,note3 ,images of the original pages are available through ,internet ,archive_/,american ,libraries4 ,see http3_/_/www4archive4org_/details_/scien cemedievalt#jj;allbrich ,,science ,,and ,,medieval ,,thought4 99 99 99 99 99 ,london3 ,c4 ,j4 ,,clay ,,and ,,sons1 ,,cambridge ,,university ,,press ,,warehouse1 ,,ave ,,maria ,,lane4 ,glasgow3 #ej1 ,,wellington ,,street4 ,leipzig3 ,f4 ,a4 ,,brockhaus4 ,new ,york3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company4 ,bombay3 ,e4 ,,seymour ,,hale4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,science ,,and ,,medieval ,,thought ,the ,harveian ,oration ,delivered ,before the ,royal ,college of ,physicians1 ,october #ah1 #aijj1 by ,,thomas ,,clifford ,,allbutt1 ,m4,a41 ,m4,d4 ,cantab4 ,fellow of the ,college1 ,hon4 ,ll4,d4 ,glasgow1 ,hon4 ,m4,d4 ,dubl41 ,hon4 ,d4,sc4 ,vict41 ,hon4 ,f4,r4,c4,p4 ,dubl41 ,f4,r4,s4 ,regius ,professor of ,physic in the ,university of ,cambridge2 ,fellow of ,gonville and ,caius ,college1 ,cambridge2 ,consulting ,physician to the ,leeds ,general ,infirmary2 ,physician to the ,addenbrooke's ,hospital1 ,cambridge4 ,london ,c4 ,j4 ,clay and ,sons ,cambridge ,university ,press ,warehouse ,ave ,maria ,lane #aija ,all ,rights reserved4 ,duo enim sunt modi cognoscendi1 scilicet per argumentum et experimentum4 ,argumentum concludit1 et facit nos concludere qustionem1 sed non certificat1 neque removet dubitationem1 ut quiescat animus in intuitu veritatis1 nisi eam inveniat via experienti4 ,,roger ,,bacon1 ,op4 ,majus1 ,venet4 #agej1 p4 #ccf4 ,,to ,,sir ,,william ,,selby ,,church1 ,,bart41 ,m4,d4 ,,president ,,of ,,the ,,royal ,,college ,,of ,,physicians ,,of ,,london1 ,,this ,,oration1 ,,delivered ,,at ,,his ,,request1 ,,is ,,dedicated4 ,,erratum4 p4 #gh1 note #a1 l4 #ai2 for were in orders1 for the most part in holy orders2 read were generally speaking in holy orders2 ,,preface4 ,in the ,middle ,ages the old world had passed1 and the vision of a new world came near to the eager and passionate hearts of many peoples4 ,lincoln and ,wells1 ,amiens and ,chartres1 ,florence and ,assisi tell us of the glory of that vision2 and bear witness of its flight3 for with ,gilbert1 ,galileo1 ,harvey and ,newton the ,middle ,ages themselves became a phantom1 and again the spirit of a new world appeared4 ,thus in the phases of time the world dies and is born again2 fulfilling greater destinies4 ,but the new are born in the cold bed of the elder worlds1 and the young life is chilled1 or a lustier offspring turns unnaturally to curse the dead2 so in their decrepitude lay the ,middle ,ages upon modern life2 and the ,middle ,ages were accursed1 until certain pious men sought to reanimate their vestments and their formulas1 and to set the hands back on the dial of the centuries2 as manyminded man seeks wistfully to reanimate the simple wonders and beliefs of his childhood4 ,their ministry was no more than pious2 the method of modern history wins the fruits of the past while casting away the shadow of its withered branches4 ,this comparative method1 first applied to the art and romance of the ,middle ,ages1 so that every dilettante may now discourse to us of their evolution1 has been applied also to the thought of the period2 but its results1 laid up in the closets of a few scholars1 are as yet unfamiliar4 ,it may then become one1 who in no sense a scholar has strayed into these secret places1 to try to distribute some lessons of the medieval thought which1 to many of us1 seems as sere and outworn as did the relics of ,gothic shrines to our great-grandfathers4 ,for1 as in those medieval generations which lay nearest us the furnace had cooled1 impatiently we had thrown metal and dross aside1 and let our contempt for the dryness and pedantry of its latter days prevent our vision of the earlier time when the passion for knowledge bore up the world1 and sought even to contain it4 ,that dogma is not eternal is manifest to every wanderer in the streets of ,toledo1 yet the historian may well recall us to the study of a time when1 by mystical or intellectual inspirations1 men strove eagerly to know the meaning of life1 its origins1 and its issues2 and may lead us to the discovery of the seeds and wells of its fertility4 ,the ,greeks prophesied that before man can determine his place and service in this world he must form some theory of the world as a whole2 the ages of faith prophesied that great deeds must be born of great faith and of great conceptions4 ,to those who live only in the past1 or only in the present1 there seems in the discriminations of the comparative historian to be a certain cold-bloodedness4 ,are not the ears of this critic1 so aloof from the murmuring of creed and controversy1 are they not deaf to the voices of the spirit which he would interpret to us8 ,a distinguished bishop who was among my hearers1 with the fervour and gentle humour so well known in him1 rallied me not for celebrating science but for putting religion to rout4 ,yet in our own day surely the argument is changed1 not in form only but in very nature2 so changed by the conceptions of evolution1 which have entered the mind of churchman and layman alike1 that not a few speculative beliefs are changing sides without the knowledge of the disputants2 and he who thinks himself a defender of the faith may have joined the revolt4 ,but if we no longer carry the colours of the troops of the past we shall collect our lessons from its strategies2 and for one of these lessons a prelate of the ,king will give thanks with me1 that his supremacy has palsied the arm of the inquisitor to strengthen that of the apostle4 99 99 99 99 99 ,an unsystematic reader of a subject finds it out of his power to make due acknowledgment of the help and advantage derived from expert authors4 ,much of the matter had seeded itself insensibly in his brain in the course of general reading and conversation2 much of it again had been obtained more carefully from sources now forgotten4 ,to the following authors ,i know ,i am profoundly indebted1 as ,i am to many others to whose names and works ,i can now give no reference3 ,haurau1 ,la ,philosophie ,scolastique1 ,ed4 #ahgb2 ,jowett1 ,dialogues of ,plato 7vol4 ,,iii4 p4 #ebc72 ,jourdain 7,amable71 ,recherches critiques1 ,paris #ahdh2 ,jourdain 7,charles71 ,excursions historiques1 ,paris #ahhh 7and the ,philosophie de ,st ,thomas of the same author72 ,ampre1 ,histoire litt4 de la ,france avant le ,x,i,ime sicle2 ,brucker's ,historia ,critica ,philosophi 7,english ,ed41 #agia72 ,renan1 ,averros1 ,paris #ahff2 the ,philosophie prip4 apud ,syros2 and the ,peuples ,smitiques dans l'histoire de la civilisation1 of the same author2 ,roger ,bacon1 ,westminster ,review1 #ahfd1 two ,articles 7by ,thomas ,marshall1 ,m4,a4 ,oxon472 ,schmidt1 ,essai sur les ,mystiques du ,x,i,vme sicle2 ,benn1 ,a4 ,w41 ,the ,greek ,philosophers1 ,london #ahhb 7and many helpful essays in periodical literature72 ,zeller1 ,die ,philosophie der ,griechen1 #ahha2 ,krische1 ,a4 ,b41 ,theologische ,lehre d4 ,griechischen ,denker1 ,gttingen #ahdj2 ,ueberweg1 ,grundriss d4 ,gesch4 d4 ,phil4 des ,alterthums1 ,berlin #ahfg2 ,gerlach und ,traumller1 ,gesch4 d4 physik4 ,experimentierkunst1 ,leipzig #ahii2 ,rashdall's ,history of ,universities2 ,haeser1 ,geschichte der ,medicin1 ,jena #ahge-hb2 ,baas1 ,j4 ,h41 ,gesch4 d4 ,medicin1 ,stuttgart #ahgf2 ,idem1 ,die geschichtliche ,entwicklung des rztlichen ,standes1 ,berlin #ahif2 ,charles ,daremberg 7all his works72 ,rousselot1 tudes sur la philosophie dans le ,moyen ,age1 #ahdj2 ,pattison1 ,casaubon1 #ahge2 ,meunier1 ,francis1 ,essai sur la vie et les ouvrages de ,nicole ,oresme1 ,paris #aheg4 ,descartes1 ,epist4 ,cartes4 #dto4 ,amst41 #affh2 ,plumpius1 ,fundamenta ,med4 ,fol4 ,lovan41 #afeb2 ,sylvii ,op4 ,omn41 #afgi1 p4 #hge2 ,haller1 ,elem4 ,physiol41 #ageg1 ,i4 #c2 ,tiedemann1 ,physiologie de l'homme1 ,paris #ahca1 ,i4 #da2 ,delle ,chiaja1 ,instituzione di ,anatom4 e ,fis4 ,comp41 #ahcb1 ,i4 #ac4 7,the six last works are cited as being especially useful1 among many others1 to show the extent to which modern physiology1 from ,harvey onwards1 is based upon vivisection2 and that it could not have arisen or thriven otherwise4 ,it was by the test of many vivisections that ,plumpius was led to the honourable withdrawal of his opposition to ,harvey47 ,,introduction#a4 ,in the many ,harveian ,orations which have been delivered since the death of the founder of modern physiology the direct aspects of his honour and of his work have been exhausted2 of late years the orators have concerned themselves with indirect aspects4 ,some of my friends have said to me that they lack a perspective view of ,harvey and his work2 that even highly educated men have little sense of his relation to medieval thought1 or of the evolution of medieval into modern thought4 ,of the several stars of the constellation--of ,copernicus1 ,gilbert1 ,galileo1 ,harvey--they had some knowledge2 but how came ,harvey to be at ,padua8 how did science spring up in ,north ,italy8 did science arise out of the womb of medicine1 or contrariwise8 why did natural science not flourish in the thirteenth century1 and was it not a great misfortune for ,europe that it did not then flourish8 what were the systems of thought which in the ,middle ,ages preceded1 encouraged or thwarted the travail of the human mind1 and what of good or ill do we owe to them8 ,these and such questions it seemed not unfitting that a ,harveian ,orator of this latter day should consider4 ,now on the philosophy of the ,middle ,ages1 and on its relation to the era of positive science of which ,harvey was perhaps the chief pioneer1 there lay in a drawer in my cabinet the confused and occasional notes of many years4 ,an interest in this thorny subject1 sown in my mind at first by accident1 and reawakened by these enquiring friends1 had for me the charms of an old fancy1 and ,i trust some brief essay thereon may have a temporary service2 if1 that is1 ,i can touch the imagination of my hearers1 and after some broken fashion bring before them a vision of the nations swayed hither and thither upon the face of ,europe by a thirst for knowledge of a kind different1 both in its methods and in its aims1 from our own4 ,this oration cannot have the merit of an original study4 ,had ,i the equipment ,i have not the leisure to carry my investigations to the sources4 ,yet ,i may have attained to some maturity of judgment herein by long occupation of my mind since1 in #ahfc1 my old friend ,mr ,thomas ,marshall of ,leeds1 sometime of ,st ,john's ,college1 ,oxford1 interested me in the life and work of ,roger ,bacon1 the only eminent forerunner of the great naturalists of the seventeenth century4 ,the art of the ,middle ,ages and the social and political history of the time have fascinated modern ,europe2 for medieval thought1 though its phrases survive in their mouths1 few persons have shown any care3 yet to these conflicts we owe what we are4 ,no great battles of mankind have been fought in vain2 none of its great captains has deserved oblivion4 ,yet we shrug our shoulders at their uncouth or outlandish names2 we assume that from their chairs there issued naught but rhetoric1 casuistries and fallacies1 and that their multitudinous disciples were silly moths4 ,each period of human achievement has its phases of spring1 culmination1 and decline2 and it is in its decline that the leafless tree comes to judgment4 ,in the unloveliness of decay the ,middle ,ages are as other ages have been1 as our own will be3 but in those ages there was more than one outburst of life2 more than once the enthusiasm of the youth of the ,west went out to explore the ways of the realm of ideas2 and1 if we believe ourselves at last to have found the only thoroughfare1 we owe this knowledge to those who before us travelled the uncharted seas4 ,if we have inherited a great commerce and dominion of science it is because their argosies had been on the ocean1 and their camels on the desert4 ,discipulus est prioris posterior dies2 man cannot know all at once2 knowledge must be built up by laborious generations4 ,in all times1 as in our own1 the advance of knowledge is very largely by elimination and negation2 we ascertain what is not true1 and we weed it out4 ,to perceive and to respect the limits of the knowable we must have sought to transgress them4 ,we can build our bridge over the chasm of ignorance with stored material in which the thirteenth century was poor indeed1 we can fix our bearings where then was no foundation2 yet man may be well engaged when he knows not the ends of his work2 and the schoolmen in digging for treasure cultivated the field of knowledge1 even for ,galileo and ,harvey1 for ,newton and ,darwin4 ,their many errors came not of indolence1 for they were passionate2 not of hatred of light1 for they were eager for the light2 not of fickleness1 for they wrought with unparalleled devotion2 nor indeed of ignorance of particular things1 for they knew many things3 they erred because they did not know1 and they could not know1 the conditions of the problems which1 as they emerged from the cauldron of war and from the wreck of letters and science1 they were nevertheless bound to attack1 if civil societies worthy of the name were to be constructed4 ,how slow in gestation is the mother of truth we may see by comparing the schoolmen of the second medieval period with those of the first2 in the enlargement of their view1 the better furniture of their minds1 and the deeper meaning of their distinctions3 and when we compare with these later schoolmen the naturalists of the seventeenth century1 we find not new acquirements only but also a new direction of the pursuit of truth4 ,it seems hardly comprehensible that great and stable societies have been built up on transcendental schemes of thought1 upon conceptions poised as it were in the air4 ,without a system of morals no civil society could exist2 yet if mankind must have waited for civil polity until some such system were built up from below1 of scientifically tested materials1 social constructions would have been virtually impossible4 ,in morals1 as in the arts1 the art precedes the science2 the intuitions of genius imagine social schemes of provisional validity1 and new and lofty standards of fitness4 ,but a social fabric thus born of a vision can bear no rough handling2 and even the solid builders who would make a more permanent foundation upon positive conceptions1 while seeking more or less deliberately to underpin the fabric1 may1 and often do1 shake it to ruin4 ,hence in all guardians of morals the dread of meddling with the reigning vision of truth2 hence its sanctity1 that no man shall try the stuff of which it is made4 ,and the dangers of heresies from within are more fearful than those of alien attacks2 social cohesion1 the end of it all1 is thereby more exposed to disintegration4 ,yet nevertheless1 as the generations of men change1 and as knowledge increases1 men see from new points of view2 and thus while for some the reigning vision retains its apparent solidity1 for others its rays are broken or dissolved4 ,even ,john ,henry ,newman was compelled to teach the relativity of truth1 and that a doctrine of development must be accepted4 ,for every provisional synthesis then the time must come when the apparition of truth can no longer command united allegiance1 and criterions begin to encroach upon sanctions4 ,broader and more stable foundations have1 it is true1 been rising almost insensibly1 yet it may be long ere the superstructure rise into the heavenly light2 in the lower work many will see no beauty and no hope1 others will see safety in its enlargement and solidity4 ,by these indeed the visions of the imagination are apt to be forgotten1 or in the pressure of intellectual verification even despised2 the mean level of conception may not indeed be lower1 it may haply be higher1 yet the highest1 wherein truth may be revealed by illumination1 is not divined in its full force1 abundance and life4 ,great seers are wont to leave to others to find out1 or even to care1 what bottom they stood upon2 yet only through transitory periods of a humbler duty than theirs can the bases be laid and enlarged for times of richer fruition4 ,one of the profoundest of modern sayings was that of ,freeman--that the end of modern material progress is to bring large societies up to the level of small ones4 ,this is the day of a great celebration2 that on this anniversary ,i am worthy to take a place in the succession of your ,orators is more than ,i dare to believe1 that you have deemed me worthy is my encouragement4 ,in private duty also ,i am bound to honour one of the greatest of the sons of the ,university of ,cambridge1 and the greatest member of the ancient and honourable house of ,gonville and ,caius ,college4 ,in some respects ,i am ill equipped for my office2 of the history of the practice of ,medicine from the time of ,galen to the time of ,harvey ,i am almost ignorant1 ,i fear wilfully ignorant4 ,well indeed may we turn our eyes away from those centuries wherein one of the chief callings of man fell into unexampled and even odious degradation2 yet ,i trust that in me this ignorance and this aversion may be compensated by some familiarity with the history of thought in the ,middle ,ages1 a familiarity acquired during thirty-six years of abiding interest1 and occasional study4 ,the discovery of the circulation of the blood by ,william ,harvey is commonly regarded among scientific discoveries as pre-eminent if not unique4 ,i can quote but two opinions on this matter1 both taken beyond our own land4 ,in ,france1 ,dr ,daremberg exclaims ,voici ,harvey6 ,comme au jour de la cration le chaos se dbrouille1 la lumire se spare des tnbres6 ,in ,germany1 ,dr ,baas says that ,harvey stands alone in respect of the world of life2 that his discovery of the inner working of the microcosm takes a place equal to1 if not indeed higher than1 those of ,copernicus1 ,kepler and ,newton in respect of the macrocosm4 ,it will be my endeavour to show that these judgments are historically justifiable4 ,to put the discovery of the systemic circulation of the blood in its true light1 we must have some notion of the history of philosophy1 science and medicine4 ,medicine1 and herein it is in contrast with ,theology and ,law1 had its sources almost wholly in the ,greeks4 ,not only in the doctrine of the four elements of ,empedocles1 a doctrine which has survived almost to our own day#b1 and in the physical theories of ,heraclitus and ,leucippus1 did medicine1 for good or ill1 first find a scheme of thought1 but in the schools of ,hippocrates and of ,alexandria it was based also1 and far more soundly1 upon natural history and anatomy4 ,the noble figure of ,galen1 the first experimental physiologist and the last of the great ,greek physicians1 portrayed for us by ,dr ,payne in the ,harveian ,oration of #ahif1 stood eminent upon the brow of the abyss when1 as if by some convulsion of nature1 medicine was overwhelmed for fifteen centuries4 ,to the philosophy of medicine1 ,galen had given more than enough2 to its natural history he had contributed in the following of ,hippocrates2 to its discoveries he had given the greatest of all means of research1 individual genius2 to its methods he had given1 but in vain1 that indispensable method1 practised first perhaps in history by ,archimedes and the ,alexandrians1 of verification by experiment2 a method1 after ,galen1 virtually lost till the time of ,gilbert1 of ,galileo and