,,the ,,writings ,,of ,,thomas ,,paine1 ,,volume ,,ii4 ,by ,thomas ,paine ,collected ,and ,edited ,by ,moncure ,daniel ,conway #aggi - #agib ,redactor's ,note3 ,reprinted from the ,the ,writings of ,thomas ,paine ,volume ,i 7#ahid - #ahif74 ,the author's notes are preceded by a 994 ,a ,table of ,contents has been added for each part for the convenience of the reader which is not included in the printed edition4 ,notes are at the end of ,part ,,ii4 ,,table ,,of ,,contents ,,xiii ,the ,rights of ,man ,,part ,,the ,,first ,,being ,,an ,,answer ,,to ,,mr4 ,,burke',s ,,attack ,,on ,,the ,,french ,,revolution 99 ,editor's ,introduction 99 ,dedication to ,george ,washington 99 ,preface to the ,english ,edition 99 ,preface to the ,french ,edition 99 ,rights of ,man 99 ,miscellaneous ,chapter 99 ,conclusion ,,xiv ,the ,rights of ,man ,,part ,,the ,,second ,,combining ,,principle ,,and ,,practice 99 ,french ,translator's ,preface 99 ,dedication to ,m4 de la ,fayette 99 ,preface 99 ,introduction 99 ,chapter ,i ,of ,society and ,civilisation 99 ,chapter ,,ii ,of the ,origin of the ,present ,old ,governments 99 ,chapter ,,iii ,of the ,old and ,new ,systems of ,government 99 ,chapter ,,iv ,of ,constitutions 99 ,chapter ,v ,ways and ,means of ,improving the ,condition of ,europe1 ,interspersed with ,miscellaneous ,observations 99 ,appendix 99 ,notes ,,xiii4 ,,rights ,,of ,,man4 ,,editor',s ,,introduction4 ,,when ,thomas ,paine sailed from ,america for ,france1 in ,april1 #aghg1 he was perhaps as happy a man as any in the world4 ,his most intimate friend1 ,jefferson1 was ,minister at ,paris1 and his friend ,lafayette was the idol of ,france4 ,his fame had preceded him1 and he at once became1 in ,paris1 the centre of the same circle of savants and philosophers that had surrounded ,franklin4 ,his main reason for proceeding at once to ,paris was that he might submit to the ,academy of ,sciences his invention of an iron bridge1 and with its favorable verdict he came to ,england1 in ,september4 ,he at once went to his aged mother at ,thetford1 leaving with a publisher 7,ridgway71 his ,prospects on the ,rubicon4 ,he next made arrangements to patent his bridge1 and to construct at ,rotherham the large model of it exhibited on ,paddington ,green1 ,london4 ,he was welcomed in ,england by leading statesmen1 such as ,lansdowne and ,fox1 and above all by ,edmund ,burke1 who for some time had him as a guest at ,beaconsfield1 and drove him about in various parts of the country4 ,he had not the slightest revolutionary purpose1 either as regarded ,england or ,france4 ,towards ,louis ,,xvi4 he felt only gratitude for the services he had rendered ,america1 and towards ,george ,,iii4 he felt no animosity whatever4 ,his four months' sojourn in ,paris had convinced him that there was approaching a reform of that country after the ,american model1 except that the ,crown would be preserved1 a compromise he approved1 provided the throne should not be hereditary4 ,events in ,france travelled more swiftly than he had anticipated1 and ,paine was summoned by ,lafayette1 ,condorcet1 and others1 as an adviser in the formation of a new constitution4 ,such was the situation immediately preceding the political and literary duel between ,paine and ,burke1 which in the event turned out a tremendous war between ,royalism and ,republicanism in ,europe4 ,paine was1 both in ,france and in ,england1 the inspirer of moderate counsels4 ,samuel ,rogers relates that in early life he dined at a friend's house in ,london with ,thomas ,paine1 when one of the toasts given was the memory of ,joshua1--in allusion to the ,hebrew leader's conquest of the kings of ,canaan1 and execution of them4 ,paine observed that he would not treat kings like ,joshua4 ,i 'm of the ,scotch parson's opinion1 he said1 when he prayed against ,louis ,,xiv4--,lord1 shake him over the mouth of hell1 but don't let him drop6' ,paine then gave as his toast1 ,the ,republic of the ,world1--which ,samuel ,rogers1 aged twenty-nine1 noted as a sublime idea4 ,this was ,paine's faith and hope1 and with it he confronted the revolutionary storms which presently burst over ,france and ,england4 ,until ,burke's arraignment of ,france in his parliamentary speech 7,february #i1 #agij71 ,paine had no doubt whatever that he would sympathize with the movement in ,france1 and wrote to him from that country as if conveying glad tidings4 ,burke's ,reflections on the ,revolution in ,france appeared ,november #a1 #agij1 and ,paine at once set himself to answer it4 ,he was then staying at the ,angel ,inn1 ,islington4 ,the inn has been twice rebuilt since that time1 and from its contents there is preserved only a small image1 which perhaps was meant to represent ,liberty1--possibly brought from ,paris by ,paine as an ornament for his study4 ,from the ,angel he removed to a house in ,harding ,street1 ,fetter ,lane4 ,rickman says ,part ,first of ,rights of ,man was finished at ,versailles1 but probably this has reference to the preface only1 as ,i cannot find ,paine in ,france that year until ,april #h4 ,the book had been printed by ,johnson1 in time for the opening of ,parliament1 in ,february2 but this publisher became frightened after a few copies were out 7there is one in the ,british ,museum71 and the work was transferred to ,j4 ,s4 ,jordan1 #aff ,fleet ,street1 with a preface sent from ,paris 7not contained in ,johnson's edition1 nor in the ,american editions74 ,the pamphlet1 though sold at the same price as ,burke's1 three shillings1 had a vast circulation1 and ,paine gave the proceeds to the ,constitutional ,societies which sprang up under his teachings in various parts of the country4 ,soon after appeared ,burke's ,appeal from the ,new to the ,old ,whigs4 ,in this ,burke quoted a good deal from ,rights of ,man1 but replied to it only with exclamation points1 saying that the only answer such ideas merited was criminal justice4 ,paine's ,part ,second followed1 published ,february #ag1 #agib4 ,in ,part ,first ,paine had mentioned a rumor that ,burke was a masked pensioner 7a charge that will be noticed in connection with its detailed statement in a further publication72 and as ,burke had been formerly arraigned in ,parliament1 while ,paymaster1 for a very questionable proceeding1 this charge no doubt hurt a good deal4 ,although the government did not follow ,burke's suggestion of a prosecution at that time1 there is little doubt that it was he who induced the prosecution of ,part ,second4 ,before the trial came on1 ,december #ah1 #agib1 ,paine was occupying his seat in the ,french ,convention1 and could only be outlawed4 ,burke humorously remarked to a friend of ,paine and himself1 ,we hunt in pairs4 ,the severally representative character and influence of these two men in the revolutionary era1 in ,france and ,england1 deserve more adequate study than they have received4 ,while ,paine maintained freedom of discussion1 ,burke first proposed criminal prosecution for sentiments by no means libellous 7such as ,paine's ,part ,first74 ,while ,paine was endeavoring to make the movement in ,france peaceful1 ,burke fomented the league of monarchs against ,france which maddened its people1 and brought on the ,reign of ,terror4 ,while ,paine was endeavoring to preserve the ,french throne 7phantom though he believed it71 to prevent bloodshed1 ,burke was secretly writing to the ,queen of ,france1 entreating her not to compromise1 and to trust to the support of foreign armies 7,histoire de ,france depuis #aghi4 ,henri ,martin1 i41 #aea74 ,while ,burke thus helped to bring the ,king and ,queen to the guillotine1 ,paine pleaded for their lives to the last moment4 ,while ,paine maintained the right of mankind to improve their condition1 ,burke held that the awful ,author of our being is the author of our place in the order of existence2 and that1 having disposed and marshalled us by a divine tactick1 not according to our will1 but according to his1 he has1 in and by that disposition1 virtually subjected us to act the part which belongs to the place assigned us4 ,paine was a religious believer in eternal principles2 ,burke held that political problems do not primarily concern truth or falsehood4 ,they relate to good or evil4 ,what in the result is likely to produce evil is politically false1 that which is productive of good politically is true4 ,assuming thus the visionary's right to decide before the result what was likely to produce evil1 ,burke vigorously sought to kindle war against the ,french ,republic which might have developed itself peacefully1 while ,paine was striving for an international ,congress in ,europe in the interest of peace4 ,paine had faith in the people1 and believed that1 if allowed to choose representatives1 they would select their best and wisest men2 and that while reforming government the people would remain orderly1 as they had generally remained in ,america during the transition from ,british rule to selfgovernment4 ,burke maintained that if the existing political order were broken up there would be no longer a people1 but a number of vague1 loose individuals1 and nothing more4 ,alas6 he exclaims1 they little know how many a weary step is to be taken before they can form themselves into a mass1 which has a true personality4 ,for the sake of peace ,paine wished the revolution to be peaceful as the advance of summer2 he used every endeavor to reconcile ,english radicals to some modus vivendi with the existing order1 as he was willing to retain ,louis ,,xvi4 as head of the executive in ,france3 ,burke resisted every tendency of ,english statesmanship to reform at home1 or to negotiate with the ,french ,republic1 and was mainly responsible for the ,king's death and the war that followed between ,england and ,france in ,february1 #agic4 ,burke became a royal favorite1 ,paine was outlawed by a prosecution originally proposed by ,burke4 ,while ,paine was demanding religious liberty1 ,burke was opposing the removal of penal statutes from ,unitarians1 on the ground that but for those statutes ,paine might some day set up a church in ,england4 ,when ,burke was retiring on a large royal pension1 ,paine was in prison1 through the devices of ,burke's confederate1 the ,american ,minister in ,paris4 ,so the two men1 as ,burke said1 hunted in pairs4 ,so far as ,burke attempts to affirm any principle he is fairly quoted in ,paine's work1 and nowhere misrepresented4 ,as for ,paine's own ideas1 the reader should remember that ,rights of ,man was the earliest complete statement of republican principles4 ,they were pronounced to be the fundamental principles of the ,american ,republic by ,jefferson1 ,madison1 and ,jackson1-the three ,presidents who above all others represented the republican idea which ,paine first allied with ,american ,independence4 ,those who suppose that ,paine did but reproduce the principles of ,rousseau and ,locke will find by careful study of his well-weighed language that such is not the case4 ,paine's political principles were evolved out of his early ,quakerism4 ,he was potential in ,george ,fox4 ,the belief that every human soul was the child of ,god1 and capable of direct inspiration from the ,father of all1 without mediator or priestly intervention1 or sacramental instrumentality1 was fatal to all privilege and rank4 ,the universal ,fatherhood implied universal ,brotherhood1 or human equality4 ,but the fate of the ,quakers proved the necessity of protecting the individual spirit from oppression by the majority as well as by privileged classes4 ,for this purpose ,paine insisted on surrounding the individual right with the security of the ,declaration of ,rights1 not to be invaded by any government2 and would reduce government to an association limited in its operations to the defence of those rights which the individual is unable1 alone1 to maintain4 ,from the preceding chapter it will be seen that ,part ,second of ,rights of ,man was begun by ,paine in the spring of #agia4 ,at the close of that year1 or early in #agib1 he took up his abode with his friend ,thomas ,clio ,rickman1 at ,no4 #g ,upper ,marylebone ,street4 ,rickman was a radical publisher2 the house remains still a book-binding establishment1 and seems little changed since ,paine therein revised the proofs of ,part ,second on a table which ,rickman marked with a plate1 and which is now in possession of ,mr4 ,edward ,truelove4 ,as the plate states1 ,paine wrote on the same table other works which appeared in ,england in #agib4 ,in #agie ,d4 ,i4 ,eaton published an edition of ,rights of ,man1 with a preface purporting to have been written by ,paine while in ,luxembourg prison4 ,it is manifestly spurious4 ,the genuine ,english and ,french prefaces are given4 ,,rights ,,of ,,man ,being ,an ,answer ,to ,mr4 ,burke's ,attack ,on ,the ,french ,revoloution ,by ,thomas ,paine ,secretary ,for ,foreign ,affairs ,to ,congress ,in ,the ,american ,war1 ,and ,author ,of ,the ,works ,entitled ,common ,sense ,and ,a ,letter ,to ,abb ,raynal ,,dedication ,george ,washington ,president ,of ,the ,united ,states ,of ,america ,sir1 ,i present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to establish4 ,that the ,rights of ,man may become as universal as your benevolence can wish1 and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the ,new ,world regenerate the ,old1 is the prayer of ,sir1 ,your much obliged1 and ,obedient humble ,servant1 ,thomas ,paine ,,paine',s ,,preface ,,to ,,the ,,english ,,edition ,from the part ,mr4 ,burke took in the ,american ,revolution1 it was natural that ,i should consider him a friend to mankind2 and as our acquaintance commenced on that ground1 it would have been more agreeable to me to have had cause to continue in that opinion than to change it4 ,at the time ,mr4 ,burke made his violent speech last winter in the ,english ,parliament against the ,french ,revolution and the ,national ,assembly1 ,i was in ,paris1 and had written to him but a short time before to inform him how prosperously matters were going on4 ,soon after this ,i saw his advertisement of the ,pamphlet he intended to publish3 ,as the attack was to be made in a language but little studied1 and less understood in ,france1 and as everything suffers by translation1 ,i promised some of the friends of the ,revolution in that country that whenever ,mr4 ,burke's ,pamphlet came forth1 ,i would answer it4 ,this appeared to me the more necessary to be done1 when ,i saw the flagrant misrepresentations which ,mr4 ,burke's ,pamphlet contains2 and that while it is an outrageous abuse on the ,french ,revolution1 and the principles of ,liberty1 it is an imposition on the rest of the world4 ,i am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in ,mr4 ,burke1 as 7from the circumstances ,i am going to mention7 ,i had formed other expectations4 ,i had seen enough of the miseries of war1 to wish it might never more have existence in the world1 and that some other mode might be found out to settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood of nations4 ,this certainly might be done if ,courts were disposed to set honesty about it1 or if countries were enlightened enough not to be made the dupes of ,courts4 ,the people of ,america had been bred up in the same prejudices against ,france1 which at that time characterised the people of ,england2 but experience and an acquaintance with the ,french ,nation have most effectually shown to the ,americans the falsehood of those prejudices2 and ,i do not believe that a more cordial and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than between ,america and ,france4 ,when ,i came to ,france1 in the spring of #aghg1 the ,archbishop of ,thoulouse was then ,minister1 and at that time highly esteemed4 ,i became much acquainted with the private ,secretary of that ,minister1 a man of an enlarged benevolent heart2 and found that his sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war1 and the wretched impolicy of two nations1 like ,england and ,france1 continually worrying each other1 to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and taxes4 ,that ,i might be assured ,i had not misunderstood him1 nor he me1 ,i put the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him2 subjoining a request1 that if ,i should see among the people of ,england1 any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two nations than had hitherto prevailed1 how far ,i might be authorised to say that the same disposition prevailed on the part of ,france8 ,he answered me by letter in the most unreserved manner1 and that not for himself only1 but for the ,minister1 with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be written4 ,i put this letter into the hands of ,mr4 ,burke almost three years ago1 and left it with him1 where it still remains2 hoping1 and at the same time naturally expecting1 from the opinion ,i had conceived of him1 that he would find some opportunity of making good use of it1 for the purpose of removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations1 from the want of knowing each other1 had entertained1 to the injury of both4 ,when the ,french ,revolution broke out1 it certainly afforded to ,mr4 ,burke an opportunity of doing some good1 had he been disposed to it2 instead of which1 no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away1 than he immediately began sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy1 as if he were afraid that ,england and ,france would cease to be enemies4 ,that there are men in all countries who get their living by war1 and by keeping up the quarrels of ,nations1 is as shocking as it is true2 but when those who are concerned in the government of a country1 make it their study to sow discord and cultivate prejudices between ,nations1 it becomes the more unpardonable4 ,with respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to ,mr4 ,burke's having a pension1 the report has been some time in circulation1 at least two months2 and as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him the most to know1 ,i have mentioned it1 that ,mr4 ,burke may have an opportunity of contradicting the rumour1 if he thinks proper4 ,thomas ,paine ,,paine',s ,,preface ,,to ,,the ,,french ,,edition ,the astonishment which the ,french ,revolution has caused throughout ,europe should be considered from two different points of view3 first as it affects foreign peoples1 secondly as it affects their governments4 ,the cause of the ,french people is that of all ,europe1 or rather of the whole world2 but the governments of all those countries are by no means favorable to it4 ,it is important that we should never lose sight of this distinction4 ,we must not confuse the peoples with their governments2 especially not the ,english people with its government4 ,the government of ,england is no friend of the revolution of ,france4 ,of this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and witless person1 the ,elector of ,hanover1 sometimes called the ,king of ,england1 to ,mr4 ,burke for the insults heaped on it in his book1 and in the malevolent comments of the ,english ,minister1 ,pitt1 in his speeches in ,parliament4 ,in spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the official correspondence of the ,english government with that of ,france1 its conduct gives the lie to all its declarations1 and shows us clearly that it is not a court to be trusted1 but an insane court1 plunging in all the quarrels and intrigues of ,europe1 in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and countenance its extravagance4 ,the ,english nation1 on the contrary1 is very favorably disposed towards the ,french ,revolution1 and to the progress of liberty in the whole world2 and this feeling will become more general in ,england as the intrigues and artifices of its government are better known1 and the principles of the revolution better understood4 ,the ,french should know that most ,english newspapers are directly in the pay of government1 or1 if indirectly connected with it1 always under its orders2 and that those papers constantly distort and attack the revolution in ,france in order to deceive the nation4 ,but1 as it is impossible long to prevent the prevalence of truth1 the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have the desired effect4 ,to be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in ,england1 the world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes as a libel that which it should protect499#a ,this outrage on morality is called law1 and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on truth4 ,the ,english government presents1 just now1 a curious phenomenon4 ,seeing that the ,french and ,english nations are getting rid of the prejudices and false notions formerly entertained against each other1 and which have cost them so much money1 that government seems to be placarding its need of a foe2 for unless it finds one somewhere1 no pretext exists for the enormous revenue and taxation now deemed necessary4 ,therefore it seeks in ,russia the enemy it has lost in ,france1 and appears to say to the universe1 or to say to itself4 ,if nobody will be so kind as to become my foe1 ,i shall need no more fleets nor armies1 and shall be forced to reduce my taxes4 ,the ,american war enabled me to double the taxes2 the ,dutch business to add more2 the ,nootka humbug gave me a pretext for raising three millions sterling more2 but unless ,i can make an enemy of ,russia the harvest from wars will end4 ,i was the first to incite ,turk against ,russian1 and now ,i hope to reap a fresh crop of taxes4 ,if the miseries of war1 and the flood of evils it spreads over a country1 did not check all inclination to mirth1 and turn laughter into grief1 the frantic conduct of the government of ,england would only excite ridicule4 ,but it is impossible to banish from one's mind the images of suffering which the contemplation of such vicious policy presents4 ,to reason with governments1 as they have existed for ages1 is to argue with brutes4 ,it is only from the nations themselves that reforms can be expected4 ,there ought not now to exist any doubt that the peoples of ,france1 ,england1 and ,america1 enlightened and enlightening each other1 shall henceforth be able1 not merely to give the world an example of good government1 but by their united influence enforce its practice4 7,translated from the ,french7 ,,rights ,,of ,,man4 ,,part ,,the ,,first ,,being ,,an ,,answer ,,to ,,mr4 ,,burke',s ,,attack ,,on ,,the ,,french ,,revolution ,among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other1 ,mr4 ,burke's pamphlet on the ,french ,revolution is an extraordinary instance4 ,neither the ,people of ,france1 nor the ,national ,assembly1 were troubling themselves about the affairs of ,england1 or the ,english ,parliament2 and that ,mr4 ,burke should commence an unprovoked attack upon them1 both in ,parliament and in public1 is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the score of manners1 nor justified on that of policy4 ,there is scarcely an epithet of abuse to be found in the ,english language1 with which ,mr4 ,burke has not loaded the ,french ,nation and the ,national ,assembly4 ,everything which rancour1 prejudice1 ignorance or knowledge could suggest1 is poured forth in the copious fury of near four hundred pages4 ,in the strain and on the plan ,mr4 ,burke was writing1 he might have written on to as many thousands4 ,when the tongue or the pen is let loose in a frenzy of passion1 it is the man1 and not the subject1 that becomes exhausted4 ,hitherto ,mr4 ,burke has been mistaken and disappointed in the opinions he had formed of the affairs of ,france2 but such is the ingenuity of his hope1 or the malignancy of his despair1 that it furnishes him with new pretences to go on4 ,there was a time when it was impossible to make ,mr4 ,burke believe there would be any ,revolution in ,france4 ,his opinion then was1 that the ,french had neither spirit to undertake it nor fortitude to support it2 and now that there is one1 he seeks an escape by condemning it4 ,not sufficiently content with abusing the ,national ,assembly1 a great part of his work is taken up with abusing ,dr4 ,price 7one of the best-hearted men that lives7 and the two societies in ,england known by the name of the ,revolution ,society and the ,society for ,constitutional ,information4 ,dr4 ,price had preached a sermon on the #dth of ,november1 #aghi1 being the anniversary of what is called in ,england the ,revolution1 which took place #afhh4 ,mr4 ,burke1 speaking of this sermon1 says3 ,the political ,divine proceeds dogmatically to assert1 that by the principles of the ,revolution1 the people of ,england have acquired three fundamental rights3 #a4 ,to choose our own governors4 #b4 ,to cashier them for misconduct4 #c4 ,to frame a government for ourselves4 ,dr4 ,price does not say that the right to do these things exists in this or in that person1 or in this or in that description of persons1 but that it exists in the whole2 that it is a right resident in the nation4 ,mr4 ,burke1 on the contrary1 denies that such a right exists in the nation1 either in whole or in part1 or that it exists anywhere2 and1 what is still more strange and marvellous1 he says3 that the people of ,england utterly disclaim such a right1 and that they will resist the practical assertion of it with their lives and fortunes4 ,that men should take up arms and spend their lives and fortunes1 not to maintain their rights1 but to maintain they have not rights1 is an entirely new species of discovery1 and suited to the paradoxical genius of ,mr4 ,burke4 ,the method which ,mr4 ,burke takes to prove that the people of ,england have no such rights1 and that such rights do not now exist in the nation1 either in whole or in part1 or anywhere at all1 is of the same marvellous and monstrous kind with what he has already said2 for his arguments are that the persons1 or the generation of persons1 in whom they did exist1 are dead1 and with them the right is dead also4 ,to prove this1 he quotes a declaration made by ,parliament about a hundred years ago1 to ,william and ,mary1 in these words3 ,the ,lords ,spiritual and ,temporal1 and ,commons1 do1 in the name of the people aforesaid 7meaning the people of ,england then living7 most humbly and faithfully submit themselves1 their heirs and posterities1 for ,ever4 ,he quotes a clause of another ,act of ,parliament made in the same reign1 the terms of which he says1 bind us 7meaning the people of their day71 our heirs and our posterity1 to them1 their heirs and posterity1 to the end of time4 ,mr4 ,burke conceives his point sufficiently established by producing those clauses1 which he enforces by saying that they exclude the right of the nation for ever4 ,and not yet content with making such declarations1 repeated over and over again1 he farther says1 that if the people of ,england possessed such a right before the ,revolution 7which he acknowledges to have been the case1 not only in ,england1 but throughout ,europe1 at an early period71 yet that the ,english ,nation did1 at the time of the ,revolution1 most solemnly renounce and abdicate it1 for themselves1 and for all their posterity1 for ever4 ,as ,mr4 ,burke occasionally applies the poison drawn from his horrid principles1 not only to the ,english nation1 but to the ,french ,revolution and the ,national ,assembly1 and charges that august1 illuminated and illuminating body of men with the epithet of usurpers1 ,i shall1 sans ceremonie1 place another system of principles in opposition to his4 ,the ,english ,parliament of #afhh did a certain thing1 which1 for themselves and their constituents1 they had a right to do1 and which it appeared right should be done4 ,but1 in addition to this right1 which they possessed by delegation1 they set up another right by assumption1 that of binding and controlling posterity to the end of time4 ,the case1 therefore1 divides itself into two parts2 the right which they possessed by delegation1 and the right which they set up by assumption4 ,the first is admitted2 but with respect to the second1 ,i reply3 ,there never did1 there never will1 and there never can1 exist a ,parliament1 or any description of men1 or any generation of men1 in any country1 possessed of the right or the power of binding and controlling posterity to the end of time1 or of commanding for ever how the world shall be governed1 or who shall govern it2 and therefore all such clauses1 acts or declarations by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do1 nor the power to execute1 are in themselves null and void4 ,every age and generation must be as free to act for itself in all cases as the age and generations which preceded it4 ,the vanity and presumption of governing beyond the grave is the most ridiculous and insolent of all tyrannies4 ,man has no property in man2 neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to follow4 ,the ,parliament or the people of #afhh1 or of any other period1 had no more right to dispose of the people of the present day1 or to bind or to control them in any shape whatever1 than the parliament or the people of the present day have to dispose of1 bind or control those who are to live a hundred or a thousand years hence4 ,every generation is1 and must be1 competent to all the purposes which its occasions require4 ,it is the living1 and not the dead1 that are to be accommodated4 ,when man ceases to be1 his power and his wants cease with him2 and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this world1 he has no longer any authority in directing who shall be its governors1 or how its government shall be organised1 or how administered4 ,i am not contending for nor against any form of government1 nor for nor against any party1 here or elsewhere4 ,that which a whole nation chooses to do it has a right to do4 ,mr4 ,burke says1 ,no4 ,where1 then1 does the right exist8 ,i am contending for the rights of the living1 and against their being willed away and controlled and contracted for by the manuscript assumed authority of the dead1 and ,mr4 ,burke is contending for the authority of the dead over the rights and freedom of the living4 ,there was a time when kings disposed of their crowns by will upon their death-beds1 and consigned the people1 like beasts of the field1 to whatever successor they appointed4 ,this is now so exploded as scarcely to be remembered1 and so monstrous as hardly to be believed4 ,but the ,parliamentary clauses upon which ,mr4 ,burke builds his political church are of the same nature4 ,the laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle4 ,in ,england no parent or master1 nor all the authority of ,parliament1 omnipotent as it has called itself1 can bind or control the personal freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years4 ,on what ground of right1 then1 could the ,parliament of #afhh1 or any other ,parliament1 bind all posterity for ever8 ,those who have quitted the world1 and those who have not yet arrived at it1 are as remote from each other as the utmost stretch of mortal imagination can conceive4 ,what possible obligation1 then1 can exist between them--what rule or principle can be laid down that of two nonentities1 the one out of existence and the other not in1 and who never can meet in this world1 the one should control the other to the end of time8 ,in ,england it is said that money cannot be taken out of the pockets of the people without their consent4 ,but who authorised1 or who could authorise1 the ,parliament of #afhh to control and take away the freedom of posterity 7who were not in existence to give or to withhold their consent7 and limit and confine their right of acting in certain cases for ever8 ,a greater absurdity cannot present itself to the understanding of man than what ,mr4 ,burke offers to his readers4 ,he tells them1 and he tells the world to come1 that a certain body of men who existed a hundred years ago made a law1 and that there does not exist in the nation1 nor ever will1 nor ever can1 a power to alter it4 ,under how many subtilties or absurdities has the divine right to govern been imposed on the credulity of mankind8 ,mr4 ,burke has discovered a new one1 and he has shortened his journey to ,rome by appealing to the power of this infallible ,parliament of former days1 and he produces what it has done as of divine authority1 for that power must certainly be more than human which no human power to the end of time can alter4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke has done some service--not to his cause1 but to his country--by bringing those clauses into public view4 ,they serve to demonstrate how necessary it is at all times to watch against the attempted encroachment of power1 and to prevent its running to excess4 ,it is somewhat extraordinary that the offence for which ,james ,,ii4 was expelled1 that of setting up power by assumption1 should be re-acted1 under another shape and form1 by the ,parliament that expelled him4 ,it shows that the ,rights of ,man were but imperfectly understood at the ,revolution1 for certain it is that the right which that ,parliament set up by assumption 7for by the delegation it had