,history of                             
,european ,morals                       
,from ,augustus to ,charlemagne         
,by                       ,william      
,edward ,hartpole ,lecky1 ,m4,a4        
,ninth ,edition                         
,in ,two ,volumes                       
,vol4 #a4                               
,london                                 
,longmans1 ,green1 ,and ,co4            
#ahij            ,,contents             
,advertisement ,to ,the ,third ,edition4
  ,preface4  ,chapter ,i4 ,the ,natural 
,history ,of ,morals4  ,chapter ,,ii4   
,the ,pagan ,empire4  ,chapter ,,iii4   
,the ,conversion ,of ,rome4  ,footnotes 
,,advertisement ,,to ,,the ,,third      
,,edition4      ,i have availed myself  
of the interval since the last edition1 
to subject  this book to a minute and   
careful revision1 removing such         
inaccuracies as  ,i have been able      
myself to discover1 as well as those    
which have been  brought under my notice
 by reviewers or correspondents4 ,i must

 especially  acknowledge the great      
assistance ,i have derived in this task 
from my  ,german translator1 ,dr4 ,h4   
,jolowicz--now1 unhappily1 no more--one 
of the most  conscientious and accurate 
scholars with whom ,i have ever been in 
communication4 ,in the controversial    
part of the first chapter1 which has    
given rise to a good deal of angry      
discussion1 four or five lines which    
stood in the former editions have been  
omitted1 and three or four short        
passages have been inserted1 elucidating
 or supporting positions which had  been
 misunderstood or contested4    ,january
 #ahgg4            ,,preface4      ,the 
questions with which an historian of    
,morals is chiefly concerned are  the   
changes that have taken place in the    
moral standard and in the moral  type4  
,by the first1 ,i understand the degrees
 in which1 in different ages1           
recognised virtues have been enjoined   
and practised4 ,by the second1 ,i       
understand the relative importance that 

in different ages has been  attached to 
different virtues4 ,thus1 for example1 a
 ,roman of the age of  ,pliny1 an       
,englishman of the age of ,henry        
,,viii41 and an ,englishman of our  own 
day1 would all agree in regarding       
humanity as a virtue1 and its  opposite 
as a vice2 but their judgments of the   
acts which are compatible  with a humane
 disposition would be widely different4 
,a humane man of the  first period might
 derive a keen enjoyment from those     
gladiatorial games1  which an           
,englishman1 even in the days of the    
,tudors1 would regard as  atrociously   
barbarous2 and this last would1 in his  
turn1 acquiesce in many  sport which    
would now be emphatically condemned4    
,and in addition to this  change of     
standard1 there is a continual change in
 the order of precedence  which is given
 to virtues4 ,patriotism1 chastity1     
charity1 and humility are  examples of  
virtues1 each of which has in some ages 
been brought forward  as of the most    

supreme and transcendent importance1 and
 the very basis of  a virtuous          
character1 and in other ages been thrown
 into the background1  and reckoned     
among the minor graces of a noble life4 
,the heroic virtues1  the amiable       
virtues1 and what are called more       
especially the religious  virtues1 form 
distinct groups1 to which1 in different 
periods1 different  degrees of          
prominence have been assigned2 and the  
nature1 causes1 and  consequences of    
these changes in the moral type are     
among the most  important branches of   
history4    ,in estimating1 however1 the
 moral condition of an age1 it is not   
sufficient to examine the ideal of      
moralists4 ,it is necessary also to     
enquire how far that ideal has been     
realised among the people4 ,the         
corruption of a nation is often         
reflected in the indulgent and selfish  
ethics of its teachers2 but it sometimes
 produces a reaction1 and impels  the   
moralist to an asceticism which is the  

extreme opposite of the  prevailing     
spirit of society4 ,the means which     
moral teachers possess of  acting upon  
their fellows1 vary greatly in their    
nature and efficacy1 and  the age of the
 highest moral teaching is often not    
that of the highest  general level of   
practice4 ,sometimes we find a kind of  
aristocracy of  virtue1 exhibiting the  
most refined excellence in their        
teaching and in  their actions1 but     
exercising scarcely any appreciable     
influence upon the  mass of the         
community4 ,sometimes we find moralists 
of a much less heroic  order1 whose     
influence has permeated every section of
 society4 ,in  addition1 therefore1 to  
the type and standard of morals         
inculcated by the  teachers1 an         
historian must investigate the realised 
morals of the people4    ,the three     
questions ,i have now briefly indicated 
are those which ,i have  especially     
regarded in examining the moral history 
of ,europe between  ,augustus and       

,charlemagne4 ,as a preliminary to this 
enquiry1 ,i have  discussed at some     
length the rival theories concerning the
 nature and  obligations of morals1 and 
have also endeavoured to show what      
virtues are  especially appropriate to  
each successive stage of civilisation1  
in order  that we may afterwards        
ascertain to what extent the natural    
evolution has  been affected by special 
agencies4 ,i have then followed the     
moral history  of the ,pagan ,empire1   
reviewing the ,stoical1 the ,eclectic1  
and the ,egyptian  philosophies1 that in
 turn flourished1 showing in what       
respects they were  the products or     
expressions of the general condition of 
society1 tracing  their influence in    
many departments of legislation and     
literature1 and  investigating the      
causes of the deep-seated corruption    
which baffled all  the efforts of       
emperors and philosophers4 ,the triumph 
of the ,christian  religion in ,europe  
next demands our attention4 ,in treating

 this subject1 ,i  have endeavoured1 for
 the most part1 to exclude all          
considerations of a  purely theological 
or controversial character1 all         
discussions concerning  the origin of   
the faith in ,palestine1 and concerning 
the first type of its  doctrine1 and to 
regard the ,church simply as a moral    
agent1 exercising its  influence in     
,europe4 ,confining myself within these 
limits1 ,i have examined  the manner in 
which the circumstances of the ,pagan   
,empire impeded or  assisted its growth1
 the nature of the opposition it had to 
encounter1 the  transformations it      
underwent under the influence of        
prosperity1 of the  ascetic enthusiasm1 
and of the barbarian invasions1 and the 
many ways in  which it determined the   
moral condition of society4 ,the growing
 sense of  the sanctity of human life1  
the history of charity1 the formation of
 the  legends of the hagiology1 the     
effects of asceticism upon civic and    
domestic virtues1 the moral influence of

 monasteries1 the ethics of the         
intellect1 the virtues and vices of the 
decaying ,christian ,empire and of  the 
barbarian kingdoms that replaced it1 the
 gradual apotheosis of secular  rank1   
and the first stages of that military   
,christianity which attained  its climax
 at the ,crusades1 have been all        
discussed with more or less  detail2 and
 ,i have concluded my work by reviewing 
the changes that have  taken place in   
the position of women1 and in the moral 
questions connected  with the relations 
of the sexes4    ,in investigating these
 numerous subjects1 it has occasionally1
 though  rarely1 happened that my path  
has intersected that which ,i had       
pursued in  a former work1 and in two or
 three instances ,i have not hesitated  
to  repeat facts to which ,i had there  
briefly referred4 ,i have thought that  
such a course was preferable to         
presenting the subject shorn of some    
material incident1 or to falling into   
what has always the appearance of an    

unpleasing egotism1 by appealing        
unnecessarily to my own writings4       
,although the history of the period ,i  
have traced has never1 so far as ,i am  
aware1 been written from exactly the    
point of view which ,i have adopted1 ,i 
have1 of course1 been for the most part 
moving over familiar ground1 which  has 
been often and ably investigated2 and   
any originality that may be  found in   
this work must lie1 not so much in the  
facts which have been  exhumed1 as in   
the manner in which they have been      
grouped1 and in the  significance that  
has been ascribed to them4 ,i have      
endeavoured to  acknowledge the more    
important works from which ,i have      
derived assistance2  and if ,i have not 
always done so1 ,i trust the reader will
 ascribe it to  the great multitude of  
the special histories relating to the   
subjects ,i  have treated1 to my        
unwillingness to overload my pages with 
too numerous  references1 and perhaps1  
in some cases1 to the difficulty that   

all who  have been much occupied with a 
single department of history must       
sometimes  have1 in distinguishing the  
ideas which have sprung from their own  
reflections1 from those which have been 
derived from books4    ,there is one    
writer1 however1 whom ,i must especially
 mention1 for his name  occurs          
continually in the following pages1 and 
his memory has been more  frequently1   
and in these latter months more sadly1  
present to my mind than  any other4     
,brilliant and numerous as are the works
 of the late ,dean  ,milman1 it was     
those only who had the great privilege  
of his friendship1  who could fully     
realise the amazing extent and variety  
of his knowledge2  the calm1 luminous1  
and delicate judgment which he carried  
into so many  spheres2 the inimitable   
grace and tact of his conversation1     
coruscating  with the happiest          
anecdotes1 and the brightest and yet the
 gentlest  humour2 and1 what was perhaps
 more remarkable than any single        

faculty1 the  admirable harmony and     
symmetry of his mind and character1 so  
free from all  the disproportion1 and   
eccentricity1 and exaggeration that     
sometimes make  even genius assume the  
form of a splendid disease4 ,they can   
never forget  those yet higher          
attributes1 which rendered him so       
unspeakably reverend to  all who knew   
him well--his fervent love of truth1 his
 wide tolerance1 his  large1 generous1  
and masculine judgments of men and      
things2 his almost  instinctive         
perception of the good that is latent in
 each opposing party1  his disdain for  
the noisy triumphs and the fleeting     
popularity of mere  sectarian strife1   
the fond and touching affection with    
which he dwelt upon  the images of the  
past1 combining1 even in extreme old    
age1 with the  keenest and most hopeful 
insight into the progressive movements  
of his  time1 and with a rare power of  
winning the confidence and reading the  
thoughts of the youngest about him4     

,that such a writer should have devoted 
himself to the department of history1   
which more than any other has been      
distorted by ignorance1 puerility1 and  
dishonesty1 ,i conceive to be one of    
the happiest facts in ,english          
literature1 and 7though sometimes       
diverging  from his views7 in many parts
 of the following work ,i have largely  
availed  myself of his researches4    ,i
 cannot conceal from myself that this   
book is likely to encounter much1  and  
probably angry1 contradiction from      
different quarters and on different     
grounds4 ,it is strongly opposed to a   
school of moral philosophy which is  at 
present extremely influential in        
,england2 and1 in addition to the many  
faults that may be found in its         
execution1 its very plan must make it   
displeasing to many4 ,its subject       
necessarily includes questions on which 
it is exceedingly difficult for an      
,english writer to touch1 and the       
portion of history with which it is     

concerned has been obscured by no       
common measure of misrepresentation and 
passion4 ,i have endeavoured to  carry  
into it a judicial impartiality1 and ,i 
trust that the attempt1  however        
imperfect1 may not be wholly useless to 
my readers4    ,,london3 ,march #ahfi4  
,,chapter ,i4 ,,the ,,natural ,,history 
,,of ,,morals4      ,a brief enquiry    
into the nature and foundations of      
morals appears an  obvious1 and1 indeed1
 almost an indispensable preliminary1 to
 any  examination of the moral progress 
of ,europe4 ,unfortunately1 however1    
such  an enquiry is beset with serious  
difficulties1 arising in part from the  
extreme multiplicity of detail which    
systems of moral philosophy present1    
and in part from a fundamental          
antagonism of principles1 dividing them 
into two opposing groups4 ,the great    
controversy1 springing from the rival   
claims of intuition and utility to be   
regarded as the supreme regulator of    
moral distinctions1 may be dimly traced 

in the division between ,plato and      
,aristotle2 it appeared more clearly in 
the division between the ,stoics and    
the ,epicureans2 but it has only        
acquired its full distinctness of       
definition1 and the importance of the   
questions depending on it has only  been
 fully appreciated1 in modern times1    
under the influence of such  writers as 
,cudworth1 ,clarke1 and ,butler upon the
 one side1 and ,hobbes1  ,helvtius1 and 
,bentham on the other4    ,independently
 of the broad intellectual difficulties 
which must be  encountered in treating  
this question1 there is a difficulty of 
a personal  kind1 which it may be       
advisable at once to meet4 ,there is a  
disposition in  some moralists to       
resent1 as an imputation against their  
own characters1  any charge of immoral  
consequences that may be brought against
 the  principles they advocate4 ,now it 
is a peculiarity of this controversy    
that  every moralist is compelled1 by   
the very nature of the case1 to bring   

such  charges against the opinions of   
his opponents4 ,the business of a moral 
philosophy is to account for and to     
justify our moral sentiments1 or in     
other words1 to show how we come to have
 our notions of duty1 and to  supply us 
with a reason for acting upon them4 ,if 
it does this adequately1  it is         
impregnable1 and therefore a moralist   
who repudiates one system is  called    
upon to show that1 according to its     
principles1 the notion of duty1  or the 
motives for performing it1 could never  
have been generated4 ,the  ,utilitarian 
accuses his opponent of basing the      
entire system of morals on  a faculty   
that has no existence1 of adopting a    
principle that would make  moral duty   
vary with the latitude and the epoch1 of
 resolving all ethics  into an idle     
sentiment4 ,the intuitive moralist1 for 
reasons ,i shall  hereafter explain1    
believes that the ,utilitarian theory is
 profoundly  immoral4 ,but to suppose   
that either of these charges extends to 

the  character of the moralist is       
altogether to misconceive the position  
which  moral theories actually hold in  
life4 ,our moral sentiments do not flow 
from1 but long precede our ethical      
systems2 and it is usually only after   
our characters have been fully formed   
that we begin to reason about them4  ,it
 is both possible and very common for   
the reasoning to be very  defective1    
without any corresponding imperfection  
in the disposition of  the man4    ,the 
two rival theories of morals are known  
by many names1 and are  subdivided into 
many groups4 ,one of them is generally  
described as the  stoical1 the          
intuitive1 the independent or the       
sentimental2 the other as  the          
epicurean1 the inductive1 the           
utilitarian1 or the selfish4 ,the       
moralists of the former school1 to state
 their opinions in the broadest  form1  
believe that we have a natural power of 
perceiving that some  qualities1 such as
 benevolence1 chastity1 or veracity1 are

 better than  others1 and that we ought 
to cultivate them1 and to repress their 
opposites4 ,in other words1 they        
contend1 that by the constitution of our
  nature1 the notion of right carries   
with it a feeling of obligation2 that   
to say a course of conduct is our duty1 
is in itself1 and apart from all        
consequences1 an intelligible and       
sufficient reason for practising it2 and
  that we derive the first principles of
 our duties from intuition4 ,the        
moralist of the opposite school denies  
that we have any such natural           
perception4 ,he maintains that we have  
by nature absolutely no knowledge of    
merit and demerit1 of the comparative   
excellence of our feelings and  actions1
 and that we derive these notions solely
 from an observation of  the course of  
life which is conducive to human        
happiness4 ,that which makes  actions   
good is1 that they increase the         
happiness or diminish the pains of      
mankind4 ,that which constitutes their  

demerit is their opposite tendency4  ,to
 procure 8the greatest happiness for the
 greatest number10 is therefore  the    
highest aim of the moralist1 the supreme
 type and expression of  virtue4    ,it 
is manifest1 however1 that this last    
school1 if it proceeded no further  than
 ,i have stated1 would have failed to   
accomplish the task which every         
moralist must undertake4 ,it is easy to 
understand that experience may show     
that certain actions are conducive to   
the happiness of mankind1 and that      
these actions may in consequence be     
regarded as supremely excellent4 ,the   
question still remains1 why we are bound
 to perform them4 ,if men1 who  believe 
that virtuous actions are those which   
experience shows to be  useful to       
society1 believe also that they are     
under a natural obligation  to seek the 
happiness of others1 rather than their  
own1 when the two  interests conflict1  
they have certainly no claim to the     
title of inductive  moralists4 ,they    

recognise a moral faculty1 or natural   
sense of moral  obligation or duty as   
truly as ,butler or as ,cudworth4 ,and1 
indeed1 a  position very similar to this
 has been adopted by several intuitive  
moralists4 ,thus ,hutcheson1 who is the 
very founder in modern times of the     
doctrine of 8a moral sense10 and who has
 defended the disinterested  character  
of virtue more powerfully than perhaps  
any other moralist1  resolved all virtue
 into benevolence1 or the pursuit of the
 happiness of  others2 but he maintained
 that the excellence and obligation of  
benevolence are revealed to us by a     
8moral sense40 ,hume1 in like manner1   
pronounced utility to be the criterion  
and essential element of all  virtue1   
and is so far undoubtedly a             
,utilitarian2 but he asserted also that 
our pursuit of virtue is unselfish1 and 
that it springs from a natural  feeling 
of approbation or disapprobation        
distinct from reason1 and  produced by a
 peculiar sense1 or taste1 which rises  

up within us at the  contemplation of   
virtue or of vice47#a7 ,a similar       
doctrine has more  recently been        
advocated by ,mackintosh4 ,it is        
supposed by many that it is a  complete 
description of the ,utilitarian system  
of morals1 that it judges  all actions  
and dispositions by their consequences1 
pronouncing them moral  in proportion to
 their tendency to promote1 immoral in  
proportion to their  tendency to        
diminish1 the happiness of man4 ,but    
such a summary is clearly  inadequate1  
for it deals only with one of the two   
questions which every  moralist must    
answer4 ,a theory of morals must explain
 not only what  constitutes a duty1 but 
also how we obtain the notion of there  
being such  a thing as duty4 ,it must   
tell us not merely what is the course of
 conduct  we ought to pursue1 but also  
what is the meaning of this word        
8ought10  and from what source we derive
 the idea it expresses4    ,those who   
have undertaken to prove that all our   

morality is a product of  experience1   
have not shrunk from this task1 and have
 boldly entered upon  the one path that 
was open to them4 ,the notion of there  
being any such  feeling as an original  
sense of obligation distinct from the   
anticipation  of pleasure or pain1 they 
treat as a mere illusion of the         
imagination4 ,all  that is meant by     
saying we ought to do an action is1 that
 if we do not do  it1 we shall suffer4  
,a desire to obtain happiness and to    
avoid pain is the  only possible motive 
to action4 ,the reason1 and the only    
reason1 why we  should perform virtuous 
actions1 or in other words1 seek the    
good of  others1 is that on the whole   
such a course will bring us the greatest
  amount of happiness4    ,we have here 
then a general statement of the doctrine
 which bases morals  upon experience4   
,if we ask what constitutes virtuous1   
and what vicious  actions1 we are told  
that the first are those which increase 
the happiness  or diminish the pains of 

mankind2 and the second are those which 
have the  opposite effect4 ,if we ask   
what is the motive to virtue1 we are    
told that  it is an enlightened         
self-interest4 ,the words happiness1    
utility1 and  interest include1 however1
 many different kinds of enjoyment1 and 
have  given rise to many different      
modifications of the theory4    ,perhaps
 the lowest and most repulsive form of  
this theory is that which  was          
propounded by ,mandeville1 in his       
8,enquiry into the ,origin of ,moral    
,virtue407#b7 ,according to this writer1
 virtue sprang in the first instance    
from the cunning of rulers4 ,these1 in  
order to govern men1 found it  necessary
 to persuade them that it was a noble   
thing to restrain1 instead  of indulging
 their passions1 and to devote          
themselves entirely to the good  of the 
community4 ,the manner in which they    
attained this end was by acting  upon   
the feeling of vanity4 ,they persuaded  
men that human nature was  something    

nobler than the nature of animals1 and  
that devotion to the  community rendered
 a man pre-eminently great4 ,by statues1
 and titles1 and  honours2 by           
continually extolling such men as       
,regulus or ,decius2 by  representing   
those who were addicted to useless      
enjoyments as a low and  despicable     
class1 they at last so inflamed the     
vanity of men as to kindle  an intense  
emulation1 and inspire the most heroic  
actions4 ,and soon new  influences came 
into play4 ,men who began by restraining
 their passions1 in  order to acquire   
the pleasure of the esteem of others1   
found that this  restraint saved them   
from many painful consequences that     
would have  naturally ensued from       
over-indulgence1 and this discovery     
became a new  motive to virtue4 ,each   
member of the community moreover found  
that he  himself derived benefit from   
the self-sacrifice of others1 and also  
that  when he was seeking his own       
interest1 without regard to others1 no  

persons  stood so much in his way as    
those who were similarly employed1 and  
he had  thus a double reason for        
diffusing abroad the notion of the      
excellence of  self-sacrifice4 ,the     
result of all this was that men agreed  
to stigmatise  under the term 8vice0    
whatever was injurious1 and to eulogise 
as 8virtue0  whatever was beneficial to 
society4    ,the opinions of ,mandeville
 attracted1 when they were published1 an
  attention greatly beyond their        
intrinsic merit1 but they are now       
sinking  rapidly into deserved oblivion4
 ,the author1 in a poem called the      
8,fable of  the ,bees10 and in comments 
attached to it1 himself advocated a     
thesis  altogether inconsistent with    
that ,i have described1 maintaining that
  8private vices were public benefits10 
and endeavouring1 in a long series  of  
very feeble and sometimes very grotesque
 arguments1 to prove that vice  was in  
the highest degree beneficial to        
mankind4 ,a far greater writer had      

however already framed a scheme of      
morals which1 if somewhat less          
repulsive1 was in no degree less selfish
 than that of ,mandeville2 and the      
opinions of ,hobbes concerning the      
essence and origin of virtue1 have1 with
  no very great variations1 been adopted
 by what may be termed the narrower     
school of ,utilitarians4    ,according  
to these writers we are governed        
exclusively by our own  interest47#c7   
,pleasure1 they assure us1 is the only  
good17#d7 and moral good  and moral evil
 mean nothing more than our voluntary   
conformity to a law  that will bring it 
to us47#e7 ,to love good simply as good1
 is  impossible47#f7 ,when we speak of  
the goodness of ,god1 we mean only ,his 
goodness to us47#g7 ,reverence is       
nothing more than our conviction1 that  
one  who has power to do us both good   
and harm1 will only do us good47#h7 ,the
  pleasures of piety arise from the     
belief that we are about to receive     
pleasure1 and the pains of piety from   

the belief that we are about to  suffer 
pain from the ,deity47#i7 ,our very     
affections1 according to some of  these 
writers1 are all forms of self-love4    
,thus charity springs partly  from our  
desire to obtain the esteem of others1  
partly from the  expectation that the   
favours we have bestowed will be        
reciprocated1 and  partly1 too1 from the
 gratification of the sense of power1 by
 the proof  that we can satisfy not only
 our own desires but also the desires of
  others47#aj7 ,pity is an emotion      
arising from a vivid realisation of     
sorrow  that may befall ourselves1      
suggested by the sight of the sorrows of
  others4 ,we pity especially those who 
have not deserved calamity1 because  we 
consider ourselves to belong to that    
category2 and the spectacle of          
suffering against which no forethought  
could provide1 reminds us most  forcibly
 of what may happen to ourselves47#aa7  
,friendship is the sense of  the need of
 the person befriended47#ab7    ,from   

such a conception of human nature it is 
easy to divine what system of  morals   
must flow4 ,no character1 feeling1 or   
action is naturally better  than others1
 and as long as men are in a savage     
condition1 morality has no  existence4  
,fortunately1 however1 we are all       
dependent for many of our  pleasures    
upon others4 ,co-operation and          
organisation are essential to our       
happiness1 and these are impossible     
without some restraint being placed     
upon our appetites4 ,laws are enacted to
 secure this restraint1 and being       
sustained by rewards and punishments1   
they make it the interest of the        
individual to regard that of the        
community4 ,according to ,hobbes1 the   
disposition of man is so anarchical1 and
 the importance of restraining it  so   
transcendent1 that absolute government  
alone is good2 the commands of  the     
sovereign are supreme1 and must         
therefore constitute the law of  morals4
 ,the other moralists of the school1    

though repudiating this notion1  have   
given a very great and distinguished    
place to legislation in their  schemes  
of ethics2 for all our conduct being    
determined by our interests1  virtue    
being simply the conformity of our own  
interests with those of the  community1 
and a judicious legislation being the   
chief way of securing  this conformity1 
the functions of the moralist and of the
 legislator are  almost identical47#ac7 
,but in addition to the rewards and     
punishments of  the penal code1 those   
arising from public opinion--fame or    
infamy1 the  friendship or hostility of 
those about us--are enlisted on the side
 of  virtue4 ,the educating influence of
 laws1 and the growing perception of the
  identity of interests of the different
 members of the community1 create a     
public opinion favourable to all the    
qualities which are 8the means of       
peaceable1 sociable1 and comfortable    
living407#ad7 ,such are justice1        
gratitude1 modesty1 equity1 and mercy2  

and such1 too1 are purity and  chastity1
 which1 considered in themselves alone1 
are in no degree more  excellent than   
the coarsest and most indiscriminate    
lust1 but which can be  shown to be     
conducive to the happiness of society1  
and become in  consequence virtues47#ae7
 ,this education of public opinion grows
  continually stronger with             
civilisation1 and gradually moulds the  
characters of men1 making them more and 
more disinterested1 heroic1 and         
unselfish4 ,a disinterested1 unselfish1 
and heroic man1 it is explained1 is  one
 who is strictly engrossed in the       
pursuit of his own pleasure1 but who    
pursues it in such a manner as to       
include in its gratification the        
happiness of others47#af7    ,it is a   
very old assertion1 that a man who      
prudently sought his own  interest would
 live a life of perfect virtue4 ,this   
opinion is adopted by  most of those    
,utilitarians who are least inclined to 
lay great stress upon  religious        

motives2 and as they maintain that every
 man necessarily pursues  exclusively   
his own happiness1 we return by another 
path to the old  ,platonic doctrine1    
that all vice is ignorance4 ,virtue is a
 judicious1 and  vice an injudicious1   
pursuit of pleasure4 ,virtue is a branch
 of prudence1  vice is nothing more than
 imprudence or miscalculation47#ag7 ,he 
who seeks  to improve the moral         
condition of mankind has two1 and only  
two1 ways of  accomplishing his end4    
,the first is1 to make it more and more 
the interest  of each to conform to that
 of the others2 the second is1 to dispel
 the  ignorance which prevents men from 
seeing their true interest47#ah7 ,if    
chastity or truth1 or any other of what 
we regard as virtues1 could be  shown to
 produce on the whole more pain than    
they destroy1 or to deprive  men of more
 pleasure than they afford1 they would  
not be virtues1 but  vices47#ai7 ,if it 
could be shown that it is not for our   
own interest to  practise any of what   

are admitted to be virtues1 all         
obligation to  practise them would      
immediately cease47#bj7 ,the whole      
scheme of ethics may  be evolved from   
the four canons of ,epicurus4 ,the      
pleasure which produces  no pain is to  
be embraced4 ,the pain which produces no
 pleasure is to be  avoided4 ,the       
pleasure is to be avoided which prevents
 a greater pleasure1  or produces a     
greater pain4 ,the pain is to be endured
 which averts a  greater pain1 or       
secures a greater pleasure47#ba7    ,so 
far ,i have barely alluded to any but   
terrestrial motives4 ,these1 in the     
opinion of many of the most illustrious 
of the school1 are sufficient1 but      
others--as we shall see1 ,i think1 with 
great reason--are of a different        
opinion4 ,their obvious resource is in  
the rewards and punishments of  another 
world1 and these they accordingly       
present as the motive to virtue4  ,of   
all the modifications of the selfish    
theory1 this alone can be said to       

furnish interested motives for virtue   
which are invariably and  incontestably 
adequate4 ,if men introduce the notion  
of infinite  punishments and infinite   
rewards distributed by an omniscient    
,judge1 they  can undoubtedly supply    
stronger reasons for practising virtue  
than can  ever be found for practising  
vice4 ,while admitting therefore in     
emphatic  terms1 that any sacrifice of  
our pleasure1 without the prospect of an
  equivalent reward1 is a simple act of 
madness1 and unworthy of a rational     
being17#bb7 these writers maintain that 
we may reasonably sacrifice the         
enjoyments of this life1 because we     
shall be rewarded by far greater        
enjoyment in the next4 ,to gain heaven  
and avoid hell should be the spring  of 
all our actions17#bc7 and virtue is     
simply prudence extending its           
calculations beyond the grave47#bd7     
,this calculation is what we mean by the
  8religious motive407#be7 ,the belief  
that the nobility and excellence of     

virtue could incite us1 was a mere      
delusion of the ,pagans47#bf7           
,considered simply in the light of a    
prudential scheme1 there are only two   
possible objections that could be       
brought against this theory4 ,it might  
be  said that the amount of virtue      
required for entering heaven was not    
defined1 and that therefore it would be 
possible to enjoy some vices on  earth  
with impunity4 ,to this1 however1 it is 
answered that the very  indefiniteness  
of the requirement renders zealous piety
 a matter of  prudence1 and also that   
there is probably a graduated scale of  
rewards and  punishments adapted to     
every variety of merit and demerit47#bg7
 ,it might be  said too that present    
pleasures are at least certain1 and that
 those of  another world are not equally
 so4 ,it is answered that the rewards   
and  punishments offered in another     
world are so transcendently great1 that 
according to the rules of ordinary      
prudence1 if there were only a          

probability1 or even a bare possibility1
 of their being real1 a wise man  should
 regulate his course with a view to     
them47#bh7    ,among these writers1     
however1 some have diverged to a certain
 degree from  the broad stream of       
utilitarianism1 declaring that the      
foundation of the  moral law is not     
utility1 but the will or arbitrary      
decree of ,god4 ,this  opinion1 which   
was propounded by the schoolman ,ockham1
 and by several  other writers of his   
age17#bi7 has in modern times found many
  adherents17#cj7 and been defended     
through a variety of motives4 ,some have
  upheld it on the philosophical ground 
that a law can be nothing but the       
sentence of a lawgiver2 others from a   
desire to place morals in permanent     
subordination to theology2 others in    
order to answer objections to           
,christianity derived from apparently   
immoral acts said to have been          
sanctioned by the ,divinity2 and others 
because having adopted strong           

,calvinistic sentiments1 they were at   
once profoundly opposed to  utilitarian 
morals1 and at the same time too firmly 
convinced of the total  depravity of    
human nature to admit the existence of  
any trustworthy moral  sense47#ca7      
,in the majority of cases1 however1     
these writers have proved substantially 
utilitarians4 ,when asked how we can    
know the will of ,god1 they answer that 
in as far as it is not included in      
express revelation1 it must be          
discovered by the rule of utility2 for  
nature proves that the ,deity is        
supremely benevolent1 and desires the   
welfare of men1 and therefore any       
conduct that leads to that end is in    
conformity with ,his will47#cb7 ,to the 
question why the ,divine will should be 
obeyed1 there are but two answers4  ,the
 first1 which is that of the intuitive  
moralist1 is that we are under a        
natural obligation of gratitude to our  
,creator4 ,the second1 which is that  of
 the selfish moralist1 is that the      

,creator has infinite rewards and       
punishments at ,his disposal4 ,the      
latter answer appears usually to have   
been adopted1 and the most eminent      
member has summed up with great         
succinctness the opinion of his school4 
8,the good of mankind10 he says1  8is   
the subject1 the will of ,god the rule1 
and everlasting happiness the  motive   
and end of all virtue407#cc7    ,we have
 seen that the distinctive              
characteristic of the inductive school  
of moralists is an absolute denial of   
the existence of any natural or  innate 
moral sense or faculty enabling us to   
distinguish between the  higher and     
lower parts of our nature1 revealing to 
us either the existence  of a law of    
duty or the conduct that it prescribes4 
,we have seen that the  only postulate  
of these writers is that happiness being
 universally  desired is a desirable    
thing1 that the only merit they         
recognise in  actions or feelings is    
their tendency to promote human         

happiness1 and that  the only motive to 
a virtuous act they conceive possible is
 the real or  supposed happiness of the 
agent4 ,the sanctions of morality thus  
constitute  its obligation1 and apart   
from them the word 8ought0 is absolutely
  unmeaning4 ,those sanctions1 as we    
have considered them1 are of different  
kinds and degrees of magnitude4 ,paley1 
though elsewhere acknowledging the      
others1 regarded the religious one as so
 immeasurably the first1 that he        
represented it as the one motive of     
virtue47#cd7 ,locke divided them into   
,divine rewards and punishments1 legal  
penalties and social penalties27#ce7    
,bentham into physical1 political1 moral
 or popular1 and religious--the  first  
being the bodily evils that result from 
vice1 the second the  enactments of     
legislators1 the third the pleasures and
 pains arising from  social intercourse1
 the fourth the rewards and punishments 
of another  world47#cf7    ,during the  
greater part of the sixteenth and       

seventeenth centuries the  controversy  
in ,england between those who derived   
the moral code from  experience1 and    
those who derived it from intuitions of 
the reason1 or  from a special faculty1 
or from a moral sense1 or from the power
 of  sympathy1 turned mainly upon the   
existence of an unselfish element in our
  nature4 ,the reality of this existence
 having been maintained by              
,shaftesbury1 was established with an   
unprecedented1 and ,i believe an        
irresistible force1 by ,hutcheson1 and  
the same question occupies a            
considerable place in the writings of   
,butler1 ,hume1 and ,adam ,smith4 ,the  
selfishness of the school of ,hobbes1   
though in some degree mitigated1 may  be
 traced in every page of the writings of
 ,bentham2 but some of his  disciples   
have in this respect deviated very      
widely from their master1 and  in their 
hands the whole tone and complexion of  
utilitarianism have been  changed47#cg7 
,the two means by which this            

transformation has been effected  are   
the recognition of our unselfish or     
sympathetic feelings1 and the  doctrine 
of the association of ideas4    ,that   
human nature is so constituted that we  
naturally take a pleasure in  the sight 
of the joy of others is one of those    
facts which to an ordinary  observer    
might well appear among the most patent 
that can be conceived4 ,we  have seen1  
however1 that it was emphatically denied
 by ,hobbes1 and during  the greater    
part of the last century it was         
fashionable among writers of  the school
 of ,helvtius to endeavour to prove that
 all domestic or social  affections were
 dictated simply by a need of the person
 who was beloved4  ,the reality of the  
pleasures and pains of sympathy was     
admitted by  ,bentham27#ch7 but in      
accordance with the whole spirit of his 
philosophy1 he  threw them as much as   
possible into the background1 and1 as ,i
 have already  noticed1 gave them no    
place in his summary of the sanctions of

 virtue4 ,the  tendency1 however1 of the
 later members of the school has been to
  recognise them fully17#ci7 though they
 differ as to the source from which     
they spring4 ,according to one section  
our benevolent affections are  derived  
from our selfish feelings by an         
association of ideas in a manner  which 
,i shall presently describe4 ,according 
to the other they are an  original part 
of the constitution of our nature4      
,however they be  generated1 their      
existence is admitted1 their cultivation
 is a main object  of morals1 and the   
pleasure derived from their exercise a  
leading motive  to virtue4 ,the         
differences between the intuitive       
moralists and their  rivals on this     
point are of two kinds4 ,both           
acknowledge the existence in  human     
nature of both benevolent and malevolent
 feelings1 and that we have  a natural  
power of distinguishing one from the    
other2 but the first  maintain and the  
second deny that we have a natural power

 of perceiving  that one is better than 
the other4 ,both admit that we enjoy a  
pleasure in  acts of benevolence to     
others1 but most writers of the first   
school  maintain that that pleasure     
follows unsought for1 while writers of  
the  other school contend that the      
desire of obtaining it is the motive of 
the  action4    ,but by far the most    
ingenious and at the same time most     
influential system  of utilitarian      
morals is that which owes its           
distinctive feature to the  doctrine of 
association of ,hartley4 ,this doctrine1
 which among the modern  achievements of
 ethics occupies on the utilitarian side
 a position  corresponding in importance
 to the doctrine of innate moral        
faculties as  distinguished from innate 
moral ideas on the intuitive side1 was  
not  absolutely unknown to the ancients1
 though they never perceived either the 
extent to which it may be carried or the
 important consequences that might  be  
deduced from it4 ,some traces of it may 

be found in ,aristotle17#dj7 and  some  
of the ,epicureans applied it to        
friendship1 maintaining that1  although 
we first of all love our friend on      
account of the pleasure he can  give us1
 we come soon to love him for his own   
sake1 and apart from all  considerations
 of utility47#da7 ,among moderns ,locke 
has the merit of having  devised the    
phrase1 8association of ideas207#db7 but
 he applied it only to  some cases of   
apparently eccentric sympathies or      
antipathies4 ,hutcheson1  however1      
closely anticipated both the doctrine of
 ,hartley and the  favourite            
illustration of the school2 observing   
that we desire some things  as          
themselves pleasurable and others only  
as means to obtain pleasurable  things1 
and that these latter1 which he terms   
8secondary desires10 may  become as     
powerful as the former4 8,thus1 as soon 
as we come to apprehend  the use of     
wealth or power to gratify any of our   
original desires we must  also desire   

them4 ,hence arises the universality of 
these desires of wealth  and power1     
since they are the means of gratifying  
all our desires407#dc7  ,the same       
principles were carried much farther by 
a clergyman named ,gay in  a short      
dissertation which is now almost        
forgotten1 but to which ,hartley        
ascribed the first suggestion of his    
theory17#dd7 and in which indeed the    
most valuable part of it is clearly laid
 down4 ,differing altogether from       
,hutcheson as to the existence of any   
innate moral sense or principle of      
benevolence in man1 ,gay admitted that  
the arguments of ,hutcheson to prove    
that the adult man possesses a moral    
sense were irresistible1 and he         
attempted to reconcile this fact with   
the teaching of ,locke by the  doctrine 
of 8secondary desires40 ,he remarks that
 in our reasonings we do  not always    
fall back upon first principles or      
axioms1 but sometimes start  from       
propositions which though not           

self-evident we know to be capable of   
proof4 ,in the same way in justifying   
our actions we do not always appeal  to 
the tendency to produce happiness which 
is their one ultimate  justification1   
but content ourselves by showing that   
they produce some of  the known 8means  
to happiness40 ,these 8means to         
happiness0 being  continually appealed  
to as justifying motives come insensibly
 to be  regarded as ends1 possessing an 
intrinsic value irrespective of their   
tendency2 and in this manner it is that 
we love and admire virtue even  when    
unconnected with our interests47#de7    
,the great work of ,hartley expanding   
and elaborating these views was         
published in #agdg4 ,it was encumbered  
by much physiological speculation  into 
which it is needless for us now to      
enter1 about the manner in which        
emotions act upon the nerves1 and       
although accepted enthusiastically by   
,priestley and ,belsham1 and in some    
degree by ,tucker1 ,i do not think that 

its purely ethical speculations had much
 influence until they were adopted  by  
some leading utilitarians in the present
 century47#df7 ,whatever may be  thought
 of the truth1 it is impossible to      
withhold some admiration from  the      
intellectual grandeur of a system which 
starting from a conception of  human    
nature as low and as base as that of    
,mandeville or ,hobbes professes        
without the introduction of a single new
 or nobler element1 by a strange        
process of philosophic alchemy1 to      
evolve out of this original selfishness 
the most heroic and most sensitive      
virtue4 ,the manner in which this       
achievement is effected is commonly     
illustrated by the passion of avarice4  
,money in itself possesses absolutely   
nothing that is admirable or            
pleasurable1 but being the means of     
procuring us many of the objects of  our
 desire1 it becomes associated in our   
minds with the idea of pleasure2  it is 
therefore itself loved2 and it is       

possible for the love of money so       
completely to eclipse or supersede the  
love of all those things which  money   
procures1 that the miser will forego    
them all1 rather than part with  a      
fraction of his gold47#dg7    ,the same 
phenomenon may be traced1 it is said1 in
 a multitude of other  forms47#dh7 ,thus
 we seek power1 because it gives us the 
means of gratifying  many desires4 ,it  
becomes associated with those desires1  
and is1 at last1  itself passionately   
loved4 ,praise indicates the affection  
of the eulogist1  and marks us out for  
the affection of others4 ,valued at     
first as a means1  it is soon desired as
 an end1 and to such a pitch can our    
enthusiasm rise1  that we may sacrifice 
all earthly things for posthumous praise
 which can  never reach our ear4 ,and   
the force of association may extend even
 farther4  ,we love praise1 because it  
procures us certain advantages4 ,we then
 love it  more than these advantages4   
,we proceed by the same process to      

transfer our  affections to those things
 which naturally or generally procure   
praise4 ,we  at last love what is       
praiseworthy more than praise1 and will 
endure  perpetual obloquy rather than   
abandon it47#di7 ,to this process1 it is
 said1  all our moral sentiments must be
 ascribed4 ,man has no natural          
benevolent  feelings4 ,he is at first   
governed solely by his interest1 but the
 infant  learns to associate its        
pleasures with the idea of its mother1  
the boy  with the idea of his family1   
the man with those of his class1 his    
church1  his country1 and at last of all
 mankind1 and in each case an           
independent  affection is at length     
formed47#ej7 ,the sight of suffering in 
others  awakens in the child a painful  
recollection of his own sufferings1     
which  parents1 by appealing to the     
infant imagination1 still further       
strengthen1  and besides1 8when several 
children are educated together1 the     
pains1 the  denials of pleasure1 and the

 sorrows which affect one gradually     
extend in  some degree to all20 and thus
 the suffering of others becomes        
associated  with the idea of our own1   
and the feeling of compassion is        
engendered47#ea7  ,benevolence and      
justice are associated in our minds with
 the esteem of our  fellow-men1 with    
reciprocity of favours1 and with the    
hope of future  reward4 ,they are loved 
at first for these1 and finally for     
themselves1  while opposite trains of   
association produce opposite feelings   
towards  malevolence and injustice47#eb7
 ,and thus virtue1 considered as a      
whole1  becomes the supreme object of   
our affections4 ,of all our pleasures1  
more  are derived from those acts which 
are called virtuous1 than from any other
  source4 ,the virtuous acts of others  
procure us countless advantages4 ,our   
own virtue obtains for us the esteem of 
men and return of favours4 ,all the     
epithets of praise are appropriated to  
virtue1 and all the epithets of  blame  

to vice4 ,religion teaches us to connect
 hopes of infinite joy with  the one1   
and fears of infinite suffering with the
 other4 ,virtue becomes  therefore      
peculiarly associated with the idea of  
pleasurable things4 ,it is  soon loved1 
independently of and more than these2 we
 feel a glow of  pleasure in practising 
it1 and an intense pain in violating it4
  ,conscience1 which is thus generated1 
becomes the ruling principle of our     
lives17#ec7 and having learnt to        
sacrifice all earthly things rather than
  disobey it1 we rise1 by an association
 of ideas1 into the loftiest region  of 
heroism47#ed7    ,the influence of this 
ingenious1 though ,i think in some      
respect fanciful1  theory depends less  
upon the number than upon the ability of
 its  adherents4 ,though little known1  
,i believe1 beyond ,england1 it has in  
,england exercised a great fascination  
over exceedingly dissimilar  minds17#ee7
 and it does undoubtedly evade some of  
the objections to the  other forms of   

the inductive theory4 ,thus1 when       
intuitive moralists  contend that our   
moral judgments1 being instantaneous and
 effected under  the manifest impulse of
 an emotion of sympathy or repulsion1   
are as far as  possible removed from    
that cold calculation of interests to   
which the  utilitarian reduces them1 it 
is answered1 that the association of    
ideas is  sufficient to engender a      
feeling which is the proximate cause of 
our  decision47#ef7 ,alone1 of all the  
moralists of this school1 the disciple  
of  ,hartley recognises conscience as a 
real and important element of our       
nature17#eg7 and maintains that it is   
possible to love virtue for itself as  a
 form of happiness without any thought  
of ulterior consequences47#eh7 ,the     
immense value this theory ascribes to   
education1 gives it an unusual          
practical importance4 ,when we are      
balancing between a crime and a virtue1 
our wills1 it is said1 are necessarily  
determined by the greater pleasure4  ,if

 we find more pleasure in the vice than 
in the virtue1 we inevitably  gravitate 
to evil4 ,if we find more pleasure in   
the virtue than in the  vice1 we are as 
irresistibly attracted towards good4    
,but the strength of  such motives may  
be immeasurably enhanced by an early    
association of  ideas4 ,if we have been 
accustomed from childhood to associate  
our ideas of  praise and pleasure with  
virtue1 we shall readily yield to       
virtuous  motives2 if with vice1 to     
vicious ones4 ,this readiness to yield  
to one or  other set of motives1        
constitutes disposition1 which is thus1 
according to  these moralists1          
altogether an artificial thing1 the     
product of education1  and effected by  
association of ideas47#ei7    ,it will  
be observed1 however1 that this theory1 
refined and imposing as it  may appear1 
is still essentially a selfish one4     
,even when sacrificing all  earthly     
objects through love of virtue1 the good
 man is simply seeking his  greatest    

enjoyment1 indulging a kind of mental   
luxury which gives him more  pleasure   
than what he foregoes1 just as the miser
 finds more pleasure in  accumulation   
than in any form of expenditure47#fj7   
,there has been1 indeed1  one attempt to
 emancipate the theory from this        
condition1 but it appears  to me        
altogether futile4 ,it has been said    
that men in the first instance  indulge 
in baneful excesses1 on account of the  
pleasure they afford1 but  the habit    
being contracted1 continue to practise  
them after they have  ceased to afford  
pleasure1 and that a similar law may    
operate in the case  of the habit of    
virtue47#fa7 ,but the reason why men who
 have contracted a  habit continue to   
practise it after it has ceased to give 
them positive  enjoyment1 is because to 
desist1 creates a restlessness and      
uneasiness  which amounts to acute      
mental pain4 ,to avoid that pain is the 
motive of  the action4    ,the reader   
who has perused the passages ,i have    

accumulated in the notes1  will be able 
to judge with what degree of justice    
utilitarian writers  denounce with      
indignation the imputation of           
selfishness1 as a calumny  against their
 system4 ,it is not1 ,i think1 a        
strained or unnatural use of  language  
to describe as selfish or interested1   
all actions which a man  performs1 in   
order himself to avoid suffering or     
acquire the greatest  possible          
enjoyment4 ,if this be so1 the term     
selfish is strictly applicable  to all  
the branches of this system47#fb7 ,at   
the same time it must be  acknowledged  
that there is a broad difference between
 the refined hedonism  of the           
utilitarians we have last noticed1 and  
the writings of ,hobbes1 of             
,mandeville1 or of ,paley4 ,it must be  
acknowledged1 also1 that not a few      
intuitive or stoical moralists have     
spoken of the pleasure to be derived    
from virtue in language little if at all
 different from these writers47#fc7     

,the main object of the earlier members 
of the inductive school1 was to  depress
 human nature to their standard1 by     
resolving all the noblest  actions into 
coarse and selfish elements4 ,the main  
object of some of the  more influential 
of the later members of this school1 has
 been to  sublimate their conceptions of
 happiness and interest in such a       
manner1 as  to include the highest      
displays of heroism4 ,as we have seen1  
they fully  admit that conscience is a  
real thing1 and should be the supreme   
guide of  our lives1 though they contend
 that it springs originally from        
selfishness1 transformed under the      
influence of the association of ideas4  
,they acknowledge the reality of the    
sympathetic feelings1 though they       
usually trace them to the same source4  
,they cannot1 it is true1  consistently 
with their principles1 recognise the    
possibility of conduct  which is in the 
strictest sense of the word unselfish1  
but they contend  that it is quite      

possible for a man to find his highest  
pleasure in  sacrificing himself for the
 good of others1 that the association of
 virtue  and pleasure is only perfect   
when it leads habitually to spontaneous 
and  uncalculating action1 and that no  
man is in a healthy moral condition who 
does not find more pain in committing a 
crime than he could derive  pleasure    
from any of its consequences4 ,the      
theory in its principle remains         
unchanged1 but in the hands of some of  
these writers the spirit has wholly     
altered4    ,having thus given a brief1 
but1 ,i trust1 clear and faithful       
account of the  different modifications 
of the inductive theory1 ,i shall       
proceed to state  some of the principal 
objections that have been and may be    
brought against  it4 ,i shall then      
endeavour to define and defend the      
opinions of those who  believe that our 
moral feelings are an essential part of 
our constitution1  developed by1 but not
 derived from education1 and ,i shall   

conclude this  chapter by an enquiry    
into the order of their evolution2 so   
that having  obtained some notion of the
 natural history of morals1 we may be   
able1 in  the ensuing chapters1 to      
judge1 how far their normal progress has
 been  accelerated or retarded by       
religious or political agencies4        
8,psychology10 it has been truly said1  
8is but developed  consciousness407#fd7 
,when moralists assert1 that what we    
call virtue  derives its reputation     
solely from its utility1 and that the   
interest or  pleasure of the agent is   
the one motive to practise it1 our first
 question  is naturally how far this    
theory agrees with the feelings and with
 the  language of mankind4 ,but if      
tested by this criterion1 there never   
was a  doctrine more emphatically       
condemned than utilitarianism4 ,in all  
its  stages1 and in all its assertions1 
it is in direct opposition to common    
language and to common sentiments4 ,in  
all nations and in all ages1 the  ideas 

of interest and utility on the one hand 
and of virtue on the other1  have been  
regarded by the multitude as perfectly  
distinct1 and all  languages recognise  
the distinction4 ,the terms honour1     
justice1 rectitude  or virtue1 and their
 equivalents in every language1 present 
to the mind  ideas essentially and      
broadly differing from the terms        
prudence1 sagacity1  or interest4 ,the  
two lines of conduct may coincide1 but  
they are never  confused1 and we have   
not the slightest difficulty in         
imagining them  antagonistic4 ,when we  
say a man is governed by a high sense of
 honour1 or  by strong moral feeling1 we
 do not mean that he is prudently       
pursuing  either his own interests or   
the interests of society4 ,the universal
  sentiment of mankind represents       
self-sacrifice as an essential element  
of  a meritorious act1 and means by     
self-sacrifice the deliberate adoption  
of  the least pleasurable course without
 the prospect of any pleasure in        

return4 ,a selfish act may be innocent1 
but cannot be virtuous1 and to  ascribe 
all good deeds to selfish motives1 is   
not the distortion but the  negation of 
virtue4 ,no ,epicurean could avow before
 a popular audience that  the one end of
 his life was the pursuit of his own    
happiness without an  outburst of       
indignation and contempt47#fe7 ,no man  
could consciously make  this--which     
according to the selfish theory is the  
only rational and indeed  possible      
motive of action--the deliberate object 
of all his undertakings1  without his   
character becoming despicable and       
degraded4 ,whether we look  within      
ourselves or examine the conduct either 
of our enemies or of our  friends1 or   
adjudicate upon the characters in       
history or in fiction1 our  feelings on 
these matters are the same4 ,in exact   
proportion as we believe  a desire for  
personal enjoyment to be the motive of a
 good act is the  merit of the agent    
diminished4 ,if we believe the motive to

 be wholly  selfish the merit is        
altogether destroyed4 ,if we believe it 
to be wholly  disinterested the merit is
 altogether unalloyed4 ,hence1 the      
admiration  bestowed upon ,prometheus1  
or suffering virtue constant beneath the
 blows  of ,almighty malice1 or on the  
atheist who with no prospect of future  
reward suffered a fearful death1 rather 
than abjure an opinion which could  be  
of no benefit to society1 because he    
believed it to be the truth4  ,selfish  
moralists deny the possibility of that  
which all ages1 all  nations1 all       
popular judgments pronounce to have been
 the characteristic  of every noble act 
that has ever been performed4 ,now1 when
 a philosophy  which seeks by the light 
of consciousness to decipher the laws of
 our  moral being proves so             
diametrically opposed to the conclusions
 arrived at  by the great mass of       
mankind1 who merely follow their        
consciousness  without endeavouring to  
frame systems of philosophy1 that it    

makes most of  the distinctions of      
common ethical language absolutely      
unmeaning1 this is1  to say the least1 a
 strong presumption against its truth4  
,if ,molire's  hero had been speaking   
prose all his life without knowing it1  
this was  simply because he did not     
understand what prose was4 ,in the      
present case  we are asked to believe   
that men have been under a total        
delusion about  the leading principles  
of their lives which they had           
distinguished by a  whole vocabulary of 
terms4    ,it is said that the case     
becomes different when the pleasure     
sought is not  a gross or material      
enjoyment1 but the satisfaction of      
performed virtue4 ,i  suspect that if   
men could persuade themselves that the  
one motive of a  virtuous man was the   
certainty that the act he accomplished  
would be  followed by a glow of         
satisfaction so intense as more than to 
compensate  for any sacrifice he might  
have made1 the difference would not be  

as great  as is supposed4 ,in fact1     
however--and the consciousness of this  
lies1 ,i  conceive1 at the root of the  
opinions of men upon the subject--the   
pleasure  of virtue is one which can    
only be obtained on the express         
condition of  its not being the object  
sought4 ,phenomena of this kind are     
familiar to us  all4 ,thus1 for example1
 it has often been observed that prayer1
 by a law  of our nature and apart from 
all supernatural intervention1 exercises
 a  reflex influence of a very          
beneficial character upon the minds of  
the  worshippers4 ,the man who offers up
 his petitions with passionate          
earnestness1 with unfaltering faith1 and
 with a vivid realisation of the        
presence of an ,unseen ,being has risen 
to a condition of mind which is  itself 
eminently favourable both to his own    
happiness and to the expansion  of his  
moral qualities4 ,but he who expects    
nothing more will never attain  this4   
,to him who neither believes nor hopes  

that his petitions will  receive a      
response such a mental state is         
impossible4 ,no ,protestant before  an  
image of the ,virgin1 no ,christian     
before a pagan idol1 could possibly     
attain it4 ,if prayers were offered up  
solely with a view to this benefit1     
they would be absolutely sterile and    
would speedily cease4 ,thus again1      
certain political economists have       
contended that to give money in charity 
is worse than useless1 that it is       
positively noxious to society1 but they 
have added that the gratification of our
 benevolent affections is pleasing  to  
ourselves1 and that the pleasure we     
derive from this source may be so  much 
greater than the evil resulting from our
 gift1 that we may justly1  according to
 the 8greatest happiness principle10    
purchase this large  amount of          
gratification to ourselves by a slight  
injury to our neighbours4  ,the         
political economy involved in this very 
characteristic specimen of  utilitarian 

ethics ,i shall hereafter examine4 ,at  
present it is sufficient  to observe    
that no one who consciously practised   
benevolence solely from  this motive    
could obtain the pleasure in question4  
,we receive enjoyment  from the thought 
that we have done good4 ,we never could 
receive that  enjoyment if we believed  
and realised that we were doing harm4   
,the same  thing is pre-eminently true  
of the satisfaction of conscience4 ,a   
feeling  of satisfaction follows the    
accomplishment of duty for itself1 but  
if the  duty be performed solely through
 the expectation of a mental pleasure   
conscience refuses to ratify the        
bargain4    ,there is no fact more      
conspicuous in human nature than the    
broad  distinction1 both in kind and    
degree1 drawn between the moral and the 
other parts of our nature4 ,but this on 
utilitarian principles is  altogether   
unaccountable4 ,if the excellence of    
virtue consists solely in  its utility  
or tendency to promote the happiness of 

men1 we should be  compelled to canonise
 a crowd of acts which are utterly      
remote from all  our ordinary notions of
 morality4 ,the whole tendency of       
political economy  and philosophical    
history which reveal the physiology of  
societies1 is to  show that the         
happiness and welfare of mankind are    
evolved much more from  our selfish than
 from what are termed our virtuous acts4
 ,the prosperity of  nations and the    
progress of civilisation are mainly due 
to the exertions  of men who while      
pursuing strictly their own interests1  
were unconsciously  promoting the       
interests of the community4 ,the selfish
 instinct that leads  men to accumulate1
 confers ultimately more advantage upon 
the world than  the generous instinct   
that leads men to give4 ,a great        
historian has  contended with some force
 that intellectual development is more  
important  to societies than moral      
development4 ,yet who ever seriously    
questioned the  reality of the          

distinction that separates these things8
 ,the reader will  probably exclaim that
 the key to that distinction is to be   
found in the  motive2 but it is one of  
the paradoxes of the utilitarian school 
that the  motive of the agent has       
absolutely no influence on the morality 
of the  act4 ,according to ,bentham1    
there is but one motive possible1 the   
pursuit  of our own enjoyment4 ,the most
 virtuous1 the most vicious1 and the    
most  indifferent of actions1 if        
measured by this test1 would be exactly 
the  same1 and an investigation of      
motives should therefore be altogether  
excluded from our moral judgments47#ff7 
,whatever test we adopt1 the  difficulty
 of accounting for the unique and       
pre-eminent position mankind  have      
assigned to virtue will remain4 ,if we  
judge by tendencies1 a crowd of  objects
 and of acts to which no mortal ever    
dreamed of ascribing virtue1  contribute
 largely to the happiness of man4 ,if we
 judge by motives1 the  moralists we are

 reviewing have denied all generic      
difference between  prudential and      
virtuous motives4 ,if we judge by       
intentions1 it is certain  that however 
much truth or chastity may contribute to
 the happiness of  mankind1 it is not   
with philanthropic intentions that those
 virtues are  cultivated4    ,it is     
often said that intuitive moralists in  
their reasonings are guilty  of         
continually abandoning their principles 
by themselves appealing to the  tendency
 of certain acts to promote human       
happiness as a justification1  and the  
charge is usually accompanied by a      
challenge to show any confessed  virtue 
that has not that tendency4 ,to the     
first objection it may be  shortly      
answered that no intuitive moralist ever
 dreamed of doubting that  benevolence  
or charity1 or in other words1 the      
promotion of the happiness  of man1 is a
 duty4 ,he maintains that it not only is
 so1 but that we arrive  at this fact by
 direct intuition1 and not by the       

discovery that such a  course is        
conducive to our own interest4 ,but     
while he cordially recognises  this     
branch of virtue1 and while he has      
therefore a perfect right to  allege the
 beneficial effects of a virtue in its  
defence1 he refuses to  admit that all  
virtue can be reduced to this single    
principle4 ,with the  general sentiment 
of mankind he regards charity as a good 
thing only  because it is of use to the 
world4 ,with the same general sentiment 
of  mankind he believes that chastity   
and truth have an independent value1    
distinct from their influence upon      
happiness4 ,to the question whether     
every confessed virtue is conducive to  
human happiness1 it is less easy to     
reply1 for it is usually extremely      
difficult to calculate the remote       
tendencies of acts1 and in cases where1 
in the common apprehension of  mankind1 
the morality is very clear1 the         
consequences are often very  obscure4   
,notwithstanding the claim of great     

precision which utilitarian  writers so 
boastfully make1 the standard by which  
they profess to measure  morals is      
itself absolutely incapable of          
definition or accurate  explanation4    
,happiness is one of the most           
indeterminate and undefinable  words in 
the language1 and what are the          
conditions of 8the greatest  possible   
happiness0 no one can precisely say4 ,no
 two nations1 perhaps no  two           
individuals1 would find them the        
same47#fg7 ,and even if every virtuous  
act were incontestably useful1 it by no 
means follows that its virtue is        
derived from its utility4    ,it may be 
readily granted1 that as a general rule 
those acts which we call  virtuous1 are 
unquestionably productive of happiness1 
if not to the agent1  at least to       
mankind in general1 but we have already 
seen that they have by  no means that   
monopoly or pre-eminence of utility     
which on utilitarian  principles1 the   
unique position assigned to them would  

appear to imply4 ,it  may be added1 that
 if we were to proceed in detail to     
estimate acts by  their consequences1 we
 should soon be led to very startling   
conclusions4  ,in the first place1 it is
 obvious that if virtues are only good  
because  they promote1 and vices only   
evil because they impair the happiness  
of  mankind1 the degrees of excellence  
or criminality must be strictly         
proportioned to the degrees of utility  
or the reverse47#fh7 ,every action1     
every disposition1 every class1 every   
condition of society must take its      
place on the moral scale precisely in   
accordance with the degree in which  it 
promotes or diminishes human happiness4 
,now it is extremely  questionable1     
whether some of the most monstrous forms
 of sensuality which  it is scarcely    
possible to name1 cause as much         
unhappiness as some  infirmities of     
temper1 or procrastination or hastiness 
of judgment4 ,it is  scarcely doubtful  
that a modest1 diffident1 and retiring  

nature1  distrustful of its own         
abilities1 and shrinking with humility  
from  conflict1 produces on the whole   
less benefit to the world than the      
self-assertion of an audacious and      
arrogant nature1 which is impelled to   
every struggle1 and developes every     
capacity4 ,gratitude has no doubt done  
much to soften and sweeten the          
intercourse of life1 but the            
corresponding  feeling of revenge was   
for centuries the one bulwark against   
social  anarchy1 and is even now one of 
the chief restraints to crime47#fi7 ,on 
the  great theatre of public life1      
especially in periods of great          
convulsions  when passions are fiercely 
roused1 it is neither the man of        
delicate  scrupulosity and sincere      
impartiality1 nor yet the single-minded 
religious  enthusiast1 incapable of     
dissimulation or procrastination1 who   
confers  most benefit upon the world4   
,it is much rather the astute statesman 
earnest about his ends but unscrupulous 

about his means1 equally free from  the 
trammels of conscience and from the     
blindness of zeal1 who governs  because 
he partly yields to the passions and the
 prejudices of his time4  ,but however  
much some modern writers may idolize the
 heroes of success1  however much they  
may despise and ridicule those far      
nobler men1 whose  wide tolerance and   
scrupulous honour rendered them unfit   
leaders in the  fray1 it has scarcely   
yet been contended that the delicate    
conscientiousness which in these cases  
impairs utility constitutes vice4  ,if  
utility is the sole measure of virtue1  
it is difficult to understand  how we   
could look with moral disapprobation on 
any class who prevent  greater evils    
than they cause4 ,but with such a       
principle we might find  strange        
priestesses at the utilitarian shrine4  
8,aufer meretrices de rebus  humanis10  
said ,st4 ,augustine1 8turbaveris omnia 
libidinibus407#gj7    ,let us suppose an
 enquirer who intended to regulate his  

life consistently  by the utilitarian   
principle2 let us suppose him to have   
overcome the  first great difficulty of 
his school1 arising from the apparent   
divergence  of his own interests from   
his duty1 to have convinced himself that
 that  divergence does not exist1 and to
 have accordingly made the pursuit of   
duty his single object1 it remains to   
consider what kind of course he  would  
pursue4 ,he is informed that it is a    
pure illusion to suppose that  human    
actions have any other end or rule than 
happiness1 that nothing is              
intrinsically good or intrinsically bad 
apart from its consequences1 that  no   
act which is useful can possibly be     
vicious1 and that the utility of an  act
 constitutes and measures its value4    
,one of his first observations will  be 
that in very many special cases acts    
such as murder1 theft1 or  falsehood1   
which the world calls criminal1 and     
which in the majority of  instances     
would undoubtedly be hurtful1 appear    

eminently productive of  good4 ,why     
then1 he may ask1 should they not in    
these cases be performed8  ,the answer  
he receives is that they would not      
really be useful1 because we  must      
consider the remote as well as the      
immediate consequences of actions1  and 
although in particular instances a      
falsehood or even a murder might  appear
 beneficial1 it is one of the most      
important interests of mankind  that the
 sanctity of life and property should be
 preserved1 and that a  high standard of
 veracity should be maintained4 ,but    
this answer is  obviously insufficient4 
,it is necessary to show that the extent
 to which a  single act of what the     
world calls crime would weaken these    
great bulwarks  of society is such as to
 counterbalance the immediate good which
 it  produces4 ,if it does not1 the     
balance will be on the side of          
happiness1  the murder or theft or      
falsehood will be useful1 and therefore1
 on  utilitarian principles1 will be    

virtuous4 ,now even in the case of      
public  acts1 the effect of the example 
of an obscure individual is usually     
small1  but if the act be accomplished  
in perfect secrecy1 the evil effects    
resulting from the example will be      
entirely absent4 ,it has been said that 
it would be dangerous to give men       
permission to perpetrate what men call  
crimes in secret4 ,this may be a very   
good reason why the utilitarian  should 
not proclaim such a principle1 but it is
 no reason why he should  not act upon  
it4 ,if a man be convinced that no act  
which is useful can  possibly be        
criminal1 if it be in his power by      
perpetrating what is called  a crime to 
obtain an end of great immediate        
utility1 and if he is able to  secure   
such absolute secrecy as to render it   
perfectly certain that his  act cannot  
become an example1 and cannot in        
consequence exercise any  influence on  
the general standard of morals1 it      
appears demonstrably  certain that on   

utilitarian principles he would be      
justified in performing  it4 ,if what we
 call virtue be only virtuous because it
 is useful1 it can  only be virtuous    
when it is useful4 ,the question of the 
morality of a  large number of acts must
 therefore depend upon the probability  
of their  detection17#ga7 and a little  
adroit hypocrisy must often1 not merely 
in  appearance but in reality1 convert a
 vice into a virtue4 ,the only way by   
which it has been attempted with any    
plausibility to evade this conclusion   
has been by asserting that the act would
 impair the disposition of the  agent1  
or in other words predispose him on     
other occasions to perform acts  which  
are generally hurtful to society4 ,but  
in the first place a single  act has no 
such effect upon disposition as to      
counteract a great immediate  good1     
especially when1 as we have supposed1   
that act is not a revolt  against what  
is believed to be right1 but is         
performed under the full  belief that it

 is in accordance with the one rational 
rule of morals1 and  in the next place1 
as far as the act would form a habit it 
would appear to  be the habit of in all 
cases regulating actions by a precise   
and minute  calculation of their        
utility1 which is the very ideal of     
utilitarian  virtue4    ,if our enquirer
 happens to be a man of strong          
imagination and of solitary  habits1 it 
is very probable that he will be        
accustomed to live much in a  world of  
imagination1 a world peopled with beings
 that are to him as real  as those of   
flesh1 with its joys and sorrows1 its   
temptations and its  sins4 ,in obedience
 to the common feelings of our nature he
 may have  struggled long and painfully 
against sins of the imagination1 which  
he was  never seriously tempted to      
convert into sins of action4 ,but his   
new  philosophy will be admirably fitted
 to console his mind4 ,if remorse be    
absent the indulgence of the most       
vicious imagination is a pleasure1 and  

if this indulgence does not lead to     
action it is a clear gain1 and          
therefore to be applauded4 ,that a      
course may be continually pursued in    
imagination without leading to          
corresponding actions he will speedily  
discover1 and indeed it has always been 
one of the chief objections  brought    
against fiction that the constant       
exercise of the sympathies in  favour of
 imaginary beings is found positively to
 indispose men to  practical            
benevolence47#gb7    ,proceeding farther
 in his course1 our moralist will soon  
find reason to  qualify the doctrine of 
remote consequences1 which plays so     
large a part  in the calculations of    
utilitarianism4 ,it is said that it is  
criminal to  destroy human beings1 even 
when the crime would appear productive  
of great  utility1 for every instance of
 murder weakens the sanctity of life4   
,but  experience shows that it is       
possible for men to be perfectly        
indifferent  to one particular section  

of human life1 without this indifference
  extending to others4 ,thus among the  
ancient ,greeks1 the murder or          
exposition of the children of poor      
parents was continually practised with  
the most absolute callousness1 without  
exercising any appreciable  influence   
upon the respect for adult life4 ,in the
 same manner what may be  termed        
religious unveracity1 or the habit of   
propagating what are deemed  useful     
superstitions1 with the consciousness of
 their being false1 or at  least        
suppressing or misrepresenting the facts
 that might invalidate them1  does not  
in any degree imply industrial          
unveracity4 ,nothing is more common     
than to find extreme dishonesty in      
speculation coexisting with scrupulous  
veracity in business4 ,if any vice might
 be expected to conform strictly to  the
 utilitarian theory1 it would be        
cruelty2 but cruelty to animals may     
exist without leading to cruelty to men1
 and even where spectacles in  which    

animal suffering forms a leading element
 exercise an injurious  influence on    
character1 it is more than doubtful     
whether the measure of  human           
unhappiness they may ultimately produce 
is at all equivalent to the  passionate 
enjoyment they immediately afford4      
,this last consideration1 however1 makes
 it necessary to notice a new1 and  as  
it appears to me1 almost grotesque      
development of the utilitarian  theory4 
,the duty of humanity to animals1 though
 for a long period too much  neglected1 
may1 on the principles of the intuitive 
moralist1 be easily  explained and      
justified4 ,our circumstances and       
characters produce in us  many and      
various affections towards all with whom
 we come in contact1 and  our           
consciences pronounce these affections  
to be good or bad4 ,we feel that        
humanity or benevolence is a good       
affection1 and also that it is due in   
different degrees to different classes4 
,thus it is not only natural but  right 

that a man should care for his own      
family more than for the world at       
large1 and this obligation applies not  
only to parents who are responsible  for
 having brought their children into     
existence1 and to children who owe  a   
debt of gratitude to their parents1 but 
also to brothers who have no  such      
special tie4 ,so too we feel it to be   
both unnatural and wrong to feel  no    
stronger interest in our                
fellow-countrymen than in other men4 ,in
 the  same way we feel that there is a  
wide interval between the humanity it is
  both natural and right to exhibit     
towards animals1 and that which is due  
to our own species4 ,strong philanthropy
 could hardly coexist with  cannibalism1
 and a man who had no hesitation in     
destroying human life for  the sake of  
obtaining the skins of the victims1 or  
of freeing himself from  some trifling  
inconvenience1 would scarcely be        
eulogised for his  benevolence4 ,yet a  
man may be regarded as very humane to   

animals who has  no scruple in          
sacrificing their lives for his food1   
his pleasures1 or his  convenience4     
,towards the close of the last century  
an energetic agitation in favour of     
humanity to animals arose in ,england1  
and the utilitarian moralists1 who  were
 then rising into influence1 caught the 
spirit of their time and made  very     
creditable efforts to extend it47#gc7   
,it is manifest1 however1 that a  theory
 which recognised no other end in virtue
 than the promotion of human  happiness1
 could supply no adequate basis for the 
movement4 ,some of the  recent members  
of the school have accordingly enlarged 
their theory1  maintaining that acts are
 virtuous when they produce a net result
 of  happiness1 and vicious when they   
produce a net result of suffering1      
altogether irrespective of the question 
whether this enjoyment or  suffering is 
of men or animals4 ,in other words1 they
 place the duty of man  to animals on   
exactly the same basis as the duty of   

man to his fellow-men1  maintaining that
 no suffering can be rightly inflicted  
on brutes1 which  does not produce a    
larger amount of happiness to man47#gd7 
,the first reflection suggested by this 
theory is1 that it appears  difficult to
 understand how1 on the principles of   
the inductive school1 it  could be      
arrived at4 ,benevolence1 as we have    
seen1 according to these  writers begins
 in interest4 ,we first of all do good  
to men1 because it is  for our          
advantage1 though the force of the habit
 may at last act  irrespective of       
interest4 ,but in the case of animals   
which cannot resent  barbarity1 this    
foundation of self-interest does not for
 the most part7#ge7  exist4 ,probably1  
however1 an association of ideas might  
help to solve the  difficulty1 and the  
habit of benevolence generated          
originally from the  social relations of
 men might at last be extended to the   
animal world2 but  that it should be so 
to the extent of placing the duty to    

animals on the  same basis as the duty  
to men1 ,i do not anticipate1 or 7at the
 risk of  being accused of great        
inhumanity71 ,i must add1 desire4 ,i    
cannot look  forward to a time when no  
one will wear any article of dress      
formed out of  the skin of an animal1 or
 feed upon animal flesh1 till he has    
ascertained  that the pleasure he       
derives from doing so1 exceeds the pain 
inflicted  upon the animal1 as well as  
the pleasure of which by abridging its  
life he  has deprived it47#gf7 ,and     
supposing that with such a calculation  
before  him1 the utilitarian should     
continue to feed on the flesh of        
animals1 his  principle might carry him 
to further conclusions1 from which ,i   
confess ,i  should recoil4 ,if1 when    
,swift was writing his famous essay in  
favour of  employing for food the       
redundant babies of a half-starving     
population1 he  had been informed that1 
according to the more advanced          
moralists1 to eat a  child1 and to eat a

 sheep1 rest upon exactly the same      
ground2 that in the  one case as in the 
other1 the single question for the      
moralist is1 whether  the repast on the 
whole produces more pleasure than pain1 
it must be owned  that the discovery    
would have greatly facilitated his task4
    ,the considerations ,i have adduced 
will1 ,i think1 be sufficient to show   
that the utilitarian principle if pushed
 to its full logical consequences  would
 be by no means as accordant with       
ordinary moral notions as is  sometimes 
alleged2 that it would1 on the contrary1
 lead to conclusions  utterly and       
outrageously repugnant to the moral     
feelings it is intended to  explain4 ,i 
will conclude this part of my argument  
by very briefly  adverting to two great 
fields in which1 as ,i believe1 it would
 prove  especially revolutionary4       
,the first of these is the field of     
chastity4 ,it will be necessary for me  
in the course of the present work to    
dwell at greater length than ,i should  

desire upon questions connected with    
this virtue4 ,at present1 ,i will       
merely ask the reader to conceive a mind
 from which all notion of the  intrinsic
 excellence or nobility of purity was   
banished1 and to suppose  such a mind   
comparing1 by a utilitarian standard1 a 
period in which  sensuality was almost  
unbridled1 such as the age of ,athenian 
glory or the  ,english restoration1 with
 a period of austere virtue4 ,the       
question which  of these societies was  
morally the best would thus resolve     
itself solely  into the question in     
which there was produced the greatest   
amount of  enjoyment and the smallest   
amount of suffering4 ,the pleasures of  
domestic  life1 the pleasures resulting 
from a freer social intercourse17#gg7   
the  different degrees of suffering     
inflicted on those who violated the law 
of  chastity1 the ulterior consequences 
of each mode of life upon well-being    
and upon population1 would be the chief 
elements of the comparison4 ,can  any   

one believe that the balance of         
enjoyment would be so unquestionably    
and so largely on the side of the more  
austere society as to justify the       
degree of superiority which is assigned 
to it87#gh7    ,the second sphere is    
that of speculative truth4 ,no class of 
men have more  highly valued an         
unflinching hostility to superstition   
than utilitarians4  ,yet it is more than
 doubtful whether upon their principles 
it can be  justified4 ,many             
superstitions do undoubtedly answer to  
the ,greek  conception of slavish 8fear 
of the gods10 and have been productive  
of  unspeakable misery to mankind1 but  
there are very many others of a         
different tendency4 ,superstitions      
appeal to our hopes as well as to our   
fears4 ,they often meet and gratify the 
inmost longings of the heart4 ,they     
offer certainties when reason can only  
afford possibilities or  probabilities4 
,they supply conceptions on which the   
imagination loves to  dwell4 ,they      

sometimes even impart a new sanction to 
moral truths4 ,creating  wants which    
they alone can satisfy1 and fears which 
they alone can quell1  they often become
 essential elements of happiness1 and   
their consoling  efficacy is most felt  
in the languid or troubled hours when it
 is most  needed4 ,we owe more to our   
illusions than to our knowledge4 ,the   
imagination1 which is altogether        
constructive1 probably contributes more 
to our happiness than the reason1 which 
in the sphere of speculation is  mainly 
critical and destructive4 ,the rude     
charm which in the hour of  danger or   
distress the savage clasps so           
confidently to his breast1 the  sacred  
picture which is believed to shed a     
hallowing and protecting  influence over
 the poor man's cottage1 can bestow a   
more real consolation  in the darkest   
hour of human suffering than can be     
afforded by the  grandest theories of   
philosophy4 ,the first desire of the    
heart is to find  something on which to 

lean4 ,happiness is a condition of      
feeling1 not a  condition of            
circumstances1 and to common minds one  
of its first  essentials is the         
exclusion of painful and harassing      
doubt4 ,a system of  belief may be      
false1 superstitious1 and reactionary1  
and may yet be  conducive to human      
happiness if it furnishes great         
multitudes of men with  what they       
believe to be a key to the universe1 if 
it consoles them in  those seasons of   
agonizing bereavement when the          
consolations of  enlightened reason are 
but empty words1 if it supports their   
feeble and  tottering minds in the      
gloomy hours of sickness and of         
approaching death4  ,a credulous and    
superstitious nature may be degraded1   
but in the many  cases where            
superstition does not assume a          
persecuting or appalling form  it is not
 unhappy1 and degradation1 apart from   
unhappiness1 can have no  place in      
utilitarian ethics4 ,no error can be    

more grave than to imagine  that when a 
critical spirit is abroad the pleasant  
beliefs will all  remain1 and the       
painful ones alone will perish4 ,to     
introduce into the mind  the            
consciousness of ignorance and the pangs
 of doubt is to inflict or  endure much 
suffering1 which may even survive the   
period of transition4  8,why is it10    
said ,luther's wife1 looking sadly back 
upon the sensuous  creed which she had  
left1 8that in our old faith we prayed  
so often and so  warmly1 and that our   
prayers are now so few and so           
cold807#gi7 ,it is  related of an old   
monk named ,serapion1 who had embraced  
the heresy of the  anthropomorphites1   
that he was convinced by a brother monk 
of the folly of  attributing to the     
,almighty a human form4 ,he bowed his   
reason humbly to  the ,catholic creed2  
but when he knelt down to pray1 the     
image which his  imagination had        
conceived1 and on which for so many     
years his affections  had been          

concentrated1 had disappeared1 and the  
old man burst into tears1  exclaiming1  
8,you have deprived me of my ,god407#hj7
    ,these are indeed facts which must  
be deeply painful to all who are        
concerned with the history of opinion4  
,the possibility of often adding to  the
 happiness of men by diffusing abroad1  
or at least sustaining pleasing         
falsehoods1 and the suffering that must 
commonly result from their  dissolution1
 can hardly reasonably be denied4 ,there
 is one1 and but one1  adequate reason  
that can always justify men in          
critically reviewing what  they have    
been taught4 ,it is1 the conviction that
 opinions should not be  regarded as    
mere mental luxuries1 that truth should 
be deemed an end  distinct from and     
superior to utility1 and that it is a   
moral duty to  pursue it1 whether it    
leads to pleasure or whether it leads to
 pain4 ,among  the many wise sayings    
which antiquity ascribed to ,pythagoras1
 few are more  remarkable than his      

division of virtue into two distinct    
branches--to be  truthful and to do     
good47#ha7    ,of the sanctions which1  
according to the utilitarians1          
constitute the sole  motives to virtue1 
there is one1 as ,i have said1          
unexceptionably adequate4  ,those who   
adopt the religious sanction1 can always
 appeal to a balance of  interest in    
favour of virtue2 but as the great      
majority of modern  utilitarians        
confidently sever their theory from all 
theological  considerations1 ,i will    
dismiss this sanction with two or three 
remarks4    ,in the first place1 it is  
obvious that those who regard the       
arbitrary will  of the ,deity as the    
sole rule of morals1 render it perfectly
 idle to  represent the ,divine         
attributes as deserving of our          
admiration4 ,to speak  of the goodness  
of ,god1 either implies that there is   
such a quality as  goodness1 to which   
the ,divine acts conform1 or it is an   
unmeaning  tautology4 ,why should we    

extol1 or how can we admire1 the perfect
 goodness  of a ,being whose will and   
acts constitute the sole standard or    
definition  of perfection87#hb7 ,the    
theory which teaches that the arbitrary 
will of the  ,deity is the one rule of  
morals1 and the anticipation of future  
rewards  and punishments the one reason 
for conforming to it1 consists of two   
parts4 ,the first annihilates the       
goodness of ,god2 the second1 the virtue
  of man4    ,another and equally       
obvious remark is1 that while these     
theologians  represent the hope of      
future rewards1 and the fear of future  
punishments1  as the only reason for    
doing right1 one of our strongest       
reasons for  believing in the existence 
of these rewards and punishments1 is our
  deep-seated feeling of merit and      
demerit4 ,that the present disposition  
of  affairs is in many respects unjust1 
that suffering often attends a course   
which deserves reward1 and happiness a  
course which deserves punishment1  leads

 men to infer a future state of         
retribution4 ,take away the             
consciousness of desert1 and the        
inference would no longer be made4    ,a
 third remark1 which ,i believe to be   
equally true1 but which may not be      
acquiesced in with equal readiness1 is  
that without the concurrence of a  moral
 faculty1 it is wholly impossible to    
prove from nature that supreme  goodness
 of the ,creator1 which utilitarian     
theologians assume4 ,we speak of  the   
benevolence shown in the joy of the     
insect glittering in the sunbeam1  in   
the protecting instincts so liberally   
bestowed among the animal world1  in the
 kindness of the parent to its young1 in
 the happiness of little  children1 in  
the beauty and the bounty of nature1 but
 is there not another  side to the      
picture8 ,the hideous disease1 the      
countless forms of rapine  and of       
suffering1 the entozoa that live within 
the bodies1 and feed upon  the anguish  
of sentient beings1 the ferocious       

instinct of the cat1 that  prolongs with
 delight the agonies of its victim1 all 
the multitudinous  forms of misery that 
are manifested among the innocent       
portion of  creation1 are not these also
 the works of nature8 ,we speak of the  
,divine  veracity4 ,what is the whole   
history of the intellectual progress of 
the  world but one long struggle of the 
intellect of man to emancipate itself   
from the deceptions of nature8 ,every   
object that meets the eye of the  savage
 awakens his curiosity only to lure him 
into some deadly error4 ,the  sun that  
seems a diminutive light revolving      
around his world2 the moon and  the     
stars that appear formed only to light  
his path2 the strange fantastic         
diseases that suggest irresistibly the  
notion of present dmons2 the  terrific  
phenomena of nature which appear the    
results1 not of blind  forces1 but of   
isolated spiritual agencies--all these  
things fatally1  inevitably1 invincibly 
impel him into superstition4 ,through   

long centuries  the superstitions thus  
generated have deluged the world with   
blood4  ,millions of prayers have been  
vainly breathed to what we now know were
  inexorable laws of nature4 ,only after
 ages of toil did the mind of man       
emancipate itself from those deadly     
errors to which by the deceptive        
appearances of nature the long infancy  
of humanity is universally doomed4      
,and in the laws of wealth how different
 are the appearances from the  realities
 of things6 ,who can estimate the wars  
that have been kindled1 the  bitterness 
and the wretchedness that have been     
caused1 by errors relating  to the      
apparent antagonism of the interests of 
nations which were so  natural that for 
centuries they entangled the very       
strongest intellects1  and it was       
scarcely till our own day that a tardy  
science came to dispel  them8    ,what  
shall we say to these things8 ,if       
induction alone were our guide1 if  we  
possessed absolutely no knowledge of    

some things being in their own  nature  
good1 and others in their own nature    
evil1 how could we rise from  this      
spectacle of nature to the conception of
 an all-perfect ,author8 ,even  if we   
could discover a predominance of        
benevolence in the creation1 we  should 
still regard the mingled attributes of  
nature as a reflex of the  mingled      
attributes of its ,contriver4 ,our      
knowledge of the ,supreme  ,excellence1 
our best evidence even of the existence 
of the ,creator1 is  derived not from   
the material universe but from our own  
moral nature47#hc7  ,it is not of reason
 but of faith4 ,in other words it       
springs from that  instinctive or moral 
nature which is as truly a part of our  
being as is  our reason1 which teaches  
us what reason could never teach1 the   
supreme  and transcendent excellence of 
moral good1 which rising dissatisfied   
above  this world of sense1 proves      
itself by the very intensity of its     
aspiration  to be adapted for another   

sphere1 and which constitutes at once   
the  evidence of a ,divine element      
within us1 and the augury of the future 
that  is before us47#hd7    ,these      
things belong rather to the sphere of   
feeling than of reasoning4  ,those who  
are most deeply persuaded of their      
truth1 will probably feel  that they are
 unable by argument to express          
adequately the intensity of  their      
conviction1 but they may point to the   
recorded experience of the  best and    
greatest men in all ages1 to the        
incapacity of terrestrial things  to    
satisfy our nature1 to the manifest     
tendency1 both in individuals and       
nations1 of a pure and heroic life to   
kindle1 and of a selfish and corrupt    
life to cloud1 these aspirations1 to the
 historical fact that no  philosophy and
 no scepticism have been able           
permanently to repress them4  ,the lines
 of our moral nature tend upwards4 ,in  
it we have the common root  of religion 
and of ethics1 for the same             

consciousness that tells us that1  even 
when it is in fact the weakest element  
of our constitution1 it is by  right    
supreme1 commanding and authoritative1  
teaches us also that it is  ,divine4    
,all the nobler religions that have     
governed mankind1 have done so  by      
virtue of the affinity of their teaching
 with this nature1 by speaking1  as     
common religious language correctly     
describes it1 8to the heart10 by        
appealing not to self-interest1 but to  
that ,divine element of  self-sacrifice 
which is latent in every soul47#he7 ,the
 reality of this  moral nature is the   
one great question of natural theology1 
for it  involves that connection between
 our own and a higher nature1 without   
which the existence of a ,first ,cause  
were a mere question of archology1  and 
religion but an exercise of the         
imagination4    ,i return gladly to the 
secular sanctions of utilitarianism4    
,the majority  of its disciples assure  
us that these are sufficient to         

establish their  theory1 or in other    
words1 that our duty coincides so       
strictly with our  interest when rightly
 understood1 that a perfectly prudent   
would  necessarily become a perfectly   
virtuous man47#hf7 ,bodily vice they    
tell us  ultimately brings bodily       
weakness and suffering4 ,extravagance is
 followed  by ruin2 unbridled passions  
by the loss of domestic peace2 disregard
 for  the interests of others by social 
or legal penalties2 while on the other  
hand1 the most moral is also the most   
tranquil disposition2 benevolence is    
one of the truest of our pleasures1 and 
virtue may become by habit1 an          
essential of enjoyment4 ,as the         
shopkeeper who has made his fortune1    
still  sometimes continues at the       
counter1 because the daily routine has  
become  necessary to his happiness1 so  
the 8moral hero0 may continue to        
practise  that virtue which was at first
 the mere instrument of his pleasures1  
as  being in itself more precious than  

all besides47#hg7    ,this theory of the
 perfect coincidence of virtue and      
interest rightly  understood1 which has 
always been a commonplace of moralists1 
and has been  advocated by many who were
 far from wishing to resolve virtue into
  prudence1 contains no doubt a certain 
amount of truth1 but only of the  most  
general kind4 ,it does not apply to     
nations as wholes1 for although         
luxurious and effeminate vices do       
undoubtedly corrode and enervate        
national character1 the histories of    
ancient ,rome and of not a few modern   
monarchies abundantly prove that a      
career of consistent rapacity1          
ambition1 selfishness1 and fraud may be 
eminently conducive to national         
prosperity47#hh7 ,it does not apply to  
imperfectly organised societies1  where 
the restraints of public opinion are    
unfelt and where force is the  one      
measure of right4 ,it does not apply    
except in a very partial degree  even to
 the most civilised of mankind4 ,it is1 

indeed1 easy to show that in  a polished
 community a certain low standard of    
virtue is essential to  prosperity1 to  
paint the evils of unrestrained         
passions1 and to prove that  it is      
better to obey than to violate the laws 
of society4 ,but if turning  from the   
criminal or the drunkard we were to     
compare the man who simply  falls in    
with or slightly surpasses the average  
morals of those about him1  and indulges
 in a little vice which is neither      
injurious to his own health  nor to his 
reputation1 with the man who earnestly  
and painfully adopts a  much higher     
standard than that of his time or of his
 class1 we should be  driven to another 
conclusion4 ,honesty it is said is the  
best policy--a  fact1 however1 which    
depends very much upon the condition of 
the police  force--but heroic virtue    
must rest upon a different basis4 ,if   
happiness in  any of its forms be the   
supreme object of life1 moderation is   
the most  emphatic counsel of our being1

 but moderation is as opposed to heroism
 as  to vice4 ,there is no form of      
intellectual or moral excellence which  
has  not a general tendency to produce  
happiness if cultivated in moderation4  
,there are very few which if cultivated 
to great perfection have not a  tendency
 directly the reverse4 ,thus a mind that
 is sufficiently enlarged  to range     
abroad amid the pleasures of intellect  
has no doubt secured a  fund of         
inexhaustible enjoyment2 but he who     
inferred from this that the  highest    
intellectual eminence was the condition 
most favourable to  happiness would be  
lamentably deceived4 ,the diseased      
nervous sensibility  that accompanies   
intense mental exertion1 the weary1     
wasting sense of  ignorance and vanity1 
the disenchantment and disintegration   
that commonly  follow a profound        
research1 have filled literature with   
mournful echoes of  the words of the    
royal sage1 8,in much wisdom is much    
grief1 and he that  increaseth knowledge

 increaseth sorrow40 ,the lives of men  
of genius have  been for the most part a
 conscious and deliberate realisation of
 the  ancient myth--the tree of         
knowledge and the tree of life stood    
side by  side1 and they chose the tree  
of knowledge rather than the tree of    
life4    ,nor is it otherwise in the    
realm of morals47#hi7 ,the virtue which 
is most  conducive to happiness is      
plainly that which can be realised      
without much  suffering1 and sustained  
without much effort4 ,legal and physical
 penalties  apply only to the grosser   
and more extreme forms of vice4 ,social 
penalties  may strike the very highest  
forms of virtue47#ij7 ,that very        
sentiment of  unity with mankind which  
utilitarians assure us is one day to    
become so  strong as to overpower all   
unsocial feelings1 would make it more   
and more  impossible for men            
consistently with their happiness to    
adopt any course1  whether very virtuous
 or very vicious1 that would place them 

out of  harmony with the general        
sentiment of society4 ,it may be said   
that the  tranquillity of a perfectly   
virtuous mind is the highest form of    
happiness1 and may be reasonably        
preferred not only to material          
advantages1 but also to the approbation 
of society2 but no man can fully        
attain1 and few can even approximate1 to
 such a condition4 ,when vicious        
passions and impulses are very strong1  
it is idle to tell the sufferer  that he
 would be more happy if his nature were 
radically different from  what it is4   
,if happiness be his object1 he must    
regulate his course with a  view to the 
actual condition of his being1 and there
 can be little doubt  that his peace    
would be most promoted by a compromise  
with vice4 ,the  selfish theory of      
morals applies only to the virtues of   
temperament1 and  not to that much      
higher form of virtue which is sustained
 in defiance of  temperament47#ia7 ,we  
have no doubt a certain pleasure in     

cultivating our  good tendencies1 but we
 have by no means the same pleasure in  
repressing  our bad ones4 ,there are men
 whose whole lives are spent in willing 
one  thing1 and desiring the opposite4  
,in such cases as these virtue clearly  
involves a sacrifice of happiness2 for  
the suffering caused by resisting       
natural tendencies is much greater than 
would ensue from their moderate         
gratification4    ,the plain truth is   
that no proposition can be more palpably
 and  egregiously false than the        
assertion that as far as this world is  
concerned1 it is invariably conducive to
 the happiness of a man to pursue  the  
most virtuous career4 ,circumstances and
 disposition will make one man  find his
 highest happiness in the happiness1 and
 another man in the  misery1 of his     
kind2 and if the second man acts        
according to his interest1  the         
utilitarian1 however much he may deplore
 the result1 has no right to  blame or  
condemn the agent4 ,for that agent is   

following his greatest  happiness1 and  
this1 in the eyes of utilitarians1 in   
one form or another1  is the highest1 or
 to speak more accurately1 the only     
motive by which  human nature can be    
actuated4    ,we may remark too that the
 disturbance or pain which does         
undoubtedly  usually accompany what is  
evil1 bears no kind of proportion to the
  enormity of the guilt4 ,an            
irritability of temper1 which is chiefly
 due to  a derangement of the nervous   
system1 or a habit of procrastination or
  indecision1 will often cause more     
suffering than some of the worst vices  
that can corrupt the heart47#ib7    ,but
 it may be said this calculation of     
pains and pleasures is defective        
through the omission of one element4    
,although a man who had a very strong   
natural impulse towards some vice would 
appear more likely to promote the       
tranquillity of his nature by a moderate
 and circumspect gratification of  that 
vice1 than by endeavouring painfully to 

repress his natural  tendencies1 yet he 
possesses a conscience which adjudicates
 upon his  conduct1 and its sting or its
 approval constitutes a pain or pleasure
 so  intense1 as more than to redress   
the balance4 ,now of course1 no         
intuitive  moralist will deny1 what for 
a long time his school may be almost    
said to  have been alone in asserting1  
the reality of conscience1 or the       
pleasures  and pains it may afford4 ,he 
simply denies1 and he appeals to        
consciousness  in attestation of his    
position1 that those pains and pleasures
 are so  powerful or so proportioned to 
our acts as to become an adequate basis 
for  virtue4 ,conscience1 whether we    
regard it as an original faculty1 or as 
a  product of the association of ideas1 
exercises two distinct functions4 ,it   
points out a difference between right   
and wrong1 and when its commands are    
violated1 it inflicts a certain measure 
of suffering and disturbance4 ,the      
first function it exercises persistently

 through life4 ,the second it only      
exercises under certain special         
circumstances4 ,it is scarcely          
conceivable  that a man in the          
possession of his faculties should pass 
a life of gross  depravity and crime    
without being conscious that he was     
doing wrong2 but  it is extremely       
possible for him to do so without this  
consciousness  having any appreciable   
influence upon his tranquillity4 ,the   
condition of  their consciences1 as ,mr4
 ,carlyle observes1 has less influence  
on the  happiness of men than the       
condition of their livers4 ,considered  
as a  source of pain1 conscience bears a
 striking resemblance to the feeling of 
disgust4 ,notwithstanding the assertion 
of ,dr4 ,johnson1 ,i venture to         
maintain that there are multitudes to   
whom the necessity of discharging  the  
duties of a butcher would be so         
inexpressibly painful and revolting1    
that if they could obtain flesh diet on 
no other condition1 they would          

relinquish it for ever4 ,but to those   
who are inured to the trade1 this       
repugnance has simply ceased4 ,it has no
 place in their emotions or             
calculations4 ,nor can it be reasonably 
questioned that most men by an          
assiduous attendance at the             
slaughter-house could acquire a similar 
indifference4 ,in like manner1 the      
reproaches of conscience are doubtless a
  very real and important form of       
suffering to a sensitive1 scrupulous1   
and  virtuous girl who has committed    
some trivial act of levity or           
disobedience2 but to an old and hardened
 criminal they are a matter of the  most
 absolute indifference4    ,now it is   
undoubtedly conceivable1 that by an     
association of ideas men  might acquire 
a feeling that would cause that which   
would naturally be  painful to them to  
be pleasurable1 and that which would    
naturally be  pleasurable to be         
painful47#ic7 ,but the question will    
immediately arise1  why should they     

respect this feeling8 ,we have seen     
that1 according to the  inductive       
theory1 there is no such thing as       
natural duty4 ,men enter into  life     
solely desirous of seeking their own    
happiness4 ,the whole edifice of  virtue
 arises from the observed fact1 that    
owing to the constitution of  our       
nature1 and the intimacy of our social  
relations1 it is necessary for  our     
happiness to abstain from some courses  
that would be immediately  pleasurable  
and to pursue others that are           
immediately the reverse4  ,self-interest
 is the one ultimate reason for virtue1 
however much the  moral chemistry of    
,hartley may disguise and transform it4 
,ought or ought  not1 means nothing more
 than the prospect of acquiring or of   
losing  pleasure4 ,the fact that one    
line of conduct promotes1 and another   
impairs  the happiness of others is1    
according to these moralists1 in the    
last  analysis1 no reason whatever for  
pursuing the former or avoiding the     

latter1 unless such a course is that    
which brings us the greatest  happiness4
 ,the happiness may arise from the      
action of society upon  ourselves1 or   
from our own naturally benevolent       
disposition1 or1 again1  from an        
association of ideas1 which means the   
force of a habit we have  formed1 but in
 any case our own happiness is the one  
possible or  conceivable motive of      
action4 ,if this be a true picture of   
human nature1  the reasonable course for
 every man is to modify his disposition 
in such a  manner that he may attain the
 greatest possible amount of enjoyment4 
,if he  has formed an association of    
ideas1 or contracted a habit which      
inflicts  more pain than it prevents1 or
 prevents more pleasure than it affords1
 his  reasonable course is to dissolve  
that association1 to destroy that habit4
  ,this is what he 8ought0 to do        
according to the only meaning that word 
can  possess in the utilitarian         
vocabulary4 ,if he does not1 he will    

justly  incur the charge of imprudence1 
which is the only charge utilitarianism 
can consistently bring against vice4    
,that it would be for the happiness as  
it would certainly be in the power  of a
 man of a temperament such as ,i have   
lately described1 to quench that        
conscientious feeling1 which by its     
painful reproaches prevents him from    
pursuing the course that would be most  
conducive to his tranquillity1 ,i       
conceive to be self-evident4 ,and1      
indeed1 on the whole1 it is more than   
doubtful whether conscience1 considered 
apart from the course of action it      
prescribes1 is not the cause of more    
pain than pleasure4 ,its reproaches  are
 more felt than its approval4 ,the      
self-complacency of a virtuous man      
reflecting with delight upon his own    
exceeding merit1 is frequently spoken   
of in the writings of moral             
philosophers17#id7 but is rarely found  
in  actual life where the most tranquil 
is seldom the most perfect nature1      

where the sensitiveness of conscience   
increases at least in proportion to     
moral growth1 and where in the best men 
a feeling of modesty and humility  is   
always present to check the exuberance  
of self-gratulation4    ,in every sound 
system of morals and religion the       
motives of virtue become  more powerful 
the more the mind is concentrated upon  
them4 ,it is when they  are lost sight  
of1 when they are obscured by passion1  
unrealised or  forgotten1 that they     
cease to operate4 ,but it is a          
peculiarity of the  utilitarian         
conception of virtue that it is wholly  
unable to resist the  solvent of        
analysis1 and that the more the mind    
realises its origin and  its nature1 the
 more its influence on character must   
decline4 ,the  pleasures of the senses  
will always defy the force of analysis1 
for they  have a real foundation in our 
being4 ,they have their basis in the    
eternal  nature of things4 ,but the     
pleasure we derive from the practice of 

virtue  rests1 according to this school1
 on a wholly different basis4 ,it is the
  result of casual and artificial       
association1 of habit1 of a confusion by
  the imagination of means with ends1 of
 a certain dignity with which  society  
invests qualities or actions that are   
useful to itself4 ,just in  proportion  
as this is felt1 just in proportion as  
the mind separates the  idea of virtue  
from that of natural excellence and     
obligation1 and  realises the purely    
artificial character of the connection1 
just in that  proportion will the       
coercive power of the moral motive be   
destroyed4 ,the  utilitarian rule of    
judging actions and dispositions by     
their tendency to  promote or diminish  
happiness1 or the maxim of ,kant that   
man should always  act so that the rule 
of his conduct might be adopted as a law
 by all  rational beings1 may be very   
useful as a guide in life2 but in order 
that  they should acquire moral weight1 
it is necessary to presuppose the sense 

of moral obligation1 the consciousness  
that duty1 when discovered1 has a       
legitimate claim to be the guiding      
principle of our lives4 ,and it is this 
element which1 in the eye of reason1 the
 mere artificial association of  ideas  
can never furnish4    ,if the patience  
of the reader has enabled him to        
accompany me through this  long train of
 tedious arguments1 he will1 ,i think1  
have concluded that the  utilitarian    
theory1 though undoubtedly held by many 
men of the purest1 and  by some men of  
almost heroic virtue1 would if carried  
to its logical  conclusions prove       
subversive of morality1 and especially1 
and in the very  highest degree1        
unfavourable to self-denial and to      
heroism4 ,even if it  explains these1 it
 fails to justify them1 and conscience  
being traced to a  mere confusion of the
 means of happiness with its end1 would 
be wholly  unable to resist the solvent 
of criticism4 ,that this theory of      
conscience  gives a true or adequate    

description of the phenomenon it seeks  
to  explain1 no intuitive moralist will 
admit4 ,it is a complete though common  
mistake to suppose that the business of 
the moralist is merely to explain  the  
genesis of certain feelings we possess4 
,at the root of all morals lies  an     
intellectual judgment which is clearly  
distinct from liking or  disliking1 from
 pleasure or from pain4 ,a man who has  
injured his position  by some foolish   
but perfectly innocent act1 or who has  
inadvertently  violated some social     
rule1 may experience an emotion of      
self-reproach or  of shame quite as     
acute as if he had committed a crime4   
,but he is at the  same time clearly    
conscious that his conduct is not a fit 
subject for  moral reprobation1 that the
 grounds on which it may be condemned   
are of a  different and of a lower kind4
 ,the sense of obligation and of        
legitimate  supremacy1 which is the     
essential and characteristic feature of 
conscience1 and which distinguishes it  

from all the other parts of our  nature1
 is wholly unaccounted for by the       
association of ideas4 ,to say that  a   
certain course of conduct is pleasing1  
and that a certain amount of pain       
results from the weakening of feelings  
that impel men towards it1 is  plainly  
different from what men mean when they  
say we ought to pursue it4  ,the virtue 
of ,hartley is1 in its last analysis1   
but a disease of the  imagination4 ,it  
may be more advantageous to society than
 avarice2 but it  is formed in the same 
manner1 and has exactly the same degree 
of binding  force47#ie7    ,these       
considerations will help to supply an   
answer to the common  utilitarian       
objection that to speak of duty as      
distinct from self-interest  is         
unmeaning1 because it is absurd to say  
that we are under an obligation  to do  
any thing when no evil consequences     
would result to us from not  doing it4  
,rewards and punishments it may be      
answered are undoubtedly  necessary to  

enforce1 but they are not necessary to  
constitute1 duty4 ,this  distinction1   
whether it be real or not1 has at all   
events the advantage of  appearing      
self-evident to all who are not         
philosophers4 ,thus when a party  of    
colonists occupy a new territory they   
divide the unoccupied land among        
themselves1 and they murder1 or employ  
for the gratification of their  lusts1  
the savage inhabitants4 ,both acts are  
done with perfect impunity1  but one is 
felt to be innocent and the other wrong4
 ,a lawful government  appropriates the 
land and protects the aboriginals1      
supporting its  enactments by penalties4
 ,in the one case the law both creates  
and enforces  a duty1 in the other it   
only enforces it4 ,the intuitive        
moralist simply  asserts that we have   
the power of perceiving that certain    
courses of  action are higher1 nobler1  
and better than others1 and that by the 
constitution of our being1 this fact1   
which is generically distinct from  the 

prospect of pleasure or the reverse1 may
 and ought to be and  continually is a  
motive of action4 ,it is no doubt       
possible for a man to  prefer the lower 
course1 and in this case we say he is   
deserving of  punishment1 and if he     
remains unpunished we say that it is    
unjust4 ,but if  there were no power to 
reward or punish him1 his acts would not
 be  indifferent4 ,they would still be  
intelligibly described as essentially   
base or noble1 shameful though there    
were none to censure1 admirable  though 
there were none to admire4    ,that men 
have the power of preferring other      
objects than happiness is a  proposition
 which must ultimately be left to the   
attestation of  consciousness4 ,that the
 pursuit of virtue1 however much        
happiness may  eventually follow in its 
train1 is in the first instance an      
example of  this preference1 must be    
established by that common voice of     
mankind which  has invariably regarded a
 virtuous motive as generically         

different from an  interested one4 ,and 
indeed even when the conflict between   
strong passions  and a strong sense of  
duty does not exist it is impossible to 
measure the  degrees of virtue by the   
scale of enjoyment4 ,the highest nature 
is rarely  the happiest4 ,petronius     
,arbiter was1 very probably1 a happier  
man than  ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,for       
eighteen centuries the religious        
instinct of  ,christendom has recognised
 its ideal in the form of a 8,man of    
,sorrows40    ,considerations such as ,i
 have now urged lead the intuitive      
moralists to  reject the principles of  
the utilitarian4 ,they acknowledge      
indeed that the  effect of actions upon 
the happiness of mankind forms a most   
important  element in determining their 
moral quality1 but they maintain that   
without  natural moral perceptions we   
never should have known that it was our 
duty  to seek the happiness of mankind  
when it diverged from our own1 and they 
deny that virtue was either originally  

evolved from or is necessarily          
proportioned to utility4 ,they          
acknowledge that in the existing        
condition  of society there is at least 
a general coincidence between the paths 
of  virtue and of prosperity1 but they  
contend that the obligation of virtue   
is of such a nature that no conceivable 
convulsion of affairs could  destroy it1
 and that it would continue even if the 
government of the world  belonged to    
supreme malice instead of supreme       
benevolence4 ,virtue1 they  believe1 is 
something more than a calculation or a  
habit4 ,it is impossible  to conceive   
its fundamental principles reversed4    
,notwithstanding the  strong tendency to
 confuse cognate feelings1 the sense of 
duty and the  sense of utility remain   
perfectly distinct in the apprehension  
of mankind1  and we are quite capable of
 recognising each separate ingredient in
 the  same act4 ,our respect for a      
gallant but dangerous enemy1 our        
contempt for  a useful traitor1 our care

 in the last moments of life for the    
interests  of those who survive us1 our 
clear distinction between intentional   
and  unintentional injuries1 and between
 the consciousness of imprudence and    
the consciousness of guilt1 our         
conviction that the pursuit of interest 
should always be checked by a sense of  
duty1 and that selfish and moral        
motives are so essentially opposed1 that
 the presence of the former  necessarily
 weakens the latter1 our indignation at 
those who when honour  or gratitude call
 them to sacrifice their interests pause
 to calculate  remote consequences1 the 
feeling of remorse which differs from   
every other  emotion of our nature--in a
 word1 the universal1 unstudied         
sentiments of  mankind all concur in    
leading us to separate widely our       
virtuous  affections from our selfish   
ones4 ,just as pleasure and pain are    
ultimate  grounds of action1 and no     
reason can be given why we should seek  
the  former and avoid the latter1 except

 that it is the constitution of our     
nature that we should do so1 so we are  
conscious that the words right and      
wrong express ultimate intelligible     
motives1 that these motives are         
generically different from the others1  
that they are of a higher order1  and   
that they carry with them a sense of    
obligation4 ,any scheme of morals  that 
omits these facts fails to give an      
accurate and adequate description  of   
the states of feeling which             
consciousness reveals4 ,the consciences 
of  men in every age would have echoed  
the assertion of ,cicero that to        
sacrifice pleasure with a view of       
obtaining any form or modification of   
pleasure in return1 no more answers to  
our idea of virtue1 than to lend  money 
at interest to our idea of charity4 ,the
 conception of pure  disinterestedness  
is presupposed in our estimates of      
virtue4 ,it is the  root of all the     
emotions with which we contemplate acts 
of heroism4 ,we  feel that man is       

capable of pursuing what he believes to 
be right although  pain and disaster and
 mental suffering and an early death be 
the  consequence1 and although no       
prospect of future reward lighten upon  
his  tomb4 ,this is the highest         
prerogative of our being1 the point of  
contact  between the human nature and   
the divine4    ,in addition to the      
direct arguments in its support1 the    
utilitarian school  owes much of its    
influence to some very powerful moral   
and intellectual  predispositions in its
 favour--the first1 which we shall      
hereafter examine1  consisting of the   
tendency manifested in certain          
conditions of society  towards the      
qualities it is most calculated to      
produce1 and the second of  the almost  
irresistible attraction which unity and 
precision exercise on  many minds4 ,it  
was this desire to simplify human       
nature1 by reducing its  various        
faculties and complex operations to a   
single principle or process1  that gave 

its great popularity to the sensational 
school of the last  century4 ,it led    
most metaphysicians of that school to   
deny the duality of  human nature4 ,it  
led ,bonnet and ,condillac to propose an
 animated statue1  endowed with the five
 senses as channels of ideas1 and with  
faculties  exclusively employed in      
transforming the products of sensation1 
as a  perfect representative of         
humanity4 ,it led ,helvtius to assert   
that the  original faculties of all men 
were precisely the same1 all the        
difference  between what we call genius 
and what we call stupidity arising from 
differences of circumstances1 and all   
the difference between men and  animals 
arising mainly from the structure of the
 human hand4 ,in morals1  theories of   
unification are peculiarly plausible1   
and ,i think peculiarly  dangerous1     
because1 owing to the interaction of our
 moral sentiments1 and  the many        
transformations that each can undergo1  
there are few affections  that might not

 under some conceivable circumstances   
become the parents of  every other4     
,when ,hobbes1 in the name of the       
philosophy of self-interest1  contended 
that 8,pity is but the imagination of   
future calamity to  ourselves1 produced 
by the sense of another man's           
calamity207#if7 when  ,hutcheson1 in the
 name of the philosophy of benevolence1 
argued that the  vice of intemperance is
 that it impels us to violence towards  
others1 and  weakens our capacity for   
doing them good27#ig7 when other        
moralists  defending the excellence of  
our nature maintained that compassion is
 so  emphatically the highest of our    
pleasures that a desire of gratifying it
  is the cause of our acts of           
barbarity27#ih7 each of these theories1 
extravagant as it is1 contains a germ of
 undoubted psychological truth4 ,it  is 
true that a mind intensely apprehensive 
of future calamities would on  that     
account receive a shock at the sight of 
the calamities of others4 ,it  is true  

that a very keen and absorbing sentiment
 of benevolence would be  in itself     
sufficient to divert men from any habit 
that impaired their  power of gratifying
 it4 ,it is true that compassion        
involves a certain  amount of pleasure1 
and conceivable that that pleasure might
 be so  intensified that we might seek  
it by a crime4 ,the error in these      
theories  is not that they exaggerate   
the possible efficacy of the motives1   
but that  they exaggerate their actual  
intensity in human nature and describe  
falsely the process by which the results
 they seek to explain have been  arrived
 at4 ,the function of observation in    
moral philosophy is not simply  to      
attest the moral sentiments we possess1 
leaving it to the reason to  determine  
deductively how they may have been      
formed2 it is rather to  follow them    
through all the stages of their         
formation4    ,and here ,i may observe  
that the term inductive1 like most      
others that are  employed in moral      

philosophy1 may give rise to serious    
misconception4 ,it  is properly applied 
to those moralists who1 disbelieving the
 existence of  any moral sense or       
faculty revealing to us what is right   
and wrong1  maintain that the origin of 
those ideas is simply our experience of 
the  tendency of different lines of     
conduct to promote or impair true       
happiness4 ,it appears1 however1 to be  
sometimes imagined that inductive       
moralists alone think that it is by     
induction or experience that we ought   
to ascertain what is the origin of our  
moral ideas4 ,but this ,i conceive to   
be a complete mistake4 ,the basis of    
morals is a distinct question from the  
basis of theories of morals4 ,those who 
maintain the existence of a moral       
faculty do not1 as is sometimes said1   
assume this proposition as a first      
principle of their arguments1 but they  
arrive at it by a process of  induction 
quite as severe as any that can be      
employed by their  opponents47#ii7 ,they

 examine1 analyse1 and classify their   
existing moral  feelings1 ascertain in  
what respects those feelings agree with 
or differ  from others1 trace them      
through their various phases1 and only  
assign them  to a special faculty when  
they think they have shown them to be   
incapable  of resolution1 and           
generically different from all          
others47#ajj7    ,this separation is all
 that is meant by a moral faculty4 ,we  
are apt to  regard the term as implying 
a distinct and well defined organ1      
bearing to  the mind the same kind of   
relation as a limb to the body4 ,but of 
the  existence of such organs1 and of   
the propriety of such material imagery1 
we know nothing4 ,perceiving in         
ourselves a will1 and a crowd of        
intellectual and emotional phenomena    
that seem wholly different from the     
properties of matter1 we infer the      
existence of an immaterial substance    
which wills1 thinks1 and feels1 and can 
classify its own operations with        

considerable precision4 ,the term       
faculty is simply an expression of      
classification4 ,if we say that the     
moral faculty differs from the sthetic  
faculty1 we can only mean that the mind 
forms certain judgments of moral        
excellence1 and also certain judgments  
of beauty1 and that these two  mental   
processes are clearly distinct4 ,to ask 
to what part of our nature  moral       
perceptions should be attributed1 is    
only to ask to what train of  mental    
phenomena they bear the closest         
resemblance4    ,if this simple1 but    
often neglected1 consideration be borne 
in mind1 the  apparent discordance of   
intuitive moralists will appear less    
profound than  might at first sight be  
supposed1 for each section merely       
elucidates some  one characteristic of  
moral judgments4 ,thus ,butler insists  
upon the sense  of obligation that is   
involved in them1 contends that this    
separates them  from all other          
sentiments1 and assigns them in         

consequence to a special  faculty of    
supreme authority called conscience4    
,adam ,smith and many other  writers    
were especially struck by their         
sympathetic character4 ,we are          
naturally attracted by humanity1 and    
repelled by cruelty1 and this           
instinctive1 unreasoning sentiment      
constitutes1 according to these         
moralists1 the difference between right 
and wrong4 ,cudworth1 however1 the      
,english precursor of ,kant1 had already
 anticipated1 and later  metaphysicians 
have more fully exhibited1 the          
inadequacy of such an  analysis4        
,justice1 humanity1 veracity1 and       
kindred virtues not merely have  the    
power of attracting us1 we have also an 
intellectual perception that  they are  
essentially and immutably good1 that    
their nature does not depend  upon1 and 
is not relative to1 our constitutions2  
that it is impossible and  inconceivable
 they should ever be vices1 and their   
opposites1 virtues4  ,they are1         

therefore1 it is said1 intuitions of the
 reason4 ,clarke1  developing the same  
rational school1 and following in the   
steps of those  moralists who regard our
 nature as a hierarchy of powers or     
faculties1  with different degrees of   
dignity1 and an appropriate order of    
supremacy  and subordination1 maintained
 that virtue consisted in harmony with  
the  nature of things4 ,wollaston       
endeavoured to reduce it to truth1 and  
,hutcheson to benevolence1 which he     
maintained is recognised and approved   
by what his respect for the philosophy  
of ,locke induced him to call 8a  moral 
sense10 but what ,shaftesbury had       
regarded as a moral 8taste40 ,the       
pleasure attending the gratification of 
this taste1 according to  ,shaftesbury  
and ,henry ,more1 is the motive to      
virtue4 ,the doctrine of a  moral sense 
or faculty was the basis of the ethics  
of ,reid4 ,hume  maintained that the    
peculiar quality of virtue is its       
utility1 but that  our affections are   

purely disinterested1 and that we arrive
 at our  knowledge of what is virtuous  
by a moral sense implanted in our       
nature1  which leads us instinctively to
 approve of all acts that are beneficial
 to  others4 ,expanding a pregnant hint 
which had been thrown out by ,butler1 he
  laid the foundation for a union of the
 schools of ,clarke and ,shaftesbury1   
by urging that our moral decisions are  
not simple1 but complex1 containing     
both a judgment of the reason1 and an   
emotion of the heart4 ,this fact has    
been elucidated still further by later  
writers1 who have observed that  these  
two elements apply in varying degrees to
 different kinds of virtue4  ,according 
to ,lord ,kames1 our intellectual       
perception of right and wrong  applies  
most strictly to virtues like justice or
 veracity1 which are of  what is called 
8perfect obligation10 or1 in other      
words1 are of such a  nature1 that their
 violation is a distinct crime1 while   
the emotion of  attraction or affection 

is shown most strongly towards virtues  
of  imperfect obligation1 like          
benevolence or charity4 ,like ,hutcheson
 and  ,shaftesbury1 ,lord ,kames notices
 the analogies between our moral and    
sthetical judgments4    ,these last     
analogies open out a region of thought  
widely different from  that we have been
 traversing4 ,the close connection      
between the good and  the beautiful has 
been always felt1 so much so1 that both 
were in ,greek  expressed by the same   
word1 and in the philosophy of ,plato1  
moral beauty  was regarded as the       
archetype of which all visible beauty is
 only the  shadow or the image4 ,we all 
feel that there is a strict propriety in
 the  term moral beauty4 ,we feel that  
there are different forms of beauty     
which  have a natural correspondence to 
different moral qualities1 and much of  
the charm of poetry and eloquence rests 
upon this harmony4 ,we feel that we     
have a direct1 immediate1 intuitive     
perception that some objects1 such as   

the sky above us1 are beautiful1 that   
this perception of beauty is totally    
different1 and could not possibly be    
derived1 from a perception of their     
utility1 and that it bears a very       
striking resemblance to the             
instantaneous and unreasoning admiration
 elicited by a generous or heroic       
action4 ,we perceive too1 if we examine 
with care the operations of our own     
mind1 that an sthetical judgment        
includes an intuition or intellectual   
perception1 and an emotion of attraction
 or admiration1 very similar to  those  
which compose a moral judgment4 ,the    
very idea of beauty again  implies that 
it should be admired1 as the idea of    
happiness implies that  it should be    
desired1 and the idea of duty that it   
should be performed4  ,there is also a  
striking correspondence between the     
degree and kind of  uniformity we can in
 each case discover4 ,that there is a   
difference  between right and wrong1 and
 between beauty and ugliness1 are both  

propositions which are universally felt4
 ,that right is better than wrong1  and 
beauty than ugliness1 are equally       
unquestioned4 ,when we go further1  and 
attempt to define the nature of these   
qualities1 we are met indeed by  great  
diversities of detail1 but by a far     
larger amount of substantial  unity4    
,poems like the ,iliad or the ,psalms1  
springing in the most  dissimilar       
quarters1 have commanded the admiration 
of men1 through all the  changes of some
 #c1jjj years4 ,the charm of music1 the 
harmony of the female  countenance1 the 
majesty of the starry sky1 of the ocean 
or of the  mountain1 the gentler        
beauties of the murmuring stream or of  
the twilight  shades1 were felt1 as they
 are felt now1 when the imagination of  
the  infant world first embodied itself 
in written words4 ,and in the same way  
types of heroism1 and of virtue1        
descending from the remotest ages1      
command the admiration of mankind4 ,we  
can sympathise with the emotions of     

praise or blame revealed in the earliest
 historians1 and the most ancient       
moralists strike a responsive chord in  
every heart4 ,the broad lines remain    
unchanged4 ,no one ever contended that  
justice was a vice or injustice a       
virtue2 or that a summer sunset was a   
repulsive object1 or that the sores     
upon a human body were beautiful4       
,always1 too1 the objects of sthetical  
admiration were divided into two great  
classes1 the sublime and the  beautiful1
 which in ethics have their manifest    
counterparts in the heroic  and the     
amiable4    ,if1 again1 we examine the  
undoubted diversities that exist in     
judgments of  virtue and of beauty1 we  
soon discover that in each case a large 
proportion of them are to be ascribed to
 the different degrees of  civilisation4
 ,the moral standard changes within     
certain limits1 and  according to a     
regular process with the evolutions of  
society4 ,there are  virtues very highly
 estimated in a rude civilisation which 

sink into  comparative insignificance in
 an organised society1 while conversely1
  virtues that were deemed secondary in 
the first become primary in the  other4 
,there are even virtues that it is      
impossible for any but highly           
cultivated minds to recognise4          
,questions of virtue and vice1 such as  
the  difference between humanity and    
barbarity1 or between temperance and    
intemperance1 are sometimes merely      
questions of degree1 and the standard   
at one stage of civilisation may be much
 higher than at another4 ,just in  the  
same way a steady modification of       
tastes1 while a recognition of the      
broad features of beauty remains        
unchanged1 accompanies advancing        
civilisation4 ,the preference of gaudy  
to subdued tints1 of colour to form1  of
 a florid to a chaste style1 of         
convulsive attitudes1 gigantic figures1 
and strong emotions1 may be looked for  
with considerable confidence in an      
uninstructed people4 ,the refining      

influence of cultivation is in no sphere
  more remarkable than in the canons of 
taste it produces1 and there are few    
better measures of the civilisation of a
 people than the conceptions of  beauty 
it forms1 the type or ideal it          
endeavours to realise4    ,many         
diversities1 however1 both of moral and 
sthetical judgments1 may be  traced to  
accidental causes4 ,some one who is     
greatly admired1 or who  possesses great
 influence1 is distinguished by some    
peculiarity of  appearance1 or          
introduces some peculiarity of dress4   
,he will soon find  countless imitators4
 ,gradually the natural sense of beauty 
will become  vitiated2 the eye and the  
taste will adjust themselves to a false 
and  artificial standard1 and men will  
at last judge according to it with the  
most absolute spontaneity4 ,in the same 
way1 if any accidental circumstance  has
 elevated an indifferent action to      
peculiar honour1 if a religious  system 
enforces it as a virtue or brands it as 

a vice1 the consciences of  men will    
after a time accommodate themselves to  
the sentence1 and an  appeal to a wider 
than a local tribunal is necessary to   
correct the error4  ,every nation1      
again1 from its peculiar circumstances  
and position1 tends  to some particular 
type1 both of beauty and of virtue1 and 
it naturally  extols its national type  
beyond all others4 ,the virtues of a    
small poor  nation1 living among barren 
mountains1 surrounded by powerful       
enemies1 and  maintaining its           
independence only by the most inflexible
 discipline1  watchfulness1 and courage1
 will be in some degree different from  
those of  a rich people removed from all
 fear of invasion and placed in the     
centre  of commerce4 ,the former will   
look with a very lenient eye on acts of 
barbarity or treachery1 which to the    
latter would appear unspeakably         
horrible1 and will value very highly    
certain virtues of discipline which  the
 other will comparatively neglect4 ,so1 

too1 the conceptions of beauty  formed  
by a nation of negroes will be different
 from those formed by a  nation of      
whites27#aja7 the splendour of a        
tropical sky or the savage  grandeur of 
a northern ocean1 the aspect of great   
mountains or of wide  plains1 will not  
only supply nations with present images 
of sublimity or  beauty1 but will also  
contribute to form their standard and   
affect their  judgments4 ,local customs 
or observances become so interwoven with
 our  earliest recollections1 that we at
 last regard them as essentially        
venerable1 and even in the most trivial 
matters it requires a certain  effort to
 dissolve the association4 ,there was   
much wisdom as well as much  wit in the 
picture of the novelist who described   
the ,english footman's  contempt for the
 uniforms of the ,french1 8blue being   
altogether ridiculous  for regimentals1 
except in the blue guards and           
artillery20 and ,i suppose  there are   
few ,englishmen into whose first        

confused impression of ,france  there   
does not enter a half-instinctive       
feeling of repugnance caused by  the    
ferocious appearance of a peasantry who 
are all dressed like  butchers47#ajb7   
,it has been said7#ajc7 that 8the       
feelings of beauty1 grandeur1 and       
whatever  else is comprehended under the
 name of taste1 do not lead to action1  
but  terminate in delightful            
contemplation1 which constitutes the    
essential  distinction between them and 
the moral sentiments to which in some   
points  of view they may doubtless be   
likened40 ,this position ,i conceive to 
be  altogether untenable4 ,our sthetical
 judgment is of the nature of a         
preference4 ,it leads us to prefer one  
class of objects to another1 and        
whenever other things are equal1 becomes
 a ground for action4 ,in choosing  the 
persons with whom we live1 the          
neighbourhood we inhabit1 the objects   
that surround us1 we prefer that which  
is beautiful to that which is the       

reverse1 and in every case in which a   
choice between beauty and deformity  is 
in question1 and no counteracting motive
 intervenes1 we choose the  former1 and 
avoid the latter4 ,there are no doubt   
innumerable events in  life in which    
this question does not arise1 but there 
are also very many  in which we are not 
called upon to make a moral judgment4   
,we say a man is  actuated by strong    
moral principle who chooses according to
 its dictates  in every case involving a
 moral judgment that comes naturally    
before him1  and who in obedience to its
 impulse pursues special courses of     
action4  ,corresponding propositions may
 be maintained with perfect truth       
concerning  our sense of beauty4 ,in    
proportion to its strength does it guide
 our  course in ordinary life1 and      
determine our peculiar pursuits4 ,we may
  indeed sacrifice our sense of material
 beauty to considerations of utility    
with much more alacrity than our sense  
of moral beauty2 we may consent to      

build a shapeless house sooner than to  
commit a dishonourable action1 but  we  
cannot voluntarily choose that which is 
simply deformed1 rather than  that which
 is beautiful1 without a certain feeling
 of pain1 and a pain of  this kind1     
according to the school of ,hartley1 is 
the precise definition  of conscience4  
,nor is it at all difficult to conceive 
men with a sense of  beauty so strong   
that they would die rather than outrage 
it4    ,considering all these things1 it
 is not surprising that many moralists  
should have regarded moral excellence as
 simply the highest form of  beauty1 and
 moral cultivation as the supreme       
refinement of taste4 ,but  although this
 manner of regarding it is1 as ,i think1
 far more plausible  than the theory    
which resolves virtue into utility1     
although the ,greek  moralists and the  
school of ,shaftesbury have abundantly  
proved that there  is an extremely close
 connection between these orders of     
ideas1 there are  two considerations    

which appear to show the inadequacy of  
this theory4 ,we  are clearly conscious 
of the propriety of applying the epithet
 8beautiful0  to virtues such as        
charity1 reverence1 or devotion1 but we 
cannot apply it  with the same propriety
 to duties of perfect obligation1 such  
as veracity  or integrity4 ,the sense of
 beauty and the affection that follows  
it attach  themselves rather to modes of
 enthusiasm and feeling than to the     
course of  simple duty which constitutes
 a merely truthful and upright          
man47#ajd7  ,besides this1 as the       
,stoics and ,butler have shown1 the     
position of  conscience in our nature is
 wholly unique1 and clearly separates   
morals  from a study of the beautiful4  
,while each of our senses or appetites  
has a  restricted sphere of operation1  
it is the function of conscience to     
survey  the whole constitution of our   
being1 and assign limits to the         
gratification of all our various        
passions and desires4 ,differing not in 

degree1 but in kind from the other      
principles of our nature1 we feel that  
a course of conduct which is opposed to 
it may be intelligibly described  as    
unnatural1 even when in accordance with 
our most natural appetites1 for  to     
conscience is assigned the prerogative  
of both judging and restraining  them   
all4 ,its power may be insignificant1   
but its title is undisputed1 and  8if it
 had might as it has right1 it would    
govern the world407#aje7 ,it is  this   
faculty1 distinct from1 and superior to1
 all appetites1 passions1 and  tastes1  
that makes virtue the supreme law of    
life1 and adds an imperative  character 
to the feeling of attraction it         
inspires4 ,it is this which was         
described by ,cicero as the ,god ruling 
within us2 by the ,stoics as the        
sovereignty of reason2 by ,st4 ,paul as 
the law of nature2 by ,butler as the    
supremacy of conscience4    ,the        
distinction of different parts of our   
nature1 as higher or lower1  which      

appears in the foregoing reasoning1 and 
which occupies so important  a place in 
the intuitive system of morals1 is one  
that can only be  defended by the way of
 illustrations4 ,a writer can only      
select cases in  which such distinctions
 seem most apparent1 and leave them to  
the feelings  of his reader4 ,a few     
examples will1 ,i hope1 be sufficient to
 show that  even in our pleasures1 we   
are not simply determined by the amount 
of  enjoyment1 but that there is a      
difference of kind1 which may be        
reasonably  described by the epithets1  
higher or lower4    ,if we suppose a    
being from another sphere1 who derived  
his conceptions  from a purely rational 
process1 without the intervention of the
 senses1 to  descend to our world1 and  
to enquire into the principles of human 
nature1  ,i imagine there are few points
 that would strike him as more          
anomalous1 or  which he would be more   
absolutely unable to realise1 than the  
different  estimates in which men hold  

the pleasures derived from the two      
senses of  tasting and hearing4 ,under  
the first is comprised the enjoyment    
resulting  from the action of certain   
kinds of food upon the palate4 ,under   
the second  the charm of music4 ,each of
 these forms of pleasure is natural1    
each can  be greatly heightened by      
cultivation1 in each case the pleasure  
may be  vivid1 but is very transient1   
and in neither case do evil consequences
  necessarily ensue4 ,yet with so many  
undoubted points of resemblance1 when   
we turn to the actual world1 we find the
 difference between these two  orders of
 pleasure of such a nature1 that a      
comparison seems absolutely  ludicrous4 
,in what then does this difference      
consist8 ,not1 surely1 in the  greater  
intensity of the enjoyment derived from 
music1 for in many cases  this          
superiority does not exist47#ajf7 ,we   
are all conscious that in our           
comparison of these pleasures1 there is 
an element distinct from any            

consideration of their intensity1       
duration1 or consequences4 ,we naturally
  attach a faint notion of shame to the 
one1 while we as naturally glory in  the
 other4 ,a very keen sense of the       
pleasures of the palate is looked upon  
as in a certain degree discreditable4 ,a
 man will hardly boast that he is  very 
fond of eating1 but he has no hesitation
 in acknowledging that he is  very fond 
of music4 ,the first taste lowers1 and  
the second elevates him in  his own     
eyes1 and in those of his neighbours4   
,again1 let a man of cheerful           
disposition1 and of a cultivated but not
 very  fastidious taste1 observe his own
 emotions and the countenances of those 
around him during the representation of 
a clever tragedy and of a clever  farce1
 and it is probable that he will come to
 the conclusion that his  enjoyment in  
the latter case has been both more      
unmingled and more intense  than in the 
former4 ,he has felt no lassitude1 he   
has not endured the  amount of pain that

 necessarily accompanies the pleasure of
 pathos1 he has  experienced a vivid1   
absorbing pleasure1 and he has traced   
similar  emotions in the violent        
demonstrations of his neighbours4 ,yet  
he will  readily admit that the pleasure
 derived from the tragedy is of a higher
  order than that derived from the      
farce4 ,sometimes he will find himself  
hesitating which of the two he will     
choose4 ,the love of mere enjoyment     
leads him to the one4 ,a sense of its   
nobler character inclines him to  the   
other4    ,a similar distinction may be 
observed in other departments4 ,except  
in the  relation of the sexes1 it is    
probable that a more intense pleasure is
  usually obtained from the grotesque   
and the eccentric1 than from the        
perfections of beauty4 ,the pleasure    
derived from beauty is not violent in   
its nature1 and it is in most cases     
peculiarly mixed with melancholy4 ,the  
feelings of a man who is deeply moved by
 a lovely landscape are rarely  those of

 extreme elation4 ,a shade of melancholy
 steals over his mind4 ,his  eyes fill  
with tears4 ,a vague and unsatisfied    
longing fills his soul4 ,yet1  troubled 
and broken as is this form of enjoyment1
 few persons would  hesitate to         
pronounce it of a higher kind than any  
that can be derived  from the           
exhibitions of oddity4    ,if pleasures 
were the sole objects of our pursuit1   
and if their excellence  were measured  
only by the quantity of enjoyment they  
afford1 nothing could  appear more      
obvious than that the man would be      
esteemed most wise who  attained his    
object at least cost4 ,yet the whole    
course of civilisation is  in a         
precisely opposite direction4 ,a child  
derives the keenest and most  exquisite 
enjoyment from the simplest objects4 ,a 
flower1 a doll1 a rude  game1 the least 
artistic tale1 is sufficient to enchant 
it4 ,an uneducated  peasant is          
enraptured with the wildest story and   
the coarsest wit4  ,increased           

cultivation almost always produces a    
fastidiousness which  renders necessary 
the increased elaboration of our        
pleasures4 ,we attach a  certain        
discredit to a man who has retained     
those of childhood4 ,the very  fact of  
our deriving pleasure from certain      
amusements creates a kind of            
humiliation1 for we feel that they are  
not in harmony with the nobility of  our
 nature47#ajg7    ,our judgments of     
societies resemble in this respect our  
judgments of  individuals4 ,few persons1
 ,i think1 who have compared the modes  
of popular  life in stagnant and        
undeveloped countries like ,spain with  
those in the  great centres of          
industrial civilisation1 will venture to
 pronounce with  any confidence that the
 quantum or average of actual realised  
enjoyment is  greater in the civilised  
than in the semi-civilised society4 ,an 
undeveloped nature is by no means       
necessarily an unhappy nature1 and      
although we possess no accurate gauge of

 happiness1 we may1 at least1 be        
certain that its degrees do not coincide
 with the degrees of prosperity4  ,the  
tastes and habits of men in a backward  
society accommodate themselves  to the  
narrow circle of a few pleasures1 and   
probably find in these as  complete     
satisfaction as more civilised men in a 
wider range2 and if there  is in the    
first condition somewhat more of the    
weariness of monotony1  there is in the 
second much more of the anxiety of      
discontent4 ,the  superiority of a      
highly civilised man lies chiefly in the
 fact that he  belongs to a higher order
 of being1 for he has approached more   
nearly to  the end of his existence1 and
 has called into action a larger number 
of  his capacities4 ,and this is in     
itself an end4 ,even if1 as is not      
improbable1 the lower animals are       
happier than man17#ajh7 and             
semi-barbarians than civilised men1     
still it is better to be a man than a   
brute1 better to be born amid the fierce

 struggles of civilisation than in  some
 stranded nation apart from all the flow
 of enterprise and knowledge4  ,even in 
that material civilisation which        
utilitarianism delights to  glorify1    
there is an element which the philosophy
 of mere enjoyment cannot  explain4     
,again1 if we ask the reason of the vast
 and indisputable superiority which  the
 general voice of mankind gives to      
mental pleasures1 considered as         
pleasures1 over physical ones1 we shall 
find1 ,i think1 no adequate or          
satisfactory answer on the supposition  
that pleasures owe all their value  to  
the quantity of enjoyment they afford4  
,the former1 it is truly said1  are more
 varied and more prolonged than the     
latter but on the other hand1  they are 
attained with more effort1 and they are 
diffused over a far  narrower circle4   
,no one who compares the class of men   
who derive their  pleasure chiefly from 
field sports or other forms of physical 
enjoyment  with those who derive their  

pleasure from the highest intellectual  
sources2 no one who compares the period 
of boyhood when enjoyments are  chiefly 
animal with early manhood when they are 
chiefly intellectual1 will  be able to  
discover in the different levels of     
happiness any justification  of the     
great interval the world places between 
these pleasures4 ,no painter  or        
novelist1 who wished to depict an ideal 
of perfect happiness1 would  seek it in 
a profound student4 ,without entering   
into any doubtful  questions concerning 
the relations of the body to all mental 
states1 it  may be maintained that      
bodily conditions have in general more  
influence  upon our enjoyment than      
mental ones4 ,the happiness of the great
 majority  of men is far more affected  
by health and by temperament17#aji7     
resulting  from physical conditions1    
which again physical enjoyments are     
often  calculated to produce1 than by   
any mental or moral causes1 and acute   
physical sufferings paralyse all the    

energies of our nature to a greater     
extent than any mental distress4 ,it is 
probable that the ,american inventor  of
 the first ansthetic has done more for  
the real happiness of mankind  than all 
the moral philosophers from ,socrates to
 ,mill4 ,moral causes may  teach men    
patience1 and the endurance of felt     
suffering1 or may even  alleviate its   
pangs1 but there are temperaments due to
 physical causes  from which most       
sufferings glance almost unfelt4 ,it is 
said that when an  ancient was asked    
8what use is philosophy80 he answered1  
8it teaches men  how to die10 and he    
verified his words by a noble death2 but
 it has been  proved on a thousand      
battle-fields1 it has been proved on a  
thousand  scaffolds1 it is proved       
through all the wide regions of ,china  
and ,india1  that the dull and animal   
nature which feels little and realises  
faintly1  can meet death with a calm    
that philosophy can barely rival47#aaj7 
,the  truth is1 that the mental part of 

our nature is not regarded as superior  
to the physical part1 because it        
contributes most to our happiness4 ,the 
superiority is of a different kind1 and 
may be intelligibly expressed by  the   
epithets higher and lower4    ,and1 once
 more1 there is a class of pleasures    
resulting from the  gratification of our
 moral feelings which we naturally place
 in the  foremost rank4 ,to the great   
majority of mankind it will probably    
appear1  in spite of the doctrine of    
,paley1 that no multiple of the pleasure
 of  eating pastry can be an equivalent 
to the pleasure derived from a generous 
action4 ,it is not that the latter is so
 inconceivably intense4 ,it is that  it 
is of a higher order4    ,this          
distinction of kind has been neglected  
or denied by most utilitarian           
writers27#aaa7 and although an attempt  
has recently been made to introduce  it 
into the system1 it appears manifestly  
incompatible with its principle4  ,if   
the reality of the distinction be       

admitted1 it shows that our wills are   
so far from tending necessarily to that 
which produces most enjoyment that  we  
have the power even in our pleasures of 
recognising a higher and a  wholly      
different quality1 and of making that   
quality rather than enjoyment  the      
object of our choice4 ,if it be possible
 for a man in choosing between  two     
pleasures deliberately to select as     
preferable1 apart from all              
consideration of consequences1 that     
which he is conscious gives least       
enjoyment because he recognises in it a 
greater worthiness1 or elevation1  it is
 certain that his conduct is either     
wholly irrational1 or that he is  acting
 on a principle of judgment for which   
'the greatest happiness'  philosophy is 
unable to account4 ,consistently with   
that philosophy1 the  terms higher and  
lower as applied to different parts of  
our nature1 to  different regions of    
thought or feeling1 can have no other   
meaning than  that of productive of more

 or less enjoyment4 ,but if once we     
admit a  distinction of quality as well 
as a distinction of quantity in our     
estimate of pleasure1 all is changed4   
,it then appears evident that the       
different parts of our nature to which  
these pleasures refer1 bear to each     
other a relation of another kind1 which 
may be clearly and justly  described by 
the terms higher and lower2 and the     
assertion that our reason  reveals to us
 intuitively and directly this hierarchy
 of our being1 is a  fundamental        
position of the greatest schools of     
intuitive moralists4  ,according to     
these writers1 when we say that our     
moral and intellectual is  superior to  
our animal nature1 that the benevolent  
affections are superior  to the selfish 
ones1 that conscience has a legitimate  
supremacy over the  other parts of our  
being2 this language is not arbitrary1  
or fantastic1 or  capricious1 because it
 is intelligible4 ,when such a          
subordination is  announced1 it         

corresponds with feelings we all        
possess1 falls in with the  natural     
course of our judgments1 with our       
habitual and unstudied language4    ,the
 arguments that have been directed      
against the theory of natural moral     
perceptions are of two kinds1 the first1
 which ,i have already noticed1  being  
designed to show that all our moral     
judgments may be resolved into          
considerations of utility2 the second   
resting upon the diversity of these     
judgments in different nations and      
stages of civilisation1 which1 it is    
said1 is altogether inexplicable upon   
the supposition of a moral faculty4  ,as
 these variations form the great        
stumbling-block in the way of the       
doctrine ,i am maintaining1 and as they 
constitute a very important part of  the
 history of morals1 ,i shall make no    
apology for noticing them in some       
detail4    ,in the first place1 there   
are many cases in which diversities of  
moral  judgment arise from causes that  

are not moral1 but purely intellectual4 
,thus1 for example1 when theologians    
pronounced loans at interest contrary   
to the law of nature and plainly        
extortionate1 this error obviously arose
  from a false notion of the uses of    
money4 ,they believed that it was a     
sterile thing1 and that he who has      
restored what he borrowed1 has          
cancelled all the benefit he received   
from the transaction4 ,at the time  when
 the first ,christian moralists treated 
the subject1 special  circumstances had 
rendered the rate of interest extremely 
high1 and  consequently extremely       
oppressive to the poor1 and this fact1  
no doubt1  strengthened the prejudice2  
but the root of the condemnation of     
usury was  simply an error in political 
economy4 ,when men came to understand   
that  money is a productive thing1 and  
that the sum lent enables the borrower  
to  create sources of wealth that will  
continue when the loan has been         
returned1 they perceived that there was 

no natural injustice in exacting        
payment for this advantage1 and usury   
either ceased to be assailed1 or was    
assailed only upon the ground of        
positive commands4    ,thus again the   
question of the criminality of abortion 
has been  considerably affected by      
physiological speculations as to the    
time when  the ftus in the womb acquires
 the nature1 and therefore the rights1  
of a  separate being4 ,the general      
opinion among the ancients seems to have
 been  that it was but a part of the    
mother1 and that she had the same right 
to  destroy it as to cauterise a tumour 
upon her body4 ,plato and ,aristotle    
both admitted the practice4 ,the ,roman 
law contained no enactment against      
voluntary abortion till the time of     
,ulpian4 ,the ,stoics thought that the  
infant received its soul when           
respiration began4 ,the ,justinian code 
fixed  its animation at forty days after
 conception4 ,in modern legislations it 
is  treated as a distinct being from the

 moment of conception47#aab7 ,it is     
obvious that the solution of such       
questions1 though affecting our moral   
judgments1 must be sought entirely      
outside the range of moral feelings4    
,in the next place1 there is a broad    
distinction to be drawn between duties  
which rest immediately on the dictates  
of conscience1 and those which are      
based upon positive commands4 ,the      
iniquity of theft1 murder1 falsehood1 or
  adultery rests upon grounds           
generically distinct from those on which
 men  pronounce it to be sinful to eat  
meat on ,friday1 or to work on ,sunday1 
or  to abstain from religious           
assemblies4 ,the reproaches conscience  
directs  against those who are guilty of
 these last acts are purely             
hypothetical1  conscience enjoining     
obedience to the ,divine commands1 but  
leaving it to  reason to determine what 
those commands may be4 ,the distinction 
between  these two classes of duties    
becomes apparent on the slightest       

reflection1  and the variations in their
 relative prominence form one of the    
most  important branches of religious   
history4    ,closely connected with the 
preceding are the diversities which     
result from  an ancient custom becoming 
at last1 through its very antiquity1 or 
through  the confusion of means with    
ends1 an object of religious reverence4 
,among  the many safeguards of female   
purity in the ,roman republic was an    
enactment forbidding women even to taste
 wine1 and this very intelligible  law  
being enforced with the earliest        
education1 became at last1 by habit  and
 traditionary reverence1 so incorporated
 with the moral feelings of the  people1
 that its violation was spoken of as a  
monstrous crime4 ,aulus  ,gellius has   
preserved a passage in which ,cato      
observes1 8that the husband  has an     
absolute authority over his wife2 it is 
for him to condemn and  punish her1 if  
she has been guilty of any shameful act1
 such as drinking  wine or committing   

adultery407#aac7 ,as soon as the        
reverence for tradition  was diminished1
 and men ventured to judge old customs  
upon their own  merits1 they were able1 
by steadily reflecting upon this belief1
 to reduce  it to its primitive         
elements1 to separate the act from the  
ideas with  which it had been           
associated1 and thus to perceive that it
 was not  necessarily opposed to any of 
those great moral laws or feelings which
  their consciences revealed1 and which 
were the basis of all their  reasonings 
on morals4    ,a confused association of
 ideas1 which is easily exposed by a    
patient  analysis1 lies at the root of  
more serious anomalies4 ,thus to those  
who  reflect deeply upon moral history1 
few things1 ,i suppose1 are more        
humiliating than to contrast the        
admiration and profoundly reverential   
attachment excited by a conqueror1 who  
through the promptings of simple        
vanity1 through love of fame1 or through
 greed of territory1 has wantonly       

caused the deaths1 the sufferings1 or   
the bereavements of thousands1 with  the
 abhorrence produced by a single act of 
murder or robbery committed by  a poor  
and ignorant man1 perhaps under the     
pressure of extreme want or  intolerable
 wrong4 ,the attraction of genius and   
power1 which the vulgar  usually measure
 by their material fruits1 the          
advantages acquired by the  nation to   
which he belongs1 the belief that       
battles are decided by  providential    
interference1 and that military success 
is therefore a proof  of ,divine favour1
 and the sanctity ascribed to the regal 
office1 have all  no doubt conspired to 
veil the atrocity of the conqueror's    
career2 but  there is probably another  
and a deeper influence behind4 ,that    
which  invests war1 in spite of all the 
evils that attend it1 with a certain    
moral grandeur1 is the heroic           
self-sacrifice it elicits4 ,with perhaps
 the  single exception of the ,church1  
it is the sphere in which mercenary     

motives have least sway1 in which       
performance is least weighed and        
measured by strict obligation1 in which 
a disinterested enthusiasm has  most    
scope4 ,a battle-field is the scene of  
deeds of self-sacrifice so              
transcendent1 and at the same time so   
dramatic1 that in spite of all its      
horrors and crimes1 it awakens the most 
passionate moral enthusiasm4 ,but  this 
feeling produced by the thought of so   
many who have sacrificed their          
life-blood for their flag or for their  
chief1 needs some definite object  on   
which to rest4 ,the multitude of        
nameless combatants do not strike the   
imagination4 ,they do not stand out1 and
 are not realised1 as distinct and      
living figures conspicuous to the view4 
,hence it is that the chief1 as the     
most prominent1 becomes the             
representative warrior2 the martyr's    
aureole  descends upon his brow1 and    
thus by a confusion that seems the very 
irony  of fate1 the enthusiasm evoked by

 the self-sacrifice of thousands sheds a
  sacred glow around the very man whose 
prodigious egotism had rendered that    
sacrifice necessary4    ,another form of
 moral paradox is derived from the fact 
that positive  religions may override   
our moral perceptions in such a manner1 
that we may  consciously admit a moral  
contradiction4 ,in this respect there is
 a strict  parallelism between our      
intellectual and our moral faculties4   
,it is at  present the professed belief 
of at least three-fourths of the        
,christian  ,church1 and was for some   
centuries the firm belief of the entire 
,church1  that on a certain night the   
,founder of the ,christian faith1 being 
seated  at a supper table1 held ,his own
 body in ,his own hand1 broke that body1
  distributed it to ,his disciples1 who 
proceeded to eat it1 the same body      
remaining at the same moment seated     
intact at the table1 and soon           
afterwards proceeding to the garden of  
,gethsemane4 ,the fact of such a        

doctrine being believed1 does not imply 
that the faculties of those who  hold it
 are of such a nature that they perceive
 no contradiction or  natural absurdity 
in these statements4 ,the well-known    
argument derived  from the obscurity of 
the metaphysical notion of substance is 
intended  only in some slight degree to 
soften the difficulty4 ,the             
contradiction is  clearly perceived1 but
 it is accepted by faith as part of the 
teaching of  the ,church4    ,what      
transubstantiation is in the order of   
reason the ,augustinian doctrine  of the
 damnation of unbaptised infants1 and   
the ,calvinistic doctrine of            
reprobation1 are in the order of morals4
 ,of these doctrines it is not too  much
 to say1 that in the form in which they 
have often been stated1 they  surpass in
 atrocity any tenets that have ever been
 admitted into any pagan  creed1 and    
would1 if they formed an essential part 
of ,christianity1 amply  justify the    
term 8pernicious superstition10 which   