of ,harvey4 ,in the growth of human societies small civilisations1 however exquisite1 have been sacrificed to the formation of vaster and vaster congregations of men2 thus only1 it would seem1 is an equilibrium to be reached of sufficient stability for the highest ends of mankind4 ,greece1 beautiful as was her bloom1 penetrating as was her spirit1 perhaps because of her very freedom of thought1 never became a nation2 her city states were too wilful to combine4 ,the ,macedonian power broadened the foundation of polity eastward and westward2 and this work was carried as far perhaps as sword and fasces could carry it by the power of ,rome4 ,but even the ,roman peace1 bought as it was at the cost of learning and the arts1 was but a mechanical peace2 in the wilder1 more turbulent and more heterogeneous peoples of the later ,empire the bodies but not the wills of men were in subjugation4 ,the great system of ,roman ,law1 which ,numa1 the ,moses of ,rome1 had invested with supernatural awe1 had become but an external rule2 even in ,rome herself1 poorer in people1 poorer in commerce1 poorer than ever in ideas1 the sanction of patriotism was failing1 and her citizens were held together for the most part by their baser and more dangerous passions#c4 ,for ,eastern ,europe the ,university of ,constantinople established a compact and uniform system of thought1 subtle prolix and acquisitive rather than original or profound2 but in the ,west1 under the ,frank and later ,northern devastations1 the very traditions of learning and obedience were broken up2 schools were closed1 and even the art of writing was almost lost4 ,then it was that the cohesion and development of ,western ,europe were saved by a new and a wonderful thing4 ,from the ,east1 the home of religions1 had spread1 like an exhalation1 ,christianity1 that religion which proves by its survival that it is the fittest sanction for the will of man4 ,this religion1 entering as a new spirit into the ancient fabric of ,roman ,empire1 was to hold men's service in heart and soul as well as in body2 yet to this end no mere mystic or personal religion could suffice3 clothing itself with the political and ritual pride and even with the mythology of the pagan ,empire it inspired a new adoration2 but it imposed also upon ,europe a catholic and elaborated creed4 ,to preserve the authority of the common faith not only must every knee be bowed1 not only must every heart be touched1 but to build and to repair its fabric every mind must also bring its service4 ,how the scheme of the ,faith was built up1 how oriental ecstasy and hellenistic subtlety1 possessing themselves of the machinery of ,roman pomp1 were wrought to this end1 we may briefly consider4 ,as1 politically1 under ,diocletian and ,constantine the ancient world gave place to the new1 so in the third century philosophy was born again in neo-platonism#d1 the offspring of the coition of ,east and ,west in ,alexandria1 where all religions and all philosophies met together4 ,the world and the flesh were crucified that by the spirit1 man might enter into ,god#e4 ,pure in its ethical mood1 neo-platonism1 says ,harnack1 led surely to intellectual bankruptcy2 the irruption of the barbarians was not altogether the cause of the eclipse of natural knowledge3 to transcendental intuition the wisdom of the world had become foolishness4 ,yet even then1 as again and again1 came the genius of ,aristotle to save the human mind4 ,the death of ,hypatia was the death of the ,school of ,alexandria1 but in ,athens neo-platonism survived and grew4 ,proclus1 ascetic as he was1 was versed also in ,aristotle2 and he compelled the ,eastern mysteries into categories3 so that on the closure of the ,school of ,athens by ,justinian 7,a4,d4 #ebi7 a formal philosophy was bequeathed to the ,faith2 the first scholastic period was fashioned1 and the objects and methods of enquiry were determined for thirty generations4 ,from ,aristotle ,europe adopted logic first1 and then metaphysics1 yet both in method and in purpose ,origen and ,augustine were platonists2 rationalised dogma lived upon dialectic1 and conflicted with mysticism2 but logic1 dogma and mysticism alike disdained experience4 ,thus1 no mere external sanction1 stood the ,faith2 threefold3 from the past it brought its pompous ritual1 it appealed by its subtle dogmatic scheme to the intellects1 and by its devotion to the hearts of men4 ,through the mirage of it1 when its substance had waned1 ,copernicus1 ,galileo1 and ,harvey had to steer by the compass of the experimental method4 ,this was their chief adversity1 and of other adversities ,i have to speak4 ,the visitor to the ,dominican ,church of ,st ,catherine at ,pisa will see on its walls ,st ,thomas of ,aquino with the ,holy ,scriptures in his hand2 prostrate beneath him is ,averroes with his ,great ,commentary1 but beside him ,plato bearing the ,timus4 ,it was the fortune of the ,faith that1 of all the treatises of ,plato1 the ,timus1 the most fantastic and the least scientific1 should have been set apart to instruct the medieval world2 that the cosmical scheme of the ,timus1 apparelled in the ,latin of ,chalcidius1--for there were then no ,greek texts in the libraries of the ,west1--should for some #ejj years have occupied that theoretical activity which ,aristotle regarded as the highest good of man#f4 ,again1 those works of4 ,aristotle which might have made for natural knowledge fell out of men's hands#g1 while in them1 as ,ablard tells us of himself1 lay the ,categories1 the ,interpretation1 and the ,introduction of ,porphyry to the ,categories1 all in the ,latin of ,boetius#h2 treatises which made for peripatetic nominalism1 but whereby men were versed rather in logic and rhetoric than in natural science4 ,thus ,plato's chimera of the human microcosm1 a reflection of his theory of the macrocosm1 stood beside the ,faith as the second great adversary of physiology4 ,the influence of authority1 by which ,europe was to be welded together1 governed all human ideas4 ,as in theology was the authority of the ,faith1 so in the science and medicine of the first period of the ,middle ,ages was that of the neo-platonic doctrines1 and1 in the second period1 of the ,arabian versions of ,galen and of ,aristotle2 furthermore in this rigid discipline metallic doctrine almost necessarily overbore life and freedom4 ,it is not easy for us to realise a time when intellectual progress--which involves the successive abandonment of provisional syntheses--was unconceived2 when truths were regarded as stationary2 when reasons were not tested but counted and balanced2 when even the later ,averroists found final answers either in ,aristotle or in ,galen#i4 ,thus in the irony of things it came to pass that ,harvey was withstood by the dogma of ,galen who1 in his own day1 had passionately appealed from dogma to nature4 ,porphyry of ,tyre1 who lived in the #crd century1 may be called the founder of both ,arabian and ,christian scholastics4 ,he was an ,alexandrian1 but of peripatetic rather than platonic opinions4 ,in the ,isagoge1 or ,introduction to the ,categories1 already mentioned as translated by ,boetius about #ejj ,a4,d41 he set forth plainly a problem which during the ,middle ,ages rent ,western ,europe asunder2 a problem which1 says ,john of ,salisbury#aj1 engaged more of the time and passions of men than for the house of ,csar to conquer and govern the world2 one indeed which even in our day and country is not wholly resolved4 ,the controversy lay between the ,realists#aa and the ,nominalists2 and the issues of it1 in the eleventh century1--at which time the ,dark ,ages passed into the earlier of the two periods of the ,middle ,ages1--were formulated on the realist side by ,william of ,champeaux1 while the ,breton ,rousselin1 or ,roscellinus1 had the perilous honour of defining them on behalf of the nominalists#ab4 ,to see the depth of the difference we must step back a little1 to a time when metaphysics and psychology were not distinguished from other spheres of science#ac1 and all research had for its object the nature of being4 ,plato himself held ideas not as mere abstractions but in some degree as creative powers2 and we shall see how potent this function became in the thought of the ,middle ,ages when1 in the ardour of research into the nature of being1 the modes of individuating principles were distinguished or contrasted with an ingenuity incomprehensible to ,plato or ,aristotle1 or at any rate undesired by these greater thinkers4 ,aristotle avoided the question whether form or matter individuate2 he held that there is no form and no matter extrinsic to the individual4 ,but by the medieval realist every particular1 every thing1 was regarded as after some fashion the product of universal matter and individual form4 ,now form might be regarded1 and severally was regarded1 as a shaping1 determinative force or principle1 pattern type or mould1 having real existence apart from stuff1 or1 on the other hand1 as an abstract principle or pattern having no existence but as a conception of the mind of the observer4 ,the realists roundly asserted that form is as actual as matter1 and that things arise by their participation--without whiteness no white thing1 without humanity no man2 and not individuals only3 for the realist1 out-platonising ,plato1 genera and species also had their forms1 either pre-existent 7universalia ante rem71 or continuously evolved in the several acts of creation 7universalia in re74 ,indeed for the extreme realist every predicamental modality was aliquid ens separatum2 for instance1 the soul1 the active intellect1 the passive intellect1 and so on3 conversely1 by fusing idea with will1 for other philosophers realism would get pushed back into efficient reason or divine will1 and almost vanish#ad4 ,by this latter route the ,sorbonne1 originally opposed to the ,thomists1 became nominalist after all2 as did those once pious realists the ,augustinians and ,cistercians4 ,setting aside then the extreme nominalists1 who would have dissolved thought by declaring all creatures to be so individual as to be incomparable1--pulverising existence into detached particulars1 as some one has put it--and that names of kinds are mere nouns1 or indeed mere air 7flatus vocis71 the prevalent nominalists were content to deny to ideas1 forms1 principles1 or abstractions any other existence than as functions of the human mind--as subjective conceptions4 ,for ,ockham1 says ,haurau1 an idea was but a modality of the thinking subject4 ,abstractions then for these thinkers were but mental machinery for analysis of the concrete4 ,aristotle was as obscure and inconsistent in his language herein1 and often elsewhere1 as he was profound and scrupulous2 but when his works came to be studied as a whole1 and in the original tongue1 the influence of his method1 rather than the close consistency of his language1 told against realism3 virtually he was a conceptualist1 and he found reality1 where ,plato denied it1 in the particular object of sense#ae4 ,even ,francis ,bacon1 who was deeply indebted to ,aristotle1 never extricated himself from the tangle of form1 cause and law#af4 ,now this was a great argument1 no empty dispute2 the bones of dead controversies cumber the ground1 but no controversy was empty which moved profoundly the minds and passions of men3 both for ecclesiastical and secular thought the dispute was grave4 ,while realism was essential to the ,church--for instance1 on realist grounds ,st ,anselm defended the medieval doctrine of the ,trinity against ,roscellinus2 the ,church herself claimed a real existence apart from the wills of successive generations of individual and variable men2 she taught that ,man had fallen not only in many or all individual cases1 but as a kind having a real existence#ag1 and again that in the ,mass there is change of hypostasis#ah--while then realism was essential to the ,faith1 yet if forms pre-exist 7ante rem7 then the acts of ,god must be predetermined--fatis non avolsa voluntas2 or if forms are only in re ,god must be form1 living in each and every act and thing1 which is ,pantheism 7materia omnium ,deus73 an impersonal conception and a dissolution of dogma which the ,church must and did abhor4 ,pessimus error--there is the abyss1 cried ,albert1 avoiding it by dialectical juggles4 ,erigena1 the brilliant prophet and protestant#ai of the first period of the scholastic philosophy1 was virtually a pantheist after the pattern of ,parmenides#bj2 as ,spinoza was the last great realist4 ,david of ,dinan again was such a pantheist1 though luckily for him the ,church did not find it out till he was dead2 and he was martyred only in his bones4 ,indeed the great ,robert of ,lincoln barely escaped the accusation of pantheism under the wing of ,augustine4 ,the heresies of ,david1 and of ,amaury1 caused the reaction of the first years of the #acth century against ,aristotle4 ,amaury seems indeed to have cleared out ,christian dogma pretty thoroughly1 and to have preached the coming of science as the third age of the world4 ,many of his followers were sent to the stake2 by the ,synod of ,paris 7#abji7 the works of ,aristotle were proscribed1 and many copies of them burned4 ,this proscription was virtually withdrawn by ,gregory the ,ninth in #abca2 and ,hales1 ,albert and ,st ,thomas devoted themselves again to the study of ,aristotle1 and established his supremacy#ba4 ,indispensable then as realism was for the ,church1 its creed1 and its sacraments1 yet therein it found itself in a dilemma between the conceptions of a ,creator working under conditions1 and of a spirit immanent in matter2 and when theological philosophy culminated in ,st ,thomas1 and was fixed by him as it now rules in ,rome1 this difficulty was rather concealed in his system than resolved#bb4 ,every scheme of thought must make some declaration on the nature and place of universals2 the problem was no hair splitting#bc1 it dealt with the very nature and origin of being2 it agitated the minds of thinking men at a time of the most fervid and widespread enthusiasm for knowledge which the ,western world has ever known1--at a time when ,oxford counted its students by thousands1 and when in ,paris a throng athirst for knowledge would stretch from the cloisters of the ,mathurins to the faubourg of ,st ,denis#bd2 and1 in respect of our theme of this day1 we shall see that even ,harvey was embarrassed by certain aspects of it4 ,for1 to resume1 closely allied to the argument concerning universals was that concerning form and matter4 ,whether the terms used were form and matter1 force or energy or pneuma and matter1 soul or life and body1 determinative essence and determinate subsistence1 male principle and female element1 archus and body1 the potter and the clay of the potter2 or whether again they were type and individual1 cause and effect1 law and nature1 becoming and being1 or even the thought and extension of ,descartes1 the riddle lay in the contrast of the static and dynamic aspects of things2 in the incessant formation of variable and transitory individuals in the eternal ocean of existence#be4 ,spiritus intus alit1 totamque infusa per artus ,mens agitat molem1 et magno se corpore miscet4 ,for early thinkers1 untrained in the methods and unaware of the limits of thought1 even for the great and free thinkers of ,greece1 a captivating analogy was irresistible#bf2 while inventing schemes of thought they believed themselves to be describing the processes of nature4 ,moreover it has been the temptation of philosophers of all times1 and even of ,harvey himself than whom none had put better the conditions of scientific method1 to suppose that by means of abstraction kinds may be apprehended2 that thus they may get nearer to the inmost core of things2 that by purging away the characters of individuals they may detect the essence and cause of individuation 7,greek3 spermatikos logos73 not perceiving indeed that the content of notions is1 as ,ablard had pointed out plainly1 in inverse proportion to their universality4 ,like ,sidney's hooded dove1 the blinder they were the higher they strove#bg4 ,for example3 from a lump of silver a medal is struck2 from many lumps of silver many medals are struck1 each different from the other3 let us eliminate as accidents the notions of silver1 of the blow of a hammer1 even of particular features of the devices1 and we shall reach the idea of an agent with a type or seal1 or of such an agent with many seals1 or ideas1 who may thus individualise indifferent matter2 or1 to penetrate deeper into abstraction1 who may transfer forms of his own activity to motionless stuff4 ,it is my part to-day to show that before motionless stuff--before the problem of the primum mobile--even ,harvey himself stood helpless2 helpless yet fascinated by the indulgence of invention when1 in the ,de motu cordis1 or the ,de generatione1 he permitted himself to carry contemplation beyond the sphere of his admirable experiments4 ,natural1 vital and animal spirits indeed he would have none of2 saying well that he should want as many spirits as functions1 and that to introduce such agents as artificers of tissues is to go beyond experience3 yet in his need of a motor for his machine he was not able to divest himself of the language nor even of the philosophy of his day2 he referred the cause of the motion of the blood1 and therefore of the heart1 to innate heat#bh4 ,in his day he could not but regard rest and motion as different things2 and motion as a super-added quality4 ,in denying the older opinion#bi that the heart is the source of motion1 of perfection#cj and of heat1 he put the difficulty but one stage back2 and1 when in the treatise on ,generation he propounded his transcendental notion of the impregnation of the female by the conception of a general immaterial idea1 we find in him realism still very much alive indeed4 ,had ,harvey been content with innate heat he would have done well enough2 but the innate heat of the blood1 as he explains it1 is not fire nor derived from fire2 nor is the blood occupied by a spirit1 but is a spirit3 it is also celestial in nature1 the soul1 that which answers to the essence of the stars 444 is something analogous to heaven1 the instrument of heaven4 ,in denying that a spirit descends and stows itself in the body1 as an extraneous inmate1 ,harvey advances beyond ,cremoninus1 who then taught in the chair of ,averroistic philosophy in ,padua2 for1 says ,harvey1 ,i cannot discover this spirit with my senses1 nor any seat of it4 ,in another passage indeed ,harvey warns us not to derive from the stars what is in truth produced at home2 in yet another he tells us that philosophers produce principles as indifferent poets thrust gods upon the stage1 to unravel plots and to bring about catastrophes3 yet he concludes that the spirit in the blood acting superiorly to the powers of the elements1 444 the soul in this spirit and blood1 is identical with the essence of the stars4 ,thus the riddle which oppressed these great thinkers1 from the ,ionians to ,lavoisier1 was in part the nature of the impetum faciens#ca--of the ,bildungstrieb4 ,what makes the ball to roll8 ,does heart move blood or blood move heart2 and in either case what builds the organ and what bestows and perpetuates the motion8 ,albert of ,cologne1 and at times even ,aristotle1 as we have seen1 were apt to leave moving things for abstract motion1 and to regard formulas as agents4 ,telesius again1 the first of the brilliant band of natural