jesus as the ,son of ,god    
will be justified by the story1 but the 
founding1 institutions1 and ritual of   
the existing church4 ,he manifestly     
adapts it to show not only the          
superhuman powers and attributes of the 
chosen ,son of ,god1 but the germ and   
type of all the church's institutions4  
,its baptism of repentance and          
accompanying gift of the ,spirit of     
,adoption only repeats the experience of
 ,jesus at the baptism of ,john4        
,endowment with the word of wisdom and  

the word of power is but the counterpart
 of ,jesus' divine equipment with the   
power of the ,spirit when he taught and 
healed in ,galilee4 ,the ,sending of the
 ,twelve sets the standard for the      
church's evangelists and missionaries1  
just as the ,breaking of the ,bread in  
,galilee gives the model for its        
fraternal banquet4 ,so for the ,judaean 
ministry as well4 ,the path of martyrdom
 is that which all must follow1 its     
,passover ,supper of the ,lord and      
,vigil in ,gethsemane are models for the
 church's annual observance1 its        
,passover of the ,lord1 its ,vigil1 its 
,resurrection feast4 ,the grouping of   
the anecdotes is not all of ,mark's     
doing1 for we can still see in many     
cases how they have grown up around the 
church observances1 to explain and      
justify the rites1 rather than to form  
part of an outlined career4 ,but taking 
the work as a whole1 and considering how
 far beyond that of any other church was
 the opportunity at ,rome1 where ,paul  

had transmitted the lofty conception of 
the ,son of ,god1 and ,peter the        
concrete tradition of his earthly life1 
we cannot wonder that ,mark's outline so
 soon became the standard account of    
,jesus' earthly ministry1 and ultimately
 the only one4  ,but little space       
remains in which to trace the           
developments of gospel story in other   
fields4 ,southern ,syria and ,egypt soon
 found it needful1 as we have seen1 to  
adopt the work of ,mark1 but            
independently and as a framework for the
 ,matthaean ,precepts4 ,it cannot have  
been long after that ,antioch and       
,northern ,syria followed suit4 ,for    
,luke1 though acquainted with the work  
of 'many' predecessors gives no sure    
evidence of acquaintance with ,matthew4 
,when we find such unsoftened           
contradictions as those displayed       
between these two ,greek gospels in     
their opening and closing chapters1 and 
observe1 moreover1 that while both      
indulge in hundreds of corrections and  

improvements upon ,mark1 these are      
rarely coincident and never make the    
assumption of interdependence necessary1
 it is hard to resist the conclusion    
that neither evangelist was directly    
acquainted with the other's work4 ,now  
no other gospel compares with ,matthew  
in the rapidity and extent of its       
circulation1 while ,luke declares       
himself a diligent inquirer4 ,he could  
not ignore the claims of apostolic      
authority to which this early and wide  
acceptance of ,matthew were mainly due4 
,the inference is reasonable that       
,luke's date was but little later than  
that of ,matthew4 ,if the probability of
 his employment of the ,antiquities of  
,josephus could be raised to a certainty
 this would suffice to date the ,gospel 
and ,book of ,acts not earlier than #if4
 ,internal and external evidence1 as    
judged by most scholars1 converge on a  
date approximating #ajj4  ,the          
,north-,syrian derivation of ,luke-,acts
 is less firmly established in tradition

 than the ,roman origin of ,mark and the
 ,south-,syrian of ,matthew4 ,ancient   
tradition can point to nothing weightier
 than the statement of ,eusebius1 drawn 
we know not whence1 but independently   
made in the argumenta 7prefixed         
descriptions7 of several ,vulgate       
manuscripts that ,luke was of           
,antiochian birth4 ,however1 internal   
evidence supplies corroboration in      
rather unusual degree4 ,if the reading  
of some texts in ,acts xi4 #bh1 ,and as 
we were assembled1 could be accepted1   
this alone would be almost conclusive   
corroboration4 ,but dubious as it is1 it
 furnishes support4 ,for if an          
alteration of the original1 it is at any
 rate extremely early 7c4 #aej87 and    
aimed to support the belief in          
question4#bc ,moreover the whole        
attitude of ,luke-,acts in respect to   
apostolic authority1 settlement of the  
great question of the terms of          
fellowship between ,jew and ,gentile1   
and description of the founding of the  

,pauline churches1 is such as to make   
its origin anywhere between the ,taurus 
range and the ,adriatic most improbable2
 while if we place it in ,rome we shall 
have an insoluble problem in the        
relation of its extreme emphasis on     
apostolic authority1 and                
quasi-deification of ,peter1 to the     
stalwart independence of ,mark4         
,conversely there are many individual   
traits which suggest ,antioch as the    
place of origin4 ,next to ,jerusalem1   
the never-to-be-forgotten church of the 
apostles and elders1 ,antioch is the    
mother church of ,christendom4 ,there   
the name ,christian had its origin4     
,there the work of converting the       
,gentiles was begun4 ,the ,greek        
churches of ,cyprus and ,asia ,minor are
 regarded as dependencies of ,antioch4  
,even those of the ,greek peninsula are 
linked as well as may be to ,antioch and
 ,jerusalem1 with suppression of the    
story of the schism4 ,antioch1 not the  
,pauline ,greek churches1 is the        

benefactress of the poor saints in      
,jerusalem1 and at the instance of      
,antioch1 by appeal to the apostles and 
elders1 the decrees are obtained which  
permanently settle the troublesome      
question of the obligation of           
maintaining ceremonial cleanness which  
still rests upon the ,jews which are    
among the ,gentiles4 ,as we have seen1  
the settlement is as far from that of   
,mark and the ,pauline churches on the  
one side1 as from the thoroughgoing     
legalism of ,jerusalem on the other4 ,as
 late as the ,pastoral ,epistles        
abstinence from meats which ,god created
 to be received with thanksgiving by    
them that believe and know the truth is 
to the ,pauline churches a doctrine of  
devils and seducing spirits taught      
through the hypocrisy of men that speak 
lies4 ,distinctions of meats belong to  
,jewish superstition1 because every     
creature of ,god is good and nothing is 
to be rejected1 if it be received with  
thanksgiving 7#ast ,tim4 iv4 #a-e74     

,mark1 as we have seen1 takes precisely 
this standpoint4 ,he is equally radical 
in condemning distinctions of meats as  
essentially vain worship1 and a         
commandment of men 7,mark vii4 #a-bc74  
,in truth if we distinguish one of      
,luke's sources from ,luke himself we   
shall find exactly this doctrine taught 
to ,peter himself by special divine     
revelation in ,acts x4 #aj-af2 xi4      
#c-aj4 ,only1 as we have already seen   
7p4 #ei1 note71 this is not the         
application made by the ,book of ,acts1 
as it now stands1 of the material4 ,to  
',luke' nothing could be more repugnant 
than the idea of an apostle forsaking   
the religion of his fathers1 of which   
circumcision and the customs are an     
essential part4 ,his cancellation1 in   
the story of ,peter's revelation and the
 ,apostle's subsequent defence of it    
before the church in ,jerusalem1 of one 
of its essential factors1 viz4 the right
 to eat with ,gentiles1 regardless of   
man-made distinctions of meats 7what    

,god hath cleansed make not thou common7
 is quite as significant as his         
restriction of even ,paul's activity to 
,greek-speaking ,jews1 until the ,spirit
 has expressly directed the church in   
,antioch1 immediately after the         
persecution of ,agrippa ,i1 to proceed  
with the propaganda4 ,both alterations  
of the earlier form of the story are in 
line with a multitude of minor          
indications1 and furnish us1 in         
combination with them1 the real keynote 
of the narrative4 ,in ,luke-,acts more  
clearly than in any of the gospels the  
writer assumes the distinctive function 
of the historian4 ,he1 too1 would       
relate1 like ,mark1 the origin of the   
,christian faith1 and that from the very
 first4 ,he even deduces the pedigree of
 ,jesus from ,adam1 which was the son of
 ,god4 ,but the object is far more to   
prove the pedigree of the faith than the
 pedigree of ,jesus4 ,christianity is to
 be defended against the charge of being
 a nova superstitio1 a religio illicita4

 ,on the contrary it is the one true and
 revealed religion1 the perfect flower  
and consummation of ,judaism4 ,yet it is
 not1 like ,judaism1 particularistic and
 national1 but universal2 for while ,god
 at first made that nation the special  
repository of his truth1 it was his     
determinate foreknowledge and counsel   
that they should reject and crucify     
their ,messiah1 making it possible to   
proclaim this salvation unto the        
,gentiles4 ,the one thing ,luke is so   
anxiously concerned to prove that he    
wearies the reader with constant        
reiteration of it1 proclaims it1 argues 
it1 in season and out of season1 with   
his sources1 against his sources1 with  
the facts1 against the facts1 is that   
this faith was never1 never1 offered to 
the ,gentiles except by express         
direction of ,god and after the ,jews   
had demonstrated to the last extremity  
of stiff-necked opposition that they    
would have none of it4 ,christianity1   
then1 and not ,judaism1 is the true     

primitive and revealed religion1 the    
heir of all the divine promises4        
,footnote #bc3 ,note1 also1 how in ,acts
 vi4 #e the list of                     
deacon-evangelists concludes and        
,nicholas a proselyte of     ,antioch4  
,we can see now why ,luke finds it      
impossible to adopt ,mark's story of a  
missionary journey of ,jesus in the     
coasts of ,tyre and ,sidon and will not 
even mention the name of ,caesarea      
,philippi4 ,his method in omitting ,mark
 vi4 #de--viii4 #bf is more radical than
 ,matthew's1 but his motive is similar4 
,the central theme of this portion of   
,mark appears in the chapter 7ch4 vii47 
recording ,jesus' repudiation of the    
,jewish distinctions of clean and       
unclean as precepts of men1 and         
departing to heal and preach in         
phoenecia and ,decapolis4 ,this is the  
theme of ,luke's second treatise2 and1  
as we have seen1 his solution of the    
problem is radically different4 ,if he  
cannot admit that even ,paul disregarded

 the customs or ,peter preached to      
,gentiles until after express and       
reiterated direction of the ,spirit1 we 
surely ought not to expect him to admit 
the statement that ,jesus repudiated the
 distinctions of ,mosaism1 declared all 
meats clean1 and departing into the     
coasts of ,tyre and ,sidon first healed 
the daughter of a ,gentile and afterward
 continued his journey through ,sidon   
and the regions of ,decapolis1 repeating
 the symbolic miracles of opening deaf  
ears and blind eyes1 and feeding with   
loaves and fishes4 ,even if this        
supposed ministry of ,jesus among the   
,gentiles stood on a much stronger      
foundation of historical probability    
than is unfortunately the case 7cf4     
,rom4 xv4 #h71 it could not logically be
 admitted to the work of ,luke without  
an abandonment of one of his firmest    
convictions and a rewriting of both his 
treatises4  ,luke was probably not the  
first to divide his work into a former  
treatise covering both the sayings and  

doings of ,jesus until the time that he 
was taken up1 and a second devoted to   
the work of the apostles after they had 
received the charge to proclaim the     
gospel to the uttermost parts of the    
earth4 ,many1 as he tells us1 had       
already undertaken to draw up narratives
 7diegeses7 of this kind1 of which the  
one ,luke himself has chiefly employed1 
had originally1 as we concluded1 a      
sequel like his own ,book of ,acts4     
,there are even features of the ,petrine
 source of ,acts which particularly     
connect it with ,roman doctrine 7e4 g4  
,acts x4 #aj-ae2 cf4 ,rom4 xiv4 #ad and 
,mark vii4 #ah f47 and even with the    
person of ,mark 7,acts xii4 #ab74 ,its  
balance between ,peter and ,paul and its
 close with the establishment of        
,christianity at ,rome1 are also        
suggestive that the greater part of     
,luke's second treatise came ultimately 
from the same source as his first4 ,but 
the division of the work into two parts3
 7#a7 the gospel among the ,jews2 7#b7  

the gospel among the ,gentiles1 would   
have followed1 independently of any such
 precedent1 from the whole purpose and  
structure of the work4 ,christianity is 
to be proved in the light of its origin1
 and in spite of the hostility of the   
,jews among whom it arose1 and whose    
sacred writings it adopts1 to be the    
original1 true1 revealed religion4 ,to  
prove this it must be shown that the    
rejection and crucifixion of ,jesus by  
his own people as a result of his       
earthly ministry was due not to his own 
failure to meet the ideal of the        
,scriptures in question1 but to their   
perversity and wilful blindness4 ,if it 
is important to prove in the former     
treatise that the opposition of the     
controlling authorities among the ,jews 
was due to this perversity and jealousy1
 it is at least equally so to show that 
the lowly and devout received him       
gladly4 ,hence the peculiar hospitality 
of ,luke toward material showing ,jesus'
 acceptance of and by the humbler and   

the outcast classes1 the poor and lowly1
 women1 ,samaritans1 publicans and      
sinners4 ,the idyllic scenes of his     
birth and childhood are cast among men  
and women of this type of ,old          
,testament piety1 quietly waiting for   
the kingdom of ,god4 ,during his career 
it is these who receive and hang upon   
him4 ,even on ,calvary one of the       
thieves must join with this throng of   
devout and penitent believers4 ,jesus'  
preaching begins with his rejection by  
his own fellow-townsmen only because no 
prophet is accepted in his own country2 
though before their attempt to slay him 
he proves from ,scripture how ,elijah   
and ,elisha had been sent unto the      
,gentiles4 ,his ministry ends with his  
demonstration to the disciples after his
 resurrection from ,moses and all the   
prophets how that it was needful that   
the ,christ should suffer before        
entering his glory1 and that after his  
rejection by ,israel repentance and     
remission of sins should be preached in 

his name among all nations1 beginning at
 ,jerusalem4  ,the second treatise shows
 how this purpose of ,god to secure the 
dissemination of the true faith by the  
disobedience and hardening of its first 
custodians was accomplished1 chief      
stress being always laid upon the fact  
that it was only when the ,jews         
contradicted and blasphemed that the    
apostles said1 ,it was necessary that   
the word of ,god should first be spoken 
to you1 but seeing ye put it from you1  
and judge yourselves unworthy of eternal
 life1 lo1 we turn to the ,gentiles4    
,there is no interest taken in the      
subsequent fortunes of ,jerusalem and   
,jewish ,christianity1 nor even in the  
fate of ,peter and ,james1 after this   
transition has been effected to ,gentile
 soil4 ,there is no interest taken in   
the spread of ,christianity as such1 in 
,egypt1 ,ethiopia1 ,cyrenaica1 ,cyprus1 
,mesopotamia2 but only where the        
conflict rages over the respective claim
 of ,jew and ,gentile to be the true    

heir of the promises1 i4 e4 the         
mission-field of ,paul4 ,at the         
individual centres the story goes just  
far enough to relate how the gospel was 
offered to the ,jews and rejected1      
compelling withdrawal from the          
synagogue1 and thereafter it is told    
over again with slight variations at the
 next centre4 ,the book concludes with a
 repetition of the stereotyped scene at 
,rome itself1 in spite of the           
representation of the very source       
employed1 that an important church had  
long existed there before ,paul's       
coming1 ending with a quotation of the  
classic passage from ,isa4 vi4 #i f4 to 
prove ,god's original purpose to harden 
the heart of ,israel1 so that his       
salvation might be sent unto the        
,gentiles4 ,the very fate of ,paul      
himself has so little interest for ,luke
 in comparison with this demonstration  
of ,christianity as the one original1   
revealed religion1 enclosed in ,judaism 
as seeds are confined in the hardening  

seed-pod until disseminated by its      
bursting1 that he leaves it unmentioned1
 like that of all other leaders of the  
church whose death was not directly     
contributory to the process4  ,many1 and
 vitally important to the development of
 ,gospel ,story as we know it1 as were  
the sources of ,luke1 both by his own   
statement 7,luke i4 #a7 and the internal
 evidences of his work1 he has made     
analysis extremely difficult by the     
skilful and elaborate stylistic         
embroidery with which he has overlaid   
the gaps and seams4 ,nor is this a      
proper occasion for entering the field  
of the higher critic4 ,luke-,acts       
represents the completed development1   
not the naive beginnings of this type of
 the ,literature of the ,church         
,teacher4 ,we have seen reason to think 
we may have traces of the earlier       
narratives 7diegeses7 to which ,luke    
refers1 not only in the great ,roman    
work of ,mark1 but in a part of the ,q  
material itself4 ,if ,antioch were the  