,tacitus applied to the  faith4 ,that a 
little child who lives but a few moments
 after birth and  dies before it has    
been sprinkled with the sacred water is 
in such a sense  responsible for its    
ancestors having #f1jjj years before    
eaten some  forbidden fruit that it may 
with perfect justice be resuscitated and
 cast  into an abyss of eternal fire in 
expiation of this ancestral crime1 that 
an all-righteous and all-merciful       
,creator in the full exercise of those  
attributes deliberately calls into      
existence sentient beings whom ,he has  
from eternity irrevocably destined to   
endless1 unspeakable1 unmitigated       
torture1 are propositions which are at  
once so extravagantly absurd and so     
ineffably atrocious that their adoption 
might well lead men to doubt the        
universality of moral perceptions4 ,such
 teaching is in fact simply  dmonism1   
and dmonism in its most extreme form4   
,it attributes to the  ,creator acts of 
injustice and of barbarity1 which it    

would be absolutely  impossible for the 
imagination to surpass1 acts before     
which the most  monstrous excesses of   
human cruelty dwindle into              
insignificance1 acts  which are in fact 
considerably worse than any that        
theologians have  attributed to the     
devil4 ,if there were men who while     
vividly realising the  nature of these  
acts naturally turned to them as the    
exhibitions of  perfect goodness1 all   
systems of ethics founded upon innate   
moral  perceptions would be false4 ,but 
happily this is not so4 ,those who      
embrace  these doctrines do so only     
because they believe that some inspired 
,church  or writer has taught them1 and 
because they are still in that stage in 
which men consider it more irreligious  
to question the infallibility of an     
apostle than to disfigure by any        
conceivable imputation the character of 
the ,deity4 ,they accordingly esteem it 
a matter of duty1 and a commendable     
exercise of humility1 to stifle the     

moral feelings of their nature1 and     
they at last succeed in persuading      
themselves that their ,divinity would be
  extremely offended if they hesitated  
to ascribe to him the attributes of a   
fiend4 ,but their moral feelings1 though
 not unimpaired by such  conceptions1   
are not on ordinary subjects generically
 different from those  of their         
neighbours4 ,with an amiable            
inconsistency they can even find        
something to revolt them in the lives of
 a ,caligula or a ,nero4 ,their         
theological estimate of justice and     
mercy is isolated4 ,their doctrine is   
accepted as a kind of moral miracle1 and
 as is customary with a certain  school 
of theologians1 when they enunciate a   
proposition which is palpably           
self-contradictory they call it a       
mystery and an occasion for faith4      
,in this instance a distinct moral      
contradiction is consciously admitted4  
,in the case of persecution1 a strictly 
moral and logical inference is  drawn   

from a very immoral proposition which is
 accepted as part of a  system of       
dogmatic theology4 ,the two elements    
that should be considered in  punishing 
a criminal are the heinousness of his   
guilt and the injury he  inflicts4 ,when
 the greatest guilt and the greatest    
injury are combined1  the greatest      
punishment naturally follows4 ,no one   
would argue against the  existence of a 
moral faculty1 on the ground that men   
put murderers to  death4 ,when therefore
 theologians believed that a man was    
intensely guilty  who held certain      
opinions1 and that he was causing the   
damnation of his  fellows if he         
propagated them1 there was no moral     
difficulty in concluding  that the      
heretic should be put to death4 ,selfish
 considerations may have  directed      
persecution against heresy rather than  
against vice1 but the  ,catholic        
doctrines of the guilt of error1 and of 
the infallibility of the  ,church1 were 
amply sufficient to justify it4    ,it  

appears then that a dogmatic system     
which is accepted on rational or  other 
grounds1 and supported by prospects of  
rewards and punishments1 may  teach a   
code of ethics differing from that of   
conscience2 and that in this  case the  
voice of conscience may be either       
disregarded or stifled4 ,it is  however 
also true1 that it may be perverted4    
,when1 for example1  theologians during 
a long period have inculcated habits of 
credulity1  rather than habits of       
enquiry2 when they have persuaded men   
that it is  better to cherish prejudice 
than to analyse it2 better to stifle    
every  doubt of what they have been     
taught than honestly to investigate its 
value1 they will at last succeed in     
forming habits of mind that will        
instinctively and habitually recoil from
 all impartiality and intellectual      
honesty4 ,if men continually violate a  
duty they may at last cease to feel  its
 obligation4 ,but this1 though it forms 
a great difficulty in ethical           

enquiries1 is no argument against the   
reality of moral perceptions1 for it  is
 simply a law to which all our powers   
are subject4 ,a bad intellectual        
education will produce not only         
erroneous or imperfect information but  
also a false ply or habit of judgment4  
,a bad sthetical education will  produce
 false canons of taste4 ,systematic     
abuse will pervert and vitiate  even    
some of our physical perceptions4 ,in   
each case the experience of many  minds 
under many conditions must be appealed  
to1 to determine the standard  of right 
and wrong1 and long and difficult       
discipline is required to  restore the  
diseased organ to sanity4 ,we may decide
 particular moral  questions by         
reasoning1 but our reasoning is an      
appeal to certain moral  principles     
which are revealed to us by intuition4  
,the principal difficulty ,i imagine    
which most men have in admitting that   
we possess certain natural moral        
perceptions arises from the supposition 

that it implies the existence of some   
mysterious agent like the dmon of       
,socrates1 which gives us specific and  
infallible information in particular    
cases4 ,but this ,i conceive to be a    
complete mistake4 ,all that is          
necessarily meant by the adherents of   
this school is comprised in two         
propositions4 ,the first is that our    
will is not governed exclusively by  the
 law of pleasure and pain1 but also by  
the law of duty1 which we feel  to be   
distinct from the former1 and to carry  
with it the sense of  obligation4 ,the  
second is that the basis of our         
conception of duty is an  intuitive     
perception that among the various       
feelings1 tendencies1 and  impulses that
 constitute our emotional being1 there  
are some which are  essentially good1   
and ought to be encouraged1 and some    
which are  essentially bad1 and ought to
 be repressed4 ,they contend that it is 
a  psychological fact that we are       
intuitively conscious that our          

benevolent  affections are superior to  
our malevolent ones1 truth to falsehood1
  justice to injustice1 gratitude to    
ingratitude1 chastity to sensuality1    
and that in all ages and countries the  
path of virtue has been towards the     
higher and not towards the lower        
feelings4 ,it may be that the sense of  
duty is so weak as to be scarcely       
perceptible1 and then the lower part of 
our nature will be supreme4 ,it may     
happen that certain conditions of       
society lead men to direct their anxiety
 for moral improvement altogether  in   
one or two channels1 as was the case in 
ancient ,greece1 where civic and        
intellectual virtues were very highly   
cultivated1 and the virtue of  chastity 
was almost neglected4 ,it may happen    
that different parts of our  higher     
nature in a measure conflict1 as when a 
very strong sense of  justice checks our
 benevolent feelings4 ,dogmatic systems 
may enjoin men to  propitiate certain   
unseen beings by acts which are not in  

accordance with  the moral law4 ,special
 circumstances may influence1 and the   
intermingling  of many different motives
 may obscure and complicate1 the moral  
evolution2  but above all these one     
great truth appears4 ,no one who desires
 to become  holier and better imagines  
that he does so by becoming more        
malevolent1 or  more untruthful1 or more
 unchaste4 ,every one who desires to    
attain  perfection in these departments 
of feeling is impelled towards          
benevolence1 towards veracity1 towards  
chastity47#aad7    ,now it is manifest  
that according to this theory the moral 
unity to be  expected in different ages 
is not a unity of standard1 or of acts1 
but a  unity of tendency4 ,men come into
 the world with their benevolent        
affections very inferior in power to    
their selfish ones1 and the function  of
 morals is to invert this order4 ,the   
extinction of all selfish feeling  is   
impossible for an individual1 and if it 
were general1 it would result  in the   

dissolution of society4 ,the question of
 morals must always be a  question of   
proportion or of degree4 ,at one time   
the benevolent affections  embrace      
merely the family1 soon the circle      
expanding includes first a  class1 then 
a nation1 then a coalition of nations1  
then all humanity1 and  finally1 its    
influence is felt in the dealings of man
 with the animal  world4 ,in each of    
these stages a standard is formed1      
different from that  of the preceding   
stage1 but in each case the same        
tendency is recognised  as virtue4      
,we have in this fact a simple1 and as  
it appears to me a conclusive1  answer  
to the overwhelming majority of the     
objections that are continually  and    
confidently urged against the intuitive 
school4 ,that some savages kill  their  
old parents1 that infanticide has been  
practised without compunction  by even  
civilised nations1 that the best ,romans
 saw nothing wrong in the  gladiatorial 
shows1 that political or revengeful     

assassinations have been  for centuries 
admitted1 that slavery has been         
sometimes honoured and  sometimes       
condemned1 are unquestionable proofs    
that the same act may be  regarded in   
one age as innocent1 and in another as  
criminal4 ,now it is  undoubtedly true  
that in many cases an historical        
examination will reveal  special        
circumstances1 explaining or palliating 
the apparent anomaly4 ,it  has been     
often shown that the gladiatorial shows 
were originally a form of  human        
sacrifice adopted through religious     
motives2 that the rude nomadic  life of 
savages rendering impossible the        
preservation of aged and helpless       
members of the tribe1 the murder of     
parents was regarded as an act of  mercy
 both by the murderer and the victim2   
that before an effective  administration
 of justice was organised1 private      
vengeance was the sole  preservative    
against crime17#aae7 and political      
assassination against  usurpation2 that 

the insensibility of some savages to the
 criminality of  theft arises from the  
fact that they were accustomed to have  
all things in  common2 that the ,spartan
 law1 legalising theft1 arose partly    
from a desire  to foster military       
dexterity among the people1 but chiefly 
from a desire  to discourage wealth2    
that slavery was introduced through     
motives of  mercy1 to prevent conquerors
 from killing their prisoners47#aaf7    
,all this  is true1 but there is another
 and a more general answer4 ,it is not  
to be  expected1 and it is not          
maintained1 that men in all ages should 
have  agreed about the application of   
their moral principles4 ,all that is    
contended for is that these principles  
are themselves the same4 ,some of  what 
appear to us monstrous acts of cruelty1 
were dictated by that very  feeling of  
humanity1 the universal perception of   
the merit of which they  are cited to   
disprove17#aag7 and even when this is   
not the case1 all that  can be inferred 

is1 that the standard of humanity was   
very low4 ,but still  humanity was      
recognised as a virtue1 and cruelty as a
 vice4    ,at this point1 ,i may observe
 how completely fallacious is the       
assertion  that a progressive morality  
is impossible upon the supposition of an
  original moral faculty47#aah7 ,to such
 statements there are two very simple   
answers4 ,in the first place1 although  
the intuitive moralist asserts that     
certain qualities are necessarily       
virtuous1 he fully admits that the      
degree in which they are acted upon1 or 
in other words1 the standard of  duty1  
may become progressively higher4 ,in the
 next place1 although he  refuses to    
resolve all virtue into utility1 he     
admits as fully as his  opponents1 that 
benevolence1 or the promotion of the    
happiness of man1 is  a virtue1 and that
 therefore discoveries which exhibit    
more clearly the  true interests of our 
kind1 may throw new light upon the      
nature of our  duty4    ,the            

considerations ,i have urged with       
reference to humanity1 apply with  equal
 force to the various relations of the  
sexes4 ,when the passions of  men are   
altogether unrestrained1 community of   
wives and all eccentric  forms of       
sensuality will be admitted4 ,when men  
seek to improve their  nature in this   
respect1 their object will be to abridge
 and confine the  empire of sensuality4 
,but to this process of improvement     
there are obvious  limits4 ,in the first
 place the continuance of the species is
 only possible  by a sensual act4 ,in   
the next place the strength of this     
passion and the  weakness of humanity   
are so great1 that the moralist must    
take into  account the fact that in all 
societies1 and especially in those in   
which  free scope had long been given to
 the passions1 a large amount of        
indulgence will arise which is not due  
to a simple desire of propagating  the  
species4 ,if then incest is prohibited1 
and community of wives replaced  by     

ordinary polygamy1 a moral improvement  
will have been effected1 and a  standard
 of virtue formed4 ,but this standard   
soon becomes the  starting-point of new 
progress4 ,if we examine the ,jewish    
law1 we find the  legislator prohibiting
 adultery1 regulating the degrees of    
marriage1 but  at the same time         
authorising polygamy1 though with a     
caution against the  excessive          
multiplication of wives4 ,in ,greece    
monogamy1 though not without            
exceptions1 had been enforced1 but a    
concurrence of unfavourable  influences 
prevented any high standard being       
attained among the men1 and  in their   
case almost every form of indulgence    
beyond the limits of  marriage was      
permitted4 ,in ,rome the standard was   
far higher4 ,monogamy was  firmly       
established4 ,the ideal of female       
morality was placed as high as  among   
,christian nations4 ,among men1 however1
 while unnatural love and  adultery were
 regarded as wrong1 simple unchastity   

before marriage was  scarcely considered
 a fault4 ,in ,catholicism marriage is  
regarded in a  twofold light1 as a means
 for the propagation of the species1 and
 as a  concession to the weakness of    
humanity1 and all other sensual         
enjoyment is  stringently prohibited4   
,in these cases there is a great        
difference between the degrees of       
earnestness with which men exert        
themselves in the repression of their   
passions1 and in the amount of          
indulgence which is conceded to their   
lower  nature27#aai7 but there is no    
difference in the direction of the      
virtuous  impulse4 ,while1 too1 in the  
case of adultery1 and in the production 
of  children1 questions of interest and 
utility do undoubtedly intervene1 we    
are conscious that the general progress 
turns upon a totally different  order of
 ideas4 ,the feeling of all men and the 
language of all nations1  the sentiment 
which though often weakened is never    
wholly effaced1 that  this appetite1    

even in its most legitimate             
gratification1 is a thing to be  veiled 
and withdrawn from sight1 all that is   
known under the names of  decency and   
indecency1 concur in proving that we    
have an innate1  intuitive1 instinctive 
perception that there is something      
degrading in the  sensual part of our   
nature1 something to which a feeling of 
shame is  naturally attached1 something 
that jars with our conception of perfect
  purity1 something we could not with   
any propriety ascribe to an all-holy    
being4 ,it may be questioned whether    
anyone was ever altogether destitute  of
 this perception1 and nothing but the   
most inveterate passion for system      
could induce men to resolve it into a   
mere calculation of interests4 ,it is   
this feeling or instinct which lies at  
the root of the whole movement ,i  have 
described1 and it is this too that      
produced that sense of the  sanctity of 
perfect continence which the ,catholic  
church has so warmly  encouraged1 but   

which may be traced through the most    
distant ages1 and the  most various     
creeds4 ,we find it among the ,nazarenes
 and ,essenes of ,juda1  among the      
priests of ,egypt and ,india1 in the    
monasteries of ,tartary1 in  the        
histories of miraculous virgins that are
 so numerous in the  mythologies of     
,asia4 ,such1 for example1 was the      
,chinese legend that tells  how when    
there was but one man with one woman    
upon earth1 the woman  refused to       
sacrifice her virginity even in order to
 people the globe1 and  the gods        
honouring her purity granted that she   
should conceive beneath the  gaze of her
 lover's eyes1 and a virgin-mother      
became the parent of  humanity47#abj7   
,in the midst of the sensuality of      
ancient ,greece1 chastity  was the      
pre-eminent attribute of sanctity       
ascribed to ,athene and ,artemis4       
8,chaste daughter of ,zeus10 prayed the 
suppliants in schylus1 8thou whose  calm
 eye is never troubled1 look down upon  

us6 ,virgin1 defend the  virgins40 ,the 
,parthenon1 or virgin's temple1 was the 
noblest religious  edifice of ,athens4  
,celibacy was an essential condition in 
a few of the  orders of priests1 and in 
several orders of priestesses4 ,plato   
based his  moral system upon the        
distinction between the bodily or       
sensual1 and the  spiritual or rational 
part of our nature1 the first being the 
sign of our  degradation1 and the second
 of our dignity4 ,the whole school of   
,pythagoras  made chastity one of its   
leading virtues1 and even laboured for  
the  creation of a monastic system4 ,the
 conception of the celestial ,aphrodite1
  the uniter of souls1 unsullied by the 
taint of matter1 lingered side by  side 
with that of the earthly ,aphrodite or  
patroness of lust1 and if there  was a  
time when the sculptors sought to pander
 to the excesses of passion  there was  
another in which all their art was      
displayed in refining and  idealising   
it4 ,strabo mentions the existence in   

,thrace of societies of men  aspiring to
 perfection by celibacy and austere     
lives4 ,plutarch applauds  certain      
philosophers who vowed to abstain for a 
year from wine and women  in order 8to  
honour ,god by their continence407#aba7 
,in ,rome the religious  reverence was  
concentrated more especially upon       
married life4 ,the great  prominence    
accorded to the ,penates was the        
religious sanction of  domesticity4 ,so 
too1 at first1 was the worship so       
popular among the ,roman  women of the  
,bona ,dea--the ideal wife who according
 to the legend had1 when  on earth1     
never looked in the face or known the   
name of any man but her  husband47#abb7 
8,for altar and hearth0 was the rallying
 cry of the ,roman  soldier4 ,but above 
all this we find the traces of a higher 
ideal4 ,we find  it in the intense      
sanctity attributed to the vestal       
virgins whose  continence was guarded by
 such fearful penalties1 and supposed to
 be so  closely linked with the         

prosperity of the state1 whose prayer   
was believed  to possess a miraculous   
power1 and who were permitted to drive  
through the  streets of ,rome at a time 
when that privilege was refused even to 
the  ,empress47#abc7 ,we find it in the 
legend of ,claudia1 who1 when the ship  
bearing the image of the mother of the  
gods had been stranded in the  ,tiber1  
attached her girdle to its prow1 and    
vindicated her challenged  chastity by  
drawing with her virgin hand1 the       
ponderous mass which strong  men had    
sought in vain to move4 ,we find it in  
the prophetic gift so often  attributed 
to virgins17#abd7 in the law which      
sheltered them from the  degradation of 
an execution17#abe7 in the language of  
,statius1 who  described marriage itself
 as a fault47#abf7 ,in ,christianity one
 great  source of the attraction of the 
faith has been the ascription of        
virginity  to its female ideal4 ,the    
,catholic monastic system has been so   
constructed  as to draw many thousands  

from the sphere of active duty2 its     
irrevocable  vows have doubtless led to 
much suffering and not a little crime2  
its  opposition to the normal           
development of our mingled nature has   
often  resulted in grave aberrations of 
the imagination1 and it has placed its  
ban upon domestic affections and        
sympathies which have a very high moral 
value2 but in its central conception    
that the purely animal side of our      
being is a low and a degraded side1 it  
reflects1 ,i believe1 with perfect      
fidelity the feelings of our            
nature47#abg7    ,to these              
considerations some others of a         
different nature may be added4 ,it  is  
not true that some ancient nations      
regarded polygamy as good in the  same  
sense as others regarded chastity4      
,there is a great difference  between   
deeming a state permissible and         
proposing it as a condition of          
sanctity4 ,if ,mohammedans people       
paradise with images of sensuality1 it  

is  not because these form their ideal  
of holiness4 ,it is because they regard 
earth as the sphere of virtue1 heaven as
 that of simple enjoyment4 ,if some     
pagan nations deified sensuality1 this  
was simply because the deification  of  
the forces of nature1 of which the      
prolific energy is one of the most      
conspicuous1 is among the earliest forms
 of religion1 and long precedes  the    
identification of the ,deity with a     
moral ideal47#abh7 ,if there have  been 
nations who attached a certain stigma to
 virginity1 this has not been  because  
they esteemed sensuality intrinsically  
holier than chastity2 but  because a    
scanty1 warlike people whose position in
 the world depends  chiefly on the      
number of its warriors1 will naturally  
make it its main  object to encourage   
population4 ,this was especially the    
case with the  ancient ,jews1 who always
 regarded extreme populousness as       
indissolubly  connected with national   
prosperity1 whose religion was          

essentially  patriotic1 and among whom  
the possibility of becoming an ancestor 
of the  ,messiah had imparted a peculiar
 dignity to childbirth4 ,yet even among 
the  ,jews the ,essenes regarded        
virginity as the ideal of sanctity4     
,the reader will now be in a position to
 perceive the utter futility of the     
objections which from the time of ,locke
 have been continually brought  against 
the theory of natural moral perceptions1
 upon the ground that some  actions     
which were admitted as lawful in one    
age1 have been regarded as  immoral in  
another4 ,all these become absolutely   
worthless when it is  perceived that in 
every age virtue has consisted in the   
cultivation of the  same feelings1      
though the standards of excellence      
attained have been  different4 ,the     
terms higher and lower1 nobler or less  
noble1 purer or less  pure1 represent   
moral facts with much greater fidelity  
than the terms  right or wrong1 or      
virtue or vice4 ,there is a certain     

sense in which moral  distinctions are  
absolute and immutable4 ,there is       
another sense in which  they are        
altogether relative and transient4      
,there are some acts which are  so      
manifestly and grossly opposed to our   
moral feelings1 that they are  regarded 
as wrong in the very earliest stages of 
the cultivation of these  feelings4     
,there are distinctions1 such as that   
between truth and  falsehood1 which from
 their nature assume at once a sharpness
 of  definition that separates them from
 mere virtues of degree1 though even in 
these cases there are wide variations in
 the amount of scrupulosity that  is in 
different periods required4 ,but apart  
from positive commands1 the  sole       
external rule enabling men to designate 
acts1 not simply as better or  worse1   
but as positively right or wrong1 is1 ,i
 conceive1 the standard of  society2 not
 an arbitrary standard like that which  
,mandeville imagined1  but the level    
which society has attained in the       

cultivation of what our  moral faculty  
tells us is the higher or virtuous part 
of our nature4 ,he  who falls below this
 is obstructing the tendency which is   
the essence of  virtue4 ,he who merely  
attains this1 may not be justified in   
his own  conscience1 or in other words1 
by the standard of his own moral        
development1 but as far as any external 
rule is concerned1 he has done his      
duty4 ,he who rises above this has      
entered into the region of things which 
it is virtuous to do1 but not vicious to
 neglect--a region known among          
,catholic theologians by the name of    
8counsels of perfection40 ,no           
discussions1 ,i conceive1 can be more   
idle than whether slavery1 or the       
slaughter of prisoners in war1 or       
gladiatorial shows1 or polygamy1 are    
essentially wrong4 ,they may be wrong   
now--they were not so once--and when an 
ancient countenanced by his example one 
or other of these1 he was not           
committing a crime4 ,the unchangeable   

proposition for which we contend is     
this--that benevolence is always a      
virtuous disposition--that the sensual  
part of our nature is always the lower  
part4    ,at this point1 however1 a very
 difficult problem naturally arises4    
,admitting that our moral nature is     
superior to our intellectual or         
physical nature1 admitting1 too1 that by
 the constitution of our being we       
perceive ourselves to be under an       
obligation to develope our nature to its
  perfection1 establishing the supreme  
ascendency of moral motives1 the        
question still remains whether the      
disparity between the different parts   
of our being is such that no material or
 intellectual advantage1 however  great1
 may be rightly purchased by any        
sacrifice of our moral nature1  however 
small4 ,this is the great question of   
casuistry1 the question which  divines  
express by asking whether the end ever  
justifies the means2 and on  this       
subject there exists among theologians a

 doctrine which is absolutely           
unrealised1 which no one ever dreams of 
applying to actual life1 but of  which  
it may be truly said that though        
propounded with the best  intentions1 it
 would1 if acted upon1 be utterly       
incompatible with the very  rudiments of
 civilisation4 ,it is said that an      
undoubted sin1 even the most  trivial1  
is a thing in its essence and in its    
consequences so unspeakably  dreadful1  
that no conceivable material or         
intellectual advantage can              
counterbalance it2 that rather than it  
should be committed1 it would be  better
 that any amount of calamity which did  
not bring with it sin should  be        
endured1 even that the whole human race 
should perish in agonies47#abi7  ,if    
this be the case1 it is manifest that   
the supreme object of humanity  should  
be sinlessness1 and it is equally       
manifest that the means to this  end is 
the absolute suppression of the desires4
 ,to expand the circle of  wants is     

necessarily to multiply temptations1 and
 therefore to increase  the number of   
sins4 ,it may indeed elevate the moral  
standard1 for a torpid  sinlessness is  
not a high moral condition2 but if every
 sin be what these  theologians assert1 
if it be a thing deserving eternal      
agony1 and so  inconceivably frightful  
that the ruin of a world is a less evil 
than its  commission1 even moral        
advantages are utterly incommensurate   
with it4 ,no  heightening of the moral  
tone1 no depth or ecstasy of devotion1  
can for a  moment be placed in the      
balance4 ,the consequences of this      
doctrine1 if  applied to actual life1   
would be so extravagant1 that their     
simple  statement is a refutation4 ,a   
sovereign1 when calculating the         
consequences  of a war1 should reflect  
that a single sin occasioned by that    
war1 a  single blasphemy of a wounded   
soldier1 the robbery of a single        
hencoop1  the violation of the purity of
 a single woman1 is a greater calamity  

than  the ruin of the entire commerce of
 his nation1 the loss of her most       
precious provinces1 the destruction of  
all her power4 ,he must believe that    
the evil of the increase of unchastity1 
which invariably results from the       
formation of an army1 is an immeasurably
 greater calamity than any  material or 
political disasters that army can       
possibly avert4 ,he must  believe that  
the most fearful plague or famine that  
desolates his land  should be regarded  
as a matter of rejoicing1 if it has but 
the feeblest  and most transient        
influence in repressing vice4 ,he must  
believe that if  the agglomeration of   
his people in great cities adds but one 
to the number  of their sins1 no        
possible intellectual or material       
advantages can prevent  the construction
 of cities being a fearful calamity4    
,according to this  principle1 every    
elaboration of life1 every amusement    
that brings  multitudes together1 almost
 every art1 every accession of wealth   

that  awakens or stimulates desires1 is 
an evil1 for all these become the       
sources of some sins1 and their         
advantages are for the most part purely 
terrestrial4 ,the entire structure of   
civilisation is founded upon the  belief
 that it is a good thing to cultivate   
intellectual and material  capacities1  
even at the cost of certain moral evils 
which we are often  able accurately to  
foresee47#acj7 ,the time may come when  
the man who lays  the foundation-stone  
of a manufacture will be able to predict
 with  assurance in what proportion the 
drunkenness and the unchastity of his   
city will be increased by his           
enterprise4 ,yet he will still pursue   
that  enterprise1 and mankind will      
pronounce it to be good4    ,the        
theological doctrine on the subject1    
considered in its full  stringency1     
though professed by many1 is1 as ,i have
 said1 realised and  consistently acted 
on by no one2 but the practical         
judgments of mankind  concerning the    

extent of the superiority of moral over 
all other interests  vary greatly1 and  
this variation supplies one of the most 
serious  objections to intuitive        
moralists4 ,the nearest practical       
approach to the  theological estimate of
 a sin may be found in the ranks of the 
ascetics4  ,their whole system rests    
upon the belief that it is a thing so   
transcendently dreadful as to bear no   
proportion or appreciable relation  to  
any earthly interests4 ,starting from   
this belief1 the ascetic makes it  the  
exclusive object of his life to avoid   
sinning4 ,he accordingly abstains  from 
all the active business of society1     
relinquishes all worldly aims and       
ambitions1 dulls by continued discipline
 his natural desires1 and  endeavours to
 pass a life of complete absorption in  
religious exercises4  ,and in all this  
his conduct is reasonable and           
consistent4 ,the natural  course of     
every man who adopts this estimate of   
the enormity of sin is at  every cost to

 avoid all external influences that can 
prove temptations1  and to attenuate as 
far as possible his own appetites and   
emotions4 ,it is  in this respect that  
the exaggerations of theologians        
paralyse our moral  being4 ,for the     
diminution of sins1 however important1  
is but one part of  moral progress4     
,whenever it is forced into a           
disproportionate prominence1  we find   
tame1 languid1 and mutilated natures1   
destitute of all fire and  energy1 and  
this tendency has been still further    
aggravated by the extreme  prominence   
usually given to the virtue of          
gentleness1 which may indeed be         
attained by men of strong natures and   
vehement emotions1 but is evidently     
more congenial to a somewhat feeble and 
passionless character4    ,ascetic      
practices are manifestly and rapidly    
disappearing1 and their  decline is a   
striking proof of the evanescence of the
 moral notions of  which they were the  
expression1 but in many existing        

questions relating to  the same matter1 
we find perplexing diversity of         
judgment4 ,we find it in  the contrast  
between the system of education usually 
adopted by the  ,catholic priesthood1   
which has for its pre-eminent object to 
prevent sins1  and for its means a      
constant and minute supervision1 and the
 ,english  system of public schools1    
which is certainly not the most fitted  
to guard  against the possibility of    
sin1 or to foster any very delicate     
scrupulosity of feeling2 but is         
intended1 and popularly supposed1 to    
secure the healthy expansion of every   
variety of capacity4 ,we find it in  the
 widely different attitudes which good  
men in different periods have  adopted  
towards religious opinions they believe 
to be false2 some1 like  the reformers1 
refusing to participate in any          
superstitious service1 or to  withhold  
on any occasion1 or at any cost1 their  
protest against what they  regarded as a
 lie2 others1 like most ancient1 and    

some modern philosophers  and           
politicians1 combining the most absolute
 personal incredulity with an  assiduous
 observance of superstitious rites1 and 
strongly censuring those  who disturbed 
delusions which are useful or           
consolatory to the people2  while a     
third class silently1 but without       
protest1 withdraw themselves  from the  
observances1 and desire that their      
opinions should have a free  expression 
in literature1 but at the same time     
discourage all  proselytising efforts to
 force them rudely on unprepared minds4 
,we find it  in the frequent conflicts  
between the political economist and the 
,catholic  priest on the subject of     
early marriages1 the former opposing    
them on the  ground that it is an       
essential condition of material         
well-being that the  standard of comfort
 should not be depressed1 the latter    
advocating them on  the ground that the 
postponement of marriages1 through      
prudential motives1  by any large body  

of men1 is the fertile mother of sin4   
,we find it most  conspicuously in the  
marked diversities of tolerance         
manifested in  different communities    
towards amusements which may in         
themselves be  perfectly innocent1 but  
which prove the sources or the occasions
 of vice4  ,the ,scotch ,puritans       
probably represent one extreme1 the     
,parisian society  of the empire the    
other1 while the position of average    
,englishmen is  perhaps equidistant     
between them4 ,yet this difference1     
great as it is1 is  a difference not of 
principle1 but of degree4 ,no ,puritan  
seriously desires  to suppress every    
clan-gathering1 every highland game     
which may have  occasioned an isolated  
fit of drunkenness1 though he may be    
unable to show  that it has prevented   
any sin that would otherwise have been  
committed4 ,no  ,frenchman will question
 that there is a certain amount of      
demoralisation  which should not be     
tolerated1 however great the enjoyment  

that  accompanies it4 ,yet the one      
dwells almost exclusively upon the      
moral1 the  other upon the attractive1  
nature of a spectacle4 ,between these   
there are  numerous gradations1 which   
are shown in frequent disputes about the
 merits  and demerits of the racecourse1
 the ball1 the theatre1 and the concert4
  ,where then1 it may be asked1 is the  
line to be drawn8 ,by what rule can the 
point be determined at which an         
amusement becomes vitiated by the evil  
of  its consequences8    ,to these      
questions the intuitive moralist is     
obliged to answer1 that such  a line    
cannot be drawn1 that such a rule does  
not exist4 ,the colours of  our moral   
nature are rarely separated by the sharp
 lines of our  vocabulary4 ,they fade   
and blend into one another so           
imperceptibly1 that it  is impossible to
 mark a precise point of transition4    
,the end of man is the  full development
 of his being in that symmetry and      
proportion which nature  has assigned   

it1 and such a development implies that 
the supreme1 the  predominant motive of 
his life1 should be moral4 ,if in any   
society or  individual this ascendency  
does not exist1 that society or that    
individual  is in a diseased and        
abnormal condition4 ,but the superiority
 of the moral  part of our nature1      
though unquestionable1 is indefinite not
 infinite1 and  the prevailing standard 
is not at all times the same4 ,the      
moralist can  only lay down general     
principles4 ,individual feeling or the  
general  sentiment of society must draw 
the application4    ,the vagueness that 
on such questions confessedly hangs over
 the intuitive  theory1 has always been 
insisted upon by members of the opposite
 school1  who 'in the greatest happiness
 principle' claim to possess a definite 
formulary1 enabling them to draw boldly 
the frontier line between the  lawful   
and the illicit1 and to remove moral    
disputes from the domain of  feeling to 
that of demonstration4 ,but this claim1 

which forms the great  attraction of the
 utilitarian school1 is1 if ,i mistake  
not1 one of the  grossest of impostures4
 ,we compare with accuracy and          
confidence the value  of the most       
various material commodities1 for we    
mean by this term1  exchangeable value1 
and we have a common measure of         
exchange4 ,but we seek  in vain for such
 a measure enabling us to compare       
different kinds of  utility or          
happiness4 ,thus1 to take a very        
familiar example1 the question  may be  
proposed1 whether excursion trains from 
a country district to a  seaport town   
produce more good than evil1 whether a  
man governed by moral  principles should
 encourage or oppose them4 ,they give   
innocent and healthy  enjoyment to many 
thousands1 they enlarge in some degree  
the range of  their ideas1 they can     
hardly be said to prevent any sin that  
would  otherwise have been committed1   
they give rise to many cases of         
drunkenness1 each of which1 according to

 the theological doctrine we have       
reviewed1 should be deemed a more       
dreadful calamity than the earthquake of
  ,lisbon1 or a visitation of the       
cholera1 but which have not usually any 
lasting terrestrial effects2 they also  
often produce a measure1 and  sometimes 
no small measure1 of more serious vice1 
and it is probable that  hundreds of    
women may trace their first fall to the 
excursion train4 ,we  have here a number
 of advantages and disadvantages1 the   
first being  intellectual and physical1 
and the second moral4 ,nearly all       
moralists  would acknowledge that a few 
instances of immorality would not       
prevent the  excursion train being1 on  
the whole1 a good thing4 ,all would     
acknowledge  that very numerous         
instances would more than counterbalance
 its  advantages4 ,the intuitive        
moralist confesses that he is unable to 
draw a  precise line1 showing where the 
moral evils outweigh the physical       
benefits4 ,in what possible respect the 

introduction of ,benthamite  formularies
 improves the matter1 ,i am unable to   
understand4 ,no utilitarian  would      
reduce the question to one of simple    
majority1 or would have the  cynicism to
 balance the ruin of one woman by the   
day's enjoyment of  another4 ,the       
impossibility of drawing1 in such cases1
 a distinct line of  division1 is no    
argument against the intuitive moralist1
 for that  impossibility is shared to   
the full extent by his rival4    ,there 
are1 as we have seen1 two kinds of      
interest with which utilitarian         
moralists are concerned--the private    
interest which they believe to be the   
ultimate motive1 and the public interest
 which they believe to be the end1  of  
all virtue4 ,with reference to the      
first1 the intuitive moralist denies    
that a selfish act can be a virtuous or 
meritorious one4 ,if a man when  about  
to commit a theft1 became suddenly      
conscious of the presence of a          
policeman1 and through fear of arrest   

and punishment were to abstain from  the
 act he would otherwise have committed1 
this abstinence would not  appear in the
 eyes of mankind to possess any moral   
value2 and if he were  determined partly
 by conscientious motives1 and partly by
 fear1 the  presence of the latter      
element would1 in proportion to its     
strength1  detract from his merit4 ,but 
although selfish considerations are     
distinctly  opposed to virtuous ones1 it
 would be a mistake to imagine they can 
never  ultimately have a purely moral   
influence4 ,in the first place1 a       
well-ordered system of threats and      
punishments marks out the path of       
virtue with a distinctness of definition
 it could scarcely have otherwise       
attained4 ,in the next place1 it often  
happens that when the mind is swayed  by
 a conflict of motives1 the expectation 
of reward or punishment will so         
reinforce or support the virtuous       
motives1 as to secure their victory2    
and1 as every triumph of these motives  

increases their strength and  weakens   
the opposing principles1 a step will    
thus have been made towards  moral      
perfection1 which will render more      
probable the future triumph of          
unassisted virtue4    ,with reference to
 the interests of society1 there are two
 distinct  assertions to be made4 ,the  
first is1 that although the pursuit of  
the  welfare of others is undoubtedly   
one form of virtue1 it does not include 
all virtue1 or1 in other words1 that    
there are forms of virtue which1 even   
if beneficial to mankind1 do not become 
virtuous on that account1 but have  an  
intrinsic excellence which is not       
proportioned to or dependent on their   
utility4 ,the second is1 that there may 
occasionally arise considerations  of   
extreme and overwhelming utility that   
may justify a sacrifice of these        
virtues4 ,this sacrifice may be made in 
various ways--as1 when a man  undertakes
 an enterprise which is in itself       
perfectly innocent1 but which  in       

addition to its great material          
advantages will1 as he well knows1      
produce a certain measure of crime2 or  
when1 abstaining from a protest1 he     
tacitly countenances beliefs which he   
considers untrue1 because he regards    
them as transcendently useful2 or again1
 when1 for the benefit of others1  and  
under circumstances of great urgency1 he
 utters a direct falsehood1  as1 for    
example1 when by such means alone he can
 save the life of an  innocent          
man47#aca7 ,but the fact1 that in these 
cases considerations of  extreme utility
 are suffered to override considerations
 of morality1 is in  no degree          
inconsistent with the facts1 that the   
latter differ in kind from  the former1 
that they are of a higher nature1 and   
that they may supply  adequate and      
legitimate motives of action not only   
distinct from1 but even  in opposition  
to utility4 ,gold and silver are        
different metals4 ,gold is  more        
valuable than silver2 yet a very small  

quantity of gold may be  advantageously 
exchanged for a very large quantity of  
silver4    ,the last class of objections
 to the theory of natural moral         
perceptions  which it is necessary for  
me to notice1 arises from a very        
mischievous  equivocation in the word   
natural47#acb7 ,the term natural man is 
sometimes  regarded as synonymous with  
man in his primitive or barbarous       
condition1  and sometimes as expressing 
all in a civilised man that is due to   
nature  as distinguished from artificial
 habits or acquirements4 ,this          
equivocation  is especially dangerous1  
because it implies one of the most      
extravagant  excesses to which the      
sensational philosophy could be         
pushed--the notion  that the difference 
between a savage and a civilised man is 
simply a  difference of acquisition1 and
 not at all a difference of development4
 ,in  accordance with this notion1 those
 who deny original moral distinctions   
have ransacked the accounts of          

travellers for examples of savages who  
appeared destitute of moral sentiments1 
and have adduced them as  conclusive    
evidence of their position4 ,now it is1 
,i think1 abundantly  evident that these
 narratives are usually exceedingly     
untrustworthy47#acc7  ,they have been in
 most cases collected by uncritical and 
unphilosophical  travellers1 who knew   
little of the language and still less of
 the inner  life of the people they     
described1 whose means of information   
were  acquired in simply traversing the 
country1 who were more struck by moral  
paradox1 than by unostentatious virtue1 
who were proverbially addicted to       
embellishing and exaggerating the       
singularities they witnessed1 and who   
very rarely investigated their origin4  
,it should not be forgotten that the    
,french moralists of the last century1  
who insisted most strongly on this      
species of evidence1 were also the dupes
 of one of the most curious  delusions  
in the whole compass of literary        

history4 ,those unflinching  sceptics   
who claimed to be the true disciples of 
the apostle who believed  nothing that  
he had not touched1 and whose relentless
 criticism played  with withering effect
 on all the holiest feelings of our     
nature1 and on  all the tenets of       
traditional creeds1 had discovered one  
happy land where  the ideal had ceased  
to be a dream4 ,they could point to one 
people whose  pure and rational         
morality1 purged from all the clouds of 
bigotry and  enthusiasm1 shone with an  
almost dazzling splendour above the     
ignorance  and superstition of ,europe4 
,voltaire forgot to gibe1 and ,helvtius 
kindled  into enthusiasm1 when ,china   
and the ,chinese rose before their      
minds1 and  to this semi-barbarous      
nation they habitually attributed maxims
 of conduct  that neither ,roman nor    
,christian virtue had ever realised4    
,but putting aside these considerations1
 and assuming the fidelity of the       
pictures of savage life upon which these

 writers rely1 they fail to prove  the  
point for which they are adduced4 ,the  
moralists ,i am defending1 assert  that 
we possess a natural power of           
distinguishing between the higher and   
lower parts of our nature4 ,but the eye 
of the mind1 like the eye of the  body1 
may be closed4 ,moral and rational      
facilities may be alike dormant1  and   
they will certainly be so if men are    
wholly immersed in the  gratification of
 their senses4 ,man is like a plant1    
which requires a  favourable soil for   
the full expansion of its natural or    
innate  powers47#acd7 ,yet those powers 
both rational and moral are there1 and  
when  quickened into action1 each will  
discharge its appointed functions4 ,if  
it  could be proved that there are      
savages who are absolutely destitute of 
the  progressive energy which           
distinguishes reason from instinct and  
of the  moral aspiration which          
constitutes virtue1 this would not prove
 that  rational or moral faculties form 

no part of their nature4 ,if it could be
  shown that there is a stage of        
barbarism in which man knows1 feels and 
does nothing that might not be known1   
felt and done by an ape1 this would  not
 be sufficient to reduce him to the     
level of the brute4 ,there would  still 
be this broad distinction between       
them--the one possesses a capacity  for 
development which the other does not    
possess4 ,under favourable              
circumstances the savage will become a  
reasoning1 progressive1 and moral  man3 
under no circumstances can a similar    
transformation be effected in  the ape4 
,it may be as difficult to detect the   
oakleaf in the acorn as in  the stone2  
yet the acorn may be converted into an  
oak3 the stone will  always continue to 
be a stone47#ace7    ,the foregoing     
pages will1 ,i trust1 have exhibited    
with sufficient  clearness the nature of
 the two great divisions of moral       
philosophy--the  school which proceeds  
from the primitive truth that all men   

desire  happiness1 and endeavours out of
 this fact to evolve all ethical        
doctrines1 and the school which traces  
our moral systems to an intuitive       
perception that certain parts of our    
nature are higher or better than        
others4 ,it is obvious that this        
difference concerning the origin of our 
moral conceptions forms part of the very
 much wider metaphysical question1      
whether our ideas are derived           
exclusively from sensation or whether   
they  spring in part from the mind      
itself4 ,the latter theory in antiquity 
was  chiefly represented by the         
,platonic doctrine of pre-existence1    
which  rested on the conviction that the
 mind has the power of drawing from its 
own depths certain conceptions or ideas 
which cannot be explained by any        
post-natal experience1 and must         
therefore1 it was said1 have been       
acquired  in a previous existence4 ,in  
the seventeenth century it took the form
 of a  doctrine of innate ideas4 ,but   

though this theory in the form in which 
it  was professed by ,lord ,herbert of  
,cherbury and assailed by ,locke has    
almost  disappeared1 the doctrine that  
we possess certain faculties which by   
their  own expansion1 and not by the    
reception of notions from without1 are  
not  only capable of1 but must          
necessarily attain1 certain ideas1 as   
the bud  must necessarily expand into   
its own specific flower1 still occupies 
a  distinguished place in the world of  
speculation1 and its probability has    
been greatly strengthened by recent     
observations of the range and potency   
of instinct in animals4 ,from some      
passages in his ,essay1 it appears that 
,locke himself had a confused perception
 of this distinction17#acf7 which  was  
by no means unknown to previous writers2
 and after the publication of  the      
philosophy of ,locke it was clearly     
exhibited by ,shaftesbury and           
,leibnitz1 and incidentally noticed by  
,berkeley long before ,kant  established

 his distinction between the form and   
the matter of our  knowledge1 between   
ideas which are received a priori and   
ideas which are  received a posteriori4 
,the existence or non-existence of this 
source of  ideas forms the basis of the 
opposition between the inductive        
philosophy  of ,england and the ,french 
philosophy of the eighteenth century on 
the one  hand1 and the ,german and      
,scotch philosophies1 as well as the    
,french  eclecticism of the nineteenth  
century upon the other4 ,the tendency of
 the  first school is to restrict as far
 as possible the active powers of the   
human mind1 and to aggrandise as far as 
possible the empire of external         
circumstances4 ,the other school dwells 
especially on the instinctive side  of  
our nature1 and maintains the existence 
of certain intuitions of the  reason1   
certain categories or original          
conceptions1 which are presupposed  in  
all our reasonings and cannot be        
resolved into sensations4 ,the boast of 

the first school is that its searching  
analysis leaves no mental  phenomenon   
unresolved1 and its attraction is the   
extreme simplicity it can  attain4 ,the 
second school multiplies faculties or   
original principles1  concentrates its  
attention mainly upon the nature of our 
understanding1  and asserts very        
strongly the initiative force both of   
our will and of our  intellect4    ,we  
find this connection between a          
philosophy based upon the senses1 and a 
morality founded upon utility from the  
earliest times4 ,aristotle was          
distinguished among the ancients for the
 emphasis with which he dwelt upon  the 
utility of virtue1 and it was from the  
writings of ,aristotle that the         
schoolmen derived the famous formulary  
which has become the motto of the       
school of ,locke4 ,locke himself devoted
 especial research to the refutation  of
 the doctrine of a natural moral sense1 
which he endeavoured to  overthrow by a 
catalogue of immoral practices that     

exist among savages1  and the hesitation
 he occasionally exhibited in his moral 
doctrine  corresponds not unfaithfully  
to the obscurity thrown over his        
metaphysics  by the admission of        
reflection as a source of ideas4 ,if his
 opponent  ,leibnitz made pleasure the  
object of moral action1 it was only that
  refined pleasure which is produced by 
the contemplation of the happiness  of  
others4 ,when1 however1 ,condillac and  
his followers1 removing reflection  from
 the position ,locke had assigned it1   
reduced the philosophy of  sensation to 
its simplest expression1 and when the   
,scotch and ,german  writers elaborated 
the principles of the opposite school1  
the moral  tendencies of both were      
indisputably manifested4 ,everywhere the
 philosophy  of sensation was           
accompanied by the morals of interest1  
and the ideal  philosophy1 by an        
assertion of the existence of a moral   
faculty1 and every  influence that has  
affected the prevailing theory          

concerning the origin of  our ideas1 has
 exercised a corresponding influence    
upon the theories of  ethics4    ,the   
great movement of modern thought1 of    
which ,bacon was at once the  highest   
representative and one of the chief     
agents1 has been truly said to  exhibit 
a striking resemblance1 and at the same 
time a striking contrast1  to the       
movement of ancient thought1 which was  
effected chiefly by the  genius of      
,socrates4 ,in the name of utility1     
,socrates diverted the  intellect of    
antiquity from the fantastic cosmogonies
 with which it had  long been occupied1 
to the study of the moral nature of man4
 ,in the name  of the same utility      
,bacon laboured to divert the modern    
intellect from the  idle metaphysical   
speculations of the schoolmen to natural
 science1 to  which newly discovered    
instruments of research1 his own sounder
 method1  and a cluster of splendid     
intellects1 soon gave an unprecedented  
impulse4  ,to the indirect influence of 

this movement1 perhaps1 even more than  
to the  direct teaching of ,gassendi and
 ,locke1 may be ascribed the great      
ascendency of sensational philosophy    
among modern nations1 and it is also    
connected with some of the most         
important differences between ancient   
and  modern history4 ,among the ancients
 the human mind was chiefly directed to 
philosophical speculations1 in which the
 law seems to be perpetual  oscillation1
 while among the moderns it has rather  
tended towards physical  science1 and   
towards inventions1 in which the law is 
perpetual progress4  ,national power1   
and in most cases even national         
independence1 implied  among the        
ancients the constant energy of high    
intellectual or moral  qualities4 ,when 
the heroism or the genius of the people 
had relaxed1 when  an enervating        
philosophy or the lassitude that often  
accompanies  civilisation arrived1 the  
whole edifice speedily tottered1 the    
sceptre was  transferred to another     

state1 and the same history was         
elsewhere  reproduced4 ,a great nation  
bequeathed indeed to its successors     
works of  transcendent beauty in art and
 literature1 philosophies that could    
avail  only when the mind had risen to  
their level1 examples that might        
stimulate  the heroism of an aspiring   
people1 warnings that might sometimes   
arrest it  on the path to ruin4 ,but all
 these acted only through the mind4 ,in 
modern  times1 on the other hand1 if we 
put aside religious influences1 the     
principal causes of the superiority of  
civilised men are to be found in        
inventions which when once discovered   
can never pass away1 and the effects  of
 which are in consequence in a great    
measure removed from the  fluctuations  
of moral life4 ,the causes which most   
disturbed or accelerated  the normal    
progress of society in antiquity were   
the appearance of great  men1 in modern 
times they have been the appearance of  
great inventions4  ,printing has secured

 the intellectual achievements of the   
past1 and  furnished a sure guarantee of
 future progress4 ,gunpowder and        
military  machinery have rendered the   
triumph of barbarians impossible4 ,steam
 has  united nations in the closest     
bonds4 ,innumerable mechanical          
contrivances  have given a decisive     
preponderance to that industrial element
 which has  coloured all the            
developments of our civilisation4 ,the  
leading  characteristics of modern      
societies are in consequence marked out 
much  more by the triumphs of inventive 
skill than by the sustained energy of   
moral causes4    ,now it will appear    
evident1 ,i think1 to those who reflect 
carefully upon  their own minds1 and    
upon the course of history1 that these  
three things1  the study of physical    
science1 inventive skill1 and industrial
 enterprise1  are connected in such a   
manner1 that when in any nation there is
 a  long-sustained tendency towards one1
 the others will naturally follow4      

,this connection is partly that of cause
 and effect1 for success in either  of  
these branches facilitates success in   
the others1 a knowledge of  natural laws
 being the basis of many of the most    
important inventions1 and  being itself 
acquired by the aid of instruments of   
research1 while  industry is manifestly 
indebted to both4 ,but besides this     
connection1  there is a connection of   
congruity4 ,the same cast or habit of   
thought  developes itself in these three
 forms4 ,they all represent the natural 
tendencies of what is commonly called   
the practical as opposed to the         
theoretical mind1 of the inductive or   
experimental as opposed to the          
deductive or ideal1 of the cautious and 
the plodding as opposed to the          
imaginative and the ambitious1 of the   
mind that tends naturally to matter  as 
opposed to that which dwells naturally  
on ideas4 ,among the ancients1  the     
distaste for physical science1 which the
 belief in the capricious  divine       

government of all natural phenomena1 and
 the distaste for  industrial enterprise
 which slavery produced1 conspired to   
favour the  philosophical tendency1     
while among the moderns physical science
 and the  habits of industrial life     
continually react upon one another4     
,there can be no question that the      
intellectual tendencies of modern times 
are far superior to those of antiquity1 
both in respect to the material         
prosperity they effect1 and to the      
uninterrupted progress they secure4     
,upon the other hand1 it is1 ,i think1  
equally unquestionable that this        
superiority is purchased by the         
sacrifice of something of dignity and   
elevation of character4 ,it is when the 
cultivation of mental and moral         
qualities is deemed the primary object1 
when the mind and its interests  are    
most removed from the things of sense1  
that great characters are most          
frequent1 and the standard of heroism is
 most high4 ,in this1 as in other       

cases1 the law of congruity is supreme4 
,the mind that is concentrated most  on 
the properties of matter1 is predisposed
 to derive all ideas from the  senses1  
while that which dwells naturally upon  
its own operations inclines  to an ideal
 philosophy1 and the prevailing system  
of morals depends  largely upon the     
distinction4    ,in the next place1 we  
may observe that the practical          
consequences1 so far  as ethics are     
concerned17#acg7 of the opposition      
between the two great  schools of       
morals1 are less than might be inferred 
from the intellectual  chasm that       
separates them4 ,moralists grow up in   
the atmosphere of society1  and         
experience all the common feelings of   
other men4 ,whatever theory of  the     
genesis of morals they may form1 they   
commonly recognise as right the  broad  
moral principles of the world1 and they 
endeavour--though ,i have  attempted to 
show not always successfully--to prove  
that these principles  may be accounted 

for and justified by their system4 ,the 
great practical  difference between the 
schools lies1 not in the difference of  
the virtues  they inculcate1 but in the 
different degrees of prominence they    
assign to  each1 in the different casts 
of mind they represent and promote4 ,as 
,adam  ,smith observed1 a system like   
that of the ,stoics1 which makes        
self-control  the ideal of excellence1  
is especially favourable to the heroic  
qualities1  a system like that of       
,hutcheson1 which resolves virtue into  
benevolence1  to the amiable qualities1 
and utilitarian systems to the          
industrial  virtues4 ,a society in which
 any one of these three forms of moral  
excellence is especially prominent1 has 
a natural tendency towards the          
corresponding theory of ethics2 but1 on 
the other hand1 this theory1 when       
formed1 reacts upon and strengthens the 
moral tendency that elicited it4  ,the  
,epicureans and the ,stoics can each    
claim a great historical fact in  their 

favour4 ,when every other ,greek school 
modified or abandoned the  teaching of  
its founder1 the disciples of ,epicurus 
at ,athens preserved  their hereditary  
faith unsullied and unchanged47#ach7 ,on
 the other hand1 in  the ,roman empire1 
almost every great character1 almost    
every effort in the  cause of liberty1  
emanated from the ranks of ,stoicism1   
while ,epicureanism  was continually    
identified with corruption and with     
tyranny4 ,the intuitive  school1 not    
having a clear and simple external      
standard1 has often proved  somewhat    
liable to assimilate with superstition  
and mysticism1 to become  fantastic1    
unreasoning1 and unpractical1 while the 
prominence accorded to  interest1 and   
the constant intervention of calculation
 in utilitarian  systems1 have a        
tendency to depress the ideal1 and give 
a sordid and  unheroic ply to the       
character4 ,the first1 dwelling on the  
moral  initiative1 elevates the tone and
 standard of life4 ,the second1         

revealing  the influence of surrounding 
circumstances upon character1 leads to  
the  most important practical           
reforms47#aci7 ,each school has thus    
proved in some  sense at once the       
corrective and the complement of the    
other4 ,each when  pushed to its extreme
 results1 produces evils which lead to  
the  reappearance of its rival4         
,having now considered at some length   
the nature and tendencies of the        
theories according to which men test and
 classify their moral feelings1 we  may 
pass to an examination of the process   
according to which these  feelings are  
developed1 or1 in other words1 of the   
causes that lead  societies to elevate  
their moral standard and determine their
 preference  of some particular kinds of
 virtue4 ,the observations ,i have to   
offer on  this subject will be of a     
somewhat miscellaneous character1 but   
they will  all1 ,i trust1 tend to show  
the nature of the changes that          
constitute moral  history1 and to       

furnish us with some general principles 
which may be  applied in detail in the  
succeeding chapters4    ,it is          
sufficiently evident1 that1 in          
proportion to the high organisation  of 
society1 the amiable and the social     
virtues will be cultivated at the       
expense of the heroic and the ascetic4  
,a courageous endurance of suffering  is
 probably the first form of human       
virtue1 the one conspicuous instance  in
 savage life of a course of conduct     
opposed to natural impulses1 and        
pursued through a belief that it is     
higher or nobler than the opposite4 ,in 
a disturbed1 disorganised1 and warlike  
society1 acts of great courage and      
great endurance are very frequent1 and  
determine to a very large extent  the   
course of events2 but in proportion to  
the organisation of communities  the    
occasions for their display1 and their  
influence when displayed1 are  alike    
restricted4 ,besides this the tastes and
 habits of civilisation1 the            

innumerable inventions designed to      
promote comfort and diminish pain1 set  
the current of society in a direction   
altogether different from heroism1  and 
somewhat emasculate1 though they refine 
and soften1 the character4  ,asceticism 
again--including under this term1 not   
merely the monastic  system1 but also   
all efforts to withdraw from the world  
in order to  cultivate a high degree of 
sanctity--belongs naturally to a society
 which  is somewhat rude1 and in which  
isolation is frequent and easy4 ,when   
men  become united in very close bonds  
of co-operation1 when industrial        
enterprise becomes very ardent1 and the 
prevailing impulse is strongly  towards 
material wealth and luxurious           
enjoyments1 virtue is regarded  chiefly 
or solely in the light of the interests 
of society1 and this  tendency is still 
further strengthened by the educational 
influence of  legislation1 which        
imprints moral distinctions very deeply 
on the mind1  but at the same time      

accustoms men to measure them solely by 
an external  and utilitarian            
standard47#adj7 ,the first table of the 
law gives way to the  second4 ,good is  
not loved for itself1 but as the means  
to an end4 ,all that  virtue which is   
required to form upright and benevolent 
men is in the  highest degree useful to 
society1 but the qualities which        
constitute a  saintly or spiritual      
character as distinguished from one that
 is simply  moral and amiable1 have not 
the same direct1 uniform and manifest   
tendency  to the promotion of happiness1
 and they are accordingly little        
valued47#ada7 ,in savage life the animal
 nature being supreme1 these higher     
qualities are unknown4 ,in a very       
elaborate material civilisation the     
prevailing atmosphere is not favourable 
either to their production or  their    
appreciation4 ,their place has usually  
been in an intermediate stage4    ,on   
the other hand1 there are certain       
virtues that are the natural product  of

 a cultivated society4 ,independently of
 all local and special  circumstances1  
the transition of men from a barbarous  
or semi-civilised to  a highly organised
 state necessarily brings with it the   
destruction or  abridgment of the       
legitimate sphere of revenge1 by        
transferring the office  of punishment  
from the wronged person to a passionless
 tribunal appointed  by society27#adb7 a
 growing substitution of pacific for    
warlike  occupations1 the introduction  
of refined and intellectual tastes which
  gradually displace amusements that    
derive their zest from their barbarity1 
the rapid multiplication of ties of     
connection between all classes and      
nations1 and also the strengthening of  
the imagination by intellectual         
culture4 ,this last faculty1 considered 
as the power of realisation1 forms  the 
chief tie between our moral and         
intellectual natures4 ,in order to pity 
suffering we must realise it1 and the   
intensity of our compassion is  usually 

proportioned to the vividness of our    
realisation47#adc7 ,the most  frightful 
catastrophe in ,south ,america1 an      
earthquake1 a shipwreck1 or a  battle1  
will elicit less compassion than the    
death of a single individual  who has   
been brought prominently before our     
eyes4 ,to this cause must be  chiefly   
ascribed the extraordinary measure of   
compassion usually bestowed  upon a     
conspicuous condemned criminal1 the     
affection and enthusiasm that  centre   
upon sovereigns1 and many of the glaring
 inconsistencies of our  historical     
judgments4 ,the recollection of some    
isolated act of magnanimity  displayed  
by ,alexander or ,csar moves us more    
than the thought of the  #cj1jjj        
,thebans whom the ,macedonian sold as   
slaves1 of the #b1jjj prisoners  he     
crucified at ,tyre1 of the #a1ajj1jjj   
men on whose corpses the ,roman rose  to
 fame4 ,wrapt in the pale winding-sheet 
of general terms the greatest  tragedies
 of history evoke no vivid images in our

 minds1 and it is only by  a great      
effort of genius that an historian can  
galvanise them into life4  ,the         
irritation displayed by the captive of  
,st4 ,helena in his bickerings  with his
 gaoler affects most men more than the  
thought of the nameless  thousands whom 
his insatiable egotism had hurried to   
the grave4 ,such is  the frailty of our 
nature that we are more moved by the    
tears of some  captive princess1 by some
 trifling biographical incident that has
 floated  down the stream of history1   
than by the sorrows of all the countless
  multitudes who perished beneath the   
sword of a ,tamerlane1 a ,bajazet1 or a 
,zenghis ,khan4    ,if our benevolent   
feelings are thus the slaves of our     
imaginations1 if an  act of realisation 
is a necessary antecedent and condition 
of compassion1  it is obvious that any  
influence that augments the range and   
power of this  realising faculty is     
favourable to the amiable virtues1 and  
it is equally  evident that education   

has in the highest degree this effect4  
,to an  uneducated man all classes1     
nations1 modes of thought and existence 
foreign to his own are unrealised1 while
 every increase of knowledge  brings    
with it an increase of insight1 and     
therefore of sympathy4 ,but the         
addition to his knowledge is the        
smallest part of this change4 ,the      
realising faculty is itself intensified4
 ,every book he reads1 every            
intellectual exercise in which he       
engages1 accustoms him to rise above the
  objects immediately present to his    
senses1 to extend his realisations into 
new spheres1 and reproduce in his       
imagination the thoughts1 feelings1 and 
characters of others1 with a vividness  
inconceivable to the savage4 ,hence1  in
 a great degree1 the tact with which a  
refined mind learns to  discriminate and
 adapt itself to the most delicate      
shades of feeling1 and  hence too the   
sensitive humanity with which1 in       
proportion to their  civilisation1 men  

realise and recoil from cruelty4    ,we 
have here1 however1 an important        
distinction to draw4 ,under the name of 
cruelty are comprised two kinds of vice1
 altogether different in their  causes  
and in most of their consequences4      
,there is the cruelty which  springs    
from callousness and brutality1 and     
there is the cruelty of  vindictiveness4
 ,the first belongs chiefly to hard1    
dull1 and somewhat  lethargic           
characters1 it appears most frequently  
in strong and conquering  nations and in
 temperate climates1 and it is due in a 
very great degree to  defective         
realisation4 ,the second is rather a    
feminine attribute1 it is  usually      
displayed in oppressed and suffering    
communities1 in passionate  natures1 and
 in hot climates4 ,great vindictiveness 
is often united with  great tenderness1 
and great callousness with great        
magnanimity1 but a  vindictive nature is
 rarely magnanimous1 and a brutal nature
 is still more  rarely tender4 ,the     

ancient ,romans exhibited a remarkable  
combination of  great callousness and   
great magnanimity1 while by a curious   
contrast the  modern ,italian character 
verges manifestly towards the opposite  
combination4 ,both forms of cruelty are1
 if ,i mistake not1 diminished with     
advancing civilisation1 but by different
 causes and in different degrees4       
,callous cruelty disappears before the  
sensitiveness of a cultivated           
imagination4 ,vindictive cruelty is     
diminished by the substitution of a     
penal system for private revenge4       
,the same intellectual culture that     
facilitates the realisation of          
suffering1 and therefore produces       
compassion1 facilitates also the        
realisation of character and opinions1  
and therefore produces charity4 ,the    
great majority of uncharitable judgments
 in the world may be traced to a        
deficiency of imagination4 ,the chief   
cause of sectarian animosity1 is the    
incapacity of most men to conceive      

hostile systems in the light in which   
they appear to their adherents1 and to  
enter into the enthusiasm they  inspire4
 ,the acquisition of this power of      
intellectual sympathy is a  common      
accompaniment of a large and cultivated 
mind1 and wherever it  exists1 it       
assuages the rancour of controversy4    
,the severity of our  judgment of       
criminals is also often excessive1      
because the imagination  finds it more  
easy to realise an action than a state  
of mind4 ,any one can  conceive a fit of
 drunkenness or a deed of violence1 but 
few persons who  are by nature very     
sober or very calm can conceive the     
natural disposition  that predisposes to
 it4 ,a good man brought up among all   
the associations  of virtue reads of    
some horrible crime1 his imagination    
exhausts itself in  depicting its       
circumstances1 and he then estimates the
 guilt of the  criminal1 by asking      
himself1 8,how guilty should ,i be1 were
 ,i to  perpetrate such an act80 ,to    

realise with any adequacy the force of a
  passion we have never experienced1 to 
conceive a type of character  radically 
different from our own1 above all1 to   
form any just appreciation  of the      
lawlessness and obtuseness of moral     
temperament1 inevitably  generated by a 
vicious education1 requires a power of  
imagination which is  among the rarest  
of human endowments4 ,even in judging   
our own conduct1  this feebleness of    
imagination is sometimes shown1 and an  
old man  recalling the foolish actions1 
but having lost the power of realising  
the  feelings1 of his youth1 may be very
 unjust to his own past4 ,that which    
makes it so difficult for a man of      
strong vicious passions to unbosom      
himself to a naturally virtuous man1 is 
not so much the virtue as the  ignorance
 of the latter4 ,it is the conviction   
that he cannot possibly  understand the 
force of a passion he has never felt4   
,that which alone  renders tolerable to 
the mind the thought of judgment by an  

all-pure  ,being1 is the union of the   
attribute of omniscience with that of   
purity1  for perfect knowledge implies a
 perfect power of realisation4 ,the     
further  our analysis extends1 and the  
more our realising faculties are        
cultivated1  the more sensible we become
 of the influence of circumstances both 
upon  character and upon opinions1 and  
of the exaggerations of our first       
estimates of moral inequalities4 ,strong
 antipathies are thus gradually         
softened down4 ,men gain much in        
charity1 but they lose something in     
zeal4    ,we may push1 ,i think1 this   
vein of thought one step farther4 ,our  
imagination1 which governs our          
affections1 has in its earlier and      
feebler  stages little power of grasping
 ideas1 except in a personified and     
concrete form1 and the power of rising  
to abstractions is one of the best      
measures of intellectual progress4 ,the 
beginning of writing is the             
hieroglyphic or symbolical picture2 the 

beginning of worship is fetishism  or   
idolatry2 the beginning of eloquence is 
pictorial1 sensuous1 and  metaphorical2 
the beginning of philosophy is the myth4
 ,the imagination in  its first stages  
concentrates itself on individuals2     
gradually by an  effort of abstraction  
it rises to an institution or           
well-defined  organisation2 it is only  
at a very advanced stage that it can    
grasp a  moral and intellectual         
principle4 ,loyalty1 patriotism1 and    
attachment to a  cosmopolitan cause are 
therefore three forms of moral          
enthusiasm  respectively appropriate to 
three successive stages of mental       
progress1  and they have1 ,i think1 a   
certain analogy to idolatrous worship1  
church  feeling1 and moral culture1     
which are the central ideas of three    
stages of  religious history4    ,the   
reader will readily understand that     
generalisations of this kind can        
pretend to nothing more than an         
approximate truth4 ,our knowledge of the

  laws of moral progress is like that of
 the laws of climate4 ,we lay down      
general rules about the temperature to  
be expected as we approach or  recede   
from the equator1 and experience shows  
that they are substantially  correct2   
but yet an elevated plain1 or a chain of
 mountains1 or the  neighbourhood of the
 sea1 will often in some degree derange 
our  calculations4 ,so1 too1 in the     
history of moral changes1 innumerable   
special agencies1 such as religious or  
political institutions1  geographical   
conditions1 traditions1 antipathies1 and
 affinities1 exercise  a certain        
retarding1 accelerating1 or deflecting  
influence1 and somewhat  modify the     
normal progress4 ,the proposition for   
which ,i am contending is  simply that  
there is such a thing as a natural      
history of morals1 a  defined and       
regular order1 in which our moral       
feelings are unfolded2 or1  in other    
words1 that there are certain groups of 
virtues which spring  spontaneously out 

of the circumstances and mental         
conditions of an  uncivilised people1   
and that there are others which are the 
normal and  appropriate products of     
civilisation4 ,the virtues of           
uncivilised men are  recognised as      
virtues by civilised men1 but they are  
neither exhibited in  the same          
perfection1 nor given the same position 
in the scale of duties4  ,of these moral
 changes none are more obvious than the 
gradual decadence of  heroism both      
active and passive1 the increase of     
compassion and of  charity1 and the     
transition from the enthusiasm of       
loyalty to those of  patriotism and     
liberty4    ,another form of virtue     
which usually increases with            
civilisation is  veracity1 a term which 
must be regarded as including something 
more than  the simple avoidance of      
direct falsehood4 ,in the ordinary      
intercourse of  life it is readily      
understood that a man is offending      
against truth1 not  only when he utters 

a deliberate falsehood1 but also when in
 his statement  of a case he suppresses 
or endeavours to conceal essential      
facts1 or makes  positive assertions    
without having conscientiously verified 
their grounds4  ,the earliest form in   
which the duty of veracity is enforced  
is probably  the observance of vows1    
which occupy a position of much         
prominence in  youthful religions4 ,with
 the subsequent progress of             
civilisation1 we find  the successive   
inculcation of three forms of veracity1 
which may be termed  respectively       
industrial1 political1 and              
philosophical4 ,by the first ,i         
understand that accuracy of statement or
 fidelity to engagements which is       
commonly meant when we speak of a       
truthful man4 ,though in some cases     
sustained by the strong sense of honour 
which accompanies a military  spirit1   
this form of veracity is usually the    
special virtue of an  industrial nation1
 for although industrial enterprise     

affords great  temptations to deception1
 mutual confidence1 and therefore strict
  truthfulness1 are in these occupations
 so transcendently important that  they 
acquire in the minds of men a value they
 had never before possessed4  ,veracity 
becomes the first virtue in the moral   
type1 and no character is  regarded with
 any kind of approbation in which it is 
wanting4 ,it is made  more than any     
other the test distinguishing a good    
from a bad man4 ,we  accordingly find   
that even where the impositions of trade
 are very  numerous1 the supreme        
excellence of veracity is cordially     
admitted in  theory1 and it is one of   
the first virtues that every man        
aspiring to  moral excellence endeavours
 to cultivate4 ,this constitutes        
probably the  chief moral superiority of
 nations pervaded by a strong industrial
 spirit  over nations like the          
,italians1 the ,spaniards1 or the       
,irish1 among whom  that spirit is      
wanting4 ,the usual characteristic of   

the latter nations is  a certain laxity 
or instability of character1 a proneness
 to exaggeration1  a want of            
truthfulness in little things1 an       
infidelity to engagements from  which an
 ,englishman1 educated in the habits of 
industrial life1 readily  infers a      
complete absence of moral principle4    
,but a larger philosophy and  a deeper  
experience dispel his error4 ,he finds  
that where the industrial  spirit has   
not penetrated1 truthfulness rarely     
occupies in the popular  mind the same  
prominent position in the catalogue of  
virtues4 ,it is not  reckoned among the 
fundamentals of morality1 and it is     
possible and even  common to find in    
those nations--what would be scarcely   
possible in an  industrial society--men 
who are habitually dishonest and        
untruthful in  small things1 and whose  
lives are nevertheless influenced by a  
deep  religious feeling1 and adorned by 
the consistent practice of some of the  
most difficult and most painful virtues4

 ,trust in ,providence1 content and     
resignation in extreme poverty and      
suffering1 the most genuine amiability  
and the most sincere readiness to assist
 their brethren1 an adherence to  their 
religious opinions which no persecutions
 and no bribes can shake1 a  capacity   
for heroic1 transcendent1 and prolonged 
self-sacrifice1 may be  found in some   
nations in men who are habitual liars   
and habitual cheats4    ,the promotion  
of industrial veracity is probably the  
single form in which  the growth of     
manufactures exercises a favourable     
influence upon morals4  ,it is possible1
 however1 for this virtue to exist in   
great perfection  without any           
corresponding growth of political       
veracity1 or in other words1  of that   
spirit of impartiality which in matters 
of controversy desires  that all        
opinions1 arguments1 and facts should be
 fully and fairly stated4  ,this habit  
of what is commonly termed 8fair play0  
is especially the  characteristic of    

free communities1 and it is             
pre-eminently fostered by  political    
life4 ,the practice of debate creates a 
sense of the injustice of  suppressing  
one side of a case1 which gradually     
extends through all forms  of           
intellectual life1 and becomes an       
essential element in the national       
character4 ,but beyond all this there is
 a still higher form of  intellectual   
virtue4 ,by enlarged intellectual       
culture1 especially by  philosophic     
studies1 men come at last to pursue     
truth for its own sake1 to  esteem it a 
duty to emancipate themselves from party
 spirit1 prejudices1  and passion1 and  
through love of truth to cultivate a    
judicial spirit in  controversy4 ,they  
aspire to the intellect not of a        
sectarian but of a  philosopher1 to the 
intellect not of a partisan but of a    
statesman4    ,of these three forms of a
 truthful spirit the two last may be    
said to  belong exclusively to a highly 
civilised society4 ,the last especially 

can  hardly be attained by any but a    
cultivated mind1 and is one of the      
latest  flowers of virtue that bloom in 
the human heart4 ,the growth1 however1  
both  of political and philosophical    
veracity has been unnaturally retarded  
by  the opposition of theologians1 who  
made it during many centuries a main    
object of their policy to suppress all  
writings that were opposed to their     
views1 and who1 when this power had     
escaped their grasp1 proceeded to       
discourage in every way impartiality of 
mind and judgment1 and to  associate it 
with the notion of sin4    ,to the      
observations ,i have already made       
concerning the moral effects of         
industrial life1 ,i shall at present add
 but two4 ,the first is that an         
industrial spirit creates two wholly    
different types of character--a  thrifty
 character and a speculating character4 
,both types grow out of a  strong sense 
of the value and a strong desire for the
 attainment of  material comforts1 but  

they are profoundly different both in   
their virtues  and their vices4 ,the    
chief characteristic of the one type is 
caution1 that  of the other enterprise4 
,thriftiness is one of the best         
regulators of  life4 ,it produces order1
 sobriety1 moderation1 self-restraint1  
patient  industry1 and all that cast of 
virtues which is designated by the term 
respectability2 but it has also a       
tendency to form contracted and         
ungenerous natures1 incapable of        
enthusiasm or lively sympathy4 ,the     
speculating character1 on the other     
hand1 is restless1 fiery1 and           
uncertain1 very liable to fall into     
great and conspicuous vices1 impatient  
of routine1 but by no means unfavourable
 to strong feelings1 to great           
generosity or resolution4 ,which of     
these two forms the industrial spirit   
assumes depends upon local              
circumstances4 ,thriftiness flourishes  
chiefly  among men placed outside the   
great stream of commerce1 and in        

positions  where wealth is only to be   
acquired by slow and steady industry1   
while the  speculating character is most
 common in the great centres of         
enterprise  and of wealth4    ,in the   
next place1 it may be remarked that     
industrial habits bring  forethought    
into a new position in the moral type4  
,in early stages of  theological belief1
 men regarding every incident that      
happens to them as  the result of a     
special divine decree1 sometimes esteem 
it a test of faith  and a form of duty  
to take no precautions for the future1  
but to leave  questions of food and     
clothing to ,providential interposition4
 ,on the other  hand1 in an industrial  
civilisation1 prudent forethought is    
regarded not  simply as lawful1 but as a
 duty1 and a duty of the very highest   
order4 ,a  good man of the industrial   
type deems it a duty not to marry till  
he has  ensured the maintenance of a    
possible family2 if he possesses        
children1 he  regulates his expenses not

 simply by the relation of his income to
 his  immediate wants1 but with a       
constant view to the education of his   
sons1 to  the portioning of his         
daughters1 to the future necessities and
 careers of  each member of his family4 
,constant forethought is the guiding    
principle  of his whole life4 ,no single
 circumstance is regarded as a better   
test of  the civilisation of a people   
than the extent to which it is diffused 
among  them4 ,the old doctrine virtually
 disappears1 and is interpreted to mean 
nothing more than that we should accept 
with resignation what no efforts  and no
 forethought could avert4    ,this      
change is but one of several influences 
which1 as civilisation  advances1       
diminish the spirit of reverence among  
mankind4 ,reverence is one  of those    
feelings which1 in utilitarian systems1 
would occupy at best a  very ambiguous  
position2 for it is extremely           
questionable whether the  great evils   
that have grown out of it in the form of

 religious  superstition and political  
servitude have not made it a source of  
more  unhappiness than happiness4 ,yet1 
however doubtful may be its position if 
estimated by its bearing on happiness   
and on progress1 there are few  persons 
who are not conscious that no character 
can attain a supreme  degree of         
excellence in which a reverential spirit
 is wanting4 ,of all the  forms of moral
 goodness it is that to which the       
epithet beautiful may be  most          
emphatically applied4 ,yet the habits of
 advancing civilisation are1  if ,i     
mistake not1 on the whole inimical to   
its growth4 ,for reverence grows  out of
 a sense of constant dependence4 ,it is 
fostered by that condition of  religions
 thought in which men believe that each 
incident that befalls  them is directly 
and specially ordained1 and when every  
event is therefore  fraught with a moral
 import4 ,it is fostered by that        
condition of  scientific knowledge in   
which every portentous natural          

phenomenon is  supposed to be the result
 of a direct divine interposition1 and  
awakens in  consequence emotions of     
humility and awe4 ,it is fostered in    
that stage of  political life when      
loyalty or reverence for the sovereign  
is the  dominating passion1 when an     
aristocracy1 branching forth from the   
throne1  spreads habits of deference and
 subordination through every village1   
when  a revolutionary1 a democratic1 and
 a sceptical spirit are alike unknown4  
,every great change1 either of belief or
 of circumstances1 brings with it a     
change of emotions4 ,the self-assertion 
of liberty1 the levelling of  democracy1
 the dissecting-knife of criticism1 the 
economical revolutions  that reduce the 
relations of classes to simple          
contracts1 the  agglomeration of        
population1 and the facilities of       
locomotion that sever  so many ancient  
ties1 are all incompatible with the type
 of virtue which  existed before the    
power of tradition was broken1 and when 

the chastity of  faith was yet          
unstained4 ,benevolence1 uprightness1   
enterprise1  intellectual honesty1 a    
love of freedom1 and a hatred of        
superstition are  growing around us1 but
 we look in vain for that most beautiful
 character  of the past1 so distrustful 
of self1 and so trustful of others1 so  
simple1  so modest1 and so devout1 which
 even when1 ,ixion-like1 it bestowed its
  affections upon a cloud1 made its very
 illusions the source of some of the    
purest virtues of our nature4 ,in a few 
minds1 the contemplation of the  sublime
 order of nature produces a reverential 
feeling1 but to the great  majority of  
mankind it is an incontestable though   
mournful fact1 that the  discovery of   
controlling and unchanging law deprives 
phenomena of their  moral significance1 
and nearly all the social and political 
spheres in  which reverence was fostered
 have passed away4 ,its most beautiful  
displays  are not in nations like the   
,americans or the modern ,french1 who   

have  thrown themselves most fully into 
the tendencies of the age1 but rather in
  secluded regions like ,styria or the  
,tyrol4 ,its artistic expression is     
found in no work of modern genius1 but  
in the medival cathedral1 which1        
mellowed but not impaired by time1 still
 gazes on us in its deathless  beauty   
through the centuries of the past4 ,a   
superstitious age1 like every  other    
phase of human history1 has its         
distinctive virtues1 which must         
necessarily decline before a new stage  
of progress can be attained4    ,the    
virtues and vices growing out of the    
relation between the sexes are          
difficult to treat in general terms1    
both on account of the obvious  delicacy
 of the subject1 and also because their 
natural history is  extremely obscured  
by special causes4 ,in the moral        
evolutions we have as  yet examined1 the
 normal influences are most powerful1   
and the importance  of deranging and    
modifying circumstances is altogether   

subsidiary4 ,the  expansion of the      
amiable virtues1 the decline of heroism 
and loyalty1 and  the growth of         
industrial habits spring out of changes 
which necessarily  take place under     
almost all forms of civilisation17#add7 
and the broad  features of the movement 
are therefore in almost all nations     
substantially  the same4 ,but in the    
history of sensuality1 special causes1  
such as  slavery1 religious doctrines1  
or laws affecting marriage1 have been   
the  most powerful agents4 ,the immense 
changes effected in this field by the   
,christian religion ,i shall hereafter  
examine4 ,in the present chapter ,i     
shall content myself with two or three  
very general remarks relating to  the   
nature of the vice1 and to the effect of
 different stages of  civilisation upon 
its progress4    ,there are1 ,i         
conceive1 few greater fallacies than are
 involved in the  method so popular     
among modern writers of judging the     
immorality of a  nation by its          

statistics of illegitimate births4      
,independently of the  obvious defect of
 this method in excluding simple        
prostitution from our  comparison1 it   
altogether neglects the fact that a     
large number of  illegitimate births    
arise from causes totally different from
 the great  violence of the passions4   
,such1 for example1 is the notion       
prevailing in  many country districts of
 ,england1 that the marriage ceremony   
has a  retrospective virtue1 cancelling 
previous immorality2 and such too is the
  custom so general among some classes  
on the ,continent of forming permanent  
connections without the sanction either 
of a legal or a religious  ceremony4    
,however deeply such facts may be       
reprehended and deplored1 it  would be  
obviously absurd to infer from them that
 the nations in which  they are most    
prominent are most conspicuous for the  
uncontrolled violence  of their sensual 
passions4 ,in ,sweden1 which long ranked
 among the lowest  in the moral scale1  

if measured by the number of            
illegitimate births1 the  chief cause   
appears to have been the difficulties   
with which legislators  surrounded      
marriage47#ade7 ,even in displays of    
actual and violent passion1  there are  
distinctions to be drawn which          
statistics are wholly unable to  reach4 
,the coarse1 cynical1 and ostentatious  
sensuality which forms the  most        
repulsive feature of the ,french        
character1 the dreamy1 languid1 and     
sthetical sensuality of the ,spaniard or
 the ,italian1 the furtive and  retiring
 sensuality of some northern nations1   
though all forms of the same  vice1 are 
widely different feelings1 and exercise 
widely different effects  upon the      
prevailing disposition4    ,in addition 
to the very important influence upon    
public morals which  climate1 ,i think1 
undoubtedly exercises in stimulating or 
allaying the  passions1 it has a        
powerful indirect action upon the       
position1 character1  and tastes of     

women1 by determining the prevalence of 
indoor or  out-of-door life1 and also   
the classes among whom the gift of      
beauty is  diffused4 ,in northern       
countries the prevailing cast of beauty 
depends  rather on colour than on form4 
,it consists chiefly of a freshness and 
delicacy of complexion which severe     
labour and constant exposure            
necessarily destroy1 and which is       
therefore rarely found in the highest   
perfection among the very poor4 ,but the
 southern type is essentially           
democratic4 ,the fierce rays of the sun 
only mellow and mature its charms4  ,its
 most perfect examples may be found in  
the hovel as in the palace1 and  the    
effects of this diffusion of beauty may 
be traced both in the manners  and the  
morals of the people4    ,it is probable
 that the observance of this form of    
virtue is naturally  most strict in a   
rude and semi-civilised but not         
barbarous people1 and  that a very      
refined civilisation is not often       

favourable to its growth4  ,sensuality  
is the vice of young men and of old     
nations4 ,a languid  epicureanism is the
 normal condition of nations which have 
attained a high  intellectual or social 
civilisation1 but which1 through        
political causes1  have no adequate     
sphere for the exertion of their        
energies4 ,the temptation  arising from 
the great wealth of some1 and from the  
feverish longing for  luxury and        
exciting pleasures in others1 which     
exists in all large towns1  has been    
peculiarly fatal to female virtue1 and  
the whole tendency of the  public       
amusements of civilisation is in the    
same direction4 ,the rude  combats which
 form the chief enjoyments of barbarians
 produce cruelty4 ,the  dramatic and    
artistic tastes and the social habits of
 refined men produce  sensuality4       
,education raises many poor women to a  
stage of refinement that  makes them    
suitable companions for men of a higher 
rank1 and not suitable  for those of    

their own4 ,industrial pursuits have1   
indeed1 a favourable  influence in      
promoting habits of self-restraint1 and 
especially in  checking the licence of  
military life2 but on the other hand1   
they greatly  increase temptation by    
encouraging postponement of marriage1   
and in  communities1 even more than in  
individuals1 moral inequalities are much
  more due to differences of temptation 
than to differences of  self-restraint4 
,in large bodies of men a considerable  
increase of  temptation always brings   
with it an increase1 though not         
necessarily a  proportionate increase1  
of vice4 ,among the checks on excessive 
multiplication1 the historical influence
 of voluntary continence has been1  it  
must be feared1 very small4 ,physical   
and moral evils have alone been         
decisive1 and as these form the two     
opposite weights1 we unhappily very     
frequently find that the diminution of  
the one has been followed by the        
increase of the other4 ,the nearly      

universal custom of early marriages     
among the ,irish peasantry has alone    
rendered possible that high standard  of
 female chastity1 that intense and      
jealous sensitiveness respecting  female
 honour1 for which1 among many failings 
and some vices1 the ,irish  poor have   
long been pre-eminent in ,europe2 but   
these very marriages are  the most      
conspicuous proofs of the national      
improvidence1 and one of the  most fatal
 obstacles to industrial prosperity4    
,had the ,irish peasants been  less     
chaste1 they would have been more       
prosperous4 ,had that fearful  famine1  
which in the present century desolated  
the land1 fallen upon a  people who     
thought more of accumulating subsistence
 than of avoiding sin1  multitudes might
 now be living who perished by literal  
starvation on the  dreary hills of      
,limerick or ,skibbereen4    ,the       
example of ,ireland furnishes us1       
however1 with a remarkable instance  of 
the manner in which the influence of a  

moral feeling may act beyond the        
circumstances that gave it birth4 ,there
 is no fact in ,irish history more      
singular than the complete1 and1 ,i     
believe1 unparalleled absence among the 
,irish priesthood of those moral        
scandals which in every continental     
country occasionally prove the danger of
 vows of celibacy4 ,the unsuspected     
purity of the ,irish priests in this    
respect is the more remarkable1         
because1 the government of the country  
being ,protestant1 there is no  special 
inquisitorial legislation to ensure it1 
because of the almost  unbounded        
influence of the clergy over their      
parishioners1 and also  because if any  
just cause of suspicion existed1 in the 
fierce sectarianism  of ,irish public   
opinion1 it would assuredly be          
magnified4 ,considerations  of climate  
are quite inadequate to explain this    
fact2 but the chief cause  is1 ,i think1
 sufficiently obvious4 ,the habit of    
marrying at the first  development of   

the passions has produced among the     
,irish peasantry1 from  whom the priests
 for the most part spring1 an extremely 
strong feeling of  the iniquity of      
irregular sexual indulgence1 which      
retains its power even  over those who  
are bound to perpetual celibacy4    ,it 
will appear evident from the foregoing  
considerations that1 while the          
essential nature of virtue and vice is  
unaltered1 there is a perpetual1  and in
 some branches an orderly and necessary 
change1 as society advances1  both in   
the proportionate value attached to     
different virtues in theory1  and in the
 perfection in which they are realised  
in practice4 ,it will  appear too that1 
while there may be in societies such a  
thing as moral  improvement1 there is   
rarely or never1 on a large scale1 such 
a thing as  unmixed improvement4 ,we may
 gain more than we lose1 but we always  
lose  something4 ,there are virtues     
which are continually dying away with   
advancing civilisation1 and even the    

lowest stage possesses its  distinctive 
excellence4 ,there is no spectacle more 
piteous or more  horrible to a good man 
than that of an oppressed nationality   
writhing in  anguish beneath a tyrant's 
yoke2 but there is no condition in which
  passionate1 unquestioning             
self-sacrifice and heroic courage1 and  
the true  sentiment of fraternity are   
more grandly elicited1 and it is        
probable that  the triumph of liberty   
will in these forms not only lessen the 
moral  performances1 but even weaken the
 moral capacities of mankind4 ,war is1  
no  doubt1 a fearful evil1 but it is the
 seed-plot of magnanimous virtues1      
which in a pacific age must wither and  
decay4 ,even the gambling-table  fosters
 among its more skilful votaries a kind 
of moral nerve1 a capacity  for bearing 
losses with calmness1 and controlling   
the force of the  desires1 which is     
scarcely exhibited in equal perfection  
in any other  sphere4    ,there is still
 so great a diversity of civilisation in

 existing nations  that traversing      
tracts of space is almost like          
traversing tracts of time1  for it      
brings us in contact with living        
representatives of nearly every  phase  
of past civilisation4 ,but these        
differences are rapidly disappearing    
before the unparalleled diffusion and   
simplification of knowledge1 the  still 
more amazing progress in means of       
locomotion1 and the political and       
military causes that are manifestly     
converting ,europe into a federation of 
vast centralised and democratic ,states4
 ,even to those who believe that the    
leading changes are on the whole        
beneficial1 there is much that is       
melancholy in this revolution4 ,those   
small ,states which will soon have      
disappeared from the map of ,europe1    
besides their vast superiority to most  
great empires in financial prosperity1  
in the material well-being of the       
inhabitants1 and in many cases in       
political liberty1 pacific tastes1 and  

intellectual progress1 form one of the  
chief refuges of that spirit of         
content1 repose1 and retrospective      
reverence which is pre-eminently        
wanting in modern civilisation1 and     
their security is in every age one of   
the least equivocal measures of         
international morality4 ,the monastic   
system1 however pernicious when enlarged
 to excess1 has undoubtedly  contributed
 to the happiness of the world1 by      
supplying an asylum  especially suited  
to a certain type of character2 and that
 vindictive and  short-sighted          
revolution which is extirpating it from 
,europe is destroying  one of the best  
correctives of the excessive            
industrialism of our age4 ,it  is for   
the advantage of a nation that it should
 attain the most advanced  existing type
 of progress1 but it is extremely       
questionable whether it is  for the     
advantage of the community at large that
 all nations should attain  the same    
type1 even when it is the most advanced4

 ,the influence of very  various        
circumstances is absolutely necessary to
 perfect moral  development4 ,hence1 one
 of the great political advantages of   
class  representation1 which brings     
within the range of politics a far      
greater  variety both of capacities and 
moral qualities than can be exhibited   
when  one class has an exclusive or     
overwhelmingly preponderating influence1
 and  also of heterogeneous empires1 in 
which different degrees of civilisation 
produce different kinds of excellence   
which react upon and complete one       
another4 ,in the rude work of ,india and
 ,australia a type of character is      
formed which ,england could ill afford  
to lose4    ,the remarks ,i have now    
made will be sufficient1 ,i hope1 to    
throw some  light upon those great      
questions concerning the relations of   
intellectual  and moral progress which  
have of late years attracted so large an
 amount  of attention4 ,it has been     
contended that the historian of human   

progress  should concentrate his        
attention exclusively on the            
intellectual elements2  for there is no 
such thing as moral history1 morals     
being essentially  stationary1 and the  
rudest barbarians being in this respect 
as far  advanced as ourselves4 ,in      
opposition to this view1 ,i have        
maintained that  while what may be      
termed the primal elements of morals are
 unaltered1  there is a perpetual change
 in the standard which is exacted1 and  
also in  the relative value attached to 
particular virtues1 and that these      
changes  constitute one of the most     
important branches of general history4  
,it has  been contended by other writers
 that1 although such changes do take    
place1  and although they play an       
extremely great part in the world1 they 
must be  looked upon as the result of   
intellectual causes1 changes in         
knowledge  producing changes in morals4 
,in this view1 as we have seen1 there is
 some  truth1 but it can only1 ,i think1

 be accepted with great qualification4  
,it  is one of the plainest of facts    
that neither the individuals nor the    
ages  most distinguished for            
intellectual achievements have been most
  distinguished for moral excellence1   
and that a high intellectual and        
material civilisation has often         
coexisted with much depravity4 ,in some 
respects the conditions of intellectual 
growth are not favourable to moral      
growth4 ,the agglomeration of men in    
great cities--which are always the      
centres of progress and                 
enlightenment--is one of the most       
important causes  of material and       
intellectual advance3 but great towns   
are the peculiar  seed-plots of vice1   
and it is extremely questionable whether
 they produce  any special and          
equivalent efflorescence of virtue1 for 
even the social  virtues are probably   
more cultivated in small populations1   
where men live  in more intimate        
relations4 ,many of the most splendid   

outbursts of moral  enthusiasm may be   
traced to an overwhelming force of      
conviction rarely  found in very        
cultivated minds1 which are keenly      
sensible to possibilities  of error1    
conflicting arguments1 and qualifying   
circumstances4  ,civilisation has on the
 whole been more successful in          
repressing crime  than in repressing    
vice4 ,it is very favourable to the     
gentler1 charitable1  and social        
virtues1 and1 where slavery does not    
exist1 to the industrial  virtues1 and  
it is the especial nurse of the         
intellectual virtues2 but it  is in     
general not equally favourable to the   
production of self-sacrifice1           
enthusiasm1 reverence1 or chastity4     
,the moral changes1 however1 which are  
effected by civilisation may  ultimately
 be ascribed chiefly to intellectual    
causes1 for these lie at  the root of   
the whole structure of civilised life4  
,sometimes1 as we have  seen1           
intellectual causes act directly1 but   

more frequently they have only  an      
indirect influence1 producing habits of 
life which in their turn  produce new   
conceptions of duty4 ,the morals of men 
are more governed by  their pursuits    
than by their opinions4 ,a type of      
virtue is first formed by               
circumstances1 and men afterwards make  
it the model upon which their  theories 
are framed4 ,thus geographical or other 
circumstances1 that make  one nation    
military and another industrial1 will   
produce in each a  realised type of     
excellence1 and corresponding           
conceptions about the  relative         
importance of different virtues widely  
different from those which  are produced
 in the other1 and this may be the case 
although the amount of  knowledge in the
 two communities is substantially equal4
    ,having discussed these questions as
 fully as the nature of my subject      
requires1 ,i will conclude this chapter 
by noticing a few very prevalent  errors
 in the moral judgments of history1 and 

will also endeavour to  elucidate some  
important consequences that may be      
deduced from the nature  of moral types4
    ,it is probable that the moral      
standard of most men is much lower in   
political judgments than in private     
matters in which their own interests    
are concerned4 ,there is nothing more   
common than for men who in private  life
 are models of the most scrupulous      
integrity to justify or excuse the  most
 flagrant acts of political dishonesty  
and violence2 and we should be          
altogether mistaken if we argued rigidly
 from such approvals to the  general    
moral sentiments of those who utter     
them4 ,not unfrequently too1 by  a      
curious moral paradox1 political crimes 
are closely connected with  national    
virtues4 ,a people who are submissive1  
gentle1 and loyal1 fall by  reason of   
these very qualities under a despotic   
government2 but this  uncontrolled power
 has never failed to exercise a most    
pernicious  influence on rulers1 and    

their numerous acts of rapacity and     
aggression  being attributed in history 
to the nation they represent1 the       
national  character is wholly           
misinterpreted47#adf7 ,there are also   
particular kinds  both of virtue and of 
vice which appear prominently before the
 world1  while others of at least equal 
influence almost escape the notice of   
history4 ,thus1 for example1 the        
sectarian animosities1 the horrible     
persecutions1 the blind hatred of       
progress1 the ungenerous support of     
every galling disqualification and      
restraint1 the intense class            
selfishness1 the obstinately protracted 
defence of intellectual and  political  
superstition1 the childish but          
whimsically ferocious quarrels  about   
minute dogmatic distinctions1 or        
dresses1 or candlesticks1 which         
constitute together the main features of
 ecclesiastical history1 might          
naturally1 though very unjustly1 lead   
men to place the ecclesiastical type  in

 almost the lowest rank1 both           
intellectually and morally4 ,these are1 
in  fact1 the displays of ecclesiastical
 influence which stand in bold relief   
in the pages of history4 ,the civilising
 and moralising influence of the        
clergyman in his parish1 the simple1    
unostentatious1 unselfish zeal with     
which he educates the ignorant1 guides  
the erring1 comforts the sorrowing1     
braves the horrors of pestilence1 and   
sheds a hallowing influence over the    
dying hour1 the countless ways in which1
 in his little sphere1 he allays  evil  
passions1 and softens manners1 and      
elevates and purifies those around      
him--all these things1 though very      
evident to the detailed observer1 do not
  stand out in the same vivid prominence
 in historical records1 and are         
continually forgotten by historians4 ,it
 is always hazardous to argue from  the 
character of a corporation to the       
character of the members who compose    
it1 but in no other case is this method 

of judgment so fallacious as in  the    
history of ecclesiastics1 for there is  
no other class whose  distinctive       
excellences are less apparent1 and whose
 mental and moral  defects are more     
glaringly conspicuous in corporate      
action4 ,in different  nations1 again1  
the motives of virtue are widely        
different1 and serious  misconceptions  
arise from the application to one nation
 of the measure of  another4 ,thus the  
chief national virtues of the ,french   
people result from  an intense power of 
sympathy1 which is also the foundation  
of some of  their most beautiful        
intellectual qualities1 of their social 
habits1 and  of their unrivalled        
influence in ,europe4 ,no other nation  
has so habitual  and vivid a sympathy   
with great struggles for freedom beyond 
its border4  ,no other literature       
exhibits so expansive and cumenical a   
genius1 or  expounds so skilfully1 or   
appreciates so generously1 foreign      
ideas4 ,in  hardly any other land would 

a disinterested war for the support of a
  suffering nationality find so large an
 amount of support4 ,the national       
crimes of ,france are many and grievous1
 but much will be forgiven her  because 
she loved much4 ,the ,anglo-,saxon      
nations1 on the other hand1 though      
sometimes roused to strong but transient
 enthusiasm1 are habitually  singularly 
narrow1 unappreciative1 and             
unsympathetic4 ,the great source of     
their national virtue is the sense of   
duty1 the power of pursuing a course    
which they believe to be right1         
independently of all considerations of  
sympathy or favour1 of enthusiasm or    
success4 ,other nations have far        
surpassed them in many qualities that   
are beautiful1 and in some qualities    
that are great4 ,it is the merit of the 
,anglo-,saxon race that beyond all      
others it has produced men of the stamp 
of a ,washington or a ,hampden2 men     
careless1 indeed1 for glory1 but very   
careful of honour2 who made the  supreme

 majesty of moral rectitude the guiding 
principle of their lives1  who proved in
 the most trying circumstances that no  
allurements of  ambition1 and no storms 
of passion1 could cause them to deviate 
one hair's  breadth from the course they
 believed to be their duty4 ,this was   
also a  ,roman                          
characteristic--especially that of      
,marcus ,aurelius4 ,the unweary1        
unostentatious1 and inglorious crusade  
of ,england against slavery may         
probably be regarded as among the three 
or four perfectly virtuous pages        
comprised in the history of nations4    
,although it cannot be said that any    
virtue is the negation of another1 it   
is undoubtedly true that virtues are    
naturally grouped according to          
principles of affinity or congruity1    
which are essential to the unity of  the
 type4 ,the heroical1 the amiable1 the  
industrial1 the intellectual  virtues   
form in this manner distinct groups2 and
 in some cases the  development of one  

group is incompatible1 not indeed with  
the existence1  but with the prominence 
of others4 ,content cannot be the       
leading virtue in  a society animated by
 an intense industrial spirit1 nor      
submission nor  tolerance of injuries in
 a society formed upon a military type1 
nor  intellectual virtues in a society  
where a believing spirit is made the    
essential of goodness1 yet each of these
 conditions is the special sphere  of   
some particular class of virtues4 ,the  
distinctive beauty of a moral  type     
depends not so much on the elements of  
which it is composed1 as on  the        
proportions in which those elements are 
combined4 ,the characters of  ,socrates1
 of ,cato1 of ,bayard1 of ,fnelon1 and  
of ,st4 ,francis are all  beautiful1 but
 they differ generically1 and not simply
 in degrees of  excellence4 ,to         
endeavour to impart to ,cato the        
distinctive charm of ,st4  ,francis1 or 
to ,st4 ,francis that of ,cato1 would be
 as absurd as to  endeavour to unite in 

a single statue the beauties of the     
,apollo and the  ,laocoon1 or in a      
single landscape the beauties of the    
twilight and of the  meridian sun4 ,take
 away pride from the ancient ,stoic or  
the modern  ,englishman1 and you would  
have destroyed the basis of many of his 
noblest  virtues1 but humility was the  
very principle and root of the moral    
qualities of the monk4 ,there is no     
quality virtuous in a woman that is not 
also virtuous in a man1 yet that        
disposition or hierarchy of virtues     
which  constitutes a perfect woman would
 be wholly unsuited for a perfect man4  
,the moral is in this respect like the  
physical type4 ,the beauty of man is    
not the beauty of woman1 nor the beauty 
of the child as the beauty of the       
adult1 nor the beauty of an ,italian as 
the beauty of an ,englishwoman4 ,all    
types of character are not good1 as all 
types of countenance are not  beautiful2
 but there are many distinct casts of   
goodness1 as there are  many distinct   

casts of beauty4    ,this most important
 truth may be stated in a somewhat      
different form4  ,whenever a man is     
eminently deficient in any virtue1 it1  
of course1  follows that his character  
is imperfect1 but it does not           
necessarily  follow that he is not in   
other respects moral and virtuous4      
,there is1  however1 usually some one   
virtue1 which ,i may term rudimentary1  
which is  brought forward so prominently
 before the world1 as the first         
condition of  moral excellence1 that it 
may be safely inferred that a man who   
has  absolutely neglected it is entirely
 indifferent to moral culture4          
,rudimentary virtues vary in different  
ages1 nations1 and classes4 ,thus1 in   
the great republics of antiquity        
patriotism was rudimentary1 for it was  
so  assiduously cultivated1 that it     
appeared at once the most obvious and   
the  most essential of duties4 ,among   
ourselves much private virtue may       
co-exist  with complete indifference to 

national interests4 ,in the monastic    
period1  and in a somewhat different    
form in the age of chivalry1 a spirit of
  reverential obedience was rudimentary1
 and the basis of all moral  progress2  
but we may now frequently find a good   
man without it1 his moral  energies     
having been cultivated in other         
directions4 ,common truthfulness  and   
honesty1 as ,i have already said1 are   
rudimentary virtues in industrial       
societies1 but not in others4 ,chastity1
 in ,england at least1 is a  rudimentary
 female virtue1 but scarcely a          
rudimentary virtue among men1  and it   
has not been in all ages1 and is not now
 in all countries1  rudimentary among   
women4 ,there is no more important task 
devolving upon a  moral historian1 than 
to discover in each period the          
rudimentary virtue1  for it regulates in
 a great degree the position assigned to
 all others4    ,from the considerations
 ,i have urged1 it will appear that     
there is  considerable danger in        

proposing too absolutely a single       
character1  however admirable1 as the   
model to which all men must necessarily 
conform4  ,a character may be perfect in
 its own kind1 but no character can     
possibly  embrace all types of          
perfection2 for1 as we have seen1 the   
perfection of a  type depends not only  
upon the virtues that constitute it1 but
 also upon  the order and prominence    
assigned to them4 ,all that can be      
expected in an  ideal is1 that it should
 be perfect of its own kind1 and should 
exhibit  the type most needed in its    
age1 and most widely useful to mankind4 
,the  ,christian type is the            
glorification of the amiable1 as the    
,stoic type was  that of the heroic     
qualities1 and this is one of the       
reasons why  ,christianity is so much   
more fitted than ,stoicism to preside   
over  civilisation1 for the more society
 is organised and civilised1 the greater
  is the scope for the amiable1 and the 
less for the heroic qualities4    ,the  

history of that moral intolerance which 
endeavours to reduce all  characters to 
a single type has never1 ,i think1 been 
examined as it  deserves1 and ,i shall  
frequently have occasion to advert to it
 in the  following pages4 ,no one can   
have failed to observe how common it is 
for  men to make their own tastes or    
excellences the measure of all goodness1
  pronouncing all that is broadly       
different from them to be imperfect or  
low1 or of a secondary value4 ,and this1
 which is usually attributed to  vanity1
 is probably in most cases much more due
 to feebleness of  imagination1 to the  
difficulty most men have in conceiving  
in their minds  an order of character   
fundamentally different from their own4 
,a good man  can usually sympathise much
 more with a very imperfect character of
 his  own type than with a far more     
perfect one of a different type4 ,to    
this  cause1 quite as much as to        
historical causes or occasional         
divergences of  interest1 may be traced 

the extreme difficulty of effecting     
cordial  international friendships1     
especially in those cases when a        
difference of  race coincides with the  
difference of nationality4 ,each nation 
has a  distinct type of excellence1 each
 esteems the virtues in which it excels1
  and in which its neighbours are often 
most deficient1 incomparably the        
greatest4 ,each regards with especial   
antipathy the vices from which it is    
most free1 and to which its neighbours  
maybe most addicted4 ,hence arises a    
mingled feeling of contempt and dislike1
 from which the more enlightened  minds 
are1 indeed1 soon emancipated1 but which
 constitutes the popular  sentiment4    
,the type of character of every         
individual depends partly upon innate   
temperament and partly upon external    
circumstances4 ,a warlike1 a refined1   
an industrial society each evokes and   
requires its specific qualities1 and    
produces its appropriate type4 ,if a man
 of a different type arise--if1 for     

example1 a man formed by nature to      
exhibit to the highest perfection the   
virtues of gentleness or meekness1 be   
born in the midst of a fierce  military 
society--he will find no suitable scope 
for action1 he will jar  with his age1  
and his type will be regarded with      
disfavour4 ,and the effect  of this     
opposition is not simply that he will   
not be appreciated as he  deserves1 he  
will also never succeed in developing   
his own distinctive  virtues as they    
would have been developed under other   
circumstances4  ,everything will be     
against him--the force of education1 the
 habits of  society1 the opinions of    
mankind1 even his own sense of duty4    
,all the  highest models of excellence  
about him being formed on a different   
type1  his very efforts to improve his  
being will dull the qualities in which  
nature intended him to excel4 ,if1 on   
the other hand1 a man with naturally    
heroic qualities be born in a society   
which pre-eminently values heroism1  he 

will not only be more appreciated1 he   
will also1 under the concurrence  of    
favourable circumstances1 carry his     
heroism to a far higher point than      
would otherwise have been possible4     
,hence changing circumstances produce   
changing types1 and hence1 too1 the     
possibility of moral history and the    
necessity of uniting it with general    
history4 ,religions1 considered as      
moral teachers1 are realised and        
effective only when their moral teaching
  is in conformity with the tendency of 
their age4 ,if any part of it is not    
so1 that part will be either openly     
abandoned1 or refined away1 or tacitly  
neglected4 ,among the ancients1 the     
co-existence of the ,epicurean and      
,stoical schools1 which offered to the  
world two entirely different  archetypes
 of virtue1 secured in a very remarkable
 manner the recognition  of different   
kinds of excellence2 for although each  
of these schools often  attained a      
pre-eminence1 neither ever succeeded in 

wholly destroying or  discrediting the  
other4    ,of the two elements that     
compose the moral condition of mankind1 
our  generalised knowledge is almost    
restricted to one4 ,we know much of the 
ways in which political1 social1 or     
intellectual causes act upon  character1
 but scarcely anything of the laws that 
govern innate  disposition1 of the      
reasons and extent of the natural moral 
diversities of  individuals or races4 ,i
 think1 however1 that most persons who  
reflect upon  the subject will conclude 
that the progress of medicine1 revealing
 the  physical causes of different moral
 predispositions1 is likely to place a  
very large measure of knowledge on this 
point within our reach4 ,of all the     
great branches of human knowledge1      
medicine is that in which the           
accomplished results are most obviously 
imperfect and provisional1 in  which the
 field of unrealised possibilities is   
most extensive1 and from  which1 if the 
human mind were directed to it1 as it   

has been during the  past century to    
locomotive and other industrial         
inventions1 the most  splendid results  
might be expected4 ,our almost absolute 
ignorance of the  causes of some of the 
most fatal diseases1 and the empirical  
nature of  nearly all our best medical  
treatment1 have been often recognised4  
,the  medicine of inhalation is still in
 its infancy1 and yet it is by          
inhalation that ,nature produces most of
 her diseases1 and effects most of  her 
cures4 ,the medical power of            
electricity1 which of all known agencies
  bears most resemblance to life1 is    
almost unexplored4 ,the discovery of    
ansthetics has in our own day opened out
 a field of inestimable  importance1 and
 the proved possibility1 under certain  
physical conditions1  of governing by   
external suggestions the whole current  
of the feelings and  emotions1 may      
possibly contribute yet further to the  
alleviation of  suffering1 and perhaps  
to that euthanasia which ,bacon proposed

 to  physicians as an end of their art4 
,but in the eyes both of the            
philanthropist and of the philosopher1  
the greatest of all results to be       
expected in this1 or perhaps any other  
field1 are1 ,i conceive1 to be  looked  
for in the study of the relations       
between our physical and our  moral     
natures4 ,he who raises moral pathology 
to a science1 expanding1  systematising1
 and applying many fragmentary          
observations that have been  already    
made1 will probably take a place among  
the master intellects of  mankind4 ,the 
fastings and bleedings of the medival   
monk1 the medicines  for allaying or    
stimulating the sensual passions1 the   
treatment of nervous  diseases1 the     
moral influences of insanity and of     
castration1 the  researches of          
phrenology1 the moral changes that      
accompany the successive  stages of     
physical developments1 the instances of 
diseases which have  altered1 sometimes 
permanently1 the whole complexion of the

 character1 and  have acted through the 
character upon all the intellectual     
judgments17#adg7  are examples of the   
kind of facts with which such a science 
would deal4  ,mind and body are so      
closely connected that even those who   
most earnestly  protest against         
materialism readily admit that each acts
 continually upon  the other4 ,the      
sudden emotion that quickens the pulse1 
and blanches or  flushes the cheek1 and 
the effect of fear in predisposing to an
 epidemic1  are familiar instances of   
the action of the mind upon the body1   
and the  more powerful and permanent    
influence of the body upon the          
disposition is  attested by countless   
observations4 ,it is probable that this 
action  extends to all parts of our     
moral constitution1 that every passion  
or  characteristic tendency has a       
physical predisposing cause1 and that if
 we  were acquainted with these1 we     
might treat by medicine the many        
varieties  of moral disease as          

systematically as we now treat physical 
disease4 ,in  addition to its           
incalculable practical importance1 such 
knowledge would  have a great           
philosophical value1 throwing a new     
light upon the filiation  of our moral  
qualities1 enabling us to treat         
exhaustively the moral  influence of    
climate1 and withdrawing the great      
question of the influence  of race from 
the impressions of isolated observers to
 place it on the firm  basis of         
experiment4 ,it would thus form the     
complement to the labours of  the       
historian4    ,such discoveries are1    
however1 perhaps far from attainment1   
and their  discussion does not fall     
within the compass of this work4 ,my    
present  object is simply to trace the  
action of external circumstances upon   
morals1 to examine what have been the   
moral types proposed as ideal in        
different ages1 in what degree they have
 been realised in practice1 and by  what
 causes they have been modified1        

impaired1 or destroyed4                 
,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,pagan ,,empire4 
,one of the first facts that must strike
 a student who examines the ethical     
teaching of the ancient civilisations is
 how imperfectly that teaching was      
represented1 and how feebly it was      
influenced by the popular creed4 ,the   
moral ideas had at no time been sought  
in the actions of the gods1 and  long   
before the triumph of ,christianity1    
polytheism had ceased to have any  great
 influence upon the more cultivated     
intellects of mankind4    ,in ,greece we
 may trace from the earliest time the   
footsteps of a religion  of nature1     
wholly different from the legends of the
 mythology4 ,the  language in which the 
first ,greek dramatists asserted the    
supreme  authority and universal        
providence of ,zeus was so emphatic1    
that the  ,christian ,fathers commonly  
attributed it either to direct          
inspiration or  to a knowledge of the   
,jewish writings1 while later           

theologians of the  school of ,cudworth 
have argued from it in favour of the    
original  monotheism of our race4 ,the  
philosophers were always either         
contemptuous  or hostile to the         
prevailing legends4 ,pythagoras is said 
to have declared  that he had seen      
,hesiod tied to a brazen pillar in hell1
 and ,homer hung  upon a tree surrounded
 by serpents1 on account of the fables  
they had  invented about the gods47#adh7
 ,plato1 for the same reason1 banished  
the  poets from his republic4 ,stilpo   
turned to ridicule the whole system of  
sacrifices17#adi7 and was exiled from   
,athens for denying that the ,athene of 
,phidias was a goddess47#aej7           
,xenophanes remarked that each nation   
attributed to the gods its distinctive  
national type1 the gods of the          
thiopians being black1 the gods of the  
,thracians fair and blue-eyed47#aea7    
,diagoras and ,theodorus are said to    
have denied1 and ,protagoras to have    
questioned the existence of the         

gods17#aeb7 while the ,epicureans deemed
  them wholly indifferent to human      
affairs1 and the ,pyrrhonists pronounced
  our faculties absolutely incapable of 
attaining any sure knowledge1 either    
human or divine4 ,the ,cynic            
,antisthenes said that there were many  
popular  gods1 but there was only one   
god of nature47#aec7 ,the ,stoics1      
reproducing  an opinion which was       
supported by ,aristotle and attributed  
to  ,pythagoras17#aed7 believed in an   
all-pervading soul of nature1 but unlike
  some modern schools which have adopted
 this view1 they asserted in  emphatic  
language the doctrine of ,providence1   
and the self-consciousness  of the      
,deity4    ,in the ,roman republic and  
empire1 a general scepticism had        
likewise arisen  among the philosophers 
as the first fruit of intellectual      
development1 and  the educated classes  
were speedily divided between avowed or 
virtual  atheists1 like the             
,epicureans17#aee7 and pure theists1    

like the ,stoics and  the ,platonists4  
,the first1 represented by such writers 
as ,lucretius and  ,petronius1 regarded 
the gods simply as the creations of     
fear1 denied every  form of ,providence1
 attributed the world to a concurrence  
of atoms1 and  life to spontaneous      
generation1 and regarded it as the chief
 end of  philosophy to banish as        
illusions of the imagination every form 
of  religious belief4 ,the others formed
 a more or less pantheistic conception  
of the ,deity1 asserted the existence of
 a ,providence17#aef7 but treated  with 
great contempt the prevailing legends   
which they endeavoured in  various ways 
to explain4 ,the first systematic theory
 of explanation  appears to have been   
that of the ,sicilian ,euhemerus1 whose 
work was  translated by ,ennius4 ,he    
pretended that the gods were originally 
kings1  whose history and genealogies he
 professed to trace1 and who after death
  had been deified by mankind47#aeg7    
,another attempt1 which in the first    

period of ,roman scepticism was more    
generally popular1 was that of some of  
the ,stoics1 who regarded the gods as   
personifications of the different       
attributes of the ,deity1 or of         
different forces of nature4 ,thus       
,neptune  was the sea1 ,pluto was fire1 
,hercules represented the strength of   
,god1  ,minerva ,his wisdom1 ,ceres ,his
 fertilising energy47#aeh7 ,more than a 
hundred  years before the ,empire1      
,varro had declared that 8the soul of   
the world is  ,god1 and that its parts  
are true divinities407#aei7 ,virgil and 
,manilius  described1 in lines of       
singular beauty1 that universal spirit1 
the  principle of all life1 the         
efficient cause of all motion1 which    
permeates  and animates the globe4      
,pliny said that 8the world and sky1 in 
whose  embrace all things are enclosed1 
must be deemed a god1 eternal1 immense1 
never begotten1 and never to perish4 ,to
 seek things beyond this is of no       
profit to man1 and they transcend the   

limits of his faculties407#afj7  ,cicero
 had adopted the higher ,platonic       
conception of the ,deity as mind  freed 
from all taint of matter17#afa7 while   
,seneca celebrated in  magnificent      
language 8,jupiter the guardian and     
ruler of the universe1 the  soul and    
spirit1 the lord and master of this     
mundane sphere1 444 the cause  of       
causes1 upon whom all things hang4444   
,whose wisdom oversees the world  that  
it may move uncontrolled in its course1 
444 from whom all things  proceed1 by   
whose spirit we live1 444 who comprises 
all we see407#afb7  ,lucan1 the great   
poet of stoicism1 rose to a still higher
 strain1 and to  one which still more   
accurately expressed the sentiments of  
his school1  when he described ,jupiter 
as that majestic1 all-pervasive spirit1 
whose  throne is virtue and the         
universe47#afc7 ,quintilian defended the
  subjugation of the world beneath the  
sceptre of a single man1 on the  ground 
that it was an image of the government  

of ,god4 ,other philosophers  contented 
themselves with asserting the supreme   
authority of ,jupiter  ,maximus1 and    
reducing the other divinities to mere   
administrative and  angelic functions1  
or1 as the ,platonists expressed it1 to 
the position of  dmons4 ,according to   
some of the ,stoics1 a final catastrophe
 would consume  the universe1 the       
resuscitated spirits of men and all     
these minor gods1  and the whole        
creation being absorbed into the great  
parent spirit1 ,god  would be all in    
all4 ,the very children and old women   
ridiculed ,cerberus  and the            
,furies7#afd7 or treated them as mere   
metaphors of conscience47#afe7  ,in the 
deism of ,cicero the popular divinities 
were discarded1 the oracles  refuted and
 ridiculed1 the whole system of         
divination pronounced a  political      
imposture1 and the genesis of the       
miraculous traced to the  exuberance of 
the imagination1 and to certain diseases
 of the  judgment47#aff7 ,before the    