philosophers in ,italy of the ,x,v,ith and ,x,v,i,ith centuries1 was still seeking this principle of nature in the form of the peripatetics4 ,gilbert regarded his magnetic force as of the nature of soul1 surpassing the soul of man4 ,galileo1 although willing to conceive circular motion as perpetual#cb1 and even self-existent1 was unable thus to conceive rectilineal motion4 ,harvey1 then1 and other naturalists of the time1 including ,csalpinus and after a fashion even ,descartes1 followed the medieval world and ,aristotle in deriving the source of motion directly from the spheres4 ,harvey says with ,dante1 ,questi nei cuor mortali permotore4 ,the attraction exercised by external supreme mind 7not associated with matter7 and its thoughts bring the material cosmos and its parts into regular movements4 ,the so-called ,greek3 ,aithr1 or fifth element1 ,greek3 stoicheion heteron tn tessarn1 akraton te kai theion 7,de ,clo1 cap4 #b and vid4 ,zeller ,,ii4 ii4 #dcg71 under the name of the ,quintessence1 played a large part in the speculations of ,lulli1 ,paracelsus and other chemical mystics4 ,till ,copernicus transfigured the cosmos1 and ,galileo and ,newton carried terrestrial physics into the celestial world1 the heavenly bodies were regarded as animated beings1 themselves set in motion by spheres1 and1 by propagation of their intense activity from sphere to sphere1 animating all sublunary matter1 wheels within wheels1 even to its innermost particles4 ,aristotle's view 7,metaph4 ,,xi47 was as follows3--,the stars and planets are in their nature eternal essences2 that which moves them must itself be eternal1 and prior and external to that which it causes to be moved2 likewise that which is prior to essence must itself be essence2 and so on for a hierarchy of eternal essences3 thus ,heaven if not ,god is a divine embodiment 7,greek3 ,theion sma72 and this ,greek3 prton tn smatn he regarded as the essence of heaven and stars1 and the cause of animal heat in living beings4 ,thus the transition from ,aristotle to the later conception of the celestial bodies as themselves animated beings was easy2 indeed the attribution of intelligence to the spheres goes back at any rate to ,plato 7,timus71 if not to ,pythagoras2 and was the foundation of astrology4 ,in ,harvey's time there was still in ,rome a basilica of the ,seven ,angels 7the planetary essences74 ,much of this doctrine ,harvey probably got from ,cicero 7,acad4 ,i4 ii4 #ci and ,de ,fin4 ,,iv4 #e-ab2 vid4 ,krische71 who speaks of ardor coeli as the whole astral sphere4 ,if ,i am not mistaken ,harvey somewhere advises ,aubrey to study ,cicero4 ,matthew ,arnold thus regrets the old illusion3-- ,and you1 ye stars6 99 99 99 99 99 ,you too once lived-- ,you too moved joyfully ,among august companions ,in an older world1 peopled by ,gods1 ,in a mightier order1 ,the radiant1 rejoicing1 intelligent ,sons of ,heaven6 ,but now you kindle ,your lonely1 cold shining lights1 ,unwilling lingerers ,in the heavenly wilderness1 ,for a younger1 ignoble world4 ,and renew by necessity1 ,night after night your courses1 99 99 99 99 99 ,above a race you know not1 ,uncaring and undelighted#cc4 ,of the origin of energy we have not solved the riddle1 we have given it up2 but instead of coming from without we know that it comes from within4 ,as ,mr ,benn puts it1 we have extended the atomistic method from matter to motion4 ,harvey's contemporary1 ,francis ,bacon1 sagaciously guessed that heat is an expansive motion of particles2 but he regarded heat and cold as two contrary principles4 ,almost in the same generation the brilliant ,john ,mayow perceived a substance in the air allied to saltpetre1 which passed in and out of the blood by the way of the lungs or placenta4 ,innate heat then gave way to phlogiston2 but it was not till the discovery of oxygen and of the conservation of energy that we attained a theory of energy1 and finally got rid of matter and form1 and of all the thicket of metaphysics1 relating thereto2 through which in the day of ,harvey no mind1 however mighty1 could have made its way4 ,in the history of medieval thought we must always bear in mind that in neither of its two periods were theology1 logic1 metaphysics1 psychology1 or even physics1 fully differentiated2 and before the ,arabian literature they were not differentiated at all#cd4 ,logic1 which for us is but a drill1 and1 like all drills1 a little out of fashion1 was for the ,middle ,ages a means of discovery1 nay1 the very source of truth2 thus every man carried his own busy laboratory within him4 ,the heirs of ,porphyry and ,boetius had no other method in their possession4 ,the dialectically irresistible was the true 7,greek3 katalpsis72 thus was man to succeed irrefutabile aperire secretum4 ,to begin to think before beginning to learn is a hollow business1 yet then logic furnished the theorems which experience might illustrate at its leisure2 and nature was contemplated under philosophy4 ,the differentiation of psychology began with the translation of the ,de anima#ce1 and the recognition of the relation of the percipient2 hence1 in the second period1 ,roger ,bacon denounced the pretensions of logic1 and ,john ,duns1 that brilliant backslider1 forced them to an absurdity4 ,again1 on the translation of the ,metaphysics1 theology parted into the studies of the doctrines of ,god and the soul1 which belong to theology proper1 and of being1 in modes1 kinds and universals1 which belong to metaphysics4 ,medicine again was a confusion of spheres1 as was theology2 the care of the soul and the care of the body were the ends of knowledge1 and their means contained all knowledge4 ,thus when we hear that ,alcuin ordered the formal teaching of medicine1 it was under the name of ,physica2 and not until the ,physics of ,aristotle came to light did the various branches of natural history become in their turn not only definite studies but also self-sufficient1 aside from the art of healing4 ,to this day the healer keeps the name of physician2 and the subject at ,cambridge the name of ,physic4 ,it is well to be reminded that although the soldiers of truth must be separated into several regiments1 nevertheless for its edification the healing art must draw1 directly or indirectly1 on all natural science4 ,robert of ,lincoln1 ,albert of ,cologne1 and all the ,masters of that time studied medicine--that is ,greek3 ta physika--as a solid part of knowledge1 which in their apprehension was not only a whole but also a manageable whole4 ,even ,francis ,bacon did not realise fully the littleness of man in the presence of nature2 he hoped that for his harvest man would on a right method--by1 let us say1 a reformed astrology and a reformed alchemyquickly surprise the secret of her processes3 thus ,bacon was the last of the ,summists4 ,with the differentiation of the several spheres of knowledge1 and the perception of the vastness and variety of each1 man has ceased to hold not the unity but the simplicity of nature2 and he has given up summaries3 the theologian rules no longer in metaphysics and psychology2 the physician is no longer the only naturalist4 ,systems succeed each other but give each other the hand2 it takes many a generation to kill a strong theory outright3 realism1 shaken by ,roscellinus and ,ablard1 and scotched by ,hales and ,ockham1 survived to mislead ,harvey2 and still it stretches its withered hand over us in the nursery1 in the school1 and in the great arguments of life#cf4 ,malebranche warned us against our deceptive terminology4 ,ils prtendent expliquer1 7he says71 la nature par leurs ides gnrales et abstraites1 comme si la nature tait abstraite4 ,the methods of the ,english grammar schools are even now medieval in so far as their teaching begins1 as it mostly does still1 with abstract propositions4 ,mysticism gathered over ,germany2 in ,paris to this day nature is constrained in the artifices of logic and rhetoric2 and to this day platonism1 chiefly by the influence of the ,florentine humanists and perhaps of the ,cambridge school of ,henry ,more1 has moulded both thought and language in ,england4 ,john ,hunter conceived a materia vit diffusa2 and but yesterday ,huxley had to say of ,owen's theory of spermatic force that an artillerist might as well attribute the propulsion of a bullet to trigger force4 ,we profess ,aristotle1 and we talk ,plato4 ,even by men of science it is daily forgotten that the only being is the particular4 ,after the ,faith then1 realism--the belief in principles and kinds having external existence1 and in formative essences to be reached by abstract thinking--stood another adversary against natural knowledge4 ,but1 stronger even than realism1 was a third adversity--the pride of the human mind4 ,socrates1 although1 for ethics and politics1 he initiated the inductive method1 was disposed to regard physical speculations as but a rational pastime#cg1 and the political and ethical study of man as the only serious engagement of thought4 ,aristotle took up natural knowledge as an encyclopedist#ch2 he rarely verified his facts and he made no experimental researches#ci4 ,the medieval church held that ex puris naturalibus cognoscere was a meagre and might be a mischievous amusement2 and it sought to confine speculations to final causes1 that is to the animation of the world by an intelligent ,being1 as man animates his own instruments3 though1 as ,roger ,bacon declared1 final causes must have physical means4 ,even ,locke thought nature to be hopelessly complex1 and urged that ethics is the proper study of man4 ,the asceticism derived from the ,east1 disdainful of carnal things1 brought the dualism of matter and spirit into monstrous eminence2 and1 in respect of medicine1 in a few generations it turned the cleanest people in the world into the most filthy#dj4 ,moreover1 are we not bound to admit that1 as ultimate analysis was dangerous to the synthesis of the ,faith1 so for unwieldy and unstable societies in which ethical and political habits had not yet become engrained1 to descend from transcendental explanations to explanations by lower categories was fraught with some danger to lofty and imposing standards of custom and conduct8 ,nature is too base1 says ,st ,anselm1 for us to argue from it to ,god2 we must argue from ,god to things4 ,analysis is a disintegrating function2 the departure of the scientific enquirer is rather from below upwards3 it is not only his bias but also his deliberate method to decline to use the discipline and the conceptions of higher categories until he is satisfied that those of the lower are inadequate4 ,a certain natural process may not be attributed to those of chemistry until those of physics are proved to be inadequate2 to another process biological conceptions and methods are denied until those of physics first1 and then of chemistry1 have been tried and found wanting2 psychological conceptions are denied to another until in their turns the physical1 the chemical1 and the physiological are exhausted#da2 and so on3 and within each category the same economy prevails4 ,now this scientific economy1 perhaps first formulated1 or effectively used1 by ,william ,ockham1 in the phrase entia non sunt multiplicanda--known as ,ockham's rasor--is what is called now-a-days materialism2 and there is no doubt that the method1 legitimate1 nay1 imperative1 as it is in natural science1 may in custom and conduct engender a personal and collective habit of apprehending in lower categories1 and even of contentment in them until strong reason be shown to go higher#db4 ,a higher order of ideas is put in a lower order of language2 the ,greek3 hodos eis to kat of ,heraclitus4 ,the danger of this attitude lies in loss of effort1 of aspiration1 and even of imagination2 he must stoop on the weary oar who1 knowing no anchorage1 is ever stemming the drift4 ,notwithstanding is there in history any lesson sadder than this1 that where ideals have been loftiest sin and failure have most abounded8 a lesson from which ,carlyle learned that the ideal has always to grow in the real1 and often to seek out its bed and board there in a very sorry way4 ,almost to this day then the mechanical arts1 presumably concerned rather with the lower categories1 have been regarded as base2 and the craft even of the laboratory as unworthy of great souls4 ,anatomy had to labour against antipathy both ecclesiastical and popular2 chemistry and mechanics were gross pursuits1 unless endowed with the perilous distinctions of alchemy and sorcery4 ,unfortunately this charge upon the dignity of man was made heavier rather than lighter by ,petrarch1 and by the later humanists of the ,renascence2 even in the #agth century we find in ,oxford that ,boyle was bantered by his friends as one given up to base and mechanical pursuits4 ,as ,boyle himself put it in his delightful way--,there are many ,learned ,men 444 who are apt to repine when they see any ,person capable of succeeding in the ,study of solid ,philosophy1 addicting himself to an ,art 7,chemistry7 they judge so much below a ,philosopher1 and so unserviceable to him4 ,nay1 there are some that are troubled when they see a ,man acquainted with other ,learning countenance by his example sooty ,empiricks 444 whose ,experiments may indeed be useful to ,apothecaries1 and perhaps to ,physicians1 but are useless to a ,philosopher that aims at curing no ,disease but that of ,ignorance4#dc ,lord ,herbert of ,cherbury1 who early in the seventeenth century attended lectures at ,padua1 opined that natural science deals with ignoble studies1 not proportioned to the dignity of our ,souls4 ,in the eighteenth century indeed1 grave ,english physicians1 humanists who forgot how ,aristotle had exclaimed that marvellousness lies in all natural phenomena1 scorned the trivial curiosity of ,john ,hunter respecting flies and tadpoles4 ,it is part of my argument to-day to point out one evil of many which this prejudice has wrought for medicine4 ,the progress of an applied science dependent as it is upon accessions of advantage from other arts1 yet on the whole is from the simple to the complex2 from facts of more direct observation to those of longer inference3 and this path was the more necessary when the right method of inference--the so-called inductive method--had not been formulated1 and indeed was barely in use4 ,now in medicine1 from ,homer to ,lord ,lister1 direct observation and the simpler means of experiment have obtained their first-fruits on the surface of the body4 ,in ,homeric times surgery was the institution of medicine1 and kings concerned themselves with the practice of it4 ,from ,erasistratus to ,celsus physicians of all schools practised medicine and surgery as one art4 ,galen urges the unity of medicine1 and ,littr points out that this unity is maintained in the ,hippocratic writings4 ,in the ,middle ,ages the ascetic contempt for the body--partly ,stoic1 chiefly oriental1--the barren alliance of medicine with philosophy1 and the low esteem of mechanical callings hid from the physician the very gates of the city into which he would enter4 ,francis ,bacon says of the physicians of ,harvey's day1 that they saw things from afar off1 as if from a high tower2 and1 again1 that after the manner of spiders they spun webs of sophistical speculation from their own bowels4 ,surgery1 by virtue of its imperative methods1 was kept clear of philosophy on the one hand and of humanism on the other2 and in ,paris the establishment of the ,collge de ,st ,cme1 afterwards the ,academy of ,surgery1 protected the higher surgery against the rabble of barbers4 ,upon the raft of anatomy and surgery1 with some clinical aid from ,salerno1 positive medicine crossed the gulf between ,byzantine compilations1 monkish leechcraft1 ,arab starcraft and alchemy1 and the scientific era of ,harvey#dd4 ,but physicians were not only blind to the great services to the whole art of medicine of the surgical school of ,lanfranc in the fourteenth century1 of ,guy de ,chauliac in the fifteenth1 and of ,par and ,gale in the sixteenth century1 advances even accelerated in the seventeenth1 but they ignored also their very origin1 and even withdrew from fellowship with the surgeon2 to our grievous harm from those days unto our own#de4 ,surgery was excluded from the ,faculty of ,medicine of the ,university of ,paris2 and from the ,royal ,college of ,physicians of ,england1 which was1 and is still1 enabled by charter to teach surgery1 and to grant licenses therein4 ,fabricius1 the master of ,harvey1 was fortunately as great a surgeon as anatomist1 and such was ,fallopius4 ,in this ,college ,harvey lectured on anatomy and surgery1 and he left his surgical instruments to us2 for us ,caldwal founded a lectureship in surgery which has been allowed virtually to lapse4 ,from the progress of anatomy which1 under the protection of the ,italian nobles as formerly of the ,alexandrian1 went hand in hand with surgery1 physicians drew then little advantage2 and so in part perhaps it came about that although ,vesalius1 ,fallopius1 and ,fabricius broke up the traditional anatomy of ,mundinus1 yet anatomy did more even for the fine arts than for physiology2 and medicine at the end of the ,middle ,ages had not recovered the standard of ,alexandria4 ,against this adversity also had to contend the founder of physiology whom to-day we celebrate4 ,such were the chief adversities 7vid4 ,appendix on ,astrology7 under which the naturalist suffered1 but natural knowledge was never stifled2 let us now turn our eyes to another point of view1 from the oppression to the gradual enfranchisement of knowledge4 ,necessary for the welding of western society in the ,middle ,ages as was authority in all spheres of thought and action1 and1 heavy as the price of its inertia has been since its work was done1 yet in the celebration of the founders of natural science it would be untrue to assume that before them1 even in the earlier scholastic period1 the indomitable spirit of man had lain under tyranny in silence4 ,greek3 ,menei to theion doulia per en phreni4 ,the way had been prepared for them4 ,by the ,crusades of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries fury and devastation were diverted in part from ,europe1 and hurled upon ,asia2 which soon closes up again4 ,the nave serenity of the ,faith was gone1 but as its great minsters arose it forgot its dangers2 and the social bonds of orthodoxy rudely shaken were renewed4 ,the ,schools grew as great as the churches3 ,naples1 ,pavia1 ,bologna and ,padua2 ,paris1 ,orleans1 ,bourges1 ,toulouse1 ,montpellier1 the ,sorbonne2 ,oxford and ,cambridge4 ,even the ,friars ,preachers and ,minors were driven to fight with the new weapons2 first rivalling the universities1 then possessing themselves of their chairs4 ,but philosophy1 which had lent much to the ,faith#df1 gained nothing from it2 and to philosophy rather than to the ,church the sciences looked for their principles and methods4 ,in physics the experimental method was creeping into life2 and the substance as well as the form of old controversies was changing4 ,thus through all these generations was rising a leaven of free thought1 and its reforms may roughly be put in a twofold division1 into the reform of tradition1 and the reform of method2 the reform of texts being again divisible into two periods--the ,arabian1 or second scholastic1 and the modern or ,renascence period4 ,the chief monuments of learning were stored in ,byzantium#dg until ,western ,europe was fit to take care of them4 ,in the peace of ,theodoric1 