place of origin of this early source1 if
 here too were found those archives of  
missionary activity whence came the     
famous ,diary employed in ,acts         
xvi4-xxviii41 the contribution of this  
church to ,gospel ,story was such as to 
make ,antioch the appropriate centre for
 the great historical school of         
interpretation of the fourth and fifth  
centuries4 ,when we consider the        
dominant motive of ,luke and his        
extraordinary exaltation of 'apostolic' 
authority we seem to be breathing the   
very atmosphere of ,ignatius the great  
apostle of ecclesiasticism and apostolic
 order1 discipline and succession4      
,ignatius' hatred of ,doketism1 too1 is 
not without a certain anticipation in   
the opening and closing chapters of     
,luke's ,gospel1 and perhaps in the fact
 that the great exsection from ,mark    
begins with the story of the ,walking on
 the ,sea 7,mark vi4 #de-eb74           
,,chapter ,,viii  ,,the ,,johannine     
,,tradition4 ,,prophecy   ,in ,paul's   

enumeration of the gifts by which the   
,spirit qualifies various classes of men
 to build in various ways upon the      
structure of the church1 the class of   
prophets takes the place next after that
 of apostles1 a rank even superior 7as  
more manifestly 'spiritual'7 to that of 
pastors and teachers4 ,the ,book of     
,acts shows us as its most conspicuous  
centre of prophecy the house of ,philip 
the ,evangelist at ,caesarea4 ,this man 
had four unmarried daughters who        
prophesied1 and in his house ,paul      
received a 'prophetic' warning of his   
fate from a certain ,agabus who had come
 down from ,judaea4 ,there were also    
prophets in ,antioch 7,acts xiii4 #a71  
though the only ones mentioned by name  
are this same ,agabus#bd and ,silas1 or 
,silvanus1 who is also from ,judaea4 ,in
 the ,teaching of the ,twelve the       
'prophet' still appears among the       
regular functionaries of the church1 for
 the most part a traveller from place to
 place1 and open to more or less        

suspicion1 as is the case at ,rome1     
where ,hermas combines reverence for the
 angel that speaks through the true     
prophet1 with warnings against the      
self-seeker4 ,in #ast ,john the false   
prophets are a serious danger1          
propagating ,doketic heresy wherever    
they go4 ,in fact1 this heresy was1 as  
we know1 the great peril in ,asia4      
,however1 ,asia1 if plagued by wandering
 false prophets1 had also become by this
 time a notable seat of true and        
authentic prophecy2 for the same ,papias
 who shows such sympathy with ,polycarp 
against those who were perverting the   
,sayings of the ,lord to their own      
lusts1 and had turned1 as ,polycarp     
advised1 to the tradition handed down   
from the beginning1 had similar means   
for counteracting those who denied the  
resurrection and judgment4 ,among those 
upon whom he principally relied as      
exponents of the apostolic doctrine were
 two of those same prophesying daughters
 of ,philip the ,evangelist1 who with   

their father had migrated from ,caesarea
 ,palestina to ,hierapolis1 leaving1    
however1 one1 who had married1 a        
resident till her death at ,ephesus4 ,as
 late as the time of ,montanus          
7#aej-agj71 the ,phrygians traced their 
succession of prophets and prophetesses 
back to ,silvanus and the daughters of  
,philip4      ,footnote #bd3 ,the       
mention of ,agabus1 however1 in xi4 #bg 
f4 is     hardly consistent with xiii4  
#a and xxi4 #aj-ad4 ,it seems to be due 
to     the editorial recasting of xi4   
#bb-cj4  ,we cannot be sure that the    
traditions ,papias reported from these  
prophetesses were derived at first hand1
 though it is not impossible that       
,papias himself may have seen them4     
,however it is certain that many of his 
traditions of 'the ,elders' had to do   
with eschatology1 and aimed to prove the
 material and concrete character of the 
rewards of the kingdom2 for we have     
several examples of these traditions1   
attributing to ,jesus apocryphal        

descriptions of the marvellous fertility
 of ,palestine in the coming reign of   
,messiah1 and particularizing about the 
abodes of the blessed4 ,moreover        
,eusebius blames ,papias for the crude  
ideas of ,irenaeus and other second     
century fathers who held the views      
called chiliastic 7i4 e4 based on the   
thousand year reign of ,christ in ,rev4 
xx4 #b f474 ,we also know that ,papias  
defended the trustworthiness of         
,revelation1 a book which served as the 
great authority of the chiliasts for the
 next fifty years in their fight against
 the deniers of the resurrection4 ,he   
quoted from it1 in fact1 the passage    
above referred to2 so that if reason    
must be sought for his placing ,john and
 ,matthew together at the end of his    
list of seven apostles instead of in    
their usual place1 it is probably       
because they were his ultimate apostolic
 authorities for the word of prophecy   
and for the commandment of the ,lord    
respectively4 ,justin ,martyr1 ,papias' 

contemporary at ,rome1 though converted 
in ,ephesus1 and unquestionably         
determined in his mould of thought by   
,asiatic ,paulinism1 has1 like ,papias1 
but two authorities for his gospel      
teaching3 7#a7 the commandment of the   
,lord represented in the ,petrine and   
,matthaean tradition2 7#b7 prophecy1    
represented in the ,christian           
continuation of the ,old ,testament     
gift4 ,this second authority1 however1  
is not appealed to without the support  
of apostolicity4 ,revelation is quoted  
as among our writings1 like the         
memorabilia of the apostles called      
,gospels1 but not without the additional
 assurance that the seer was ,john1 one 
of the apostles of ,christ4  ,for       
'prophecy1' however acclimated          
elsewhere1 was in its origin            
distinctively a ,palestinian product4   
,its stock in trade was ,jewish         
eschatology as developed in the long    
succession of writers of 'apocalypse'   
since ,daniel 7#afe ,b4,c474 ,of the    

nature of this curious and fantastic    
type of literature we have seen some    
examples in #bnd ,thessalonians and the 
,synoptic eschatology 7,mark xiii4,matt4
 xxiv4,luke xxi474 ,more can be learnt  
by comparing the contemporary ,jewish   
writings of this type known as #bnd     
,esdras and the ,apocalypse of ,baruch4 
,older examples are found in the        
prophecies and visions purporting to    
come from ,enoch4 ,for apocalypse became
 the successor of true prophecy in      
proportion as the loss of ,israel's     
separate national existence and the     
enlargement of its horizon compelled it 
to make its messianic hopes             
transcendental1 and its notion of the   
,kingdom cosmic4 ,hence comes all the   
phantasmagoria of allegorical monsters1 
spirits and demons1 the great conflict  
no longer against ,assyria and ,babylon1
 but a war of the powers of light and   
darkness1 heaven and hell4 ,yet all     
centres still upon ,jerusalem as the    
ultimate metropolis of the world1 whose 

empires1 now given over to the          
leadership of ,satan1 will soon lie     
prostrate beneath her feet4  ,some such 
eschatology of divine judgment and      
reward is an almost necessary complement
 to the legalistic type of religion4 ,if
 ,christianity be conceived as a system 
of commandments imposed by supernatural 
authority it must have as a motive for  
obedience a system of supernatural      
rewards and punishments4 ,not merely1   
then1 because for centuries the legalism
 of the scribes had actually had its    
corresponding development of apocalypse1
 with visions of the great judgment and 
,day of ,yahweh1 but because of an      
inherent and necessary affinity between 
the two1 ,judaea continued to be the    
home of 'prophecy' in ,new ,testament   
times also4  ,however1 the one great    
example of this type of literature that 
has been 7somewhat reluctantly7         
permitted to retain a place in the ,new 
,testament canon appears at first blush 
to be clearly and distinctively a       

product of ,ephesus4 ,of no book has    
early tradition so clear and definite a 
pronouncement to make as of ,revelation4
 ,since the time of ,paul the ,jewish   
ideas of resurrection provoked          
opposition in the ,greek mind4 ,the     
,greek readily accepted immortality1 but
 the crudity of ,jewish millenarianism1 
with its return of the dead from the    
grave for a visible1 concrete rule of   
,messiah in ,palestine repelled him4    
,the representation of ,acts xvii4 #cb  
is fully borne out by the constant      
effort of ,paul in his ,greek epistles  
to remove the stumbling-blocks of this  
doctrine4 ,it is no surprise1 then1 to  
find the 'prophecy' of ,revelation1 and 
more particularly its doctrine of the   
thousand-year reign of ,messiah in      
,jerusalem1 a subject of dispute at     
least since ,melito of ,sardis 7#afg71  
and probably since ,papias 7#ade74      
,fortunately controversy brought out    
with unusual definiteness1 and from the 
earliest times1 positive statements     

regarding the origin of the book4       
,irenaeus 7#ahf7 declared it a work of  
the ,apostle ,john given him in vision  
in the end of the reign of ,domitian4   
,the same date 7#ic71 may be deduced    
from statements of ,epiphanius regarding
 the history of the church in ,thyatira4
 ,justin ,martyr 7#aec71 as we have     
seen1 vouches for the crucial passage   
7,rev4 xx4 #b f47 as from one of        
ourselves1 ,john1 an apostle of the     
,lord4 ,papias 7#ade7 vouched for its   
orthodoxy at least1 if not its          
authenticity4 ,there can be no          
reasonable doubt that it came to be     
accepted in ,asia early in the second   
century1 in spite of opposition1 as     
representing the authority of the       
,apostle ,john1 and as having appeared  
there c4 #ie4 ,in fact1 there is no book
 of the entire ,new ,testament whose    
external attestation can compare with   
that of ,revelation1 in nearness1       
clearness1 definiteness1 and            
positiveness of statement4 ,john is as  

distinctively the father of 'prophecy'  
in second century tradition as ,matthew 
of ',dominical ,precepts' and ,peter of 
',narratives4'  ,moreover the book      
itself purports to be written from      
,patmos1 an island off the coast of     
,asia4 ,it speaks in the name of ,john  
as of some very high and exceptional    
authority1 well known to all the seven  
important churches addressed1 the first 
of which is ,ephesus4 ,by its references
 to local names and conditions it even  
proves1 in the judgment of all the most 
eminent modern scholars1 that it really 
did see the light for the first time 7at
 least for the first time in its present
 form7 in ,ephesus not far from ,a4,d4  
#ie4  ,one would think the case for     
apostolic authenticity could hardly be  
stronger4 ,and yet no book of the ,new  
,testament has had such difficulty as   
this1 whether in ancient or modern      
times1 to maintain its place in the     
canon4 ,it must also be said that no    
book gives stronger internal evidence of

 having passed through at least two     
highly diverse stages in process of     
development to its present form4  ,the  
theory of another ,john is indeed       
comparatively modern4 ,nobody drammed of
 such a solution until ,dionysius of    
,alexandria hesitatingly advanced the   
conjecture in his controversy with      
,nepos the ,chiliast4 ,even then 7c4    
#bej7 ,dionysius 7though he must have   
known the little work of ,papias7 could 
think of no other ,john at ,ephesus than
 the ,apostle1 unless it were perhaps   
,john ,mark6 ,it is ,eusebius who       
joyfully helps him out with the         
discovery in ,papias of ,john the       
,elder4 ,but ,eusebius himself is candid
 enough to admit that ,papias only      
quoted traditions of ,john and mentioned
 him frequently in his writings4 ,when  
we read ,papias' own words1 though they 
are cited by ,eusebius for the express  
purpose of proving the debatable point1 
it is obvious that they prove nothing of
 the kind1 but rather imply the         

contrary1 viz4 that ,john the ,elder1   
though a contemporary of ,papias1 was   
not accessible1 but known to him only at
 second hand1 by report of travellers   
who came his way4 ,in short1 as we have 
seen1 ,aristion and ,john the ,elder    
were the surviving members of a group of
 'apostles1 elders and witnesses of the 
,lord' in ,jerusalem4 ,if1 then1 one    
chose to attribute the 'prophecies' of  
,rev4 iv4-xxi4 to this ,elder there     
could be no serious objections on the   
score of doctrine1 for the traditions of
 ,john reported by ,papias were not     
lacking in millenarian colour4 ,only1 it
 is not the 'prophecies' of ,rev4       
iv4-xxi4 which contain the references to
 ,john1 but the enclosing prologue and  
epilogue2 and these concern themselves  
with the churches of ,asia as           
exclusively as the 'prophecies' with the
 quarrel of ,jerusalem with ,rome4  ,the
 second century is1 as we have seen1    
unanimous in excluding from             
consideration any other ,john in ,asia  

save the ,apostle1 and if the writer of 
,rev4 i4 and xxii4 produced this        
impression in all contemporary minds    
without exception1 including even such  
as opposed the book and its doctrine1 it
 is superlatively probable that such was
 his intention4 ,the deniers of the     
resurrection and judgment did not point 
out to ,polycarp1 ,papias1 ,justin1     
,melito and ,caius1 that they were      
confusing two ,johns1 attributing the   
work of a mere ,elder to the ,apostle4  
,they plumply declared the attribution  
to ,john fictitious2 and since the      
internal evidence from the condition of 
the churches and growth of heresy in    
chh4 i4-iii4 and the imperial succession
 down to ,domitian in chh4 xiii4 and    
xvii4 strongly corroborate the date     
assigned in antiquity 7c4 #ic71 we have 
no alternative1 if we admit that the    
,apostle ,john had long before been     
killed by the ,jews1#be but to suppose  
that this book1 like nearly all the     
books of 'prophecy1' is1 indeed1        

pseudonymous4 ,it does not follow that  
he who assumes the name of ,john in     
prologue and epilogue 7i4 #a f41 #d1 #i2
 xxii4 #h7 to tell the reader definitely
 who the prophet is1 was guilty of      
intentional misrepresentation4 ,if      
anything can be made clear by criticism 
it is clear that the prophecies were not
 his own4 ,they were taken from some    
nameless source4 ,the pseudonymity      
consists simply in clothing a conjecture
 with the appearance of indubitable     
fact4      ,footnote #be3 ,see above1 p4
 #ajd4  ,but why should a writer who    
wished to clothe with apostolic         
authority the 'prophecies' he was       
promulgating1 not assume boldly the     
title of apostle1 as the author of #bnd 
,peter has done in adapting similarly   
the ,epistle of ,jude8 ,why1 if he      
assumes the name of the martyred        
,apostle ,john at all1 does he refrain  
from saying1 ,i ,john1 an apostle1 or   
disciple of the ,lord1 and content      
himself with the humbler designation and

 authority of 'prophet'8  ,this question
 brings us face to face with the most   
remarkable structural phenomena of the  
book1 and cannot be understandingly     
answered until we have considered them4 
,the outstanding characteristic of      
,revelation is its adaptation of        
literary material dealing with1 and     
applicable to1 one historical and       
geographical situation1 to another      
situation almost completely different4  
,the opening chapters1 devoted to       
,john's vision on ,patmos and the       
conditions and dangers of the seven     
,churches of ,asia1 employ indeed some  
of the expressions of the substance of  
the book4 ,the promises of the ,spirit  
to the churches recall the glories of   
the ,new ,jerusalem of the concluding   
vision of the seer4 ,there is some      
reference to local persecution at       
,smyrna incited by the ,jews 7a         
synagogue of ,satan7 and which is to    
last ten days1 and there is an isolated 
reference to a martyrdom of days long   

gone by in the message to the church in 
,pergamum 7ii4 #ac7 recalling remotely  
the blood and suffering of which the    
body of the work is full4 ,this we      
should of course expect from an adapter 
of existing 'prophecies4' ,but the      
converse1 i4 e4 consideration for the   
historical conditions of ,ephesus and   
its sister churches1 on the part of the 
body of the work1 is absolutely wanting4
 ,on the one side is the situation of   
the ,pauline churches on the east coast 
of the ,a,egean in ,a4,d4 #ic-ie4 ,the  
prologue and epilogue 7,rev4 i4-iii4 and
 xxii4 #f-ba7 are concerned with these  
churches of ,asia1 and their development
 in the faith1 particularly their growth
 in good works1 purity from defilements 
of the world1 and resistance to the     
inroads of heretical teaching4 ,the     
message of the ,spirit1 conveyed through
 ,john1 is meant to encourage the       
members of these churches to pure living
 in the face of temptations to          
worldliness and impurity4 ,the epistles 