time of ,constantine1 numerous books had
 been  written against the              
oracles47#afg7 ,the greater number of   
these had actually  ceased1 and the     
ablest writers justly saw in this       
cessation an evidence of  the declining 
credulity of the people1 and a proof    
that the oracles had  been a fruit of   
that credulity47#afh7 ,the ,stoics1     
holding1 as was their  custom1 aloof    
from direct religious discussion1       
dissuaded their disciples  from         
consulting them1 on the ground that the 
gifts of fortune were of no  account1   
and that a good man should be content   
with his conscience1 making  duty and   
not success the object of his           
life47#afi7 ,cato wondered that two     
augurs could meet with gravity47#agj7   
,the ,roman general ,sertorius made the 
forgery of auspicious omens a continual 
resource in warfare47#aga7 ,the  ,roman 
wits made divination the favourite      
subject of their ridicule47#agb7  ,the  
denunciation which the early ,greek     

moralists launched against the  popular 
ascription of immoral deeds to the gods 
was echoed by a long  series of later   
philosophers17#agc7 while ,ovid made    
these fables the theme  of his mocking  
,metamorphoses1 and in his most immoral 
poem proposed  ,jupiter as a model of   
vice4 ,with an irony not unlike that of 
,isaiah1  ,horace described the         
carpenter deliberating whether he should
 convert a  shapeless log into a bench  
or into a god47#agd7 ,cicero1 ,plutarch1
 ,maximus  of ,tyre1 and ,dion          
,chrysostom either denounced idolatry or
 defended the use  of images simply on  
the ground that they were signs and     
symbols of the  ,deity17#age7 well      
suited to aid the devotions of the      
ignorant4 ,seneca7#agf7  and the whole  
school of ,pythagoras objected to the   
sacrifices4    ,these examples will be  
sufficient to show how widely the       
philosophic  classes in ,rome were      
removed from the professed religion of  
the ,state1 and  how necessary it is to 

seek elsewhere the sources of their     
moral life4 ,but  the opinions of       
learned men never reflect faithfully    
those of the vulgar1  and the chasm     
between the two classes was even wider  
than at present  before the dawn of     
,christianity and the invention of      
printing4 ,the  atheistic enthusiasm of 
,lucretius and the sceptical enthusiasm 
of some of  the disciples of ,carneades 
were isolated phenomena1 and the great  
majority  of the ancient philosophers1  
while speculating with the utmost       
freedom in  private1 or in writings that
 were read by the few1 countenanced1    
practised1 and even defended the        
religious rites that they despised4 ,it 
was believed that many different paths  
adapted to different nations and  grades
 of knowledge converge to the same      
,divinity1 and that the most  erroneous 
religion is good if it forms good       
dispositions and inspires  virtuous     
actions4 ,the oracle of ,delphi had said
 that the best religion is  that of a   

man's own city4 ,polybius and ,dionysius
 of ,halicarnassus1 who  regarded all   
religions simply as political agencies1 
dilated in rapturous  terms upon the    
devotion of the ,romans and the         
comparative purity of their             
creed47#agg7 ,varro openly professed the
 belief that there are religious  truths
 which it is expedient that the people  
should not know1 and  falsehoods which  
they should believe to be true47#agh7   
,the ,academic ,cicero  and the         
,epicurean ,csar were both high officers
 of religion4 ,the ,stoics  taught that 
every man should duly perform the       
religious ceremonies of his             
country47#agi7    ,but the ,roman       
religion1 even in its best days1 though 
an admirable system  of moral           
discipline1 was never an independent    
source of moral enthusiasm4  ,it was the
 creature of the ,state1 and derived its
 inspiration from  political feeling4   
,the ,roman gods were not1 like those of
 the ,greeks1 the  creations of an      

unbridled and irreverent fancy1 nor1    
like those of the  ,egyptians1          
representations of the forces of nature2
 they were for the most  part simple    
allegories1 frigid personifications of  
different virtues1 or  presiding spirits
 imagined for the protection of         
different departments of  industry4 ,the
 religion established the sanctity of an
 oath1 it gave a kind  of official      
consecration to certain virtues1 and    
commemorated special  instances in which
 they had been displayed2 its local     
character  strengthened patriotic       
feeling1 its worship of the dead        
fostered a vague  belief in the         
immortality of the soul17#ahj7 it       
sustained the supremacy of  the father  
in the family1 surrounded marriage with 
many imposing  solemnities1 and created 
simple and reverent characters          
profoundly  submissive to an over-ruling
 ,providence and scrupulously observant 
of  sacred rites4 ,but with all this it 
was purely selfish4 ,it was simply a    

method of obtaining prosperity1 averting
 calamity1 and reading the future4      
,ancient ,rome produced many heroes1 but
 no saint4 ,its self-sacrifice was      
patriotic1 not religious4 ,its religion 
was neither an independent teacher  nor 
a source of inspiration1 although its   
rites mingled with and  strengthened    
some of the best habits of the people4  
,but these habits1 and the religious    
reverence with which they were          
connected1 soon disappeared amid the    
immorality and decomposition that       
marked the closing years of the         
,republic and the dawn of the ,empire4  
,the  stern simplicity of life1 which   
the censors had so zealously and often  
so  tyrannically enforced17#aha7 was    
exchanged for a luxury which first      
appeared after the return of the army of
 ,manlius from ,asia17#ahb7 increased   
to immense proportions after the almost 
simultaneous conquests of  ,carthage1   
,corinth1 and ,macedonia17#ahc7 received
 an additional stimulus  from the       

example of ,antony17#ahd7 and at last1  
under the ,empire1 rose to  excesses    
which the wildest ,oriental orgies have 
never surpassed47#ahe7 ,the  complete   
subversion of the social and political  
system of the ,republic1  the anarchy of
 civil war1 the ever-increasing         
concourse of strangers1  bringing with  
them new philosophies1 customs1 and     
gods1 had dissolved or  effaced all the 
old bonds of virtue4 ,the simple        
juxtaposition of many  forms of worship 
effected what could not have been       
effected by the most  sceptical         
literature or the most audacious        
philosophy4 ,the moral influence  of    
religion was almost annihilated4 ,the   
feeling of reverence was almost         
extinct4 ,augustus solemnly degraded the
 statue of ,neptune because his  fleet  
had been wrecked47#ahf7 ,when           
,germanicus died1 the populace stoned or
  overthrew the altars of the           
gods47#ahg7 ,the idea of sanctity was so
 far  removed from the popular          

divinities that it became a continual   
complaint  that prayers were offered    
which the most depraved would blush to  
pronounce  aloud47#ahh7 ,amid the       
corruption of the ,empire1 we meet with 
many noble  efforts of reform made by   
philosophers or by emperors1 but we find
  scarcely a trace of the moral         
influence of the old religion4 ,the     
apotheosis of the emperors consummated  
its degradation4 ,the foreign gods  were
 identified with those of ,rome1 and all
 their immoral legends  associated with 
the national creed47#ahi7 ,the theatre  
greatly extended the  area of           
scepticism4 ,cicero mentions the        
assenting plaudits with which the       
people heard the lines of ,ennius1      
declaring that the gods1 though real    
beings1 take no care for the things of  
man47#aij7 ,plutarch tells of a         
spectator at a theatre rising up with   
indignation after a recital of the      
crimes of ,diana1 and exclaiming to the 
actor1 8,may you have a daughter  like  

her whom you have described607#aia7 ,st4
 ,augustine and other of the  ,fathers  
long after ridiculed the pagans who     
satirised in the theatres the  very gods
 they worshipped in the temples47#aib7  
,men were still profoundly              
superstitious1 but they resorted to each
 new religion as to a charm or  talisman
 of especial power1 or a system of magic
 revealing the future4  ,there existed1 
too1 to a very large extent1 a kind of  
superstitious  scepticism which occupies
 a very prominent place in religious    
history4  ,there were multitudes who1   
declaring that there were no gods1 or   
that the  gods never interfered with    
human affairs1 professed with the same  
breath  an absolute faith in all        
portents1 auguries1 dreams1 and         
miracles4  ,innumerable natural objects1
 such as comets1 meteors1 earthquakes1  
or  monstrous births1 were supposed to  
possess a kind of occult or magical     
virtue1 by which they foreshadowed1 and 
in some cases influenced1 the  destinies

 of men4 ,astrology1 which is the       
special representative of this  mode of 
thought1 rose to great prominence4 ,the 
elder ,pliny notices that in  his time a
 belief was rapidly gaining ground1 both
 among the learned and  among the       
vulgar1 that the whole destiny of man is
 determined by the star  that presides  
over his nativity2 that ,god1 having    
ordained this1 never  interferes with   
human affairs1 and that the reality of  
the portents is due  to this            
pre-ordainment47#aic7 ,one of the later 
historians of the ,empire  remarks that 
numbers who denied the existence of any 
divinity believed  nevertheless that    
they could not safely appear in public1 
or eat or bathe1  unless they had first 
carefully consulted the almanac to      
ascertain the  position of the planet   
,mercury1 or how far the moon was from  
the  ,crab47#aid7 ,except1 perhaps1     
among the peasants in the country       
districts1  the ,roman religion1 in the 
last years of the ,republic1 and in the 

first  century of the ,empire1 scarcely 
existed1 except in the state of a       
superstition1 and he who would examine  
the true moral influence of the  time   
must turn to the great schools of       
philosophy which had been imported  from
 ,greece4    ,the vast place which the  
rival systems of ,zeno and ,epicurus    
occupy in the  moral history of mankind1
 and especially in the closing years of 
the  empire of paganism1 may easily lead
 us to exaggerate the creative genius   
of their founders1 who1 in fact1 did    
little more than give definitions or    
intellectual expression to types of     
excellence that had at all times        
existed in the world4 ,there have ever  
been stern1 upright1  self-controlled1  
and courageous men1 actuated by a pure  
sense of duty1  capable of high efforts 
of self-sacrifice1 somewhat intolerant  
of the  frailties of others1 somewhat   
hard and unsympathising in the ordinary 
intercourse of society1 but rising to   
heroic grandeur as the storm lowered    

upon their path1 and more ready to      
relinquish life than the cause they     
believed to be true4 ,there have also   
always been men of easy tempers and  of 
amiable disposition1 gentle1 benevolent1
 and pliant1 cordial friends  and       
forgiving enemies1 selfish at heart1 yet
 ever ready1 when it is  possible1 to   
unite their gratifications with those of
 others1 averse to  all enthusiasm1     
mysticism1 utopias1 and superstition1   
with little depth of  character or      
capacity for self-sacrifice1 but        
admirably fitted to impart  and to      
receive enjoyment1 and to render the    
course of life easy and  harmonious4    
,the first are by nature ,stoics1 and   
the second ,epicureans1 and  if they    
proceed to reason about the summum bonum
 or the affections1 it  is more than    
probable that in each case their        
characters will determine  their        
theories4 ,the first will estimate      
self-control above all other  qualities1
 will disparage the affections1 and will

 endeavour to separate  widely the ideas
 of duty and of interest1 while the     
second will  systematically prefer the  
amiable to the heroic1 and the          
utilitarian to  the mystical4    ,but   
while it is undoubtedly true that in    
these matters character usually         
determines opinion1 it is not less true 
that character is itself in a  great    
measure governed by national            
circumstances4 ,the refined1 artistic1  
sensual civilisations of ,greece and    
,asia ,minor might easily produce fine  
examples of the ,epicurean type1 but    
,rome was from the earliest times       
pre-eminently the home of stoicism4     
,long before the ,romans had begun to   
reason about philosophy1 they had       
exhibited it in action1 and in their    
speculative days it was to this doctrine
 that the noblest minds naturally       
tended4 ,a great nation engaged in      
perpetual wars in an age when success in
  warfare depended neither upon wealth  
nor upon mechanical genius1 but upon    

the constant energy of patriotic        
enthusiasm1 and upon the unflinching    
maintenance of military discipline1 the 
whole force of the national  character  
tended to the production of a single    
definite type4 ,in the  absolute        
authority accorded to the father over   
the children1 to the  husband over the  
wife1 to the master over the slave1 we  
may trace the same  habits of discipline
 that proved so formidable in the field4
 ,patriotism  and military honour were  
indissolubly connected in the ,roman    
mind4 ,they  were the two sources of    
national enthusiasm1 the chief          
ingredients of the  national conception 
of greatness4 ,they determined          
irresistibly the moral  theory which was
 to prove supreme4    ,now war1 which   
brings with it so many demoralising     
influences1 has1 at  least1 always been 
the great school of heroism4 ,it teaches
 men how to die4  ,it familiarises the  
mind with the idea of noble actions     
performed under  the influence1 not of  

personal interest1 but of honour and of 
enthusiasm4  ,it elicits in the highest 
degree strength of character1 accustoms 
men to  the abnegation needed for       
simultaneous action1 compels them to    
repress  their fears1 and establish a   
firm control over their affections4     
,patriotism1 too1 leads them to         
subordinate their personal wishes to the
  interests of the society in which they
 live4 ,it extends the horizon of  life1
 teaching men to dwell among the great  
men of the past1 to derive  their moral 
strength from the study of heroic lives1
 to look forward  continually1 through  
the vistas of a distant future1 to the  
welfare of an  organisation which will  
continue when they have passed away4    
,all these  influences were developed in
 ,roman life to a degree which can now  
never be  reproduced4 ,war1 for the     
reasons ,i have stated1 was far more    
than at  present the school of heroic   
virtues4 ,patriotism1 in the absence of 
any  strong theological passion1 had    

assumed a transcendent power4 ,the      
citizen1  passing continually from      
political to military life1 exhibited to
  perfection the moral effects of both4 
,the habits of command formed by a  long
 period of almost universal empire1 and 
by the aristocratic  organisation of the
 city1 contributed to the elevation1 and
 also to the  pride1 of the national    
character4    ,it will appear1 ,i think1
 sufficiently evident1 from these       
considerations1  that the circumstances 
of the ,roman people tended inevitably  
to the  production of a certain type of 
character1 which1 in its essential      
characteristics1 was the type of        
stoicism4 ,in addition to the           
predisposition which leads men in their 
estimate of the comparative  excellence 
of different qualities to select for the
 highest eulogy those  which are most   
congruous to their own characters1 this 
fact derives a  great importance from   
the large place which the biographical  
element  occupied in ancient ethical    

teaching4 ,among ,christians the ideals 
have  commonly been either supernatural 
beings or men who were in constant      
connection with supernatural beings1 and
 these men have usually been  either    
,jews or saints1 whose lives were of    
such a nature as to isolate  them from  
most human sympathies1 and to efface as 
far as possible the  national type4     
,among the ,greeks and ,romans the      
examples of virtue were  usually their  
own fellow-countrymen2 men who had lived
 in the same moral  atmosphere1         
struggled for the same ends1 acquired   
their reputation in the  same spheres1  
exhibited in all their intensity the    
same national  characteristics as their 
admirers4 ,history had assumed a        
didactic  character it has now almost   
wholly lost4 ,one of the first tasks of 
every  moralist was to collect traits of
 character illustrating the precepts he 
enforced4 ,valerius ,maximus represented
 faithfully the method of the  teachers 
of antiquity when he wrote his book     

giving a catalogue of  different moral  
qualities1 and illustrating each by a   
profusion of  examples derived from the 
history of his own or of foreign        
nations4    8,whenever10 said ,plutarch1
 8we begin an enterprise1 or take       
possession of  a charge1 or experience a
 calamity1 we place before our eyes the 
example  of the greatest men of our own 
or of bygone ages1 and we ask ourselves 
how  ,plato or ,epaminondas1 ,lycurgus  
or ,agesilaus1 would have acted4        
,looking  into these personages as into 
a faithful mirror1 we can remedy our    
defects  in word or deed4444 ,whenever  
any perplexity arrives1 or any passion  
disturbs the mind1 the student of       
philosophy pictures to himself some of  
those who have been celebrated for their
 virtue1 and the recollection  sustains 
his tottering steps and prevents his    
fall407#aie7    ,passages of this kind  
continually occur in the ancient        
moralists17#aif7 and  they show how     
naturally the highest type of national  

excellence determined  the prevailing   
school of moral philosophy1 and also how
 the influence of  the heroic period of 
national history would act upon the best
 minds in the  subsequent and wholly    
different phases of development4 ,it was
 therefore  not surprising that during  
the ,empire1 though the conditions of   
national  life were profoundly altered1 
,stoicism should still be the           
philosophical  religion1 the great      
source and regulator of moral           
enthusiasm4 ,epicureanism  had1 indeed1 
spread widely in the ,empire17#aig7 but 
it proved little more  than a principle 
of disintegration or an apology for     
vice1 or at best the  religion of       
tranquil and indifferent natures        
animated by no strong moral  enthusiasm4
 ,it is indeed true that ,epicurus had  
himself been a man of the  most         
blameless character1 that his doctrines 
were at first carefully  distinguished  
from the coarse sensuality of the       
,cyrenaic school which had  preceded    

them1 that they admitted in theory      
almost every form of virtue1  and that  
the school had produced many disciples  
who1 if they had not  attained the      
highest grades of excellence1 had at    
least been men of  harmless lives1      
intensely devoted to their master1 and  
especially noted  for the warmth and    
constancy of their friendships47#aih7   
,but a school which  placed so high a   
value on ease and pleasure was eminently
 unfit to  struggle against the fearful 
difficulties that beset the teachers of 
virtue amid the anarchy of a military   
despotism1 and the virtues and the      
vices of the ,romans were alike fatal to
 its success4 ,all the great ideals  of 
,roman excellence belonged to a         
different type4 ,such men as a ,decius  
or  a ,regulus would have been          
impossible in an ,epicurean society1 for
 even if  their actuating emotion were  
no nobler than a desire for posthumous  
fame1  such a desire could never grow   
powerful in a moral atmosphere charged  

with  the shrewd1 placid1 unsentimental 
utilitarianism of ,epicurus4 ,on the    
other  hand1 the distinctions the       
,epicureans had drawn between more or   
less  refined pleasures and their       
elevated conceptions of what constitutes
 the  true happiness of men1 were       
unintelligible to the ,romans1 who knew 
how to  sacrifice enjoyment1 but who1   
when pursuing it1 gravitated naturally  
to  the coarsest forms4 ,the mission of 
,epicureanism was therefore chiefly     
negative4 ,the anti-patriotic tendency  
of its teaching contributed to that     
destruction of national feeling which   
was necessary to the rise of            
cosmopolitanism1 while its strong       
opposition to theological beliefs1      
supported by the genius and enthusiasm  
of ,lucretius1 told powerfully upon  the
 decaying faith4    ,such being the     
functions of ,epicureanism1 the         
constructive or positive  side of       
ethical teaching devolved almost        
exclusively upon ,stoicism2 for         

although there were a few philosophers  
who expressed themselves in strong      
opposition to some portions of the      
,stoical system1 their efforts usually  
tended to no more than a modification of
 its extreme and harshest  features4    
,the ,stoics asserted two cardinal      
principles--that virtue was the  sole   
legitimate object to be aspired to1 and 
that it involved so complete  an        
ascendancy of the reason as altogether  
to extinguish the affections4  ,the     
,peripatetics and many other            
philosophers1 who derived their opinions
  chiefly from ,plato1 endeavoured to   
soften down the exaggeration of these   
principles4 ,they admitted that virtue  
was an object wholly distinct from      
interest1 and that it should be the     
leading motive of life2 but they        
maintained that happiness was also a    
good1 and a certain regard for it       
legitimate4 ,they admitted that virtue  
consisted in the supremacy of the       
reason over the affections1 but they    

allowed the exercise of the latter      
within restricted limits4 ,the main     
distinguishing features1 however1 of    
,stoicism1 the unselfish ideal and the  
controlling reason1 were acquiesced  in1
 and each represents an important side  
of the ancient conception of  excellence
 which we must now proceed to examine4  
,in the first we may easily trace the   
intellectual expression of the high     
spirit of self-sacrifice which the      
patriotic enthusiasm had elicited4 ,the 
spirit of patriotism has this peculiar  
characteristic1 that1 while it has      
evoked acts of heroism which are both   
very numerous and very sublime1 it  has 
done so without presenting any prospect 
of personal immortality as a  reward4   
,of all the forms of human heroism1 it  
is probably the most  unselfish4 ,the   
,spartan and the ,roman died for his    
country because he loved  it4 ,the      
martyr's ecstasy of hope had no place in
 his dying hour4 ,he gave  up all he    
had1 he closed his eyes1 as he believed1

 for ever1 and he asked  for no reward  
in this world or in the next4 ,even the 
hope of posthumous  fame--the most      
refined and supersensual of all that can
 be called  reward--could exist only for
 the most conspicuous leaders4 ,it was  
examples  of this nature that formed the
 culminations or ideals of ancient      
systems  of virtue1 and they naturally  
led men to draw a very clear and deep   
distinction between the notions of      
interest and of duty4 ,it may1 indeed1  
be truly said1 that while the conception
 of what constituted duty was  often    
very imperfect in antiquity1 the        
conviction that duty1 as  distinguished 
from every modification of selfishness1 
should be the  supreme motive of life   
was more clearly enforced among the     
,stoics than in  any later society4     
,the reader will probably have gathered 
from the last chapter that there  are   
four distinct motives which moral       
teachers may propose for the purpose  of
 leading men to virtue4 ,they may argue 

that the disposition of events is  such 
that prosperity will attend a virtuous  
life1 and adversity a vicious  one--a   
proposition they may prove by pointing  
to the normal course of  affairs1 and by
 asserting the existence of a special   
,providence in behalf  of the good in   
the present world1 and of rewards and   
punishments in the  future4 ,as far as  
these latter arguments are concerned1   
the efficacy of  such teaching rests    
upon the firmness with which certain    
theological  tenets are held1 while the 
force of the first considerations will  
depend  upon the degree and manner in   
which society is organised1 for there   
are  undoubtedly some conditions of     
society in which a perfectly upright    
life  has not even a general tendency to
 prosperity4 ,the peculiar circumstances
  and dispositions of individuals will  
also influence largely the way in  which
 they receive such teaching1 and1 as    
,cicero observed1 8what one  utility has
 created1 another will often destroy40  

,they may argue1 again1 that vice is to 
the mind what disease is to the  body1  
and that a state of virtue is in        
consequence a state of health4 ,just  as
 bodily health is desired for its own   
sake1 as being the absence of a         
painful1 or at least displeasing state1 
so a well-ordered and virtuous  mind may
 be valued for its own sake1 and        
independently of all the external  good 
to which it may lead1 as being a        
condition of happiness2 and a mind      
distracted by passion and vice may be   
avoided1 not so much because it is  an  
obstacle in the pursuit of prosperity1  
as because it is in itself  essentially 
painful and disturbing4 ,this conception
 of virtue and vice as  states of health
 or sickness1 the one being in itself a 
good and the other  in itself an evil1  
was a fundamental proposition in the    
ethics of  ,plato47#aii7 ,it was        
admitted1 but only to a subsidiary      
place1 by the  ,stoics17#bjj7 and has   
passed more or less into all the        

succeeding systems4  ,it is especially  
favourable to large and elevating       
conceptions of  self-culture1 for it    
leads men to dwell much less upon       
isolated acts of  virtue or vice than   
upon the habitual condition of mind from
 which they  spring4    ,it is possible1
 in the third place1 to argue in favour 
of virtue by  offering as a motive that 
sense of pleasure which follows the     
deliberate  performance of a virtuous   
act4 ,this emotion is a distinct and    
isolated  gratification following a     
distinct action1 and may therefore be   
easily  separated from that habitual    
placidity of temper which results from  
the  extinction of vicious and          
perturbing impulses4 ,it is this theory 
which is  implied in the common         
exhortations to enjoy 'the luxury of    
doing good1'  and though especially     
strong in acts of benevolence1 in which 
case  sympathy with the happiness       
created intensifies the feeling1 this   
pleasure  attends every kind of virtue4 

,these three motives of action have all 
this common characteristic1 that  they  
point as their ultimate end to the      
happiness of the agent4 ,the first      
seeks that happiness in external        
circumstances2 the second and third in  
psychological conditions4 ,there is1    
however1 a fourth kind of motive which  
may be urged1 and which is the peculiar 
characteristic of the intuitive  school 
of moralists and the stumbling-block of 
its opponents4 ,it is  asserted that we 
are so constituted that the notion of   
duty furnishes in  itself a natural     
motive of action of the highest order1  
wholly distinct  from all the           
refinements and modifications of        
self-interest4 ,the coactive  force of  
this motive is altogether independent of
 surrounding  circumstances1 and of all 
forms of belief4 ,it is equally true for
 the man  who believes and for the man  
who rejects the ,christian faith1 for   
the  believer in a future world and for 
the believer in the mortality of the    

soul4 ,it is not a question of happiness
 or unhappiness1 of reward or           
punishment1 but of a generically        
different nature4 ,men feel that a      
certain  course of life is the natural  
end of their being1 and they feel bound1
  even at the expense of happiness1 to  
pursue it4 ,they feel that certain  acts
 are essentially good and noble1 and    
others essentially base and vile1  and  
this perception leads them to pursue the
 one and to avoid the other1            
irrespective of all considerations of   
enjoyment4    ,i have recurred to these 
distinctions1 which were more fully     
discussed in  the last chapter1 because 
the school of philosophy we are         
reviewing  furnishes the most perfect of
 all historical examples of the power   
which  the higher of these motives can  
exercise over the mind4 ,the coarser    
forms  of self-interest were in stoicism
 absolutely condemned4 ,it was one of   
the  first principles of these          
philosophers that all things that are   

not in our  power should be esteemed    
indifferent2 that the object of all     
mental  discipline should be to withdraw
 the mind from all the gifts of fortune1
  and that prudence must in consequence 
be altogether excluded from the  motives
 of virtue4 ,to enforce these principles
 they continually dilated  upon the     
vanity of human things1 and upon the    
majesty of the independent  mind1 and   
they indulged1 though scarcely more than
 other sects1 in many  exaggerations    
about the impassive tranquillity of the 
sage47#bja7 ,in the  ,roman empire      
stoicism flourished at a period which1  
beyond almost any  other1 seemed        
unfavourable to such teaching4 ,there   
were reigns when1 in  the emphatic words
 of ,tacitus1 8virtue was a sentence of 
death40 ,in no  period had brute force  
more completely triumphed1 in none was  
the thirst  for material advantages more
 intense1 in very few was vice more     
ostentatiously glorified4 ,yet in the   
midst of all these circumstances the    

,stoics taught a philosophy which was   
not a compromise1 or an attempt to      
moderate the popular excesses1 but which
 was rather in its austere  sanctity the
 extreme antithesis of all that the     
prevailing examples and  their own      
interests could dictate4 ,and these men 
were no impassioned  fanatics1 fired    
with the prospect of coming glory4 ,they
 were men from  whose motives of action 
the belief in the immortality of the    
soul was  resolutely excluded4 ,in the  
scepticism that accompanied the first   
introduction of philosophy into ,rome1  
in the dissolution of the old fables    
about ,tartarus and the ,styx1 and the  
dissemination of ,epicureanism among    
the people1 this doctrine had sunk very 
low1 notwithstanding the beautiful      
reasonings of ,cicero and the religious 
faith of a few who clung like  ,plutarch
 to the mysteries in which it was       
perpetuated4 ,an interlocutor in        
,cicero expressed what was probably a   
common feeling when he acknowledged     

that1 with the writings of ,plato before
 him1 he could believe and realise  it2 
but when he closed the book1 the        
reasonings seemed to lose their  power1 
and the world of spirits grew pale and  
unreal47#bjb7 ,if ,ennius could  elicit 
the plaudits of a theatre when he       
proclaimed that the gods took no  part  
in human affairs1 ,csar could assert in 
the senate1 without scandal  and almost 
without dissent1 that death was the end 
of all things47#bjc7  ,pliny1 perhaps   
the greatest of ,roman scholars1        
adopting the sentiment of  all the      
school of ,epicurus1 describes the      
belief in a future life as a  form of   
madness1 a puerile and a pernicious     
illusion47#bjd7 ,the opinions of  the   
,stoics were wavering and uncertain4    
,their first doctrine was that the  soul
 of man has a future and independent1   
but not an eternal existence1  that it  
survives until the last conflagration   
which was to destroy the  world1 and    
absorb all finite things into the       

all-pervading soul of nature4           
,chrysippus1 however1 restricted to the 
best and noblest souls this future      
existence1 which ,cleanthes had awarded 
to all17#bje7 and among the ,roman      
,stoics even this was greatly doubted4  
,the belief that the human soul is a    
detached fragment of the ,deity         
naturally led to the belief that after  
death it would be reabsorbed into the   
parent ,spirit4 ,the doctrine that      
there is no real good but virtue        
deprived the ,stoics of the argument for
 a  future world derived from unrequited
 merit and unpunished crime1 and the    
earnestness with which they contended   
that a good man should act              
irrespectively of reward inclined them1 
as it is said to have inclined  some    
,jewish thinkers17#bjf7 to the denial of
 the existence of the  reward47#bjg7    
,pantius1 the founder of ,roman         
stoicism1 maintained that the  soul     
perished with the body17#bjh7 and his   
opinion was followed by                 

,epictetus17#bji7 and ,cornutus47#baj7  
,seneca contradicted himself on the     
subject47#baa7 ,marcus ,aurelius never  
rose beyond a vague and mournful        
aspiration4 ,those who believed in a    
future world believed in it faintly  and
 uncertainly1 and even when they        
accepted it as a fact1 they shrank  from
 proposing it as a motive4 ,the whole   
system of ,stoical ethics1 which        
carried self-sacrifice to a point that  
has scarcely been equalled1 and         
exercised an influence which has rarely 
been surpassed1 was evolved  without any
 assistance from the doctrine of a      
future life47#bab7 ,pagan  antiquity has
 bequeathed us few nobler treatises of  
morals than the 8,de  ,officiis0 of     
,cicero1 which was avowedly an expansion
 of a work of  ,pantius47#bac7 ,it has  
left us no grander example than that of 
,epictetus1  the sickly1 deformed slave 
of a master who was notorious for his   
barbarity1 enfranchised late in life1   
but soon driven into exile by           

,domitian2 who1 while sounding the very 
abyss of human misery1 and looking      
forward to death as to simple           
decomposition1 was yet so filled with   
the  sense of the ,divine presence that 
his life was one continued hymn to      
,providence1 and his writings and his   
example1 which appeared to his          
contemporaries almost the ideal of human
 goodness1 have not lost their          
consoling power through all the ages and
 the vicissitudes they have             
survived47#bad7    ,there was1 however1 
another form of immortality which       
exercised a much  greater influence     
among the ,roman moralists4 ,the desire 
for reputation1  and especially for     
posthumous reputation--that 8last       
infirmity of noble                      
minds07#bae7--;assumed an extraordinary 
prominence among the springs of ,roman  
heroism1 and was also the origin of that
 theatrical and overstrained            
phraseology which the greatest of       
ancient moralists rarely escaped47#baf7 

,but we should be altogether in error if
 we inferred1 as some have done1  that  
paganism never rose to the conception of
 virtue concealing itself  from the     
world1 and consenting voluntarily to    
degradation4 ,no characters  were more  
highly appreciated in antiquity than    
those of men who1 through a  sense of   
duty1 opposed the strong current of     
popular favour2 of men like  ,fabius1   
who consented for the sake of their     
country to incur the  reputation that is
 most fatal to a soldier27#bag7 of men  
like ,cato1 who  remained unmoved among 
the scoffs1 the insults1 and the        
ridicule of an  angry crowd47#bah7      
,cicero1 expounding the principles of   
,stoicism1 declared  that no one has    
attained to true philosophy who has not 
learnt that all  vice should be avoided1
 8though it were concealed from the eyes
 of gods  and men107#bai7 and that no   
deeds are more laudable than those which
 are  done without ostentation1 and far 
from the sight of men47#bbj7 ,the       

writings  of the ,stoics are crowded    
with sentences to the same effect4      
8,nothing for  opinion1 all for         
conscience407#bba7 8,he who wishes his  
virtue to be blazed  abroad is not      
labouring for virtue but for            
fame407#bbb7 8,no one is more  virtuous 
than the man who sacrifices the         
reputation of a good man rather  than   
sacrifice his conscience407#bbc7 8,i do 
not shrink from praise1 but ,i  refuse  
to make it the end and term of          
right407#bbd7 8,if you do anything to   
please men1 you have fallen from your   
estate407#bbe7 8,even a bad reputation  
nobly earned is pleasing407#bbf7 8,a    
great man is not the less great when he 
lies vanquished and prostrate in the    
dust407#bbg7 8,never forget that it is  
possible to be at once a divine man1 yet
 a man unknown to all the  world407#bbh7
 8,that which is beautiful is beautiful 
in itself2 the praise  of man adds      
nothing to its quality407#bbi7 ,marcus  
,aurelius1 following an  example that is

 ascribed to ,pythagoras1 made it a     
special object of mental  discipline1 by
 continually meditating on death1 and   
evoking1 by an effort  of the           
imagination1 whole societies that had   
passed away1 to acquire a  realised     
sense of the vanity of posthumous fame4 
,the younger ,pliny painted  faithfully 
the ideal of ,stoicism when he described
 one of his friends as a  man 8who did  
nothing for ostentation1 but all for    
conscience2 who sought  the reward of   
virtue in itself1 and not in the praise 
of man407#bcj7 ,nor  were the ,stoics   
less emphatic in distinguishing the     
obligation from the  attraction of      
virtue4 ,it was on this point that they 
separated from the  more refined        
,epicureans1 who were often willing to  
sublimate to the  highest degree the    
kind of pleasure they proposed as an    
object1 provided  only it were admitted 
that pleasure is necessarily the        
ultimate end of our  actions4 ,but this 
the ,stoics firmly denied4 8,pleasure10 

they argued1 8is  the companion1 not the
 guide1 of our course407#bca7 8,we do   
not love virtue  because it gives us    
pleasure1 but it gives us pleasure      
because we love  it407#bcb7 8,the wise  
man will not sin1 though both gods and  
men should  overlook the deed1 for it is
 not through the fear of punishment or  
of  shame that he abstains from sin4 ,it
 is from the desire and obligation of   
what is just and good407#bcc7 8,to ask  
to be paid for virtue is as if the  eye 
demanded a recompense for seeing1 or the
 feet for walking407#bcd7 ,in  doing    
good1 man 8should be like the vine which
 has produced grapes1 and  asks for     
nothing more after it has produced its  
proper fruit407#bce7 ,his  end1         
according to these teachers1 is not to  
find peace either in life or  in death4 
,it is to do his duty1 and to tell the  
truth4    ,the second distinguishing    
feature of ,stoicism ,i have noticed was
 the  complete suppression of the       
affections to make way for the absolute 

ascendancy of reason4 ,there are two    
great divisions of character            
corresponding very nearly to the        
,stoical and ,epicurean temperaments ,i 
have  described--that in which the will 
predominates1 and that in which the     
desires are supreme4 ,a good man of the 
first class is one whose will1  directed
 by a sense of duty1 pursues the course 
he believes to be right1  in spite of   
strong temptations to pursue an opposite
 course1 arising  either from his own   
passions and tendencies1 or from the    
circumstances  that surround him4 ,a    
good man of the second class is one who 
is so happily  constituted that his     
sympathies and desires instinctively    
tend to virtuous  ends4 ,the first      
character is the only one to which we   
can1 strictly  speaking1 attach the idea
 of merit1 and it is also the only one  
which is  capable of rising to high     
efforts of continuous and heroic        
self-sacrifice2  but on the other hand  
there is a charm in the spontaneous     

action of the  unforced desires which   
disciplined virtue can perhaps never    
attain4 ,the  man who is consistently   
generous through a sense of duty1 when  
his natural  temperament impels him to  
avarice and when every exercise of      
benevolence  causes him a pang1 deserves
 in the very highest degree our         
admiration2 but  he whose generosity    
costs him no effort1 but is the natural 
gratification  of his affections1       
attracts a far larger measure of our    
love4  ,corresponding to these two casts
 of character1 we find two distinct     
theories of education1 the aim of the   
one being chiefly to strengthen the     
will1 and that of the other to guide the
 desires4 ,the principal examples  of   
the first are the ,spartan and ,stoical 
systems of antiquity1 and1 with  some   
modifications1 the asceticism of the    
,middle ,ages4 ,the object of these     
systems was to enable men to endure     
pain1 to repress manifest and           
acknowledged desires1 to relinquish     

enjoyments1 to establish an absolute    
empire over their emotions4 ,on the     
other hand1 there is a method of        
education which was never more prevalent
 than in the present day1 which         
exhausts its efforts in making virtue   
attractive1 in associating it with  all 
the charms of imagination and of        
prosperity1 and in thus insensibly      
drawing the desires in the wished-for   
direction4 ,as the first system is      
especially suited to a disturbed and    
military society1 which requires and    
elicits strong efforts of the will1 and 
is therefore the special sphere of      
heroic virtues1 so the latter belongs   
naturally to a tranquil and highly      
organised civilisation1 which is        
therefore very favourable to the amiable
  qualities1 and it is probable that as 
civilisation advances1 the heroic  type 
will1 in consequence1 become more and   
more rare1 and a kind of  self-indulgent
 goodness more common4 ,the             
circumstances of the ancient  societies 

led them to the former type1 of which   
the ,stoics furnished the  extreme      
expression in their doctrine that the   
affections are of the nature  of a      
disease7#bcf7--;a doctrine which they   
justified by the same kind of  arguments
 as those which are now often employed  
by metaphysicians to prove  that love1  
anger1 and the like can only be ascribed
 by a figure of speech  to the ,deity4  
,perturbation1 they contended1 is       
necessarily imperfection1  and none of  
its forms can in consequence be ascribed
 to a perfect being4  ,we have a clear  
intuitive perception that reason is the 
highest1 and  should be the directing1  
power of an intelligent being2 but every
 act  which is performed at the         
instigation of the emotions is withdrawn
 from  the empire of reason4 ,hence it  
was inferred that while the will should 
be  educated to act habitually in the   
direction of virtue1 even the emotions  
that seem most fitted to second it      
should be absolutely proscribed4 ,thus  

,seneca has elaborated at length the    
distinction between clemency and pity1  
the first being one of the highest      
virtues1 and the latter a positive      
vice4 ,clemency1 he says1 is an habitual
 disposition to gentleness in the       
application of punishments4 ,it is that 
moderation which remits something  of an
 incurred penalty1 it is the opposite of
 cruelty1 which is an  habitual         
disposition to rigour4 ,pity1 on the    
other hand1 bears to clemency  the same 
kind of relation as superstition to     
religion4 ,it is the weakness  of a     
feeble mind that flinches at the sight  
of suffering4 ,clemency is an  act of   
judgment1 but pity disturbs the         
judgment4 ,clemency adjudicates upon    
the proportion between suffering and    
guilt4 ,pity contemplates only          
suffering1 and gives no thought to its  
cause4 ,clemency1 in the midst of  its  
noblest efforts1 is perfectly           
passionless2 pity is unreasoning        
emotion4 ,clemency is an essential      

characteristic of the sage2 pity is only
  suited for weak women and for diseased
 minds4 8,the sage will console those   
who weep1 but without weeping with them2
 he will succour the shipwrecked1  give 
hospitality to the proscribed1 and alms 
to the poor1 444 restore the  son to the
 mother's tears1 save the captive from  
the arena1 and even bury  the criminal2 
but in all this his mind and his        
countenance will be alike  untroubled4  
,he will feel no pity4 ,he will succour1
 he will do good1 for he  is born to    
assist his fellows1 to labour for the   
welfare of mankind1 and  to offer to    
each one his part4444 ,his countenance  
and his soul will betray  no emotion as 
he looks upon the withered legs1 the    
tattered rags1 the bent  and emaciated  
frame of the beggar4 ,but he will help  
those who are worthy1  and1 like the    
gods1 his leaning will be towards the   
wretched4444 ,it is  only diseased eyes 
that grow moist in beholding tears in   
other eyes1 as it  is no true sympathy1 

but only weakness of nerves1 that leads 
some to laugh  always when others laugh1
 or to yawn when others yawn407#bcg7    
,cicero1 in a sentence which might be   
adopted as the motto of ,stoicism1  said
 that ,homer 8attributed human qualities
 to the gods2 it would have  been better
 to have imparted divine qualities to   
men40 ,the remarkable  passage ,i have  
just cited serves to show the extremes  
to which the ,stoics  pushed this       
imitation4 ,and indeed1 if we compare   
the different virtues  that have        
flourished among ,pagans and            
,christians1 we invariably find that    
the prevailing type of excellence among 
the former is that in which the  will   
and judgment1 and among the latter that 
in which the emotions1 are  most        
prominent4 ,friendship rather than love1
 hospitality rather than  charity1      
magnanimity rather than tenderness1     
clemency rather than  sympathy1 are the 
characteristics of ancient goodness4    
,the ,stoics1 who  carried the          

suppression of the emotions farther than
 any other school1  laboured with great 
zeal to compensate the injury thus done 
to the  benevolent side of our nature1  
by greatly enlarging the sphere of      
reasoned  and passionless philanthropy4 
,they taught1 in the most emphatic      
language1  the fraternity of all men1   
and the consequent duty of each man     
consecrating his life to the welfare of 
others4 ,they developed this  general   
doctrine in a series of detailed        
precepts1 which1 for the range1  depth1 
and beauty of their charity1 have never 
been surpassed4 ,they even  extended    
their compassion to crime1 and adopting 
the paradox of ,plato1  that all guilt  
is ignorance17#bch7 treated it as an    
involuntary disease1  and declared that 
the only legitimate ground of punishment
 is  prevention47#bci7 ,but1 however    
fully they might reconcile in theory    
their  principles with the widest and   
most active benevolence1 they could not 
wholly counteract the practical evil of 

a system which declared war  against the
 whole emotional side of our being1 and 
reduced human virtue to  a kind of      
majestic egotism2 proposing as examples 
,anaxagoras1 who1 when  told that his   
son had died1 simply observed1 8,i never
 supposed that ,i had  begotten an      
immortal207#bdj7 or ,stilpo1 who1 when  
his country had been  ruined1 his native
 city captured1 and his daughters       
carried away as slaves  or as           
concubines1 boasted that he had lost    
nothing1 for the sage is  independent of
 circumstances4 ,the framework or theory
 of benevolence might  be there1 but the
 animating spirit was absent4 ,men who  
taught that the  husband or the father  
should look with perfect indifference on
 the death  of his wife or his child1   
and that the philosopher1 though he may 
shed  tears of pretended sympathy in    
order to console his suffering friend1  
must  suffer no real emotion to         
penetrate his breast17#bda7 could never 
found a  true or lasting religion of    

benevolence4 ,men who refused to        
recognise pain  and sickness as evils   
were scarcely likely to be very eager to
 relieve  them in others4    ,in truth1 
the ,stoics1 who taught that all virtue 
was conformity to nature1  were1 in this
 respect1 eminently false to their own  
principle4 ,human  nature1 as revealed  
to us by reason1 is a composite thing1 a
 constitution  of many parts differing  
in kind and dignity1 a hierarchy in     
which many  powers are intended to      
co-exist1 but in different positions of 
ascendancy  or subordination4 ,to make  
the higher part of our nature our whole 
nature1  is not to restore but to       
mutilate humanity1 and this mutilation  
has never  been attempted without       
producing grave evils4 ,as              
philanthropists1 the  ,stoics1 through  
their passion for unity1 were led to the
 extirpation of  those emotions which   
nature intended as the chief springs of 
benevolence4  ,as speculative           
philosophers1 they were entangled by the

 same desire in a  long train of        
pitiable paradoxes4 ,their famous       
doctrines that all virtues  are equal1  
or1 more correctly1 are the same1 that  
all vices are equal1  that nothing is an
 evil which does not affect our will1   
and that pain and  bereavement are1 in  
consequence1 no ills17#bdb7 though      
partially explained  away and frequently
 disregarded by the ,roman ,stoics1 were
 yet sufficiently  prominent to give    
their teaching something of an unnatural
 and affected  appearance4 ,prizing only
 a single object1 and developing only a 
single  side of their nature1 their     
minds became narrow and their views     
contracted4 ,thus1 while the            
,epicureans1 urging men to study nature 
in  order to banish superstition1       
endeavoured to correct that ignorance of
  physical science which was one of the 
chief impediments to the progress of    
the ancient mind1 the ,stoics for the   
most part disdained a study which was   
other than the pursuit of virtue47#bdc7 

,while the ,epicurean poet painted in   
magnificent language the perpetual      
progress of mankind1 the ,stoic was     
essentially retrospective1 and exhausted
 his strength in vain efforts to        
restore the simplicity of a by-gone age4
 ,while1 too1 the school of ,zeno       
produced many of the best and greatest  
men who have ever lived1 it must be     
acknowledged that its records exhibit a 
rather unusual number of examples  of   
high professions falsified in action1   
and of men who1 displaying in  some     
forms the most undoubted and            
transcendent virtue1 fell in others far 
below the average of mankind4 ,the elder
 ,cato1 who1 though not a  philosopher1 
was a model of philosophers1 was        
conspicuous for his  inhumanity to his  
slaves47#bdd7 ,brutus was one of the    
most extortionate  usurers of his time1 
and several citizens of ,salamis died of
 starvation1  imprisoned because they   
could not pay the sum he demanded47#bde7
 ,no one  eulogised more eloquently the 

austere simplicity of life which        
,stoicism  advocated than ,sallust1 who 
in a corrupt age was notorious for his  
rapacity4 ,seneca himself was           
constitutionally a nervous and timid    
man1  endeavouring1 not always with     
success1 to support himself by a sublime
  philosophy4 ,he guided1 under         
circumstances of extreme difficulty1 the
  cause of virtue1 and his death is one 
of the noblest antiquity records2  but  
his life was deeply marked by the taint 
of flattery1 and not free from  the     
taint of avarice1 and it is unhappily   
certain that he lent his pen to  conceal
 or varnish one of the worst crimes of  
,nero4 ,the courage of ,lucan  failed   
signally under torture1 and the flattery
 which he bestowed upon  ,nero1 in his  
8,pharsalia10 ranks with the ,epigrams  
of ,martial as probably  the extreme    
limit of sycophancy to which ,roman     
literature descended4    ,while1 too1   
the main object of the ,stoics was to   
popularise philosophy1  the high        

standard of self-control they exacted   
rendered their system  exceedingly unfit
 for the great majority of mankind1 and 
for the ordinary  condition of affairs4 
,life is history1 not poetry4 ,it       
consists mainly of  little things1      
rarely illumined by flashes of great    
heroism1 rarely broken  by great        
dangers1 or demanding great exertions4  
,a moral system1 to govern  society1    
must accommodate itself to common       
characters and mingled motives4  ,it    
must be capable of influencing natures  
that can never rise to an heroic  level4
 ,it must tincture1 modify1 and mitigate
 where it cannot eradicate or           
transform4 ,in ,christianity there are  
always a few persons seeking by         
continual and painful efforts to reverse
 or extinguish the ordinary  feelings of
 humanity1 but in the great majority of 
cases the influence of  the religious   
principle upon the mind1 though very    
real1 is not of a  nature to cause any  
serious strain or struggle4 ,it is      

displayed in a  certain acquired        
spontaneity of impulse4 ,it softens the 
character1  purifies and directs the    
imagination1 blends insensibly with the 
habitual  modes of thought1 and1 without
 revolutionising1 gives a tone and bias 
to  all the forms of action4 ,but       
,stoicism was simply a school of heroes4
 ,it  recognised no gradations of virtue
 or vice4 ,it condemned all emotions1   
all  spontaneity1 all mingled motives1  
all the principles1 feelings1 and       
impulses upon which the virtue of common
 men mainly depends4 ,it was  capable of
 acting only on moral natures that were 
strung to the highest  tension1 and it  
was therefore naturally rejected by the 
multitude4    ,the central conception of
 this philosophy of self-control was the
 dignity  of man4 ,pride1 which looks   
within1 making man seek his own         
approbation1 as  distinguished from     
vanity1 which looks without1 and shapes 
its conduct  according to the opinions  
of others1 was not only permitted in    

,stoicism1  it was even its leading     
moral agent4 ,the sense of virtue1 as ,i
 have  elsewhere observed1 occupies in  
this system much the same place as the  
sense of sin in ,christianity4 ,sin1 in 
the conception of the ancients1 was     
simply disease1 and they deemed it the  
part of a wise man to correct it1  but  
not to dwell upon its circumstances4 ,in
 the many disquisitions which           
,epictetus and others have left us      
concerning the proper frame of mind in  
which man should approach death1        
repentance for past sin has absolutely  
no  place1 nor do the ancients appear to
 have ever realised the purifying and   
spiritualising influence it exercises   
upon character4 ,and while the  reality 
of moral disease was fully recognised1  
while a lofty and indeed  unattainable  
ideal was continually proposed1 no one  
doubted the essential  excellence of    
human nature1 and very few doubted the  
possibility of man  acquiring by his own
 will a high degree of virtue4 ,in this 

last respect  there was a wide          
difference between the teaching of the  
,roman moralists  and of the ,greek     
poets47#bdf7 ,homer continually         
represents courage1 anger1  and the     
like1 as the direct inspiration of      
,heaven4 schylus1 the great  poet of    
fatalism1 regards every human passion as
 but a single link in the  great chain  
of causes forged by the inexorable will 
of ,zeus4 ,there are1  indeed1 few      
grander things in poetry than his       
picture of the many and  various motives
 that urged ,clytemnestra to the        
slaughter of  ,agamemnon--revenge for   
her murdered daughter1 love for gisthus1
 resentment  at past breaches of        
conjugal duty1 jealousy of ,cassandra1  
all blending in  that fierce hatred that
 nerved her arm against her husband's   
life2 while  above all this tumult of   
passion the solemn song of ,cassandra   
proclaimed  that the deed was but the   
decree of ,heaven1 the harvest of blood 
springing  from the seed of crime1 the  

accomplishment of the ancient curse that
 was  destined to cling for ever to the 
hapless race of ,atreus4 ,before the    
body  of the murdered king1 and in      
presence of the wildest paroxysms of    
human  passion1 the bystanders bowed    
their heads1 exclaiming1 8,zeus has     
willed  it--,zeus the supreme ,ruler1   
the ,god who does all2 for what can     
happen in  the world without the will of
 ,zeus80    ,but conceptions of this    
kind had little or no place in the      
philosophy of  ,rome4 ,the issue of     
human enterprises and the disposition of
 the gifts of  fortune were recognised  
as under the control of ,providence2 but
 man was  master of his own feelings1   
and was capable of attaining such       
excellence  that he might even challenge
 comparison with the gods4 ,audacious as
 such  sentiments may now appear1 they  
were common to most schools of ,roman   
moralists4 8,we boast justly of our own 
virtue10 said the eclectic ,cicero1     
8which we could not do if we derived it 

from the ,deity and not from            
ourselves40    8,all mortals judge that 
fortune is to be received from the gods 
and wisdom  from ourselves407#bdg7 ,the 
,epicurean ,horace1 in his noblest ode1 
described  the just man1 confident in   
his virtue1 undaunted amid the crash of 
worlds1  and he tells us to pray only   
for those things which ,jupiter gives   
and  takes away4 8,he gives life1 he    
gives wealth2 an untroubled mind ,i     
secure  for myself407#bdh7 8,the calm of
 a mind blest in the consciousness of   
its  virtue10 was the expression of     
supreme felicity the ,epicureans had    
derived  from their master47#bdi7       
,lucretius1 in a magnificent passage1   
designates  ,epicurus as a god1 and     
boasts that the popular divinities      
dwindle into  insignificance before him4
 ,ceres1 he says1 gave men corn1 and    
,bacchus  wine1 but ,epicurus the       
principles of virtue4 ,hercules         
conquered monsters1  ,epicurus conquered
 vice47#bej7 8,pray10 said ,juvenal1    

8for a healthy mind in  a healthy body4 
,ask for a brave soul unscared by       
death4444 ,but there are  things you can
 give yourself407#bea7 8,misfortune1 and
 losses1 and calumny10  said ,seneca1   
8disappear before virtue as the taper   
before the sun407#beb7  8,in one point  
the sage is superior to ,god4 ,god owes 
it to ,his nature not  to fear1 but the 
sage owes it to himself4 ,sublime       
condition6 he joins the  frailty of a   
man to the security of a god407#bec7    
8,except for immortality10  he elsewhere
 writes1 8the sage is like to           
,god407#bed7 8,it is the  characteristic
 of a wise man10 added ,epictetus1 8that
 he looks for all his  good and evil    
from himself407#bee7 8,as far as his    
rational nature is  concerned1 he is in 
no degree inferior to the gods407#bef7  
,there were1 however1 other veins of    
thought exhibited in stoicism which     
greatly modified and sometimes          
positively contradicted this view of the
  relations of man to the ,deity4 ,the  

theology of the ,stoics was an          
ill-defined1 uncertain1 and somewhat    
inconsistent ,pantheism2 the ,divinity  
was especially worshipped under the two 
aspects of ,providence and moral        
goodness1 and the soul of man was       
regarded as 8a detached fragment of the 
,deity107#beg7 or as at least pervaded  
and accompanied by a divine energy4     
8,there never10 said ,cicero1 8was a    
great man1 without an inspiration from  
on high407#beh7 8,nothing10 said        
,seneca1 8is closed to ,god4 ,he is     
present in  our conscience4 ,he         
intervenes in our thoughts407#bei7 8,i  
tell thee1  ,lucilius10 he elsewhere    
writes1 8a sacred spirit dwells within  
us1 the  observer and the guardian of   
our good and evil deeds4444 ,no man is  
good  without ,god4 ,who1 save by ,his  
assistance1 can rise above fortune8 ,he 
gives  noble and lofty counsels4 ,a ,god
 7what ,god ,i know not7 dwells in every
 good  man407#bfj7 8,offer to the ,god  
that is in thee10 said ,marcus          

,aurelius1 8a  manly being1 a citizen1 a
 soldier at his post ready to depart    
from life as  soon as the trumpet       
sounds407#bfa7 8,it is sufficient to    
believe in the  ,genius who is within   
us1 and to honour him by a pure         
worship407#bfb7    ,passages of this    
kind are not unfrequent in ,stoical     
writings4 ,more  commonly1 however1     
virtue is represented as a human act    
imitating ,god4  ,this was the meaning  
of the ,platonic maxim1 8follow ,god10  
which the ,stoics  continually repeated1
 which they developed in many passages  
of the most  touching and beautiful     
piety1 and to which they added the duty 
of the most  absolute and unquestioning 
submission to the decrees of            
,providence4 ,their  doctrine on this   
latter point harmonised well with their 
antipathy to the  emotional side of our 
being4 8,to weep1 to complain1 to groan1
 is to  rebel207#bfc7 8to fear1 to      
grieve1 to be angry1 is to be a         
deserter407#bfd7  8,remember that you   

are but an actor1 acting whatever part  
the ,master has  ordained4 ,it may be   
short1 or it may be long4 ,if ,he wishes
 you to  represent a poor man1 do so    
heartily2 if a cripple1 or a magistrate1
 or a  private man1 in each case act    
your part with honour407#bfe7 8,never   
say of  anything that you have lost it1 
but that you have restored it2 your wife
  and child die--you have restored them2
 your farm is taken from you--that  also
 is restored4 ,it is seized by an       
impious man4 ,what is it to you by      
whose instrumentality ,he who gave it   
reclaims it807#bff7 8,god does not keep 
a good man in prosperity2 ,he tries1 ,he
 strengthens him1 ,he prepares him  for 
,himself407#bfg7 8,those whom ,god      
approves1 whom ,he loves1 ,he hardens1  
,he  proves1 ,he exercises2 but those   
whom ,he seems to indulge and spare1 ,he
  preserves for future ills407#bfh7     
,with a beautiful outburst of submissive
  gratitude1 ,marcus ,aurelius exclaims1
 8,some have said1 ,oh1 dear city of    

,cecrops6--but thou1 canst thou say1    
,oh1 dear city of ,jupiter8444 ,all that
  is suitable to thee1 oh world1 is     
suitable to me407#bfi7    ,these        
passages1 which might be indefinitely   
multiplied1 serve to show how           
successfully the ,stoics laboured1 by   
dilating upon the conception of         
,providence1 to mitigate the arrogance  
which one aspect of their teaching      
unquestionably displayed4 ,but in this  
very attempt another danger was         
incurred1 upon which a very large       
proportion of the moral systems of all  
ages have been wrecked4 ,a doctrine     
which thus enjoins absolute submission  
to the decrees of ,providence17#bgj7    
which proscribes the affections1 and    
which represents its disciples as       
altogether independent of surrounding   
circumstances1 would in most conditions 
of society have led necessarily to      
quietism1 and proved absolutely         
incompatible with active virtue4        
,fortunately1 however1 in the ancient   

civilisations the idea of virtue had    
from the earliest times been so         
indissolubly connected with that of     
political activity that the danger was  
for a long period altogether  avoided4  
,the ,state occupied in antiquity a     
prominence in the thoughts of  men which
 it never has attained in modern times4 
,the influence of  patriotism thrilled  
through every fibre of moral and        
intellectual life4  ,the most profound  
philosophers1 the purest moralists1 the 
most sublime  poets1 had been soldiers  
or statesmen4 ,hence arose the excessive
  predominance occasionally accorded to 
civic virtues in ancient systems of     
ethics1 and also not a few of their most
 revolting paradoxes4 ,plato  advocated 
community of wives mainly on the ground 
that the children  produced would be    
attached more exclusively to their      
country47#bga7  ,aristotle may be almost
 said to have made the difference       
between ,greek and  barbarian the basis 
of his moral code4 ,the ,spartan        

legislation was  continually extolled as
 an ideal1 as the ,venetian constitution
 by the  writers of the seventeenth     
century4 ,on the other hand1 the contact
 of the  spheres of speculation and of  
political activity exercised in one     
respect  a very beneficial influence    
upon ancient philosophies4 ,patriotism  
almost  always occupied a prominence in 
the scale of duties1 which forms a      
striking contrast to the neglect or     
discredit into which it has fallen      
among modern teachers4 ,we do1 indeed1  
read of an ,anaxagoras pointing to      
heaven as to his true country1 and      
pronouncing exile to be no evil1 as the 
descent to the infernal regions is the  
same from every land27#bgb7 but such    
sentiments1 though not unknown among the
 ,epicureans and the ,cynics1 were      
diametrically opposed to the prevailing 
tone4 ,patriotism was represented  as a 
moral duty1 and a duty of the highest   
order4 ,cicero only echoed the  common  
opinion of antiquity in that noble      

passage1 in which he asserts  that the  
love we owe our country is even holier  
and more profound than  that we owe our 
nearest kinsman1 and that he can have no
 claim to the  title of a good man who  
even hesitates to die in its            
behalf47#bgc7    ,a necessary           
consequence of this prominence of       
patriotism was the practical  character 
of most ancient ethics4 ,we find1       
indeed1 moralists often  exhorting men  
to moderate their ambition1 consoling   
them under political  adversity1 and    
urging that there are some circumstances
 under which an  upright man should for 
a time withdraw from public             
affairs27#bgd7 but the  general duty of 
taking part in political life was       
emphatically asserted1  and the vanity  
of the quietist theory of life not only 
maintained1 but  even somewhat          
exaggerated4 ,thus ,cicero declared that
 8all virtue is in  action407#bge7 ,the 
younger ,pliny mentions that he once    
lamented to the  ,stoic ,euphrates the  

small place which his official duties   
left for  philosophical pursuits2 but   
,euphrates answered that the discharge  
of  public affairs and the              
administration of justice formed a part1
 and the  most important part1 of       
philosophy1 for he who is so engaged is 
but  practising the precepts of the     
schools47#bgf7 ,it was a fundamental    
maxim of  the ,stoics that humanity is a
 body in which each limb should act     
solely  and continually with a view to  
the interests of the whole4 ,marcus     
,aurelius1 the purest mind of the sect1 
was for nineteen years the active  ruler
 of the civilised globe4 ,thrasea1      
,helvidius1 ,cornutus1 and a crowd of   
others who had adopted ,stoicism as a   
religion1 lived1 and in many cases      
died1 in obedience to its precepts1     
struggling for the liberties of their   
country in the darkest hours of tyranny4
    ,men who had formed such high       
conceptions of duty1 who had bridled so 
completely the tumult of passion1 and   

whose lives were spent in a calm  sense 
of virtue and of dignity1 were little   
likely to be assailed by the            
superstitious fears that are the        
nightmare of weaker men4 ,the           
preparation  for death was deemed one of
 the chief ends of philosophy47#bgg7    
,the thought  of a coming change        
assisted the mind in detaching itself   
from the gifts of  fortune1 and the     
extinction of all superstitious terrors 
completed the  type of self-reliant     
majesty which ,stoicism had chosen for  
its ideal4 ,but  while it is certain    
that no philosophers expatiated upon    
death with a  grander eloquence1 or met 
it with a more placid courage1 it can   
hardly be  denied that their constant   
disquisitions forced it into an         
unhealthy  prominence1 and somewhat     
discoloured their whole view of life4   
8,the  ,stoics10 as ,bacon has said1    
8bestowed too much cost on death1 and by
 their  preparations made it more       
fearful407#bgh7 ,there is a profound    

wisdom in the  maxims of ,spinoza1 that 
8the proper study of a wise man is not  
how to die1  but how to live10 and that 
8there is no subject on which the sage  
will  think less than death407#bgi7 ,a  
life of active duty is the best         
preparation  for the end1 and so large a
 part of the evil of death lies in its  
anticipation1 that an attempt to deprive
 it of its terrors by constant          
meditation almost necessarily defeats   
its object1 while at the same time  it  
forms an unnaturally tense1 feverish1   
and tragical character1  annihilates the
 ambition and enthusiasm that are       
essential to human  progress1 and not   
unfrequently casts a chill and a        
deadness over the  affections4    ,among
 the many half-pagan legends that were  
connected with ,ireland during  the     
middle ages1 one of the most beautiful  
is that of the islands of life  and of  
death4 ,in a certain lake in ,munster it
 is said there were two  islands2 into  
the first death could never enter1 but  

age and sickness1 and  the weariness of 
life1 and the paroxysms of fearful      
suffering were all  known there1 and    
they did their work till the            
inhabitants1 tired of their             
immortality1 learned to look upon the   
opposite island as upon a haven of      
repose3 they launched their barks upon  
the gloomy waters2 they touched its     
shore and they were at rest47#bhj7      
,this legend1 which is far more akin to 
the spirit of paganism than to that  of 
,christianity1 and is in fact only      
another form of the myth of ,tithonus1  
represents with great fidelity the      
aspect in which death was regarded by   
the exponents of ,stoicism4 ,there was  
much difference of opinion and of       
certitude in the judgments of the       
ancient philosophers concerning the     
future destinies of the soul1 but they  
were unanimous in regarding death       
simply as a natural rest1 and in        
attributing the terrors that were       
connected with it to a diseased         

imagination4 ,death1 they said1 is the  
only  evil that does not afflict us when
 present4 ,while we are1 death is not1  
when death has come we are not4 ,it is a
 false belief that it only follows1  it 
also precedes1 life4 ,it is to be as we 
were before we were born4 ,the  candle  
which has been extinguished is in the   
same condition as before it  was lit1   
and the dead man as the man unborn4     
,death is the end of all  sorrow4 ,it   
either secures happiness or ends        
suffering4 ,it frees the slave  from his
 cruel master1 opens the prison door1   
calms the qualms of pain1  closes the   
struggles of poverty4 ,it is the last   
and best boon of nature1  for it frees  
man from all his cares4 ,it is at worst 
but the close of a  banquet we have     
enjoyed4 ,whether it be desired or      
whether it be shunned1  it is no curse  
and no evil1 but simply the resolution  
of our being into  its primitive        
elements1 the law of our nature to which
 it is our duty  cheerfully to conform4 

,such were the leading topics that were 
employed in that beautiful  literature  
of 8,consolations10 which the academic  
,crantor is said to have  originated1   
and which occupies so large a place in  
the writings of ,cicero1  ,plutarch1 and
 the ,stoics4 ,cicero1 like all the     
school of ,plato1 added to  these       
motives a very firm and constant        
reference to the immortality of the     
soul4 ,plutarch held the same doctrine  
with equal assurance1 but he gave it  a 
much less conspicuous position in his   
8,consolations10 and he based it  not   
upon philosophical grounds1 but upon the
 testimonies of the oracles1  and upon  
the mysteries of ,bacchus47#bha7 ,among 
the ,stoics the doctrine  shone with a  
faint and uncertain light1 and was      
seldom or never adopted as  a motive4   
,but that which is most impressive to a 
student who turns from  the religious   
literature of ,christianity to the pagan
 philosophies1 is the  complete absence 
in the latter of all notion concerning  

the penal  character of death4 ,death1  
according to ,socrates17#bhb7 either    
extinguishes  life or emancipates it    
from the thraldom of the body4 ,even in 
the first  case it is a blessing1 in the
 last it is the greatest of boons4      
8,accustom  yourself10 said ,epicurus1  
8to the thought that death is           
indifferent2 for  all good and all evil 
consist in feeling1 and what is death   
but the  privation of feeling807#bhc7   
8,souls either remain after death10 said
  ,cicero1 8or they perish in death4 ,if
 they remain they are happy2 if they    
perish they are not wretched407#bhd7    
,seneca1 consoling ,polybius concerning 
the death of his brother1 exhorts his   
friend to think1 8if the dead have  any 
sensations1 then my brother1 let loose  
as it were from a lifelong  prison1 and 
at last enjoying his liberty1 looks down
 from a loftier height  on the wonders  
of nature and on all the deeds of men1  
and sees more  clearly those divine     
things which he had so long sought in   

vain to  understand4 ,but why should ,i 
be afflicted for one who is either happy
 or  is nothing8 ,to lament the fate of 
one who is happy is envy2 to lament the 
fate of a nonentity is madness407#bhe7  
,but while the ,greek and ,roman        
philosophers were on this point         
unanimous1  there was a strong opposing 
current in the popular mind4 ,the ,greek
 word  for superstition signifies       
literally1 fear of gods or dmons1 and   
the  philosophers sometimes represent   
the vulgar as shuddering at the thought 
of death1 through dread of certain      
endless sufferings to which it would    
lead them4 ,the ,greek mythology        
contains many fables on the subject4    
,the  early ,greek vases occasionally   
represent scenes of infernal torments1  
not  unlike those of the medival        
frescoes47#bhf7 ,the rapture with which 
,epicureanism was received1 as          
liberating the human mind from the      
thraldom  of superstitious terrors1     
shows how galling must have been the    

yoke4 ,in  the poem of ,lucretius1 in   
occasional passages of ,cicero and other
 ,latin  moralists1 above all1 in the   
treatise of ,plutarch 8,on              
,superstition10 we  may trace the deep  
impression these terrors had made upon  
the populace1  even during the later    
period of the ,republic1 and during the 
,empire4 ,to  destroy them was          
represented as the highest function of  
philosophy4  ,plutarch denounced them as
 the worst calumny against the ,deity1  
as more  pernicious than atheism1 as the
 evil consequences of immoral fables1   
and  he gladly turned to other legends  
which taught a different lesson4 ,thus  
it  was related that when1 during a     
certain festival at ,argos1 the horses  
that  were to draw the statue of ,juno  
to the temple were detained1 the sons of
  the priestess yoked themselves to the 
car1 and their mother1 admiring  their  
piety1 prayed the goddess to reward them
 with whatever boon was the  best for   
man4 ,her prayer was answered--they sank

 asleep and died47#bhg7 ,in  like manner
 the architects of the great temple of  
,apollo at ,delphi1 prayed  the god to  
select that reward which was best4 ,the 
oracle told them in  reply to spend     
seven days in rejoicing1 and on the     
following night their  reward would     
come4 ,they too died in sleep47#bhh7    
,the swan was consecrated  to ,apollo   
because its dying song was believed to  
spring from a prophetic  impulse47#bhi7 
,the ,spanish ,celts raised temples1 and
 sang hymns of praise  to death47#bij7  
,no philosopher of antiquity ever       
questioned that a good  man1 reviewing  
his life1 might look upon it without    
shame and even with  positive           
complacency1 or that the reverence with 
which men regard heroic  deaths is a    
foretaste of the sentence of the        
,creator4 ,to this confidence  may be   
traced the tranquil courage1 the        
complete absence of all remorse1  so    
conspicuous in the closing hours of     
,socrates1 and of many other of the     

sages of antiquity4 ,there is no fact in
 religious history more startling  than 
the radical change that has in this     
respect passed over the character  of   
devotion4 ,it is said of ,chilon1 one of
 the seven sages of ,greece1 that  at   
the close of his career he gathered his 
disciples around him1 and  congratulated
 himself that in a long life he could   
recall but a single act  that saddened  
his dying hour4 ,it was that1 in a      
perplexing dilemma1 he had  allowed his 
love of a friend in some slight degree  
to obscure his sense of  justice47#bia7 
,the writings of ,cicero in his old age 
are full of passionate  aspirations to a
 future world1 unclouded by one regret  
or by one fear4  ,seneca died           
tranquilly1 bequeathing to his friends  
8the most precious of  his possessions1 
the image of his life407#bib7 ,titus on 
his deathbed  declared that he could    
remember only a single act with which to
 reproach  himself47#bic7 ,on the last  
night in which ,antoninus ,pius lived1  

the tribune  came to ask for the        
pass-word of the night4 ,the dying      
emperor gave him  8quanimitas407#bid7   
,julian1 the last great representative  
of his expiring  creed1 caught up the   
same majestic strain4 ,amid the curses  
of angry  priests1 and the impending    
ruin of the cause he loved1 he calmly   
died in  the consciousness of his       
virtue2 and his death1 which is among   
the most  fearless that antiquity       
records1 was the last protest of        
philosophic  paganism against the new   
doctrine that had arisen47#bie7    ,it  
is customary with some writers1 when    
exhibiting the many points in  which the
 ancient philosophers anticipated       
,christian ethics1 to represent         
,christianity as if it were merely a    
development or authoritative            
confirmation of the highest teaching of 
paganism1 or as if the additions  were  
at least of such a nature that there is 
but little doubt that the  best and     
purest spirits of the pagan world1 had  

they known them1 would  have gladly     
welcomed them4 ,but this conception1    
which contains a large  amount of truth 
if applied to the teaching of many      
,protestants1 is either  grossly        
exaggerated or absolutely false if      
applied to that of the  patristic period
 or of medival ,catholicism4 ,on the    
very subject which the  philosophers    
deemed the most important their         
unanimous conclusion was the  extreme   
antithesis of the teaching of           
,catholicism4 ,the philosophers taught  
that death is 8a law and not a          
punishment207#bif7 the fathers taught   
that  it is a penal infliction          
introduced into the world on account of 
the sin  of ,adam1 which was also the   
cause of the appearance of all noxious  
plants1  of all convulsions in the      
material globe1 and1 as was sometimes   
asserted1  even of a diminution of the  
light of the sun4 ,the first taught that
 death  was the end of suffering2 they  
ridiculed as the extreme of folly the   

notion that physical evils could await  
those whose bodies had been reduced  to 
ashes1 and they dwelt with emphatic     
eloquence upon the approaching1  and1 as
 they believed1 final extinction of     
superstitious terrors4 ,the  second     
taught that death to the vast majority  
of the human race is but the  beginning 
of endless and excruciating             
tortures--tortures before which the     
most ghastly of terrestrial sufferings  
dwindle into  insignificance--tortures  
which no courage could defy--which none 
but an  immortal being could endure4    
,the first represented man as pure and  
innocent until his will had sinned2 the 
second represented him as under a       
sentence of condemnation at the very    
moment of his birth4 8,no funeral       
sacrifices0 said a great writer of the  
first school1 8are offered for  children
 who die at an early age1 and none of   
the ceremonies practised at  the        
funerals of adults are performed at     
their tombs1 for it is believed  that   

infants have no hold upon earth or upon 
terrestrial affections4444  ,the law    
forbids us to honour them because it is 
irreligious to lament for  those pure   
souls who have passed into a better life
 and a happier  dwelling-place407#big7  
8,whosoever shall tell us10 said a      
distinguished  exponent of the patristic
 theology1 8that infants shall be       
quickened in  ,christ who die without   
partaking in ,his ,sacrament1 does both 
contradict  the ,apostle's teaching and 
condemn the whole ,church4444 ,and he   
that is not  quickened in ,christ must  
remain in that condemnation of which the
 ,apostle  speaks1 #8by one man's       
offence condemnation came upon all men  
to  condemnation4' ,to which            
condemnation infants are born liable as 
all the  ,church believes407#bih7 ,the  
one school endeavoured to plant its     
foundations  in the moral nature of     
mankind1 by proclaiming that man can    
become  acceptable to the ,deity by his 
own virtue1 and by this alone1 that all 

sacrifices1 rites1 and forms are        
indifferent1 and that the true worship  
of  ,god is the recognition and         
imitation of ,his goodness4 ,according  
to the  other school1 the most heroic   
efforts of human virtue are insufficient
 to  avert a sentence of eternal        
condemnation1 unless united with an     
implicit  belief in the teachings of the
 ,church1 and a due observance of the   
rites  it enjoins4 ,by the philosophers 
the ascription of anger and vengeance to
  the ,deity1 and the apprehension of   
future torture at ,his hands1 were      
unanimously repudiated27#bii7 by the    
priests the opposite opinion was  deemed
 equally censurable47#cjj7    ,these are
 fundamental points of difference1 for  
they relate to the  fundamental         
principles of the ancient philosophy4   
,the main object of the  pagan          
philosophers was to dispel the terrors  
the imagination had cast  around death1 
and by destroying this last cause of    
fear to secure the  liberty of man4 ,the

 main object of the ,catholic priests   
has been to make  death in itself as    
revolting and appalling as possible1 and
 by  representing escape from its       
terrors as hopeless1 except by complete 
subjection to their rule1 to convert it 
into an instrument of government4  ,by  
multiplying the dancing or warning      
skeletons1 and other sepulchral  images 
representing the loathsomeness of death 
without its repose2 by  substituting    
inhumation for incremation1 and         
concentrating the imagination  on the   
ghastliness of decay2 above all1 by     
peopling the unseen world with  demon   
phantoms and with excruciating tortures1
 the ,catholic ,church  succeeded in    
making death in itself unspeakably      
terrible1 and in thus  preparing men for
 the consolations it could offer4 ,its  
legends1 its  ceremonies1 its art17#cja7
 its dogmatic teaching1 all conspired to
 this  end1 and the history of its      
miracles is a striking evidence of its  
success4 ,the great majority of         

superstitions have ever clustered around
  two centres--the fear of death and the
 belief that every phenomenon of life   
is the result of a special spiritual    
interposition4 ,among the ancients  they
 were usually of the latter kind4       
,auguries1 prophecies1 interventions  in
 war1 prodigies avenging the neglect of 
some rite or marking some epoch  in the 
fortunes of a nation or of a ruler1 are 
the forms they usually  assumed4 ,in the
 middle ages1 although these were very  
common1 the most  conspicuous           
superstitions took the form of visions  
of purgatory or hell1  conflicts with   
visible demons1 or ,satanic miracles4   
,like those mothers who  govern their   
children by persuading them that the    
dark is crowded with  spectres that will
 seize the disobedient1 and who often   
succeed in  creating an association of  
ideas which the adult man is unable     
altogether  to dissolve1 the ,catholic  
priests resolved to base their power    
upon the  nerves2 and as they long      

exercised an absolute control over      
education1  literature1 and art1 they   
succeeded in completely reversing the   
teaching  of ancient philosophy1 and in 
making the terrors of death for         
centuries  the nightmare of the         
imagination4    ,there is1 indeed1      
another side to the picture4 ,the vague 
uncertainty with  which the best pagans 
regarded death passed away before the   
teaching of  the ,church1 and it was    
often replaced by a rapture of hope1    
which1  however1 the doctrine of        
purgatory contributed at a later period 
largely  to quell4 ,but1 whatever may be
 thought of the justice of the ,catholic
  conception of death or of its         
influence upon human happiness1 it is   
plain  that it is radically different   
from that of the pagan philosophers4    
,that  man is not only an imperfect but 
a fallen being1 and that death is the   
penal consequence of his sin1 was a     
doctrine profoundly new to mankind1  and
 it has exercised an influence of the   

most serious character upon the  moral  
history of the world4    ,the wide      
divergence of the classical from the    
,catholic conception of death  appears  
very plainly in the attitude which each 
system adopted towards  suicide4 ,this  
is1 perhaps1 the most striking of all   
the points of contrast  between the     
teaching of antiquity1 and especially of
 the ,roman ,stoics1 on  the one hand1  
and that of almost all modern moralists 
on the other4 ,it is  indeed true that  
the ancients were by no means unanimous 
in their approval  of the act4          
,pythagoras1 to whom so many of the     
wisest sayings of antiquity  are        
ascribed1 is said to have forbidden men 
8to depart from their guard or  station 
in life without the order of their      
commander1 that is1 of  ,god407#cjb7    
,plato adopted similar language1 though 
he permitted suicide  when the law      
required it1 and also when men had been 
struck down by  intolerable calamity1 or
 had sunk to the lowest depths of       

poverty47#cjc7  ,aristotle condemned it 
on civic grounds1 as being an injury to 
the  ,state47#cjd7 ,the roll of ,greek  
suicides is not long1 though it contains
  some illustrious names1 among others  
those of ,zeno and ,cleanthes47#cje7 ,in
  ,rome1 too1 where suicide acquired a  
greater prominence1 its lawfulness was  
by no means accepted as an axiom1 and   
the story of ,regulus1 whether it be  a 
history or a legend1 shows that the     
patient endurance of suffering was  once
 the supreme ideal47#cjf7 ,virgil       
painted in gloomy colours the  condition
 of suicides in the future world47#cjg7 
,cicero strongly asserted  the doctrine 
of ,pythagoras1 though he praised the   
suicide of ,cato47#cjh7  ,apuleius1     
expounding the philosophy of ,plato1    
taught that 8the wise man  never throws 
off his body except by the will of      
,god407#cji7 ,csar1 ,ovid1  and others  
urged that in extreme distress it is    
easy to despise life1 and  that true    
courage is shown in enduring it47#caj7  

,among the ,stoics  themselves1 the     
belief that no man may shrink from a    
duty co-existed with  the belief that   
every man has a right to dispose of his 
own life4 ,seneca1  who emphatically    
advocated suicide1 admits that there    
were some who deemed  it wrong1 and he  
himself attempted to moderate what he   
termed 8the passion  for suicide01 that 
had arisen among his disciples47#caa7   
,marcus ,aurelius  wavers a little on   
the subject1 sometimes asserting the    
right of every man  to leave life when  
he pleases1 sometimes inclining to the  
,platonic  doctrine that man is a       
soldier of ,god1 occupying a post which 
it is  criminal to abandon47#cab7       
,plotinus and ,porphyry argued strongly 
against  all suicide47#cac7    ,but1    
notwithstanding these passages1 there   
can be no question that the  ancient    
view of suicide was broadly and strongly
 opposed to our own4 ,a  general        
approval of it floated down through most
 of the schools of  philosophy1 and even

 to those who condemned it1 it never    
seems to have  assumed its present      
aspect of extreme enormity4 ,this was in
 the first  instance due to the ancient 
notion of death2 and we have also to    
remember  that when a society once      
learns to tolerate suicide1 the deed1 in
 ceasing  to be disgraceful1 loses much 
of its actual criminality1 for those who
 are  most firmly convinced that the    
stigma and suffering it now brings upon 
the  family of the deceased do not      
constitute its entire guilt1 will       
readily  acknowledge that they greatly  
aggravate it4 ,in the conditions of     
ancient  thought1 this aggravation did  
not exist4 ,epicurus exhorted men 8to   
weigh  carefully1 whether they would    
prefer death to come to them1 or would  
themselves go to death207#cad7 and among
 his disciples1 ,lucretius1 the         
illustrious poet of the sect1 died by   
his own hand17#cae7 as did also         
,cassius the tyrannicide1 ,atticus the  
friend of ,cicero17#caf7 the voluptuary 

,petronius17#cag7 and the philosopher   
,diodorus47#cah7 ,pliny described the   
lot  of man as in this respect at least 
superior to that of ,god1 that man has  
the power of flying to the tomb17#cai7  
and he represented it as one of the     
greatest proofs of the bounty of        
,providence1 that it has filled the     
world  with herbs1 by which the weary   
may find a rapid and a painless         
death47#cbj7  ,one of the most striking 
figures that a passing notice of ,cicero
 brings  before us1 is that of          
,hegesias1 who was surnamed by the      
ancients 8the  orator of death40 ,a     
conspicuous member of that ,cyrenaic    
school which  esteemed the pursuit of   
pleasure the sole end of a rational     
being1 he  taught that life was so full 
of cares1 and its pleasure so fleeting  
and so  alloyed1 that the happiest lot  
for man was death2 and such was the     
power  of his eloquence1 so intense was 
the fascination he cast around the tomb1
  that his disciples embraced with      

rapture the consequence of his doctrine1
  multitudes freed themselves by suicide
 from the troubles of the world1 and    
the contagion was so great1 that        
,ptolemy1 it is said1 was compelled to  
banish the philosopher from             
,alexandria47#cba7    ,but it was in the
 ,roman ,empire and among the ,roman    
,stoics that suicide  assumed its       
greatest prominence1 and its philosophy 
was most fully  elaborated4 ,from an    
early period self-immolation1 like that 
of ,curtius or  ,decius1 had been       
esteemed in some circumstances a        
religious rite1 being1  as has been well
 suggested1 probably a lingering remnant
 of the custom of  human                
sacrifices17#cbb7 and towards the       
closing days of paganism many           
influences conspired in the same        
direction4 ,the example of ,cato1 who   
had  become the ideal of the ,stoics1   
and whose dramatic suicide was the      
favourite subject of their              
eloquence17#cbc7 the indifference to    

death  produced by the great            
multiplication of gladiatorial shows1   
the many  instances of barbarian        
captives1 who1 sooner than slay their   
fellow-countrymen1 or minister to the   
pleasures of their conquerors1  plunged 
their lances into their own necks1 or   
found other and still more  horrible    
roads to freedom17#cbd7 the custom of   
compelling political  prisoners to      
execute their own sentence1 and1 more   
than all1 the  capricious and atrocious 
tyranny of the ,csars17#cbe7 had raised 
suicide  into an extraordinary          
prominence4 ,few things are more        
touching than the  passionate joy with  
which1 in the reign of ,nero1 ,seneca   
clung to it as the  one refuge for the  
oppressed1 the last bulwark of the      
tottering mind4 8,to  death alone it is 
due that life is not a punishment1 that1
 erect beneath  the frowns of fortune1  
,i can preserve my mind unshaken and    
master of  itself4 ,i have one to whom  
,i can appeal4 ,i see before me the     

crosses of  many forms4444 ,i see the   
rack and the scourge1 and the           
instruments of  torture adapted to every
 limb and to every nerve2 but ,i also   
see ,death4  ,she stands beyond my      
savage enemies1 beyond my haughty       
fellow-countrymen4  ,slavery loses its  
bitterness when by a step ,i can pass to
 liberty4 ,against  all the injuries of 
life1 ,i have the refuge of             
death407#cbf7 8,wherever you  look1     
there is the end of evils4 ,you see that
 yawning precipice--there you  may      
descend to liberty4 ,you see that sea1  
that river1 that well--liberty  sits at 
the bottom4444 ,do you seek the way to  
freedom8--you may find it in  every vein
 of your body407#cbg7 8,if ,i can choose
 between a death of torture  and one    
that is simple and easy1 why should ,i  
not select the latter8 ,as ,i  choose   
the ship in which ,i will sail1 and the 
house ,i will inhabit1 so ,i  will      
choose the death by which ,i will leave 
life4444 ,in no matter more  than in    

death should we act according to our    
desire4 ,depart from life as  your      
impulse leads you1 whether it be by the 
sword1 or the rope1 or the  poison      
creeping through the veins2 go your way1
 and break the chains of  slavery4 ,man 
should seek the approbation of others in
 his life2 his death  concerns himself  
alone4 ,that is the best which pleases  
him most4444 ,the  eternal law has      
decreed nothing better than this1 that  
life should have  but one entrance and  
many exits4 ,why should ,i endure the   
agonies of  disease1 and the cruelties  
of human tyranny1 when ,i can emancipate
 myself  from all my torments1 and shake
 off every bond8 ,for this reason1 but  
for  this alone1 life is not an         
evil--that no one is obliged to live4   
,the lot of  man is happy1 because no   
one continues wretched but by his fault4
 ,if life  pleases you1 live4 ,if not1  
you have a right to return whence you   
came407#cbh7    ,these passages1 which  
are but a few selected out of very many1

 will  sufficiently show the passion    
with which the most influential teacher 
of  ,roman ,stoicism advocated suicide4 
,as a general proposition1 the law      
recognised it as a right1 but two slight
 restrictions were after a time         
imposed47#cbi7 ,it had become customary 
with many men who were accused of       
political offences to commit suicide    
before trial1 in order to prevent the   
ignominious exposure of their bodies and
 the confiscation of their goods2  but  
,domitian closed this resource by       
ordaining that the suicide of an        
accused person should entail the same   
consequences as his condemnation4       
,hadrian afterwards assimilated the     
suicide of a ,roman soldier to          
desertion47#ccj7 ,with these exceptions1
 the liberty appears to have been       
absolute1 and the act was committed     
under the most various motives4 ,the    
suicide of ,otho1 who is said to have   
killed himself to avoid being a  second 
time a cause of civil war1 was extolled 

as equal in grandeur to  that of        
,cato47#cca7 ,in the ,dacian war1 the   
enemy1 having captured a  distinguished 
,roman general named ,longinus1         
endeavoured to extort terms  from       
,trajan as a condition of his surrender1
 but ,longinus1 by taking  poison1 freed
 the emperor from his                   
embarrassment47#ccb7 ,on the death of   
,otho1 some of his soldiers1 filled with
 grief and admiration1 killed           
themselves before his corpse17#ccc7 as  
did also a freedman of ,agrippina1 at   
the funeral of the empress47#ccd7       
,before the close of the ,republic1 an  
enthusiastic partisan of one of the     
factions in the chariot races flung     
himself upon the pile on which the body 
of a favourite coachman was  consumed1  
and perished in the flames47#cce7 ,a    
,roman1 unmenaced in his  fortune1 and  
standing high in the favour of his      
sovereign1 killed himself  under        
,tiberius1 because he could not endure  
to witness the crimes of the            

empire47#ccf7 ,another1 being afflicted 
by an incurable malady1 postponed  his  
suicide till the death of ,domitian1    
that at least he might die free1  and on
 the assassination of the tyrant1       
hastened cheerfully to the  tomb47#ccg7 
,the ,cynic ,peregrinus announced that1 
being weary of life1 he  would on a     
certain day depart1 and1 in presence of 
a large concourse1 he  mounted the      
funeral pile47#cch7 ,most frequently1   
however1 death was  regarded as 8the    
last physician of disease107#cci7 and   
suicide as the  legitimate relief from  
intolerable suffering4 8,above all      
things10 said  ,epictetus1 8remember    
that the door is open4 ,be not more     
timid than boys at  play4 ,as they1 when
 they cease to take pleasure in their   
games1 declare  they will no longer     
play1 so do you1 when1 all things begin 
to pall upon  you1 retire2 but if you   
stay1 do not complain407#cdj7 ,seneca   
declared that  he who waits the         
extremity of old age is not 8far removed

 from a coward10  8as he is justly      
regarded as too much addicted to wine   
who drains the  flask to the very       
dregs40 8,i will not relinquish old     
age10 he added1 8if  it leaves my better
 part intact4 ,but if it begins to shake
 my mind1 if it  destroys its faculties 
one by one1 if it leaves me not life but
 breath1 ,i  will depart from the putrid
 or tottering edifice4 ,i will not      
escape by  death from disease so long as
 it may be healed1 and leaves my mind   
unimpaired4 ,i will not raise my hand   
against myself on account of pain1  for 
so to die is to be conquered4 ,but if ,i
 know that ,i must suffer without  hope 
of relief1 ,i will depart1 not through  
fear of the pain itself1 but  because it
 prevents all for which ,i would        
live407#cda7 8,just as a  landlord10    
said ,musonius1 8who has not received   
his rent1 pulls down the  doors1 removes
 the rafters1 and fills up the well1 so 
,i seem to be driven  out of this little
 body1 when nature1 which has let it to 

me1 takes away1  one by one1 eyes and   
ears1 hands and feet4 ,i will not1      
therefore1 delay  longer1 but will      
cheerfully depart as from a             
banquet407#cdb7    ,this conception of  
suicide as an euthanasia1 an abridgment 
of the pangs of  disease1 and a         
guarantee against the dotage of age1 was
 not confined to  philosophical         
treatises4 ,we have considerable        
evidence of its being  frequently put in
 practice4 ,among those who thus        
abridged their lives was  ,silius       
,italicus1 one of the last of the ,latin
 poets47#cdc7 ,the younger  ,pliny      
describes in terms of the most glowing  
admiration the conduct of one  of his   
friends1 who1 struck down by disease1   
resolved calmly and  deliberately upon  
the path he should pursue4 ,he          
determined1 if the disease  was only    
dangerous and long1 to yield to the     
wishes of his friends and  await the    
struggle2 but if the issue was hopeless1
 to die by his own hand4  ,having       

reasoned on the propriety of this course
 with all the tranquil  courage of a    
,roman1 he summoned a council of        
physicians1 and1 with a mind            
indifferent to either fate1 he calmly   
awaited their sentence47#cdd7 ,the  same
 writer mentions the case of a man who  
was afflicted with a horrible  disease1 
which reduced his body to a mass of     
sores4 ,his wife1 being  convinced that 
it was incurable1 exhorted her husband  
to shorten his  sufferings2 she nerved  
and encouraged him to the effort1 and   
she claimed  it as her privilege to     
accompany him to the grave4 ,husband and
 wife1 bound  together1 plunged into a  
lake47#cde7 ,seneca1 in one of his      
letters1 has  left us a detailed        
description of the death-bed of one of  
the ,roman  suicides4 ,tullius          
,marcellinus1 a young man of remarkable 
abilities and  very earnest character1  
who had long ridiculed the teachings of 
philosophy1 but had ended by embracing  
it with all the passion of a  convert1  

being afflicted with a grave and        
lingering though not incurable  disease1
 resolved at length upon suicide4 ,he   
gathered his friends around  him1 and   
many of them entreated him to continue  
in life4 ,among them1  however1 was one 
,stoical philosopher1 who addressed him 
in what ,seneca  terms the very noblest 
of discourses4 ,he exhorted him not to  
lay too much  stress upon the question  
he was deciding1 as if existence was a  
matter of  great importance4 ,he urged  
that life is a thing we possess in      
common with  slaves and animals1 but    
that a noble death should indeed be     
prized1 and he  concluded by            
recommending suicide4 ,marcellinus      
gladly embraced the counsel  which his  
own wishes had anticipated4 ,according  
to the advice of his  friend1 he        
distributed gifts among his faithful    
slaves1 consoled them on  their         
approaching bereavement1 abstained      
dining three days from all food1  and at
 last1 when his strength had been wholly

 exhausted1 passed into a  warm bath and
 calmly died1 describing with his last  
breath the pleasing  sensations that    
accompanied receding life47#cdf7    ,the
 doctrine of suicide was indeed the     
culminating point of ,roman  ,stoicism4 
,the proud1 self-reliant1 unbending     
character of the philosopher  could only
 be sustained when he felt that he had a
 sure refuge against the  extreme forms 
of suffering or of despair4 ,although   
virtue is not a mere  creature of       
interest1 no great system has ever yet  
flourished which did  not present an    
ideal of happiness as well as an ideal  
of duty4 ,stoicism  taught men to hope  
little1 but to fear nothing4 ,it did not
 array death in  brilliant colours1 as  
the path to positive felicity1 but it   
endeavoured to  divest it1 as the end of
 suffering1 of every terror4 ,life lost 
much of its  bitterness when men had    
found a refuge from the storms of fate1 
a speedy  deliverance from dotage and   
pain4 ,death ceased to be terrible when 

it was  regarded rather as a remedy than
 as a sentence4 ,life and death in the  
,stoical system were attuned to the same
 key4 ,the deification of human  virtue1
 the total absence of all sense of sin1 
the proud stubborn will  that deemed    
humiliation the worst of stains1        
appeared alike in each4 ,the  type of   
its own kind was perfect4 ,all the      
virtues and all the majesty that        
accompany human pride1 when developed to
 the highest point1 and directed  to the
 noblest ends1 were here displayed4 ,all
 those which accompany  humility and    
self-abasement were absent4    ,i desire
 at this stage of our enquiry to pause  
for a moment1 in order to  retrace      
briefly the leading steps of the        
foregoing argument1 and thus to  bring  
into the clearest light the connection  
which many details and  quotations may  
have occasionally obscured4 ,such a     
review will show at a  single glance in 
what respects ,stoicism was a result of 
the pre-existent  state of society1 and 

in what respects it was an active agent1
 how far its  influence was preparing   
the way for ,christian ethics1 and how  
far it was  opposed to them4    ,we have
 seen1 then1 that among the ,romans1 as 
among other people1 a very  clear and   
definite type of moral excellence was   
created before men had  formed any clear
 intellectual notions of the nature and 
sanctions of  virtue4 ,the characters of
 men are chiefly governed by their      
occupations1  and the republic being    
organised altogether with a view to     
military  success1 it had attained all  
the virtues and vices of a military     
society4  ,we have seen1 too1 that at   
all times1 but most especially under the
  conditions of ancient warfare1        
military life is very unfavourable to   
the  amiable1 and very favourable to the
 heroic virtues4 ,the ,roman had learnt 
to value force very highly4 ,being      
continually engaged in inflicting pain1 
his natural or instinctive humanity was 
very low4 ,his moral feelings were      

almost bounded by political limits1     
acting only1 and with different  degrees
 of intensity1 towards his class1 his   
country1 and its allies4  ,indomitable  
pride was the most prominent element of 
his character4 ,a  victorious army which
 is humble or diffident1 or tolerant of 
insult1 or  anxious to take the second  
place1 is1 indeed1 almost a             
contradiction of  terms4 ,the spirit of 
patriotism1 in its relation to          
foreigners1 like that  of political     
liberty in its relation to governors1 is
 a spirit of constant  and jealous      
self-assertion2 and although both are   
very consonant with high  morality and  
great self-devotion1 we rarely find that
 the grace of genuine  humility can     
flourish in a society that is intensely 
pervaded by their  influence4 ,the kind 
of excellence that found most favour in 
,roman eyes was  simple1 forcible1      
massive1 but coarse-grained4 ,subtilty  
of motives1  refinements of feelings1   
delicacies of susceptibility1 were      

rarely  appreciated4    ,this was the   
darker side of the picture4 ,on the     
other hand1 the national  character1    
being formed by a profession in which   
mercenary considerations  are less      
powerful1 and splendid examples of      
self-devotion more frequent1  than in   
any other1 had early risen to a heroic  
level4 ,death being  continually        
confronted1 to meet it with courage was 
the chief test of  virtue4 ,the habits  
of men were unaffected1 frugal1         
honourable1 and  laborious4 ,a stern    
discipline pervading all ages and       
classes of society1  the will was       
trained1 to an almost unexampled degree1
 to repress the  passions1 to endure    
suffering and opposition1 to tend       
steadily and  fearlessly towards an     
unpopular end4 ,a sense of duty was very
 widely  diffused1 and a deep attachment
 to the interests of the city became the
  parent of many virtues4    ,such was  
the type of excellence the ,roman people
 had attained at a time  when its       

intellectual cultivation produced       
philosophical discussions1 and  when    
numerous ,greek professors1 attracted   
partly by political events1 and  partly 
by the patronage of ,scipio milianus1   
arrived at ,rome1 bringing  with them   
the tenets of the great schools of ,zeno
 and ,epicurus1 and of the  many minor  
sects that clustered around them4       
,epicureanism being  essentially opposed
 to the pre-existing type of virtue1    
though it spread  greatly1 never        
attained the position of a school of    
virtue4 ,stoicism1  taught by ,pantius  
of ,rhodes1 and soon after by the       
,syrian ,posidonius1  became the true   
religion of the educated classes4 ,it   
furnished the  principles of virtue1    
coloured the noblest literature of the  
time1 and  guided all the developments  
of moral enthusiasm4    ,the ,stoical   
system of ethics was in the highest     
sense a system of  independent morals4  
,it taught that our reason reveals to us
 a certain law  of nature1 and that a   

desire to conform to this law1          
irrespectively of all  considerations of
 reward or punishment1 of happiness or  
the reverse1 is a  possible and a       
sufficient motive of virtue4 ,it was    
also in the highest  sense a system of  
discipline4 ,it taught that the will1   
acting under the  complete control of   
the reason1 is the sole principle of    
virtue1 and that  all the emotional part
 of our being is of the nature of a     
disease4 ,its  whole tendency was       
therefore to dignify and strengthen the 
will1 and to  degrade and suppress the  
desires4 ,it taught1 moreover1 that man 
is capable  of attaining an extremely   
high degree of moral excellence1 that he
 has  nothing to fear beyond the present
 life1 that it is essential to the      
dignity and consistence of his character
 that he should regard death  without   
dismay1 and that he has a right to      
hasten it if he desires4    ,it is easy 
to see that this system of ethics was   
strictly consonant with  the type of    

character the circumstances of the      
,roman people had formed4 ,it  is also  
manifest that while the force of        
circumstances had in the first  instance
 secured its ascendancy1 the energy of  
will which it produced  would enable it 
to offer a powerful resistance to the   
tendencies of an  altered condition of  
society4 ,this was pre-eminently shown  
in the history  of ,roman ,stoicism4    
,the austere purity of the writings of  
,seneca and his  school is a fact       
probably unique in history1 when we     
consider1 on the one  hand1 the intense 
and undisguised depravity of the        
,empire1 and on the  other1 the         
prominent position of most of the       
leading ,stoics in the very  centre of  
the stream4 ,more than once in later    
periods did great  intellectual         
brilliancy coincide with general        
depravity1 but on none of  these        
occasions was this moral phenomenon     
reproduced4 ,in the age of ,leo  ,x41 in
 the age of the ,french ,regency1 or of 

,lewis ,,xv41 we look in vain for  high 
moral teaching in the centre of ,italian
 or of ,parisian civilisation4  ,the    
true teachers of those ages were the    
reformers1 who arose in obscure  towns  
of ,germany or ,switzerland1 or that    
diseased recluse who1 from his  solitude
 near ,geneva1 fascinated ,europe by the
 gleams of a dazzling and  almost       
peerless eloquence1 and by a moral      
teaching which1 though often  feverish1 
paradoxical1 and unpractical1 abounded  
in passages of  transcendent majesty and
 of the most entrancing purity and      
beauty4 ,but  even the best moral       
teachers who rose in the centres of the 
depraved  society felt the contagion of 
the surrounding vice4 ,their ideal was  
depressed1 their austerity was relaxed1 
they appealed to sordid and  worldly    
motives1 their judgments of character   
were wavering and uncertain1  their     
whole teaching was of the nature of a   
compromise4 ,but in ancient  ,rome1 if  
the teachers of virtue acted but feebly 

upon the surrounding  corruption1 their 
own tenets were at least unstained4 ,the
 splendour of the  genius of ,csar never
 eclipsed the moral grandeur of the     
vanquished ,cato1  and amid all the     
dramatic vicissitudes of civil war and  
of political  convulsion1 the supreme   
authority of moral distinctions was     
never  forgotten4 ,the eloquence of     
,livy was chiefly employed in painting  
virtue1  the eloquence of ,tacitus in   
branding vice4 ,the ,stoics never       
lowered their  standard because of the  
depravity around them1 and if we trace  
in their  teaching any reflection of the
 prevailing worship of enjoyment1 it is 
only  in the passionate intensity with  
which they dwelt upon the tranquillity  
of  the tomb4    ,but it is not         
sufficient for a moral system to form a 
bulwark against  vice1 it must also be  
capable of admitting those extensions   
and  refinements of moral sympathies    
which advancing civilisation produces1  
and  the inflexibility of its antagonism

 to evil by no means implies its        
capacity of enlarging its conceptions of
 good4 ,during the period which  elapsed
 between the importation of ,stoical    
tenets into ,rome and the  ascendancy of
 ,christianity1 an extremely important  
transformation of moral  ideas had been 
effected by political changes1 and it   
became a question how  far the new      
elements could coalesce with the        
,stoical ideal1 and how far  they tended
 to replace it by an essentially        
different type4 ,these changes  were    
twofold1 but were very closely          
connected4 ,they consisted of the       
increasing prominence of the benevolent 
or amiable1 as distinguished from  the  
heroic qualities1 and of the enlargement
 of moral sympathies1 which  having at  
first comprised only a class or a       
nation1 came at last1 by the            
destruction of many artificial barriers1
 to include all classes and all         
nations4 ,the causes of these           
changes--which were the most important  

antecedents of the triumph of           
,christianity--are very complicated and 
numerous1 but it will1 ,i think1 be     
possible to give in a few pages a       
sufficiently clear outline of the       
movement4    ,it originated in the      
,roman ,empire at the time when the     
union of the ,greek  and ,latin         
civilisations was effected by the       
conquest of ,greece4 ,the  general      
humanity of the ,greeks had always been 
incomparably greater than  that of the  
,romans4 ,the refining influence of     
their art and literature1  their        
ignorance of gladiatorial games1 and    
their comparative freedom from  the     
spirit of conquest1 had separated them  
widely from their  semi-barbarous       
conquerors1 and had given a peculiar    
softness and  tenderness to their ideal 
characters4 ,pericles1 who1 when the    
friends who  had gathered round his     
death-bed1 imagining him to be          
insensible1 were  recounting his        
splendid deeds1 told them that they had 

forgotten his best  title to fame--that 
8no ,athenian had ever worn mourning on 
his account20  ,aristides1 praying the  
gods that those who had banished him    
might never be  compelled by danger or  
suffering to recall him2 ,phocion1 when 
unjustly  condemned1 exhorting his son  
never to avenge his death1 all represent
 a  type of character of a milder kind  
than that which ,roman influences       
produced4 ,the plays of ,euripides had  
been to the ancient world the first     
great revelation of the supreme beauty  
of the gentler virtues4 ,among the  many
 forms of worship that flourished at    
,athens1 there was an altar which  stood
 alone1 conspicuous and honoured beyond 
all others4 ,the suppliants  thronged   
around it1 but no image of a god1 no    
symbol of dogma was there4  ,it was     
dedicated to ,pity1 and was venerated   
through all the ancient world  as the   
first great assertion among mankind of  
the supremo sanctity of  ,mercy47#cdg7  
,but while the ,greek spirit was from a 

very early period distinguished for  its
 humanity1 it was at first as far       
removed from cosmopolitanism as that  of
 ,rome4 ,it is well known that          
,phrynichus was fined because in his    
8,conquest of ,miletus0 he had          
represented the triumph of barbarians   
over  ,greeks47#cdh7 ,his successor1    
schylus1 deemed it necessary to violate 
all  dramatic probabilities by making   
the ,persian king and courtiers         
continually speak of themselves as      
barbarians4 ,socrates1 indeed1 had      
proclaimed himself a citizen of the     
world17#cdi7 but ,aristotle taught that 
,greeks had no more duties to barbarians
 than to wild beasts1 and another       
philosopher was believed to have evinced
 an almost excessive range of  sympathy 
when he declared that his affections    
extended beyond his own  ,state1 and    
included the whole people of ,greece4   
,but the dissolving and  disintegrating 
philosophical discussions that soon     
followed the death of  ,socrates1       

strengthened by political events1 tended
 powerfully to destroy  this feeling4   
,the traditions that attached ,greek    
philosophy to ,egypt1 the  subsequent   
admiration for the schools of ,india to 
which ,pyrrho and  ,anaxarchus are said 
to have resorted17#cej7 the prevalence  
of ,cynicism and  ,epicureanism1 which  
agreed in inculcating indifference to   
political life1  the complete           
decomposition of the popular national   
religions1 and the  incompatibility of a
 narrow local feeling with great        
knowledge and matured  civilisation1    
were the intellectual causes of the     
change1 and the movement  of expansion  
received a great political stimulus when
 ,alexander eclipsed  the glories of    
,spartan and ,athenian history by the   
vision of universal  empire1 accorded to
 the conquered nations the privileges of
 the  conquerors1 and created in        
,alexandria a great centre both of      
commercial  intercourse and of          
philosophical eclecticism47#cea7    ,it 

is evident1 therefore1 that the         
prevalence of ,greek ideas in ,rome     
would  be in a two-fold way destructive 
of narrow national feelings4 ,it was the
  ascendancy of a people who were not   
,romans1 and of a people who had        
already become in a great degree        
emancipated from local sentiments4 ,it  
is  also evident that the ,greeks having
 had for several centuries a splendid   
literature1 at a time when the ,romans  
had none1 and when the ,latin  language 
was still too rude for literary         
purposes1 the period in which the       
,romans first emerged from a purely     
military condition into an intelligent  
civilisation would bring with it an     
ascendancy of ,greek ideas4 ,fabius     
,pictor and ,cincius ,alimentus1 the    
earliest native ,roman historians1 both 
wrote in ,greek17#ceb7 and although the 
poems of ,ennius1 and the 8,origines0   
of ,marcus ,cato1 contributed largely to
 improve and fix the ,latin language1   
the precedent was not at once           

discontinued47#cec7 ,after the conquest 
of  ,greece1 the political ascendancy of
 the ,romans and the intellectual       
ascendancy of ,greece were alike        
universal47#ced7 ,the conquered people1 
whose patriotic feelings had been       
greatly enfeebled by the influences ,i  
have noticed1 acquiesced readily in     
their new condition1 and                
notwithstanding the vehement exertions  
of the conservative party1 ,greek       
manners1 sentiments1 and ideas soon     
penetrated into all classes1 and        
moulded all the forms of ,roman life4   
,the elder ,cato1 as an acute observer  
has noticed1 desired all ,greek         
philosophers to be expelled from ,rome4 
,the  younger ,cato made ,greek         
philosophers his most intimate          
friends47#cee7 ,roman  virtue found its 
highest expression in ,stoicism4 ,roman 
vice sheltered  itself under the name of
 ,epicurus4 ,diodorus of ,sicily and    
,polybius first  sketched in ,greek the 
outlines of universal history4          

,dionysius of  ,halicarnassus explored  
,roman antiquities4 ,greek artists and  
,greek  architects thronged the city2   
but the first1 under ,roman influence1  
abandoned the ideal for the portrait1   
and the second degraded the noble       
,corinthian pillar into the bastard     
composite47#cef7 ,the theatre1 which now
  started into sudden life1 was borrowed
 altogether from the ,greeks4 ,ennius   
and ,pacuvius imitated ,euripides2      
,ccilius1 ,plautus1 ,terence1 and ,nvius
  devoted themselves chiefly to         
,menander4 ,even the lover in the days  
of  ,lucretius painted his lady's charms
 in ,greek47#ceg7 ,immense sums were    
given  for ,greek literary slaves1 and  
the attractions of the capital drew to  
,rome  nearly all that was brilliant in 
,athenian society4    ,while the        
complete ascendancy of the intellect and
 manners of ,greece was  destroying the 
simplicity of the old ,roman type1 and  
at the same time  enlarging the range of
 ,roman sympathies1 an equally powerful 

influence was  breaking down the        
aristocratic and class feeling which had
 so long raised  an insurmountable      
barrier between the nobles and the      
plebeians4 ,their long  contentions had 
issued in the civil wars1 the           
dictatorship of ,julius  ,csar1 and the 
,empire1 and these changes in a great   
measure obliterated  the old lines of   
demarcation4 ,foreign wars1 which       
develop with great  intensity           
distinctive national types1 and divert  
the public mind from  internal changes1 
are usually favourable to the           
conservative spirit2 but  civil wars are
 essentially revolutionary1 for they    
overwhelm all class  barriers and throw 
open the highest prizes to energy and   
genius4 ,two very  remarkable and       
altogether unprecedented illustrations  
of this truth  occurred at ,rome4       
,ventidius ,bassus1 by his military     
skill1 and by the  friendship of ,julius
 ,csar1 and afterwards of ,antony1 rose 
from the  position of mule-driver to the

 command of a ,roman army1 and at last  
to the  consulate17#ceh7 which was also 
attained1 about #dj ,b4,c41 by the      
,spaniard  ,cornelius ,balbus47#cei7    
,augustus1 though the most aristocratic 
of emperors1  in order to discourage    
celibacy1 permitted all citizens who    
were not  senators to intermarry with   
freedwomen4 ,the empire was in several  
distinct  ways unfavourable to class    
distinctions4 ,it was for the most part 
essentially democratic1 winning its     
popularity from the masses of the       
people1 and crushing the senate1 which  
had been the common centre of           
aristocracy and of freedom4 ,a new      
despotic power1 bearing alike on all    
classes1 reduced them to an equality of 
servitude4 ,the emperors were           
themselves in many cases the mere       
creatures of revolt1 and their policy   
was governed by their origin4 ,their    
jealousy struck down many of the        
nobles1 while others were ruined by the 
public games1 which it became  customary

 to give1 or by the luxury to which1 in 
the absence of political  occupations1  
they were impelled1 and the relative    
importance of all was  diminished by the
 new creations4 ,the ascendancy of      
wealth began to pass  into new quarters4
 ,delators1 or political informers1     
encouraged by the  emperors1 and        
enriched by the confiscated properties  
of those whose  condemnation they had   
procured1 rose to great influence4 ,from
 the time of  ,caligula1 for several    
reigns1 the most influential citizens   
were freedmen1  who occupied the        
principal offices in the palace1 and    
usually obtained  complete ascendancy   
over the emperors4 ,through them alone  
petitions were  presented4 ,by their    
instrumentality the ,imperial favours   
were distributed4  ,they sometimes      
dethroned the emperors4 ,they retained  
their power unshaken  through a         
succession of revolutions4 ,in wealth1  
in power1 in the crowd of  their        
courtiers1 in the splendour of their    

palaces in life1 and of their  tombs in 
death1 they eclipsed all others1 and men
 whom the early ,roman  patricians would
 have almost disdained to notice1 saw   
the proudest  struggling for their      
favour47#cfj7    ,together with these   
influences many others of a kindred     
nature may be  detected4 ,the colonial  
policy which the ,gracchi had advocated 
was carried  out at ,narbonne1 and      
during the latter days of ,julius ,csar1
 to the  amazement and scandal of the   
,romans1 ,gauls of this province        
obtained seats  in the senate47#cfa7    
,the immense extent of the empire made  
it necessary for  numerous troops to    
remain during long periods of time in   
distant  provinces1 and the foreign     
habits that were thus acquired began the
  destruction of the exclusive feelings 
of the ,roman army1 which the           
subsequent enrolment of barbarians      
completed4 ,the public games1 the       
immense luxury1 the concentration of    
power1 wealth1 and genius1 made ,rome   

the centre of a vast and ceaseless      
concourse of strangers1 the focus of    
all the various philosophies and        
religions of the empire1 and its        
population soon became an amorphous1    
heterogeneous mass1 in which all        
nations1 customs1 languages1 and creeds1
 all degrees of virtue and vice1  of    
refinement and barbarism1 of scepticism 
and credulity1 intermingled and         
interacted4 ,travelling had become more 
easy and perhaps more frequent than  it 
has been at any other period before the 
nineteenth century4 ,the  subjection of 
the whole civilised world to a single   
rule removed the chief  obstacles to    
locomotion4 ,magnificent roads1 which   
modern nations have  rarely rivalled and
 never surpassed1 intersected the entire
 empire1 and  relays of post-horses     
enabled the voyager to proceed with an  
astonishing  rapidity4 ,the sea1 which1 
after the destruction of the fleets of  
,carthage1  had fallen almost completely
 under the dominion of pirates1 had been

  cleared by ,pompey4 ,the ,european    
shores of the ,mediterranean and the    
port  of ,alexandria were thronged with 
vessels4 ,romans traversed the whole    
extent of the empire on political1      
military1 or commercial errands1 or in  
search of health1 or knowledge1 or      
pleasure47#cfb7 ,the entrancing beauties
  of ,como and of ,tempe1 the luxurious 
manners of ,bai and ,corinth1 the       
schools1 commerce1 climate1 and temples 
of ,alexandria1 the soft winters of     
,sicily1 the artistic wonders and       
historic recollections of ,athens and   
the  ,nile1 the great colonial interests
 of ,gaul1 attracted their thousands1   
while ,roman luxury needed the products 
of the remotest lands1 and the  demand  
for animals for the amphitheatre spread 
,roman enterprise into the  wildest     
deserts4 ,in the capital1 the toleration
 accorded to different  creeds was such 
that the city soon became a miniature of
 the world4 ,almost  every variety of   
charlatanism and of belief displayed    

itself unchecked1  and boasted its train
 of proselytes4 ,foreign ideas were in  
every form in  the ascendant4 ,greece1  
which had presided over the intellectual
  development of ,rome1 acquired a new  
influence under the favouring policy  of
 ,hadrian1 and ,greek became the        
language of some of the later as it had 
been of the earliest writers4 ,egyptian 
religions and philosophies excited  the 
wildest enthusiasm4 ,as early as the    
reign of ,augustus there were many      
thousands of ,jewish residents at       
,rome17#cfc7 and their manners and creed
  spread widely among the people47#cfd7 
,the ,carthaginian ,apuleius17#cfe7 the 
,gauls ,floras and ,favorinus1 the      
,spaniards ,lucan1 ,columella1 ,martial1
  ,seneca1 and ,quintilian1 had all in  
their different departments a high      
place in ,roman literature or           
philosophy4    ,in the slave world a    
corresponding revolution was taking     
place4 ,the large  proportion of        
physicians and sculptors who were       

slaves1 the appearance of  three or four
 distinguished authors in the slave     
class1 the numerous  literary slaves    
imported from ,greece1 and the splendid 
examples of  courage1 endurance1 and    
devotion to their masters furnished by  
slaves  during the civil wars1 and      
during some of the worst periods of the 
,empire1  were bridging the chasm       
between the servile and the free        
classes1 and the  same tendency was more
 powerfully stimulated by the vast      
numbers and  overwhelming influence of  
the freedmen4 ,the enormous scale and   
frequent  fluctuations of the great     
,roman establishments1 and the          
innumerable  captives reduced to slavery
 after every war1 rendered manumission  
both  frequent and easy1 and it was soon
 regarded as a normal result of faithful
  service4 ,many slaves bought their    
freedom out of the savings which their  
masters always permitted them to make4  
,others paid for it by their labour     
after their emancipation4 ,some masters 

emancipated their slaves in order  to   
obtain their part in the distribution of
 corn1 others to prevent the  discovery 
of their own crimes by the torture of   
their slaves1 others  through vanity1   
being desirous of having their funerals 
attended by a long  train of freedmen1  
very many simply as a reward for long   
service47#cff7 ,the  freedman was still 
under what was termed the patronage of  
his former  master2 he was bound to him 
by what in a later age would have been  
called  a feudal tie1 and the political 
and social importance of a noble        
depended  in a very great degree upon   
the multitude of his clients4 ,the      
children of  the emancipated slave were 
in the same relation to the patron1 and 
it was  only in the third generation    
that all disqualifications and          
restraints  were abrogated4 ,in         
consequence of this system1 manumission 
was often the  interest of the master4  
,in the course of his life he           
enfranchised  individual slaves4 ,on his

 death-bed or by his will he constantly 
emancipated multitudes4 ,emancipation by
 testament acquired such  dimensions1   
that ,augustus found it necessary to    
restrict the power2 and he  made several
 limitations1 of which the most         
important was that no one  should       
emancipate by his will more than one    
hundred of his slaves47#cfg7 ,it  was   
once proposed that the slaves should be 
distinguished by a special  dress1 but  
the proposition was abandoned because   
their number was so great  that to      
reveal to them their strength would be  
to place the city at their  mercy47#cfh7
 ,even among those who were not slaves1 
the element that was  derived from      
slavery soon preponderated4 ,the        
majority of the free  population had    
probably either themselves been slaves1 
or were descended  from slaves1 and men 
with this tainted lineage penetrated to 
all the  offices of the ,state47#cfi7   
8,there was10 as has been well said1 8a 
circulation of men from all the         

universe4 ,rome received them slaves1   
and  sent them back ,romans407#cgj7     
,it is manifest how profound a change   
had taken place since the ,republican   
days1 when the highest dignities were   
long monopolised by a single class1     
when the censors repressed with a       
stringent severity every form or        
exhibition of luxury1 when the          
rhetoricians were banished from the     
city1  lest the faintest tinge of       
foreign manners should impair the stern 
simplicity of the people1 and when the  
proposal to transfer the capital to     
,veii1 after a great disaster1 was      
rejected on the ground that it would be 
impious to worship the ,roman deities   
anywhere but on the ,capitol1 or for    
the ,flamens and the ,vestals to        
emigrate beyond the walls47#cga7    ,the
 greater number of these tendencies to  
universal fusion or equality  were blind
 forces resulting from the stress of    
circumstances1 and not from  any human  
forethought1 or were agencies that were 

put in motion for a  different object4  
,it must1 however1 be acknowledged that 
a definite theory  of policy had a      
considerable part in accelerating the   
movement4 ,the policy  of the ,republic 
may be broadly described as a policy of 
conquest1 and that  of the ,empire as a 
policy of preservation4 ,the ,romans    
having acquired a  vast dominion1 were  
met by the great problem which every    
first-class power  is called upon to    
solve--by what means many communities1  
with different  languages1 customs1     
characters1 and traditions1 can be      
retained peaceably  under a single      
ruler4 ,in modern times1 this difficulty
 has been most  successfully met by     
local legislatures1 which1 if they      
supply a 8line of  cleavage10 a nucleus 
around which the spirit of opposition   
may form1 have  on the other hand the   
priceless advantage of giving the       
annexed people a  large measure of      
self-government1 a centre and           
safety-valve of local  public opinion1 a

 sphere for local ambitions1 and a      
hierarchy of  institutions adapted to   
the distinctive national type4 ,under no
 other  conditions can a complex empire 
be carried on with so little strain1 or 
effort1 or humiliation1 or its          
inevitable final dissolution be effected
  with so little danger or convulsion4  
,but local legislatures1 which are the  
especial glory of ,english              
statesmanship1 belong exclusively to    
modern  civilisation4 ,the ,roman method
 of conciliation was1 first of all1 the 
most  ample toleration of the customs1  
religion1 and municipal freedom of the  
conquered1 and then their gradual       
admission to the privileges of the      
conqueror4 ,by confiding to them in a   
great measure the defence of the        
empire1 by throwing open to them the    
offices of ,state1 and especially by    
according to them the right of ,roman   
citizenship1 which had been for         
centuries jealously restricted to the   
inhabitants of ,rome1 and was           

afterwards only conceded to ,italy and  
,cisalpine ,gaul1 the emperors sought   
to attach them to their throne4 ,the    
process was very gradual1 but the  whole
 movement of political emancipation     
attained its completion when the        
,imperial throne was occupied by the    
,spaniard ,trajan1 and by ,pertinax1 the
  son of a freedman1 and when an edict  
of ,caracalla extended the rights of    
,roman citizenship to all the provinces 
of the empire4    ,it will appear       
evident1 from the foregoing sketch1 that
 the period which  elapsed between      
,pantius and ,constantine exhibited an  
irresistible  tendency to               
cosmopolitanism4 ,the convergence1 when 
we consider the number1  force1 and     
harmony of the influences that composed 
it1 is indeed  unexampled in history4   
,the movement extended through all the  
fields of  religious1 philosophical1    
political1 industrial1 military1 and    
domestic  life4 ,the character of the   
people was completely transformed1 the  

landmarks of all its institutions were  
removed1 the whole principle of its     
organisation was reversed4 ,it would be 
impossible to find a more striking      
example of the manner in which events   
govern character1 destroying old  habits
 and associations1 and thus altering    
that national type of  excellence which 
is1 for the most part1 the expression or
 net moral result  of the national      
institutions and circumstances4 ,the    
effect of the movement  was1 no doubt1  
in many respects evil1 and some of the  
best men1 such as  the elder ,cato and  
,tacitus1 opposed it1 as leading to the 
demoralisation  of the empire2 but if it
 increased vice1 it also gave a peculiar
 character  to virtue4 ,it was          
impossible that the conception of       
excellence1 formed in  a society where  
everything conspired to deepen class    
divisions and  national jealousies and  
antipathies1 should be retained         
unaltered in a  period of universal     
intercourse and amalgamation4 ,the moral

 expression of  the first period is     
obviously to be found in the narrower   
military and  patriotic virtues2 that of
 the second period in enlarged          
philanthropy and  sympathy4    ,the     
,stoical philosophy was admirably fitted
 to preside over this extension  of     
sympathies4 ,although it proved itself  
in every age the chief school of        
patriots1 it recognised also1 from the  
very first1 and in the most  unequivocal
 manner1 the fraternity of mankind4 ,the
 ,stoic taught that  virtue alone is a  
good1 and that all other things are     
indifferent2 and  from this position he 
inferred that birth1 rank1 country1 or  
wealth are  the mere accidents of life1 
and that virtue alone makes one man     
superior  to another4 ,he taught also   
that the ,deity is an all-pervading     
,spirit1  animating the universe1 and   
revealed with especial clearness in the 
soul  of man2 and he concluded that all 
men are fellow-members of a single body1
  united by participation in the same   

,divine ,spirit4 ,these two doctrines   
formed part of the very first teaching  
of the ,stoics1 but it was the  special 
glory of the ,roman teachers1 and an    
obvious result of the  condition of     
affairs ,i have described1 to have      
brought them into full  relief4 ,one of 
the most emphatic as well as one of the 
earliest extant  assertions of the duty 
of 8charity to the human race107#cgb7   
occurs in the  treatise of ,cicero upon 
duties1 which was avowedly based upon   
,stoicism4  ,writing at a period when   
the movement of amalgamation had for a  
generation  been rapidly                
proceeding17#cgc7 and adopting almost   
without restriction the  ethics of the  
,stoics1 ,cicero maintained the doctrine
 of universal  brotherhood as distinctly
 as it was afterwards maintained by the 
,christian  ,church4 8,this whole       
world10 he tells us1 8is to be regarded 
as the common  city of gods and         
men407#cgd7 8,men were born for the sake
 of men1 that each  should assist the   

others407#cge7 8,nature ordains that a  
man should wish the  good of every man1 
whoever he may be1 for this very reason1
 that he is a  man407#cgf7 8,to reduce  
man to the duties of his own city and to
 disengage  him from duties to the      
members of other cities1 is to break the
 universal  society of the human        
race407#cgg7 8,nature has inclined us to
 love men1 and  this is the foundation  
of the law407#cgh7 ,the same principles 
were  reiterated with increasing        
emphasis by the later ,stoics4 ,adopting
 the  well-known line which ,terence had
 translated from ,menander1 they        
maintained that man should deem nothing 
human foreign to his interest4  ,lucan  
expatiated with all the fervour of a    
,christian poet upon the time  when 8the
 human race will cast aside its weapons1
 and when all nations  will learn to    
love407#cgi7 8,the whole universe10 said
 ,seneca1 8which you  see around you1   
comprising all things1 both divine and  
human1 is one4 ,we  are members of one  

great body4 ,nature has made us         
relatives when it begat  us from the    
same materials and for the same         
destinies4 ,she planted in us a  mutual 
love1 and fitted us for a social        
life407#chj7 8,what is a ,roman  knight1
 or freedman1 or slave8 ,these are but  
names springing from ambition  or from  
injury407#cha7 8,i know that my country 
is the world1 and my  guardians are the 
gods407#chb7 8,you are a citizen10 said 
,epictetus1 8and a  part of the         
world4444 ,the duty of a citizen is in  
nothing to consider his  own interest   
distinct from that of others1 as the    
hand or foot1 if they  possessed reason 
and understood the law of nature1 would 
do and wish  nothing that had not some  
relation to the rest of the body407#chc7
 8,an  ,antonine10 said ,marcus         
,aurelius1 8my country is ,rome2 as a   
man1 it is the  world407#chd7    ,so far
 ,stoicism appears fully equal to the   
moral requirements of the age4  ,it     
would be impossible to recognise more   

cordially or to enforce more            
beautifully that doctrine of universal  
brotherhood for which the  circumstances
 of the ,roman ,empire had made men     
ripe4 ,plato had said that  no one is   
born for himself alone1 but that he owes
 himself in part to his  country1 in    
part to his parents1 and in part to his 
friends4 ,the ,roman  ,stoics1 taking a 
wider survey1 declared that man is born 
not for himself  but for the whole      
world47#che7 ,and their doctrine was    
perfectly consistent  with the original 
principles of their school4    ,but     
while ,stoicism was quite capable of    
representing the widening  movement1 it 
was not equally capable of representing 
the softening  movement of civilisation4
 ,its condemnation of the affections1   
and its  stern1 tense ideal1 admirably  
fitted for the struggles of a simple    
military age1 were unsuited for the mild
 manners and luxurious tastes of  the   
age of the ,antonines4 ,a class of      
writers began to arise who1 like the    