in the peace of ,charlemagne1 under ,alfred at ,winchester1 the arts and sciences had scarcely found breathing-time1 and no sure establishment#dh4 ,cassiodorus is said to have directed the ,benedictines of the sixth century to read ,clius ,aurelianus1 a ,roman adaptor of ,soranus of ,ephesus2 but medical lore consisted of little beyond some relics of the ,roman schools1 handed on in prose or verse compilations which the teacher read to his class1 and explained so far as he could4 ,it seems that medicine was not taught formally until so ordered1 in #hje1 by ,charlemagne2 probably by the advice of ,alcuin1 the founder of the learned tradition at ,fulda1 the founder1 we may almost say1 of the neo-latin period1 and some time headmaster of my own school of ,st ,peter at ,york4 ,the influence of the ,school of ,salerno1 relatively excellent as it was in the domains of clinical medicine and of public health1 never made its way into the general stream of ,western culture4 ,religious wars and persecutions had driven ,greek learning eastwards1 as in the case of the ,nestorians from ,antioch to ,persia2 ,hebrew and ,syrian sages#di translated some classical texts1 and from these again the ,arabs1 in their brief and brilliant culture1 made translations2 for no ,arab sage knew ,greek4 ,the palace of the ,spanish ,caliphs in the tenth century was a workshop of translators1 and a huge storehouse of books4 ,the learned and ubiquitous ,jew carried texts and translations from ,bagdad to ,morocco1 and from ,morocco to ,toledo1 ,paris1 ,oxford and ,cologne2 but translations made in ,bagdad in the ninth century did not reach ,paris till the eleventh or twelfth4 ,among the earliest of these renderings in the ,west were works on medicine1 mathematics1 and astronomy1 which in the ,schools of ,toledo and ,cordova1 by ,constantinus ,africanus at ,monte ,cassino 7including certain treatises of ,hippocrates and ,galen71 by ,gerard of ,cremona 7a ,salernitan scholar71 by ,michael the wizard#ej1 and by other hands1 were converted into ,latin2 and1 thus doubly disguised1 and half buried in glosses which not only overlaid the text 7oscura glossa dov' piana la lettera7 but often supplanted it1 were received with pathetic eagerness by the ardent scholars of the ,west4 ,aristotle1 for instance1 was now taught in the schools of the ,west from a ,latin translation of a ,hebrew translation of an ,arab commentary upon an ,arab translation of a ,syriac translation of the ,greek text#ea4 ,even in the sixteenth century medicine and anatomy were taught wholly from books2 and teachers were forbidden to use other than prescribed books4 ,students began with the ,articella of the ,venetian physician ,gregorio ,volpi1 a compendium of translations with woodcuts1 published in #adia2 they advanced to the ,aphorisms1 the ,diet in ,acute ,diseases and the ,prognostics of ,hippocrates1 overlaid with ,syriac1 ,arabic and ,spanish apparatus and glosses2 to the ,ars ,parva of ,galen2 to the first and fifth ,canons of ,avicenna1 with glosses2 to the ,i,xth ,book of ,rhazes1 ,honein1 ,aegidius ,corboliensis1 and perhaps some of the translations of ,constantinus ,africanus#eb2--this was the lore that ruled the medical schools even to the birth of ,harvey4 ,disputations among the students were incessant1 both inter se and sub cathedr2 but it is doubtful whether these did more than sharpen their dialectical wits4 ,botany1 regarded by the galenists as the secret of the divine dispensary1 was always more forward2 every medical school had its physic garden1 professors carried their students abroad to gather herbs1 and ,herbals1 ,dispensatoriums and ,kruterbcher were much in advance of the ,bestiaries1 mostly after ,pliny's kind1 the chief of which1 largely an original work1 was that of the well-known ,conrad ,gesner4 ,some hundred years before the appearance of the ,arabian ,aristotle1 which marked the second scholastic period1 we have seen that the shadow of the ,faith and the savagery of the peoples had not quelled such teachers as ,roscellinus and ,ablard1 who fought for rationalism so sturdily as even then to threaten the ascendency of realism and the persuasion of supple and plausible demagogues like ,anselm of ,laon--that sterile tree as ,ablard called him1--and actually to determine the first period of the ,middle ,ages4 ,happily the ,arabian scholastic philosophy took its root in ,alexandria when neo-platonism had veered towards ,aristotle#ec1 and it was more uniformly peripatetic than the earliest ,christian ,scholasticism4 ,it is one of the notes of the greatness of ,aristotle that1 even thus garbled and glossed1 his power made itself felt by the mouths of the great ,franciscans ,alexander ,hales1 ,roger ,bacon1 and ,william ,ockham4 ,the ,organon had been expounded in ,paris in #aahj1 and about the same time ,alexander ,neckam cited the ,posterior ,analytics1 the ,topics and the ,de anima2 but ,hales was in possession of the whole1 or almost the whole1 of a more or less corrupt ,aristotle1 which he turned upon theology4 ,roger ,bacon was the first of the natural philosophers of the ,west1 and the only eminent forerunner of ,harvey and the other pioneers of natural science in the seventeenth century4 ,as erudite as ,albert1 ,bacon was more inventive1 freer of spirit1 more disposed to scientific method1 better aware of the hollowness of authority1 better aware that truth can be found only in free reason guided by experiment4 ,unfortunately as an author he was as dull and ineffectual as ,francis ,bacon was rich1 animated and impressive4 ,that indeed this premature renascence1 without scientific methods or sound tradition1 should have failed#ed1 that its light was but the phantom of dawn#ee1 is no matter for surprise2 yet from this time forward the methods of ,cyprian and ,athanasius lost their undisputed sway4 ,this earlier renascence made the second period of the ,middle ,ages3 the period distinguished by the ,arabian version of ,aristotle2 by a check to the chimeras of realism2 by some liberty of secular knowledge1 for even bishops came out of the ,mussulman school of ,toledo and arrayed themselves in vestments of ,arab work decorated with sentences from the ,koran2 and again by the coming of the friars1 the ,dominican and ,franciscan especially1 whose influence upon the thought of the ,middle ,ages was considerable1 and soon rivalled even that of the universities1 wherein later1 as we have seen1 they filled some of the chairs4 ,the issues of all schemes of thought led indeed as inevitably to natural science1 as all ways to ,rome4 ,the logic and rhetoric of the learned ,dominicans--the watch-dogs 7,domine cani7 of the ,lord against the wolves of heresy1--culminating in the systems of ,albert and ,st ,thomas1 by their rationalism defined1 and in defining restricted1 the dominion of the ,faith4 ,keen defenders of the ,faith recognised this danger1 and whimpered even against ,albert that philosophiam profanam in limen ,sanct ,theologi intromiserit2 444 in ipsa sacraria ,christi#ef4 ,men got used to reason1 and great protestants1 such as ,robert of ,lincoln1 had put justice and honour before ecclesiastical politics#eg4 ,then the few ,greek texts found their way into the ,west1 and in the thirteenth century ,albert and ,aquinas possessed themselves of ,greco-latin translations of some treatises of ,aristotle#eh4 ,and in the history of the comparatively unlearned ,friars ,minors we find1 as elsewhere in the history of thought1 that mysticism was less unfavourable to natural science than the passionate dogmatism of ,clairvaux1 or the dogmatism by ratiocination of ,st ,thomas2 the ,victorians1 as ,gerson after them1 despised reason rather than feared it2 they would not accept the services of philosophy even with its wings clipped4 ,cujus laus est ex ore infantum1 ,hc est sapientia6 ,mysticism makes for individual religion1 as with ,glisson and ,newton1 rather than for a ,church1 as ,albert was clear-sighted enough to foresee2 if science undermines dogma1 mysticism relaxes or neglects it3 hence1 as clerks only could teach1 it may have been that independent thinkers like ,hales1 ,roger ,bacon1 and ,ockham entered the ,franciscan order#ei4 ,indeed the science of ,pietro di ,abano 7#abej-acbj71 which laid the foundations of medicine at ,padua1 and inspired the frescoes of the ,salla della ,ragione1 was occult and mystical4 ,in the thirteenth century then the conflict with the provisional synthesis of the ,faith had become imminent and menacing4 ,the faith1 the chivalry and the learning of the ,saracens led men to feel that without the ,church all might not be utter darkness4 ,albert owed as much to ,avicenna--the ,albert of the ,orient--as ,st ,thomas to ,averroes2 pagan sages technically damnable yet mighty spirits1 worthy of reverence4 ,dante put in ,hell1 but on green meadows in an open place1 lofty and luminous1--esteeming himself exalted by the sight of them1--not only ,aristotle1 ,plato and ,socrates1 but also ,euclide geometra1 e ,tolommeo1 ,ippocrate1 ,avicenna1 e ,galieno1 ,averrois1 che il gran comento feo4 ,inf4 ,,iv4 #adb4 ,universities were founded in ,france1 ,england1 and ,italy4 ,frederick the ,second protected the ,arabs1 and even aped them2 ,ghibeline indeed almost signified freethinker4 ,from the ,roman de ,renard1 from the candid ,joinville1 from ,boccaccio1 we may infer that the very foundations of the ,faith were sapped2 and therewith1 for good or ill1 both moral and political bonds were loosened4 ,but the natural ,science which made the second renascence irresistible was absent in the first3 the consolidation of the ,european peoples was not compact enough for a rehandling of the conceptions of religion and morals1 too incomplete even for the latitude of opinion which1 in nations as in individuals1 is apt to slacken swift and consentient action4 ,the toleration and scepticism of the first renascence had causes no deeper than a general enlargement of experience and thought4 ,to appreciate the influence1 covert or overt1 of scepticism in the ,middle ,ages we must clear the meaning of the word4 ,under the yoke of tribal custom scepticism can hardly arise1 there is no place for the half-hearted1 as all men feel alike so all think alike3 scepticism arises when beliefs are put into formal propositions4 ,then1 as experience and comparison enlarge1 we detect scepticism in three forms or degrees3 namely1 doubt of a particular creed2 doubt of all unverified propositions2 and doubt of the validity of reason itself1 whether in respect of the supernatural only or of all argument4 ,it is remarkable that this last1 the most devastating of the forms of scepticism1 has come from the ranks of the faithful 7,pascal1 ,hamilton1 ,mansel71 who in resentment of the attacks of reason have turned blindly to rend reason herself4 ,no civil society has been without scepticism2 even in ages of most prevalent faith some current of doubt has flowed under the surface4 ,in the ,ionian philosophy the place of scepticism was only restricted in so far as many aspects of the subject-matter were not before those thinkers2 for instance no ,greek philosopher would have separated faith from reason4 ,in the well-known words of ,hippocrates1 ,greek3 ouden heteron heterou theioteron oude anthrpinteron1 alla panta theia4 ,the ,greek boldly set up his academy by the side of the temple4 ,even ,protagoras never taught the futility of all reason1 nor even the inconstancy of sensation which indeed is doctrine rather than scepticism4 ,neo-platonism had its scepticism in the first two forms1 covering even the ground of the modern agnostic4 ,agnosticism does not deny the existence of the ladder1 but asserts that the ladder begins and ends in the clouds2 it is consistent therefore with ethical and practical activity4 ,when ,ablard said ,dubitando enim ad inquisitionem venimus1 inquirendo veritatem percipimus1 if a sceptic1 he was no infidel4 ,even in the thirteenth century it was never doubted that truth is attainable1 nor indeed that the ,faith contained the truth4 ,the scepticism of that age was rather cautious and controversial than faithless1 and in practice divine discontent rather than indifference 7,greek3 ataraxia74 ,pyrrhonism on the other hand leads to slackness of ethics2 either to the insouciance of ,horace and ,montaigne1 or to the attitude of the seventeenth century in ,padua 7,pomponatius7 and elsewhere1 when the economy1 ironic or disingenuous1 of allotting their several spheres to reason and dogma1 if not first invented1 became as fashionable as in the pulpits and in the drawing-rooms of ,mayfair4 ,comme savant j'ignore tout2 comme citoyen je crois tout4 ,the ,hypotyposes ,pyrrhonioe of ,sextus ,empiricus1 whose influence in the times of the ,renascence was considerable1 was not translated till the fourteenth century4 ,the detachment of mind and shrewd wisdom of ,john of ,salisbury foreshadowed ,petrarch rather than ,hume2 and when ,john discusses what it is given to man to know1 asking the frequent question1 ,utrum contingat homini scire aliquid81 we must not fall into the error of importing into his question all it connotes for ourselves4 ,likewise when ,james of ,douay 7in ,,ms4 ,de anima1 quoted by ,haurau7 roundly says1 ,id quod recipitur ab aliquo non recipitur secundum naturam rei recept sed secundum naturam recipientis 444 sicut recipitur ita patitur4444 ,sensus judicando de sua passione non decipitur and so on1 he knew no more whither this would lead than ,john ,duns knew that his system must lead to that of ,spinoza4 ,that guardians of morals and social cohesion1 from ,cato to the ,westminster ,assembly1 and from ,samuel ,johnson to ,cardinal ,newman1 should have distrusted scepticism even as reserve of judgment1 or indeed repelled it with fierceness2 that priest1 presbyter1 magistrate and moralist have tolerated irony1 or even license1 rather than vigilant and radical criticism of doctrine1 is intelligible2 and within limits springs from a justifiable apprehension4 ,for the gay and indolent sceptic veers to conformity1 especially if he mistrust the competence of reason2 while the active sceptic endangers the theory of his society1 and of the sanctions upon which all moral conduct temporarily depends4 ,hence the bitter condemnation of ,galileo1 ,perish all physical science rather than one article of the ,faith be lost4 ,happily it is true that during times of transition piety and good conduct survive by virtue of inertia1 that is by tradition1 social pressure1 custom and sense of fitness2 and it is true that in times of transition1 as in our own times1 halting thought is quickened for a while by plenitude of emotion1 and wealth of sthetic impressions makes amends for poverty of ideas2 yet that morals are based on a theory of life is a truth still deeper and more abiding1 and this deeper truth it was the function of the ,ages of ,faith to root in the conscience of mankind4 ,abeunt studia in mores4 ,as contrasted with ,pyrrhonism1 scepticism in its normal sense1 while it declares that the conformity of notions with things in themselves cannot be postulated1 for lack of an external standpoint of comparison1 and while it declines to be confuted by the regressus ad infinitum1 for1 having repudiated first principles it is prepared to be pushed backwards to remoter and remoter causes1 is ready nevertheless to yield to assurance as facts are intercalated into inferences1 and as inferences thus stiffened by verification are found to consist with each other and with the general context of experience4 ,if in the ,middle ,ages these various attitudes of mind were not fully distinguished1 yet scepticism was moving variably towards the demand for verification on which all natural science is based2 and the reaction was not long delayed4 ,in the thirteenth century the culture of ,omeyad and ,abasid caliphs failed2 by the end of the century philosophy was denounced and its books were burned2 the generous and learned ,frederick dashed himself in vain against the ,papacy2 ,clement1 the protector of ,bacon1 was dead1 and during the two following centuries1 in ,spain at any rate1 freedom of thought was crushed out by the ,church4 ,in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the very name of ,averroes--of the mad dog who barked against the ,christ1 the ,averroem impium ,greek3 kai tris kataraton of ,erasmus--began to signify loose life as well as free thought4 ,of this resentment there had been no trace in ,albert or ,st ,thomas2 but ,imola had begun to wonder why ,dante had treated so well ,averroes who1 if the ,great ,commentator1 was yet the father of infidels4 ,the ,dominicans controlled the fine arts1 and for them1--at ,pisa1 at ,siena1 in the ,spanish ,chapel1--,orcagna1 ,gaddi1 ,spinello ,aretino1 ,simone ,memmi abased the ,empire1 ,averroes1 and the new learning far more intolerantly than ,dante had done2 and exalted the ,pope1 with his handmaids ,theology1 ,grammar1 ,logic1 and ,rhetoric4 ,in ,santa ,maria ,novella1 ,memmi represents the triumph of the ,dominicans in theology1 ,gaddi in philosophy2 ,st ,thomas and the ,dominicans march triumphant over ,arius1 ,sabellius1 ,averroes1 and ,savonarola4 ,thus in the ,middle ,ages ,averroes appeared in two forms--first as the ,great ,commentator1 later as the blasphemer and father of infidels of the ,campo ,santo and of ,santa ,maria ,novella4 ,in the fifteenth century the ,council of ,constance forbad the laity to teach1 under a penalty of forty days' excommunication4 ,in the sixteenth1 in ,granada1 ,ximenes burnt1 it is said1 #hj1jjj books of ,arab philosophy1 as ,torquemada did for ,hebrew in ,seville2 medical works1 however1 such as the ,colliget#fj of ,averroes1 and his ,commentary on ,galen1 were spared4 ,with the greater renascence the second period of ,scholasticism1 and indeed the ,middle ,ages themselves are closed4 ,with the fall of ,constantinople the stream of learning1 driven eastwards in the first period of the ,middle ,ages1 set westward again4 ,exiled grammarians now found their shelter under the protection of the literate tyrants of ,italy1 and with their spoil of manuscripts enriched the libraries of ,rome and ,venice4 ,the ,universities of ,bologna and ,padua from their foundation became notable for independence of thought2 and1 on the revival of learning1 for their peripatetic teaching as opposed to the platonism of ,florence1 where1 however1 a spirit of accurate learning was nurtured in the deciphering and verification of texts4 ,the political and commercial ambition of ,venice1 the ,holland of ,italy1 of which ,state ,padua was the learned quarter1 and the inflow of liberal thinkers from other nations1 kept her aloof from the fury of the ,catholic reaction of the sixteenth century1 which ruined ,paris2 thus in ,north-east ,italy the spirit of modern science awoke sooner than in ,england or in ,france1 and inquisitive students1 both home and foreign1 were attracted rather to ,padua and to ,bologna than1 as in earlier times1 to ,paris4 ,in so far as ,scholasticism may be described as a temporary reconciliation of ,aristotle--that is1 of natural and secular methods--with the ,faith1 this end had been attained1 if at all1 by ,st ,thomas2 in ,st ,thomas ,scholasticism culminated4 ,but no such artificial truce could abide2 and the issue of the chief scholastic controversy was to be determined by one greater than ,st ,thomas4 ,the pilgrim to ,ockham1 sitting in its church beneath the seven lancets of its twelfth century window1 may be solitary also in his memory of