to the churches1 in a word1 belong in   
the same class with the ,pastorals1     
,jude1 and #bnd ,peter1 as regards their
 object and the situation confronted2   
though they are written to enclose      
apocalyptic visions which deal with a   
totally different situation4  ,the      
visions1 on the contrary1 take not the  
smallest notice of 7proconsular7 ,asia  
and its problems4 ,their scene is       
,palestine1 their subject the outcome of
 ,jerusalem's agonizing struggle against
 ,rome4 ,from the moment the threshold  
of iv4 #a is crossed there is no        
consciousness of the existence of such  
places as ,ephesus1 ,smyrna and         
,thyatira4 ,the scenes are ,palestinian4
 ,the great battle-field is             
,har-,magedon 7i4 e4 city of ,megiddo1  
on the plain of ,esdraelon1 the scene of
 ,josiah's overthrow1 #bnd ,kings xxiii4
 #bi f474 ,the city1 the great city1 the
 holy city is ,jerusalem2 though        
spiritually 7in allegory7 it is called  
,sodom and ,egypt 7i4 e4 a place from   

which the saints escape to avoid its    
doom74 ,when the saints flee from the   
oppression of the dragon it is to the   
wilderness4 ,when the invading hordes   
rush in it is from beyond the           
,euphrates4 ,when the redeemed appear in
 company with the ,christ it is on      
,mount ,zion2 they constitute an army of
 #add1jjj1 twelve thousand from each of 
the twelve tribes4 ,two antagonistic    
powers are opposed4 ,on the one side is 
,jerusalem and its temple1 now given    
over to the ,gentiles to be trodden     
under foot forty and two months1 on the 
other is ,rome1 no longer1 as with      
,paul1 a beneficent and protecting      
power1 but the city of the beast1       
,babylon the great harlot1 at whose     
impending judgment the ,gentiles will   
mourn1 but all the servants of ,god     
rejoice4 ,jerusalem rebuilt1 glorified1 
the metropolis of the world1 seat and   
residence of ,god and his ,christ1 will 
take the place of ,rome1 the seat of the
 beast and the false prophet4 ,the gates

 of this ,new ,jerusalem will stand open
 to receive tribute from all the        
,gentile nations1 and will have on them 
the names of the twelve tribes of       
,israel4 ,the foundations of the city   
wall will have on them the names of the 
twelve apostles of the ,lamb4  ,all this
 is cumulative proof that the horizon of
 the seer of ,rev4 iv4-xx4 is that of   
,palestine4 ,its expansion in the       
introductory ,letters of the ,spirit to 
the ,churches to include the seven      
churches of 7proconsular7 ,asia1 is as  
limited in its way as the original4 ,the
 later writer merely adds the special   
province where he wishes the 'prophecy' 
to circulate1 with its special          
interests2 there is no real             
interrelation of the two parts4  ,it is 
a problem of great complexity to        
disentangle the various strands of this 
strange and fantastic work1 certain as  
it is that we have here a conglomerate  
whose materials come from various       
periods4 ,some elements1 such as ch4 xi4

 on the fate of ,jerusalem1 seem to date
 in part from before #gj2 others1 such  
as ch4 xviii4 on the fate of ,rome1 show
 that while originally composed for the 
circumstances of the reign of ,vespasian
 or ,titus1 the time has been extended  
to take in at least the beginning of    
that of ,domitian4#bf ,the author rests 
mainly upon the ,hebrew apocalyptic     
prophets1 such as ,ezekiel1 ,daniel and 
,enoch1 but he has not been altogether  
inhospitable to such originally ,gentile
 mythology as the doctrine of the seven 
spirits of ,god1 and the conflict of    
,michael and his angels with the dragon4
 ,he intimates himself that his         
prophesying had not been confined to one
 period or one people 7x4 #aa74 ,when he
 translates the ,hebrew name of the     
angel of the abyss1 ,abaddon1 into its  
,greek equivalent 7ix4 #aa71 or uses    
,hebrew numerical equivalents for the   
letters of the name of a man 7xiii4     
#ah71 it is not difficult to guess that 
this prophecy had at least its origin in

 ,palestine4 ,in fact1 there is no other
 country where the geographical         
references hold true1 and no other      
period save that shortly after the      
overthrow of ,jerusalem by ,titus1 that 
affords the historical situation here   
presupposed1 when worshipping the beast 
and his image is demanded of the saints 
by the earthly ruler 7,domitian71 and   
the overthrow of the seven-hilled city  
by one of its own rulers in league with 
lesser powers is looked forward to as   
about to avenge the sufferings inflicted
 on the ,jews4 ,as regards this hope of 
the overthrow of ,rome1 we know that the
 legend of ,nero's prospective return at
 the head of hosts of ,parthian enemies 
to recapture his empire gained currency 
in ,asia ,minor in ,domitian's reign1   
and this legend is certainly developed  
in ,rev4 xiii4 and xvii4 ,on the other  
hand1 the author1 if he ever came to    
,asia1 did not cease to be a            
,palestinian ,jew4 ,he operates         
exclusively 7after iv4 #a7 with the     

materials and interests of ,jewish and  
,jewish-,christian apocalypse4 ,he has  
no interest whatever in the churches of 
,asia4 ,he does not betray by one       
syllable a knowledge even of their      
existence1 to say nothing of their      
dangers1 their heresies1 their          
temptations4 ,he does make it abundantly
 clear that he is a ,christian prophet  
7x4 #g-aa71 and 7to us7 almost equally  
clear that he is not one of the twelve  
apostles whose names he sees written on 
the foundation-stones of the ,new       
,jerusalem 7xxi4 #ad74 ,but since his   
prophecy1 with all its heterogeneous    
elements had to do with the final       
triumph of ,messiah1 and the            
establishment of ,his kingdom1 after the
 overthrow of the power of ,satan--since
 it depicted the time of the dead to be 
judged1 and the time to give their      
reward to thy servants the prophets1 and
 to the saints and to them that fear thy
 name1 it could not fail to be welcomed 
by orthodox ,christians in 7proconsular7

 ,asia4 ,for the churches of ,asia were 
engaged at this time in a vigorous      
struggle against the heretical deniers  
of the resurrection and judgment4 ,only1
 a mere anonymous prophecy from         
,palestine could not obtain any         
authoritative currency in ,asia4 ,to be 
accepted1 even among the orthodox1 some 
name of apostolic weight must be        
attached to it1 as we see in the case of
 the two ,epistles of ,peter and those  
of ,james and ,jude4 ,the ,epistles of  
the ,spirit to the churches are1 then1  
as truly letters of commendation as     
though they introduced a living prophet 
and not merely a written prophecy4 ,the 
,john whom they present is not called an
 apostle for the very simple reason that
 the visions themselves everywhere refer
 to their recipient as a 'prophet4' ,the
 author of the prologue and epilogue    
does not disregard the language of his  
material4 ,as we have seen1 he carefully
 weaves its phraseology into the        
'letters4' ,so with his insertion of the

 name ,john4 ,it occurs nowhere but in  
i4 #a f41 #d1 #i and xxii4 #h f4 ,all   
these passages1 but especially xxii4 #h 
f41 are based upon xix4 #i;b1 #aj1      
adding nothing to the representation but
 the name ,john and the location        
,patmos4 ,in fact1 xxii4 #f-i reproduces
 xix4 #i f41 for the most part verbatim1
 although it is clearly insupposable    
that the seer of the former passage     
should represent himself as offering a  
second time to worship the angel1 and as
 receiving again exactly the same rebuke
 he had received so shortly before4 ,he 
who calls himself ,john in xxii4 #h is1 
therefore1 not the prophet of xix4 #aj4 
,the epilogue itself has apparently     
received successive supplements1 and the
 prologue its prefix2 but he who inserts
 the name ,john has done so with        
caution4 ,he may not have intended to   
leave open the ambiguity found by       
,dionysius and ,eusebius between the    
,apostle and the ,elder1 as a refuge in 
case of accusation1 but he has at least 

been careful not to transgress the      
limits of the text he reproduces4 ,the  
seer spoke of himself as a prophet      
writing from the midst of great         
tribulation1 about the kingdom to follow
 to those that endured4 ,he had said    
that he received true words of ,god from
 an angel who declared ,i am a fellow   
servant with thee and with thy brethren 
that hold the testimony of ,jesus 7i4 e4
 the confession of martyrdom74 ,the     
prologue1 accordingly1 describes ,john  
as a servant of ,jesus1 who received    
from an angel the word of ,god and the  
testimony of ,jesus 7i4 #a f474 ,he is a
 brother and partaker in the tribulation
 and kingdom and endurance which are in 
,jesus4 ,when he comes to ,asia it is   
for the word of ,god and the testimony  
of ,jesus4 ,the spot whence he issues   
his prophetic message is not located in 
,ephesus1 or in any city where the      
residents could say1 ,but the ,apostle  
,john was never among us4 ,he resides   
temporarily 7as a prisoner in the       

quarries87 in the unfrequented island of
 ,patmos4 ,thence he could be supposed  
to see in the ,spirit the condition of  
affairs in the churches of ,asia without
 inconvenient questions as to when1 and 
how1 and why4      ,footnote #bf3 ,note 
the addition of an eighth emperor in    
ver4 #aa4  ,we may think1 then1 of this 
book of 'prophecy' as brought forth in  
the vicinity of ,ephesus near the end of
 the reign of ,domitian 7#ie74 ,but only
 the enclosing letters to the churches1 
and the epilogue guaranteeing the       
contents1 originate here at this time4  
,the 'prophecies1' occupied as they are 
exclusively with the rivalry of         
,jerusalem and ,rome1 and the judgment  
to be executed for the former upon her  
ruthless adversary1 bear unmistakable   
marks of their ,palestinian origin1 not 
only in the historical and geographic   
situations presupposed1 but in the      
defiant ,hebraisms of the language1 and 
the avowed translations from the        
,hebrew4 ,they are an importation from  

,palestine like the sound words1 even   
the words of the ,lord ,jesus referred  
to in the ,pastorals4 ,the churches of  
,asia are feeling the need of apostolic 
authority against the deniers of the    
resurrection and the judgment1 as much  
as against the perverters of the ,lord's
 words4 ,such centres as the homes of   
the prophesying daughters of ,philip at 
,ephesus and ,hierapolis were even more 
abundantly competent to supply this     
demand than the other4 ,agabus will not 
have been the only ,judaean prophet who 
visited them1 especially after the great
 tribulation which befell those in      
,judaea4 ,there is nothing foreign to   
the habit of the times1 even in         
,christian circles1 if nameless         
'prophecies' from such a source are     
translated1 edited1 and given out under 
cover of commendatory epistles written  
in the name of ,john at a time when     
,john had indeed partaken both of the   
tribulation and of the kingdom of       
,jesus4 ,they would hardly have obtained

 currency had they not been attributed  
to an apostle2 for a denial of the      
apostolicity of this book has always    
deprived it of authority4  ,on the other
 hand1 the actual 7,palestinian7 prophet
 has no such exalted opinion of himself 
as of those whose names he sees written 
on the foundation of the walls of the   
,new ,jerusalem 7xxi4 #ad74 ,he is not  
an apostle and does not claim to be4 ,he
 shows not the faintest trace of any    
association with the earthly ,jesus1 and
 indeed displays a vindictiveness toward
 the enemies of ,israel that has more of
 the spirit of the imprecatory psalms   
than the spirit of ,jesus4 ,he thinks of
 ,jesus as a king and judge bestowing   
heavenly rewards upon the martyrs in a  
manner quite inconsistent with his      
rebuke of ,james and ,john 7,mark x4    
#dj74 ,it is a far cry indeed from this 
to apostleship and personal intimacy    
with ,jesus4  ,the chief value of       
,revelation to the student of ,christian
 origins is that by means of its clearly

 determinable date 7,ephesus1 #ic-ie7 he
 can place himself at a point of vantage
 whence to look not only around him at  
the conditions of the ,pauline churches 
as depicted in the letters1 vexed with  
growing ,gnostic heresy and moral       
laxity1 but also both backward and      
forward4 ,the backward glance shows     
,palestine emerging from the horrors of 
the ,jewish war1 filled with bitterness 
against ,rome1 held down under hateful  
tyranny and longing for vengeance upon  
the despot with his names of blasphemy  
and his demands of worship for the image
 of the beast 7emperor-worship74 ,here  
,jewish apocalyptic 7as in #bnd ,esdras7
 and ,christian 'prophecy' are closely  
in accord4 ,indeed a considerable part  
of the material of ,rev4 iv4-xxi41      
especially in chh4 xi4-xii4 is          
ultimately of ,jewish rather than       
,christian origin4 ,what the development
 of ,christian 'prophecy' was in        
,palestine from apostolic times until   
the scattering of the church of the     

apostles and elders after the war of    
,bar ,cocheba 7#ace71 we can only infer 
from the kindred ,jewish apocalypses and
 the chiliastic traditions of the       
,elders quoted by ,irenaeus from        
,papias4 ,a forward look from our       
vantage point in ,ephesus c4 ,a4,d4 #ie1
 shows the effects of the ,palestinian  
importation extending down from         
generation to generation1 first in the  
long chiliastic controversy against the 
,doketic ,gnostics1 including ,montanist
 'prophecy'2 secondly1 in the growth of 
a claim to apostolic succession from    
,john4  7#a7 ,in the chiliastic         
controversy for a century the chief     
bones of contention are the             
7non-,pauline7 doctrine of the          
resurrection of the flesh 7so the       
,apostles' ,creed and the second-century
 fathers71 and that of a visible reign  
of ,christ for a thousand years in      
,jerusalem4 ,the new form of            
resurrection-gospel which at about this 
time begins to take the place of the    

apostolic of #ast ,cor4 xv4 #c-aa1      
centering upon the emptiness of the     
sepulchre and the tangibility and       
food-consuming functions of ,jesus'     
resurrection body1 instead of the       
manifestations to the apostles1 is      
characteristic of this struggle against 
the ,greek disposition to spiritualize4 
,luke and ,ignatius represent the       
attitude of the orthodox1 ,ignatius'    
opponents that of those who denied that 
,jesus was in the flesh after his       
resurrection4 ,revelation1 like the     
traditions of the ,elders1 champions the
 visible kingdom of ,messiah in         
,jerusalem4  7#b7 ,in the effort for    
apostolic authority the writings which  
came ultimately to represent ,asian     
orthodoxy have all been brought under   
the name and authority of the ,apostle  
,john1 although for many decades after  
the appearance of ,revelation1 ,paul1   
and not ,john1 remains the apostolic    
authority to which appeal is made1 and  
although the writings themselves were   

originally anonymous4 ,there was1       
indeed1 a contributory cause for the    
growth of this tradition in the         
accidental circumstance that a          
,palestinian ,elder from whom ,papias   
derived indirect1 and ,polycarp in all  
probability direct1 traditions1 bore    
also the name of ,john1 and survived    
until ,a4,d4 #aag4 ,still1 the main     
reason why this particular apostolic    
name was ultimately placed over the     
,gospel and ,epistles of ,ephesian      
,christendom1 can only have been its    
previous adoption to cover the          
compilation of ,palestinian 'prophecies'
 of ,a4,d4 #ie4     ,,part ,,iv  ,,the  
,,literature ,,of ,,the ,,theologian    
,,chapter ,,ix  ,,the ,,spiritual       
,,gospel ,,and ,,epistles   ,asia1 as we
 have come to know it through a         
succession of writings dating from      
,colossians-,ephesians 7c4 #fb7 down to 
,papias 7#ade71 had come to be the chief
 scene of mutual reaction between       
'apostolic' and ,pauline ,christianity  

at the close of the first century4 ,here
 at ,ephesus had been the great         
headquarters of ,paul's missionary      
activity4 ,here he had reasoned daily in
 the school of one ,tyrannus1 a         
philosopher1 and had found many         
adversaries4 ,here he had encountered   
the strolling ,jews1 exorcists1 and had 
secured the destruction of an immense   
mass of books of magic4 ,here1 according
 to ,acts1 he predicted the inroads of  
heresy after his departure1 and here the
 succeeding literature abundantly       
witnesses the fulfilment of the         
prediction4 ,ephesians and ,colossians  
begin the series1 the ,pastoral         
,epistles 7c4 #ij7 continue it4 ,then   
follow the 'letters to the churches' of 
,revelation 7#ie7 and the ,ignatian     
,epistles 7#aaj-aag71 not to mention    
those whose origin is uncertain1 such as
 ,jude and #bnd ,peter4  ,the ,pastorals
 already make it apparent that even the 
,pauline churches are not exempt from   
the inevitable tendency of the age to   