,stoics1 believed virtue1 rather than   
enjoyment1 to be the supreme good1  and 
who acknowledged that virtue consisted  
solely of the control which the         
enlightened will exercises over the     
desires1 but who at the same time gave  
free scope to the benevolent affections 
and a more religious and mystical  tone 
to the whole scheme of morals4          
,professing various speculative         
doctrines1 and calling themselves by    
many names--eclectics1 peripatetics1  or
 ,platonists--they agreed in forming or 
representing a moral character1  less   
strong1 less sublime1 less capable of   
endurance and heroism1 less  conspicuous
 for energy of will1 than that of the   
,stoics1 but far more  tender and       
attractive4 ,the virtues of force began 
to recede1 and the  gentler virtues to  
advance1 in the moral type4             
,insensibility to suffering  was no     
longer professed2 indomitable strength  
was no longer idolised1 and  it was felt
 that weakness and sorrow have their own

 appropriate  virtues47#chf7 ,the works 
of these writers are full of delicate   
touches  which nothing but strong and   
lively feelings could have suggested4   
,we find  this in the well-known letter 
of ,pliny on the death of his           
slaves17#chg7 in  the frequent protests 
against the ostentation of indifference 
with which  the ,stoics regarded the    
loss of their friends1 in many instances
 of  simple1 artless pathos1 which      
strike the finest chords of our nature4 
,when  ,plutarch1 after the death of his
 daughter1 was writing a letter of      
consolation to his wife1 we find him    
turning away from all the  commonplaces 
of the ,stoics as the recollection of   
one simple trait of his  little child   
rushed upon his mind3--8,she desired her
 nurse to press even  her dolls to the  
breast4 ,she was so loving that she     
wished everything that  gave her        
pleasure to share in the best of what   
she had40    ,plutarch1 whose fame as a 
biographer has1 ,i think1 unduly        

eclipsed his  reputation as a moralist1 
may be justly regarded as the leader of 
this  movement1 and his moral writings  
may be profitably compared with those of
  ,seneca1 the most ample exponent of   
the sterner school4 ,seneca is not      
unfrequently self-conscious1 theatrical1
 and overstrained4 ,his precepts  have  
something of the affected ring of a     
popular preacher4 ,the imperfect  fusion
 of his short sentences gives his style 
a disjointed and1 so to  speak1         
granulated character1 which the ,emperor
 ,caligula happily expressed  when he   
compared it to sand without cement2 yet 
he often rises to a  majesty of         
eloquence1 a grandeur both of thought   
and of expression1 that  few moralists  
have ever rivalled4 ,plutarch1 though   
far less sublime1 is  more sustained1   
equable1 and uniformly pleasing4 ,the   
,montaigne of  antiquity1 his genius    
coruscates playfully and gracefully     
around his  subject2 he delights in     
illustrations which are often singularly

 vivid and  original1 but which1 by     
their excessive multiplication1 appear  
sometimes  rather the texture than the  
ornament of his discourse4 ,a gentle1   
tender  spirit1 and a judgment equally  
free from paradox1 exaggeration1 and    
excessive subtilty1 are the             
characteristics of all he wrote4        
,plutarch  excels most in collecting    
motives of consolation2 ,seneca in      
forming  characters that need no        
consolation4 ,there is something of the 
woman in  ,plutarch2 ,seneca is all a   
man4 ,the writings of the first resemble
 the  strains of the flute1 to which the
 ancients attributed the power of       
calming the passions and charming away  
the clouds of sorrow1 and drawing  men  
by a gentle suasion into the paths of   
virtue2 the writings of the  other are  
like the trumpet-blast1 which kindles   
the soul with an heroic  courage4 ,the  
first is most fitted to console a mother
 sorrowing over her  dead child1 the    
second to nerve a brave man1 without    

flinching and without  illusion1 to     
grapple with an inevitable fate4    ,the
 elaborate letters which ,seneca has    
left us on distinctive tenets of  the   
,stoical school1 such as the equality of
 vices or the evil of the  affections1  
have now little more than an historic   
interest2 but the  general tone of his  
writings gives them a permanent         
importance1 for they  reflect and foster
 a certain type of excellence which1    
since the  extinction of ,stoicism1 has 
had no adequate expression in           
literature4 ,the  prevailing moral tone 
of ,plutarch1 on the other hand1 being  
formed mainly  on the prominence of the 
amiable virtues1 has been eclipsed or   
transcended  by the ,christian writers1 
but his definite contributions to       
philosophy and  morals are more         
important than those of ,seneca4 ,he has
 left us one of the  best works on      
superstition1 and one of the most       
ingenious works on  ,providence1 we     
possess4 ,he was probably the first     

writer who advocated  very strongly     
humanity to animals on the broad ground 
of universal  benevolence1 as           
distinguished from the ,pythagorean     
doctrine of  transmigration1 and he was 
also remarkable1 beyond all his         
contemporaries1  for his high sense of  
female excellence and of the sanctity of
 female  love4    ,the ,romans had at   
all times cared more for the practical  
tendency of a  system of philosophy than
 for its logical or speculative         
consistency4 ,one  of the chief         
attractions of ,stoicism1 in their eyes1
 had been that its  main object was not 
to build a system of opinion1 but to    
propose a pattern  of life17#chh7 and   
,stoicism itself was only adapted to the
 ,roman character  after it had been    
simplified by ,pantius47#chi7 ,although 
the system could  never free itself     
altogether from that hardness which     
rendered it so  unsuited for an advanced
 civilisation1 it was profoundly        
modified by the  later ,stoics1 who     

rarely scrupled to temper it by the     
admixture of new  doctrines4 ,seneca    
himself was by no means an unmixed      
,stoic4 ,if ,epictetus  was more nearly 
so1 this was probably because the       
extreme hardship he  underwent made him 
dwell more than his contemporaries upon 
the importance  of fortitude and        
endurance4 ,marcus ,aurelius was        
surrounded by the  disciples of the most
 various schools1 and his ,stoicism was 
much tinctured  by the milder and more  
religious spirit of ,platonism4 ,the    
,stoics1 like all  other men1 felt the  
moral current of the time1 though they  
yielded to it  less readily than some   
others4 ,in ,thrasea1 who occupied in   
his age a  position analogous to that of
 ,cato in an earlier period1 we find    
little or  nothing of the asperity and  
hardness of his great prototype4 ,in the
  writings of the later ,stoics1 if we  
find the same elements as in those of   
their predecessors1 these elements are  
at least combined in different          

proportions4    ,in the first place1    
,stoicism became more essentially       
religious4 ,the  ,stoical character1    
like all others of a high order1 had    
always been  reverential2 but its       
reverence differed widely from that of  
,christians4 ,it  was concentrated much 
less upon the ,deity than upon virtue1  
and especially  upon virtue as exhibited
 in great men4 ,when ,lucan1 extolling  
his hero1  boasted that 8the gods       
favoured the conquering cause1 but ,cato
 the  conquered10 or when ,seneca       
described 8the fortune of ,sulla0 as    
8the crime  of the gods10 these         
sentences1 which sound to modern ears   
grossly  blasphemous1 appear to have    
excited no murmur4 ,we have already seen
 the  audacious language with which the 
sage claimed an equality with the       
,divinity4 ,on the other hand1 the      
reverence for virtue apart from all     
conditions of success1 and especially   
for men of the stamp of ,cato1 who      
through a strong moral conviction       

struggled bravely1 though               
unsuccessfully1 against force1 genius1  
or circumstances1 was perhaps more      
steady and more passionate than in any  
later age4 ,the duty of absolute        
submission to ,providence1 as ,i have   
already shown1 was continually          
inculcated1 and the pantheistic notion  
of all virtue being a part or  emanation
 of the ,deity was often asserted1 but  
man was still the centre of  the        
,stoic's scheme1 the ideal to which his 
reverence and devotion aspired4  ,in    
later ,stoicism this point of view was  
gradually changed4 ,without any  formal 
abandonment of their pantheistic        
conceptions1 the language of            
philosophers recognised with much       
greater clearness a distinct and        
personal ,divinity4 ,every page of      
,epictetus and ,marcus ,aurelius is     
impregnated with the deepest religious  
feeling4 8,the first thing to  learn10  
said the former1 8is that there is a    
,god1 that ,his knowledge  pervades the 

whole universe1 and that it extends not 
only to our acts but  to our thoughts   
and feelings4444 ,he who seeks to please
 the gods must  labour as far as lies in
 him to resemble them4 ,he must be      
faithful as ,god  is faithful1 free as  
,he is free1 beneficent as ,he is       
beneficent1  magnanimous as ,he is      
magnanimous407#cij7 8,to have ,god for  
our maker and  father and guardian1     
should not that emancipate us from all  
sadness and  from all fear807#cia7      
8,when you have shut your door and      
darkened your room1  say not to yourself
 you are alone4 ,god is in your room1   
and your attendant  genius likewise4    
,think not that they need the light to  
see what you  do47#cib7 ,what can ,i1 an
 old man and a cripple1 do but praise   
,god8 ,if ,i  were a nightingale1 ,i    
would discharge the office of a         
nightingale2 if a  swan1 that of a swan4
 ,but ,i am a reasonable being2 my      
mission is to praise  ,god1 and ,i      
fulfil it2 nor shall ,i ever1 as far as 

lies in me1 shrink from  my task1 and ,i
 exhort you to join in the same song of 
praise407#cic7    ,the same religious   
character is exhibited1 if possible1 in 
a still greater  degree in the          
8,meditations0 of ,marcus ,aurelius2 but
 in one respect the  ethics of the      
emperor differ widely from those of the 
slave4 ,in ,epictetus  we invariably    
find the strongest sense of the majesty 
of man4 ,as the child  of the ,deity1 as
 a being capable of attaining the most  
exalted virtue1 he  magnified him to the
 highest point1 and never more so than  
in the very  passage in which he        
exhorted his disciples to beware of     
haughtiness4 ,the  ,jupiter ,olympus of 
,phidias1 he reminds them1 exhibits no  
arrogance1 but  the unclouded serenity  
of perfect confidence and               
strength47#cid7 ,marcus  ,aurelius1 on  
the other hand1 dwelt rather on the     
weakness than on the  force of man1 and 
his meditations breathe a spirit1 if not
 of ,christian  humility1 at least of   

the gentlest and most touching modesty4 
,he was not1  it is true1 like some     
later saints1 who habitually apply to   
themselves  language of reprobation     
which would be exaggerated if applied to
 the  murderer or the adulterer4 ,he did
 not shrink from recognising human      
virtue  as a reality1 and thanking      
,providence for the degree in which he  
had  attained it1 but he continually    
reviewed with an unsparing severity the 
weaknesses of his character1 he accepted
 and even solicited reproofs from  every
 teacher of virtue1 he made it his aim1 
in a position of supreme  power1 to     
check every emotion of arrogance and    
pride1 and he set before  him an ideal  
of excellence which awed and subdued his
 mind4    ,another very remarkable      
feature of later ,stoicism was its      
increasingly  introspective character4  
,in the philosophy of ,cato and ,cicero1
 virtue was  displayed almost           
exclusively in action4 ,in the later    
,stoics1  self-examination and purity of

 thought were continually inculcated4   
,there  are some writers who1 with an   
obstinacy which it is more easy to      
explain  than to excuse1 persist1 in    
defiance of the very clearest evidence  
to the  contrary1 in representing these 
virtues as exclusively ,christian1 and  
in  maintaining1 without a shadow of    
proof1 that the place they undeniably   
occupy in the later ,roman moralists was
 due to the direct or indirect          
influence of the new faith4 ,the plain  
fact is that they were fully known  to  
the ,greeks1 and both ,plato and ,zeno  
even exhorted men to study their        
dreams1 on the ground that these often  
reveal the latent tendencies of the     
disposition47#cie7 ,pythagoras urged his
 disciples daily to examine  themselves 
when they retired to rest17#cif7 and    
this practice soon became a  recognised 
part of the ,pythagorean                
discipline47#cig7 ,it was introduced    
into  ,rome with the school before the  
close of the ,republic4 ,it was known in

 the  time of ,cicero7#cih7 and         
,horace47#cii7 ,sextius1 one of the     
masters of  ,seneca1 a philosopher of   
the school of ,pythagoras1 who          
flourished chiefly  before the          
,christian era1 was accustomed daily to 
devote a portion of time  to            
self-examination2 and ,seneca1 who at   
first inclined much to the tenets  of   
,pythagoras17#djj7 expressly tells us   
that it was from ,sextius he learnt  the
 practice47#dja7 ,the increasing        
prominence of the ,pythagorean          
philosophy  which accompanied the       
invasion of ,oriental creeds1 the       
natural tendency of  the empire1 by     
closing the avenues of political life1  
to divert the  attention from action to 
emotion1 and also the increased latitude
 allowed  to the play of the sympathies 
or affections by the later ,stoics1     
brought  this emotional part of virtue  
into great prominence4 ,the letters of  
,seneca  are a kind of moral medicine   
applied for the most part to the cure of

  different infirmities of character4   
,plutarch1 in a beautiful treatise on   
8,the ,signs of ,moral ,progress10      
treated the culture of the feelings with
  delicate skill4 ,the duty of serving  
the ,divinity with a pure mind rather   
than by formal rites became a           
commonplace of literature1 and          
self-examination one of the most        
recognised of duties4 ,epictetus urged  
men  so to purify their imaginations1   
that at the sight of a beautiful woman  
they should not even mentally exclaim1  
8,happy her husband607#djb7 ,the        
meditations of ,marcus ,aurelius1 above 
all1 are throughout an exercise of      
self-examination1 and the duty of       
watching over the thoughts is           
continually inculcated4    ,it was a    
saying of ,plutarch that ,stoicism1     
which sometimes exercised a  prejudicial
 and hardening influence upon characters
 that were by nature  stern and         
unbending1 proved peculiarly useful as a
 cordial to those which  were naturally 

gentle and yielding4 ,of this truth we  
can have no better  illustration than is
 furnished by the life and writings of  
,marcus  ,aurelius1 the last and most   
perfect representative of ,roman        
,stoicism4 ,a  simple1 childlike1 and   
eminently affectionate disposition1 with
 little  strength of intellect or       
perhaps originally of will1 much more   
inclined to  meditation1 speculation1   
solitude1 or friendship1 than to active 
and  public life1 with a profound       
aversion to the pomp of royalty and with
 a  rather strong natural leaning to    
pedantry1 he had embraced the fortifying
  philosophy of ,zeno in its best form1 
and that philosophy made him perhaps  as
 nearly a perfectly virtuous man as has 
ever appeared upon our world4  ,tried by
 the chequered events of a reign of     
nineteen years1 presiding over  a       
society that was profoundly corrupt1 and
 over a city that was notorious  for its
 license1 the perfection of his         
character awed even calumny to  silence1

 and the spontaneous sentiment of his   
people proclaimed him rather  a god than
 a man47#djc7 ,very few men have ever   
lived concerning whose inner  life we   
can speak so confidently4 ,his          
8,meditations10 which form one of the   
most impressive1 form also one of the   
truest books in the whole range of      
religious literature4 ,they consist of  
rude fragmentary notes without  literary
 skill or arrangement1 written for the  
most part in hasty1 broken1  and        
sometimes almost unintelligible         
sentences amid the turmoil of a         
camp17#djd7 and recording1 in accents of
 the most penetrating sincerity1  the   
struggles1 doubts1 and aims of a soul of
 which1 to employ one of his  own       
images1 it may be truly said that it    
possessed the purity of a star1  which  
needs no veil to hide its nakedness4    
,the undisputed master of the  whole    
civilised world1 he set before him as   
models such men as ,thrasea and         
,helvidius1 as ,cato and ,brutus1 and he

 made it his aim to realise the         
conception of a free ,state in which all
 citizens are equal1 and of a  royalty  
which makes it its first duty to respect
 the liberty of the  citizens47#dje7    
,his life was passed in unremitting     
activity4 ,for nearly  twelve years he  
was absent with armies in the distant   
provinces of the  empire2 and although  
his political capacity has been much and
 perhaps  justly questioned1 it is      
impossible to deny the unwearied zeal   
with which  he discharged the duties of 
his great position4 ,yet few men have   
ever  carried farther the virtue of     
little things1 the delicate moral tact  
and  the minute scruples which1 though  
often exhibited by women and by secluded
  religionists1 very rarely survive much
 contact with active life4 ,the         
solicitude with which he endeavoured to 
persuade two jealous rhetoricians  to   
abstain during their debates from       
retorts that might destroy their        
friendship17#djf7 the careful gratitude 

with which1 in a camp in ,hungary1  he  
recalled every moral obligation he could
 trace1 even to the most  obscure of his
 tutors17#djg7 his anxiety to avoid all 
pedantry and  mannerism in his          
conduct17#djh7 and to repel every       
voluptuous imagination  from his        
mind17#dji7 his deep sense of the       
obligation of purity17#daj7 his         
laborious efforts to correct a habit of 
drowsiness into which he had  fallen1   
and his self-reproval when he had       
yielded to it17#daa7 become all1  ,i    
think1 inexpressibly touching when we   
remember that they were exhibited  by   
one who was the supreme ruler of the    
civilised globe1 and who was            
continually engaged in the direction of 
the most gigantic interests4 ,but  that 
which is especially remarkable in       
,marcus ,aurelius is the complete       
absence of fanaticism in his            
philanthropy4 ,despotic monarchs        
sincerely  anxious to improve mankind   
are naturally led to endeavour1 by acts 

of  legislation1 to force society into  
the paths which they believe to be      
good1 and such men1 acting under such   
motives1 have sometimes been the        
scourges of mankind4 ,philip ,,ii4 and  
,isabella the ,catholic inflicted more  
suffering in obedience to their         
consciences than ,nero and ,domitian in 
obedience to their lusts4 ,but ,marcus  
,aurelius steadily resisted the         
temptation4 8,never hope10 he once      
wrote1 8to realise ,plato's ,republic4  
,let  it be sufficient that you have in 
some slight degree ameliorated mankind1 
and do not think that amelioration a    
matter of small importance4 ,who can    
change the opinions of men8 and without 
a change of sentiments what can  you    
make but reluctant slaves and           
hypocrites807#dab7 ,he promulgated many 
laws inspired by a spirit of the purest 
benevolence4 ,he mitigated the          
gladiatorial shows4 ,he treated with    
invariable deference the senate1 which  
was the last bulwark of political       

freedom4 ,he endowed many chairs of     
philosophy which were intended to       
diffuse knowledge and moral teaching    
through the people4 ,he endeavoured by  
the example of his ,court to correct    
the extravagances of luxury that were   
prevalent1 and he exhibited in his  own 
career a perfect model of an active and 
conscientious administrator2  but he    
made no rash efforts to force the people
 by stringent laws out of  the natural  
channel of their lives4 ,of the         
corruption of his subjects he  was      
keenly sensible1 and he bore it with a  
mournful but gentle patience4  ,we may  
trace in this respect the milder spirit 
of those ,greek teachers who  had       
diverged from ,stoicism1 but it was     
especially from the ,stoical  doctrine  
that all vice springs from ignorance    
that he derived his rule of  life1 and  
this doctrine1 to which he repeatedly   
recurred1 imparted to all  his judgments
 a sad but tender charity4 8,men were   
made for men2 correct  them1 then1 or   

support them407#dac7 8,if they do ill1  
it is evidently in  spite of themselves 
and through ignorance407#dad7 8,correct 
them if you can2  if not1 remember that 
patience was given you to exercise it in
 their  behalf407#dae7 8,it would be    
shameful for a physician to deem it     
strange  that a man was suffering from  
fever407#daf7 8,the immortal gods       
consent for  countless ages to endure   
without anger1 and even to surround with
  blessings1 so many and such wicked    
men2 but thou who hast so short a time  
to live1 art thou already weary1 and    
that when thou art thyself              
wicked807#dag7 8,it is involuntarily    
that the soul is deprived of justice1   
and temperance1 and goodness1 and all   
other virtues4 ,continually remember    
this2 the thought will make you more    
gentle to all mankind407#dah7 8,it is   
right that man should love those who    
have offended him4 ,he will do so when  
he remembers that all men are his       
relations1 and that it is through       

ignorance and involuntarily that they   
sin--and then we all die so             
soon407#dai7    ,the character of the   
virtue of ,marcus ,aurelius1 though     
exhibiting the  softening influence of  
the ,greek spirit which in his time     
pervaded the  empire1 was in its        
essentials strictly ,roman47#dbj7       
,though full of  reverential gratitude  
to ,providence1 we do not find in him   
that intense  humility and that deep and
 subtle religious feeling which were the
  principles of ,hebrew virtue1 and     
which have given the ,jewish writers so 
great an ascendancy over the hearts of  
men4 ,though borne naturally and        
instinctively to goodness1 his          
8,meditations0 do not display the keen  
sthetical sense of the beauty of virtue 
which was the leading motive of  ,greek 
morals1 and which the writing of        
,plotinus afterwards made very  familiar
 to the ,roman world4 ,like most of the 
best ,romans1 the principle  of his     
virtue was the sense of duty1 the       

conviction of the existence of a  law of
 nature to which it is the aim and      
purpose of our being to conform4  ,of   
secondary motives he appears to have    
been little sensible4 ,the belief  in a 
superintending ,providence was the      
strongest of his religious  convictions1
 but even that was occasionally         
overcast4 ,on the subject of a  future  
world his mind floated in a desponding  
doubt4 ,the desire for  posthumous fame 
he deemed it his duty systematically to 
mortify4 ,while  most writers of his    
school regarded death chiefly as the end
 of sorrows1  and dwelt upon it in order
 to dispel its terrors1 in ,marcus      
,aurelius it is  chiefly represented as 
the last great demonstration of the     
vanity of  earthly things4 ,seldom1     
indeed1 has such active and unrelaxing  
virtue been  united with so little      
enthusiasm1 and been cheered by so      
little illusion  of success4 8,there is 
but one thing10 he wrote1 8of real      
value--to  cultivate truth and justice1 

and to live without anger in the midst  
of  lying and unjust men407#dba7    ,the
 command he had acquired over his       
feelings was so great that it was  said 
of him that his countenance was never   
known to betray either elation  or      
despondency47#dbb7 ,we1 however1 who    
have before us the records of his  inner
 life1 can have no difficulty in        
detecting the deep melancholy that      
overshadowed his mind1 and his closing  
years were darkened by many and  various
 sorrows4 ,his wife1 whom he dearly     
loved and deeply honoured1 and  who1 if 
we may believe the ,court scandals that 
are reported by historians1  was not    
worthy of his affection17#dbc7 had      
preceded him to the tomb4 ,his  only    
surviving son had already displayed the 
vicious tendencies that  afterwards made
 him one of the worst of rulers4 ,the   
philosophers1 who had  instructed him in
 his youth1 and to whom he had clung    
with an affectionate  friendship1 had   
one by one disappeared1 and no new race 

had arisen to  supply their place4      
,after a long reign of self-denying     
virtue1 he saw the  decadence of the    
empire continually more apparent4 ,the  
,stoical school was  rapidly fading     
before the passion for ,oriental        
superstitions4 ,the  barbarians1        
repelled for a time1 were again menacing
 the frontiers1 and it  was not         
difficult to foresee their future       
triumph4 ,the mass of the people  had   
become too inert and too corrupt for any
 efforts to regenerate them4 ,a  fearful
 pestilence1 followed by many minor     
calamities1 had fallen upon the  land   
and spread misery and panic through many
 provinces4 ,in the midst of  these     
calamities1 the emperor was struck down 
with a mortal illness1 which  he bore   
with the placid courage he had always   
displayed1 exhibiting in  almost the    
last words he uttered his forgetfulness 
of self and his  constant anxiety for   
the condition of his people47#dbd7      
,shortly before his  death he dismissed 

his attendants1 and1 after one last     
interview1 his son1  and he died as he  
long had lived1 alone47#dbe7    ,thus   
sank to rest in clouds and darkness the 
purest and gentlest spirit of  all the  
pagan world1 the most perfect model of  
the later ,stoics4 ,in him  the         
hardness1 asperity1 and arrogance of the
 sect had altogether  disappeared1 while
 the affectation its paradoxes tended to
 produce was  greatly mitigated4        
,without fanaticism1 superstition1 or   
illusion1 his  whole life was regulated 
by a simple and unwavering sense of     
duty4 ,the  contemplative and emotional 
virtues which ,stoicism had long        
depressed1 had  regained their place1   
but the active virtues had not yet      
declined4 ,the  virtues of the hero were
 still deeply honoured1 but gentleness  
and  tenderness had acquired a new      
prominence in the ideal type4    ,but   
while the force of circumstances was    
thus developing the ethical  conceptions
 of antiquity in new directions1 the    

mass of the ,roman people  were plunged 
in a condition of depravity which no    
mere ethical teaching  could adequately 
correct4 ,the moral condition of the    
empire is1 indeed1 in  some respects one
 of the most appalling pictures on      
record1 and writers  have much more     
frequently undertaken to paint or even  
to exaggerate its  enormity than to     
investigate the circumstances by which  
it may be  explained4 ,such             
circumstances1 however1 must            
unquestionably exist4 ,there  is no     
reason to believe that the innate       
propensities of the people were  worse  
during the ,empire than during the best 
days of the ,republic4 ,the  depravity  
of a nation is a phenomenon which1 like 
all others1 may be  traced to definite  
causes1 and in the instance before us   
they are not  difficult to discover4    
,i have already said that the virtue of 
the ,romans was a military and          
patriotic virtue1 formed by the national
 institutions1 and to which  religious  

teaching was merely accessory4 ,the     
domestic1 military1 and  censorial      
discipline1 concurring with the general 
poverty and also with  the agricultural 
pursuits of the people1 had created the 
simplest and most  austere habits1 while
 the institutions of civic liberty      
provided ample  spheres for honourable  
ambition4 ,the nobles1 being the highest
 body in a  free ,state1 and being at   
the same time continually confronted by 
a  formidable opposition under the      
guidance of the tribunes1 were ardently 
devoted to public life4 ,the dangerous  
rivalry of the surrounding ,italian     
,states1 and afterwards of ,carthage1   
demanded and secured a constant         
vigilance4 ,roman education was         
skilfully designed to elicit heroic     
patriotism1 and the great men of the    
past became the ideal figures of the    
imagination4 ,religion hallowed the     
local feeling by rites and legends1     
instituted many useful and domestic     
habits1 taught men the sanctity of      

oaths1 and1 by fostering a continual    
sense of a superintending ,providence1  
gave a depth and solemnity to the whole 
character4    ,such were the chief      
influences by which the national type of
 virtue had  been formed1 but nearly all
 of these were corroded or perverted by 
advancing civilisation4 ,the domestic   
and local religion lost its  ascendancy 
amid the increase of scepticism and the 
invasion of a crowd of  foreign         
superstitions4 ,the simplicity of       
manners1 which sumptuary laws and  the  
institution of the censorship had long  
maintained1 was replaced by the         
extravagances of a ,babylonian luxury4  
,the aristocratic dignity perished  with
 the privileges on which it reposed4    
,the patriotic energy and  enthusiasm   
died away in a universal empire which   
embraced all varieties of  language1    
custom1 and nationality4    ,but        
although the virtues of a poor and      
struggling community necessarily        
disappear before increasing luxury1 they

 are in a normal condition of  society  
replaced by virtues of a different      
stamp4 ,gentler manners and  enlarged   
benevolence follow in the train of      
civilisation1 greater  intellectual     
activity and more extended industrial   
enterprise give a new  importance to the
 moral qualities which each of these    
require1 the circle  of political       
interests expands1 and if the virtues   
that spring from  privilege diminish1   
the virtues that spring from equality   
increase4    ,in ,rome1 however1 there  
were three great causes which impeded   
the normal  development--the ,imperial  
system1 the institution of slavery1 and 
the  gladiatorial shows4 ,each of these 
exercised an influence of the widest and
  most pernicious character on the      
morals of the people4 ,to trace those   
influences in all their ramifications   
would lead me far beyond the limits  ,i 
have assigned to the present work1 but  
,i shall endeavour to give a  concise   
view of their nature and general        

character4    ,the theory of the ,roman 
,empire was that of a representative    
despotism4 ,the  various offices of the 
,republic were not annihilated1 but they
 were  gradually concentrated in a      
single man4 ,the senate was still       
ostensibly  the depository of supreme   
power1 but it was made in fact the mere 
creature  of the ,emperor1 whose power  
was virtually uncontrolled4 ,political  
spies  and private accusers1 who in the 
latter days of the ,republic had been   
encouraged to denounce plots against the
 ,state1 began under ,augustus to       
denounce plots against the ,emperor2 and
 the class being enormously  increased  
under ,tiberius1 and stimulated by the  
promise of part of the  confiscated     
property1 they menaced every leading    
politician and even every  wealthy man4 
,the nobles were gradually depressed1   
ruined1 or driven by the  dangers of    
public life into orgies of private      
luxury4 ,the poor were  conciliated1 not
 by any increase of liberty or even of  

permanent  prosperity1 but by gratuitous
 distributions of corn and by public    
games1  while1 in order to invest       
themselves with a sacred character1 the 
emperors  adopted the religious device  
of an apotheosis4    ,this last         
superstition1 of which some traces may  
still be found in the  titles           
appropriated to royalty1 was not wholly 
a suggestion of  politicians4 ,deified  
men had long occupied a prominent place 
in ancient  belief1 and the founders of 
cities had been very frequently         
worshipped by  the inhabitants47#dbf7   
,although to more educated minds the    
ascription of  divinity to a sovereign  
was simply an unmeaning flattery1       
although it in  no degree prevented     
either innumerable plots against his    
life1 or an  unsparing criticism of his 
memory1 yet the popular reverence not   
unfrequently anticipated politicians in 
representing the emperor as in  some    
special way under the protection of     
,providence4 ,around ,augustus a  whole 

constellation of miraculous stories soon
 clustered4 ,an oracle1 it  was said1   
had declared his native city destined to
 produce a ruler of the  world4 ,when a 
child1 he had been borne by invisible   
hands from his cradle1  and placed on a 
lofty tower1 where he was found with his
 face turned to  the rising sun4 ,he    
rebuked the frogs that croaked around   
his grandfather's  home1 and they became
 silent for ever4 ,an eagle snatched a  
piece of bread  from his hand1 soared   
into the air1 and then1 descending1     
presented it to  him again4 ,another    
eagle dropped at his feet a chicken1    
bearing a  laurel-branch in its beak4   
,when his body was burnt1 his image was 
seen  rising to heaven above the flames4
 ,when another man tried to sleep in the
  bed in which the ,emperor had been    
born1 the profane intruder was dragged  
forth by an unseen hand4 ,a patrician   
named ,ltorius1 having been condemned   
for adultery1 pleaded in mitigation of  
the sentence that he was the happy      

possessor of the spot of ground on which
 ,augustus was born47#dbg7 ,an  ,asiatic
 town1 named ,cyzicus1 was deprived of  
its freedom by ,tiberius1  chiefly      
because it had neglected the worship of 
,augustus47#dbh7 ,partly1 no  doubt1 by 
policy1 but partly also by that         
spontaneous process by which in  a      
superstitious age conspicuous characters
 so often become the nuclei of          
legends17#dbi7 each emperor was         
surrounded by a supernatural aureole4   
,every  usurpation1 every break in the  
ordinary line of succession1 was        
adumbrated  by a series of miracles2 and
 signs1 both in heaven and earth1 were  
manifested whenever an emperor was about
 to die4    ,of the emperors themselves1
 a great majority1 no doubt1 accepted   
their  divine honours as an empty       
pageant1 and more than one exhibited    
beneath  the purple a simplicity of     
tastes and character which the boasted  
heroes  of the ,republic had never      
surpassed4 ,it is related of ,vespasian 

that1 when  dying1 he jested mournfully 
on his approaching dignity1 observing1  
as he  felt his strength ebbing away1   
8,i think ,i am becoming a god407#dcj7  
,alexander ,severus and ,julian refused 
to accept the ordinary language of      
adulation1 and of those who did not     
reject it we know that many looked  upon
 it as a modern sovereign looks upon the
 phraseology of petitions or  the       
ceremonies of the ,court4 ,even ,nero   
was so far from being intoxicated  with 
his ,imperial dignity that he           
continually sought triumphs as a singer 
or an actor1 and it was his artistic    
skill1 not his divine prerogatives1     
that excited his vanity47#dca7          
,caligula1 however1 who appears to have 
been  literally deranged17#dcb7 is said 
to have accepted his divinity as a      
serious fact1 to have substituted his   
own head for that of ,jupiter on many   
of the statues17#dcc7 and to have once  
started furiously from his seat  during 
a thunderstorm that had interrupted a   

gladiatorial show1 shouting  with       
frantic gestures his imprecations       
against ,heaven1 and declaring that  the
 divided empire was indeed intolerable1 
that either ,jupiter or himself  must   
speedily succumb47#dcd7 ,heliogabalus1  
if we may give any credence to  his     
biographer1 confounded all things1 human
 and divine1 in hideous and  blasphemous
 orgies1 and designed to unite all forms
 of religion in the  worship of         
himself47#dce7    ,a curious consequence
 of this apotheosis was that the images 
of the  emperors were invested with a   
sacred character like those of the gods4
  ,they were the recognised refuge of   
the slave or the oppressed17#dcf7 and   
the smallest disrespect to them was     
resented as a heinous crime4 ,under     
,tiberius1 slaves and criminals were    
accustomed to hold in their hands an    
image of the emperor1 and1 being thus   
protected1 to pour with impunity a      
torrent of defiant insolence upon their 
masters or judges47#dcg7 ,under the     

same emperor1 a man having1 when drunk1 
accidentally touched a nameless         
domestic utensil with a ring on which   
the head of the emperor was carved1  he 
was immediately denounced by a          
spy47#dch7 ,a man in this reign was     
accused of high treason for having sold 
an image of the emperor with a          
garden47#dci7 ,it was made a capital    
offence to beat a slave1 or to undress1 
near a statue of ,augustus1 or to enter 
a brothel with a piece of money on      
which his head was engraved17#ddj7 and  
at a later period a woman1 it is  said1 
was actually executed for undressing    
before the statue of  ,domitian47#dda7  
,it may easily be conceived that men who
 had been raised to this pinnacle  of   
arrogance and power1 men who exercised  
uncontrolled authority in the  midst of 
a society in a state of profound        
corruption1 were often guilty of  the   
most atrocious extravagances4 ,in the   
first period of the ,empire more        
especially1 when traditions were not yet

 formed1 and when experience had  not   
yet shown the dangers of the throne1 the
 brains of some of its  occupants reeled
 at their elevation1 and a kind of moral
 insanity ensued4  ,the pages of        
,suetonius remain as an eternal witness 
of the abysses of  depravity1 the       
hideous1 intolerable cruelty1 the       
hitherto unimagined  extravagances of   
nameless lust that were then manifested 
on the ,palatine1  and while they cast a
 fearful light upon the moral chaos into
 which pagan  society had sunk1 they    
furnish ample evidence of the           
demoralising  influences of the empire4 
,the throne was1 it is true1 occupied by
 some of  the best as well as by some of
 the worst men who have ever lived2 but 
the  evil1 though checked and mitigated1
 was never abolished4 ,the corruption of
  a ,court1 the formation of a          
profession of spies1 the encouragement  
given  to luxury1 the distributions of  
corn1 and the multiplication of games1  
were evils which varied greatly in their

 degrees of intensity1 but the  very    
existence of the empire prevented the   
creation of those habits of  political  
life which formed the moral type of the 
great republics of  antiquity4 ,liberty1
 which is often very unfavourable to    
theological  systems1 is almost always  
in the end favourable to morals2 for the
 most  effectual method that has been   
devised for diverting men from vice is  
to  give free scope to a higher         
ambition4 ,this scope was absolutely    
wanting in  the ,roman ,empire1 and the 
moral condition1 in the absence of      
lasting  political habits1 fluctuated   
greatly with the character of the       
,emperors4    ,the results of the       
institution of slavery were probably    
even more serious4  ,in addition to its 
manifest effect in encouraging a        
tyrannical and  ferocious spirit in the 
masters1 it cast a stigma upon all      
labour1 and at  once degraded and       
impoverished the free poor4 ,in modern  
societies the  formation of an          

influential and numerous middle class1  
trained in the  sober and regular habits
 of industrial life1 is the chief       
guarantee of  national morality1 and    
where such a class exists1 the disorders
 of the  upper ranks1 though undoubtedly
 injurious1 are never fatal to society4 
,the  influence of great outbursts of   
fashionable depravity1 such as that     
which  followed the ,restoration in     
,england1 is rarely more than           
superficial4 ,the  aristocracy may revel
 in every excess of ostentatious vice1  
but the great  mass of the people1 at   
the loom1 the counter1 or the plough1   
continue  unaffected by their example1  
and the habits of life into which they  
are  forced by the condition of their   
trades preserve them from gross         
depravity4 ,it was the most frightful   
feature of the corruption of ancient    
,rome that it extended through every    
class of the community4 ,in the absence 
of all but the simplest machinery1      
manufactures1 with the vast industrial  

life they beget1 were unknown4 ,the poor
 citizen found almost all the  spheres  
in which an honourable livelihood might 
be obtained wholly or at  least in a    
very great degree preoccupied by slaves1
 while he had learnt to  regard trade   
with an invincible repugnance4 ,hence   
followed the immense  increase of       
corrupt and corrupting professions1 as  
actors1 pantomimes1  hired gladiators1  
political spies1 ministers to passion1  
astrologers1  religious charlatans1     
pseudo-philosophers1 which gave the free
 classes a  precarious and occasional   
subsistence1 and hence1 too1 the        
gigantic  dimensions of the system of   
clientage4 ,every rich man was          
surrounded by a  train of dependants1   
who lived in a great measure at his     
expense1 and  spent their lives in      
ministering to his passions and         
flattering his  vanity4 ,and1 above all1
 the public distribution of corn1 and   
occasionally  of money1 was carried on  
to such an extent1 that1 so far as the  

first  necessaries of life were         
concerned1 the whole poor free          
population of ,rome  was supported      
gratuitously by the ,government4 ,to    
effect this distribution  promptly and  
lavishly was the main object of the     
,imperial policy1 and its  consequences 
were worse than could have resulted from
 the most extravagant  poor-laws or the 
most excessive charity4 ,the mass of the
 people were  supported in absolute     
idleness by corn1 which was given       
without any  reference to desert1 and   
was received1 not as a favour1 but as a 
right1  while gratuitous public         
amusements still further diverted them  
from  labour4    ,under these influences
 the population rapidly dwindled away4  
,productive  enterprise was almost      
extinct in ,italy1 and an unexampled    
concurrence of  causes made a vicious   
celibacy the habitual condition4        
,already in the days  of ,augustus the  
evil was apparent1 and the dangers which
 in later reigns  drove the patricians  

still more generally from public life1  
drove them  more and more into every    
extravagance of sensuality4 ,greece1    
since the  destruction of her liberty1  
and also the leading cities of ,asia    
,minor and  of ,egypt1 had become       
centres of the wildest corruption1 and  
,greek and  ,oriental captives were     
innumerable in ,rome4 ,ionian slaves of 
a surpassing  beauty1 ,alexandrian      
slaves1 famous for their subtle skill in
 stimulating  the jaded senses of the   
confirmed and sated libertine1 became   
the  ornaments of every patrician house1
 the companions and the instructors of  
the young4 ,the disinclination to       
marriage was so general1 that men who   
spent their lives in endeavouring by    
flatteries to secure the inheritance  of
 wealthy bachelors became a numerous and
 a notorious class4 ,the slave          
population was itself a hotbed of vice1 
and it contaminated all with which  it  
came in contact2 while the attractions  
of the games1 and especially of  the    

public baths1 which became the habitual 
resort of the idle1 combined  with the  
charms of the ,italian climate1 and with
 the miserable domestic  architecture   
that was general1 to draw the poor      
citizens from indoor life4  ,idleness1  
amusements1 and a bare subsistence were 
alone desired1 and the  general practice
 of abortion among the rich1 and of     
infanticide and  exposition in all      
classes1 still further checked the      
population4    ,the destruction of all  
public spirit in a population so        
situated was  complete and inevitable4  
,in the days of the ,republic a consul  
had once  advocated the admission of a  
brave ,italian people to the right of   
,roman  citizenship1 on the ground that 
8those who thought only of liberty      
deserved to be ,romans407#ddb7 ,in the  
,empire all liberty was cheerfully      
bartered for games and corn1 and the    
worst tyrant could by these means be    
secure of popularity4 ,in the ,republic1
 when ,marius threw open the houses  of 

those he had proscribed1 to be          
plundered1 the people1 by a noble       
abstinence1 rebuked the act1 for no     
,roman could be found to avail himself  
of the permission47#ddc7 ,in the        
,empire1 when the armies of ,vitellius  
and  ,vespasian were disputing the      
possession of the city1 the degenerate  
,romans  gathered with delight to the   
spectacle as to a gladiatorial show1    
plundered the deserted houses1          
encouraged either army by their reckless
  plaudits1 dragged out the fugitives to
 be slain1 and converted into a         
festival the calamity of their          
country47#ddd7 ,the degradation of the  
national character was permanent4       
,neither the teaching of the ,stoics1   
nor  the government of the ,antonines1  
nor the triumph of ,christianity could  
restore it4 ,indifferent to liberty1 the
 ,roman now1 as then1 asks only for  an 
idle subsistence and for public         
spectacles1 and countless monasteries   
and ecclesiastical pageants occupy in   

modern ,rome the same place as did  the 
distributions of corn and the games of  
the amphitheatre in the ,rome of  the   
,csars4    ,it must be remembered1 too1 
that while public spirit had thus       
decayed in  the capital of the empire1  
there existed no independent or rival   
power to  reanimate by its example the  
smouldering flame4 ,the existence in    
modern  ,europe of many distinct nations
 on the same level of civilisation1 but 
with different forms of government and  
conditions of national life1  secures   
the permanence of some measure of       
patriotism and liberty4 ,if these       
perish in one nation1 they survive in   
another1 and each people affects  those 
about it by its rivalry or example4 ,but
 an empire which comprised  all the     
civilised globe could know nothing of   
this political interaction4  ,in        
religious1 social1 intellectual1 and    
moral life1 foreign ideas were  very    
discernible1 but the enslaved provinces 
could have no influence in  rekindling  

political life in the centre1 and those 
which rivalled ,italy in  their         
civilisation1 even surpassed it in their
 corruption and their  servility4    ,in
 reviewing1 however1 the conditions upon
 which the moral state of the  empire   
depended1 there are still two very      
important centres or seed-plots  of     
virtue to which it is necessary to      
advert4 ,i mean the pursuit of          
agriculture and the discipline of the   
army4 ,a very early tradition1 which    
was attributed to ,romulus1 had declared
 that warfare and agriculture were  the 
only honourable occupations for a       
citizen17#dde7 and it would be          
difficult to overrate the influence of  
the last in forming temperate and       
virtuous habits among the people4 ,it is
 the subject of the only extant  work of
 the elder ,cato4 ,virgil had adorned it
 with the lustre of his  poetry4 ,a very
 large part of the ,roman religion was  
intended to symbolise  its stages or    
consecrate its operations4 ,varro       

expressed an eminently  ,roman sentiment
 in that beautiful sentence which       
,cowper has introduced  into ,english   
poetry1 8,divine ,providence made the   
country1 but human art  the town407#ddf7
 ,the reforms of ,vespasian consisted   
chiefly of the  elevation to high       
positions of the agriculturists of the  
provinces4  ,antoninus1 who was probably
 the most perfect of all the ,roman     
emperors1  was through his whole reign a
 zealous farmer4    ,as far as the      
distant provinces were concerned1 it is 
probable that the  ,imperial system was 
on the whole a good4 ,the scandalous    
rapacity of the  provincial governors1  
which disgraced the closing years of the
 ,republic1  and which is immortalised  
by the indignant eloquence of ,cicero1  
appears to  have ceased1 or at least    
greatly diminished1 under the           
supervision of the  emperors4 ,ample    
municipal freedom1 good roads1 and for  
the most part wise  and temperate       
rulers1 secured for the distant sections

 of the empire a  large measure of      
prosperity4 ,but in ,italy itself1      
agriculture1 with the  habits of life   
that attended it1 speedily and fatally  
decayed4 ,the peasant  proprietor soon  
glided hopelessly into debt4 ,the       
immense advantages which  slavery gave  
the rich gradually threw nearly all the 
,italian soil into  their hands4 ,the   
peasant who ceased to be proprietor     
found himself  excluded by slave labour 
from the position of a hired cultivator1
 while  the gratuitous distributions of 
corn drew him readily to the metropolis4
  ,the gigantic scale of these          
distributions induced the rulers to     
obtain  their corn in the form of a     
tribute from distant countries1 chiefly 
from  ,africa and ,sicily1 and it almost
 ceased to be cultivated in ,italy4 ,the
  land fell to waste1 or was cultivated 
by slaves or converted into pasture1    
and over vast tracts the race of free   
peasants entirely disappeared4    ,this 
great revolution1 which profoundly      

affected the moral condition of  ,italy1
 had long been impending4 ,the debts of 
the poor peasants1 and the  tendency of 
the patricians to monopolise the        
conquered territory1 had  occasioned    
some of the fiercest contests of the    
,republic1 and in the  earliest days of 
the ,empire the blight that seemed to   
have fallen on the  ,italian soil was   
continually and pathetically lamented4  
,livy1 ,varro1  ,columella1 and ,pliny  
have noticed it in the most emphatic    
terms17#ddg7 and  ,tacitus observed that
 as early as the reign of ,claudius1    
,italy1 which had  once supplied the    
distant provinces with corn1 had become 
dependent for  the very necessaries of  
life upon the winds and the waves47#ddh7
 ,the evil  was indeed of an almost     
hopeless kind4 ,adverse winds1 or any   
other  accidental interruption of the   
convoys of corn1 occasioned severe      
distress  in the capital2 but the       
prospect of the calamities that would   
ensue if any  misfortune detached the   

great corn-growing countries from the   
empire1  might well have appalled the   
politician4 ,yet the combined influence 
of  slavery1 and of the gratuitous      
distributions of corn1 acting in the    
manner  ,i have described1 rendered     
every effort to revive ,italian         
agriculture  abortive1 and slavery had  
taken such deep root that it would have 
been  impossible to abolish it1 while no
 emperor dared to encounter the         
calamities and rebellion that would     
follow a suspension or even a           
restriction of the distributions47#ddi7 
,many serious efforts were made to      
remedy the evil47#dej7 ,alexander       
,severus advanced money to the poor to  
buy  portions of land1 and accepted a   
gradual payment without interest from   
the  produce of the soil4 ,pertinax     
settled poor men as proprietors on      
deserted  land1 on the sole condition   
that they should cultivate it4 ,marcus  
,aurelius  began1 and ,aurelian and     
,valentinian continued1 the system of   

settling  great numbers of barbarian    
captives upon the ,italian soil1 and    
compelling  them as slaves to till it4  
,the introduction of this large foreign 
element  into the heart of ,italy was   
eventually one of the causes of the     
downfall  of the empire1 and it is also 
about this time that we first dimly     
trace  the condition of serfdom or      
servitude to the soil into which slavery
  afterwards faded1 and which was for   
some centuries the general condition  of
 the ,european poor4 ,but the economical
 and moral causes that were  destroying 
agriculture in ,italy were too strong to
 be resisted1 and the  simple habits of 
life which agricultural pursuits promote
 had little or no  place in the later   
empire4    ,a somewhat less rapid but in
 the end not less complete decadence had
 taken  place in military life4 ,the    
,roman army was at first recruited      
exclusively  from the upper classes1 and
 the service1 which lasted only during  
actual  warfare1 was gratuitous4 ,before

 the close of the ,republic1 however1   
these  conditions had disappeared4      
,military pay is said to have been      
instituted  at the time of the siege of 
,veii47#dea7 ,some ,spaniards who were  
enrolled  during the rivalry of ,rome   
and ,carthage were the first example of 
the  employment of foreign mercenaries  
by the former47#deb7 ,marius abolished  
the  property qualification of the      
recruits47#dec7 ,in long residences in  
,spain  and in the ,asiatic provinces   
discipline gradually relaxed1 and the   
historian who traced the progress of    
,oriental luxury in ,rome dwelt with a  
just emphasis upon the ominous fact that
 it had first been introduced into  the 
city by soldiers47#ded7 ,the civil wars 
contributed to the destruction  of the  
old military traditions1 but being      
conducted by able generals it is        
probable that they had more effect upon 
the patriotism than upon the  discipline
 of the army4 ,augustus reorganised the 
whole military system1  establishing a  

body of soldiers known as the ,prtorian 
guard1 and  dignified with some special 
privileges1 permanently in ,rome1 while 
the  other legions were chiefly mustered
 upon the frontiers4 ,during his long   
reign1 and during that of ,tiberius1    
both sections were quiescent1 but the   
murder of ,caligula by his soldiers     
opened a considerable period of         
insubordination4 ,claudius1 it was      
observed1 first set the fatal example of
  purchasing his safety from his        
soldiers by bribes47#dee7 ,the armies of
 the  provinces soon discovered that it 
was possible to elect an emperor outside
  ,rome1 and ,galba1 ,otho1 ,vitellius1 
and ,vespasian were all the creatures of
  revolt4 ,the evil was1 however1 not   
yet past recovery4 ,vespasian and       
,trajan  enforced discipline with great 
stringency and success4 ,the emperors   
began  more frequently to visit the     
camps4 ,the number of the soldiers was  
small1  and for some time the turbulence
 subsided4 ,the history of the worst    

period  of the ,empire1 it has been     
truly observed1 is full of instances of 
brave  soldiers trying1 under           
circumstances of extreme difficulty1    
simply to do  their duty4 ,but the      
historian had soon occasion to notice   
again the  profound influence of the    
voluptuous ,asiatic cities upon the     
legions47#def7  ,removed for many years 
from ,italy1 they lost all national     
pride1 their  allegiance was transferred
 from the sovereign to the general1 and 
when the  ,imperial sceptre fell into   
the hands of a succession of incompetent
  rulers1 they habitually urged their   
commanders to revolt1 and at last       
reduced the empire to a condition of    
military anarchy4 ,a remedy was found   
for this evil1 though not for the       
luxurious habits that had been acquired1
  in the division of the empire1 which  
placed each army under the direct       
supervision of an emperor1 and it is    
probable that at a later period         
,christianity diminished the            

insubordination1 though it may have also
  diminished the military fire1 of the  
soldiers47#deg7 ,but other and still    
more powerful causes were in operation  
preparing the military downfall of      
,rome4 ,the habits of inactivity which  
the ,imperial policy had produced1 and  
which1 through a desire for popularity1 
most emperors laboured to  encourage1   
led to a profound disinclination for the
 hardships of military  life4 ,even the 
,prtorian guard1 which was long         
exclusively ,italian1 was  selected     
after ,septimus ,severus from the       
legions on the frontiers17#deh7  while1 
,italy being relieved from the regular  
conscription1 these were  recruited     
solely in the provinces1 and innumerable
 barbarians were  subsidised4 ,the      
political and military consequences of  
this change are  sufficiently obvious4  
,in an age when1 artillery being        
unknown1 the  military superiority of   
civilised nations over barbarians was   
far less  than at present1 the ,italians

 had become absolutely unaccustomed to  
real  war1 and had acquired habits that 
were beyond all others incompatible with
  military discipline1 while many of the
 barbarians who menaced and at last     
subverted the empire had been actually  
trained by ,roman generals4 ,the  moral 
consequence is equally plain--military  
discipline1 like agricultural  labour1  
ceased to have any part among the moral 
influences of ,italy4    ,to those who  
have duly estimated the considerations  
,i have enumerated1 the  downfall and   
moral debasement of the empire can cause
 no surprise1 though  they may justly   
wonder that its agony should have been  
so protracted1 that  it should have     
produced a multitude of good and great  
men1 both pagan and  ,christian1 and    
that these should have exercised so wide
 an influence as  they unquestionably   
did4 ,almost every institution or       
pursuit by which  virtuous habits would 
naturally have been formed had been     
tainted or  destroyed1 while agencies of

 terrific power were impelling the      
people to  vice4 ,the rich1 excluded    
from most honourable paths of ambition1 
and  surrounded by countless parasites  
who inflamed their every passion1 found 
themselves absolute masters of          
innumerable slaves who were their       
willing  ministers1 and often their     
teachers1 in vice4 ,the poor1 hating    
industry  and destitute of all          
intellectual resources1 lived in        
habitual idleness1  and looked upon     
abject servility as the normal road to  
fortune4 ,but the  picture becomes truly
 appalling when we remember that the    
main amusement  of both classes was the 
spectacle of bloodshed1 of the death1   
and  sometimes of the torture1 of men4  
,the gladiatorial games form1 indeed1   
the one feature of ,roman society  which
 to a modern mind is almost             
inconceivable in its atrocity4 ,that not
  only men1 but women1 in an advanced   
period of civilisation--men and women   
who not only professed but very         

frequently acted upon a high code of    
morals--should have made the carnage of 
men their habitual amusement1 that  all 
this should have continued for          
centuries1 with scarcely a protest1 is  
one of the most startling facts in moral
 history4 ,it is1 however1  perfectly   
normal1 and in no degree inconsistent   
with the doctrine of  natural moral     
perceptions1 while it opens out fields  
of ethical enquiry of  a very deep      
though painful interest4    ,these      
games1 which long eclipsed1 both in     
interest and in influence1 every  other 
form of public amusement at ,rome17#dei7
 were originally religious  ceremonies  
celebrated at the tombs of the great1   
and intended as human  sacrifices to    
appease the ,manes of the dead47#dfj7   
,they were afterwards  defended as a    
means of sustaining the military spirit 
by the constant  spectacle of courageous
 death17#dfa7 and with this object it   
was customary  to give a gladiatorial   
show to soldiers before their departure 

to a  war47#dfb7 ,in addition to these  
functions they had a considerable       
political  importance1 for at a time    
when all the regular organs of liberty  
were  paralysed or abolished1 the ruler 
was accustomed in the arena to meet tens
  of thousands of his subjects1 who     
availed themselves of the opportunity to
  present their petitions1 to declare   
their grievances1 and to censure  freely
 the sovereign or his ministers47#dfc7  
,the games are said to have  been of    
,etruscan origin2 they were first       
introduced into ,rome1 ,b4,c4 #bfd1     
when the two sons of a man named ,brutus
 compelled three pair of gladiators  to 
fight at the funeral of their           
father17#dfd7 and before the close of   
the  ,republic they were common on great
 public occasions1 and1 what appears    
even more horrible1 at the banquets of  
the nobles47#dfe7 ,the rivalry of  ,csar
 and ,pompey greatly multiplied them1   
for each sought by this means to        
ingratiate himself with the people4     

,pompey introduced a new form of combat 
between men and animals47#dff7 ,csar    
abolished the old custom of  restricting
 the mortuary games to the funerals of  
men1 and his daughter  was the first    
,roman lady whose tomb was desecrated by
 human blood47#dfg7  ,besides this      
innovation1 ,csar replaced the temporary
 edifices in which  the games had       
hitherto been held by a permanent wooden
 amphitheatre1  shaded the spectators by
 an awning of precious silk1 compelled  
the  condemned persons on one occasion  
to fight with silver lances17#dfh7 and  
drew so many gladiators into the city   
that the ,senate was obliged to issue   
an enactment restricting their          
number47#dfi7 ,in the earliest years of 
the  ,empire1 ,statilius ,taurus erected
 the first amphitheatre of stone47#dgj7 
,augustus ordered that not more than    
#abj men should fight on a single       
occasion1 and that no prtor should give 
more than two spectacles in a  single   
year17#dga7 and ,tiberius again fixed   

the maximum of combatants17#dgb7  but   
notwithstanding these attempts to limit 
them the games soon acquired  the most  
gigantic proportions4 ,they were        
celebrated habitually by great  men in  
honour of their dead relatives1 by      
officials on coming into office1  by    
conquerors to secure popularity1 and on 
every occasion of public  rejoicing1 and
 by rich tradesmen who were desirous of 
acquiring a social  position47#dgc7     
,they were also among the attractions of
 the public baths4  ,schools of         
gladiators--often the private property  
of rich citizens--existed  in every     
leading city of ,italy1 and1 besides    
slaves and criminals1 they  were        
thronged with freemen1 who voluntarily  
hired themselves for a term of  years4  
,in the eyes of multitudes1 the large   
sums that were paid to the  victor1 the 
patronage of nobles and often of        
emperors1 and still more the  delirium  
of popular enthusiasm that centred upon 
the successful gladiator1  outweighed   

all the dangers of the profession4 ,a   
complete recklessness of  life was soon 
engendered both in the spectators and   
the combatants4 ,the  8lanist10 or      
purveyors of gladiators1 became an      
important profession4  ,wandering bands 
of gladiators traversed ,italy1 hiring  
themselves for the  provincial          
amphitheatres4 ,the influence of the    
games gradually pervaded  the whole     
texture of ,roman life4 ,they became the
 common-place of  conversation47#dgd7   
,the children imitated them in their    
play47#dge7 ,the  philosophers drew from
 them their metaphors and illustrations4
 ,the artists  pourtrayed them in every 
variety of ornament47#dgf7 ,the vestal  
virgins had  a seat of honour in the    
arena47#dgg7 ,the ,colosseum1 which is  
said to have  been capable of containing
 more than #hj1jjj spectators1 eclipsed 
every  other monument of ,imperial      
splendour1 and is even now at once the  
most  imposing and the most             
characteristic relic of pagan ,rome4    

,in the provinces the same passion was  
displayed4 ,from ,gaul to ,syria1       
wherever the ,roman influence extended1 
the spectacles of blood were            
introduced1 and the gigantic remains of 
amphitheatres in many lands still       
attest by their ruined grandeur the     
scale on which they were pursued4 ,in   
the reign of ,tiberius1 more than       
#bj1jjj persons are said to have        
perished  by the fall of the            
amphitheatre at the suburban town of    
,fiden47#dgh7 ,under  ,nero1 the        
,syracusans obtained1 as a special      
favour1 an exemption from the  law which
 limited the number of gladiators47#dgi7
 ,of the vast train of  prisoners       
brought by ,titus from ,judea1 a large  
proportion were destined by  the        
conqueror for the provincial            
games47#dhj7 ,in ,syria1 where they were
  introduced by ,antiochus ,epiphanes1  
they at first produced rather terror    
than pleasure2 but the effeminate       
,syrians soon learned to contemplate    

them  with a passionate enjoyment17#dha7
 and on a single occasion ,agrippa      
caused  #a1djj men to fight in the      
amphitheatre at ,berytus47#dhb7 ,greece 
alone was  in some degree an exception4 
,when an attempt was made to introduce  
the  spectacle into ,athens1 the cynic  
philosopher ,demonax appealed           
successfully  to the better feelings of 
the people by exclaiming1 8,you must    
first  overthrow the altar of           
,pity407#dhc7 ,the games are said to    
have afterwards  penetrated to ,athens1 
and to have been suppressed by          
,apollonius of  ,tyana27#dhd7 but with  
the exception of ,corinth1 where a very 
large foreign  population existed1      
,greece never appears to have shared the
 general  enthusiasm47#dhe7    ,one of  
the first consequences of this taste was
 to render the people  absolutely unfit 
for those tranquil and refined          
amusements which usually  accompany     
civilisation4 ,to men who were          
accustomed to witness the fierce        

vicissitudes of deadly combat1 any      
spectacle that did not elicit the       
strongest excitement was insipid4 ,the  
only amusements that at all rivalled    
the spectacles of the amphitheatre and  
the circus were those which  appealed   
strongly to the sensual passions1 such  
as the games of ,flora1 the  postures of
 the pantomimes1 and the ballet47#dhf7  
,roman comedy1 indeed1  flourished for a
 short period1 but only by throwing     
itself into the same  career4 ,the      
pander and the courtesan are the leading
 characters of  ,plautus1 and the more  
modest ,terence never attained an equal 
popularity4  ,the different forms of    
vice have a continual tendency to act   
and react  upon one another1 and the    
intense craving after excitement which  
the  amphitheatre must necessarily have 
produced1 had probably no small         
influence in stimulating the orgies of  
sensuality which ,tacitus and           
,suetonius describe4    ,but if comedy  
could to a certain extent flourish with 

the gladiatorial  games1 it was not so  
with tragedy4 ,it is1 indeed1 true that 
the tragic  actor can exhibit displays  
of more intense agony and of a grander  
heroism  than were ever witnessed in the
 arena4 ,his mission is not to paint    
nature  as it exists in the light of    
day1 but nature as it exists in the     
heart of  man4 ,his gestures1 his tones1
 his looks1 are such as would never have
 been  exhibited by the person he       
represents1 but they display to the     
audience  the full intensity of the     
emotions which that person would have   
felt1 but  which he would have been     
unable adequately to reveal4 ,but to    
those who  were habituated to the       
intense realism of the amphitheatre1 the
 idealised  suffering of the stage was  
unimpressive4 ,all the genius of a      
,siddons or a  ,ristori would fail to   
move an audience who had continually    
seen living men  fall bleeding and      
mangled at their feet4 ,one of the first
 functions of the  stage is to raise to 

the highest point the susceptibility to 
disgust4 ,when  ,horace said that ,medea
 should not kill her children upon the  
stage1 he  enunciated not a mere        
arbitrary rule1 but one which grows     
necessarily out  of the development of  
the drama4 ,it is an essential          
characteristic of a  refined and        
cultivated taste to be shocked and      
offended at the spectacle  of bloodshed2
 and the theatre1 which somewhat        
dangerously dissociates  sentiment from 
action1 and causes men to waste their   
compassion on ideal  sufferings1 is at  
least a barrier against the extreme     
forms of cruelty by  developing this    
susceptibility to the highest degree4   
,the gladiatorial  games1 on the other  
hand1 destroyed all sense of disgust1   
and therefore  all refinement of taste1 
and they rendered the permanent triumph 
of the  drama impossible47#dhg7    ,it  
is abundantly evident1 both from history
 and from present experience1  that the 
instinctive shock1 or natural feeling of

 disgust1 caused by the  sight of the   
sufferings of men is not generically    
different from that  which is caused by 
the sight of the sufferings of animals4 
,the latter1 to  those who are not      
accustomed to it1 is intensely painful4 
,the former  continually becomes by use 
a matter of absolute indifference4 ,if  
the  repugnance which is felt in the one
 case appears greater than in the       
other1 it is not on account of any      
innate sentiment which commands us to   
reverence our species1 but simply       
because our imagination finds less      
difficulty in realising human than      
animal suffering1 and also because      
education has strengthened our feelings 
in the one case much more than in  the  
other4 ,there is1 however1 no fact more 
clearly established than that  when men 
have regarded it as not a crime to kill 
some class of their  fellow-men1 they   
have soon learnt to do so with no more  
natural  compunction or hesitation than 
they would exhibit in killing a wild    

animal4 ,this is the normal condition of
 savage men4 ,colonists and ,red        
,indians even now often shoot each other
 with precisely the same  indifference  
as they shoot beasts of prey1 and the   
whole history of  warfare--especially   
when warfare was conducted on more      
savage principles  than at present--is  
an illustration of the fact4 ,startling1
 therefore1 as  it may now appear1 it is
 in no degree unnatural that ,roman     
spectators  should have contemplated    
with perfect equanimity the slaughter of
 men4 ,the  ,spaniard1 who is brought in
 infancy to the bull-ring1 soon learns  
to gaze  with indifference or with      
pleasure upon sights before which the   
unpractised eye of the stranger quails  
with horror1 and the same process  would
 be equally efficacious had the         
spectacle been the sufferings of men4   
,we now look back with indignation upon 
this indifference2 but yet1  although it
 may be hard to realise1 it is probably 
true that there is  scarcely a human    

being who might not by custom be so     
indurated as to share  it4 ,had the most
 benevolent person lived in a country in
 which the  innocence of these games was
 deemed axiomatic1 had he been taken to 
them  in his very childhood1 and        
accustomed to associate them with his   
earliest  dreams of romance1 and had he 
then been left simply to the play of the
  emotions1 the first paroxysm of horror
 would have soon subsided1 the          
shrinking repugnance that followed would
 have grown weaker and weaker1 the      
feeling of interest would have been     
aroused1 and the time would probably    
come in which it would reign alone4 ,but
 even this absolute indifference to  the
 sight of human suffering does not      
represent the full evil resulting  from 
the gladiatorial games4 ,that some men  
are so constituted as to be  capable of 
taking a real and lively pleasure in the
 simple contemplation  of suffering as  
suffering1 and without any reference to 
their own  interests1 is a proposition  

which has been strenuously denied by    
those in  whose eyes vice is nothing    
more than a displacement1 or            
exaggeration1 of  lawful self-regarding 
feelings1 and others1 who have admitted 
the reality  of the phenomenon1 have    
treated it as a very rare and           
exceptional  disease47#dhh7 ,that it is 
so--at least in its extreme forms--in   
the present  condition of society1 may  
reasonably be hoped1 though ,i imagine  
that few  persons who have watched the  
habits of boys would question that to   
take  pleasure in giving at least some  
degree of pain is sufficiently common1  
and though it is not quite certain that 
all the sports of adult men would  be   
entered into with exactly the same zest 
if their victims were not  sentient     
beings4 ,but in every society in which  
atrocious punishments have  been common1
 this side of human nature has acquired 
an undoubted  prominence4 ,it is related
 of ,claudius that his special delight  
at the  gladiatorial shows was in       

watching the countenances of the dying1 
for he  had learnt to take an artistic  
pleasure in observing the variations of 
their agony47#dhi7 ,when the gladiator  
lay prostrate it was customary for  the 
spectators to give the sign with their  
thumbs1 indicating whether they  desired
 him to be spared or slain1 and the     
giver of the show reaped most           
popularity when1 in the latter case1 he 
permitted no consideration of  economy  
to make him hesitate to sanction the    
popular award47#dij7    ,besides this1  
the mere desire for novelty impelled the
 people to every  excess or refinement  
of barbarity47#dia7 ,the simple combat  
became at last  insipid1 and every      
variety of atrocity was devised to      
stimulate the  flagging interest4 ,at   
one time a bear and a bull1 chained     
together1 rolled  in fierce contest     
along the sand2 at another1 criminals   
dressed in the  skins of wild beasts    
were thrown to bulls1 which were        
maddened by red-hot  irons1 or by darts 

tipped with burning pitch4 ,four hundred
 bears were  killed on a single day     
under ,caligula2 three hundred on       
another day under  ,claudius4 ,under    
,nero1 four hundred tigers fought with  
bulls and elephants2  four hundred bears
 and three hundred lions were           
slaughtered by his  soldiers4 ,in a     
single day1 at the dedication of the    
,colosseum by ,titus1  five thousand    
animals perished4 ,under ,trajan1 the   
games continued for one  hundred and    
twenty-three successive days47#dib7     
,lions1 tigers1 elephants1              
rhinoceroses1 hippopotami1 giraffes1    
bulls1 stags1 even crocodiles and       
serpents1 were employed to give novelty 
to the spectacle4 ,nor was any form  of 
human suffering wanting4 ,the first     
,gordian1 when edile1 gave twelve       
spectacles1 in each of which from one   
hundred and fifty to five hundred  pair 
of gladiators appeared47#dic7 ,eight    
hundred pair fought at the triumph  of  
,aurelian47#did7 ,ten thousand men      

fought during the games of              
,trajan47#die7  ,nero illumined his     
gardens during the night by ,christians 
burning in their  pitchy shirts47#dif7  
,under ,domitian1 an army of feeble     
dwarfs was compelled  to fight17#dig7   
and1 more than once1 female gladiators  
descended to perish  in the arena47#dih7
 ,a criminal personating a fictitious   
character was  nailed to a cross1 and   
there torn by a bear47#dii7 ,another1   
representing  ,scvola1 was compelled to 
hold his hand in a real flame47#ejj7 ,a 
third1 as  ,hercules1 was burnt alive   
upon the pile47#eja7 ,so intense was the
 craving  for blood1 that a prince was  
less unpopular if he neglected the      
distribution of corn than if he         
neglected the games2 and ,nero himself1 
on  account of his munificence in this  
respect1 was probably the sovereign who 
was most beloved by the ,roman          
multitude4 ,heliogabalus and ,galerius  
are  reported1 when dining1 to have     
regaled themselves with the sight of    

criminals torn by wild beasts4 ,it was  
said of the latter that 8he never       
supped without human blood407#ejb7      
,it is well for us to look steadily on  
such facts as these4 ,they display  more
 vividly than any mere philosophical    
disquisition the abyss of  depravity    
into which it is possible for human     
nature to sink4 ,they furnish  us with  
striking proofs of the reality of the   
moral progress we have  attained1 and   
they enable us in some degree to        
estimate the regenerating  influence    
that ,christianity has exercised in the 
world4 ,for the  destruction of the     
gladiatorial games is all its work4     
,philosophers1  indeed1 might deplore   
them1 gentle natures might shrink from  
their  contagion1 but to the multitude  
they possessed a fascination which      
nothing  but the new religion could     
overcome4    ,nor was this fascination  
surprising1 for no pageant has ever     
combined more  powerful elements of     
attraction4 ,the magnificent circus1 the

 gorgeous  dresses of the assembled     
,court1 the contagion of a passionate   
enthusiasm  thrilling almost visibly    
through the mighty throng1 the          
breathless silence  of expectation1 the 
wild cheers bursting simultaneously from
 eighty  thousand tongues1 and echoing  
to the farthest outskirts of the city1  
the  rapid alternations of the fray1 the
 deeds of splendid courage that were    
manifested1 were all well fitted to     
entrance the imagination4 ,the crimes   
and servitude of the gladiator were for 
a time forgotten in the blaze of  glory 
that surrounded him4 ,representing to   
the highest degree that courage  which  
the ,romans deemed the first of virtues1
 the cynosure of countless  eyes1 the   
chief object of conversation in the     
metropolis of the universe1  destined1  
if victorious1 to be immortalised in the
 mosaic and the  sculpture17#ejc7 he not
 unfrequently rose to heroic grandeur4  
,the gladiator  ,spartacus for three    
years defied the bravest armies of      

,rome4 ,the greatest  of ,roman generals
 had chosen gladiators for his          
body-guard47#ejd7 ,a band of            
gladiators1 faithful even to death1     
followed the fortunes of the fallen     
,antony1 when all besides had deserted  
him47#eje7 ,beautiful eyes1 trembling   
with passion1 looked down upon the      
fight1 and the noblest ladies in ,rome1 
even the empress herself1 had been known
 to crave the victor's love47#ejf7  ,we 
read of gladiators lamenting that the   
games occurred so seldom17#ejg7         
complaining bitterly if they were not   
permitted to descend into the           
arena17#ejh7 scorning to fight except   
with the most powerful                  
antagonists17#eji7 laughing aloud as    
their wounds were dressed17#eaj7 and at 
last1 when prostrate in the dust1 calmly
 turning their throats to the  sword of 
the conqueror47#eaa7 ,the enthusiasm    
that gathered round them was  so intense
 that special laws were found necessary1
 and were sometimes  insufficient to    

prevent patricians from enlisting in    
their ranks17#eab7  while the tranquil  
courage with which they never failed to 
die supplied  the philosopher with his  
most striking examples47#eac7 ,the      
severe  continence that was required    
before the combat1 contrasting vividly  
with  the licentiousness of ,roman life1
 had even invested them with something  
of  a moral dignity2 and it is a        
singularly suggestive fact that of all  
pagan  characters the gladiator was     
selected by the ,fathers as the closest 
approximation to a ,christian           
model47#ead7 ,st4 ,augustine tells us   
how one of  his friends1 being drawn to 
the spectacle1 endeavoured by closing   
his eyes  to guard against a fascination
 he knew to be sinful4 ,a sudden cry    
caused  him to break his resolution1 and
 he never could withdraw his gaze       
again47#eae7    ,and while the          
influences of the amphitheatre gained a 
complete ascendancy  over the populace1 
the ,roman was not without excuses that 

could lull his  moral feelings to       
repose4 ,the games1 as ,i have said1    
were originally human                   
sacrifices--religious rites sacred to   
the dead--and it was argued that the    
death of the gladiator was both more    
honourable and more merciful than  that 
of the passive victim1 who1 in the      
,homeric age1 was sacrificed at the     
tomb4 ,the combatants were either       
professional gladiators1 slaves1        
criminals1 or military captives4 ,the   
lot of the first was voluntary4 ,the    
second had for a long time been regarded
 as almost beneath or beyond a          
freeman's care2 but when the enlarging  
circle of sympathy had made the  ,romans
 regard their slaves as 8a kind of      
second human nature107#eaf7 they        
perceived the atrocity of exposing them 
in the games1 and an edict of the       
emperor forbade it47#eag7 ,the third had
 been condemned to death1 and as the    
victorious gladiator was at least       
sometimes pardoned17#eah7 a permission  

to  fight was regarded as an act of     
mercy4 ,the fate of the fourth could not
  strike the early ,roman with the      
horror it would now inspire1 for the    
right  of the conquerors to massacre    
their prisoners was almost universally  
admitted47#eai7 ,but1 beyond the point  
of desiring the games to be in some     
degree restricted1 extremely few of the 
moralists of the ,roman ,empire ever    
advanced4 ,that it was a horrible and   
demoralising thing to make the          
spectacle of the deaths1 even of guilty 
men1 a form of popular amusement1  was a
 position which no ,roman school had    
attained1 and which was only  reached by
 a very few individuals4 ,cicero        
observes1 8that the gladiatorial        
spectacles appear to some cruel and     
inhuman10 and1 he adds1 8,i know not    
whether as they are now conducted it is 
not so1 but when guilty men are         
compelled to fight1 no better discipline
 against suffering and death can  be    
presented to the eye407#ebj7 ,seneca1 it

 is true1 adopts a far nobler  language4
 ,he denounced the games with a         
passionate eloquence4 ,he refuted       
indignantly the argument derived from   
the guilt of the combatants1 and        
declared that under every form and      
modification these amusements were      
brutalising1 savage1 and                
detestable47#eba7 ,plutarch went even   
farther1 and  condemned the combats of  
wild beasts on the ground that we should
 have a  bond of sympathy with all      
sentient beings1 and that the sight of  
blood and  of suffering is necessarily  
and essentially depraving47#ebb7 ,to    
these  instances we may add ,petronius1 
who condemned the shows in his poem on  
the  civil war2 ,junius ,mauricus1 who  
refused to permit the inhabitants of    
,vienne to celebrate them1 and replied  
to the remonstrances of the emperor1    
8,would to ,heaven it were possible to  
abolish such spectacles1 even at        
,rome607#ebc7 and1 above all1 ,marcus   
,aurelius1 who1 by compelling the       

gladiators to fight with blunted swords1
 rendered them for a time  comparatively
 harmless47#ebd7 ,but these1 with the   
,athenian remonstrances ,i  have already
 noticed1 are almost the only instances 
now remaining of pagan  protests against
 the most conspicuous as well as the    
most atrocious  feature of the age4     
,juvenal1 whose unsparing satire has    
traversed the  whole field of ,roman    
manners1 and who denounces fiercely all 
cruelty to  slaves1 has repeatedly      
noticed the gladiatorial shows1 but on  
no single  occasion does he intimate    
that they were inconsistent with        
humanity4 ,of  all the great historians 
who recorded them1 not one seems to have
 been  conscious that he was recording a
 barbarity1 not one appears to have seen
  in them any greater evils than an     
increasing tendency to pleasure and the 
excessive multiplication of a dangerous 
class4 ,the ,roman sought to make  men  
brave and fearless1 rather than gentle  
and humane1 and in his eyes  that       

spectacle was to be applauded which     
steeled the heart against the  fear of  
death1 even at the sacrifice of the     
affections4 ,titus and ,trajan1  in     
whose reigns1 probably1 the greatest    
number of shows were compressed  into a 
short time1 were both men of conspicuous
 clemency1 and no ,roman  seems to have 
imagined that the fact of #c1jjj men    
having been compelled to  fight under   
the one1 and #aj1jjj under the other1   
cast the faintest shadow  upon their    
characters4 ,suetonius mentions1 as an  
instance of the  amiability of ,titus1  
that he was accustomed to jest with the 
people during  the combats of the       
gladiators17#ebe7 and ,pliny especially 
eulogised ,trajan  because he did not   
patronise spectacles that enervate the  
character1 but  rather those which impel
 men 8to noble wounds and to the        
contempt of  death407#ebf7 ,the same    
writer1 who was himself in many ways    
conspicuous for  his gentleness and     
charity1 having warmly commended a      

friend for acceding  to a petition of   
the people of ,verona1 who desired a    
spectacle1 adds this  startling         
sentence3 8,after so general a request1 
to have refused would not  have been    
firmness--it would have been            
cruelty407#ebg7 ,even in the closing    
years of the fourth century1 the prfect 
,symmachus1 who was regarded as  one of 
the most estimable pagans of his age1   
collected some ,saxon  prisoners to     
fight in honour of his son4 ,they       
strangled themselves in  prison1 and    
,symmachus lamented the misfortune that 
had befallen him from  their 8impious   
hands10 but endeavoured to calm his     
feelings by recalling  the patience of  
,socrates and the precepts of           
philosophy47#ebh7    ,while1 however1 ,i
 have no desire to disguise or palliate 
the extreme  atrocity of this aspect of 
,roman life1 there are certain very     
natural  exaggerations1 against which it
 is necessary for us to guard4 ,there   
are in  human nature1 and more          

especially in the exercise of the       
benevolent  affections1 inequalities1   
inconsistencies1 and anomalies1 of which
  theorists do not always take account4 
,we should be altogether in error if  we
 supposed that a man who took pleasure  
in a gladiatorial combat in  ancient    
,rome was necessarily as inhuman as a   
modern would be who took  pleasure in a 
similar spectacle4 ,a man who falls but 
a little below the  standard of his own 
merciful age is often in reality far    
worse than a man  who had conformed to  
the standard of a much more barbarous   
age1 even  though the latter will do    
some things with perfect equanimity from
 which  the other would recoil with     
horror4 ,we have a much greater power   
than is  sometimes supposed of          
localising both our benevolent and      
malevolent  feelings4 ,if a man is very 
kind1 or very harsh to some particular  
class1  this is usually1 and on the     
whole justly1 regarded as an index of   
his  general disposition1 but the       

inference is not infallible1 and it may 
easily be pushed too far4 ,there are    
some who appear to expend all their     
kindly feelings on a single class1 and  
to treat with perfect indifference  all 
outside it4 ,there are others who regard
 a certain class as quite  outside the  
pale of their sympathies1 while in other
 spheres their  affections prove lively 
and constant4 ,there are many who would 
accede  without the faintest reluctance 
to a barbarous custom1 but would be     
quite  incapable of an equally barbarous
 act which custom had not consecrated4  
,our affections are so capricious in    
their nature that it is continually     
necessary to correct by detailed        
experience the most plausible           
deductions4  ,thus1 for example1 it is a
 very unquestionable and a very         
important truth  that cruelty to animals
 naturally indicates and promotes a     
habit of mind  which leads to cruelty to
 men2 and that1 on the other hand1 an   
affectionate and merciful disposition to

 animals commonly implies a gentle  and 
amiable nature4 ,but1 if we adopted this
 principle as an infallible  criterion  
of humanity1 we should soon find        
ourselves at fault4 ,to the  somewhat   
too hackneyed anecdote of ,domitian     
gratifying his savage  propensities by  
killing flies17#ebi7 we might oppose    
,spinoza1 one of the  purest1 most      
gentle1 most benevolent of mankind1 of  
whom it is related  that almost the only
 amusement of his life was putting flies
 into spiders'  webs1 and watching their
 struggles and their deaths47#ecj7 ,it  
has been  observed that a very large    
proportion of the men who during the    
,french  ,revolution proved themselves  
most absolutely indifferent to human    
suffering were deeply attached to       
animals4 ,fournier was devoted to a     
squirrel1 ,couthon to a spaniel1 ,panis 
to two gold pheasants1 ,chaumette to  an
 aviary1 ,marat kept doves47#eca7 ,bacon
 has noticed that the ,turks1 who  are a
 cruel people1 are nevertheless         

conspicuous for their kindness to       
animals1 and he mentions the instance of
 a ,christian boy who was nearly  stoned
 to death for gagging a long-billed     
fowl47#ecb7 ,in ,egypt there are        
hospitals for superannuated cats1 and   
the most loathsome insects are  regarded
 with tenderness2 but human life is     
treated as if it were of no  account1   
and human suffering scarcely elicits a  
care47#ecc7 ,the same  contrast appears 
more or less in all ,eastern nations4   
,on the other hand1  travellers are     
unanimous in declaring that in ,spain an
 intense passion for  the bull-fight is 
quite compatible with the most active   
benevolence and  the most amiable       
disposition4 ,again1 to pass to another 
sphere1 it is not  uncommon to find     
conquerors1 who will sacrifice with     
perfect callousness  great masses of men
 to their ambition1 but who1 in their   
dealings with  isolated individuals1 are
 distinguished by an invariable         
clemency4  ,anomalies of this kind      

continually appear in the ,roman        
population4 ,the  very men who looked   
down with delight when the sand of the  
arena was  reddened with human blood1   
made the theatre ring with applause when
  ,terence1 in his famous line1         
proclaimed the universal brotherhood of 
man4  ,when the senate1 being unable to 
discover the murderer of a patrician1   
resolved to put his four hundred slaves 
to death1 the people rose in open       
rebellion against the sentence47#ecd7 ,a
 knight named ,erixo1 who in the days   
of ,augustus had so scourged his son    
that he died of the effects1 was  nearly
 torn to pieces by the indignant        
population47#ece7 ,the elder ,cato      
deprived a senator of his rank1 because 
he had fixed an execution at such  an   
hour that his mistress could enjoy the  
spectacle47#ecf7 ,even in the           
amphitheatre there were certain traces  
of a milder spirit4 ,drusus1 the  people
 complained1 took too visible a pleasure
 at the sight of blood27#ecg7  ,caligula

 was too curious in watching            
death27#ech7 ,caracalla1 when a boy1    
won enthusiastic plaudits by shedding   
tears at the execution of               
criminals47#eci7 ,among the most popular
 spectacles at ,rome was  rope-dancing1 
and then1 as now1 the cord being        
stretched at a great height  above the  
ground1 the apparent1 and indeed real1  
danger added an evil zest  to the       
performances4 ,in the reign of ,marcus  
,aurelius an accident had  occurred1 and
 the emperor1 with his usual sensitive  
humanity1 ordered that  no rope-dancer  
should perform without a net or a       
mattress being spread out  below4 ,it is
 a singularly curious fact that this    
precaution1 which no  ,christian nation 
has adopted1 continued in force during  
more than a  century of the worst period
 of the ,roman ,empire1 when the blood  
of  captives was poured out like water  
in the ,colosseum47#edj7 ,the standard  
of  humanity was very low1 but the      
sentiment was still manifest1 though its

  displays were capricious and          
inconsistent4    ,the sketch ,i have now
 drawn will1 ,i think1 be sufficient to 
display the  broad chasm that existed   
between the ,roman moralists and the    
,roman people4  ,on the one hand we find
 a system of ethics1 of which when we   
consider the  range and beauty of its   
precepts1 the sublimity of the motives  
to which it  appealed1 and its perfect  
freedom from superstitious elements1 it 
is not  too much to say that though it  
may have been equalled1 it has never    
been  surpassed4 ,on the other hand1 we 
find a society almost absolutely        
destitute of moralising institutions1   
occupations1 or beliefs1 existing  under
 an economical and political system     
which inevitably led to general         
depravity1 and passionately addicted to 
the most brutalising amusements4  ,the  
moral code1 while it expanded in        
theoretical catholicity1 had  contracted
 in practical application4 ,the early   
,romans had a very narrow  and imperfect

 standard of duty1 but their patriotism1
 their military  system1 and their      
enforced simplicity of life had made    
that standard  essentially popular4 ,the
 later ,romans had attained a very high 
and  spiritual conception of duty1 but  
the philosopher with his group of       
disciples1 or the writer with his few   
readers1 had scarcely any point of      
contact with the people4 ,the great     
practical problem of the ancient        
philosophers was how they could act upon
 the masses4 ,simply to tell men  what  
is virtue1 and to extol its beauty1 is  
insufficient4 ,something more  must be  
done if the characters of nations are to
 be moulded and inveterate  vices       
eradicated4    ,this problem the ,roman 
,stoics were incapable of meeting1 but  
they did what  lay in their power1 and  
their efforts1 though altogether        
inadequate to the  disease1 were by no  
means contemptible4 ,in the first place 
they raised up  many great and good     
rulers who exerted all the influence of 

their position  in the cause of virtue4 
,in most cases these reforms were       
abolished on the  accession of the first
 bad emperor1 but there were at least   
some that  remained4 ,it has been       
observed that the luxury of the table1  
which had  acquired the most extravagant
 proportions during the period that     
elapsed  between the battle of ,actium  
and the reign of ,galba1 began from this
  period to decline1 and the change is  
chiefly attributed to ,vespasian1 who   
had in a measure reformed the ,roman    
aristocracy by the introduction of  many
 provincials1 and who made his court an 
example of the strictest                
frugality47#eda7 ,the period from the   
accession of ,nerva to the death of     
,marcus ,aurelius1 comprising no less   
than eighty-four years1 exhibits a      
uniformity of good government which no  
other despotic monarchy has  equalled4  
,each of the five emperors who then     
reigned deserves to be placed  among the
 best rulers who have ever lived4       

,trajan and ,hadrian1 whose  personal   
characters were most defective1 were men
 of great and conspicuous  genius4      
,antoninus and ,marcus ,aurelius1 though
 less distinguished as  politicians1    
were among the most perfectly virtuous  
men who have ever sat  on a throne4     
,during forty years of this period1     
perfect1 unbroken peace  reigned over   
the entire civilised globe4 ,the        
barbarian encroachments had  not yet    
begun4 ,the distinct nationalities that 
composed the ,empire1  gratified by     
perfect municipal and by perfect        
intellectual freedom1 had  lost all care
 for political liberty1 and little more 
than three hundred  thousand soldiers   
guarded a territory which is now        
protected by much more  than three      
millions47#edb7    ,in creating this    
condition of affairs1 ,stoicism1 as the 
chief moral agent  of the ,empire1 had a
 considerable though not a              
preponderating influence4  ,in other    
ways its influence was more evident and 

exclusive4 ,it was a  fundamental maxim 
of the sect1 8that the sage should take 
part in public  life107#edc7 and it was 
therefore impossible that ,stoicism     
should flourish  without producing a    
resuscitation of patriotism4 ,the same  
moral impulse  which transformed the    
,neoplatonist into a dreaming mystic and
 the ,catholic  into a useless hermit1  
impelled the ,stoic to the foremost post
 of danger  in the service of his       
country4 ,while landmark after landmark 
of ,roman  virtue was submerged1 while  
luxury and scepticism and foreign habits
 and  foreign creeds were corroding the 
whole framework of the national life1   
amid the last paroxysms of expiring     
liberty1 amid the hideous carnival of   
vice that soon followed upon its fall1  
the ,stoic remained unchanged1 the      
representative and the sustainer of the 
past4 ,a party which had acquired  the  
noble title of the ,party of ,virtue1   
guided by such men as ,cato or  ,thrasea
 or ,helvidius or ,burrhus1 upheld the  

banner of ,roman virtue and  ,roman     
liberty in the darkest hours of         
despotism and of apostasy4 ,like all    
men who carry an intense religious      
fervour into politics1 they were often  
narrow-minded and intolerant1 blind to  
the inevitable changes of society1      
incapable of compromise1 turbulent and  
inopportune in their demands17#edd7  but
 they more than redeemed their errors by
 their noble constancy and  courage4    
,the austere purity of their lives1 and 
the heroic grandeur of  their deaths1   
kept alive the tradition of ,roman      
liberty even under a ,nero  or a        
,domitian4 ,while such men existed it   
was felt that all was not lost4  ,there 
was still a rallying point of freedom1 a
 seed of virtue that might  germinate   
anew1 a living protest against the      
despotism and the corruption  of the    
,empire4    ,a third and still more     
important service which ,stoicism       
rendered to  popular morals was in the  
formation of ,roman jurisprudence47#ede7

 ,of all  the many forms of intellectual
 exertion in which ,greece and ,rome    
struggled  for the mastery this is      
perhaps the only one in which the       
superiority of  the latter is           
indisputable4 8,to rule the nations0 was
 justly pronounced by  the ,roman poet  
the supreme glory of his countrymen1 and
 their  administrative genius is even   
now unrivalled in history4 ,a deep      
reverence  for law was long one of their
 chief moral characteristics1 and in    
order  that it might be inculcated from 
the earliest years it was a part of the 
,roman system of education to oblige the
 children to repeat by rote the  code of
 the decemvirs47#edf7 ,the laws of the  
,republic1 however1 being an  expression
 of the contracted1 local1 military1 and
 sacerdotal spirit that  dominated among
 the people1 were necessarily unfit for 
the political and  intellectual         
expansion of the ,empire1 and the       
process of renovation which  was begun  
under ,augustus by the ,stoic           

,labeo17#edg7 was continued with great  
zeal under ,hadrian and ,alexander      
,severus1 and issued in the famous      
compilations of ,theodosius and         
,justinian4 ,in this movement we have to
  observe two parts4 ,there were certain
 general rules of guidance laid down  by
 the great ,roman lawyers which         
constituted what may be called the ideal
  of the jurisconsults--the ends to     
which their special enactments          
tended--the  principles of equity to    
guide the judge when the law was silent 
or  ambiguous4 ,there were also definite
 enactments to meet specific cases4 ,the
  first part was simply borrowed from   
the ,stoics1 whose doctrines and method 
thus passed from the narrow circle of a 
philosophical academy and became  the   
avowed moral beacons of the civilised   
globe4 ,the fundamental  difference     
between ,stoicism and early ,roman      
thought was that the former  maintained 
the existence of a bond of unity among  
mankind which  transcended or           

annihilated all class or national       
limitations4 ,the  essential            
characteristic of the ,stoical method   
was the assertion of the  existence of a
 certain law of nature to which it was  
the end of philosophy  to conform4      
,these tenets were laid down in the most
 unqualified language  by the ,roman    
lawyers4 8,as far as natural law is     
concerned10 said ,ulpian1  8all men are 
equal407#edh7 8,nature10 said ,paul1    
8has established among us a  certain    
relationship407#edi7 8,by natural law10 
,ulpian declared1 8all men  are born    
free407#eej7 8,slavery0 was defined by  
,florentinus as 8a custom of  the law of
 nations1 by which one man1 contrary to 
the law of nature1 is  subjected to the 
dominion of another407#eea7 ,in         
accordance with these  principles it    
became a maxim among the ,roman lawyers 
that in every  doubtful case where the  
alternative of slavery or freedom was at
 issue1  the decision of the judge      
should be towards the latter47#eeb7     

,the ,roman legislation was in a twofold
 manner the child of philosophy4 ,it    
was in the first place itself formed    
upon the philosophical model1 for1      
instead of being a mere empirical system
 adjusted to the existing  requirements 
of society1 it laid down abstract       
principles of right to  which it        
endeavoured to conform27#eec7 and1 in   
the next place1 these  principles were  
borrowed directly from ,stoicism4 ,the  
prominence the sect  had acquired among 
,roman moralists1 its active            
intervention in public  affairs1 and    
also the precision and brevity of its   
phraseology1 had  recommended it to the 
lawyers17#eed7 and the union then       
effected between  the legal and         
philosophical spirit is felt to the     
present day4 ,to the  ,stoics and the   
,roman lawyers is mainly due the clear  
recognition of the  existence of a law  
of nature above and beyond all human    
enactments which  has been the basis of 
the best moral and of the most          

influential though  most chimerical     
political speculation of later ages1 and
 the renewed study  of ,roman law was an
 important element in the revival that  
preceded the  ,reformation4    ,it is   
not necessary for my present purpose to 
follow into very minute  detail the     
application of these principles to      
practical legislation4 ,it is           
sufficient to say1 that there were few  
departments into which the catholic  and
 humane principles of ,stoicism were not
 in some degree carried4 ,in the        
political world1 as we have already     
seen1 the right of ,roman citizenship1  
with the protection and the legal       
privileges attached to it1 from being   
the monopoly of a small class1 was      
gradually but very widely diffused4 ,in 
the domestic sphere1 the power which the
 old laws had given to the father  of   
the family1 though not destroyed1 was   
greatly abridged1 and an  important     
innovation1 which is well worthy of a   
brief notice1 was thus  introduced into 

the social system of the ,empire4    ,it
 is probable that in the chronology of  
morals1 domestic virtue takes the       
precedence of all others2 but in its    
earliest phase it consists of a  single 
article--the duty of absolute submission
 to the head of the  household4 ,it is  
only at a later period1 and when the    
affections have been  in some degree    
evoked1 that the reciprocity of duty is 
felt1 and the whole  tendency of        
civilisation is to diminish the         
disparity between the  different members
 of the family4 ,the process by which   
the wife from a  simple slave becomes   
the companion and equal of her husband1 
,i shall  endeavour to trace in a future
 chapter4 ,the relations of the father  
to his  children are profoundly modified
 by the new position the affections     
assume  in education1 which in a rude   
nation rests chiefly upon authority1 but
 in  a civilised community upon         
sympathy4 ,in ,rome the absolute        
authority of the  head of the family was

 the centre and archetype of that whole 
system of  discipline and subordination 
which it was the object of the          
legislator to  sustain4 ,filial         
reverence was enforced as the first of  
duties4 ,it is the  one virtue which    
,virgil attributed in any remarkable    
degree to the founder  of the race4 ,the
 marks of external respect paid to old  
men were scarcely  less than in         
,sparta47#eee7 ,it was the boast of the 
lawyers that in no other  nation had the
 parent so great an authority over his  
children47#eef7 ,the  child was indeed  
the absolute slave of his father1 who   
had a right at any  time to take away   
his life and dispose of his entire      
property4 ,he could  look to no time    
during the life of his father in which  
he would be freed  from the thraldom4   
,the man of fifty1 the consul1 the      
general1 or the  tribune1 was in this   
respect in the same position as the     
infant1 and might  at any moment be     
deprived of all the earnings of his     

labour1 driven to the  most menial      
employments1 or even put to death1 by   
the paternal  command47#eeg7    ,there  
can1 ,i think1 be little question that  
this law1 at least in the  latter period
 of its existence1 defeated its own     
object4 ,there are few  errors of       
education to which more unhappy homes   
may be traced than  this--that parents  
have sought to command the obedience1   
before they have  sought to win the     
confidence1 of their children4 ,this was
 the path which  the ,roman legislator  
indicated to the parent1 and its natural
 consequence  was to chill the          
sympathies and arouse the resentment of 
the young4 ,of all  the forms of virtue 
filial affection is perhaps that which  
appears most  rarely in ,roman history4 
,in the plays of ,plautus it is treated 
much as  conjugal fidelity was treated  
in ,england by the playwriters of the   
,restoration4 ,an historian of the reign
 of ,tiberius has remarked that the     
civil wars were equally remarkable for  

the many examples they supplied of  the 
devotion of wives to their husbands1 of 
the devotion of slaves to  their        
masters1 and of the treachery or        
indifference of sons to their           
fathers47#eeh7    ,the reforms that were
 effected during the pagan empire did   
not reconstruct  the family1 but they at
 least greatly mitigated its despotism4 
,the  profound change of feeling that   
had taken place on the subject is shown 
by  the contrast between the respectful1
 though somewhat shrinking1             
acquiescence1 with which the ancient    
,romans regarded parents who had put    
their children to death17#eei7 and the  
indignation excited under ,augustus  by 
the act of ,erixo4 ,hadrian1 apparently 
by a stretch of despotic power1         
banished a man who had assassinated his 
son47#efj7 ,infanticide was  forbidden1 
though not seriously repressed1 but the 
right of putting to  death an adult     
child had long been obsolete1 when      
,alexander ,severus  formally withdrew  

it from the father4 ,the property of    
children was also in  some slight degree
 protected4 ,a few instances are        
recorded of wills that  were annulled   
because they had disinherited legitimate
 sons17#efa7 and  ,hadrian1 following a 
policy that had been feebly initiated by
 his two  predecessors1 gave the son an 
absolute possession of whatever he might
  gain in the military service4         
,diocletian rendered the sale of        
children by  the fathers1 in all cases1 
illegal47#efb7    ,in the field of      
slavery the legislative reforms were    
more important4 ,this  institution1     
indeed1 is one that meets us at every   
turn of the moral  history of ,rome1 and
 on two separate occasions in the       
present chapter ,i  have already had    
occasion to notice it4 ,i have shown    
that the great  prominence of the slave 
element in ,roman life was one of the   
causes of the  enlargement of sympathies
 that characterises the philosophy of   
the ,empire1  and also that slavery was 

in a very high degree1 and in several   
distinct  ways1 a cause of the          
corruption of the free classes4 ,in     
considering the  condition of the slaves
 themselves1 we may distinguish1 ,i     
think1 three  periods4 ,in the earlier  
and simpler days of the ,republic1 the  
head of the  family was absolute master 
of his slaves1 but circumstances in a   
great  measure mitigated the evil of the
 despotism4 ,the slaves were very few in
  number4 ,each ,roman proprietor had   
commonly one or two who assisted him in 
cultivating the soil1 and superintended 
his property when he was absent in  the 
army4 ,in the frugal habits of the time1
 the master was brought into  the most  
intimate connection with his slaves4 ,he
 shared their labours and  their food1  
and the control he exercised over them1 
in most cases probably  differed little 
from that which he exercised over his   
sons4 ,under such  circumstances1 great 
barbarity to slaves1 though always      
possible1 was not  likely to be common1 

and the protection of religion was added
 to the force  of habit4 ,hercules1 the 
god of labour1 was the special patron of
 slaves4  ,there was a legend that      
,sparta had once been nearly destroyed  
by an  earthquake sent by ,neptune to   
avenge the treacherous murder of some   
,helots47#efc7 ,in ,rome1 it was said1  
,jupiter had once in a dream            
commissioned a man to express to the    
senate the divine anger at the cruel    
treatment of a slave during the public  
games47#efd7 ,by the pontifical law1    
slaves were exempted from field labours 
on the religious festivals47#efe7  ,the 
,saturnalia and ,matronalia1 which were 
especially intended for their  benefit1 
were the most popular holidays in ,rome1
 and on these occasions  the slaves were
 accustomed to sit at the same table    
with their  masters47#eff7    ,even at  
this time1 however1 it is probable that 
great atrocities were  occasionally     
committed4 ,everything was permitted by 
law1 although it is  probable that the  

censor in cases of extreme abuse might  
interfere1 and  the aristocratic        
feelings of the early ,roman1 though    
corrected in a  measure by the          
associations of daily labour1 sometimes 
broke out in a  fierce scorn for all    
classes but his own4 ,the elder ,cato1  
who may be  regarded as a type of the   
,romans of the earlier period1 speaks of
 slaves  simply as instruments for      
obtaining wealth1 and he encouraged     
masters1  both by his precept and his   
example1 to sell them as useless when   
aged and  infirm47#efg7    ,in the      
second period1 the condition of slaves  
had greatly deteriorated4  ,the         
victories of ,rome1 especially in the   
,east1 had introduced into the  city    
innumerable slaves7#efh7 and the wildest
 luxury1 and the despotism of  the      
master remained unqualified by law1     
while the habits of life that had       
originally mitigated it had disappeared4
 ,the religious sentiments of the       
people were at the same time fatally    

impaired1 and many new causes  conspired
 to aggravate the evil4 ,the passion for
 gladiatorial shows had  begun1 and it  
continually produced a savage           
indifference to the infliction  of pain4
 ,the servile wars of ,sicily1 and the  
still more formidable revolt  of        
,spartacus1 had shaken ,italy to the    
centre1 and the shock was felt in  every
 household4 8,as many enemies as        
slaves10 had become a ,roman proverb4   
,the fierce struggles of barbarian      
captives were repaid by fearful         
punishments1 and many thousands of      
revolted slaves perished on the cross4  
,an atrocious law1 intended to secure   
the safety of the citizens1 provided    
that if a master were murdered1 all the 
slaves in his house1 who were not  in   
chains or absolutely helpless through   
illness1 should be put to  death47#efi7 
,numerous acts of the most odious       
barbarity were committed4 ,the          
well-known  anecdotes of ,flaminius     
ordering a slave to be killed to        

gratify1 by the  spectacle1 the         
curiosity of a guest2 of ,vedius ,pollio
 feeding his fish on  the flesh of      
slaves2 and of ,augustus sentencing a   
slave1 who had killed  and eaten a      
favourite quail1 to crucifixion1 are the
 extreme examples that  are recorded2   
for we need not regard as an historical 
fact the famous  picture in ,juvenal of 
a ,roman lady1 in a moment of caprice1  
ordering her  unoffending servant to be 
crucified4 ,we have1 however1 many other
 very  horrible glimpses of slave life  
at the close of the ,republic and in the
  early days of the ,empire4 ,the       
marriage of slaves was entirely         
unrecognised  by law1 and in their case 
the words adultery1 incest1 or polygamy 
had no  legal meaning4 ,their testimony 
was in general only received in the     
law-courts when they were under torture4
 ,when executed for a crime1 their      
deaths were of a most hideous kind4 ,the
 ergastula1 or private prisons1 of  the 
masters were frequently their only      

sleeping-places4 ,old and infirm  slaves
 were constantly exposed to perish on an
 island of the ,tiber4 ,we  read of     
slaves chained as porters to the doors1 
and cultivating the fields  in chains4  
,ovid and ,juvenal describe the fierce  
,roman ladies tearing their  servants'  
faces1 and thrusting the long pins of   
their brooches into their  flesh4 ,the  
master1 at the close of the ,republic1  
had full power to sell  his slave as a  
gladiator1 or as a combatant with wild  
beasts47#egj7    ,all this is very      
horrible1 but it must not be forgotten  
that there was  another side to the     
picture4 ,it is the custom of many      
ecclesiastical  writers to paint the    
pagan society of the ,empire as a kind  
of pandemonium1  and with this object   
they collect the facts ,i have cited1   
which are for  the most part narrated by
 ,roman satirists or historians1 as     
examples of  the most extreme and       
revolting cruelty2 they represent them  
as fair  specimens of the ordinary      

treatment of the servile class1 and they
 simply  exclude from their             
consideration the many qualifying facts 
that might be  alleged4 ,although the   
marriage of a slave was not legally     
recognised1 it  was sanctioned by       
custom1 and it does not appear to have  
been common to  separate his            
family47#ega7 ,two customs to which ,i  
have already referred  distinguish      
ancient slavery broadly from that of    
modern times4 ,the  peculium1 or private
 property of slaves1 was freely         
recognised by masters1  to whom1        
however1 after the death of the slave1  
part or all of it usually               
reverted17#egb7 though some masters     
permitted their slaves to dispose of it 
by will47#egc7 ,the enfranchisement of  
slaves was also carried on to such an   
extent as seriously to affect the       
population of the city4 ,it appears from
  a passage in ,cicero that an          
industrious and well-conducted captive  
might  commonly look forward to his     

freedom in six years47#egd7 ,isolated   
acts of  great cruelty undoubtedly      
occurred2 but public opinion strongly   
reprehended them1 and ,seneca assures us
 that masters who ill-treated their     
slaves were pointed at and insulted in  
the streets47#ege7 ,the slave was not   
necessarily the degraded being he has   
since appeared4 ,the physician who      
tended the ,roman in his sickness1 the  
tutor to whom he confided the  education
 of his son1 the artists whose works    
commanded the admiration of  the city1  
were usually slaves4 ,slaves sometimes  
mixed with their masters  in the family1
 ate habitually with them at the same   
table17#egf7 and were  regarded by them 
with the warmest affection4 ,tiro1 the  
slave and  afterwards the freedman of   
,cicero1 compiled his master's letters1 
and has  preserved some in which ,cicero
 addressed him in terms of the most     
sincere  and delicate friendship4 ,i    
have already referred to the letter in  
which  the younger ,pliny poured out his

 deep sorrow for the death of some of   
his  slaves1 and endeavoured to console 
himself with the thought that as he had 
emancipated them before their death1 at 
least they had died free47#egg7         
,epictetus passed at once from slavery  
to the friendship of an  emperor47#egh7 
,the great multiplication of slaves1    
though it removed them  from the        
sympathy of their masters1 must at least
 have in most cases  alleviated their   
burdens4 ,the application of torture to 
slave witnesses1  horrible as it was1   
was a matter of rare occurrence1 and was
 carefully  restricted by law47#egi7    
,much vice was undoubtedly fostered1 but
 yet the  annals of the civil wars and  
of the ,empire are crowded with the most
  splendid instances of the fidelity of 
slaves4 ,in many cases they refused  the
 boon of liberty and defied the most    
horrible tortures rather than  betray   
their masters1 accompanied them in their
 flight when all others had  abandoned  
them1 displayed undaunted courage and   

untiring ingenuity in  rescuing them    
from danger1 and in some cases saved the
 lives of their  owners by the          
deliberate sacrifice of their own47#ehj7
 ,this was1 indeed1  for some time the  
pre-eminent virtue of ,rome1 and it     
proves conclusively  that the masters   
were not so tyrannical1 and that the    
slaves were not so  degraded1 as is     
sometimes alleged4    ,the duty of      
humanity to slaves had been at all times
 one of those which  the philosophers   
had most ardently inculcated4 ,plato and
 ,aristotle1 ,zeno  and ,epicurus1 were1
 on this point1 substantially           
agreed47#eha7 ,the ,roman  ,stoics gave 
the duty a similar prominence in their  
teaching1 and ,seneca  especially has   
filled pages with exhortations to       
masters to remember that  the accident  
of position in no degree affects the    
real dignity of men1  that the slave may
 be free by virtue while the master may 
be a slave by  vice1 and that it is the 
duty of a good man to abstain not only  

from all  cruelty1 but even from all    
feeling of contempt towards his         
slaves47#ehb7  ,but these exhortations1 
in which some have imagined that they   
have  discovered the influence of       
,christianity1 were1 in fact1 simply an 
echo of  the teaching of ancient        
,greece1 and especially of ,zeno1 the   
founder of  ,stoicism1 who had laid     
down1 long before the dawn of           
,christianity1 the  broad principles    
that 'all men are by nature equal1 and  
that virtue alone  establishes a        
difference between them4'7#ehc7 ,the    
softening influence of  the peace of the
 ,antonines assisted this movement of   
humanity1 and the  slaves derived a     
certain incidental benefit from one of  
the worst features  of the despotism of 
the ,csars4 ,the emperors1 who          
continually apprehended  plots against  
their lives or power1 encouraged        
numerous spies around the  more         
important of their subjects1 and the    
facility with which slaves could        

discover the proceedings of their       
masters inclined the ,government in     
their  favour4    ,under all these      
influences many laws were promulgated   
which profoundly  altered the legal     
position of the slaves1 and opened what 
may be termed  the third period of      
,roman slavery4 ,the ,petronian law1    
which was issued by  ,augustus1 or1 more
 probably1 by ,nero1 forbade the master 
to condemn his  slave to combat with    
wild beasts without a sentence from a   
judge47#ehd7  ,under ,claudius1 some    
citizens exposed their sick slaves on   
the island of  sculapius in the ,tiber1 
to avoid the trouble of tending them1   
and the  emperor decreed that if the    
slave so exposed recovered from his     
sickness  he should become free1 and    
also1 that masters who killed their     
slaves  instead of exposing them should 
be punished as murderers47#ehe7 ,it is  
possible that succour was afforded to   
the abandoned slave in the temple of    
sculapius17#ehf7 and it would appear    

from these laws that the wanton         
slaughter of a slave was already        
illegal4 ,about this time the statue of 
the emperor had become an asylum for    
slaves47#ehg7 ,under ,nero1 a judge was 
appointed to hear their complaints1 and 
was instructed to punish masters  who   
treated them with barbarity1 made them  
the instruments of lust1 or  withheld   
from them a sufficient quantity of the  
necessaries of life47#ehh7  ,a          
considerable pause appears to have      
ensued2 but ,domitian made a law1  which
 was afterwards reiterated1 forbidding  
the ,oriental custom of  mutilating     
slaves for sensual purposes1 and the    
reforms were renewed with  great energy 
in the period of the ,antonines4        
,hadrian and his two  successors        
formally deprived masters of the right  
of killing their slaves2  forbade them  
to sell slaves to the lanist1 or        
speculators in gladiators2  destroyed   
the ergastula1 or private prisons2      
ordered that1 when a master  was        

murdered1 those slaves only should be   
tortured who were within  hearing27#ehi7
 appointed officers through all the     
provinces to hear the  complaints of    
slaves2 enjoined that no master should  
treat his slaves with  excessive        
severity2 and commanded that1 when such 
severity was proved1 the  master should 
be compelled to sell the slave he had   
ill-treated47#eij7 ,when  we add to     
these laws the broad maxims of equity   
asserting the essential  equality of the
 human race1 which the jurists had      
borrowed from the  ,stoics1 and which   
supplied the principles to guide the    
judges in their  decisions1 it must be  
admitted that the slave code of         
,imperial ,rome  compares not           
unfavourably with those of some         
,christian nations4    ,while a         
considerable portion of the principles1 
and even much of the  phraseology1 of   
,stoicism passed into the system of     
public law1 the ,roman  philosophers had
 other more direct means of acting on   

the people4 ,on  occasions of family    
bereavement1 when the mind is most      
susceptible of  impressions1 they were  
habitually called in to console the     
survivors4  ,dying men asked their      
comfort and support in the last hours of
 their life4  ,they became the directors
 of conscience to numbers who resorted  
to them  for a solution of perplexing   
cases of practical morals1 or under the 
influence of despondency or             
remorse47#eia7 ,they had their special  
exhortations for every vice1 and their  
remedies adapted to every variety  of   
character4 ,many cases were cited of the
 conversion of the vicious or  the      
careless1 who had been sought out and   
fascinated by the  philosopher17#eib7   
and who1 under his guidance1 had passed 
through a long  course of moral         
discipline1 and had at last attained a  
high degree of  virtue4 ,education fell 
in a great degree into their hands4     
,many great  families kept a philosopher
 among them in what in modern language  

might be  termed the capacity of a      
domestic chaplain17#eic7 while a system 
of popular  preaching was created and   
widely diffused4    ,of these preachers 
there were two classes who differed     
greatly in their  characters and their  
methods4 ,the first1 who have been very 
happily termed  the 8monks of           
,stoicism107#eid7 were the ,cynics1 who 
appear to have assumed  among the later 
moralists of the ,pagan empire a        
position somewhat  resembling that of   
the mendicant orders in ,catholicism4   
,in a singularly  curious dissertation  
of ,epictetus17#eie7 we have a picture  
of the ideal at  which a ,cynic should  
aim1 and it is impossible in reading it 
not to be  struck by the resemblance it 
bears to the missionary friar4 ,the     
,cynic  should be a man devoting his    
entire life to the instruction of       
mankind4 ,he  must be unmarried1 for he 
must have no family affections to divert
 or to  dilute his energies4 ,he must   
wear the meanest dress1 sleep upon the  

bare  ground1 feed upon the simplest    
food1 abstain from all earthly          
pleasures1  and yet exhibit to the world
 the example of uniform cheerfulness and
  content4 ,no one1 under pain of       
provoking the ,divine anger1 should     
embrace  such a career1 unless he       
believes himself to be called and       
assisted by  ,jupiter4 ,it is his       
mission to go among men as the          
ambassador of ,god1  rebuking1 in season
 and out of season1 their frivolity1    
their cowardice1  and their vice4 ,he   
must stop the rich man in the           
market-place4 ,he must  preach to the   
populace in the highway4 ,he must know  
no respect and no  fear4 ,he must look  
upon all men as his sons1 and upon all  
women as his  daughters4 ,in the midst  
of a jeering crowd1 he must exhibit such
 a placid  calm that men may imagine him
 to be of stone4 ,ill-treatment1 and    
exile1  and death must have no terror in
 his eyes1 for the discipline of his    
life  should emancipate him from every  

earthly tie2 and1 when he is beaten1 8he
  should love those who beat him1 for he
 is at once the father and the  brother 
of all men40    ,a curious contrast to  
the ,cynic was the philosophic          
rhetorician1 who  gathered around his   
chair all that was most brilliant in    
,roman or ,athenian  society4 ,the      
passion for oratory which the free      
institutions of ,greece had  formed1 had
 survived the causes that produced it1  
and given rise to a very  singular but a
 very influential profession2 which1    
though excluded from  the ,roman        
,republic1 acquired a great development 
after the destruction of  political     
liberty4 ,the rhetoricians were a kind  
of itinerant lecturers1  who went about 
from city to city1 delivering harangues 
that were often  received with the      
keenest interest4 ,for the most part1   
neither their  characters nor their     
talents appear to have deserved much    
respect4  ,numerous anecdotes are       
recorded of their vanity and rapacity1  

and their  success was a striking proof 
of the decadence of public taste47#eif7 
,they  had cultivated the histrionic    
part of oratory with the most minute    
attention4 ,the arrangement of their    
hair1 the folds of their dresses1 all   
their postures and gestures were studied
 with artistic care4 ,they had          
determined the different kinds of action
 that are appropriate for each  branch  
of a discourse and for each form of     
eloquence4 ,sometimes they  personated  
characters in ,homer or in ancient      
,greek history1 and delivered  speeches 
which those characters might have       
delivered in certain  conjunctures of   
their lives4 ,sometimes they awakened   
the admiration of  their audience by    
making a fly1 a cockroach1 dust1 smoke1 
a mouse1 or a  parrot the subject of    
their eloquent eulogy47#eig7 ,others1   
again1 exercised  their ingenuity in    
defending some glaring paradox or       
sophism1 or in  debating some intricate 
case of law or morals1 or they delivered

 literary  lectures remarkable for a    
minute but captious and fastidious      
criticism4  ,some of the rhetoricians   
recited only harangues prepared with the
 most  elaborate care1 others were ready
 debaters1 and they travelled from city 
to city1 challenging opponents to       
discuss some subtle and usually         
frivolous question4 ,the poet ,juvenal  
and the satirist ,lucian had both for  a
 time followed this profession4 ,many of
 the most eminent acquired immense      
wealth1 travelled with a splendid       
retinue1 and excited transports of      
enthusiasm in the cities they visited4  
,they were often charged by cities  to  
appear before the emperor to plead for a
 remission of taxes1 or of the          
punishment due for some offence4 ,they  
became in a great measure the  educators
 of the people1 and contributed very    
largely to form and direct  their taste4
    ,it had been from the first the     
custom of some philosophers to adopt    
this  profession1 and to expound in the 

form of rhetorical lectures the         
principles of their school4 ,in the     
,flavian period and in the age of the   
,antonines1 this alliance of philosophy1
 and especially of ,stoical  philosophy1
 with rhetoric became more marked1 and  
the foundation of  liberally endowed    
chairs of rhetoric and philosophy by    
,vespasian1 ,hadrian1  and ,marcus      
,aurelius contributed to sustain it4    
,discourses of the ,platonist  ,maximus 
of ,tyre1 and of the ,stoic ,dion       
,chrysostom1 have come down to us1  and 
they are both of a high order of        
intrinsic merit4 ,the first turn        
chiefly on such subjects as the         
comparative excellence of active and    
contemplative life1 the pure and noble  
conceptions of the ,divine nature  which
 underlie the fables or allegories of   
,homer1 the dmon of ,socrates1  the     
,platonic notions of the ,divinity1 the 
duty of prayer1 the end of  philosophy1 
and the ethics of love47#eih7 ,dion     
,chrysostom1 in his orations1  expounded

 the noblest and purest theism1 examined
 the place which images  should occupy  
in worship1 advocated humanity to       
slaves1 and was1 perhaps1  the earliest 
writer in the ,roman ,empire who        
denounced hereditary slavery  as        
illegitimate47#eii7 ,his life was very  
eventful and very noble4 ,he had  become
 famous as a sophist and rhetorician1   
skilled in the laborious  frivolities of
 the profession4 ,calamity1 however1 and
 the writings of  ,plato induced him to 
abandon them and devote himself         
exclusively to the  improvement of      
mankind4 ,having defended with a        
generous rashness a man who  had been   
proscribed by the tyranny of ,domitian1 
he was compelled to fly  from ,rome in  
the garb of a beggar2 and1 carrying with
 him only a work of  ,plato and a speech
 of ,demosthenes1 he travelled to the   
most distant  frontiers of the empire4  
,he gained his livelihood by the work of
 his  hands1 for he refused to receive  
money for his discourses2 but he taught 

and captivated the ,greek colonists who 
were scattered among the  barbarians1   
and even the barbarians themselves4     
,upon the assassination of  ,domitian1  
when the legions hesitated to give their
 allegiance to ,nerva1  the eloquence of
 ,dion ,chrysostom overcame their       
irresolution4 ,by the same  eloquence he
 more than once appeased seditions in   
,alexandria and the ,greek  cities of   
,asia ,minor4 ,he preached before       
,trajan on the duties of royalty1       
taking a line of ,homer for his text4   
,he electrified the vast and polished   
audience assembled at ,athens for the   
,olympic games as he had before done    
the rude barbarians of ,scythia4 ,though
 his taste was by no means untainted  by
 the frivolities of the rhetorician1 he 
was skilled in all the arts that  awaken
 curiosity and attention1 and his       
eloquence commanded the most  various   
audiences in the most distant lands4    
,his special mission1 however1  was to  
popularise ,stoicism by diffusing its   

principles through the masses  of       
mankind47#fjj7    ,the names1 and in    
some cases a few fragments1 of the      
writings of many  other rhetorical      
philosophers1 such as ,herod ,atticus1  
,favorinus1 ,fronto1  ,taurus1          
,fabianus1 and ,julianus1 have come down
 to us1 and each was the  centre of a   
group of passionate admirers1 and       
contributed to form a  literary society 
in the great cities of the empire4 ,we  
have a vivid  picture of this movement  
in the 8,attic ,nights0 of ,aulus       
,gellius--a work  which is1 ,i think1   
one of the most curious and instructive 
in ,latin  literature1 and which bears  
to the literary society of the period of
 the  ,antonines much the same relation 
as the writings of ,helvtius bear to the
  ,parisian society on the eve of the   
,revolution4 ,helvtius1 it is said1     
collected the materials for his great   
work on 8,mind0 chiefly from the        
conversation of the drawing-rooms of    
,paris at a time when that  conversation

 had attained a degree of perfection    
which even ,frenchmen had  never before 
equalled4 ,he wrote in the age of the   
8,encyclopdia10 when the  social and    
political convulsions of the ,revolution
 were as yet unfelt2  when the first    
dazzling gleams of intellectual freedom 
had flashed upon a  society long clouded
 by superstition and aristocratic pride2
 when the  genius of ,voltaire and the  
peerless conversational powers of       
,diderot1  irradiating the bold         
philosophies of ,bacon and ,locke1 had  
kindled an  intellectual enthusiasm     
through all the ranks of fashion27#fja7 
and when  the contempt for the wisdom   
and the methods of the past was only    
equalled  by the prevailing confidence  
in the future4 ,brilliant1 graceful1    
versatile1 and superficial1 with easy   
eloquence and lax morals1 with a        
profound disbelief in moral excellence1 
and an intense appreciation of          
intellectual beauty1 disdaining all     
pedantry1 superstition1 and mystery1    

and with an almost fanatical persuasion 
of the omnipotence of analysis1 he      
embodied the principles of his          
contemporaries in a philosophy which    
represents all virtue and heroism as but
 disguised self-interest2 he            
illustrated every argument1 not by the  
pedantic learning of the schools1  but  
by the sparkling anecdotes and acute    
literary criticisms of the              
drawing-room1 and he thus produced a    
work which1 besides its intrinsic       
merits1 was the most perfect mirror of  
the society from which it  sprang47#fjb7
 ,very different1 both in form1 subject1
 and tendency1 but no  less truly       
representative1 was the work of ,aulus  
,gellius4 ,it is the  journal1 or       
common-place book1 or miscellany of a   
scholar moving in the  centre of the    
literary society of both ,rome and      
,athens during the latter  period of the
 ,antonines1 profoundly imbued with its 
spirit1 and devoting  his leisure to    
painting its leading figures1 and       

compiling the substance  of their       
teaching4 ,few books exhibit a more     
curious picture of the  combination of  
intense child-like literary and moral   
enthusiasm with the  most hopeless      
intellectual degeneracy4 ,each prominent
 philosopher was  surrounded by a train 
of enthusiastic disciples1 who made the 
lecture-room  resound with their        
applause17#fjc7 and accepted him as     
their monitor in all  the affairs of    
life4 ,he rebuked publicly every        
instance of vice or of  affectation he  
had observed in their conduct1 received 
them at his own  table1 became their    
friend and confidant in their troubles1 
and sometimes  assisted them by his     
advice in their professional            
duties47#fjd7 ,taurus1  ,favorinus1     
,fronto1 and ,atticus were the most     
prominent figures1 and each  seems to   
have formed1 in the centre of a corrupt 
society1 a little company  of young men 
devoted with the simplest and most      
ardent earnestness to the  cultivation  

of intellectual and moral excellence4   
,yet this society was  singularly       
puerile4 ,the age of genius had closed1 
and the age of pedantry  had succeeded  
it4 ,minute1 curious1 and fastidious    
verbal criticism of the  great writers  
of the past was the chief occupation of 
the scholar1 and the  whole tone of his 
mind had become retrospective and even  
archaic4 ,ennius  was esteemed a greater
 poet than ,virgil1 and ,cato a greater 
prose writer  than ,cicero4 ,it was the 
affectation of some to tesselate their  
conversation with antiquated and        
obsolete words47#fje7 ,the study of     
etymologies had risen into great favour1
 and curious questions of grammar  and  
pronunciation were ardently debated4    
,logic1 as in most ages of  intellectual
 poverty1 was greatly studied and       
prized4 ,bold speculations  and original
 thought had almost ceased1 but it was  
the delight of the  philosophers to     
throw the arguments of great writers    
into the form of  syllogisms1 and to    

debate them according to the rules of   
the schools4 ,the  very amusements of   
the scholars took the form of a         
whimsical and puerile  pedantry4        
,gellius recalls1 with a thrill of      
emotion1 those enchanting  evenings     
when1 their more serious studies being  
terminated1 the disciples  of ,taurus   
assembled at the table of their master  
to pass the happy hours  in discussing  
such questions as when a man can be said
 to die1 whether in  the last moment of 
life or in the first moment of death2 or
 when he can be  said to get up1 whether
 when he is still on his bed or when he 
has just  left it47#fjf7 ,sometimes they
 proposed to one another literary       
questions1  as what old writer had      
employed some common word in a sense    
that had since  become obsolete2 or they
 discussed such syllogisms as           
these3--8,you have  what you have not   
lost2 you have not lost horns1 therefore
 you have  horns40 8,you are not what ,i
 am4 ,i am a man2 therefore you are not 

a  man407#fjg7 ,as moralists1 they      
exhibited a very genuine love of moral  
excellence1 but the same pedantic and   
retrospective character4 ,they were     
continually dilating on the regulations 
of the censors and the customs of  the  
earliest period of the ,republic4 ,they 
acquired the habit of never  enforcing  
the simplest lesson without illustrating
 it by a profusion of  ancient examples 
and by detached sentences from some     
philosopher1 which  they employed much  
as texts of ,scripture are often        
employed in the  writings of the        
,puritans47#fjh7 ,above all1 they       
delighted in cases of  conscience1 which
 they discussed with the subtilty of the
 schoolmen4    ,lactantius has remarked 
that the ,stoics were especially noted  
for the  popular or democratic character
 of their teaching47#fji7 ,to their     
success  in this respect their alliance 
with the rhetoricians probably largely  
contributed2 but in other ways it       
hastened the downfall of the school4    

,the  useless speculations1 refinements1
 and paradoxes which the subtle genius  
of ,chrysippus had connected with the   
simple morals of ,stoicism1 had been    
for the most part thrown into the       
background by the early ,roman ,stoics2 
but in the teaching of the rhetoricians 
they became supreme4 ,the  endowments   
given by the ,antonines to philosophers 
attracted a multitude of  impostors1 who
 wore long beards and the dress of the  
philosopher1 but  whose lives were      
notoriously immoral4 ,the ,cynics       
especially1 professing to  reject the   
ordinary conventionalities of society1  
and being under none of  that discipline
 or superintendence which in the worst  
period has secured  at least external   
morality among the mendicant monks1     
continually threw  off every vestige of 
virtue and of decency4 ,instead of      
moulding great  characters and inspiring
 heroic actions1 ,stoicism became a     
school of the  idlest casuistry1 or the 
cloak for manifest imposture47#faj7 ,the

 very  generation which saw ,marcus     
,aurelius on the throne1 saw also the   
extinction of the influence of his sect4
    ,the internal causes of the         
decadence of ,stoicism1 though very     
powerful1  are insufficient to explain  
this complete eclipse4 ,the chief cause 
must be  found in the fact that the     
minds of men had taken a new turn1 and  
their  enthusiasm was flowing rapidly in
 the direction of ,oriental religions1  
and1 under the guidance of ,plotinus1   
,porphyry1 ,iamblichus1 and ,proclus1 of
  a mythical philosophy which was partly
 ,egyptian and partly ,platonic4 ,it    
remains for me1 in concluding this      
review of the ,pagan empire1 to indicate
  and explain this last transformation  
of ,pagan morals4    ,it was in the     
first place a very natural reaction     
against the extreme  aridity of the     
,stoical casuistry1 and also against the
 scepticism which  ,sextus ,empiricus   
had revived1 and in this respect it     
represents a law of  the human mind     

which has been more than once           
illustrated in later times4  ,thus1 the 
captious1 unsatisfying1 intellectual    
subtleties of the schoolmen  were met by
 the purely emotional and mystical      
school of ,st4 ,bonaventura1  and       
afterwards of ,tauler1 and thus the     
adoration of the human intellect1  that 
was general in the philosophy of the    
last century1 prepared the way  for the 
complete denial of its competency by ,de
 ,maistre and by ,lamennais4    ,in the 
next place1 mysticism was a normal      
continuation of the  spiritualising     
movement which had long been advancing4 
,we have already  seen that the strong  
tendency of ethics1 from ,cato to       
,marcus ,aurelius1 was  to enlarge the  
prominence of the emotions in the type  
of virtue4 ,the  formation of a gentle1 
a spiritual1 and1 in a word1 a religious
 character  had become a prominent part 
of moral culture1 and it was regarded   
not  simply as a means1 but as an end4  
,still1 both ,marcus ,aurelius and ,cato

  were ,stoics4 ,they both represented  
the same general cast or conception of  
virtue1 although in ,marcus ,aurelius   
the type had been profoundly modified4  
,but the time was soon to come when the 
balance between the practical and  the  
emotional parts of virtue1 which had    
been steadily changing1 should be       
decisively turned in favour of the      
latter1 and the type of ,stoicism was   
then necessarily discarded4    ,a       
concurrence of political and commercial 
causes had arisen1 very  favourable to  
the propagation of ,oriental beliefs4   
,commerce had produced a  constant      
intercourse between ,egypt and ,italy4  
,great numbers of ,oriental  slaves1    
passionately devoted to their national  
religions1 existed in ,rome2  and       
,alexandria1 which combined a great     
intellectual development with a         
geographical and commercial position    
exceedingly favourable to a fusion of   
many doctrines1 soon created a school of
 thought which acted powerfully  upon   

the world4 ,four great systems of       
eclecticism arose2 ,aristobulus and     
,philo tinctured ,judaism with ,greek   
and ,egyptian philosophy4 ,the ,gnostics
  and the ,alexandrian fathers united1  
though in very different proportions1   
,christian doctrines with the same      
elements2 while ,neoplatonism1 at least 
in its later forms1 represented a fusion
 of the ,greek and ,egyptian mind4 ,a   
great analogy was discovered between the
 ideal philosophy of ,plato and the     
mystical philosophy that was indigenous 
to the ,east1 and the two systems       
readily blended47#faa7    ,but the most 
powerful cause of the movement was the  
intense desire for  positive religious  
belief1 which had long been growing in  
the ,empire4 ,the  period when ,roman   
incredulity reached its extreme point   
had been the  century that preceded and 
the half century that followed the birth
 of  ,christ4 ,the sudden dissolution of
 the old habits of the ,republic        
effected  through political causes1 the 

first comparison of the multitudinous   
religions of the ,empire and also the   
writings of ,euhemerus had produced an  
absolute religious disbelief which      
,epicureanism represented and           
encouraged4 ,this belief1 however1 as ,i
 have already noticed1 co-existed  with 
numerous magical and astrological       
superstitions1 and the ignorance of     
physical science was so great1 and the  
conception of general laws so  faint1   
that the materials for a great revival  
of superstition still  remained4 ,from  
the middle of the first century1 a more 
believing and  reverent spirit began to 
arise4 ,the worship of ,isis and        
,serapis forced its  way into ,rome in  
spite of the opposition of the rulers4  
,apollonius of  ,tyana1 at the close of 
the ,flavian period1 had endeavoured to 
unite moral  teaching with religious    
practices2 the oracles1 which had long  
ceased1  were partially restored under  
the ,antonines2 the calamities and      
visible  decline of the ,empire withdrew

 the minds of men from that proud       
patriotic  worship of ,roman greatness1 
which was long a substitute for         
religious  feeling2 and the frightful   
pestilence that swept over the land in  
the  reigns of ,marcus ,aurelius and his
 successor was followed by a blind1     
feverish1 and spasmodic superstition4   
,besides this1 men have never           
acquiesced for any considerable time in 
a neglect of the great problems of  the 
origin1 nature1 and destinies of the    
soul1 or dispensed with some form  of   
religious worship and aspiration4 ,that 
religious instincts are as truly  a part
 of our nature as are our appetites and 
our nerves1 is a fact which  all history
 establishes1 and which forms one of the
 strongest proofs of  the reality of    
that unseen world to which the soul of  
man continually  tends4 ,early ,roman   
,stoicism1 which in this respect        
somewhat resembled the  modern positive 
school1 diverted for the most part its  
votaries from the  great problems of    

religion1 and attempted to evolve its   
entire system of  ethics out of existing
 human nature1 without appealing to any 
external  supernatural sanction4 ,but   
the ,platonic school1 and the ,egyptian 
school  which connected itself with the 
name of ,pythagoras1 were both          
essentially  religious4 ,the first      
aspired to the ,deity as the source and 
model of  virtue1 admitted dmons or     
subordinate spiritual agents acting upon
  mankind1 and explained and purified1  
in no hostile spirit1 the popular       
religions4 ,the latter made the state of
 ecstasy or quietism its ideal          
condition1 and sought to purify the mind
 by theurgy or special religious  rites4
 ,both philosophies conspired to effect 
a great religious  reformation1 in which
 the ,greek spirit usually represented  
the rational1  and the ,egyptian the    
mystical1 element4    ,of the first1    
,plutarch was the head4 ,he taught the  
supreme authority of  reason4 ,he argued
 elaborately that superstition is worse 

than atheism1 for  it calumniates the   
character of the ,deity1 and its evils  
are not negative1  but positive4 ,at the
 same time1 he is far from regarding the
 ,mythology as  a tissue of fables4     
,some things he denies4 ,others he      
explains away4 ,others  he frankly      
accepts4 ,he teaches for the most part a
 pure monotheism1 which  he reconciles  
with the common belief1 partly by       
describing the different  divinities as 
simply popular personifications of      
,divine attributes1 and  partly by the  
usual explanation of dmons4 ,he         
discarded most of the fables  of the    
poets1 applying to them with fearless   
severity the tests of human  morality1  
and rejecting indignantly those which   
attribute to the ,deity  cruel or       
immoral actions4 ,he denounces all      
religious terrorism1 and draws  a broad 
line of distinction between both the    
superstitious and idolatrous  conception
 of the ,deity on the one hand1 and the 
philosophical conception  on the other4 

8,the superstitious man believes in the 
gods1 but he has a  false idea of their 
nature4 ,those good beings whose        
providence watches  over us with so much
 care1 those beings so ready to forget  
our faults1 he  represents as ferocious 
and cruel tyrants1 taking pleasure in   
tormenting  us4 ,he believes the        
founders of brass1 the sculptors of     
stone1 the  moulders of wax2 he         
attributes to the gods a human form2 he 
adorns and  worships the image he has   
made1 and he listens not to the         
philosophers1  and men of knowledge who 
associate the ,divine image1 not with   
bodily  beauty1 but with grandeur and   
majesty1 with gentleness and            
goodness407#fab7  ,on the other hand1   
,plutarch believed that there was       
undoubtedly a certain  supernatural     
basis in the ,pagan creed2 he believed  
in oracles2 he  defended1 in a very     
ingenious essay1 hereditary punishment1 
and the  doctrine of a special          
,providence2 he admitted a future       

retribution1 though  he repudiated the  
notion of physical torment2 and he      
brought into clear  relief the moral    
teaching conveyed in some of the fables 
of the poets4    ,the position which    
,plutarch occupied under ,trajan1       
,maximus of ,tyre  occupied in the next 
generation4 ,like ,plutarch1 but with a 
greater  consistency1 he maintained a   
pure monotheistic doctrine1 declaring   
that  8,zeus is that most ancient and   
guiding mind that begot all             
things--,athene  is prudence--,apollo is
 the sun407#fac7 ,like ,plutarch1 he    
developed the  ,platonic doctrine of    
dmons as an explanation of much of the  
mythology1  and he applied an           
allegorical interpretation with great   
freedom to the  fables of ,homer1 which 
formed the text-book or the ,bible of   
,paganism4 ,by  these means he          
endeavoured to clarify the popular creed
 from all elements  inconsistent with a 
pure monotheism1 and from all legends of
 doubtful  morality1 while he sublimated

 the popular worship into a harmless    
symbolism4 8,the gods10 he assures us1  
8themselves need no images10 but the    
infirmity of human nature requires      
visible signs 8on which to rest40       
8,those who possess such faculties1 that
 with a steady mind they can rise  to   
heaven1 and to ,god1 are in no need of  
statues4 ,but such men are very  rare40 
,he then proceeds to recount the        
different ways by which men have        
endeavoured to represent or symbolise   
the ,divine nature1 as the statues of   
,greece1 the animals of ,egypt1 or the  
sacred flame of ,persia4 8,the ,god10 he
  continues1 8the ,father and the       
,founder of all that exists1 older than 
the  sun1 older than the sky1 greater   
than all time1 than every age1 and than 
all the works of nature1 whom no words  
can express1 whom no eye can  see4444   
,what can we say concerning his images8 
,only let men understand  that there is 
but one ,divine nature2 but whether the 
art of ,phidias  chiefly preserves his  

memory among the ,greeks1 or the worship
 of animals  among the ,egyptians1 a    
river among these1 or a flame among     
those1 ,i do not  blame the variety of  
the representations--only let men       
understand that  there is but one2 only 
let them love one1 let them preserve one
 in their  memory407#fad7    ,a third   
writer who1 nearly at the same time as  
,maximus of ,tyre1 made some  efforts in
 the same direction1 was ,apuleius1 who1
 however1 both as a moral  teacher1 and 
in his freedom from superstition1 was   
far inferior to the  preceding4 ,the    
religion he most admired was the        
,egyptian2 but in his  philosophy he was
 a ,platonist1 and in that capacity1    
besides an exposition  of the ,platonic 
code of morals1 he has left us a        
singularly clear and  striking          
disquisition on the doctrine of dmons4  
8,these dmons10 he says1  8are the      
bearers of blessings and prayers between
 the inhabitants of earth  and heaven1  
carrying prayers from the one and       

assistance from the  other4444 ,by them 
also1 as ,plato maintained in his       
#8,banquet1' all  revelations1 all the  
various miracles of magicians1 all kinds
 of omens1  are ruled4 ,they have their 
several tasks to perform1 their         
different  departments to govern2 some  
directing dreams1 others the disposition
 of  the entrails1 others the flight of 
birds4444 ,the supreme deities do not   
descend to these things--they leave them
 to the intermediate  divinities407#fae7
 ,but these intermediate spirits are not
 simply the agents  of supernatural     
phenomena--they are also the guardians  
of our virtue and  the recorders of our 
actions4 8,each man has in life         
witnesses and guards  of his deeds1     
visible to no one1 but always present1  
witnessing not only  every act but every
 thought4 ,when life has ended and we   
must return whence  we came1 the same   
genius who had charge over us1 takes us 
away and hurries  us in his custody to  
judgment1 and then assists us in        

pleading our cause4  ,if any thing is   
falsely asserted he corrects it--if     
true1 he substantiates  it1 and         
according to his witness our sentence is
 determined407#faf7    ,there are many  
aspects in which these attempts at      
religious reform are  both interesting  
and important4 ,they are interesting1   
because the doctrine  of dmons1 mingled1
 it is true1 with the theory of         
,euhemerus about the  origin of the     
deities1 was universally accepted by the
 ,fathers as the true  explanation of   
the ,pagan theology1 because the notion 
and1 after the third  century1 even the 
artistic type of the guardian genius    
reappeared in that  of the guardian     
angel1 and because the transition from  
polytheism to the  conception of a      
single deity acting by the delegation or
 ministration of  an army of subsidiary 
spirits1 was manifestly fitted to       
prepare the way  for the reception of   
,christianity4 ,they are interesting1   
too1 as showing  the anxiety of the     

human mind to sublimate its religious   
creed to the  level of the moral and    
intellectual standard it had attained1  
and to make  religious ordinances in    
some degree the instruments of moral    
improvement4  ,but they are interesting 
above all1 because the ,greek and       
,egyptian methods  of reform represent  
with typical distinctness the two great 
tendencies of  religious thought in all 
succeeding periods4 ,the ,greek spirit  
was  essentially rationalistic and      
eclectic2 the ,egyptian spirit was      
essentially mystical and devotional4    
,the ,greek sat in judgment upon his    
religion4 ,he modified1 curtailed1      
refined1 allegorised1 or selected4 ,he  
treated its inconsistencies or          
absurdities1 or immoralities1 with      
precisely the same freedom of criticism 
as those he encountered in  ordinary    
life4 ,the ,egyptian1 on the other hand1
 bowed low before the  ,divine presence4
 ,he veiled his eyes1 he humbled his    
reason1 he represented  the introduction

 of a new element into the moral life of
 ,europe1 the  spirit of religious      
reverence and awe4    8,the ,egyptian   
deities10 it was observed by ,apuleius1 
8were chiefly  honoured by lamentations1
 and the ,greek divinities by           
dances407#fag7 ,the  truth of the last  
part of this very significant remark    
appears in every  page of ,greek        
history4 ,no nation had a richer        
collection of games and  festivals      
growing out of its religious system2 in 
none did a light1  sportive1 and often  
licentious fancy play more fearlessly   
around the  popular creed1 in none was  
religious terrorism more rare4 ,the     
,divinity was  seldom looked upon as    
holier than man1 and a due observance of
 certain  rites and ceremonies was      
deemed an ample tribute to pay to him4  
,in the  ,egyptian system the religious 
ceremonies were veiled in mystery and   
allegory4 ,chastity1 abstinence from    
animal food1 ablutions1 long and        
mysterious ceremonies of preparation or 

initiation1 were the most  prominent    
features of worship4 ,the deities       
representing the great forces  of       
nature1 and shrouded by mysterious      
symbols1 excited a degree of awe  which 
no other ancient religion approached4   
,the speculative philosophy1 and the    
conceptions of morals1 that  accompanied
 the inroad of ,oriental religions1 were
 of a kindred nature4  ,the most        
prominent characteristic of the first   
was its tendency to  supersede the      
deductions of the reason by the         
intuitions of ecstasy4  ,neoplatonism1  
and the philosophies that were allied to
 it1 were  fundamentally                
pantheistic17#fah7 but they differed    
widely from the  pantheism of the       
,stoics4 ,the ,stoics identified man    
with ,god1 for the  purpose of          
glorifying man--the ,neoplatonists for  
the purpose of  aggrandising ,god4 ,in  
the conception of the first1 man1       
independent1  self-controlled1 and      
participating in the highest nature of  

the universe1  has no superior in       
creation4 ,according to the latter1 man 
is almost a  passive being1 swayed and  
permeated by a divine impulse4 ,yet he  
is not  altogether divine4 ,the divinity
 is latent in his soul1 but dulled1     
dimmed1  and crushed by the tyranny of  
the body4 8,to bring the ,god that is in
 us  into conformity with the ,god that 
is in the universe10 to elicit the ideas
  that are graven in the mind1 but      
obscured and hidden by the passions of  
the flesh--above all1 to subdue the     
body1 which is the sole obstacle to our 
complete fruition of the ,deity--was the
 main object of life4 ,porphyry         
described all philosophy as an          
anticipation of death--not in the       
,stoical  sense of teaching us to look  
calmly on our end1 but because death    
realises  the ideal of philosophy1 the  
complete separation of soul and body4   
,hence  followed an ascetic morality1   
and a supersensual philosophy4 8,the    
greatest  of all evils10 we are told1   