one of the greatest of ,englishmen1 who saw that light six long centuries ago2 yet a child rather of our age than of his own4 ,as ,ablard had closed the gates upon the neo-platonist tradition of ,alexandria1 so ,ockham closed them against realism in all its forms2 and the ,church cursed them both4 ,in his own person the occupation of professorial chairs by ,franciscans came to an end2 ,paris and the ,thomists could not consistently oppose nominalism2 ,duns the ,northumbrian had inflated realism into a monstrous phantasm1 and speculative reason had to submit to the yoke of verification4 ,yet what could nominalism do for theology1 or for clerical schools8 ,the ,franciscans for the most part had turned to mysticism1 and thenceforth the man of science and the devotee were to work apart4 ,furthermore1 by ,ockham philosophy gained a new meaning1 or lost all meaning4 ,before ,locke1 ,voltaire1 and ,kant1 ,ockham demonstrated that faculties were not substances2 and differentiated logic1 psychology1 and natural science#fa4 ,but if1 as ,i have said1 the way for ,harvey and the other pioneers of natural knowledge was thus prepared for them1 it was still1 even in the seventeenth century1 dark1 rough and perilous4 ,as in all times of transition1 still the weight of defunct systems rolled inertly along2 and while the new forces seemed to slumber stresses were accumulating4 ,in ,oxford and ,cambridge the influence of ,linacre1 and even of ,caius#fb1 seems to have been rather humanist than scientific#fc2 in ,oxford the text rather than the inspiration of ,aristotle prevailed1 while in ,cambridge the platonist school1 of which the charming ,henry ,more was the leader1 full of inspiration as it was1 soon evaporated into mysticism1 or obscurantism4 ,bacon and ,harvey seem to have left ,cambridge--for ,paris and ,padua respectively--as ,locke left ,oxford#fd1 under some discouragement4 ,of ,paris the great days were over2 it was in ,padua that medicine1 long degraded or disguised1 was now to prove her lineage as the mother of natural science1 and the truth of the saying of ,hippocrates that to know the nature of man one must know the nature of all things4 ,but on ,harvey's arrival1 ,padua1 which had become the first school of ,medicine in ,europe1 as was ,bologna of ,imperial ,law#fe1 was settling down upon the lees of the once noble school of ,averroes3 a discipline which1 by its original strength1 by its freedom of thought1 and by the ascendency of its professors1 had withstood in the thirteenth century the direct condemnation of the brilliant fourth ,lateran ,council2 and in the sixteenth the thunders of ,trent4 ,padua adopted ,averroism1 in the fourteenth century1 because of its medical contents2 in the two following centuries this system was emptied of heart and life1 but pattered and mumbled by pretentious pedants in ,north-east ,italy it prevailed till the seventeenth1 when after a reign of three centuries it was succeeded by the ,cartesian4 ,of its phases in the sixteenth century ,patrizzi said1 ,ingens ab his philosophorum numerus ac successio manavit qu in ,aven ,rois hypothesibus habitavit4444 ,inde dubitationum ac qustionum sexcentorum milium numerus manavit 7,disc4 ,peripat4 ,vol4 ,i4 ,venet4 #aega2 quoted by ,renan1 ,averros74 ,the name of ,averroes1 perfectus et gloriosissimus physicus1 veritatis amicus et defensor intrepidus1 became the shibboleth of philosophers who held the different nature of the heavenly bodies against the moderns who alleged the identity of matter in sky and earth1 and the doctrine of the universal against the individual soul4 ,yet1 in spite of ,petrarch's gibes1 ,averroism in its spring had nursed ,padua with the milk of natural science4 ,even in its decay--for all teaching of philosophy1 as a separate study1 must decay--the triumph of the ,faith was premature2 like ,jansenism1 the ,school of ,averroes1 effete as it became1 held the ground for a more dangerous invasion1 for ,leonardo1 ,telesio1 ,bruno1 ,gilbert1 ,sarpi1 ,campanella1 ,galileo1 and ,harvey2 for the pioneers of truth1 not as consistency with tradition1 not as an alchemical search for real essences1 nor indeed as wisdom only2 but as the verification of premises4 ,this fuse ,paracelsus fixed to the shell which burst upon the ,faith1 upon ,scholasticism1 upon ,galenism1 and even upon humanism1 ,so ,christus spricht ',perscrutamini scripturas'2 warum soll ich nicht sagen ',perscrutamini naturas rerum'8 ,the ,credo ut intelligam of ,augustine and ,anselm of ,canterbury2 the ,intelligo ut credam of ,aquinas belonged to the past2 and men began to cry c'est ,dieu qui nous veut hrtiques4 ,a criticism based upon a larger sense of the relativity of knowledge1 and1 in the sixteenth century1 a new scepticism#ff1 which pierced even into the ,vatican1 as to the very possibility of knowledge of the nature of being1 were preparing the way for new conceptions3 but in ethics meanwhile men were falling either into the carelessness of the scoffer or into the anti-nomianism of the mystic4 ,the brilliant futilities of the medieval dialectic had led to weariness of spirit4 ,after vain and vexatious jugglings with the dry tissues of unchastened ratiocination1 simplicity and even ignorance brought their solace4 ,as from ,florence humanism invaded ,english letters1 so the ,averroistic physician of ,padua became known1 even in ,chaucer's day1 as a man of secular rather than of ,scriptural learning4 ,in ,padua1 while ,galileo was teaching ,euclid for a pittance1 chairs of ,averroistic philosophy were filled by highly paid professors1 whose rotuli or portfolios1 many of which now rest in the dust of the libraries of ,north ,italy1 were handed down from one to another in deadly routine4 ,virtually1 however1 the ,averroistic tradition ended with a contemporary ,paduan professor1 ,cremonini1 lifted into fame by ,harvey's refutation in the ,de motu cordis1 and by his own repudiation of the satellites of ,jupiter1 bodies for which ,aristotle had made no provision4 ,the coarseness and pedantry of the ,averroistic freethinkers1 whose scepticism lacked the elegance and sprightliness of the ,french1 and their bastard language--mongrel of ,greek and ,arabic--revolted the humanists also3 ,nihil indoctius1 nihil insulsius1 frigidius4 ,unum te obsecro1 ,petrarch had said two hundred years before 7in his invectives against doctors1 whom he classed with astrologers1 as afterwards indeed did ,harvey more or less71 ut ab omni consilio mearum rerum tui isti ,arabes arceantur atque exsulent4 ,de medicis non modo nil sperandum sed valde etiam metuendum#fg4 ,the doctors in their turn did not hide their disdain for poets4 ,whether justly or unjustly1 the ,doctors of ,medicine were classed with astrologers and alchemists2 the latter of whom ,harvey repudiated frankly1 not altogether avoiding a contempt for chemistry itself4 ,clad in fine raiment1 with rings on their fingers and golden spurs on their heels1 they rode tall horses1 and gave themselves pompous airs4 ,the humanist would rather pose as a believer than as an underbred infidel2 the ,averroist protected the license of his doctrines and manners by subterfuge and ironic evasion3 and humanist and ,averroist alike stood by at the burning of ,bruno#fh4 ,it must not be supposed1 however1 that these pompous pedants had it all their own way1 and that ,medicine was not better justified of her children4 ,it is full of interest for our present purpose to read in the preface by ,thomas ,junta to the ,edition of ,averroes 7#aeeb71 ,plerique omnes juniores medici jam intolerabile in ,arabum ,mauritaniorumque dogmata odium conceperunt1 ut ne nominandi citandive locus relinquatur2 principes etiam ,hippocratem atque ,galenum habere nos prdicant4 ,this enlightenment seems to have come about in some part through the teaching of ,thomus ,nicolaus ,leonicus#fi1 who began to lecture1 for the first time1 from the ,greek text of ,aristotle 7there were chairs thenceforth for both the ,arabian and the ,greek ,aristotle7 in #adig4 ,it was with ,galileo however that scientific research began in ,padua1 at any rate for professors2 and ,galileo may be venerated as the first modern naturalist to set the experimental method conceptually1 coherently1 and thoroughly before himself1 including the deductive side of it4 ,in the ,harveian ,oration of #ahib1 ,dr ,bridges reminded us that ,galileo conceived of motion and energy as calculable quantities1 and drew our attention to those most interesting experiments wherein ,galileo applied the pendulum to measure the rate and rhythm of the pulse4 ,roger ,bacon had dwelt upon experiment1 but scarcely upon methodical verification thereby4 ,the chemistry of ,albert of ,cologne was but a return of the curiosity of ,geber of ,cordova 7in the ninth century74 ,even ,francis ,bacon saw the method less clearly than ,galileo had done2 and1 as the last of the schoolmen and encyclopedists1 he made a place for it rather in literature and philosophy3 he ignored1 as the scientific ,descartes welcomed1 the cardinal discoveries of ,copernicus and of ,harvey#gj4 ,but if ,galileo discovered the experimental method as a method1 before ,galileo the method was in use4 ,leonardo had laid down the rule of investigation of nature by experiment1 and the aphorism that nature never deceives us2 unfortunately his manuscripts were not published4 ,in the first half of the fifteenth century ,nicholas of ,cusa weighed plants at definite stages of their growth in known weights of earth2 and he weighed the moisture of the air4 ,his contemporary ,leon ,battista ,alberti of ,genoa had done likewise4 ,but above all the scientific forerunners of ,galileo and ,harvey stands ,william ,gilbert1 ,fellow of ,st ,john's ,college1 ,doctor of ,medicine of ,cambridge1 ,censor and ,president of this ,college1 ,physician to ,queen ,elizabeth1 and ,founder of the science of ,magnetism4 ,the century dating from the birth of ,galileo to the death of ,harvey was perhaps the most brilliant in the history of modern knowledge4 ,the discovery of ,greek texts had destroyed the conventional ,aristotle1 the conventional ,hippocrates and ,galen2 since the latter part of the sixteenth century ,greek had been taught in the ,high ,schools1 philosophy was born again1 and men found themselves no longer the slaves but the kin of the great ancients4 ,telesius1 ,bruno1 ,campanella vindicated natural science and liberty of thought4 ,galileo taught in ,padua for twenty years1 including the time when ,harvey graduated there2 ,torricelli was a pupil of the great ,florentine2 in #aehb1 on the theory of ,copernicus1 ,gregory reformed the ,calendar1 and thus laid the axe to the root of astrology2 by ,newton terrestrial physics were established in the celestial spheres#ga4 ,malpighi1 who was to fulfil ,harvey's discovery and foresight1 was born in ,n4-,e4 ,italy in the very year 7#afbh7 in which the ,de motu cordis was published4 ,in #afbf ,boyle was creating chemistry4 ,anatomy1 which had slept since its days in ,alexandria1 was fully awake4 ,the ,society of the ,lincei was virtually founded in #afjc2 the ,royal ,society#gb in #afde2 the ,academy of ,france in #afef4 ,clinical teaching1 initiated in ,salerno and advanced by the ,consilia medica#gc1 was formally established in ,padua#gd1 to be pursued in ,heidelberg1 ,leyden1 and ,vienna4 ,thus was the study ,de rerum natura juxta propria principia unfolded1 and the ,civitas ,dei gave place to the ,regnum ,hominis4 ,the ,regnum ,hominis6 ,yet when ,i look1 from a respectful distance1 upon the folios of the schoolmen1 monuments1 ,i am told1 as empty as the ,pyramids of ,egypt1 my mind turns back to the fiery and turbulent tribes which in the deep but dazzling darkness of the ,middle ,ages raged upon a barren land before the nations began2 and ,i wonder if the ideas which awed them1 swayed them1 and welded them into stable societies were fancies as wild and sterile2 and if the men who wrought them were mere traffickers in words4 ,and then ,i wonder if we are glad that the riddle of the origin and issues of being1 which tormented their eager hearts1 is not solved1 but proved insoluble3 if we are glad that sub specie hominis the earth1 no longer the nursery of eternal souls1 is but a meteor in the sky2 men and women but the gleam upon it2 the sons of ,heaven but companies of whirling stones1 and the ,father of ,heaven an inaccessible idea4 ,the scholastic philosophies became inhuman only in their decrepitude4 ,in the equal eye of history1 the ,middle ,ages teach us that the slow and painful travail of natural science is not to be regarded as the belated labour of light in the womb of darkness1 nor as a mere stifling of the growth of the human mind by tyranny and oppression1 nor indeed as the arming of moral forces against brute forces1 but as the condition of time in the making of societies on a necessarily provisional theory of life4 ,they teach us that conduct in state and morals depends upon a theory of life2 that although habits and even standards of ethics may abide for a time after the theory on which they were built is sapped1 it is but for a time2 that if the social discipline and fruition are to be renewed and enlarged it must be upon a new synthesis1 as laborious and ardent as the former1 and more true4 ,meanwhile the business of a nation1 whether in war or peace1 is first to be quick and strong in action1 to be rational afterwards2 and swiftness and strength come of union of wills and singleness of heart rather than of wisdom4 ,even within its borders freedom of opinion must awaken slowly2 the nation strong enough to suffer irresolutions in its outward policy has yet to appear4 ,hence it is that we find in ruling classes1 and in social circles which put on aristocratical fashions1 that ideas1 and especially scientific ideas1 are held in sincere aversion and in simulated contempt4 ,the ,greek was no heathen1 suckled by nature and endowed only with her instincts2 he sought in his mind to improve nature3 but in the ,renascence instincts were set as free as thought4 ,in this passionate and adventurous time to preach the destruction of the animal instincts1 or to crush them for the higher life1 was a noble idea1 but an impossible hope2 the animal impulses are to be trained1 not suppressed1 and for this the help of science was to come4 ,yet science was to be not the hated rival but a necessary ally of religion4 ,it is not within the province of science to answer the medieval searchings on the nature of being1 nevertheless this threshold problem--der ,drudenfuss auf der ,schwelle--faces us still2 and the world1 so far as we have seen of it1 has always demanded a provisional answer4 ,to-day ,professor ,james ,ward offers it again in ,supreme ,intelligence2 and ,principal ,caird 7,fundamental ,christianity7 yearns for the knowledge of infinite being almost in the words of ,plato himself3--,if1 he cries1 underneath all the phenomena of the world in which we live we can discern no principle of reason and order1 no absolute intelligence and love1 then indeed this world is a meaningless waste4 ,gilbert ,galileo and ,harvey1 ,maxwell ,hertz and ,darwin have taught men not that the speculations of the schoolmen were over-bold1 for they busied themselves with no speculations bolder or more transcendental than are our modern theories on matter1 on inertia1 on the ether1 or on the origin of life1 but that metaphysics by intercalation of facts shall become physics1 that1 in the words of ,descartes1 concepts1 if ,greek3 meta ta physika1 talia sint tantum ut omnibus naturae phnomenis accurate respondeant1 and that notions great and small shall be subjected to strict verification1 so far as such tests can be carried2 not that men shall deny themselves the rapture of touching that various instrument they find within themselves1 but that they shall endure the drudgery of learning to play it in harmony with the orchestra of nature2 not that they shall desist from imagining1 but that before proclaiming hypotheses they shall be compelled to the humble task of making an infinite number of little piles of facts4 ,the art of experiment can grow only with the growth of science itself2 instruments of precision are not provided till men feel the need of them4 ,the experimental verification of concepts is no mere alternative path1 no mere renunciation1 but a new birth2 a birth into a dull and vexatious discipline for the impatient ,hegelian1 whether of the thirteenth or of the twentieth century1 who believes that1 as mind is the product of evolution1 and so the sum and store of nature1 in dem ,gedanken selbst das ,wahre ist zu suchen#ge4 ,long fed on boundless hopes1 ,o race of man1 ,how angrily thou spurn'st all simpler fare4 ,the genius and courage concerned in a particular discovery or reform it were impossible to estimate2 there is no method of determining the specific gravity of such adventures3 moreover we are now so well used to the lights1 bells1 and soundings of the routes of scientific enquiry that it is hard for us to realise the pain and peril of fogs and contrary winds in voyages where were no such guides4 ,indeed no exposition of defects of methods can explain false habits of thought without a careful estimate of historical causes also1 in what we may call the embryology of thought2 for at no time were right methods of thought wholly wanting1 or even wholly disregarded4 ,but1 as we approach ,harvey's own time1 if on the one hand ,i have shown that ,europe until he came was not ready for him1 on the other hand ,i trust ,i have made it more easy to conceive the weight of the social systems1 opinions1 and prejudices against which his gigantic effort was made4 ,for1 brilliant as was the promise of the ,renascence1 yet in the time of ,harvey1 and in the generation immediately before him1 the decay of the scholastic methods and the worldliness of the ,church1 which in the first half of the sixteenth century had favoured the advance of secular culture1 had led to a reaction1 not against ,luther only but also against all liberal learning and science4 ,in the ,vatican1 in the ,sorbonne1 in the ,consistory1 and even in the courts of justice it was proclaimed that as these studies make government more difficult1 it were ill to encourage them6 ,we have seen that the ,faith1 though undermined and no longer catholic1 was aroused1 and was terrible still2 orthodoxy was crushing free thought in ,italy2 ,alva was in ,flanders1 and had been visited by ,catherine de ,medici at ,bayonne2 in ,france the ruthless religious wars ended in the triumph of ,rome2 ,europe was overrun by ,dominicans and ,franciscans2 ,trent was long pregnant with anathema4 ,contrary sects alike defied liberal culture2 and four years before ,harvey's birth the wolf1 hidden under another cloak1 had torn ,servetus--,servetus who shared with ,colombo the honour of preparing the way for the founder of modern physiology4 ,even the genial conformist of the world1 after his manner when he is scared1 had turned brutal2 he felt that the old conceptions upon which society was built for him1 were suspected1 and therewith society itself beginning to crack and split1 yet he did not see that now by science only could society be recreated4 ,in ,italy the ,cinque ,cento had taken its birth and nourishment chiefly from ,latin sources and tradition4 ,it regarded symmetry of form and rhetorical modes of passion2 elegance was preferred to matter1 and style to knowledge4 ,such a culture had not the seeds of life in it2 in the middle of the sixteenth century its