fall back upon authority4 ,the very     
sublimity of ,paul's consciousness of   
apostolic inspiration made it the harder
 for the next generation to assert any  
for itself4 ,moreover heresy was growing
 apace4 ,if even the outward pressure of
 persecution tended to drive the        
churches together in brotherly sympathy1
 still more indispensable would appear  
the need of traditional standards to    
maintain the type of sound doctrine1 the
 faith once for all delivered to the    
saints4 ,without such it would be       
impossible to check the individualism of
 errorists who took ,paul's sense of    
personal inspiration and mystical       
insight as their model1 without ,paul's 
sobriety of critical control under the  
standard of the law of ,christ4 ,it is  
no surprise1 then1 to find even at the  
headquarters of ,paulinism early in the 
second century a sweeping tendency to   
react toward the 'apostolic' standards4 
,in particular1 as ,gnostic exaggeration
 of the ,pauline mysticism led          

continually further toward disregard of 
the dictates of common morality1 and a  
wider divergence from the ,jewish       
conceptions of the world to come1 it was
 natural that men like ,polycarp and    
,papias should turn to the ,matthaean   
and ,petrine tradition of the ,lord's   
oracles1 and to the ,johannine          
'prophecies' regarding the resurrection 
and judgment4  ,had nothing intervened  
between ,gnostics and reactionaries the 
most vital elements of ,paul's gospel   
might well have disappeared1 even at    
this great headquarters of ,paulinism4  
,the ,doketists1 with their exaggerated 
,hellenistic mysticism1 were certainly  
not the true successors of ,paul4 ,they 
showed an almost contemptuous disregard 
for the historic ,jesus1 a one-sided aim
 at personal redemption1 by mystic union
 of the individual soul with the        
,christ-spirit1 to the disregard of the 
law of ,christ1 even in some cases of   
common morality4 ,paul was characterized
 by a splendid loyalty to personal      

purity1 to the social ideal of the      
,kingdom1 and to the unity of the       
brotherhood in the spirit of reciprocal 
service4 ,on the other hand men like the
 author of the ,pastoral ,epistles1     
,ignatius and ,polycarp1 with their     
almost panic-stricken resort to the     
authority of the past1 were not         
perpetuating the true spirit of the     
great ,apostle4 ,their reliance was on  
ecclesiastical discipline1 concrete and 
massive miracle in the story of ,jesus1 
particularly on the point of the        
bodily--or1 as they would have said1 the
 fleshly--resurrection4 ,their          
conception of his recorded words1 made  
of them a fixed1 superhuman standard and
 rule1 a new law4 ,teachers of this     
type1 much as they desired and believed 
themselves to be perpetuating the sacred
 deposit of ,paul1 were in reality      
conserving its form and missing its     
spirit4 ,such men would gladly turn to  
the tradition handed down1 of the       
,matthaean ,sayings1 and the ,petrine   

,story4 ,but in the former they would   
not find reflections of the sense of    
,son ship4 ,they would find only a      
supplementary ,law1 a new and higher set
 of rules4 ,in the story they would not 
discover the ,pauline view of the       
pre-existent divine ,wisdom tabernacling
 in man1 producing a second ,adam1 as   
elder brother of a new race1 the        
children and heirs of ,god4 ,they would 
take the mysticism of ,paul and bring it
 down to the level of the man in the    
street4 ,jesus would be to them either a
 completely superhuman man1             
approximating the heathen demi-god1 a   
divinity incognito2 or else a man so    
endowed with the whole fountain of the  
,spirit as to exercise perpetually and  
uninterruptedly all its miraculous      
functions4 ,the story of the cross would
 be hidden behind the prodigies4  ,least
 of all could the importation of        
apocalyptic prophecy do justice to the  
,pauline doctrine of the 'last things4' 
,true1 ,paul is himself a 'prophet1'    

thoroughly imbued with the fantastic    
,palestinian doctrines4 ,he1 too1       
believes in a world-conflict1 a triumph 
of the ,messiah over antichrist4 ,more  
particularly in one of his very earliest
 epistles 7#bnd ,thessalonians7 we get a
 glimpse into these ,jewish             
peculiarities4 ,but these are always    
counterbalanced in ,paul by a wider and 
soberer view1 which tends more and more 
to get the upper hand4 ,his doctrine of 
spiritual union with ,christ1 present   
apprehension of the life that is hid    
with ,christ in ,god1 a doctrine of     
,greek rather than ,hebrew parentage1   
prevails over the imagery of ,jewish    
apocalypse4 ,in the later epistles he   
expects rather to depart and be with    
,christ than to be caught up into the   
air with those that are alive and remain
 at the ',coming4' ,so even if ,paul did
 have occasion again and again to defend
 his ,jewish resurrection-doctrine      
against the ,greek disposition to refine
 it away into a mere doctrine of        

immortality1 his remedy is not a mere   
falling back into the crudities of      
,jewish millenarianism4 ,least of all   
could he have sympathized with the      
nationalistic1 and even vindictive      
spirit of ,rev4 iv4-xxi41 with its great
 battle of ,jerusalem helped by ,messiah
 and the angels1 against ,rome helped by
 ,satan and the ,beast4 ,paul's doctrine
 of the resurrection of the body by     
clothing of the spirit with a tabernacle
 derived from heaven1 his hope of a     
messianic ,kingdom which is the triumph 
of humanity under a second ,adam1 has   
its apocalyptic traits4 ,it is a victory
 over demonic enemies1 spiritual hosts  
of wickedness in the heavenly places2   
but it has the reserve of an educated   
,pharisee against the cruder forms of   
,jewish prophecy4 ,it shows the mind of 
the cosmopolitan ,roman citizen and     
philosophic thinker1 not merely that of 
the ,jewish ,zealot4  ,how salutary if  
,paul himself could have lived to       
control the divergent elements among his

 churches1 to check the subjective      
individualism of the ,gnostics on the   
one hand1 and the reactionary tendencies
 of the orthodox on the other4 ,his     
parting words to his beloved            
,philippians are sadly appreciative of  
how needful it was for their sake that  
he should abide in the flesh 7,phil4 i4 
#bd74 ,yet there was one thing still    
more expedient--that he should abide    
with them in the spirit4 ,and that is   
just what we find evidenced in the great
 'spiritual' ,gospel and its            
accompanying ,epistles from ,ephesus4   
,debate still rages over a mere name1   
attached by tradition to these writings 
that themselves bear no name4 ,the      
titles prefixed by early transcribers   
attribute them to ,john4 ,but they are  
never employed before #age-ahj in a way 
to even remotely suggest that they were 
then regarded as written by ,john1 or   
even as apostolic in any sense4 ,and    
when we trace the tradition back to its 
earliest form1 in the ,epilogue attached

 to the ,gospel 7,john xxi47 it seems to
 be no more than a dubious attempt to   
identify that mysterious figure1 the    
disciple whom ,jesus loved4 ,if1        
however1 we postpone this question      
raised by the ,epilogue1 the writings   
can at least be assigned to a definite  
locality 7,ephesus7 and a fairly        
definite date 7c4 #aje-aaj71 with the   
general consent both of ancient         
tradition and of modern criticism4 ,this
 is for us the important thing1 since it
 enables us to understand their purpose 
and bearing2 whereas even those who     
contend that they were written by the   
,apostle ,john can make little use of   
the alleged fact4 ,for 7#a7 the little  
that is known of ,john from other       
sources is completely opposed to the    
characteristics of these writings4 ,they
 are characterized by a broad           
universalism1 and reproduce the         
mysticism of ,paul4 ,to attribute them  
to the ,pillar of ,gal4 ii4 #i1 or the  
,galilean fisherman of ,mark i4 #ai and 

ix4 #ch1 it becomes necessary to suppose
 that ,john after migrating to ,ephesus 
underwent a transformation so complete  
as to make him in reality another man4  
7#b7 ,the meagre possibility that the   
basis of ,revelation might represent the
 ,apostle ,john becomes more remote than
 ever4 ,now it is a curious fact that   
critics who hold to the much-disputed   
tradition that the ,apostle ,john wrote 
the ,gospel and ,epistles1 although     
these writings make no such claim1 and  
have no affinity with the known         
character1 show as a rule remarkable    
alacrity to dismiss the claims of       
,revelation1 which positively declares  
,john to have been its author1 and has  
far stronger evidence1 both internal and
 external1 in support of the claim1 than
 have either the ,gospel or the         
,epistles4 ,we may prefer the style and 
doctrine of the ,gospel and ,epistles1  
but this playing fast and loose with the
 evidence can only discredit criticism  
of this type4 7#c7 ,the value of the    

demonstration of ,johannine authorship  
would lie in the fact that we should    
then have a first-hand witness to the   
actual life and teaching of ,jesus1     
immeasurably superior to the remote and 
indirect tradition of the present       
,synoptic sources4 ,but as a matter of  
real fact those who maintain the        
,johannine authorship do not venture to 
assert any such historical superiority4 
,on the contrary they consider the      
,synoptic tradition not only            
historically superior to ,john1 as      
respects both sayings and course of     
events1 but they are apt to attribute to
 this ,galilean apostle an extreme of   
,philonic abstraction1 so that he even  
prefers deliberate fiction to fact4     
,thus the reasoning employed to defend  
the tradition destroys the only factor  
which could give it value4  ,on the     
other hand it is possible to disregard  
these secondary disputes1 which aim only
 to increase or diminish the authority  
of the writings by asserting or denying 

that they were written by the ,apostle  
,john1 and to approach the              
interpretation of them on the basis only
 of what is really known1 accredited    
both by ancient tradition and by modern 
criticism4 ,on this basis we can safely 
affirm that they originated in ,ephesus 
early in the second century1            
'spiritualizing' what we have designated
 'apostolic' teaching1 while at the same
 time strongly reacting against ,doketic
 and ,antinomian heresy4 ,by such a     
procedure we shall be employing modern  
critical methods to the highest         
practical advantage in the interest of  
genuinely historical interpretation4    
,even those who find minute distinctions
 in style and point of view between the 
,epistles and ,gospel of ,john will     
admit that all four documents emanate   
from the same period1 situation1 and    
circumstances1 and represent the same   
school of thought4 ,we shall make no    
serious mistake1 then1 if we treat them 
as written by the same individual1 and  

even as intended to accompany one       
another4 ,we shall have the example of  
so high an authority as ,lightfoot1 who 
considered #ast ,john an ,epilogue      
composed to accompany the ,gospel in    
place of the present ,epilogue 7,john   
xxi474 ,moreover the distinctions in the
 ancient treatment of #ast ,john and the
 two smaller ,epistles are all          
subsequent to the attribution of the    
,gospel and ,first ,epistle to the      
,apostle1 and a consequence of it4 ,for 
#ast ,john and the ,gospel had always   
been inseparable1 and having no name    
attached could easily be treated as the 
,apostle's4 ,but #bnd and #crd ,john    
distinctly declare themselves written by
 an ,elder2 and in the days when men    
still appreciated the distinction       
between an ,elder and an ,apostle it was
 felt to be so serious a difficulty that
 #bnd and #crd ,john were put in the    
class of disputed writings4 ,in reality 
#ast ,john and the ,gospel are just as  
certainly the work of an ,elder as #bnd 

,john and #crd ,john1 though no         
declaration to that effect is made4     
,moreover #ast ,john and the ,gospel may
 safely be treated as from the same     
author2 for such minute differences as  
exist in style and point of view can be 
fully accounted for by the processes of 
revision the ,gospel has demonstrably   
undergone4 ,this is more reasonable than
 to imagine two authors so              
extraordinarily similar to one another  
and extraordinarily different from      
everybody else4  ,the ,elder does not   
give his name1 and it is hopeless for us
 to try to guess it1 though it was of   
course well known to his beloved friend 
,gaius1 to whom the third letter 7the   
outside envelope7 was addressed4 ,we    
have simply three epistles1 one 7#crd   
,john7 personal1 to the aforesaid       
,gaius1 who is to serve as the writer's 
intermediary with the church1 because   
,diotrephes1 its bishop1 violently      
opposes him4 ,another 7#bnd ,john7 is   
addressed to a particular church 7the   

elect lady and her children71 in all    
probability the church of ,diotrephes   
and ,gaius4 ,it may be the letter       
referred to in #crd ,john #i4 ,the third
 7#ast ,john7 is entirely general1 not  
even so much modified from the type of  
the homily toward that of the epistle as
 ,hebrews or ,james2 for it has neither 
superscription nor epistolary close4    
,and yet it is1 and speaks of itself 7i4
 #d2 ii4 #a1 #g1 #i1 #ab-ad1 etc47 as a 
literary product4 ,it is not impossible 
that this group of 'epistles1' one      
individual1 one to a particular church1 
one general1 was composed after the plan
 of the similar group addressed by ,paul
 to churches of this same region1       
,philemon1 ,colossians1 and the more    
general epistle known to us as          
,ephesians4 ,they may have been intended
 to accompany and introduce the ,gospel 
written by the same author1 just as the 
prophecies of ,rev4 iv4-xxi4 are        
introduced by the 'epistles' of ,rev4   
i4-iii41 or as ,luke-,acts is sent under

 enclosure to ,theophilus for           
publication under his patronage4 ,at all
 events1 be the connection with the     
,gospel closer or more remote1 to learn 
anything really reliable about the      
writer and his purpose and environment  
we must begin with his own references to
 them1 first in the letter to ,gaius1   
then in that to the elect lady and her  
children1 then in his 'word of          
exhortation' to young and old1 of #ast  
,john4 ,thus we shall gain a historical 
approach finally to that treatise on the
 manifestation of ,god in ,christ which 
has won him the title since antiquity of
 the 'theologian4'  ,third ,john shows  
the author to be a man of eminence in   
the 7larger87 church whence he writes1  
old enough to speak of ,gaius with      
commendation as one of his children1    
though ,gaius himself is certainly no   
mere youth1 and eminent enough to call  
,diotrephes to answer for his           
misconduct4 ,he has sent out            
evangelistic workers1 some of whom have 

recently returned and borne witness     
before the church to their hospitable   
reception by ,gaius4 ,for this he thanks
 ,gaius1 and urges him to continue the  
good work4 ,the main object of the      
letter1 however1 is to commend          
,demetrius1 who is doubtless the bearer 
of this letter as well as another       
written to the church 7#bnd ,john874    
,this letter1 the author fears1 will    
never reach its destination if          
,diotrephes has his way4 ,there is very 
little to indicate whence the opposition
 of ,diotrephes arises1 but what little 
there is 7ver4 #aa7 points to those who 
make claims to seeing ,god and being of 
,him1 without adequate foundation in a  
life of purity and beneficence4 ,the    
letter to the church is more explicit4  
,second ,john is perfectly definite in  
its purpose4 ,after congratulating the  
elect lady on those of her children     
7members7 whom the writer has found     
leading consistent ,christian lives1 he 
entreats the church to remember the new 

commandment of ,jesus1 which yet is not 
new but the foundation of all1 the      
commandment of ministering love4 ,the   
reason for this urgency is that many    
deceivers are gone forth into the world1
 even they that confess not that ,jesus 
,christ cometh in the flesh 7ver4 #g74  
,and here we come upon a very novel and 
distinctive application of an ancient   
datum of 'prophecy1' clearly            
differentiating this writer from the    
author of ,revelation4 ,the ,doketic    
heresy is explicitly identified with the
 deceiver and the antichrist4 ,that must
 have been a new and surprising turn for
 men accustomed to connect the          
antichrist idea with the persecuting    
power of ,rome4 ,satan1 as we know1 had 
been repeatedly conceived as operating  
through the coercion of outward force   
brought against the ,messiah and his    
people through the ,beast and the false 
,prophet 7,rev4 xiii474 ,there was good 
authority1 too1 for a mystical man of   
sin setting himself forth as ,god in the