not1 and could not have it1 because none could give it7 over the persons and freedom of posterity for ever was of the same tyrannical unfounded kind which ,james attempted to set up over the ,parliament and the nation1 and for which he was expelled4 ,the only difference is 7for in principle they differ not7 that the one was an usurper over living1 and the other over the unborn2 and as the one has no better authority to stand upon than the other1 both of them must be equally null and void1 and of no effect4 ,from what1 or from whence1 does ,mr4 ,burke prove the right of any human power to bind posterity for ever8 ,he has produced his clauses1 but he must produce also his proofs that such a right existed1 and show how it existed4 ,if it ever existed it must now exist1 for whatever appertains to the nature of man cannot be annihilated by man4 ,it is the nature of man to die1 and he will continue to die as long as he continues to be born4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke has set up a sort of political ,adam1 in whom all posterity are bound for ever4 ,he must1 therefore1 prove that his ,adam possessed such a power1 or such a right4 ,the weaker any cord is1 the less will it bear to be stretched1 and the worse is the policy to stretch it1 unless it is intended to break it4 ,had anyone proposed the overthrow of ,mr4 ,burke's positions1 he would have proceeded as ,mr4 ,burke has done4 ,he would have magnified the authorities1 on purpose to have called the right of them into question2 and the instant the question of right was started1 the authorities must have been given up4 ,it requires but a very small glance of thought to perceive that although laws made in one generation often continue in force through succeeding generations1 yet they continue to derive their force from the consent of the living4 ,a law not repealed continues in force1 not because it cannot be repealed1 but because it is not repealed2 and the non-repealing passes for consent4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke's clauses have not even this qualification in their favour4 ,they become null1 by attempting to become immortal4 ,the nature of them precludes consent4 ,they destroy the right which they might have1 by grounding it on a right which they cannot have4 ,immortal power is not a human right1 and therefore cannot be a right of ,parliament4 ,the ,parliament of #afhh might as well have passed an act to have authorised themselves to live for ever1 as to make their authority live for ever4 ,all1 therefore1 that can be said of those clauses is that they are a formality of words1 of as much import as if those who used them had addressed a congratulation to themselves1 and in the oriental style of antiquity had said3 ,o ,parliament1 live for ever6 ,the circumstances of the world are continually changing1 and the opinions of men change also2 and as government is for the living1 and not for the dead1 it is the living only that has any right in it4 ,that which may be thought right and found convenient in one age may be thought wrong and found inconvenient in another4 ,in such cases1 who is to decide1 the living or the dead8 ,as almost one hundred pages of ,mr4 ,burke's book are employed upon these clauses1 it will consequently follow that if the clauses themselves1 so far as they set up an assumed usurped dominion over posterity for ever1 are unauthoritative1 and in their nature null and void2 that all his voluminous inferences1 and declamation drawn therefrom1 or founded thereon1 are null and void also2 and on this ground ,i rest the matter4 ,we now come more particularly to the affairs of ,france4 ,mr4 ,burke's book has the appearance of being written as instruction to the ,french nation2 but if ,i may permit myself the use of an extravagant metaphor1 suited to the extravagance of the case1 it is darkness attempting to illuminate light4 ,while ,i am writing this there are accidentally before me some proposals for a declaration of rights by the ,marquis de la ,fayette 7,i ask his pardon for using his former address1 and do it only for distinction's sake7 to the ,national ,assembly1 on the #aath of ,july1 #aghi1 three days before the taking of the ,bastille1 and ,i cannot but remark with astonishment how opposite the sources are from which that gentleman and ,mr4 ,burke draw their principles4 ,instead of referring to musty records and mouldy parchments to prove that the rights of the living are lost1 renounced and abdicated for ever1 by those who are now no more1 as ,mr4 ,burke has done1 ,m4 de la ,fayette applies to the living world1 and emphatically says3 ,call to mind the sentiments which nature has engraved on the heart of every citizen1 and which take a new force when they are solemnly recognised by all3--,for a nation to love liberty1 it is sufficient that she knows it2 and to be free1 it is sufficient that she wills it4 ,how dry1 barren1 and obscure is the source from which ,mr4 ,burke labors6 and how ineffectual1 though gay with flowers1 are all his declamation and his arguments compared with these clear1 concise1 and soul-animating sentiments6 ,few and short as they are1 they lead on to a vast field of generous and manly thinking1 and do not finish1 like ,mr4 ,burke's periods1 with music in the ear1 and nothing in the heart4 ,as ,i have introduced ,m4 de la ,fayette1 ,i will take the liberty of adding an anecdote respecting his farewell address to the ,congress of ,america in #aghc1 and which occurred fresh to my mind1 when ,i saw ,mr4 ,burke's thundering attack on the ,french ,revolution4 ,m4 de la ,fayette went to ,america at the early period of the war1 and continued a volunteer in her service to the end4 ,his conduct through the whole of that enterprise is one of the most extraordinary that is to be found in the history of a young man1 scarcely twenty years of age4 ,situated in a country that was like the lap of sensual pleasure1 and with the means of enjoying it1 how few are there to be found who would exchange such a scene for the woods and wildernesses of ,america1 and pass the flowery years of youth in unprofitable danger and hardship6 but such is the fact4 ,when the war ended1 and he was on the point of taking his final departure1 he presented himself to ,congress1 and contemplating in his affectionate farewell the ,revolution he had seen1 expressed himself in these words3 ,may this great monument raised to liberty serve as a lesson to the oppressor1 and an example to the oppressed6 ,when this address came to the hands of ,dr4 ,franklin1 who was then in ,france1 he applied to ,count ,vergennes to have it inserted in the ,french ,gazette1 but never could obtain his consent4 ,the fact was that ,count ,vergennes was an aristocratical despot at home1 and dreaded the example of the ,american ,revolution in ,france1 as certain other persons now dread the example of the ,french ,revolution in ,england1 and ,mr4 ,burke's tribute of fear 7for in this light his book must be considered7 runs parallel with ,count ,vergennes' refusal4 ,but to return more particularly to his work4 ,we have seen1 says ,mr4 ,burke1 the ,french rebel against a mild and lawful monarch1 with more fury1 outrage1 and insult1 than any people has been known to rise against the most illegal usurper1 or the most sanguinary tyrant4 ,this is one among a thousand other instances1 in which ,mr4 ,burke shows that he is ignorant of the springs and principles of the ,french ,revolution4 ,it was not against ,louis ,,xvi4 but against the despotic principles of the ,government1 that the nation revolted4 ,these principles had not their origin in him1 but in the original establishment1 many centuries back3 and they were become too deeply rooted to be removed1 and the ,augean stables of parasites and plunderers too abominably filthy to be cleansed by anything short of a complete and universal ,revolution4 ,when it becomes necessary to do anything1 the whole heart and soul should go into the measure1 or not attempt it4 ,that crisis was then arrived1 and there remained no choice but to act with determined vigor1 or not to act at all4 ,the king was known to be the friend of the nation1 and this circumstance was favorable to the enterprise4 ,perhaps no man bred up in the style of an absolute king1 ever possessed a heart so little disposed to the exercise of that species of power as the present ,king of ,france4 ,but the principles of the ,government itself still remained the same4 ,the ,monarch and the ,monarchy were distinct and separate things2 and it was against the established despotism of the latter1 and not against the person or principles of the former1 that the revolt commenced1 and the ,revolution has been carried4 ,mr4 ,burke does not attend to the distinction between men and principles1 and1 therefore1 he does not see that a revolt may take place against the despotism of the latter1 while there lies no charge of despotism against the former4 ,the natural moderation of ,louis ,,xvi4 contributed nothing to alter the hereditary despotism of the monarchy4 ,all the tyrannies of former reigns1 acted under that hereditary despotism1 were still liable to be revived in the hands of a successor4 ,it was not the respite of a reign that would satisfy ,france1 enlightened as she was then become4 ,a casual discontinuance of the practice of despotism1 is not a discontinuance of its principles3 the former depends on the virtue of the individual who is in immediate possession of the power2 the latter1 on the virtue and fortitude of the nation4 ,in the case of ,charles ,i4 and ,james ,,ii4 of ,england1 the revolt was against the personal despotism of the men2 whereas in ,france1 it was against the hereditary despotism of the established ,government4 ,but men who can consign over the rights of posterity for ever on the authority of a mouldy parchment1 like ,mr4 ,burke1 are not qualified to judge of this ,revolution4 ,it takes in a field too vast for their views to explore1 and proceeds with a mightiness of reason they cannot keep pace with4 ,but there are many points of view in which this ,revolution may be considered4 ,when despotism has established itself for ages in a country1 as in ,france1 it is not in the person of the king only that it resides4 ,it has the appearance of being so in show1 and in nominal authority2 but it is not so in practice and in fact4 ,it has its standard everywhere4 ,every office and department has its despotism1 founded upon custom and usage4 ,every place has its ,bastille1 and every ,bastille its despot4 ,the original hereditary despotism resident in the person of the king1 divides and sub-divides itself into a thousand shapes and forms1 till at last the whole of it is acted by deputation4 ,this was the case in ,france2 and against this species of despotism1 proceeding on through an endless labyrinth of office till the source of it is scarcely perceptible1 there is no mode of redress4 ,it strengthens itself by assuming the appearance of duty1 and tyrannizes under the pretence of obeying4 ,when a man reflects on the condition which ,france was in from the nature of her government1 he will see other causes for revolt than those which immediately connect themselves with the person or character of ,louis ,,xvi4 ,there were1 if ,i may so express it1 a thousand despotisms to be reformed in ,france1 which had grown up under the hereditary despotism of the monarchy1 and became so rooted as to be in a great measure independent of it4 ,between the ,monarchy1 the ,parliament1 and the ,church there was a rivalship of despotism2 besides the feudal despotism operating locally1 and the ministerial despotism operating everywhere4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke1 by considering the king as the only possible object of a revolt1 speaks as if ,france was a village1 in which everything that passed must be known to its commanding officer1 and no oppression could be acted but what he could immediately control4 ,mr4 ,burke might have been in the ,bastille his whole life1 as well under ,louis ,,xvi4 as ,louis ,,xiv41 and neither the one nor the other have known that such a man as ,burke existed4 ,the despotic principles of the government were the same in both reigns1 though the dispositions of the men were as remote as tyranny and benevolence4 ,what ,mr4 ,burke considers as a reproach to the ,french ,revolution 7that of bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones7 is one of its highest honors4 ,the ,revolutions that have taken place in other ,european countries1 have been excited by personal hatred4 ,the rage was against the man1 and he became the victim4 ,but1 in the instance of ,france we see a ,revolution generated in the rational contemplation of the ,rights of ,man1 and distinguishing from the beginning between persons and principles4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke appears to have no idea of principles when he is contemplating ,governments4 ,ten years ago1 says he1 ,i could have felicitated ,france on her having a ,government1 without inquiring what the nature of that ,government was1 or how it was administered4 ,is this the language of a rational man8 ,is it the language of a heart feeling as it ought to feel for the rights and happiness of the human race8 ,on this ground1 ,mr4 ,burke must compliment all the ,governments in the world1 while the victims who suffer under them1 whether sold into slavery1 or tortured out of existence1 are wholly forgotten4 ,it is power1 and not principles1 that ,mr4 ,burke venerates2 and under this abominable depravity he is disqualified to judge between them4 ,thus much for his opinion as to the occasions of the ,french ,revolution4 ,i now proceed to other considerations4 ,i know a place in ,america called ,point-no-,point1 because as you proceed along the shore1 gay and flowery as ,mr4 ,burke's language1 it continually recedes and presents itself at a distance before you2 but when you have got as far as you can go1 there is no point at all4 ,just thus it is with ,mr4 ,burke's three hundred and sixty-six pages4 ,it is therefore difficult to reply to him4 ,but as the points he wishes to establish may be inferred from what he abuses1 it is in his paradoxes that we must look for his arguments4 ,as to the tragic paintings by which ,mr4 ,burke has outraged his own imagination1 and seeks to work upon that of his readers1 they are very well calculated for theatrical representation1 where facts are manufactured for the sake of show1 and accommodated to produce1 through the weakness of sympathy1 a weeping effect4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke should recollect that he is writing history1 and not plays1 and that his readers will expect truth1 and not the spouting rant of high-toned exclamation4 ,when we see a man dramatically lamenting in a publication intended to be believed that ,the age of chivalry is gone6 that ,the glory of ,europe is extinguished for ever6 that ,the unbought grace of life 7if anyone knows what it is71 the cheap defence of nations1 the nurse of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise is gone6 and all this because the ,quixot age of chivalry nonsense is gone1 what opinion can we form of his judgment1 or what regard can we pay to his facts8 ,in the rhapsody of his imagination he has discovered a world of wind mills1 and his sorrows are that there are no ,quixots to attack them4 ,but if the age of aristocracy1 like that of chivalry1 should fall 7and they had originally some connection7 ,mr4 ,burke1 the trumpeter of the ,order1 may continue his parody to the end1 and finish with exclaiming3 ,othello's occupation's gone6 ,notwithstanding ,mr4 ,burke's horrid paintings1 when the ,french ,revolution is compared with the ,revolutions of other countries1 the astonishment will be that it is marked with so few sacrifices2 but this astonishment will cease when we reflect that principles1 and not persons1 were the meditated objects of destruction4 ,the mind of the nation was acted upon by a higher stimulus than what the consideration of persons could inspire1 and sought a higher conquest than could be produced by the downfall of an enemy4 ,among the few who fell there do not appear to be any that were intentionally singled out4 ,they all of them had their fate in the circumstances of the moment1 and were not pursued with that long1 cold-blooded unabated revenge which pursued the unfortunate ,scotch in the affair of #agde4 ,through the whole of ,mr4 ,burke's book ,i do not observe that the ,bastille is mentioned more than once1 and that with a kind of implication as if he were sorry it was pulled down1 and wished it were built up again4 ,we have rebuilt ,newgate1 says he1 and tenanted the mansion2 and we have prisons almost as strong as the ,bastille for those who dare to libel the queens of ,france499#b ,as to what a madman like the person called ,lord ,george ,gordon might say1 and to whom ,newgate is rather a bedlam than a prison1 it is unworthy a rational consideration4 ,it was a madman that libelled1 and that is sufficient apology2 and it afforded an opportunity for confining him1 which was the thing that was wished for4 ,but certain it is that ,mr4 ,burke1 who does not call himself a madman 7whatever other people may do71 has libelled in the most unprovoked manner1 and in the grossest style of the most vulgar abuse1 the whole representative authority of ,france1 and yet ,mr4 ,burke takes his seat in the ,british ,house of ,commons6 ,from his violence and his grief1 his silence on some points and his excess on others1 it is difficult not to believe that ,mr4 ,burke is sorry1 extremely sorry1 that arbitrary power1 the power of the ,pope and the ,bastille1 are pulled down4 ,not one glance of compassion1 not one commiserating reflection that ,i can find throughout his book1 has he bestowed on those who lingered out the most wretched of lives1 a life without hope in the most miserable of prisons4 ,it is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt himself4 ,nature has been kinder to ,mr4 ,burke than he is to her4 ,he is not affected by the reality of distress touching his heart1 but by the showy resemblance of it striking his imagination4 ,he pities the plumage1 but forgets the dying bird4 ,accustomed to kiss the aristocratical hand that hath purloined him from himself1 he degenerates into a composition of art1 and the genuine soul of nature forsakes him4 ,his hero or his heroine must be a tragedy-victim expiring in show1 and not the real prisoner of misery1 sliding into death in the silence of a dungeon4 ,as ,mr4 ,burke has passed over the whole transaction of the ,bastille 7and his silence is nothing in his favour71 and has entertained his readers with refections on supposed facts distorted into real falsehoods1 ,i will give1 since he has not1 some account of the circumstances which preceded that transaction4 ,they will serve to show that less mischief could scarcely have accompanied such an event when considered with the treacherous and hostile aggravations of the enemies of the ,revolution4 ,the mind can hardly picture to itself a more tremendous scene than what the city of ,paris exhibited at the time of taking the ,bastille1 and for two days before and after1 nor perceive the possibility of its quieting so soon4 ,at a distance this transaction has appeared only as an act of heroism standing on itself1 and the close political connection it had with the ,revolution is lost in the brilliancy of the achievement4 ,but we are to consider it as the strength of the parties brought man to man1 and contending for the issue4 ,the ,bastille was to be either the prize or the prison of the assailants4 ,the downfall of it included the idea of the downfall of despotism1 and this compounded image was become as figuratively united as ,bunyan's ,doubting ,castle and ,giant ,despair4 ,the ,national ,assembly1 before and at the time of taking the ,bastille1 was sitting at ,versailles1 twelve miles distant from ,paris4 ,about a week before the rising of the ,partisans1 and their taking the ,bastille1 it was discovered that a plot was forming1 at the head of which was the ,count ,d',artois1 the king's youngest brother1 for demolishing the ,national ,assembly1 seizing its members1 and thereby crushing1 by a coup de main1 all hopes and prospects of forming a free government4 ,for the sake of humanity1 as well as freedom1 it is well this plan did not succeed4 ,examples are not wanting to show how dreadfully vindictive and cruel are all old governments1 when they are successful against what they call a revolt4 ,this plan must have been some time in contemplation2 because1 in order to carry it into execution1 it was necessary to collect a large military force round ,paris1 and cut off the communication between that city and the ,national ,assembly at ,versailles4 ,the troops destined for this service were chiefly the foreign troops in the pay of ,france1 and who1 for this particular purpose1 were drawn from the distant provinces where they were then stationed4 ,when they were collected to the amount of between twenty-five and thirty thousand1 it was judged time to put the plan into execution4 ,the ministry who were then in office1 and who were friendly to the ,revolution1 were instantly dismissed and a new ministry formed of those who had concerted the project1 among whom was ,count de ,broglio1 and to his share was given the command of those troops4 ,the character of this man as described to me in a letter which ,i communicated to ,mr4 ,burke before he began to write his book1 and from an authority which ,mr4 ,burke well knows was good1 was that of a high-flying aristocrat1 cool1 and capable of every mischief4 ,while these matters were agitating1 the ,national ,assembly stood in the most perilous and critical situation that a body of men can be supposed to act in4 ,they were the devoted victims1 and they knew it4 ,they had the hearts and wishes of their country on their side1 but military authority they had none4 ,the guards of ,broglio surrounded the hall where the ,assembly sat1 ready1 at the word of command1 to seize their persons1 as had been done the year before to the ,parliament of ,paris4 ,had the ,national ,assembly deserted their trust1 or had they exhibited signs of weakness or fear1 their enemies had been encouraged and their country depressed4 ,when the situation they stood in1 the cause they were engaged in1 and the crisis then ready to burst1 which should determine their personal and political fate and that of their country1 and probably of ,europe1 are taken into one view1 none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted by dependence can avoid interesting itself in their success4 ,the ,archbishop of ,vienne was at this time ,president of the ,national ,assembly--a person too old to undergo the scene that a few days or a few hours might bring forth4 ,a man of more activity and bolder fortitude was necessary1 and the ,national ,assembly chose 7under the form of a ,vice-,president1 for the ,presidency still resided in the ,archbishop7 ,m4 de la ,fayette2 and this is the only instance of a ,vice-,president being chosen4 ,it was at the moment that this storm was pending 7,july #aath7 that a declaration of rights was brought forward by ,m4 de la ,fayette1 and is the same which is alluded to earlier4 ,it was hastily drawn up1 and makes only a part of the more extensive declaration of rights agreed upon and adopted afterwards by the ,national ,assembly4 ,the particular reason for bringing it forward at this moment 7,m4 de la ,fayette has since informed me7 was that1 if the ,national ,assembly should fall in the threatened destruction that then surrounded it1 some trace of its principles might have the chance of surviving the wreck4 ,everything now was drawing to a crisis4 ,the event was freedom or slavery4 ,on one side1 an army of nearly thirty thousand men2 on the other1 an unarmed body of citizens--for the citizens of ,paris1 on whom the ,national ,assembly must then immediately depend1 were as unarmed and as undisciplined as the citizens of ,london are now4 ,the ,french guards had given strong symptoms of their being attached to the national cause2 but their numbers were small1 not a tenth part of the force that ,broglio commanded1 and their officers were in the interest of ,broglio4 ,matters being now ripe for execution1 the new ministry made their appearance in office4 ,the reader will carry in his mind that the ,bastille was taken the #adth ,july2 the point of time ,i am now speaking of is the #abth4 ,immediately on the news of the change of ministry reaching ,paris1 in the afternoon1 all the playhouses and places of entertainment1 shops and houses1 were shut up4 ,the change of ministry was considered as the prelude of hostilities1 and the opinion was rightly founded4 ,the foreign troops began to advance towards the city4 ,the ,prince de ,lambesc1 who commanded a body of ,german cavalry1 approached by the ,place of ,louis ,xv41 which connects itself with some of the streets4 ,in his march1 he insulted and struck an old man with a sword4 ,the ,french are remarkable for their respect to old age2 and the insolence with which it appeared to be done1 uniting with the general fermentation they were in1 produced a powerful effect1 and a cry of ,to arms6 to arms6 spread itself in a moment over the city4 ,arms they had none1 nor scarcely anyone who knew the use of them2 but desperate resolution1 when every hope is at stake1 supplies1 for a while1 the want of arms4 ,near where the ,prince de ,lambesc was drawn up1 were large piles of stones collected for building the new bridge1 and with these the people attacked the cavalry4 ,a party of ,french guards upon hearing the firing1 rushed from their quarters and joined the people2 and night coming on1 the cavalry retreated4 ,the streets of ,paris1 being narrow1 are favourable for defence1 and the loftiness of the houses1 consisting of many stories1 from which great annoyance might be given1 secured them against nocturnal enterprises2 and the night was spent in providing themselves with every sort of weapon they could make or procure3 guns1 swords1 blacksmiths' hammers1 carpenters' axes1 iron crows1 pikes1 halberts1 pitchforks1 spits1 clubs1 etc41 etc4 ,the incredible numbers in which they assembled the next morning1 and the still more incredible resolution they exhibited1 embarrassed and astonished their enemies4 ,little did the new ministry expect such a salute4 ,accustomed to slavery themselves1 they had no idea that liberty was capable of such inspiration1 or that a body of unarmed citizens would dare to face the military force of thirty thousand men4 ,every moment of this day was employed in collecting arms1 concerting plans1 and arranging themselves into the best order which such an instantaneous movement could afford4 ,broglio continued lying round the city1 but made no further advances this day1 and the succeeding night passed with as much tranquility as such a scene could possibly produce4 ,but defence only was not the object of the citizens4 ,they had a cause at stake1 on which depended their freedom or their slavery4 ,they every moment expected an attack1 or to hear of one made on the ,national ,assembly2 and in such a situation1 the most prompt measures are sometimes the best4 ,the object that now presented itself was the ,bastille2 and the eclat of carrying such a fortress in the face of such an army1 could not fail to strike terror into the new ministry1 who had scarcely yet had time to meet4 ,by some intercepted correspondence this morning1 it was discovered that the ,mayor of ,paris1 ,m4 ,defflesselles1 who appeared to be in the interest of the citizens1 was betraying them2 and from this discovery1 there remained no doubt that ,broglio would reinforce the ,bastille the ensuing evening4 ,it was therefore necessary to attack it that day2 but before this could be done1 it was first necessary to procure a better supply of arms than they were then possessed of4 ,there was1 adjoining to the city a large magazine of arms deposited at the ,hospital of the ,invalids1 which the citizens summoned to surrender2 and as the place was neither defensible1 nor attempted much defence1 they soon succeeded4 ,thus supplied1 they marched to attack the ,bastille2 a vast mixed multitude of all ages1 and of all degrees1 armed with all sorts of weapons4 ,imagination would fail in describing to itself the appearance of such a procession1 and of the anxiety of the events which a few hours or a few minutes might produce4 ,what plans the ministry were forming1 were as unknown to the people within the city1 as what the citizens were doing was unknown to the ministry2 and what movements ,broglio might make for the support or relief of the place1 were to the citizens equally as unknown4 ,all was mystery and hazard4 ,that the ,bastille was attacked with an enthusiasm of heroism1 such only as the highest animation of liberty could inspire1 and carried in the space of a few hours1 is an event which the world is fully possessed of4 ,i am not undertaking the detail of the attack1 but bringing into view the conspiracy against the nation which provoked it1 and which fell with the ,bastille4 ,the prison to which the new ministry were dooming the ,national ,assembly1 in addition to its being the high altar and castle of despotism1 became the proper object to begin with4 ,this enterprise broke up the new ministry1 who began now to fly from the ruin they had prepared for others4 ,the troops of ,broglio dispersed1 and himself fled also4 ,mr4 ,burke has spoken a great deal about plots1 but he has never once spoken of this plot against the ,national ,assembly1 and the liberties of the nation2 and that he might not1 he has passed over all the circumstances that might throw it in his way4 ,the exiles who have fled from ,france1 whose case he so much interests himself in1 and from whom he has had his lesson1 fled in consequence of the miscarriage of this plot4 ,no plot was formed against them2 they were plotting against others2 and those who fell1 met1 not unjustly1 the punishment they were preparing to execute4 ,but will ,mr4 ,burke say that if this plot1 contrived with the subtilty of an ambuscade1 had succeeded1 the successful party would have restrained their wrath so soon8 ,let the history of all governments answer the question4 ,whom has the ,national ,assembly brought to the scaffold8 ,none4 ,they were themselves the devoted victims of this plot1 and they have not retaliated2 why1 then1 are they charged with revenge they have not acted8 ,in the tremendous breaking forth of a whole people1 in which all degrees1 tempers and characters are confounded1 delivering themselves1 by a miracle of exertion1 from the destruction meditated against them1 is it to be expected that nothing will happen8 ,when men are sore with the sense of oppressions1 and menaced with the prospects of new ones1 is the calmness of philosophy or the palsy of insensibility to be looked for8 ,mr4 ,burke exclaims against outrage2 yet the greatest is that which himself has committed4 ,his book is a volume of outrage1 not apologised for by the impulse of a moment1 but cherished through a space of ten months2 yet ,mr4 ,burke had no provocation--no life1 no interest1 at stake4 ,more of the citizens fell in this struggle than of their opponents3 but four or five persons were seized by the populace1 and instantly put to death2 the ,governor of the ,bastille1 and the ,mayor of ,paris1 who was detected in the act of betraying them2 and afterwards ,foulon1 one of the new ministry1 and ,berthier1 his son-in-law1 who had accepted the office of intendant of ,paris4 ,their heads were stuck upon spikes1 and carried about the city2 and it is upon this mode of punishment that ,mr4 ,burke builds a great part of his tragic scene4 ,let us therefore examine how men came by the idea of punishing in this manner4 ,they learn it from the governments they live under2 and retaliate the punishments they have been accustomed to behold4 ,the heads stuck upon spikes1 which remained for years upon ,temple ,bar1 differed nothing in the horror of the scene from those carried about upon spikes at ,paris2 yet this was done by the ,english ,government4 ,it may perhaps be said that it signifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he is dead2 but it signifies much to the living2 it either tortures their feelings or hardens their hearts1 and in either case it instructs them how to punish when power falls into their hands4 ,lay then the axe to the root1 and teach governments humanity4 ,it is their sanguinary punishments which corrupt mankind4 ,in ,england the punishment in certain cases is by hanging1 drawing and quartering2 the heart of the sufferer is cut out and held up to the view of the populace4 ,in ,france1 under the former ,government1 the punishments were not less barbarous4 ,who does not remember the execution of ,damien1 torn to pieces by horses8 ,the effect of those cruel spectacles exhibited to the populace is to destroy tenderness or excite revenge2 and by the base and false idea of governing men by terror1 instead of reason1 they become