enthusiasms waned1 its philosophy fell into routine1 its style into mannerism2 but science1 not philosophy1 not the ,faith1 was the heir of the ,middle ,ages4 ,science is not of ,latin but of ,greek inheritance1 its sources are ,greek2 and with the westward swarm of the ,greeks their older boons of eloquence and beauty were rivalled by their newer gifts of scholarship and natural knowledge4 ,in ,france the leaders of this school were the ,huguenots1 the flower of the nation2 in the ,catholic reaction of the sixteenth century ,france scorched her own bloom1 and ,spain was blasted for ever4 ,the humanists1 who at best were false friends of science and medicine1 were no longer powerful friends2 their noble rage was suppressed by chill penury1 and many of the most learned and zealous of them were vagabonds in ,europe4 ,rhetoric1 fine art1 and even philosophy may flourish in slavery1 learning and science can breathe no air but that of freedom2 and freedom of learning was quenched in the blood of the ,massacre of ,st ,bartholomew4 ,in #aedj had been founded the ,society of ,jesus1 which then as now used science and learning1 not as sources of truth or tests of conduct1 but as tactics2 putting on indeed the habit of the scholar1 but only the more effectually to control research4 ,two years later the ,spanish ,inquisition was set up in ,rome2 and its shadow fell even over ,venice1 which abased itself to the imprisonment of ,bruno4 ,the great ,venetian printers1 some time reduced to the publications of decadent ,averroism 7p4 #ig71 to avert bankruptcy had to print breviaries4 ,henry of ,navarre1 deserting ,du ,plessis ,mornay1 ,d',aubign1 and ,de ,thou1 turned not only ,roman ,catholic but also ultramontane2 and1 if with his accession the ,terror had ceased1 social and political ostracisms1 tests1 and disabilities stifled all generous culture4 ,the great ,university of ,paris1 which throughout the ,middle ,ages had been the heart of ,christendom1 the centre of its life and heat1 which in the fourteenth century was at its splendid culmination1 and which had meddled with no feeble hand even in the ,state1 was waning even in the fifteenth century1 when ,france was devastated by war and rapine and her schools were emptied4 ,this ,university1 which had savagely condemned ,joan of ,arc1 and sent ,nicholas ,midi to preach a solemn sermon at the stake1 pro ,joann salutari admonitione et populi dificatione1 in the sixteenth century came out of the religious wars stripped of its endowments1 and deserted by its students2 its curriculum was crassly conservative1 its philosophy buckram1 its theology a petrifaction2 its forty colleges were closed1 grass grew in its courts1 and its public disputations were abased to the decorous apostasy of the freethinker4 ,montpellier was dominated by realism 7vitalism74 ,francis ,bacon had done better to have gone with ,harvey to ,padua2 almost in the year of the publication of the ,de motu cordis1 the ,parliament of ,paris issued an edict that no teacher should promulgate anything contrary to the accepted doctrines of the ancients4 ,such was the check which1 after the death of ,leo the ,tenth1 had befallen liberal studies3 no ,bembo now secretly protected freethinkers2 in ,central ,europe the generous ,maximilian the ,second1 who died in #aegf while counselling tolerance in religion to ,henry the ,third1 was followed by reactionary emperors4 ,in ,england no doubt the sky was clearer2 in the ,salamis of modern civilization the malign pretensions of ,philip were shattered1 and the spacious times of ,elizabeth were glorious in their outburst of freedom1 adventure1 and culture1 ,medicine1 however1 sinking in the sixteenth century1 fell1 in the seventeenth1 into that reproach which has become a byword4 ,all superstition was not within the ,faith4 ,when ,harvey's discovery1 like an earthquake1 had broken up galenism and other outworn sophistries1 his masterly work stood forth not only against long-winded dialectics on ars sphygmica1 critical days1 coctions1 derivatives1 revulsives1 and like abstractions bequeathed by realism and uncritical subservience to texts1 but also against a more lurid background of folk superstitions--of vampires1 witch-burning1 magic1 cabbalism1 astrology1 alchemy1 chiromancy1 and water-casting4 ,for medicine1 says ,bacon1 is associated with charlatanry as ,aesculapius with ,circe4 ,in physics1 terrestrial and celestial1 ,galileo1 persecuted as he was1 had some current with him and before him2 ,copernicus had preceded him1 ,kepler was beside him3 but in physiology the waters had closed upon the path of ,galen as upon the wake of a great ship2 the anatomists1 themselves galenists1 had given ,harvey little help2 and the share of ,servetus#gf1 ,colombo1 and ,fabricius was but small in the discovery of the central fact of the science1 and of the method which opened the way to ,pecquet and ,aselli1 to ,glisson1 to ,steno1 to ,wharton and ,willis1 to ,haller and ,bernard4 ,harvey's discovery was the first step to a transfiguration of medicine2 and though after ,harvey there arose much false physiology and therewith again great floods of medical sophistry1 yet from his time medicine has had to reckon with physiology1 the only source of scientific nosology and therapeutics4 ,we celebrate the memory of great men in the certain hope that in their children they will be born again4 ,,appendix4 ,,astrology4 ,besides those greater preventions which lay in the very structure and organised conceptions of society in the ,middle ,ages1 the student of natural science was thwarted also by many lesser1 which could not find place in this oration4 ,among the chief of these was judicial astrology1 which supplanted and degraded the art of medicine4 ,it is difficult to carry the imagination into a time when the heavens were conceived as an animate and divine being#gg1 the heavenly bodies as active and intelligent parts of it1 and the whole set not in illimitable space but around man and his home1 and waiting upon him 7vid4 p4 #dg72 yet without such an effort we cannot realise the ancient place and dominion of astrology4 ,such a possession when in its strength must have enthralled the human mind2 and it abode tenaciously with the first scientific conceptions of celestial phenomena1 even in the thoughts of the enlightened4 ,tycho ,brahe1 for many years of his life1 was an adept2 and even ,kepler saw portents in the skies4 ,when we read the doctrines of ,aristotle on the celestial beings1 it is indeed somewhat strange that upon him1 upon ,plato1 and upon the ,ionians1 the judicia astrorum had even less hold than the mythology3 so truly poised1 even in the infancy of science1 were the cosmic speculations of this wonderful race4 ,the ,romans by their ,etruscan tradition held to astrology1 chiefly derived from ,chaldea and ,egypt1 and by them it was mixed with grosser folk magic2 yet even in ,rome there were many to repudiate it1 not only such ,grecian spirits as ,cicero but also such ,romans as ,juvenal2 as in ,harvey's time it was assailed by the irony of ,pascal and of ,la ,fontaine4 ,even in the twelfth century ,john of ,salisbury had not failed to turn his light artillery upon astrology4 ,this art of forecast naturally attached itself closely to that of medicine2 and in its decrepitude still it clung to medicine like a parasite4 ,and as parasites in the field of pathology1 so astrology brought with it other noxious superstitions and follies even worse than itself4 ,in ,england it survived till the witty attack of ,swift killed ,partridge and astrology together2 yet to this day many of its notions are embedded in our common speech4 ,ptolemy among his good services did one ill to mankind by his ,tetrabiblon or ,quadripertit1 an astrological treatise which was current with the ,almagest in the ,western ,schools4 ,this authoritative treatise1 together with the ,aristotelian conception of the heavens1 gave to astrology the aspect of a regular science with its own principles and methods2 a science admired and even courted by princes4 ,as ,frederick the ,second and ,charles the ,fifth would learn of the stars the moment to take the field against their foes1 so the medieval physician sought their countenance in the letting of blood or in the exhibition of a clyster or emetic4 ,the ,church1 abhorring all concurrent dominion1 and justly abhorring this bondage of the judgment of ,god and of the will of man1 almost alone withstood the astrologer4 ,if the doctors of theology did not know how to deny the power of the stars in the material cosmos1 they vehemently denied it in the world of the spirit4 ,et ideo pro certo tenendum est1 says ,aquinas1 grave peccatum esse circa ea qu a voluntate hominis dependent judiciis astrorum uti4 ,of the priestly assailants of astrology1 the most attractive to us for his wit1 sagacity and sound knowledge1 was ,nicholas ,oresme1 sometime ,bishop of ,lisieux 7died #achb71 translator of the ,ethics and other ,aristotelian treatises1 as he is portrayed for us by ,haurau 7,dict4 des ,sciences philosophiques1 art4 ,oresme7 and ,m4 ,charles ,jourdain4 ,the fun of the thing is that the outspoken ,oresme was the counsellor1 the friend1 and even the tutor of that notable astrologer ,charles the ,fifth2 a story as honourable to the prince as to the subject4 ,as ,charles issued from the chambers of his astrologers the discourses of ,oresme must have made him a little uncomfortable1 especially when ,oresme records the misfortunes of astrologising captains1 such as ,alphonso king of ,castille1 of whom1 says he1 ,i have heard nothing notable except that he cast horoscopes1 was unfortunate in war1 and neglected his kingdom2 or such again as ,james the king of ,majorca1 a passionate astrologer1 who on the dictation of the stars made a sortie against ,peter of ,aragon1 and never came back again4 ,it is all very well1 says ,oresme1 for kings to know somewhat of the noble science of astronomy1 but they must be content to hear of it in talk with sages1 and not to spend upon the stars time and care which they should devote to the interests of their people4 ,mesmement tele chose 7astrology1 necromancy1 geomancy and quelconques tels ars7 est plus prilleuse personnes d'estat1 comme sont princes et seigneurs ausquelz appartient le gouvernement publique4 ,et pour ce ay je compos ce livret en franois afin que gens lais le puissent entendre1 desquels1 si comme j'ay entendu1 plusieurs sont trop enclins telles fatuits4 ,et autres fois ay je escript en latin de ceste matire etc4 ,in spite of the ,bishop of ,lisieux1 astrology at the end of the fourteenth century reached the summit of its influence and popularity4 ,in the course of his argument ,oresme gives an admirable account of the nature of hallucination and the parts it may play in perverting knowledge2 not only so but he explains also the fallibility of the normal senses in respect of organic defects1 of media1 of false inference1 of association1 of imposition of the imagination1 and so forth4 ,under such circumstances1 he says1 a mystic might conceive himself to have been visited by an angel6 ,,footnotes3 #a ,to bring the oration within the time allotted1 this portion1 and the paragraphs on astrology added as an appendix1 were omitted4 ,for the same reason the paragraphs on scepticism 7p4 #hb7 were also omitted but by inadvertence have held their continuity in the text4 ,it is customary to print the text as delivered2 and this must be my excuse for the cumbrous apparatus of notes1 much of which might have been taken into an enlarged text4 ,the notes are necessary to fortify statements which orally may pass1 but do not satisfy a reader4 #b ,the humoral doctrine is imperfectly known4 ,the four elements are earth1 water1 air1 fire2 the four qualities are hot1 cold1 moist1 dry2 the four humours are blood1 phlegm1 yellow bile1 black bile4 ,by permutation of these were obtained the endless elaborations of the galenist doctrine which for many centuries blinded ,europe not to the truth only1 but also to the clinical and physiological methods1 example1 and attainments of ,galen himself4 #c ,nec ullum satis validum imperium erat coercendis seditionibus populi1 flagitia hominum ut cremonias deum protegentis4 ,tac4 ,ann4 ,,iii4 #fj4 #d ,it must not be supposed that the idealism of ,plato and the mysticism of the ,east were alike1 or even akin4 ,plato was a ,greek2 his mind1 as we appreciate such qualities1 was sane and lucid3 he had no yearning whatever for absorption in the ,infinite2 but rather1 like ,aristotle1 for a noble life4 #e ,oftener on her knees than on her feet ,died every day she lived4 ,macbeth ,,iv4 #c4 #f ,i see in recent reports of ,egyptian exploration that at ,oxyrhynchus ,plato was represented with curious persistence by the ,phdo and the ,laches2 and these treatises appear in the early ,fayyum papyri4 #g ,a few axioms1 collected from the physical and metaphysical treatises 7perhaps by ,cassiodorus from ,boetius71 were current from an early date4 ,the translations of ,boetius must for a time have lain in some neglect8 #h ,alcuin had but a translated abridgment or summary of the ,categories1 attributed to ,augustine2 and in a ,,ms4 of the tenth century we find no more than this4 ,boetius' full translation of the ,categories was not current till the end of this century1 when all the logic of ,aristotle was in the hands of the doctors4 ,in the earlier ,middle ,ages1 as in the writings of ,john of ,salisbury and of ,william of ,conches1 we hear even more of ,boetius than of the master himself4 ,virgil1 ,seneca and ,cicero also were the sources of much of the culture of this period4 ,alcuin was a grammarian2 he taught from ,priscian and ,donatus1 improved the eighth century ,latin1 and probably made ,virgil and ,cicero known in ,gaul and ,britain4 ,he knew but little ,greek1 as we infer from his quotation of the names of the ,categories4 ,erigena knew more ,greek and carried some of it to the ,court of ,charles the ,bald4 ,see note #b1 p4 #fe4 ,alcuin probably did not visit ,ireland4 ,boetius had translated also both ,analytics and the ,topics4 #i ,yet ,roger ,bacon seems to have apprehended both progress and the relativity of truth4 ,before ,newman1 he declared that ,god makes no full revelation but gives it in instalments2 and in another passage he speaks of the judgments of ,aristotle1 and of other great teachers1 secundum possibilitatem sui temporis 444 aliud tempus fuit tunc1 et aliud nunc est--a remarkable saying4 ,of the ,saints he says they had their time1 we have our own4 ,vid4 also note1 p4 #hj4 #aj ,modern ,french historians do us the honour of annexing our heroes2 in respect of the scholars of the ,middle ,ages ,m4 ,charles ,jourdain has set1 or followed1 this example4 ,john of ,salisbury1 that charming child of renascence1 born out of due time1 was first claimed as a ,frenchman2 then1 as this provenance becomes untenable1 he1 and others1 are called ,anglo-,french4 ,the ,university of ,paris in the ,x,i,ith century was no more ,france than ,rome was ,italy4 ,in our sedentary arable life we do not realise the nomad habits of our forefathers4 ,edward the ,first would inhabit six distant castles in less than as many weeks2 indeed ,great ,britain itself was then no island4 ,the heroes1 nay the armies1 of ,froissart's ,story fly about the world in their seasons like migrating birds4 ,all keen scholars of the ,west went to the ,university of ,paris1 the daughter of kings and popes1 and the intellectual centre not of a strip of kingdom between ,anjou and the ,empire1 but of ,europe itself4 ,and of the scholars of ,paris1 ,englishmen were1 we hear1 the most turbulent1 but the boldest in argument and the most greedy of learning2 this last character perhaps it is that now-a-days looks least ,english4 ,kuno ,fischer admires the procession of great ,englishmen down the highway of medieval thought1 from ,erigena to ,francis ,bacon4 ,john was born at ,salisbury1 spent thirteen of his early years at the ,university of ,paris1 the best of them in the stormy service of ,thomas ,becket1 and but the last five as ,bishop of ,chartres4 ,we do not call ,lanfranc an ,englishman1 nor even ,adrian the ,fourth an ,italian4 #aa ,the name ,realism has been improperly used--improperly because previously engaged--to signify the conception of an objective world1 from the play of which our impressions arise1 and of which our impressions are1 if not likenesses1 at any rate symbols1 as opposed to the name ,idealism which1 with a like violence1 has been turned to signify the conception that the universe of things is but a picture produced by the evolution of the phenomena of consciousness4 ,the proper names for these opposite conceptions are of course ,noumenalism and ,phenomenalism4 ,realism proper as a habit of thought1 whatever may have been its provisional uses1 is now a mischievous habit2 noumenalism is a harmless amusement4 #ab ,roscellinus1 the ,roger ,bacon of the eleventh century1 learned1 rebellious1 lucid and heroic1 withstood the ,church for philosophy as did ,bacon in the thirteenth for natural science4 ,it would seem that in heroism at any rate ,ablard was below his master4 #ac ,vid4 p4 #ej4 #ad ,the opponents of the theory of the ,mass are apt to charge the ,roman ,church with the proposition that therein the elements are changed into real flesh and blood4 ,in the nineteenth century1 as in the thirteenth1 this ,church has not1 ,i believe1 determined whether the real substance be corporeal or incorporeal1 separable or inseparable from the sensible properties of things2 whether in a word it be something or1 as many of us would say1 nothing at all4 ,spinoza regarded substance as intelligent and extended4 #ae ,thus it was difficult to claim his authority for one side or the other4 ,the metaphysical treatises were not known till the later part of the twelfth century4 7,see p4 #ge1 note #b47 ,at the outset of the ,physics ,aristotle discusses what nature is in itself1 and defines first elements2 in the ,second ,analytics on the other hand1 although thinking of science as deductive and expository1 he strongly opposes the primary existence of ideas1 though these are predicable of many individuals4 ,by excess of logical formations1 the division of properties1 the use of such terms as ,greek3 gen hypokeimena1 c4 c41 he laid himself open to misconception1 and so was readily platonised by his commentators4 ,it would seem indeed that for ,aristotle universals were not merely propositions obtained by negation of individual variations1 but something more active4 ,a ,greek3 nosis became somehow a ,greek3 poisis2 e4g4 ,greek3 h dmiourgsasa physis4 ,his position may be appreciated briefly thus3--,in the ,categories ,aristotle speaks of individuals as primarily existent1 while in ,met4 ,z1 and elsewhere1 the primary existent is the form4 ,the inconsistency is1 however1 more apparent than real2 for in the ,categories it is the individual so far as he represents his natural kind which is primarily existent1 whilst the form which in the ,metaphysics is primarily existent occurs only in the individual4 ,this terse appreciation is one of my many debts to ,dr ,jackson4 #af ,it were almost to be desired1 for our own lucidity1 that we could get rid of the words cause and law1 and use language significant of order only4 ,aristotle's influence has weighed heavily in favour of studying ,causes rather than sequences2 thus it is hard to clear our own minds1 and impossible to clear the minds of our pupils1 of a genetic notion of causation--that