8is pleasure2 because by it the soul is 
nailed  or riveted to the body1 and     
thinks that true which the body         
persuades it1  and is thus deprived of  
the sense of divine things407#fai7      
8,justice1  beauty1 and goodness1 and   
all things that are formed by them1 no  
eye has  ever seen1 no bodily sense can 
apprehend4 ,philosophy must be pursued  
by  pure and unmingled reason and with  
deadened senses2 for the body disturbs  
the mind1 so that it cannot follow after
 wisdom4 ,as long as it is lost and     
mingled in the clay1 we shall never     
sufficiently possess the truth we       
desire407#fbj7    ,but the reason which 
is thus extolled as the revealer of     
truth must not be  confounded with the  
process of reasoning4 ,it is something  
quite different  from criticism1        
analysis1 comparison1 or deduction4 ,it 
is essentially  intuitive1 but it only  
acquires its power of transcendental    
intuition  after a long process of      
discipline4 ,when a man passes from the 

daylight  into a room which is almost   
dark1 he is at first absolutely unable  
to see  the objects around him2 but     
gradually his eye grows accustomed to   
the  feeble light1 the outline of the   
room becomes dimly visible1 object after
  object emerges into sight1 until at   
last1 by intently gazing1 he acquires   
the power of seeing around him with     
tolerable distinctness4 ,in this fact   
we have a partial image of the          
,neoplatonic doctrine of the knowledge  
of  divine things4 ,our soul is a dark  
chamber1 darkened by contact with the   
flesh1 but in it there are graven divine
 ideas1 there exists a living  divine   
element4 ,the eye of reason1 by long and
 steady introspection1 can  learn to    
decipher these characters2 the will1    
aided by an appointed course  of        
discipline1 can evoke this divine       
element1 and cause it to blend with  the
 universal spirit from which it sprang4 
,the powers of mental  concentration1   
and of metaphysical abstraction1 are    

therefore the highest  intellectual     
gifts2 and quietism1 or the absorption  
of our nature in ,god1  is the last     
stage of virtue4 8,the end of man10 said
 ,pythagoras1 8is ,god40  ,the          
mysterious ',one1' the metaphysical     
abstraction without attributes and      
without form which constitutes the      
,first ,person of the ,alexandrian      
,trinity1 is the acme of human thought1 
and the condition of ecstasy is the     
acme of moral perfection4 ,plotinus1 it 
was said1 had several times  attained   
it4 ,porphyry1 after years of           
discipline1 once1 and but once47#fba7   
,the process of reasoning is here not   
only useless1 but pernicious4 8,an      
innate knowledge of the gods is         
implanted in our minds prior to all     
reasoning407#fbb7 ,in divine things the 
task of man is not to create or to      
acquire1 but to educe4 ,his means of    
perfection are not dialectics or        
research1 but long and patient          
meditation1 silence1 abstinence from the

  distractions and occupations of life1 
the subjugation of the flesh1 a life  of
 continual discipline1 a constant       
attendance on those mysterious rites    
which detach him from material objects1 
overawe and elevate his mind1 and       
quicken his realisation of the ,divine  
presence47#fbc7    ,the system of       
,neoplatonism represents a mode of      
thought which in many  forms1 and under 
many names1 may be traced through the   
most various ages  and creeds4          
,mysticism1 transcendentalism1          
inspiration1 and grace1 are all  words  
expressing the deep-seated belief that  
we possess fountains of  knowledge apart
 from all the acquisitions of the       
senses2 that there are  certain states  
of mind1 certain flashes of moral and   
intellectual  illumination1 which cannot
 be accounted for by any play or        
combination of  our ordinary faculties4 
,for the sobriety1 the timidity1 the    
fluctuations  of the reasoning spirit1  
,neoplatonism substituted the transports

 of the  imagination2 and1 though it    
cultivated the power of abstraction1    
every  other intellectual gift was      
sacrificed to the discipline of         
asceticism4 ,it  made men credulous1    
because it suppressed that critical     
spirit which is  the sole barrier to the
 ever-encroaching imagination2 because  
it  represented superstitious rites as  
especially conducive to that state of   
ecstasy which was the condition of      
revelation2 because it formed a         
nervous1 diseased1 expectant            
temperament1 ever prone to              
hallucinations1  ever agitated by vague 
and uncertain feelings that were readily
 attributed  to inspiration4 ,as a moral
 system it carried1 indeed1 the         
purification of  the feelings and       
imagination to a higher perfection than 
any preceding  school1 but it had the   
deadly fault of separating sentiment    
from action4  ,in this respect it was   
well fitted to be the close1 the final  
suicide1 of  ,roman philosophy4 ,cicero 

assigned a place of happiness in the    
future world  to all who faithfully     
served the ,state47#fbd7 ,the ,stoics   
had taught that  all virtue was vain    
that did not issue in action4 ,even     
,epictetus1 in his  portrait of the     
ascetic cynic--even ,marcus ,aurelius1  
in his minute  self-examination--had    
never forgotten the outer world4 ,the   
early  ,platonists1 though they dwelt   
very strongly on mental discipline1 were
  equally practical4 ,plutarch reminds  
us that the same word is used for       
light1 and for man17#fbe7 for the duty  
of man is to be the light of the  world2
 and he shrewdly remarked that ,hesiod  
exhorted the husbandman to  pray for the
 harvest1 but to do so with his hand    
upon the plough4  ,apuleius1 expounding 
,plato1 taught 8that he who is inspired 
by nature to  seek after good must not  
deem himself born for himself alone1 but
 for all  mankind1 though with diverse  
kinds and degrees of obligation1 for he 
is  formed first of all for his country1

 then for his relations1 then for  those
 with whom he is joined by occupation or
 knowledge40 ,maximus of ,tyre  devoted 
two noble essays to showing the vanity  
of all virtue which  exhausts itself in 
mental transports without radiating in  
action among  mankind4 8,what use10 he  
asked1 8is there in knowledge unless we 
do those  things for which knowledge is 
profitable8 ,what use is there in the   
skill  of the physician unless by that  
skill he heals the sick1 or in the art  
of  ,phidias unless he chisels the ivory
 or the gold4444 ,hercules was a wise   
man1 but not for himself1 but that by   
his wisdom he might diffuse benefits    
over every land and sea4444 ,had he     
preferred to lead a life apart from     
men1 and to follow an idle wisdom1      
,hercules would indeed have been a      
,sophist1 and no one would call him the 
son of ,zeus4 ,for ,god himself is      
never idle2 were ,he to rest1 the sky   
would cease to move1 and the earth to   
produce1 and the rivers to flow into the

 ocean1 and the seasons to pursue  their
 appointed course407#fbf7 ,but the      
,neoplatonists1 though they sometimes   
spoke of civic virtues1 regarded the    
condition of ecstasy as not only        
transcending1 but including all1 and    
that condition could only be arrived  at
 by a passive life4 ,the saying of      
,anaxagoras1 that his mission was 8to   
contemplate the sun1 the stars1 and the 
course of nature1 and that this         
contemplation was wisdom10 was accepted 
as an epitome of their                  
philosophy47#fbg7 ,a senator named      
,rogantianus1 who had followed the      
teaching of ,plotinus1 acquired so      
intense a disgust for the things of     
life1 that he left all his property1    
refused to fulfil the duties of a       
prtor1 abandoned his senatorial         
functions1 and withdrew himself from    
every form of business and pleasure4    
,plotinus1 instead of reproaching him1  
overwhelmed him with eulogy1 selected   
him as his favourite disciple1 and      

continually represented him as the model
 of a philosopher47#fbh7    ,the two    
characteristics ,i have noticed--the    
abandonment of civic duties1  and the   
discouragement of the critical          
spirit--had from a very early period    
been manifest in the ,pythagorean       
school47#fbi7 ,in the blending          
philosophies  of the third and fourth   
centuries1 they became continually more 
apparent4  ,plotinus was still an       
independent philosopher1 inheriting the 
traditions  of ,greek thought1 though   
not the traditions of ,greek life1      
building his  system avowedly by a      
rational method1 and altogether         
rejecting theurgy or  religious magic4  
,his disciple1 ,porphyry1 first made    
,neoplatonism  anti-,christian1 and1 in 
his violent antipathy to the new faith1 
began to  convert it into a religious   
system4 ,iamblichus1 who was himself an 
,egyptian priest1 completed the         
transformation17#fcj7 resolved all moral
  discipline into theurgy1 and          

sacrificed all reasoning to faith47#fca7
  ,julian attempted to realise the      
conception of a revived ,paganism1      
blending  with and purified by          
philosophy4 ,in every form the appetite 
for miracles  and for belief was        
displayed4 ,the theory of dmons         
completely superseded  the old ,stoical 
naturalism1 which regarded the different
 ,pagan divinities  as allegories or    
personifications of the ,divine         
attributes4 ,the ,platonic  ethics were 
again1 for the most part1 in the        
ascendant1 but they were  deeply        
tinctured by a foreign element4 ,thus1  
suicide was condemned by the            
,neoplatonists1 not merely on the       
principle of ,plato1 that it is an      
abandonment of the post of duty to which
 the ,deity has called us1 but also  on 
the quietist ground1 that perturbation  
is necessarily a pollution of  the soul1
 and that1 as mental perturbation       
accompanies the act1 the soul  of the   
suicide departs polluted from the       

body47#fcb7 ,the belief in a future     
world1 which was the common glory of the
 schools of ,pythagoras and of  ,plato1 
had become universal4 ,as ,roman        
greatness1 in which men had long  seen  
the reward of virtue1 faded rapidly     
away1 the conception of 8a city  of     
,god0 began to grow more clearly in the 
minds of men1 and the countless  slaves 
who were among the chief propagators of 
,oriental faiths1 and who  had begun to 
exercise an unprecedented influence in  
,roman life1 turned  with a natural and 
a touching eagerness towards a happier  
and a freer  world47#fcc7 ,the          
incredulity of ,lucretius1 ,csar1 and   
,pliny had  disappeared4 ,above all1 a  
fusion had been effected between moral  
discipline and religion1 and the        
moralist sought his chief means of      
purification in the ceremonies of the   
temple4    ,i have now completed the    
long and complicated task to which the  
present  chapter has been devoted4 ,i   
have endeavoured to exhibit1 so far as  

can be  done1 by a description of       
general tendencies1 and by a selection  
of  quotations1 the spirit of the long  
series of ,pagan moralists who taught at
  ,rome during the period that elapsed  
between the rise of ,roman philosophy   
and the triumph of ,christianity4 ,my   
object has not been to classify these   
writers with minute accuracy1 according 
to their speculative tenets1 but        
rather1 as ,i had proposed1 to exhibit  
the origin1 the nature1 and the         
fortunes of the general notion or type  
of virtue which each moralist had       
regarded as supremely good4 ,history is 
not a mere succession of events         
connected only by chronology4 ,it is a  
chain of causes and effects4 ,there  is 
a great natural difference of degree and
 direction in both the moral  and       
intellectual capacities of individuals1 
but it is not probable that  the general
 average of natural morals in great     
bodies of men materially  varies4 ,when 
we find a society very virtuous or very 

vicious--when some  particular virtue or
 vice occupies a peculiar prominence1 or
 when  important changes pass over the  
moral conceptions or standard of the    
people--we have to trace in these things
 simply the action of the  circumstances
 that were dominant4 ,the history of    
,roman ethics represents a  steady and  
uniform current1 guided by the general  
conditions of society1  and its progress
 may be marked by the successive        
ascendancy of the ,roman1  the ,greek1  
and the ,egyptian spirit4    ,in the age
 of ,cato and ,cicero the character of  
the ideal was wholly ,roman1  although  
the philosophical expression of that    
character was derived from  the ,greek  
,stoics4 ,it exhibited all the force1   
the grandeur1 the hardness1  the        
practical tendency which ,roman         
circumstances had early created1        
combined with that catholicity of spirit
 which resulted from very recent        
political and intellectual changes4 ,in 
the course of time1 the ,greek  element1

 which represented the gentler and more 
humane spirit of  antiquity1 gained an  
ascendancy4 ,it did so by simple        
propagandism1 aided  by the long peace  
of the ,antonines1 by the effeminate    
habits produced by  the increasing      
luxury1 by the attractions of the       
metropolis1 which had  drawn multitudes 
of ,greeks to ,rome1 by the patronage of
 the ,emperors1 and  also by the        
increasing realisation of the doctrine  
of universal  brotherhood1 which        
,pantius and ,cicero had asserted1 but  
of which the full  consequences were    
only perceived by their successors4 ,the
 change in the  type of virtue was shown
 in the influence of eclectic1 and for  
the most  part ,platonic1 moralists1    
whose special assaults were directed    
against the  ,stoical condemnation of   
the emotions1 and in the gradual        
softening of the  ,stoical type4 ,in    
,seneca the hardness of the sect1 though
 very apparent1 is  broken by precepts  
of a real and extensive benevolence1    

though that  benevolence springs rather 
from a sense of duty than from          
tenderness of  feeling4 ,in ,dion       
,chrysostom the practical benevolence is
 not less  prominent1 but there is less 
both of pride and of callousness4       
,epictetus  embodied the sternest       
,stoicism in his ,manual1 but his       
dissertations  exhibit a deep religious 
feeling and a wide range of sympathies4 
,in ,marcus  ,aurelius the emotional    
elements had greatly increased1 and the 
amiable  qualities began to predominate 
over the heroic ones4 ,we find at the   
same  time a new stress laid upon purity
 of thought and imagination1 a growing  
feeling of reverence1 and an earnest    
desire to reform the popular  religion4 
,this second stage exhibits a happy     
combination of the ,roman and ,greek    
spirits4 ,disinterested1 strictly       
practical1 averse to the speculative    
subtilties of the ,greek intellect1     
,stoicism was still the religion of a   
people who were the rulers and the      

organisers of the world1 whose          
enthusiasm was essentially patriotic1   
and who had learnt to sacrifice         
everything but pride to the sense of    
duty4 ,it had1 however1 become  amiable1
 gentle1 and spiritual4 ,it had gained  
much in beauty1 while it had  lost      
something in force4 ,in the world of    
morals1 as in the world of  physics1    
strength is nearly allied to hardness4  
,he who feels keenly is  easily moved1  
and a sensitive sympathy which lies at  
the root of an  amiable character is in 
consequence a principle of weakness4    
,the race of  great ,roman ,stoics1     
which had never ceased during the       
tyranny of ,nero or  ,domitian1 began to
 fail4 ,in the very moment when the     
ideal of the sect had  attained its     
supreme perfection1 a new movement      
appeared1 the philosophy  sank into     
disrepute1 and the last act of the drama
 began4    ,in this1 as in the preceding
 ones1 all was normal and regular4 ,the 
long  continuance of despotic government

 had gradually destroyed the active     
public spirit of which ,stoicism was the
 expression4 ,the predominance of  the  
subtle intellect of ,greece1 and the    
multiplication of rhetoricians1  had    
converted the philosophy into a school  
of disputation and of  casuistry4 ,the  
increasing cultivation of the emotions  
continued1 till what  may be termed the 
moral centre was changed1 and the       
development of feeling  was deemed more 
important than the regulation of        
actions4 ,this cultivation  of the      
emotions predisposed men to religion4 ,a
 reaction1 intensified by  many minor   
causes1 set in against the scepticism of
 the preceding  generation1 and         
,alexandria gradually became the moral  
capital of the  empire4 ,the ,roman type
 speedily disappeared4 ,a union was     
effected between  superstitious rites   
and philosophy1 and the worship of      
,egyptian deities  prepared the way for 
the teaching of the ,neoplatonists1 who 
combined the  most visionary part of the

 speculations of ,plato with the ancient
  philosophies of the ,east4 ,in        
,plotinus we find most of the first2 in 
,iamblichus most of the second4 ,the    
minds of men1 under their influence1    
grew introspective1 credulous1 and      
superstitious1 and found their ideal    
states in the hallucinations of ecstasy 
and the calm of an unpractical          
mysticism4    ,such were the influences 
which acted in turn upon a society      
which1 by  despotism1 by slavery1 and by
 atrocious amusements1 had been debased 
and  corrupted to the very core4 ,each  
sect which successively arose           
contributed  something to remedy the    
evil4 ,stoicism placed beyond cavil the 
great  distinctions between right and   
wrong4 ,it inculcated the doctrine of   
universal brotherhood1 it created a     
noble literature and a noble            
legislation1 and it associated its moral
 system with the patriotic spirit  which
 was then the animating spirit of ,roman
 life4 ,the early ,platonists of  the   

,empire corrected the exaggerations of  
,stoicism1 gave free scope to the       
amiable qualities1 and supplied a theory
 of right and wrong1 suited not  merely 
for heroic characters and for extreme   
emergencies1 but also for the           
characters and the circumstances of     
common life4 ,the ,pythagorean and      
,neoplatonic schools revived the feeling
 of religious reverence1 inculcated     
humility1 prayerfulness1 and purity of  
thought1 and accustomed men to          
associate their moral ideals with the   
,deity1 rather than with themselves4    
,the moral improvement of society was   
now to pass into other hands4 ,a        
religion which had long been increasing 
in obscurity began to emerge into  the  
light4 ,by the beauty of its moral      
precepts1 by the systematic skill  with 
which it governed the imagination and   
habits of its worshippers1 by  the      
strong religious motives to which it    
could appeal1 by its admirable          
ecclesiastical organisation1 and1 it    

must be added1 by its unsparing use  of 
the arm of power1 ,christianity soon    
eclipsed or destroyed all other  sects1 
and became for many centuries the       
supreme ruler of the moral world4       
,combining the ,stoical doctrine of     
universal brotherhood1 the ,greek       
predilection for the amiable qualities1 
and the ,egyptian spirit of  reverence  
and religious awe1 it acquired from the 
first an intensity and  universality of 
influence which none of the philosophies
 it had superseded  had approached4 ,i  
have now to examine the moral causes    
that governed the  rise of this religion
 in ,rome1 the ideal of virtue it       
presented1 the  degree and manner in    
which it stamped its image upon the     
character of  nations1 and the          
perversions and distortions it          
underwent4            ,,chapter ,,iii4  
,,the ,,conversion ,,of ,,rome4         
,there is no fact in the history of the 
human mind more remarkable than the     
complete unconsciousness of the         

importance and the destinies of         
,christianity1 manifested by the ,pagan 
writers before the accession of         
,constantine4 ,so large an amount of    
attention has been bestowed on the ten  
or twelve allusions to it they furnish1 
that we are sometimes apt to  forget how
 few and meagre those allusions are1 and
 how utterly impossible  it is to       
construct from them1 with any degree of 
certainty1 a history of  the early      
,church4 ,plutarch and the elder ,pliny1
 who probably surpass all  other writers
 of their time in the range of their    
illustrations1 and  ,seneca1 who was    
certainly the most illustrious moralist 
of his age1 never  even mention it4     
,epictetus and ,marcus ,aurelius have   
each adverted to it  with a passing and 
contemptuous censure4 ,tacitus describes
 in detail the  persecution by ,nero1   
but treats the suffering religion merely
 as 8an  execrable superstition20 while 
,suetonius1 employing the same          
expression1  reckons the persecution    

among the acts of the tyrant that were  
either  laudable or indifferent4 ,our   
most important document is the famous   
letter  of the younger ,pliny4 ,lucian  
throws some light both on the extent of 
,christian charity1 and on the aspect in
 which ,christians were regarded by  the
 religious jugglers of their age1 and   
the long series of ,pagans who  wrote   
the lives of the ,emperors in that most 
critical period from the  accession of  
,hadrian1 almost to the eve of the      
triumph of the ,church1  among a crowd  
of details concerning the dresses1      
games1 vices1 and follies  of the       
,court1 supply us with six or seven     
short notices of the religion  that was 
transforming the world4    ,the general 
silence of the ,pagan writers on this   
subject did not arise  from any         
restrictions imposed upon them by       
authority1 for in this field  the widest
 latitude was conceded1 nor yet from the
 notions of the dignity  of history1 or 
the importance of individual exertions1 

which have induced  some historians to  
resolve their task into a catalogue of  
the achievements  of kings1 statesmen1  
and generals4 ,the conception of        
history1 as the  record and explanation 
of moral revolutions1 though of course  
not  developed to the same prominence as
 among some modern writers1 was by no   
means unknown in antiquity17#fcd7 and in
 many branches our knowledge of the     
social changes of the ,roman ,empire is 
extremely copious4 ,the dissolution  of 
old beliefs1 the decomposition of the   
entire social and moral system  that had
 arisen under the ,republic1 engaged in 
the very highest degree the  attention  
of the literary classes1 and they       
displayed the most commendable          
diligence in tracing its stages4 ,it is 
very curious and instructive to         
contrast the ample information they have
 furnished us concerning the  growth of 
,roman luxury1 with their almost        
absolute silence concerning the  growth 
of ,christianity4 ,the moral importance 

of the former movement they  clearly    
recognised1 and they have accordingly   
preserved so full a record  of all the  
changes in dress1 banquets1 buildings1  
and spectacles1 that it  would be       
possible to write with the most minute  
detail the whole history  of ,roman     
luxury1 from the day when a censor      
deprived an elector of his  vote because
 his garden was negligently cultivated1 
to the orgies of ,nero  or              
,heliogabalus4 ,the moral importance of 
the other movement they  altogether     
overlooked1 and their oversight leaves a
 chasm in history which  can never be   
supplied4    ,that the greatest         
religious change in the history of      
mankind should have  taken place under  
the eyes of a brilliant galaxy of       
philosophers and  historians1 who were  
profoundly conscious of the             
decomposition around  them1 that all of 
these writers should have utterly failed
 to predict the  issue of the movement  
they were observing1 and that1 during   

the space of  three centuries1 they     
should have treated as simply           
contemptible an agency  which all men   
must now admit to have been1 for good or
 for evil1 the most  powerful moral     
lever that has ever been applied to the 
affairs of man1 are  facts well worthy  
of meditation in every period of        
religious transition4  ,the explanation 
is to be found in that broad separation 
between the  spheres of morals and of   
positive religion we have considered in 
the last  chapter4 ,in modern times1 men
 who were examining the probable moral  
future  of the world1 would naturally1  
and in the first place1 direct their    
attention to the relative positions and 
the probable destinies of  religious    
institutions4 ,in the ,stoical period of
 the ,roman ,empire1  positive religion 
had come to be regarded as merely an art
 for obtaining  preternatural assistance
 in the affairs of life1 and the moral  
amelioration of mankind was deemed      
altogether external to its sphere4      

,philosophy had become to the educated  
most literally a religion4 ,it was  the 
rule of life1 the exposition of the     
,divine nature1 the source of           
devotional feeling4 ,the numerous       
,oriental superstitions that had deluged
  the city were regarded as peculiarly  
pernicious and contemptible1 and of     
these none was less likely to attract   
the favour of the philosophers than     
that of the ,jews17#fce7 who were       
notorious as the most sordid1 the most  
turbulent17#fcf7 and the most           
unsocial7#fcg7 of the ,oriental         
colonists4 ,of  the ignorance of their  
tenets1 displayed even by the most      
eminent ,romans1  we have a striking    
illustration in the long series of      
grotesque fables  concerning their      
belief1 probably derived from some      
satirical pamphlet1  which ,tacitus has 
gravely inserted in his history47#fch7  
,christianity1 in  the eyes of the      
philosopher1 was simply a sect of       
,judaism4    ,although ,i am anxious in 

the present work to avoid1 as far as    
possible1  all questions that are purely
 theological1 and to consider           
,christianity  merely in its aspect as a
 moral agent1 it will be necessary to   
bestow a  few preliminary pages upon its
 triumph in the ,roman ,empire1 in order
 to  ascertain how far that triumph was 
due to moral causes1 and what were its  
relations to the prevailing philosophy4 
,there are some writers who have  been  
so struck with the conformity between   
some of the doctrines of the  later     
,stoics and those of ,christianity that 
they have imagined that  ,christianity  
had early obtained a decisive influence 
over philosophy1 and  that the leading  
teachers of ,rome had been in some      
measure its disciples4  ,there are      
others who reduce the conversion of the 
,roman ,empire to a mere  question of   
evidences1 to the overwhelming proofs   
the ,christian teachers  produced of the
 authenticity of the ,gospel narratives4
 ,there are others1  again1 who deem the

 triumph of ,christianity simply        
miraculous4 ,everything1  they tell us1 
was against it4 ,the course of the      
,church was like that of a  ship sailing
 rapidly and steadily to the goal1 in   
direct defiance of both  wind and tide1 
and the conversion of the ,empire was as
 literally  supernatural as the raising 
of the dead1 or the sudden quelling of  
the  storm4    ,on the first of these   
theories it will not1 ,i think1 be      
necessary1 after  the last chapter1 to  
expatiate at length4 ,it is admitted    
that the greatest  moralists of the     
,roman ,empire either never mentioned   
,christianity1 or  mentioned it with    
contempt2 that they habitually          
disregarded the many  religions which   
had arisen among the ignorant2 and that 
we have no direct  evidence of the      
slightest value of their ever having    
come in contact with  or favoured the   
,christians4 ,the supposition that they 
were influenced by  ,christianity rests 
mainly upon their enforcement of the    

,christian duty of  self-examination1   
upon their strong assertion of the      
universal brotherhood  of mankind1 and  
upon the delicate and expansive humanity
 they at last  evinced4 ,but although on
 all these points the later ,stoics     
approximated  much to ,christianity1 we 
have already seen that it is easy to    
discover in  each case the cause of the 
tendency4 ,the duty of self-examination 
was  simply a ,pythagorean precept1     
enforced in that school long before the 
rise  of ,christianity1 introduced into 
,stoicism when ,pythagoreanism became   
popular in ,rome1 and confessedly       
borrowed from this source4 ,the doctrine
  of the universal brotherhood of       
mankind was the manifest expression of  
those political and social changes which
 reduced the whole civilised globe  to  
one great empire1 threw open to the most
 distant tribes the right of  ,roman    
citizenship1 and subverted all those    
class divisions around which  moral     
theories had been formed4 ,cicero       

asserted it as emphatically as  ,seneca4
 ,the theory of pantheism1 representing 
the entire creation as one  great body1 
pervaded by one ,divine soul1 harmonised
 with it2 and it is a  curious fact that
 the very phraseology concerning the    
fellow-membership of  all things in     
,god1 which has been most confidently   
adduced by some modern  writers as      
proving the connection between ,seneca  
and ,christianity1 was  selected by     
,lactantius as the clearest illustration
 of the pantheism of  ,stoicism47#fci7  
,the humane character of the later      
,stoical teaching was  obviously due to 
the infusion of the ,greek element into 
,roman life1 which  began before the    
foundation of the ,empire1 and received 
a new impulse in  the reign of ,hadrian1
 and also to the softening influence of 
a luxurious  civilisation1 and of the   
long peace of the ,antonines4 ,while far
 inferior  to the ,greeks in practical  
and realised humanity1 the ,romans never
  surpassed their masters in theoretical

 humanity except in one respect4 ,the   
humanity of the ,greeks1 though very    
earnest1 was confined within a narrow   
circle4 ,the social and political       
circumstances of the ,roman ,empire     
destroyed the barrier4    ,the only case
 in which any plausible arguments have  
been urged in favour  of the notion that
 the writings of the ,stoics were       
influenced by the ,new  ,testament is   
that of ,seneca4 ,this philosopher was  
regarded by all the  medival writers as 
a ,christian1 on the ground of a        
correspondence with  ,st4 ,paul1 which  
formed part of a forged account of the  
martyrdom of ,st4  ,peter and ,st4      
,paul1 attributed to ,st4 ,linus4 ,these
 letters1 which were  absolutely        
unnoticed during the first three        
centuries1 and are first  mentioned by  
,st4 ,jerome1 are now almost universally
 abandoned as  forgeries27#fdj7 but many
 curious coincidences of phraseology    
have been  pointed out between the      
writings of ,seneca and the epistles of 

,st4 ,paul2  and the presumption derived
 from them has been strengthened by the 
facts  that the brother of ,seneca was  
that ,gallio who refused to hear the    
disputes between ,st4 ,paul and the     
,jews1 and that ,burrhus1 who was the   
friend and colleague of ,seneca1 was the
 officer to whose custody ,st4 ,paul    
had been entrusted at ,rome4 ,into the  
minute verbal criticism to which this   
question had given rise17#fda7 it is not
 necessary for me to enter4 ,it has     
been shown that much of what was deemed 
,christian phraseology grew out of  the 
pantheistic notion of one great body    
including1 and one ,divine mind         
animating and guiding1 all existing     
things2 and many other of the  pretended
 coincidences are so slight as to be    
altogether worthless as an  argument4   
,still ,i think most persons who review 
what has been written on  the subject   
will conclude that it is probable some  
fragments at least of  ,christian       
language had come to the ears of        

,seneca4 ,but to suppose that his       
system of morals is in any degree formed
 after the model or under the  influence
 of ,christianity1 is to be blind to the
 most obvious  characteristics of both  
,christianity and ,stoicism2 for no     
other moralist  could be so aptly       
selected as representing their extreme  
divergence4  ,reverence and humility1 a 
constant sense of the supreme majesty of
 ,god and  of the weakness and          
sinfulness of man1 and a perpetual      
reference to  another world1 were the   
essential characteristics of            
,christianity1 the  source of all its   
power1 the basis of its distinctive     
type4 ,of all these1  the teaching of   
,seneca is the direct antithesis4       
,careless of the future  world1 and     
profoundly convinced of the supreme     
majesty of man1 he laboured  to         
emancipate his disciples 8from every    
fear of ,god and man20 and the  proud   
language in which he claimed for the    
sage an equality with the gods          

represents1 perhaps1 the highest point  
to which philosophic arrogance has  been
 carried4 ,the ,jews1 with whom the     
,christians were then universally       
identified1 he emphatically describes as
 8an accursed race407#fdb7 ,one man1    
indeed1 there was among the later       
,stoics who had almost realised the     
,christian type1 and in whose pure and  
gentle nature the arrogance of his      
school can be scarcely traced2 but      
,marcus ,aurelius1 who of all the ,pagan
  world1 if we argued by internal       
evidence alone1 would have been most    
readily identified with ,christianity1  
was a persecutor of the faith1 and  he  
has left on record in his 8,meditations0
 his contempt for the ,christian        
martyrs47#fdc7    ,the relation between 
the ,pagan philosophers and the         
,christian religion was  a subject of   
much discussion and of profound         
difference of opinion in the  early     
,church47#fdd7 ,while the writers of one
 school apologised for the  murder of   

,socrates1 described the martyred ,greek
 as the 'buffoon of  ,athens1'7#fde7 and
 attributed his inspiration to          
diabolical influence27#fdf7  while they 
designated the writings of the          
philosophers as 8the schools of         
heretics10 and collected with a         
malicious assiduity all the calumnies   
that  had been heaped upon their        
memory--there were others who made it a 
leading  object to establish a close    
affinity between ,pagan philosophy and  
the  ,christian revelation4 ,imbued in  
many instances1 almost from childhood1  
with the noble teaching of ,plato1 and  
keenly alive to the analogies  between  
his philosophy and their new faith1     
these writers found the  exhibition of  
this resemblance at once deeply grateful
 to themselves and  the most successful 
way of dispelling the prejudices of     
their ,pagan  neighbours4 ,the success  
that had attended the ,christian        
prophecies  attributed to the ,sibyls   
and the oracles1 the passion for        

eclecticism1  which the social and      
commercial position of ,alexandria had  
generated1 and  also the example of the 
,jew ,aristobulus1 who had some time    
before  contended that the ,jewish      
writings had been translated into       
,greek1 and had  been the source of much
 of the ,pagan wisdom1 encouraged them  
in their  course4 ,the most             
conciliatory1 and at the same time the  
most philosophical  school1 was the     
earliest in the ,church4 ,justin        
,martyr--the first of the  ,fathers     
whose writings possess any general      
philosophical  interest--cordially      
recognises the excellence of many parts 
of the ,pagan  philosophy1 and even     
attributes it to a ,divine inspiration1 
to the action  of the generative or     
8seminal ,logos10 which from the        
earliest times had  existed in the      
world1 had inspired teachers like       
,socrates and ,musonius1  who had been  
persecuted by the dmons1 and had        
received in ,christianity  its final and

 perfect manifestation47#fdg7 ,the same 
generous and expansive  appreciation may
 be traced in the writings of several   
later ,fathers1  although the school was
 speedily disfigured by some grotesque  
extravagances4 ,clement of              
,alexandria--a writer of wide           
sympathies1  considerable originality1  
very extensive learning1 but of a feeble
 and  fantastic judgment--who           
immediately succeeded ,justin ,martyr1  
attributed all  the wisdom of antiquity 
to two sources4 ,the first source was   
tradition2  for the angels1 who had been
 fascinated by the antediluvian ladies1 
had  endeavoured to ingratiate          
themselves with their fair companions by
 giving  them an abstract of the        
metaphysical and other learning which   
was then  current in heaven1 and the    
substance of these conversations1 being 
transmitted by tradition1 supplied the  
,pagan philosophers with their  leading 
notions4 ,the angels did not know       
everything1 and therefore the  ,greek   

philosophy was imperfect2 but this event
 formed the first great  epoch in       
literary history4 ,the second and most  
important source of ,pagan  wisdom was  
the ,old ,testament17#fdh7 the influence
 of which many of the  early ,christians
 traced in every department of ancient  
wisdom4 ,plato had  borrowed from it all
 his philosophy1 ,homer the noblest     
conceptions of his  poetry1 ,demosthenes
 the finest touches of his eloquence4   
,even ,miltiades  owed his military     
skill to an assiduous study of the      
,pentateuch1 and the  ambuscade by which
 he won the battle of ,marathon was     
imitated from the  strategy of          
,moses47#fdi7 ,pythagoras1 moreover1 had
 been himself a  circumcised ,jew47#fej7
 ,plato had been instructed in ,egypt by
 the prophet  ,jeremiah4 ,the god       
,serapis was no other than the patriarch
 ,joseph1 his  ,egyptian name being     
manifestly derived from his             
great-grandmother  ,sarah47#fea7        
,absurdities of this kind1 of which ,i  

have given extreme but by no means  the 
only examples1 were usually primarily   
intended to repel arguments  against    
,christianity1 and they are             
illustrations of the tendency which has 
always existed in an uncritical age to  
invent1 without a shadow of  foundation1
 the most elaborate theories of         
explanation rather than  recognise the  
smallest force in an objection4 ,thus1  
when the ,pagans  attempted to reduce   
,christianity to a normal product of the
 human mind1 by  pointing to the very   
numerous ,pagan legends which were      
precisely parallel  to the ,jewish      
histories1 it was answered that the     
dmons were careful  students of         
prophecy1 that they foresaw with terror 
the advent of their  ,divine ,conqueror1
 and that1 in order to prevent men      
believing in him1 they  had invented1 by
 anticipation1 a series of legends      
resembling the events  which were       
foretold47#feb7 ,more frequently1       
however1 the early ,christians  retorted

 the accusations of plagiarism1 and by  
forged writings attributed  to ,pagan   
authors1 or1 by pointing out alleged    
traces of ,jewish influence  in genuine 
,pagan writings1 they endeavoured to    
trace through the past the  footsteps of
 their faith4 ,but this method of       
assimilation1 which  culminated in the  
,gnostics1 the ,neoplatonists1 and      
especially in ,origen1  was directed not
 to the later ,stoics of the ,empire1   
but to the great  philosophers who had  
preceded ,christianity4 ,it was in the  
writings of  ,plato1 not in those of    
,epictetus or ,marcus ,aurelius1 that   
the ,fathers of  the first three        
centuries found the influence of the    
,jewish ,scriptures1  and at the time   
when the passion for discovering these  
connections was  most extravagant1 the  
notion of ,seneca and his followers     
being inspired by  the ,christians was  
unknown4    ,dismissing then1 as        
altogether groundless1 the notion that  
,christianity  had obtained a complete  

or even a partial influence over the    
philosophic  classes during the period  
of ,stoical ascendancy1 we come to the  
opinion of  those who suppose that the  
,roman ,empire was converted by a system
 of  evidences--by the miraculous proofs
 of the divinity of ,christianity1      
submitted to the adjudication of the    
people4 ,to estimate this view aright1  
we have to consider both the capacity of
 the men of that age for judging        
miracles1 and also--which is a different
 question--the extent to which such     
evidence would weigh upon their minds4  
,to treat this subject  satisfactorily1 
it may be advisable to enter at some    
little length into  the broad question  
of the evidence of the miraculous4      
,with the exception of a small minority 
of the priests of the ,catholic         
,church1 a general incredulity on the   
subject of miracles now underlies the   
opinions of almost all educated men4    
,nearly every one1 however cordially  he
 may admit some one particular class of 

miracles1 as a general rule  regards the
 accounts of such events1 which are so  
frequent in all old  historians1 as     
false and incredible1 even when he fully
 believes the  natural events that are  
authenticated by the same testimony4    
,the reason of  this incredulity is not 
altogether the impossibility or even    
extreme  natural improbability of       
miracles2 for1 whatever may be the case 
with  some1 there is at least one class 
or conception of them which is perfectly
  free from logical difficulty4 ,there  
is no contradiction involved in the     
belief that spiritual beings1 of power  
and wisdom immeasurably  transcending   
our own1 exist1 or that1 existing1 they 
might1 by the normal  exercise of their 
powers1 perform feats as far surpassing 
the  understanding of the most gifted of
 mankind1 as the electric telegraph and 
the prediction of an eclipse surpass the
 faculties of a savage4 ,nor does  the  
incredulity arise1 ,i think1 as is      
commonly asserted1 from the want of     

that amount and kind of evidence which  
in other departments is deemed          
sufficient4 ,very few of the minor facts
 of history are authenticated by as     
much evidence as the ,stigmata of ,st4  
,francis1 or the miracle of the holy    
thorn1 or those which were said to have 
been wrought at the tomb of the  ,abb   
,paris4 ,we believe1 with tolerable     
assurance1 a crowd of historical  events
 on the testimony of one or two ,roman  
historians2 but when ,tacitus  and      
,suetonius describe how ,vespasian      
restored a blind man to sight1 and a    
cripple to strength17#fec7 their        
deliberate assertions do not even beget 
in  our minds a suspicion that the      
narrative may possibly be true4 ,we are 
quite certain that miracles were not    
ordinary occurrences in classical or    
medival times1 but nearly all the       
contemporary writers from whom we       
derive our knowledge of those periods   
were convinced that they were4    ,if1  
then1 ,i have correctly interpreted the 

opinions of ordinary educated  people on
 this subject1 it appears that the      
common attitude towards  miracles is not
 that of doubt1 of hesitation1 of       
discontent with the  existing evidence1 
but rather of absolute1 derisive1 and   
even unexamining  incredulity4 ,such a  
fact1 when we consider that the         
antecedent possibility  of at least some
 miracles is usually admitted1 and in   
the face of the vast  mass of tradition 
that may be adduced in their favour1    
appears at first  sight a striking      
anomaly1 and the more so because it can 
be shown that the  belief in miracles   
had in most cases not been reasoned     
down1 but had  simply faded away4    ,in
 order to ascertain the process by which
 this state of mind has been  attained1 
we may take an example in a sphere which
 is happily removed from  controversy4  
,there are very few persons with whom   
the fictitious character  of fairy tales
 has not ceased to be a question1 or who
 would hesitate to  disbelieve or even  

to ridicule any anecdote of this nature 
which was told  them1 without the very  
smallest examination of its evidence4   
,yet1 if we  ask in what respect the    
existence of fairies is naturally       
contradictory or  absurd1 it would be   
difficult to answer the question4 ,a    
fairy is simply a  being possessing a   
moderate share of human intelligence1   
with little or no  moral faculty1 with a
 body pellucid1 winged1 and volatile1   
like that of an  insect1 with a passion 
for dancing1 and1 perhaps1 with an      
extraordinary  knowledge of the         
properties of different plants4 ,that   
such beings should  exist1 or that1     
existing1 they should be able to do many
 things beyond  human power1 are        
propositions which do not present the   
smallest  difficulty4 ,for many         
centuries their existence was almost    
universally  believed4 ,there is not a  
country1 not a province1 scarcely a     
parish1 in  which traditions of their   
appearance were not long preserved4 ,so 

great a  weight of tradition1 so many   
independent trains of evidence attesting
  statements perfectly free from        
intrinsic absurdity1 or even            
improbability1  might appear sufficient1
 if not to establish conviction1 at     
least to  supply a very strong prim     
facie case1 and ensure a patient and    
respectful investigation of the subject4
    ,it has not done so1 and the reason 
is sufficiently plain4 ,the question of 
the credibility of fairy tales has not  
been resolved by an examination of      
evidence1 but by an observation of the  
laws of historic development4  ,wherever
 we find an ignorant and rustic         
population1 the belief in fairies  is   
found to exist1 and circumstantial      
accounts of their apparitions are       
circulated4 ,but invariably with        
increased education this belief passes  
away4 ,it is not that the fairy tales   
are refuted or explained away1 or  even 
narrowly scrutinised4 ,it is that the   
fairies cease to appear4 ,from  the     

uniformity of this decline1 we infer    
that fairy tales are the normal  product
 of a certain condition of the          
imagination2 and this position is       
raised to a moral certainty when we find
 that the decadence of fairy tales  is  
but one of a long series of similar     
transformations4    ,when the savage    
looks around upon the world and begins  
to form his  theories of existence1 he  
falls at once into three great errors1  
which  become the first principles of   
his subsequent opinions4 ,he believes   
that  this earth is the centre of the   
universe1 and that all the bodies       
encircling it are intended for its use2 
that the disturbances and  dislocations 
it presents1 and especially the master  
curse of death1 are  connected with some
 event in his history1 and also that the
 numerous  phenomena and natural        
vicissitudes he sees around him are due 
to direct  and isolated volitions1      
either of spirits presiding over1 or of 
intelligences inherent in1 matter4      

,around these leading conceptions a     
crowd of particular legends speedily    
cluster4 ,if a stone falls beside him1  
he naturally infers that some one has   
thrown it4 ,if it be an arolite1 it  is 
attributed to some celestial being4     
,believing that each comet1 tempest1  or
 pestilence results from a direct and   
isolated act1 he proceeds to make       
theories regarding the motives that have
 induced his spiritual persecutors  to  
assail him1 and the methods by which he 
may assuage their anger4  ,finding      
numerous distinct trains or series of   
phenomena1 he invents for  each         
appropriate presiding spirits4 ,miracles
 are to him neither strange  events nor 
violations of natural law1 but simply   
the unveiling or  manifestation of the  
ordinary government of the world4       
,with these broad intellectual          
conceptions several minor influences    
concur4  ,a latent fetichism1 which is  
betrayed in that love of direct         
personification1 or of applying epithets

 derived from sentient beings to        
inanimate nature1 which appears so      
largely in all poetry and eloquence1    
and especially in those of an early     
period of society1 is the root of a     
great part of our opinions4 ,if--to     
employ a very familiar illustration--the
  most civilised and rational of mankind
 will observe his own emotions1 when  by
 some accident he has struck his head   
violently against a door-post1 he  will 
probably find that his first exclamation
 was not merely of pain but  of anger1  
and of anger directed against the wood4 
,in a moment reason  checks the emotion2
 but if he observes carefully his own   
feelings1 he may  easily convince       
himself of the unconscious fetichism    
which1 is latent in  his mind1 and      
which1 in the case of a child or a      
savage1 displays itself  without        
reserve4 ,man instinctively ascribes    
volition to whatever  powerfully affects
 him4 ,the feebleness of his imagination
 conspires with  other causes to prevent

 an uncivilised man from rising above   
the  conception of an anthropomorphic   
,deity1 and the capricious or isolated  
acts of such a being form his exact     
notion of miracles4 ,the same           
feebleness of imagination makes him     
clothe all intellectual tendencies1  all
 conflicting emotions1 all forces1      
passions1 or fancies1 in material       
forms4 ,his mind naturally translates   
the conflict between opposing  feelings 
into a history of the combat between    
rival spirits4 ,a vast  accumulation of 
myths is spontaneously formed--each     
legend being merely the  material       
expression of a moral fact4 ,the simple 
love of the wonderful1 and  the complete
 absence of all critical spirit1 aid the
 formation4    ,in this manner we find  
that in certain stages of society1 and  
under the  action of the influences ,i  
have stated1 an accretion of miraculous 
legends  is naturally formed around     
prominent personages or institutions4   
,we look  for them as we look for       

showers in ,april1 or for harvest in    
autumn4 ,we can  very rarely show with  
any confidence the precise manner in    
which a  particular legend is created or
 the nucleus of truth it contains1 but  
we  can analyse the general causes that 
have impelled men towards the           
miraculous2 we can show that these      
causes have never failed to produce the 
effect1 and we can trace the gradual    
alteration of mental conditions         
invariably accompanying the decline of  
the belief4 ,when men are destitute  of 
critical spirit1 when the notion of     
uniform law is yet unborn1 and when     
their imaginations are still incapable  
of rising to abstract ideas1  histories 
of miracles are always formed and always
 believed1 and they  continue to        
flourish and to multiply until these    
conditions have altered4  ,miracles     
cease when men cease to believe and to  
expect them4 ,in periods  that are      
equally credulous1 they multiply or     
diminish in proportion to the  intensity

 with which the imagination is directed 
to theological topics4 ,a  comparison of
 the histories of the most different    
nations shows the  mythical period to   
have been common to all2 and we may     
trace in many  quarters substantially   
the same miracles1 though varied by     
national  characteristics1 and with a   
certain local cast and colouring4 ,as   
among the  ,alps the same shower falls  
as rain in the sunny valleys1 and as    
snow among  the lofty peaks1 so the same
 intellectual conceptions which in one  
moral  latitude take the form of nymphs1
 or fairies1 or sportive legends1 appear
  in another as dmons or appalling      
apparitions4 ,sometimes we can discover 
the precise natural fact which the      
superstition had misread4 ,thus1        
epilepsy1 the phenomenon of nightmare1  
and that form of madness which  leads   
men to imagine themselves transformed   
into some animal1 are1  doubtless1 the  
explanation of many tales of demoniacal 
possession1 of  incubi1 and of          

lycanthropy4 ,in other cases we may     
detect a single error1  such as the     
notion that the sky is close to the     
earth1 or that the sun  revolves around 
the globe1 which had suggested the      
legend4 ,but more  frequently we can    
give only a general explanation1        
enabling us to assign  these legends to 
their place1 as the normal expression of
 a certain stage  of knowledge or       
intellectual power2 and this explanation
 is their  refutation4 ,we do not say   
that they are impossible1 or even that  
they are  not authenticated by as much  
evidence as many facts we believe4 ,we  
only  say that1 in certain conditions of
 society1 illusions of the kind         
inevitably appear4 ,no one can prove    
that there are no such things as        
ghosts2 but if a man whose brain is     
reeling with fever declares that he  has
 seen one1 we have no great difficulty  
in forming an opinion about his         
assertion4    ,the gradual decadence of 
miraculous narratives which accompanies 

advancing  civilisation may be chiefly  
traced to three causes4 ,the first is   
that  general accuracy of observation   
and of statement which all education    
tends  more or less to produce1 which   
checks the amplifications of the        
undisciplined imagination1 and is       
speedily followed by a much stronger    
moral feeling on the subject of truth   
than ever exists in a rude              
civilisation4 ,the second is an         
increased power of abstraction1 which is
  likewise a result of general          
education1 and which1 by correcting the 
early  habit of personifying all        
phenomena1 destroys one of the most     
prolific  sources of legends1 and closes
 the mythical period of history4 ,the   
third  is the progress of physical      
science1 which gradually dispels that   
conception of a universe governed by    
perpetual and arbitrary interference1   
from which1 for the most part1 these    
legends originally sprang4 ,the whole   
history of physical science is one      

continued revelation of the reign of    
law4 ,the same law that governs the     
motions of a grain of dust1 or the      
light of the glowworm's lamp1 is shown  
to preside over the march of the  most  
majestic planet or the fire of the most 
distant sun4 ,countless  phenomena1     
which were for centuries universally    
believed to be the results  of spiritual
 agency1 portents of calamity1 or acts  
of ,divine vengeance1  have been one by 
one explained1 have been shown to rise  
from blind  physical causes1 to be      
capable of prediction1 or amenable to   
human  remedies4 ,forms of madness which
 were for ages supposed to result from  
possession1 are treated successfully in 
our hospitals4 ,the advent of the  comet
 is predicted4 ,the wire invented by the
 sceptic ,franklin defends the  crosses 
on our churches from the lightning      
stroke of heaven4 ,whether we  examine  
the course of the planets or the world  
of the animalcul2 to  whatever field of 
physical nature our research is turned1 

the uniform1  invariable result of      
scientific enquiry is to show that even 
the most  apparently irregular and      
surprising phenomena are governed by    
natural  antecedents1 and are parts of  
one great connected system4 ,from this  
vast  concurrence of evidence1 from this
 uniformity of experience in so many    
spheres1 there arises in the minds of   
scientific men a conviction1  amounting 
to absolute moral certainty1 that the   
whole course of physical  nature is     
governed by law1 that the notion of the 
perpetual interference  of the ,deity   
with some particular classes of its     
phenomena is false and  unscientific1   
and that the theological habit of       
interpreting the  catastrophes of nature
 as ,divine warnings or punishments1 or 
disciplines1  is a baseless and a       
pernicious superstition4    ,the effects
 of these discoveries upon miraculous   
legends are of various  kinds4 ,in the  
first place1 a vast number which have   
clustered around the  notion of the     

irregularity of some phenomenon which is
 proved to be  regular--such as the     
innumerable accounts collected by the   
ancients to  corroborate their opinion  
of the portentous nature of comets--are 
directly  overthrown4 ,in the next      
place1 the revelation of the            
interdependence of  phenomena greatly   
increases the improbability of some     
legends which it  does not actually     
disprove4 ,thus1 when men believed the  
sun to be simply a  lamp revolving      
around and lighting our world1 they had 
no great difficulty  in believing that  
it was one day literally arrested in its
 course1 to  illuminate an army which   
was engaged in massacring its enemies2  
but the  case became different when it  
was perceived that the sun was the      
centre of  a vast system of worlds1     
which a suspension of the earth's motion
 must  have reduced to chaos1 without a 
miracle extending through it all4 ,thus1
  again1 the old belief that some       
animals became for the first time       

carnivorous in consequence of the sin of
 ,adam1 appeared tolerably simple  so   
long as this revolution was supposed to 
be only a change of habits or  of       
tastes2 but it became more difficult of 
belief when it was shown to  involve a  
change of teeth2 and the difficulty was1
 ,i suppose1 still  further aggravated  
when it was proved that1 every animal   
having digestive  organs specially      
adapted to its food1 these also must    
have been changed4    ,in the last      
place1 physical science exercises a     
still wider influence by  destroying    
what ,i have called the centre ideas out
 of which countless  particular theories
 were evolved1 of which they were the   
natural  expression1 and upon which     
their permanence depends4 ,proving that 
our  world is not the centre of the     
universe1 but is a simple planet1       
revolving  with many others around a    
common sun2 proving that the            
disturbances and  sufferings of the     
world do not result from an event which 

occurred but  #f1jjj years ago2 that    
long before that period the earth was   
dislocated by  the most fearful         
convulsions2 that countless generations 
of sentient  animals1 and also1 as      
recent discoveries appear conclusively  
to show1 of  men1 not only lived but    
died2 proving1 by an immense            
accumulation of  evidence1 that the     
notion of a universe governed by        
isolated acts of  special intervention  
is untrue--physical science had given   
new directions  to the currents of the  
imagination1 supplied the judgment with 
new  measures of probability1 and thus  
affected the whole circle of our        
beliefs4    ,with most men1 however1 the
 transition is as yet but imperfectly   
accomplished1 and that part of physical 
nature which science has hitherto       
failed to explain is regarded as a      
sphere of special interposition4 ,thus1 
multitudes who recognise the fact that  
the celestial phenomena are subject  to 
inflexible law1 imagine that the        

dispensation of rain is in some sense   
the result of arbitrary interpositions1 
determined by the conduct of  mankind4  
,near the equator1 it is true1 it is    
tolerably constant and  capable of      
prediction2 but in proportion as we     
recede from the equator1  the rainfall  
becomes more variable1 and consequently1
 in the eyes of some1  supernatural1 and
 although no scientific man has the     
faintest doubt that  it is governed by  
laws as inflexible as those which       
determine the motions  of the planets1  
yet because1 owing to the great         
complexity of the  determining causes1  
we are unable fully to explain them1 it 
is still  customary to speak of 8plagues
 of rain and water0 sent on account of  
our  sins1 and of 8scarcity and dearth1 
which we most justly suffer for our     
iniquity40 ,corresponding language is   
employed about the forms of disease  and
 death which science has but imperfectly
 explained4 ,if men are employed  in    
some profession which compels them to   

inhale steel filings or noxious         
vapours1 or if they live in a           
pestilential marsh1 the diseases that   
result  from these conditions are not   
regarded as a judgment or a discipline1 
for  the natural cause is obvious and   
decisive4 ,but if the conditions that   
produced the disease are very subtle and
 very complicated2 if physicians  are   
incapable of tracing with certainty its 
nature or its effects2 if1  above all1  
it assumes the character of an epidemic1
 it is continually  treated as a ,divine
 judgment4 ,the presumption against this
 view arises not  only from the fact    
that1 in exact proportion as medical    
science advances1  diseases are proved  
to be the necessary consequence of      
physical  conditions1 but also from many
 characteristics of unexplained disease 
which unequivocally prove it to be      
natural4 ,thus1 cholera1 which is       
frequently treated according to the     
theological method1 varies with the     
conditions of temperature1 is engendered

 by particular forms of diet1  follows  
the course of rivers1 yields in some    
measure to medical treatment1  can be   
aggravated or mitigated by courses of   
conduct that have no relation  to vice  
or virtue1 takes its victims            
indiscriminately from all grades of     
morals or opinion4 ,usually1 when       
definite causes are assigned for a      
supposed judgment1 they lead to         
consequences of the most grotesque      
absurdity4 ,thus1 when a deadly and     
mysterious disease fell upon the cattle 
of ,england1 some divines1 not content  
with treating it as a judgment1         
proceeded to trace it to certain popular
 writings containing what were  deemed  
heterodox opinions about the            
,pentateuch1 or about the eternity of   
punishment4 ,it may be true that the    
disease was imported from a country     
where such speculations are unknown2    
that the authors objected to had no     
cattle2 that the farmers1 who chiefly   
suffered by the disease1 were for  the  

most part absolutely unconscious of the 
existence of these books1 and  if they  
knew them would have indignantly        
repudiated them2 that the town          
populations1 who chiefly read them1 were
 only affected indirectly by a  rise in 
the price of food1 which falls with     
perfect impartiality upon the  orthodox 
and upon the heterodox2 that particular 
counties were peculiarly  sufferers1    
without being at all conspicuous for    
their scepticism2 that  similar writings
 appeared in former periods1 without    
cattle being in any  respect the worse2 
and that1 at the very period at which   
the plague was  raging1 other countries1
 in which far more audacious            
speculations were  rife1 enjoyed an     
absolute immunity4 ,in the face of all  
these consequences1  the theory has been
 confidently urged and warmly applauded4
    ,it is not1 ,i think1 sufficiently  
observed how large a proportion of such 
questions are capable of a strictly     
inductive method of discussion4 ,if it  

is said that plagues or pestilences are 
sent as a punishment of error or  of    
vice1 the assertion must be tested by a 
comprehensive examination of  the       
history of plagues on the one hand1 and 
of periods of great vice and  heterodoxy
 on the other4 ,if it be said that an   
influence more powerful  than any       
military agency directs the course of   
battles1 the action of this  force must 
be detected as we would detect          
electricity1 or any other force1  by    
experiment4 ,if the attribute of        
infallibility be ascribed to a          
particular ,church1 an inductive        
reasoner will not be content with       
enquiring how far an infallible ,church 
would be a desirable thing1 or how  far 
certain ancient words may be construed  
as a prediction of its  appearance2 he  
will examine1 by a wide and careful     
survey of  ecclesiastical history1      
whether this ,church has actually been  
immutable  and consistent in its        
teaching2 whether it has never been     

affected by the  ignorance or the       
passion of the age2 whether its         
influence has uniformly  been exerted on
 the side which proved to be true2      
whether it has never  supported by its  
authority scientific views which were   
afterwards  demonstrated to be false1 or
 countenanced and consolidated popular  
errors1  or thrown obstacles in the path
 of those who were afterwards recognised
 as  the enlighteners of mankind4 ,if   
ecclesiastical deliberations are said to
  be specially inspired or directed by  
an illuminating and supernatural  power1
 we should examine whether the councils 
and convocations of  clergymen exhibit a
 degree and harmony of wisdom that      
cannot reasonably be  accounted for by  
the play of our unassisted faculties4   
,if institutions are  said to owe their 
growth to special supernatural agencies1
 distinct from  the ordinary system of  
natural laws1 we must examine whether   
their courses  are so striking and so   
peculiar that natural laws fail to      

explain them4  ,whenever1 as in the case
 of a battle1 very many influences      
concur to the  result1 it will          
frequently happen that that result will 
baffle our  predictions4 ,it will also  
happen that strange coincidences1 such  
as the  frequent recurrence of the same 
number in a game of chance1 will occur4 
,but there are limits to these          
variations from what we regard as       
probable4  ,if1 in throwing the dice1 we
 uniformly attained the same number1 or 
if in  war the army which was most      
destitute of all military advantages was
  uniformly victorious1 we should       
readily infer that some special cause   
was  operating to produce the result4   
,we must remember1 too1 that in every   
great historical crisis the prevalence  
of either side will bring with it a     
long train of consequences1 and that we 
only see one side of the picture4  ,if  
,hannibal1 after his victory at ,cann1  
had captured and burnt ,rome1 the  vast 
series of results that have followed    

from the ascendancy of the ,roman       
,empire would never have taken place1   
but the supremacy of a maritime1        
commercial1 and comparatively pacific   
power would have produced an  entirely  
different series1 which would have      
formed the basis and been the  essential
 condition of all the subsequent        
progress2 a civilisation1 the  type and 
character of which it is now impossible 
to conjecture1 would have  arisen1 and  
its theologians would probably have     
regarded the career of  ,hannibal as one
 of the most manifest instances of      
special interposition on  record4    ,if
 we would form sound opinions on these  
matters1 we must take a very wide  and  
impartial survey of the phenomena of    
history4 ,we must examine whether       
events have tended in a given direction 
with a uniformity or a persistence  that
 is not naturally explicable4 ,we must  
examine not only the facts that         
corroborate our theory1 but also those  
which oppose it4    ,that such a method 

is not ordinarily adopted must be       
manifest to all4 ,as  ,bacon said1 men  
8mark the hits1 but not the misses20    
they collect  industriously the examples
 in which many1 and sometimes           
improbable1  circumstances have         
converged to a result which they        
consider good1 and  they simply leave   
out of their consideration the          
circumstances that tend  in the opposite
 direction4 ,they expatiate with triumph
 upon the careers of  emperors who have 
been the unconscious pioneers or agents 
in some great  movement of human        
progress1 but they do not dwell upon    
those whose genius  was expended in a   
hopeless resistance1 or upon those who1 
like ,bajazet or  ,tamerlane1 having    
inflicted incalculable evils upon       
mankind1 passed away1  leaving no       
enduring fruit behind them4 ,a hundred  
missionaries start upon  an enterprise1 
the success of which appears exceedingly
 improbable4  ,ninety-nine perish and   
are forgotten4 ,one missionary succeeds1

 and his  success is attributed to      
supernatural interference1 because the  
probabilities were so greatly against   
him4 ,it is observed that a long  train 
of political or military events ensured 
the triumph of ,protestantism  in       
certain nations and periods4 ,it is     
forgotten that another train of  events 
destroyed the same faith in other lands1
 and paralysed the efforts  of its      
noblest martyrs4 ,we are told of showers
 of rain that followed  public prayer2  
but we are not told how often prayers   
for rain proved  abortive1 or how much  
longer than usual the dry weather had   
already  continued when they were       
offered47#fed7 ,as the old philosopher  
observed1  the votive tablets of those  
who escaped are suspended in the temple1
 while  those who were shipwrecked are  
forgotten4    ,unfortunately1 these     
inconsistencies do not arise simply from
 intellectual  causes4 ,a feeling which 
was intended to be religious1 but which 
was in  truth deeply the reverse1 once  

led men to shrink from examining the    
causes  of some of the more terrible of 
physical phenomena1 because it was      
thought  that these should be deemed    
special instances of ,divine            
interference1 and  should1 therefore1 be
 regarded as too sacred for             
investigation47#fee7 ,in  the world of  
physical science this mode of thought   
has almost vanished1  but a             
corresponding sentiment may be often    
detected in the common  judgments of    
history4 ,very many well-meaning        
men--censuring the pursuit of  truth in 
the name of the ,god of ,truth--while   
they regard it as commendable  and      
religious to collect facts illustrating 
or corroborating the  theological theory
 of life1 consider it irreverent and    
wrong to apply to  those facts1 and to  
that theory1 the ordinary severity of   
inductive  reasoning4    ,what ,i have  
written is not in any degree            
inconsistent with the belief  that1 by  
the dispensation of ,providence1 moral  

causes have a natural and  often        
overwhelming influence upon happiness   
and upon success1 nor yet with  the     
belief that our moral nature enters into
 a very real1 constant1 and  immediate  
contact with a higher power4 ,nor does  
it at all disprove the  possibility of  
,divine interference with the order even
 of physical nature4  ,a world governed 
by special acts of intervention1 such as
 that which  medival theologians        
imagined1 is perfectly conceivable1     
though it is  probable that most        
impartial enquirers will convince       
themselves that this  is not the system 
of the planet we inhabit2 and if any    
instance of such  interference be       
sufficiently attested1 it should not be 
rejected as  intrinsically impossible4  
,it is1 however1 the fundamental error  
of most  writers on miracles1 that they 
confine their attention to two          
points--the  possibility of the fact1   
and the nature of the evidence4 ,there  
is a third  element1 which in these     

questions is of capital importance3 the 
predisposition of men in certain stages 
of society towards the miraculous1      
which is so strong that miraculous      
stories are then invariably circulated  
and credited1 and which makes an amount 
of evidence that would be quite         
sufficient to establish a natural fact1 
altogether inadequate to establish  a   
supernatural one4 ,the positions for    
which ,i have been contending are  that 
a perpetual interference of the ,deity  
with the natural course of  events is   
the earliest and simplest notion of     
miracles1 and that this  notion1 which  
is implied in so many systems of belief1
 arose in part from  an ignorance of the
 laws of nature1 and in part also from  
an incapacity  for inductive reasoning1 
which led men merely to collect facts   
coinciding  with their preconceived     
opinions1 without attending to those    
that were  inconsistent with them4 ,by  
this method there is no superstition    
that could  not be defended4 ,volumes   

have been written giving perfectly      
authentic  histories of wars1 famines1  
and pestilences that followed the       
appearance  of comets4 ,there is not an 
omen1 not a prognostic1 however         
childish1 that  has not1 in the infinite
 variety of events1 been occasionally   
verified1  and to minds that are under  
the influence of a superstitious        
imagination  these occasional           
verifications more than outweigh all the
 instances of  error4 ,simple knowledge 
is wholly insufficient to correct the   
disease4 ,no  one is so firmly convinced
 of the reality of lucky and unlucky    
days1 and  of supernatural portents1 as 
the sailor1 who has spent his life in   
watching the deep1 and has learnt to    
read with almost unerring skill the     
promise of the clouds4 ,no one is more  
persuaded of the superstitions about    
fortune than the habitual gambler4      
,sooner than abandon his theory1 there  
is no extravagance of hypothesis to     
which the superstitious man will not    

resort4 ,the ancients were convinced    
that dreams were usually supernatural4  
,if the dream was verified1 this was    
plainly a prophecy4 ,if the event was   
the exact opposite of what the dream    
foreshadowed1 the latter was still      
supernatural1 for it was a recognised   
principle that dreams should  sometimes 
be interpreted by contraries4 ,if the   
dream bore no relation to  subsequent   
events1 unless it were transformed into 
a fantastic allegory1  it was still     
supernatural1 for allegory was one of   
the most ordinary forms  of revelation4 
,if no ingenuity of interpretation could
 find a prophetic  meaning in a dream1  
its supernatural character was even then
 not  necessarily destroyed2 for ,homer 
said there was a special portal through 
which deceptive visions passed into the 
mind1 and the ,fathers declared  that it
 was one of the occupations of the dmons
 to perplex and bewilder  us with       
unmeaning dreams4    ,to estimate aright
 the force of the predisposition to the 

miraculous  should be one of the first  
tasks of the enquirer into its reality2 
and no  one1 ,i think1 can examine the  
subject with impartiality without       
arriving  at the conclusion that in many
 periods of history it has been so      
strong as  to accumulate around pure    
delusions an amount of evidence far     
greater than  would be sufficient to    
establish even improbable natural facts4
 ,through  the entire duration of ,pagan
 ,rome1 it was regarded as an           
unquestionable  truth1 established by   
the most ample experience1 that         
prodigies of various  kinds announced   
every memorable event1 and that         
sacrifices had the power  of mitigating 
or arresting calamity4 ,in the          
,republic1 the ,senate itself           
officially verified and explained the   
prodigies47#fef7 ,in the ,empire there  
is not an historian1 from ,tacitus down 
to the meanest writer in the  ,augustan 
history1 who was not convinced that     
numerous prodigies  foreshadowed the    

accession and death of every sovereign1 
and every great  catastrophe that fell  
upon the people4 ,cicero could say with 
truth that  there was not a single      
nation of antiquity1 from the polished  
,greek to the  rudest savage1 which did 
not admit the existence of a real art   
enabling  men to foretell the future1   
and that the splendid temples of the    
oracles1  which for so many centuries   
commanded the reverence of mankind1     
sufficiently attested the intensity of  
the belief47#feg7 ,the reality of the   
witch miracles was established by a     
critical tribunal1 which1 however       
imperfect1 was at least the most        
searching then existing in the world1 by
  the judicial decisions of the law     
courts of every ,european country1      
supported by the unanimous voice of     
public opinion1 and corroborated by  the
 investigation of some of the ablest men
 during several centuries4 ,the  belief 
that the king's touch can cure scrofula 
flourished in the most  brilliant       

periods of ,english history47#feh7 ,it  
was unshaken by the most  numerous and  
public experiments4 ,it was asserted by 
the privy council1 by  the bishops of   
two religions1 by the general voice of  
the clergy in the  palmiest days of the 
,english ,church1 by the ,university of 
,oxford1 and by  the enthusiastic assent
 of the people4 ,it survived the ages of
 the  ,reformation1 of ,bacon1 of       
,milton1 and of ,hobbes4 ,it was by no  
means  extinct in the age of ,locke1 and
 would probably have lasted still       
longer1  had not the change of dynasty  
at the ,revolution assisted the tardy   
scepticism47#fei7 ,yet there is now     
scarcely an educated man who will defend
  these miracles4 ,considered           
abstractedly1 indeed1 it is perfectly   
conceivable that ,providence might have 
announced coming events by  prodigies1  
or imparted to some one a miraculous    
power1 or permitted evil  spirits to    
exist among mankind and assist them in  
their enterprises4 ,the  evidence       

establishing these miracles is          
cumulative1 and it is immeasurably      
greater than the evidence of many       
natural facts1 such as the earthquakes  
at ,antioch1 which no one would dream of
 questioning4 ,we disbelieve the        
miracles1 because an overwhelming       
experience proves that in certain       
intellectual conditions1 and under the  
influence of certain errors which  we   
are enabled to trace1 superstitions of  
this order invariably appear and        
flourish1 and that1 when these          
intellectual conditions have passed1 the
  prodigies as invariably cease1 and the
 whole fabric of superstition melts     
silently away4    ,it is extremely      
difficult for an ordinary man1 who is   
little conversant  with the writings of 
the past1 and who unconsciously         
transfers to other  ages the critical   
spirit of his own1 to realise the fact  
that histories of  the most grotesquely 
extravagant nature could1 during the    
space of many  centuries1 be continually

 propounded without either provoking the
 smallest  question or possessing the   
smallest truth4 ,we may1 however1       
understand  something of this credulity 
when we remember the diversion of the   
ancient  mind from physical science to  
speculative philosophy2 the want of the 
many  checks upon error which printing  
affords2 the complete absence of that   
habit of cautious1 experimental research
 which ,bacon and his  contemporaries   
infused into modern philosophy2 and1 in 
,christian times1  the theological      
notion that the spirit of belief is a   
virtue1 and the  spirit of scepticism a 
sin4 ,we must remember1 too1 that before
 men had  found the key to the motions  
of the heavenly bodies--before the false
  theory of the vortices and the true   
theory of gravitation--when the         
multitude of apparently capricious      
phenomena was very great1 the notion    
that the world was governed by distinct 
and isolated influences was that  which 
appeared most probable even to the most 

rational intellect4 ,in such  a         
condition of knowledge--which was that  
of the most enlightened days of  the    
,roman ,empire--the hypothesis of       
universal law was justly regarded as a  
rash and premature generalisation4      
,every enquirer was confronted with     
innumerable phenomena that were deemed  
plainly miraculous4 ,when ,lucretius    
sought to banish the supernatural from  
the universe1 he was compelled to       
employ much ingenuity in endeavouring to
 explain1 by a natural law1 why a       
miraculous fountain near the temple of  
,jupiter ,ammon was hot by night and    
cold by day1 and why the temperature of 
wells was higher in winter than in      
summer47#ffj7 ,eclipses were supposed by
 the populace to foreshadow  calamity2  
but the ,roman soldiers believed that by
 beating drums and  cymbals they could  
cause the moon's disc to regain its     
brightness47#ffa7 ,in  obedience to     
dreams1 the great ,emperor ,augustus    
went begging money through  the streets 

of ,rome17#ffb7 and the historian who   
records the act himself  wrote to       
,pliny1 entreating the postponement of a
 trial47#ffc7 ,the stroke of  the       
lightning was an augury17#ffd7 and its  
menace was directed especially  against 
the great1 who cowered in abject terror 
during a thunder-storm4  ,augustus used 
to guard himself against thunder by     
wearing the skin of a  sea-calf47#ffe7  
,tiberius1 who professed to be a        
complete freethinker1 had  greater faith
 in laurel leaves47#fff7 ,caligula was  
accustomed during a  thunderstorm to    
creep beneath his bed47#ffg7 ,during the
 games in honour of  ,julius ,csar1 a   
comet appearing for seven days in the   
sky1 the people  believed it to be the  
soul of the dead17#ffh7 and a temple was
 erected in  its honour47#ffi7          
,sometimes we find this credulity broken
 by curious  inconsistencies of belief1 
or semi-rationalistic explanations4     
,livy1 who  relates with perfect faith  
innumerable prodigies1 has observed1    

nevertheless1 that the more prodigies   
are believed1 the more they are         
announced47#fgj7 ,those who admitted    
most fully the reality of the oracles   
occasionally represented them as natural
 contending that a prophetic  faculty   
was innate in all men1 though dormant in
 most2 that it might be  quickened into 
action by sleep1 by a pure and ascetic  
life1 or in the  prostration that       
precedes death1 or in the delirium      
produced by certain  vapours2 and that  
the gradual enfeebling of the last was  
the cause of the  cessation of the      
oracles47#fga7 ,earthquakes were        
believed to result from  supernatural   
interpositions1 and to call for         
expiatory sacrifices1 but at  the same  
time they had direct natural            
antecedents4 ,the ,greeks believed  that
 they were caused by subterranean       
waters1 and they accordingly  sacrificed
 to ,poseidon4 ,the ,romans were        
uncertain as to their physical          
antecedents1 and therefore inscribed no 

name on the altar of  expiation47#fgb7  
,pythagoras is said to have attributed  
them to the  strugglings of the         
dead47#fgc7 ,pliny1 after a long        
discussion1 decided that  they were     
produced by air forcing itself through  
fissures of the earth1  but he          
immediately proceeds to assert that they
 are invariably the  precursors of      
calamity47#fgd7 ,the same writer1 having
 recounted the triumph  of astronomers  
in predicting and explaining eclipses1  
bursts into an  eloquent apostrophe to  
those great men who had thus reclaimed  
man from the  dominion of superstition1 
and in high and enthusiastic terms urges
 them to  pursue still further their    
labour in breaking the thraldom of      
ignorance47#fge7 ,a few chapters later  
he professes his unhesitating belief  in
 the ominous character of comets47#fgf7 
,the notions1 too1 of magic and         
astrology1 were detached from all       
theological belief1 and might be found  
among many who were absolute            

atheists47#fgg7    ,these few examples  
will be sufficient to show how fully the
 ,roman soil was  prepared for the      
reception of miraculous histories1 even 
after the  writings of ,cicero and      
,seneca1 in the brilliant days of       
,augustus and the  ,antonines4 ,the     
feebleness of the uncultivated mind1    
which cannot rise  above material       
conceptions1 had indeed passed away1 the
 legends of the  popular theology had   
lost all power over the educated1 but at
 the same  time an absolute ignorance of
 physical science and of inductive      
reasoning  remained4 ,the facility of   
belief that was manifested by some of   
the most  eminent men1 even on matters  
that were not deemed supernatural1 can  
only  be realised by those who have an  
intimate acquaintance with their works4 
,thus1 to give but a few examples1 that 
great naturalist whom ,i have so  often 
cited tells us with the utmost gravity  
how the fiercest lion  trembles at the  
crowing of a cock27#fgh7 how elephants  

celebrate their  religious              
ceremonies27#fgi7 how the stag draws    
serpents by its breath from  their      
holes1 and then tramples them to        
death27#fhj7 how the salamander is  so  
deadly that the food cooked in water1 or
 the fruit grown on trees it  has       
touched1 are fatal to man27#fha7 how1   
when a ship is flying before so  fierce 
a tempest that no anchors or chains can 
hold it1 if only the remora  or echinus 
fastens on its keel1 it is arrested in  
its course1 and remains  motionless and 
rooted among the waves47#fhb7 ,on       
matters that would appear  the most     
easily verified1 he is equally          
confident4 ,thus1 the human saliva1  he 
assures us1 has many mysterious         
properties4 ,if a man1 especially when  
fasting1 spits into the throat of a     
serpent1 it is said that the animal     
speedily dies47#fhc7 ,it is certain that
 to anoint the eyes with spittle is  a  
sovereign remedy against                
ophthalmia47#fhd7 ,if a pugilist1 having

 struck  his adversary1 spits into his  
own hand1 the pain he caused instantly  
ceases4 ,if he spits into his hand      
before striking1 the blow is the more   
severe47#fhe7 ,aristotle1 the greatest  
naturalist of ,greece1 had observed     
that it was a curious fact that on the  
sea-shore no animal ever dies  except   
during the ebbing of the tide4 ,several 
centuries later1 ,pliny1 the  greatest  
naturalist of an empire that was washed 
by many tidal seas1  directed his       
attention to this statement4 ,he        
declared that1 after careful            
observations which had been made in     
,gaul1 it had been found to be          
inaccurate1 for what ,aristotle stated  
of all animals was in fact only true  of
 man47#fhf7 ,it was in #agbg and the two
 following years1 that scientific       
observations made at ,rochefort and at  
,brest finally dissipated the           
delusion47#fhg7    ,volumes might be    
filled with illustrations of how        
readily1 in the most  enlightened days  

of the ,roman ,empire1 strange1 and     
especially miraculous1  tales were      
believed1 even under circumstances that 
would appear to give  every facility for
 the detection of the imposture4 ,in the
 field of the  supernatural1 however1 it
 should be remembered that a movement1  
which ,i  have traced in the last       
chapter1 had produced a very exceptional
 amount of  credulity during the century
 and a half that preceded the conversion
 of  ,constantine4 ,neither the writings
 of ,cicero and ,seneca1 nor even those 
of  ,pliny and ,plutarch1 can be        
regarded as fair samples of the belief  
of the  educated4 ,the ,epicurean       
philosophy which rejected1 the ,academic
 philosophy  which doubted1 and the     
,stoic philosophy which simplified and  
sublimated  superstition1 had alike     
disappeared4 ,the 8,meditations0 of     
,marcus ,aurelius  closed the period of 
,stoical influence1 and the 8,dialogues0
 of ,lucian were  the last solitary     
protest of expiring scepticism47#fhh7   

,the aim of the  philosophy of ,cicero  
had been to ascertain truth by the free 
exercise of  the critical powers4 ,the  
aim of the ,pythagorean philosophy was  
to attain  the state of ecstasy1 and to 
purify the mind by religious rites4     
,every  philosopher soon plunged into   
magical practices1 and was encircled1 in
 the  eyes of his disciples1 with a halo
 of legend4 ,apollonius of ,tyana1 whom 
the ,pagans opposed to ,christ1 had     
raised the dead1 healed the sick1 cast  
out devils1 freed a young man from a    
lamia or vampire with whom he was       
enamoured1 prophesied1 seen in one      
country events that were occurring in   
another1 and filled the world with the  
fame of his miracles and of his         
sanctity47#fhi7 ,a similar power1       
notwithstanding his own disclaimer1 was 
popularly attributed to the ,platonist  
,apuleius47#fij7 ,lucian has left us a  
detailed account of the impostures by   
which the philosopher ,alexander        
endeavoured to acquire the fame of a    

miracle-worker47#fia7 ,when a magician  
plotted against ,plotinus1 his spells   
recoiled miraculously against  himself2 
and when an ,egyptian priest endeavoured
 by incantations to evoke  the guardian 
dmon of the philosopher1 instead of a   
dmon the temple of  ,isis was irradiated
 by the presence of a god47#fib7        
,porphyry was said to  have expelled an 
evil dmon from a bath47#fic7 ,it was    
reported among his  disciples that when 
,iamblichus prayed he was raised 7like  
the saints of  another creed7 ten cubits
 from the ground1 and that his body and 
his dress  assumed a golden hue47#fid7  
,it was well known that he had at       
,gadara drawn  forth from the waters of 
two fountains their guardian spirits1   
and  exhibited them in bodily form to   
his disciples47#fie7 ,a woman named     
,sospitra had been visited by two       
spirits under the form of aged          
,chaldeans1  and had been endowed with a
 transcendent beauty and with a         
superhuman  knowledge4 ,raised above all

 human frailties1 save only love and    
death1 she  was able to see at once the 
deeds which were done in every land1 and
 the  people1 dazzled by her beauty and 
her wisdom1 ascribed to her a share of  
the omnipresence of the ,deity47#fif7   
,christianity floated into the ,roman   
,empire on the wave of credulity that   
brought with it this long train of      
,oriental superstitions and legends4 ,in
  its moral aspect it was broadly       
distinguished from the systems around   
it1  but its miracles were accepted by  
both friend and foe as the ordinary     
accompaniments of religious teaching4   
,the ,jews1 in the eyes of the ,pagans1 
had long been proverbial for their      
credulity17#fig7 and the ,christians    
inherited a double measure of their     
reputation4 ,nor is it possible to deny 
that in the matter of the miraculous the
 reputation was deserved4 ,among  the   
,pagans the theory of ,euhemerus1 who   
believed the gods to be but  deified    
men1 had been the stronghold of the     

,sceptics1 while the ,platonic  notion  
of dmons was adopted by the more        
believing philosophers4 ,the  ,christian
 teachers combined both theories1       
maintaining that deceased kings  had    
originally supplied the names of the    
deities1 but that malevolent  dmons had 
taken their places2 and without a single
 exception the ,fathers  maintained the 
reality of the ,pagan miracles as fully 
as their own47#fih7  ,the oracles1 as we
 have seen1 had been ridiculed and      
rejected by numbers  of the             
philosophers1 but the ,christians       
unanimously admitted their  reality4    
,they appealed to a long series of      
oracles as predictions of their  faith2 
and there is1 ,i believe1 no example of 
the denial of their  supernatural       
character in the ,christian ,church till
 #afif1 when a ,dutch  ,anabaptist      
minister named ,van ,dale1 in a         
remarkable book17#fii7 which was        
abridged and translated by ,fontenelle1 
asserted1 in opposition to the          

unanimous voice of ecclesiastical       
authority1 that they were simple        
impostures--a theory which is now almost
 universally accepted4 ,to suppose  that
 men who held these opinions were       
capable1 in the second or third         
centuries1 of ascertaining with any     
degree of just confidence whether       
miracles had taken place in ,juda in the
 first century1 is grossly absurd2  nor 
would the conviction of their reality   
have made any great impression  on their
 minds at a time when miracles were     
supposed to be so abundantly  diffused4 
,in truth1 the question of the reality  
of the ,jewish miracles must be         
carefully distinguished from that of the
 conversion of the ,roman ,empire4      
,with the light that is furnished to us 
by modern investigations and habits  of 
thought1 we weigh the testimony of the  
,jewish writers2 but most of the  more  
judicious of modern apologists1         
considering the extreme credulity of    
the ,jewish people1 decline to make the 

question simply one of evidence1  and   
occupy themselves chiefly in            
endeavouring to show that miracles are  
possible1 that those recorded in the    
,biblical narratives are related in     
such a manner1 and are so interwoven    
with the texture of a simple and        
artless narrative1 as to carry with them
 an internal proof of their  reality2   
that they differ in kind from later     
miracles1 and especially that  the      
character and destinies of ,christianity
 are such as to render its  miraculous  
origin antecedently probable4 ,but in   
the ages when the ,roman  ,empire was   
chiefly converted1 all sound and        
discriminating historical  investigation
 of the evidence of the early miracles  
was impossible1 nor  was any large use  
made of those miracles as proofs of the 
religion4 ,the  rhetorician ,arnobius is
 probably the only one of the early     
apologists who  gives1 among the        
evidences of the faith1 any prominent   
place to the  miracles of ,christ47#gjj7

 ,when evidential reasoning was         
employed1 it was  usually an appeal not 
to miracles1 but to prophecy4 ,but here 
again the  opinions of the patristic age
 must be pronounced absolutely          
worthless4 ,to  prove that events had   
taken place in ,juda1 accurately        
corresponding with  the prophecies1 or  
that the prophecies were themselves     
genuine1 were both  tasks far           
transcending the critical powers of the 
,roman converts4 ,the wild  extravagance
 of fantastic allegory1 commonly        
connected with ,origen1 but  which      
appears at a much earlier date in the   
writings of ,justin ,martyr and         
,irenus1 had thrown the interpretation  
of prophecy into hopeless  confusion1   
while the deliberate and apparently     
perfectly unscrupulous  forgery of a    
whole literature1 destined to further   
the propagation either  of ,christianity
 as a whole1 or of some particular class
 of tenets that had  arisen within its  
border17#gja7 made criticism at once    

pre-eminently  difficult and necessary4 
,a long series of oracles were cited1   
predicting  in detail the sufferings of 
,christ4 ,the prophecies forged by the  
,christians1 and attributed by them to  
the heathen ,sibyls1 were accepted as   
genuine by the entire ,church1 and were 
continually appealed to as among  the   
most powerful evidences of the faith4   
,justin ,martyr declared that it  was by
 the instigation of dmons that it had   
been made a capital offence  to read    
them47#gjb7 ,clement of ,alexandria     
preserved the tradition that ,st4  ,paul
 had urged the brethren to study        
them47#gjc7 ,celsus designated the      
,christians ,sibyllists1 on account of  
the pertinacity with which they         
insisted upon them47#gjd7 ,constantine  
the ,great adduced them in a solemn     
speech before the ,council of           
,nice47#gje7 ,st4 ,augustine notices    
that the  ,greek word for a fish1 which1
 containing the initial letters of the  
name  and titles of ,christ1 had been   

adopted by the ,early ,church as its    
sacred  symbol1 contains also the       
initial letters of some prophetic lines 
ascribed  to the ,sibyl of              
,erythra47#gjf7 ,the ,pagans1 it is     
true1 accused their  opponents of having
 forged or interpolated these           
prophecies27#gjg7 but  there was not a  
single ,christian writer of the         
patristic period who  disputed their    
authority1 and there were very few even 
of the most  illustrious who did not    
appeal to them4 ,unanimously admitted by
 the ,church  of the ,fathers1 they were
 unanimously admitted during the middle 
ages1 and  an allusion to them passed   
into the most beautiful lyric of the    
,missal4 ,it  was only at the period of 
the ,reformation that the great but     
unhappy  ,castellio pointed out many    
passages in them which could not        
possibly be  genuine4 ,he was followed1 
in the first years of the seventeenth   
century1  by a ,jesuit named ,possevin1 
who observed that the ,sibyls were known

 to  have lived at a later period than  
,moses1 and that many passages in the   
,sibylline books purported to have been 
written before ,moses4 ,those  passages1
 therefore1 he said1 were interpolated2 
and he added1 with a  characteristic    
sagacity1 that they had doubtless been  
inserted by ,satan1  for the purpose of 
throwing suspicion upon the books47#gjh7
 ,it was in #afdi  that a ,french       
,protestant minister1 named ,blondel1   
ventured for the first  time in the     
,christian ,church to denounce these    
writings as deliberate and  clumsy      
forgeries1 and after much angry         
controversy his sentiment has  acquired 
an almost undisputed ascendancy in      
criticism4    ,but although the opinion 
of the ,roman converts was extremely    
worthless1  when dealing with past      
history or with literary criticism1     
there was one  branch of miracles       
concerning which their position was     
somewhat different4  ,contemporary      
miracles1 often of the most             

extraordinary character1 but  usually of
 the nature of visions1 exorcisms1 or   
healing the sick1 were  from the time of
 ,justin ,martyr uniformly represented  
by the ,fathers as  existing among      
them17#gji7 and they continue steadily  
along the path of  history1 till in the 
pages of ,evagrius and ,theodoret1 in   
the ,lives of  ,hilarion and ,paul1 by  
,st4 ,jerome1 of ,antony1 by ,st4       
,athanasius1 and of  ,gregory           
,thaumaturgus1 by his namesake of       
,nyssa1 and in the ,dialogues of  ,st4  
,gregory the ,great1 they attain as     
grotesque an extravagance as the        
wildest medival legends4 ,few things are
 more striking than the assertions      
hazarded on this matter by some of the  
ablest of the ,fathers4 ,thus1 ,st4     
,irenus assures us that all ,christians 
possessed the power of working          
miracles2 that they prophesied1 cast out
 devils1 healed the sick1 and  sometimes
 even raised the dead2 that some who had
 been thus resuscitated  lived for many 

years among them1 and that it would be  
impossible to reckon  the wonderful acts
 that were daily performed47#gaj7 ,st4  
,epiphanius tells us  that some rivers  
and fountains were annually transformed 
into wine1 in  attestation of the       
miracle of ,cana2 and he adds that he   
had himself drunk  of one of these      
fountains1 and his brethren of          
another47#gaa7 ,st4 ,augustine  notices 
that miracles were less frequent and    
less widely known than  formerly1 but   
that many still occurred1 and some of   
them he had himself  witnessed4         
,whenever a miracle was reported1 he    
ordered that a special  examination into
 its circumstances should be made1 and  
that the  depositions of the witnesses  
should be read publicly to the people4  
,he  tells us1 besides many other       
miracles1 that ,gamaliel in a dream     
revealed  to a priest named ,lucianus   
the place where the bones of ,st4       
,stephen were  buried2 that those bones1
 being thus discovered1 were brought to 

,hippo1  the diocese of which ,st4      
,augustine was bishop2 that they raised 
five dead  persons to life2 and that1   
although only a portion of the          
miraculous cures  they effected had been
 registered1 the certificates drawn up  
in two years  in the diocese1 and by the
 orders of the saint1 were nearly       
seventy4 ,in  the adjoining diocese of  
,calama they were incomparably more     
numerous47#gab7  ,in the height of the  
great conflict between ,st4 ,ambrose and
 the ,arian  ,empress ,justina1 the     
saint declared that it had been revealed
 to him by an  irresistible             
presentiment--or1 as ,st4 ,augustine1   
who was present on the  occasion1 says1 
in a dream--that relics were buried in a
 spot which he  indicated4 ,the earth   
being removed1 a tomb was found filled  
with blood1  and containing two gigantic
 skeletons1 with their heads severed    
from their  bodies1 which were          
pronounced to be those of ,st4          
,gervasius and ,st4  ,protasius1 two    

martyrs of remarkable physical          
dimensions1 who were said to  have      
suffered about #cjj years before4 ,to   
prove that they were genuine  relics1   
the bones were brought in contact with a
 blind man1 who was  restored to sight1 
and with demoniacs1 who were cured2 the 
dmons1  however1 in the first place1    
acknowledging that the relics were      
genuine2  that ,st4 ,ambrose was the    
deadly enemy of the powers of hell2 that
 the  ,trinitarian doctrine was true2   
and that those who rejected it would    
infallibly be damned4 ,the next day ,st4
 ,ambrose delivered an invective        
against all who questioned the miracle4 
,st4 ,augustine recorded it in his      
works1 and spread the worship of the    
saints through ,africa4 ,the transport  
of enthusiasm with which the miracles   
were greeted at ,milan enabled ,st4     
,ambrose to overcome every obstacle2 but
 the ,arians treated them with a        
derisive incredulity1 and declared that 
the pretended demoniacs had been  bribed

 by the saint47#gac7    ,statements of  
this kind1 which are selected from very 
many that are  equally positive1 though 
not equally precise1 suggest veins of   
thought of  obvious interest and        
importance4 ,we are now1 however1 only  
concerned with  the fact1 that1 with the
 exception of one or two isolated       
miracles1 such  as the last ,i have     
noticed1 and of one class of miracles   
which ,i shall  proceed to describe1    
these prodigies1 whether true or false1 
were wrought  for the exclusive         
edification of confirmed believers4 ,the
 exceptional  miracles were those of    
exorcism1 which occupied a very singular
 position  in the early ,church4 ,the   
belief that certain diseases were       
inflicted by  ,divine agency was        
familiar to the ancients1 but among the 
early ,greeks the  notion of diabolical 
possession appears to have been unknown4
 ,a dmon1 in  the philosophy of ,plato1 
though inferior to a deity1 was not an  
evil  spirit1 and it is extremely       

doubtful whether the existence of evil  
dmons  was known either to the ,greeks  
or ,romans till about the time of the   
advent  of ,christ47#gad7 ,the belief   
was introduced with the ,oriental       
superstitions  which then poured into   
,rome1 and it brought in its train the  
notions of  possession and exorcism4    
,the ,jews1 who in their own country    
appear to have  regarded it as a most   
ordinary occurrence to meet men walking 
about  visibly possessed by devils1 and 
who professed to have learnt from       
,solomon  the means of expelling them1  
soon became the principal exorcists1    
accomplishing their feats partly by     
adjuration1 and partly by means of a    
certain miraculous root named ,baaras4  
,josephus assures us that he had        
himself1 in the reign of ,vespasian1    
seen a ,jew named ,eleazar drawing by   
these means a dmon through the nostrils 
of a possessed person1 who fell  to the 
ground on the accomplishment of the     
miracle2 while1 upon the  command of the

 magician1 the devil1 to prove that it  
had really left his  victim1 threw down 
a cup of water which had been placed at 
a  distance47#gae7 ,the growth of       
,neoplatonism and kindred philosophies  
greatly  strengthened the belief1 and   
some of the later philosophers1 as well 
as  many religious charlatans1 practised
 exorcism4 ,but1 of all classes1 the    
,christians became in this respect the  
most famous4 ,from the time of ,justin  
,martyr1 for about two centuries1 there 
is1 ,i believe1 not a single  ,christian
 writer who does not solemnly and       
explicitly assert the reality  and      
frequent employment of this power27#gaf7
 and although1 after the  ,council of   
,laodicea1 the instances became less    
numerous1 they by no means  ceased4 ,the
 ,christians fully recognised the       
supernatural power possessed  by the    
,jewish and ,gentile exorcists1 but they
 claimed to be in many  respects their  
superiors4 ,by the simple sign of the   
cross1 or by repeating  the name of     

their ,master1 they professed to be able
 to cast out devils  which had resisted 
all the enchantments of ,pagan          
exorcists1 to silence the  oracles1 to  
compel the dmons to confess the truth of
 the ,christian faith4  ,sometimes their
 power extended still further4 ,dmons1  
we are told1 were  accustomed to enter  
into animals1 and these also were       
expelled by the  ,christian adjuration4 
,st4 ,jerome1 in his 8,life of ,st4     
,hilarion10 has given  us a graphic     
account of the courage with which that  
saint confronted1 and  the success with 
which he relieved1 a possessed          
camel47#gag7 ,in the reign  of ,julian1 
the very bones of the martyr ,babylas   
were sufficient to silence  the oracle  
of ,daphne2 and when1 amid the          
triumphant chants of the  ,christians1  
the relics1 by the command of ,julian1  
were removed1 the  lightning descended  
from heaven and consumed the            
temple47#gah7 ,st4 ,gregory             
,thaumaturgus having expelled the dmons 

from an idol temple1 the priest1        
finding his means of subsistence        
destroyed1 came to the saint1 imploring 
him to permit the oracles to be renewed4
 ,st4 ,gregory1 who was then on his     
journey1 wrote a note containing the    
words 8,satan1 return10 which was       
immediately obeyed1 and the priest1     
awe-struck by the miracle1 was          
converted to ,christianity47#gai7       
,tertullian1 writing to the ,pagans in a
  time of persecution1 in language of   
the most deliberate earnestness1        
challenges his opponents to bring forth 
any person who is possessed by a  dmon  
or any of those virgins or prophets who 
are supposed to be inspired  by a       
divinity4 ,he asserts that1 in reply to 
the interrogation of any  ,christian1   
the dmons will be compelled to confess  
their diabolical  character2 he invites 
the ,pagans1 if it be otherwise1 to put 
the ,christian  immediately to death2   
and he proposes this as at once the     
simplest and  most decisive             

demonstration of the faith47#gbj7       
,justin ,martyr17#gba7  ,origen17#gbb7  
,lactantius17#gbc7 ,athanasius17#gbd7   
and ,minucius ,felix17#gbe7  all in     
language equally solemn and explicit1   
call upon the ,pagans to form  their    
opinions from the confessions wrung from
 their own gods4 ,we hear  from them1   
that when a ,christian began to pray1 to
 make the sign of the  cross1 or to     
utter the name of his ,master in the    
presence of a possessed  or inspired    
person1 the latter1 by screams and      
frightful contortions1  exhibited the   
torture that was inflicted1 and by this 
torture the evil  spirit was compelled  
to avow its nature4 ,several of the     
,christian writers  declare that this   
was generally known to the ,pagans4 ,in 
one respect1 it  was observed1 the      
miracle of exorcism was especially      
available for  evidential purposes2 for1
 as dmons would not expel dmons1 it was 
the  only miracle which was necessarily 
divine4    ,it would be curious to      

examine the manner in which the         
challenge was  received by the ,pagan   
writers2 but unhappily1 the writings    
which were  directed against the faith  
having been destroyed by the ,christian 
emperors1 our means of information on   
this point are very scanty4 ,some       
information1 however1 we possess1 and it
 would appear to show that1 among  the  
educated classes at least1 these        
phenomena did not extort any great      
admiration4 ,the eloquent silence about 
diabolical possession observed by  the  
early philosophers1 when discussing such
 questions as the nature of  the soul   
and of the spiritual world1 decisively  
show that in their time  possession had 
not assumed any great prominence or     
acquired any general  credence4         
,plutarch1 who admitted the reality of  
evil dmons1 and who was  the most       
strenuous defender of the oracles1      
treats the whole class of  superstitions
 to which exorcism belongs with much    
contempt47#gbf7 ,marcus  ,aurelius1 in  

recounting the benefits he had received 
from different  persons with whom he had
 been connected1 acknowledges his debt  
of  gratitude to the philosopher        
,diognetus for having taught him to give
 no  credence to magicians1 jugglers1   
and expellers of dmons47#gbg7 ,lucian   
declares that every cunning juggler     
could make his fortune by going over  to
 the ,christians and preying upon their 
simplicity47#gbh7 ,celsus described  the
 ,christians as jugglers performing     
their tricks among the young and the    
credulous47#gbi7 ,the most decisive     
evidence1 however1 we possess1 is a law 
of ,ulpian1 directed1 it is thought1    
against the ,christians1 which condemns 
those 8who use incantations or          
imprecations1 or 7to employ the common  
word  of impostors7 exorcisms407#gcj7   
,modern criticism has noted a few facts 
which may throw some light upon this    
obscure subject4 ,it has been observed  
that the symptoms of possession were for
 the most part identical with  those of 

lunacy or epilepsy2 that it is quite    
possible that the excitement  of an     
imposing religious ceremony might       
produce or suspend the disorder2  that  
leading questions might in these cases  
be followed by the desired  answers2 and
 that some passages from the ,fathers   
show that the exorcisms  were not always
 successful1 or the cures always        
permanent4 ,it has been  observed1 too1 
that at first the power of exorcism was 
open to all  ,christians without        
restraint2 that this licence1 in an age 
when religious  jugglers were very      
common1 and in a ,church whose members  
were very  credulous1 gave great        
facilities to impostors2 that when the  
,laodicean  ,council1 in the fourth     
century1 forbade any one to exorcise1   
except those  who were duly authorised  
by the bishop1 these miracles speedily  
declined2  and that1 in the very        
beginning of the fifth century1 a       
physician named  ,posidonius denied the 
existence of possession47#gca7    ,to   

sum up this whole subject1 we may       
conclude that what is called the        
evidential system had no prominent place
 in effecting the conversion of  the    
,roman ,empire4 ,historical criticisms  
were far too imperfect to make  appeals 
to the miracles of former days of any   
value1 and the notion of the  wide      
diffusion of miraculous or magical      
powers1 as well as the generally        
private character of the alleged        
miracles of the ,patristic age1 made    
contemporary wonders very unimpressive4 
,the prophecies attributed to the       
,sibyls1 and the practice of exorcism1  
had1 however1 a certain weight2 for  the
 first were connected with a religious  
authority1 long and deeply  revered at  
,rome1 and the second had been forced by
 several circumstances  into great      
prominence4 ,but the effect even of     
these may be safely regarded  as        
altogether subsidiary1 and the main     
causes of the conversion must be  looked
 for in another and a wider sphere4     

,these causes were the general          
tendencies of the age4 ,they are to be  
found  in that vast movement of mingled 
scepticism and credulity1 in that       
amalgamation or dissolution of many     
creeds1 in that profound  transformation
 of habits1 of feelings1 and of ideals1 
which ,i have  attempted to paint in the
 last chapter4 ,under circumstances more
  favourable to religious proselytism   
than the world had ever before known1   
with the path cleared by a long course  
of destructive criticism1 the  religions
 and philosophies of mankind were       
struggling for the mastery in  that     
great metropolis where all were amply   
represented1 and in which alone  the    
destinies of the world could be decided4
 ,among the educated a frigid           
,stoicism1 teaching a majestic but      
unattainable grandeur1 and scorning the 
support of the affections1 the hope of  
another world1 and the consolations  of 
worship1 had for a time been in the     
ascendant1 and it only terminated  its  

noble and most fruitful career when it  
had become manifestly  inadequate to the
 religious wants of the age4 ,among     
other classes1  religion after religion 
ran its conquering course4 ,the ,jews1  
although a  number of causes had made   
them the most hated of all the ,roman   
subjects1  and although their religion1 
from its intensely national character1  
seemed  peculiarly unsuited for         
proselytism1 had yet1 by the force of   
their  monotheism1 their charity1 and   
their exorcisms1 spread the creed of    
,moses  far and wide4 ,the ,empress     
,poppa is said to have been a proselyte4
 ,the  passion of ,roman women for      
,jewish rites was one of the complaints 
of  ,juvenal4 ,the ,sabbath and the     
,jewish fasts became familiar facts in  
all the  great cities1 and the antiquity
 of the ,jewish law the subject of eager
  discussion4 ,other ,oriental religions
 were even more successful4 ,the        
worship of ,mithra1 and1 above all1 of  
the ,egyptian divinities1 attracted     

their thousands1 and during more than   
three centuries the ,roman writings  are
 crowded with allusions to their        
progress4 ,the mysteries of the ,bona   
,dea17#gcb7 the solemn worship of ,isis1
 the expiatory rites that cleansed  the 
guilty soul1 excited a very delirium of 
enthusiasm4 ,juvenal describes  the     
,roman women1 at the dawn of the winter 
day1 breaking the ice of the  ,tiber to 
plunge three times into its sacred      
stream1 dragging themselves on  bleeding
 knees in penance around the field of   
,tarquin1 offering to  undertake        
pilgrimages to ,egypt to seek the holy  
water for the shrine of  ,isis1 fondly  
dreaming that they had heard the voice  
of the goddess47#gcc7  ,apuleius has    
drawn a graphic picture of the solemn   
majesty of her  processions1 and the    
spell they cast upon the most licentious
 and the most  sceptical47#gcd7         
,commodus1 ,caracalla1 and ,heliogabalus
 were passionately  devoted to          
them47#gce7 ,the temples of ,isis and   

,serapis1 and the statues of  ,mithra1  
are among the last prominent works of   
,roman art4 ,in all other  forms the    
same credulity was manifested4 ,the     
oracles that had been silent  were heard
 again2 the astrologers swarmed in every
 city2 the philosophers  were surrounded
 with an atmosphere of legend2 the      
,pythagorean school had  raised         
credulity into a system4 ,on all sides1 
and to a degree unparalleled  in        
history1 we find men who were no longer 
satisfied with their old local          
religion1 thirsting for belief1         
passionately and restlessly seeking for 
a  new faith4    ,in the midst of this  
movement1 ,christianity gained its      
ascendancy1 and we  can be at no loss to
 discover the cause of its triumph4 ,no 
other religion1  under such             
circumstances1 had ever combined so many
 distinct elements of  power and        
attraction4 ,unlike the ,jewish         
religion1 it was bound by no local      
ties1 and was equally adapted for every 

nation and for every class4 ,unlike     
,stoicism1 it appealed in the strongest 
manner to the affections1 and  offered  
all the charm of a sympathetic worship4 
,unlike the ,egyptian  religions1 it    
united with its distinctive teaching a  
pure and noble system  of ethics1 and   
proved itself capable of realising it in
 action4 ,it  proclaimed1 amid a vast   
movement of social and national         
amalgamation1 the  universal brotherhood
 of mankind4 ,amid the softening        
influence of  philosophy and            
civilisation1 it taught the supreme     
sanctity of love4 ,to  the slave1 who   
had never before exercised so large an  
influence over ,roman  religious life1  
it was the religion of the suffering and
 the oppressed4 ,to  the philosopher it 
was at once the echo of the highest     
ethics of the later  ,stoics1 and the   
expansion of the best teaching of the   
school of ,plato4 ,to  a world thirsting
 for prodigy1 it offered a history      
replete with wonders  more strange that 

those of ,apollonius2 while the ,jew and
 the ,chaldean  could scarcely rival its
 exorcists1 and the legends of continual
 miracles  circulated among its         
followers4 ,to a world deeply conscious 
of political  dissolution1 and prying   
eagerly and anxiously into the future1  
it  proclaimed with a thrilling power   
the immediate destruction of the        
globe--the glory of all its friends1 and
 the damnation of all its foes4 ,to  a  
world that had grown very weary gazing  
on the cold and passionless  grandeur   
which ,cato realised1 and which ,lucan  
sung1 it presented an ideal  of         
compassion and of love--a ,teacher who  
could weep by the sepulchre of ,his     
friend1 who was touched with the feeling
 of our infirmities4 ,to a world1  in   
fine1 distracted by hostile creeds and  
colliding philosophies1 it  taught its  
doctrines1 not as a human speculation1  
but as a ,divine  revelation1           
authenticated much less by reason than  
by faith4 8,with the  heart man         

believeth unto righteousness20 8,he that
 doeth the will of my  ,father will know
 the doctrine1 whether it be of ,god20  
8,unless you believe  you cannot        
understand20 8,a heart naturally        
,christian20 8,the heart makes  the     
theologian10 are the phrases which best 
express the first action of             
,christianity upon the world4 ,like all 
great religions1 it was more  concerned 
with modes of feeling than with modes of
 thought4 ,the chief  cause of its      
success was the congruity of its        
teaching with the spiritual  nature of  
mankind4 ,it was because it was true to 
the moral sentiments of  the age1       
because it represented faithfully the   
supreme type of excellence  to which men
 were then tending1 because it          
corresponded with their  religious      
wants1 aims1 and emotions1 because the  
whole spiritual being  could then expand
 and expatiate under its influence1 that
 it planted its  roots so deeply in the 
hearts of men4    ,to all these elements

 of attraction1 others of a different   
order must be  added4 ,christianity was 
not merely a moral influence1 or a      
system of  opinions1 or an historical   
record1 or a collection of              
wonder-working men2  it was also an     
institution definitely1 elaborately1 and
 skilfully  organised1 possessing a     
weight and a stability which isolated or
  undisciplined teachers could never    
rival1 and evoking1 to a degree before  
unexampled in the world1 an enthusiastic
 devotion to its corporate  welfare1    
analogous to that of the patriot to his 
country4 ,the many forms  of ,pagan     
worship were pliant in their nature4    
,each offered certain  advantages or    
spiritual gratifications2 but there was 
no reason why all  should not exist     
together1 and participation in one by no
 means implied  disrespect to the       
others4 ,but ,christianity was          
emphatically exclusive2 its  adherent   
was bound to detest and abjure the      
faiths around him as the  workmanship of

 dmons1 and to consider himself placed  
in the world to  destroy them4 ,hence   
there sprang a stern1 aggressive1 and at
 the same time  disciplined enthusiasm1 
wholly unlike any other that had been   
witnessed  upon earth4 ,the duties of   
public worship2 the sacraments1 which   
were  represented as the oaths of the   
,christian warrior2 the fasts and       
penances  and commemorative days1 which 
strengthened the ,church feeling2 the   
intervention of religion in the most    
solemn epochs of life1 conspired to     
sustain it4 ,above all1 the doctrine of 
salvation by belief1 which then for  the
 first time flashed upon the world2 the 
persuasion1 realised with all  the      
vividness of novelty1 that ,christianity
 opened out to its votaries  eternal    
happiness1 while all beyond its pale    
were doomed to an eternity of  torture1 
supplied a motive of action as powerful 
as it is perhaps possible  to conceive4 
,it struck alike the coarsest chords of 
hope and fear1 and the  finest chords of

 compassion and love4 ,the polytheist1  
admitting that  ,christianity might     
possibly be true1 was led by a mere     
calculation of  prudence to embrace it1 
and the fervent ,christian would shrink 
from no  suffering to draw those whom he
 loved within its pale4 ,nor were other 
inducements wanting4 ,to the confessor  
was granted in the ,church a great  and 
venerable authority1 such as the bishop 
could scarcely claim47#gcf7 ,to  the    
martyr1 besides the fruition of heaven1 
belonged the highest glory on  earth4   
,by winning that bloodstained crown1 the
 meanest ,christian slave  might gain a 
reputation as glorious as that of a     
,decius or a ,regulus4 ,his  body was   
laid to rest with a sumptuous           
splendour27#gcg7 his relics1  embalmed  
or shrined1 were venerated with an      
almost idolatrous homage4 ,the          
anniversary of his birth into another   
life was commemorated in the ,church1   
and before the great assembly of the    
saints his heroic sufferings were       

recounted47#gch7 ,how1 indeed1 should he
 not be envied8 ,he had passed away     
into eternal bliss4 ,he had left upon   
earth an abiding name4 ,by the  8baptism
 of blood0 the sins of a life had been  
in a moment effaced4    ,those who are  
accustomed to recognise heroic          
enthusiasm as a normal  product of      
certain natural conditions1 will have no
 difficulty in  understanding that1     
under such circumstances as ,i have     
described1 a  transcendent courage      
should have been evoked4 ,men seemed    
indeed to be in  love with death4       
,believing1 with ,st4 ,ignatius1 that   
they were 8the wheat  of ,god10 they    
panted for the day when they should be  
8ground by the teeth  of wild beasts    
into the pure bread of ,christ60        
,beneath this one burning  enthusiasm   
all the ties of earthly love were snapt 
in twain4 ,origen1 when  a boy1 being   
restrained by force from going forth to 
deliver himself up to  the persecutors1 
wrote to his imprisoned father1         

imploring him not to let  any thought of
 his family intervene to quench his     
resolution or to deter  him from sealing
 his faith with his blood4 ,st4         
,perpetua1 an only daughter1  a young   
mother of twenty-two1 had embraced the  
,christian creed1 confessed  it before  
her judges1 and declared herself ready  
to endure for it the  martyr's death4   
,again and again her father came to her 
in a paroxysm of  agony1 entreating her 
not to deprive him of the joy and the   
consolation of  his closing years4 ,he  
appealed to her by the memory of all the
 tenderness  he had lavished upon       
her--by her infant child--by his own    
gray hairs1 that  were soon to be       
brought down in sorrow to the grave4    
,forgetting in his  deep anguish all the
 dignity of a parent1 he fell upon his  
knees before  his child1 covered her    
hands with kisses1 and1 with tears      
streaming from  his eyes1 implored her  
to have mercy upon him4 ,but she was    
unshaken though  not untouched2 she saw 

her father1 frenzied with grief1 dragged
 from  before the tribunal2 she saw him 
tearing his white beard1 and lying      
prostrate and broken-hearted on the     
prison floor2 she went forth to die  for
 a faith she loved more dearly--for a   
faith that told her that her  father    
would be lost for ever47#gci7 ,the      
desire for martyrdom became at  times a 
form of absolute madness1 a kind of     
epidemic of suicide1 and the  leading   
minds of the ,church found it necessary 
to exert all their  authority to prevent
 their followers from thrusting         
themselves into the  hands of the       
persecutors47#gdj7 ,tertullian mentions 
how1 in a little  ,asiatic town1 the    
entire population once flocked to the   
proconsul1  declaring themselves to be  
,christians1 and imploring him to       
execute the  decree of the emperor and  
grant them the privilege of martyrdom4  
,the  bewildered functionary asked them 
whether1 if they were so weary of life1 
there were no precipices or ropes by    

which they could end their days2 and  he
 put to death a small number of the     
suppliants1 and dismissed the           
others47#gda7 ,two illustrious ,pagan   
moralists and one profane ,pagan        
satirist have noticed this passion with 
a most unpleasing scorn4 8,there  are   
some10 said ,epictetus1 8whom madness1  
there are others1 like the  ,galilans1  
whom custom1 makes indifferent to       
death407#gdb7 8,what mind10  said       
,marcus ,aurelius1 8is prepared1 if need
 be1 to go forth from the body1  whether
 it be to be extinguished1 or to be     
dispersed1 or to  endure8--prepared by  
deliberate reflection1 and not by pure  
obstinacy1 as  is the custom of the     
,christians407#gdc7 8,these wretches10  
said ,lucian1  speaking of the          
,christians1 8persuade themselves that  
they are going to be  altogether        
immortal1 and to live for ever2         
wherefore they despise death1  and many 
of their own accord give themselves up  
to be slain407#gdd7    8,i send against 

you men who are as greedy of death as   
you are of  pleasures10 were the words  
which1 in after days1 the ,mohammedan   
chief  addressed to the degenerate      
,christians of ,syria1 and which were at
 once  the presage and the explanation  
of his triumph4 ,such words might with  
equal propriety have been employed by   
the early ,christian leaders to their   
,pagan adversaries4 ,the zeal of the    
,christians and of the ,pagans differed 
alike in degree and in kind4 ,when      
,constantine made ,christianity the     
religion of the ,state1 it is probable  
that its adherents were but a  minority 
in ,rome4 ,even in the days of          
,theodosius the senate was still  wedded
 to ,paganism27#gde7 yet the measures of
 ,constantine were both natural  and    
necessary4 ,the majority were without   
inflexible belief1 without moral        
enthusiasm1 without definite            
organisation1 without any of those      
principles  that inspire the heroism    
either of resistance or aggression4 ,the

 minority  formed a serried phalanx1    
animated by every motive that could     
purify1  discipline1 and sustain their  
zeal4 ,when once the ,christians had    
acquired  a considerable position1 the  
question of their destiny was a simple  
one4  ,they must either be crushed or   
they must reign4 ,the failure of the    
persecution of ,diocletian conducted    
them inevitably to the throne4    ,it   
may indeed be confidently asserted that 
the conversion of the ,roman  ,empire is
 so far from being of the nature of a   
miracle or suspension of  the ordinary  
principles of human nature1 that there  
is scarcely any other  great movement on
 record in which the causes and effects 
so manifestly  correspond4 ,the apparent
 anomalies of history are not           
inconsiderable1 but  they must be sought
 for in other quarters4 ,that within the
 narrow limits  and scanty population of
 the ,greek ,states should have arisen  
men who1 in  almost every conceivable   
form of genius1 in philosophy1 in epic1 

dramatic  and lyric poetry1 in written  
and spoken eloquence1 in statesmanship1 
in  sculpture1 in painting1 and probably
 also in music1 should have attained    
almost or altogether the highest limits 
of human perfection--that the creed  of 
,mohammed should have preserved its pure
 monotheism and its freedom from  all   
idolatrous tendencies1 when adopted by  
vast populations in that  intellectual  
condition in which1 under all other     
creeds1 a gross and  material worship   
has proved inevitable1 both these are   
facts which we can  only very           
imperfectly explain4 ,considerations of 
climate1 and still more  of political1  
social1 and intellectual customs and    
institutions1 may  palliate the first   
difficulty1 and the attitude ,mohammed  
assumed to art  may supply us with a    
partial explanation of the second2 but  
,i suppose  that1 after all has been    
said1 most persons will feel that they  
are in  presence of phenomena very      
exceptional and astonishing4 ,the first 

rise of  ,christianity in ,juda is a    
subject wholly apart from this book4 ,we
 are  examining only the subsequent     
movement in the ,roman ,empire4 ,of this
  movement it may be boldly asserted    
that the assumption of a moral or       
intellectual miracle is utterly         
gratuitous4 ,never before was a         
religious  transformation so manifestly 
inevitable4 ,no other religion ever     
combined  so many forms of attraction as
 ,christianity1 both from its intrinsic 
excellence1 and from its manifest       
adaptation to the special wants of the  
time4 ,one great cause of its success   
was that it produced more heroic        
actions and formed more upright men than
 any other creed2 but that it  should do
 so was precisely what might have been  
expected4    ,to these reasonings1      
however1 those who maintain that the    
triumph of  ,christianity in ,rome is   
naturally inexplicable1 reply by        
pointing to the  persecutions which     
,christianity had to encounter4 ,as this

 subject is one  on which many          
misconceptions exist1 and as it is of   
extreme importance on  account of its   
connection with later persecutions1 it  
will be necessary  briefly to discuss   
it4    ,it is manifest that the reasons 
that may induce a ruler to suppress by  
force some forms of religious worship or
 opinion1 are very various4 ,he may  do 
so on moral grounds1 because they       
directly or indirectly produce          
immorality2 or on religious grounds1    
because he believes them to be          
offensive to the ,deity2 or on political
 grounds1 because they are  injurious   
either to the ,state or to the          
,government2 or on corrupt grounds1     
because he desires to gratify some      
vindictive or avaricious passion4 ,from 
the simple fact1 therefore1 of a        
religious persecution we cannot at once 
infer the principles of the persecutor1 
but must examine in detail by  which of 
the above motives1 or by what           
combination of them1 he has been        

actuated4    ,now1 the persecution which
 has taken place at the instigation of  
the  ,christian priests differs in some 
respects broadly from all others4 ,it   
has  been far more sustained1           
systematic1 and unflinching4 ,it has    
been directed  not merely against acts  
of worship1 but also against speculative
 opinions4  ,it has been supported not  
merely as a right1 but also as a duty4  
,it has  been advocated in a whole      
literature of theology1 by the classes  
that are  especially devout1 and by the 
most opposing sects1 and it has         
invariably  declined in conjunction with
 a large portion of theological dogmas4 
,i have elsewhere examined in great     
detail the history of persecutions by   
,christians1 and have endeavoured to    
show that1 while exceptional causes     
have undoubtedly occasionally occurred1 
they were1 in the overwhelming  majority
 of cases1 simply the natural1          
legitimate1 and inevitable  consequence 
of a certain portion of the received    

theology4 ,that portion is  the doctrine
 that correct theological opinions are  
essential to salvation1  and that       
theological error necessarily involves  
guilt4 ,to these two  opinions may be   
distinctly traced almost all the        
sufferings that ,christian  persecutors 
have caused1 almost all the obstructions
 they have thrown in  the path of human 
progress2 and those sufferings have been
 so grievous  that it may be reasonably 
questioned whether superstition has not 
often  proved a greater curse than vice1
 and that obstruction was so            
pertinacious1 that the contraction of   
theological influence has been at  once 
the best measure1 and the essential     
condition of intellectual  advance4 ,the
 notion that he might himself be        
possibly mistaken in his  opinions1     
which alone could cause a man who was   
thoroughly imbued with  these principles
 to shrink from persecuting1 was        
excluded by the  theological virtue of  
faith1 which1 whatever else it might    

involve1  implied at least an absolute  
unbroken certainty1 and led the devotee 
to  regard all doubt1 and therefore all 
action based upon doubt1 as sin4    ,to 
this general cause of ,christian        
persecution ,i have shown that two      
subsidiary influences may be joined4 ,a 
large portion of theological ethics  was
 derived from writings in which         
religious massacres1 on the whole the   
most ruthless and sanguinary upon       
record1 were said to have been directly 
enjoined by the ,deity1 in which the    
duty of suppressing idolatry by force   
was given a greater prominence than any 
article of the moral code1 and in  which
 the spirit of intolerance has found its
 most eloquent and most  passionate     
expressions47#gdf7 ,besides this1 the   
destiny theologians  represented as     
awaiting the misbeliever was so ghastly 
and so appalling as  to render it almost
 childish to lay any stress upon the    
earthly suffering  that might be        
inflicted in the extirpation of error4  

,that these are the true causes of the  
great bulk of ,christian persecution1   
,i believe to be one of the most certain
 as well as one of the most  important  
facts in history4 ,for the detailed     
proof ,i can only refer to  what ,i have
 elsewhere written2 but ,i may here     
notice that that proof  combines every  
conceivable kind of evidence that in    
such a question can be  demanded4 ,it   
can be shown that these principles would
 naturally lead men  to persecute4 ,it  
can be shown that from the time of      
,constantine to the  time when the      
rationalistic spirit wrested the        
bloodstained sword from the  priestly   
hand1 persecution was uniformly defended
 upon them--defended in  long1 learned1 
and elaborate treatises1 by the best and
 greatest men the  ,church had produced1
 by sects that differed on almost all   
other points1 by  multitudes who proved 
in every conceivable manner the purity  
of their  zeal4 ,it can be shown1 too1  
that toleration began with the          

distinction  between fundamental and    
non-fundamental doctrines1 expanded in  
exact  proportion to the growing        
latitudinarianism1 and triumphed only   
when  indifference to dogma had become a
 prevailing sentiment among legislators4
  ,it was only when the battle had been 
won--when the anti-dogmatic party1      
acting in opposition to the ,church1 had
 rendered persecution  impossible--that 
the great body of theologians revised   
their arguments1 and  discovered that to
 punish men for their opinions was      
wholly at variance  with their faith4   
,with the merits of this pleasing though
 somewhat tardy  conversion ,i am not   
now concerned2 but few persons1 ,i      
think1 can follow  the history of       
,christian persecution without a feeling
 of extreme  astonishment that some     
modern writers1 not content with        
maintaining that  the doctrine of       
exclusive salvation ought not to have   
produced  persecution1 have ventured1 in
 defiance of the unanimous testimony of 

the  theologians of so many centuries1  
to dispute the plain historical fact    
that it did produce it4 ,they argue that
 the ,pagans1 who did not believe  in   
exclusive salvation1 persecuted1 and    
that therefore that doctrine  cannot be 
the cause of persecution4 ,the answer is
 that no sane man ever  maintained that 
all the persecutions on record were from
 the same source4  ,we can prove by the 
clearest evidence that ,christian       
persecutions sprang  chiefly from the   
causes ,i have alleged4 ,the causes of  
,pagan persecutions1  though different1 
are equally manifest1 and ,i shall      
proceed shortly to  indicate them4      
,they were partly political and partly  
religious4 ,the ,governments in most  of
 the ancient ,states1 in the earlier    
stages of their existence1 undertook    
the complete education of the people2   
professed to control and regulate  all  
the details of their social life1 even  
to the dresses they wore1 or  the dishes
 that were served upon their tables2    

and1 in a word1 to mould  their whole   
lives and characters into a uniform     
type4 ,hence1 all  organisations and    
corporations not connected with the     
,state1 and  especially all that        
emanated from foreign countries1 were   
looked upon with  distrust or antipathy4
 ,but this antipathy was greatly        
strengthened by a  religious            
consideration4 ,no belief was more      
deeply rooted in the ancient  mind than 
that good or bad fortune sprang from the
 intervention of  spiritual beings1 and 
that to neglect the sacred rites was to 
bring down  calamity upon the city4 ,in 
the diminutive ,greek ,states1 where the
 function  of the ,government was       
immensely enlarged1 a strong intolerance
 existed1  which extended for some time 
not merely to practices1 but to writings
 and  discourses4 ,the well-known       
persecutions of ,anaxagoras1 ,theodorus1
  ,diagoras1 ,stilpo1 and ,socrates2 the
 laws of ,plato1 which were as opposed  
to religious as to domestic freedom2 and

 the existence in ,athens of an         
inquisitorial tribunal17#gdg7           
sufficiently attested it4 ,but long     
before the  final ruin of ,greece1      
speculative liberty had been fully      
attained4 ,the  ,epicurean and the      
,sceptical schools developed unmolested1
 and even in the  days of ,socrates1    
,aristophanes was able to ridicule the  
gods upon the  stage4    ,in the earlier
 days of ,rome religion was looked upon 
as a function of the  ,state2 its chief 
object was to make the gods auspicious  
to the national  policy17#gdh7 and its  
principal ceremonies were performed at  
the direct  command of the ,senate4 ,the
 national theory on religious matters   
was that  the best religion is always   
that of a man's own country4 ,at the    
same time1  the widest tolerance was    
granted to the religions of conquered   
nations4  ,the temples of every god were
 respected by the ,roman army4 ,before  
besieging a city1 the ,romans were      
accustomed to supplicate the presiding  

deities of that city4 ,with the single  
exception of the ,druids1 whose human   
sacrifices it was thought a matter of   
humanity to suppress17#gdi7 and whose   
fierce rebellions it was thought        
necessary to crush1 the teachers of all 
national religions continued unmolested 
by the conqueror4    ,this policy1      
however1 applied specially to religious 
rites practised in  the countries in    
which they were indigenous4 ,the liberty
 to be granted to  the vast confluence  
of strangers attracted to ,italy during 
the ,empire was  another question4 ,in  
the old ,republican days1 when the      
censors regulated  with the most        
despotic authority the minutest affairs 
of life1 and when  the national religion
 was interwoven with every detail of    
political and  even domestic            
transactions1 but little liberty could  
be expected4 ,when  ,carneades          
endeavoured to inculcate his universal  
scepticism upon the  ,romans1 by arguing
 alternately for and against the same   

proposition1 ,cato  immediately urged   
the ,senate to expel him from the city1 
lest the people  should be corrupted by 
his teaching47#gej7 ,for a similar      
reason all  rhetoricians had been       
banished from the ,republic47#gea7 ,the 
most  remarkable1 however1 and at the   
same time the extreme expression of     
,roman  intolerance that has descended  
to us1 is the advice which ,mcenas is   
represented as having given to ,octavius
 ,csar1 before his accession to the     
throne4 8,always10 he said1 8and        
everywhere1 worship the gods according  
to  the rites of your country1 and      
compel others to the same worship4      
,pursue  with your hatred and with      
punishments those who introduce foreign 
religions1 not only for the sake of the 
gods--the despisers of whom can         
assuredly never do anything great--but  
also because they who introduce new     
divinities entice many to use foreign   
laws4 ,hence arise conspiracies1        
societies1 and assemblies1 things very  

unsuited to an homogeneous empire4      
,tolerate no despiser of the gods1 and  
no religious juggler4 ,divination is    
necessary1 and therefore let the        
aruspices and augurs by all means be    
sustained1 and let those who will1      
consult them2 but the magicians must be 
utterly prohibited1 who1 though they    
sometimes tell the truth1 more          
frequently1 by false promises1 urge men 
on to conspiracies407#geb7    ,this     
striking passage exhibits very clearly  
the extent to which in some  minds the  
intolerant spirit was carried in        
antiquity1 and also the  blending       
motives that produced it4 ,we should be1
 however1 widely mistaken  if we        
regarded it as a picture of the actual  
religious policy of the  ,empire4 ,in   
order to realise this1 it will be       
necessary to notice  separately liberty 
of speculation and liberty of worship4  
,when ,asinius ,pollio founded the first
 public library in ,rome1 he placed it  
in the ,temple of ,liberty4 ,the lesson 

which was thus taught to the literary   
classes was never forgotten4 ,it is     
probable that in no other period of the 
history of the world was speculative    
freedom so perfect as in the ,roman     
,empire4 ,the fearless scrutiny of all  
notions of popular belief1 displayed  in
 the writings of ,cicero1 ,seneca1      
,lucretius1 or ,lucian1 did not excite  
an  effort of repression4 ,philosophers 
were1 indeed1 persecuted by ,domitian   
and ,vespasian for their ardent         
opposition to the despotism of the      
throne17#gec7 but on their own subjects 
they were wholly untrammelled4 ,the     
,greek writers consoled themselves for  
the extinction of the independence  of  
their country by the reflection that in 
the sphere of intellect the  meddling   
policy of the ,greek ,states was        
replaced by an absolute and a  majestic 
freedom47#ged7 ,the fierceness of the   
opposition of sects faded  beneath its  
influence4 ,of all the speculative      
conflicts of antiquity1 that  which most

 nearly approached the virulence of     
later theological  controversies was    
probably that between the ,stoics and   
the ,epicureans2 but  it is well worthy 
of notice that some of the most emphatic
 testimonies to  the moral goodness of  
,epicurus have come from the writings of
 his  opponents4    ,but the policy of  
the ,roman rulers towards religious     
rites was very  different from1 and     
would at first sight appear to be in    
direct opposition  to1 their policy     
towards opinions4 ,an old law1 which    
,cicero mentions1  expressly forbade the
 introduction of new religions17#gee7   
and in the  ,republican days and the    
earliest days of the ,empire there are  
many  instances of its being enforced4  
,thus1 in ,a4,u4,c4 #cbf1 a severe      
drought  having led men to seek help    
from new gods1 the ,senate charged the  
diles  to allow none but ,roman deities 
to be worshipped47#gef7 ,lutatius1 soon 
after the first ,punic war1 was         
forbidden by the ,senate to consult     

foreign  gods1 8because10 said the      
historian1 8it was deemed right the     
,republic  should be administered       
according to the national auspices1 and 
not  according to those of other        
lands407#geg7 ,during the second ,punic 
war1 a  severe edict of the ,senate     
enjoined the suppression of certain     
recent  innovations47#geh7 ,about       
,a4,u4,c4 #fae the prtor ,hispalus      
exiled those who  had introduced the    
worship of the ,sabasian ,jupiter47#gei7
 ,the rites of  ,bacchus1 being         
accompanied by gross and scandalous     
obscenity1 were  suppressed1 the consul1
 in a remarkable speech1 calling upon   
the people to  revive the religious     
policy of their ancestors47#gfj7 ,the   
worship of ,isis  and ,serapis only     
gained its footing after a long         
struggle1 and no small  amount of       
persecution4 ,the gross immorality it   
sometimes favoured1 its  wild and abject
 superstition1 so thoroughly alien to   
the whole character  of ,roman life and 

tradition1 and also the organisation of 
its priesthood1  rendered it peculiarly 
obnoxious to the ,government4 ,when the 
first edict  of suppression was issued1 
the people hesitated to destroy a temple
 which  seemed so venerable in their    
eyes1 and the consul milius ,paulus     
dispelled  their fears by seizing an axe
 and striking the first blow            
himself47#gfa7  ,during the latter days 
of the ,republic1 edicts had commanded  
the  destruction of the ,egyptian       
temples4 ,octavius1 however1 in his     
younger  days1 favoured the new worship1
 but1 soon after1 it was again          
suppressed47#gfb7 ,under ,tiberius it   
had once more crept in2 but the priests 
of ,isis having enabled a patrician     
named ,mundus to disguise himself as the
  god ,anubis1 and win the favours of a 
devout worshipper1 the temple1 by  order
 of the emperor1 was destroyed1 the     
images were thrown into the  ,tiber1 the
 priests were crucified1 and the seducer
 was banished47#gfc7  ,under the same   

emperor four thousand persons were      
exiled to ,sardinia1 as  affected with  
,jewish and ,egyptian superstitions4    
,they were commissioned to  repress     
robbers2 but it was at the same time    
added1 with a characteristic  scorn1    
that if they died through the           
unhealthiness of the climate1 it  would 
be but a 8small loss407#gfd7    ,these  
measures represent together a           
considerable amount of religious        
repression1 but they were produced      
exclusively by notions of policy or     
discipline4 ,they grew out of that      
intense national spirit which sacrificed
  every other interest to the ,state1   
and resisted every form of innovation1  
whether secular or religious1 that could
 impair the unity of the national  type1
 and dissolve the discipline which the  
predominance of the military  spirit and
 the stern government of the ,republic  
had formed4 ,they were  also1 in some   
cases1 the result of moral scandals4    
,when1 however1 it  became evident that 

the internal condition of the ,republic 
was unsuited  for the ,empire1 the      
rulers frankly acquiesced in the change1
 and from the  time of ,tiberius1 with  
the single exception of the ,christians1
 perfect  liberty of worship seems to   
have been granted to the professors of  
all  religions in ,rome47#gfe7 ,the old 
law upon the subject was not revoked1   
but  it was not generally enforced4     
,sometimes the new creeds were expressly
  authorised4 ,sometimes they were      
tacitly permitted4 ,with a single       
exception1 all the religions of the     
world raised their heads unmolested in  
the 8,holy ,city407#gff7    ,the        
liberty1 however1 of professing and     
practising a foreign worship did  not   
dispense the ,roman from the obligation 
of performing also the  sacrifices or   
other religious rites of his own land4  
,it was here that  whatever religious   
fanaticism mingled with ,pagan          
persecutions was  displayed4 ,eusebius  
tells us that religion was divided by   

the ,romans into  three parts--the      
mythology1 or legends that had descended
 from the poets2  the interpretations or
 theories by which the philosophers     
endeavoured to  rationalise1 filter1 or 
explain away these legends2 and the     
ritual or  official religious           
observances4 ,in the first two spheres  
perfect liberty  was accorded1 but the  
ritual was placed under the control of  
the  ,government1 and was made a matter 
of compulsion47#gfg7 ,in order to       
realise  the strength of the feeling    
that supported it1 we must remember that
 the  multitude firmly believed that the
 prosperity and adversity of the ,empire
  depended chiefly upon the zeal or     
indifference that was shown in          
conciliating the national divinities1   
and also that the philosophers1 as ,i   
have noticed in the last chapter1 for   
the most part not only practised1  but  
warmly defended1 the official           
observances4 ,the love of truth in many 
forms was exhibited among the ,pagan    

philosophers to a degree which has      
never been surpassed2 but there was one 
form in which it was absolutely         
unknown4 ,the belief that it is wrong   
for a man in religious matters to act  a
 lie1 to sanction by his presence and by
 his example what he regards as         
baseless superstitions1 had no place in 
the ethics of antiquity4 ,the  religious
 flexibility which polytheism had       
originally generated1 the  strong       
political feeling that pervaded all     
classes1 and also the manifest          
impossibility of making philosophy the  
creed of the ignorant1 had rendered     
nearly universal among philosophers a   
state of feeling which is often         
exhibited1 but rarely openly professed1 
among ourselves47#gfh7 ,the  religious  
opinions of men had but little influence
 on their religious  practices1 and the 
sceptic considered it not merely lawful1
 but a duty1 to  attend the observances 
of his country4 ,no one did more to     
scatter the  ancient superstitions than 