precedents4 ,it is over the lowest class of mankind that government by terror is intended to operate1 and it is on them that it operates to the worst effect4 ,they have sense enough to feel they are the objects aimed at2 and they inflict in their turn the examples of terror they have been instructed to practise4 ,there is in all ,european countries a large class of people of that description1 which in ,england is called the mob4 ,of this class were those who committed the burnings and devastations in ,london in #aghj1 and of this class were those who carried the heads on iron spikes in ,paris4 ,foulon and ,berthier were taken up in the country1 and sent to ,paris1 to undergo their examination at the ,hotel de ,ville2 for the ,national ,assembly1 immediately on the new ministry coming into office1 passed a decree1 which they communicated to the ,king and ,cabinet1 that they 7the ,national ,assembly7 would hold the ministry1 of which ,foulon was one1 responsible for the measures they were advising and pursuing2 but the mob1 incensed at the appearance of ,foulon and ,berthier1 tore them from their conductors before they were carried to the ,hotel de ,ville1 and executed them on the spot4 ,why then does ,mr4 ,burke charge outrages of this kind on a whole people8 ,as well may he charge the riots and outrages of #aghj on all the people of ,london1 or those in ,ireland on all his countrymen4 ,but everything we see or hear offensive to our feelings and derogatory to the human character should lead to other reflections than those of reproach4 ,even the beings who commit them have some claim to our consideration4 ,how then is it that such vast classes of mankind as are distinguished by the appellation of the vulgar1 or the ignorant mob1 are so numerous in all old countries8 ,the instant we ask ourselves this question1 reflection feels an answer4 ,they rise1 as an unavoidable consequence1 out of the ill construction of all old governments in ,europe1 ,england included with the rest4 ,it is by distortedly exalting some men1 that others are distortedly debased1 till the whole is out of nature4 ,a vast mass of mankind are degradedly thrown into the back-ground of the human picture1 to bring forward1 with greater glare1 the puppet-show of state and aristocracy4 ,in the commencement of a revolution1 those men are rather the followers of the camp than of the standard of liberty1 and have yet to be instructed how to reverence it4 ,i give to ,mr4 ,burke all his theatrical exaggerations for facts1 and ,i then ask him if they do not establish the certainty of what ,i here lay down8 ,admitting them to be true1 they show the necessity of the ,french ,revolution1 as much as any one thing he could have asserted4 ,these outrages were not the effect of the principles of the ,revolution1 but of the degraded mind that existed before the ,revolution1 and which the ,revolution is calculated to reform4 ,place them then to their proper cause1 and take the reproach of them to your own side4 ,it is the honour of the ,national ,assembly and the city of ,paris that1 during such a tremendous scene of arms and confusion1 beyond the control of all authority1 they have been able1 by the influence of example and exhortation1 to restrain so much4 ,never were more pains taken to instruct and enlighten mankind1 and to make them see that their interest consisted in their virtue1 and not in their revenge1 than have been displayed in the ,revolution of ,france4 ,i now proceed to make some remarks on ,mr4 ,burke's account of the expedition to ,versailles1 ,october the #eth and #fth4 ,i can consider ,mr4 ,burke's book in scarcely any other light than a dramatic performance2 and he must1 ,i think1 have considered it in the same light himself1 by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting some facts1 distorting others1 and making the whole machinery bend to produce a stage effect4 ,of this kind is his account of the expedition to ,versailles4 ,he begins this account by omitting the only facts which as causes are known to be true2 everything beyond these is conjecture1 even in ,paris2 and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own passions and prejudices4 ,it is to be observed throughout ,mr4 ,burke's book that he never speaks of plots against the ,revolution2 and it is from those plots that all the mischiefs have arisen4 ,it suits his purpose to exhibit the consequences without their causes4 ,it is one of the arts of the drama to do so4 ,if the crimes of men were exhibited with their sufferings1 stage effect would sometimes be lost1 and the audience would be inclined to approve where it was intended they should commiserate4 ,after all the investigations that have been made into this intricate affair 7the expedition to ,versailles71 it still remains enveloped in all that kind of mystery which ever accompanies events produced more from a concurrence of awkward circumstances than from fixed design4 ,while the characters of men are forming1 as is always the case in revolutions1 there is a reciprocal suspicion1 and a disposition to misinterpret each other2 and even parties directly opposite in principle will sometimes concur in pushing forward the same movement with very different views1 and with the hopes of its producing very different consequences4 ,a great deal of this may be discovered in this embarrassed affair1 and yet the issue of the whole was what nobody had in view4 ,the only things certainly known are that considerable uneasiness was at this time excited at ,paris by the delay of the ,king in not sanctioning and forwarding the decrees of the ,national ,assembly1 particularly that of the ,declaration of the ,rights of ,man1 and the decrees of the fourth of ,august1 which contained the foundation principles on which the constitution was to be erected4 ,the kindest1 and perhaps the fairest conjecture upon this matter is1 that some of the ministers intended to make remarks and observations upon certain parts of them before they were finally sanctioned and sent to the provinces2 but be this as it may1 the enemies of the ,revolution derived hope from the delay1 and the friends of the ,revolution uneasiness4 ,during this state of suspense1 the ,garde du ,corps1 which was composed as such regiments generally are1 of persons much connected with the ,court1 gave an entertainment at ,versailles 7,october #a7 to some foreign regiments then arrived2 and when the entertainment was at the height1 on a signal given1 the ,garde du ,corps tore the national cockade from their hats1 trampled it under foot1 and replaced it with a counter-cockade prepared for the purpose4 ,an indignity of this kind amounted to defiance4 ,it was like declaring war2 and if men will give challenges they must expect consequences4 ,but all this ,mr4 ,burke has carefully kept out of sight4 ,he begins his account by saying3 ,history will record that on the morning of the #fth ,october1 #aghi1 the ,king and ,queen of ,france1 after a day of confusion1 alarm1 dismay1 and slaughter1 lay down under the pledged security of public faith to indulge nature in a few hours of respite1 and troubled melancholy repose4 ,this is neither the sober style of history1 nor the intention of it4 ,it leaves everything to be guessed at and mistaken4 ,one would at least think there had been a battle2 and a battle there probably would have been had it not been for the moderating prudence of those whom ,mr4 ,burke involves in his censures4 ,by his keeping the ,garde du ,corps out of sight ,mr4 ,burke has afforded himself the dramatic licence of putting the ,king and ,queen in their places1 as if the object of the expedition was against them4 ,but to return to my account this conduct of the ,garde du ,corps1 as might well be expected1 alarmed and enraged the ,partisans4 ,the colors of the cause1 and the cause itself1 were become too united to mistake the intention of the insult1 and the ,partisans were determined to call the ,garde du ,corps to an account4 ,there was certainly nothing of the cowardice of assassination in marching in the face of the day to demand satisfaction1 if such a phrase may be used1 of a body of armed men who had voluntarily given defiance4 ,but the circumstance which serves to throw this affair into embarrassment is1 that the enemies of the ,revolution appear to have encouraged it as well as its friends4 ,the one hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it in time1 and the other to make one4 ,the hopes of those opposed to the ,revolution rested in making the ,king of their party1 and getting him from ,versailles to ,metz1 where they expected to collect a force and set up a standard4 ,we have1 therefore1 two different objects presenting themselves at the same time1 and to be accomplished by the same means3 the one to chastise the ,garde du ,corps1 which was the object of the ,partisans2 the other to render the confusion of such a scene an inducement to the ,king to set off for ,metz4 ,on the #eth of ,october a very numerous body of women1 and men in the disguise of women1 collected around the ,hotel de ,ville or town-hall at ,paris1 and set off for ,versailles4 ,their professed object was the ,garde du ,corps2 but prudent men readily recollect that mischief is more easily begun than ended2 and this impressed itself with the more force from the suspicions already stated1 and the irregularity of such a cavalcade4 ,as soon1 therefore1 as a sufficient force could be collected1 ,m4 de la ,fayette1 by orders from the civil authority of ,paris1 set off after them at the head of twenty thousand of the ,paris militia4 ,the ,revolution could derive no benefit from confusion1 and its opposers might4 ,by an amiable and spirited manner of address he had hitherto been fortunate in calming disquietudes1 and in this he was extraordinarily successful2 to frustrate1 therefore1 the hopes of those who might seek to improve this scene into a sort of justifiable necessity for the ,king's quitting ,versailles and withdrawing to ,metz1 and to prevent at the same time the consequences that might ensue between the ,garde du ,corps and this phalanx of men and women1 he forwarded expresses to the ,king1 that he was on his march to ,versailles1 by the orders of the civil authority of ,paris1 for the purpose of peace and protection1 expressing at the same time the necessity of restraining the ,garde du ,corps from firing upon the people499#c ,he arrived at ,versailles between ten and eleven at night4 ,the ,garde du ,corps was drawn up1 and the people had arrived some time before1 but everything had remained suspended4 ,wisdom and policy now consisted in changing a scene of danger into a happy event4 ,m4 de la ,fayette became the mediator between the enraged parties2 and the ,king1 to remove the uneasiness which had arisen from the delay already stated1 sent for the ,president of the ,national ,assembly1 and signed the ,declaration of the ,rights of ,man1 and such other parts of the constitution as were in readiness4 ,it was now about one in the morning4 ,everything appeared to be composed1 and a general congratulation took place4 ,by the beat of a drum a proclamation was made that the citizens of ,versailles would give the hospitality of their houses to their fellow-citizens of ,paris4 ,those who could not be accommodated in this manner remained in the streets1 or took up their quarters in the churches2 and at two o'clock the ,king and ,queen retired4 ,in this state matters passed till the break of day1 when a fresh disturbance arose from the censurable conduct of some of both parties1 for such characters there will be in all such scenes4 ,one of the ,garde du ,corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace1 and the people who had remained during the night in the streets accosted him with reviling and provocative language4 ,instead of retiring1 as in such a case prudence would have dictated1 he presented his musket1 fired1 and killed one of the ,paris militia4 ,the peace being thus broken1 the people rushed into the palace in quest of the offender4 ,they attacked the quarters of the ,garde du ,corps within the palace1 and pursued them throughout the avenues of it1 and to the apartments of the ,king4 ,on this tumult1 not the ,queen only1 as ,mr4 ,burke has represented it1 but every person in the palace1 was awakened and alarmed2 and ,m4 de la ,fayette had a second time to interpose between the parties1 the event of which was that the ,garde du ,corps put on the national cockade1 and the matter ended as by oblivion1 after the loss of two or three lives4 ,during the latter part of the time in which this confusion was acting1 the ,king and ,queen were in public at the balcony1 and neither of them concealed for safety's sake1 as ,mr4 ,burke insinuates4 ,matters being thus appeased1 and tranquility restored1 a general acclamation broke forth of ,le ,roi a ,paris--,le ,roi a ,paris--,the ,king to ,paris4 ,it was the shout of peace1 and immediately accepted on the part of the ,king4 ,by this measure all future projects of trapanning the ,king to ,metz1 and setting up the standard of opposition to the constitution1 were prevented1 and the suspicions extinguished4 ,the ,king and his family reached ,paris in the evening1 and were congratulated on their arrival by ,m4 ,bailly1 the ,mayor of ,paris1 in the name of the citizens4 ,mr4 ,burke1 who throughout his book confounds things1 persons1 and principles1 as in his remarks on ,m4 ,bailly's address1 confounded time also4 ,he censures ,m4 ,bailly for calling it un bon jour1 a good day4 ,mr4 ,burke should have informed himself that this scene took up the space of two days1 the day on which it began with every appearance of danger and mischief1 and the day on which it terminated without the mischiefs that threatened2 and that it is to this peaceful termination that ,m4 ,bailly alludes1 and to the arrival of the ,king at ,paris4 ,not less than three hundred thousand persons arranged themselves in the procession from ,versailles to ,paris1 and not an act of molestation was committed during the whole march4 ,mr4 ,burke on the authority of ,m4 ,lally ,tollendal1 a deserter from the ,national ,assembly1 says that on entering ,paris1 the people shouted ,tous les eveques a la lanterne4 ,all ,bishops to be hanged at the lanthorn or lamp-posts4 ,it is surprising that nobody could hear this but ,lally ,tollendal1 and that nobody should believe it but ,mr4 ,burke4 ,it has not the least connection with any part of the transaction1 and is totally foreign to every circumstance of it4 ,the ,bishops had never been introduced before into any scene of ,mr4 ,burke's drama3 why then are they1 all at once1 and altogether1 tout a coup1 et tous ensemble1 introduced now8 ,mr4 ,burke brings forward his ,bishops and his lanthorn-like figures in a magic lanthorn1 and raises his scenes by contrast instead of connection4 ,but it serves to show1 with the rest of his book what little credit ought to be given where even probability is set at defiance1 for the purpose of defaming2 and with this reflection1 instead of a soliloquy in praise of chivalry1 as ,mr4 ,burke has done1 ,i close the account of the expedition to ,versailles499#d ,i have now to follow ,mr4 ,burke through a pathless wilderness of rhapsodies1 and a sort of descant upon governments1 in which he asserts whatever he pleases1 on the presumption of its being believed1 without offering either evidence or reasons for so doing4 ,before anything can be reasoned upon to a conclusion1 certain facts1 principles1 or data1 to reason from1 must be established1 admitted1 or denied4 ,mr4 ,burke with his usual outrage1 abused the ,declaration of the ,rights of ,man1 published by the ,national ,assembly of ,france1 as the basis on which the constitution of ,france is built4 ,this he calls paltry and blurred sheets of paper about the rights of man4 ,does ,mr4 ,burke mean to deny that man has any rights8 ,if he does1 then he must mean that there are no such things as rights anywhere1 and that he has none himself2 for who is there in the world but man8 ,but if ,mr4 ,burke means to admit that man has rights1 the question then will be3 ,what are those rights1 and how man came by them originally8 ,the error of those who reason by precedents drawn from antiquity1 respecting the rights of man1 is that they do not go far enough into antiquity4 ,they do not go the whole way4 ,they stop in some of the intermediate stages of an hundred or a thousand years1 and produce what was then done1 as a rule for the present day4 ,this is no authority at all4 ,if we travel still farther into antiquity1 we shall find a direct contrary opinion and practice prevailing2 and if antiquity is to be authority1 a thousand such authorities may be produced1 successively contradicting each other2 but if we proceed on1 we shall at last come out right2 we shall come to the time when man came from the hand of his ,maker4 ,what was he then8 ,man4 ,man was his high and only title1 and a higher cannot be given him4 ,but of titles ,i shall speak hereafter4 ,we are now got at the origin of man1 and at the origin of his rights4 ,as to the manner in which the world has been governed from that day to this1 it is no farther any concern of ours than to make a proper use of the errors or the improvements which the history of it presents4 ,those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago1 were then moderns1 as we are now4 ,they had their ancients1 and those ancients had others1 and we also shall be ancients in our turn4 ,if the mere name of antiquity is to govern in the affairs of life1 the people who are to live an hundred or a thousand years hence1 may as well take us for a precedent1 as we make a precedent of those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago4 ,the fact is1 that portions of antiquity1 by proving everything1 establish nothing4 ,it is authority against authority all the way1 till we come to the divine origin of the rights of man at the creation4 ,here our enquiries find a resting-place1 and our reason finds a home4 ,if a dispute about the rights of man had arisen at the distance of an hundred years from the creation1 it is to this source of authority they must have referred1 and it is to this same source of authority that we must now refer4 ,though ,i mean not to touch upon any sectarian principle of religion1 yet it may be worth observing1 that the genealogy of ,christ is traced to ,adam4 ,why then not trace the rights of man to the creation of man8 ,i will answer the question4 ,because there have been upstart governments1 thrusting themselves between1 and presumptuously working to un-make man4 ,if any generation of men ever possessed the right of dictating the mode by which the world should be governed for ever1 it was the first generation that existed2 and if that generation did it not1 no succeeding generation can show any authority for doing it1 nor can set any up4 ,the illuminating and divine principle of the equal rights of man 7for it has its origin from the ,maker of man7 relates1 not only to the living individuals1 but to generations of men succeeding each other4 ,every generation is equal in rights to generations which preceded it1 by the same rule that every individual is born equal in rights with his contemporary4 ,every history of the creation1 and every traditionary account1 whether from the lettered or unlettered world1 however they may vary in their opinion or belief of certain particulars1 all agree in establishing one point1 the unity of man2 by which ,i mean that men are all of one degree1 and consequently that all men are born equal1 and with equal natural right1 in the same manner as if posterity had been continued by creation instead of generation1 the latter being the only mode by which the former is carried forward2 and consequently every child born into the world must be considered as deriving its existence from ,god4 ,the world is as new to him as it was to the first man that existed1 and his natural right in it is of the same kind4 ,the ,mosaic account of the creation1 whether taken as divine authority or merely historical1 is full to this point1 the unity or equality of man4 ,the expression admits of no controversy4 ,and ,god said1 ,let us make man in our own image4 ,in the image of ,god created he him2 male and female created he them4 ,the distinction of sexes is pointed out1 but no other distinction is even implied4 ,if this be not divine authority1 it is at least historical authority1 and shows that the equality of man1 so far from being a modern doctrine1 is the oldest upon record4 ,it is also to be observed that all the religions known in the world are founded1 so far as they relate to man1 on the unity of man1 as being all of one degree4 ,whether in heaven or in hell1 or in whatever state man may be supposed to exist hereafter1 the good and the bad are the only distinctions4 ,nay1 even the laws of governments are obliged to slide into this principle1 by making degrees to consist in crimes and not in persons4 ,it is one of the greatest of all truths1 and of the highest advantage to cultivate4 ,by considering man in this light1 and by instructing him to consider himself in this light1 it places him in a close connection with all his duties1 whether to his ,creator or to the creation1 of which he is a part2 and it is only when he forgets his origin1 or1 to use a more fashionable phrase1 his birth and family1 that he becomes dissolute4 ,it is not among the least of the evils of the present existing governments in all parts of ,europe that man1 considered as man1 is thrown back to a vast distance from his ,maker1 and the artificial chasm filled up with a succession of barriers1 or sort of turnpike gates1 through which he has to pass4 ,i will quote ,mr4 ,burke's catalogue of barriers that he has set up between man and his ,maker4 ,putting himself in the character of a herald1 he says3 ,we fear ,god--we look with awe to kings--with affection to ,parliaments with duty to magistrates--with reverence to priests1 and with respect to nobility4 ,mr4 ,burke has forgotten to put in 'chivalry4 ,he has also forgotten to put in ,peter4 ,the duty of man is not a wilderness of turnpike gates1 through which he is to pass by tickets from one to the other4 ,it is plain and simple1 and consists but of two points4 ,his duty to ,god1 which every man must feel2 and with respect to his neighbor1 to do as he would be done by4 ,if those to whom power is delegated do well1 they will be respected3 if not1 they will be despised2 and with regard to those to whom no power is delegated1 but who assume it1 the rational world can know nothing of them4 ,hitherto we have spoken only 7and that but in part7 of the natural rights of man4 ,we have now to consider the civil rights of man1 and to show how the one originates from the other4 ,man did not enter into society to become worse than he was before1 nor to have fewer rights than he had before1 but to have those rights better secured4 ,his natural rights are the foundation of all his civil rights4 ,but in order to pursue this distinction with more precision1 it will be necessary to mark the different qualities of natural and civil rights4 ,a few words will explain this4 ,natural rights are those which appertain to man in right of his existence4 ,of this kind are all the intellectual rights1 or rights of the mind1 and also all those rights of acting as an individual for his own comfort and happiness1 which are not injurious to the natural rights of others4 ,civil rights are those which appertain to man in right of his being a member of society4 ,every civil right has for its foundation some natural right pre-existing in the individual1 but to the enjoyment of which his individual power is not1 in all cases1 sufficiently competent4 ,of this kind are all those which relate to security and protection4 ,from this short review it will be easy to distinguish between that class of natural rights which man retains after entering into society and those which he throws into the common stock as a member of society4 ,the natural rights which he retains are all those in which the ,power to execute is as perfect in the individual as the right itself4 ,among this class1 as is before mentioned1 are all the intellectual rights1 or rights of the mind2 consequently religion is one of those rights4 ,the natural rights which are not retained1 are all those in which1 though the right is perfect in the individual1 the power to execute them is defective4 ,they answer not his purpose4 ,a man1 by natural right1 has a right to judge in his own cause2 and so far as the right of the mind is concerned1 he never surrenders it4 ,but what availeth it him to judge1 if he has not power to redress8 ,he therefore deposits this right in the common stock of society1 and takes the ann of society1 of which he is a part1 in preference and in addition to his own4 ,society grants him nothing4 ,every man is a proprietor in society1 and draws on the capital as a matter of right4 ,from these premisses two or three certain conclusions will follow3 ,first1 ,that every civil right grows out of a natural right2 or1 in other words1 is a natural right exchanged4 ,secondly1 ,that civil power properly considered as such is made up of the aggregate of that class of the natural rights of man1 which becomes defective in the individual in point of power1 and answers not his purpose1 but when collected to a focus becomes competent to the ,purpose of every one4 ,thirdly1 ,that the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights1 imperfect in power in the individual1 cannot be applied to invade the natural rights which are retained in the individual1 and in which the power to execute is as perfect as the right itself4 ,we have now1 in a few words1 traced man from a natural individual to a member of society1 and shown1 or endeavoured to show1 the quality of the natural rights retained1 and of those which are exchanged for civil rights4 ,let us now apply these principles to governments4 ,in casting our eyes over the world1 it is extremely easy to distinguish the governments which have arisen out of society1 or out of the social compact1 from those which have not2 but to place this in a clearer light than what a single glance may afford1 it will be proper to take a review of the several sources from which governments have arisen and on which they have been founded4 ,they may be all comprehended under three heads4 ,first1 ,superstition4 ,secondly1 ,power4 ,thirdly1 ,the common interest of society and the common rights of man4 ,the first was a government of priestcraft1 the second of conquerors1 and the third of reason4 ,when a set of artful men pretended1 through the medium of oracles1 to hold intercourse with the ,deity1 as familiarly as they now march up the back-stairs in ,european courts1 the world was completely under the government of superstition4 ,the oracles were consulted1 and whatever they were made to say became the law2 and this sort of government lasted as long as this sort of superstition lasted4 ,after these a race of conquerors arose1 whose government1 like that of ,william the ,conqueror1 was founded in power1 and the sword assumed the name of a sceptre4 ,governments thus established last as long as the power to support them lasts2 but that they might avail themselves of every engine in their favor1 they united fraud to force1 and set up an idol which they called ,divine ,right1 and which1 in imitation of the ,pope1 who affects to be spiritual and temporal1 and in contradiction to the ,founder of the ,christian religion1 twisted itself afterwards into an idol of another shape1 called ,church and ,state4 ,the key of ,st4 ,peter and the key of the ,treasury became quartered on one another1 and the wondering cheated multitude worshipped the invention4 ,when ,i contemplate the natural dignity of man1 when ,i feel 7for ,nature has not been kind enough to me to blunt my feelings7 for the honour and happiness of its character1 ,i become irritated at the attempt to govern mankind by force and fraud1 as if they were all knaves and fools1 and can scarcely avoid disgust at those who are thus imposed upon4 ,we have now to review the governments which arise out of society1 in contradistinction to those which arose out of superstition and conquest4 ,it has been thought a considerable advance towards establishing the principles of ,freedom to say that ,government is a compact between those who govern and those who are governed2 but this cannot be true1 because it is putting the effect before the cause2 for as man must have existed before governments existed1 there necessarily was a time when governments did not exist1 and consequently there could originally exist no governors to form such a compact with4 ,the fact therefore must be that the individuals themselves1 each in his own personal and sovereign right1 entered into a compact with each other to produce a government3 and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise1 and the only principle on which they have a right to exist4 ,to possess ourselves of a clear idea of what government is1 or ought to be1 we must trace it to its origin4 ,in doing this we shall easily discover that governments must have arisen either out of the people or over the people4 ,mr4 ,burke has made no distinction4 ,he investigates nothing to its source1 and therefore he confounds everything2 but he has signified his intention of undertaking1 at some future opportunity1 a comparison between the constitution of ,england and ,france4 ,as he thus renders it a subject of controversy by throwing the gauntlet1 ,i take him upon his own ground4 ,it is in high challenges that high truths have the right of appearing2 and ,i accept it with the more readiness because it affords me1 at the same time1 an opportunity of pursuing the subject with respect to governments arising out of society4 ,but it will be first necessary to define what is meant by a ,constitution4 ,it is not sufficient that we adopt the word2 we must fix also a standard signification to it4 ,a constitution is not a thing in name only1 but in fact4 ,it has not an ideal1 but a real existence2 and wherever it cannot be produced in a visible form1 there is none4 ,a constitution is a thing antecedent to a government1 and a government is only the creature of a constitution4 ,the constitution of a country is not the act of its government1 but of the people constituting its government4 ,it is the body of elements1 to which you can refer1 and quote article by article2 and which contains the principles on which the government shall be established1 the manner in which it shall be organised1 the powers it shall have1 the mode of elections1 the duration of ,parliaments1 or by what other name such bodies may be called2 the powers which the executive part of the government shall have2 and in fine1 everything that relates to the complete organisation of a civil government1 and the principles on which it shall act1 and by which it shall be bound4 ,a constitution1 therefore1 is to a government what the laws made afterwards by that government are to a court of judicature4 ,the court of judicature does not make the laws1 neither can it alter them2 it only acts in conformity to the laws made3 and the government is in like manner governed by the constitution4 ,can1 then1 ,mr4 ,burke produce the ,english ,constitution8 ,if he cannot1 we may fairly conclude that though it has been so much talked about1 no such thing as a constitution exists1 or ever did exist1 and consequently that the people have yet a constitution to form4 ,mr4 ,burke will not1 ,i presume1 deny the position ,i have already advanced--namely1 that governments arise either out of the people or over the people4 ,the ,english ,government is one of those which arose out of a conquest1 and not out of society1 and consequently it arose over the people2 and though it has been much modified from the opportunity of circumstances since the time of ,william the ,conqueror1 the country has never yet regenerated itself1 and is therefore without a constitution4 ,i readily perceive the reason why ,mr4 ,burke declined going into the comparison between the ,english and ,french constitutions1 because he could not but perceive1 when he sat down to the task1 that no such a thing as a constitution existed on his side the question4 ,his book is certainly bulky enough to have contained all he could say on this subject1 and it would have been the best manner in which people could have judged of their separate merits4 ,why then has he declined the only thing that was worth while to write upon8 ,it was the strongest ground he could take1 if the advantages were on his side1 but the weakest if they were not2 and his declining to take it is either a sign that he could not possess it or could not maintain it4 ,mr4 ,burke said1 in a speech last winter in ,parliament1 that when the ,national ,assembly first met in three ,orders 7the ,tiers ,etat1 the ,clergy1 and the ,noblesse71 ,france had then a good constitution4 ,this shows1 among numerous other instances1 that ,mr4 ,burke does not understand what a constitution is4 ,the persons