an effect comes1 as it were1 from the womb of its causes4 ,even ,ockham taught as if causes contained their effects4 ,mr ,marshall 7,west4 ,rev4 loc4 cit47 is of opinion that ,roger ,bacon by his non oportet causas investigare intended to confine scientific thought to the relations of phenomena4 #ag ,as ,st ,anselm put it1 ,participatione speciei plures homines sunt unus homo4 ,out of humanity individual men proceed4 #ah ,vid4 p4 #cb1 note4 #ai ,erigena1 the miracle of the ,holy ,ghost2 a figure of almost mythical grandeur1 arising in the far west1 full of new learning1 of lyric enthusiasm1 and heroic courage4 ,he did not protest1 with ,st ,columba1 against the ,papacy only2 he protested against authority1 and he protested against mighty ignorance2 neither of which should withstand the persuasion of right reason4 ,ratio immutabilis 444 qu 444 nullius auctoritatis adstipulatione roborari indiget4 ,his works were proscribed and burned4 #bj ,the one1 to which alone ,parmenides and ,melissus attributed existence1 was a material although an incorporeal unity4 ,we must beware of accepting matter in the current dualist sense2 for ,aristotle himself ,greek3 hyl was hardly distinguishable from ,greek3 dynamis4 #ba ,with every allowance for the phases of church and school in successive academical generations it seems strange that in #abji ,aristotle should have been forbidden under excommunication1 and in #abca restored to such favour that for the disciples of ,albert and ,st ,thomas the master almost attained the authority of a father of the church2 the explanation probably is that ,aristotle meant for a time the paynim interpretations of ,toledo1 particularly of the ,physics 7the ,metaphysics were not translated from the ,greek till about #abbj72 and meant not this only1 but also liberal quotation and incorporation of the writings of ,arab philosophers4 ,to show how learning1 even in the ,university of ,paris1 lay under ecclesiastical control1 some extracts from the ,edicts of the ,synod of ,paris and of ,gregory the ,ninth may be cited in illustration3--,after directing that ,corpus magistri ,amaurici extrahatur e cimiterio1 et projiciatur in terram non benedictam the ,synod farther orders that the ,quaternuli ,quaternuli is translated by ,ducange1 ,quatuor quart chart1 seu octo folia3 i4e4 the octavos magistri ,david de ,dinant1 444 afferantur et comburantur2 nec libri ,aristotelis de naturali philosophia1 nec ,commenta legantur ,parisiis1 publice vel secreto4 ,et hoc sub poena excommunicationis inhibemus4444 ,de libris theologicis scriptis in romano1 prcipimus quod episcopis diocesanis tradantur1 et ,credo in ,deum et ,pater noster in romano1 prter vitas sanctorum4 ,the order two years later confirming these prohibitions differs but in form4 ,even the ,bull of ,gregory in #abca1 relieving the schools of this proscription1 says1 ,ad hc jubemus ut magistri artium unam lectionem de ,prisciano et unam post aliam ordinarie semper legant1 et libris illis naturalibus1 qui in concilio provinciali ex certa causa prohibiti fuere1 ,parisiis non utantur1 quousque examinati fuerint1 et ab omni errorum suspicione purgati4 ,the pope adds paternally1 ,magistri vero et scholares theologi1 in facultate quam profitentur1 se studeant laudabiliter exercere1 nec philosophos se ostendant1 sed satagant fieri theodocti3 nec loquantur in lingua populi1 et populi linguam hebram cum azotica confundentes azotica or arethica means the profane tongue 7,ducange72 ,hebrew being a ,sancta lingua4 ,the pantheistic outburst of the later twelfth century1 although deriving in part from ,erigena1 was probably fed by the commentary of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias4 ,this commentary was widely read in ,arabic and ,arab-latin translations1 the latter of which were made1 as we know 7v4 ,a4 ,jourdain1 p4 #abc and seq471 by ,gerard of ,cremona 7d4 #aahg74 ,alexander's more material interpretation of ,greek3 hyl involved the return of ,all into ,god2 hence no resurrection1 no future life4 ,in his followers these doctrines become grosser and grosser1 and1 fused with other ,arabian doctrine1 prepared for and afterwards strengthened the ,averroism of ,padua1 in the ,,xv-,x,v,ith century1 in which system it was taught that the universal soul1 dipping for the time into the individual man1 is at death resumed into the universal soul4 ,this virtual denial of personal immortality was of course bitterly resented by the ,church4 7,vid4 p4 #fh1 note47 ,thus from the thirteenth century onwards pantheistic infidelity survived and even defied the menaces and the punishments of the ,church4 #bb ,both ,albert and ,aquinas were inconsistent4 ,haurau points out that ,st ,thomas was a vitalist in physics1 an animist in metaphysics1 a nominalist in philosophy1 and a realist in theology4 ,il a cherch reconcilier des morts 7i4e4 ,plato and ,aristotle7 qui1 toute leur vie1 se sont contredits4 ,but even sceptics contradict themselves2 and it is fair to add that ,st ,thomas pushed universals back to immanence in the ,divine mind4 ,for ,plato the ideas are thoughts of universal mind2 for ,aristotle ,god1 or ,nature by its thoughts or plans determines the lines of phenomena3 thus ,plato and ,aristotle were more alike than ,thomas knew1 or ,haurau admits4 ,there was no such thing of course as ,the ,scholastic ,philosophy1 of which ,i read again but the other day in a modern work4 ,scholasticism is the very various teaching of the schools of the ,,xi-,x,vth centuries2 though its general tendency was to search rather into the origin and nature than into the functions of being4 ,the philosophy of the thirteenth century on the whole was eclectic2--though perhaps eclectic by confusion rather than by reconciliation4 ,the rule of authority prevented an appreciation of the relative values of opinions2 the recognised authorities were equally true1 and had to be dovetailed together somehow4 ,critical interpretation had not begun4 #bc ,the objection should not lie against hair splitting1 for thought cannot be too penetrating2 but against the splitting of imaginary hairs4 #bd ,m4 ,charles ,jourdain thus describes the procession of ,rector1 doctors and disciples of the ,university of ,paris at the beginning of the fourteenth century4 ,at the end of this century its decay began4 #be ,for ,aristotle the principle of individuation was matter and form 7vid4 note1 p4 #cc72 for ,averroes it was form2 for ,st ,thomas it was matter4 ,for all vitalists the identity of form1 soul and life is essential2 thus ,stahl regarded soul as bestowing on body all activity1 as determining all vital functions4 ,in ,aristotle ,greek3 psych is untranslatable anima and animus--soul and vital principle4 ,greek3 ,pneuma again in various writers may mean anything1 from air to spirit or other essence2 cf4 ,arist4 ,de ,generat4 ,an4 ,,ii4 #c1 and the aura of ,harvey1 and even of ,haller in the same connexion as the fertilising element4 #bf ,not for all1 not for the greatest of them6 ,aristotle1 in vain1 warned later generations against prophesying what seems likely1 instead of looking to see how things come about3--,greek3 ouk alth legontes1 alla manteuomenoi to symbsomenon ek tn eikotn1 kai proslambanontes hs houts echon prin ginomenon houts idein4 7,de ,gen4 ,anim4 ,,iv4 i47 ,croire tout ce qu'on rve1 if useful and possibly admirable in its day1 in neo-,hegelians is a little stale4 #bg ,thus1 in ascending from general to more general1 in the most general will be sought unique and perfect being2 the primary cause and sole object of science--the ,greek3 autozon of the ,alexandrians3 whereas by successive eliminations utter abstractions would become utter vacuity4 ,to such realists all subordinate beings are integral parts of the primary being4 ,it would serve no useful end here to analyse these doctrines1 or to indicate the pythagorean or stoical elements of them2 for platonists and realists had their schools and degrees of subtlety2 and ,plato himself was inconsistent4 ,some brought secondary agents--demiurges or angels--into more creative activity1 others carried creative reason back to the ideal good1 and so on4 #bh ,held by ,gilbert1 and attributed to ,averroes2 but older than ,averroes4 ,in turning to ,francis ,bacon's hypothesis ,i read 7,ed4 ,e4 and ,s4 ,,ii4 #bfc4 ,hist4 ,densi et rari--chapter1 ,dilatationes per spiritum innatum se expandentem1 a ,paracelsian sort of chapter7 ,pulsus cordis et arteriarum in animalibus fit per irrequietam dilatationem spirituum1 et receptum ipsorum1 per vices4 ,the muscular quality of the heart was known to ,galen1 forgotten1 and rediscovered4 ,spiritus vitalis1 for ,bacon1 was aura composita ex flamma et aere 7cf4 n4 ,,vi4 #gdg74 ,glisson has been fortunate in two generous judges1 in ,haller and ,virchow2 it would ill become me to depreciate a distinguished ,fellow of my own ,college1 and as a clinical observer ,glisson had considerable merits2 but as a physiologist he was sunk in realism4 ,he was happy in the invention of the technical term irritability1 but for him this virtue was as metaphysical an essence as the vital spirit2 his prime motor was not physical4 ,as a philosopher ,i fear the independent reader of his works will find him fanciful and wearisome4 #bi ,herein ,harvey's sagacity brought him towards the truth4 ,air1 he says in the ,de generatione1 is given neither for the cooling nor the nutrition of animals 444 it is as if heat were rather enkindled within the foetus 7at birth7 than repressed by the influence of the air4 ,boyle 7who says that he worked under the influence of ,harvey's discoveries7 carried this matter forward by most interesting and sagacious experiments with his air-pump4 ,for the layman1 ,i may add that 7to speak generally7 before ,harvey's time respiration was regarded not as a means of combustion but of refrigeration4 ,how man became such a fiery dragon was the puzzle6 #cj ,perfection was attributed1 not only by medieval philosophers but also by ,plato and ,aristotle1 to the circle4 ,circular movement was therefore the most perfect1 and therefore again must be that of the planets4 ,this is a good illustration of the almost necessary tendency in the earlier excursions of thought to equate incoordinates1 and to fill gaps in reasoning from alien sources4 #ca ,not only movement but also formative activity4 ,the ,greek3 arch ts kinses is the efficient cause of ,aristotle2 for him final causes direct motion--the ,greek3 hou heneka4 ,thus dialectic was taken for dynamics4 ,even ,kant confused cause and effect with reason and consequence in hypothetical propositions 7,benn74 ,caverni 7,storia del methodo sperimentale in ,italia1 #ahia-e7 says that ,jordanus ,nemorarius 7of ,borgentreich near ,warburg1 d4 #abcf7 made the great advance of extending the static physics of the ancients to establish dynamics2 and that he introduced the word moment4 ,in a cursory survey of the two works of ,nemorarius which we have in ,cambridge ,i have not been able to verify this statement2 the notion ,i have found but not the word itself4 #cb ,vid4 p4 #dd1 note #b4 #cc ,and ,goethe3 ,wie ,himmelskrfte auf und nieder steigen ,und sich die goldnen ,eimer reichen6 ,mit segenduftenden ,schwingen ,vom ,himmel durch die ,erde dringen1 ,harmonisch all das ,all durchklingen4 ,faust ,i4 i4 #a4 ,in many of the older poets the same motive is found4 ,vaughan1 a contemporary of ,harvey1 says3 ,and round beneath it ,time in houres1 dayes1 yeares1 ,driven by the spheres ,like a vast shadow moved4 ,the only celestial messenger who has discussed this matter with mankind was something of an obscurantist4 ,vid4 ,paradise ,lost1 ,bk4 ,,viii4 #cd ,the word philosophy in the ,middle ,ages signified the pursuit of knowledge of things human and divine1 and of the causes of them4 ,it was often divided into ,physics1 ,ethics and ,logic4 ,cicero1 to some of whose writings ,i have referred as then popular1 says 7in many passages1 e4g4 in the ,acad4 ,i4 and ,,ii47 that philosophy ,prima rerum naturam scrutatur1 secunda animum componit1 tertia bene disserendi rationem docet4 #ce ,vid4 note1 p4 #gg4 #cf ,the judicious reader will remember in the ,letters to ,martinus ,scriblerus the familiar instance of the jack4 ,in every roasting jack there is a meatroasting quality which neither resides in the fly1 nor in the weight1 nor in any particular wheel of the jack 444 but is inherent in the jack4444 ,as sensation1 reasoning1 volition c4 are the several modes of thinking1 so roasting of beef1 roasting of mutton1 roasting of pullets1 geese1 turkeys c4 are the several modes of meatroasting4444 ,and as the general quality of meatroasting1 with its several modifications as to beef1 mutton1 pullets c4 does not inhere in any part of the jack1 so neither does consciousness c4 c4 #cg ,or indeed he shrank from them1 as the continual exclusion of divine interference seemed to him a starvation of moral growth4 ,vid4 ,phdo1 #if1 the interesting passage beginning ,greek3 eg gar neos n ,thaumasts s epethumsa tauts ts sophias n d kalousi peri phuses istorian k4t4l4 #ch ,the encyclopedic method1 followed by ,francis ,bacon1 and perpetuated even in the nineteenth century by some ,german metaphysicians1 was not the mere collection of matter from any or all quarters1 after the manner of ,pliny2 nor again mere omniscience2 but was the demonstration of a cosmical theory from all departments of knowledge4 ,when knowledge was a theological philosophy theologians were bound to supply thinking men with ,summ1 or comprehensive applications and casuistries of it4 ,hugo of ,st ,victor 7d4 #aada7 and ,robert ,pullen 7d4 #aaej7 were the first scholastic ,summists4 #ci ,aristotle made many experiments1 but experiments are not necessarily verification2 and for the most part his were not4 ,it is not experiment which makes science but the experimental method4 ,dr ,payne1 in the ,harveian ,oration of #ahif1 reminded us that among the ancients the forerunner of ,harvey in this method was ,galen4 #dj ,those who are curious in manners will observe that during the last few years the medievalising clergy in ,england have discarded that fair linen which in the elder clergy was the emblem and the example of cleanliness4 #da ,nemo psychologus nisi prius physiologus1 said ,johannes ,mller4 #db ,for example1 one man1 fixing his eyes on a sublime ideal of holiness1 confesses on his knees that he is a miserable sinner2 another1 surveying men about him1 repudiates this imputation3 it is a matter of parallax4 #dc ,boyle1 ,essays1 #bnd ,ed4 #affi1 p4 #aai4 ,in his ,edition of #affa ,boyle speaks of the discovery of ,harvey our ,english ,democritus 7published #afbh7 as commonly accepted4 ,whereby1 he says1 other very plausible and radicated opinions 7the old schemes of the circulation7 444 are generally grown out of request4 #dd ,haeser says 7vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #dcc73 ,einen sehr bedeutenden ,aufschwung nahm die ,chirurgie im ,zeitalter ,harvey's bei den ,englndern1 unter denen bis dahin kein ,wundarzt ersten ,ranges aufgetreten war4 ,nach kurzer ,zeit erlangten die englischen ,chirurgen durch allgemeine ,bildung1 grndliche ,kenntniss der ,anatomie1 und praktische ,gelegenheit ein entschiedenes ,uebergewicht ber die bis dahin herrschende franzsische ,schule4 ,cf4 also ,daremberg1 ,hist4 et ,doct4 vol4 ,i4 p4 #bha et seq4 #de ,in the ,medical ,magazine 7,may1 ,june1 ,july1 ,august1 and ,sept4 #ahii7 is an interesting essay by ,mr ,d',arcy ,power1 ,how ,surgery became a profession in ,london4 ,mr ,power tells us that a scheme for the unity of the medical profession in ,london was set on foot in #adbc1 when the surgeons were the more highly organised body4 ,a ,rector of ,medicine was indeed elected 7,master ,gilbert ,kymer74 ,it is not known how long the conjoint faculty of medicine and surgery lasted in ,london2 but unhappily for our profession it seems to have been dissolved in a very few years4 #df ,this relation was somewhat one-sided3 the philosophers forged doctrines and presented them to the ,church2 whereupon the ,church consecrated them to eternity1 and the philosophers were not allowed thereafter to improve or to restore their own creations4 ,la thologie n'est quelque chose qu' condition d'tre tout4 #dg ,as ,erigena and ,rabanus knew some ,greek1 ,ireland1 like ,edessa and ,bagdad1 seems to have shared the honour of preserving original texts2 we may infer from the doctrines of ,erigena that in ,ireland the ,timus was the chief of them4 #dh ,see ,baas1 ,geschichtliche ,entwickelung des rztlichen ,standes1 #ahif1 p4 #abh4 ,charlemagne journeyed in ,italy where some schools still existed1 and where ,priscian1 ,donatus1 ,botius1 ,cassiodorus1 ,augustine1 even ,virgil and ,cicero were read2 thence he called teachers to his palace schools2 and to ,lyons1 ,orleans or ,tours4 ,how ,paris became the centre of enlightenment in the ,western world is not clear4 ,the palace school probably was of no place1 but of the royal retinue2 that the ,school of ,paris was made up of those of ,st ,genevive1 ,st ,germain des ,prs and the ,cathedral school seems not to be a very probable conjecture4 #di ,the ,arabs were a mixed throng of orientals2 some of them were ,aryans1 as the ,persians and ,nestorians2 some were ,arabs1 ,syrians1 or ,hebrews4 ,the ,nestorians were eminent as physicians1 and it is interesting to this ,college to know that one of the best translators of ,aristotle into ,arabic was ,johannitius1 a ,nestorian physician4 ,the ,eastern peoples1 as the ,western1 owed all to the ,greeks except a double measure of dialectical ingenuity1 which was their own1 and is their own to-day4 ,by the incisive methods of ,aristotle the ,christian neo-platonists had been variously carved into heretics--such as the ,monophysites2 and these when driven eastwards carried ,greek to ,edessa and ,bagdad3 from these centres it was1 and from ,nisibur in ,persia and elsewhere1 that the ,saracens drew their culture4 ,aristotle was first translated into ,arabic in the reign of ,al ,mansur1 the son of ,harn al ,raschid 7#hac-hcc72 ,avicenna carried the ,aristotelian encyclopedia to its culmination2 and ,cordova in the tenth century was as full of fervid disciples as was ,paris in the thirteenth4 ,the ,arabian medicine was ,aristotle and ,galen4 ,the ,arabian philosophy was originally built upon the ,alexandrian emanations and hypostases 7the soul of the universe1 intelligence the first of creatures1 nature and mutability1 and so forth74 ,essences and forms were produced1 as the intelligibilia of real knowledge1 till1 as some one has wittily put it1 universals became almost palpable4 ,avicenna indeed approached understanding from the senses1 and ,averroes accepted this right position2 but he taught the permanent subsistence of intelligence1 as a sphere in a hierarchy of spiritual principles independent of matter and persons4 ,in no long time this was turned into the unity1 as opposed to the individuality1 of the soul2 the universal soul dipping as it were into the individual1 and at his death returning into the universal2 a virtual denial of personal immortality4 ,hence the bitter defiance of ,albert and ,st ,thomas4 ,the ,averroistic doctrines were enthusiastically propagated on the other hand by that malleus ,ecclesiae ,romanae ,frederick the ,second 7#abab-abej74 ,the ,arabian science consisted in medicine1 mathematics1 astronomy1 and alchemy4 ,averroes it was who first asserted the independence of the spheres of science and religion2 a division popular at the present day1 and one