 temple 7#bnd ,thess4 ii4 #d71 or for   
connecting ,daniel's abomination that   
maketh desolate with the sufferings of  
the ,jewish war and the later attempts  
of false prophets to deceive the elect  
with lying wonders 7#bnd ,thess4 ii4 #i2
 ,mark xiii4 #bb2 ,rev4 xiii4 #ad74 ,but
 this was a new application of the      
prophecy4 ,to declare that the heretical
 teachers were themselves antichrists   
was to call the attention of the church 
back from outward opposition to inward  
disloyalty as the greater peril4 ,and   
the identification is not enunciated in 
this general warning alone1 but fully   
developed and defended in two elaborate 
paragraphs of the 'word of exhortation' 
7#ast ,john ii4 #ah-bi2 iv4 #a-f74      
,when1 therefore1 we find ,polycarp in  
his letter 7#aaj-aga7 quietly adopting  
the idea1 almost as an understood thing1
 declaring ,for every one who shall not 
confess that ,jesus ,christ is come in  
the flesh1 is antichrist 7vii4 #a71 it  
becomes almost a certainty that he had  

read #ast ,john4#bg      ,footnote #bg3 
,not #bnd ,john2 for it is only in #ast 
,john ii4 #ah that     the elder speaks 
of many antichrists1 identifying each   
separate     ,doketist with the         
apocalyptic figure4 ,in #bnd ,john vii4 
it is the     heresy itself as a        
phenomenon which constitutes the        
antichrist4  ,our elder's warning to the
 church 7perhaps more particularly its  
governing body7 is to beware of these   
deceivers2 not to receive them1 nor even
 to greet them1 because they go onward  
7are 'progressives'7 and do not abide in
 the teaching of ,christ4 ,to abide in  
this teaching is the church's only      
safeguard4  ,if next we turn to the more
 general epistle known as #ast ,john the
 lack of any superscription is more than
 counterbalanced by the writer's full   
and explicit declarations regarding     
motive and occasion4 ,the epistle was   
certainly intended to be read before    
entire congregations4 ,of part of it at 
least the author himself says that it   

was written concerning them that would  
lead you astray 7ii4 #bf74 ,comparison  
of the full denunciation with what we   
know of ,doketism from its own writings1
 such as the so-called ,acts of ,john   
7c4 #age71 shows very plainly what type 
of heresy is meant4 ,moreover we have   
the ,epistles of ,ignatius1 written to  
these same churches but a few years     
later1 and the detailed descriptions of 
the ,doketist ,cerinthus and his        
doctrines given by ,irenaeus1 together  
with the explicit statement that the    
writings of ,john were directed against 
this same ,cerinthus4  ,yet #ast ,john  
is far more than a mere polemic4 ,the   
author writes to those that believe on  
the name of the ,son of ,god1 that they 
may know that they have eternal life 7v4
 #ac74 ,this certainly is the result of 
the conscious indwelling of the ,spirit 
of ,jesus4 ,it is not evidenced1        
however1 by boastful words as to        
illumination1 insight and knowledge1 but
 by practical obedience to the one new  

commandment2 for ,god is love1 and he   
that loveth 7not he that hath gnosis7 is
 begotten of ,god and knoweth ,god4     
,this inward witness of the ,spirit is a
 gift1 or 7to use our author's term7 an 
anointing 7i4 e4 a ',christ'-ening71    
whose essence is as much beyond the     
,greek's ideal of wisdom1 on the one    
side1 as it is beyond the ,jew's ideal  
of miraculous powers on the other4 ,it  
is a spirit of ministering love         
corresponding to and emanating from the 
nature of ,god himself4 ,this is the    
teaching of ,christ in which alone it is
 safe to abide4  ,but again as respects 
the historic tradition of the church our
 author is not less emphatic4 ,he values
 the record of an actual1 real1 and     
tangible experience of this manifested  
life of ,god in man4 ,the progressives  
may repudiate the mere ,jesus of the    
flesh1 in favour of one who comes by    
water only 7i4 e4 in the outpouring of  
the ,spirit in baptism71 and not by the 
blood of the cross4 ,for the doctrine of

 the cross was a special stumbling-block
 to ,doketists1 who rejected the        
sacrament of the bread and wine4#bh ,the
 actual sending of ,god's only-begotten 
,son into the world1 the real           
propitiation for our sins 7so lightly   
denied by the illuminati71 is a vital   
point to the writer4 ,the sins of the   
whole world were atoned for in ,jesus'  
blood actually shed on ,calvary4 ,the   
church possesses1 then1 in this story a 
record of fact of infinite significance 
to the world4 ,the ,doketists are       
playing fast and loose with this record 
of the historic ,jesus4 ,they deny any  
value to the flesh in which the aeon    
,christ had merely tabernacled as its   
receptacle between the period of the    
baptism and the ascension--an event     
which they date before the death on the 
cross4#bi ,they are met here with a     
peremptory challenge and declaration4   
,the experience of contact with the     
earthly ,jesus which the ,church        
cherishes as its most inestimable       

treasure is the assurance1 and the only 
assurance that we have1 of real         
fellowship with the ,father2 for the    
life1 the eternal life of ,god in man1  
the ,logos--to borrow frankly the ,stoic
 expression--is known not by mere       
mystical dreams1 but by the historic    
record of those who personally knew the 
real ,jesus4 ,the manifestation of ,god1
 in short1 is objective and historical1 
and not merely inward and               
self-conscious2 and that outward and    
objective manifestation may be summed up
 in what we of the ,christian           
brotherhood have seen and known of      
,jesus4      ,footnote #bh3 ,in the     
,acts of ,john the ,christ spirit which 
had been     resident in ,jesus comes to
 ,john after he has fled to a cave on   
the     ,mount of ,olives from the posse
 that arrested the ,lord4 ,the sweet    
voice of the invisible ,christ informs  
him there that the blinded     multitude
 below had tortured a mere bodily shape 
which they took to     be ,christ1 while

 ,i stood by and laughed4 ,in the       
,gospel of ,peter     ,jesus hung upon  
the cross as one who feels no pain and  
was taken     up before the end4        
,footnote #bi3 ,see note preceding4  ,it
 is when we approach the ,fourth ,gospel
 by way of its own author's adaptation  
of his message to the conditions around 
him that we begin to appreciate it      
historically1 and in its true worth4    
,the spirit of polemic is still         
prominent in #ast ,john1 but the ,gospel
 shows the effect of opposition only in 
the more careful statement of the       
evangelist's exact meaning4 ,it is a    
theological treatise1 an interpretation 
of the doctrine of the person of        
,christ1 written that the readers may   
believe that ,jesus is the ,christ1 the 
,son of ,god1 and that believing they   
may have life in his name 7xx4 #ca74 ,in
 an age so eagerly bent on ascertaining 
the historic facts regarding ,jesus'    
life1 and the true sequence of events   
7,luke i4 #a-d71 it is insupposable that

 an author so strenuous to uphold the   
concrete reality of the church's        
historic tradition should not give real 
history so far as he was able4 ,he could
 not afford to depreciate it in the face
 of ,doketic myth and fancy and contempt
 for a ,christ in the flesh4 ,the idea  
that such a writer could deliberately   
prefer fiction to fact is most          
improbable2 ten times more so if he was 
the only surviving representative of the
 twelve1 a ,galilean disciple even more 
intimate than ,peter with ,jesus from   
the outset4 ,but real history was no    
longer attainable4 ,the author of the   
,fourth ,gospel reports no event which  
he does not take in good faith to be    
fact4 ,yet it must be apparent from his 
own statement of his purpose as well as 
from the very structure of the book that
 he does not aim to be a historian1 but 
an interpreter of doctrine4 ,he aims to 
give not fact but truth4 ,and his       
handling of 7supposed7 fact has the     
freedom we should expect in a church    

teacher of that age1 and of the school  
of ,paul the mystic4 ,the seven         
progressive signs that he narrates1     
culminating in the raising of ,lazarus1 
are avowedly 7xx4 #ca7 illustrative     
selections from a multitude of current  
tales of miracle1 aiming to produce that
 faith in ,jesus as the ,son of ,god    
which will result in life1 i4 e4 the    
eternal life which consists in his      
indwelling 7#ast ,john v4 #bj74 ,they   
are not described as acts of pity1 drawn
 from one with whom the power of ,god   
was found present to heal4 ,jesus does  
not yield as in the ,synoptics when     
compassion for trusting need overcomes  
reluctance to increase the importunity  
that interfered with his higher mission4
 ,their prime purpose is to manifest the
 glory of the incarnate ,logos1 and     
,jesus performs them only when1 and as1 
he chooses4 ,pity and natural affection 
are almost trampled upon that this      
manifestation of his glory may be made  
more effective 7ii4 #d2 iv4 #dh2 ix4 #c2

 xi4 #d-f1 #ae74 ,as in ,paul1 there is 
no exorcism4 ,this most typical and     
characteristic miracle of ,petrine story
 7,mark iii4 #ae2 ,acts x4 #hh7 has     
disappeared4 ,or rather 7as in ,paul7   
the casting out of ,satan from his      
dominion over the entire world has      
transcended and superseded it 7,john    
xii4 #ca-cc2 cf4 ,col4 ii4 #ae74 ,in    
,john1 requests for miracle1 whether in 
faith or unbelief1 always incur rebuke  
7ii4 #d2 iv4 #dh2 vi4 #cj-cf2 vii4 #d-g2
 xi4 #c-ae74 ,jesus offers and works    
them when his hour comes1 whether       
applied for or not 7v4 #f-i2 vi4 #f2 ix4
 #a-g74 ,his reserve is not due to a    
limitation of almighty power2 for the   
power is declared explicitly to be his1 
in his own right 7v4 #ba2 xi4 #bb1 #be1 
#db74 ,he restrains it only that faith  
may rest upon conviction of the truth   
rather than mere wonder 7ii4 #bc-be2    
iii4 #b f42 iv4 #ci-db1 #dh2 vi4 #bi-df2
 xiv4 #aa74 ,he is1 in short1 an        
omniscient 7i4 #dg-ej2 ii4 #be71        

omnipotent ,being1 temporarily          
sojourning on the earth 7iii4 #ac2 xvi4 
#bh74  ,the dialogue interwoven with    
these seven signs is closely related in 
subject to them4 ,it does not aim to    
repeat remembered ,sayings1 but follows 
that literary form which since ,plato   
had been the classic model for          
presenting the themes of philosophy4    
,the subject-matter is no longer1 as in 
the ,synoptics1 the ,righteousness      
required by ,god1 the ,nature and       
,coming of the ,kingdom1 ,duty to ,god  
and ,man4 ,it is the person and function
 of the speaker himself4 ,instead of the
 parables we have allegories3 seven ',i 
am's' of ,jesus1 in debate with the     
,jews about the doctrine of his own     
person as ,son of ,god4  ,this          
uniformity of topic corresponds with a  
complete absence of any attempt to      
differentiate in style between          
utterances of ,jesus1 or the ,baptist1  
or the evangelist himself1 in ,gospel or
 ,epistles4 ,had the writer desired1 it 

is certain that he could have collected 
sayings of ,jesus1 and given them a form
 similar to those of ,matthew and ,luke4
 ,he does not try4 ,the only device he  
employs to suggest a distinction is an  
oracular ambiguity at first             
misunderstood1 and so requiring         
progressive unfolding4 ,the main theme  
is often introduced by a peculiar and   
solemn ,verily1 verily4  ,as with the   
'signs' the lingering ,synoptic sense of
 progress and proportion has            
disappeared4 ,at the very outset ,john  
the ,baptist proclaims to his followers 
that his own baptism has no value in    
itself4 ,it is not for repentance unto  
remission of sins4 ,it is only to make  
the ,christ manifest 7i4 #ai-cd74       
,christ's atonement alone will take away
 the sin 7i4 #bi71 ,christ's baptism    
alone will convey real help 7i4 #cd74   
,jesus1 too1 proclaims himself from the 
outset the ,christ1 in the full ,pauline
 sense of the word 7i4 #de-ea2 iv4 #bf1 
etc474 ,he chooses ,judas with the      

express purpose of the betrayal1 and    
forces on the reluctant agents of his   
fate 7vi4 #gj f42 xiii4 #bf f42 xviii4  
#d-h2 xix4 #h-aa74  ,all this1 and much 
more which we need not cite1 makes      
hardly the pretence of being history4   
,it is frankly theology1 or rather      
apologetics4 ,we have as a framework the
 general outline of ,mark1 a ,galilean  
and a ,judaean ministry 7chh4 i4-xii42  
xiii4-xx471 with traces of a ,perean    
journey 7vii4 #a ff474 ,this scheme1    
however1 is broken through by another   
based on the ,mosaic festal system1     
,jesus showing in each case as he visits
 ,jerusalem1 the higher symbolism of the
 ceremonial 7ii4 #ac ff4 ,passover2 v4  
#a ff4 ,pentecost2 vii4 #a ff4          
,tabernacles2 x4 #bb ff4 ,dedication2   
xii4 #a ff4 ,passover74 ,there is in    
chh4 i4-iv4 a 'teaching of baptisms' and
 of endowment with the ,spirit          
corresponding roughly to ,mark i4 #a-de4
 ,there is in ch4 v4 a teaching of the  
authority of ,jesus against ,moses and  

the ,law1 corresponding to ,mark ii4    
#a--;iii4 #f4 ,there is a teaching of   
the 'breaking of bread' corresponding to
 ,mark vi4 #cj--viii4 #bf in ,john vi41 
though this last has been related not   
merely to the brotherhood banquet       
7'love-feast'7 as in ,mark1 but         
anticipates and takes the place of the  
teaching as to the ,eucharist 7cf4 ,john
 vi4 #eb-ei with ,john xiii474 ,there is
 a ,commission of the ,twelve like      
,matt4 x4 #af-db1 though placed 7with   
,luke xxii4 #ce-ch7 as a second sending 
on the night of betrayal 7xiii4         
#ca--xviii4 #bf74 ,there is dependence  
on ,petrine ,story1 and to some extent  
on ,matthaean ,sayings4 ,in particular  
,john xii4 #a-g combines the data of    
,mark xiv4 #c-i with those of ,luke vii4
 #cf-ej2 x4 #ch-db in a curious         
compound1 making it certain that the    
evangelist employed these two--and      
,matthew as well1 if xii4 #h be genuine 
7it is not found in the ancient         
,syriac74 ,yet our ,synoptic ,gospels   

are not the only sources1 and the       
material borrowed is handled with       
sovereign superiority4 ,in short1 as    
even the church fathers recognized1 this
 ,gospel is of a new type4 ,it does aim 
to supplement the others1 as they       
recognized2 but not as one narrative may
 piece out and complete another4 ,rather
 as the unseen and spiritual supplements
 the external and visible4 ,this ,gospel
 uses the established forms of          
miracle-story and saying2 but it        
transforms the one into symbol1 the     
other into dialogue and allegory4 ,then 
by use of this material 7supplemented   
from unknown1 perhaps oral1 sources7 it 
constructs a series of interpretations  
of the person and work of the ,god-man4 
,of one peculiarly distinctive feature  
we have still to speak4 ,where the      
reader has special need of an           
interpreter to attest and interpret a   
specially vital fact1 such as the scenes
 of the night of the betrayal1 or the   
reality of ,jesus' propitiatory death   

7denied by the ,doketists71 or the      
beginning of the resurrection faith1    
,peter's testimony is supplemented and  
transcended by that of a hitherto       
unknown figure1 who anticipates all that
 ,peter only slowly attains4 ,this is   
the mysterious1 unnamed disciple whom   
,jesus loved 7xiii4 #bc ff42 xviii4 #ae 
f42 xix4 #be-cg2 xx4 #a-aj2 cf4 ,gal4   
xx4 #bj71 a ,paul present in the spirit1
 to see things with the eye of spiritual
 insight4 ,there is no                  
transfiguration-scene and no prayer of  
,gethsemane in this                     
,gospel--,transfiguration is needless   
where the glory shines uninterrupted    
through the whole career4 ,prayer itself
 is impossible where oneness with the   
,god-head makes difference of thought or
 purpose inconceivable4 ,hence the      
prayers of ,jesus are often only for the
 sake of those that stand by 7xi4 #da   
f474 ,the same is true of the ,voice    
from heaven at the scene which takes the
 place of ,transfiguration and          