,cicero1 who was himself an augur1 and  
who  strongly asserted the duty of      
complying with the national rites47#gfi7
  ,seneca1 having recounted in the most 
derisive terms the absurdities of the   
popular worship1 concludes his          
enumeration by declaring that 8the sage 
will observe all these things1 not as   
pleasing to the ,divinities1 but as     
commanded by the law10 and that he      
should remember 8that his worship is    
due to custom1 not to belief407#ggj7    
,epictetus1 whose austere creed rises   
to the purest monotheism1 teaches as a  
fundamental religious maxim that  every 
man in his devotions should 8conform to 
the customs of his  country407#gga7 ,the
 ,jews and ,christians1 who alone       
refused to do so1 were  the             
representatives of a moral principle    
that was unknown to the ,pagan  world4  
,it should be remembered1 too1 that the 
,oriental custom of deifying  emperors  
having been introduced into ,rome1 to   
burn incense before their  statues had  

become a kind of test of loyalty4 ,this 
adoration does not1 it  is true1 appear 
to have implied any particular article  
of belief1 and it  was probably regarded
 by most men as we regard the           
application of the term  8,sacred       
,majesty0 to a sovereign1 and the custom
 of kneeling in his  presence2 but it   
was esteemed inconsistent with          
,christianity1 and the  conscientious   
refusal of the ,christians to comply    
with it aroused a  feeling resembling   
that which was long produced in         
,christendom by the  refusal of ,quakers
 to comply with the usages of courts4   
,the obligation to perform the sacred   
rites of an idolatrous worship1 if      
rigidly enforced1 would have amounted1  
in the case of the ,jews and the        
,christians1 to a complete proscription4
 ,it does not1 however1 appear that  the
 ,jews were ever persecuted on this     
ground4 ,they formed a large and        
influential colony in ,rome4 ,they      
retained undiminished1 in the midst of  

the ,pagan population1 their exclusive  
habits1 refusing not merely all         
religious communion1 but most social    
intercourse with the idolaters1         
occupying a separate quarter of the     
city1 and sedulously practising their   
distinctive rites4 ,tiberius1 as we have
 seen1 appears to have involved  them in
 his proscription of ,egyptian          
superstitions2 but they were usually    
perfectly unmolested1 or were molested  
only when their riotous conduct had     
attracted the attention of the rulers4  
,the ,government was so far from        
compelling them to perform acts contrary
 to their religion1 that ,augustus      
expressly changed the day of the        
distribution of corn1 in order that they
  might not be reduced to the           
alternative of forfeiting their share1  
or of  breaking the ,sabbath47#ggb7     
,it appears1 then1 that the old         
,republican intolerance had in the      
,empire  been so modified as almost to  
have disappeared4 ,the liberty of       

speculation  and discussion was entirely
 unchecked4 ,the liberty of practising  
foreign  religious rites1 though        
ostensibly limited by the law against   
unauthorised  religions1 was after      
,tiberius equally secure4 ,the liberty  
of abstaining  from the official        
national rites1 though more precarious1 
was fully  conceded to the ,jews1 whose 
jealousy of idolatry was in no degree   
inferior  to that of the ,christians4   
,it remains1 then1 to examine what were 
the  causes of the very exceptional     
fanaticism and animosity that were      
directed  against the latter4    ,the   
first cause of the persecution of the   
,christians was the religious  notion to
 which ,i have already referred4 ,the   
belief that our world is  governed by   
isolated acts of ,divine intervention1  
and that1 in  consequence1 every great  
calamity1 whether physical1 or military1
 or  political1 may be regarded as a    
punishment or a warning1 was the basis  
of  the whole religious system of       

antiquity47#ggc7 ,in the days of the    
,republic  every famine1 pestilence1 or 
drought was followed by a searching     
investigation of the sacred rites1 to   
ascertain what irregularity or  neglect 
had caused the ,divine anger1 and two   
instances are recorded in  which vestal 
virgins were put to death because their 
unchastity was  believed to have        
provoked a national calamity47#ggd7 ,it 
might appear at  first sight that the   
fanaticism which this belief would      
naturally produce  would have been      
directed against the ,jews as strongly  
as against the  ,christians2 but a      
moment's reflection is sufficient to    
explain the  difference4 ,the ,jewish   
religion was essentially conservative   
and  unexpansive4 ,although1 in the     
passion for ,oriental religions1 many of
 the  ,romans had begun to practise its 
ceremonies1 there was no spirit of      
proselytism in the sect2 and it is      
probable that almost all who followed   
this religion1 to the exclusion of      

others1 were of ,hebrew nationality4    
,the  ,christians1 on the other hand1   
were ardent missionaries2 they were1 for
  the most part1 ,romans who had thrown 
off the allegiance of their old gods1   
and their activity was so great that    
from a very early period the temples    
were in some districts almost           
deserted47#gge7 ,besides this1 the ,jews
 simply  abstained from and despised the
 religions around them4 ,the ,christians
  denounced them as the worship of      
dmons1 and lost no opportunity of       
insulting them4 ,it is not1 therefore1  
surprising that the populace should     
have been firmly convinced that every   
great catastrophe that occurred was  due
 to the presence of the enemies of the  
gods4 8,if the ,tiber ascends to  the   
walls10 says ,tertullian1 8or if the    
,nile does not overflow the fields1  if 
the heaven refuses its rain1 if the     
earth quakes1 if famine and  pestilence 
desolate the land1 immediately the cry  
is raised1 #8,the  ,christians to the   

lions6' 07#ggf7 8,there is no rain--the 
,christians are the  cause10 had become 
a popular proverb in ,rome47#ggg7       
,earthquakes1 which1 on  account of     
their peculiarly appalling1 and1 to     
ignorant men1 mysterious  nature1 have  
played a very large part in the history 
of superstition1 were  frequent and     
terrible in the ,asiatic provinces1 and 
in three or four  instances the         
persecution of the ,christians may be   
distinctly traced to  the fanaticism    
they produced4    ,there is no part of  
ecclesiastical history more curious than
 the effects  of this belief in         
alternately assisting or impeding the   
progress of  different ,churches4 ,in   
the first three centuries of ,christian 
history1 it  was the cause of fearful   
sufferings to the faith2 but even then  
the  ,christians usually accepted the   
theory of their adversaries1 though they
  differed concerning its application4  
,tertullian and ,cyprian strongly       
maintained1 sometimes that the          

calamities were due to the anger of the 
,almighty against idolatry1 sometimes   
that they were intended to avenge the   
persecution of the truth4 ,a collection 
was early made of men who1 having  been 
hostile to the ,christian faith1 had    
died by some horrible death1 and  their 
deaths were pronounced to be ,divine    
punishments47#ggh7 ,the victory  which  
established the power of the first      
,christian emperor1 and the sudden      
death of ,arius1 were afterwards        
accepted as decisive proofs of the truth
  of ,christianity1 and of the falsehood
 of ,arianism47#ggi7 ,but soon the      
manifest signs of the dissolution of the
 ,empire revived the zeal of the        
,pagans1 who began to reproach          
themselves for their ingratitude to     
their  old gods1 and who recognised in  
the calamities of their country the     
vengeance of an insulted ,heaven4 ,when 
the altar of ,victory was removed       
contemptuously from the ,senate1 when   
the sacred college of the vestals was   

suppressed1 when1 above all1 the armies 
of ,alaric encircled the ,imperial      
city1 angry murmurs arose which         
disturbed the ,christians in their      
triumph4  ,the standing-point of the    
theologians was then somewhat altered4  
,st4  ,ambrose dissected with the most  
unsparing rationalism the theory that   
ascribed the national decline to the    
suppression of the vestals1 traced it   
to all its consequences1 and exposed all
 its absurdities4 ,orosius wrote  his   
history to prove that great misfortunes 
had befallen the ,empire before  its    
conversion4 ,salvian wrote his treatise 
on ,providence to prove that the        
barbarian invasions were a ,divine      
judgment on the immorality of the       
,christians4 ,st4 ,augustine            
concentrated all his genius on a great  
work1  written under the impression of  
the invasion of ,alaric1 and intended to
  prove that 8the city of ,god0 was not 
on earth1 and that the downfall of  the 
,empire need therefore cause no         

disquietude to the ,christians4 ,st4    
,gregory the ,great continually         
represented the calamities of ,italy as 
warnings foreboding the destruction of  
the world4 ,when ,rome sank finally     
before the barbarian hosts1 it would    
seem as though the doctrine that        
temporal success was the proof of       
,divine favour must be finally          
abandoned4  ,but the ,christian clergy  
disengaged their cause from that of the 
ruined  ,empire1 proclaimed its downfall
 to be a fulfilment of prophecy and a   
,divine judgment1 confronted the        
barbarian conquerors in all the majesty 
of  their sacred office1 and overawed   
them in the very moment of their        
victory4 ,in the conversion of the      
uncivilised tribes1 the doctrine of     
special intervention occupied a         
commanding place4 ,the ,burgundians1    
when  defeated by the ,huns1 resolved1  
as a last resource1 to place themselves 
under the protection of the ,roman ,god 
whom they vaguely believed to be the    

most powerful1 and the whole nation in  
consequence embraced                    
,christianity47#ghj7 ,in a critical     
moment of a great battle1 ,clovis       
invoked  the assistance of the ,god of  
his wife4 ,the battle was won1 and he1  
with  many thousands of ,franks1 was    
converted to the faith47#gha7 ,in       
,england1 the  conversion of            
,northumbria was partly1 and the        
conversion of ,mercia was  mainly1 due  
to the belief that the ,divine          
interposition had secured the  victory  
of a ,christian king47#ghb7 ,a          
,bulgarian prince was driven into the   
,church by the terror of a pestilence1  
and he speedily effected the  conversion
 of his subjects47#ghc7 ,the destruction
 of so many shrines1 and  the defeat of 
so many ,christian armies1 by the       
followers of ,mohammed2 the  disastrous 
and ignominious overthrow of the        
,crusaders1 who went forth  protected by
 all the blessings of the ,church1 were 
unable to impair the  belief4 ,all      

through the middle ages1 and for some   
centuries after the  middle ages had    
passed1 every startling catastrophe was 
regarded as a  punishment1 or a warning1
 or a sign of the approaching           
termination of the  world4 ,churches and
 monasteries were built4 ,religious     
societies were  founded4 ,penances were 
performed4 ,jews were massacred1 and a  
long  catalogue might be given of the   
theories by which men attempted to      
connect  every vicissitude of fortune1  
and every convulsion of nature1 with the
  wranglings of theologians4 ,thus1 to  
give but a few examples3 ,st4 ,ambrose  
confidently asserted that the death of  
,maximus was a consequence of the  crime
 he had committed in compelling the     
,christians to rebuild a ,jewish        
synagogue they had destroyed47#ghd7 ,one
 of the laws in the ,justinian code1    
directed against the ,jews1 ,samaritans1
 and ,pagans1 expressly attributes to   
them the sterility of the soil1 which in
 an earlier age the ,pagans had so      

often attributed to the                 
,christians47#ghe7 ,a volcanic eruption 
that broke  out at the commencement of  
the iconoclastic persecution was adduced
 as a  clear proof that the ,divine     
anger was aroused1 according to one     
party1 by  the hostility of the emperor 
to the sacred images2 according to the  
other  party1 by his sinful hesitation  
in extirpating idolatry47#ghf7 ,bodin1  
in a  later age1 considered that the    
early death of the sovereign who        
commanded  the massacre of ,st4         
,bartholomew was due to what he deemed  
the master crime  of that sovereign's   
reign4 ,he had spared the life of a     
famous  sorcerer47#ghg7 ,in the         
struggles that followed the             
,reformation1 physical  calamities were 
continually ascribed in one age to the  
toleration1 in  another to the          
endowment1 of either heresy or          
,popery47#ghh7 ,sometimes1  however1    
they were traced to the theatre1 and    
sometimes to the writings of            

freethinkers4 ,but gradually1 and almost
 insensibly1 these notions faded  away4 
,the old language is often heard1 but it
 is no longer realised and  operative1  
and the doctrine which played so large a
 part in the history of  the world has  
ceased to exercise any appreciable      
influence upon the  actions of mankind4 
,in addition to this religious motive1  
which acted chiefly upon the vulgar1    
there was a political motive which      
rendered ,christianity obnoxious to the 
educated4 ,the ,church constituted a    
vast1 highly organised1 and in many     
respects secret society1 and as such was
 not only distinctly illegal1 but  was  
also in the very highest degree         
calculated to excite the apprehensions  
of the ,government4 ,there was no       
principle in the ,imperial policy more  
stubbornly upheld than the suppression  
of all corporations that might be  made 
the nuclei of revolt4 ,the extent to    
which this policy was carried is        
strikingly evinced by a letter from     

,trajan to ,pliny1 in which the emperor 
forbade the formation even of a guild of
 firemen1 on the ground that they  would
 constitute an association and hold     
meetings47#ghi7 ,in such a state of     
feeling1 the existence of a vast        
association1 governed by countless      
functionaries1 shrouding its meetings   
and some of its doctrines in            
impenetrable obscurity1 evoking a degree
 of attachment and devotion  greater    
than could be elicited by the ,state1   
ramifying through the whole  extent of  
the empire1 and restlessly extending its
 influence1 would  naturally arouse the 
strongest apprehension4 ,that it did so 
is clearly  recognised by the ,christian
 apologists1 who1 however1 justly       
retorted upon  the objectors the        
impossibility of showing a single       
instance in which1 in  an age of        
continual conspiracies1 the numerous and
 persecuted ,christians  had proved     
disloyal4 ,whatever we may think of     
their doctrine of passive  obedience1 it

 is impossible not to admire the        
constancy with which they  clung to it1 
when all their interests were the other 
way4 ,but yet the  ,pagans were not     
altogether wrong in regarding the new   
association as fatal  to the greatness  
of the ,empire4 ,it consisted of men who
 regarded the ,roman  ,empire as a      
manifestation of ,antichrist1 and who   
looked forward with  passionate longing 
to its destruction4 ,it substituted a   
new enthusiasm for  that patriotism     
which was the very life-blood of the    
national existence4  ,many of the       
,christians deemed it wrong to fight for
 their country4 ,all of  them aspired to
 a type of character1 and were actuated 
by hopes and  motives1 wholly           
inconsistent with that proud martial    
ardour by which the  triumphs of ,rome  
had been won1 and by which alone her    
impending ruin could  be averted4       
,the aims and principles of this        
association were very imperfectly       
understood4 ,the greatest and best of   

the ,pagans spoke of it as a hateful    
superstition1 and the phrase they most  
frequently reiterated1 when  speaking of
 its members1 was 8enemies0 or 8haters  
of the human race40 ,such  a charge1    
directed persistently against men whose 
main principle was the  supreme         
excellence of love1 and whose charity   
unquestionably rose far  above that of  
any other class1 was probably due in the
 first place to the  unsocial habits of 
the converts1 who deemed it necessary to
 abstain from  all the forms of public  
amusement1 to refuse to illuminate their
 houses1  or hang garlands from their   
portals in honour of the national       
triumphs1  and who somewhat             
ostentatiously exhibited themselves as  
separate and alien  from their          
countrymen4 ,it may also have arisen    
from a knowledge of the  popular        
,christian doctrine about the future    
destiny of ,pagans4 ,when the  ,roman   
learnt what fate the ,christian assigned
 to the heroes and sages of  his nation1

 and to the immense mass of his living  
fellow-countrymen1 when  he was told    
that the destruction of the once        
glorious ,empire to which he  belonged  
was one of the most fervent aspirations 
of the ,church1 his  feelings were very 
likely to clothe themselves in such     
language as ,i have  cited4    ,but1 in 
addition to the general charges1        
specific accusations7#gij7 of the       
grossest kind were directed against     
,christian morals4 ,at a time when the  
moral standard was very low1 they were  
charged with deeds so atrocious as  to  
scandalise the most corrupt4 ,they were 
represented as habitually1 in  their    
secret assemblies1 celebrating the most 
licentious orgies1 feeding  on human    
flesh1 and then1 the lights having been 
extinguished1 indulging  in promiscuous1
 and especially in incestuous1          
intercourse4 ,the persistence  with     
which these accusations were made is    
shown by the great prominence  they     
occupy1 both in the writings of the     

apologists and in the narrations  of the
 persecutions4 ,that these charges were 
absolutely false will now be  questioned
 by no one4 ,the ,fathers were long able
 to challenge their  adversaries to     
produce a single instance in which any  
other crime than his  faith was proved  
against a martyr1 and they urged with a 
just and noble  pride that whatever     
doubt there might be of the truth of the
 ,christian  doctrines1 or of the       
,divine origin of the ,christian        
miracles1 there was at  least no doubt  
that ,christianity had transformed the  
characters of  multitudes1 vivified the 
cold heart by a new enthusiasm1         
redeemed1  regenerated1 and emancipated 
the most depraved of mankind4 ,noble    
lives1  crowned by heroic deaths1 were  
the best arguments of the infant        
,church47#gia7 ,their enemies themselves
 not unfrequently acknowledged it4  ,the
 love shown by the early ,christians to 
their suffering brethren has  never been
 more emphatically attested than by     

,lucian17#gib7 or the  beautiful        
simplicity of their worship than by     
,pliny17#gic7 or their ardent  charity  
than by ,julian47#gid7 ,there was1 it is
 true1 another side to the  picture2 but
 even when the moral standard of        
,christians was greatly  lowered1 it was
 lowered only to that of the community  
about them4    ,these calumnies were    
greatly encouraged by the ecclesiastical
 rule1 which  withheld from the         
unbaptised all knowledge of some of the 
more mysterious  doctrines of the       
,church1 and veiled1 at least1 one of   
its ceremonies in  great obscurity4     
,vague rumours about the nature of that 
sacramental feast1  to which none but   
the baptised ,christian was suffered to 
penetrate1 and  which no ecclesiastic   
was permitted to explain either to the  
catechumens  or to the world1 were      
probably the origin of the charge of    
cannibalism2  while the ,agap or love   
feasts1 the ceremony of the kiss of     
love1 and the  peculiar and1 to the     

,pagans1 perhaps unintelligible1        
language in which the  ,christians      
proclaimed themselves one body and      
fellow-members in ,christ1  may have    
suggested the other charges4 ,the eager 
credulity with which  equally baseless  
accusations against the ,jews were for  
centuries believed1  illustrates the    
readiness with which they were accepted1
 and the extremely  imperfect system of 
police which rendered the verification  
of secret  crimes very difficult1 had no
 doubt greatly enlarged the sphere of   
calumny4 ,but1 in addition to these     
considerations1 the orthodox were in    
some respects exceedingly unfortunate4  
,in the eyes of the ,pagans they were   
regarded as a sect of ,jews2 and the    
,jews1 on account of their continual    
riots1 their inextinguishable hatred of 
the ,gentile world17#gie7 and the       
atrocities that frequently accompanied  
their rebellions1 had early excited  the
 anger and the contempt of the ,pagans4 
,on the other hand1 the ,jew1 who       

deemed the abandonment of the law the   
most heinous of crimes1 and whose       
patriotism only shone with a fiercer    
flame amid the calamities of his        
nation1 regarded the ,christian with an 
implacable hostility4 ,scorned or  hated
 by those around him1 his temple        
levelled with the dust1 and the last    
vestige of his independence destroyed1  
he clung with a desperate tenacity  to  
the hopes and privileges of his ancient 
creed4 ,in his eyes the  ,christians    
were at once apostates and traitors4 ,he
 could not forget that  in the last dark
 hour of his country's agony1 when the  
armies of the  ,gentile encompassed     
,jerusalem1 and when the hosts of the   
faithful flocked  to its defence1 the   
,christian ,jews had abandoned the      
fortunes of their  race1 and refused to 
bear any part in the heroism and the    
sufferings of  the closing scene4 ,they 
had proclaimed that the promised        
,messiah1 who was  to restore the faded 
glories of ,israel1 had already come2   

that the  privileges which were so long 
the monopoly of a single people had     
passed  to the ,gentile world2 that the 
race which was once supremely blest was 
for  all future time to be accursed     
among mankind4 ,it is not1 therefore1   
surprising that there should have arisen
 between the two creeds an  animosity   
which ,paganism could never rival4      
,while the ,christians viewed  with too 
much exultation the calamities that fell
 upon the prostrate  people17#gif7 whose
 cup of bitterness they were destined   
through long  centuries to fill to the  
brim1 the ,jews laboured with unwearied 
hatred to  foment by calumnies the      
passions of the ,pagan multitude47#gig7 
,on the other  hand1 the ,catholic      
,christians showed themselves extremely 
willing to draw  down the sword of the  
persecutor upon the heretical sects4    
,when the ,pagans  accused the          
,christians of indulging in orgies of   
gross licentiousness1 the  first        
apologist1 while repudiating the charge1

 was careful to add1 of the  heretics1  
8,whether or not these people commit    
those shameful and fabulous  acts1 the  
putting out the lights1 indulging in    
promiscuous intercourse1  and eating    
human flesh1 ,i know not407#gih7 ,in a  
few years the language of  doubt and    
insinuation was exchanged for that of   
direct assertion2 and1 if  we may       
believe ,st4 ,irenus and ,st4 ,clement  
of ,alexandria1 the followers of        
,carpocrates1 the ,marcionites1 and some
 other ,gnostic sects1 habitually       
indulged1 in their secret meetings1 in  
acts of impurity and licentiousness  as 
hideous and as monstrous as can be      
conceived1 and their conduct was one  of
 the causes of the persecution of the   
orthodox47#gii7 ,even the most          
extravagant charges of the ,pagan       
populace were reiterated by the ,fathers
  in their accusations of the ,gnostics4
 ,st4 ,epiphanius1 in the fourth        
century1 assures us that some of their  
sects were accustomed to kill1 to  dress

 with spices1 and to eat the children   
born of their promiscuous               
intercourse47#hjj7 ,the heretics1 in    
their turn1 gladly accused the          
,catholics27#hja7 while the ,roman      
judge1 in whose eyes ,judaism1 orthodox 
,christianity1 and heresy were but      
slightly differing modifications of one 
despicable superstition1 doubtless found
 in this interchange of  accusations a  
corroboration of his prejudices4        
,another cause of the peculiar animosity
 felt against the ,christians was  the  
constant interference with domestic     
life1 arising from the great  number of 
female conversions4 ,the ,christian     
teacher was early noted for  his        
unrivalled skill in playing on the      
chords of a woman's heart47#hjb7 ,the   
graphic title of 8,earpicker of         
ladies107#hjc7 which was given to a     
seductive pontiff of a somewhat later   
period1 might have been applied to  many
 in the days of the persecution2 and to 
the ,roman1 who regarded the  supreme   

authority of the head of the family1 in 
all religious matters1 as  the very     
foundation of domestic morality1 no     
character could appear more  infamous or
 more revolting4 8,a wife10 said        
,plutarch1 expressing the  deepest      
conviction of the ,pagan world1 8should 
have no friends but those  of her       
husband2 and1 as the gods are the first 
of friends1 she should know  no gods but
 those whom her husband adores4 ,let her
 shut the door1 then1  against idle     
religions and foreign superstitions4 ,no
 god can take pleasure  in sacrifices   
offered by a wife without the knowledge 
of her  husband407#hjd7 ,but these      
principles1 upon which the whole social 
system of  ,paganism had rested1 were   
now disregarded4 ,wives in multitudes   
deserted  their homes to frequent the   
nocturnal meetings7#hje7 of a sect which
 was  looked upon with the deepest      
suspicion1 and was placed under the ban 
of  the law4 ,again and again1 the      
husband1 as he laid his head on the     

pillow  by his wife1 had the bitterness 
of thinking that all her sympathies were
  withdrawn from him2 that her          
affections belonged to an alien         
priesthood  and to a foreign creed2     
that1 though she might discharge her    
duties with a  gentle and uncomplaining 
fidelity1 he had for ever lost the power
 of  touching her heart--he was to her  
only as an outcast1 as a brand prepared 
for the burning4 ,even to a ,christian  
mind there is a deep pathos in the      
picture which ,st4 ,augustine has drawn 
of the broken-hearted husband  imploring
 the assistance of the gods1 and        
receiving from the oracle the  bitter   
answer3 8,you may more easily write in  
enduring characters on the  wave1 or fly
 with feathers through the air1 than    
purge the mind of a woman  when once    
tainted by the superstition407#hjf7     
,i have already noticed the prominence  
which the practice of exorcism had      
acquired in the early ,church1 the      
contempt with which it was regarded by  

the more philosophic ,pagans1 and the   
law which had been directed against  its
 professors4 ,it is not1 however1       
probable that this practice1 though it  
lowered the ,christians in the eyes of  
the educated as much as it elevated     
them in the eyes of the populace1 had   
any appreciable influence in  provoking 
persecution4 ,in the crowd of           
superstitions that were invading  the   
,roman ,empire1 exorcism had a prominent
 place2 all such practices were  popular
 with the masses2 the only form of magic
 which under the ,empire was  seriously 
persecuted was political astrology or   
divination with a view to  discovering  
the successors to the throne1 and of    
this the ,christians were  never        
accused47#hjg7 ,there was1 however1     
another form of what was deemed         
superstition connected with the ,church1
 which was regarded by ,pagan           
philosophers with a much deeper feeling 
of aversion4 ,to agitate the minds  of  
men with religious terrorism1 to fill   

the unknown world with hideous  images  
of suffering1 to govern the reason by   
alarming the imagination1 was  in the   
eyes of the ,pagan world one of the most
 heinous of crimes47#hjh7  ,these fears 
were to the ancients the very definition
 of superstition1 and  their destruction
 was a main object both of the          
,epicurean and of the  ,stoic4 ,to men  
holding such sentiments1 it is easy to  
perceive how  obnoxious must have       
appeared religious teachers who         
maintained that an  eternity of torture 
was reserved for the entire human race  
then existing  in the world1 beyond the 
range of their own community1 and who   
made the  assertion of this doctrine one
 of their main instruments of           
success47#hji7  ,enquiry1 among the     
early theologians1 was much less valued 
than  belief17#haj7 and reason was less 
appealed to than fear4 ,in philosophy   
the  most comprehensive1 but in theology
 the most intolerant1 system is         
naturally the strongest4 ,to weak women1

 to the young1 the ignorant1 and  the   
timid1 to all1 in a word1 who were      
doubtful of their own judgment1 the     
doctrine of exclusive salvation must    
have come with an appalling power2  and1
 as no other religion professed it1 it  
supplied the ,church with an  invaluable
 vantage-ground1 and doubtless drove    
multitudes into its pale4  ,to this     
doctrine we may also1 in a great degree1
 ascribe the agony of  terror that was  
so often displayed by the apostate1     
whose flesh shrank  from the present    
torture1 but who was convinced that the 
weakness he could  not overcome would be
 expiated by an eternity of             
torment47#haa7 ,to the  indignation     
excited by such teaching was probably   
due a law of ,marcus  ,aurelius1 which  
decreed that 8if any one shall do       
anything whereby the  weak minds of any 
may be terrified by superstitious fear1 
the offender  shall be exiled into an   
island407#hab7    ,there can1 indeed1 be
 little doubt that a chief cause of the 

hostility  felt against the ,christian  
,church was the intolerant aspect it at 
that  time displayed4 ,the ,romans were 
prepared to tolerate almost any form of 
religion that would tolerate others4    
,the ,jews1 though quite as obstinate   
as the ,christians in refusing to       
sacrifice to the emperor1 were rarely   
molested1 except in the periods         
immediately following their             
insurrections1  because ,judaism1       
however exclusive and unsocial1 was     
still an unaggressive  national faith4  
,but the ,christian teachers taught that
 all religions1  except their own and   
that of the ,jews1 were constructed by  
devils1 and  that all who dissented from
 their ,church must be lost4 ,it was    
impossible  that men strung to the very 
highest pitch of religious excitement1  
and  imagining they saw in every        
ceremony and oracle the direct working  
of a  present dmon1 could restrain their
 zeal1 or respect in any degree the     
feelings of others4 ,proselytising with 

an untiring energy1 pouring a  fierce   
stream of invective and ridicule upon   
the gods on whose favour the  multitude 
believed all national prosperity to     
depend1 not unfrequently  insulting the 
worshippers1 and defacing the           
idols17#hac7 they soon stung  the ,pagan
 devotees to madness1 and convinced them
 that every calamity that  fell upon the
 empire was the righteous vengeance of  
the gods4 ,nor was the  sceptical       
politician more likely to regard with   
favour a religion whose  development was
 plainly incompatible with the whole    
religious policy of  the ,empire4 ,the  
new ,church1 as it was then organised1  
must have appeared  to him essentially1 
fundamentally1 necessarily intolerant4  
,to permit it to  triumph was to permit 
the extinction of religious liberty in  
an empire  which comprised all the      
leading nations of the world1 and       
tolerated all  their creeds4 ,it was    
indeed true that in the days of their   
distress the  apologists proclaimed1 in 

high and eloquent language1 the iniquity
 of  persecution1 and the priceless     
value of a free worship2 but it needed  
no  great sagacity to perceive that the 
language of the dominant ,church would  
be very different4 ,the ,pagan          
philosopher could not foresee the       
ghastly  histories of the ,inquisition1 
of the ,albigenses1 or of ,st4          
,bartholomew2  but he could scarcely    
doubt that the ,christians1 when in the 
ascendant1  would never tolerate rites  
which they believed to be consecrated to
  devils1 or restrain1 in the season of 
their power1 a religious animosity      
which they scarcely bridled when they   
were weak4 ,it needed no prophetic      
inspiration to anticipate the time1 that
 so speedily arrived1 when1 amid  the   
wailings of the worshippers1 the idols  
and the temples were shattered1  and    
when all who practised the religious    
ceremonies of their forefathers  were   
subject to the penalty of death4        
,there has probably never existed upon  

earth a community whose members were    
bound to one another by a deeper or a   
purer affection than the ,christians1   
in the days of the persecution4 ,there  
has probably never existed a  community 
which exhibited in its dealings with    
crime a gentler or more  judicious      
kindness1 which combined more happily an
 unflinching opposition  to sin with a  
boundless charity to the sinner1 and    
which was in  consequence more          
successful in reclaiming and            
transforming the most  vicious of       
mankind4 ,there has1 however1 also never
 existed a community  which displayed   
more clearly the intolerance that would 
necessarily follow  its triumph4 ,very  
early tradition has related three       
anecdotes of the  apostle ,john which   
illustrate faithfully this triple aspect
 of the ,church4  ,it is said that when 
the assemblies of the ,christians       
thronged around him  to hear some       
exhortation from his lips1 the only     
words he would utter  were1 8,my little 

children1 love one another20 for in     
this1 he said1 is  comprised the entire 
law4 ,it is said that a young man he had
 once confided  to the charge of a      
bishop1 having fallen into the ways of  
vice1 and become  the captain of a band 
of robbers1 the apostle1 on hearing of  
it1 bitterly  reproached the negligence 
of the pastor1 and1 though in extreme   
old age1  betook himself to the         
mountains till he had been captured by  
the robbers1  when1 falling with tears  
on the neck of the chief1 he restored   
him to the  path of virtue4 ,it is said 
that the same apostle1 once seeing the  
heretic  ,cerinthus in an establishment 
of baths into which he had entered1     
immediately rushed forth1 fearing lest  
the roof should fall because a  heretic 
was beneath it47#had7 ,all that fierce  
hatred which during the ,arian  and     
,donatist controversies convulsed the   
,empire1 and which in later times  has  
deluged the world with blood1 may be    
traced in the ,church long before  the  

conversion of ,constantine4 ,already1 in
 the second century1 it was the  rule   
that the orthodox ,christian should hold
 no conversation1 should  interchange   
none of the most ordinary courtesies of 
life1 with the  excommunicated or the   
heretic47#hae7 ,common sufferings were  
impotent to  assuage the animosity1 and 
the purest and fondest relations of life
 were  polluted by the new intolerance4 
,the ,decian persecution had scarcely   
closed1 when ,st4 ,cyprian wrote his    
treatise to maintain that it is no more 
possible to be saved beyond the limits  
of the ,church1 than it was during  the 
deluge beyond the limits of the ark2    
that martyrdom itself has no  power to  
efface the guilt of schism2 and that the
 heretic1 who for his  master's cause   
expired in tortures upon the earth1     
passed at once1 by that  master's       
decree1 into an eternity of torment in  
hell67#haf7 ,even in the  arena the     
,catholic martyrs withdrew from the     
,montanists1 lest they should  be       

mingled with the heretics in            
death47#hag7 ,at a later period ,st4    
,augustine relates that1 when he was a  
,manichean1 his mother for a time       
refused even to eat at the same table   
with her erring child47#hah7 ,when ,st4 
,ambrose not only defended the act of a 
,christian bishop1 who had burnt  down a
 synagogue of the ,jews1 but denounced  
as a deadly crime the decree  of the    
,government which ordered it to be      
rebuilt27#hai7 when the same  saint1 in 
advocating the plunder of the vestal    
virgins1 maintained the  doctrine that  
it is criminal for a ,christian ,state  
to grant any endowment  to the ministers
 of any religion but his own17#hbj7     
which it has needed all  the efforts of 
modern liberalism to efface from        
legislation1 he was but  following in   
the traces of those earlier ,christians1
 who would not even  wear a laurel      
crown17#hba7 or join in the most        
innocent civic festival1  lest they     
should appear in some indirect way to be

 acquiescing in the  ,pagan worship4    
,while the apologists were maintaining  
against the ,pagan  persecutors the duty
 of tolerance1 the ,sibylline books1    
which were the  popular literature of   
the ,christians1 were filled with       
passionate  anticipations of the violent
 destruction of the ,pagan              
temples47#hbb7 ,and no  sooner had      
,christianity mounted the throne than   
the policy they  foreshadowed became    
ascendant4 ,the indifference or worldly 
sagacity of  some of the rulers1 and the
 imposing number of the ,pagans1        
delayed1 no  doubt1 the final           
consummation2 but1 from the time of     
,constantine1  restrictive laws were put
 in force1 the influence of the         
ecclesiastics was  ceaselessly exerted  
in their favour1 and no sagacious man   
could fail to  anticipate the speedy and
 absolute proscription of the ,pagan    
worship4 ,it  is related of the         
philosopher ,antoninus1 the son of the  
,pagan prophetess  ,sospitra1 that1     

standing one day with his disciples     
before that noble  temple of ,serapis1  
at ,alexandria1 which was one of the    
wonders of ancient  art1 and which was  
destined soon after to perish by the    
rude hands of the  ,christian monks1 the
 prophetic spirit of his mother fell    
upon him4 ,like  another prophet before 
another shrine1 he appalled his hearers 
by the  prediction of the approaching   
ruin4 ,the time would come1 he said1    
when the  glorious edifice before them  
would be overthrown1 the carved images  
would  be defaced1 the temples of the   
gods would be turned into the sepulchres
 of  the dead1 and a great darkness     
would fall upon mankind67#hbc7    ,and1 
besides the liberty of worship1 the     
liberty of thought and of  expression1  
which was the supreme attainment of     
,roman civilisation1 was in  peril4 ,the
 new religion1 unlike that which was    
disappearing1 claimed to  dictate the   
opinions as well as the actions of men1 
and its teachers  stigmatised as an     

atrocious crime the free expression of  
every opinion on  religious matters     
diverging from their own4 ,of all the   
forms of liberty1  it was this which    
lasted the longest1 and was the most    
dearly prized4 ,even  after             
,constantine1 the ,pagans ,libanius1    
,themistius1 ,symmachus1 and ,sallust   
enforced their views with a freedom that
 contrasts remarkably with the          
restraints imposed upon their worship1  
and the beautiful friendships of  ,st4  
,basil and ,libanius1 of ,synesius and  
,hypatia1 are among the most  touching  
episodes of their time4 ,but though the 
traditions of ,pagan  freedom1 and the  
true catholicism of ,justin ,martyr and 
,origen1 lingered  long1 it was         
inevitable that error1 being deemed     
criminal1 should be made  penal4 ,the   
dogmatism of ,athanasius and ,augustine1
 the increasing power of  the clergy1   
and the fanaticism of the monks1        
hastened the end4 ,the  suppression of  
all religions but one by ,theodosius1   

the murder of ,hypatia  at ,alexandria  
by the monks of ,cyril1 and the closing 
by ,justinian of the  schools of        
,athens1 are the three events which mark
 the decisive overthrow  of intellectual
 freedom4 ,a thousand years had rolled  
away before that  freedom was in part   
restored4    ,the considerations ,i have
 briefly enumerated should not in the   
smallest  degree detract from the       
admiration due to the surpassing        
courage1 to the  pure1 touching1 and    
sacred virtues of the ,christian        
martyrs2 but they in  some degree       
palliate the conduct of the persecutors1
 among whom must be  included one       
emperor1 who was probably1 on the whole1
 the best and most  humane sovereign who
 has ever sat upon a throne1 and at     
least two others1  who were considerably
 above the average of virtue4 ,when1    
combined with the  indifference to human
 suffering1 the thirst for blood1 which 
the  spectacles of the amphitheatre had 
engendered1 they assuredly make the     

persecutions abundantly explicable4     
,they show that if it can be proved     
that ,christian persecutions sprang from
 the doctrine of exclusive  salvation1  
the fact that the ,roman ,pagans1 who   
did not hold that doctrine1  also       
persecuted1 need not cause the slightest
 perplexity4 ,that the  persecutions of 
,christianity by the ,roman emperors1   
severe as they  undoubtedly were1 were  
not of such a continuous nature as      
wholly to  counteract the vast moral1   
social1 and intellectual agencies that  
were  favourable to its spread1 a few   
dates will show4    ,we have seen that  
when the ,egyptian rites were introduced
 into ,rome1 they  were met by prompt   
and energetic measures of repression2   
that these  measures were again and     
again repeated1 but that at last1 when  
they proved  ineffectual1 the governors 
desisted from their opposition1 and the 
new  worship assumed a recognised place4
 ,the history of ,christianity1 in its  
relation to the ,government1 is the     

reverse of this4 ,its first introduction
  into ,rome appears to have been       
altogether unopposed4 ,tertullian       
asserts  that ,tiberius1 on the ground  
of a report from ,pontius ,pilate1      
desired to  enrol ,christ among the     
,roman gods1 but that the ,senate       
rejected the  proposal2 but this        
assertion1 which is altogether          
unsupported by  trustworthy evidence1   
and is1 intrinsically1 extremely        
improbable1 is now  generally recognised
 as false47#hbd7 ,an isolated passage of
 ,suetonius  states that in the time of 
,claudius 8the ,jews1 being continually 
rioting1  at the instigation of a       
certain ,chrestus107#hbe7 were expelled 
from the  city2 but no ,christian writer
 speaks of his co-religionists being    
disturbed in this reign1 while all1 with
 a perfect unanimity1 and with  great   
emphasis1 describe ,nero as the first   
persecutor4 ,his persecution  began at  
the close of ,a4,d4 #fd47hbf7 ,it was   
directed against ,christians1  not      

ostensibly on the ground of their       
religion1 but because they were  falsely
 accused of having set fire to ,rome1   
and it is very doubtful  whether it     
extended beyond the city47#hbg7 ,it had 
also this peculiarity1  that1 being     
directed against the ,christians not as 
,christians1 but as  incendiaries1 it   
was impossible to escape from it by     
apostasy4 ,within the  walls of ,rome it
 raged with great fury4 ,the            
,christians1 who had been for  many     
years7#hbh7 proselytising without       
restraint in the great confluence of    
nations1 and amid the disintegration of 
old beliefs1 had become a  formidable   
body4 ,they were1 we learn from         
,tacitus1 profoundly unpopular2  but the
 hideous tortures to which ,nero        
subjected them1 and the conviction      
that1 whatever other crimes they might  
have committed1 they were not  guilty of
 setting fire to the city1 awoke general
 pity4 ,some of them1 clad  in skins of 
wild beasts1 were torn by dogs4 ,others1

 arrayed in shirts of  pitch1 were burnt
 alive in ,nero's garden47#hbi7 ,others 
were affixed to  crosses4 ,great        
multitudes perished4 ,the deep          
impression the persecution  made on the 
,christian mind is shown in the whole   
literature of the ,sibyls1  which arose 
soon after1 in which ,nero is usually   
the central figure1 and  by the belief1 
that lingered for centuries1 that the   
tyrant was yet alive1  and would return 
once more as the immediate precursor of 
,antichrist1 to  inflict the last great 
persecution upon the ,church47#hcj7     
,nero died ,a4,d4 #fh4 ,from that time1 
for at least twenty-seven years1 the    
,church enjoyed absolute repose4 ,there 
is no credible evidence whatever of  the
 smallest interference with its freedom 
till the last year of the reign  of     
,domitian2 and a striking illustration  
of the fearlessness with which it       
exhibited itself to the world has been  
lately furnished in the discovery1  near
 ,rome1 of a large and handsome porch   

leading to a ,christian catacomb1  built
 above ground between the reigns of     
,nero and ,domitian1 in the  immediate  
neighbourhood of one of the principal   
highways47#hca7 ,the long  reign of     
,domitian1 though it may have been      
surpassed in ferocity1 was  never       
surpassed in the ,roman annals in the   
skilfulness and the persistence  of its 
tyranny4 ,the ,stoics and literary      
classes1 who upheld the traditions  of  
political freedom1 and who had already  
suffered much at the hands of           
,vespasian1 were persecuted with        
relentless animosity4 ,metius ,modestus1
  ,arulenus ,rusticus1 ,senecio1        
,helvidius1 ,dion ,chrysostom1 the      
younger  ,priscus1 ,junius ,mauricus1   
,artemidorus1 ,euphrates1 ,epictetus1   
,arria1  ,fannia1 and ,gratilla were    
either killed or banished47#hcb7 ,no    
measures1  however1 appear to have been 
taken against the ,christians till      
,a4,d4 #ie1  when a short and apparently
 not very severe persecution1 concerning

 which  our information is both scanty  
and conflicting1 was directed against   
them4  ,of the special cause that       
produced it we are left in much doubt4  
,eusebius  mentions1 on the not very    
trustworthy authority of ,hegesippus1   
that the  emperor1 having heard of the  
existence of the grandchildren of       
,judas1 the  brother of ,christ1 ordered
 them to be brought before him1 as being
 of the  family of ,david1 and therefore
 possible pretenders to the throne2 but 
on  finding that they were simple       
peasants1 and that the promised kingdom 
of  which they spoke was a spiritual    
one1 he dismissed them in peace1 and    
arrested the persecution he had         
begun47#hcc7 ,a ,pagan historian states 
that1  the finances of the ,empire being
 exhausted by lavish expenditure in     
public  games1 ,domitian1 in order to   
replenish his exchequer1 resorted to a  
severe  and special taxation of the     
,jews2 that some of these1 in order to  
evade  the impost1 concealed their      

worship1 while others1 who are supposed 
to  have been ,christians1 are described
 as following the ,jewish rites without 
being professed ,jews47#hcd7 ,perhaps1  
however1 the simplest explanation is    
the truest1 and the persecution may be  
ascribed to the antipathy which a       
despot like ,domitian must necessarily  
have felt to an institution which1      
though it did not1 like ,stoicism1      
resist his policy1 at least exercised a 
vast influence altogether removed from  
his control4 ,st4 ,john1 who was then  a
 very old man1 is said to have been at  
this time exiled to ,patmos4  ,flavius  
,clemens1 a consul1 and a relative of   
the emperor1 was put to  death4 ,his    
wife1 or1 according to another account1 
his niece ,domitilla1  was banished1    
according to one account1 to the island 
of ,pontia1 according  to another1 to   
the island of ,pandataria1 and many     
others were compelled to  accompany her 
into exile47#hce7 ,numbers1 we are told1
 8accused of  conversion to impiety or  

,jewish rites10 were condemned4 ,some   
were killed1  and others deprived of    
their offices47#hcf7 ,of the cessation  
of the  persecution there are two       
different versions4 ,tertullian7#hcg7   
and  ,eusebius7#hch7 say that the tyrant
 speedily revoked his edict1 and        
restored  those who had been banished2  
but according to ,lactantius these      
measures  were not taken till after the 
death of ,domitian17#hci7 and this      
latter  statement is corroborated by the
 assertion of ,dion ,cassius1 that      
,nerva1  upon his accession1 8absolved  
those who were accused of impiety1 and  
recalled the exiles407#hdj7    ,when we 
consider the very short time during     
which this persecution lasted1  and the 
very slight notice that was taken of it1
 we may fairly1 ,i think1  conclude that
 it was not of a nature to check in any 
appreciable degree a  strong religious  
movement like that of ,christianity4    
,the assassination of  ,domitian        
introduces us to the golden age of the  

,roman ,empire4 ,in the eyes  of the    
,pagan historian1 the period from the   
accession of ,nerva1 in ,a4,d4  #if1 to 
the death of ,marcus ,aurelius1 in      
,a4,d4 #ahj1 is memorable as a period   
of uniform good government1 of rapidly  
advancing humanity1 of great            
legislative reforms1 and of a peace     
which was very rarely seriously  broken4
 ,to the ,christian historian it is     
still more remarkable1 as one of  the   
most critical periods in the history of 
his faith4 ,the ,church entered  into it
 considerable indeed1 as a sect1 but not
 large enough to be  reckoned an        
important power in the ,empire4 ,it     
emerged from it so increased  in its    
numbers1 and so extended in its         
ramifications1 that it might fairly     
defy the most formidable assaults4 ,it  
remains1 therefore1 to be seen  whether 
the opposition against which1 during    
these eighty-four years1 it  had so     
successfully struggled was of such a    
kind and intensity that the  triumph    

must be regarded as a miracle4          
,nearly at the close of this period1    
during the persecution of ,marcus       
,aurelius1 ,st4 ,melito1 ,bishop of     
,sardis1 wrote a letter of expostulation
 to  the emperor1 in which he explicitly
 asserts that in ,asia the persecution  
of the pious was an event which 8had    
never before occurred10 and was the     
result of 8new and strange decrees20    
that the ancestors of the emperor  were 
accustomed to honour the ,christian     
faith 8like other religions20 and  that 
8,nero and ,domitian alone0 had been    
hostile to it47#hda7 ,rather more  than 
twenty years later1 ,tertullian         
asserted1 in language equally distinct  
and emphatic1 that the two persecutors  
of the ,christians were ,nero and       
,domitian1 and that it would be         
impossible to name a single good        
sovereign  who had molested them4       
,marcus ,aurelius himself1 ,tertullian  
refuses to  number among the            
persecutors1 and1 even relying upon a   

letter which was  falsely imputed to    
him1 enrols him among the protectors of 
the  ,church47#hdb7 ,about a century    
later1 ,lactantius1 reviewing the       
history of  the persecutions1 declared  
that the good sovereigns who followed   
,domitian  abstained from persecuting1  
and passes at once from the persecution 
of  ,domitian to that of ,decius4       
,having noticed the measures of the     
former  emperor1 he proceeds3 8,the acts
 of the tyrant being revoked1 the       
,church  was not only restored to its   
former state1 but shone forth with a    
greater  splendour and luxuriance2 and a
 period following in which many good    
sovereigns wielded the ,imperial        
sceptre1 it suffered no assaults from   
its  enemies1 but stretched out its     
hands to the east and to the west2 444  
but  at last the long peace was broken4 
,after many years1 that hateful monster 
,decius arose1 who troubled the         
,church407#hdc7    ,we have here three  
separate passages1 from which we may    

conclusively infer  that the normal and 
habitual condition of the ,christians   
during the  eighty-four years we are    
considering1 and1 if we accept the last 
two  passages1 during a much longer     
period1 was a condition of peace1 but   
that  peace was not absolutely unbroken4
 ,the ,christian ,church1 which was at  
first regarded simply as a branch of    
,judaism1 had begun to be recognised  as
 a separate body1 and the ,roman law    
professedly tolerated only those        
religions which were expressly          
authorised4 ,it is indeed true that with
 the  extension of the ,empire1 and     
especially of the city1 the theory1 or  
at  least the practice1 of religious    
legislation had been profoundly         
modified4  ,first of all1 certain       
religions1 of which the ,jewish was one1
 were  officially recognised1 and then  
many others1 without being expressly    
authorised1 were tolerated4 ,in this    
manner1 all attempts to resist the      
torrent of ,oriental superstitions      

proving vain1 the legislator had        
desisted from his efforts1 and every    
form of wild superstition was  practised
 with publicity and impunity4 ,still the
 laws forbidding them were  unrevoked1  
although they were suffered to remain   
for the most part  obsolete1 or were at 
least only put in action on the occasion
 of some  special scandal1 or of some   
real or apprehended political danger4   
,the  municipal and provincial          
independence under the ,empire was1     
however1 so  large1 that very much      
depended on the character of the local  
governor2 and  it continually happened  
that in one province the ,christians    
were  unmolested or favoured1 while in  
the adjoining province they were        
severely  persecuted4    ,as we have    
already seen1 the ,christians had for   
many reasons become  profoundly         
obnoxious to the people4 ,they shared   
the unpopularity of the  ,jews1 with    
whom they were confounded1 while the    
general credence given to  the calumnies

 about the crimes said to have been     
perpetrated at their  secret meetings1  
their abstinence from public amusements1
 and the belief  that their hostility to
 the gods was the cause of every        
physical calamity1  were special causes 
of antipathy4 ,the history of the period
 of the  ,antonines continually         
manifests the desire of the populace to 
persecute1  restrained by the humanity  
of the rulers4 ,in the short reign of   
,nerva  there appears to have been no   
persecution1 and our knowledge of the   
official proceedings with reference to  
the religion is comprised in two        
sentences of a ,pagan historian1 who    
tells us that the emperor 8absolved     
those who had been convicted of         
impiety10 and 8permitted no one to be   
convicted of impiety or ,jewish rites40 
,under ,trajan1 however1 some serious   
though purely local disturbances took   
place4 ,the emperor himself1 though  one
 of the most sagacious1 and in most     
respects humane of ,roman  sovereigns1  

was nervously jealous of any societies  
or associations among  his subjects1 and
 had propounded a special edict against 
them2 but the  persecution of the       
,christians appears to have been not so 
much political  as popular4 ,if we may  
believe ,eusebius1 local persecutions1  
apparently of  the nature of riots1 but 
sometimes countenanced by provincial    
governors1  broke out in several        
quarters of the ,empire4 ,in ,bithynia1 
,pliny the  ,younger was the governor1  
and he wrote a very famous letter to    
,trajan1 in  which he professed himself 
absolutely ignorant of the proceedings  
to be  taken against the ,christians1   
who had already so multiplied that the  
temples were deserted1 and who were     
arraigned in great numbers before his   
tribunal4 ,he had1 he says1 released    
those who consented to burn incense     
before the image of the emperor1 and to 
curse ,christ1 but had caused those  to 
be executed who persisted in their      
refusal1 and who were not ,roman        

citizens1 8not doubting that a          
pertinacious obstinacy deserved         
punishment40 ,he had questioned the     
prisoners as to the nature of their     
faith1 and had not hesitated to seek    
revelations by torturing two            
maid-servants1 but had 8discovered      
nothing but a base and immoderate       
superstition40 ,he had asked the nature 
of their secret services1 and had  been 
told that they assembled on a certain   
day before dawn to sing a hymn  to      
,christ as to a god2 that they made a   
vow to abstain from every crime1  and   
that they then1 before parting1 partook 
together of a harmless feast1  which1   
however1 they had given up since the    
decree against associations4  ,to this  
letter ,trajan answered that            
,christians1 if brought before the      
tribunals and convicted1 should be      
punished1 but that they should not be   
sought for2 that1 if they consented to  
sacrifice1 no inquisition should be     
made into their past lives1 and that no 

anonymous accusations should be         
received against them47#hdd7 ,in this   
reign there are two authentic  instances
 of martyrdom47#hde7 ,simeon1 ,bishop of
 ,jerusalem1 a man1 it is  said1 one    
hundred and twenty years old1 having    
been accused by the  heretics1 was      
tortured during several days1 and at    
last crucified4  ,ignatius1 the ,bishop 
of ,antioch1 was arrested1 brought to   
,rome1 and1 by  the order of ,trajan    
himself1 thrown to wild beasts4 ,of the 
cause of this  last act of severity we  
are left in ignorance1 but it has been  
noticed  that about this time ,antioch  
had been the scene of one of those      
violent  earthquakes which so frequently
 produced an outburst of religious      
excitement17#hdf7 and the character of  
,ignatius1 who was passionately         
desirous of martyrdom1 may have very    
probably led him to some act of         
exceptional zeal4 ,the letters of the   
martyr prove that at ,rome the faith    
was openly and fearlessly professed2 the

 ,government during the nineteen  years 
of this reign never appears to have     
taken any initiative against the        
,christians1 and1 in spite of occasional
 local tumults1 there was nothing       
resembling a general persecution4       
,during the two following reigns1 the   
,government was more decidedly          
favourable to the ,christians4 ,hadrian1
 having heard that the populace at  the 
public games frequently called for their
 execution1 issued an edict in  which he
 commanded that none should be punished 
simply in obedience to the  outcries    
against them1 or without a formal trial 
and a conviction of some  offence       
against the law1 and he ordered that all
 false accusers should be               
punished47#hdg7 ,his disposition towards
 the ,christians was so pacific as to   
give rise to a legend that he intended  
to enrol ,christ among the  gods27#hdh7 
but it is probable that1 although       
curious on religious matters1  he       
regarded ,christianity with the         

indifference of a ,roman freethinker2   
and  a letter is ascribed to him in     
which he confounded it with the worship 
of  ,serapis47#hdi7 ,as far as the      
,government were concerned1 the         
,christians  appear to have been        
entirely unmolested2 but many of them   
suffered  dreadful tortures at the hands
 of the ,jewish insurgents1 who in this 
reign1 with a desperate but ill-fated   
heroism1 made one last effort to  regain
 their freedom47#hej7 ,the mutual       
hostility exhibited at this time by  the
 ,jews and ,christians contributed to   
separate them in the eyes of the        
,pagans1 and it is said that when       
,hadrian forbade the ,jews ever again to
  enter ,jerusalem1 he recognised the   
distinction by granting a full          
permission to the ,christians47#hea7    
,antoninus1 who succeeded ,hadrian1 made
 new efforts to restrain the  passions  
of the people against the ,christians4  
,he issued an edict  commanding that    
they should not be molested1 and when1  

as a consequence of  some earthquakes in
 ,asia ,minor1 the popular anger was    
fiercely roused1 he  commanded that     
their accusers should be punished47#heb7
 ,if we except these  riots1 the        
twenty-three years of his reign appear  
to have been years of  absolute peace1  
which seems also to have continued      
during several years of  the reign of   
,marcus ,aurelius2 but at last          
persecuting edicts1 of the exact  nature
 of which we have no knowledge1 were    
issued4 ,of the reasons which  induced  
one of the best men who have ever       
reigned to persecute the  ,christians1  
we know little or nothing4 ,that it was 
not any ferocity of  disposition or any 
impatience of resistance may be         
confidently asserted of  one whose only 
fault was a somewhat excessive          
gentleness--who1 on the death  of his   
wife1 asked the ,senate1 as a single    
favour1 to console him by  sparing the  
lives of those who had rebelled against 
him4 ,that it was not1  as has been     

strangely urged1 a religious fanaticism 
resembling that which  led ,st4 ,lewis  
to persecute1 is equally plain4 ,st4    
,lewis persecuted because  he believed  
that to reject his religious opinions   
was a heinous crime1 and  that heresy   
was the path to hell4 ,marcus ,aurelius 
had no such belief1 and  he1 the first  
,roman emperor who made the ,stoical    
philosophy his religion  and his        
comfort1 was also the first emperor who 
endowed the professors of  the          
philosophies that were most hostile to  
his own4 ,the fact that the  ,christian 
,church1 existing as a ,state within a  
,state1 with government1  ideals1       
enthusiasms1 and hopes wholly different 
from those of the nation1  was          
incompatible with the existing system of
 the ,empire1 had become more  evident  
as the ,church increased4 ,the          
accusations of cannibalism and          
incestuous impurity had acquired a      
greater consistency1 and the latter are 
said to have been justly applicable to  

the ,carpocratian heretics1 who had     
recently arisen4 ,the ,stoicism of      
,marcus ,aurelius may have revolted from
  the practices of exorcism or the      
appeals to the terrors of another world1
  and the philosophers who surrounded   
him probably stimulated his hostility1  
for his master and friend ,fronto had   
written a book against                  
,christianity17#hec7 while ,justin      
,martyr is said to have perished by the 
machinations of the ,cynic              
,crescens47#hed7 ,it must be added1 too1
 that1  while it is impossible to acquit
 the emperor of having issued severe    
edicts against the ,christians17#hee7   
the atrocious details of the            
persecutions in his reign were due to   
the ferocity of the populace and the    
weakness of the governors in distant    
provinces2 and it is inconceivable      
that1 if he had been a very bitter enemy
 of the ,christians1 ,tertullian1       
writing little more than twenty years   
later1 should have been so ignorant  of 

the fact as to represent him as one of  
the most conspicuous of their           
protectors4    ,but1 whatever may be    
thought on these points1 there can1     
unhappily1 be no  question that in this 
reign ,rome was stained by the blood of 
,justin  ,martyr1 the first philosopher1
 and one of the purest and gentlest     
natures  in the ,church1 and that       
persecution was widely extended4 ,in two
 far  distant quarters1 at ,smyrna and  
at ,lyons1 it far exceeded in atrocity  
any  that ,christianity had endured     
since ,nero1 and in each case a heroism 
of  the most transcendent order was     
displayed by the martyrs4 ,the          
persecution  at ,smyrna1 in which ,st4  
,polycarp and many others most nobly    
died1 took  place on the occasion of the
 public games1 and we may trace the     
influence  of the ,jews in stimulating  
it47#hef7 ,the persecution at ,lyons1   
which was  one of the most atrocious in 
the whole compass of ecclesiastical     
history1  and which has supplied the    

martyrology with some of its grandest   
and most  pathetic figures1 derived its 
worst features from a combination of the
  fury of the populace and of the       
subserviency of the governor47#heg7     
,certain  servants of the ,christians1  
terrified by the prospect of torture1   
accused  their masters of all the crimes
 which popular report attributed to     
them1  of incest1 of infanticide1 of    
cannibalism1 of hideous impurity4 ,a    
fearful  outburst of ferocity ensued4   
,tortures almost too horrible to recount
 were  for hours and even days applied  
to the bodies of old men and of weak    
women1 who displayed amid their agonies 
a nobler courage than has ever  shone   
upon a battle-field1 and whose memories 
are immortal among mankind4  ,blandina  
and ,pothinus wrote in blood the first  
page of the glorious  history of the    
,church of ,france47#heh7 ,but although1
 during the closing  years of ,marcus   
,aurelius1 severe persecutions took     
place in three or four  provinces1 there

 was no general and organised effort to 
suppress  ,christianity throughout the  
,empire47#hei7    ,we may next consider1
 as a single period1 the space of time  
that elapsed  from the death of ,marcus 
,aurelius1 in ,a4,d4 #ahj1 to the       
accession of  ,decius1 ,a4,d4 #bdi4     
,during all this time ,christianity was 
a great and  powerful body1 exercising  
an important influence1 and during a    
great part  of it ,christians filled    
high civil and military positions4 ,the 
hostility  manifested towards them began
 now to assume a more political         
complexion  than it had previously done1
 except perhaps in the later years of   
,marcus  ,aurelius4 ,the existence of a 
vast and rapidly increasing corporation1
 very  alien to the system of the       
,empire1 confronted every ruler4        
,emperors like  ,commodus or            
,heliogabalus were usually too immersed 
in selfish pleasures to  have any       
distinct policy2 but sagacious          
sovereigns1 sincerely desiring the      

well-being of the ,empire1 either1 like 
,marcus ,aurelius and ,diocletian1      
endeavoured to repress the rising creed1
 or1 like ,alexander ,severus1 and  at  
last ,constantine1 actively encouraged  
it4 ,the measures ,marcus ,aurelius  had
 taken against ,christianity were       
arrested under ,commodus1 whose         
favourite mistress1 ,marcia1 supplies   
one of the very few recorded  instances 
of female influence1 which has been the 
cause of so much  persecution1 being    
exerted in behalf of toleration27#hfj7  
yet a ,christian  philosopher named     
,apollonius1 and at the same time1 by a 
curious  retribution1 his accuser1 were 
in this reign executed at ,rome47#hfa7  
,during  the sixty-nine years we are    
considering1 the general peace of the   
,church  was only twice broken4 ,the    
first occasion was in the reign of      
,septimus  ,severus1 who was for some   
time very favourable to the ,christians1
 but who1  in ,a4,d4 #bjb or #bjc1      
issued an edict1 forbidding any ,pagan  

to join the  ,christian or ,jewish      
faith27#hfb7 and this edict was followed
 by a  sanguinary persecution in ,africa
 and ,syria1 in which the father of     
,origen1  and also ,st4 ,felicitas and  
,st4 ,perpetua1 perished4 ,this         
persecution does  not appear to have    
extended to the ,west1 and was          
apparently rather the  work of          
provincial governors1 who interpreted   
the ,imperial edict as a sign  of       
hostility to the ,christians1 than the  
direct act of the emperor17#hfc7  whose 
decree applied only to ,christians      
actively proselytising4 ,it is  worthy  
of notice that ,origen observed that    
previous to this time the  number of    
,christian martyrs had been very        
small47#hfd7 ,the second  persecution   
was occasioned by the murder of         
,alexander ,severus by  ,maximinus4 ,the
 usurper pursued with great bitterness  
the leading courtiers  of the deceased  
emperor1 among whom were some ,christian
 bishops17#hfe7 and  about the same time

 severe earthquakes in ,pontus and      
,cappadocia produced  the customary     
popular ebullitions4 ,but with these    
exceptions the  ,christians were        
undisturbed4 ,caracalla1 ,macrinus1 and 
,heliogabalus took no  measures against 
them1 while ,alexander ,severus1 who    
reigned for thirteen  years1 warmly and 
steadily supported them4 ,a ,pagan      
historian assures us  that this emperor 
intended to build temples in honour of  
,christ1 but was  dissuaded by the      
priests1 who urged that all the other   
temples would be  deserted4 ,he         
venerated in his private oratory the    
statues of ,apollonius of  ,tyana1      
,abraham1 ,orpheus1 and ,christ4 ,he    
decreed that the provincial  governors  
should not be appointed till the people 
had the opportunity of  declaring any   
crime they had committed1 borrowing this
 rule avowedly from  the procedure of   
the ,jews and ,christians in electing   
their clergy2 he  ordered the precept   
8,do not unto others what you would not 

that they  should do unto you0 to be    
engraven on the palace and other public 
buildings1 and he decided a dispute     
concerning a piece of ground which the  
,christians had occupied1 and which the 
owners of certain eating-houses         
claimed1 in favour of the former1 on the
 ground that the worship of a god       
should be most considered47#hff7 ,philip
 the ,arab1 who reigned during the  last
 five years of the period we are        
considering1 was so favourable to the   
,christians that he was believed1 though
 on no trustworthy evidence1 to  have   
been baptised4    ,we have now reviewed 
the history of the persecutions to the  
year ,a4,d4 #bdi1  or about two hundred 
years after the planting of             
,christianity in ,rome4 ,we  have seen  
that1 although during that period much  
suffering was  occasionally endured1 and
 much heroism displayed1 by the         
,christians1 there  was1 with the very  
doubtful exception of the ,neronian     
persecution1 no  single attempt made to 

suppress ,christianity throughout the   
,empire4 ,local  persecutions of great  
severity had taken place at ,smyrna and 
,lyons1 under  ,marcus ,aurelius2 in    
,africa and some ,asiatic provinces1    
under ,severus2  popular tumults1       
arising in the excitement of the public 
games1 or  produced by some earthquake  
or inundation1 or by some calumnious    
accusation1 were not unfrequent2 but    
there was at no time that continuous1   
organised1 and universal persecution by 
which1 in later periods1  ecclesiastical
 tribunals have again and again         
suppressed opinions  repugnant to their 
own2 and there was no part of the       
,empire in which whole  generations did 
not pass away absolutely undisturbed4   
,no martyr had fallen  in ,gaul or in   
great part of ,asia ,minor till ,marcus 
,aurelius4 ,in ,italy1  after the death 
of ,nero1 with the exception of some    
slight troubles under  ,domitian and    
,maximinus1 probably due to causes      
altogether distinct from  religion1     

there were1 during the whole period we  
are considering1 only a  few isolated   
instances of martyrdom4 ,the bishops1 as
 the leaders of the  ,church1 were the  
special objects of hostility1 and       
several in different  parts of the world
 had fallen2 but it is extremely        
questionable whether  any ,roman bishop 
perished after the apostolic age1 till  
,fabianus was  martyred under           
,decius47#hfg7 ,if ,christianity was not
 formally authorised1  it was1 like many
 other religions in a similar position1 
generally  acquiesced in1 and1 during a 
great part of the time we have reviewed1
 its  professors appear to have found no
 obstacles to their preferment in the   
,court or in the army4 ,the emperors    
were for the most part indifferent or   
favourable to them4 ,the priests in the 
,pagan society had but little           
influence1 and do not appear to have    
taken any prominent part in the         
persecution till near the time of       
,diocletian4 ,with the single exception 

of  the ,jews1 no class held that       
doctrine of the criminality of error    
which  has been the parent of most      
modern persecutions2 and although the   
belief  that great calamities were the  
result of neglecting or insulting the   
gods  furnished the ,pagans with a      
religious motive for persecution1 this  
motive  only acted on the occasion of   
some rare and exceptional               
catastrophe47#hfh7  ,in ,christian      
times1 the first objects of the         
persecutor are to control  education1 to
 prevent the publication of any         
heterodox works1 to institute  such a   
minute police inspection as to render   
impossible the celebration of  the      
worship he desires to suppress4 ,but    
nothing of this kind was  attempted1 or 
indeed was possible1 in the period we   
are considering4 ,with  the exception of
 the body-guard of the emperor1 almost  
the whole army1  which was of extremely 
moderate dimensions1 was massed along   
the vast  frontier of the ,empire4 ,the 

police force was of the scantiest kind1 
sufficient only to keep common order in 
the streets4 ,the ,government had  done 
something to encourage1 but absolutely  
nothing to control1 education1  and     
parents or societies were at perfect    
liberty to educate the young as  they   
pleased4 ,the expansion of literature1  
by reason of the facilities  which      
slavery gave to transcription1 was very 
great1 and it was for the  most part    
entirely uncontrolled47#hfi7 ,augustus1 
it is true1 had caused  some volumes of 
forged prophecies to be burnt17#hgj7    
and1 under the tyranny  of ,tiberius and
 ,domitian1 political writers and       
historians who eulogised  tyrannicide1  
or vehemently opposed the ,empire1 were 
persecuted2 but the  extreme indignation
 these acts elicited attests their      
rarity1 and1 on  matters unconnected    
with politics1 the liberty of literature
 was  absolute47#hga7 ,in a word1 the   
,church proselytised in a society in    
which  toleration was the rule1 and at a

 time when municipal1 provincial1 and   
personal independence had reached the   
highest point1 when the ruling  classes 
were for the most part absolutely       
indifferent to religious  opinions1 and 
when an unprecedented concourse of      
influences facilitated  its progress4   
,when we reflect that these were the    
circumstances of the ,church till the   
middle of the third century1 we may     
readily perceive the absurdity of       
maintaining that ,christianity was      
propagated in the face of such a fierce 
and continuous persecution that no      
opinions could have survived it without 
a miracle1 or of arguing from the       
history of the early ,church that       
persecution never has any real efficacy 
in suppressing truth4 ,when1 in         
addition to the circumstances under     
which it operated1 we consider the      
unexampled means both of attraction and 
of intimidation that were  possessed by 
the ,church1 we can have no difficulty  
in understanding that  it should have   

acquired a magnitude that would enable  
it to defy the far  more serious        
assaults it was still destined to       
endure4 ,that it had  acquired this     
extension we have abundant evidence4    
,the language ,i have  quoted from      
,lactantius is but a feeble echo of the 
emphatic statements of  writers before  
the ,decian persecution47#hgb7 8,there  
is no race of men1  whether ,greek or   
barbarian10 said ,justin ,martyr1 8among
 whom prayers and  thanks are not       
offered up in the name of the           
crucified407#hgc7 8,we are but  of      
yesterday10 cried ,tertullian1 8and we  
fill all your cities1 islands1  forts1  
councils1 even the camps themselves1 the
 tribes1 the decuries1 the  palaces1 the
 senate1 and the forum407#hgd7 ,eusebius
 has preserved a letter  of ,cornelius1 
,bishop of ,rome1 containing a catalogue
 of the officers of  his ,church at the 
time of the ,decian persecution4 ,it    
consisted of one  bishop1 forty-six     
presbyters1 seven deacons1 seven        

subdeacons1 forty-two  acolytes1        
fifty-two exorcists1 readers1 and       
janitors4 ,the ,church also  supported  
more than fifteen hundred widows1 and   
poor or suffering  persons47#hge7       
,the ,decian persecution1 which broke   
out in ,a4,d4 #bdi1 and was probably    
begun in hopes of restoring the ,empire 
to its ancient discipline1 and          
eliminating from it all extraneous and  
unpatriotic influences17#hgf7 is the    
first example of a deliberate attempt1  
supported by the whole machinery of     
provincial government1 and extending    
over the entire surface of the  ,empire1
 to extirpate ,christianity from the    
world4 ,it would be difficult to  find  
language too strong to paint its        
horrors4 ,the ferocious instincts of    
the populace1 that were long repressed1 
burst out anew1 and they were not  only 
permitted1 but encouraged by the rulers4
 ,far worse than the deaths  which      
menaced those who shrank from the       
idolatrous sacrifices1 were the  hideous

 and prolonged tortures by which the    
magistrates often sought to  subdue the 
constancy of the martyr1 the nameless   
outrages that were  sometimes inflicted 
on the ,christian virgin47#hgg7 ,the    
,church1 enervated by  a long peace1 and
 deeply infected with the vices of the  
age1 tottered  beneath the blow4 ,it had
 long since arrived at the period when  
men were  ,christians not by conviction1
 but through family relationship2 when  
the  more opulent ,christians vied in   
luxury with the ,pagans among whom they 
mixed1 and when even the bishops were1  
in many instances1 worldly  aspirants   
after civil offices4 ,it is not1        
therefore1 surprising that the          
defection was very large4 ,the ,pagans  
marked with triumphant ridicule1 and    
the ,fathers with a burning indignation1
 the thousands who thronged to the      
altars at the very commencement of      
persecution1 the sudden collapse of the 
most illustrious churches1 the eagerness
 with which the offer of  provincial    

governors to furnish certificates of    
apostasy1 without exacting  a compliance
 with the conditions which those        
certificates attested1 was  accepted by 
multitudes47#hgh7 ,the question whether 
those who abandoned the  faith should   
afterwards be readmitted to communion1  
became the chief  question that divided 
the ,novatians1 and one of the questions
 that divided  the ,montanists from the 
,catholics1 while the pretensions of the
 confessors  to furnish indulgences1    
remitting the penances imposed by the   
bishops1 led  to a conflict which       
contributed very largely to establish   
the undisputed  ascendancy of the       
episcopacy4 ,but the ,decian            
persecution1 though it  exhibits the    
,church in a somewhat less noble        
attitude than the  persecutions which   
preceded and which followed it1 was     
adorned by many  examples of extreme    
courage and devotion1 displayed in not a
 few cases by  those who were physically
 among the frailest of mankind4 ,it was 

of a kind  eminently fitted to crush the
 ,church4 ,had it taken place at an     
earlier  period1 had it been continued  
for a long succession of years1         
,christianity1 without a miracle1 must  
have perished4 ,but the ,decian         
persecution fell upon a ,church which   
had existed for two centuries1 and it   
lasted less than two years47#hgi7 ,its  
intensity varied much in different      
provinces4 ,in ,alexandria and the      
neighbouring towns1 where a popular     
tumult had anticipated the menaces of   
the ,government1 it was extremely       
horrible47#hhj7 ,in ,carthage1 at first1
 the proconsul being absent1 no  capital
 sentence was passed1 but on the arrival
 of that functionary the  penalty of    
death1 accompanied by dreadful tortures1
 was substituted for  that of exile or  
imprisonment47#hha7 ,the rage of the    
people was especially  directed against 
the bishop ,st4 ,cyprian1 who prudently 
retired till the  storm had             
passed47#hhb7 ,in general1 it was       

observed that the object of the  rulers 
was much less to slay than to vanquish  
the ,christians4 ,horrible  tortures    
were continually employed to extort an  
apostasy1 and1 when those  tortures     
proved vain1 great numbers were         
ultimately released4    ,the ,decian    
persecution is remarkable in ,christian 
archology as being1 it  is believed1 the
 first occasion in which the ,christian 
catacombs were  violated4 ,those vast   
subterranean corridors1 lined with tombs
 and  expanding very frequently into    
small chapels adorned with paintings1   
often  of no mean beauty1 had for a long
 period been an inviolable asylum in    
seasons of persecution4 ,the extreme    
sanctity which the ,romans were         
accustomed to attach to the place of    
burial repelled the profane1 and as     
early1 it is said1 as the very beginning
 of the third century1 the  catacombs   
were recognised as legal possessions of 
the ,church47#hhc7 ,the  ,roman         
legislators1 however unfavourable to the

 formation of guilds or  associations1  
made an exception in favour of burial   
societies1 or  associations of men      
subscribing a certain sum to ensure to  
each member a  decent burial in ground  
which belonged to the corporation4 ,the 
,church is  believed to have availed    
itself of this privilege1 and to have   
attained1  in this capacity1 a legal    
existence4 ,the tombs1 which were       
originally the  properties of distinct  
families1 became in this manner an      
ecclesiastical  domain1 and the         
catacombs were1 from perhaps the first1 
made something  more than places of     
burial47#hhd7 ,the chapels with which   
they abound1 and  which are of the      
smallest dimensions and utterly unfit   
for general  worship1 were probably     
mortuary chapels1 and may have also been
 employed  in the services commemorating
 the martyrs1 while the ordinary worship
 was  probably at first conducted in the
 private houses of the ,christians4 ,the
  decision of ,alexander ,severus1 which

 ,i have already noticed1 is the        
earliest notice we possess of the       
existence of buildings specially devoted
  to the ,christian services2 but we    
cannot tell how long before this time   
they may have existed in ,rome47#hhe7   
,in serious persecution1 however1 they  
would doubtless have to be abandoned2   
and1 as a last resort1 the catacombs    
proved a refuge from the persecutors4   
,the reign of ,decius only lasted about 
two years1 and before its close the     
persecution had almost ceased47#hhf7 ,on
 the accession of his son ,gallus1 in   
the last month of ,a4,d4 #bea1 there was
 for a short time perfect peace2 but    
,gallus resumed the persecution in the  
spring of the following year1 and       
although apparently not very severe1 or 
very general1 it seems to have          
continued to his death1 which took place
 a year after47#hhg7 ,two ,roman        
bishops1 ,cornelius1 who had succeeded  
the martyred ,fabianus1 and his         
successor ,lucius1 were at this time put

 to death47#hhh7 ,valerian1 who         
ascended the throne ,a4,d4 #bed1 at     
first not only tolerated1 but warmly    
patronised the ,christians1 and         
attracted so many to his ,court that his
  house1 in the language of a           
contemporary1 appeared 8the ,church of  
the  ,lord407#hhi7 ,but after rather    
more than four years his disposition    
changed4  ,at the persuasion1 it is     
said1 of an ,egyptian magician1 named   
,macrianus1  he signed in ,a4,d4 #beh an
 edict of persecution condemning        
,christian  ecclesiastics and senators  
to death1 and other ,christians to      
exile1 or to  the forfeiture of their   
property1 and prohibiting them from     
entering the  catacombs47#hij7 ,a       
sanguinary and general persecution      
ensued4 ,among the  victims were        
,sixtus1 the ,bishop of ,rome1 who      
perished in the  catacombs17#hia7 and   
,cyprian1 who was exiled1 and afterwards
 beheaded1 and  was the first ,bishop of
 ,carthage who suffered martyrdom47#hib7

 ,at last1  ,valerian1 having been      
captured by the ,persians1 ,gallienus1  
in ,a4,d4 #bfj1  ascended the throne1   
and immediately proclaimed a perfect    
toleration of  the ,christians47#hic7   
,the period from the accession of       
,decius1 in ,a4,d4 #bdi1 to the         
accession of  ,gallienus1 in ,a4,d4     
#bfj1 which ,i have now very briefly    
noticed1 was by far  the most disastrous
 the ,church had yet endured4 ,with the 
exception of  about five years in the   
reigns of ,gallus and ,valerian1 the    
persecution was  continuous1 though it  
varied much in its intensity and its    
range4 ,during  the first portion1 if   
measured1 not by the number of deaths1  
but by the  atrocity of the tortures    
inflicted1 it was probably as severe as 
any upon  record4 ,it was subsequently  
directed chiefly against the leading    
clergy1  and1 as we have seen1 four     
,roman bishops perished4 ,in addition to
 the  political reasons that inspired   
it1 the popular fanaticism caused by    

great  calamities1 which were ascribed  
to anger of the gods at the neglect of  
their worship1 had in this as in former 
periods a great influence4  ,political  
disasters1 which foreshadowed clearly   
the approaching downfall  of the        
,empire1 were followed by fearful and   
general famines and plagues4  ,st4      
,cyprian1 in a treatise addressed to one
 of the persecutors who was  most       
confident in ascribing these things to  
the ,christians1 presents us  with an   
extremely curious picture both of the   
general despondency that had  fallen    
upon the ,empire1 and of the manner in  
which these calamities were  regarded by
 the ,christians4 ,like most of his     
co-religionists1 the saint  was         
convinced that the closing scene of the 
earth was at hand4 ,the  decrepitude of 
the world1 he said1 had arrived1 the    
forces of nature were  almost exhausted1
 the sun had no longer its old lustre1  
or the soil its  old fertility1 the     
spring time had grown less lovely1 and  

the autumn less  bounteous1 the energy  
of man had decayed1 and all things were 
moving  rapidly to the end4 ,famines and
 plagues were the precursors of the day 
of  judgment4 ,they were sent to warn   
and punish a rebellious world1 which1   
still bowing down before idols1         
persecuted the believers in the truth4  
8,so  true is this1 that the ,christians
 are never persecuted without the sky   
manifesting at once the ,divine         
displeasure40 ,the conception of a      
converted  ,empire never appears to have
 flashed across the mind of the         
saint27#hid7  the only triumph he       
predicted for the ,church was that of   
another world2  and to the threats of   
the persecutors he rejoined by fearful  
menaces4 8,a  burning1 scorching fire   
will for ever torment those who are     
condemned2  there will be no respite or 
end to their torments4 ,we shall through
  eternity contemplate in their agonies 
those who for a short time  contemplated
 us in tortures1 and for the brief      

pleasure which the  barbarity of our    
persecutors took in feasting their eyes 
upon an inhuman  spectacle1 they will be
 themselves exposed as an eternal       
spectacle of  agony40 ,as a last        
warning1 calamity after calamity broke  
upon the world1  and1 with the solemnity
 of one on whom the shadow of death had 
already  fallen1 ,st4 ,cyprian adjured  
the persecutors to repent and to be     
saved47#hie7    ,the accession of       
,gallienus introduced the ,church to a  
new period of  perfect peace1 which1    
with a single inconsiderable exception1 
continued  for no less than forty years4
 ,the exception was furnished by        
,aurelian1 who  during nearly the whole 
of his reign had been exceedingly       
favourable to  the ,christians1 and had 
even been appealed to by the orthodox   
bishops1 who  desired him to expel from 
,antioch a prelate they had             
excommunicated for  heresy17#hif7 but   
who1 at the close of his reign1 intended
 to persecute4 ,he  was assassinated1   

however1 according to one account1 when 
he was just  about to sign the decrees2 
according to another1 before they had   
been sent  through the provinces2 and if
 any persecution actually took place1 it
 was  altogether inconsiderable47#hig7  
,christianity1 during all this time1 was
  not only perfectly free1 it was       
greatly honoured4 ,christians were      
appointed governors of the provinces1   
and were expressly exonerated from  the 
duty of sacrificing4 ,the bishops were  
treated by the civil authorities  with  
profound respect4 ,the palaces of the   
emperor were filled with  ,christian    
servants1 who were authorised freely to 
profess their religion1  and were       
greatly valued for their fidelity4 ,the 
popular prejudice seems to  have been   
lulled to rest2 and it has been noticed 
that the rapid progress  of the faith   
excited no tumult or hostility4         
,spacious churches were  erected in     
every quarter1 and they could scarcely  
contain the multitude of                

worshippers47#hih7 ,in ,rome itself1    
before the outburst of the ,diocletian  
persecution1 there were no less than    
forty churches47#hii7 ,the ,christians  
may still have been outnumbered by the  
,pagans2 but when we consider their     
organisation1 their zeal1 and their     
rapid progress1 a speedy triumph        
appeared inevitable4    ,but before that
 triumph was achieved a last and a      
terrific ordeal was to  be undergone4   
,diocletian1 whose name has been        
somewhat unjustly associated  with a    
persecution1 the responsibility of which
 belongs far more to his  colleague     
,galerius1 having left the ,christians  
in perfect peace for nearly  eighteen   
years1 suffered himself to be persuaded 
to make one more effort  to eradicate   
the foreign creed4 ,this emperor1 who   
had risen by his merits  from the       
humblest position1 exhibited in all the 
other actions of his  reign a moderate1 
placable1 and conspicuously humane      
nature1 and1 although  he greatly       

magnified the ,imperial authority1 the  
simplicity of his private  life1 his    
voluntary abdication1 and1 above all1   
his singularly noble  conduct during    
many years of retirement1 displayed a   
rare magnanimity of  character4 ,as a   
politician1 he deserves1 ,i think1 to   
rank very high4  ,antoninus and ,marcus 
,aurelius had been too fascinated by the
 traditions of  the ,republic1 and by   
the austere teaching and retrospective  
spirit of the  ,stoics1 to realise the  
necessity of adapting institutions to   
the wants of  a luxurious and highly    
civilised people1 and they therefore had
 little  permanent influence upon the   
destinies of the ,empire4 ,but          
,diocletian  invariably exhibited in his
 legislation a far-seeing and           
comprehensive  mind1 well aware of the  
condition of the society he ruled1 and  
provident  of distant events4           
,perceiving that ,roman corruption was  
incurable1 he  attempted to regenerate  
the ,empire by creating new centres of  

political  life in the great and        
comparatively unperverted capitals of   
the provinces2  and ,nicomedia1 which   
was his habitual residence1 ,carthage1  
,milan1 and  ,ravenna1 all received     
abundant tokens of his favour4 ,he swept
 away or  disregarded the obsolete and  
inefficient institutions of ,republican 
liberty that still remained1 and indeed 
gave his government a somewhat          
,oriental character2 but1 at the same   
time1 by the bold1 and1 it must be      
admitted1 very perilous measure of      
dividing the ,empire into four sections1
  he abridged the power of each ruler1  
ensured the better supervision and      
increased authority of the provinces1   
and devised the first effectual  check  
to those military revolts which had for 
some time been threatening  the ,empire 
with anarchy4 ,with the same energetic  
statesmanship1 we find  him reorganising
 the whole system of taxation1 and      
attempting1 less  wisely1 to regulate   
commercial transactions4 ,to such an    

emperor1 the  problem presented by the  
rapid progress and the profoundly       
anti-national  character of             
,christianity must have been a matter of
 serious  consideration1 and the        
weaknesses of his character were most   
unfavourable  to the ,church2 for       
,diocletian1 with many noble qualities  
of heart and  head1 was yet             
superstitious1 tortuous1 nervous1 and   
vacillating1 and was  too readily swayed
 by the rude and ferocious soldier1 who 
was impetuously  inciting him against   
the ,christians4    ,the extreme passion
 which ,galerius displayed on this      
subject is ascribed1  in the first      
instance1 to the influence of his       
mother1 who was ardently  devoted to the
 ,pagan worship4 ,he is himself painted 
in dark colours by the  ,christian      
writers as a man of boundless and       
unbridled sensuality1 of an             
imperiousness that rose to fury at      
opposition1 and of a cruelty which had  
long passed the stage of callousness1   

and become a fiendish delight1 in  the  
infliction and contemplation of         
suffering47#ijj7 ,his strong attachment 
to ,paganism made him at length the     
avowed representative of his party1     
which several causes had contributed to 
strengthen4 ,the philosophy of the      
,empire had by this time fully passed   
into its ,neoplatonic and ,pythagorean  
phases1 and was closely connected with  
religious observances4 ,hierocles  and  
,porphyry1 who were among its most      
eminent exponents1 had both written     
books against ,christianity1 and the    
,oriental religions fostered much       
fanaticism among the people4 ,political 
interests united with superstition1  for
 the ,christians were now a very        
formidable body in the ,state4 ,their   
interests were supposed to be           
represented by the ,csar ,constantius   
,chlorus1 and the religion was either   
adopted1 or at least warmly favoured1   
by the wife and daughter of ,diocletian 
7the latter of whom was married to      

,galerius7#ija771 and openly professed  
by some of the leading officials at  the
 ,court4 ,a magnificent church crowned  
the hill facing the palace of the       
emperor at ,nicomedia4 ,the bishops     
were1 in most cities1 among the most    
active and influential citizens1 and    
their influence was not always          
exercised for good4 ,a few cases1 in    
which an ill-considered zeal led        
,christians to insult the ,pagan        
worship1 one or two instances of        
,christians  refusing to serve in the   
army1 because they believed military    
life  repugnant to their creed1 a       
scandalous relaxation of morals1 that   
had  arisen during the long peace1 and  
the fierce and notorious discord        
displayed by the leaders of the ,church1
 contributed in different ways to       
accelerate the persecution47#ijb7       
,for a considerable time ,diocletian    
resisted all the urgency of ,galerius   
against the ,christians1 and the only   
measure taken was the dismissal by  the 

latter sovereign of a number of         
,christian officers from the army4 ,in  
,a4,d4 #cjc1 however1 ,diocletian       
yielded to the entreaties of his        
colleague1  and a fearful persecution1  
which many circumstances conspired to   
stimulate1 began4 ,the priests1 in one  
of the public ceremonies1 had  declared 
that the presence of ,christians        
prevented the entrails from  showing the
 accustomed signs4 ,the oracle of       
,apollo1 at ,miletus1 being  consulted  
by ,diocletian1 exhorted him to         
persecute the ,christians4 ,a  fanatical
 ,christian1 who avowed his deed1 and   
expiated it by a fearful  death1 tore   
down the first edict of persecution1 and
 replaced it by a  bitter taunt against 
the emperor4 ,twice1 after the outburst 
of the  persecution1 the palace at      
,nicomedia1 where ,diocletian and       
,galerius were  residing1 was set on    
fire1 and the act was ascribed1 not     
without  probability1 to a ,christian   
hand1 as were also some slight          

disturbances  that afterwards arose in  
,syria47#ijc7 ,edict after edict        
followed in rapid  succession4 ,the     
first ordered the destruction of all    
,christian churches  and of all ,bibles1
 menaced with death the ,christians if  
they assembled in  secret for ,divine   
worship1 and deprived them of all civil 
rights4 ,a second  edict ordered all    
ecclesiastics to be thrown into prison1 
while a third  edict ordered that these 
prisoners1 and a fourth edict that all  
,christians1 should be compelled by     
torture to sacrifice4 ,at first         
,diocletian refused to permit their     
lives to be taken1 but after the fire   
at ,nicomedia this restriction was      
removed4 ,many were burnt alive1 and the
  tortures by which the persecutors     
sought to shake their resolution were so
  dreadful that even such a death seemed
 an act of mercy4 ,the only province  of
 the ,empire where the ,christians were 
at peace was ,gaul1 which had  received 
its baptism of blood under ,marcus      

,aurelius1 but was now governed  by     
,constantius ,chlorus1 who protected    
them from personal molestation1  though 
he was compelled1 in obedience to the   
emperor1 to destroy their  churches4 ,in
 ,spain1 which was also under the       
government1 but not under the  direct   
inspection1 of ,constantius1 the        
persecution was moderate1 but in  all   
other parts of the ,empire it raged with
 fierceness till the abdication  of     
,diocletian in #cje4 ,this event almost 
immediately restored peace to the       
,western provinces17#ijd7 but greatly   
aggravated the misfortunes of the       
,eastern ,christians1 who passed under  
the absolute rule of ,galerius4         
,horrible1 varied1 and prolonged        
tortures were employed to quell their   
fortitude1 and their final resistance   
was crowned by the most dreadful of  all
 deaths1 roasting over a slow fire4 ,it 
was not till ,a4,d4 #caa1 eight  years  
after the commencement of the general   
persecution1 ten years after  the first 

measure against the ,christians1 that   
the ,eastern persecution  ceased4       
,galerius1 the arch-enemy of the        
,christians1 was struck down by a       
fearful disease4 ,his body1 it is said1 
became a mass of loathsome and  ftid    
sores--a living corpse1 devoured by     
countless worms1 and exhaling the  odour
 of the charnel-house4 ,he who had shed 
so much innocent blood1 shrank  himself 
from a ,roman death4 ,in his extreme    
anguish he appealed in turn to          
physician after physician1 and to temple
 after temple4 ,at last he relented     
towards the ,christians4 ,he issued a   
proclamation restoring them to  liberty1
 permitting them to rebuild their       
churches1 and asking their  prayers for 
his recovery47#ije7 ,the era of         
persecution now closed4 ,one  brief     
spasm1 indeed1 due to the ,csar         
,maximian1 shot through the long        
afflicted ,church of ,asia ,minor27#ijf7
 but it was rapidly allayed4 ,the       
accession of ,constantine1 the          

proclamation of ,milan1 ,a4,d4 #cac1 the
 defeat  of ,licinius1 and the          
conversion of the conqueror1 speedily   
followed1 and  ,christianity became the 
religion of the ,empire4    ,such1 so   
far as we can trace it1 is the outline  
of the last and most  terrible          
persecution inflicted on the early      
,church4 ,unfortunately we can  place   
little reliance on any information we   
possess about the number of  its        
victims1 the provocations that produced 
it1 or the objects of its  authors4 ,the
 ecclesiastical account of these matters
 is absolutely  unchecked by any ,pagan 
statement1 and it is derived almost     
exclusively  from the history of        
,eusebius1 and from the treatise 8,on   
the ,deaths of the  ,persecutors10 which
 is ascribed to ,lactantius4 ,eusebius  
was a writer of  great learning1 and of 
critical abilities not below the very   
low level of  his time1 and he had      
personal knowledge of some of the events
 in ,palestine  which he has recorded2  

but he had no pretensions whatever to   
impartiality4  ,he has frankly told us  
that his principle in writing history   
was to  conceal the facts that were     
injurious to the reputation of the      
,church27#ijg7 and although his practice
 was sometimes better than his          
principle1 the portrait he has drawn of 
the saintly virtues of his patron       
,constantine1 which we are able to      
correct from other sources1 abundantly  
proves with how little scruple the      
courtly bishop could stray into the     
paths of fiction4 ,the treatise of      
,lactantius1 which has been well termed 
8a party pamphlet10 is much more        
untrustworthy4 ,it is a hymn of         
exultation  over the disastrous ends of 
the persecutors1 and especially of      
,galerius1  written in a strain of the  
fiercest and most passionate invective1 
and  bearing on every page unequivocal  
signs of inaccuracy and exaggeration4   
,the whole history of the early         
persecution was soon enveloped in a     

thick  cloud of falsehood4 ,a notion1   
derived from prophecy1 that ten great   
persecutions must precede the day of    
judgment1 at an early period  stimulated
 the imagination of the ,christians1 who
 believed that day to be  imminent2 and 
it was natural that as time rolled on   
men should magnify the  sufferings that 
had been endured1 and that in credulous 
and uncritical  ages a single real      
incident should be often multiplied1    
diversified1 and  exaggerated in many   
distinct narratives4 ,monstrous         
fictions1 such as the  crucifixion of   
ten thousand ,christians upon ,mount    
,ararat under ,trajan1 the  letter of   
,tiberianus to ,trajan1 complaining that
 he was weary of  ceaselessly killing   
,christians in ,palestine1 and the      
,theban legion of six  thousand men1    
said to have been massacred by          
,maximilian1 were boldly  propagated and
 readily believed47#ijh7 ,the virtue    
supposed to attach to the  bones of     
martyrs1 and the custom1 and1 after a   

decree of the second  ,council of ,nice1
 in the eighth century1 the obligation1 
of placing saintly  remains under every 
altar1 led to an immense multiplication 
of spurious  relics1 and a corresponding
 demand for legends4 ,almost every      
hamlet soon  required a patron martyr   
and a local legend1 which the nearest   
monastery  was usually ready to supply4 
,the monks occupied their time in       
composing  and disseminating innumerable
 acts of martyrs1 which purported to be 
strictly historical1 but which were1 in 
fact1 deliberate1 though it was  thought
 edifying1 forgeries2 and pictures of   
hideous tortures1 enlivened  by         
fantastic miracles1 soon became the     
favourite popular literature4 ,to       
discriminate accurately the genuine acts
 of martyrs from the immense mass  that 
were fabricated by the monks1 has been  
attempted by ,ruinart1 but is  perhaps  
impossible4 ,modern criticism has1      
however1 done much to reduce the        
ancient persecutions to their true      

dimensions4 ,the famous essay of        
,dodwell1 which appeared towards the    
close of the seventeenth century1       
though written1 ,i think1 a little in   
the spirit of a special pleader1 and    
not free from its own exaggerations1 has
 had a great and abiding influence  upon
 ecclesiastical history1 and the still  
more famous chapter which  ,gibbon      
devoted to the subject rendered the     
conclusions of ,dodwell familiar  to the
 world4    ,notwithstanding the great   
knowledge and critical acumen displayed 
in this  chapter1 few persons1 ,i       
imagine1 can rise from its perusal      
without a  feeling both of repulsion and
 dissatisfaction4 ,the complete absence 
of all  sympathy with the heroic courage
 manifested by the martyrs1 and the     
frigid  and1 in truth1 most             
unphilosophical severity with which the 
historian has  weighed the words and    
actions of men engaged in the agonies of
 a deadly  struggle1 must repel every   
generous nature1 while the persistence  

with  which he estimates persecutions by
 the number of deaths rather than by the
  amount of suffering1 diverts the mind 
from the really distinctive  atrocities 
of the ,pagan persecutions4 ,he has     
observed1 that while the  anger of the  
persecutors was at all times especially 
directed against the  bishops1 we know  
from ,eusebius that only nine bishops   
were put to death in  the entire        
,diocletian persecution1 and that the   
particular enumeration1  which the      
historian made on the spot1 of all the  
martyrs who perished  during this       
persecution in ,palestine1 which was    
under the government of  ,galerius1 and 
was therefore exposed to the full fury  
of the storm1 shows  the entire number  
to have been ninety-two4 ,starting from 
this fact1  ,gibbon1 by a well-known    
process of calculation1 has estimated   
the probable  number of martyrs in the  
whole ,empire1 during the ,diocletian   
persecution1  at about two thousand1    
which happens to be the number of       

persons burnt by  the ,spanish          
,inquisition during the presidency of   
,torquemada alone17#iji7  and about one 
twenty-fifth of the number who are said 
to have suffered for  their religion in 
the ,netherlands in the reign of        
,charles ,v47#iaj7 ,but  although1 if   
measured by the number of martyrs1 the  
persecutions inflicted  by ,pagans were 
less terrible than those inflicted by   
,christians1 there is  one aspect in    
which the former appear by far the more 
atrocious1 and a  truthful historian    
should suffer no false delicacy to      
prevent him from  unflinchingly stating 
it4 ,the conduct of the provincial      
governors1 even  when they were         
compelled by the ,imperial edicts to    
persecute1 was often  conspicuously     
merciful4 ,the ,christian records       
contain several examples of  rulers who 
refused to search out the ,christians1  
who discountenanced or  even punished   
their accusers1 who suggested ingenious 
evasions of the law1  who tried by      

earnest and patient kindness to overcome
 what they regarded  as insane          
obstinacy1 and who1 when their efforts  
had proved vain1  mitigated by their own
 authority the sentence they were       
compelled to  pronounce4 ,it was only on
 very rare occasions that any1 except   
conspicuous  leaders of the ,church1 and
 sometimes persons of a servile         
condition1 were  in danger2 the time    
that was conceded them before their     
trials gave them  great facilities for  
escaping1 and1 even when condemned1     
,christian women  had usually full      
permission to visit them in their       
prisons1 and to console  them by their  
charity4 ,but1 on the other hand1       
,christian writings1 which  it is       
impossible to dispute1 continually      
record barbarities inflicted upon       
converts1 so ghastly and so hideous that
 the worst horrors of the  ,inquisition 
pale before them4 ,it is1 indeed1 true  
that burning heretics by  a slow fire   
was one of the accomplishments of the   

,inquisitors1 and that  they were among 
the most consummate masters of torture  
of their age4 ,it is  true that in one  
,catholic country they introduced the   
atrocious custom of  making the         
spectacle of men burnt alive for their  
religious opinions an  element in the   
public festivities47#iaa7 ,it is true1  
too1 that the immense  majority of the  
acts of the martyrs are the transparent 
forgeries of lying  monks2 but it is    
also true that among the authentic      
records of ,pagan  persecutions there   
are histories which display1 perhaps    
more vividly than  any other1 both the  
depth of cruelty to which human nature  
may sink1 and  the heroism of resistance
 it may attain4 ,there was a time when  
it was the  just boast of the ,romans1  
that no refinements of cruelty1 no      
prolongations  of torture1 were admitted
 in their stern but simple penal code4  
,but all  this was changed4 ,those      
hateful games1 which made the spectacle 
of human  suffering and death the       

delight of all classes1 had spread their
  brutalising influence wherever the    
,roman name was known1 had rendered     
millions absolutely indifferent to the  
sight of human suffering1 had  produced 
in many1 in the very centre of an       
advanced civilisation1 a relish  and a  
passion for torture1 a rapture and an   
exultation in watching the  spasms of   
extreme agony1 such as an ,african or an
 ,american savage alone  can equal4 ,the
 most horrible recorded instances of    
torture were usually  inflicted1 either 
by the populace1 or in their presence1  
in the  arena47#iab7 ,we read of        
,christians bound in chairs of red-hot  
iron1 while  the stench of their        
half-consumed flesh rose in a           
suffocating cloud to  heaven2 of others 
who were torn to the very bone by       
shells1 or hooks of  iron2 of holy      
virgins given over to the lust of the   
gladiator1 or to the  mercies of the    
pander2 of two hundred and twenty-seven 
converts sent on  one occasion to the   

mines1 each with the sinews of one leg  
severed by a  red-hot iron1 and with an 
eye scooped from its socket2 of fires so
 slow  that the victims writhed for     
hours in their agonies2 of bodies torn  
limb  from limb1 or sprinkled with      
burning lead2 of mingled salt and       
vinegar  poured over the flesh that was 
bleeding from the rack2 of tortures     
prolonged and varied through entire     
days4 ,for the love of their ,divine    
,master1 for the cause they believed to 
be true1 men1 and even weak girls1      
endured these things without flinching1 
when one word would have freed  them    
from their sufferings4 ,no opinion we   
may form of the proceedings of  priests 
in a later age should impair the        
reverence with which we bend  before the
 martyr's tomb4              ,,footnotes
          #a ,the opinions of ,hume on  
moral questions are grossly             
misrepresented        by many writers1  
who persist in describing them as       
substantially        identical with     

those of ,bentham4 ,how far ,hume was   
from denying the        existence of a  
moral sense1 the following passages will
 show3--8,the        final sentence1 it 
is probable1 which pronounces characters
 and        actions amiable or odious1  
praiseworthy or blameable 444 depends on
        some internal sense or feeling  
which nature has made universal in      
the whole species40--,enquiry           
,concerning ,morals1  #a4 8,the         
hypothesis we embrace 444 defines virtue
 to be whatever mental        action or 
quality gives to the spectator the      
pleasing sentiment of                   
approbation40--,ibid4 ,append4 ,i4 8,the
 crime or immorality is no              
particular fact or relation which can be
 the object of the        understanding1
 but arises entirely from the sentiment 
of        disapprobation1 which1 by the 
structure of human nature1 we           
unavoidably feel on the apprehension of 
barbarity or        treachery40--,ibid4 
8,reason instructs us in the several    

tendencies of        actions1 and       
humanity makes a distinction in favour  
of those which        are useful and    
beneficial40--,ibid4 8,as virtue is an  
end1 and is        desirable on its own 
account without fee or reward1 merely   
for the        immediate satisfaction it
 conveys1 it is requisite that there    
should        be some sentiment which it
 touches1 some internal taste or        
feeling1        or whatever you please  
to call it1 which distinguishes moral   
good        and evil1 and which embraces
 the one and rejects the other40--,ibid4
        ,the two writers to whom ,hume  
was most indebted were ,hutcheson and   
,butler4 ,in some interesting letters to
 the former 7,burton's ,life of         
,hume1 vol4 i471 he discusses the points
 on which he differed from        them4 
#b 8,the chief thing therefore which    
lawgivers and other wise men that       
have laboured for the establishment of  
society have endeavoured1 has           
been to make the people they were to    

govern believe that it was more         
beneficial for everybody to conquer than
 to indulge his appetites1        and   
much better to mind the public than what
 seemed his private        interest 444 
observing that none were either so      
savage as not to be        charmed with 
praise1 or so despicable as patiently to
 bear contempt1        they justly      
concluded that flattery must be the most
 powerful        argument that could be 
used to human creatures4 ,making use of 
this        bewitching engine1 they     
extolled the excellency of our nature   
above        other animals 444 by the   
help of which we were capable of        
performing        the most noble        
achievements4 ,having1 by this artful   
flattery1        insinuated themselves  
into the hearts of men1 they began to   
instruct        them in the notions of  
honour and shame1 c40--,enquiry into the
        ,origin of ,moral ,virtue4      
#c 8,i conceive that when a man         
deliberates whether he shall do a thing 

or not do it1 he does nothing else but  
consider whether it be better        for
 himself to do it or not to do          
it40--,hobbes ,on ,liberty and          
,necessity4 8,good and evil are names   
that signify our appetites and          
aversions40--,ibid4 ,leviathan1 part i4 
ch4 xvi4 8,obligation is the            
necessity of doing or omitting any      
action in order to be                   
happy40--,gay's dissertation prefixed to
 ,king's ,origin of ,evil1 p4           
#cf4 8,the only reason or motive by     
which individuals can possibly be       
induced to the practice of virtue1 must 
be the feeling immediate or        the  
prospect of future private              
happiness40--,brown ,on the             
,characteristics1 p4 #aei4 8,en tout    
temps1 en tout lieu1 tant en            
matire de morale qu'en matire d'esprit1 
c'est l'intrt personnel        qui dicte
 le jugement des particuliers1 et       
l'intrt gnral qui        dicte celui des
 nations4444 ,tout homme ne prend dans  

ses jugements        conseil que de son 
intrt40--,helvtius ,de l',esprit1       
discours ii4        8,nature has placed 
mankind under the governance of two     
sovereign        masters1 pain and      
pleasure4 ,it is for them alone to point
 out what        we ought to do1 as well
 as to determine what we shall do4444   
,the        principle of utility        
recognises this subjection1 and assumes 
it for        the foundation of that    
system1 the object of which is to rear  
the        fabric of felicity by the    
hands of reason and of law4 ,systems    
which        attempt to question it1    
deal in sounds instead of sense1 in     
caprice        instead of reason1 in    
darkness instead of light40--,bentham's 
,principles of ,morals and ,legislation1
 ch4 i4 8,by the principle of           
utility is meant that principle which   
approves or disapproves of        every 
action whatsoever1 according to the     
tendency which it appears        to have
 to augment or diminish the happiness of

 the party whose        interest is in  
question40--,ibid4 8,je regarde l'amour 
clair de        nous-mmes comme le      
principe de tout sacrifice              
moral40--,d',alembert        quoted by  
,d4 ,stewart1 ,active and ,moral        
,powers1 vol4 i4 p4 #bbj4        #d     
8,pleasure is in itself a good2 nay1    
even setting aside immunity from        
pain1 the only good2 pain is in itself  
an evil1 and1 indeed1 without           
exception1 the only evil1 or else the   
words good and evil have no             
meaning40--,bentham's ,principles of    
,morals and ,legislation1 ch4 x4        
#e 8,good and evil are nothing but      
pleasure and pain1 or that which        
occasions or procures pleasure or pain  
to us4 ,moral good and evil        then 
is only the conformity or disagreement  
of our voluntary actions        to some 
law whereby good or evil is drawn on us 
by the will and        power of the law 
maker1 which good and evil1 pleasure or 
pain1        attending our observance or

 breach of the law by the decree of the 
law maker1 is that we call reward or    
punishment40--,locke's ,essay1          
book ii4 ch4 xxviii4 8,take away        
pleasures and pains1 not only           
happiness1 but justice1 and duty1 and   
obligation1 and virtue1 all of          
which have been so elaborately held up  
to view as independent of        them1  
are so many empty sounds40--,bentham's  
,springs of ,action1 ch4        i4  #ae4
        #f 8,il lui est aussi impossible
 d'aimer le bien pour le bien1 que      
d'aimer le mal pour le mal40--,helvtius 
,de l',esprit1 disc4 ii4 ch4        v4  
#g 8,even the goodness which we         
apprehend in ,god ,almighty1 is his     
goodness to us40--,hobbes ,on ,human    
,nature1 ch4 vii4  #c4 ,so              
,waterland1 8,to love ,god is in effect 
the same thing as to love               
happiness1 eternal happiness2 and the   
love of happiness is still the          
love of ourselves40--,third ,sermon on  
,self-love4        #h 8,reverence is the

 conception we have concerning another1 
that he        hath the power to do unto
 us both good and hurt1 but not the will
 to        do us hurt40--,hobbes ,on    
,human ,nature1 ch4 viii4  #g4        #i
 8,the pleasures of piety are the       
pleasures that accompany the belief     
of a man's being in the acquisition1 or 
in possession of the        goodwill or 
favour of the ,supreme ,being2 and as a 
fruit of it1 of        his being in the 
way of enjoying pleasures to be received
 by ,god's        special appointment   
either in this life or in a life to     
come40--,bentham's ,principles of       
,morals and ,legislation1 ch4 v4 8,the  
pains of piety are the pains that       
accompany the belief of a man's         
being obnoxious to the displeasure of   
the ,supreme ,being1 and in             
consequence to certain pains to be      
inflicted by ,his especial              
appointment1 either in this life or in a
 life to come4 ,these may be        also
 called the pains of religion40--,ibid4 

#aj 8,there can be no greater argument  
to a man of his own power1 than to      
find himself able not only to accomplish
 his own desires1 but also        to    
assist other men in theirs2 and this is 
that conception wherein                 
consisteth charity40--,hobbes ,on ,hum4 
,nat4 ch4 ix4  #ag4 8,no man            
giveth but with intention of good to    
himself1 because gift is                
voluntary2 and of all voluntary acts1   
the object to every man is his          
own good40--,hobbes' ,leviathan1 part i4
 ch4 xv4 8,dream not that men           
will move their little finger to serve  
you1 unless their advantage        in so
 doing be obvious to them4 ,men never   
did so1 and never will        while     
human nature is made of its present     
materials40--,bentham's                 
,deontology1 vol4 ii4 p4 #acc4       #aa
 8,pity is imagination or fiction of    
future calamity to ourselves1           
proceeding from the sense of another    
man's calamity4 ,but when it            

lighteth on such as we think have not   
deserved the same1 the        compassion
 is greater1 because there then         
appeareth more probability        that  
the same may happen to us2 for the evil 
that happeneth to an        innocent man
 may happen to every man40--,hobbes ,on 
,hum4 ,nat4 ch4 ix4         #aj4 8,la   
piti est souvent un sentiment de nos    
propres maux dans        les maux       
d'autrui4 ,c'est une habile prvoyance   
des malheurs o nous        pouvons      
tomber4 ,nous donnons des secours aux   
autres pour les engager         nous en 
donner en de semblables occasions1 et   
ces services que        nous leur       
rendons sont1  proprement parler1 des   
biens que nous nous        faisons      
nous-mmes par avance40--,la             
,rochefoucauld1 ,maximes1 #bfd4         
,butler has remarked that if ,hobbes'   
account were true1 the most             
fearful would be the most compassionate 
nature2 but this is perhaps        not  
quite just1 for ,hobbes' notion of pity 

implies the union of two        not     
absolutely identical1 though nearly     
allied1 influences1 timidity        and 
imagination4 ,the theory of ,adam       
,smith1 though closely connected        
with1 differs totally in consequences   
from that of ,hobbes on this            
point4 ,he says1 8,when ,i condole with 
you for the loss of your son1        in 
order to enter into your grief1 ,i do   
not consider what ,i1 a        person of
 such a character and profession1 should
 suffer if ,i had a        son1 and if  
that son should die--,i consider what ,i
 should suffer if ,i        was really  
you4 ,i not only change circumstances   
with you1 but ,i        change persons  
and characters4 ,my grief1 therefore1 is
 entirely upon        your account4444  
,a man may sympathise with a woman in   
child-bed1        though it is          
impossible he should conceive himself   
suffering her        pains in his own   
proper person and character40--,moral   
,sentiments1        part vii4 ch4 i4 #c4

       #ab 8,ce que les hommes ont nomm 
amiti n'est qu'une socit1 qu'un         
mnagement rciproque d'intrts et qu'un   
change de bons offices4        ,ce n'est
 enfin qu'un commerce o l'amour-propre  
se propose toujours        quelque chose
  gagner40--,la ,rochefoucauld1 ,max4   
#hc4 ,see this idea        developed at 
large in ,helvtius4       #ac 8,la      
science de la morale n'est autre chose  
que la science mme de la                
lgislation40--,helvtius ,de l',esprit1  
ii4 #ag4       #ad ,this doctrine is    
expounded at length in all the moral    
works of        ,hobbes and his school4 
,the following passage is a fair        
specimen of        their                
meaning3--8,moral philosophy is nothing 
else but the science of        what is  
good and evil in the conversation and   
society of mankind4        ,good and    
evil are names that signify our         
appetites and aversions1        which in
 different tempers1 customs1 and        
doctrines of men are        different   

444 from whence arise disputes1         
controversies1 and at last        war4  
,and therefore1 so long as man is in    
this condition of mere        nature    
7which is a condition of war71 his      
private appetite is the        measure  
of good and evil4 ,and consequently all 
men agree in this1        that peace is 
good1 and therefore also that the ways  
or means of        peace1 7which1 as ,i 
have showed before7 are justice1        
gratitude1        modesty1 equity1      
mercy1 and the rest of the laws of      
nature are good        444 and their    
contrary vices evil40--,hobbes'         
,leviathan1 part i4 ch4        xvi4     
,see1 too1 a striking passage in        
,bentham's ,deontology1 vol4        ii4 
p4 #acb4       #ae ,as an ingenious     
writer in the ,saturday ,review 7,aug4  
#aj1 #ahfg7        expresses it3        
8,chastity is merely a social law       
created to encourage        the         
alliances that most promote the         
permanent welfare of the race1          

and to maintain woman in a social       
position which it is thought            
advisable she should hold40 ,see1 too1  
on this view1 ,hume's ,inquiry          
concerning ,morals1  #d1 and also note  
x43 8,to what other purpose        do   
all the ideas of chastity and modesty   
serve8 ,nisi utile est quod             
facimus1 frustra est gloria40       #af 
8,all pleasure is necessarily           
self-regarding1 for it is impossible to 
have any feelings out of our own mind4  
,but there are modes of        delight  
that bring also satisfaction to others1 
from the round that        they take in 
their course4 ,such are the pleasures of
 benevolence4        ,others imply no   
participation by any second party1 as1  
for example1        eating1 drinking1   
bodily warmth1 property1 and power2     
while a third        class are fed by   
the pains and privations of             
fellow-beings1 as the        delights of
 sport and tyranny4 ,the condemnatory   
phrase1 selfishness1        applies with

 especial emphasis to the last-mentioned
 class1 and1 in        a qualified      
degree1 to the second group2 while such 
terms as        unselfishness1          
disinterestedness1 self-devotion1 are   
applied to the        vicarious position
 wherein we seek our own satisfaction in
 that of        others40--,bain ,on the 
,emotions and ,will1 p4 #aac4       #ag 
8,vice may be defined to be a           
miscalculation of chances1 a mistake in 
estimating the value of pleasures and   
pains4 ,it is false moral               
arithmetic40--,bentham's ,deontology1   
vol4 i4 p4 #aca4       #ah 8,la         
rcompense1 la punition1 la gloire et    
l'infamie soumises  ses        volonts  
sont quatre espces de divinits avec     
lesquelles le        lgislateur peut    
toujours oprer le bien public et crer   
des hommes        illustres en tous les 
genres4 ,toute l'tude des moralistes    
consiste         dterminer l'usage qu'on
 doit faire de ces rcompenses et de ces 
punitions et les secours qu'on peut     

tirer pour lier l'intrt        personnel
  l'intrt gnral40--,helvtius ,de        
l',esprit1 ii4 #bb4 8,la        justice 
de nos jugements et de nos actions n'est
 jamais que la        rencontre heureuse
 de notre intrt avec l'intrt            
public40--,ibid4        ii4 #g4 8,to    
prove that the immoral action is a      
miscalculation of        self-interest1 
to show how erroneous an estimate the   
vicious man        makes of pains and   
pleasures1 is the purpose of the        
intelligent        moralist4 ,unless he 
can do this he does nothing2 for1 as has
 been        stated above1 for a man not
 to pursue what he deems likely to      
produce to him the greatest sum of      
enjoyment1 is1 in the very nature       
of things1 impossible40--,bentham's     
,deontology4       #ai 8,if the effect  
of virtue were to prevent or destroy    
more pleasure        than it produced1  
or to produce more pain than it         
prevented1 its        more appropriate  
name would be wickedness and folly2     

wickedness as        it affected others1
 folly as respected him who practised   
it40--,bentham's ,deontology1 vol4 i4 p4
 #adb4 8,weigh pains1 weigh             
pleasures1 and as the balance stands    
will stand the question of        right 
and wrong40--,ibid4 vol4 i4 p4 #acg4    
8,moralis philosophi caput        est1  
,faustine fili1 ut scias quibus ad      
beatam vitam perveniri        rationibus
 possit40--,apuleius1 ,ad ,doct4        
,platonis1 ii4 8,atque ipsa             
utilitas1 justi prope mater et          
qui40--,horace1 ,sat4 ,i4 iii4 #ih4     
#bj 8,we can be obliged to nothing but  
what we ourselves are to gain or        
lose something by2 for nothing else can 
be #8violent motive' to us4        ,as  
we should not be obliged to obey the    
laws or the magistrate        unless    
rewards or punishments1 pleasure or     
pain1 somehow or other1        depended 
upon our obedience2 so neither should   
we1 without the same        reason1 be  
obliged to do what is right1 to practise

 virtue1 or to        obey the commands 
of ,god40--,paley's ,moral ,philosophy1 
book ii4 ch4        ii4       #ba ,see  
,gassendi ,philosophi ,epicuri          
,syntagma4 ,these four canons are a     
skilful condensation of the argument of 
,torquatus in ,cicero1 ,de        ,fin4 
i4 #b4 ,see1 too1 a very striking letter
 by ,epicurus himself1        given in  
his life by ,diogenes ,lartius4         
#bb 8,sanus igitur non est1 qui nulla   
spe majore proposita1 iis bonis         
quibus cteri utuntur in vita1 labores et
 cruciatus et miserias                  
anteponat4444 ,non aliter his bonis     
prsentibus abstinendum est quam         
si sint aliqua majora1 propter qu tanti 
sit et voluptates omittere        et    
mala omnia sustinere40--,lactantius1    
,div4 ,inst4 vi4 #i4 ,macaulay1         
in some youthful essays against the     
,utilitarian theory 7which he           
characteristically described as 8,not   
much more laughable than                
phrenology1 and immeasurably more humane

 than cock-fighting071        maintains 
the theological form of selfishness in  
very strong terms4        8,what        
proposition is there respecting human   
nature which is        absolutely and   
universally true8 ,we know of only one1 
and that is        not only true but    
identical1 that men always act from     
self-interest40--,review of ,mill's     
,essay on ,government4 8,of this we     
may be sure1 that the words #8greatest  
happiness' will never in any            
man's mouth mean more than the greatest 
happiness of others1 which        is    
consistent with what he thinks his      
own4444 ,this direction 7,do as         
you would be done by7 would be utterly  
unmeaning1 as it actually is        in  
,mr4 ,bentham's philosophy1 unless it   
were accompanied by a        sanction4  
,in the ,christian scheme accordingly it
 is accompanied by a        sanction of 
immense force4 ,to a man whose greatest 
happiness in this        world is       
inconsistent with the greatest happiness

 of the greatest        number1 is held 
out the prospect of an infinite         
happiness hereafter1        from which  
he excludes himself by wronging his     
fellow-creatures        here40--,answer 
to the ,westminster ,review's ,defence  
of ,mill4       #bc 8,all virtue and    
piety are thus resolvable into a        
principle of        self-love4 ,it is   
what ,scripture itself resolves them    
into by        founding them upon faith 
in ,god's promises1 and hope in things  
unseen4 ,in this way it may be rightly  
said that there is no such        thing 
as disinterested virtue4 ,it is with    
reference to ourselves and        for   
our own sakes that we love even ,god    
,himself40--,waterland1 ,third          
,sermon on ,self-love4 8,to risk the    
happiness of the whole duration         
of our being in any case whatever1 were 
it possible1 would be                   
foolish40--,robert ,hall's ,sermon on   
,modern ,infidelity4 8,in the moral     
system the means are virtuous practice2 

the end1 happiness40--                  
,warburton's ,divine ,legation1 book ii4
 ,appendix4       #bd 8,there is always 
understood to be a difference between an
 act of        prudence and an act of   
duty4 ,thus1 if ,i distrusted a man who 
owed me        a sum of money1 ,i should
 reckon it an act of prudence to get    
another        person bound with him2   
but ,i should hardly call it an act of  
duty4444 ,now in what1 you will ask1    
does the difference consist1            
inasmuch as1 according to our account of
 the matter1 both in the one        case
 and the other1 in acts of duty as well 
as acts of prudence1 we        consider 
solely what we ourselves shall gain or  
lose by the act8 ,the        difference1
 and the only difference1 is this3 that 
in the one case        we consider what 
we shall gain or lose in the present    
world2 in the        other case1 we     
consider also what we shall gain or lose
 in the world        to come40--,paley's
 ,moral ,philosophy1 ii4 #c4       #be  

8,hence we may see the weakness and     
mistake of those falsely                
religious 444 who are scandalised at our
 being determined to the        pursuit 
of virtue through any degree of regard  
to its happy        consequences in this
 life4444 ,for it is evident that the   
religious        motive is precisely of 
the same kind1 only stronger1 as the    
happiness expected is greater and more  
lasting40--,brown's ,essays on          
the ,characteristics1 p4 #bbj4       #bf
 8,if a ,christian1 who has the view of 
happiness and misery in another         
life1 be asked why a man must keep his  
word1 he will give this as a            
reason1 because ,god1 who has the power 
of eternal life and death1              
requires it of us4 ,but if an ,hobbist  
be asked why1 he will answer1           
because the public requires it1 and the 
,leviathan will punish you if        you
 do not4 ,and if one of the old heathen 
philosophers had been        asked1 he  
would have answered1 because it was     

dishonest1 below the        dignity of  
man1 and opposite to virtue1 the highest
 perfection of        human nature1 to  
do otherwise40--,locke's ,essay1 i4 #c4 
#bg ,thus ,paley remarks that--8,the    
,christian religion hath not ascertained
        the precise quantity of virtue  
necessary to salvation10 and he then    
proceeds to urge the probability of     
graduated scales of rewards and         
punishments4 7,moral ,philosophy1 book  
i4 ch4 vii47       #bh ,this view was   
developed by ,locke 7,essay on the      
,human        ,understanding1 book ii4  
ch4 xxi47 ,pascal1 in a well-known      
passage1        applied the same        
argument to ,christianity1 urging that  
the rewards        and punishments it   
promises are so great1 that it is the   
part of a        wise man to embrace the
 creed1 even though he believes it      
improbable1 if there be but a           
possibility in its favour4       #bi    
,cudworth1 in his ,immutable ,morals1   
has collected the names of a            

number of the schoolmen who held this   
view4 ,see1 too1 an interesting         
note in ,miss ,cobbe's very learned     
,essay on ,intuitive ,morals1 pp4       
#ah1 #ai4       #cj ,e4g4 ,soame        
,jenyns1 ,dr4 ,johnson1 ,crusius1       
,pascal1 ,paley1 and ,austin4           
,warburton is generally quoted in the   
list1 but not ,i think quite            
fairly4 ,see his theory1 which is rather
 complicated 7,divine        ,legation1 
i4 #d74 ,waterland appears to have held 
this view1 and also        ,condillac4  
,see a very remarkable chapter on       
morals1 in his ,trait        des        
,animaux1 part ii4 ch4 vii4 ,closely    
connected with this doctrine        is  
the notion that the morality of ,god is 
generically different from        the   
morality of men1 which having been held 
with more or less        distinctness by
 many theologians 7,archbishop ,king    
being perhaps the        most           
prominent71 has found in our own day an 
able defender in ,dr4        ,mansel4   

,much information on the history of this
 doctrine will be        found in ,dr4  
,mansel's ,second ,letter to ,professor 
,goldwin ,smith        7,oxford1 #ahfb74
       #ca ,leibnitz noticed the        
frequency with which ,supralapsarian    
,calvinists        adopt this doctrine4 
7,thodice1 part ii4  #agf47 ,archbishop 
,whately1 who from his connection with  
the ,irish ,clergy had admirable        
opportunities of studying the tendencies
 of ,calvinism1 makes a        similar  
remark as the result of his own         
experience4 7,whately's        ,life1   
vol4 ii4 p4 #cci47       #cb 8,god      
designs the happiness of all ,his       
sentient creatures4444 ,knowing         
the tendencies of our actions1 and      
knowing ,his benevolent purpose1        
we know ,his tacit commands40--,austin's
 ,lectures on ,jurisprudence1           
vol4 i4 p4 #ca4 8,the commands which ,he
 has revealed we must gather        from
 the terms wherein they are promulgated4
 ,the commands which ,he        has not 

revealed we must construe by the        
principle of        utility40--,ibid4 p4
 #if4 ,so ,paley's ,moral ,philosophy1  
book ii4 ch4        iv4 v4       #cc    
,paley's ,moral ,philosophy1 book i4 ch4
 vii4 ,the question of the              
disinterestedness of the love we should 
bear to ,god was agitated in        the 
,catholic ,church1 ,bossuet taking the  
selfish1 and ,fnelon the                
unselfish side4 ,the opinions of ,fnelon
 and ,molinos on the subject        were
 authoritatively condemned4 ,in         
,england1 the less dogmatic             
character of the national faith1 and    
also the fact that the great            
anti-,christian writer1 ,hobbes1 was the
 advocate of extreme        selfishness 
in morals1 had1 ,i think1 a favourable  
influence upon the        ethics of the 
church4 ,hobbes gave the first great    
impulse to moral        philosophy in   
,england1 and his opponents were        
naturally impelled to        an         
unselfish theory4 ,bishop ,cumberland   

led the way1 resolving virtue           
7like ,hutcheson7 into benevolence4 ,the
 majority of divines1 however1          
till the present century1 have1 ,i      
think1 been on the selfish side4        
#cd ,moral ,philosophy1 ii4 #c4         
#ce ,essay on the ,human ,understanding1
 ii4 #bh4       #cf ,principles of      
,morals and ,legislation1 ch4 iii4 ,mr4 
,mill observes        that1 8,bentham's 
idea of the world is that of a          
collection of        persons pursuing   
each his separate interest or pleasure1 
and the        prevention of whom from  
jostling one another more than is       
unavoidable1 may be attempted by hopes  
and fears derived from three            
sources--the law1 religion1 and public  
opinion4 ,to these three        powers1 
considered as binding human conduct1 he 
gave the name of        sanctions2 the  
political sanction operating by the     
rewards and        penalties of the law2
 the religious sanction by those        
expected from        the ruler of the   

universe2 and the popular1 which he     
characteristically calls also the moral 
sanction1 operating through        the  
pains and pleasures arising from the    
favour or disfavour of our              
fellow-creatures40--,dissertations1 vol4
 i4 pp4 #cfb-cfc4       #cg ,hume on    
this1 as on most other points1 was      
emphatically opposed to        the      
school of ,hobbes1 and even declared    
that no one could honestly        and in
 good faith deny the reality of an      
unselfish element in man4               
,following in the steps of ,butler1 he  
explained it in the following           
passage3--8,hunger and thirst have      
eating and drinking for their end1      
and from the gratification of these     
primary appetites arises a              
pleasure which may become the object of 
another species of desire or            
inclination that is secondary and       
interested4 ,in the same manner         
there are mental passions by which we   
are impelled immediately to        seek 

particular objects1 such as fame or     
power or vengeance1 without        any  
regard to interest1 and when these      
objects are attained a        pleasing  
enjoyment ensues4444 ,now where is the  
difficulty of        conceiving that    
this may likewise be the case with      
benevolence and        friendship1 and  
that from the original frame of our     
temper we may        feel a desire of   
another's happiness or good1 which by   
means of that        affection becomes  
our own good1 and is afterwards pursued1
 from the        combined motives of    
benevolence and                         
self-enjoyment80--,hume's ,enquiry      
concerning ,morals1 ,appendix ,,ii4     
,compare ,butler1 8,if there be any     
appetite or any inward principle besides
 self-love1 why may there        not be 
an affection towards the good of our    
fellow-creatures1 and        delight    
from that affection's being gratified   
and uneasiness from        things going 
contrary to it80--,sermon on            