which lent itself to many a convenient subterfuge1 in ,padua4 #ej ,dante1 ,inf4 7,,xx4 #aae74 ,michael ,scot translated ,averroes from ,arabian to ,latin2 also the ,de clo and ,de anima of ,aristotle1 which reached ,roger ,bacon about #abcj4 ,thus we may regard ,michael as the founder of ,paduan ,averroism4 ,all persons who busied themselves with natural experiment in the ,middle ,ages were accused of magic2 even ,albert did not escape the suspicion or the credit of sorcery4 #ea ,renan1 ,averros4 ,and to like effect ,m4 ,haurau says1 ,le pripatticisme d',averros ne diffre pas moins de l'antique doctrine du ,lyce que l',alhambra du ,parthenon2 and he compares le pripatticisme d',albert et d',aquinas to the monuments fiers et bizarres du ,gothique du ,x,i,i,ime sicle4 #eb ,i may venture to quote again the locus classicus3-- ,wel knew he the olde ,esculapius1 ,and ,deiscorides1 and eek ,rufus1 ,old ,ypocras1 ,haly1 and ,galien2 ,serapion1 ,razis1 and ,avicen2 ,averrois1 ,damascien1 and ,constantyn2 ,bernard1 and ,gatesden1 and ,gilbertyn4 ,chaucer1 ,c4 ,t4 ,prol4 #dbi-dcd 7,skeat's ,ed474 #ec ,see pp4 #bd and #bh4 #ed ,as a school of thought2 in fine art of course it was glorious4 #ee ,ozanam 7,doc4 indits1 quoted by ,rashdall1 p4 #gh7 says this early light was une de ces nuits lumineuses o les dernires clarts du soir se prolongent jusqu'aux premires blancheurs du matin4 #ef ,albert--nostri temporis stupor et miraculum6--is an attractive figure1 and deserves his renown as the greatest of the medieval sages4 ,his endowments were richer and wider than those of the great ,italian logician1 his pupil1 whose name has had a greater vogue1 and whose doctrines are still the accepted discipline of the ,church of ,rome4 ,albert restored ,aristotle1 and in astronomy and chemistry sought for truth in nature4 ,that ,st ,thomas was a man of the highest intellectual power and attainments1 an eminence which is claimed for him by many scholars1 as by ,mr ,vernon in his edition of the ,paradise1 ,i cannot admit2 unless it be to a critical scholar who has mastered the contents of his many folios1 if such a scholar there be4 ,for my part1 after reading much of what is written of ,st ,thomas1 ,i have but done what was possible to me in other such cases2 that is1 ,i have run my eye over the titles of his books and chapters1 and formed some rapid judgment here and there of the ways of his thought4 ,now ,i venture to assert that the ways of the thought of ,aquinas1 subtle and symmetrical as they are1 lie wholly within the formulas of his age4 ,he left science for logic1 the stuff of thought for its instrument2 satisfying himself with such tinkling cymbals as ,nihil potest per se operari1 nisi quod per se subsistit2 444 ,impossibile est quod forma separetur a seipsa 444 quod subsistens per se desinat esse 444 and so forth4 ,albert though a less symmetrical is a more original genius4 ,to ,aquinas indeed ,i should hesitate to attribute genius2 to ,albert it seems to me this title may be granted1 if with some hesitation4 ,vir famosus et erroneus was ,roger ,bacon's summary of ,albert's career1 but ,bacon was scarcely an indifferent witness4 #eg ,among the ,,mss4 in ,corpus ,christi ,college1 ,cambridge1 are letters of ,innocent ,,iv4 to the ,archdeacon of ,canterbury 7and others71 ,ut 7,episc4 ,linc47 nepotem suum ,fredericum 7of ,lavagna7 in canonicatum in ecclesia ,lincolniensi1 proxim vacaturum1 inducat1 et ,resp4 ,episc4 ,linc4 in qu probat talem provisionem esse contra voluntatem et cultus ,dei2 ideoque negat se concessurum4 ,i see that the authenticity of some of these letters has been called in question by ,m4 ,charles ,jourdain1 but in any case they are contemporary1 and consonant with ,robert's acts and character4 ,moreover1 two years before1 ,innocent had suspended the bishop for refusing to induct an ,italian1 ignorant of ,english1 to a rich benefice in his diocese4 ,i find that ,dr ,luard1 in #ahhj1 had no doubts of the authenticity of these letters 7,encycl4 ,brit4 ,,xi4 #baa74 ,mons4 ,charles ,jourdain's collected essays1 in which he discusses their authenticity1 were published posthumously in #ahhh2 but his ,editor makes the slovenly omission of the dates and places of the first publications of the several essays4 #eh ,there were three ways of access to the ,greek texts of ,aristotle3 by the ,arab-latin translations2 by translations into ,latin direct from the ,greek2 and by the use of the ,greek text itself4 ,these means were modified again by the chances of access to particular authors1 and1 as in the case of ,aristotle for example1 to particular treatises4 ,to ascertain the dates of access to these new sources ,i have made some search2 and herein ,i have found great help in the ,recherches critiques of ,amable ,jourdain4 ,we must remember that though the source of ,western culture is not ,latin1 but ,greek1 yet its meagre channels in medieval ,europe were ,latin2 its best tradition lay in ,lucretius1 ,cicero1 ,seneca1 ,virgil4 ,the ill-starred ,boetius was the last of the ,grecians4 ,greek was driven ,east and ,west3 ,west into ,ireland1 where in the ninth century a few ,greek ,,mss4 survived1 and were read in the original by ,erigena and his disciples2 but this ,irish ,greek tradition was soon lost1 and there were no teachers of ,greek4 ,yet it seems certain that1 in ,oxford1 ,robert of ,lincoln and ,adam ,marsh had at any rate learned assistance in the production of some ,greco-latin translations of ,aristotle1 of the ,ethics for example4 ,dr ,jackson has pointed out to me a passage in ,aquinas' ,commentary on the ,ethics1 where the presentation of the right reading misspelt1 and of a ludicrous etymology side by side with one which is very nearly right1 seem to show that1 whilst ,aquinas had about him people who knew ,greek1 he himself had no substantial knowledge of it4 ,grosseteste himself may have had some efficient knowledge of ,greek2 vir in latino et in greco peritissimus1 says ,matthew ,paris4 ,dr ,jackson 7in a private letter7 feels assured that ,roger ,bacon was plainly a competent ,greek scholar4 ,of this there is proof in the ,opera inedita1 edited by ,brewer for the ,master of the ,rolls4 ,we know also that more than one scholar of the #aa-abth centuries travelled in the ,east1 though1 as ,dr ,daremberg says1 travellers to the ,east were more apt to bring back false relics than genuine manuscripts4 ,there was a small ,greek community and a ,greek monastery at ,auriol1 near the old colony of ,marseilles4 ,still1 for lack of masters and materials1 ,greek then was a very rare accomplishment2 and it is manifest1 from much internal evidence1 that ,albert had no ,greek2 though he certainly possessed ,greco-latin translations of some few ,aristotelian treatises by other hands1 of the ,de anima and of the ,physics for example1 whence he makes quotations without interspersion of ,arabic titles1 proper names1 nouns and terms1 such as he rather helplessly reproduces in his rendering of the ninth book of the ,de clo and elsewhere4 ,we know from other sources that a few treatises1 such as the ,de anima1 and the first two books of the ,ethics1 existed in ,greco-latin rendering before the ,arab-latin versions of ,michael ,scot and others 7#abbj-abbe74 ,in later life ,albert had the assistance of ,aquinas to whom we have attributed some knowledge of ,greek2 for we find ,aquinas1 with the countenance of ,urban the ,fourth1 not only searching ,europe for ,greek manuscripts1 sending emissaries to ,spain to make versions for him1 and supervising the preparation of translations directly into ,latin1 but also personally comparing the ,latin translations with the ,greek texts of the ,ethics and ,politics1 and recording variants2 variants which ,albert copied from his disciple4 7,it may be worthy of remark that even so late as #aehf there were no ,greek types in ,oxford1 and that in #aeii ,casaubon 7,life by ,pattison7 could find no compositors for ,greek in ,lyons47 ,the great debt of the ,west to the ,arabs was a new enthusiasm for learning1 and for the ,princeps philosophorum2 not their travestied texts and unwieldy commentaries1 which ,roger ,bacon1 probably perceiving that his contemporaries swore by the ,arab rather than by the ,greek1 wished he could burn4 #ei ,to wonder why ,roger ,bacon became a clerk and a ,franciscan is to look upon the thirteenth century with the eyes of the nineteenth4 ,the vision of ,st ,francis had not grown dim2 the strange beauty of his life held men captive still1 and his cheerful natural religion still animated his disciples4 ,none could have said more truly than ,st ,francis ,while others fish with craft for great opinion1 ,i with great truth catch mere simplicity4 ,the grey friar of the fourteenth century1 as we know him in ,langland and ,chaucer1 or later in the degraded fanaticism of the ,observants1 had fallen far from the example of his master4 ,perhaps the chief reason for ,bacon's decision was that his friend ,grosseteste1 who on the first coming of the friars wrote eloquently to ,gregory the ,ninth of their illumination1 humility and piety1 was a member of the ,order1 and was the first of its ,rectors in ,oxford4 7,rd4 ,grosseteste1 ,epist4 ed4 ,luard2 ,rolls1 #ahfa1 p4 #agi47 ,even in ,cambridge1 till #ahgg1 teachers and professors1 save those of ,law or ,medicine1 were generally speaking in holy orders2 for instance1 the following extract1 of date #ahdi1 which ,i owe to the kindness of ,dr ,donald ,mac,alister1 ,cterum neminem in socium unquam admitti volumus qui non sit aut ,theologiam professurus et sacros ordines post certum temporis intervallum inferius definiendum suscepturus aut e ,collegio discessurus1 nisi unus e duobus sociis qui ,medicin aut ex illis duobus qui ,juris ,civilis studio deputati sunt1 electus fuerit4 7,stat4 ,coll4 ,div4 ,joh4 ,evan4 ,cant4 cap4 xii4 #bh ,april1 #ab ,vict4 #ahdi47 ,to this hour in ,england the clergy command the public schools4 ,in a warlike society learning and contemplation must fall to the clergy2 without the fortresses of war or learning1 if there was any safety1 there was not dignity or peace4 ,the mendicant orders were young institutions1 ascendant1 and in favour with the great4 ,of their usurpations in the universities ,i have spoken4 ,within them even ,popes could not meddle1 as ,bacon found to his sorrow4 ,hales and ,ockham also became ,minors1 as ,albert and ,st ,thomas1 both of illustrious descent1 became ,preachers4 ,moreover the ,franciscans had devoted themselves to the care of the sick1 and especially of those smitten with the new pestilences--such as leprosy1 syphilis1 and plague--which ,oriental dirt and asceticism had engendered or inflamed2 and thus a bent to observation of natural phenomena may have been encouraged 7see art4 ,roger ,bacon1 ,westminster ,rev4 loc4 cit474 ,to say that to the monks we owe the conservation of learning is not so true as to say that learned men betook themselves to the religious houses in order to find relief from turmoil1 to secure the subsistence of life without its cares1 to get access to books1 and to profit by the counsel of comrades who had enjoyed not only the culture of their own house1 but also the interchange of ideas and manuscripts with all the learned houses in ,europe4 ,when these advantages were to be had in the world1 learning deserted the monasteries4 ,again1 ,bacon was not an unbeliever1 nor anything like it2 in the ,opus ,majus he declares the ,holy ,scriptures to be the source of all truth2 not only1 like ,socrates before him and ,kant after him1 did he fix his eyes on moral perfection as the end1 but also on the ,church as the means3 on the other hand the resentments of passionate genius under harsh duress did not make a naturally rebellious temper more tractable4 ,fames et mora bilem conciunt4 ,it is evident that within the ,franciscan order there were three well-marked parties2 namely1 of the naturalists1 as ,bacon2 of the mystics1 as ,bonaventura2 and of the sophists1 as ,john ,duns the ,northumbrian4 ,now ,bacon's troubles did not begin till the succession to the ,generalship of the ,order of the seraphic ,bonaventura1 an argumentative mystic 7like ,duns1 and unlike the ecstatic mystics of ,st ,victor71 who1 rejecting ,aristotle1 had steeped himself in the neo-platonism of ,augustine and ,dionysius the ,areopagite2 and ,bonaventura and his party it was who stopped ,bacon's mouth at ,oxford1 and shut him up in ,paris4 ,what the life of ,bacon and the direction of medieval thought might have been had ,grosseteste been able to spare ,adam ,marsh from ,oxford for the ,generalship it were perhaps too curious to consider2 yet we may profitably remember that ,bacon1 brushing aside ,porphyry and his questions1 and denouncing the vain physics of ,paris1 urged that enquiry should begin with the simplest objects of research1 and rise gradually to the higher and higher2 every observation being controlled by experiment4 ,he says indeed that by experiment only can we distinguish a sophism from a demonstration4 7,op4 ,tert4 ,,xix47 ,earnestly he tried to follow this method2 he seems to have spent on it substance of his own1 and1 after this was exhausted1 to have appeared for the first time in history as a petitioner for scientific grants in aid4 ,diderot speaks of ,bacon as ,un des gnies les plus surprenants que la nature ait produits1 et un des hommes les plus malheureux2 he lived in vain1 died unhonoured1 and left no disciple4 #fj ,colliget1 ,mr ,e4 ,g4 ,browne tells me1 is a corruption of ,kulliyyat4 ,it does not exactly mean ,summary 7as commonly stated7 but rather ,general ,principles 7,kull means the whole2 ,kulli universal or general2 fem4 pl4 ,kulliyyat74 ,it may also mean collected writings 7e4g4 of a poet74 #fa ,vid4 p4 #ej4 #fb ,i venture to say even of ,caius1 though ,caius was a competent and indeed for his time an able clinical physician1 as we observe in his work on the sweating sickness4 7,vid4 note1 p4 #if47 #fc ,oxford fell in the first instance under ,franciscan influence1 yet ,alexander ,hales 7of this order7 gave the peripatetic bent to ,oxford which it retains to this day4 ,creed rather than conduct was the dominant note of the ,faith 7p4 #he72 it is interesting therefore to learn that for ,oxford ,robert of ,lincoln and ,adam ,marsh translated1 or procured a translation of1 the ,ethics4 ,on the probability that ,grosseteste had some substantial knowledge of ,greek1 see p4 #ge1 note #b4 #fd ,in ,casaubon's diary we get a glimpse of ,oxford in #afac4 ,the ,university was wealthy enough2 it had escaped the ,paris devastation1 but had scarcely deserved its good fortune4 ,there was much active teaching of a routine kind1 many formalities1 much serving of tables2 but of living interest in science1 learning1 or high culture there was not a trace4 ,of classical learning1 in ,casaubon's sense1 there was naught4 ,ecclesiastical controversies absorbed or overwhelmed all other subjects2 and the ,university was regarded by the ,government as an instrument of party4 ,the professors were all clerks1 and ardent only as pamphleteers4 ,thus1 says ,pattison1 the ,university took its full share of national passion1 prejudice and religious sentiment1 but was wholly destitute of any power to vivify1 to correct1 to instruct1 or to enlighten4 ,pattison's ,casaubon1 p4 #dag4 #fe ,both in ,bologna and ,padua of course there was a faculty of ,medicine2 but its tradition in ,bologna was traditional and galenical1 in ,padua independent and progressive4 ,montpellier had suffered in the desolation of ,languedoc4 #ff ,see page #hb4 #fg ,contra ,medicum quendam ,invectivarum ,libri ,quatuor4 7,op4 ,t4 ,,ii4 pp4 #ajhf1 #hja4 ,ed4 ,basel1 #aeee1 quoted ,renan1 ,aver4 p4 #cca47 #fh ,the ,royal ,college of ,physicians of ,london had its birth in the schools of ,italy2 and perhaps in revolt from ,averroism the elegant humanity of ,linacre has too often prevailed in this ,college rather than ,harvey's strenuous control of tradition and rhetoric by more positive conceptions1 and of all conceptions by direct experimental verification4 #fi ,niccol ,leonico 7,i give his ,latin name in the text as ,ueberweg gives it7 seems to have been a spirited and effective philosophical lecturer of ,hellenist and critical qualities1 and of much charm both of style and character4 ,he is not to be confounded with his elder contemporary1 ,nicolaus ,leonicenus1 of ,vicenza and ,ferrara1 professor of medicine and an elegant latiner1 who translated the aphorisms of ,hippocrates2 and whose friend ,linacre1 in translating parts of ,galen1 did a like service to medicine and letters in ,england4 #gj ,not only of the circulation of the blood4 ,in his treatise ,de generatione ,harvey disposed of the belief in spontaneous generation 7so far as regards visible creatures1 its abolition we owe to ,pasteur71 yet ,bacon 7,n4 ,o4 ,,ii4 #da7 accepts it1 perhaps as fully as did ,sir ,thomas ,browne4 ,the ,de generatione however was not actually published till #afea1 some #cj years after the ,novum ,organon4 #ga ,galileo and ,kepler had proved the validity of terrestrial physics and mathematics in astronomy4 ,aristotle of course was the first to apply physics to astronomy1 but wrong physics4 #gb ,with which ,malpighi was in close association4 #gc ,the ,consilia medica1 or ,consultations1 were published records1 either of particular cases or of diseases in a more general sense1 which seem to have been instituted by ,thaddus of ,florence in the thirteenth century1 were abundant in the fifteenth1 and were continued into the sixteenth1 and even later4 ,in the fifteenth century these records have a considerable historical value1 and no little clinical interest1 as the questions to the patient and the records of symptoms are often orderly and graphic1 and enable the modern reader to revise the diagnoses1 many of them grotesque enough4 ,these ,consilia make a great bulk of matter1 and one which has not been thoroughly explored4 ,a general account of the ,consilia may be read in any good history of medicine1 but perhaps the most interesting is to be found in the chapters on medieval medicine in ,daremberg's ,histoire et ,doctrines 7e4g4 tom4 #a4 p4 #ccd et seq474 #gd ,originally by ,fracastorius1 ,montanus and others1 in the former half of the sixteenth century4 ,caius in ,england1 ,mercado in ,spain1 ,baillou in ,paris1 if not bedside teachers1 had done good clinical work1 in ,consilia and otherwise1 in the same century4 ,what ,fracastorius did for syphilis1 ,caius did for the sweating sickness1 and ,mercado for petechial typhus4 ,baillou was too dependent upon the letter of tradition4 #ge ,even ,descartes has some share with ,hegel in the profound error that whatsoever is clearly and definitely conceived is true4 ,the inference if true for formal logic1 is not true for natural processes2 for instance1 ,descartes' well-known attribution of the soul to the pineal gland1 because all other parts of the brain are double1 and the soul is single6 #gf ,the share of ,servetus was small2 that is1 the effect of his remarkable discovery was small1 for it was buried in a theological work of which but a few copies were rescued from the burning2 namely ,christianismi restitutio4 ,vienn ,allobrogum1 #aeec4 7,haeser gives the reference to pp4 #agj-agg1 ,de ,trinitate divina47 ,the work was reprinted at ,nuremberg in #agij4 #gg ,qu1 simul thereos animo conceperat ignes1 ,ore dabat vero carmina plena dei4 ,ovid1 ,fasti ,i1 #dgc4 ,,cambridge3 ,,printed ,,by ,j4 ,,and ,c4 ,f4 ,,clay1 ,,at ,,the ,,university ,,press4