,gethsemane in one 7xii4 #bg-cc74 ,jesus
 will not ask for deliverance from that 
hour1 because he had sought it from the 
beginning4 ,his prayer is ,father1      
glorify thy name4 ,the ,voice1 which    
some take to be an angel speaking to him
 7cf4 ,luke ix4 #ce2 xxii4 #dc7 is for  
the sake of the bystanders4 ,the ,voice 
at his baptism likewise is not addressed
 to him 7the incarnate ,logos does not  
need a revelation of his own identity7  
but to the ,baptist4  ,so again and     
again ,synoptic scenes are retouched and
 new scenes are added in a way to       
present a consistent picture of the     
tabernacling of the pre-existent ,son of
 ,god in human flesh4 ,as we review the 
whole1 and ask ourselves1 ,what is the  
occasion of this strange new            
presentation of the evangelic message8  
we begin to realize how indispensable is
 the key which the evangelist has       
himself hung before the door4 ,many and 
complex are the problems which confront 
us as we move through this heaped-up    

tangle of anecdote1 dialogue1 and       
allegory4 ,there is room for the keenest
 scrutiny of criticism to determine1 if 
possible1 when1 and how1 and from what  
sources these meditations were put      
together4 ,but nothing that critical    
insight1 analysis1 and comparison can   
furnish avails so much to throw real    
light upon the work as what the         
evangelist himself has done1 by setting 
forth in a prologue 7i4 #a-ah7 the      
fundamental principles of his           
conception4  ,in a word evangelic       
tradition as it had hitherto found      
currency still lacked the fundamental   
thing in the ,christology of ,paul--the 
,incarnation doctrine4 ,paul conceived  
the story of ,jesus as a supernal drama1
 beginning and ending in heaven at      
,god's right hand4 ,even ,matthew and   
,luke1 carrying back the adoption to    
,son ship from the baptism to the birth 
of ,jesus1 had not essentially changed  
the pre-,pauline point of view4 ,still  
there was no pre-existence4 ,jesus was  

not yet shown as the ,wisdom of ,god1   
through whom all things were created1   
the heavenly man1 the second ,adam1     
taking upon him the form of a servant1  
humbling himself and becoming obedient  
unto death1 rich1 and for our sakes     
becoming poor4 ,he was still1 even in   
,mark1 just the prophet mighty in deed  
and word1 raised up by ,god from among  
his brethren1 and for his obedience     
exalted to the messianic throne of      
glory4 ,how could this satisfy churches 
trained in the doctrine of ,paul8 ,we   
should almost rather marvel that the    
,synoptic narratives ever found lodgment
 at all1 where ,paul had preached from  
the beginning a doctrine of the eternal 
,christ4  ,and the transformation is not
 one whit more radical than we ought to 
anticipate4 ,the ,transfiguration story 
had been a halting attempt to embody    
,pauline doctrine in ,petrine story4    
,but apart from the obvious hold        
afforded to mere ,doketism1 how         
inadequate to ,paul's conception of the 

,man from heaven6 ,the ,fourth          
evangelist depicts the person of ,jesus 
consistently and throughout1 despite his
 meagre and refractory material1 along  
the lines of ,pauline ,christology4     
,there is no concession to ,doketism1   
for in spite of all1 and designedly 7iv4
 #f2 xix4 #bh1 #cd71 ,jesus is still no 
phantasm1 but true man among men4 ,there
 is no hesitation to override1 where    
needful1 on vital points the great and  
growing authority of 'apostolic'        
tradition4 ,tacitly1 but                
uncompromisingly1 ,petrine tradition is 
set aside4 ,the disciple whom ,jesus    
loved sees the matter otherwise4 ,in    
particular1 apocalyptic eschatology is  
firmly repressed in favour of a doctrine
 of eternal life in the ,spirit4 ,the   
second ,coming is not to be a           
manifestation to the world4 ,it will be 
an inward indwelling of ,god and ,christ
 in the heart of the believer 7xiv4 #bb 
f474#cj ,the place of future reward is  
not a glorified ,palestine and          

transfigured1 rebuilt ,jerusalem4 ,the  
disciple1 like ,paul1 will depart to be 
with ,christ4 ,the ,father's house is   
wider than the ,holy ,land4 ,it has many
 mansions1 and the servant must be      
content to know that his ,master will   
receive him where he dwells himself     
7xiv4 #a-c2 xvii4 #bd74      ,footnote  
#cj3 ,some few passages inconsistent    
with this are found in     the body of  
the ,gospel4 ,like that of the appendix 
7xxi4 #bb7 they are     later           
modifications of a doctrine too         
,hellenic for the majority4  ,to realize
 what it meant to produce the           
'spiritual' ,gospel that comes to us    
from ,ephesus shortly after the close of
 the first century we must place        
ourselves side by side with men who had 
learnt the gospel of ,paul about ,jesus1
 the drama of the eternal1 pre-existent1
 heavenly ,man1 incarnate1 triumphant   
through the cross over the ,prince of   
this world and powers of darkness4 ,we  
must realize how they found it needful  

to impregnate the 'apostolic' material  
of ,petrine and ,matthaean tradition    
with this deeper significance1          
preserving the concrete1 historic fact1 
and the real manhood1 and yet           
supplementing the disproportionately    
external story with a wealth of         
transcendental meaning4 ,the spirit of  
,paul was1 indeed1 not dead4 ,neither   
,gnostic heresy could dissipate it1 nor 
reactionary ,christianized legalism     
absorb it4 ,it had been reborn in       
splendid authority and power4 ,in due   
time it would prove itself the very     
mould of 'catholic' doctrine4 ,the      
,fourth gospel1 as its ,prologue        
forewarns1 is an application to the     
story of ,jesus as tradition reported it
 of the ,pauline incarnation doctrine   
formulated under the ,stoic ,logos      
theory4 ,it represents a study in the   
psychology of religion applied to the   
person of ,christ4 ,poor as ,paul       
himself in knowledge of the outward     
,jesus1 unfamiliar with really          

historical words and deeds1 its doctrine
 about ,jesus became1 nevertheless1 like
 that of the great ,apostle to the      
,gentiles1 the truest exposition of 'the
 heart of ,christ4'     ,,chapter ,x    
,,epilogues ,,and ,,conclusions   ,few  
of the great writings cherished and     
transmitted by the early church have    
escaped the natural tendency to         
attachments at beginning and end4 ,in   
the later period such attachments took  
the form of prefixed argumenta1 i4 e4   
prefatory descriptions of author and    
contents1 and affixed subscriptions1    
devoted to a similar purpose4 ,these1   
like the titles1 were clearly           
distinguished from the text itself1 and 
in modern editions are usually not      
printed1 though examples of             
'subscriptions' may be seen in the ,king
 ,james version after the ,pauline      
,epistles4 ,before the time when        
canonization had made such a process    
seem sacrilege they were attached to the
 text itself1 with greater or less      

attempt to weld the parts together4 ,we 
need not add to what has been already   
said as to certain superscriptions of   
the later epistolary literature1 such as
 ,james and ,jude1 where the relation to
 the text impresses us as closer than is
 sometimes admitted2 nor need we delay  
with the preamble to ,revelation 7,rev4 
i4 #a-c74 ,that which has been added at 
the close1 in cases where real evidence 
exists of such later supplementation1 is
 of special significance to our study1  
inasmuch as it tends to throw light     
where light is most required4 ,for that 
is an obscure period1 early in the      
second century1 when not only the       
churches themselves were drawing        
together toward catholic unity under the
 double pressure of inward and outward  
peril1 but were bringing with them their
 treasured writings1 sometimes a        
collection of ,epistles1 sometimes a    
,gospel1 or a book of ,prophecy1        
sometimes1 as in the groups of writings 
attributed to ,john and ,peter1 a full  

canon of ,gospel1 ,epistles and         
,apocalypse1 followed but little later  
by ',acts' as well4  ,the most ancient  
list of books authorized to be publicly 
read that we possess is that of the     
church of ,rome c4 #ahe1 called after   
its discoverer the ,canon of ,muratori4 
,from this fragment1 mutilated at       
beginning and end1 we learn that ,paul's
 letters to the churches were arranged  
in a group of seven#ca of which ,romans 
stood last4 ,it is probably due to its  
position at the end that ,romans has    
been supplemented by the addition of    
,pauline fragments1 which did not appear
 in some early editions of the text4    
,the letter proper ends with ch4 xv4    
though xvi4 #ba-bc probably followed1   
perhaps concluding with ver4 #bd1 which 
some texts insert after ver4 #ai4 ,ver4 
#be-bg is another fragment omitted in   
some texts4      ,footnote #ca3 ,the    
personal letters formed a separate      
group4 ,two     letters to the same     
church 7#ast ,cor41 #bnd ,cor47 were    

counted as one4     ,marcion 7#adj7     
counted ten in all1 and had a different 
order4  ,we have seen above 7p4 #bjj7   
how ,revelation has received conclusion 
after conclusion1 so that the relation  
of personalities has become almost      
unintelligible4 ,we have very meagre    
textual material for ,revelation1 and   
can scarcely judge whether any of the   
process represented in ,rev4 xxii4 #f-ba
 belongs to the period of transmission1 
after the publication of the book in its
 present form4 ,until the discovery of  
new textual evidence the phenomena in   
,revelation must be treated by          
principles of the higher criticism1 as  
pertaining to its history before        
publication4 ,at all events we know that
 the attribution to ,john 7ver4 #h f47  
was current as early as ,justin's       
,apology 7#aec74  ,the longer and       
shorter supplements to ,mark belong     
again to the field of textual criticism4
 ,the manuscripts and early translations
 carry us back to a time when neither   

ending was known2 though only to leave  
us wondering how the necessity arose for
 composing them--a question of the      
higher criticism4 ,mark xvi4 #i-bj shows
 acquaintance with ,luke1 and probably  
with ,john xx4 ,it is noteworthy1       
however1 in view of the author's attempt
 to cover the resurrection appearances  
of these two gospels1 that he betrays no
 sign of acquaintance with ,john4 xxi4  
,in this case of the ,roman gospel1     
however1 textual evidence enables us to 
trace something of the history of       
supplementation4 ,the so-called         
',shorter' ending provides a close for  
the incomplete story1 resembling        
,matthew1 while the ',longer' is drawn  
from ,luke and ,john4 i4-xx4 ,subsequent
 employments show that the ',longer'    
ending had been attached 7perhaps at    
,rome7 not later than c4 #aej4 ,it is   
the first evidence we have of           
combination of the ,fourth gospel with  
the ,synoptics2 for even ,justin1 though
 affected by ,john1 does not use it as  

he uses ,matthew1 ,mark and ,luke4      
,parity among the four is not traceable 
earlier than ,tatian 7c4 #age71 the     
father of gospel 'harmonies4' ,the      
',shorter' ending1 if not the ,longer as
 well1 would seem to have been added in 
,egypt4 ,the supplements to ,mark have  
this at least of singular interest1 that
 they show the progress of a process    
whose beginnings we traced back to      
,palestine itself in the church of the  
'apostles1 elders and witnesses of the  
,lord1' where the ,elder in the         
tradition reported by ,papias is already
 offering explanations of the           
disagreements of ,matthew and ,mark with
 a view to their concurrent circulation4
  ,after the addition of ,mark to       
,matthew it was comparatively easy to   
take in ,luke-,acts as a third1 and to  
form composites out of the three such as
 the ,gospel of ,peter 7,north ,syria c4
 #acj7 and the ,gospel of the ,nazarenes
 7,coele-,syria c4 #adj74 ,justin at    
,rome 7c4 #aec7 is still such a         

three-gospel man1 though affected by the
 ,fourth2 whereas his predecessor       
,hermas 7#abe-adj7 seems to rest on     
,mark alone1 though perhaps acquainted  
with ,matthew4 ,the step was a harder   
one which aimed to take in the ,fourth  
gospel4 ,tatian at ,rome 7c4 #age7 and  
,theophilus at ,antioch 7#aha7 are the  
agents of its accomplishment2 and1 as we
 have seen1 it was not effected without 
a determined opposition1 led at ,rome by
 the presbyter ,gaius1 and answered by  
,irenaeus 7c4 #ahf7 and ,hippolytus 7c4 
#bae74 ,such opposition from the side of
 advocates of ,petrine apostolicity is  
anticipated in the most significant and 
important of all the epilogues1 the     
so-called ,appendix or ,epilogue to the 
,fourth gospel 7,john xxi474  ,just     
when1 or where1 this supplement was     
added is one of the most difficult      
problems of the higher criticism4 ,on   
the side of external evidence we have   
the fact that it shows no effect in     
,mark xvi4 #i-ba1 where ,john xx4 is    

employed1 and that there is a great     
change about ,a4,d4 #agj in the         
treatment of this ,gospel and its       
related ,epistles1 those who use them   
before this time showing no disposition 
to treat them as having high apostolic  
authority4 ,on the side of internal     
evidence there are such data as the use 
of the second-century name for the ,sea 
of ,galilee 7,sea of ,tiberias1 xxi4    
#a71 and references to the martyrdom of 
,peter at ,rome 7xxi4 #ah f47 and to    
legends of ,john as the 'witness' who   
should survive until the ,coming 7xxi4  
#bc74 ,whether these data suggest an    
origin at ,ephesus1 or at ,rome1 and at 
just what date1 are problems for        
technical research4 ,that which is of   
chief interest for us is the motive and 
function of this supplement to the      
,ephesian ,gospel1 and the light it     
throws upon conditions in the church at 
large4  ,it is quite apparent that ,john
 xxi4 forms a subsequent attachment     
after the formal conclusion of the      

,gospel proper in xx4 #cj f4 ,for1 apart
 from differences in style and doctrinal
 standpoint1 it makes a complete new    
departure along the lines of ,mark's    
story of ,galilean resurrection         
manifestations2 whereas the ,gospel     
follows the ,lukan type1 and brings     
everything to a close without removal   
from ,jerusalem4 ,the message to the    
disciples by the women at the sepulchre 
is here given by ,jesus in person as in 
,matt4 xxviii4 #aj1 and is actually     
delivered as in ,luke xxiv4 #aj f4 ,it  
is followed by the promised             
manifestation to the disciples with the 
overcoming of their incredulity1 and by 
the great ,commission1 accompanied by   
the ,gift of the ,spirit4 ,the story has
 thus been brought to a formal          
conclusion1 the invariable and necessary
 conclusion of all evangelic narratives4
 ,the author's recapitulation of the    
nature and contents of his book and     
assurance in direct address to the      
reader of his purpose in writing 7that  

ye may believe7 follows appropriately as
 a winding up of the whole4 ,it is not  
conceivable that the same writer should 
resume immediately after this1 at an    
earlier point in the narrative1 where   
the disciples are still scattered in    
,galilee1 unconscious of their vocation 
and commission4 ,for in spite of the    
endeavour of the supplementer in ver4   
#ad to make this out the third#cb time  
that ,jesus was manifested they have    
manifestly returned to their original   
means of livelihood unawakened to the   
resurrection faith4 ,moreover the story 
culminates with a restoration of ,peter 
to favour1 with unmistakable reference  
to his humiliating failure to live up to
 the promise 7xiii4 #cf-ch71 ,lord1 why 
cannot ,i follow thee even now8 ,i will 
lay down my life for thee 7cf4 xxi4     
#ae-ai74 ,if it had been the            
evangelist's intention to tell this he  
would have told it before the           
,commission in xx4 #ai-bc4 ,in short1 we
 have here two widely variant forms of  

the tradition of the rallying of the    
disciples from their unbelief by the    
risen ,christ and commissioning of them 
to their task4 ,the two commissions1 one
 a general commission of all the twelve1
 like ,matt4 xviii4 #ah1 the other a    
special commission of ,peter like ,matt4
 xvi4 #ai1 are attached one after the   
other1 with the curious infelicity that 
the restoration of ,peter from his      
defection1 together with his            
installation as chief under-shepherd of 
the flock1 comes after the commission in
 which he has already appeared with the 
rest1 restored to full faith and favour1
 and gifted with the inspiration and    
authority of the ,spirit4      ,footnote
 #cb3 ,a miscount for fourth1 unless we 
disregard xx4 #aa-ah1     or else 7with 
,wellhausen7 consider xx4 #bd-bi an     
insertion later than     the ,epilogue4 
,it is true that the function of tending
 the flock of ,god 7cf4 #ast ,pet4 v4   
#b7 committed to ,peter in xxi4 #ae-ai  
is a more special one than the          