so met were not a constitution1 but a convention1 to make a constitution4 ,the present ,national ,assembly of ,france is1 strictly speaking1 the personal social compact4 ,the members of it are the delegates of the nation in its original character2 future assemblies will be the delegates of the nation in its organised character4 ,the authority of the present ,assembly is different from what the authority of future ,assemblies will be4 ,the authority of the present one is to form a constitution2 the authority of future assemblies will be to legislate according to the principles and forms prescribed in that constitution2 and if experience should hereafter show that alterations1 amendments1 or additions are necessary1 the constitution will point out the mode by which such things shall be done1 and not leave it to the discretionary power of the future government4 ,a government on the principles on which constitutional governments arising out of society are established1 cannot have the right of altering itself4 ,if it had1 it would be arbitrary4 ,it might make itself what it pleased2 and wherever such a right is set up1 it shows there is no constitution4 ,the act by which the ,english ,parliament empowered itself to sit seven years1 shows there is no constitution in ,england4 ,it might1 by the same self-authority1 have sat any great number of years1 or for life4 ,the bill which the present ,mr4 ,pitt brought into ,parliament some years ago1 to reform ,parliament1 was on the same erroneous principle4 ,the right of reform is in the nation in its original character1 and the constitutional method would be by a general convention elected for the purpose4 ,there is1 moreover1 a paradox in the idea of vitiated bodies reforming themselves4 ,from these preliminaries ,i proceed to draw some comparisons4 ,i have already spoken of the declaration of rights2 and as ,i mean to be as concise as possible1 ,i shall proceed to other parts of the ,french ,constitution4 ,the constitution of ,france says that every man who pays a tax of sixty sous per annum 7#bs4 #f;d4 ,english7 is an elector4 ,what article will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,can anything be more limited1 and at the same time more capricious1 than the qualification of electors is in ,england8 ,limited--because not one man in an hundred 7,i speak much within compass7 is admitted to vote4 ,capricious--because the lowest character that can be supposed to exist1 and who has not so much as the visible means of an honest livelihood1 is an elector in some places3 while in other places1 the man who pays very large taxes1 and has a known fair character1 and the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred pounds a year1 with a property on that farm to three or four times that amount1 is not admitted to be an elector4 ,everything is out of nature1 as ,mr4 ,burke says on another occasion1 in this strange chaos1 and all sorts of follies are blended with all sorts of crimes4 ,william the ,conqueror and his descendants parcelled out the country in this manner1 and bribed some parts of it by what they call charters to hold the other parts of it the better subjected to their will4 ,this is the reason why so many of those charters abound in ,cornwall2 the people were averse to the ,government established at the ,conquest1 and the towns were garrisoned and bribed to enslave the country4 ,all the old charters are the badges of this conquest1 and it is from this source that the capriciousness of election arises4 ,the ,french ,constitution says that the number of representatives for any place shall be in a ratio to the number of taxable inhabitants or electors4 ,what article will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,the county of ,york1 which contains nearly a million of souls1 sends two county members2 and so does the county of ,rutland1 which contains not an hundredth part of that number4 ,the old town of ,sarum1 which contains not three houses1 sends two members2 and the town of ,manchester1 which contains upward of sixty thousand souls1 is not admitted to send any4 ,is there any principle in these things8 ,it is admitted that all this is altered1 but there is much to be done yet1 before we have a fair representation of the people4 ,is there anything by which you can trace the marks of freedom1 or discover those of wisdom8 ,no wonder then ,mr4 ,burke has declined the comparison1 and endeavored to lead his readers from the point by a wild1 unsystematical display of paradoxical rhapsodies4 ,the ,french ,constitution says that the ,national ,assembly shall be elected every two years4 ,what article will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,why1 that the nation has no right at all in the case2 that the government is perfectly arbitrary with respect to this point2 and he can quote for his authority the precedent of a former ,parliament4 ,the ,french ,constitution says there shall be no game laws1 that the farmer on whose lands wild game shall be found 7for it is by the produce of his lands they are fed7 shall have a right to what he can take2 that there shall be no monopolies of any kind--that all trades shall be free and every man free to follow any occupation by which he can procure an honest livelihood1 and in any place1 town1 or city throughout the nation4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke say to this8 ,in ,england1 game is made the property of those at whose expense it is not fed2 and with respect to monopolies1 the country is cut up into monopolies4 ,every chartered town is an aristocratical monopoly in itself1 and the qualification of electors proceeds out of those chartered monopolies4 ,is this freedom8 ,is this what ,mr4 ,burke means by a constitution8 ,in these chartered monopolies1 a man coming from another part of the country is hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy4 ,an ,englishman is not free of his own country2 every one of those places presents a barrier in his way1 and tells him he is not a freeman--that he has no rights4 ,within these monopolies are other monopolies4 ,in a city1 such for instance as ,bath1 which contains between twenty and thirty thousand inhabitants1 the right of electing representatives to ,parliament is monopolised by about thirty-one persons4 ,and within these monopolies are still others4 ,a man even of the same town1 whose parents were not in circumstances to give him an occupation1 is debarred1 in many cases1 from the natural right of acquiring one1 be his genius or industry what it may4 ,are these things examples to hold out to a country regenerating itself from slavery1 like ,france8 ,certainly they are not1 and certain am ,i1 that when the people of ,england come to reflect upon them they will1 like ,france1 annihilate those badges of ancient oppression1 those traces of a conquered nation4 ,had ,mr4 ,burke possessed talents similar to the author of ,on the ,wealth of ,nations4 he would have comprehended all the parts which enter into1 and1 by assemblage1 form a constitution4 ,he would have reasoned from minutiae to magnitude4 ,it is not from his prejudices only1 but from the disorderly cast of his genius1 that he is unfitted for the subject he writes upon4 ,even his genius is without a constitution4 ,it is a genius at random1 and not a genius constituted4 ,but he must say something4 ,he has therefore mounted in the air like a balloon1 to draw the eyes of the multitude from the ground they stand upon4 ,much is to be learned from the ,french ,constitution4 ,conquest and tyranny transplanted themselves with ,william the ,conqueror from ,normandy into ,england1 and the country is yet disfigured with the marks4 ,may1 then1 the example of all ,france contribute to regenerate the freedom which a province of it destroyed6 ,the ,french ,constitution says that to preserve the national representation from being corrupt1 no member of the ,national ,assembly shall be an officer of the government1 a placeman or a pensioner4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,i will whisper his answer3 ,loaves and ,fishes4 ,ah6 this government of loaves and fishes has more mischief in it than people have yet reflected on4 ,the ,national ,assembly has made the discovery1 and it holds out the example to the world4 ,had governments agreed to quarrel on purpose to fleece their countries by taxes1 they could not have succeeded better than they have done4 ,everything in the ,english government appears to me the reverse of what it ought to be1 and of what it is said to be4 ,the ,parliament1 imperfectly and capriciously elected as it is1 is nevertheless supposed to hold the national purse in trust for the nation2 but in the manner in which an ,english ,parliament is constructed it is like a man being both mortgagor and mortgagee1 and in the case of misapplication of trust it is the criminal sitting in judgment upon himself4 ,if those who vote the supplies are the same persons who receive the supplies when voted1 and are to account for the expenditure of those supplies to those who voted them1 it is themselves accountable to themselves1 and the ,comedy of ,errors concludes with the pantomime of ,hush4 ,neither the ,ministerial party nor the ,opposition will touch upon this case4 ,the national purse is the common hack which each mounts upon4 ,it is like what the country people call ,ride and tie--you ride a little way1 and then ,i499#e ,they order these things better in ,france4 ,the ,french ,constitution says that the right of war and peace is in the nation4 ,where else should it reside but in those who are to pay the expense8 ,in ,england this right is said to reside in a metaphor shown at the ,tower for sixpence or a shilling a piece3 so are the lions2 and it would be a step nearer to reason to say it resided in them1 for any inanimate metaphor is no more than a hat or a cap4 ,we can all see the absurdity of worshipping ,aaron's molten calf1 or ,nebuchadnezzar's golden image2 but why do men continue to practise themselves the absurdities they despise in others8 ,it may with reason be said that in the manner the ,english nation is represented it signifies not where the right resides1 whether in the ,crown or in the ,parliament4 ,war is the common harvest of all those who participate in the division and expenditure of public money1 in all countries4 ,it is the art of conquering at home2 the object of it is an increase of revenue2 and as revenue cannot be increased without taxes1 a pretence must be made for expenditure4 ,in reviewing the history of the ,english ,government1 its wars and its taxes1 a bystander1 not blinded by prejudice nor warped by interest1 would declare that taxes were not raised to carry on wars1 but that wars were raised to carry on taxes4 ,mr4 ,burke1 as a member of the ,house of ,commons1 is a part of the ,english ,government2 and though he professes himself an enemy to war1 he abuses the ,french ,constitution1 which seeks to explode it4 ,he holds up the ,english ,government as a model1 in all its parts1 to ,france2 but he should first know the remarks which the ,french make upon it4 ,they contend in favor of their own1 that the portion of liberty enjoyed in ,england is just enough to enslave a country more productively than by despotism1 and that as the real object of all despotism is revenue1 a government so formed obtains more than it could do either by direct despotism1 or in a full state of freedom1 and is1 therefore on the ground of interest1 opposed to both4 ,they account also for the readiness which always appears in such governments for engaging in wars by remarking on the different motives which produced them4 ,in despotic governments wars are the effect of pride2 but in those governments in which they become the means of taxation1 they acquire thereby a more permanent promptitude4 ,the ,french ,constitution1 therefore1 to provide against both these evils1 has taken away the power of declaring war from kings and ministers1 and placed the right where the expense must fall4 ,when the question of the right of war and peace was agitating in the ,national ,assembly1 the people of ,england appeared to be much interested in the event1 and highly to applaud the decision4 ,as a principle it applies as much to one country as another4 ,william the ,conqueror1 as a conqueror1 held this power of war and peace in himself1 and his descendants have ever since claimed it under him as a right4 ,although ,mr4 ,burke has asserted the right of the ,parliament at the ,revolution to bind and control the nation and posterity for ever1 he denies at the same time that the ,parliament or the nation had any right to alter what he calls the succession of the crown in anything but in part1 or by a sort of modification4 ,by his taking this ground he throws the case back to the ,norman ,conquest1 and by thus running a line of succession springing from ,william the ,conqueror to the present day1 he makes it necessary to enquire who and what ,william the ,conqueror was1 and where he came from1 and into the origin1 history and nature of what are called prerogatives4 ,everything must have had a beginning1 and the fog of time and antiquity should be penetrated to discover it4 ,let1 then1 ,mr4 ,burke bring forward his ,william of ,normandy1 for it is to this origin that his argument goes4 ,it also unfortunately happens1 in running this line of succession1 that another line parallel thereto presents itself1 which is that if the succession runs in the line of the conquest1 the nation runs in the line of being conquered1 and it ought to rescue itself from this reproach4 ,but it will perhaps be said that though the power of declaring war descends in the heritage of the conquest1 it is held in check by the right of ,parliament to withhold the supplies4 ,it will always happen when a thing is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right1 and it often happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other1 and such is the case here1 for if the one rashly declares war as a matter of right1 and the other peremptorily withholds the supplies as a matter of right1 the remedy becomes as bad1 or worse1 than the disease4 ,the one forces the nation to a combat1 and the other ties its hands2 but the more probable issue is that the contest will end in a collusion between the parties1 and be made a screen to both4 ,on this question of war1 three things are to be considered4 ,first1 the right of declaring it3 secondly1 the expense of supporting it3 thirdly1 the mode of conducting it after it is declared4 ,the ,french ,constitution places the right where the expense must fall1 and this union can only be in the nation4 ,the mode of conducting it after it is declared1 it consigns to the executive department4 ,were this the case in all countries1 we should hear but little more of wars4 ,before ,i proceed to consider other parts of the ,french ,constitution1 and by way of relieving the fatigue of argument1 ,i will introduce an anecdote which ,i had from ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,while the ,doctor resided in ,france as ,minister from ,america1 during the war1 he had numerous proposals made to him by projectors of every country and of every kind1 who wished to go to the land that floweth with milk and honey1 ,america2 and among the rest1 there was one who offered himself to be king4 ,he introduced his proposal to the ,doctor by letter1 which is now in the hands of ,m4 ,beaumarchais1 of ,paris--stating1 first1 that as the ,americans had dismissed or sent away99#f their ,king1 that they would want another4 ,secondly1 that himself was a ,norman4 ,thirdly1 that he was of a more ancient family than the ,dukes of ,normandy1 and of a more honorable descent1 his line having never been bastardised4 ,fourthly1 that there was already a precedent in ,england of kings coming out of ,normandy1 and on these grounds he rested his offer1 enjoining that the ,doctor would forward it to ,america4 ,but as the ,doctor neither did this1 nor yet sent him an answer1 the projector wrote a second letter1 in which he did not1 it is true1 threaten to go over and conquer ,america1 but only with great dignity proposed that if his offer was not accepted1 an acknowledgment of about ,l#cj1jjj might be made to him for his generosity6 ,now1 as all arguments respecting succession must necessarily connect that succession with some beginning1 ,mr4 ,burke's arguments on this subject go to show that there is no ,english origin of kings1 and that they are descendants of the ,norman line in right of the ,conquest4 ,it may1 therefore1 be of service to his doctrine to make this story known1 and to inform him1 that in case of that natural extinction to which all mortality is subject1 ,kings may again be had from ,normandy1 on more reasonable terms than ,william the ,conqueror2 and consequently1 that the good people of ,england1 at the revolution of #afhh1 might have done much better1 had such a generous ,norman as this known their wants1 and they had known his4 ,the chivalric character which ,mr4 ,burke so much admires1 is certainly much easier to make a bargain with than a hard dealing ,dutchman4 ,but to return to the matters of the constitution3 ,the ,french ,constitution says1 ,there shall be no titles2 and1 of consequence1 all that class of equivocal generation which in some countries is called aristocracy and in others nobility1 is done away1 and the peer is exalted into the ,man4 ,titles are but nicknames1 and every nickname is a title4 ,the thing is perfectly harmless in itself1 but it marks a sort of foppery in the human character1 which degrades it4 ,it reduces man into the diminutive of man in things which are great1 and the counterfeit of women in things which are little4 ,it talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl1 and shows its new garter like a child4 ,a certain writer1 of some antiquity1 says3 ,when ,i was a child1 ,i thought as a child2 but when ,i became a man1 ,i put away childish things4 ,it is1 properly1 from the elevated mind of ,france that the folly of titles has fallen4 ,it has outgrown the baby clothes of ,count and ,duke1 and breeched itself in manhood4 ,france has not levelled1 it has exalted4 ,it has put down the dwarf1 to set up the man4 ,the punyism of a senseless word like ,duke1 ,count or ,earl has ceased to please4 ,even those who possessed them have disowned the gibberish1 and as they outgrew the rickets1 have despised the rattle4 ,the genuine mind of man1 thirsting for its native home1 society1 contemns the gewgaws that separate him from it4 ,titles are like circles drawn by the magician's wand1 to contract the sphere of man's felicity4 ,he lives immured within the ,bastille of a word1 and surveys at a distance the envied life of man4 ,is it1 then1 any wonder that titles should fall in ,france8 ,is it not a greater wonder that they should be kept up anywhere8 ,what are they8 ,what is their worth1 and what is their amount8 ,when we think or speak of a ,judge or a ,general1 we associate with it the ideas of office and character2 we think of gravity in one and bravery in the other2 but when we use the word merely as a title1 no ideas associate with it4 ,through all the vocabulary of ,adam there is not such an animal as a ,duke or a ,count2 neither can we connect any certain ideas with the words4 ,whether they mean strength or weakness1 wisdom or folly1 a child or a man1 or the rider or the horse1 is all equivocal4 ,what respect then can be paid to that which describes nothing1 and which means nothing8 ,imagination has given figure and character to centaurs1 satyrs1 and down to all the fairy tribe2 but titles baffle even the powers of fancy1 and are a chimerical nondescript4 ,but this is not all4 ,if a whole country is disposed to hold them in contempt1 all their value is gone1 and none will own them4 ,it is common opinion only that makes them anything1 or nothing1 or worse than nothing4 ,there is no occasion to take titles away1 for they take themselves away when society concurs to ridicule them4 ,this species of imaginary consequence has visibly declined in every part of ,europe1 and it hastens to its exit as the world of reason continues to rise4 ,there was a time when the lowest class of what are called nobility was more thought of than the highest is now1 and when a man in armour riding throughout ,christendom in quest of adventures was more stared at than a modern ,duke4 ,the world has seen this folly fall1 and it has fallen by being laughed at1 and the farce of titles will follow its fate4 ,the patriots of ,france have discovered in good time that rank and dignity in society must take a new ground4 ,the old one has fallen through4 ,it must now take the substantial ground of character1 instead of the chimerical ground of titles2 and they have brought their titles to the altar1 and made of them a burnt-offering to ,reason4 ,if no mischief had annexed itself to the folly of titles they would not have been worth a serious and formal destruction1 such as the ,national ,assembly have decreed them2 and this makes it necessary to enquire farther into the nature and character of aristocracy4 ,that1 then1 which is called aristocracy in some countries and nobility in others arose out of the governments founded upon conquest4 ,it was originally a military order for the purpose of supporting military government 7for such were all governments founded in conquest72 and to keep up a succession of this order for the purpose for which it was established1 all the younger branches of those families were disinherited and the law of primogenitureship set up4 ,the nature and character of aristocracy shows itself to us in this law4 ,it is the law against every other law of nature1 and ,nature herself calls for its destruction4 ,establish family justice1 and aristocracy falls4 ,by the aristocratical law of primogenitureship1 in a family of six children five are exposed4 ,aristocracy has never more than one child4 ,the rest are begotten to be devoured4 ,they are thrown to the cannibal for prey1 and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repast4 ,as everything which is out of nature in man affects1 more or less1 the interest of society1 so does this4 ,all the children which the aristocracy disowns 7which are all except the eldest7 are1 in general1 cast like orphans on a parish1 to be provided for by the public1 but at a greater charge4 ,unnecessary offices and places in governments and courts are created at the expense of the public to maintain them4 ,with what kind of parental reflections can the father or mother contemplate their younger offspring8 ,by nature they are children1 and by marriage they are heirs2 but by aristocracy they are bastards and orphans4 ,they are the flesh and blood of their parents in the one line1 and nothing akin to them in the other4 ,to restore1 therefore1 parents to their children1 and children to their parents relations to each other1 and man to society--and to exterminate the monster aristocracy1 root and branch--the ,french ,constitution has destroyed the law of ,primogenitureship4 ,here then lies the monster2 and ,mr4 ,burke1 if he pleases1 may write its epitaph4 ,hitherto we have considered aristocracy chiefly in one point of view4 ,we have now to consider it in another4 ,but whether we view it before or behind1 or sideways1 or any way else1 domestically or publicly1 it is still a monster4 ,in ,france aristocracy had one feature less in its countenance than what it has in some other countries4 ,it did not compose a body of hereditary legislators4 ,it was not a corporation of aristocracy1 for such ,i have heard ,m4 de la ,fayette describe an ,english ,house of ,peers4 ,let us then examine the grounds upon which the ,french ,constitution has resolved against having such a ,house in ,france4 ,because1 in the first place1 as is already mentioned1 aristocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injustice4 ,secondly4 ,because there is an unnatural unfitness in an aristocracy to be legislators for a nation4 ,their ideas of distributive justice are corrupted at the very source4 ,they begin life by trampling on all their younger brothers and sisters1 and relations of every kind1 and are taught and educated so to do4 ,with what ideas of justice or honour can that man enter a house of legislation1 who absorbs in his own person the inheritance of a whole family of children or doles out to them some pitiful portion with the insolence of a gift8 ,thirdly4 ,because the idea of hereditary legislators is as inconsistent as that of hereditary judges1 or hereditary juries2 and as absurd as an hereditary mathematician1 or an hereditary wise man2 and as ridiculous as an hereditary poet laureate4 ,fourthly4 ,because a body of men1 holding themselves accountable to nobody1 ought not to be trusted by anybody4 ,fifthly4 ,because it is continuing the uncivilised principle of governments founded in conquest1 and the base idea of man having property in man1 and governing him by personal right4 ,sixthly4 ,because aristocracy has a tendency to deteriorate the human species4 ,by the universal economy of nature it is known1 and by the instance of the ,jews it is proved1 that the human species has a tendency to degenerate1 in any small number of persons1 when separated from the general stock of society1 and inter-marrying constantly with each other4 ,it defeats even its pretended end1 and becomes in time the opposite of what is noble in man4 ,mr4 ,burke talks of nobility2 let him show what it is4 ,the greatest characters the world have known have arisen on the democratic floor4 ,aristocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate pace with democracy4 ,the artificial ,noble shrinks into a dwarf before the ,noble of ,nature2 and in the few instances of those 7for there are some in all countries7 in whom nature1 as by a miracle1 has survived in aristocracy1 ,those ,men ,despise ,it4--,but it is time to proceed to a new subject4 ,the ,french ,constitution has reformed the condition of the clergy4 ,it has raised the income of the lower and middle classes1 and taken from the higher4 ,none are now less than twelve hundred livres 7fifty pounds sterling71 nor any higher than two or three thousand pounds4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,hear what he says4 ,he says3 ,that the people of ,england can see without pain or grudging1 an archbishop precede a duke2 they can see a ,bishop of ,durham1 or a ,bishop of ,winchester in possession of ,l#aj1jjj a-year2 and cannot see why it is in worse hands than estates to a like amount1 in the hands of this earl or that squire4 ,and ,mr4 ,burke offers this as an example to ,france4 ,as to the first part1 whether the archbishop precedes the duke1 or the duke the bishop1 it is1 ,i believe1 to the people in general1 somewhat like ,sternhold and ,hopkins1 or ,hopkins and ,sternhold2 you may put which you please first2 and as ,i confess that ,i do not understand the merits of this case1 ,i will not contest it with ,mr4 ,burke4 ,but with respect to the latter1 ,i have something to say4 ,mr4 ,burke has not put the case right4 ,the comparison is out of order1 by being put between the bishop and the earl or the squire4 ,it ought to be put between the bishop and the curate1 and then it will stand thus3--,the people of ,england can see without pain or grudging1 a ,bishop of ,durham1 or a ,bishop of ,winchester1 in possession of ten thousand pounds a-year1 and a curate on thirty or forty pounds a-year1 or less4 ,no1 sir1 they certainly do not see those things without great pain or grudging4 ,it is a case that applies itself to every man's sense of justice1 and is one among many that calls aloud for a constitution4 ,in ,france the cry of the church6 the church6 was repeated as often as in ,mr4 ,burke's book1 and as loudly as when the ,dissenters' ,bill was before the ,english ,parliament2 but the generality of the ,french clergy were not to be deceived by this cry any longer4 ,they knew that whatever the pretence might be1 it was they who were one of the principal objects of it4 ,it was the cry of the high beneficed clergy1 to prevent any regulation of income taking place between those of ten thousand pounds a-year and the parish priest4 ,they therefore joined their case to those of every other oppressed class of men1 and by this union obtained redress4 ,the ,french ,constitution has abolished tythes1 that source of perpetual discontent between the tythe-holder and the parishioner4 ,when land is held on tythe1 it is in the condition of an estate held between two parties2 the one receiving one-tenth1 and the other nine-tenths of the produce3 and consequently1 on principles of equity1 if the estate can be improved1 and made to produce by that improvement double or treble what it did before1 or in any other ratio1 the expense of such improvement ought to be borne in like proportion between the parties who are to share the produce4 ,but this is not the case in tythes3 the farmer bears the whole expense1 and the tythe-holder takes a tenth of the improvement1 in addition to the original tenth1 and by this means gets the value of two-tenths instead of one4 ,this is another case that calls for a constitution4 ,the ,french ,constitution hath abolished or renounced ,toleration and ,intolerance also1 and hath established ,universal ,right ,of ,conscience4 ,toleration is not the opposite of ,intolerance1 but is the counterfeit of it4 ,both are despotisms4 ,the one assumes to itself the right of withholding ,liberty of ,conscience1 and the other of granting it4 ,the one is the ,pope armed with fire and faggot1 and the other is the ,pope selling or granting indulgences4 ,the former is church and state1 and the latter is church and traffic4 ,but ,toleration may be viewed in a much stronger light4 ,man worships not himself1 but his ,maker2 and the liberty of conscience which he claims is not for the service of himself1 but of his ,god4 ,in this case1 therefore1 we must necessarily have the associated idea of two things2 the mortal who renders the worship1 and the ,immortal ,being who is worshipped4 ,toleration1 therefore1 places itself1 not between man and man1 nor between church and church1 nor between one denomination of religion and another1 but between ,god and man2 between the being who worships1 and the ,being who is worshipped2 and by the same act of assumed authority which it tolerates man to pay his worship1 it presumptuously and blasphemously sets itself up to tolerate the ,almighty to receive it4 ,were a bill brought into any ,parliament1 entitled1 ,an ,act to tolerate or grant liberty to the ,almighty to receive the worship of a ,jew or ,turk1 or to prohibit the ,almighty from receiving it1 all men would startle and call it blasphemy4 ,there would be an uproar4 ,the presumption of toleration in religious matters would then present itself unmasked2 but the presumption is not the less because the name of ,man only appears to those laws1 for the associated idea of the worshipper and the worshipped cannot be separated4 ,who then art thou1 vain dust and ashes6 by whatever name thou art called1 whether a ,king1 a ,bishop1 a ,church1 or a ,state1 a ,parliament1 or anything else1 that obtrudest thine insignificance between the soul of man and its ,maker8 ,mind thine own concerns4 ,if he believes not as thou believest1 it is a proof that thou believest not as he believes1 and there is no earthly power can determine between you4 ,with respect to what are called denominations of religion1 if every one is left to judge of its own religion1 there is no such thing as a religion that is wrong2 but if they are to judge of each other's religion1 there is no such thing as a religion that is right2 and therefore all the world is right1 or all the world is wrong4 ,but with respect to religion itself1 without regard to names1 and as directing itself from the universal family of mankind to the ,divine object of all adoration1 it is man bringing to his ,maker the fruits of his heart2 and though those fruits may differ from each other like the fruits of the earth1 the grateful tribute of every one is accepted4 ,a ,bishop of ,durham1 or a ,bishop of ,winchester1 or the archbishop who heads the dukes1 will not refuse a tythe-sheaf of wheat because it is not a cock of hay1 nor a cock of hay because it is not a sheaf of wheat2 nor a pig1 because it is neither one nor the other2 but these same persons1 under the figure of an established church1 will not permit their ,maker to receive the varied tythes of man's devotion4 ,one of the continual choruses of ,mr4 ,burke's book is ,church and ,state4 ,he does not mean some one particular church1 or some one particular state1 but any church and state2 and he uses the term as a general figure to hold forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church with the state in every country1 and he censures the ,national ,assembly for not having done this in ,france4 ,let us bestow a few thoughts on this subject4 ,all religions are in their nature kind and benign1 and united with principles of morality4 ,they could not have made proselytes at first by professing anything that