,compassion4       #ch 8,by sympathetic 
sensibility is to be understood the     
propensity that        a man has to     
derive pleasure from the happiness1 and 
pain from the        unhappiness1 of    
other sensitive beings40--,bentham's    
,principles of        ,morals and       
,legislation1 ch4 vi4 8,the sense of    
sympathy is        universal4 ,perhaps  
there never existed a human being who   
had reached        full age without the 
experience of pleasure at another's     
pleasure1        of uneasiness at       
another's pain4444 ,community of        
interests1        similarity of opinion1
 are sources from whence it             
springs40--,deontology1 vol4 i4 pp4     
#afi-agj4       #ci 8,the idea of the   
pain of another is naturally painful4   
,the idea of        the pleasure of     
another is naturally pleasurable4444 ,in
 this1 the        unselfish part of our 
nature1 lies a foundation1 even         
independently        of inculcation from
 without1 for the generation of moral   

feelings0--,mill's ,dissertations1 vol4 
i4 p4 #acg4 ,see1 too1 ,bain's          
,emotions and the ,will1 pp4 #bhi1 #cac2
 and especially ,austin's               
,lectures on ,jurisprudence4 ,the first 
volume of this brilliant work           
contains1 ,i think without exception1   
the best modern statement of        the 
utilitarian theory in its most plausible
 form--a statement        equally       
remarkable for its ability1 its candour1
 and its uniform        courtesy to     
opponents4       #dj ,see a collection  
of passages from ,aristotle1 bearing on 
the subject1        in ,mackintosh's    
,dissertation4       #da ,cic4 ,de      
,finibus1 i4 #e4 ,this view is adopted  
in ,tucker's ,light of        ,nature   
7ed4 #ahdb71 vol4 i4 p4 #afg4 ,see1 too1
 ,mill's ,analysis of        the ,human 
,mind1 vol4 ii4 p4 #agd4       #db      
,essay1 book ii4 ch4 xxxiii4       #dc  
,hutcheson ,on the ,passions1  #a4 ,the 
8secondary desires0 of        ,hutcheson
 are closely related to the 8reflex     

affections0 of        ,shaftesbury4     
8,not only the outward beings which     
offer themselves to        the sense are
 the objects of the affection2 but the  
very actions        themselves1 and the 
affections of pity1 kindness1 gratitude1
 and        their contraries1 being     
brought into the mind by reflection1    
become        objects4 ,so that by means
 of this reflected sense1 there arises  
another kind of affection towards those 
very affections                         
themselves40--,shaftesbury's ,enquiry   
concerning ,virtue1 book i4 part        
ii4  #c4       #dd ,see the preface to  
,hartley ,on ,man4 ,gay's essay is      
prefixed to        ,law's translation of
 ,archbishop ,king ,on the ,origin of   
,evil4       #de 8,the case is this4 ,we
 first perceive or imagine some real    
good2 i4e4        fitness to promote our
 happiness in those things which we love
 or        approve of4444 ,hence those  
things and pleasures are so tied        
together        and associated in our   

minds1 that one cannot present itself1  
but the        other will also occur4   
,and the association remains even after 
that        which at first gave them the
 connection is quite forgotten1 or      
perhaps does not exist1 but the         
contrary40--,gay's ,essay1 p4 lii4      
8,all affections whatsoever are finally 
resolvable into reason1        pointing 
out private happiness1 and are          
conversant only about things            
apprehended to be means tending to this 
end2 and whenever this end        is not
 perceived1 they are to be accounted for
 from the association        of ideas1  
and may properly enough be called       
habits40--,ibid4 p4 xxxi4       #df     
,principally by ,mr4 ,james ,mill1 whose
 chapter on association1 in his         
,analysis of the ,human ,mind1 may      
probably rank with ,paley's             
beautiful chapter on happiness1 at the  
head of all modern writings        on   
the utilitarian side1--either of them1  
,i think1 being far more        valuable

 than anything ,bentham ever wrote on   
morals4 ,this last        writer--whose 
contempt for his predecessors was only  
equalled by his        ignorance of     
their works1 and who has added          
surprisingly little to        moral     
science 7considering the reputation he  
attained71 except a        barbarous    
nomenclature and an interminable series 
of classifications        evincing no   
real subtlety of thought--makes1 as far 
as ,i am aware1 no        use of the    
doctrine of association4 ,paley states  
it with his usual        admirable      
clearness4 8,having experienced in some 
instances a        particular conduct to
 be beneficial to ourselves1 or observed
 that        it would be so1 a sentiment
 of approbation rises up in our minds1  
which sentiment afterwards accompanies  
the idea or mention of the        same  
conduct1 although the private advantage 
which first existed no        longer    
exist40--,paley1 ,moral ,philos4 i4 #e4 
,paley1 however1 made        less use of

 this doctrine than might have been     
expected from so        enthusiastic an 
admirer of ,tucker4 ,in our own day it  
has been much        used by ,mr4 ,j4   
,s4 ,mill4       #dg ,this illustration1
 which was first employed by ,hutcheson1
 is very        happily developed by    
,gay 7p4 lii474 ,it was then used by    
,hartley1 and        finally ,tucker    
reproduced the whole theory with the    
usual        illustration without any   
acknowledgment of the works of his      
predecessors1 employing however1 the    
term 8translation0 instead of           
8association0 of ideas4 ,see his curious
 chapter on the subject1        ,light  
of ,nature1 book i4 ch4 xviii4       #dh
 8,it is the nature of translation to   
throw desire from the end upon          
the means1 which thenceforward become an
 end capable of exciting an             
appetite without prospect of the        
consequences whereto they lead4 ,our    
habits and most of the desires that     
occupy human life are of this           

translated kind40--,tucker's ,light of  
,nature1 vol4 ii4 7ed4 #ahdb71        p4
 #bha4       #di ,mill's ,analysis of   
the ,human ,mind4 ,the desire for       
posthumous fame        is usually cited 
by intuitive moralists as a proof of a  
naturally        disinterested element  
in man4       #ej ,mill's ,analysis4    
#ea ,hartley ,on ,man1 vol4 i4 pp4      
#dgd-dge4       #eb 8,benevolence 444   
has also a high degree of honour and    
esteem annexed        to it1 procures us
 many advantages and returns of         
kindness1 both        from the person   
obliged and others1 and is most closely 
connected        with the hopes of      
reward in a future state1 and of        
self-approbation        or the moral    
sense2 and the same things hold with    
respect to        generosity in a much  
higher degree4 ,it is easy therefore to 
see how        such associations may be 
formed as to engage us to forego great  
pleasure1 or endure great pain for the  
sake of others1 how these               

associations may be attended with so    
great a degree of pleasure as        to 
overrule the positive pain endured or   
the negative one from the               
foregoing of a pleasure1 and yet how    
there may be no direct explicit         
expectation of reward either from ,god  
or man1 by natural consequence        or
 express appointment1 not even of the   
concomitant pleasure that        engages
 the agent to undertake the benevolent  
and generous action2        and this ,i 
take to be a proof from the doctrine of 
association that        there is and    
must be such a thing as pure            
disinterested benevolence2        also a
 just account of the origin and nature  
of it40--,hartley ,on        ,man1 vol4 
i4 pp4 #dgc-dgd4 ,see too ,mill's       
,analysis1 vol4 ii4 p4        #beb4     
#ec ,mill's ,analysis1 vol4 ii4 pp4     
#bdd-bdg4       #ed 8,with              
self-interest10 said ,hartley1 8man must
 begin2 he may end in                   
self-annihilation20 or as ,coleridge    

happily puts it1 8,legality             
precedes morality in every individual1  
even as the ,jewish        dispensation 
preceded the ,christian in the world at 
large40--,notes        ,theological and 
,political1 p4 #cdj4 ,it might be       
retorted with much        truth1 that we
 begin by practising morality as a      
duty--we end by        practising it as 
a pleasure1 without any reference to    
duty4        ,coleridge1 who expressed  
for the ,benthamite theories a very     
cordial        detestation1 sometimes   
glided into them himself4 8,the         
happiness of        man10 he says1 8is  
the end of virtue1 and truth is the     
knowledge of        the means40 7,the   
,friend1 ed4 #ahej1 vol4 ii4 p4 #aib47  
8,what can be        the object of human
 virtue but the happiness of sentient1  
still more        of moral beings80     
7,notes ,theol4 and ,polit4 p4 #cea47   
,leibnitz says1        8,quand on aura  
appris  faire des actions louables par  
ambition1 on        les fera aprs par   

inclination40 7,sur l' ,art de connatre 
les        ,hommes47       #ee ,e4g4    
,mackintosh and ,james ,mill4 ,coleridge
 in his younger days was an             
enthusiastic admirer of ,hartley2 but   
chiefly1 ,i believe1 on account         
of his theory of vibrations4 ,he named  
his son after him1 and        described 
him in one of his poems as3--           
8,he of mortal kind        ,wisest1 the 
first who marked the ideal tribes       
,up the fine fibres through the sentient
 brain40          ,religious ,musings4  
#ef ,this position is elaborated in a   
passage too long for quotation by       
,mr4 ,austin4 7,lectures on             
,jurisprudence1 vol4 i4 p4 #dd47        
#eg ,hobbes defines conscience as 8the  
opinion of evidence0 7,on ,human        
,nature1 ch4 vi4 #h74 ,locke as 8our own
 opinion or judgment of the        moral
 rectitude or pravity of our own        
actions0 7,essay1 book i4 ch4           
iii4  #h74 ,in ,bentham there is very   
little on the subject2 but in        one

 place he informs us that 8conscience is
 a thing of fictitious        existence1
 supposed to occupy a seat in the mind0 
7,deontology1        vol4 i4 p4 #acg72  
and in another he ranks 8love of duty0  
7which he        describes as an        
8impossible motive1 in so far as duty is
 synonymous        to obligation07 as a 
variety of the 8love of power0 7,springs
 of        ,action1 ii47 ,mr4 ,bain     
says1 8conscience is an imitation within
        ourselves of the government     
without us40 7,emotions and ,will1 p4   
#cac47       #eh 8,however much they    
utilitarians may believe 7as they do7   
that        actions and dispositions are
 only virtuous because they promote     
another end than virtue1 yet this being 
granted 444 they not only        place  
virtue at the very head of the things   
which are good as means        to the   
ultimate end1 but they also recognise as
 a psychological fact        the        
possibility of its being to the         
individual a good in itself4444         

,virtue1 according to the utilitarian   
doctrine1 is not naturally and          
originally part of the end1 but it is   
capable of becoming so4444        ,what 
was once desired as an instrument for   
the attainment of        happiness has  
come to be desired 444 as part of       
happiness4444 ,human        nature is so
 constituted as to desire nothing which 
is not either a        part of happiness
 or a means of happiness40--,j4 ,s4     
,mill's        ,utilitarianism1 pp4 #ed1
 #ee1 #ef1 #eh4       #ei 8,a man is    
tempted to commit adultery with the wife
 of his friend4        ,the composition 
of the motive is obvious4 ,he does not  
obey the        motive4 ,why8 ,he obeys 
other motives which are stronger4       
,though        pleasures are associated 
with the immoral act1 pains are         
associated        with it also--the     
pains of the injured husband1 the pains 
of the        wife1 the moral           
indignation of mankind1 the future      
reproaches of his        own mind4 ,some

 men obey the first rather than the     
second motive4 ,the        reason is    
obvious4 ,in these the association of   
the act with the        pleasure is from
 habit unduly strong1 the association of
 the act        with pains is from want 
of habit unduly weak4 ,this is the case 
of a        bad education4444 ,among the
 different classes of motives1 there are
        men who are more easily and     
strongly operated on by some1 others by 
others4 ,we have also seen that this is 
entirely owing to habits of             
association4 ,this facility of being    
acted upon by motives of a              
particular description1 is that which we
 call disposition40--,mill's            
,analysis1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bab1 #bac1 c4  
,adam ,smith says1 ,i think with        
much wisdom1 that 8the great secret of  
education is to direct vanity        to 
proper objects40--,moral ,sentiments1   
part vi4  #c4       #fj 8,goodness in   
ourselves is the prospect of            
satisfaction annexed to        the      

welfare of others1 so that we please    
them for the pleasure we        receive 
ourselves in so doing1 or to avoid the  
uneasiness we should        feel in     
omitting it4 ,but ,god is completely    
happy in ,himself1 nor can        ,his  
happiness receive increase or diminution
 from anything befalling        ,his    
creatures2 wherefore ,his goodness is   
pure1 disinterested bounty1             
without any return of joy or            
satisfaction to ,himself4 ,therefore it 
is no wonder we have imperfect notions  
of a quality whereof we have        no  
experience in our own                   
nature40--,tucker's ,light of ,nature1  
vol4        i4 p4 #cee4 8,it is the     
privilege of ,god alone to act upon     
pure1        disinterested bounty1      
without the least addition thereby to   
,his own        enjoyment40--,ibid4 vol4
 ii4 p4 #bgi4 ,on the other hand1       
,hutcheson        asks1 8,if there be   
such disposition in the ,deity1 where is
 the        impossibility of some small 

degree of this public love in ,his      
creatures1 and why must they be supposed
 incapable of acting but        from    
self-love80--,enquiry concerning ,moral 
,good1  #b4       #fa 8,we gradually1   
through the influence of association1   
come to desire        the means without 
thinking of the end2 the action itself  
becomes an        object of desire1 and 
is performed without reference to any   
motive        beyond itself4 ,thus far1 
it may still be objected that the action
        having1 through association1    
become pleasurable1 we are as much as   
before moved to act by the anticipation 
of pleasure1 namely1 the        pleasure
 of the action itself4 ,but granting    
this1 the matter does        not end    
here4 ,as we proceed in the formation of
 habits1 and become        accustomed to
 will a particular act 444 because it is
 pleasurable1        we at last continue
 to will it without any reference to its
 being        pleasurable4444 ,in this  
manner it is that habits of hurtful     

excess        continue to be practised1 
although they have ceased to be         
pleasurable1 and in this manner also it 
is that the habit of willing        to  
persevere in the course which he has    
chosen1 does not desert the        moral
 hero1 even when the reward 444 is      
anything but an equivalent        for   
the suffering he undergoes1 or the      
wishes he may have to                   
renounce40--,mill's ,logic 7#dth        
edition71 vol4 ii4 pp4 #daf1 #dag4      
#fb 8,in regard to interest in the most 
extended1 which is the original         
and only strictly proper sense of the   
word disinterested1 no human        act 
has ever been or ever can be            
disinterested4444 ,in the only sense    
in which disinterestedness can with     
truth be predicated of human            
actions1 it is employed 444 to denote1  
not the absence of all        interest  
444 but only the absence of all interest
 of the        self-regarding class4    
,not but that it is very frequently     

predicated        of human action in    
cases in which divers interests1 to no  
one of        which the appellation of  
self-regarding can with propriety be    
denied1 have been exercising their      
influence1 and in particular fear       
of ,god1 or hope from ,god1 and fear of 
ill-repute1 or hope of good             
repute4 ,if what is above be correct1   
the most disinterested of men        is 
not less under the dominion of interest 
than the most interested4        ,the   
only cause of his being styled          
disinterested1 is its not having        
been observed that the sort of motive   
7suppose it sympathy for an             
individual or class7 has as truly a     
corresponding interest belonging        
to it as any other species of motive    
has4 ,of this contradiction             
between the truth of the case and the   
language employed in speaking        of 
it1 the cause is that in the one case   
men have not been in the        habit of
 making--as in point of consistency they

 ought to have        made--of the word 
interest that use which in the other    
case they have        been in the habit 
of making of it40--,bentham's ,springs  
of ,action1        ii4  #b4       #fc   
,among others ,bishop ,butler1 who draws
 some very subtle distinctions        on
 the subject in his first sermon 8on the
 love of our neighbour40        ,dugald 
,stewart remarks that 8although we apply
 the epithet selfish        to avarice  
and to low and private sensuality1 we   
never apply it to        the desire of  
knowledge or to the pursuits of virtue1 
which are        certainly sources of   
more exquisite pleasure than riches or  
sensuality can bestow40--,active and    
,moral ,powers1 vol4 i4 p4 #ai4         
#fd ,sir ,w4 ,hamilton4       #fe ,cic4 
,de ,fin4 lib4 ii4       #ff 8,as there 
is not any sort of pleasure that is not 
itself a good1 nor        any sort of   
pain the exemption from which is not a  
good1 and as        nothing but the     
expectation of the eventual enjoyment of

 pleasure in        some shape1 or of   
exemption from pain in some shape1 can  
operate in        the character of a    
motive1 a necessary consequence is that 
if by        motive be meant sort of    
motive1 there is not any such thing as a
        bad motive40--,bentham's        
,springs of ,action1 ii4  #d4 ,the first
        clauses of the following passage
 ,i have already quoted3 8,pleasure is  
itself a good1 nay1 setting aside       
immunity from pain1 the only good4      
,pain is in itself an evil1 and indeed1 
without exception1 the only        evil1
 or else the words good and evil have no
 meaning4 ,and this is        alike true
 of every sort of pain1 and of every    
sort of pleasure4 ,it        follows    
therefore immediately and incontestably 
that there is no        such thing as   
any sort of motive that is in itself a  
bad        one40--,principles of ,morals
 and ,legislation1 ch4 ix4 8,the search 
after motive is one of the prominent    
causes of men's bewilderment in         

the investigation of questions of       
morals4444 ,but this is a pursuit       
in which every moment employed is a     
moment wasted4 ,all motives are         
abstractedly good4 ,no man has ever had1
 can1 or could have a motive            
different from the pursuit of pleasure  
or of shunning                          
pain40--,deontology1 vol4 i4 p4 #abf4   
,mr4 ,mill's doctrine appears           
somewhat different from this1 but the   
difference is ,i think only             
apparent4 ,he says3 8,the motive has    
nothing to do with the morality         
of the action1 though much with the     
worth of the agent10 and he             
afterwards explains this last statement 
by saying that the 8motive        makes 
a great difference in our moral         
estimation of the agent1                
especially if it indicates a good or a  
bad habitual disposition1 a        bent 
of character from which useful or from  
which hurtful actions        are likely 
to arise40--,utilitarianism1 #bnd ed4   

pp4 #bf-bg4       #fg ,this truth has   
been admirably illustrated by ,mr4      
,herbert ,spencer        7,social       
,statics1 pp4 #a-h74       #fh 8,on     
value la grandeur de la vertu en        
comparant les biens obtenus        aux  
maux au prix desquels on les achte3     
l'excdant en bien mesure        la      
valeur de la vertu1 comme l'excdant en  
mal mesure le degr de        haine que  
doit inspirer le vice40--,ch4 ,comte1   
,trait de        ,lgislation1 liv4 ii4  
ch4 xii4       #fi ,m4 ,dumont1 the     
translator of ,bentham1 has elaborated  
in a rather        famous passage the   
utilitarian notions about vengeance4    
8,toute        espce de satisfaction    
entranant une peine pour le dlinquant   
produit naturellement un plaisir de     
vengeance pour la partie lse4        ,ce
 plaisir est un gain4 ,il rappelle la   
parabole de ,samson4 ,c'est le          
doux qui sort du terrible4 ,c'est le    
miel recueilli dans la gueule du        
lion4 ,produit sans frais1 rsultat net  

d'une opration ncessaire                
d'autres titres1 c'est une jouissance   
cultiver comme toute autre2        car  
le plaisir de la vengeance considre     
abstraitement n'est comme        tout   
autre plaisir qu'un bien en             
lui-mme40--,principes du ,code          
pnal1 #bme partie1 ch4 xvi4 ,according  
to a very acute living writer        of 
this school1 8,the criminal law stands  
to the passion of revenge        in much
 the same relation as marriage to the   
sexual appetite0 7,j4 ,f4               
,stephen1 ,on the ,criminal ,law of     
,england1 p4 #ii74 ,mr4 ,mill observes  
that1 8,in the golden rule of ,jesus of 
,nazareth1 we read the complete         
spirit of the ethics of utility0        
7,utilitarianism1 p4 #bd74 ,it is       
but fair to give a specimen of the      
opposite order of extravagance4         
8,so well convinced was ,father ,claver 
of the eternal happiness of             
almost all whom he assisted10 says this 
saintly missionary's        biographer1 

8that speaking once of some persons who 
had delivered a        criminal into the
 hands of justice1 he said1 ,god forgive
 them2 but        they have secured the 
salvation of this man at the probable   
risk of        their own40--,newman's   
,anglican ,difficulties1 p4 #bje4       
#gj ,de ,ordine1 ii4 #d4 ,the experiment
 has more than once been tried at       
,venice1 ,pisa1 c41 and always with the 
results ,st4 ,augustine                 
predicted4       #ga ,the reader will   
here observe the very transparent       
sophistry of an        assertion which  
is repeated ad nauseam by utilitarians4 
,they tell us        that a regard to   
the remote consequences of our actions  
would lead        us to the conclusion  
that we should never perform an act     
which would        not be conducive to  
human happiness if it were universally  
performed1 or1 as ,mr4 ,austin expresses
 it1 that 8the question is if           
acts of this class were generally done  
or generally forborne or        omitted1

 what would be the probable effect on   
the general happiness        or good80  
7,lectures on ,jurisprudence1 vol4 i4 p4
 #cb47 ,the question        is nothing  
of the kind4 ,if ,i am convinced that   
utility alone        constitutes virtue1
 and if ,i am meditating any particular 
act1 the        sole question of        
morality must be whether that act is on 
the whole        useful1 produces a net 
result of happiness4 ,to determine this 
question ,i must consider both the      
immediate and the remote                
consequences of the act2 but the latter 
are not ascertained by        asking    
what would be the result if every one   
did as ,i do1 but by        asking how  
far1 as a matter of fact1 my act is     
likely to produce        imitators1 or  
affect the conduct and future acts of   
others4 ,it may        no doubt be      
convenient and useful to form           
classifications based on        the     
general tendency of different courses to
 promote or diminish        happiness1  

but such classifications cannot alter   
the morality of        particular acts4 
,it is quite clear that no act which    
produces on the        whole more       
pleasure than pain can on utilitarian   
principles be        vicious4 ,it is1 ,i
 think1 equally clear that no one could 
act        consistently on such a       
principle without being led to          
consequences        which in the common 
judgment of mankind are grossly and     
scandalously        immoral4       #gb  
,there are some very good remarks on the
 possibility of living a life        of 
imagination wholly distinct from the    
life of action in ,mr4 ,bain's          
,emotions and ,will1 p4 #bdf4       #gc 
,bentham especially recurs to this      
subject frequently4 ,see ,sir ,j4       
,bowring's edition of his works         
7,edinburgh1 #ahdc71 vol4 i4 pp4 #adb1  
#adc1 #efb2 vol4 x4 pp4 #edi-eej4       
#gd 8,granted that any practice causes  
more pain to animals than it gives      
pleasure to man2 is that practice moral 

or immoral8 ,and if exactly        in   
proportion as human beings raise their  
heads out of the slough of              
selfishness they do not with one voice  
answer #8immoral1' let the              
morality of the principle of utility be 
for ever condemned40--,mill's           
,dissert4 vol4 ii4 p4 #dhe4 8,we deprive
 them animals of life1 and        this  
is justifiable--their pains do not equal
 our enjoyments4 ,there        is a     
balance of good40--,bentham's           
,deontology1 vol4 i4 p4 #ad4 ,mr4       
,mill accordingly defines the principle 
of utility1 without any        special  
reference to man4 8,the creed which     
accepts as the foundation        of     
morals1 utility or the great happiness  
principle1 holds that        actions are
 right in proportion as they tend to    
promote happiness1        wrong as they 
tend to produce the reverse of          
happiness40--,utilitarianism1 pp4 #i-aj4
       #ge ,the exception of course     
being domestic animals1 which may be    

injured        by ill treatment1 but    
even this exception is a very partial   
one4 ,no        selfish reason could    
prevent any amount of cruelty to animals
 that        were about to be killed1   
and even in the case of previous        
ill-usage        the calculations of    
selfishness will depend greatly upon the
 price        of the animal4 ,i have    
been told that on some parts of the     
continent        diligence horses are   
systematically under-fed1 and worked to 
a        speedy death1 their cheapness  
rendering such a course the most        
economical4       #gf ,bentham1 as we   
have seen1 is of opinion that the       
gastronomic        pleasure would       
produce the requisite excess of         
enjoyment4 ,hartley1        who has some
 amiable and beautiful remarks on the   
duty of kindness        to animals1     
without absolutely condemning1 speaks   
with much aversion        of the custom 
of eating 8our brothers and sisters10   
the animals4        7,on ,man1 vol4 ii4 

pp4 #bbb-bbc47 ,paley1 observing that it
 is quite        possible for men to    
live without flesh-diet1 concludes that 
the only        sufficient justification
 for eating meat is an express divine   
revelation in the ,book of ,genesis4    
7,moral ,philos4 book ii4 ch4           
#aa47 ,some reasoners evade the main    
issue by contending that they           
kill animals because they would         
otherwise overrun the earth2 but        
this1 as ,windham said1 8is an          
indifferent reason for killing fish40   
#gg ,in commenting upon the ,french     
licentiousness of the eighteenth        
century1 ,hume says1 in a passage which 
has excited a great deal of             
animadversion3--8,our neighbours1 it    
seems1 have resolved to sacrifice       
some of the domestic to the social      
pleasures2 and to prefer ease1          
freedom1 and an open commerce1 to strict
 fidelity and constancy4        ,these  
ends are both good1 and are somewhat    
difficult to reconcile2        nor must 

we be surprised if the customs of       
nations incline too much                
sometimes to the one side1 and sometimes
 to the other40--,dialogue4       #gh   
,there are few things more pitiable than
 the blunders into which        writers 
have fallen when trying to base the     
plain virtue of chastity        on      
utilitarian calculations4 ,thus since   
the writings of ,malthus it        has  
been generally recognised that one of   
the very first conditions        of all 
material prosperity is to check early   
marriages1 to restrain        the       
tendency of population to multiply more 
rapidly than the means        of        
subsistence4 ,knowing this1 what can be 
more deplorable than to        find     
moralists making such arguments as these
 the very foundation of                 
morals8--8,the first and great mischief1
 and by consequence the guilt1        of
 promiscuous concubinage consists in its
 tendency to diminish        marriages40
 7,paley's ,moral ,philosophy1 book iii4

 part iii4 ch4        ii47 8,that is    
always the most happy condition of a    
nation1 and that        nation is most  
accurately obeying the laws of our      
constitution1 in        which the number
 of the human race is most rapidly      
increasing4 ,now        it is certain   
that under the law of chastity1 that is1
 when        individuals are exclusively
 united to each other1 the increase of  
population will be more rapid than under
 any other circumstances40              
7,wayland's ,elements of ,moral         
,science1 p4 #bih1 #aath ed41 ,boston1  
#ahci47 ,i am sorry to bring such       
subjects before the reader1 but it      
is impossible to write a history of     
morals without doing so4       #gi ,see 
,luther's ,table ,talk4       #hj       
,tillemont1 ,mm4 pour servir  l',hist4  
ecclsiastique1 tome x4 p4        #eg4   
#ha      4 7lian1 ,var4 ,hist4 xii4     
#ei47        ,longinus in like manner   
divides virtue into   4        7,de     
,sublim4  #a47 ,the opposite view in    

,england is continually        expressed
 in the saying1 8,you should never pull 
down an opinion        until you have   
something to put in its place10 which   
can only mean1        if you are        
convinced that some religious or other  
hypothesis is        false1 you are     
morally bound to repress or conceal your
 conviction        until you have       
discovered positive affirmations or     
explanations as        unqualified and  
consolatory as those you have destroyed4
       #hb ,see this powerfully stated  
by ,shaftesbury4 7,inquiry concerning   
,virtue1 book i4 part iii47 ,the same   
objection applies to ,dr4               
,mansel's modification of the           
theological doctrine--viz4 that the     
origin of morals is not the will but the
 nature of ,god4       #hc 8,the one    
great and binding ground of the belief  
of ,god and a        hereafter is the   
law of conscience40--,coleridge1 ,notes 
,theological        and ,political1 p4  
#cfg4 ,that our moral faculty is our one

 reason for        maintaining the      
supreme benevolence of the ,deity was a 
favourite        position of ,kant4     
#hd 8,nescio quomodo inhret in mentibus 
quasi sculorum quoddam augurium         
futurorum2 idque in maximis ingeniis    
altissimisque animis et        exsistit 
maxime et apparet facillime40--,cic4    
,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #ad4       #he 8,it is 
a calumny to say that men are roused to 
heroic actions by        ease1 hope of  
pleasure1 recompense--sugar-plums of any
 kind in this        world or the next4 
,in the meanest mortal there lies       
something        nobler4 ,the poor      
swearing soldier hired to be shot has   
his #8honour        of a soldier1'      
different from drill1 regulations1 and  
the shilling a        day4 ,it is not to
 taste sweet things1 but to do noble and
 true        things1 and vindicate      
himself under ,god's heaven as a        
,god-made man1        that the poorest  
son of ,adam dimly longs4 ,show him the 
way of doing        that1 the dullest   

day-drudge kindles into a hero4 ,they   
wrong man        greatly who say he is  
to be seduced by ease4 ,difficulty1     
abnegation1        martyrdom1 death1 are
 the allurements that act on the heart  
of man4        ,kindle the inner genial 
life of him1 you have a flame that burns
 up        all lower                    
considerations40--,carlyle's            
,hero-worship1 p4 #bcg 7ed4             
#aheh74       #hf 8,clamat ,epicurus1 is
 quem vos nimis voluptatibus esse       
deditum        dicitis1 non posse       
jucunde vivi nisi sapienter1 honeste1   
justeque        vivatur1 nec sapienter1 
honeste1 juste nisi jucunde40--,cicero1 
,de        ,fin4 i4 #ah4       #hg 8,the
 virtues to be complete must have fixed 
their residence in the        heart and 
become appetites impelling to actions   
without further        thought than the 
gratification of them2 so that after    
their        expedience ceases they     
still continue to operate by the desire 
they        raise4444 ,i knew a mercer  

who having gotten a competency of       
fortune1        thought to retire and   
enjoy himself in quiet2 but finding he  
could        not be easy without        
business was forced to return to the    
shop and        assist his former       
partners gratis1 in the nature of a     
journeyman4        ,why then should it  
be thought strange that a man long      
inured to the        practice of moral  
duties should persevere in them out of  
liking1        when they can yield him  
no further advantage80--,tucker's ,light
 of        ,nature1 vol4 i4 p4 #bfi4    
,mr4 ,j4 ,s4 ,mill in his               
,utilitarianism        dwells much on   
the heroism which he thinks this view of
 morals may        produce4       #hh   
,see ,lactantius1 ,inst4 ,div4 vi4 #i4  
,montesquieu1 in his ,dcadence        de
 l',empire romain1 has shown in detail  
the manner in which the        crimes of
 ,roman politicians contributed to the  
greatness of their        nation4       
,modern history furnishes only too many 

illustrations of the        same truth4 
#hi 8,that quick sensibility which is   
the groundwork of all advances          
towards perfection increases the        
pungency of pains and                   
vexations40--,tucker's ,light of        
,nature1 ii4 #af1  #d4       #ij ,this  
position is forcibly illustrated by ,mr4
 ,maurice in his fourth        lecture  
,on ,conscience 7#ahfh74 ,it is manifest
 that a tradesman        resisting a    
dishonest or illegal trade custom1 an   
,irish peasant in a        disturbed    
district revolting against the agrarian 
conspiracy of his        class1 or a    
soldier in many countries               
conscientiously refusing in             
obedience to the law to fight a duel1   
would incur the full force of           
social penalties1 because he failed to  
do that which was illegal or            
criminal4       #ia ,see ,brown ,on the 
,characteristics1 pp4 #bjf-bji4         
#ib 8,a toothache produces more violent 
convulsions of pain than a              

phthisis or a dropsy4 ,a gloomy         
disposition 444 may be found in very    
worthy characters1 though it is         
sufficient alone to embitter            
life4444 ,a selfish villain may possess 
a spring and alacrity of        temper1 
which is indeed a good quality1 but     
which is rewarded much        beyond its
 merit1 and when attended with good     
fortune will        compensate for the  
uneasiness and remorse arising from all 
the other        vices40--,hume's       
,essays3 ,the ,sceptic4       #ic ,at   
the same time1 the following passage    
contains1 ,i think1 a great        deal 
of wisdom and of a kind peculiarly      
needed in ,england at the        present
 day3--8,the nature of the subject      
furnishes the strongest                 
presumption that no better system will  
ever1 for the future1 be                
invented1 in order to account for the   
origin of the benevolent from        the
 selfish affections1 and reduce all the 
various emotions of the        human    

mind to a perfect simplicity4 ,the case 
is not the same in this        species  
of philosophy as in physics4 ,many an   
hypothesis in nature1        contrary to
 first appearances1 has been found1 on  
more accurate        scrutiny1 solid and
 satisfactory4444 ,but the presumption  
always lies        on the other side in 
all enquiries concerning the origin of  
our        passions1 and of the internal
 operations of the human mind4 ,the     
simplest and most obvious cause which   
can there be assigned for any           
phenomenon1 is probably the true one4444
 ,the affections are not                
susceptible of any impression from the  
refinements of reason or                
imagination2 and it is always found that
 a vigorous exertion of the             
latter faculties1 necessarily1 from the 
narrow capacity of the human            
mind1 destroys all activity in the      
former40--,hume's ,enquiry              
,concerning ,morals1 ,append4 ,,ii4     
#id 8,the pleasing consciousness and    

self-approbation that rise up in the    
mind of a virtuous man1 exclusively of  
any direct1 explicit1                   
consideration of advantage likely to    
accrue to himself from his              
possession of those good qualities0     
7,hartley ,on ,man1 vol4 i4 p4          
#dic71 form a theme upon which moralists
 of both schools are fond of            
dilating1 in a strain that reminds one  
irresistibly of the                     
self-complacency of a famous nursery    
hero1 while reflecting upon his         
own merits over a ,christmas-pie4 ,thus 
,adam ,smith says1 8,the man who1       
not from frivolous fancy1 but from      
proper motives1 has performed a         
generous action1 when he looks forward  
to those whom he has served1            
feels himself to be the natural object  
of their love and gratitude1        and 
by sympathy with them1 of the esteem and
 approbation of all        mankind4 ,and
 when he looks backward to the motive   
from which he        acted1 and surveys 

it in the light in which the indifferent
        spectator will survey it1 he    
still continues to enter into it1 and   
applauds himself by sympathy with the   
approbation of this supposed            
impartial judge4 ,in both these points  
of view1 his conduct appears        to  
him every way agreeable4444 ,misery and 
wretchedness can never        enter the 
breast in which dwells complete         
self-satisfaction40--,theory of ,moral  
,sentiments1 part ii4 ch4 ii4           
#b2 part iii4 ch4 iii4 ,i suspect that  
many moralists confuse the              
self-gratulation which they suppose a   
virtuous man to feel1 with the          
delight a religious man experiences from
 the sense of the protection        and 
favour of the ,deity4 ,but these two    
feelings are clearly        distinct1   
and it will1 ,i believe1 be found that  
the latter is most        strongly      
experienced by the very men who most    
sincerely disclaim all        sense of  
merit4 8,were the perfect man to exist10

 said that good and        great writer1
 ,archer ,butler1 8he himself would be  
the last to know        it2 for the     
highest stage of advancement is the     
lowest descent in        humility40 ,at 
all events1 the reader will observe1    
that on        utilitarian principles   
nothing could be more pernicious or     
criminal        than that modest1       
humble1 and diffident spirit1 which     
diminishes the        pleasure of       
self-gratulation1 one of the highest    
utilitarian motives        to virtue4   
#ie ,hartley has tried in one place to  
evade this conclusion by an appeal      
to the doctrine of final causes4 ,he    
says that the fact that                 
conscience is not an original principle 
of our nature1 but is formed            
mechanically in the manner ,i have      
described1 does not invalidate the      
fact that it is intended for our guide1 
8for all the things which        have   
evident final causes1 are plainly       
brought about by mechanical             

means20 and he appeals to the milk in   
the breast1 which is intended        for
 the sustenance of the young1 but which 
is nevertheless        mechanically     
produced4 7,on ,man1 vol4 ii4 pp4       
#cch-cci47 ,but it is        plain that 
this mode of reasoning would justify us 
in attributing an        authoritative  
character to any habit--e4g4 to that of 
avarice--which        these writers     
assure us is in the manner of its       
formation an exact        parallel to   
conscience4 ,the later followers of     
,hartley certainly        cannot be     
accused of any excessive predilection   
for the doctrine of        final causes1
 yet we sometimes find them asking what 
great        difference it can make     
whether 7when conscience is admitted by 
both        parties to be real7 it is   
regarded as an original principle of our
        nature1 or as a product of      
association8 ,simply this4 ,if by the   
constitution of our nature we are       
subject to a law of duty which is       

different from and higher than our      
interest1 a man who violates this       
law through interested motives1 is      
deserving of reprobation4 ,if on        
the other hand there is no natural law  
of duty1 and if the pursuit        of   
our interest is the one original        
principle of our being1 no one          
can be censured who pursues it1 and the 
first criterion of a wise        man    
will be his determination to eradicate  
every habit        7conscientious or    
otherwise7 which impedes him in doing   
so4       #if ,on ,human ,nature1 chap4 
ix4  #aj4       #ig ,enquiry concerning 
,good and ,evil4       #ih ,this theory 
is noticed by ,hutcheson1 and a writer  
in the ,spectator        7,no4 #dcf7    
suggests that it may explain the        
attraction of        prize-fights4 ,the 
case of the pleasure derived from       
fictitious        sorrow is a distinct  
question1 and has been admirably treated
 in        ,lord ,kames' ,essays on     
,morality4 ,bishop ,butler notices      

7,second        ,sermon on ,compassion71
 that it is possible for the very       
intensity        of a feeling of        
compassion to divert men from charity by
 making them        8industriously turn 
away from the miserable20 and it is well
 known        that ,goethe1 on account  
of this very susceptibility1 made it one
 of        the rules of his life to     
avoid everything that could suggest     
painful        ideas4 ,hobbes makes the 
following very characteristic comments  
on        some famous lines of          
,lucretius3 8,from what passion         
proceedeth it        that men take      
pleasure to behold from the shore the   
danger of those        that are at sea  
in a tempest or in fight1 or from a safe
 castle to        behold two armies     
charge one another in the field8 ,it is 
certainly        in the whole sum joy1  
else men would never flock to such a    
spectacle4 ,nevertheless1 there is both 
joy and grief1 for as there        is   
novelty and remembrance of our own      

security present1 which is              
delight1 so there is also pity1 which is
 grief4 ,but the delight is        so   
far predominant that men usually are    
content in such a case to be            
spectators of the misery of their       
friends40 7,on ,human ,nature1 ch4      
ix4  #ai47 ,good ,christians1 according 
to some theologians1 are        expected
 to enjoy this pleasure in great        
perfection in heaven4 8,we        may   
believe in the next world also the      
goodness as well as the        happiness
 of the blest will be confirmed and     
advanced by reflections        naturally
 arising from the view of the misery    
which some shall        undergo1 which  
seems to be a good reason for the       
creation of those        beings who     
shall be finally miserable1 and for the 
continuation of        them in their    
miserable existence 444 though in one   
respect the view        of the misery   
which the damned undergo might seem to  
detract from        the happiness of the

 blessed through pity and commiseration1
 yet        under another1 a nearer and 
much more affecting consideration1 viz4 
that all this is the misery they        
themselves were often exposed to        
and in danger of incurring1 why may not 
the sense of their own        escape so 
far overcome the sense of another's ruin
 as quite to        extinguish the pain 
that usually attends the idea of it1 and
 even        render it productive of    
some real happiness8 ,to this purpose1  
,lucretius' ,suave mari10 etc4 7,law's  
notes to his ,translation of            
,king's ,origin of ,evil1 pp4 #dgg1     
#dgi47       #ii ,see e4g4 ,reid's      
,essays on the ,active ,powers1 essay   
iii4 ch4 v4      #ajj ,the error ,i have
 traced in this paragraph will be found 
running        through a great part of  
what ,mr4 ,buckle has written upon      
morals--,i        think the weakest     
portion of his great work4 ,see1 for    
example1 an        elaborate confusion  
on the subject1 ,history of             

,civilisation1 vol4        ii4 p4 #dbi4 
,mr4 ,buckle maintains that all the     
philosophers of what        is commonly 
called 8the ,scotch school0 7a school   
founded by the        ,irishman         
,hutcheson1 and to which ,hume does not 
belong71 were        incapable of       
inductive reasoning1 because they       
maintained the        existence of a    
moral sense or faculty1 or of first     
principles1        incapable of         
resolution2 and he enters into a learned
 enquiry into        the causes which   
made it impossible for ,scotch writers  
to pursue or        appreciate the      
inductive method4 ,it is curious to     
contrast this view        with the      
language of one1 who1 whatever may be   
the value of his        original        
speculations1 is1 ,i conceive1 among the
 very ablest        philosophical       
critics of the present century4 8,les   
philosophes        cossais adoptrent les
 procds que ,bacon avait recommand      
d'appliquer  l'tude du monde physique1  

et les transportrent dans        l'tude 
du monde moral4 ,ils firent voir que    
l'induction baconienne1                 
c'est--dire1 l'induction prcde d'une    
observation scrupuleuse des             
phnomnes1 est en philosophie comme en   
physique la seule mthode        lgitime4
 ,c'est un de leurs titres les plus     
honorables d'avoir        insist sur    
cette dmonstration1 et d'avoir en mme   
temps joint        l'exemple au         
prcepte4444 ,il est vrai que le zle des 
philosophes        cossais en faveur de 
la mthode d'observation leur a presque  
fait        dpasser le but4 ,ils ont    
inclin  renfermer la psychologie dans la
        description minutieuse et       
continuelle de phnomnes de l'me sans    
rflchir assez que cette description doit
 faire place  l'induction        et au  
raisonnement dductif1 et qu'une         
philosophie qui se bornerait            
l'observation serait aussi strile que   
celle qui s'amuserait         construire
 des hypothses sans avoir pralablement  

observ40--,cousin1        ,hist4 de la  
,philos4 ,morale au xviiime ,sicle1     
,tome #d1 p4 #ad-af4        ,dugald     
,stewart had said much the same thing1  
but he was a ,scotchman1        and     
therefore1 according to ,mr4 ,buckle    
7,hist4 of ,civ4 ii4 pp4                
#dhe-hf71 incapable of understanding    
what induction was4 ,i may add          
that one of the principal objections ,m4
 ,cousin makes against ,locke        is1
 that he investigated the origin of our 
ideas before analysing        minutely  
their nature1 and the propriety of this 
method is one of        the points on   
which ,mr4 ,mill 7,examination of ,sir  
,w4 ,hamilton7 is        at issue with  
,m4 ,cousin4      #aja ,m4 ,ch4 ,comte1 
in his very learned ,trait de           
,lgislation1 liv4 iii4        ch4 iv41  
has made an extremely curious collection
 of instances in        which different 
nations have made their own distinctive 
peculiarities of colour and form the    
ideal of beauty4      #ajb 8,how        

particularly fine the hard theta is in  
our ,english        terminations1 as in 
that grand word death1 for which the    
,germans        gutturise a sound that  
puts you in mind of nothing but a       
loathsome        toad40--,coleridge's   
,table ,talk1 p4 #aha4      #ajc        
,mackintosh1 ,dissert4 p4 #bch4         
#ajd ,lord ,kames' ,essays on ,morality 
7#ast edition71 pp4 #ee-ef4      #aje   
,see ,butler's ,three ,sermons on ,human
 ,nature1 and the preface4      #ajf    
,speaking of the animated statue which  
he regarded as a        representative  
of man1 ,condillac says1 8,le got peut  
ordinairement        contribuer plus que
 l'odorat  son bonheur et  son          
malheur4444 ,il y        contribue mme  
encore plus que les sons harmonieux1    
parce que le        besoin de nourriture
 lui rend les saveurs plus ncessaires1  
et par        consquent les lui fait    
goter avec plus de vivacit4 ,la faim    
pourra        la rendre malheureuse1    
mais ds qu'elle aura remarqu les        

sensations        propres  l'apaiser1   
elle y dterminera davantage son         
attention1 les        dsirera avec plus 
de violence et en jouira avec plus de   
dlire40--,trait des ,sensations1 #are   
partie ch4 x4      #ajg ,this is one of 
the favourite thoughts of ,pascal1 who1 
however1 in        his usual fashion    
dwells upon it in a somewhat morbid and 
exaggerated strain4 8,c'est une bien    
grande misre que de pouvoir             
prendre plaisir  des choses si basses et
 si mprisables 444 l'homme        est   
encore plus  plaindre de ce qu'il peut  
se divertir  ces choses        si       
frivoles et si basses1 que de ce qu'il  
s'afflige de ses misres                 
effectives4444 ,d'ou vient que cet      
homme1 qui a perdu depuis peu son       
fils unique1 et qui1 accabl de procs et 
de querelles1 tait ce        matin si   
troubl1 n'y pense plus maintenant8 ,ne  
vous en tonnez pas2        il est tout  
occup  voir par o passera un cerf que   
ses chiens        poursuivent4444 ,c'est

 une joie de malade et de               
frntique40--,penses 7,misre de l'homme74
      #ajh 8,qu singula improvidam      
mortalitatem involvunt1 solum ut inter  
ista        certum sit1 nihil esse      
certi1 nec miserius quidquam homine1 aut
        superbius4 ,cteris quippe       
animantium sola victus cura est1 in quo 
sponte natur benignitas sufficit3 uno   
quidem vel prferenda cunctis            
bonis1 quod de gloria1 de pecunia1      
ambitione1 superque de morte1 non       
cogitant40--,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #e4 
#aji ,paley1 in his very ingenious1 and 
in some respects admirable1             
chapter on happiness tries to prove the 
inferiority of animal        pleasures1 
by showing the short time their         
enjoyment actually lasts1        the    
extent to which they are dulled by      
repetition1 and the cases in            
which they incapacitate men for other   
pleasures4 ,but this        calculation 
omits the influence of some animal      
enjoyments upon        health and       

temperament4 ,the fact1 however1 that   
health1 which is a        condition of  
body1 is the chief source of happiness1 
,paley fully        admits4 8,health10  
he says1 8is the one thing needful 444  
when we are        in perfect health and
 spirits1 we feel in ourselves a        
happiness        independent of any     
particular outward gratification4444    
,this is an        enjoyment which the  
,deity has annexed to life1 and probably
        constitutes in a great measure  
the happiness of infants and brutes     
444 of oysters1 periwinkles1 and the    
like2 for which ,i have        sometimes
 been at a loss to find out amusement40 
,on the test of        happiness he very
 fairly says1 8,all that can be said is 
that there        remains a presumption 
in favour of those conditions of life in
 which        men generally appear most 
cheerful and contented2 for though the  
apparent happiness of mankind be not    
always a true measure of their          
real happiness1 it is the best measure  

we have40--,moral ,philosophy1        i4
 #f4      #aaj ,a writer who devoted a  
great part of his life to studying the  
deaths        of men in different       
countries1 classes1 and churches1 and to
        collecting from other physicians
 information on the subject1 says3      
8 mesure qu'on s'loigne des grands      
foyers de civilisation1 qu'on        se 
rapproche des plaines et des montagnes1 
le caractre de la mort        prend de  
plus en plus l'aspect calme du ciel par 
un beau crpuscule        du soir4444 ,en
 gnral la mort s'accomplit d'une manire 
d'autant        plus simple et naturelle
 qu'on est plus libre des innombrables  
liens        de la                      
civilisation40--,lauvergne1 ,de l'agonie
 de la ,mort1 tome i4        pp4        
#aca-acb4      #aaa 8,i will omit much  
usual declamation upon the dignity and  
capacity of        our nature1 the      
superiority of the soul to the body1 of 
the rational        to the animal part  
of our constitution1 upon the           

worthiness1        refinement1 and      
delicacy of some satisfactions1 or the  
meanness1        grossness1 and         
sensuality of others2 because ,i hold   
that pleasures        differ in nothing 
but in continuance and                  
intensity40--,paley's ,moral            
,philosophy1 book i4 ch4 vi4 ,bentham in
 like manner said1 8,quantity        of 
pleasure being equal1 pushpin is as good
 as poetry10 and he        maintained   
that the value of a pleasure depends    
on--its 7#a7        intensity1 7#b7     
duration1 7#c7 certainty1 7#d7          
propinquity1 7#e7 purity1        7#f7   
fecundity1 7#g7 extent 7,springs of     
,action74 ,the recognition of        the
 8purity0 of a pleasure might seem to   
imply the distinction for        which  
,i have contended in the text1 but this 
is not so4 ,the purity        of a      
pleasure or pain1 according to ,bentham1
 is 8the chance it has        of not    
being followed by sensations of the     
opposite kind3 that is        pain if it

 be a pleasure1 pleasure if it be a     
pain40--,morals and        ,legislation1
 i4  #h4 ,mr4 ,buckle 7,hist4 of        
,civilisation1 vol4 ii4        pp4      
#cii-djj7 writes in a somewhat similar  
strain1 but less        unequivocally1  
for he admits that mental pleasures are 
8more        ennobling0 than physical   
ones4 ,the older utilitarians1 as far as
 ,i        have observed1 did not even  
advert to the question4 ,this being the 
case1 it must have been a matter of     
surprise as well as of                  
gratification to most intuitive         
moralists to find ,mr4 ,mill fully      
recognising the existence of different  
kinds of pleasure1 and        admitting 
that the superiority of the higher kinds
 does not spring        from their being
 greater in amount4--,utilitarianism1   
pp4 #aa-ab4 ,if        it be meant by   
this that we have the power of          
recognising some        pleasures as    
superior to others in kind1 irrespective
 of all        consideration of their   

intensity1 their cost1 and their        
consequences1 ,i submit that the        
admission is completely incompatible    
with the utilitarian theory1 and that   
,mr4 ,mill has only succeeded in        
introducing ,stoical elements into his  
system by loosening its very            
foundation4 ,the impossibility of       
establishing an aristocracy of          
enjoyments in which1 apart from all     
considerations of consequences1         
some which give less pleasure and are   
less widely diffused are        regarded
 as intrinsically superior to others    
which give more        pleasure and are 
more general1 without admitting into our
 estimate a        moral element1 which 
on utilitarian principles is wholly     
illegitimate1 has been powerfully shown 
since the first edition of        this  
book by ,professor ,grote1 in his       
,examination of the ,utilitarian        
,philosophy1 chap4 iii4      #aab       
,bchner1 ,force et ,matire1 pp4         
#afc-afd4 ,there is a very curious      

collection of the speculations of the   
ancient philosophers on this            
subject in ,plutarch's treatise1 ,de    
,placitis ,philos4      #aac ,aulus     
,gellius1 ,noctes1 x4 #bc4 ,the law is  
given by ,dion4 ,halicarn4              
,valerius ,maximus says1 8,vini usus    
olim ,romanis feminis ignotus fuit1     
ne scilicet in aliquod dedecus          
prolaberentur3 quia proximus a ,libero  
patre intemperanti gradus ad inconcessam
 ,venerem esse consuevit0        7,val4 
,max4 ii4 #a1  #e74 ,this is also       
noticed by ,pliny 7,hist4 ,nat4         
xiv4 #ad71 who ascribes the law to      
,romulus1 and who mentions two          
cases in which women were said to have  
been put to death for this              
offence1 and a third in which the       
offender was deprived of her            
dowry4 ,cato said that the ancient      
,romans were accustomed to kiss         
their wives for the purpose of          
discovering whether they had been       
drinking wine4 ,the ,bona ,dea1 it is   

said1 was originally a woman            
named ,fatua1 who was famous for her    
modesty and fidelity to her             
husband1 but who1 unfortunately1 having 
once found a cask of wine in        the 
house1 got drunk1 and was in consequence
 scourged to death by        her        
husband4 ,he afterwards repented of his 
act1 and paid divine        honours to  
her memory1 and as a memorial of her    
death1 a cask of        wine was always 
placed upon the altar during the rites4 
7,lactantius1        ,div4 ,inst4 i4    
#bb47 ,the ,milesians1 also1 and the    
inhabitants of        ,marseilles are   
said to have had laws forbidding women  
to drink wine        7lian1 ,hist4 ,var4
 ii4 #ch74 ,tertullian describes the    
prohibition        of wine among the    
,roman women as in his time obsolete1   
and a taste        for it was one of the
 great trials of ,st4 ,monica 7,aug4    
,conf4 x4        #h74      #aad 8,la loi
 fondamentale de la morale agit sur     
toutes les nations bien        connues4 

,il y a mille diffrences dans les       
interprtations de cette        loi en   
mille circonstances2 mais le fond       
subsiste toujours le mme1        et ce  
fond est l'ide du juste et de           
l'injuste40--,voltaire1 ,le             
,philosophe ignorant4      #aae ,the    
feeling in its favour being often       
intensified by filial        affection4 
8,what is the most beautiful thing on   
the earth80 said        ,osiris to      
,horus4 8,to avenge a parent's wrongs10 
was the        reply4--,plutarch ,de    
,iside et ,osiride4      #aaf ,hence the
 ,justinian code and also ,st4          
,augustine 7,de ,civ4 ,dei1 xix4        
#ae7 derived servus from 8servare10 to  
preserve1 because the victor            
preserved his prisoners alive4      #aag
 8,les habitants du ,congo tuent les    
malades qu'ils imaginent ne             
pouvoir en revenir2 c'est1 disentils1   
pour leur pargner les        douleurs de
 l'agonie4 ,dans l'le ,formose1         
lorsqu'un homme est                     

dangereusement malade1 on lui passe un  
nud coulant au col et on                
l'trangle1 pour l'arracher  la          
douleur40--,helvtius1 ,de               
l',esprit1 ii4 #ac4 ,a similar          
explanation may be often found for      
customs which are quoted to prove that  
the nations where they        existed   
had no sense of chastity4 8,c'est       
pareillement sous la        sauvegarde  
des lois que les ,siamoises1 la gorge et
 les cuisses         moiti dcouvertes1  
portes dans les rues sur les palanquins1
 s'y        prsentent dans des attitudes
 trs-lascives4 ,cette loi fut tablie    
par une de leurs reines nomme ,tirada1  
qui1 pour dgoter les        hommes d'un 
amour plus dshonnte1 crut devoir        
employer toute la        puissance de la
 beaut40--,de l',esprit1 ii4 #ad4       
#aah 8,the contest between the morality 
which appeals to an external            
standard1 and that which grounds itself 
on internal conviction1 is        the   
contest of progressive morality against 

stationary1 of reason        and        
argument against the deification of mere
 opinion and habit40        7,mill's    
,dissertations1 vol4 ii4 p4 #dgb72 a    
passage with a true        ,bentham     
ring4 ,see1 too1 vol4 i4 p4 #aeh4 ,there
 is1 however1 a schism        on this   
point in the utilitarian camp4 ,the     
views which ,mr4 ,buckle        has     
expressed in his most eloquent chapter  
on the comparative        influence of  
intellectual and moral agencies in      
civilisation diverge        widely from 
those of ,mr4 ,mill4      #aai 8,est    
enim sensualitas qudam vis anim         
inferior4444 ,ratio vero vis        anim
 est superior40--,peter ,lombard1 ,sent4
 ii4 #bd4      #abj ,helvtius1 ,de      
l',esprit1 discours iv4 ,see too1 ,dr4  
,draper's        extremely remarkable   
,history of ,intellectual ,development  
in ,europe        7,new ,york1 #ahfd71  
pp4 #dh1 #ec4      #aba ,plutarch1 ,de  
,cohibenda ,ira4      #abb ,lactantius1 
,div4 ,inst4 i4 #bb4 ,the mysteries of  

the ,bona ,dea        became1 however1  
after a time1 the occasion of great     
disorders4 ,see        ,juvenal1 ,sat4  
vi4 ,m4 ,magnin has examined the nature 
of these rites        7,origines du     
,thtre1 pp4 #beg-bei74      #abc ,the   
history of the vestals1 which forms one 
of the most curious        pages in the 
moral history of ,rome1 has been fully  
treated by the        ,abb ,nadal1 in an
 extremely interesting and well-written 
memoir1        read before the ,acadmie 
des ,belles-lettres1 and republished in 
#agbe4 ,it was believed that the prayer 
of a vestal could arrest a              
fugitive slave in his flight1 provided  
he had not got past the city            
walls4 ,pliny mentions this belief as   
general in his time4 ,the        records
 of the order contained many miracles   
wrought at different        times to    
save the vestals or to vindicate their  
questioned purity1        and also one  
miracle which is very remarkable as     
furnishing a        precise parallel to 

that of the ,jew who was struck dead for
 touching        the ark to prevent its 
falling4      #abd ,as for example the  
,sibyls and ,cassandra4 ,the same       
prophetic power        was attributed in
 ,india to virgins4--,clem4 ,alexandrin4
 ,strom4 iii4        #g4      #abe ,this
 custom continued to the worst period of
 the empire1 though it        was       
shamefully and characteristically       
evaded4 ,after the fall of              
,sejanus the senate had no compunction  
in putting his innocent        daughter 
to death1 but their religious feelings  
were shocked at the        idea of a    
virgin falling beneath the axe4 ,so by  
way of improving        matters 8filia  
constuprata est prius a carnifice1 quasi
 impium esset        virginem in carcere
 perire40--,dion ,cassius1 lviii4 #aa4  
,see too1        ,tacitus1 ,annal4 v4   
#i4 ,if a vestal met a prisoner going to
        execution the prisoner was      
spared1 provided the vestal declared    
that        the encounter was           

accidental4 ,on the reverence the       
ancients paid to        virgins1 see    
,justus ,lipsius1 ,de ,vesta et         
,vestalibus4      #abf ,see his picture 
of the first night of marriage3--       
8,tacit subit ille supremus             
,virginitatis amor1 primque modestia    
culp        ,confundit vultus4 ,tunc ora
 rigantur honestis        ,imbribus40   
,thebaidos1 lib4 ii4 #bcb-cd4      #abg 
,bees 7which ,virgil said had in them   
something of the divine nature7         
were supposed by the ancients to be the 
special emblems or models of            
chastity4 ,it was a common belief that  
the bee mother begot her young          
without losing her virginity4 ,thus in a
 fragment ascribed to        ,petronius 
we read1          8,sic sine concubitu  
textis apis excita ceris        ,fervet1
 et audaci milite castra replet40       
,petron4 ,de ,varia ,animalium          
,generatione4          ,so too          
,virgil3--          8,quod neque        
concubitu indulgent nec corpora segnes  

,in ,venerem solvunt aut ftus nixibus   
edunt40--,georg4 iv4 #aih-ii4           
,plutarch says that an unchaste person  
cannot approach bees1 for they          
immediately attack him and cover him    
with stings4 ,fire was also             
regarded as a type of virginity4 ,thus  
,ovid1 speaking of the vestals1         
says3--          8,nataque de fiamma    
corpora nulla vides3        ,jure igitur
 virgo est1 qu semina nulla remittit    
,nec capit1 et comites virginitatis     
amat40          8,the ,egyptians        
believed that there are no males among  
vultures1 and        they accordingly   
made that bird an emblem of             
nature40--,ammianus        ,marcellinus1
 xvii4 #d4      #abh 8,la divinit tant  
considre comme renfermant en elle toutes
 les        qualits1 toutes les forces  
intellectuelles et morales de l'homme1  
chacune de ces forces ou de ces qualits1
 conue sparment1        s'offrait comme 
un tre divin4444 ,de-l aussi les        
contradictions les        plus          

choquantes dans les notions que les     
anciens avaient des        attributs    
divins40--,maury1 ,hist4 des ,religions 
de la ,grce antique1        tome i4 pp4 
#egh-egi4      #abi 8,the ,church holds 
that it were better for sun and moon to 
drop from        heaven1 for the earth  
to fail1 and for all the many millions  
who are        upon it to die of        
starvation in extremest agony1 so far as
 temporal        affliction goes1 than  
that one soul1 ,i will not say should be
 lost1        but should commit one     
single venial sin1 should tell one      
wilful        untruth1 though it harmed 
no one1 or steal one poor farthing      
without        excuse40--,newman's      
,anglican ,difficulties1 p4 #aij4       
#acj ,there is a remarkable dissertation
 on this subject1 called 8,the          
,limitations of ,morality10 in a very   
ingenious and suggestive little         
work of the ,benthamite school1 called  
,essays by a ,barrister                 
7reprinted from the ,saturday ,review74 

#aca ,the following passage1 though     
rather vague and rhetorical1 is not     
unimpressive3 8,oui1 dit ,jacobi1 je    
mentirais comme ,desdemona              
mourante1 je tromperais comme ,oreste   
quand il veut mourir  la place        de
 ,pylade1 j'assassinerais comme         
,timolon1 je serais parjure comme       
paminondas et ,jean de ,witt1 je me     
dterminerais au suicide comme           
,caton1 je serais sacrilge comme ,david2
 car j'ai la certitude en        moi-mme
 qu'en pardonnant  ces fautes suivant la
 lettre l'homme        exerce le droit  
souverain que la majest de son tre lui  
confre2 il        appose le sceau de sa 
divine nature sur la grce qu'il         
accorde40--,barchou de ,penhoen1 ,hist4 
de la ,philos4 allemande1 tome        i4
 p4 #bie4      #acb ,this equivocation  
seems to me to lie at the root of the   
famous        dispute whether man is by 
nature a social being1 or whether1 as   
,hobbes averred1 the state of nature is 
a state of war4 ,few persons        who 

have observed the recent light thrown on
 the subject will        question that  
the primitive condition of man was that 
of savage        life1 and fewer still  
will question that savage life is a     
state of        war4 ,on the other hand1
 it is1 ,i think1 equally certain that  
man        necessarily becomes a social 
being in exact proportion to the        
development of the capacities of his    
nature4      #acc ,one of the best      
living authorities on this question     
writes3 8,the        asserted existence 
of savages so low as to have no moral   
standard is        too groundless to be 
discussed4 ,every human tribe has its   
general        views as to what conduct 
is right and what wrong1 and each       
generation hands the standard on to the 
next4 ,even in the details of           
their moral standards1 wide as their    
differences are1 there is yet           
wider agreement throughout the human    
race40--,tylor on ,primitive            
,society1 ,contemporary ,review1 ,april 

#ahgc1 p4 #gjb4      #acd ,the          
distinction between innate faculties    
evolved by experience and        innate 
ideas independent of experience1 and the
 analogy between the        expansion of
 the former and that of the bud into the
 flower has been        very happily    
treated by ,reid4 7,on the ,active      
,powers1 essay iii4        chap4 viii4  
p4 #d47 ,professor ,sedgwick1           
criticising ,locke's notion of          
the soul being originally like a sheet  
of white paper1 beautifully        says3
 8,naked man comes from his mother's    
womb1 endowed with limbs        and     
senses indeed well fitted to the        
material world1 yet powerless           
from want of use2 and as for knowledge1 
his soul is one unvaried        blank2  
yet has this blank been already touched 
by a celestial hand1        and when    
plunged in the colours which surround   
it1 it takes not its        tinge from  
accident but design1 and comes forth    
covered with a        glorious pattern40

 7,on the ,studies of the ,university1  
p4 #ed47        ,leibnitz says3         
8,l'esprit n'est point une table rase4  
,il est tout        plein de caractres  
que la sensation ne peut que dcouvrir et
 mettre        en lumire au lieu de les 
y imprimer4 ,je me suis servi de la     
comparaison d'une pierre de marbre qui a
 des veines plutt que d'une             
pierre de marbre tout unie4444 ,s'il y  
avait dans la pierre des        veines  
qui marquassent la figure d',hercule    
prfrablement  d'autres        figures1  
444 ,hercule y serait comme inn en      
quelque faon1 quoiqu'il        fallt du 
travail pour dcouvrir ces               
veines40--,critique de l',essai         
sur l',entendement4      #ace ,the      
argument against the intuitive moralists
 derived from savage        life was    
employed at some length by ,locke4      
,paley then adopted it1        taking a 
history of base ingratitude related by  
,valerius ,maximus1        and asking   
whether a savage would view it with     

disapprobation4        7,moral ,phil4   
book i4 ch4 #e47 ,dugald ,stewart       
7,active and ,moral        ,powers1 vol4
 i4 pp4 #bcj-bca7 and other writers have
 very fully        answered this1 but   
the same objection has been revived in  
another        form by ,mr4 ,austin1 who
 supposes 7,lectures on ,jurisprudence1 
vol4        i4 pp4 #hb-hc7 a savage who 
first meets a hunter carrying a dead    
deer1 kills the hunter and steals the   
deer1 and is afterwards        himself  
assailed by another hunter whom he      
kills4 ,mr4 ,austin asks        whether 
the savage would perceive a moral       
difference between these        two acts
 of homicide8 ,certainly not4 ,in this  
early stage of        development1 the  
savage recognises a duty of justice and 
humanity to        the members of his   
tribe1 but to no one beyond this circle4
 ,he is in        a 8state of war0 with 
the foreign hunter4 ,he has a right to  
kill the        hunter and the hunter an
 equal right to kill him4      #acf     

,everyone who is acquainted with        
metaphysics knows that there has        
been an almost endless controversy about
 ,locke's meaning on this        point4 
,the fact seems to be that ,locke1 like 
most great originators        of        
thought1 and indeed more than most1     
often failed to perceive the            
ultimate consequences of his principles1
 and partly through some                
confusion of thought1 and partly through
 unhappiness of expression1        has  
left passages involving the conclusions 
of both schools4 ,as a        matter of 
history the sensual school of ,condillac
 grew professedly        out of his     
philosophy4 ,in defence of the          
legitimacy of the process        by     
which these writers evolved their       
conclusions from the premisses        of
 ,locke1 the reader may consult the very
 able lectures of ,m4 ,cousin        on 
,locke4 ,the other side has been        
treated1 among others1 by ,dugald       
,stewart in his ,dissertation1 by       

,professor ,webb in his                 
,intellectualism of ,locke1 and by ,mr4 
,rogers in an essay reprinted           
from the ,edinburgh ,review4      #acg  
,i make this qualification1 because ,i  
believe that the denial of a            
moral nature in man capable of          
perceiving the distinction between      
duty and interest and the rightful      
supremacy of the former1 is both        
philosophically and actually subversive 
of natural theology4      #ach ,see the 
forcible passage in the life of         
,epicurus by ,diogenes        ,lartius4 
,so ,mackintosh3 8,it is remarkable     
that1 while1 of the three               
professors who sat in the ,porch from   
,zeno to ,posidonius1 every one         
either softened or exaggerated the      
doctrines of his predecessor1 and       
while the beautiful and reverend        
philosophy of ,plato had in his own     
,academy degenerated into a scepticism  
which did not spare morality            
itself1 the system of ,epicurus remained

 without change2 his        disciples   
continued for ages to show personal     
honour to his memory        in a manner 
which may seem unaccountable among those
 who were taught        to measure      
propriety by a calculation of palpable  
and outward                             
usefulness40--,dissertation on ,ethical 
,philosophy1 p4 #he1 ed4 #ahcf4         
,see1 too1 ,tennemann 7,manuel de la    
,philosophie1 ed4 ,cousin1 tome i4      
p4 #baa74      #aci ,thus e4g4 the      
magnificent chapters of ,helvtius on the
 moral effects        of despotism1 form
 one of the best modern contributions to
 political        ethics4 ,we have a    
curious illustration of the emphasis    
with which        this school dwells on 
the moral importance of institutions in 
a        memoir of ,m4 ,de ,tracy1 ,on  
the best ,plan of ,national ,education1 
which appeared first towards the close  
of the ,french ,revolution1 and         
was reprinted during the ,restoration4  
,the author1 who was one of the         

most distinguished of the disciples of  
,condillac1 argued that the        most 
efficient of all ways of educating a    
people is1 the        establishment of a
 good system of police1 for the constant
        association of the ideas of     
crime and punishment in the minds of the
        masses is the one effectual     
method of creating moral habits1 which  
will continue to act when the fear of   
punishment is removed4      #adj ,an    
important intellectual revolution is at 
present taking place in        ,england4
 ,the ascendency in literary and        
philosophical questions        which    
belonged to the writers of books is     
manifestly passing in a        very     
great degree to weekly and even daily   
papers1 which have long        been     
supreme in politics1 and have begun     
within the last ten years               
systematically to treat ethical and     
philosophical questions4 ,from          
their immense circulation1 their        
incontestable ability and the power     

they possess of continually reiterating 
their distinctive doctrines1        from
 the impatience1 too1 of long and       
elaborate writings1 which               
newspapers generate in the public1 it   
has come to pass that these             
periodicals exercise probably a greater 
influence than any other                
productions of the day1 in forming the  
ways of thinking of ordinary            
educated ,englishmen4 ,the many         
consequences1 good and evil1 of this    
change it will be the duty of future    
literary historians to trace1        but
 there is one which is1 ,i think1 much  
felt in the sphere of        ethics4 ,an
 important effect of these journals has 
been to evoke a        large amount of  
literary talent in the lawyer class4    
,men whose        professional duties   
would render it impossible for them to  
write        long books1 are quite      
capable of treating philosophical       
subjects in        the form of short    
essays1 and have in fact become         

conspicuous in        these periodicals4
 ,there has seldom1 ,i think1 before1   
been a time        when lawyers occupied
 such an important literary position as 
at        present1 or when legal ways of
 thinking had so great an influence     
over ,english philosophy2 and this fact 
has been eminently favourable        to 
the progress of utilitarianism4         
#ada ,there are some good remarks on    
this point in the very striking         
chapter on the present condition of     
,christianity in ,wilberforce's         
,practical ,view4      #adb ,see ,reid's
 ,essays on the ,active ,powers1 iii4 i4
      #adc ,i say usually proportioned1 
because it is1 ,i believe1 possible for 
men to realise intensely suffering1 and 
to derive pleasure from that        very
 fact4 ,this is especially the case with
 vindictive cruelty1 but        it is   
not1 ,i think1 altogether confined to   
that sphere4 ,this        question we   
shall have occasion to examine when     
discussing the        gladiatorial      

shows4 ,most cruelty1 however1 springs  
from callousness1        which is simply
 dulness of imagination4      #add ,the 
principal exception being where slavery1
 coexisting with        advanced        
civilisation1 retards or prevents the   
growth of industrial        habits4     
#ade ,see ,mr4 ,laing's ,travels in     
,sweden4 ,a similar cause is said to    
have        had a similar effect in     
,bavaria4      #adf ,this has been1 ,i  
think1 especially the case with the     
,austrians4      #adg ,see some         
remarkable instances of this in         
,cabanis1 ,rapports du        ,physique 
et du ,moral de l',homme4      #adh     
,diog4 ,lart4 ,pythag4      #adi        
,plutarch1 ,de ,profectibus in ,virt4   
#aej ,diog4 ,lart4 ,stilpo4      #aea   
,clem4 ,alexand4 ,strom4 vii4      #aeb 
,cicero1 ,de ,nat4 ,deorum1 i4 #a4      
#aec ,lactant4 ,inst4 ,div4 i4 #e4      
#aed 8,pythagoras ita definivit quid    
esset ,deus3 ,animus qui per universas  
mundi partes1 omnemque naturam commeans 

atque diffusus1 ex quo omnia        qu  
nascuntur animalia vitam                
capiunt40--,ibid4 ,lactantius in this   
chapter has collected several other     
philosophic definitions of the          
,divinity4 ,see too ,plutarch1 ,de      
,placit4 ,philos4 ,tertullian explains  
the stoical theory by an ingenious      
illustration3 8,stoici enim volunt      
,deum sic per materiem decucurrisse     
quomodo mel per favos40--,tert4 ,de     
,anima4      #aee ,as ,cicero says3     
8,epicurus re tollit1 oratione          
relinquit1 deos40--,de        ,nat4     
,deor4 i4 #dd4      #aef ,sometimes1    
however1 they restricted its operation  
to the great        events of life4 ,as 
an interlocutor in ,cicero says3 8,magna
 dii        curant1 parva               
negligunt40--,cic4 ,de ,natur4 ,deor4   
ii4 #ff4 ,justin        ,martyr notices 
7,trypho1 i47 that some philosophers    
maintained that        ,god cared for   
the universal or species1 but not for   
the individual4        ,seneca maintains

 that the ,divinity has determined all  
things by an        inexorable law of   
destiny1 which ,he has decreed1 but     
which ,he        ,himself obeys4 7,de   
,provident4 v47      #aeg ,see on this  
theory ,cicero1 ,de ,natur4 ,deor4 i4   
#db2 ,lactantius1        ,inst4 ,div4 i4
 #aa4      #aeh ,diog4 ,lart4 ,vit4     
,zeno4 ,st4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 iv4   
#aa4 ,maximus of        ,tyre1 ,dissert4
 x4 7in some editions xxix47  #h4       
,seneca1 ,de        ,beneficiis1 iv4    
#g-h4 ,cic4 ,de ,natur4 ,deor4 i4 #ae4  
,cicero has        devoted the first two
 books of this work to the stoical      
theology4 ,a        full review of the  
allegorical and mythical interpretations
 of        paganism is given by         
,eusebius1 ,evang4 ,prpar4 lib4 iii4    
#aei ,st4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 vii4 #e4      
#afj ,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #a4        
#afa 8,nec vero ,deus ipse qui          
intelligitur a nobis1 alio modo         
intelligi        potest nisi mens soluta
 qudam et libera1 segregata ab omni     

concretione mortali1 omnia sentiens et  
movens1 ipsaque prdita motu             
sempiterno40--,tusc4 ,qust4 i4 #bg4     
#afb ,senec4 ,qust4 ,nat4 ii4 #de4      
#afc 8,estne ,dei sedes1 nisi terra et  
pontus et ar4        ,et clum et virtus8
 ,superos quid qurimus ultra8           
,jupiter est quodcumque vides1          
quodcumque moveris40          ,pharsal4 
ix4 #egh-hj4      #afd 8,quve anus tam  
excors inveniri potest1 qu illa1 qu     
quondam        credebantur apud inferos 
portenta1 extimescat80--,cic4 ,de ,nat4 
,deor4        ii4 #b4          8,esse   
aliques ,manes et subterranea regna 444 
,nec pueri credunt nisi qui nondum re   
lavantur40          ,juv4 ,sat4 ii4     
#adi1 #aeb4          ,see on this       
subject a good review by the ,abb       
,freppel1 ,les ,pres                    
,apostoliques1 leon viii4      #afe     
,cicero1 ,de ,leg4 i4 #ad2 ,macrobius1  
,in4 ,som4 ,scip4 i4 #aj4      #aff ,see
 his works ,de ,divinatione and ,de     
,nat4 ,deorum1 which form a             

curious contrast to the religious       
conservatism of the ,de ,legibus1       
which was written chiefly from a        
political point of view4      #afg      
,eusebius1 ,prp4 ,evang4 lib4 iv4       
#afh ,the oracles first gave their      
answers in verse1 but their bad poetry  
was ridiculed1 and they gradually sank  
to prose1 and at last ceased4           
,plutarch defended the inspiration of   
the bad poetry on the ground        that
 the inspiring spirit availed itself of 
the natural faculties of        the     
priestess for the expression of its     
infallible truths--a theory        which
 is still much in vogue among ,biblical 
critics1 and is1 ,i        believe1     
called dynamical inspiration4 ,see      
,fontenelle1 ,hist4 des        ,oracles 
7#ast ed471 pp4 #bib-bic4      #afi ,see
 the famous description of ,cato        
refusing to consult the oracle of       
,jupiter ,ammon in ,lucan1 ,phars4 ix42 
and also ,arrian1 ii4 #g4 ,seneca       
beautifully says1 8,vis deos propitiare8

 bonus esto4 ,satis illos        coluit 
quisquis imitatus est40--,ep4 xcv4      
#agj ,cicero1 ,de ,divin4 ii4 #bd4      
#aga ,aulus ,gellius1 ,noct4 ,att4 xv4  
#bb4      #agb ,see a long string of    
witticisms collected by ,legendre1      
,trait de        l',opinion1 ou ,mmoires
 pour servir  l',histoire de l',esprit  
humain        7,venise1 #agce71 tome i4 
pp4 #chf-chg4      #agc ,see ,cicero1   
,de ,natura ,deorum2 ,seneca1 ,de ,brev4
 ,vit4 c4 xvi42        ,plin4 ,hist4    
,nat4 ii4 #e2 ,plutarch1 ,de            
,superstitione4      #agd 8,olim truncus
 eram ficulnus1 inutile lignum1         
,cum faber1 incertus scamnum faceretne  
,priapum1        ,maluit esse ,deum40   
,sat4 ,i4 viii4 #a-c4      #age ,there  
is a very curious discussion on this    
subject1 reported to have        taken  
place between ,apollonius of ,tyana and 
an ,egyptian priest4 ,the        former 
defended the ,greek fashion of          
worshipping the ,divinity under         
the form of the human image1 sculptured 

by ,phidias and ,praxiteles1        this
 being the noblest form we can conceive1
 and therefore the least                
inadequate to the ,divine perfections4  
,the latter defended the                
,egyptian custom of worshipping animals1
 because1 as he said1 it is             
blasphemous to attempt to conceive an   
image of the ,deity1 and the            
,egyptians therefore concentrate the    
imagination of the worshipper on        
objects that are plainly merely         
allegorical or symbolical1 and do       
not pretend to offer any such image     
7,philos4 ,apoll4 of ,tyana1 vi4        
#ai74 ,pliny shortly says1 8,effigiem   
,dei formamque qurere                   
imbecillitatis human reor0 7,hist4 ,nat4
 ii4 #e74 ,see too ,max4        ,tyrius1
 ,diss4 xxxviii4 ,there was a legend    
that ,numa forbade all        idols1 and
 that for #bjj years they were unknown  
in ,rome 7,plutarch1        ,life of    
,numa74 ,dion ,chrysostom said that the 
,gods need no statues        or         

sacrifices1 but that by these means we  
attest our devotion to        them      
7,orat4 xxxi474 ,on the vanity of rich  
idols1 see ,plutarch1 ,de               
,superstitione2 ,seneca1 ,ep4 xxxi4     
#agf #a ,lact4 ,inst4 ,div4 vi4 #be4    
#agg ,dion4 ,halic4 ii42 ,polyb4 vi4    
#ef4      #agh ,st4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4     
,dei1 iv4 #ca4      #agi ,epictetus1    
,enchir4 xxxix4      #ahj ,cicero1      
speaking of the worship of deified men1 
says1 8indicat        omnium quidem     
animos immortales esse1 sed fortium     
bonorumque        divinos40--,de ,leg4  
ii4 #aa4 ,the ,roman worship of the     
dead1 which was        the centre of the
 domestic religion1 has been recently   
investigated        with much ability by
 ,m4 ,coulanges 7,la ,cit antique74     
#aha ,on the minute supervision         
exercised by the censors on all the     
details of domestic life1 see ,aul4     
,gell4 ,noct4 ii4 #bd2 iv4 #ab1 #bj4    
#ahb ,livy1 xxxix4 #f4      #ahc ,vell4 
,paterculus1 i4 #aa-ac2 ,eutropius1 iv4 

#f4 ,sallust ascribed the               
decadence of ,rome to the destruction of
 its rival1 ,carthage4      #ahd        
,plutarch1 ,de ,adulatore et ,amico4    
#ahe ,there is much curious information 
about the growth of ,roman luxury       
in ,pliny 7,hist4 ,nat4 lib4 xxxiv474   
,the movement of decomposition          
has been lately fully traced by ,mommsen
 7,hist4 of ,rome72 ,dllinger           
7,jew and ,gentile72 ,denis 7 ,hist4 des
 ,ides morales dans        l',antiquit72
 ,pressens 7,hist4 des trois premiers   
,sicles72 in        the histories of    
,champagny1 and in the beautiful closing
 chapters of        the ,aptres of      
,renan4      #ahf ,sueton4 ,aug4 xvi4   
#ahg ,ibid4 ,calig4 v4      #ahh        
,persius1 ,sat4 ii42 ,horace1 ,ep4 i4   
#af1 vv4 #eg-fj4      #ahi ,see1 on the 
identification of the ,greek and        
,egyptian myths1        ,plutarch's ,de 
,iside et ,osiride4 ,the ,greek and     
,roman gods were        habitually      
regarded as identical1 and ,csar and    

,tacitus1 in like        manner1        
identified the deities of ,gaul and     
,germany with those of        their own 
country4 ,see ,dllinger1 ,jew and       
,gentile1 vol4 ii4 pp4        #afj-afe4 
#aij 8,ego dem genus esse semper dixi et
 dicam clitum2 ,sed eos non             
curare opinor quid agat hominum genus40 
,cicero adds3 8magno plausu loquitur    
assentiente populo40--,de ,divin4       
ii4 #ej4      #aia ,plutarch1 ,de       
,superstitione4      #aib ,st4 ,aug4 ,de
 ,civ4 ,dei1 vi4 #f2 ,tertul4 ,apol4    
#ae2 ,arnobius1 ,adv4        ,gentes1   
iv4      #aic 8,pars alia et hanc       
pellit1 astroque suo eventus assignat1  
nascendi        legibus2 semelque in    
omnes futuros unquam ,deo decretum2 in  
reliquum        vero otium datum4       
,sedere cpit sententia hc pariterque et 
eruditum        vulgus et rude in eam   
cursu vadit4 ,ecce fulgurum monitus1    
oraculorum        prscita1 aruspicum    
prdicta1 atque etiam parva dictu1 in    
auguriis        sternumenta et          

offensiones pedum40--,hist4 ,nat4 ii4   
#e4 ,pliny himself        expresses     
great doubt about astrology giving many 
examples of men        with different   
destinies1 who had been born at the same
 time1 and        therefore under the   
same stars 7vii4 #ej74 ,tacitus         
expresses complete        doubt about   
the existence of ,providence4 7,ann4 vi4
 #bb47 ,tiberius        is said to have 
been very indifferent to the gods and to
 the worship        of the temples1     
being wholly addicted to astrology and  
convinced        that all things were   
pre-ordained4 7,suet4 ,tib4 lxix47      
#aid ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 xxviii4    
#aie ,de ,profectibus in ,virt4 ,it was 
originally the custom at ,roman         
feasts to sing to a pipe the actions and
 the virtues of the greatest        men4
 7,cic4 ,tusc4 ,qust4 iv47      #aif    
,e4g4 ,epictetus1 ,ench4 lii4 ,seneca is
 full of similar exhortations4      #aig
 ,according to ,cicero1 the first ,latin
 work on philosophy was by the          

,epicurean ,amafanius4 7,tusc4 ,qust4   
iv47      #aih ,see on the great        
perfection of the character of ,epicurus
 his life by        ,diogenes ,lartius1 
and on the purity of the philosophy he  
taught and        the degree in which it
 was distorted and misrepresented by his
 ,roman        followers4 ,seneca ,de   
,vita ,beata1 c4 xii4 xiii4 and ,ep4    
xxi4        ,gassendi1 in a very        
interesting little work entitled        
,philosophi        ,epicuri ,syntagma1  
has abundantly proved the possibility of
 uniting        ,epicurean principles   
with a high code of morals4 ,but        
probably the        most beautiful      
picture of the ,epicurean system is the 
first book of        the ,de ,finibus1  
in which ,cicero endeavours to paint it 
as it would        have been painted by 
its adherents4 ,when we remember that   
the writer        of this book was one  
of the most formidable and unflinching  
opponents of ,epicureanism in all the   
ancient world1 it must be owned         

that it would be impossible to find a   
grander example of that noble           
love of truth1 that sublime and         
scrupulous justice to opponents1        
which was the pre-eminent glory of      
ancient philosophers1 and which1        
after the destruction of philosophy1 was
 for many centuries almost              
unknown in the world4 ,it is impossible 
to doubt that ,epicureanism        was  
logically compatible with a very high   
degree of virtue4 ,it is1 ,i            
think1 equally impossible to doubt that 
its practical tendency was              
towards vice4      #aii ,mr4 ,grote     
gives the following very clear summary  
of ,plato's ethical        theory1 which
 he believes to be original3--8,justice 
is in the mind a        condition       
analogous to good health and strength in
 the body4        ,injustice is a       
condition analogous to sickness1        
corruption1        impotence in the     
body4444 ,to possess a healthy body is  
desirable for        its consequences as

 a means towards other constituents of  
happiness1        but it is still more  
desirable in itself as an essential     
element of        happiness per se1     
i4e41 the negation of sickness1 which   
would of        itself make us          
miserable4444 ,in like manner1 the just 
mind blesses        the possessor twice3
 first and chiefly by bringing to him   
happiness        in itself2 next1 also1 
as it leads to ulterior happy results4  
,the        unjust mind is a curse to   
its possessor in itself and apart from  
results1 though it also leads to        
ulterior results which render it        
still more a curse to him40--,grote's   
,plato1 vol4 iii4 p4 #aca4              
,according to ,plutarch1 ,aristo of     
,chio defined virtue as 8the health     
of the soul40 7,de ,virtute ,morali47   
#bjj 8,beata est ergo vita conveniens   
natur su2 qu non aliter                 
contingere potest quam si primum sana   
mens est et in perpetu                  
possessione sanitatis su40--,seneca1 ,de

 ,vita ,beata1 c4 iii4      #bja ,the   
famous paradox that 8the sage could be  
happy even in the bull of               
,phalaris10 comes from the writings not 
of ,zeno but of        ,epicurus--though
 the ,stoics adopted and greatly admired
 it4 7,cic4        ,tusc4 ii4 ,see      
,gassendi1 ,philos4 ,epicuri ,syntagma1 
pars iii4 c4        #a47      #bjb 8,sed
 nescio quomodo dum lego assentior2 cum 
posui librum et mecum        ipse de    
immortalitate animorum cpi cogitare1    
assensio omnis illa                     
elabitur40--,cic4 ,tusc4 i4      #bjc   
,sallust1 ,catilina1 cap4 li4      #bjd 
,see that most impressive passage       
7,hist4 ,nat4 vii4 #ef74 ,that the      
sleep of annihilation is the happiest   
end of man is a favourite        thought
 of ,lucretius4 ,thus3          8,nil   
igitur mors est1 ad nos neque pertinet  
hilum1        ,quandoquidem natura animi
 mortalis habetur40--iii4 #hdb4         
,this mode of thought has been recently 
expressed in ,mr4 ,swinburne's          

very beautiful poem on ,the ,garden of  
,proserpine4      #bje ,diog4 ,lartius4 
,the opinion of ,chrysippus seems to    
have prevailed1        and ,plutarch    
7,de ,placit4 ,philos47 speaks of it as 
that of the        school4 ,cicero      
sarcastically says1 8,stoici autem      
usuram nobis        largiuntur1 tanquam 
cornicibus3 diu mansuros aiunt animos2  
semper1        negant40--,tusc4 ,disp4  
i4 #ca4      #bjf ,it has been very     
frequently asserted that ,antigonus of  
,socho having        taught that virtue 
should be practised for its own sake1   
his        disciple1 ,zadok1 the founder
 of the ,sadducees1 inferred the        
non-existence of a future world2 but the
 evidence for this whole        story is
 exceedingly unsatisfactory4 ,the reader
 may find its history        in a very  
remarkable article by ,mr4 ,twisleton on
 ,sadducees1 in        ,smith's         
,biblical ,dictionary4      #bjg ,on the
 ,stoical opinions about a future life  
see ,martin1 ,la ,vie        future     

7,paris1 #aheh72 ,courdaveaux ,de       
l'immortalit de l'me dans        le     
,stocisme 7,paris1 #aheg72 and ,alger's 
,critical ,hist4 of the        ,doctrine
 of a ,future ,life 7,new ,york1 #ahff74
      #bjh ,his arguments are met by    
,cicero in the ,tusculans4      #bji    
,see a collection of passages from his  
discourses collected by ,m4             
,courdaveaux1 in the introduction to his
 ,french translation of that            
book4      #baj ,stobus1 ,eclog4        
,physic4 lib4 i4 cap4 #eb4      #baa ,in
 his consolations to ,marcia1 he seems  
to incline to a belief in        the    
immortality1 or at least the future     
existence1 of the soul4 ,in        many 
other passages1 however1 he speaks of it
 as annihilated at        death4        
#bab 8,les ,stociens ne faisaient       
aucunement dpendre la morale de la      
perspective des peines ou de la         
rmunration dans une vie future4444      
,la croyance  l'immortalit de l'me      
n'appartenait donc1 selon leur          

manire de voir1 qu' la physique1        
c'est--dire  la                         
psychologie40--,degerando1 ,hist4 de la 
,philos4 tome iii4 p4 #ef4      #bac    
8,pantius igitur1 qui sine controversia 
de officiis accuratissime               
disputavit1 quemque nos1 correctione    
quadam adhibita1 potissimum             
secuti sumus40--,de ,offic4 iii4 #b4    
#bad ,marcus ,aurelius thanks           
,providence1 as for one of the great    
blessings        of his life1 that he   
had been made acquainted with the       
writings of        ,epictetus4 ,the     
story is well known how the old         
philosopher warned        his master1   
who was beating him1 that he would soon 
break his leg1        and when the leg  
was broken1 calmly remarked1 8,i told   
you you would        do so40 ,celsus    
quoted this in opposition to the        
,christians1 asking1        8,did your  
leader under suffering ever say anything
 so noble80 ,origen        finely       
replied1 8,he did what was still        

nobler--,he kept silence40 ,a           
,christian anchorite 7some say ,st4     
,nilus1 who lived in the beginning      
of the fifth century7 was so struck with
 the ,enchiridion of        ,epictetus1 
that he adapted it to ,christian use4   
,the conversations of        ,epictetus1
 as reported by ,arrian1 are said to    
have been the        favourite reading  
of ,toussaint l',ouverture4      #bae   
,tacitus had used this expression before
 ,milton3 8,quando etiam                
sapientibus cupido glori novissima      
exuitur40--,hist4 iv4 #f4      #baf ,two
 remarkable instances have come down to 
us of eminent writers        begging    
historians to adorn and even exaggerate 
their acts4 ,see the        very curious
 letters of ,cicero to the historian    
,lucceius 7,ep4 ad        ,divers4 v4   
#ab72 and of the younger ,pliny to      
,tacitus 7,ep4 vii4        #cc74 ,cicero
 has himself confessed that he was too  
fond of glory4      #bag 8,unus homo    
nobis cunctando restituit rem2          

,non ponebat enim rumores ante          
salutem40--,ennius4      #bah ,see the  
beautiful description of ,cato's        
tranquillity under insults4             
,seneca1 ,de ,ira1 ii4 #cc2 ,de ,const4 
,sap4 #a1 #b4      #bai ,de ,officiis1  
iii4 #i4      #bbj ,tusc4 ii4 #bf4      
#bba ,seneca1 ,de ,vit4 ,beat4 c4 xx4   
#bbb ,seneca1 ,ep4 cxiii4      #bbc     
,seneca1 ,ep4 lxxxi4      #bbd ,persius1
 ,sat4 i4 #de-dg4      #bbe ,epictetus1 
,ench4 xxiii4      #bbf ,seneca1 ,de    
,ira1 iii4 #da4      #bbg ,seneca1      
,cons4 ad ,helv4 xiii4      #bbh ,marc4 
,aur4 vii4 #fg4      #bbi ,marc4 ,aur4  
iv4 #bj4      #bcj ,pliny1 ,ep4 i4 #bb4 
#bca 8,non dux1 sed comes               
voluptas40--,de ,vit4 ,beat4 c4 viii4   
#bcb 8,voluptas non est merces nec causa
 virtutis sed accessio2 nec quia        
delectat placet sed quia placet         
delectat40--,ibid41 c4 ix4      #bcc    
,peregrinus apud ,aul4 ,gellius1 xii4   
#aa4 ,peregrinus was a ,cynic1 but      
his doctrine on this point was identical

 with that of the ,stoics4      #bcd    
,marc4 ,aurel4 ix4 #db4      #bce ,marc4
 ,aurel4 v4 #f4      #bcf ,seneca1      
however1 in one of his letters 7,ep4    
lxxv471 subtilises a        good deal on
 this point4 ,he draws a distinction    
between affections        and maladies4 
,the first1 he says1 are irrational1 and
 therefore        reprehensible         
movements of the soul1 which1 if        
repeated and        unrepressed1 tend to
 form an irrational and evil habit1 and 
to the        last he in this letter    
restricts the term disease4 ,he         
illustrates        this distinction by  
observing that colds and any other      
slight        ailments1 if unchecked and
 neglected1 may produce an organic      
disease4 ,the wise man1 he says1 is     
wholly free from moral disease1         
but no man can completely emancipate    
himself from affections1 though         
he should make this his constant object4
      #bcg ,de ,clem4 ii4 #f1 #g4       
#bch 8,peccantes vero quid habet cur    

oderit1 cum error illos in hujusmodi    
delicta compellat80--,sen4 ,de ,ira1 i4 
#ad4 ,this is a favourite        thought
 of ,marcus ,aurelius1 to which he      
reverts again and again4        ,see1   
too1 ,arrian1 i4 #ah4      #bci 8,ergo  
ne homini quidem nocebimus quia peccavit
 sed ne peccet1 nec        unquam ad    
prteritum sed ad futurum pna            
referetur40--,ibid4 ii4 #ca4        ,in 
the philosophy of ,plato1 on the other  
hand1 punishment was        chiefly     
expiatory and purificatory4 7,lerminier1
 ,introd4         l',histoire du ,droit1
 p4 #abc47      #bdj ,seneca1 ,de       
,constant4 ,sap4 v4 ,compare and        
contrast this famous        sentence of 
,anaxagoras with that of one of the     
early ,christian        hermits4        
,someone told the hermit that his father
 was dead4 8,cease        your          
blasphemy10 he answered1 8my father is  
immortal40--,socrates1        ,eccl4    
,hist4 iv #bc4      #bda ,epictetus1    
,ench4 #af1 #ah4      #bdb ,the dispute 

about whether anything but virtue is a  
good1 was1 in        reality1 a somewhat
 childish quarrel about words2 for the  
,stoics1        who indignantly         
denounced the ,peripatetics for         
maintaining the        affirmative1     
admitted that health1 friends1 c41      
should be sought        not as 8goods0  
but as 8preferables40 ,see a long       
discussion on this        matter in     
,cicero 7,de ,finib4 lib4 iii4 iv474    
,the ,stoical doctrine        of the    
equality of all vices was formally      
repudiated by ,marcus        ,aurelius1 
who maintained 7ii4 #aj71 with          
,theophrastus1 that faults of           
desire were worse than faults of anger4 
,the other ,stoics1 while               
dogmatically asserting the equality of  
all virtues as well as the              
equality of all vices1 in their         
particular judgments graduated their    
praise or blame much in the same way as 
the rest of the world4      #bdc ,see   
,seneca 7,ep4 lxxxix474 ,seneca himself1

 however1 has devoted a        work to  
natural history1 but the general        
tendency of the school was              
certainly to concentrate all attention  
upon morals1 and all1 or        nearly  
all the great naturalists were          
,epicureans4 ,cicero puts into          
the mouth of the ,epicurean the         
sentence1 8,omnium autem rerum natura   
cognita levamur superstitione1 liberamur
 mortis metu1 non        conturbamur    
ignoratione rerum0 7,de ,fin4 i472 and  
,virgil expressed        an eminently   
,epicurean sentiment in his famous      
lines3--          8,felix1 qui potuit   
rerum cognoscere causas1        ,quique 
metus omnes et inexorabile fatum        
,subjecit pedibus1 strepitumque         
,acherontis avari40          ,georg4    
#dij-dib4      #bdd ,plutarch1 ,cato    
,major4      #bde ,cicero1 ,ad ,attic4  
vi4 #b4      #bdf ,this contrast is     
noticed and largely illustrated by ,m4  
,monte in his        interesting little 
work ,le ,stocisme  ,rome1 and also by  

,legendre        in his ,trait de       
l',opinion1 ou ,mmoires pour servir     
l'histoire de        l'esprit humain    
7,venise1 #agce74      #bdg 8,atque hoc 
quidem omnes mortales sic habent 444    
commoditatem        prosperitatemque vit
 a diis se habere1 virtutem autem nemo  
unquam        acceptam deo retulit4     
,nimirum recte4 ,propter virtutem enim  
jure        laudamur et in virtute recte
 gloriamur4 ,quod non contingeret si id 
donum a deo1 non a nobis                
haberemus40--,cicero1 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4  
iii4        #cf4      #bdh ,ep4 i4 #ah4 
#bdi ,seneca ,ep4 lxvi4      #bej       
,lucretius1 v4 ,it was a ,greek proverb1
 that ,apollo begat sculapius        to 
heal the body1 and ,plato to heal the   
soul4 7,legendre1 ,trait de             
l',opinion1 tome i4 p4 #aig47      #bea 
8,orandum est ut sit mens sana in       
corpore sano3        ,fortem posce      
animum1 mortis terrore carentem4444     
,monstro1 quod ipse tibi possis dare40  
,juvenal1 ,sat4 x4 #cef4                

,marcus ,aurelius recommends prayer1 but
 only that we may be freed        from  
evil desires4 7ix4 #aa47      #beb      
,seneca1 ,ep4 lxvi4      #bec ,ibid4    
,ep4 liii4      #bed ,de ,const4 ,sap4  
viii4      #bee ,ench4 xlviii4      #bef
 ,arrian1 i4 #ab4      #beg ,arrian1 ii4
 #h4 ,the same doctrine is strongly     
stated in ,seneca1 ,ep4        xcii4    
#beh ,cicero1 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4 ii4 #ff4 
#bei ,ep4 lxxxiii4 ,somewhat similar    
sentiments are attributed to ,thales    
and ,bion 7,diog4 ,lart474      #bfj    
,ep4 xli4 ,there are some beautiful     
sentiments of this kind in              
,plutarch's treatise1 ,de ,sera ,numinis
 ,vindicta4 ,it was a saying of         
,pythagoras1 that 8we become better as  
we approach the gods40      #bfa ,marc4 
,aur4 iii4 #e4      #bfb ,marcus        
,aurelius4      #bfc ,seneca1 ,prf4     
,nat4 ,qust4 iii4      #bfd ,marc4 ,aur4
 x4 #be4      #bfe ,epict4 ,ench4 xvii4 
#bff ,epict4 ,ench4 xi4      #bfg       
,seneca1 ,de ,prov4 i4      #bfh ,ibid4 

iv4      #bfi ,marc4 ,aurel4 ii4 #b1 #c4
      #bgj ,the language in which the   
,stoics sometimes spoke of the          
inexorable        determination of all  
things by ,providence would appear      
logically        inconsistent with free 
will4 ,in fact1 however1 the ,stoics    
asserted        the latter doctrine in  
unequivocal language1 and in their      
practical        ethics even exaggerated
 its power4 ,aulus ,gellius 7,noct4     
,att4 vi4        #b7 has preserved a    
passage in which ,chrysippus exerted his
 subtlety        in reconciling the two 
things4 ,see1 too1 ,arrian1 i4 #ag4     
#bga ,we have an extremely curious      
illustration of this mode of thought in 
a speech of ,archytas of ,tarentum on   
the evils of sensuality1 which          
,cicero has preserved4 ,he considers the
 greatest of these evils to be          
that the vice predisposes men to        
unpatriotic acts4 8,nullam              
capitaliorem pestem quam corporis       
voluptatem1 hominibus a natura          

datam4444 ,hinc patri proditiones1 hinc 
rerumpublicarum eversiones1        hinc 
cum hostibus clandestina colloquia      
nasci10 etc4--,cicero1 ,de              
,senect4 xii4      #bgb ,diog4 ,lart4   
,anax4      #bgc 8,cari sunt parentes1  
cari liberi1 propinqui1 familiares2 sed 
omnes        omnium caritates patria una
 complexa est2 pro qua quis bonus       
dubitet        mortem oppetere si ei sit
 profuturus80--,de ,offic4 i4 #ag4      
#bgd ,see ,seneca1 ,consol4 ad ,helviam 
and ,de ,otio ,sapien42 and             
,plutarch1 ,de ,exilio4 ,the first of   
these works is the basis of one         
of the most beautiful compositions in   
the ,english language1                  
,bolingbroke's ,reflections on ,exile4  
#bge ,de ,officiis4      #bgf ,epist4 i4
 #aj4      #bgg 8,tota enim             
philosophorum vita1 ut ait idem1        
commentatio mortis                      
est40--,cicero1 ,tusc4 i4 #cj1 ad fin4  
#bgh ,essay on ,death4      #bgi        
,spinoza1 ,ethics1 iv4 #fg4      #bhj   

,camden4 ,montalembert notices a similar
 legend as existing in        ,brittany 
7,les ,moines d',occident1 tome ii4 p4  
#bhg74 ,procopius 7,de        ,bello    
,goth4 iv4 #bj7 says that it is         
impossible for men to live in        the
 west of ,britain1 and that the district
 is believed to be        inhabited by  
the souls of the dead4      #bha ,in his
 ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta and his   
,consolatio ad ,uxorem4      #bhb ,in   
the ,phdo1 passim4 ,see1 too1 ,marc4    
,aurelius1 ii4 #ab4      #bhc ,see a    
very striking letter of ,epicurus quoted
 by ,diogenes ,lart4 in        his life 
of that philosopher4 ,except a few      
sentences1 quoted by        other       
writers1 these letters were all that    
remained of the works of                
,epicurus1 till the recent discovery of 
one of his treatises at                 
,herculaneum4      #bhd ,tusc4 ,qust4 i4
      #bhe ,consol4 ad ,polyb4 xxvii4   
#bhf ,maury1 ,hist4 des ,religions de la
 ,grce antique1 tom4 i4 pp4             

#ehb-ehh4 ,m4 ,ravaisson1 in his ,memoir
 on ,stoicism 7,acad4 des               
,inscriptions et ,belles-lettres1 tom4  
xxi47 has enlarged on the               
terrorism of paganism1 but has1 ,i      
think1 exaggerated it4 ,religions       
which selected games as the natural form
 of devotion can never have        had  
any very alarming character4      #bhg  
,plutarch1 ,ad ,apollonium4      #bhh   
,ibid4      #bhi ,cic4 ,tusc4 ,qust4 i4 
#bij ,philost4 ,apoll4 of ,tyan4 v4 #d4 
,hence their passion for suicide1       
which ,silius ,italicus commemorates in 
lines which ,i think very               
beautiful3--          8,prodiga gens    
anim et properare facillima mortem2     
,namque ubi transcendit florentes       
viribus annos        ,impatiens vi1     
spernit novisse senectam        ,et fati
 modus in dextra est40--i4 #bbe-bbh4    
,valerius ,maximus 7ii4 vi4  #ab7 speaks
 of ,celts who celebrated the           
birth of men with lamentation1 and their
 deaths with joy4      #bia ,aulus      

,gellius1 ,noctes1 i4 #c4      #bib     
,tacitus1 ,annales1 xv4 #fb4      #bic  
,sueton4 ,titus1 #aj4      #bid         
,capitolinus1 ,antoninus4      #bie ,see
 the beautiful account of his last hours
 given by ,ammianus        ,marcellinus 
and reproduced by ,gibbon4 ,there are   
some remarks well        worth reading  
about the death of ,julian1 and the     
state of thought        that rendered   
such a death possible1 in ,dr4 ,newman's
 ,discourses on        ,university      
,education1 lect4 ix4      #bif 8,lex   
non pna mors0 was a favourite saying    
among the ancients4 ,on        the other
 hand1 ,tertullian very distinctly      
enunciated the patristic        view1   
8,qui autem primordia hominis novimus1  
audenter determinamus        mortem non 
ex natura secutam hominem sed ex        
culpa40--,de ,anima1 #eb4      #big     
,plutarch1 ,ad ,uxorem4      #bih ,st4  
,augustine1 ,epist4 #aff4      #bii 8,at
 hoc quidem commune est omnium          
philosophorum1 non eorum modo qui       

deum nihil habere ipsum negotii dicunt1 
et nihil exhibere alteri2        sed    
eorum etiam1 qui deum semper agere      
aliquid et moliri volunt1        numquam
 nec irasci deum nec nocere40--,cic4 ,de
 ,offic4 iii4 #bh4      #cjj ,see the   
refutation of the philosophic notion in 
,lactantius1 ,de ,ira        ,dei4      
#cja 8,revelation10 as ,lessing observes
 in his essay on this subject1 8has     
made ,death the #8king of terrors1' the 
awful offspring of sin and the          
dread way to its punishment2 though to  
the imagination of the        ancient   
heathen world1 ,greek or ,etrurian1 he  
was a youthful        genius--the twin  
brother of ,sleep1 or a lusty boy with a
 torch held                             
downwards40--,coleridge's ,biographia   
,litteraria1 cap4 xxii41 note by        
,sara ,coleridge4      #cjb 8,vetat     
,pythagoras injussu imperatoris1 id est 
,dei1 de prsidio et        statione vit 
decedere40--,cic4 ,de ,senec4 xx4 ,if we
 believe the very        untrustworthy  

evidence of ,diog4 ,lartius             
7,pythagoras7 the        philosopher    
himself committed suicide by starvation4
      #cjc ,see his ,laws1 lib4 ix4 ,in 
his ,phdon1 however1 ,plato went        
further1 and condemned all suicide4     
,libanius says 7,de ,vita ,sua7         
that the arguments of the ,phdon        
prevented him from committing           
suicide after the death of ,julian4 ,on 
the other hand1 ,cicero        mentions 
a certain ,cleombrotus1 who was so      
fascinated by the proof        of the   
immortality of the soul in the ,phdon   
that he forthwith        cast himself   
into the sea4 ,cato1 as is well known1  
chose this work        to study1 the    
night he committed suicide4      #cjd   
,arist4 ,ethic4 v4      #cje ,see a list
 of these in ,lactantius' ,inst4 ,div4  
iii4 #ah4 ,many of        these         
instances rest on very doubtful         
evidence4      #cjf ,adam ,smith's      
,moral ,sentiments1 part vii4  #b4      
#cjg 8,proxima deinde tenent msti loca  

qui sibi lethum        ,insontes        
peperere manu1 lucemque perosi          
,projecere animas4 ,quam vellent there  
in alto        ,nunc et pauperiem et    
duros perferre labores40        --neid1 
vi4 #dcd-dcg4      #cjh ,cicero has     
censured suicide in his ,de ,senectute1 
in the ,somn4        ,scipionis1 and in 
the ,tusculans4 ,concerning the death of
 ,cato1 he        says1 that the        
occasion was such as to constitute a    
divine call to        leave             
life4--,tusc4 i4      #cji ,apuleius1   
,de ,philos4 ,plat4 lib4 i4      #caj   
,thus ,ovid3--          8,rebus in      
adversis facile est contemnere vitam1   
,fortiter ille facit qui miser esse     
potest40          ,see1 too1 ,martial1  
xi4 #ef4      #caa ,especially ,ep4     
xxiv4 ,seneca desires that men should   
not commit        suicide with panic or 
trepidation4 ,he says that those        
condemned to        death should await  
their execution1 for 8it is a folly to  
die        through fear of death20 and  

he recommends men to support old age as 
long as their faculties remain          
unimpaired4 ,on this last point1        
however1 his language is somewhat       
contradictory4 ,there is a good         
review of the opinions of the ancients  
in general1 and of ,seneca in           
particular1 on this subject in ,justus  
,lipsius' ,manuductio ad        ,stoicam
 ,philosophiam1 lib4 iii4 dissert4 #bb1 
#bc1 from which ,i have        borrowed 
much4      #cab ,in his ,meditations1   
ix4 #c1 he speaks of the duty of        
patiently        awaiting death4 ,but in
 iii4 #a1 x4 #h1 #bb-cb1 he clearly     
recognises        the right of suicide  
in some cases1 especially to prevent    
moral        degeneracy4 ,it must be    
remembered that the ,meditations of     
,marcus        ,aurelius were private   
notes for his personal guidance1 that   
all the        ,stoics admitted it to be
 wrong to commit suicide in cases where 
the        act would be an injury to    
society1 and that this consideration in 

itself would be sufficient to divert an 
emperor from the deed4                  
,antoninus1 the uncle1 predecessor1 and 
model of ,m4 ,aurelius1 had             
considered it his duty several times to 
prevent ,hadrian from        committing 
suicide 7,spartianus1 ,hadrianus74      
,according to        ,capitolinus1      
,marcus ,aurelius in his last illness   
purposely        accelerated his death  
by abstinence4 ,the duty of not hastily1
 or        through cowardice1 abandoning
 a path of duty1 and the right of man   
to quit life when it appears            
intolerable1 are combined very clearly  
by ,epictetus1 ,arrian1 i4 #i2 and the  
latter is asserted in the               
strongest manner1 i4 #bd-be4      #cac  
,porphyry1 ,de ,abst4 ,carnis1 ii4 #dg2 
,plotinus1 #ast ,enn4 ix4 ,porphyry     
says 7,life of ,plotinus7 that ,plotinus
 dissuaded him from suicide4            
,there is a good epitome of the         
arguments of this school against        
suicide in ,macrobius1 ,in ,som4 ,scip4 

#a4      #cad ,quoted by ,seneca1 ,ep4  
xxvi4 ,cicero states the ,epicurean     
doctrine        to be1 8,ut si          
tolerabiles sint dolores1 feramus1 sin  
minus quo        animo e vita1 cum ea   
non placet1 tanquam e theatro1 exeamus0 
7,de        ,finib4 i4 #ae72 and again1 
8,de ,diis immortalibus sine ullo metu  
vera        sentit4 ,non dubitat1 si ita
 melius sit1 de vita migrare40--,id4 i4 
#ai4      #cae ,this is noticed by ,st4 
,jerome4      #caf ,corn4 ,nepos1       
,atticus4 ,he killed himself when an old
 man1 to        shorten a hopeless      
disease4      #cag ,petronius1 who was  
called the arbitrator of tastes         
78eleganti        arbiter071 was one of 
the most famous voluptuaries of the     
reign of        ,nero4 ,unlike most of  
his contemporaries1 however1 he was     
endowed        with the most exquisite  
and refined taste2 his graceful manners 
fascinated all about him1 and made him  
in matters of pleasure the        ruler 
of the ,court4 ,appointed ,proconsul of 

,bithynia1 and afterwards               
,consul1 he displayed the energies and  
the abilities of a statesman4        ,a 
,court intrigue threw him out of favour2
 and believing that his        death was
 resolved on1 he determined to          
anticipate it by suicide4               
,calling his friends about him1 he      
opened his veins1 shut them1 and        
opened them again2 prolonged his        
lingering death till he had             
arranged his affairs2 discoursed in his 
last moments1 not about the             
immortality of the soul or the dogmas of
 philosophers1 but about the        gay 
songs and epigrams of the hour2 and     
partaking of a cheerful        banquet1 
died as recklessly as he had lived4     
7,tacit4 ,annal4 xvi4        #ah-ai47   
,it has been a matter of much dispute   
whether or not this        ,petronius   
was the author of the ,satyricon1 one of
 the most        licentious and         
repulsive works in ,latin literature4   
#cah ,seneca1 ,de ,vita ,beata1 xix4    

#cai 8,imperfect vero in homine natur   
prcipua solatia1 ne ,deum quidem        
posse omnia2 namque nec sibi potest     
mortem consciscere si velit1        quod
 homini dedit optimum in tantis vit     
pnis40--,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #e4      #cbj  
,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #fc4 ,we need not be   
surprised at this writer thus           
speaking of sudden death1 8,mortes      
repentin 7hoc est summa vit             
felicitas710 vii4 #ed4      #cba ,tusc4 
,qust4 lib4 #a4 ,another remarkable     
example of an epidemic of        suicide
 occurred among the young girls of      
,miletus4 7,aul4 ,gell4 xv4        #aj47
      #cbb ,sir ,cornewall ,lewis1 ,on  
the ,credibility of ,early ,roman       
,history1        vol4 ii4 p4 #dcj4 ,see1
 too1 on this class of suicides1        
,cromaziano1        ,istorica ,critica  
del ,suicidio 7,venezia1 #aghh71 pp4    
#ha-hb4 ,the real        name of the    
author of this book 7which is1 ,i think1
 the best history        of suicide7 was
 ,buonafede4 ,he was a ,celestine monk4 

,the book was        first published at 
,lucca in #agfa4 ,it was translated into
 ,french in        #ahda4      #cbc     
,senec4 ,de ,provid4 ii42 ,ep4 xxiv4    
#cbd ,see some examples of this in      
,seneca1 ,ep4 lxx4      #cbe ,see a long
 catalogue of suicides arising from this
 cause1 in        ,cromaziano1 ,ist4 del
 ,suicidio1 pp4 #aab-aad4      #cbf     
,consol4 ad ,marc4 c4 xx4      #cbg ,de 
,ira1 iii4 #ae4      #cbh ,ep4 lxx4     
#cbi ,see ,donne's ,biathanatos         
7,london1 #agjj71 pp4 #ef-eg4 ,gibbon's 
,decline and ,fall1 ch4 xliv4           
,blackstone1 in his chapter on suicide1 
quotes the sentence of the ,roman       
lawyers on the subject3 8,si quis       
impatientia doloris aut tdio vit aut    
morbo aut furore aut pudore        mori 
maluit non animadvertatur in eum40      
,ulpian expressly asserts        that   
the wills of suicides were recognised by
 law1 and numerous        examples of   
the act1 notoriously prepared and       
publicly and gradually                  

accomplished1 prove its legality in     
,rome4 ,suetonius1 it is true1          
speaks of ,claudius accusing a man for  
having tried to kill himself            
7,claud1 xvi471 and ,xiphilin says      
7lxix4 #h7 that ,hadrian gave special   
permission to the philosopher ,euphrates
 to commit suicide1 8on        account  
of old age and disease20 but in the     
first case it appears        from the   
context that a reproach and not a legal 
action was meant1        while          
,euphrates1 ,i suppose1 asked permission
 to show his loyalty to        the      
emperor1 and not as a matter of strict  
necessity4 ,there were1        however1 
some ,greek laws condemning suicide1    
probably on civic        grounds4       
,josephus mentions 7,de ,bell4 ,jud4    
iii4 #h7 that in some        nations    
8the right hand of the suicide was      
amputated1 and that in        ,judea the
 suicide was only buried after sunset40 
,a very strange law1        said to have
 been derived from ,greece1 is reported 

to have existed        at ,marseilles4  
,poison was kept by the senate of the   
city1 and given        to those who     
could prove that they had sufficient    
reason to justify        their desire   
for death1 and all other suicide was    
forbidden4 ,the law        was intended1
 it was said1 to prevent hasty suicide1 
and to make        deliberate suicide as
 rapid and painless as possible4        
7,valer4        ,maximus1 ii4 #f1  #g47 
,in the ,reign of ,terror in ,france1 a 
law was        made similar to that of  
,domitian4 7,carlyle's ,hist4 of the    
,french        ,revolution1 book v4 c4  
ii47      #ccj ,compare with this a     
curious 8order of the day10 issued by   
,napoleon        in #ahjb1 with the view
 of checking the prevalence of suicide  
among        his soldiers4 7,lisle1 ,du 
,suicide1 pp4 #dfb-dfc47      #cca ,see 
,suetonius1 ,otho4 c4 x4-xi41 and the   
very fine description in                
,tacitus1 ,hist4 lib4 ii4 c4 #dg-di4    
,martial compares the death of          

,otho to that of ,cato3          8,sit  
,cato1 dum vivit1 sane vel ,csare major2
        ,dum moritur1 numquid major     
,othone fuit80        --,ep4 vi4 #cb4   
#ccb ,xiphilin1 lxviii4 #ab4      #ccc  
,tacit4 ,hist4 ii4 #di4 ,suet4 ,otho1   
#ab4 ,suetonius says that1 in           
addition to these1 many soldiers who    
were not present killed                 
themselves on hearing the news4         
#ccd ,ibid4 ,annal4 xiv4 #i4      #cce  
,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 vii4 #ed4 ,the      
opposite faction attributed this        
suicide to the maddening effects of the 
perfumes burnt on the pile4      #ccf   
,tacit4 ,annal4 vi4 #bf4      #ccg      
,plin4 ,ep4 i4 #ab4      #cch ,this     
history is satirically and unfeelingly  
told by ,lucian4 ,see1        too1      
,ammianus ,marcellinus1 xxix4 #a4       
#cci ,sophocles4      #cdj ,arrian1 i4  
#bd4      #cda ,seneca1 ,ep4 lviii4     
#cdb ,stobus4 ,one of the most          
deliberate suicides recorded was that of
 a        ,greek woman of ninety years  

old4--,val4 ,maxim4 ii4 #f1  #h4        
#cdc ,plin4 ,ep4 iii4 #g4 ,he starved   
himself to death4      #cdd ,ep4 i4 #bb4
 ,some of ,pliny's expressions are      
remarkable3--8,id ego        arduum in  
primis et prcipua laude dignum puto4    
,nam impetu quodam et        instinctu  
procurrere ad mortem1 commune cum       
multis3 deliberare vero        et causas
 ejus expendere1 utque suaserit ratio1  
vit mortisque        consilium suscipere
 vel ponere1 ingentis est animi40 ,in   
this case        the doctors pronounced 
that recovery was possible1 and the     
suicide        was in consequence       
averted4      #cde ,lib4 vi4 ,ep4 xxiv4 
#cdf ,ep4 lxxvii4 ,on the former career 
of ,marcellinus1 see ,ep4 xxix4         
#cdg ,see the very beautiful lines of   
,statius3--          8,urbe fuit media  
nulli concessa potentum        ,ara     
,deum1 mitis posuit ,clementia sedem3   
,et miseri fecere sacram1 sine supplice 
numquam        ,illa novo2 nulla        
damnavit vota repulsa4        ,auditi   

quicunque rogant1 noctesque diesque     
,ire datum1 et solis numen placare      
querelis4        ,parca superstitio2 non
 thurea flamma1 nec altus               
,accipitur sanguis1 lachrymis altaria   
sudant 444        ,nulla autem effigies1
 nulli commissa metallo        ,forma   
,de1 mentes habitare et pectora gaudet4 
,semper habet trepidos1 semper locus    
horret egenis        ,ctibus1 ignot     
tantum felicibus ar40--,thebaid1 xii4   
#dha-dif4          ,this altar was very 
old1 and was said to have been founded  
by the        descendants of ,hercules4 
,diodorus of ,sicily1 however1 makes a  
,syracusan say that it was brought from 
,syracuse 7lib4 xiii4 #bb74             
,marcus ,aurelius erected a temple to   
8,beneficentia0 on the ,capitol4        
7,xiphilin1 lib4 lxxi4 #cd47      #cdh  
,herodotus1 vi4 #ba4      #cdi ,see     
,arrian's ,epictetus1 i4 #i4 ,the very  
existence of the word         shows that
 the idea was not altogether unknown4   
#cej ,diog4 ,lart4 ,pyrrho4 ,there was a

 tradition that ,pythagoras had         
himself penetrated to ,india1 and learnt
 philosophy from the                    
gymnosophists4 7,apuleius1 ,florid4 lib4
 ii4 c4 #ae47      #cea ,this aspect of 
the career of ,alexander was noticed in 
a remarkable        passage of a        
treatise ascribed to ,plutarch 7,de     
,fort4 ,alex474        8,conceiving he  
was sent by ,god to be an umpire between
 all1 and to        unite all together1 
he reduced by arms those whom he could  
not        conquer by persuasion1 and   
formed of a hundred diverse nations one 
single universal body1 mingling1 as it  
were1 in one cup of        friendship   
the customs1 marriages1 and laws of all4
 ,he desired that        all should     
regard the whole world as their common  
country1 444 that        every good man 
should be esteemed a ,hellene1 every    
evil man a        barbarian40 ,see on   
this subject the third lecture of ,mr4  
,merivale        7whose translation of  
,plutarch ,i have borrowed7 ,on the     

,conversion        of the ,roman        
,empire4      #ceb ,they were both born 
about ,b4,c4 #bej4 ,see ,sir ,c4 ,lewis1
 ,credibility        of ,early ,roman   
,history1 vol4 i4 p4 #hb4      #cec     
,aulus ,gellius mentions the indignation
 of ,marcus ,cato against a             
consul named ,albinus1 who had written  
in ,greek a ,roman history1 and         
prefaced it by an apology for his faults
 of style1 on the ground        that he 
was writing in a foreign language4      
7,noct4 ,att4 xi4 #h47      #ced ,see a 
vivid picture of the ,greek influence   
upon ,rome1 in ,mommsen's        ,hist4 
of ,rome 7,eng4 trans471 vol4 iii4 pp4  
#dbc-dbf4      #cee ,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 
vii4 #ca4      #cef ,see ,friedlnder1   
,murs romaines du rgne d',auguste  la   
fin des        ,antonins 7,french       
trans41 #ahfe71 tome i4 pp4 #f-g4       
#ceg ,see the curious catalogue of      
,greek love terms in vogue 7,lucretius1 
lib4 iv4 line #aafj1 c474 ,juvenal1 more
 than a hundred years later1        was 

extremely angry with the ,roman ladies  
for making love in ,greek        7,sat4 
vi4 lines #aij-aie74 ,friedlnder remarks
 that there is no        special term in
 ,latin for to ask in marriage 7tome i4 
p4 #ced74      #ceh ,aul4 ,gell4 ,noct4 
xv4 #d2 ,vell4 ,paterculus1 ii4 #fe4    
,the people were        much scandalised
 at this elevation1 and made epigrams   
about it4        ,there is a curious    
catalogue of men who at different times 
rose in        ,rome from low positions 
to power and dignity1 in ,legendre1     
,trait        de l',opinion1 tome ii4   
pp4 #bed-bee4      #cei ,dion ,cassius1 
xlviii4 #cb4 ,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 v4 #e2 
vii4 #dd4      #cfj ,the history of the 
influence of freedmen is minutely traced
 by        ,friedlnder1 ,murs romaines  
du rgne d',auguste  la fin des          
,antonins1 tome i4 pp4 #eh-ic4 ,statius 
and ,martial sang their        praises4 
#cfa ,see ,tacit4 ,ann4 vi4 #bc-be4     
#cfb ,on the ,roman journeys1 see the   
almost exhaustive dissertation of       

,friedlnder1 tome ii4      #cfc ,joseph4
 7,antiq4 xvii4 #aa1  #a7 says above    
#h1jjj ,jews resident in        ,rome   
took part in a petition to ,csar4 ,if   
these were all adult        males1 the  
total number of ,jewish residents must  
have been extremely        large4       
#cfd ,see the famous fragment of ,seneca
 cited by ,st4 ,augustin 7,de ,civ4     
,dei1 vi4 #aa73 8,usque eo sceleratissim
 gentis consuetudo convaluit1        ut 
per omnes jam terras recepta sit3 victi 
victoribus leges        dederunt40      
,there are numerous scattered allusions 
to the ,jews in        ,horace1         
,juvenal1 and ,martial4      #cfe ,the  
,carthaginian influence was specially   
conspicuous in early        ,christian  
history4 ,tertullian and ,cyprian 7both 
,africans7 are justly        regarded as
 the founders of ,latin theology4 7,see 
,milman's ,latin        ,christianity   
7ed4 #ahfg71 vol4 i4 pp4 #ce-cf47       
#cff ,milo had emancipated some slaves  
to prevent them from being tortured     

as witnesses4 7,cic4 ,pro ,milo47 ,this 
was made illegal4 ,the other            
reasons for enfranchisement are given by
 ,dion4 ,halicarn4 ,antiq4        lib4  
iv4      #cfg ,this subject is fully    
treated by ,wallon1 ,hist4 de           
l',esclavage dans        l',antiquit4   
#cfh ,senec4 ,de ,clemen4 i4 #bd4       
#cfi ,see1 on the prominence and the    
insolence of the freedmen1 ,tacit4      
,annal4 iii4 #bf-bg4      #cgj          
,montesquieu1 ,dcadence des ,romains1   
ch4 xiii4      #cga ,see the very       
curious speech attributed to ,camillus  
7,livy1 v4 #eb74      #cgb 8,caritas    
generis humani40--,de ,finib4 ,so1 too1 
he speaks 7,de ,leg4        i4 #bc7 of  
every good man as 8civis totius mundi40 
#cgc ,he speaks of ,rome as 8civitas ex 
nationum conventu constituta40      #cgd
 ,de ,legib4 i4 #g4      #cge ,de       
,offic4      #cgf ,ibid4 iii4 #f4       
#cgg ,de ,offic4 iii4 #f4      #cgh ,de 
,legib4 i4 #ae4      #cgi 8,tunc genus  
humanum positis sibi consulat armis1    

,inque vicem gens omnis amet40          
--,pharsalia1 vi4      #chj ,ep4 xcv4   
#cha ,ep4 xxxi4      #chb ,de ,vita     
,beata1 xx4      #chc ,arrian1 ii4 #aj4 
#chd vi4 #dd4      #che 8,hc duri immota
 ,catonis        ,secta fuit1 servare   
modum1 finemque tenere1                 
,naturamque sequi1 patrique impendere   
vitam1        ,nec sibi sed toti genitum
 se credere mundo40          ,lucan1    
,phars4 ii4 #chj-chc4      #chf ,there  
is a passage on this subject in one of  
the letters of ,pliny1        which ,i  
think extremely remarkable1 and to which
 ,i can recall no        pagan          
parallel3--8,nuper me cujusdam amici    
languor admonuit1 optimos        esse   
nos dum infirmi sumus4 ,quem enim       
infirmum aut avaritia aut        libido 
solicitat8 ,non amoribus servit1 non    
appetit honores 444 tunc        deos1   
tunc hominem esse se meminit40--,plin4  
,ep4 vii4 #bf4      #chg ,ep4 viii4 #af4
 ,he says3 8,hominis est enim affici    
dolore1 sentire1        resistere tamen1

 et solatia admittere1 non solatiis non 
egere40      #chh ,this characteristic  
of ,stoicism is well noticed in ,grant's
        ,aristotle1 vol4 i4 p4 #bed4    
,the first volume of this work contains 
an extremely good review of the         
principles of the ,stoics4      #chi    
,cie4 ,de ,finib4 lib4 iv4      #cij    
,arrian1 ,epict4 ii4 #ad4      #cia     
,ibid4 i4 #i4      #cib ,ibid4 i4 #ad4  
#cic ,ibid4 i4 #af4      #cid ,arrian1  
ii4 #h4      #cie ,plutarch1 ,de        
,profect4 in ,virt4 ,this precept was   
enforced by ,bishop        ,sanderson in
 one of his sermons4 7,southey's        
,commonplace ,book1 vol4        i4 p4   
#ib47      #cif ,diog4 ,lart4           
,pythagoras4      #cig ,thus ,cicero    
makes ,cato say3 8,pythagoreorumque     
more1 exercend        memori gratia1    
quid quoque die dixerim1 audiverim1     
egerim1        commemoro vesperi40--,de 
,senect4 xi4      #cih ,ibid4      #cii 
,sermon1 i4 #d4      #djj ,he even gave 
up1 for a time1 eating meat1 in         

obedience to the        ,pythagorean    
principles4 7,ep4 cviii47 ,seneca had   
two masters of        this school1      
,sextius and ,sotion4 ,he was at this   
time not more than        seventeen     
years old4 7,see ,aubertin1 tude        
critique sur les ,rapports              
supposs entre ,snque et ,st4 ,paul1 p4  
#aef47      #dja ,see his very beautiful
 description of the self-examination of 
,sextius and of himself4 7,de ,ira1 iii4
 #cf47      #djb ,arrian1 ii4 #ah4      
,compare the ,manual of ,epictetus1     
xxxiv4      #djc 8,quod de ,romulo gre  
creditum est1 omnes pari consensu       
prsumserunt1        ,marcum clo receptum
 esse40--,aur4 ,vict4 ,epit4 xvi4       
8,deusque etiam        nunc             
habetur40--,capitolinus4      #djd ,the 
first book of his ,meditations was      
written on the borders of        the    
,granua1 in ,hungary4      #dje i4 #ad4 
#djf ,see his touching letter to        
,fronto1 who was about to engage in a   
debate with ,herod ,atticus4      #djg  

i4 #f-ae4 ,the eulogy he passed on his  
,stoic master ,apollonius is            
worthy of notice4 ,apollonius furnished 
him with an example of the              
combination of extreme firmness and     
gentleness4      #djh ,e4g4 8,beware of 
,csarising40 7vi4 #cj47 8,be neither a  
tragedian nor a        courtesan40 7v4  
#bh47 8,be just and temperate and a     
follower of the        gods2 but be so  
with simplicity1 for the pride of       
modesty is the        worst of all40    
7xii4 #bg47      #dji iii4 #d4      #daj
 i4 #ag4      #daa v4 #a4      #dab ix4 
#bi4      #dac viii4 #ei4      #dad xi4 
#ah4      #dae ix4 #aa4      #daf viii4 
#ae4      #dag vii4 #gj4      #dah vii4 
#fc4      #dai vii4 #bb4      #dbj ,mr4 
,maurice1 in this respect1 compares and 
contrasts him very        happily with  
,plutarch4 8,like ,plutarch1 the ,greek 
and ,roman        characters were in    
,marcus ,aurelius remarkably blended2   
but1 unlike        ,plutarch1 the       
foundation of his mind was ,roman4 ,he  

was a student        that he might more 
effectually carry on the business of an 
emperor40--,philosophy of the ,first    
,six ,centuries1 p4 #cb4      #dba vi4  
#dg4      #dbb ,capitolinus1 ,aurelius  
,victor4      #dbc ,m4 ,suckau1 in his  
admirable tude sur ,marc-,aurle1 and ,m4
 ,renan1        in a very acute and     
learned ,examen de quelques faits       
relatifs         l'impratrice ,faustine 
7read before the ,institut1 ,august #ad1
 #ahfg71        have shown the extreme  
uncertainty of the stories about the    
debaucheries of ,faustina1 which the    
biographers of ,marcus ,aurelius        
have collected4 ,it will be observed    
that the emperor himself has        left
 an emphatic testimony to her virtue1   
and to the happiness he        derived  
from her 7i4 #ag72 that the earliest    
extant biographer of        ,marcus     
,aurelius was a generation later2 and   
that the infamous        character of   
,commodus naturally predisposed men to  
imagine that he        was not the son  

of so perfect an emperor4      #dbd     
8,quid me fletis1 et non magis de       
pestilentia et communi morte            
cogitatis80 ,capitolinus1 ,m4 ,aurelius4
      #dbe ,ibid4      #dbf ,many       
examples of this are given by           
,coulanges1 ,la ,cit antique1 pp4       
#agg-agh4      #dbg ,all this is related
 by ,suetonius1 ,august4      #dbh      
,tacit4 ,annal4 iv4 #cf4      #dbi ,see1
 e4g41 the sentiments of the people     
about ,julius ,csar1 ,sueton4        ,j4
 ,c4 lxxxviii4      #dcj ,sueton4 ,vesp4
 xxiii4      #dca 8,qualis artifex      
pereo0 were his dying words4      #dcb  
,see ,sueton4 ,calig4 #a4      #dcc     
,sueton4 ,calig4 xxii4 ,a statue of     
,jupiter is said to have burst out      
laughing just before the death of this  
emperor4      #dcd ,seneca1 ,de ,ira1 i4
 #df2 ,sueton4 ,calig4 xxii4      #dce  
,lampridius1 ,heliogab4      #dcf       
,senec4 ,de ,clemen4 i4 #ah4      #dcg  
,tacit4 ,annal4 iii4 #cf4      #dch     
,senec4 ,de ,benefic4 iii4 #bf4         