apostolate conferred on all in xx4      
#ba-bc2 but the ,epilogue has previously
 7xxi4 #a-ad7 given to ,peter a special 
and commanding part in the apostolate   
7extension of the gospel to the world74 
,no one will question that in such a    
writer as the ,fourth evangelist 7and if
 anything still more the writer of the  
,epilogue7 narratives of miracle are    
intended to have a symbolical sense4    
,nor will it be denied that the         
miraculous draft of fishes1 which in    
,luke v4 #a-aa attends the original     
vocation of ,simon1#cc is here applied  
to the work the twelve are to accomplish
 in the now opening future as fishers of
 men4 ,the particularization of the     
number of the fishes1 and the statement 
that the peril of the rending of the net
 7cf4 ,luke v4 #f7 was happily avoided1 
are1 of course1 also intended to convey 
a symbolical sense1 which ,jerome makes 
still easier to grasp by informing us   
that #aec was taken by naturalists of   
the time to be the full number of all   

species of fish4 ,john xxi4 #a-ad is    
therefore a primitive story of the      
appearance of ,jesus after his          
resurrection to ,peter and them that    
were with him1 in ,galilee 7not in      
,jerusalem as in ,john i4-xx4 and       
,luke71 having a relation to ,luke v4   
#a-aa1 and probably also to ,matt4 xiv4 
#bh-cc 7cf4 ,john xxi4 #g74 ,it is also 
nearly akin to the fragment at the end  
of the ,gospel of ,peter4 ,it symbolizes
 the work of the apostolic mission under
 the figure of the fishing of men 7cf4  
,mark i4 #ag2 ,matt4 xiii4 #dg-ej71 and 
gives to ,peter the leading part4 ,in   
fact ,peter not only comes to the ,lord 
in advance of all the rest1 and alone   
maintains with him something like the   
intimate relations of the past1 but     
performs after his private interview    
with ,jesus the gigantic feat of        
bringing unaided to land the entire     
miraculous catch4 ,the great and various
 multitude1 which all working in common 
had enclosed in the net1 but had not    

been able to lift into the boat1 ,peter1
 at ,jesus' word1 brought safely home4  
,the writer who so employs the already  
conventionalized symbols of             
ecclesiastical imagery1 surely had no   
mean idea of the apostleship of ,peter4 
,in at least as high degree as the      
author of ,acts he conceives of ,peter  
as commissioned in a special sense to be
 the great director and leader of all   
missionary activity1 to ,gentiles as    
well as ,jews 7,acts xv4 #g71 and to    
have been the saviour of the unity of   
the church in the hour of its threatened
 disruption4 ,when in addition he is    
invested by ,jesus with the insignia and
 office of chief under-shepherd of the  
flock of ,god1 the stain of his         
threefold denial wiped out by a         
threefold opportunity to prove his      
special love by special service1 and the
 ignominy of his previous failure to    
follow 7xiii4 #cf-ch7 atoned for by the 
promise that in old age he shall have   
opportunity to follow ,jesus in         

martyrdom 7xxi4 #ah f471 there remains  
nothing that the most exacting friend of
 'catholic' apostolicity could demand in
 the way of tribute to its great        
representative4      ,footnote #cc3 ,the
 addition in ver4 #aj;a and the plural  
they in     ver4 #aa1 are mere editorial
 adaptations of the story to ,mark i4   
#af-bj4  ,and yet the main object of the
 ,epilogue has not yet been touched4 ,it
 was not written1 we may be sure1 merely
 to glorify ,peter2 though it is1 of    
course1 insupposable that the ,gospel in
 its primitive form simply left ,peter  
in the attitude of a renegade after     
xviii4 #bg1 to reappear quite as if     
nothing had happened in xx4 #a ff4#cd   
,it pays its tribute to ,peter as chief 
witness to the resurrection1 chief      
apostle1 chief saviour of the unity of  
the church1 chief under-shepherd of the 
flock of ,god1 in the interest of that  
catholic apostolic unity which all      
churchmen were so earnestly labouring to
 achieve in the writer's time1 and for  

which the name of ,peter was            
increasingly significant4 ,but the chief
 object of the ,epilogue is something   
else4 ,it was written primarily to      
commend and find room for another       
authority1 the authority of the ,gospel 
to which it is appended1 and which      
repeatedly sets over against ,peter a   
mysterious unnamed figure1 who always   
sees when ,peter is blind1 believes when
 ,peter is unbelieving1 is faithful when
 ,peter and all the rest have fled in   
cowardly desertion4 ,the object of the  
,epilogue is to find room alongside the 
growing and salutary authority of ,peter
 for the authority and message of the   
disciple whom ,jesus loved4 ,its purpose
 appears in its conclusion1 ,this 7the  
disciple whom ,jesus loved7 is the      
disciple which beareth witness of these 
things1 and wrote these things1 and we  
7the church which cherishes and gives   
forth this 'spiritual' ,gospel7 know    
that his witness is true4      ,footnote
 #cd3 ,we must conclude that both these 

data from ,synoptic     tradition1 the  
denial 7xiii4 #cf-ch2 xviii4 #ae-ah1    
#be-bg7 and the     restoration 7ch4    
xxi47 are supplements to the original   
form of the     ,gospel4  ,the writer   
does not explicitly say that he means   
the ,apostle ,john 7reputed in ,ephesus 
the author of ,revelation72 for such    
direct identification might well        
endanger his own object4 ,but he makes  
it clear in two ways that ,john is      
really intended1 as1 indeed1 subsequent 
writers immediately infer4#ce 7#a7 ,the 
sons of ,zebedee are introduced for the 
first time in the entire work in xxi4   
#b1 among the group who are present with
 ,peter4 ,an easy process of            
elimination1#cf then1 leaves open to    
identification as the disciple whom     
,jesus loved 7ver4 #g7 only ,john1 or   
else one of the two unnamed other       
disciples1 who could hardly be reckoned 
among ,jesus' closest intimates4        
,footnote #ce3 ,the ,muratorianum bases 
its legendary account of the     writing

 of the ,fourth gospel by ,john with the
 endorsement of his     fellow-disciples
 and bishops on ,john xxi4 #bd4         
,footnote #cf3 ,the early death of      
,james the son of ,zebedee 7,acts xii4  
#a7 excludes him from consideration4    
7#b7 ,the scene of the prediction of    
,peter's martyrdom 7xxi4 #ah f47 is     
followed immediately 7ver4 #bj-bc7 by a 
reference to traditions which we know to
 have been current before the close of  
the first century regarding the         
martyrdom of the two sons of ,zebedee1  
in particular regarding ,john4 ,peter in
 xxi4 #ba raises the question as to the 
fate of the disciple whom ,jesus loved  
7literally1 and as to this man1 what874 
,the pregnant command of ,jesus to      
,peter1 ,follow me1 is clearly intended 
to have reference to martyrdom 7cf4     
xiii4 #cf f471 and it is obeyed by the  
disciple whom ,jesus loved as well as   
,peter4 ,peter's inquiry and the ,lord's
 reply had given rise among the brethren
 to the belief that this disciple would 

tarry till the ,coming4 ,now it is of   
,john1 son of ,zebedee1 and only of him1
 that we have a curious vacillation of  
ancient tradition between belief in his 
martyrdom in the same sense as his      
brother ,james 7,mark x4 #ci71 and a    
belief 7probably based on ,mark ix4 #a7 
that he would tarry as an abiding       
witness until the ,coming 7'white       
martyrdom'74 ,the writer of the         
,epilogue has manifestly these          
traditions about the fate of ,john in   
mind4 ,he would have his readers        
understand that the enigmatic prophecy  
of ,jesus neither promised the permanent
 survival of ,john1 nor his violent     
death1 but was at least capable of an   
interpretation which set ,john alongside
 of ,peter1 not as a rival of his       
leadership1 or directive control1 but   
simply as a witness 7'martyr'7 to the   
truth4 ,peter is willingly granted the  
office of 'ruling elder' in the church1 
if only the disciple whom ,jesus loved  
may have the function of the prophet and

 teacher 'in the ,spirit1' the man of   
faith and insight1 whose function it is 
to interpret 'the mind of ,christ4'     
,few things could be more significant of
 the conditions of ,christian life and  
thought in the earlier years of the     
second century than this ,epilogue1     
appended to the 'spiritual' ,gospel to  
commend it to general acceptance in the 
church4 ,it is not vitally important    
whether the cautiously suggested        
identification of the ,beloved ,disciple
 with ,john1 the son of ,zebedee1 be    
correct or not4 ,it is important to a   
historical appreciation of the great    
literary contribution of the churches of
 ,paul to the 'catholic' ,christianity  
of the second century1 that we realize  
what ,petrine catholicity had then come 
to mean1 and how the ,pauline spiritual 
gospel came half-way to meet it4 ,on    
this point a study of the epilogues is  
rewarding1 but especially of the great  
,epilogue to the ,gospel of ,john4  ,we 
have reached the period for our own     

concluding words4 ,the process of       
combination and canonization of the ,new
 ,testament writings1 which followed    
upon the consolidation of the churches  
in the second century falls outside our 
province4 ,we have sought only to give  
some insight into the origins1          
considering the ,making of the ,new     
,testament to apply rather to the       
creations of the formative period1 when 
conscious inspiration was still in its  
full glow1 than to the period of        
collection into an official canon4 ,as  
we look back over the two leading types 
of ,christian thought1 ,pauline and     
',apostolic1' the ,greek-,christian     
gospel about ,jesus1 and the            
,jewish-,christian gospel of ,jesus1 the
 gospel of the ,spirit and the gospel of
 authority1 we cannot fail to realize   
how deep and broad and ancient are the  
two great currents of religious thought 
and life that here are mingling1        
contending1 coming to new expression and
 clearer definition4 ,each has its      

various subdivisions and modifications1 
,pauline ,christianity in the ,greek    
world has its problems of resistance to 
,hellenistic perversion on the one side1
 to reaction toward ,jewish external    
authority on the other4 ,apostolic      
,christianity whether in its more       
conservative form at ,jerusalem1 or in  
broader assimilation to ,pauline        
doctrine at ,antioch and ,rome1 has also
 its divergent streams1 its more        
primitive and its more developed stages4
 ,the literature1 as we slowly come to  
appreciate it against the background of 
the times1 more and more reveals itself 
as an index to the life4 ,not to the    
mere idiosyncrasies of individuals1 but 
to the great ,gulf-stream of the human  
instinct for social ,righteousness and  
for individual ,redemption1 as it sweeps
 onward in its mighty tide4  ,the       
literature of the ,new ,testament must  
be understood historically if understood
 at all4 ,it must be understood as the  
product1 we might almost say the        

precipitate1 of the greatest period in  
the history of religion4 ,it represents 
the meeting and mutual adjustment of two
 fundamental and complementary          
conceptions of religion4 ,the antithesis
 is not merely that between the         
particularism of the ,jew and the       
universalism of the ,gentile4 ,it is an 
antithesis of the social ideal of ,law  
and ,prophets against the individual    
ideal of personal redemption through    
union with the divine ,spirit1 which lay
 at the heart of all vital ,hellenistic 
religious thought in this period of the 
,empire4 ,christianity as we know it1   
the religion of humanity as it has come 
to be1 the ultimate world-religion as we
 believe it destined to become1 is a    
resultant of these two factors1 ,semitic
 and ,aryan1 the social and the         
individual ideal4 ,its canonized        
literature represents the combination4  
,on the one side the social ideal is    
predominant4 ,it perpetuates the gospel 
of ,jesus in the form of ,matthaean and 

,petrine tradition1 supplemented by     
apocalypse1 which tradition attaches    
conjecturally to the name of ,john4 ,the
 goal it seeks is the ,kingdom of ,god1 
righteousness and peace on earth as in  
heaven4 ,on the other side the          
individual ideal predominates4 ,it      
perpetuates the gospel about ,jesus in  
the form of the ,pauline and ,johannine 
doctrine of his person1 regarded as the 
norm and type of spiritual life4 ,the   
goal it seeks is personal immortality by
 moral fellowship with ,god4 ,its faith 
is ,son ship1 by participation in the   
divine nature1 without limitation in    
time1 without loss of individual        
identity4 ,both types of gospel are     
justified in claiming to emanate from   
,jesus of ,nazareth2 but neither without
 the other can claim to fully represent 
the significance of his spirit and life4
  ,the unity of the ,new ,testament is a
 unity in diversity4 ,just because it   
presents so widely divergent conceptions
 of what the gospel is1 it gives promise

 of perennial fecundity4 ,studied not   
after the manner of the scribes1 who    
think that in their book of precept and 
prophecy they have a passport to rewards
 in a magical world to come1 but studied
 as a manifestation of the life1 even   
the eternal life of the ,spirit of ,god 
in man1 it will continue to reproduce   
the spirit and mind of ,christ4 ,studied
 as a reflection at various times and in
 divers manners of that redemptive      
,wisdom of ,god1 which in every         
generation entering into holy souls     
makes men to be prophets and friends of 
,god 7,sap4 vii4 #bg71 and which the    
,greeks1 considering it1 unfortunately1 
in its intellectual rather than its     
moral aspect1 call the ,logos of ,god1  
it will prove1 as in so many generations
 past it has proved1 an incorruptible   
seed1 a word of good tidings preached   
unto the world1 a word of the ,lord that
 abideth for ever4     ,,bibliography   
#a4 ,general ,introductions to ,n4,t4   
,literature4      ,,moffatt1 ,,jas4     

,internat4 ,theol4 ,library ,series4    
,scribner's1 #aiaa4     ,standard1      
comprehensive1 progressive4 ,best       
compendium of the subject     in        
,english4 ,a book for experts4 #fga pp41
 #hvo4      ,j,ue,l,i,c,h,e,r1 ,a4      
,engl4 transl1 by ,d4 ,a4 ,ward1 from   
#dth ,german ed4     ,london1 ,smith1   
,elder  ,co41 #aijc4 ,the most          
serviceable of modern     ,german       
,introductions1 based on the standard   
work of the liberal     school1 by ,h4  
,j4 ,holtzmann4 #fej pp41 large #hvo4   
,,zahn1 ,,theo4 ,engl4 transl4 from #crd
 ,german ed41 by ,m4 ,w4 ,jacobus4      
,scribner's1 #aiji4 ,standard           
conservative work4 ,immense scholarship 
in the harness of apologetics4 ,total1  
#agej pp41 in #c vols41 large     #hvo4 
,,bacon1 ,b4 ,w4 ,new ,test4 ,handbook  
,series4 ,macmillan #aijj4 ,similar     
to ,moffatt's in standpoint1 but without
 the survey of the     literature4 ,for 
readers less technically advanced4 #cjj 
pp41 small     #hvo4      ,,peake1 ,a4  

,s4 ,n4,y41 ,scribner's1 #aiaj4 #bej    
pp41 #abmo4 ,an excellent     primer of 
the subject1 generally conservative4    
#b4 ,critical ,treatments of ,pauline   
,literature4      ,,shaw1 ,r4 ,d4 ,the  
,pauline ,epistles1 ,introductory and   
,expository     ,studies1 #bnd ed4 ,t4  
,t4 ,clarke1 #aijd4 #eah pp41 large     
#hvo4 ,sober     and cautious4 ,for     
general readers4      ,,ramsay1 ,w4 ,m4 
,pauline and other ,studies in ,early   
,christian     ,history4 ,hodder        
,stoughton1 #aijf4 #dbe pp41 large #hvo4
 ,the ,cities     of ,st4 ,paul 7#aijg1 
#dfh pp47 is by the same author1 an     
eminent     geographer and archaeologist
 ardently enlisted against ,german      
criticism4 ,interesting but diffuse4    
,,pfleiderer1 ,o4 ,paulinism4 ,engl4    
transl4 by ,e4 ,peters4 #bnd ed4        
#ahia4 ,williams  ,norgate4 #b vols4    
#hvo4 ,total1 #ehj pp41 #hvo4 ,still a  
standard exposition of ,paul's system of
 thought4 ,a book for experts4          
,,baur1 ,f4 ,c4 ,paul the ,apostle of   