was vicious1 cruel1 persecuting1 or immoral4 ,like everything else1 they had their beginning2 and they proceeded by persuasion1 exhortation1 and example4 ,how then is it that they lose their native mildness1 and become morose and intolerant8 ,it proceeds from the connection which ,mr4 ,burke recommends4 ,by engendering the church with the state1 a sort of mule-animal1 capable only of destroying1 and not of breeding up1 is produced1 called the ,church established by ,law4 ,it is a stranger1 even from its birth1 to any parent mother1 on whom it is begotten1 and whom in time it kicks out and destroys4 ,the inquisition in ,spain does not proceed from the religion originally professed1 but from this mule-animal1 engendered between the church and the state4 ,the burnings in ,smithfield proceeded from the same heterogeneous production2 and it was the regeneration of this strange animal in ,england afterwards1 that renewed rancour and irreligion among the inhabitants1 and that drove the people called ,quakers and ,dissenters to ,america4 ,persecution is not an original feature in any religion2 but it is alway the strongly-marked feature of all law-religions1 or religions established by law4 ,take away the law-establishment1 and every religion re-assumes its original benignity4 ,in ,america1 a catholic priest is a good citizen1 a good character1 and a good neighbour2 an episcopalian minister is of the same description3 and this proceeds independently of the men1 from there being no law-establishment in ,america4 ,if also we view this matter in a temporal sense1 we shall see the ill effects it has had on the prosperity of nations4 ,the union of church and state has impoverished ,spain4 ,the revoking the edict of ,nantes drove the silk manufacture from that country into ,england2 and church and state are now driving the cotton manufacture from ,england to ,america and ,france4 ,let then ,mr4 ,burke continue to preach his antipolitical doctrine of ,church and ,state4 ,it will do some good4 ,the ,national ,assembly will not follow his advice1 but will benefit by his folly4 ,it was by observing the ill effects of it in ,england1 that ,america has been warned against it2 and it is by experiencing them in ,france1 that the ,national ,assembly have abolished it1 and1 like ,america1 have established ,universal ,right ,of ,conscience1 ,and ,universal ,right ,of ,citizenship499#g ,i will here cease the comparison with respect to the principles of the ,french ,constitution1 and conclude this part of the subject with a few observations on the organisation of the formal parts of the ,french and ,english governments4 ,the executive power in each country is in the hands of a person styled the ,king2 but the ,french ,constitution distinguishes between the ,king and the ,sovereign3 ,it considers the station of ,king as official1 and places ,sovereignty in the nation4 ,the representatives of the nation1 who compose the ,national ,assembly1 and who are the legislative power1 originate in and from the people by election1 as an inherent right in the people4--,in ,england it is otherwise2 and this arises from the original establishment of what is called its monarchy2 for1 as by the conquest all the rights of the people or the nation were absorbed into the hands of the ,conqueror1 and who added the title of ,king to that of ,conqueror1 those same matters which in ,france are now held as rights in the people1 or in the nation1 are held in ,england as grants from what is called the crown4 ,the ,parliament in ,england1 in both its branches1 was erected by patents from the descendants of the ,conqueror4 ,the ,house of ,commons did not originate as a matter of right in the people to delegate or elect1 but as a grant or boon4 ,by the ,french ,constitution the nation is always named before the king4 ,the third article of the declaration of rights says3 ,the nation is essentially the source 7or fountain7 of all sovereignty4 ,mr4 ,burke argues that in ,england a king is the fountain--that he is the fountain of all honour4 ,but as this idea is evidently descended from the conquest ,i shall make no other remark upon it1 than that it is the nature of conquest to turn everything upside down2 and as ,mr4 ,burke will not be refused the privilege of speaking twice1 and as there are but two parts in the figure1 the fountain and the spout1 he will be right the second time4 ,the ,french ,constitution puts the legislative before the executive1 the law before the king2 la loi1 le roi4 ,this also is in the natural order of things1 because laws must have existence before they can have execution4 ,a king in ,france does not1 in addressing himself to the ,national ,assembly1 say1 ,my ,assembly1 similar to the phrase used in ,england of my ,parliament2 neither can he use it consistently with the constitution1 nor could it be admitted4 ,there may be propriety in the use of it in ,england1 because as is before mentioned1 both ,houses of ,parliament originated from what is called the crown by patent or boon--and not from the inherent rights of the people1 as the ,national ,assembly does in ,france1 and whose name designates its origin4 ,the ,president of the ,national ,assembly does not ask the ,king to grant to the ,assembly liberty of speech1 as is the case with the ,english ,house of ,commons4 ,the constitutional dignity of the ,national ,assembly cannot debase itself4 ,speech is1 in the first place1 one of the natural rights of man always retained2 and with respect to the ,national ,assembly the use of it is their duty1 and the nation is their authority4 ,they were elected by the greatest body of men exercising the right of election the ,european world ever saw4 ,they sprung not from the filth of rotten boroughs1 nor are they the vassal representatives of aristocratical ones4 ,feeling the proper dignity of their character they support it4 ,their ,parliamentary language1 whether for or against a question1 is free1 bold and manly1 and extends to all the parts and circumstances of the case4 ,if any matter or subject respecting the executive department or the person who presides in it 7the king7 comes before them it is debated on with the spirit of men1 and in the language of gentlemen2 and their answer or their address is returned in the same style4 ,they stand not aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar ignorance1 nor bend with the cringe of sycophantic insignificance4 ,the graceful pride of truth knows no extremes1 and preserves1 in every latitude of life1 the right-angled character of man4 ,let us now look to the other side of the question4 ,in the addresses of the ,english ,parliaments to their kings we see neither the intrepid spirit of the old ,parliaments of ,france1 nor the serene dignity of the present ,national ,assembly2 neither do we see in them anything of the style of ,english manners1 which border somewhat on bluntness4 ,since then they are neither of foreign extraction1 nor naturally of ,english production1 their origin must be sought for elsewhere1 and that origin is the ,norman ,conquest4 ,they are evidently of the vassalage class of manners1 and emphatically mark the prostrate distance that exists in no other condition of men than between the conqueror and the conquered4 ,that this vassalage idea and style of speaking was not got rid of even at the ,revolution of #afhh1 is evident from the declaration of ,parliament to ,william and ,mary in these words3 ,we do most humbly and faithfully submit ourselves1 our heirs and posterities1 for ever4 ,submission is wholly a vassalage term1 repugnant to the dignity of freedom1 and an echo of the language used at the ,conquest4 ,as the estimation of all things is given by comparison1 the ,revolution of #afhh1 however from circumstances it may have been exalted beyond its value1 will find its level4 ,it is already on the wane1 eclipsed by the enlarging orb of reason1 and the luminous revolutions of ,america and ,france4 ,in less than another century it will go1 as well as ,mr4 ,burke's labours1 to the family vault of all the ,capulets4 ,mankind will then scarcely believe that a country calling itself free would send to ,holland for a man1 and clothe him with power on purpose to put themselves in fear of him1 and give him almost a million sterling a year for leave to submit themselves and their posterity1 like bondmen and bondwomen1 for ever4 ,but there is a truth that ought to be made known2 ,i have had the opportunity of seeing it2 which is1 that notwithstanding appearances1 there is not any description of men that despise monarchy so much as courtiers4 ,but they well know1 that if it were seen by others1 as it is seen by them1 the juggle could not be kept up2 they are in the condition of men who get their living by a show1 and to whom the folly of that show is so familiar that they ridicule it2 but were the audience to be made as wise in this respect as themselves1 there would be an end to the show and the profits with it4 ,the difference between a republican and a courtier with respect to monarchy1 is that the one opposes monarchy1 believing it to be something2 and the other laughs at it1 knowing it to be nothing4 ,as ,i used sometimes to correspond with ,mr4 ,burke believing him then to be a man of sounder principles than his book shows him to be1 ,i wrote to him last winter from ,paris1 and gave him an account how prosperously matters were going on4 ,among other subjects in that letter1 ,i referred to the happy situation the ,national ,assembly were placed in2 that they had taken ground on which their moral duty and their political interest were united4 ,they have not to hold out a language which they do not themselves believe1 for the fraudulent purpose of making others believe it4 ,their station requires no artifice to support it1 and can only be maintained by enlightening mankind4 ,it is not their interest to cherish ignorance1 but to dispel it4 ,they are not in the case of a ministerial or an opposition party in ,england1 who1 though they are opposed1 are still united to keep up the common mystery4 ,the ,national ,assembly must throw open a magazine of light4 ,it must show man the proper character of man2 and the nearer it can bring him to that standard1 the stronger the ,national ,assembly becomes4 ,in contemplating the ,french ,constitution1 we see in it a rational order of things4 ,the principles harmonise with the forms1 and both with their origin4 ,it may perhaps be said as an excuse for bad forms1 that they are nothing more than forms2 but this is a mistake4 ,forms grow out of principles1 and operate to continue the principles they grow from4 ,it is impossible to practise a bad form on anything but a bad principle4 ,it cannot be ingrafted on a good one2 and wherever the forms in any government are bad1 it is a certain indication that the principles are bad also4 ,i will here finally close this subject4 ,i began it by remarking that ,mr4 ,burke had voluntarily declined going into a comparison of the ,english and ,french ,constitutions4 ,he apologises 7in page #bda7 for not doing it1 by saying that he had not time4 ,mr4 ,burke's book was upwards of eight months in hand1 and is extended to a volume of three hundred and sixty-six pages4 ,as his omission does injury to his cause1 his apology makes it worse2 and men on the ,english side of the water will begin to consider1 whether there is not some radical defect in what is called the ,english constitution1 that made it necessary for ,mr4 ,burke to suppress the comparison1 to avoid bringing it into view4 ,as ,mr4 ,burke has not written on constitutions so neither has he written on the ,french ,revolution4 ,he gives no account of its commencement or its progress4 ,he only expresses his wonder4 ,it looks1 says he1 to me1 as if ,i were in a great crisis1 not of the affairs of ,france alone1 but of all ,europe1 perhaps of more than ,europe4 ,all circumstances taken together1 the ,french ,revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world4 ,as wise men are astonished at foolish things1 and other people at wise ones1 ,i know not on which ground to account for ,mr4 ,burke's astonishment2 but certain it is1 that he does not understand the ,french ,revolution4 ,it has apparently burst forth like a creation from a chaos1 but it is no more than the consequence of a mental revolution priorily existing in ,france4 ,the mind of the nation had changed beforehand1 and the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of thoughts4 ,i will here1 as concisely as ,i can1 trace out the growth of the ,french ,revolution1 and mark the circumstances that have contributed to produce it4 ,the despotism of ,louis ,,xiv41 united with the gaiety of his ,court1 and the gaudy ostentation of his character1 had so humbled1 and at the same time so fascinated the mind of ,france1 that the people appeared to have lost all sense of their own dignity1 in contemplating that of their ,grand ,monarch2 and the whole reign of ,louis ,,xv41 remarkable only for weakness and effeminacy1 made no other alteration than that of spreading a sort of lethargy over the nation1 from which it showed no disposition to rise4 ,the only signs which appeared to the spirit of ,liberty during those periods1 are to be found in the writings of the ,french philosophers4 ,montesquieu1 ,president of the ,parliament of ,bordeaux1 went as far as a writer under a despotic government could well proceed2 and being obliged to divide himself between principle and prudence1 his mind often appears under a veil1 and we ought to give him credit for more than he has expressed4 ,voltaire1 who was both the flatterer and the satirist of despotism1 took another line4 ,his forte lay in exposing and ridiculing the superstitions which priest-craft1 united with state-craft1 had interwoven with governments4 ,it was not from the purity of his principles1 or his love of mankind 7for satire and philanthropy are not naturally concordant71 but from his strong capacity of seeing folly in its true shape1 and his irresistible propensity to expose it1 that he made those attacks4 ,they were1 however1 as formidable as if the motive had been virtuous2 and he merits the thanks rather than the esteem of mankind4 ,on the contrary1 we find in the writings of ,rousseau1 and the ,abbe ,raynal1 a loveliness of sentiment in favour of liberty1 that excites respect1 and elevates the human faculties2 but having raised this animation1 they do not direct its operation1 and leave the mind in love with an object1 without describing the means of possessing it4 ,the writings of ,quesnay1 ,turgot1 and the friends of those authors1 are of the serious kind2 but they laboured under the same disadvantage with ,montesquieu2 their writings abound with moral maxims of government1 but are rather directed to economise and reform the administration of the government1 than the government itself4 ,but all those writings and many others had their weight2 and by the different manner in which they treated the subject of government1 ,montesquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws1 ,voltaire by his wit1 ,rousseau and ,raynal by their animation1 and ,quesnay and ,turgot by their moral maxims and systems of economy1 readers of every class met with something to their taste1 and a spirit of political inquiry began to diffuse itself through the nation at the time the dispute between ,england and the then colonies of ,america broke out4 ,in the war which ,france afterwards engaged in1 it is very well known that the nation appeared to be before-hand with the ,french ministry4 ,each of them had its view2 but those views were directed to different objects2 the one sought liberty1 and the other retaliation on ,england4 ,the ,french officers and soldiers who after this went to ,america1 were eventually placed in the school of ,freedom1 and learned the practice as well as the principles of it by heart4 ,as it was impossible to separate the military events which took place in ,america from the principles of the ,american ,revolution1 the publication of those events in ,france necessarily connected themselves with the principles which produced them4 ,many of the facts were in themselves principles2 such as the declaration of ,american ,independence1 and the treaty of alliance between ,france and ,america1 which recognised the natural rights of man1 and justified resistance to oppression4 ,the then ,minister of ,france1 ,count ,vergennes1 was not the friend of ,america2 and it is both justice and gratitude to say1 that it was the ,queen of ,france who gave the cause of ,america a fashion at the ,french ,court4 ,count ,vergennes was the personal and social friend of ,dr4 ,franklin2 and the ,doctor had obtained1 by his sensible gracefulness1 a sort of influence over him2 but with respect to principles ,count ,vergennes was a despot4 ,the situation of ,dr4 ,franklin1 as ,minister from ,america to ,france1 should be taken into the chain of circumstances4 ,the diplomatic character is of itself the narrowest sphere of society that man can act in4 ,it forbids intercourse by the reciprocity of suspicion2 and a diplomatic is a sort of unconnected atom1 continually repelling and repelled4 ,but this was not the case with ,dr4 ,franklin4 ,he was not the diplomatic of a ,court1 but of ,man4 ,his character as a philosopher had been long established1 and his circle of society in ,france was universal4 ,count ,vergennes resisted for a considerable time the publication in ,france of ,american constitutions1 translated into the ,french language3 but even in this he was obliged to give way to public opinion1 and a sort of propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to defend4 ,the ,american constitutions were to liberty what a grammar is to language3 they define its parts of speech1 and practically construct them into syntax4 ,the peculiar situation of the then ,marquis de la ,fayette is another link in the great chain4 ,he served in ,america as an ,american officer under a commission of ,congress1 and by the universality of his acquaintance was in close friendship with the civil government of ,america1 as well as with the military line4 ,he spoke the language of the country1 entered into the discussions on the principles of government1 and was always a welcome friend at any election4 ,when the war closed1 a vast reinforcement to the cause of ,liberty spread itself over ,france1 by the return of the ,french officers and soldiers4 ,a knowledge of the practice was then joined to the theory2 and all that was wanting to give it real existence was opportunity4 ,man cannot1 properly speaking1 make circumstances for his purpose1 but he always has it in his power to improve them when they occur1 and this was the case in ,france4 ,m4 ,neckar was displaced in ,may1 #agha2 and by the ill-management of the finances afterwards1 and particularly during the extravagant administration of ,m4 ,calonne1 the revenue of ,france1 which was nearly twenty-four millions sterling per year1 was become unequal to the expenditure1 not because the revenue had decreased1 but because the expenses had increased2 and this was a circumstance which the nation laid hold of to bring forward a ,revolution4 ,the ,english ,minister1 ,mr4 ,pitt1 has frequently alluded to the state of the ,french finances in his budgets1 without understanding the subject4 ,had the ,french ,parliaments been as ready to register edicts for new taxes as an ,english ,parliament is to grant them1 there had been no derangement in the finances1 nor yet any ,revolution2 but this will better explain itself as ,i proceed4 ,it will be necessary here to show how taxes were formerly raised in ,france4 ,the ,king1 or rather the ,court or ,ministry acting under the use of that name1 framed the edicts for taxes at their own discretion1 and sent them to the ,parliaments to be registered2 for until they were registered by the ,parliaments they were not operative4 ,disputes had long existed between the ,court and the ,parliaments with respect to the extent of the ,parliament's authority on this head4 ,the ,court insisted that the authority of ,parliaments went no farther than to remonstrate or show reasons against the tax1 reserving to itself the right of determining whether the reasons were well or ill-founded2 and in consequence thereof1 either to withdraw the edict as a matter of choice1 or to order it to be unregistered as a matter of authority4 ,the ,parliaments on their part insisted that they had not only a right to remonstrate1 but to reject2 and on this ground they were always supported by the nation4 ,but to return to the order of my narrative4 ,m4 ,calonne wanted money3 and as he knew the sturdy disposition of the ,parliaments with respect to new taxes1 he ingeniously sought either to approach them by a more gentle means than that of direct authority1 or to get over their heads by a manoeuvre2 and for this purpose he revived the project of assembling a body of men from the several provinces1 under the style of an ,assembly of the ,notables1 or men of note1 who met in #aghg1 and who were either to recommend taxes to the ,parliaments1 or to act as a ,parliament themselves4 ,an ,assembly under this name had been called in #afag4 ,as we are to view this as the first practical step towards the ,revolution1 it will be proper to enter into some particulars respecting it4 ,the ,assembly of the ,notables has in some places been mistaken for the ,states-,general1 but was wholly a different body1 the ,states-,general being always by election4 ,the persons who composed the ,assembly of the ,notables were all nominated by the king1 and consisted of one hundred and forty members4 ,but as ,m4 ,calonne could not depend upon a majority of this ,assembly in his favour1 he very ingeniously arranged them in such a manner as to make forty-four a majority of one hundred and forty2 to effect this he disposed of them into seven separate committees1 of twenty members each4 ,every general question was to be decided1 not by a majority of persons1 but by a majority of committee1 and as eleven votes would make a majority in a committee1 and four committees a majority of seven1 ,m4 ,calonne had good reason to conclude that as forty-four would determine any general question he could not be outvoted4 ,but all his plans deceived him1 and in the event became his overthrow4 ,the then ,marquis de la ,fayette was placed in the second committee1 of which the ,count ,d',artois was president1 and as money matters were the object1 it naturally brought into view every circumstance connected with it4 ,m4 de la ,fayette made a verbal charge against ,calonne for selling crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres1 in a manner that appeared to be unknown to the king4 ,the ,count ,d',artois 7as if to intimidate1 for the ,bastille was then in being7 asked the ,marquis if he would render the charge in writing8 ,he replied that he would4 ,the ,count ,d',artois did not demand it1 but brought a message from the king to that purport4 ,m4 de la ,fayette then delivered in his charge in writing1 to be given to the king1 undertaking to support it4 ,no farther proceedings were had upon this affair1 but ,m4 ,calonne was soon after dismissed by the king and set off to ,england4 ,as ,m4 de la ,fayette1 from the experience of what he had seen in ,america1 was better acquainted with the science of civil government than the generality of the members who composed the ,assembly of the ,notables could then be1 the brunt of the business fell considerably to his share4 ,the plan of those who had a constitution in view was to contend with the ,court on the ground of taxes1 and some of them openly professed their object4 ,disputes frequently arose between ,count ,d',artois and ,m4 de la ,fayette upon various subjects4 ,with respect to the arrears already incurred the latter proposed to remedy them by accommodating the expenses to the revenue instead of the revenue to the expenses2 and as objects of reform he proposed to abolish the ,bastille and all the ,state prisons throughout the nation 7the keeping of which was attended with great expense71 and to suppress ,lettres de ,cachet2 but those matters were not then much attended to1 and with respect to ,lettres de ,cachet1 a majority of the ,nobles appeared to be in favour of them4 ,on the subject of supplying the ,treasury by new taxes the ,assembly declined taking the matter on themselves1 concurring in the opinion that they had not authority4 ,in a debate on this subject ,m4 de la ,fayette said that raising money by taxes could only be done by a ,national ,assembly1 freely elected by the people1 and acting as their representatives4 ,do you mean1 said the ,count ,d',artois1 the ,states-,general8 ,m4 de la ,fayette replied that he did4 ,will you1 said the ,count ,d',artois1 sign what you say to be given to the king8 ,the other replied that he would not only do this but that he would go farther1 and say that the effectual mode would be for the king to agree to the establishment of a constitution4 ,as one of the plans had thus failed1 that of getting the ,assembly to act as a ,parliament1 the other came into view1 that of recommending4 ,on this subject the ,assembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be unregistered by the ,parliament3 the one a stamp-tax and the other a territorial tax1 or sort of land-tax4 ,the two have been estimated at about five millions sterling per annum4 ,we have now to turn our attention to the ,parliaments1 on whom the business was again devolving4 ,the ,archbishop of ,thoulouse 7since ,archbishop of ,sens1 and now a ,cardinal71 was appointed to the administration of the finances soon after the dismission of ,calonne4 ,he was also made ,prime ,minister1 an office that did not always exist in ,france4 ,when this office did not exist1 the chief of each of the principal departments transacted business immediately with the ,king1 but when a ,prime ,minister was appointed they did business only with him4 ,the ,archbishop arrived to more state authority than any minister since the ,duke de ,choiseul1 and the nation was strongly disposed in his favour2 but by a line of conduct scarcely to be accounted for he perverted every opportunity1 turned out a despot1 and sunk into disgrace1 and a ,cardinal4 ,the ,assembly of the ,notables having broken up1 the minister sent the edicts for the two new taxes recommended by the ,assembly to the ,parliaments to be unregistered4 ,they of course came first before the ,parliament of ,paris1 who returned for answer3 that with such a revenue as the nation then supported the name of taxes ought not to be mentioned but for the purpose of reducing them2 and threw both the edicts out499#h ,on this refusal the ,parliament was ordered to ,versailles1 where1 in the usual form1 the ,king held what under the old government was called a ,bed of justice2 and the two edicts were unregistered in presence of the ,parliament by an order of ,state1 in the manner mentioned1 earlier4 ,on this the ,parliament immediately returned to ,paris1 renewed their session in form1 and ordered the enregistering to be struck out1 declaring that everything done at ,versailles was illegal4 ,all the members of the ,parliament were then served with ,lettres de ,cachet1 and exiled to ,troyes2 but as they continued as inflexible in exile as before1 and as vengeance did not supply the place of taxes1 they were after a short time recalled to ,paris4 ,the edicts were again tendered to them1 and the ,count ,d',artois undertook to act as representative of the ,king4 ,for this purpose he came from ,versailles to ,paris1 in a train of procession2 and the ,parliament were assembled to receive him4 ,but show and parade had lost their influence in ,france2 and whatever ideas of importance he might set off with1 he had to return with those of mortification and disappointment4 ,on alighting from his carriage to ascend the steps of the ,parliament ,house1 the crowd 7which was numerously collected7 threw out trite expressions1 saying3 ,this is ,monsieur ,d',artois1 who wants more of our money to spend4 ,the marked disapprobation which he saw impressed him with apprehensions1 and the word ,aux armes6 7,to arms67 was given out by the officer of the guard who attended him4 ,it was so loudly vociferated1 that it echoed through the avenues of the house1 and produced a temporary confusion4 ,i was then standing in one of the apartments through which he had to pass1 and could not avoid reflecting how wretched was the condition of a disrespected man4 ,he endeavoured to impress the ,parliament by great words1 and opened his authority by saying1 ,the ,king1 our ,lord and ,master4 ,the ,parliament received him very coolly1 and with their usual determination not to register the taxes3 and in this manner the interview ended4 ,after this a new subject took place3 ,in the various debates and contests which arose between the ,court and the ,parliaments on the subject of taxes1 the ,parliament of ,paris at last declared that although it had been customary for ,parliaments to enregister edicts for taxes as a matter of convenience1 the right belonged only to the ,states-,general2 and that1 therefore1 the ,parliament could no longer with propriety continue to debate on what it had not authority to act4 ,the ,king after this came to ,paris and held a meeting with the ,parliament1 in which he continued from ten in the morning till about six in the evening1 and1 in a manner that appeared to proceed from him as if unconsulted upon with the ,cabinet or ,ministry1 gave his word to the ,parliament that the ,states-,general should be convened4 ,but after this another scene arose1 on a ground different from all the former4 ,the ,minister and the ,cabinet were averse to calling the ,states-,general4 ,they well knew that if the ,states-,general were assembled1 themselves must fall2 and as the ,king had not mentioned any time1 they hit on a project calculated to elude1 without appearing to oppose4 ,for this purpose1 the ,court set about making a sort of constitution itself4 ,it was principally the work of ,m4 ,lamoignon1 the ,keeper of the ,seals1 who afterwards shot himself4 ,this new arrangement consisted in establishing a body under the name of a ,cour ,pleniere1 or ,full ,court1 in which were invested all the powers that the ,government might have occasion to make use of4 ,the persons composing this ,court were to be nominated by the ,king2 the contended right of taxation was given up on the part of the ,king1 and a new criminal code of laws and law proceedings was substituted in the room of the former4 ,the thing1 in many points1 contained better principles than those upon which the ,government had hitherto been administered2 but with respect to the ,cour ,pleniere1 it was no other than a medium through which despotism was to pass1 without appearing to act directly from itself4 ,the ,cabinet had high expectations from their new contrivance4 ,the people who were to compose the ,cour ,pleniere were already nominated2 and as it was necessary to carry a fair appearance1 many of the best characters in the nation were appointed among the number4 ,it was to commence on ,may #h1 #aghh2 but an opposition arose to it on two grounds the one as to principle1 the other as to form4 ,on the ground of ,principle it was contended that ,government had not a right to alter itself1 and that if the practice was once admitted it would grow into a principle and be made a precedent for any future alterations the ,government might wish to establish3 that the right of altering the ,government was a national right1 and not a right of ,government4 ,and on the ground of form it was contended that the ,cour ,pleniere was nothing more than a larger ,cabinet4 ,the then ,duke de la ,rochefoucault1 ,luxembourg1 ,de ,noailles1 and many others1 refused to accept the nomination1 and strenuously opposed the whole plan4 ,when the edict for establishing this new court was sent to the ,parliaments to be unregistered and put into execution1 they resisted also4 ,the ,parliament of ,paris not only refused1 but denied the authority2 and the contest renewed itself between the ,parliament and the ,cabinet more strongly than ever4 ,while the ,parliament were sitting in debate on this subject1 the ,ministry ordered a regiment of soldiers to surround the ,house and form a blockade4 ,the members sent out for beds and provisions1 and lived as in a besieged citadel3 and as this had no effect1 the commanding officer was ordered to enter the ,parliament ,house and seize them1 which he did1 and some of the principal members were shut up in different prisons4 ,about the same time a deputation of persons arrived from the province of ,brittany to remonstrate against the establishment of the ,cour ,pleniere1 and those the archbishop sent to the ,bastille4 ,but the spirit of the nation was not to be overcome1 and it was so fully sensible of the strong ground it had taken--that of withholding taxes--that it contented itself with keeping up a sort of quiet resistance1 which effectually overthrew all the plans at that time formed against it4 ,the project of the ,cour ,pleniere was at last obliged