#dci ,tacit4 ,annal4 i4 #gc4 ,tiberius  
refused to allow this case to be        
proceeded with4 ,see1 too1 ,philost4    
,apollonius of ,tyana1 i4 #ae4      #ddj
 ,suet4 ,tiber4 lviii4      #dda        
8,mulier qudam1 quod semel exuerat ante 
statuam ,domitiani1 damnata        et   
interfecta est40--,xiphilin1 lxvii4 #ab4
      #ddb 8,eos demum1 qui nihil       
prterquam de libertate cogitent1 dignos 
esse1        qui ,romani fiant40--,livy1
 viii4 #ba4      #ddc ,valerius         
,maximus1 iv4 #c1  #ad4      #ddd ,see  
the picture of this scene in ,tacitus1  
,hist4 iii4 #hc4      #dde ,dion4       
,halicarnass4      #ddf 8,divina ,natura
 dedit agros2 ars humana dificavit      
urbes40      #ddg ,see a collection of  
passages from these writers in ,wallon1 
,hist4 de        l',esclavage1 tome ii4 
pp4 #cgh-cgi4 ,pliny1 in the first      
century1        noticed 7,hist4 ,nat4   
xviii4 #g7 that the latifundia1 or      
system of        large properties1 was  
ruining both ,italy and the provinces1  

and that        six landlords whom ,nero
 killed were the possessors of half     
,roman        ,africa4      #ddh ,tacit4
 ,annal4 xii4 #dc4 ,the same complaint  
had been made still        earlier by   
,tiberius1 in a letter to the ,senate4  
7,annal4 iii4 #ed47      #ddi ,augustus1
 for a time1 contemplated abolishing the
 distributions1 but        soon gave up 
the idea4 7,suet4 ,aug4 xlii47 ,he      
noticed that it had        the effect of
 causing the fields to be neglected4    
#dej ,m4 ,wallon has carefully traced   
this history4 7,hist4 de l',esclav4     
tome iii4 pp4 #bid-big47      #dea      
,livy1 iv4 #ei-fj4 ,florus1 i4 #ab4     
#deb ,livy1 xxiv4 #di4      #dec        
,sallust1 ,bell4 ,jugurth4 #hd-hf4      
#ded ,livy1 xxxix4 #f4      #dee        
8,primus ,csarum fidem militis etiam    
prmio pigneratus40--,suet4              
,claud4 x4      #def ,see ,tacitus1     
,annal4 xiii4 #ce2 ,hist4 ii4 #fi4      
#deg ,m4 ,sismondi thinks that the      
influence of ,christianity in subduing  

the spirit of revolt1 if not in the     
army1 at least in the people1        was
 very great4 ,he says3 8,il est         
remarquable qu'en cinq ans1 sept        
prtendans au trne1 tous bien suprieurs  
,honorius en courage1 en        talens  
et en vertus1 furent successivement     
envoys captifs  ,ravenne        ou punis
 de mort1 que le peuple applaudit       
toujours  ces jugemens et        ne se  
spara point de l'autorit lgitime1 tant  
la doctrine du droit        divin des   
rois que les vques avoient commenc      
prcher sous        ,thodose avoit fait  
de progrs1 et tant le monde romain      
sembloit        determin  prir avec un  
monarque imbcile plutt que tent de se   
donner un sauveur40--,hist4 de la ,chute
 de l',empire romain1 tome i4        p4 
#bba4      #deh ,see ,gibbon1 ch4 v42   
,merivale's ,hist4 of ,rome1 ch4 lxvii4 
,it was        thought that troops thus 
selected would be less likely to revolt4
        ,constantine abolished the      
,prtorians4      #dei ,the gladiatorial 

shows are treated incidentally by most  
,roman        historians1 but the three 
works from which ,i have derived most   
assistance in this part of my subject   
are the ,saturnalia of ,justus          
,lipsius1 ,magnin1 ,origines du ,thtre  
7an extremely learned and               
interesting book1 which was unhappily   
never completed71 and                   
,friedlnder's ,roman ,manners from      
,augustus to the ,antonines 7the        
second volume of the ,french            
translation74 ,m4 ,wallon has also      
compressed into a few pages 7,hist4 de  
l',esclavage1 tome ii4 pp4              
#abi-aci7 much information on the       
subject4      #dfj ,hence the old name  
of bustuarii 7from bustum1 a funeral    
pile7        given to gladiators        
7,nieupoort1 ,de ,ritibus ,romanorum1 p4
 #ead74        ,according to ,pliny     
7,hist4 ,nat4 xxx4 #c71 8regular human  
sacrifices        were only abolished in
 ,rome by a decree of the senate1 ,b4,c4
 #ig10 and        there are some        

instances of them at a still later      
period4 ,much        information about  
them is collected by ,sir ,c4 ,lewis1   
,credibility of        ,roman ,history1 
vol4 ii4 p4 #dcj2 ,merivale1 ,conversion
 of the ,roman        ,empire1 pp4      
#bcj-bcc2 ,legendre1 ,trait de          
l',opinion1 vol4 i4 pp4        #bbi-bca4
 ,porphyry1 in his ,de ,abstinentia     
,carnis1 devoted        considerable    
research to this matter4 ,games were    
habitually        celebrated by wealthy 
private individuals1 during the early   
part of        the empire1 at the       
funerals of their relatives1 but their  
mortuary        character gradually     
ceased1 and after ,marcus ,aurelius they
 had        become mere public          
spectacles1 and were rarely celebrated  
at ,rome by        private men4 7,see   
,wallon1 ,hist4 de l',esclav4 tome ii4  
pp4        #ace-acf47 ,the games had    
then really passed into their purely    
secular        stage1 though they were  
still nominally dedicated to ,mars and  

,diana1        and though an altar of   
,jupiter ,latiaris stood in the centre  
of the        arena4 7,nieupoort1 p4    
#cfe47      #dfa ,cicero1 ,tusc4 lib4   
ii4      #dfb ,capitolinus1 ,maximus et 
,balbinus4 ,capitolinus says this is the
        most probable origin of the     
custom1 though others regarded it as a  
sacrifice to appease ,nemesis by an     
offering of blood4      #dfc ,much      
curious information on this subject may 
be found in        ,friedlnder1 ,murs   
romaines1 liv4 vi4 ch4 i4 ,very few     
,roman        emperors ventured to      
disregard or to repress these outcries1 
and        they led to the fall of      
several of the most powerful ministers  
of        the empire4 ,on the whole     
these games represent the strangest and 
most ghastly form political liberty has 
ever assumed4 ,on the other        hand1
 the people readily bartered all genuine
 freedom for abundant        games4     
#dfd ,valer4 ,maximus1 ii4 #d1  #g4     
#dfe ,on the gladiators at banquets1 see

 ,j4 ,lipsius1 ,saturnalia1 lib4 i4     
c4 vi41 ,magnin2 ,origines du ,thtre1   
pp4 #chj-che4 ,this was                 
originally an ,etruscan custom1 and it  
was also very common at ,capua4         
,as ,silius ,italicus says3--           
8,exhilarare viris convivia cde ,mos    
olim1 et miscere epulis                 
spectacula dira40          ,verus1 the  
colleague of ,marcus ,aurelius1 was     
especially addicted to        this kind 
of entertainment4 7,capitolinus1        
,verus47 ,see1 too1        ,athenus iv4 
#dj1 #da4      #dff ,senec4 ,de ,brevit4
 ,vit4 c4 xiii4      #dfg ,sueton4 ,j4  
,csar1 xxvi4 ,pliny 7,ep4 vi4 #cd7      
commends a friend for        having     
given a show in memory of his departed  
wife4      #dfh ,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4    
xxxiii4 #af4      #dfi ,sueton4 ,csar1  
x42 ,dion ,cassius1 xliii4 #bd4         
#dgj ,sueton4 ,aug4 xxix4 ,the history  
of the amphitheatres is given very      
minutely by ,friedlnder1 who1 like      
nearly all other antiquaries1           

believes this to have been the first of 
stone4 ,pliny mentions the              
existence1 at an earlier period1 of two 
connected wooden theatres1        which 
swung round on hinges and formed an     
amphitheatre4 7,hist4        ,nat4      
xxxvi4 #bd47      #dga ,dion ,cassius1  
liv4 #b4 ,it appears1 however1 from an  
inscription1 that        #aj1jjj        
gladiators fought in the reign and by   
the command of        ,augustus4        
,wallon1 ,hist4 de l',esclavage1 tome   
ii4 p4 #acc4      #dgb ,sueton4 ,tiber4 
xxxiv4 ,nero made another slight        
restriction 7,tacit4        ,annal4     
xiii4 #ca71 which appears to have been  
little observed4      #dgc ,martial     
notices 7,ep4 iii4 #ei7 and ridicules a 
spectacle given by a        shoemaker at
 ,bologna1 and by a fuller at ,modena4  
#dgd ,epictetus1 ,enchir4 xxxiii4  #b4  
#dge ,arrian1 iii4 #ae4      #dgf ,see  
these points minutely proved in         
,friedlnder4      #dgg ,suet4 ,aug4     
xliv4 ,this was noticed before by       

,cicero4 ,the ,christian        poet    
,prudentius dwelt on this aspect of the 
games in some forcible        lines3--  
8,virgo modesta jubet converso pollice  
rumpi        ,ne lateat pars ulla anim  
vitalibus imis        ,altius impresso  
dum palpitat ense secutor40      #dgh   
,sueton4 ,tiberius1 xl4 ,tacitus1 who   
gives a graphic description of          
the disaster 7,annal4 iv4 #fb-fc71 says 
#ej1jjj persons were killed        or   
wounded4      #dgi ,tacit4 ,annal4 xiii4
 #di4      #dhj ,joseph4 ,bell4 ,jud4   
vi4 #i4      #dha ,see the very curious 
picture which ,livy has given 7xli4 #bj7
 of the        growth of the            
fascination4      #dhb ,joseph4 ,antiq4 
,jud4 xix4 #g4      #dhc ,lucian1       
,demonax4      #dhd ,philost4 ,apoll4   
iv4 #bb4      #dhe ,friedlnder1 tome ii4
 pp4 #ie-if4 ,there are1 however1       
several extant        ,greek            
inscriptions relating to gladiators1 and
 proving the existence        of the    
shows in ,greece4 ,pompeii1 which was a 

,greek colony1 had a        vast        
amphitheatre1 which we may still admire2
 and1 under ,nero1 games        were    
prohibited at ,pompeii for ten years1 in
 consequence of a riot        that broke
 out during a gladiatorial show4        
7,tacit4 ,annal4 xiv4        #ag47      
,after the defeat of ,perseus1 ,paulus  
,emilius celebrated a show        in    
,macedonia4 7,livy1 xli4 #bj47      #dhf
 ,these are fully discussed by ,magnin  
and ,friedlnder4 ,there is a very       
beautiful description of a ballet1      
representing the 8,judgment of          
,paris10 in ,apuleius1 ,metamorph4 x4   
#dhg ,pacuvius and ,accius were the     
founders of ,roman tragedy4 ,the        
abridger1 ,velleius ,paterculus1 who is 
the only ,roman historian who           
pays any attention to literary history1 
boasts that the latter might        rank
 honourably with the best ,greek        
tragedians4 ,he adds1 8ut in            
illis the ,greeks lim1 in hoc pne plus  
videatur fuisse                         

sanguinis40--,hist4 ,rom4 ii4 #i4       
#dhh ,thus1 e4g41 ,hobbes3 8,alien      
calamitatis contemptus nominatur        
crudelitas1 proceditque a propri        
securitatis opinione4 ,nam ut           
aliquis sibi placeat in malis alienis   
sine alio fine1 videtur mihi            
impossibile40--,leviathan1 pars i4 c4   
vi4      #dhi ,sueton4 ,claudius1 xxxiv4
      #dij 8,et verso pollice vulgi     
,quemlibet occidunt                     
populariter40--,juvenal1 ,sat4 iii4     
#cf-cg4      #dia ,besides the many     
incidental notices scattered through the
 ,roman        historians1 and through  
the writings of ,seneca1 ,plutarch1     
,juvenal1        and ,pliny1 we have a  
curious little book1 ,de ,spectaculis1  
by        ,martial--a book which is not 
more horrible from the atrocities it    
recounts than from the perfect absence  
of all feeling of repulsion        or   
compassion it everywhere displays4      
#dib ,these are but a few of the many   
examples given by ,magnin1 who has      

collected a vast array of authorities on
 the subject4 7,origines du             
,thtre1 pp4 #dde-dec47 ,m4 ,mongez has  
devoted an interesting memoir        to 
8,les animaux promens ou tus dans le    
cirque40 7,mm4 de l',acad4        des   
,inscrip4 et ,belles-lettres1 tome x47  
,see1 too1 ,friedlnder4        ,pliny   
rarely gives an account of any wild     
animal without        accompanying it by
 statistics about its appearances in the
 arena4        ,the first instance of a 
wild beast hunt in the amphitheatre is  
said        to be that recorded by ,livy
 7xxxix4 #bb71 which took place about   
#hj        ,b4,c4      #dic             
,capitolinus1 ,gordiani4      #did      
,vopiscus1 ,aurelian4      #die         
,xiphilin1 lxviii4 #ae4      #dif       
,tacit4 ,annal4 xv4 #dd4      #dig      
,xiphilin1 lxvii4 #h2 ,statius1 ,sylv4  
i4 #f4      #dih ,during the ,republic1 
a rich man ordered in his will that some
 women        he had purchased for the  
purpose should fight in the funeral     

games        to his memory1 but the     
people annulled the clause4 7,atheneus1 
iv4        #ci47 ,under ,nero and       
,domitian1 female gladiators seem to    
have been        not uncommon4 ,see     
,statius1 ,sylv4 i4 #f2 ,sueton4        
,domitian1 iv42        ,xiphilin1 lxvii4
 #h4 ,juvenal describes the enthusiasm  
with which        ,roman ladies         
practised with the gladiatorial weapons 
7,sat4 vi4        #bdh1 c471 and        
,martial 7,de ,spectac4 vi47 mentions   
the combats of        women with wild   
beasts4 ,one1 he says1 killed a lion4 ,a
 combat of        female gladiators1    
under ,severus1 created some tumult1 and
 it was        decreed that they should 
no longer be permitted4 7,xiphilin1     
lxxv4        #af47 ,see ,magnin1 pp4    
#dcd-dce4      #dii ,martial1 ,de       
,spectac4 vii4      #ejj ,ibid4 ,ep4    
viii4 #cj4      #eja ,tertullian1 ,ad   
,nation4 i4 #aj4 ,one of the most       
ghastly features of        the games was
 the comic aspect they sometimes        

assumed4 ,this was the        case in   
the combats of dwarfs4 ,there were also 
combats by        blind-folded men4     
,petronius 7,satyricon1 c4 xlv47 has    
given us a        horrible description  
of the maimed and feeble men who were   
sometimes        compelled to fight4    
,people afflicted with epilepsy were    
accustomed        to drink the blood of 
the wounded gladiators1 which they      
believed to        be a sovereign       
remedy4 7,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4 xxviii4   
#b2 ,tertul4        ,apol4 ix47         
#ejb 8,nec unquam sine humano cruore    
cnabat0--,lactan4 ,de ,mort4 ,persec4   
,much the same thing is told of the     
,christian emperor ,justinian ,,ii41    
who lived at the end of the seventh     
century4 7,sismondi1 ,hist4 de la       
,chute de l',empire ,romain1 tome ii4 p4
 #he47      #ejc ,winckelmann says the  
statue called 8,the ,dying ,gladiator0  
does not        represent a gladiator4  
,at a later period1 however1 statues of 
gladiators were not uncommon1 and ,pliny

 notices 7,hist4 ,nat4 xxxv4        #cc7
 paintings of them4 ,a fine specimen of 
mosaic portraits of        gladiators is
 now in the ,lateran ,museum4      #ejd 
,plutarch's ,life of ,csar4      #eje   
,dion ,cassius1 li4 #g4      #ejf       
,faustina1 the wife of ,marcus          
,aurelius1 was especially accused of    
this weakness4 7,capitolinus1 ,marcus   
,aurelius47      #ejg ,seneca1 ,de      
,provident4 iv4      #ejh ,arrian's     
,epictetus1 i4 #bi4      #eji ,seneca1  
,de ,provident4 iii4      #eaj ,aulus   
,gellius1 xii4 #e4      #eaa ,cicero1   
,tusc4 lib4 ii4      #eab ,some ,equites
 fought under ,julius ,csar1 and a      
senator named ,fulvius        ,setinus  
wished to fight1 but ,csar prevented    
him4 7,suet4 ,csar1        xxxix42 ,dion
 ,cassius1 xliii4 #bc47 ,nero1 according
 to ,suetonius1        compelled men of 
the highest rank to fight4 ,laws        
prohibiting        patricians from      
fighting were several times made and    
violated4        7,friedlnder1 pp4      

#ci-da47 ,commodus is said to have been 
himself        passionately fond of     
fighting as a gladiator4 ,much1 however1
 of what        ,lampridius relates on  
this point is perfectly incredible4 ,on 
the        other hand1 the profession of
 the gladiator was constantly spoken of 
as infamous2 but this oscillation       
between extreme admiration and          
contempt will surprise no one who has   
noticed the tone continually            
adopted about prize-fighters in         
,england1 and about the members of      
some other professions on the           
,continent4 ,juvenal dwells 7,sat4      
viii4 #aig-baj7 with great indignation  
on an instance of a patrician           
fighting4      #eac 8,quis mediocris    
gladiator ingemuit1 quis vultum mutavit 
unquam80--,cic4 ,tusc4 ,qust4 lib4 ii4  
#ead ,e4g4 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 iii4   
,there is a well-known passage of this  
kind in ,horace1 ,ars ,poet4 #dab-dae4  
,the comparison of the good man         
to an athlete or gladiator1 which ,st4  

,paul employed1 occurs also in          
,seneca and ,epictetus1 from which some 
have inferred that they must        have
 known the writings of the ,apostle4 ,m4
 ,denis1 however1 has shown             
7,ides morales dans l',antiquit1 tome   
ii4 p4 #bdj7 that the same              
comparison had been used1 before the    
rise of ,christianity1 by ,plato1       
schines1 and ,cicero4      #eae         
,confess4 vi4 #h4      #eaf 8,servi etsi
 per fortunam in omnia obnoxii1 tamen   
quasi secundum        hominum genus     
sunt40--,florus1 ,hist4 iii4 #bj4       
#eag ,macrinus1 however1 punished       
fugitive slaves by compelling them to   
fight as gladiators4 7,capitolinus1     
,macrinus47      #eah ,tacit4 ,annal4   
xii4 #ef4 ,according to ,friedlnder1    
however1 there        were two classes  
of criminals4 ,one class were condemned 
only to        fight1 and pardoned if   
they conquered2 the others were         
condemned to        fight till death1   
and this was considered an aggravation  

of capital        punishment4      #eai 
8,ad conciliandum plebis favorem effusa 
largitio1 quum spectaculis              
indulget1 supplicia quondam hostium     
artem facit40--,florus1 iii4 #ab4       
#ebj ,tusc4 ,qust4 ii4 #ag4      #eba   
,see his magnificent letter on the      
subject4 7,ep4 vii47      #ebb ,in his  
two treatises ,de ,esu ,carnium4        
#ebc ,pliny4 ,ep4 iv4 #bb4      #ebd    
,xiphilin1 lxxi4 #bi4 ,capitolinus1 ,m4 
,aurelius4 ,the emperor also        once
 carried off the gladiators to a war    
with his army1 much to the              
indignation of the people4 7,capit47 ,he
 has himself noticed the        extreme 
weariness he felt at the public         
amusements he was obliged to            
attend4 7vii4 #c47      #ebe ,sueton4   
,titus1 viii4      #ebf 8,visum est     
spectaculum inde non enerve nec fluxum1 
nec quod animos        virorum molliret 
et frangeret1 sed quod ad pulchra       
vulnera        contemptumque mortis     
accenderet40--,pliny1 ,paneg4 xxxiii4   

#ebg 8,prterea tanto consensu rogabaris1
 ut negare non constans sed durum       
videretur40--,plin4 ,epist4 vi4 #cd4    
#ebh ,symmach4 ,epist4 ii4 #df4         
#ebi ,sueton4 ,domitian1 iii4 ,it is    
very curious that the same emperor1     
about the same time 7the beginning of   
his reign71 had such a horror        of 
bloodshed that he resolved to prohibit  
the sacrifice of oxen4        7,suet4   
,dom4 ix47      #ecj 8,pendant qu'il    
restait au logis1 il n'tait incommode   
personne2 il        y passait la        
meilleure partie de son temps           
tranquillement dans sa                  
chambre4444 ,il se divertissait aussi   
quelquefois  fumer une pipe de          
tabac2 ou bien lorsqu'il voulait se     
relcher l'esprit un peu plus            
longtemps1 il cherchait des araignes    
qu'il faisait battre ensemble1        ou
 des mouches qu'il jetait dans la toile 
d'araigne1 et regardait        ensuite  
cette bataille avec tant de plaisir     
qu'il clatait        quelquefois de     

rire40--,colerus1 ,vie de ,spinoza4     
#eca ,this is noticed by ,george ,duval 
in a curious passage of his             
,souvenirs de la ,terreur1 quoted by    
,lord ,lytton in a note to his          
,zanoni4      #ecb ,essay on ,goodness4 
#ecc ,this contrast has been noticed by 
,archbishop ,whately in a lecture on    
,egypt4 ,see1 too1 ,legendre1 ,trait de 
l',opinion1 tome ii4 p4 #cgd4      #ecd 
,tacit4 ,annal4 xiv4 #de4      #ece     
,senec4 ,de ,clemen4 i4 #ad4      #ecf  
,val4 ,max4 ii4 #i4 ,this writer speaks 
of 8the eyes of a mistress              
delighting in human blood0 with as much 
horror as if the        gladiatorial    
games were unknown4 ,livy gives a rather
 different        version of this story4
      #ecg ,tacit4 ,annal4 i4 #gf4      
#ech ,sueton4 ,calig4 xi4      #eci     
,spartian4 ,caracalla4 ,tertullian      
mentions that his nurse was a           
,christian4      #edj ,capitolinus1     
,marcus ,aurelius4 ,capitolinus1 who    
wrote under        ,diocletian1 says    

that in his time the custom of spreading
 a net        under the rope-dancer     
still continued4 ,i do not know when it 
ceased        at ,rome1 but ,st4        
,chrysostom mentions that in his time it
 had been        abolished in the       
,east4--,jortin's ,remarks on           
,ecclesiastical ,history1        ii4 #ga
 7ed4 #ahdf74      #eda ,tacit4 ,ann4   
iii4 #ee4      #edb ,champagny1 ,les    
,antonins1 tome ii4 pp4 #agi-bjj4       
#edc 4--,diog4 ,lart4 ,zeno4      #edd  
,thus ,tigellinus spoke of 8,stoicorum  
arrogantia sectaque qu turbidos         
et negotiorum appetentes                
faciat40--,tacit4 ,ann4 xiv4 #eg4 ,the  
accusation does not appear to have been 
quite untrue1 for ,vespasian1        who
 was a very moderate emperor1 thought it
 necessary to banish        nearly all  
the philosophers from ,rome on account  
of their        factiousness4 ,sometimes
 the ,stoics showed their independence  
by a        rather gratuitous insolence4
 ,dion ,cassius relates that1 when ,nero

        was thinking of writing a poem  
in #djj books1 he asked the advice of   
the ,stoic ,cornutus1 who said1 that no 
one would read so long a work4          
8,but10 answered ,nero1 8your favourite 
,chrysippus wrote still more            
numerous books40 8,true10 rejoined      
,cornutus1 8but then they were of       
use to humanity40 ,on the other hand1   
,seneca is justly accused of            
condescending too much to the vices of  
,nero in his efforts to        mitigate 
their effects4      #ede ,the influence 
of ,stoicism on ,roman law has been     
often examined4 ,see1        especially1
 ,degerando1 ,hist4 de la ,philosophie  
7#bnd ed471 tome        iii4 pp4        
#bjb-bjd2 ,laferrire1 ,de l',influence  
du ,stocisme sur les                    
,jurisconsultes romains2 ,denis1        
,thories et ,ides morales dans          
l',antiquit1 tome ii4 pp4 #ahg-bag2     
,troplong1 ,influence du                
,christianisme sur le ,droit civil des  
,romains2 ,merivale1 ,conversion        

of the ,roman ,empire1 lec4 iv42 and the
 great work of ,gravina1 ,de            
,ortu et ,progressu ,juris civilis4     
#edf ,cic4 ,de ,legib4 ii4 #d1 #bc4     
#edg ,there were two rival schools1 that
 of ,labeo and that of ,capito4 ,the    
first was remarkable for its strict     
adherence to the letter of the          
law--the second for the latitude of     
interpretation it admitted4      #edh   
,dig4 lib4 i4 tit4 #ag-cb4      #edi    
,ibid4 i4 tit4 #a-c4      #eej ,ibid4 i4
 tit4 #a-d4      #eea ,dig4 lib4 i4 tit4
 #d-e4      #eeb ,laferrire1 p4 #cb4    
,wallon1 ,hist4 de l',esclavage dans    
l',antiquit1        tome iii4 pp4       
#ga-hj4 ,m4 ,wallon gives many curious  
instances of legal        decisions on  
this point4      #eec ,to prove that    
this is the correct conception of law   
was the main        object of ,cicero's 
treatise ,de ,legibus4 ,ulpian defined  
jurisprudence as 8divinarum atque       
humanarum rerum notitia1 justi          
atque injusti scientia40--,dig4 lib4 i4 

tit4 #a-aj4 ,so ,paul 8,id quod         
semper quum ad bonum est jus dicitur ut 
est jus naturale40--,dig4        lib4 i4
 tit4 #a-aa4 ,and ,gaius1 8,quod vero   
naturalis ratio inter omnes             
homines constituit 444 vocatur jus      
gentium40--,dig4 lib4 i4 tit4           
#a-i4 ,the ,stoics had defined true     
wisdom as 8rerum divinarum atque        
humanarum scientia40--,cic4 ,de ,offic4 
i4 #dc4      #eed ,cicero compares the  
phraseology of the ,stoics with that of 
the        ,peripatetics1 maintaining   
that the precision of the former is well
        adapted to legal discussions1   
and the redundancy of the latter to     
oratory4 8,omnes fere ,stoici           
prudentissimi in disserendo sint et id  
arte faciant1 sintque architecti pene   
verborum2 iidem traducti a              
disputando ad dicendum1 inopes          
reperiantur3 unum excipio ,catonem4444  
,peripateticorum institutis commodius   
fingeretur oratio 444 nam ut            
,stoicorum astrictior est oratio1       

aliquantoque contractior quam aures     
populi requirunt3 sic illorum liberior  
et latior quam patitur        consuetudo
 judiciorum et fori40--,de ,claris      
,oratoribus4 ,a very        judicious   
historian of philosophy observes3 8,en  
gnral  ,rome le        petit nombre     
d'hommes livrs  la mditation et         
l'enthousiasme        prfrrent          
,pythagore et ,platon2 les hommes du    
monde et ceux qui        cultivaient les
 sciences naturelles s'attachrent       
picure2 les        orateurs et les      
hommes d'tat  la nouvelle ,acadmie2 les 
juris-consultes au                      
,portique40--,degerando1 ,hist4 de la   
,philos4 tome        iii4 p4 #aif4      
#eee ,see a very remarkable passage in  
,aulus ,gellius1 ,noct4 ii4 #ae4        
#eef 8,fere enim nulli alii sunt homines
 qui talem in filios suos habeant       
potestatem qualem nos habemus40--,gaius4
      #eeg ,a full statement of these   
laws is given by ,dion4 ,halicarn4 ii4  
#d4 ,it        was provided that if a   

father sold his son and if the son was  
afterwards enfranchised by the          
purchaser1 he became again the slave    
of his father1 who might sell him a     
second1 and1 if manumission        again
 ensued1 a third time4 ,it was only on  
the third sale that he        passed for
 ever out of the parental control4 ,a   
more merciful law1        attributed to 
,numa1 provided that when the son       
married 7if that        marriage was    
with the consent of the father71 the    
father lost the        power of selling 
him4 ,in no other way1 however1 was his 
authority        even then abridged4    
#eeh ,velleius ,paterculus1 ii4 #fg4 ,a 
great increase of parricide was         
noticed during the ,empire 7,senec4 ,de 
,clem4 i4 #bc74 ,at first1 it is        
said1 there was no law against          
parricide1 for the crime was believed   
to be too atrocious to be possible4     
#eei ,numerous instances of these       
executions are collected by ,livy1 ,val4
        ,maximus1 c42 their history is  

fully given by ,cornelius van           
,bynkershoek1 8,de ,jure occidendi1     
vendendi1 et exponendi liberos apud     
veteres ,romanos10 in his works         
7,cologne1 #agfa74      #efj ,this      
proceeding of ,hadrian1 which is related
 by the lawyer ,marcian1        is      
doubly remarkable1 because the father   
had surprised his son in        adultery
 with his stepmother4 ,now a ,roman had 
originally not only        absolute     
authority over the life of his son1 but 
also the right of        killing any one
 whom he found committing adultery with 
his wife4 ,yet        ,marcian praises  
the severity of ,hadrian1 8,nam patria  
potestas in        pietate debet1 non   
atrocitate1 consistere40--,digest4 lib4 
xlviii4        tit4 #i1  #e4      #efa  
,valer4 ,max4 vii4 #g4      #efb ,see1  
on all this subject1 ,gibbon1 ,decline  
and ,fall1 ch4 xliv42        ,troplong1 
,influence du ,christianisme sur le     
,droit1 ch4 ix42 ,denis1        ,hist4  
des ,ides morales1 tome ii4 pp4         

#ajg-abj2 ,laferrire1        ,influence 
du ,stocisme sur les ,jurisconsultes1   
pp4 #cg-dd4      #efc lian1 ,hist4 ,var4
 vi4 #g4      #efd ,livy1 ii4 #cf2      
,cicero1 ,de ,divin4 ii4 #bf4      #efe 
,cicero1 ,de ,legibus1 ii4 #h-ab4 ,cato1
 however1 maintained that        slaves 
might on those days be employed on work 
which did not require                   
oxen4--,wallon1 ,hist4 de l',esclavage1 
tome ii4 p4 #bae4      #eff ,see the    
,saturnalia of ,macrobius4      #efg    
,see his ,life by ,plutarch1 and his    
book on agriculture4      #efh ,the     
number of the ,roman slaves has been a  
matter of much        controversy4 ,m4  
,dureau de la ,malle 7,econ4 politique  
des ,romains7        has restricted it  
more than any other writer4 ,gibbon     
7,decline and        ,fall1 chap4 ii47  
has collected many statistics on the    
subject1 but        the fullest         
examination is in ,m4 ,wallon's         
admirable ,hist4 de        l',esclavage4
 ,on the contrast between the character 

of the slaves of        the ,republic   
and those of the ,empire1 see ,tac4     
,ann4 xiv4 #dd4      #efi ,tacit4       
,annal4 xiii4 #cb2 xiv4 #db-de4 ,wallon1
 ,hist4 de l',esclav4        ii4 #bic4  
,i have already noticed the indignant   
rising of the people        caused by   
the proposal to execute the #djj slaves 
of the murdered        ,pedanius4 ,their
 interposition was1 however 7as ,tacitus
 informs us71        unavailing1 and the
 slaves1 guarded against rescue by a    
strong band        of soldiers1 were    
executed4 ,it was proposed to banish the
 freedmen        who were in the house1 
but ,nero interposed and prevented it4  
,pliny        notices 7,ep4 viii4 #ad7  
the banishment of the freedmen of a     
murdered man4      #egj ,see all this   
fully illustrated in ,wallon4 ,the plays
 of ,plautus and        the ,roman      
writers on agriculture contain numerous 
allusions to the        condition of    
slaves4      #ega ,wallon1 tome ii4 pp4 
#bji-baj1 #ceg4 ,there were no laws till

 the time        of the ,christian      
emperors against separating the families
 of slaves1        but it was a maxim of
 the jurisconsults that in forced sales 
they        should not be separated4    
7,wallon1 tome iii4 pp4 #ee-ef47        
#egb ,ibid4 tome ii4 pp4 #baa-bac4      
#egc ,plin4 ,epist4 viii4 #af4 ,it was  
customary to allow the public or        
,state slaves to dispose of half their  
goods by will4 7,wallon1 tome           
iii4 p4 #ei47      #egd ,wallon1 tome   
ii4 p4 #dai4 ,this appears from an      
allusion of ,cicero1        ,philip4    
viii4 #aa4      #ege ,senec4 ,de ,clem4 
i4 #ah4      #egf ,ibid4 ,ep4 xlvii4    
#egg ,pliny1 ,ep4 viii4 #af4      #egh  
,spartianus1 ,hadrianus4      #egi      
,compare ,wallon1 tome ii4 p4 #ahf2 tome
 iii4 pp4 #fe-ff4 ,slaves were          
only to be called as witnesses in cases 
of incest1 adultery1 murder1        and 
high treason1 and where it was          
impossible to establish the crime       
without their evidence4 ,hadrian        

considered that the reality of the      
crime must have already acquired a      
strong probability1 and the             
jurisconsult ,paul laid down that at    
least two free witnesses should         
be heard before slaves were submitted to
 torture1 and that the offer        of  
an accused person to have his slaves    
tortured that they might        attest  
his innocence should not be accepted4   
#ehj ,numerous and very noble instances 
of slave fidelity are given by          
,seneca1 ,de ,benefic4 iii4 #ai-bg2     
,val4 ,max4 vi4 #h2 and in ,appian's    
,history of the ,civil ,wars4 ,see1 too1
 ,tacit4 ,hist4 i4 #c4      #eha        
,aristotle had1 it is true1 declared    
slavery to be part of the law of        
nature--an opinion which1 he said1 was  
rejected by some of his                 
contemporaries2 but he advocated        
humanity to slaves quite as             
emphatically as the other philosophers  
7,economics1 i4 #e74 ,epicurus          
was conspicuous even among ,greek       

philosophers for his kindness to        
slaves1 and he associated some of his   
own with his philosophical              
labours4 7,diog4 ,lart4 ,epicurus47     
#ehb ,de ,benef4 iii4 #ah-bh2 ,de ,vita 
,beata1 xxiv42 ,de ,clem4 i4 #ah1       
and especially ,ep4 xlvii4 ,epictetus1  
as might be expected from his           
history1 frequently recurs to the duty4 
,plutarch writes very        beautifully
 upon it in his treatise ,de ,cohibenda 
,ira4      #ehc ,diog4 ,lart4 ,zeno4    
#ehd ,bodin thinks it was promulgated by
 ,nero1 and he has been followed by     
,troplong and ,mr4 ,merivale4 ,champagny
 7,les ,antonins1 tome ii4 p4           
#aae7 thinks that no law after ,tiberius
 was called lex4      #ehe ,sueton4     
,claud4 xxv42 ,dion ,cass4 lx4 #bi4     
#ehf ,see ,dumas1 ,secours publics chez 
les ,anciens 7,paris1 #ahac71 pp4       
#abe-acj4      #ehg ,senec4 ,de ,clem4  
i4 #ah4      #ehh ,senec4 ,de ,benef4   
iii4 #bb4      #ehi ,spartian4          
,hadrianus4 ,hadrian exiled a ,roman    

lady for five years        for treating 
her slaves with atrocious cruelty4      
7,digest4 lib4 i4        tit4 #f1  #b47 
#eij ,see these laws fully examined by  
,wallon1 tome iii4 pp4 #ea-ib1 and      
also ,laferrire1 ,sur l',influence du   
,stocisme sur le ,droit4 ,the           
jurisconsults gave a very wide scope to 
their definitions of        cruelty4 ,a 
master who degraded a literary slave1 or
 a slave        musician1 to some coarse
 manual employment1 such as a porter1   
was        decided to have ill-treated  
him4 7,wallon1 tome iii4 p4 #fb47       
#eia ,thus1 e4g41 ,livia called in the  
,stoic ,areus to console her after the  
death of ,drusus 7,senec4 ,ad ,marc474  
,many of the letters of ,seneca         
and ,plutarch are written to console the
 suffering4 ,cato1 ,thrasea1        and 
many others appear to have fortified    
their last hours by        conversation 
with philosophers4 ,the whole of this   
aspect of ,stoicism        has been     
admirably treated by ,m4 ,martha 7,les  

,moralistes de l',empire                
,romain74      #eib ,we have a pleasing 
picture of the affection philosophers   
and their        disciples sometimes    
bore to one another in the lines of     
,persius        7,sat4 v47 to his master
 ,cornutus4      #eic ,grant's          
,aristotle1 vol4 i4 pp4 #bgg-bgh4       
#eid ,champagny1 ,les ,antonins1 tome i4
 p4 #dje4      #eie ,arrian1 iii4 #bb4  
,julian has also painted the character  
of the true        ,cynic1 and          
contrasted it with that of the impostors
 who assumed the        garb4 ,see      
,neander's ,life of ,julian 7,london1   
#ahej71 p4 #id4      #eif ,seneca the   
rhetorician 7father of the philosopher7 
collected many of        the sayings of 
the rhetoricians of his time4 ,at a     
later period1        ,philostratus wrote
 the lives of eminent rhetoricians1     
,quintilian        discussed their rules
 of oratory1 and ,aulus ,gellius painted
 the        whole society in which they 
moved4 ,on their injurious influence    

upon        eloquence1 see ,petronius1  
,satyricon1 i4 #b4 ,much curious        
information about the rhetoricians is   
collected in ,martha1        ,moralistes
 de l',empire ,romain1 and in ,nisard1  
,etudes sur les        ,potes ,latins de
 la ,dcadence1 art4 ,juvenal4      #eig 
8,cependant ces orateurs n'taient jamais
 plus admirs que lorsqu'ils             
avaient le bonheur de trouver un sujet o
 la louange fut un tour de              
force4444 ,lucien a fait l'loge de la   
mouche2 ,fronton de la        poussire1 
de la fume1 de la ngligence2 ,dion      
,chrysostome de la        chevelure1 du 
perroquet1 etc4 ,au cinquime sicle1     
,synsius1 qui fut        un grand vque1 
fera le pangyrique de la calvitie1 long 
ouvrage o        toutes les sciences    
sont mises  contribution pour apprendre 
aux        hommes ce qu'il y a          
non-seulement de bonheur mais aussi de  
mrite         tre chauve40--,martha1    
,moralistes de l',empire ,romain 7ed4   
#ahfe71 p4        #bge4      #eih ,there

 is a good review of the teaching of    
,maximus in ,champagny1 ,les            
,antonins1 tome ii4 pp4 #bjg-bae4       
#eii ,orat4 xv42 ,de ,servitute4        
#fjj ,see the singularly charming essay 
on ,dion ,chrysostom1 in ,m4 ,martha's  
book4      #fja ,mr4 ,buckle1 in his    
admirable chapter on the 8,proximate    
,causes of the        ,french           
,revolution0 7,hist4 of ,civilisation1  
vol4 i471 has painted        this       
fashionable enthusiasm for knowledge    
with great power1 and        illustrated
 it with ample learning4      #fjb ,the 
saying of ,mme4 ,dudeffand about        
,helvtius is well known3 8,c'est        
un homme qui a dit le secret de tout le 
monde40 ,how truly ,helvtius            
represented this fashionable society    
appears very plainly from the           
vivid portrait of it in the ,nouvelle   
,hlose1 part ii4 letter        xvii41 a 
masterpiece of its kind4      #fjc      
,musonius tried to stop this custom of  
applauding the lecturer4 7,aul4         

,gell4 ,noct4 v4 i47 ,the habits that   
were formed in the schools of        the
 rhetoricians were sometimes carried    
into the churches1 and we        have   
notices of preachers 7especially ,st4   
,chrysostom7 being        vociferously  
applauded4      #fjd ,thus ,gellius     
himself consulted ,favorinus about a    
perplexing case        which he had1 in 
his capacity of magistrate1 to          
determine1 and        received from his 
master a long dissertation on the duties
 of a        judge 7xiv4 #b74      #fje 
i4 #aj4      #fjf ,noct4 ,att4 vi4 #ac4 
,they called these questions symposiac1 
as        being well fitted to stimulate
 minds already mellowed by wine4        
#fjg xviii4 #b4      #fjh ,we have a    
curious example of this in a letter of  
,marcus ,aurelius        preserved by   
,gallicanus in his ,life of ,avidius    
,cassius4      #fji 8,senserunt hoc     
,stoici qui servis et mulieribus        
philosophandum esse                     
dixerunt40--,lact4 ,nat4 ,div4 iii4 #be4

 ,zeno was often reproached for         
gathering the poorest and most sordid   
around him when he lectured4            
7,diog4 ,lart4 ,zeno47      #faj ,this  
decadence was noticed and rebuked by    
some of the leading        philosophers4
 ,see the language of ,epictetus in     
,arrian1 ii4 #ai1 iv4        #h1 and of 
,herod ,atticus in ,aul4 ,gell4 i4 #b1  
ix4 #b4 ,st4 ,augustine        speaks of
 the ,cynics as having in his time sunk 
into universal        contempt4 ,see    
much evidence on this subject in        
,friedlnder1 ,hist4        des ,murs    
,romaines1 tome iv4 #cgh-che4      #faa 
,this movement is well treated by       
,vacherot1 ,hist4 de l'cole             
d',alexandrie4      #fab ,de            
,superstitione4      #fac               
,dissertations1 x4  #h 7ed4 ,davis1     
,london1 #agdj74 ,in some editions      
this is ,diss4 xxix4      #fad ,dissert4
 xxxviii4      #fae ,de ,dmone          
,socratis4      #faf ,de ,dmone         
,socratis4 ,see1 on the office of dmons 

or genii1 ,arrian        i4 #ad1 and a  
curious chapter in ,ammianus ,marcell4  
xxi4 #ad4 ,see1 too1        ,plotinus1  
#crd ,enn4 lib4 iv4      #fag ,de ,dmone
 ,socratis4      #fah ,i should except  
,plotinus1 however1 who was faithful in 
this point to        ,plato1 and was in 
consequence much praised by the         
,christian ,fathers4      #fai 8,omnium 
malorum maximum voluptas1 qua tanquam   
clavo et fibula anima        corpori    
nectitur2 putatque vera qu et corpus    
suadet1 et ita        spoliatur rerum   
divinarum aspectu40--,iamblichus1 ,de   
,secta ,pythagor4        7,rom1 #aeef71 
p4 #ch4 ,plotinus1 #ast ,enn4 vi4 #f4   
#fbj ,de ,sect4 ,pyth4 pp4 #cf1 #cg4    
#fba ,porphyry1 ,life of ,plotinus4     
#fbb ,iamblichus1 ,de ,mysteriis4 #a4   
#fbc ,see1 on this doctrine of ecstasy1 
,vacherot1 ,hist4 de l'cole             
d',alexandrie1 tome i4 p4 #egf1 c4      
#fbd 8,sic habeto1 omnibus qui patriam  
conservaverint1 adjuverint1             
auxerint1 certum esse in clo ac         

definitum locum ubi beati vo            
sempiterno fruantur40--,cic4 ,somn4     
,scip4      #fbe 1 which1 according to  
,plutarch 7who here confuses two        
distinct        words71 is poetically   
used for man 7,de ,latenter ,vivendo74  
,a        similar thought occurs in ,m4 
,aurelius1 who speaks of the good man as
        light which only ceases to shine
 when it ceases to be4      #fbf ,diss4 
xxi4  #f4      #fbg ,iamblichus1 ,de    
,sect4 ,pythagor1 p4 #ce4      #fbh     
,porphyry1 ,life of ,plotinus1 cap4     
vii42 ,plotinus1 #ast ,enn4 iv4 #g4     
,see on this subject ,degerando1 ,hist4 
de la ,philos4 iii4 p4 #chc4      #fbi  
,thus it was said of ,apollonius that in
 his teaching at ,ephesus he        did 
not speak after the manner of the       
followers of ,socrates1 but             
endeavoured to detach his disciples from
 all occupation other than              
philosophy4--,philostr4 ,apoll4 of      
,tyana1 iv4 #b4 ,cicero notices the     
aversion the ,pythagoreans of his time  

displayed to argument3 8,quum        ex 
iis qureretur quare ita esset1          
respondere solitos1 ,ipse dixit2        
ipse autem erat ,pythagoras40--,de ,nat4
 ,deor4 i4 #e4      #fcj ,see ,vacherot1
 tome ii4 p4 #ff4      #fca ,see        
,degerando1 ,hist4 de la ,philosophie1  
tome iii4 pp4 #djj1 #dja4      #fcb     
,plotinus1 #ast ,enn4 ix4      #fcc ,see
 a strong passage1 on the universality  
of this belief1 in        ,plotinus1    
#ast ,enn4 i4 #ab1 and ,origen1 ,cont4  
,cels4 vii4 ,a very        old tradition
 represented the ,egyptians as the first
 people who held        the doctrine of 
the immortality of the soul4 ,cicero    
7,tusc4 ,qust47        says that the    
,syrian ,pherecydes1 master of          
,pythagoras1 first taught        it4    
,maximus of ,tyre attributes its origin 
to ,pythagoras1 and his        slave    
,zamolxis was said to have introduced it
 into ,greece4 ,others        say that  
,thales first taught it4 ,none of these 
assertions have any        real         

historical value4      #fcd ,we have a  
remarkable instance of the clearness    
with which some even        of the most 
insignificant historians recognised the 
folly of        confining history to the
 biographies of the ,emperors1 in the   
opening        chapter of ,capitolinus1 
,life of ,macrinus4--,tacitus is full of
        beautiful episodes1 describing  
the manners and religion of the         
people4      #fce ,the passages relating
 to the ,jews in ,roman literature are  
collected        in ,aubertin's         
,rapports supposs entre ,snque et ,st4  
,paul4        ,champagny1 ,rome et      
,jude1 tome i4 pp4 #acd-acg4      #fcf  
,cicero1 pro ,flacco1 #bh2 ,sueton4     
,claudius1 #be4      #fcg ,juvenal1     
,sat4 xiv4      #fch ,hist4 v4      #fci
 ,lact4 ,inst4 ,div4 vii4 #c4      #fdj 
,see their history fully investigated in
 ,aubertin4 ,augustine followed         
,jerome in mentioning the letters1 but  
neither of these writers        asserted
 their genuineness4 ,lactantius1 nearly 

at the same time        7,inst4 ,div4   
vi4 #bd71 distinctly spoke of ,seneca as
 a ,pagan1 as        ,tertullian 7,apol4
 #ej7 had done before4 ,the immense     
number of        forged documents is one
 of the most disgraceful features of the
        ,church history of the first few
 centuries4      #fda ,fleury has       
written an elaborate work maintaining   
the connection        between the       
apostle and the philosopher4 ,troplong  
7,influence du        ,christianisme sur
 le ,droit7 has adopted the same view4  
,aubertin1 in        the work ,i have   
already cited1 has maintained the       
opposite view        7which is that of  
all or nearly all ,english critics7 with
 masterly        skill and learning4    
,the ,abb ,dourif 7,rapports du         
,stocisme et du        ,christianisme7  
has placed side by side the passages    
from each        writer which are most  
alike4      #fdb ,quoted by ,st4        
,augustine4--,de ,civ4 ,dei1 vi4 #aa4   
#fdc xi4 #c4      #fdd ,the history of  

the two schools has been elaborately    
traced by        ,ritter1 ,pressens1 and
 many other writers4 ,i would especially
 refer        to the fourth volume of   
,degerando's most fascinating ,histoire 
de la        ,philosophie4      #fde    
8,scurra ,atticus10 ,min4 ,felix1       
,octav4 ,this term is said by ,cicero   
to have been given to ,socrates by      
,zeno4 7,cic4 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4 i4       
#cd47      #fdf ,tertull4 ,de ,anima1   
#ci4      #fdg ,see especially his      
,apol4 ii4 #h1 #ab1 #ac4 ,he speaks of  
the         4      #fdh ,see1 on all    
this1 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 v41 and also
 i4 #bb4      #fdi ,st4 ,clement repeats
 this twice 7,strom4 i4 #bd1 v4 #ad74   
,the writings        of this ,father are
 full of curious1 and sometimes         
ingenious1        attempts to trace     
different phrases of the great          
philosophers1        orators1 and poets 
to ,moses4 ,a vast amount of learning   
and ingenuity        has been expended  
in the same cause by ,eusebius4 7,prp4  

,evan4 xii4        xiii47 ,the tradition
 of the derivation of ,pagan philosophy 
from the        ,old ,testament found in
 general little favour among the ,latin 
writers4 ,there is some curious         
information on this subject in          
,waterland's 8,charge to the ,clergy of 
,middlesex1 to prove that the           
wisdom of the ancients was borrowed from
 revelation2 delivered in        #agca40
 ,it is in the #hth volume of           
,waterland's works 7ed4 #agca74         
#fej ,st4 ,clement 7,strom4 i47 mentions
 that some think him to have been       
,ezekiel1 an opinion which ,st4 ,clement
 himself does not hold4 ,see1 on        
the patristic notions about ,pythagoras1
 ,legendre1 ,trait de        l',opinion1
 tome i4 p4 #afd4      #fea ,this was   
the opinion of ,julius ,firmicus        
,maternus1 a ,latin writer of        the
 age of ,constantine1 8,nam quia ,sar   
pronepos fuerat 444 ,serapis            
dictus est ,grco sermone1 hoc est       
40--,julius ,firmicus        ,maternus1 

,de ,errore ,profanarum ,religionum1    
cap4 xiv4      #feb ,justin ,martyr1    
,apol4 i4 #ed2 ,trypho1 #fi-gj4 ,there  
is a very curious        collection of  
,pagan legends that were parallel to    
,jewish incidents1        in ,la ,mothe 
le ,vayer1 let4 xciii4      #fec ,suet4 
,vesp4 #g2 ,tacit4 ,hist4 iv4 #ha4      
,there is a slight difference           
between the two historians about the    
second miracle4 ,suetonius says         
it was the leg1 ,tacitus that it was the
 hand1 that was diseased4 ,the          
god ,serapis was said to have revealed  
to the patients that they        would  
be cured by the emperor4 ,tacitus says  
that ,vespasian did not        believe  
in his own power2 that it was only after
 much persuasion he        was induced  
to try the experiment2 that the blind   
man was well known        in            
,alexandria1 where the event occurred1  
and that eyewitnesses who        had no 
motive to lie still attested the        
miracle4      #fed ,the following is a  

good specimen of the language which may 
still be        uttered1 apparently     
without exciting any protest1 from the  
pulpit in        one of the great       
centres of ,english learning3 8,but we  
have prayed1        and not been heard1 
at least in this present visitation4    
,have we        deserved to be heard8   
,in former visitations it was observed  
commonly        how the cholera lessened
 from the day of the public humiliation4
        ,when we dreaded famine from    
long-continued drought1 on the morning  
of our prayers the heaven over our head 
was of brass2 the clear        burning  
sky showed no token of change4 ,men     
looked with awe at its                  
unmitigated clearness4 ,in the evening  
was the cloud like a man's        hand2 
the relief was come40 7,and then the    
author adds1 in a note73        8,this  
describes what ,i myself saw on the     
,sunday morning in ,oxford1        on   
returning from the early communion at   
,st4 ,mary's at eight4 ,there        was

 no visible change till the             
evening40--,pusey's ,miracles of        
,prayer1 preached at ,oxford1 #ahff4    
#fee ,e4g43 8,a master of philosophy1   
travelling with others on the way1      
when a fearful thunderstorm arose1      
checked the fear of his fellows1        
and discoursed to them of the natural   
reasons of that uproar in the           
clouds1 and those sudden flashes        
wherewith they seemed 7out of the       
ignorance of causes7 to be too much     
affrighted3 in the midst of his         
philosophical discourse he was struck   
dead with the dreadful        eruption  
which he slighted4 ,what could this be  
but the finger of        that ,god who  
will have his works rather entertained  
with wonder and        trembling than   
with curious scanning80--,bishop ,hall1 
,the ,invisible        ,world1  vi4     
#fef ,sir ,c4 ,lewis ,on the            
,credibility of ,roman ,hist4 vol4 i4 p4
 #ej4      #feg ,cic4 ,de ,divin4 lib4  
i4 c4 #a4      #feh 8,the days on which 

the miracle of the king's touch was to  
be        wrought were fixed at sittings
 of the ,privy ,council1 and were       
solemnly notified by the clergy to all  
the parish churches of the        realm4
 ,when the appointed time came1 several 
divines in full        canonicals stood 
round the canopy of state4 ,the surgeon 
of the royal        household introduced
 the sick4 ,a passage of ,mark xvi4 was 
read4 ,when        the words #8,they    
shall lay their hands on the sick and   
they shall        recover1' had been    
pronounced1 there was a pause and one of
 the sick        was brought to the     
king4 ,his ,majesty stroked the         
ulcers4444 ,then        came the        
,epistle1 c4 ,the ,service may still be 
found in the ,prayer        ,books of   
the reign of ,anne4 ,indeed1 it was not 
until some time after        the        
accession of ,george ,i4 that the       
,university of ,oxford ceased to        
reprint the office of healing1 together 
with the ,liturgy4        ,theologians  

of eminent learning1 ability1 and virtue
 gave the        sanction of their      
authority to this mummery1 and1 what is 
stranger        still1 medical men of   
high note believed1 or affected to      
believe1        it4444 ,charles ,,ii41  
in the course of his reign1 touched near
 #ajj1jjj        persons4444 ,in #afhb  
he performed the rite #h1ejj times4 ,in 
#afhd the        throng was such that   
six or seven of the sick were trampled  
to        death4 ,james1 in one of his  
progresses1 touched #hjj persons in the 
choir of the cathedral of               
,chester40--,macaulay's ,history of     
,england1        c4 xiv4      #fei ,one 
of the surgeons of ,charles ,,ii4 named 
,john ,brown1 whose official        duty
 it was to superintend the ceremony1 and
 who assures us that he        has      
witnessed many thousands touched1 has   
written an extremely        curious     
account of it1 called ,charisma         
,basilicon 7,london1 #afhd74            
,this miraculous power existed          

exclusively in the ,english and ,french 
royal families1 being derived1 in the   
first1 from ,edward the                 
,confessor1 in the second1 from ,st4    
,lewis4 ,a surgeon attested the         
reality of the disease before the       
miracle was performed4 ,the king        
hung a riband with a gold coin round the
 neck of the person touched2        but 
,brown thinks the gold1 though          
possessing great virtue1 was not        
essential to the cure4 ,he had known    
cases where the cured person had        
sold1 or ceased to wear1 the medal1 and 
his disease returned4 ,the        gift  
was unimpaired by the ,reformation1 and 
an obdurate ,catholic was               
converted on finding that ,elizabeth1   
after the ,pope's                       
excommunication1 could cure his         
scrofula4 ,francis ,i4 cured many       
persons when prisoner in ,spain4        
,charles ,i41 when a prisoner1 cured a  
man by his simple benediction1 the      
,puritans not permitting him to         

touch him4 ,his blood had the same      
efficacy2 and ,charles ,,ii41 when an   
exile in the ,netherlands1 still        
retained it4 ,there were1 however1      
some 8,atheists1 ,sadducees1 and        
ill-conditioned ,pharisees0 who even    
then disbelieved it2 and ,brown gives   
the letter of one who went1 a           
complete sceptic1 to satisfy his        
friends1 and came away cured and        
converted4 ,it was popularly1 but ,brown
 says erroneously1 believed        that 
the touch was peculiarly efficacious on 
,good ,friday4 ,an        official      
register was kept1 for every month in   
the reign of ,charles        ,,ii41 of  
the persons touched1 but two years and a
 half appear to be        wanting4 ,the 
smallest number touched in one year was 
#b1ihc 7in        #affi72 the total1 in 
the whole reign1 #ib1ajg4 ,brown gives  
numbers of        specific cases with   
great detail4 ,shakspeare has noticed   
the power        7,macbeth1 ,act iv4    
,scene #c74 ,dr4 ,johnson1 when a boy1  

was touched        by ,queen ,anne2 but 
at that time few persons1 except        
,jacobites1        believed the miracle4
      #ffj ,lucretius1 lib4 vi4 ,the    
poet says there are certain seeds of    
fire in        the earth1 around the    
water1 which the sun attracts to itself1
 but        which the cold of the night 
represses1 and forces back upon the     
water4          ,the fountain of        
,jupiter ,ammon1 and many others that   
were deemed        miraculous1 are      
noticed by ,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4 ii4     
#ajf4          8,fly not yet2 the fount 
that played        ,in times of old     
through ,ammon's shade1        ,though  
icy cold by day it ran1        ,yet     
still1 like souls of mirth1 began       
,to burn when night was near40--,moore's
 ,melodies4      #ffa ,tacit4 ,annal4 i4
 #bh4 ,long afterwards1 the people of   
,turin were        accustomed to greet  
every eclipse with loud cries1 and ,st4 
,maximus        of ,turin energetically 
combated their superstition4 7,ceillier1

        ,hist4 des ,auteurs sacrs1 tome 
xiv4 p4 #fjg47      #ffb ,suet4 ,aug4   
xci4      #ffc ,see the answer of the   
younger ,pliny 7,ep4 i4 #ah71 suggesting
 that        dreams should often be     
interpreted by contraries4 ,a great many
        instances of dreams that were   
believed to have been verified are      
given in ,cic4 7,de ,divinatione1 lib4  
i47 and ,valerius ,maximus 7lib4        
i4 c4 vii474 ,marcus ,aurelius          
7,capitolinus7 was said to have appeared
        to many persons after his death 
in dreams1 and predicted the future4    
#ffd ,the augurs had noted eleven kinds 
of lightning with different             
significations4 7,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4   
ii4 #ec47 ,pliny says all nations       
agree in clapping their hands when it   
lightens 7xxviii4 #e74 ,cicero          
very shrewdly remarked that the ,roman  
considered lightning a good        omen 
when it shone upon his left1 while the  
,greeks and barbarians        believed  
it to be auspicious when it was upon the

 right4 7,cic4 ,de        ,divinat4 ii4 
#ci47 ,when ,constantine prohibited all 
other forms of        magic1 he         
especially authorised that which was    
intended to avert        hail and       
lightning4 7,cod4 ,theod4 lib4 ix4 tit4 
xvi4 #a4 #c47      #ffe ,suet4 ,aug4 xc4
      #fff ,ibid4 ,tiber4 lxix4 ,the    
virtue of laurel leaves1 and of the skin
 of        a sea-calf1 as preservatives 
against lightning1 are noticed by ,pliny
        7,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #ef71 who also
 says 7xv4 #dj7 that the laurel leaf    
is believed to have a natural antipathy 
to fire1 which it shows by        its   
angry crackling when in contact with    
that element4      #ffg ,suet4 ,calig4  
ii4      #ffh ,suet4 ,jul4 ,cs4         
lxxxviii4      #ffi ,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 
ii4 #bc4      #fgj 8,prodigia eo anno   
multa nuntiata sunt1 qu quo magis       
credebant        simplices ac religiosi 
homines eo plura nuntiabantur0 7xxiv4   
#aj74        ,compare with this the     
remark of ,cicero on the oracles3       

8,quando autem        illa vis evanuit8 
,an postquam homines minus creduli esse 
cperunt80        7,de ,div4 ii4 #eg47   
#fga ,this theory1 which is developed at
 length by the ,stoic1 in the first     
book of the ,de ,divinatione of ,cicero1
 grew out of the pantheistic            
notion that the human soul is a part of 
the ,deity1 and therefore by            
nature a participator in the ,divine    
attribute of prescience4 ,the           
soul1 however1 was crushed by the weight
 of the body2 and there were        two 
ways of evoking its prescience--the     
ascetic way1 which attenuates        the
 body1 and the magical way1 which       
stimulates the soul4 ,apollonius        
declared that his power of prophecy was 
not due to magic1 but solely        to  
his abstinence from animal food4        
7,philost4 ,ap4 of ,tyana1 viii4        
#e47 ,among those who believed the      
oracles1 there were two theories4       
,the first was that they were inspired  
by dmons or spirits of a        degree  

lower than the gods4 ,the second was1   
that they were due to        the action 
of certain vapours which emanated from  
the caverns        beneath the temples1 
and which1 by throwing the priestess    
into a        state of delirium1 evoked 
her prophetic powers4 ,the first theory 
was        that of the ,platonists1 and 
it was adopted by the ,christians1 who1 
however1 changed the signification of   
the word dmon4 ,the second              
theory1 which appears to be due to      
,aristotle 7,baltus1 ,rponse            
l',histoire des ,oracles1 p4 #acb71 is  
noticed by ,cic4 ,de ,div4 i4           
#ai2 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 ii4 #ie2 and others4
 ,it is closely allied to the           
modern belief in clairvoyance4          
,plutarch1 in his treatise on the       
decline of the oracles1 attributes that 
decline sometimes to the        death of
 the dmons 7who were believed to be     
mortal71 and sometimes        to the    
exhaustion of the vapours4 ,the oracles 
themselves1 according        to         

,porphyry 7,fontenelle1 ,hist4 des      
,oracles1 pp4 #bbj-bbb1 first           
ed471 attributed it to the second cause4
 ,iamblichus 7,de ,myst4         iii4 c4
 xi47 combines both theories1 and both  
are very clearly        stated in the   
following curious passage3 8,quamquam   
,platoni credam        inter deos atque 
homines1 natura et loco medias quasdam  
divorum        potestates intersitas1   
easque divinationes cunctas et magorum  
miracula gubernare4 ,quin et illud mecum
 reputo1 posse animum        humanum1   
prsertim1 puerilem et simplicem1 seu    
carminum avocamento1        sive odorum 
delenimento1 soporari1 et ad oblivionem 
prsentium        externari3 et paulis   
per remota corporis memoria1 redigi ac  
redire        ad naturam suam1 qu est   
immortalis scilicet et divina2 atque ita
        veluti quodam sopore1 futura    
rerum prsagire40--,apuleius1 ,apolog4   
#fgb ,aul4 ,gell4 ,noct4 ii4 #bh4       
,florus1 however 7,hist4 i4 #ai71       
mentions        a ,roman general        

appeasing the goddess ,earth on the     
occasion of an        earthquake that   
occurred during a battle4      #fgc     
lian1 ,hist4 ,var4 iv4 #ag4      #fgd   
,hist4 ,nat4 ii4 #ha-hf4      #fge      
,ibid4 ii4 #i4      #fgf ,ibid4 ii4 #bc4
      #fgg ,i have referred in the last 
chapter to a striking passage of ,am4   
,marcellinus on this combination4 ,the  
reader may find some curious            
instances of the superstitions of ,roman
 sceptics in ,champagny1 ,les           
,antonins1 tome iii4 p4 #df4      #fgh  
viii4 #ai4 ,this is also mentioned by   
,lucretius4      #fgi viii4 #a4         
#fhj viii4 #ej4 ,this was one of the    
reasons why the early ,christians       
sometimes adopted the stag as a symbol  
of ,christ4      #fha xxix4 #bc4        
#fhb xxxii4 #a4      #fhc vii4 #b4      
#fhd xxviii4 #g4 ,the blind man restored
 to sight by ,vespasian was cured by    
anointing his eyes with spittle4 7,suet4
 ,vesp4 #g2 ,tacit4 ,hist4        iv4   
#ha47      #fhe ,ibid4 ,the custom of   

spitting in the hand before striking    
still        exists among pugilists4    
#fhf ii4 #aja4      #fhg ,legendre1     
,trait de l',opinion1 tome ii4 p4 #ag4  
,the superstition        is1 however1   
said still to linger in many sea-coast  
towns4      #fhh ,lucian is believed to 
have died about two years before ,marcus
        ,aurelius4      #fhi ,see his   
very curious ,life by ,philostratus4    
,this ,life was written at        the   
request of ,julia ,domna1 the wife of   
,septimus ,severus1 whether or          
not with the intention of opposing the  
,gospel narrative is a        question  
still fiercely discussed4 ,among the    
most recent ,church        historians1  
,pressens maintains the affirmative1 and
 ,neander the        negative4          
,apollonius was born at nearly the same 
time as ,christ1 but        outlived    
,domitian4 ,the traces of his influence 
are widely spread        through the    
literature of the empire4 ,eunapius     
calls him 8          1                  

40--,lives of the ,sophists4 ,xiphilin  
relates 7lxvii4 #ah7 the        story1  
told also by ,philostratus1 how         
,apollonius1 being at ,ephesus1         
saw the assassination of ,domitian at   
,rome4 ,alexander ,severus placed       
7,lampridius ,severus7 the statue of    
,apollonius with those of               
,orpheus1 ,abraham1 and ,christ1 for    
worship in his oratory4 ,aurelian       
was reported to have been diverted from 
his intention of destroying             
,tyana by the ghost of the philosopher1 
who appeared in his tent1        rebuked
 him1 and saved the city 7,vopiscus1    
,aurelian72 and1 lastly1        the     
,pagan philosopher ,hierocles wrote a   
book opposing ,apollonius to            
,christ1 which was answered by          
,eusebius4 ,the ,fathers of the fourth  
century always spoke of him as a great  
magician4 ,some curious        passages 
on the subject are collected by ,m4     
,chassang1 in the        introduction to
 his ,french translation of the work of 

,philostratus4      #fij ,see his       
defence against the charge of magic4    
,apuleius1 who was at        once a     
brilliant rhetorician1 the writer of an 
extremely curious        novel 7,the    
,metamorphoses1 or ,golden ,ass71 and of
 many other works1        and an        
indefatigable student of the religious  
mysteries of his time1        lived     
through the reigns of ,hadrian and his  
two successors4 ,after        his death 
his fame was for about a century        
apparently eclipsed2 and        it has  
been noticed as very remarkable that    
,tertullian1 who lived a                
generation after ,apuleius1 and who1    
like him1 was a ,carthaginian1          
has never even mentioned him4 ,during   
the fourth century his        reputation
 revived1 and ,lactantius1 ,st4 ,jerome1
 and ,st4 ,augustine        relate that 
many miracles were attributed to him1   
and that he was        placed by the    
,pagans on a level with ,christ1 and    
regarded by some as        even a       

greater magician4 ,see the sketch of his
 life by ,m4 ,btolaud        prefixed to
 the ,panckoucke edition of his works4  
#fia ,life of ,alexander4 ,there is an  
extremely curious picture of the        
religious jugglers1 who were wandering  
about the ,empire1 in the        eighth 
and ninth books of the ,metamorphoses of
 ,apuleius4 ,see1 too1        ,juvenal1 
,sat4 vi4 #eaj-ehe4      #fib           
,porphyry's ,life of ,plotinus4         
#fic ,eunapius1 ,porph4      #fid ,ibid4
 ,iamb4 ,iamblichus himself only laughed
 at the report4      #fie ,eunapius1    
,iamb4      #fif ,see her life in       
,eunapius1 descus4 lian and the         
rhetorician        ,aristides are also  
full of the wildest prodigies4 ,there is
 an        interesting dissertation on  
this subject in ,friedlnder 7,trad4     
,franc4 tome iv4 p4 #agg-ahf74      #fig
 8,credat ,judus ,apella40--,hor4 ,sat4 
v4 #ajj4      #fih ,this appears from   
all the writings of the ,fathers4 ,there
 were1        however1 two forms of     

,pagan miracles about which there was   
some        hesitation in the early     
,church--the beneficent miracle of      
healing and        the miracle of       
prophecy4 ,concerning the first1 the    
common opinion        was that the dmons
 only cured diseases they had themselves
 caused1        or that1 at least1 if   
they ever 7in order to enthral men more 
effectually7 cured purely natural       
diseases1 they did it by natural        
means1 which their superior knowledge   
and power placed at their               
disposal4 ,concerning prophecy1 it was  
the opinion of some of the              
,fathers that intuitive prescience was a
 ,divine prerogative1 and that          
the prescience of the dmons was only    
acquired by observation4 ,their         
immense knowledge enabled them to       
forecast events to a degree far         
transcending human faculties1 and they  
employed this power in the              
oracles4      #fii ,de ,origine ac      
,progressu ,idolatri 7,amsterdam74      

#gjj ,this characteristic of early      
,christian apology is forcibly exhibited
        by ,pressens1 ,hist4 des trois  
premiers ,sicles1 #bme srie1 tome       
ii4      #gja ,the immense number of    
these forged writings is noticed by all 
candid        historians1 and there is1 
,i believe1 only one instance of any    
attempt being made to prevent this pious
 fraud4 ,a priest was        degraded   
for having forged some voyages of ,st4  
,paul and ,st4 ,thecla4        7,tert4  
,de ,baptismo1 #ag47      #gjb ,apol4 i4
      #gjc ,strom4 vi4 c4 #e4      #gjd 
,origen1 ,cont4 ,cols4 v4      #gje     
,oratio 7apud ,euseb47 xviii4      #gjf 
,de ,civ4 ,dei1 xviii4 #bc4      #gjg   
,constantine1 ,oratio xix4 8,his        
testimoniis quidam revicti solent eo    
confugere ut aiant non esse illa carmina
 ,sibyllina1 sed a nostris              
conficta atque composita40--,lactant4   
,div4 ,inst4 iv4 #ae4      #gjh         
,antonius ,possevinus1 ,apparatus ,sacer
 7#afjf71 verb4 8,sibylla40      #gji   

,this subject is fully treated by       
,middleton in his ,free ,enquiry1       
whom ,i have closely followed4      #gaj
 ,irenus1 ,contr4 ,hres4 ii4 #cb4       
#gaa ,epiphan4 ,adv4 ,hres4 ii4 #cj4    
#gab ,st4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 xxii4   
#h4      #gac ,this history is related  
by ,st4 ,ambrose in a letter to his     
sister        ,marcellina2 by ,st4      
,paulinus of ,nola1 in his ,life of     
,ambrose2 and        by ,st4 ,augustine1
 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 xxii4 #h2 ,confess4 ix4
 #g4      #gad ,plutarch thought they   
were known by ,plato1 but this opinion  
has been        much questioned4 ,see a 
very learned discussion on the subject  
in        ,farmer's ,dissertation on    
,miracles1 pp4 #abi-adj2 and            
,fontenelle1        ,hist4 des ,oracles1
 pp4 #bf1 #bg4 ,porphyry speaks much of 
evil        dmons4      #gae ,josephus1 
,antiq4 viii4 #b1  #e4      #gaf ,this  
very curious subject is fully treated by
 ,baltus 7,rponse         l',histoire   
des ,oracles1 ,strasburg1 #agjg1        

published anonymously in        reply to
 ,van ,dale and ,fontenelle71 who       
believed in the reality of        the   
,pagan as well as the patristic         
miracles2 by ,bingham                   
7,antiquities of the ,christian ,church1
 vol4 i4 pp4 #caf-cbd71 who             
thinks the ,pagan and ,jewish exorcists 
were impostors1 but not the             
,christians2 and by ,middleton 7,free   
,enquiry1 pp4 #hj-ic71 who              
disbelieves in all the exorcists after  
the apostolic times4 ,it has        also
 been the subject of a special          
controversy in ,england1 carried        
on by ,dodwell1 ,church1 ,farmer1 and   
others4 ,archdeacon ,church says3       
8,if we cannot vindicate them the       
,fathers of the first three             
centuries on this article1 their credit 
must be lost for ever2 and        we    
must be obliged to decline all further  
defence of them4 ,it is                 
impossible for any words more strongly  
to express a claim to this              

miracle than those used by all the best 
writers of the second and        third  
centuries40--,vindication of the        
,miracles of the ,first ,three          
,centuries1 p4 #aii4 ,so1 also1 ,baltus3
 8,de tous les anciens auteurs          
ecclsiastiques1 n'y en ayant pas un qui 
n'ait parl de ce pouvoir                
admirable que les ,chrtiens avoient de  
chasser les dmons0 7p4 #bif74           
,gregory of ,tours describes exorcism as
 sufficiently common in his        time1
 and mentions having himself seen a monk
 named ,julian cure by        his words 
a possessed person4 7,hist4 iv4 #cb47   
#gag ,vit4 ,hilar4 ,origen notices that 
cattle were sometimes possessed by      
devils4 ,see ,middleton's ,free         
,enquiry1 pp4 #hh1 #hi4      #gah ,the  
miracle of ,st4 ,babylas is the subject 
of a homily by ,st4        ,chrysostom1 
and is related at length by ,theodoret1 
,sozomen1 and        ,socrates4         
,libanius mentions that1 by command of  
,julian1 the bones of        ,st4       

,babylas were removed from the temple4  
,the ,christians said the        temple 
was destroyed by lightning2 the ,pagans 
declared it was burnt        by the     
,christians1 and ,julian ordered        
measures of reprisal to be        taken4
 ,amm4 ,marcellinus1 however1 mentions a
 report that the fire        was caused 
accidentally by one of the numerous     
candles employed in        the ceremony4
 ,the people of ,antioch defied the     
emperor by chanting1        as they     
removed the relics1 8,confounded be all 
they that trust in        graven        
images40      #gai ,see the ,life of    
,gregory ,thaumaturgus1 by ,gregory of  
,nyssa4 ,st4        ,gregory the ,great 
assures us 7,dial4 iii4 #aj7 that       
,sabinus1 ,bishop        of ,placentia1 
wrote a letter to the river ,po1 which  
had overflowed        its banks and     
flooded some church lands4 ,when the    
letter was thrown        into the stream
 the waters at once subsided4      #gbj 
8,edatur hic aliquis sub tribunalibus   

vestris1 quem dmone agi        constet4 
,jussus a quolibet ,christiano loqui    
spiritus ille1 tam se        dmonem     
confitebitur de vero1 quam alibi deum de
 falso4 que        producatur aliquis ex
 iis qui de deo pati existimantur1 qui  
aris        inhalantes numen de nidore  
concipiunt 444 nisi se dmones confessi  
fuerint1 ,christiano mentiri non        
audentes1 ibidem illius ,christiani     
procacissimi sanguinem fundite4 ,quid   
isto opere manifestius8 quid        hc  
probatione fidelius80--,tert4 ,apol4    
xxiii4      #gba ,apol4 i42 ,trypho4    
#gbb ,cont4 ,cels4 vii4      #gbc ,inst4
 ,div4 iv4 #bg4      #gbd ,life of      
,antony4      #gbe ,octavius4      #gbf 
,de ,superstitione4      #gbg i4 #f4    
#gbh ,de ,mort4 ,peregrin4      #gbi    
,origen1 ,adv4 ,cels4 vi4 ,compare the  
curious letter which ,vopiscus          
7,saturninus7 attributes to ,hadrian1   
8,nemo illic i4e4 in ,egypt             
archisynagogus ,judorum1 nemo           
,samarites1 nemo ,christianorum         

presbyter1 non mathematicus1 non        
aruspex1 non aliptes40      #gcj 8,si   
incantavit1 si imprecatus est1 si 7ut   
vulgari verbo impostorum        utor7   
exorcizavit40--,bingham1 ,antiquities of
 the ,christian ,church        7,oxf41  
#ahee71 vol4 i4 p4 #cah4 ,this law is   
believed to have been        directed   
specially against the ,christians1      
because these were very        prominent
 as exorcists1 and because ,lactantius  
7,inst4 ,div4 v4 #aa7        says that  
,ulpian had collected the laws against  
them4      #gca ,philostorgius1 ,hist4  
,eccl4 viii4 #aj4      #gcb ,see        
,juvenal1 ,sat4 vi4 #cad-cce4      #gcc 
,see ,juvenal1 ,sat4 vi4 #ebj-ecj4      
#gcd ,metamorphoses1 book x4      #gce  
,see their ,lives1 by ,lampridius and   
,spartianus4      #gcf ,the conflict    
between ,st4 ,cyprian and the           
confessors1 concerning the        power 
of remitting penances claimed by the    
latter1 though it ended        in the   
defeat of the confessors1 shows clearly 

the influence they        had obtained4 
#gcg 8,thura plane non emimus2 si ,arabi
 queruntur scient ,sabi pluris et       
carioris suas merces ,christianis       
sepeliendis profligari quam diis        
fumigandis40--,apol4 #db4 ,sometimes the
 ,pagans burnt the bodies of        the 
martyrs1 in order to prevent the        
,christians venerating their            
relics4      #gch ,many interesting     
particulars about these commemrative    
festivals are        collected in       
,cave's ,primitive ,christianity1 part  
i4 c4 vii4 ,the        anniversaries    
were called 8,natalia10 or birth-days4  
#gci ,see her acts in ,ruinart4         
#gdj ,st4 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom4 iv4 #aj4
 ,there are other passages of the       
same kind in other ,fathers4      #gda  
,ad ,scapul4 v4 ,eusebius 7,martyrs of  
,palestine1 ch4 iii47 has        given a
 detailed account of six young men1 who 
in the very height of        the        
,galerian persecution1 at a time when   
the most hideous tortures        were   

applied to the ,christians1 voluntarily 
gave themselves up as        believers4 
,sulp4 ,severus 7,hist4 ii4 #cb71       
speaking of the voluntary        martyrs
 under ,diocletian1 says that           
,christians then 8longed for            
death as they now long for bishoprics40 
8,cogi qui potest1 nescit        mori10 
was the noble maxim of the ,christians4 
#gdb ,arrian1 iv4 #g4 ,it is not        
certain1 however1 that this passage     
alludes        to the ,christians4 ,the 
followers of ,judas of ,galilee were    
called        ,galilans1 and they were  
famous for their indifference to death4 
,see        ,joseph4 ,antiq4 xviii4 #a4 
#gdc xi4 #c4      #gdd ,peregrinus4     
#gde ,zosimus4      #gdf 8,do ,i not    
hate them1 ,o ,lord1 that hate          
thee8--yea1 ,i hate them with a         
perfect hatred40      #gdg ,see ,renan's
 ,aptres1 p4 #cad4      #gdh ,m4        
,pressens very truly says of the        
,romans1 8,leur religion tait           
essentiellement un art--l'art de        

dcouvrir les desseins des dieux et      
d'agir sur eux par des rites            
varis40--,hist4 des ,trois premiers     
,sicles1 tome i4 p4 #aib4 ,montesquieu  
has written an interesting        essay 
on the political nature of the ,roman   
religion4      #gdi ,sueton4 ,claud4    
xxv4      #gej ,plin4 ,hist4 ,nat4 vii4 
#ca4      #gea ,tacit4 ,de ,orat4 xxxv42
 ,aul4 ,gell4 ,noct4 xv4 #aa4 ,it would 
appear1        from this last authority1
 that the rhetoricians were twice       
expelled4      #geb ,dion ,cassius1 lii4
 #cf4 ,most historians believe that this
 speech        represents the opinions1 
not of the ,augustan age1 but of the age
 of        the writer who relates it4   
#gec ,on the hostility of ,vespasian to 
philosophers1 see ,xiphilin1 lxvi4      
#ac2 on that of ,domitian1 the ,letters 
of ,pliny and the ,agricola        of   
,tacitus4      #ged ,see a remarkable   
passage in ,dion ,chrysostom1 ,or4 lxxx4
 ,de        ,libertate4      #gee ,cic4 
,de ,legib4 ii4 #aa2 ,tertull4 ,apol4 v4

      #gef ,livy1 iv4 #cj      #geg     
,val4 ,maximus1 i4 #c1  #a4      #geh   
,livy1 xxv4 #a4      #gei ,val4 ,max4 i4
 #c1  #b4      #gfj ,see the account of 
these proceedings1 and of the very      
remarkable        speech of ,postumius1 
in ,livy1 xxxix4 #h-ai4 ,postumius      
notices the old        prohibition of   
foreign rites1 and thus explains        
it3--8,judicabant enim                  
prudentissimi viri omnis divini         
humanique juris1 nihil que              
dissolvend religionis esse1 quam ubi non
 patrio sed externo ritu                
sacrificaretur40 ,the ,senate1 though   
suppressing these rites on              
account of the outrageous immoralities  
connected with them1 decreed1           
that if any one thought it a matter of  
religious duty to perform               
religious ceremonies to ,bacchus1 he    
should be allowed to do so on           
applying for permission to the ,senate1 
provided there were not more        than
 five assistants1 no common purse1 and  

no presiding priest4      #gfa ,val4    
,max4 i4 #c4      #gfb ,see ,dion       
,cassius1 xl4 #dg2 xlii4 #bf2 xlvii4    
#ae2 liv4 #f4      #gfc ,joseph4 ,antiq4
 xviii4 #c4      #gfd ,tacit4 ,annal4   
ii4 #he4      #gfe ,tacitus relates     
7,ann4 xi4 #ae7 that under ,claudius a  
senatus        consultus ordered the    
pontiffs to take care that the old      
,roman 7or1        more properly1       
,etruscan7 system of divination was     
observed1 since        the influx of    
foreign superstitions had led to its    
disuse2 but it        does not appear   
that this measure was intended to       
interfere with any        other form of 
worship4      #gff 8,sacrosanctam istam 
civitatem accedo40--,apuleius1 ,metam4  
lib4 x4 ,it        is said that there   
were at one time no less than #dbj des  
sacr in        ,rome4 ,nieupoort1 ,de   
,ritibus ,romanorum 7#agaf71 p4 #bgf4   
#gfg ,euseb4 ,prp4 ,evang4 iv4 #a4      
,fontenelle says very truly1 8,il y a   
lieu de croire que chez les payens la   

religion n'estoit qu'une                
pratique1 dont la spculation estoit     
indiffrente4 ,faites comme les          
autres et croyez ce qu'il vous          
plaira40--,hist4 des ,oracles1 p4 #ie4  
,it was a saying of ,tiberius1 that it  
is for the gods to care for the         
injuries done to them3 8,deorum injurias
 diis cur40--,tacit4 ,annal4        i4  
#gc4      #gfh ,the most melancholy     
modern instance ,i remember is a letter 
of ,hume        to a young man who was  
thinking of taking orders1 but who1 in  
the        course of his studies1 became
 a complete sceptic4 ,hume strongly     
advised him not to allow this           
consideration to interfere with his     
career 7,burton1 ,life of ,hume1 vol4   
ii4 pp4 #ahg1 #ahh47 ,the               
utilitarian principles of the           
philosopher were doubtless at the root  
of his judgment4      #gfi ,de ,divinat4
 ii4 #cc2 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4 ii4 #c4      
#ggj 8,qu omnia sapiens servabit tanquam
 legibus jussa non tanquam diis         

grata4444 ,meminerimus cultum ejus magis
 ad morem quam ad rem                   
pertinere40--,st4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 
vi4 #aj4 ,st4 ,augustine denounces      
this view with great power4 ,see1 too1  
,lactantius4 ,inst4 ,div4 ii4        #c4
      #gga ,enchirid4 xxxi4      #ggb   
,this is noticed by ,philo4      #ggc   
,the ship in which the atheist ,diagoras
 sailed was once nearly        wrecked  
by a tempest1 and the sailors declared  
that it was a just        retribution   
from the gods because they had received 
the philosopher        into their       
vessel4 ,diagoras1 pointing to the other
 ships that were        tossed by the   
same storm1 asked whether they imagined 
there was a        ,diagoras in each4   
7,cic4 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4 iii4 #cg47      
#ggd ,the vestal ,oppia was put to death
 because the diviners attributed to     
her unchastity certain 8prodigies in the
 heavens10 that had alarmed        the  
people at the beginning of the war with 
,veii4 7,livy1 ii4 #db47        ,the    

vestal ,urbinia was buried alive on     
account of a plague that had            
fallen upon the ,roman women1 which was 
attributed to her        incontinence1  
and which is said to have ceased        
suddenly upon her        execution4     
7,dion4 ,halicar4 ix47      #gge ,pliny1
 in his famous letter to ,trajan about  
the ,christians1 notices        that    
this had been the case in ,bithynia4    
#ggf ,tert4 ,apol4 xl4 ,see1 too1       
,cyprian1 contra ,demetrian41 and       
,arnobius1 ,apol4 lib4 i4      #ggg ,st4
 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 ii4 #c4      #ggh
 ,instances of this kind are given by   
,tertullian ,ad ,scapulam1 and          
the whole treatise ,on the ,deaths of   
the ,persecutors1 attributed to         
,lactantius1 is a development of the    
same theory4 ,st4 ,cyprian's            
treatise against ,demetrianus throws    
much light on the mode of        thought
 of the ,christians of his time4 ,in the
 later historians1        anecdotes of  
adversaries of the ,church dying        

horrible deaths became        very      
numerous4 ,they were said especially to 
have been eaten by        worms4 ,many  
examples of this kind are collected by  
,jortin4 7,remarks        on ,eccles4   
,hist4 vol4 i4 p4 #dcb47      #ggi 8,it 
is remarkable1 in all the proclamations 
and documents which        ,eusebius    
assigns to ,constantine1 some even      
written by his own hand1        how1    
almost exclusively1 he dwells on this   
worldly superiority of        the ,god  
adored by the ,christians over those of 
the heathens1 and the        visible    
temporal advantages which attend on the 
worship of        ,christianity4 ,his   
own victory1 and the disasters of his   
enemies1 are        his conclusive      
evidences of ,christianity40--,milman1  
,hist4 of ,early        ,christianity   
7ed4 #ahfg71 vol4 ii4 p4 #cbg4 8,it was 
a standing        argument of           
,athanasius1 that the death of ,arius   
was a sufficient        refutation of   
his heresy40--,ibid4 p4 #chb4      #ghj 

,socrates1 ,eccl4 ,hist41 vii4 #cj4     
#gha ,greg4 ,tur4 ii4 #cj1 #ca4 ,clovis 
wrote to ,st4 ,avitus1 8,your faith is  
our victory40      #ghb ,milman's ,latin
 ,christianity 7ed4 #ahfg71 vol4 ii4 pp4
 #bcf-bde4      #ghc ,ibid4 vol4 iii4 p4
 #bdh4      #ghd ,ep4 xl4      #ghe 8,an
 diutius perferimus mutari temporum     
vices1 irata cli temperie8        ,qu   
,paganorum exacerbata perfidia nescit   
natur libramenta servare4        ,unde  
enim ver solitam gratiam abjuravit8 unde
 stas1 messe jejuna1        laboriosum  
agricolam in spe destituit aristarum8   
unde hyemis        intemperata ferocitas
 uberitatem terrarum penetrabili frigore
        sterilitatis lsione damnavit8   
nisi quod ad impietatis vindictam       
transit lege sua natur                  
decretum40--,novell4 lii4 ,theodos4 ,de 
,judis1        ,samaritanis1 et         
,hreticis4      #ghf ,milman's ,latin   
,christianity vol4 ii4 p4 #ced4         
#ghg ,dmonomanie des ,sorciers1 p4 #aeb4
      #ghh ,see a curious instance in   

,bayle's ,dictionary1 art4 8,vergerius40
      #ghi ,pliny1 ,ep4 x4 #dc4 ,trajan 
noticed that ,nicomedia was peculiarly  
turbulent4 ,on the edict against the    
hetri1 or associations1 see        ,ep4 
x4 #ig4      #gij ,all the apologists   
are full of these charges4 ,the chief   
passages        have been collected in  
that very useful and learned work1      
,kortholt1        ,de ,calumniis contra 
,christianos4 7,cologne1 #afhc47        
#gia ,justin ,martyr tells us it was the
 brave deaths of the ,christians        
that converted him4 7,apol4 ii4 #ab47   
#gib ,peregrinus4      #gic ,ep4 x4 #ig4
      #gid ,ep4 ii4      #gie ,juvenal  
describes the popular estimate of the   
,jews3--          8,tradidit arcano     
quodcunque volumine ,moses2        ,non 
monstrare vias1 eadem nisi sacra        
colenti1        ,qusitum ad fontem solos
 deducere verpos40          ,sat4 xix4  
#ajb-aje4          ,it is not true that 
the ,mosaic law contains these precepts4
      #gif ,see ,merivale's ,hist4 of   

,rome1 vol4 viii4 p4 #agf4      #gig    
,see ,justin ,martyr1 ,trypho1 xvii4    
#gih ,justin ,martyr1 ,apol4 i4 #bf4    
#gii ,eusebius expressly notices that   
the licentiousness of the sect of       
,carpocrates occasioned calumnies       
against the whole of the ,christian     
body4 7iv4 #g47 ,a number of passages   
from the ,fathers describing the        
immorality of these heretics are        
referred to by ,cave1 ,primitive        
,christianity1 part ii4 ch4 v4      #hjj
 ,epiphanius1 ,adv4 ,hr4 lib4 i4 ,hr4   
#bf4 ,the charge of murdering           
children1 and especially infants1       
occupies a very prominent place         
among the recriminations of             
religionists4 ,the ,pagans1 as we have  
seen1 brought it against the            
,christians1 and the orthodox against   
some of the early heretics4 ,the        
,christians accused ,julian of          
murdering infants for magical purposes1 
and the bed of the ,orontes        was  
said to have been choked with their     

bodies4 ,the accusation was        then 
commonly directed against the ,jews1    
against the witches1 and        against 
the mid-wives1 who were supposed to be  
in confederation with        the        
witches4      #hja ,see an example in   
,eusebius1 iii4 #cb4 ,after the triumph 
of        ,christianity the ,arian      
heretics appear to have been accustomed 
to        bring accusations of          
immorality against the ,catholics4 ,they
 procured        the deposition of ,st4 
,eustathius1 ,bishop of ,antioch1 by    
suborning a        prostitute to accuse 
him of being the father of her child4   
,the woman        afterwards1 on her    
death-bed1 confessed the imposture4     
7,theodor4        ,hist4 i4 #ba-bb47    
,they also accused ,st4 ,athanasius of  
murder and        unchastity1 both of   
which charges he most triumphantly      
repelled4        7,ibid4 i4 #cj47       
#hjb ,the great exertions and success of
 the ,christians in making female       
converts is indignantly noticed by      

,celsus 7,origen7 and by the            
,pagan interlocutor in ,minucius ,felix 
7,octavius71 and a more minute          
examination of ecclesiastical history   
amply confirms their        statements4 
,i shall have in a future chapter to    
revert to this        matter4           
,tertullian graphically describes the   
anger of a man he knew1        at the   
conversion of his wife1 and declares he 
would rather have had        her 8a     
prostitute than a ,christian40 7,ad     
,nationes1 i4 #d47 ,he also             
mentions a governor of ,cappadocia1     
named ,herminianus1 whose motive        
for persecuting the ,christians was his 
anger at the conversion of        his   
wife1 and who1 in consequence of his    
having persecuted1 was        devoured  
by worms4 7,ad ,scapul4 #c47      #hjc  
8,matronarum ,auriscalpius40 ,the title 
was given to ,pope ,st4 ,damasus4       
,see ,jortin's ,remarks on              
,ecclesiastical ,history1 vol4 ii4 p4   
#bg4        ,ammianus ,marcellinus      

notices 7xxvii4 #c7 the great wealth the
 ,roman        bishops of his time had  
acquired through the gifts of women4    
,theodoret 7,hist4 ,eccl4 ii4 #ag7 gives
 a curious account of the               
energetic proceedings of the ,roman     
ladies upon the exile of ,pope          
,liberius4      #hjd ,conj4 ,prcept4    
,this passage has been thought to refer 
to the        ,christians2 if so1 it is 
the single example of its kind in the   
writings of ,plutarch4      #hje ,pliny1
 in his letter on the ,christians1      
notices that their        assemblies    
were before daybreak4 ,tertullian and   
,minucius ,felix speak        frequently
 of the 8nocturnes convocationes10 or   
8nocturnes        congregationes0 of the
 ,christians4 ,the following passage1   
which the        last of these writers  
puts into the mouth of a ,pagan1        
describes        forcibly the popular   
feeling about the ,christians3 8,qui de 
ultima        fce collectis             
imperitioribus et mulieribus credulis   

sexus sui        facilitate labentibus1 
plebem profan conjurationis instituunt3 
qu        nocturnis congregationibus et 
jejuniis solennibus et inhumanis cibis  
non sacro quodam sed piaculo fderantur1 
latebrosa et lucifugax        natio1 in 
publico muta1 in angulis garrula2 templa
 ut busta        despiciunt1 deos       
despuunt1 rident sacra40--,octavius4    
,tertullian1 in        exhorting the    
,christian women not to intermarry with 
,pagans1 gives        as one reason that
 they would not permit them to attend   
this        8nightly convocation40 7,ad 
,uxorem1 ii4 #d47 ,this whole chapter is
 a        graphic but deeply painful    
picture of the utter impossibility of a 
,christian woman having any real        
community of feeling with a 8servant    
of the devil40      #hjf ,de ,civ4 ,dei1
 xix4 #bc4      #hjg ,the policy of the 
,romans with reference to magic has been
 minutely        traced by ,maury1      
,hist4 de la ,magie4 ,dr4 ,jeremie      
conjectures that        the exorcisms of

 the ,christians may have excited the   
antipathy of        ,marcus ,aurelius1  
he1 as ,i have already noticed1 being a 
disbeliever        on this subject4     
7,jeremie1 ,hist4 of ,church in the     
,second and ,third        ,cent4 p4     
#bf47 ,but this is mere conjecture4     
#hjh ,see the picture of the sentiments 
of the ,pagans on this matter1 in       
,plutarch's noble ,treatise on          
,superstition4      #hji ,thus ,justin  
,martyr3 8,since sensation remains in   
all men who have        been in         
existence1 and everlasting punishment is
 in store1 do not        hesitate to    
believe1 and be convinced that what ,i  
say is true4444        ,this ,gehenna is
 a place where all will be punished who 
live        unrighteously1 and who      
believe not that what ,god has taught   
through        ,christ will come to     
pass40--,apol4 #a4 #ah-ai4 ,arnobius has
 stated        very forcibly the        
favourite argument of many later        
theologians3 8,cum        ergo hc sit   

conditio futurorum ut teneri et         
comprehendi nullius        possint      
anticipationis attactu3 nonne purior    
ratio est1 ex duobus        incertis et 
in ambigua expectatione pendentibus1 id 
potius credere        quod aliquas spes 
ferat1 quam omnino quod nullas8 ,in illo
 enim        periculi nihil est1 si quod
 dicitur imminere cassum fiat et vacuum4
        ,in hoc damnum est              
maximum40--,adv4 ,gentes1 lib4 i        
#haj ,the continual enforcement of the  
duty of belief1 and the credulity       
of the ,christians1 were perpetually    
dwelt on by ,celsus and ,julian4        
,according to the first1 it was usual   
for them to say1 8,do not               
examine1 but believe only40 ,according  
to the latter1 8the sum of        their 
wisdom was comprised in this single     
precept1 believe40 ,the                 
apologists frequently notice this charge
 of credulity as brought        against 
the ,christians1 and some famous        
sentences of ,tertullian go        far  

to justify it4 ,see ,middleton's ,free  
,enquiry1 ,introd4 pp4 xcii1            
xciii4      #haa ,see the graphic       
picture of the agony of terror          
manifested by the        apostates as   
they tottered to the altar at           
,alexandria1 in the ,decian             
persecution1 in ,dionysius apud         
,eusebius1 vi4 #da4 ,miraculous         
judgments 7often1 perhaps1 the natural  
consequence of this extreme        fear7
 were said to have frequently fallen    
upon the apostates4 ,st4        ,cyprian
 has preserved a number of these in his 
treatise ,de ,lapsis4        ,persons1  
when excommunicated1 were also said to  
have been sometimes        visibly      
possessed by devils4 ,see ,church1 ,on  
,miraculous ,powers in        the ,first
 ,three ,centuries1 pp4 #eb-ed4         
#hab 8,si quis aliquid fecerit1 quo     
leves hominum animi superstitione       
numinis terrerentur1 ,divus ,marcus     
hujusmodi homines in insulam            
relegari rescripsit10 ,dig4 xlviii4 tit4

 #ai1 l4 #cj4      #hac ,a number of    
instances have been recorded1 in which  
the punishment of        the ,christians
 was due to their having broken idols1  
overturned        altars1 or in other   
ways insulted the ,pagans at their      
worship4 ,the        reader may find    
many examples of this collected in      
,cave's ,primitive        ,christianity1
 part i4 c4 v42 ,kortholt1 ,de          
,calumniis contra        ,christianos2  
,barbeyrac1 ,morale des ,pres1 c4 xvii42
 ,tillemont1        ,mm4 ecclsiast4 tome
 vii4 pp4 #ced-cee2 ,ceillier1 ,hist4   
des        ,auteurs sacrs1 tome iii4 pp4
 #eca-ecc4 ,the ,council of ,illiberis  
found it necessary to make a canon      
refusing the title of 8martyr0 to       
those who were executed for these       
offences4      #had ,the first of these 
anecdotes is told by ,st4 ,jerome1 the  
second by        ,st4 ,clement of       
,alexandria1 the third by ,st4 ,irenus4 
#hae ,the severe discipline of the early
 ,church on this point has been         

amply treated in ,marshall's            
,penitential ,discipline of the         
,primitive        ,church 7first        
published in #agad1 but reprinted in the
 library of        ,anglo-,catholic     
theology71 and in ,bingham's            
,antiquities of the        ,christian   
,church1 vol4 vi4 7,oxford1 #ahee74 ,the
 later saints        continually dwelt  
upon this duty of separation4 ,thus1    
8,st4 ,thodore        de ,pherm disoit1 
que quand une personne dont nous tions  
amis        estoit tombe dans la        
fornication1 nous devions luy donner la 
main        et faire notre possible pour
 le relever2 mais que s'il estoit tomb  
dans quelque erreur contre la foi1 et   
qu'il ne voulust pas s'en               
corriger aprs les premires              
remonstrances1 il falloit l'abandonner  
promptement et rompre toute amiti avec  
luy1 de peur qu'en nous        amusant  
le vouloir retirer de ce gouffre1 il ne 
nous y entranast                        
nous-mmes40--,tillemont1 ,mm4 ,eccls4   

tome xii4 p4 #cfg4      #haf 8,habere   
jam non potest ,deum patrem qui         
ecclesiam non habet matrem4        ,si  
potuit evadere quisquam qui extra arcam 
,noe fuit1 et qui extra        ecclesiam
 foris fuerit evadit 444 hanc unitatem  
qui non tenet 444        vitam non tenet
 et salutem 444 esse martyr non potest  
qui in        ecclesia non est4444 ,cum 
,deo manere non possunt qui esse in     
ecclesia        ,dei unanimes noluerunt4
 ,ardeant licet flammis et ignibus      
traditi1        vel objecti bestiis     
animas suas ponunt1 non erit illa fidei 
corona1        sed pna perfidi1 nec     
religios virtutis exitus gloriosus sed  
desperationis interitus4 ,occidi talis  
potest1 coronari non potest4        ,sic
 se ,christianum esse profitetur quo    
modo et ,christum diabolus        spe   
mentitur40--,cyprian1 ,de ,unit4        
,eccles4      #hag ,eusebius1 v4 #af4   
#hah ,confess4 iii4 #aa4 ,she was       
afterwards permitted by a special       
revelation to sit at the same table with

 her son6      #hai ,ep4 xl4      #hbj  
,ep4 xviii4      #hba ,tertull4 ,de     
,corona4      #hbb ,milman's ,hist4 of  
,christianity1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #aaf-abe4   
,it is        remarkable that the       
,serapeum of ,alexandria was1 in the    
,sibylline        books1 specially      
menaced with destruction4      #hbc     
,eunapius1 ,lives of the ,sophists4     
,eunapius gives an extremely            
pathetic account of the downfall of this
 temple4 ,there is a        ,christian  
account in ,theodoret 7v4 #bb74         
,theophilus1 ,bishop of                 
,alexandria1 was the leader of the      
monks4 ,the ,pagans1 under the          
guidance of a philosopher named         
,olympus1 made a desperate effort to    
defend their temple4 ,the whole story is
 very finely told by ,dean              
,milman4 7,hist4 of ,christianity1 vol4 
iii4 pp4 #fh-gb47      #hbd ,apology1 v4
 ,the overwhelming difficulties         
attending this assertion        are well
 stated by ,gibbon1 ch4 xvi4 ,traces of 

this fable may be        found in       
,justin ,martyr4 ,the freedom of the    
,christian worship at ,rome             
appears not only from the unanimity with
 which ,christian writers        date   
their troubles from ,nero1 but also from
 the express statement        in ,acts  
xxviii4 #ca4      #hbe 8,judos1         
impulsore ,chresto1 assidue             
tumultuantes1 ,roma                     
expulit40--,sueton4 ,claud4 xxv4 ,this  
banishment of the ,jews is              
mentioned in ,acts xviii4 #b1 but is not
 there connected in any way        with 
,christianity4 ,a passage in ,dion      
,cassius 7lx4 #f7 is supposed to        
refer to the same transaction4          
,lactantius notices that the ,pagans    
were accustomed to call ,christus1      
,chrestus3 8,eum immutata litera        
,chrestum solent dicere40--,div4 ,inst4 
iv4 #g4      #hbf ,this persecution is  
fully described by ,tacitus 7,annal4 xv4
 #dd71        and briefly noticed by    
,suetonius 7,nero1 xvi474      #hbg     

,this has been a matter of very great   
controversy4 ,looking at the            
question apart from direct testimony1 it
 appears improbable that a              
persecution directed against the        
,christians on the charge of having     
burnt ,rome1 should have extended to    
,christians who did not live near       
,rome4 ,on the other hand1 it has been  
argued that ,tacitus speaks of          
them as 8haud perinde in crimine        
incendii1 quam odio humani generis      
convicti20 and it has been maintained   
that 8hatred of the human        race0  
was treated as a crime1 and punished in 
the provinces4 ,but        this is1 ,i  
think1 extremely far-fetched2 and it is 
evident from the        sequel that the 
,christians at ,rome were burnt as      
incendiaries1 and        that it was the
 conviction that they were not guilty of
 that crime        that extorted the    
pity which ,tacitus notices4 ,there is  
also no        reference in ,tacitus to 
any persecution beyond the walls4 ,if we

 pass        to the ,christian evidence1
 a ,spanish inscription referring to the
        ,neronian persecution1 which was
 once appealed to as decisive1 is now   
unanimously admitted to be a forgery4   
,in the fourth century1        however1 
,sulp4 ,severus 7lib4 ii47 and ,orosius 
7,hist4 vii4 #g7        declared that   
general laws condemnatory of            
,christianity were        promulgated by
 ,nero2 but the testimony of credulous  
historians who        wrote so long     
after the event is not of much value4   
,rossi1 however1        imagines that a 
fragment of an inscription found at     
,pompeii        indicates a general law 
against ,christians4 ,see his ,bulletino
        d',archeologia ,cristiana       
7,roma1 ,dec4 #ahfe71 which1 however1   
should        be compared with the very 
remarkable ,compte rendu of ,m4 ,aub1   
,acad4 des ,inscrip4 et ,belles-lettres1
 ,juin #ahff4 ,these two papers         
contain an almost complete discussion of
 the persecutions of ,nero        and   

,domitian4 ,gibbon thinks it quite      
certain the persecution was             
confined to the city2 ,mosheim 7,eccl4  
,hist4 i4 p4 #ga7 adopts the            
opposite view1 and appeals to the       
passage in ,tertullian 7,ap4 v471       
in which he speaks of 8leges ist 444    
quas ,trajanus ex parte                 
frustratus est1 vitando inquiri         
,christianos10 as implying the          
existence of special laws against the   
,christians4 ,this passage1             
however1 may merely refer to the general
 law against unauthorised               
religions1 which ,tertullian notices in 
this very chapter2 and ,pliny1        in
 his famous letter1 does not show any   
knowledge of the existence        of    
special legislation about the           
,christians4      #hbh ,ecclesiastical  
historians maintain1 but not on very    
strong evidence1        that the ,church
 of ,rome was founded by ,st4 ,peter1   
,a4,d4 #db or #dd4 ,st4        ,paul    
came to ,rome ,a4,d4 #fa4      #hbi ,on 

this horrible punishment see ,juvenal1  
,sat4 i4 #aee-aeg4      #hcj            
,lactantius1 in the fourth century1     
speaks of this opinion as still         
held by some 8madmen0 7,de ,mort4       
,persec4 cap4 ii472 but ,sulp4          
,severus 7,hist4 lib4 ii47 speaks of it 
as a common notion1 and he        says  
that ,st4 ,martin1 when asked about the 
end of the world1        answered1      
8,neronem et ,antichristum prius esse   
venturos3 ,neronem in        occidentali
 plaga regibus subactis decem1          
imperaturum1 persecutionem        autem 
ab eo hactenus exercendam ut idola      
gentium coli        cogat40--,dial4 ii4 
,among the ,pagans1 the notion that     
,nero was yet        alive lingered     
long1 and twenty years after his death  
an adventurer        pretending to be   
,nero was enthusiastically received by  
the ,parthians        7,sueton4 ,nero1  
lvii474      #hca ,see the full         
description of it in ,rossi's ,bulletino
 d',archeol4        ,crist4 ,dec4 #ahfe4

 ,eusebius 7iii4 #ag7 and ,tertullian   
7,apol4 v47        have expressly       
noticed the very remarkable fact that   
,vespasian1 who        was a bitter     
enemy to the ,jews1 and who exiled all  
the leading        ,stoical philosophers
 except ,musonius1 never troubled the   
,christians4      #hcb ,see a pathetic  
letter of ,pliny1 lib4 iii4 ,ep4 xi4 and
 also lib4 i4        ,ep4 v4 and the    
,agricola of ,tacitus4      #hcc ,euseb4
 iii4 #bj4      #hcd 8,prter cteros     
,judaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est4 
,ad quem        deferebantur1 qui vel   
improfessi ,judaicam intra urbem        
viverent        vitam1 vel dissimulata  
origine imposita genti tributa non      
pependissent40--,sueton4 ,domit4 xi4    
,suetonius adds that1 when a            
young man1 he saw an old man of ninety  
examined before a large        assembly 
to ascertain whether he was circumcised4
      #hce ,euseb4 iii4 #ah4      #hcf  
,see the accounts of these transactions 
in ,xiphilin1 the abbreviator        of 

,dion ,cassius 7lxvii4 #ad72 ,euseb4    
iii4 #ag-ah4 ,suetonius notices         
7,domit4 xv47 that ,flavius ,clemens    
7whom he calls a man                    
8contemptissim inerti07 was killed 8ex  
tenuissima suspicione40 ,the            
language of ,xiphilin1 who says he was  
killed for 8impiety and ,jewish         
rites20 the express assertion of        
,eusebius1 that it was for              
,christianity2 and the declaration of   
,tertullian1 that ,christians           
were persecuted at the close of this    
reign1 leave1 ,i think1 little          
doubt that this execution was connected 
with ,christianity1 though        some  
writers have questioned it4 ,at the same
 time1 it is very        probable1 as   
,mr4 ,merivale thinks 7,hist4 of ,rome1 
vol4 vii4 pp4        #cha-chd71 that    
though the pretext of the execution     
might have been        religious1 the   
real motive was political jealousy4     
,domitian had        already put to     
death the brother of ,flavius ,clemens  

on the charge of        treason4 ,his   
sons had been recognised as successors  
to the throne1        and at the time of
 his execution another leading noble    
named ,glabrio        was accused of    
having fought in the arena4 ,some       
ecclesiastical        historians have   
imagined that there may have been two   
,domitillas--the        wife and niece  
of ,flavius ,clemens4 ,the islands of   
,pontia and        ,pandataria were     
close to one another4      #hcg         
8,tentaverat et ,domitianus1 portio     
,neronis de crudelitate2 sed qua et     
homo facile cptum repressit1 restitutis 
etiam quos relegaverat40        7,apol4 
#e47 ,it will be observed that          
,tertullian makes no mention of         
any punishment more severe than exile4  
#hch ,euseb4 iii4 #bj4      #hci ,de    
,mort4 ,persec4 iii4      #hdj          
,xiphilin1 lxviii4 #a4 ,an annotator to 
,mosheim conjectures that the           
edict may have been issued just before  
the death of the emperor1 but        not

 acted on till after it4      #hda      
,euseb4 iv4 #bf4 ,the whole of this     
apology has been recently               
recovered1 and translated into ,latin by
 ,m4 ,renan in the ,spicilegium         
,solesmense4      #hdb ,apol4 #e4       
#hdc ,lactant4 ,de ,mort4 ,persec4 #c-d4
      #hdd ,pliny1 ,ep4 x4 #ig-ih4      
#hde ,euseb4 lib4 iii4      #hdf ,there 
is a description of this earthquake in  
,merivale's ,hist4 of        the        
,romans1 vol4 viii4 pp4 #aee-aef4       
,orosius 7,hist4 vii4 #ab7              
thought it was a judgment on account of 
the persecution of the                  
,christians4      #hdg ,eusebius1 iv4   
#h-i4 ,see1 too1 ,justin ,martyr1 ,apol4
 i4 #fh-fi4      #hdh ,this is mentioned
 incidentally by ,lampridius in his     
,life of ,a4        ,severus4      #hdi 
,see this very curious letter in        
,vopiscus1 ,saturninus4      #hej       
,justin ,mart4 ,ap4 i4 #ca4 ,eusebius   
quotes a passage from ,hegesippus       
to the same effect4 7iv4 #h47      #hea 

8,prcepitque ne cui ,judo introeundi    
,hierosolymam esset licentia1           
,christianis tantum civitate            
permissa40--,oros4 vii4 #ac4      #heb  
,a letter which ,eusebius gives at full 
7iv4 #ac71 and ascribes to              
,antoninus ,pius1 has created a good    
deal of controversy4 ,justin ,mart4     
7,apol4 i4 #ga7 and ,tertullian 7,apol4 
#e7 ascribe it to ,marcus               
,aurelius4 ,it is now generally believed
 to be a forgery by a        ,christian 
hand1 being more like a ,christian      
apology than the letter        of a     
,pagan emperor4 ,st4 ,melito1 however1  
writing to ,marcus ,aurelius1           
expressly states that ,antoninus had    
written a letter forbidding the         
persecution of ,christians4 7,euseb4 iv4
 #bf47      #hec ,it is alluded to by   
,minucius ,felix4      #hed ,eusebius1  
iv4 #af4      #hee ,st4 ,melito         
expressly states that the edicts of     
,marcus ,aurelius        produced the   
,asiatic persecution4      #hef         

,eusebius1 iv4 #ae4      #heg ,see the  
most touching and horrible description  
of this persecution        in a letter  
written by the ,christians of ,lyons1 in
 ,eusebius1 v4 #a4      #heh ,sulpicius 
,severus 7who was himself a ,gaul7 says 
of their martyrdom        7,h4 ,e41 lib4
 ii471 8,tum primum intra ,gallias      
,martyria visa1 serius        trans     
,alpes ,dei religione suscepta40        
,tradition ascribes ,gallic             
,christianity to the apostles1 but the  
evidence of inscriptions        appears 
to confirm the account of ,severus4 ,it 
is at least certain        that         
,christianity did not acquire a great   
extension till later4 ,the              
earliest ,christian inscriptions found  
are 7one in each year7 of ,a4,d4        
#ccd1 #cdg1 #cgg1 #dje1 and #dji4 ,they 
do not become common till the           
middle of the fifth century4 ,see a full
 discussion of this in the              
preface of ,m4 ,le ,blant's admirable   
and indeed exhaustive work1             

,inscriptions ,chrtiennes de la ,gaule4 
#hei ,it was alleged among the          
,christians1 that towards the close of  
his        reign ,marcus ,aurelius      
issued an edict protecting the          
,christians1 on        account of a     
,christian legion having1 in ,germany1  
in a moment of        great distress1   
procured a shower of rain by their      
prayers4 7,tert4        ,apol4 #e47 ,the
 shower is mentioned by ,pagan as well  
as ,christian        writers1 and is    
portrayed on the column of ,antoninus4  
,it was        8ascribed to the         
incantations of an ,egyptian magician1  
to the        prayers of a legion of    
,christians1 or to the favour of ,jove  
towards        the best of mortals1     
according to the various prejudices of  
different observers40--,merivale's      
,hist4 of ,rome1 vol4 viii4 p4 #cch4    
#hfj ,xiphilin1 lxxii4 #d4 ,the most    
atrocious of the ,pagan persecutions was
        attributed1 as we shall see1 to 
the mother of ,galerius1 and in         

,christian times the ,spanish           
,inquisition was founded by ,isabella   
the        ,catholic2 the massacre of   
,st4 ,bartholomew was chiefly due to    
,catherine of ,medicis1 and the most    
horrible ,english persecution to        
,mary ,tudor4      #hfa ,euseb4 v4 #ba4 
,the accuser1 we learn from ,st4        
,jerome1 was a slave4 ,on        the law
 condemning slaves who accused their    
masters1 compare        ,pressens1      
,hist4 des ,trois premiers ,sicles 7#bme
 srie71 tome i4        pp4 #ahb-ahc1 and
 ,jeremie's ,church ,history of ,second 
and ,third        ,centuries1 p4 #bi4   
,apollonius was of senatorial rank4 ,it 
is said        that some other martyrs  
died at the same time4      #hfb 8,judos
 fieri sub gravi pna vetuit4 ,idem etiam
 de ,christianis                        
sanxit40--,spartian4 ,s4 ,severus4 ,the 
persecution is described by             
,eusebius1 lib4 vi4 ,tertullian says    
,severus was favourable to the          
,christians1 a ,christian named         

,proculus 7whom he1 in consequence1     
retained in the palace till his death7  
having cured him of an        illness by
 the application of oil4 7,ad ,scapul4  
#d47      #hfc 8,of the persecution     
under ,severus there are few1 if any1   
traces in        the ,west4 ,it is      
confined to ,syria1 perhaps to          
,cappadocia1 to ,egypt1        and to   
,africa1 and in the latter provinces    
appears as the act of        hostile    
governors proceeding upon the existing  
laws1 rather than the        consequence
 of any recent edict of the             
emperor40--,milman's ,hist4 of          
,christianity1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #aef-aeg4   
#hfd ,adv4 ,cels4 iii4 ,see ,gibbon1 ch4
 xvi4      #hfe ,eusebius1 vi4 #bh4     
#hff ,lampridius1 ,a4 ,severus4 ,the    
historian adds1 8,judis privilegia      
reservavit4 ,christianos esse passus    
est40      #hfg ,compare ,milman's      
,history of ,early ,christianity        
7#ahfg71 vol4 ii4 p4        #ahh1 and   
his ,history of ,latin ,christianity    

7#ahfg71 vol4 i4 pp4        #bf-ei4     
,there are only two cases of alleged    
martyrdom before this        time that  
can excite any reasonable doubt4 ,irenus
 distinctly        asserts that         
,telesphorus was martyred2 but his      
martyrdom is put in        the beginning
 of the reign of ,antoninus ,pius 7he   
had assumed the        mitre near the   
end of the reign of ,hadrian71 and      
,antoninus is        represented1 by the
 general voice of the ,church1 as       
perfectly free        from the stain of 
persecution4 ,a tradition1 which is in  
itself        sufficiently probable1    
states that ,pontianus1 having been     
exiled by        ,maximinus1 was killed 
in banishment4      #hfh ,tacitus has a 
very ingenious remark on this subject1  
which        illustrates happily the    
half-scepticism of the ,empire4 ,after  
recounting a number of prodigies that   
were said to have taken place        in 
the reign of ,otho1 he remarks that     
these were things habitually            

noticed in the ages of ignorance1 but   
now only noticed in periods of          
terror4 8,rudibus sculis etiam in pace  
observata1 qu nunc tantum in        metu
 audiuntur40--,hist4 i4 #hf4      #hfi  
,m4 de ,champagny has devoted an        
extremely beautiful chapter 7,les       
,antonins1 tome ii4 pp4 #agi-bjj7 to the
 liberty of the ,roman ,empire4         
,see1 too1 the fifty-fourth chapter of  
,mr4 ,merivale's ,history4 ,it        is
 the custom of some of the apologists   
for modern ,csarism to        defend it 
by pointing to the ,roman ,empire as the
 happiest period in        human        
history4 ,no apology can be more        
unfortunate4 ,the first task of        a
 modern despot is to centralise to the  
highest point1 to bring        every    
department of thought and action under a
 system of police        regulation1    
and1 above all1 to impose his shackling 
tyranny upon the        human mind4 ,the
 very perfection of the ,roman ,empire  
was1 that the        municipal and      

personal liberty it admitted had never  
been surpassed1        and the          
intellectual liberty had never been     
equalled4      #hgj ,sueton4 ,aug4 xxxi4
 ,it appears from a passage in ,livy    
7xxxix4 #af7        that books of       
oracles had been sometimes burnt in the 
,republic4      #hga ,tacitus has given 
us a very remarkable account of the     
trial of        ,cremutius ,cordus1     
under ,tiberius1 for having published a 
history in        which he had praised  
,brutus and called ,cassius the last of 
,romans4        7,annal4 iv4 #cd-ce47   
,he expressly terms this 8novo ac tunc  
primum        audito crimine10 and he   
puts a speech in the mouth of the       
accused1        describing the liberty  
previously accorded to writers4 ,cordus 
avoided execution by suicide4 ,his      
daughter1 ,marcia1 preserved some       
copies of his work1 and published it in 
the reign and with the                  
approbation of ,caligula4 7,senec4 ,ad4 
,marc4 #a2 ,suet4 ,calig4 #af47         

,there are1 however1 some traces of an  
earlier persecution of        letters4  
,under the sanction of a law of the     
decemvirs against        libellers1     
,augustus exiled the satiric writer     
,cassius ,severus1 and        he also   
destroyed the works of an historian     
named ,labienus1 on        account of   
their seditious sentiments4 ,these      
writings were        re-published with  
those of ,cordus4 ,generally1 however1  
,augustus was        very magnanimous in
 his dealings with his assailants4 ,he  
refused the        request of ,tiberius 
to punish them 7,suet4 ,aug4 #ea71 and  
only        excluded from his palace    
,timagenes1 who bitterly satirised both 
him        and the empress1 and         
proclaimed himself everywhere the enemy 
of the        emperor4 7,senec4 ,de     
,ira1 iii4 #bc47 ,a similar magnanimity 
was shown        by most of the other   
emperors2 among others1 by ,nero4       
7,suet4 ,nero1        #ci47 ,under      
,vespasian1 however1 a poet1 named      

,maternus1 was obliged        to retouch
 a tragedy on ,cato 7,tacit4 ,de ,or4   
#b-c71 and ,domitian        allowed no  
writings opposed to his policy4 7,tacit4
 ,agric47 ,but no        attempt appears
 to have been made in the ,empire to    
control religious        writings till  
the persecution of ,diocletian1 who     
ordered the        ,scriptures to be    
burnt4 ,the example was speedily        
followed by the        ,christian       
emperors4 ,the writings of ,arius were  
burnt in ,a4,d4 #cba1        those of   
,porphyry in ,a4,d4 #chh4 ,pope         
,gelasius1 in ,a4,d4 #dif1 drew up a    
list of books which should not be read1 
and all liberty of        publication   
speedily became extinct4 ,see on this   
subject ,peignot1        ,essai         
historique sur la ,libert d'crire2      
,villemain1 tudes de        ,littr4     
ancienne2 ,sir ,c4 ,lewis on the        
,credibility of ,roman ,hist4           
vol4 i4 p4 #eb2 ,nadal1 ,mmoire sur la  
libert qu'avoient les soldats           

romains de dire des vers satyriques     
contre ceux qui triomphoient            
7,paris #agbe74      #hgb ,see a        
collection of passages on this point in 
,pressens1 ,hist4 des        ,trois     
premiers ,sicles 7#bme srie71 tome i4   
pp4 #c-d4      #hgc ,trypho4      #hgd  
,apol4 xxxvii4      #hge ,euseb4 vi4    
#dc4      #hgf ,eusebius1 it is true1   
ascribes this persecution 7vi4 #ci7 to  
the        hatred ,decius bore to his   
predecessor ,philip1 who was very       
friendly        to the ,christians4 ,but
 although such a motive might account   
for a        persecution like that of   
,maximin1 which was directed chiefly    
against        the bishops who had been 
about the ,court of ,severus1 it is     
insufficient to account for a           
persecution so general and so severe    
as that of ,decius4 ,it is remarkable   
that this emperor is uniformly          
represented by the ,pagan historians as 
an eminently wise and humane            
sovereign4 ,see ,dodwell1 ,de ,paucitate

 ,martyrum1 lii4      #hgg ,st4 ,cyprian
 7,ep4 vii47 and1 at a later period1    
,st4 ,jerome 7,vit4        ,pauli71 both
 notice that during this persecution the
 desire of the        persecutors was to
 subdue the constancy of the ,christians
 by        torture1 without gratifying  
their desire for martyrdom4 ,the        
consignment of ,christian virgins to    
houses of ill fame was one of        the
 most common incidents in the later acts
 of martyrs which were        invented  
in the middle ages4 ,unhappily1 however1
 it must be        acknowledged that    
there are some undoubted traces of it at
 an        earlier date4 ,tertullian1 in
 a famous passage1 speaks of the cry    
8,ad        ,lenonem0 as substituted for
 that of 8,ad ,leonem20 and ,st4        
,ambrose        recounts some strange   
stories on this subject in his treatise 
,de        ,virginibus4      #hgh ,st4  
,cyprian has drawn a very highly        
coloured picture of this general        
corruption1 and of the apostasy it      

produced1 in his treatise ,de           
,lapsis1 a most interesting picture of  
the society of his time4 ,see1          
too1 the ,life of ,st4 ,gregory         
,thaumaturgus1 by ,greg4 of ,nyssa4     
#hgi 8,la perscution de ,dce ne dura    
qu'environ un an dans sa grande         
violence4 ,car ,s4 ,cyprien1 dans les   
lettres crites en #bea1 ds        devant
 ,pasque1 et mesme dans quelques-unes   
crites apparemment ds        la fin de  
#bej1 tmoigne que son glise jouissoit dj
 de quelque        paix1 mais d'une paix
 encore peu affermie1 en sorte que le   
moindre        accident eust pu         
renouveler le trouble et la perscution4 
,il semble        mesme que l'on n'eust 
pas encore la libert d'y tenir les      
assembles1 et nanmoins il paroist que   
tous les confesseurs        prisonniers 
,carthage y avoient est mis en libert ds
 ce        temps-l40--,tillemont1 ,mm4  
d',hist4 ecclsiastique1 tome iii4 p4    
#cbd4      #hhj ,dionysius the bishop   
wrote a full account of it1 which       

,eusebius has        preserved 7vi4     
#da-db74 ,in ,alexandria1 ,dionysius    
says1 the        persecution produced by
 popular fanaticism preceded the edict  
of        ,decius by an entire year4 ,he
 has preserved a particular catalogue of
        all who were put to death in    
,alexandria during the entire ,decian   
persecution4 ,they were seventeen       
persons4 ,several of these were         
killed by the mob1 and their deaths were
 in nearly all cases        accompanied 
by circumstances of extreme atrocity4   
,besides these1        others 7we know  
not how many7 had been put to torture4  
,many1        ,dionysius says1 perished 
in other cities or villages of ,egypt4  
#hha ,see ,st4 ,cyprian1 ,ep4 viii4     
#hhb ,there was much controversy at this
 time as to the propriety of            
bishops evading persecution by flight4  
,the ,montanists maintained        that 
such a conduct was equivalent to        
apostasy4 ,tertullian had        written
 a book1 ,de ,fuga in ,persecutione1    

maintaining this view2        and among 
the orthodox the conduct of ,st4        
,cyprian 7who afterwards        nobly   
attested his courage by his death7 did  
not escape        animadversion4 ,the   
more moderate opinion prevailed1 but the
 leading        bishops found it        
necessary to support their conduct by   
declaring        that they had received 
special revelations exhorting them to   
fly4        ,st4 ,cyprian1 who          
constantly appealed to his dreams to    
justify him in        his controversies 
7see some curious instances collected in
        ,middleton's ,free ,enquiry1 pp4
 #aja-aje71 declared 7,ep4 ix471 and    
his biographer and friend ,pontius      
re-asserted 7,vit4 ,cyprianis71         
that his flight was 8by the command of  
,god40 ,dionysius1 the ,bishop        of
 ,alexandria1 asserts the same thing of 
his own flight1 and attests        it by
 an oath 7see his own words in ,euseb4  
vi4 #dj72 and the same        thing was 
afterwards related of ,st4 ,gregory     

,thaumaturgus4 7,see his        ,life by
 ,gregory of ,nyssa47      #hhc 8,e     
veramente che almeno fino dal secolo    
terzo i fedeli abbiano        posseduto 
cimiteri a nome commune1 e che il loro  
possesso sia stato        riconosciuto  
dagl' imperatori1  cosa impossibile a   
negare40--,rossi1        ,roma          
,sotterranea1 tomo i4 p4 #ajc4      #hhd
 ,this is all fully discussed by ,rossi1
 ,roma ,sotterranea1 tomo i4        pp4 
#aja-ajh4 ,rossi thinks the ,church1 in 
its capacity of burial        society1  
was known by the name of 8ecclesia      
fratrum40      #hhe ,see1 on the history
 of early ,christian ,churches1 ,cave's 
,primitive        ,christianity1 part i4
 c4 vi4      #hhf ,dodwell 7,de ,paucit4
 ,martyr4 lvii47 has collected evidence 
of the        subsidence of the         
persecution in the last year of the     
reign of        ,decius4      #hhg ,this
 persecution is not noticed by ,st4     
,jerome1 ,orosius1 ,sulpicius           
,severus1 or ,lactantius4 ,the very     

little we know about it is derived      
from the letters of ,st4 ,cyprian1 and  
from a short notice by        ,dionysius
 of ,alexandria1 in ,eusebius1 vii4 #a4 
,dionysius says1 ,gallus        began   
the persecution when his reign was      
advancing prosperously1 and        his  
affairs succeeding1 which probably      
means1 after he had procured        the 
departure of the ,goths from the        
,illyrian province1 early in ,a4,d4     
#beb 7see ,gibbon1 chap4 x474 ,the      
disastrous position into which          
affairs had been thrown by the defeat of
 ,decius appears1 at first1        to   
have engrossed his attention4      #hhh 
,lucius was at first exiled and then    
permitted to return1 on which           
occasion ,st4 ,cyprian wrote him a      
letter of congratulation 7,ep4          
lvii474 ,he was1 however1 afterwards    
re-arrested and slain1 but it is        
not1 ,i think1 clear whether it was     
under ,gallus or ,valerian4 ,st4        
,cyprian speaks 7,ep4 lxvi47 of both    

,cornelius and ,lucius as               
martyred4 ,the emperors were probably at
 this time beginning to        realise  
the power the ,bishops of ,rome         
possessed4 ,we know hardly              
anything of the ,decian persecution at  
,rome except the execution of        the
 bishop2 and ,st4 ,cyprian says 7,ep4   
li47 that ,decius would have            
preferred a pretender to the throne to a
 ,bishop of ,rome4      #hhi ,dionysius1
 ,archbishop of ,alexandria2 see ,euseb4
 vii4 #aj4      #hij ,eusebius1 vii4    
#aj-ab2 ,cyprian1 ,ep4 lxxxi4           
,lactantius says of        ,valerian1   
8,multum quamvis brevi tempore justi    
sanguinis fudit40--,de        ,mort4    
,persec4 c4 v4      #hia ,cyprian4 ,ep4 
lxxxi4      #hib ,see his ,life by the  
deacon ,pontius1 which is reproduced by 
,gibbon4      #hic ,eusebius1 vii4 #ac4 
#hid ,tertullian had before1 in a       
curious passage1 spoken of the          
impossibility of ,christian ,csars4     
8,sed et ,csares credidissent           

super ,christo si aut ,csares non essent
 seculo necessarii1 aut si et           
,christiani potuissent esse             
,csares40--,apol4 xxi4      #hie ,contra
 ,demetrianum4      #hif ,eusebius1 vii4
 #cj4 ,aurelian decided that the        
cathedral at ,antioch        should be  
given up to whoever was appointed by the
 bishops of ,italy4      #hig ,compare  
the accounts in ,eusebius1 vii4 #cj1 and
 ,lactantius1 ,de        ,mort4 c4 vi4  
#hih ,see the forcible and very candid  
description of ,eusebius1 viii4 #a4     
#hii ,this is noticed by ,optatus4      
#ijj ,see the vivid pictures in ,lact4  
,de ,mort4 ,persec4      #ija ,lactant4 
,de ,mort4 ,persec4 #ae4      #ijb      
,eusebius1 viii4      #ijc ,these       
incidents are noticed by ,eusebius in   
his ,history1 and in his        ,life of
 ,constantine1 and by ,lactantius1 ,de  
,mort4 ,persec4      #ijd 8,italy1      
,sicily1 ,gaul1 and whatever parts      
extend towards the                      
,west1--,spain1 ,mauritania1 and        

,africa40--,euseb4 ,mart4 ,palest4 ch4  
xiii4 ,but in ,gaul1 as ,i have said1   
the persecution had not extended        
beyond the destruction of churches2 in  
these provinces the        persecution1 
,eusebius says1 lasted not quite two    
years4      #ije ,the history of this   
persecution is given by ,eusebius1      
,hist4 lib4        viii41 in his work on
 the ,martyrs of ,palestine1 and in     
,lactantius1        ,de ,mort4 ,persec4 
,the persecution in ,palestine was not  
quite        continuous3 in ,a4,d4 #cjh 
it had almost ceased2 it then revived   
fiercely1 but at the close of ,a4,d4    
#cji1 and in the beginning of ,a4,d4    
#caj1 there was again a short lull1     
apparently due to political             
causes4 ,see ,mosheim1 ,eccles4 ,hist4  
7edited by ,soames71 vol4 i4 pp4        
#bhf-bhg4      #ijf ,eusebius4      #ijg
 ,see two passages1 which ,gibbon justly
 calls remarkable4 7,h4 ,e4        viii4
 #b2 ,martyrs of ,palest4 ch4 xii47     
#ijh ,there is one instance of a        

wholesale massacre which appears to rest
        on good authority4 ,eusebius    
asserts that1 during the ,diocletian    
persecution1 a village in ,phrygia1 the 
name of which he does not               
mention1 being inhabited entirely by    
,christians who refused to              
sacrifice1 was attacked and burnt with  
all that were in it by the        ,pagan
 soldiery4 ,lactantius 7,inst4 ,div4 v4 
#aa7 confines the        conflagration  
to a church in which the entire         
population was burnt2        and an     
early ,latin translation of ,eusebius   
states that the people        were first
 summoned to withdraw1 but refused to do
 so4 ,gibbon 7ch4        xvi47 thinks   
that this tragedy took place when the   
decree of        ,diocletian ordered the
 destruction of the churches4      #iji 
,mariana 7,de ,rebus ,hispani1 xxiv4    
#ag74 ,llorente thought this            
number perished in the single year      
#adhb2 but the expressions of           
,mariana1 though he speaks of 8this     

beginning10 do not necessarily          
imply this restriction4 ,besides these  
martyrs1 #ag1jjj persons in             
,spain recanted1 and endured punishments
 less than death1 while great           
numbers fled4 ,there does not appear to 
have been1 in this case1        either  
the provocation or the political danger 
which stimulated the        ,diocletian 
persecution4      #iaj ,this is         
according to the calculation of ,sarpi4 
,grotius estimates the        victims at
 #ajj1jjj4--;,gibbon1 ch4 xvi4      #iaa
 ,see some curious information on this  
in ,ticknor's ,hist4 of ,spanish        
,literature 7#crd ,american edition71   
vol4 iii4 pp4 #bcf-bcg4      #iab ,this 
was the case in the persecutions at     
,lyons and ,smyrna1 under        ,marcus
 ,aurelius4 ,in the ,diocletian         
persecution at ,alexandria the          
populace were allowed to torture the    
,christians as they pleased4            
7,eusebius1 viii4 #aj47