,jesus ,christ1 his ,life and ,work1    
,epistles and ,doctrine4 ,engl4 transl4 
of ,zeller's 7#bnd71 ,german ed41     by
 ,a4 ,menzies4 ,williams  ,norgate1     
#ahgf4 ,two vols4 #hvo 7#cge  #cej      
pp474 ,an epoch-making book1 the        
starting-point of modern criticism4     
,,schweitzer1 ,a4 ,this able1 though    
one-sided1 critic has issued     already
 7#aiab7 the conclusion to his study of 
modern ,lives of ,christ     7see below1
 ,the ,quest of the ,historical ,jesus7 
under the title     ,geschichte der     
,paulinischen ,forschung4 ,it may be    
expected that     this comprehensive    
survey and searching criticism of the   
literature     of ,pauline study will   
soon be made accessible to the ,english 
reader4      ,,wrede1 ,w4 ,paul4 ,engl4 
transl4 by ,e4 ,lummis4 ,p4 ,green1     
,london1     #aijg4 #aij pp41 #abmo4 ,a 
brief1 brilliant1 popular sketch1       
radical1     suggestive4 ,needs the     
balance of more cautious criticism4     
,,weiss1 ,j4 ,paul and ,jesus4 ,engl4   

transl4 by ,h4 ,j4 ,chaytor4 ,london    
and ,new ,york1 ,harper  ,bros41 #aiji4 
#acj pp41 #abmo4 ,an effective          
answer to ,wrede's view of ,paul as the 
real creator of ,christianity1     by a 
progressive and able critic4      ,lives
 of ,paul by ,cone1 ,clemen 7,german7   
and others are abundant in     recent   
years4 ,see the ,encyclopaedias and     
,dictionaries of the     ,bible1 s4v4   
,paul4   #c4 ,critical ,treatments of   
the ,synoptic ,gospels and ,acts4       
,,stanton1 ,v4 ,h4 ,the ,gospels as     
,historical ,documents1 ,parts ,i and   
,,ii4 ,cambridge ,university ,press1    
#aijc-aiji4 #big  #djj pp41 #hvo4 ,a    
standard survey of ,gospel criticism    
from a conservative standpoint1     the 
work of a scholar for scholars4         
,,cone1 ,o4 ,gospel ,criticism and      
,historical ,christianity4 ,putnam's1   
,n4,y41 #ahia4 #cge pp41 small #hvo4    
,liberal1 semi-popular4      ,,burkitt1 
,f4 ,c4 ,the ,earliest ,sources for the 
,life of ,jesus4     ,houghton          

,mifflin1 ,boston and ,new ,york1 #aiaj4
 #acj pp41 #abmo4 ,simple     and       
popular4 ,burkitt is a leading          
progressive scholar4   #d4 ,the         
,johannine ,writings4      ,,drummond1  
,,jas4 ,character and ,authorship of the
 ,fourth ,gospel4     ,scribner's1      
,n4,y41 #aijd4 #edd pp41 #hvo4 ,the     
ablest recent defence of     the        
traditional authorship4 ,scholarly      
discussion of the literary     history4 
,,bacon1 ,b4 ,w4 ,the ,fourth ,gospel in
 ,research and ,debate4 ,moffat1        
,yard  ,co41 ,n4,y41 #aiaj4 #eef pp41   
#hvo4 ,a similar discussion of the      
evidences reaching the reverse          
conclusion4      ,,scott1 ,e4 ,f4 ,the  
,fourth ,gospel1 its ,purpose and       
,theology4 ,t4  ,t4     ,clarke1        
,edinburgh1 #aijf4 #chf pp41 #hvo4      
,admirable in temper1 lucid in          
style1 semi-popular4      ,,schmiedel1  
,p4 ,w4 ,the ,johannine ,writings4      
,engl4 transl41 by ,m4 ,a4     ,canney4 
,london1 ,a4  ,c4 ,black1 #aijc4 #bie   

pp41 #abmo4 ,brief1 popular1            
radical1 by one of the ablest of ,n4,t4 
critics4   ,general4      ,,reuss1 ,e4  
,history of the ,n4,t4 ,engl4 transl4   
from #eth ,german ed41     by ,e4 ,l4   
,houghton4 ,boston1 ,houghton1 ,mifflin 
,co41 #ahhd4 #fdi pp4 #b     vols4 large
 #hvo4 ,a standard treasury of scholarly
 information4      ,,wernle1 ,p4 ,the   
,beginnings of ,christianity4 ,engl4    
transl41 by ,g4 ,a4     ,bienemann4     
,london1 ,williams  ,norgate1 #aijd4    
#chh  #djd pp41 #hvo4 #b     vols4      
,able1 scholarly1 advanced4             
,,pfleiderer1 ,o4 ,christian ,origins4  
,engl4 transl41 by ,d4 ,huebsch4        
,new ,york1 ,b4 ,w4 ,huebsch1 #aijf4    
#bie pp41 #abmo4 ,popular lectures      
showing something of the views of the   
modern school of critics known     as   
religionsgeschichtlich4 ,pfleiderer's   
critical opinions are     fully         
expressed in his ,primitive             
,christianity 7,engl4 transl41 by       
,w4 ,montgomery1 in four vols41 #hvo4   

,putnams1 #aiji74      ,,muzzey1 ,d4 ,s4
 ,the ,rise of the ,n4,t4 ,new ,york1   
,macmillan1 #aijj4 #aef     pp41 #abmo4 
,an excellent primer for beginners4     
,,wrede1 ,w4 ,the ,origin of the ,n4,t4 
,engl4 transl4 by ,j4 ,s4 ,hill4        
,harper  ,bros41 ,london  ,new ,york1   
#aiji4 #aea pp41 #abmo4 ,an admirable   
primer by a brilliant leader of advanced
 criticism4      ,,von ,,soden4 ,the    
,history of ,early ,christian           
,literature4 ,writings of     the ,n4,t4
 ,engl4 transl41 by ,j4 ,r4 ,wilkinson4 
,williams  ,norgate1     #aijf4 #dgf    
pp41 #abmo4 ,a book for beginners by a  
great ,n4,t4 scholar of     liberal     
views4 ,a closely connected field is    
covered by various     ,histories of the
 ,apostolic ,age1 of which the most     
recent and     important are those of   
,weizsaecker 7,engl4 transl41 #ahie7 and
     ,mc,giffert 7#ahig74 ,less         
technical and more orthodox are those of
     ,vernon-,bartlett 7#ahii7 and ,j4  
,h4 ,ropes 7#aijf74 ,critical ,lives of 

,christ present the results of critical 
study of the ,gospels4 ,a     survey of 
this field of research1 keenly          
analytical and severely     critical1 is
 given by ,a4 ,schweitzer in ,the ,quest
 of the ,historical     ,jesus 7,engl4  
transl4 by ,w4 ,montgomery4 ,a4  ,c4    
,black1 #aiaj4 #daf     pp41 #hvo74     
,schweitzer writes with great           
scholarship and power1 but     decided  
polemic interest as a consistent        
eschatologist4     ,,index              
,abomination1 #afa1 #bah    ,acts1 #eg  
ff41 #fd ff41 #agd ff4    ,agabus1 #ahe1
 #bjb    ,allegory 7in ,john71 #bbd     
,angelology and demonology1 #ie         
,antichrist1 #bag f4    ,anti-legalism  
7of ,mark71 #aff    ,antinomian heresy1 
#adi1 #bad    ,antioch1 #ga1 #age ff41  
#ahc f4    ,apocalypses1 #bi1 #ea1 #hg1 
#ahh1 #aig    ,apostolic ,christianity1 
#db1 #abf1 #abi1 #bdf    ,apostolic     
,commission1 #bch f4    ,apostolic      
,council1 #fj1 #fc1 #fg    ,apotheosis  
doctrine1 #di    ,appendix to ,john1    

#ajg1 #adg1 #baa1 #bcf ff4    ,asia1    
,churches of1 #aig ff4    ,athanasius1  
#bi f4     ,babylon 7 ,rome71 #aae1 #aif
    ,baptist 7in ,john71 #bbe    ,bar   
,cocheba1 #bjd    ,baruch1 ,apocalypse  
of #ahh    ,baur1 ,f4 ,c41 #cg ff4      
,beloved disciple1 the1 #bbg1 #bdc ff4  
,caesarea1 #he    ,calvin1 #cg          
,canonization of the ,law1 #ab          
,cerinthus1 #bai    ,chiliasts1 #ahg    
,christological ,epistles1 #ig          
,christ-party1 #de    ,clement of ,rome1
 #ai f41 #gi1 #aae1 #aai    ,clement of 
,alexandria1 #be    ,clementine         
,homilies and ,recognitions1 #adh       
,colossians1 #ih    ,corinthian         
,epistles1 #gf ff4     ,decrees of      
,jerusalem1 #fj    ,diary of ,acts1 #ahc
    ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 #aia     
,disputed books1 #cj    ,doketism1 #ba1 
#aaj1 #abf1 #aec1 #afc1 #ahd1 #ahf1     
#bad1 #bag1 #bai     ,elder 7of #bnd and
 #crd ,john71 #bae    ,elements1 #gf1   
#ii    ,ephesians1 #ih    ,ephesus1 #gf1
 #ig1 #aaa f41 #aia1 #bja1 #baa         

,epiphanius1 #aca    ,epistles 7,major71
 #dc    ,epistles of the ,captivity1    
#db1 #he1 #ajj    ,eschatological       
discourse1 #afa    ,esdras 7,apocalypse 
of71 #ahh    ,external evidence1 #ch    
,false brethren1 #da    ,feasts 7in     
,john71 #bbf    ,fornication1 #fj1 #gg  
,gaius 7#crd ,john71 #bae f4    ,gaius  
of ,rome1 #ca1 #bcg    ,galatians1 #ef1 
#gd    ,gentile liberty1 #fa ff4        
,gnosticism1 #dj1 #ajh1 #bjg f4         
,gospel according to the ,hebrews1 #ace1
 #ade    ,gospel of the ,nazarenes1     
#acb1 #ade ff41 #bcf     ,harnack1 #ih  
,hebrews1 #ajg1 #aaf ff4    ,hebrews1   
,apostolic authority in1 #ah            
,hebrews1 ,canonical standing of1 #ca   
,hegesippus1 #aje f41 #aaa              
,hellenistic religion1 #bdg    ,hermas1 
#ba1 #bh1 #aai f41 #bcg     ,ignatius1  
#bj f41 #bc1 #aaa1 #abd1 #abf1 #bjh     
,incarnation ,doctrine1 #di1 #aed1 #bbi1
 #bca    ,infancy of ,jesus 7in ,matthew
 and ,luke71 #aeb    ,internal evidence1
 #ch    ,irenaeus1 #ha1 #acc1 #bai      

,james1 #ajd ff41 #ajg1 #aab f41 #acj   
,jerusalem ,conference1 #fg1 #ga        
,jerusalem succession1 #aje f41 #aai    
,john1 the ,apostle1 a martyr1 #ajd1    
#aid1 #bdc    ,john1 ,gospel of1 #be1   
#ca1 #dc1 #ed1 #bjf ff4    ,john1       
,revelation of1 #cj1 #dc1 #fc1 #ajg1    
#aca1 #ahg1 #ahi ff41 #bce    ,john1    
,epistles of1 #dc1 #aaa1 #abf1 #baa ff4 
,john1 ,acts of1 #bai f4    ,john1 the  
,elder1 #bf1 #aca1 #acc1 #bcf           
,josephus 7used by ,luke71 #agd         
,judaism v4 ,hellenism1 #eb f4          
,judaizers1 #fh    ,jude1 #ai1 #hj1     
#ajg1 #acj    ,justin ,martyr1 #ahg1    
#aij1 #bce f4     ,kindred of the ,lord1
 #afd f4     ,laodiceans1 #ih    ,law v4
 grace1 #h1 #ad1 #ff1 #gd1 #ha1 #abc    
,logia1 #acf1 #ada    ,logos-doctrine1  
#ee1 #bba1 #bcb    ,lordship 7of        
,christ71 #if    ,luke1 #bg1 #aci1 #agc 
f4    ,luke1 his omissions from ,mark1  
#agh f4    ,luke1 his purpose in        
writing1 #ahj f4    ,luther1 #cg        
,magic1 #ic ff4    ,marcion1 #bb ff41   

#dj    ,mark1 #abi1 #acd1 #aei ff4      
,mark1 ,duplication in1 #agb    ,mark1  
,endings of1 #afh ff41 #bce f4          
,matthew1 #aca ff41 #ahg    ,melito of  
,sardis1 #ai1 #aij    ,michaelis1 #ce   
,missionary ,journey1 ,first1 #eh f4    
,missionary ,journey1 ,second1 #gb      
,moffatt1 ,jas41 #aea    ,montanus1 #bh 
f4    ,muratorian ,fragment1 #cj1 #bcd  
,nepos1 the ,chiliast1 #aia             
,offering for the poor1 #fi             
,palestine1 ,origin of ,revelations1    
#aie ff4    ,papias1 #bf1 #aje f41 #acj 
f41 #ahf f41 #aij1 #bjh    ,parables 7in
 ,matthew71 #adi f4    ,passover1 #aja1 
#agc    ,pastoral ,epistles1 #ai1 #ca1  
#hc1 #ajh1 #aaa1 #abc    ,patmos1 #aia1 
#bjj f4    ,paul1 ,original ,apostle of 
,asia1 #bje    ,paul1 his religious     
experience1 #af    ,paul1 martyrdom1    
#aje    ,pauline v4 ,petrine gospel1 #di
    ,paulinism of ,mark1 #afb           
,persecution1 #ac1 #abb    ,peter 7the  
,apostle71 #bd1 #bf1 #ajf1 #acc1 #adf   
,peter1 ,apocalypse of1 #bi f4          

,peter1 ,commission of1 #bdj f4         
,peter1 ,epistles of1 #da1 #ajh f41 #aab
 ff4    ,peter1 ,gospel of1 #aga1 #bba1 
#bcf    ,peter1 ,preaching of1 #aci     
,pharisaic ,judaism1 #aba    ,philemon1 
#hh    ,philip1 ,daughters of1 #ahe f4  
,philippians1 #hi ff4    ,phrygian      
heresy1 #bh    ,pirke ,aboth1 #ada      
,polycarp1 #bf1 #aaj1 #acj1 #ahf1 #bah  
,porphyry1 #ajf    ,post-,reformation   
dogma1 #cc f4    ,precepts 7of ,jesus71 
#acg    ,prologue 7of ,john71 #bca      
,prophecy1 #ahh f41 #bji                
,q-material1 #ada ff4                   
,reconciliation with ,god1 #ajc         
,redeemer-gods1 #ej    ,redemption      
doctrines1 #hf1 #ic    ,reformation1 #cg
    ,repentance 7the ,great71 #aef f4   
,resurrection-doctrine1 #gc1 #gh1 #abe1 
#aee1 #aeh1 #bjd1 #baj    ,revelation   
7,see ,john1 ,revelation of7    ,romans1
 #ge1 #hj ff4    ,rome1 #abj1 #abi      
,satan1 ,dominion of1 #aeg              
,scripture1 ,use in ,paul1 #ag          
,scripture1 ,use in ,john1 #be          

,second ,coming1 #bcj    ,sermon on     
,mount1 #i    ,signs in ,fourth gospel1 
#bbc    ,simon1 ,richard1 #ce           
,spirit1 ,doctrine of the1 #ag1 #fg1    
#aja #aef1 #bbj    ,subscriptions1 #bcc 
,superstitious ,judaism1 #ic f4         
,symeon1 son of ,clopas1 #aje           
,synoptic writings1 #dd1 #ajg           
,synoptic writings in ,john1 #bbh       
,syria and ,cilicia1 #fa1 #abi          
,teaching of the ,twelve1 #bh1 #fc1 #ahe
    ,tertullian1 #ai1 #bi               
,thessalonian ,epistles1 #gc    ,timothy
 7,see ,pastoral ,epistles71 #gh        
,titus 7,see ,pastoral ,epistles7       
,transfiguration1 #afe1 #afg1 #bbh1 #bcj
    ,tuebingen ,school1 #dc ff4         
,unity of the ,church1 #gj1 #ajc1 #abj  
,unity of the ,n4,t41 #bdh     ,way 7   
sect71 #h    ,weak 7party of the71 #de  
,wisdom of ,god1 #ii1 #bji1 #bbi        
,wisdom of ,solomon 7,sap471 #ea        
,words of ,jesus1 #ai1 #abi f41 #add f4 
,zahn1 #aae     ,richard ,clay  ,sons1  
,limited1 ,london and ,bungay4