to be given up1 and the ,prime ,minister not long afterwards followed its fate1 and ,m4 ,neckar was recalled into office4 ,the attempt to establish the ,cour ,pleniere had an effect upon the nation which itself did not perceive4 ,it was a sort of new form of government that insensibly served to put the old one out of sight and to unhinge it from the superstitious authority of antiquity4 ,it was ,government dethroning ,government2 and the old one1 by attempting to make a new one1 made a chasm4 ,the failure of this scheme renewed the subject of convening the ,state-,general2 and this gave rise to a new series of politics4 ,there was no settled form for convening the ,states-,general3 all that it positively meant was a deputation from what was then called the ,clergy1 the ,noblesse1 and the ,commons2 but their numbers or their proportions had not been always the same4 ,they had been convened only on extraordinary occasions1 the last of which was in #afad2 their numbers were then in equal proportions1 and they voted by orders4 ,it could not well escape the sagacity of ,m4 ,neckar1 that the mode of #afad would answer neither the purpose of the then government nor of the nation4 ,as matters were at that time circumstanced it would have been too contentious to agree upon anything4 ,the debates would have been endless upon privileges and exemptions1 in which neither the wants of the ,government nor the wishes of the nation for a ,constitution would have been attended to4 ,but as he did not choose to take the decision upon himself1 he summoned again the ,assembly of the ,notables and referred it to them4 ,this body was in general interested in the decision1 being chiefly of aristocracy and high-paid clergy1 and they decided in favor of the mode of #afad4 ,this decision was against the sense of the ,nation1 and also against the wishes of the ,court2 for the aristocracy opposed itself to both and contended for privileges independent of either4 ,the subject was then taken up by the ,parliament1 who recommended that the number of the ,commons should be equal to the other two3 and they should all sit in one house and vote in one body4 ,the number finally determined on was #a1bjj2 #fjj to be chosen by the ,commons 7and this was less than their proportion ought to have been when their worth and consequence is considered on a national scale71 #cjj by the ,clergy1 and #cjj by the ,aristocracy2 but with respect to the mode of assembling themselves1 whether together or apart1 or the manner in which they should vote1 those matters were referred499#i ,the election that followed was not a contested election1 but an animated one4 ,the candidates were not men1 but principles4 ,societies were formed in ,paris1 and committees of correspondence and communication established throughout the nation1 for the purpose of enlightening the people1 and explaining to them the principles of civil government2 and so orderly was the election conducted1 that it did not give rise even to the rumour of tumult4 ,the ,states-,general were to meet at ,versailles in ,april #aghi1 but did not assemble till ,may4 ,they situated themselves in three separate chambers1 or rather the ,clergy and ,aristocracy withdrew each into a separate chamber4 ,the majority of the ,aristocracy claimed what they called the privilege of voting as a separate body1 and of giving their consent or their negative in that manner2 and many of the bishops and the high-beneficed clergy claimed the same privilege on the part of their ,order4 ,the ,tiers ,etat 7as they were then called7 disowned any knowledge of artificial orders and artificial privileges2 and they were not only resolute on this point1 but somewhat disdainful4 ,they began to consider the ,aristocracy as a kind of fungus growing out of the corruption of society1 that could not be admitted even as a branch of it2 and from the disposition the ,aristocracy had shown by upholding ,lettres de ,cachet1 and in sundry other instances1 it was manifest that no constitution could be formed by admitting men in any other character than as ,national ,men4 ,after various altercations on this head1 the ,tiers ,etat or ,commons 7as they were then called7 declared themselves 7on a motion made for that purpose by the ,abbe ,sieyes7 ,the ,representative ,of ,the ,nation2 and that the two ,orders could be considered but as deputies of corporations1 and could only have a deliberate voice when they assembled in a national character with the national representatives4 ,this proceeding extinguished the style of ,etats ,generaux1 or ,states-,general1 and erected it into the style it now bears1 that of ,l',assemblee ,nationale1 or ,national ,assembly4 ,this motion was not made in a precipitate manner4 ,it was the result of cool deliberation1 and concerned between the national representatives and the patriotic members of the two chambers1 who saw into the folly1 mischief1 and injustice of artificial privileged distinctions4 ,it was become evident1 that no constitution1 worthy of being called by that name1 could be established on anything less than a national ground4 ,the ,aristocracy had hitherto opposed the despotism of the ,court1 and affected the language of patriotism2 but it opposed it as its rival 7as the ,english ,barons opposed ,king ,john7 and it now opposed the nation from the same motives4 ,on carrying this motion1 the national representatives1 as had been concerted1 sent an invitation to the two chambers1 to unite with them in a national character1 and proceed to business4 ,a majority of the clergy1 chiefly of the parish priests1 withdrew from the clerical chamber1 and joined the nation2 and forty-five from the other chamber joined in like manner4 ,there is a sort of secret history belonging to this last circumstance1 which is necessary to its explanation2 it was not judged prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber styling itself the ,nobles1 should quit it at once2 and in consequence of this arrangement1 they drew off by degrees1 always leaving some1 as well to reason the case1 as to watch the suspected4 ,in a little time the numbers increased from forty-five to eighty1 and soon after to a greater number2 which1 with the majority of the clergy1 and the whole of the national representatives1 put the malcontents in a very diminutive condition4 ,the ,king1 who1 very different from the general class called by that name1 is a man of a good heart1 showed himself disposed to recommend a union of the three chambers1 on the ground the ,national ,assembly had taken2 but the malcontents exerted themselves to prevent it1 and began now to have another project in view4 ,their numbers consisted of a majority of the aristocratical chamber1 and the minority of the clerical chamber1 chiefly of bishops and high-beneficed clergy2 and these men were determined to put everything to issue1 as well by strength as by stratagem4 ,they had no objection to a constitution2 but it must be such a one as themselves should dictate1 and suited to their own views and particular situations4 ,on the other hand1 the ,nation disowned knowing anything of them but as citizens1 and was determined to shut out all such up-start pretensions4 ,the more aristocracy appeared1 the more it was despised2 there was a visible imbecility and want of intellects in the majority1 a sort of je ne sais quoi1 that while it affected to be more than citizen1 was less than man4 ,it lost ground from contempt more than from hatred2 and was rather jeered at as an ass1 than dreaded as a lion4 ,this is the general character of aristocracy1 or what are called ,nobles or ,nobility1 or rather ,no-ability1 in all countries4 ,the plan of the malcontents consisted now of two things2 either to deliberate and vote by chambers 7or orders71 more especially on all questions respecting a ,constitution 7by which the aristocratical chamber would have had a negative on any article of the ,constitution72 or1 in case they could not accomplish this object1 to overthrow the ,national ,assembly entirely4 ,to effect one or other of these objects they began to cultivate a friendship with the despotism they had hitherto attempted to rival1 and the ,count ,d',artois became their chief4 ,the king 7who has since declared himself deceived into their measures7 held1 according to the old form1 a ,bed of ,justice1 in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par tete 7by head7 upon several subjects2 but reserved the deliberation and vote upon all questions respecting a constitution to the three chambers separately4 ,this declaration of the king was made against the advice of ,m4 ,neckar1 who now began to perceive that he was growing out of fashion at ,court1 and that another minister was in contemplation4 ,as the form of sitting in separate chambers was yet apparently kept up1 though essentially destroyed1 the national representatives immediately after this declaration of the ,king resorted to their own chambers to consult on a protest against it2 and the minority of the chamber 7calling itself the ,nobles71 who had joined the national cause1 retired to a private house to consult in like manner4 ,the malcontents had by this time concerted their measures with the court1 which the ,count ,d',artois undertook to conduct2 and as they saw from the discontent which the declaration excited1 and the opposition making against it1 that they could not obtain a control over the intended constitution by a separate vote1 they prepared themselves for their final object--that of conspiring against the ,national ,assembly1 and overthrowing it4 ,the next morning the door of the chamber of the ,national ,assembly was shut against them1 and guarded by troops2 and the members were refused admittance4 ,on this they withdrew to a tennis-ground in the neighbourhood of ,versailles1 as the most convenient place they could find1 and1 after renewing their session1 took an oath never to separate from each other1 under any circumstance whatever1 death excepted1 until they had established a constitution4 ,as the experiment of shutting up the house had no other effect than that of producing a closer connection in the members1 it was opened again the next day1 and the public business recommenced in the usual place4 ,we are now to have in view the forming of the new ministry1 which was to accomplish the overthrow of the ,national ,assembly4 ,but as force would be necessary1 orders were issued to assemble thirty thousand troops1 the command of which was given to ,broglio1 one of the intended new ministry1 who was recalled from the country for this purpose4 ,but as some management was necessary to keep this plan concealed till the moment it should be ready for execution1 it is to this policy that a declaration made by ,count ,d',artois must be attributed1 and which is here proper to be introduced4 ,it could not but occur while the malcontents continued to resort to their chambers separate from the ,national ,assembly1 more jealousy would be excited than if they were mixed with it1 and that the plot might be suspected4 ,but as they had taken their ground1 and now wanted a pretence for quitting it1 it was necessary that one should be devised4 ,this was effectually accomplished by a declaration made by the ,count ,d',artois3 ,that if they took not a ,part in the ,national ,assembly1 the life of the king would be endangered3 on which they quitted their chambers1 and mixed with the ,assembly1 in one body4 ,at the time this declaration was made1 it was generally treated as a piece of absurdity in ,count ,d',artois calculated merely to relieve the outstanding members of the two chambers from the diminutive situation they were put in2 and if nothing more had followed1 this conclusion would have been good4 ,but as things best explain themselves by their events1 this apparent union was only a cover to the machinations which were secretly going on2 and the declaration accommodated itself to answer that purpose4 ,in a little time the ,national ,assembly found itself surrounded by troops1 and thousands more were daily arriving4 ,on this a very strong declaration was made by the ,national ,assembly to the ,king1 remonstrating on the impropriety of the measure1 and demanding the reason4 ,the ,king1 who was not in the secret of this business1 as himself afterwards declared1 gave substantially for answer1 that he had no other object in view than to preserve the public tranquility1 which appeared to be much disturbed4 ,but in a few days from this time the plot unravelled itself ,m4 ,neckar and the ministry were displaced1 and a new one formed of the enemies of the ,revolution2 and ,broglio1 with between twenty-five and thirty thousand foreign troops1 was arrived to support them4 ,the mask was now thrown off1 and matters were come to a crisis4 ,the event was that in a space of three days the new ministry and their abettors found it prudent to fly the nation2 the ,bastille was taken1 and ,broglio and his foreign troops dispersed1 as is already related in the former part of this work4 ,there are some curious circumstances in the history of this short-lived ministry1 and this short-lived attempt at a counter-revolution4 ,the ,palace of ,versailles1 where the ,court was sitting1 was not more than four hundred yards distant from the hall where the ,national ,assembly was sitting4 ,the two places were at this moment like the separate headquarters of two combatant armies2 yet the ,court was as perfectly ignorant of the information which had arrived from ,paris to the ,national ,assembly1 as if it had resided at an hundred miles distance4 ,the then ,marquis de la ,fayette1 who 7as has been already mentioned7 was chosen to preside in the ,national ,assembly on this particular occasion1 named by order of the ,assembly three successive deputations to the king1 on the day and up to the evening on which the ,bastille was taken1 to inform and confer with him on the state of affairs2 but the ministry1 who knew not so much as that it was attacked1 precluded all communication1 and were solacing themselves how dextrously they had succeeded2 but in a few hours the accounts arrived so thick and fast that they had to start from their desks and run4 ,some set off in one disguise1 and some in another1 and none in their own character4 ,their anxiety now was to outride the news1 lest they should be stopt1 which1 though it flew fast1 flew not so fast as themselves4 ,it is worth remarking that the ,national ,assembly neither pursued those fugitive conspirators1 nor took any notice of them1 nor sought to retaliate in any shape whatever4 ,occupied with establishing a constitution founded on the ,rights of ,man and the ,authority of the ,people1 the only authority on which ,government has a right to exist in any country1 the ,national ,assembly felt none of those mean passions which mark the character of impertinent governments1 founding themselves on their own authority1 or on the absurdity of hereditary succession4 ,it is the faculty of the human mind to become what it contemplates1 and to act in unison with its object4 ,the conspiracy being thus dispersed1 one of the first works of the ,national ,assembly1 instead of vindictive proclamations1 as has been the case with other governments1 was to publish a declaration of the ,rights of ,man1 as the basis on which the new constitution was to be built1 and which is here subjoined3 ,declaration ,of ,the ,rights ,of ,man ,and ,of ,citizens ,by ,the ,national ,assembly ,of ,france ,the representatives of the people of ,france1 formed into a ,national ,assembly1 considering that ignorance1 neglect1 or contempt of human rights1 are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of ,government1 have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration1 these natural1 imprescriptible1 and inalienable rights3 that this declaration being constantly present to the minds of the members of the body social1 they may be forever kept attentive to their rights and their duties2 that the acts of the legislative and executive powers of ,government1 being capable of being every moment compared with the end of political institutions1 may be more respected2 and also1 that the future claims of the citizens1 being directed by simple and incontestable principles1 may always tend to the maintenance of the ,constitution1 and the general happiness4 ,for these reasons the ,national ,assembly doth recognize and declare1 in the presence of the ,supreme ,being1 and with the hope of his blessing and favour1 the following sacred rights of men and of citizens3 ,one3 ,men are born1 and always continue1 free and equal in respect of their ,rights4 ,civil distinctions1 therefore1 can be founded only on ,public ,utility4 ,two3 ,the end of all ,political associations is the ,preservation of the ,natural and ,imprescriptible ,rights of ,man2 and these rights are ,liberty1 ,property1 ,security1 and ,resistance of ,oppression4 ,three3 ,the ,nation is essentially the source of all ,sovereignty2 nor can any individual1 or any body of ,men1 be entitled to any authority which is not expressly derived from it4 ,four3 ,political ,liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not ,injure another4 ,the exercise of the ,natural ,rights of every ,man1 has no other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other ,man the ,free exercise of the same ,rights2 and these limits are determinable only by the ,law4 ,five3 ,the ,law ought to ,prohibit only actions hurtful to ,society4 ,what is not ,prohibited by the ,law should not be hindered2 nor should anyone be compelled to that which the ,law does not ,require4 ,six3 the ,law is an expression of the ,will of the ,community4 ,all ,citizens have a right to concur1 either personally or by their ,representatives1 in its formation4 ,it ,should be the same to all1 whether it protects or punishes2 and all being equal in its sight1 are equally eligible to all ,honours1 ,places1 and employments1 according to their different abilities1 without any other distinction than that created by their ,virtues and talents4 ,seven3 ,no ,man should be accused1 arrested1 or held in confinement1 except in cases determined by the ,law1 and according to the forms which it has prescribed4 ,all who promote1 solicit1 execute1 or cause to be executed1 arbitrary orders1 ought to be punished1 and every ,citizen called upon1 or apprehended by virtue of the ,law1 ought immediately to obey1 and renders himself culpable by resistance4 ,eight3 ,the ,law ought to impose no other penalties but such as are absolutely and evidently necessary2 and no one ought to be punished1 but in virtue of a ,law promulgated before the offence1 and ,legally applied4 ,nine3 ,every ,man being presumed innocent till he has been convicted1 whenever his detention becomes indispensable1 all rigour to him1 more than is necessary to secure his person1 ought to be provided against by the ,law4 ,ten3 ,no ,man ought to be molested on account of his opinions1 not even on account of his ,religious opinions1 provided his avowal of them does not disturb the ,public ,order established by the ,law4 ,eleven3 ,the unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions being one of the ,most ,precious ,rights of ,man1 every ,citizen may speak1 write1 and publish freely1 provided he is responsible for the abuse of this ,liberty1 in cases determined by the ,law4 ,twelve3 ,a ,public force being necessary to give security to the ,rights of ,men and of ,citizens1 that force is instituted for the benefit of the ,community and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is intrusted4 ,thirteen3 ,a common contribution being necessary for the support of the ,public force1 and for defraying the other expenses of ,government1 it ought to be divided equally among the ,members of the ,community1 according to their abilities4 ,fourteen3 every ,citizen has a ,right1 either by himself or his ,representative1 to a free voice in determining the necessity of ,public ,contributions1 the appropriation of them1 and their amount1 mode of assessment1 and duration4 ,fifteen3 every ,community has a ,right to demand of all its agents an account of their conduct4 ,sixteen3 every ,community in which a ,separation of ,powers and a ,security of ,rights is not ,provided for1 wants a ,constitution4 ,seventeen3 ,the ,right to ,property being inviolable and sacred1 no one ought to be deprived of it1 except in cases of evident ,public necessity1 legally ascertained1 and on condition of a previous just ,indemnity4 ,,observations ,,on ,,the ,,declaration ,,of ,,rights ,the first three articles comprehend in general terms the whole of a ,declaration of ,rights1 all the succeeding articles either originate from them or follow as elucidations4 ,the #dth1 #eth1 and #fth define more particularly what is only generally expressed in the #ast1 #bnd1 and #crd4 ,the #gth1 #hth1 #ith1 #ajth1 and #aath articles are declaratory of principles upon which laws shall be constructed1 conformable to rights already declared4 ,but it is questioned by some very good people in ,france1 as well as in other countries1 whether the #ajth article sufficiently guarantees the right it is intended to accord with2 besides which it takes off from the divine dignity of religion1 and weakens its operative force upon the mind1 to make it a subject of human laws4 ,it then presents itself to man like light intercepted by a cloudy medium1 in which the source of it is obscured from his sight1 and he sees nothing to reverence in the dusky ray499#aj ,the remaining articles1 beginning with the twelfth1 are substantially contained in the principles of the preceding articles2 but in the particular situation in which ,france then was1 having to undo what was wrong1 as well as to set up what was right1 it was proper to be more particular than what in another condition of things would be necessary4 ,while the ,declaration of ,rights was before the ,national ,assembly some of its members remarked that if a declaration of rights were published it should be accompanied by a ,declaration of ,duties4 ,the observation discovered a mind that reflected1 and it only erred by not reflecting far enough4 ,a ,declaration of ,rights is1 by reciprocity1 a ,declaration of ,duties also4 ,whatever is my right as a man is also the right of another2 and it becomes my duty to guarantee as well as to possess4 ,the three first articles are the base of ,liberty1 as well individual as national2 nor can any country be called free whose government does not take its beginning from the principles they contain1 and continue to preserve them pure2 and the whole of the ,declaration of ,rights is of more value to the world1 and will do more good1 than all the laws and statutes that have yet been promulgated4 ,in the declaratory exordium which prefaces the ,declaration of ,rights we see the solemn and majestic spectacle of a nation opening its commission1 under the auspices of its ,creator1 to establish a ,government1 a scene so new1 and so transcendantly unequalled by anything in the ,european world1 that the name of a ,revolution is diminutive of its character1 and it rises into a ,regeneration of man4 ,what are the present ,governments of ,europe but a scene of iniquity and oppression8 ,what is that of ,england8 ,do not its own inhabitants say it is a market where every man has his price1 and where corruption is common traffic at the expense of a deluded people8 ,no wonder1 then1 that the ,french ,revolution is traduced4 ,had it confined itself merely to the destruction of flagrant despotism perhaps ,mr4 ,burke and some others had been silent4 ,their cry now is1 ,it has gone too far--that is1 it has gone too far for them4 ,it stares corruption in the face1 and the venal tribe are all alarmed4 ,their fear discovers itself in their outrage1 and they are but publishing the groans of a wounded vice4 ,but from such opposition the ,french ,revolution1 instead of suffering1 receives an homage4 ,the more it is struck the more sparks it will emit2 and the fear is it will not be struck enough4 ,it has nothing to dread from attacks2 truth has given it an establishment1 and time will record it with a name as lasting as his own4 ,having now traced the progress of the ,french ,revolution through most of its principal stages1 from its commencement to the taking of the ,bastille1 and its establishment by the ,declaration of ,rights1 ,i will close the subject with the energetic apostrophe of ,m4 de la ,fayette1 ,may this great monument1 raised to ,liberty1 serve as a lesson to the oppressor1 and an example to the oppressed699#aa ,,miscellaneous ,,chapter ,to prevent interrupting the argument in the preceding part of this work1 or the narrative that follows it1 ,i reserved some observations to be thrown together in a ,miscellaneous ,chapter2 by which variety might not be censured for confusion4 ,mr4 ,burke's book is all ,miscellany4 ,his intention was to make an attack on the ,french ,revolution2 but instead of proceeding with an orderly arrangement1 he has stormed it with a mob of ideas tumbling over and destroying one another4 ,but this confusion and contradiction in ,mr4 ,burke's ,book is easily accounted for4--,when a man in a wrong cause attempts to steer his course by anything else than some polar truth or principle1 he is sure to be lost4 ,it is beyond the compass of his capacity to keep all the parts of an argument together1 and make them unite in one issue1 by any other means than having this guide always in view4 ,neither memory nor invention will supply the want of it4 ,the former fails him1 and the latter betrays him4 ,notwithstanding the nonsense1 for it deserves no better name1 that ,mr4 ,burke has asserted about hereditary rights1 and hereditary succession1 and that a ,nation has not a right to form a ,government of itself2 it happened to fall in his way to give some account of what ,government is4 ,government1 says he1 is a contrivance of human wisdom4 ,admitting that government is a contrivance of human wisdom1 it must necessarily follow1 that hereditary succession1 and hereditary rights 7as they are called71 can make no part of it1 because it is impossible to make wisdom hereditary2 and on the other hand1 that cannot be a wise contrivance1 which in its operation may commit the government of a nation to the wisdom of an idiot4 ,the ground which ,mr4 ,burke now takes is fatal to every part of his cause4 ,the argument changes from hereditary rights to hereditary wisdom2 and the question is1 ,who is the wisest man8 ,he must now show that every one in the line of hereditary succession was a ,solomon1 or his title is not good to be a king4 ,what a stroke has ,mr4 ,burke now made6 ,to use a sailor's phrase1 he has swabbed the deck1 and scarcely left a name legible in the list of ,kings2 and he has mowed down and thinned the ,house of ,peers1 with a scythe as formidable as ,death and ,time4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke appears to have been aware of this retort2 and he has taken care to guard against it1 by making government to be not only a contrivance of human wisdom1 but a monopoly of wisdom4 ,he puts the nation as fools on one side1 and places his government of wisdom1 all wise men of ,gotham1 on the other side2 and he then proclaims1 and says that ,men have a ,right that their ,wants should be provided for by this wisdom4 ,having thus made proclamation1 he next proceeds to explain to them what their wants are1 and also what their rights are4 ,in this he has succeeded dextrously1 for he makes their wants to be a want of wisdom2 but as this is cold comfort1 he then informs them1 that they have a right 7not to any of the wisdom7 but to be governed by it2 and in order to impress them with a solemn reverence for this monopoly-government of wisdom1 and of its vast capacity for all purposes1 possible or impossible1 right or wrong1 he proceeds with astrological mysterious importance1 to tell to them its powers in these words3 ,the rights of men in government are their advantages2 and these are often in balance between differences of good2 and in compromises sometimes between good and evil1 and sometimes between evil and evil4 ,political reason is a computing principle2 adding--subtracting--multiplying--and dividing1 morally and not metaphysically or mathematically1 true moral denominations4 ,as the wondering audience1 whom ,mr4 ,burke supposes himself talking to1 may not understand all this learned jargon1 ,i will undertake to be its interpreter4 ,the meaning1 then1 good people1 of all this1 is3 ,that government is governed by no principle whatever2 that it can make evil good1 or good evil1 just as it pleases4 ,in short1 that government is arbitrary power4 ,but there are some things which ,mr4 ,burke has forgotten4 ,first1 he has not shown where the wisdom originally came from3 and secondly1 he has not shown by what authority it first began to act4 ,in the manner he introduces the matter1 it is either government stealing wisdom1 or wisdom stealing government4 ,it is without an origin1 and its powers without authority4 ,in short1 it is usurpation4 ,whether it be from a sense of shame1 or from a consciousness of some radical defect in a government necessary to be kept out of sight1 or from both1 or from any other cause1 ,i undertake not to determine1 but so it is1 that a monarchical reasoner never traces government to its source1 or from its source4 ,it is one of the shibboleths by which he may be known4 ,a thousand years hence1 those who shall live in ,america or ,france1 will look back with contemplative pride on the origin of their government1 and say1 ,this was the work of our glorious ancestors6 ,but what can a monarchical talker say8 ,what has he to exult in8 ,alas he has nothing4 ,a certain something forbids him to look back to a beginning1 lest some robber1 or some ,robin ,hood1 should rise from the long obscurity of time and say1 ,i am the origin4 ,hard as ,mr4 ,burke laboured at the ,regency ,bill and ,hereditary ,succession two years ago1 and much as he dived for precedents1 he still had not boldness enough to bring up ,william of ,normandy1 and say1 ,there is the head of the list6 there is the fountain of honour6 the son of a prostitute1 and the plunderer of the ,english nation4 ,the opinions of men with respect to government are changing fast in all countries4 ,the ,revolutions of ,america and ,france have thrown a beam of light over the world1 which reaches into man4 ,the enormous expense of governments has provoked people to think1 by making them feel2 and when once the veil begins to rend1 it admits not of repair4 ,ignorance is of a peculiar nature3 once dispelled1 it is impossible to re-establish it4 ,it is not originally a thing of itself1 but is only the absence of knowledge2 and though man may be kept ignorant1 he cannot be made ignorant4 ,the mind1 in discovering truth1 acts in the same manner as it acts through the eye in discovering objects2 when once any object has been seen1 it is impossible to put the mind back to the same condition it was in before it saw it4 ,those who talk of a counter-revolution in ,france1 show how little they understand of man4 ,there does not exist in the compass of language an arrangement of words to express so much as the means of effecting a counter-revolution4 ,the means must be an obliteration of knowledge2 and it has never yet been discovered how to make man unknow his knowledge1 or unthink his thoughts4 ,mr4 ,burke is labouring in vain to stop the progress of knowledge2 and it comes with the worse grace from him1 as there is a certain transaction known in the city which renders him suspected of being a pensioner in a fictitious name4 ,this may account for some strange doctrine he has advanced in his book1 which though he points it at the ,revolution ,society1 is effectually directed against the whole nation4 ,the ,king of ,england1 says he1 holds his crown 7for it does not belong to the ,nation1 according to ,mr4 ,burke7 in contempt of the choice of the ,revolution ,society1 who have not a single vote for a king among them either individually or collectively2 and his ,majesty's heirs each in their time and order1 will come to the ,crown with the same contempt of their choice1 with which his ,majesty has succeeded to that which he now wears4 ,as to who is ,king in ,england1 or elsewhere1 or whether there is any ,king at all1 or whether the people choose a ,cherokee chief1 or a ,hessian hussar for a ,king1 it is not a matter that ,i trouble myself about--be that to themselves2 but with respect to the doctrine1 so far as it relates to the ,rights of ,men and ,nations1 it is as abominable as anything ever uttered in the most enslaved country under heaven4 ,whether it sounds worse to my ear1 by not being accustomed to hear such despotism1 than what it does to another person1 ,i am not so well a judge of2 but of its abominable principle ,i am at no loss to judge4 ,it is not the ,revolution ,society that ,mr4 ,burke means2 it is the ,nation1 as well in its original as in its representative character2 and he has taken care to make himself understood1 by saying that they have not a vote either collectively or individually4 ,the ,revolution ,society is composed of citizens of all denominations1 and of members of both the ,houses of ,parliament2 and consequently1 if there is not a right to a vote in any of the characters1 there can be no right to any either in the nation or in its ,parliament4 ,this ought to be a caution to every country how to import foreign families to be kings4 ,it is somewhat curious to observe1 that although the people of ,england had been in the habit of talking about kings1 it is always a ,foreign ,house of ,kings2 hating ,foreigners yet governed by them4--,it is now the ,house of ,brunswick1 one of the petty tribes of ,germany4 ,it has hitherto been the practice of the ,english ,parliaments to regulate what was called the succession 7taking it for granted that the ,nation then continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch of its government2 for without this the ,parliament could not have had authority to have sent either to ,holland or to ,hanover1 or to impose a king upon the nation against its will74 ,and this must be the utmost limit to which ,parliament can go upon this case2 but the right of the ,nation goes to the whole case1 because it has the right of changing its whole form of government4 ,the right of a ,parliament is only a right in trust1 a right by delegation1 and that but from a very small part of the ,nation2 and one of its ,houses has not even this4 ,but the right of the ,nation is an original right1 as universal as taxation4 ,the nation is the paymaster of everything1 and everything must conform to its general will4 ,i remember taking notice of a speech in what is called the ,english ,house of ,peers1 by the then ,earl of ,shelburne1 and ,i think it was at the time he was ,minister1 which is applicable to this case4 ,i do not directly charge my memory with every particular2 but the words and the purport1 as nearly as ,i remember1 were these3 ,that the form of a ,government was a matter wholly at the will of the ,nation at all times1 that if it chose a monarchical form1 it had a right to have it so2 and if it afterwards chose to be a ,republic1 it had a right to be a ,republic1 and to say to a ,king1 ',we have no longer any occasion for you4' ,when ,mr4 ,burke says that ,his ,majesty's heirs and successors1 each in their time and order1 will come to the crown with the same content of their choice with which ,his ,majesty had succeeded to that he wears1 it is saying too much even to the humblest individual in the country2 part of whose daily labour goes towards making up the million sterling a-year1 which the country gives the person it styles a king4 ,government with insolence is despotism2 but when contempt is added it becomes worse2 and to pay for contempt is the excess of slavery4 ,this species of government comes from ,germany2 and reminds me of what one of the ,brunswick soldiers told me1 who was taken prisoner by1 the ,americans in the late war3 ,ah6 said he1 ,america is a fine free country1 it is worth the people's fighting for2 ,i know the difference by knowing my own3 in my country1 if the prince says eat straw1 we eat straw4 ,god help that country1 thought ,i1 be it ,england or elsewhere1 whose liberties are to be protected by ,german principles of government1 and ,princes of ,brunswick6 ,as ,mr4 ,burke sometimes speaks of ,england1 sometimes of ,france1 and sometimes of the world1 and of government in general1 it is difficult to answer his book without apparently meeting him on the same ground4 ,although principles of ,government are general subjects1 it is next to impossible1 in many cases1 to separate them from the idea of place and circumstance1 and the more so when circumstances are put for arguments1 which is frequently the case with ,mr4 ,burke4 ,in the former part of his book1 addressing himself to the people of ,france1 he says3 ,no experience has taught us 7meaning the ,english71 that in any other course or method than that of a hereditary crown1 can our liberties be regularly perpetuated and preserved sacred as our hereditary right4 ,i ask ,mr4 ,burke1 who is to take them away8 ,m4 de la ,fayette1 in speaking to ,france1 says3 ,for a ,nation to be free1 it is sufficient that she wills it4 ,but ,mr4 ,burke represents ,england as wanting capacity to take care of itself1 and that its liberties must be taken care of by a ,king holding it in contempt4 ,if ,england is sunk to this1 it is preparing itself to eat straw1 as in ,hanover1 or in ,brunswick4 ,but besides the folly of the declaration1 it happens that the facts are all against ,mr4 ,burke4 ,it was by the government being hereditary1 that the liberties of the people were endangered4 ,charles ,i4 and ,james ,,ii4 are instances of this truth2 yet neither of them went so far as to hold the ,nation in contempt4 ,as it is sometimes of advantage to the people of one country to hear what those of other countries have to say respecting it1 it is possible that the people of ,france may learn something from ,mr4 ,burke's book1 and that the people of ,england may also learn something from the answers it will occasion4 ,when ,nations fall out about freedom1 a wide field of debate is opened4 ,the argument commences with the rights of war1 without its evils1 and as knowledge is the object contended for1 the party that sustains the defeat obtains the prize4 ,mr4 ,burke talks about what he calls an hereditary crown1 as if it were some production of ,nature2 or as if1 like ,time1 it had a power to operate1 not only independently1 but in spite of man2 or as if it were a thing or a subject universally consented to4 ,alas6 it has none of those properties1 but is the reverse of them all4 ,it is a thing in imagination1 the propriety of which is more than doubted1 and the legality of which in a few years will be denied4 ,but1 to arrange this matter in a clearer view than what general expression can heads under which 7what is called7 an hereditary crown1 or more properly speaking1 an hereditary succession to the ,government of a ,nation1 can be considered2 which are3 ,first1 ,the right of a particular ,family to establish itself4 ,secondly1 ,the right of a ,nation to establish a particular ,family4 ,with respect to the first of these heads1 that of a ,family establishing itself with hereditary powers on its own authority1 and independent of the consent of a ,nation1 all men will concur in calling it despotism2 and it would be trespassing on their understanding to attempt to prove it4 ,but the second head1 that of a ,nation establishing a particular ,family with hereditary powers1 does not present itself as despotism on the first reflection2 but if men will permit it a second reflection to take place1 and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own persons to that of their offspring1 they will then see that hereditary succession becomes in its consequences the same despotism to others1 which they reprobated for themselves4 ,it operates to preclude the consent of the succeeding generations2 and the preclusion of consent is despotism4 ,when the person who at any time shall be in possession of a ,government1 or those who stand in succession to him1 shall say to a ,nation1 ,i hold this power in contempt of you1 it signifies not on what authority he pretends to say it4 ,it is no relief1 but an aggravation to a person in slavery1 to reflect that he was sold by his parent2 and as that which heightens the criminality of an act cannot be produced to prove the legality of it1 hereditary succession cannot be established as a legal thing4 ,in order to arrive at a more perfect decision on this head1 it will be proper to consider the generation which undertakes to establish a ,family with hereditary powers1 apart and separate from the generations which are to follow2 and also to consider the character in which the first generation acts with respect to succeeding generations4 ,the generation which first selects a person1 and puts him at the head of its ,government1 either with the title of ,king1 or any other distinction1 acts on its own choice1 be it wise or foolish1 as a free agent for itself ,the person so set up is not hereditary1 but selected and appointed2 and the generation who sets him up1 does not live under a hereditary government1 but under a government of its own choice and establishment4 ,were the generation who sets him up1 and the person so set up1 to live for ever1 it never could become hereditary succession2 and of consequence hereditary succession can only follow on the death of the first parties4 ,as1 therefore1 hereditary succession is out of the question with respect to the first generation1 we have now to consider the character in which that generation acts with respect to the commencing generation1 and to all succeeding ones4 ,it assumes a character1 to which it has neither right nor title4 ,it changes itself from a ,legislator to a ,testator1 and effects to make its ,will1 which is to have operation after the demise of the makers1 to bequeath the ,government2 and it not only attempts to bequeath1 but to establish on the succeeding generation1 a new and different form of ,government under which itself lived4 ,itself1 as already observed1 lived not under a hereditary ,government but under a ,government of its own choice and establishment2 and it now attempts1 by virtue of a will and testament 7and which it has not authority to make71 to take from the commencing generation1 and all future ones1 the rights and free agency by which itself acted4 ,but1 exclusive of the right which any generation has to act collectively as a testator1 the objects to which it applies itself in this case1 are not within the compass of any law1 or of any will or testament4 ,the rights of men in society1 are neither devisable or transferable1 nor annihilable1 but are descendable only1 and it is not in the power of any generation to intercept finally1 and cut off the descent4 ,if the present generation1 or any other1 are disposed to be slaves1 it does not lessen the right of the succeeding generation to be free4 ,wrongs cannot have a legal descent4 ,when ,mr4 ,burke attempts to maintain that the ,english nation did at the ,revolution of #afhh1 most solemnly renounce and abdicate their rights for themselves1 and for all their posterity for ever1 he speaks a language that merits not reply1 and which can only excite contempt for his prostitute principles1 or pity for his ignorance4 ,in whatever light hereditary succession1 as growing out of the will and testament of some former generation1 presents itself1 it is an absurdity4 ,a cannot make a will to take from ,b the property of ,b1 and give it to ,c2 yet this is the manner in which 7what is called7 hereditary succession by law operates4 ,a certain former generation made a will1 to take away the rights of the commencing generation1 and all future ones1 and convey those rights to a third person1 who afterwards comes forward1 and tells them1 in ,mr4 ,burke's language1 that they have no rights1 that their rights are already bequeathed to him and that he will govern in contempt of them4 ,from such principles1 and such ignorance1 good ,lord deliver the world6 ,but1 after all1 what is this metaphor called a crown1 or rather what is monarchy8 ,is it a thing1 or is it a name1 or is it a fraud8 ,is it a contrivance of human wisdom1 or of human craft to obtain money from a nation under specious pretences8 ,is it a thing necessary to a nation8 ,if it is1 in what does that necessity consist1 what service does it perform1 what is its business1 and what are its merits8 ,does the virtue consist in the metaphor1 or in the man8 ,doth the goldsmith that makes the crown1 make the virtue also8 ,doth it operate like ,fortunatus's wishing-cap1 or ,harlequin's wooden sword8 ,doth it make a man a conjurer8 ,in fine1 what is it8 ,it appears to be something going much out of fashion1 falling into ridicule1 and rejected in some countries1 both as unnecessary and expensive4 ,in ,america it is considered as an absurdity2 and in ,france it has so far declined1 that the goodness of the man1 and the respect for his personal character1 are the only things that preserve the appearance of its existence4 ,if government be what ,mr4 ,burke describes it1 a contrivance of human wisdom ,i might ask him1 if wisdom was at such a low ebb in ,england1 that it was become necessary to import it from ,holland and from ,hanover8 ,but ,i will do the country the justice to say1 that was not the case2 and even if it was it mistook the cargo4 ,the wisdom of every country1 when properly exerted1 is sufficient for all its purposes2 and there could exist no more real occasion in ,england to have sent for a ,dutch ,stadtholder1 or a ,german ,elector1 than there was in ,america to have done a similar thing4 ,if a country does not understand its own affairs1 how is a foreigner to understand them1 who knows neither its laws1 its manners1 nor its language8 ,if there existed a man so transcendently wise above all others1 that his wisdom was necessary to instruct a nation1 some reason might be offered for monarchy2 but when we cast our eyes about a country1 and observe how every part understands its own affairs2 and when we look around the world1 and see that of all men in it1 the race of kings are the most insignificant in capacity1 our reason cannot fail to ask us--,what are those men kept for8 ,if there is anything in monarchy which we people of ,america do not understand1 ,i wish ,mr4 ,burke would be so kind as to inform us4 ,i see in ,america1 a government extending over a country ten times as large as ,england1 and conducted with regularity1 for a fortieth part of the expense which ,government costs in ,england4 ,if ,i ask a man in ,america if he wants a ,king1 he retorts1 and asks me if ,i take him for an idiot8 ,how is it that this difference happens8 are we more or less wise than others8 ,i see in ,america the generality of people living in a style of plenty unknown in monarchical countries2 and ,i see that the principle of its government1 which is that of the equal ,rights of ,man1 is making a rapid progress in the world4 ,if monarchy is a useless thing1 why is it kept up anywhere8 and if a necessary thing1 how can it be dispensed with8 ,that civil government is necessary1 all civilized nations will agree2 but civil government is republican government4 ,all that part of the government of ,england which begins with the office of constable1 and proceeds through the department of magistrate1 quarter-sessions1 and general assize1 including trial by jury1 is republican government4 ,nothing of monarchy appears in any part of it1 except in the name which ,william the ,conqueror imposed upon the ,english1 that of obliging them to call him ,their ,sovereign ,lord the ,king4 ,it is easy to conceive that a band of interested men1 such as ,placemen1 ,pensioners1 ,lords of the bed-chamber1 ,lords of the kitchen1 ,lords of the necessary-house1 and the ,lord knows what besides1 can find as many reasons for monarchy as their salaries1 paid at the expense of the country1 amount to2 but if ,i ask the farmer1 the manufacturer1 the merchant1 the tradesman1 and down through all the occupations of life to the common labourer1 what service monarchy is to him8 he can give me no answer4 ,if ,i ask him what monarchy is1 he believes it is something like a sinecure4 ,notwithstanding the taxes of ,england amount to almost seventeen millions a year1 said to be for the expenses of ,government1 it is still evident that the sense of the ,nation is left to govern itself1 and does govern itself1 by magistrates and juries1 almost at its own charge1 on republican principles1 exclusive of the expense of taxes4 ,the salaries of the judges are almost the only charge that is paid out of the revenue4 ,considering that all the internal government is executed by the people1 the taxes of ,england ought to be the lightest of any nation in ,europe2 instead of which1 they are the contrary4 ,as this cannot be accounted for on the score of civil government1 the subject necessarily extends itself to the monarchical part4 ,when the people of ,england sent for ,george the ,first 7and it would puzzle a wiser man than ,mr4 ,burke to discover for what he could be wanted1 or what service he could render71 they ought at least to have conditioned for the abandonment of ,hanover4 ,besides the endless ,german intrigues that must follow from a ,german ,elector being ,king of ,england1 there is a natural impossibility of uniting in the same person the principles of ,freedom and the principles of ,despotism1 or as it is usually called in ,england ,arbitrary ,power4 ,a ,german ,elector is in his electorate a despot2 how then could it be expected that he should be attached to principles of liberty in one country1 while his interest in another was to be supported by despotism8 ,the union cannot exist2 and it might easily have been foreseen that ,german ,electors would make ,german ,kings1 or in ,mr4 ,burke's words1 would assume government with contempt4 ,the ,english have been in the habit of considering a ,king of ,england only in the character in which he appears to them2 whereas the same person1 while the connection lasts1 has a home-seat in another country1 the interest of which is different to their own1 and the principles of the governments in opposition to each other4 ,to such a person ,england will appear as a town-residence1 and the ,electorate as the estate4 ,the ,english may wish1 as ,i believe they do1 success to the principles of liberty in ,france1 or in ,germany2 but a ,german ,elector trembles for the fate of despotism in his electorate2 and the ,duchy of ,mecklenburgh1 where the present ,queen's family governs1 is under the same wretched state of arbitrary power1 and the people in slavish vassalage4 ,there never was a time when it became the ,english to watch continental intrigues more circumspectly than at the present moment1 and to distinguish the politics of the ,electorate from the politics of the ,nation4 ,the ,revolution of ,france has entirely changed the ground with respect to ,england and ,france1 as nations2 but the ,german despots1 with ,prussia at their head1 are combining against liberty2 and the fondness of ,mr4 ,pitt for office1 and the interest which all his family connections have obtained1 do not give sufficient security against this intrigue4 ,as everything which passes in the world becomes matter for history1 ,i will now quit this subject1 and take a concise review of the state of parties and politics in ,england1 as ,mr4 ,burke has done in ,france4 ,whether the present reign commenced with contempt1 ,i leave to ,mr4 ,burke3 certain1 however1 it is1 that it had strongly that appearance4 ,the animosity of the ,english nation1 it is very well remembered1 ran high2 and1 had the true principles of ,liberty been as well understood then as they now promise to be1 it is probable the ,nation would not have patiently submitted to so much4 ,george the ,first and ,second were sensible of a rival in the remains of the ,stuarts2 and as they could not but consider themselves as standing on their good behaviour1 they had prudence to keep their ,german principles of government to themselves2 but as the ,stuart family wore away1 the prudence became less necessary4 ,the contest between rights1 and what were called prerogatives1 continued to heat the nation till some time after the conclusion of the ,american ,war1 when all at once it fell a calm--,execration exchanged itself for applause1 and ,court popularity sprung up like a mushroom in a night4 ,to account for this sudden transition1 it is proper to observe that there are two distinct species of popularity2 the one excited by merit1 and the other by resentment4 ,as the ,nation had formed itself into two parties1 and each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary champions for and against prerogative1 nothing could operate to give a more general shock than an immediate coalition of the champions themselves4 ,the partisans of each being thus suddenly left in the lurch1 and mutually heated with disgust at the measure1 felt no other relief than uniting in a common execration against both4 ,a higher stimulus or resentment being thus excited than what the contest on prerogatives occasioned1 the nation quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs1 and sought only that of gratification4 ,the indignation at the ,coalition so effectually superseded the indignation against the ,court as to extinguish it2 and without any change of principles on the part of the ,court1 the same people who had reprobated its despotism united with it to revenge themselves on the ,coalition ,parliament4 ,the case was not1 which they liked best1 but which they hated most2 and the least hated passed for love4 ,the dissolution of the ,coalition ,parliament1 as it afforded the means of gratifying the resentment of the ,nation1 could not fail to be popular2 and from hence arose the popularity of the ,court4 ,transitions of this kind exhibit a ,nation under the government of temper1 instead of a fixed and steady principle2 and having once committed itself1 however rashly1 it feels itself urged along to justify by continuance its first proceeding4 ,measures which at other times it would censure it now approves1 and acts persuasion upon itself to suffocate its judgment4 ,on the return of a new ,parliament1 the new ,minister1 ,mr4 ,pitt1 found himself in a secure majority2 and the ,nation gave him credit1 not out of regard to himself1 but because it had resolved to do it out of resentment to another4 ,he introduced himself to public notice by a proposed ,reform of ,parliament1 which in its operation would have amounted to a public justification of corruption4 ,the ,nation was to be at the expense of buying up the rotten boroughs1 whereas it ought to punish the persons who deal in the traffic4 ,passing over the two bubbles of the ,dutch business and the million a-year to sink the national debt1 the matter which most presents itself1 is the affair of the ,regency4 ,never1 in the course of my observation1 was delusion more successfully acted1 nor a nation more completely deceived4 ,but1 to make this appear1 it will be necessary to go over the circumstances4 ,mr4 ,fox had stated in the ,house of ,commons1 that the ,prince of ,wales1 as heir in succession1 had a right in himself to assume the ,government4 ,this was opposed by ,mr4 ,pitt2 and1 so far as the opposition was confined to the doctrine1 it was just4 ,but the principles which ,mr4 ,pitt maintained on the contrary side were as bad1 or worse in their extent1 than those of ,mr4 ,fox2 because they went to establish an aristocracy over the nation1 and over the small representation it has in the ,house of ,commons4 ,whether the ,english form of ,government be good or bad1 is not in this case the question2 but1 taking it as it stands1 without regard to its merits or demerits1 ,mr4 ,pitt was farther from the point than ,mr4 ,fox4 ,it is supposed to consist of three parts3--while therefore the ,nation is disposed to continue this form1 the parts have a national standing1 independent of each other1 and are not the creatures of each other4 ,had ,mr4 ,fox passed through ,parliament1 and said that the person alluded to claimed on the ground of the ,nation1 ,mr4 ,pitt must then have contended what he called the right of the ,parliament against the right of the ,nation4 ,by the appearance which the contest made1 ,mr4 ,fox took the hereditary ground1 and ,mr4 ,pitt the ,parliamentary ground2 but the fact is1 they both took hereditary ground1 and ,mr4 ,pitt took the worst of the two4 ,what is called the ,parliament is made up of two ,houses1 one of which is more hereditary1 and more beyond the control of the ,nation than what the ,crown 7as it is called7 is supposed to be4 ,it is an hereditary aristocracy1 assuming and asserting indefeasible1 irrevocable rights and authority1 wholly independent of the ,nation4 ,where1 then1 was the merited popularity of exalting this hereditary power over another hereditary power less independent of the ,nation than what itself assumed to be1 and of absorbing the rights of the ,nation into a ,house over which it has neither election nor control8 ,the general impulse of the ,nation was right2 but it acted without reflection4 ,it approved the opposition made to the right set up by ,mr4 ,fox1 without perceiving that ,mr4 ,pitt was supporting another indefeasible right more remote from the ,nation1 in opposition to it4 ,with respect to the ,house of ,commons1 it is elected but by a small part of the ,nation2 but were the election as universal as taxation1 which it ought to be1 it would still be only the organ of the ,nation1 and cannot possess inherent rights4--,when the ,national ,assembly of ,france resolves a matter1 the resolve is made in right of the ,nation2 but ,mr4 ,pitt1 on all national questions1 so far as they refer to the ,house of ,commons1 absorbs the rights of the ,nation into the organ1 and makes the organ into a ,nation1 and the ,nation itself into a cypher4 ,in a few words1 the question on the ,regency was a question of a million a-year1 which is appropriated to the executive department3 and ,mr4 ,pitt could not possess himself of any management of this sum1 without setting up the supremacy of ,parliament2 and when this was accomplished1 it was indifferent who should be ,regent1 as he must be ,regent at his own cost4 ,among the curiosities which this contentious debate afforded1 was that of making the ,great ,seal into a ,king1 the affixing of which to an act was to be royal authority4 ,if1 therefore1 ,royal ,authority is a ,great ,seal1 it consequently is in itself nothing2 and a good ,constitution would be of infinitely more value to the ,nation than what the three ,nominal ,powers1 as they now stand1 are worth4 ,the continual use of the word ,constitution in the ,english ,parliament shows there is none2 and that the whole is merely a form of government without a ,constitution1 and constituting itself with what powers it pleases4 ,if there were a ,constitution1 it certainly could be referred to2 and the debate on any constitutional point would terminate by producing the ,constitution4 ,one member says this is ,constitution1 and another says that is ,constitution--,to-day it is one thing2 and to-morrow something else--while the maintaining of the debate proves there is none4 ,constitution is now the cant word of ,parliament1 tuning itself to the ear of the ,nation4 ,formerly it was the universal supremacy of ,parliament--the omnipotence of ,parliament3 ,but since the progress of ,liberty in ,france1 those phrases have a despotic harshness in their note2 and the ,english ,parliament have catched the fashion from the ,national ,assembly1 but without the substance1 of speaking of ,constitution4 ,as the present generation of the people in ,england did not make the ,government1 they are not accountable for any of its defects2 but1 that sooner or later1 it must come into their hands to undergo a constitutional reformation1 is as certain as that the same thing has happened in ,france4 ,if ,france1 with a revenue of nearly twenty-four millions sterling1 with an extent of rich and fertile country above four times larger than ,england1 with a population of twenty-four millions of inhabitants to support taxation1 with upwards of ninety millions sterling of gold and silver circulating in the nation1 and with a debt less than the present debt of ,england--still found it necessary1 from whatever cause1 to come to a settlement of its affairs1 it solves the problem of funding for both countries4 ,it is out of the question to say how long what is called the ,english constitution has lasted1 and to argue from thence how long it is to last2 the question is1 how long can the funding system last8 ,it is a thing but of modern invention1 and has not yet continued beyond the life of a man2 yet in that short space it has so far accumulated1 that1 together with the current expenses1 it requires an amount of taxes at least equal to the whole landed rental of the nation in acres to defray the annual expenditure4 ,that a government could not have always gone on by the same system which has been followed for the last seventy years1 must be evident to every man2 and for the same reason it cannot always go on4 ,the funding system is not money2 neither is it1 properly speaking1 credit4 ,it1 in effect1 creates upon paper the sum which it appears to borrow1 and lays on a tax to keep the imaginary capital alive by the payment of interest and sends the annuity to market1 to be sold for paper already in circulation4 ,if any credit is given1 it is to the disposition of the people to pay the tax1 and not to the government1 which lays it on4 ,when this disposition expires1 what is supposed to be the credit of ,government expires with it4 ,the instance of ,france under the former ,government shows that it is impossible to compel the payment of taxes by force1 when a whole nation is determined to take its stand upon that ground4 ,mr4 ,burke1 in his review of the finances of ,france1 states the quantity of gold and silver in ,france1 at about eighty-eight millions sterling4 ,in doing this1 he has1 ,i presume1 divided by the difference of exchange1 instead of the standard of twenty-four livres to a pound sterling2 for ,m4 ,neckar's statement1 from which ,mr4 ,burke's is taken1 is two thousand two hundred millions of livres1 which is upwards of ninety-one millions and a half sterling4 ,m4 ,neckar in ,france1 and ,mr4 ,george ,chalmers at the ,office of ,trade and ,plantation in ,england1 of which ,lord ,hawkesbury is president1 published nearly about the same time 7#aghf7 an account of the quantity of money in each nation1 from the returns of the ,mint of each nation4 ,mr4 ,chalmers1 from the returns of the ,english ,mint at the ,tower of ,london1 states the quantity of money in ,england1 including ,scotland and ,ireland1 to be twenty millions sterling499#ab ,m4 ,neckar99#ac says that the amount of money in ,france1 recoined from the old coin which was called in1 was two thousand five hundred millions of livres 7upwards of one hundred and four millions sterling72 and1 after deducting for waste1 and what may be in the ,west ,indies and other possible circumstances1 states the circulation quantity at home to be ninety-one millions and a half sterling2 but1 taking it as ,mr4 ,burke has put it1 it is sixty-eight millions more than the national quantity in ,england4 ,that the quantity of money in ,france cannot be under this sum1 may at once be seen from the state of the ,french ,revenue1 without referring to the records of the ,french ,mint for proofs4 ,the revenue of ,france1 prior to the ,revolution1 was nearly twenty-four millions sterling2 and as paper had then no existence in ,france the whole revenue was collected upon gold and silver2 and it would have been impossible to have collected such a quantity of revenue upon a less national quantity than ,m4 ,neckar has stated4 ,before the establishment of paper in ,england1 the revenue was about a fourth part of the national amount of gold and silver1 as may be known by referring to the revenue prior to ,king ,william1 and the quantity of money stated to be in the nation at that time1 which was nearly as much as it is now4 ,it can be of no real service to a nation1 to impose upon itself1 or to permit itself to be imposed upon2 but the prejudices of some1 and the imposition of others1 have always represented ,france as a nation possessing but little money--whereas the quantity is not only more than four times what the quantity is in ,england1 but is considerably greater on a proportion of numbers4 ,to account for this deficiency on the part of ,england1 some reference should be had to the ,english system of funding4 ,it operates to multiply paper1 and to substitute it in the room of money1 in various shapes2 and the more paper is multiplied1 the more opportunities are offered to export the specie2 and it admits of a possibility 7by extending it to small notes7 of increasing paper till there is no money left4 ,i know this is not a pleasant subject to ,english readers2 but the matters ,i am going to mention1 are so important in themselves1 as to require the attention of men interested in money transactions of a public nature4 ,there is a circumstance stated by ,m4 ,neckar1 in his treatise on the administration of the finances1 which has never been attended to in ,england1 but which forms the only basis whereon to estimate the quantity of money 7gold and silver7 which ought to be in every nation in ,europe1 to preserve a relative proportion with other nations4 ,lisbon and ,cadiz are the two ports into which 7money7 gold and silver from ,south ,america are imported1 and which afterwards divide and spread themselves over ,europe by means of commerce1 and increase the quantity of money in all parts of ,europe4 ,if1 therefore1 the amount of the annual importation into ,europe can be known1 and the relative proportion of the foreign commerce of the several nations by which it can be distributed can be ascertained1 they give a rule sufficiently true1 to ascertain the quantity of money which ought to be found in any nation1 at any given time4 ,m4 ,neckar shows from the registers of ,lisbon and ,cadiz1 that the importation of gold and silver into ,europe1 is five millions sterling annually4 ,he has not taken it on a single year1 but on an average of fifteen succeeding years1 from #agfc to #aggg1 both inclusive2 in which time1 the amount was one thousand eight hundred million livres1 which is seventy-five millions sterling499#ad ,from the commencement of the ,hanover succession in #agad to the time ,mr4 ,chalmers published1 is seventy-two years2 and the quantity imported into ,europe1 in that time1 would be three hundred and sixty millions sterling4 ,if the foreign commerce of ,great ,britain be stated at a sixth part of what the whole foreign commerce of ,europe amounts to 7which is probably an inferior estimation to what the gentlemen at the ,exchange would allow7 the proportion which ,britain should draw by commerce of this sum1 to keep herself on a proportion with the rest of ,europe1 would be also a sixth part which is sixty millions sterling2 and if the same allowance for waste and accident be made for ,england which ,m4 ,neckar makes for ,france1 the quantity remaining after these deductions would be fifty-two millions2 and this sum ought to have been in the nation 7at the time ,mr4 ,chalmers published71 in addition to the sum which was in the nation at the commencement of the ,hanover succession1 and to have made in the whole at least sixty-six millions sterling2 instead of which there were but twenty millions1 which is forty-six millions below its proportionate quantity4 ,as the quantity of gold and silver imported into ,lisbon and ,cadiz is more exactly ascertained than that of any commodity imported into ,england1 and as the quantity of money coined at the ,tower of ,london is still more positively known1 the leading facts do not admit of controversy4 ,either1 therefore1 the commerce of ,england is unproductive of profit1 or the gold and silver which it brings in leak continually away by unseen means at the average rate of about three-quarters of a million a year1 which1 in the course of seventy-two years1 accounts for the deficiency2 and its absence is supplied by paper499#ae ,the ,revolution of ,france is attended with many novel circumstances1 not only in the political sphere1 but in the circle of money transactions4 ,among others1 it shows that a government may be in a state of insolvency and a nation rich4 ,so far as the fact is confined to the late ,government of ,france1 it was insolvent2 because the nation would no longer support its extravagance1 and therefore it could no longer support itself--but with respect to the nation all the means existed4 ,a government may be said to be insolvent every time it applies to the nation to discharge its arrears4 ,the insolvency of the late ,government of ,france and the present of ,england differed in no other respect than as the dispositions of the people differ4 ,the people of ,france refused their aid to the old ,government2 and the people of ,england submit to taxation without inquiry4 ,what is called the ,crown in ,england has been insolvent several times2 the last of which1 publicly known1 was in ,may1 #aggg1 when it applied to the nation to discharge upwards of ,l#fjj1jjj private debts1 which otherwise it could not pay4 ,it was the error of ,mr4 ,pitt1 ,mr4 ,burke1 and all those who were unacquainted with the affairs of ,france to confound the ,french nation with the ,french ,government4 ,the ,french nation1 in effect1 endeavoured to render the late ,government insolvent for the purpose of taking government into its own hands3 and it reserved its means for the support of the new ,government4 ,in a country of such vast extent and population as ,france the natural means cannot be wanting1 and the political means appear the instant the nation is disposed to permit them4 ,when ,mr4 ,burke1 in a speech last winter in the ,british ,parliament1 cast his eyes over the map of ,europe1 and saw a chasm that once was ,france1 he talked like a dreamer of dreams4 ,the same natural ,france existed as before1 and all the natural means existed with it4 ,the only chasm was that the extinction of despotism had left1 and which was to be filled up with the ,constitution more formidable in resources than the power which had expired4 ,although the ,french ,nation rendered the late ,government insolvent1 it did not permit the insolvency to act towards the creditors2 and the creditors1 considering the ,nation as the real pay-master1 and the ,government only as the agent1 rested themselves on the nation1 in preference to the ,government4 ,this appears greatly to disturb ,mr4 ,burke1 as the precedent is fatal to the policy by which governments have supposed themselves secure4 ,they have contracted debts1 with a view of attaching what is called the monied interest of a ,nation to their support2 but the example in ,france shows that the permanent security of the creditor is in the ,nation1 and not in the ,government2 and that in all possible revolutions that may happen in ,governments1 the means are always with the ,nation1 and the ,nation always in existence4 ,mr4 ,burke argues that the creditors ought to have abided the fate of the ,government which they trusted2 but the ,national ,assembly considered them as the creditors of the ,nation1 and not of the ,government--of the master1 and not of the steward4 ,notwithstanding the late government could not discharge the current expenses1 the present government has paid off a great part of the capital4 ,this has been accomplished by two means2 the one by lessening the expenses of government1 and the other by the sale of the monastic and ecclesiastical landed estates4 ,the devotees and penitent debauchees1 extortioners and misers of former days1 to ensure themselves a better world than that they were about to leave1 had bequeathed immense property in trust to the priesthood for pious uses2 and the priesthood kept it for themselves4 ,the ,national ,assembly has ordered it to be sold for the good of the whole nation1 and the priesthood to be decently provided for4 ,in consequence of the revolution1 the annual interest of the debt of ,france will be reduced at least six millions sterling1 by paying off upwards of one hundred millions of the capital2 which1 with lessening the former expenses of government at least three millions1 will place ,france in a situation worthy the imitation of ,europe4 ,upon a whole review of the subject1 how vast is the contrast6 ,while ,mr4 ,burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in ,france1 the ,national ,assembly has been paying off the capital of its debt2 and while taxes have increased near a million a year in ,england1 they have lowered several millions a year in ,france4 ,not a word has either ,mr4 ,burke or ,mr4 ,pitt said about the ,french affairs1 or the state of the ,french finances1 in the present ,session of ,parliament4 ,the subject begins to be too well understood1 and imposition serves no longer4 ,there is a general enigma running through the whole of ,mr4 ,burke's book4 ,he writes in a rage against the ,national ,assembly2 but what is he enraged about8 ,if his assertions were as true as they are groundless1 and that ,france by her ,revolution1 had annihilated her power1 and become what he calls a chasm1 it might excite the grief of a ,frenchman 7considering himself as a national man71 and provoke his rage against the ,national ,assembly2 but why should it excite the rage of ,mr4 ,burke8 ,alas6 it is not the nation of ,france that ,mr4 ,burke means1 but the ,court2 and every ,court in ,europe1 dreading the same fate1 is in mourning4 ,he writes neither in the character of a ,frenchman nor an ,englishman1 but in the fawning character of that creature known in all countries1 and a friend to none--a courtier4 ,whether it be the ,court of ,versailles1 or the ,court of ,st4 ,james1 or ,carlton-,house1 or the ,court in expectation1 signifies not2 for the caterpillar principle of all ,courts and ,courtiers are alike4 ,they form a common policy throughout ,europe1 detached and separate from the interest of ,nations3 and while they appear to quarrel1 they agree to plunder4 ,nothing can be more terrible to a ,court or ,courtier than the ,revolution of ,france4 ,that which is a blessing to ,nations is bitterness to them3 and as their existence depends on the duplicity of a country1 they tremble at the approach of principles1 and dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow4 ,,conclusion ,reason and ,ignorance1 the opposites of each other1 influence the great bulk of mankind4 ,if either of these can be rendered sufficiently extensive in a country1 the machinery of ,government goes easily on4 ,reason obeys itself2 and ,ignorance submits to whatever is dictated to it4 ,the two modes of the ,government which prevail in the world1 are3 ,first1 ,government by election and representation4 ,secondly1 ,government by hereditary succession4 ,the former is generally known by the name of republic2 the latter by that of monarchy and aristocracy4 ,those two distinct and opposite forms erect themselves on the two distinct and opposite bases of ,reason and ,ignorance4--,as the exercise of ,government requires talents and abilities1 and as talents and abilities cannot have hereditary descent1 it is evident that hereditary succession requires a belief from man to which his reason cannot subscribe1 and which can only be established upon his ignorance2 and the more ignorant any country is1 the better it is fitted for this species of ,government4 ,on the contrary1 ,government1 in a well-constituted republic1 requires no belief from man beyond what his reason can give4 ,he sees the rationale of the whole system1 its origin and its operation2 and as it is best supported when best understood1 the human faculties act with boldness1 and acquire1 under this form of government1 a gigantic manliness4 ,as1 therefore1 each of those forms acts on a different base1 the one moving freely by the aid of reason1 the other by ignorance2 we have next to consider1 what it is that gives motion to that species of ,government which is called mixed ,government1 or1 as it is sometimes ludicrously styled1 a ,government of this1 that and t' other4 ,the moving power in this species of ,government is1 of necessity1 ,corruption4 ,however imperfect election and representation may be in mixed ,governments1 they still give exercise to a greater portion of reason than is convenient to the hereditary ,part2 and therefore it becomes necessary to buy the reason up4 ,a mixed ,government is an imperfect everything1 cementing and soldering the discordant parts together by corruption1 to act as a whole4 ,mr4 ,burke appears highly disgusted that ,france1 since she had resolved on a revolution1 did not adopt what he calls ,a ,british ,constitution2 and the regretful manner in which he expresses himself on this occasion implies a suspicion that the ,british ,constitution needed something to keep its defects in countenance4 ,in mixed ,governments there is no responsibility3 the parts cover each other till responsibility is lost2 and the corruption which moves the machine1 contrives at the same time its own escape4 ,when it is laid down as a maxim1 that a ,king can do no wrong1 it places him in a state of similar security with that of idiots and persons insane1 and responsibility is out of the question with respect to himself4 ,it then descends upon the ,minister1 who shelters himself under a majority in ,parliament1 which1 by places1 pensions1 and corruption1 he can always command2 and that majority justifies itself by the same authority with which it protects the ,minister4 ,in this rotatory motion1 responsibility is thrown off from the parts1 and from the whole4 ,when there is a ,part in a ,government which can do no wrong1 it implies that it does nothing2 and is only the machine of another power1 by whose advice and direction it acts4 ,what is supposed to be the ,king in the mixed ,governments1 is the ,cabinet2 and as the ,cabinet is always a part of the ,parliament1 and the members justifying in one character what they advise and act in another1 a mixed ,government becomes a continual enigma2 entailing upon a country by the quantity of corruption necessary to solder the parts1 the expense of supporting all the forms of government at once1 and finally resolving itself into a ,government by ,committee2 in which the advisers1 the actors1 the approvers1 the justifiers1 the persons responsible1 and the persons not responsible1 are the same persons4 ,by this pantomimical contrivance1 and change of scene and character1 the parts help each other out in matters which neither of them singly would assume to act4 ,when money is to be obtained1 the mass of variety apparently dissolves1 and a profusion of parliamentary praises passes between the parts4 ,each admires with astonishment1 the wisdom1 the liberality1 the disinterestedness of the other3 and all of them breathe a pitying sigh at the burthens of the ,nation4 ,but in a well-constituted republic1 nothing of this soldering1 praising1 and pitying1 can take place2 the representation being equal throughout the country1 and complete in itself1 however it may be arranged into legislative and executive1 they have all one and the same natural source4 ,the parts are not foreigners to each other1 like democracy1 aristocracy1 and monarchy4 ,as there are no discordant distinctions1 there is nothing to corrupt by compromise1 nor confound by contrivance4 ,public measures appeal of themselves to the understanding of the ,nation1 and1 resting on their own merits1 disown any flattering applications to vanity4 ,the continual whine of lamenting the burden of taxes1 however successfully it may be practised in mixed ,governments1 is inconsistent with the sense and spirit of a republic4 ,if taxes are necessary1 they are of course advantageous2 but if they require an apology1 the apology itself implies an impeachment4 ,why1 then1 is man thus imposed upon1 or why does he impose upon himself8 ,when men are spoken of as kings and subjects1 or when ,government is mentioned under the distinct and combined heads of monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 what is it that reasoning man is to understand by the terms8 ,if there really existed in the world two or more distinct and separate elements of human power1 we should then see the several origins to which those terms would descriptively apply2 but as there is but one species of man1 there can be but one element of human power2 and that element is man himself4 ,monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 are but creatures of imagination2 and a thousand such may be contrived as well as three4 ,from the ,revolutions of ,america and ,france1 and the symptoms that have appeared in other countries1 it is evident that the opinion of the world is changing with respect to systems of ,government1 and that revolutions are not within the compass of political calculations4 ,the progress of time and circumstances1 which men assign to the accomplishment of great changes1 is too mechanical to measure the force of the mind1 and the rapidity of reflection1 by which revolutions are generated3 ,all the old governments have received a shock from those that already appear1 and which were once more improbable1 and are a greater subject of wonder1 than a general revolution in ,europe would be now4 ,when we survey the wretched condition of man1 under the monarchical and hereditary systems of ,government1 dragged from his home by one power1 or driven by another1 and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies1 it becomes evident that those systems are bad1 and that a general revolution in the principle and construction of ,governments is necessary4 ,what is government more than the management of the affairs of a ,nation8 ,it is not1 and from its nature cannot be1 the property of any particular man or family1 but of the whole community1 at whose expense it is supported2 and though by force and contrivance it has been usurped into an inheritance1 the usurpation cannot alter the right of things4 ,sovereignty1 as a matter of right1 appertains to the ,nation only1 and not to any individual2 and a ,nation has at all times an inherent indefeasible right to abolish any form of ,government it finds inconvenient1 and to establish such as accords with its interest1 disposition and happiness4 ,the romantic and barbarous distinction of men into ,kings and subjects1 though it may suit the condition of courtiers1 cannot that of citizens2 and is exploded by the principle upon which ,governments are now founded4 ,every citizen is a member of the ,sovereignty1 and1 as such1 can acknowledge no personal subjection2 and his obedience can be only to the laws4 ,when men think of what ,government is1 they must necessarily suppose it to possess a knowledge of all the objects and matters upon which its authority is to be exercised4 ,in this view of ,government1 the republican system1 as established by ,america and ,france1 operates to embrace the whole of a ,nation2 and the knowledge necessary to the interest of all the parts1 is to be found in the center1 which the parts by representation form3 ,but the old ,governments are on a construction that excludes knowledge as well as happiness2 government by ,monks1 who knew nothing of the world beyond the walls of a ,convent1 is as consistent as government by ,kings4 ,what were formerly called ,revolutions1 were little more than a change of persons1 or an alteration of local circumstances4 ,they rose and fell like things of course1 and had nothing in their existence or their fate that could influence beyond the spot that produced them4 ,but what we now see in the world1 from the ,revolutions of ,america and ,france1 are a renovation of the natural order of things1 a system of principles as universal as truth and the existence of man1 and combining moral with political happiness and national prosperity4 ,i4 ,men are born1 and always continue1 free and equal in respect of their rights4 ,civil distinctions1 therefore1 can be founded only on public utility4 ,,ii4 ,the end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man2 and these rights are liberty1 property1 security1 and resistance of oppression4 ,,iii4 ,the nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty2 nor can any ,individual1 or ,any ,body ,of ,men1 be entitled to any authority which is not expressly derived from it4 ,in these principles1 there is nothing to throw a ,nation into confusion by inflaming ambition4 ,they are calculated to call forth wisdom and abilities1 and to exercise them for the public good1 and not for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular descriptions of men or families4 ,monarchical sovereignty1 the enemy of mankind1 and the source of misery1 is abolished2 and the sovereignty itself is restored to its natural and original place1 the ,nation4 ,were this the case throughout ,europe1 the cause of wars would be taken away4 ,it is attributed to ,henry the ,fourth of ,france1 a man of enlarged and benevolent heart1 that he proposed1 about the year #afaj1 a plan for abolishing war in ,europe4 ,the plan consisted in constituting an ,european ,congress1 or as the ,french authors style it1 a ,pacific ,republic2 by appointing delegates from the several ,nations who were to act as a ,court of arbitration in any disputes that might arise between nation and nation4 ,had such a plan been adopted at the time it was proposed1 the taxes of ,england and ,france1 as two of the parties1 would have been at least ten millions sterling annually to each ,nation less than they were at the commencement of the ,french ,revolution4 ,to conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopted 7and that instead of a ,congress for the purpose of preventing war1 it has been called only to terminate a war1 after a fruitless expense of several years7 it will be necessary to consider the interest of ,governments as a distinct interest to that of ,nations4 ,whatever is the cause of taxes to a ,nation1 becomes also the means of revenue to ,government4 ,every war terminates with an addition of taxes1 and consequently with an addition of revenue2 and in any event of war1 in the manner they are now commenced and concluded1 the power and interest of ,governments are increased4 ,war1 therefore1 from its productiveness1 as it easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for taxes and appointments to places and offices1 becomes a principal part of the system of old ,governments2 and to establish any mode to abolish war1 however advantageous it might be to ,nations1 would be to take from such ,government the most lucrative of its branches4 ,the frivolous matters upon which war is made1 show the disposition and avidity of ,governments to uphold the system of war1 and betray the motives upon which they act4 ,why are not ,republics plunged into war1 but because the nature of their ,government does not admit of an interest distinct from that of the ,nation8 ,even ,holland1 though an ill-constructed ,republic1 and with a commerce extending over the world1 existed nearly a century without war3 and the instant the form of ,government was changed in ,france1 the republican principles of peace and domestic prosperity and economy arose with the new ,government2 and the same consequences would follow the cause in other ,nations4 ,as war is the system of ,government on the old construction1 the animosity which ,nations reciprocally entertain1 is nothing more than what the policy of their ,governments excites to keep up the spirit of the system4 ,each ,government accuses the other of perfidy1 intrigue1 and ambition1 as a means of heating the imagination of their respective ,nations1 and incensing them to hostilities4 ,man is not the enemy of man1 but through the medium of a false system of ,government4 ,instead1 therefore1 of exclaiming against the ambition of ,kings1 the exclamation should be directed against the principle of such ,governments2 and instead of seeking to reform the individual1 the wisdom of a ,nation should apply itself to reform the system4 ,whether the forms and maxims of ,governments which are still in practice1 were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were established1 is not in this case the question4 ,the older they are1 the less correspondence can they have with the present state of things4 ,time1 and change of circumstances and opinions1 have the same progressive effect in rendering modes of ,government obsolete as they have upon customs and manners4--,agriculture1 commerce1 manufactures1 and the tranquil arts1 by which the prosperity of ,nations is best promoted1 require a different system of ,government1 and a different species of knowledge to direct its operations1 than what might have been required in the former condition of the world4 ,as it is not difficult to perceive1 from the enlightened state of mankind1 that hereditary ,governments are verging to their decline1 and that ,revolutions on the broad basis of national sovereignty and ,government by representation1 are making their way in ,europe1 it would be an act of wisdom to anticipate their approach1 and produce ,revolutions by reason and accommodation1 rather than commit them to the issue of convulsions4 ,from what we now see1 nothing of reform in the political world ought to be held improbable4 ,it is an age of ,revolutions1 in which everything may be looked for4 ,the intrigue of ,courts1 by which the system of war is kept up1 may provoke a confederation of ,nations to abolish it3 and an ,european ,congress to patronise the progress of free ,government1 and promote the civilisation of ,nations with each other1 is an event nearer in probability1 than once were the revolutions and alliance of ,france and ,america4 ,,end ,,of ,,part ,i4 ,,rights ,,of ,,man4 ,,part ,,second1 ,,combining ,,principle ,,and ,,practice4 ,by ,thomas ,paine4 ,,french ,,translator',s ,,preface4 7#agib7 ,,the work of which we offer a translation to the public has created the greatest sensation in ,england4 ,paine1 that man of freedom1 who seems born to preach ,common ,sense to the whole world with the same success as in ,america1 explains in it to the people of ,england the theory of the practice of the ,rights of ,man4 ,owing to the prejudices that still govern that nation1 the author has been obliged to condescend to answer ,mr4 ,burke4 ,he has done so more especially in an extended preface which is nothing but a piece of very tedious controversy1 in which he shows himself very sensitive to criticisms that do not really affect him4 ,to translate it seemed an insult to the free ,french people1 and similar reasons have led the editors to suppress also a dedicatory epistle addressed by ,paine to ,lafayette4 ,the ,french can no longer endure dedicatory epistles4 ,a man should write privately to those he esteems3 when he publishes a book his thoughts should be offered to the public alone4 ,paine1 that uncorrupted friend of freedom1 believed too in the sincerity of ,lafayette4 ,so easy is it to deceive men of single-minded purpose6 ,bred at a distance from courts1 that austere ,american does not seem any more on his guard against the artful ways and speech of courtiers than some ,frenchmen who resemble him4 ,,to ,m4 ,,de ,,la ,,fayette ,after an acquaintance of nearly fifteen years in difficult situations in ,america1 and various consultations in ,europe1 ,i feel a pleasure in presenting to you this small treatise1 in gratitude for your services to my beloved ,america1 and as a testimony of my esteem for the virtues1 public and private1 which ,i know you to possess4 ,the only point upon which ,i could ever discover that we differed was not as to principles of government1 but as to time4 ,for my own part ,i think it equally as injurious to good principles to permit them to linger1 as to push them on too fast4 ,that which you suppose accomplishable in fourteen or fifteen years1 ,i may believe practicable in a much shorter period4 ,mankind1 as it appears to me1 are always ripe enough to understand their true interest1 provided it be presented clearly to their understanding1 and that in a manner not to create suspicion by anything like self-design1 nor offend by assuming too much4 ,where we would wish to reform we must not reproach4 ,when the ,american revolution was established ,i felt a disposition to sit serenely down and enjoy the calm4 ,it did not appear to me that any object could afterwards arise great enough to make me quit tranquility and feel as ,i had felt before4 ,but when principle1 and not place1 is the energetic cause of action1 a man1 ,i find1 is everywhere the same4 ,i am now once more in the public world2 and as ,i have not a right to contemplate on so many years of remaining life as you have1 ,i have resolved to labour as fast as ,i can2 and as ,i am anxious for your aid and your company1 ,i wish you to hasten your principles and overtake me4 ,if you make a campaign the ensuing spring1 which it is most probable there will be no occasion for1 ,i will come and join you4 ,should the campaign commence1 ,i hope it will terminate in the extinction of ,german despotism1 and in establishing the freedom of all ,germany4 ,when ,france shall be surrounded with revolutions she will be in peace and safety1 and her taxes1 as well as those of ,germany1 will consequently become less4 ,your sincere1 ,affectionate ,friend1 ,thomas ,paine ,london1 ,feb4 #i1 #agib ,,preface ,when ,i began the chapter entitled the ,conclusion in the former part of the ,,rights ,,of ,,man1 published last year1 it was my intention to have extended it to a greater length2 but in casting the whole matter in my mind1 which ,i wish to add1 ,i found that it must either make the work too bulky1 or contract my plan too much4 ,i therefore brought it to a close as soon as the subject would admit1 and reserved what ,i had further to say to another opportunity4 ,several other reasons contributed to produce this determination4 ,i wished to know the manner in which a work1 written in a style of thinking and expression different to what had been customary in ,england1 would be received before ,i proceeded farther4 ,a great field was opening to the view of mankind by means of the ,french ,revolution4 ,mr4 ,burke's outrageous opposition thereto brought the controversy into ,england4 ,he attacked principles which he knew 7from information7 ,i would contest with him1 because they are principles ,i believe to be good1 and which ,i have contributed to establish1 and conceive myself bound to defend4 ,had he not urged the controversy1 ,i had most probably been a silent man4 ,another reason for deferring the remainder of the work was1 that ,mr4 ,burke promised in his first publication to renew the subject at another opportunity1 and to make a comparison of what he called the ,english and ,french ,constitutions4 ,i therefore held myself in reserve for him4 ,he has published two works since1 without doing this3 which he certainly would not have omitted1 had the comparison been in his favour4 ,in his last work1 his ,appeal from the ,new to the ,old ,whigs1 he has quoted about ten pages from the ,,rights ,,of ,,man1 and having given himself the trouble of doing this1 says he shall not attempt in the smallest degree to refute them1 meaning the principles therein contained4 ,i am enough acquainted with ,mr4 ,burke to know that he would if he could4 ,but instead of contesting them1 he immediately after consoles himself with saying that he has done his part4--,he has not done his part4 ,he has not performed his promise of a comparison of constitutions4 ,he started the controversy1 he gave the challenge1 and has fled from it2 and he is now a case in point with his own opinion that the age of chivalry is gone6 ,the title1 as well as the substance of his last work1 his ,appeal1 is his condemnation4 ,principles must stand on their own merits1 and if they are good they certainly will4 ,to put them under the shelter of other men's authority1 as ,mr4 ,burke has done1 serves to bring them into suspicion4 ,mr4 ,burke is not very fond of dividing his honours1 but in this case he is artfully dividing the disgrace4 ,but who are those to whom ,mr4 ,burke has made his appeal8 ,a set of childish thinkers1 and half-way politicians born in the last century1 men who went no farther with any principle than as it suited their purposes as a party2 the nation was always left out of the question2 and this has been the character of every party from that day to this4 ,the nation sees nothing of such works1 or such politics1 worthy its attention4 ,a little matter will move a party1 but it must be something great that moves a nation4 ,though ,i see nothing in ,mr4 ,burke's ,appeal worth taking much notice of1 there is1 however1 one expression upon which ,i shall offer a few remarks4 ,after quoting largely from the ,,rights ,,of ,,man1 and declining to contest the principles contained in that work1 he says3 ,this will most probably be done 7if such writings shall be thought to deserve any other refutation than that of criminal justice7 by others1 who may think with ,mr4 ,burke and with the same zeal4 ,in the first place1 it has not yet been done by anybody4 ,not less1 ,i believe1 than eight or ten pamphlets intended as answers to the former part of the ,,rights ,,of ,,man have been published by different persons1 and not one of them to my knowledge1 has extended to a second edition1 nor are even the titles of them so much as generally remembered4 ,as ,i am averse to unnecessary multiplying publications1 ,i have answered none of them4 ,and as ,i believe that a man may write himself out of reputation when nobody else can do it1 ,i am careful to avoid that rock4 ,but as ,i would decline unnecessary publications on the one hand1 so would ,i avoid everything that might appear like sullen pride on the other4 ,if ,mr4 ,burke1 or any person on his side the question1 will produce an answer to the ,,rights ,,of ,,man that shall extend to a half1 or even to a fourth part of the number of copies to which the ,rights ,of ,man extended1 ,i will reply to his work4 ,but until this be done1 ,i shall so far take the sense of the public for my guide 7and the world knows ,i am not a flatterer7 that what they do not think worth while to read1 is not worth mine to answer4 ,i suppose the number of copies to which the first part of the ,,rights ,,of ,,man extended1 taking ,england1 ,scotland1 and ,ireland1 is not less than between forty and fifty thousand4 ,i now come to remark on the remaining part of the quotation ,i have made from ,mr4 ,burke4 ,if1 says he1 such writings shall be thought to deserve any other refutation than that of criminal justice4 ,pardoning the pun1 it must be criminal justice indeed that should condemn a work as a substitute for not being able to refute it4 ,the greatest condemnation that could be passed upon it would be a refutation4 ,but in proceeding by the method ,mr4 ,burke alludes to1 the condemnation would1 in the final event1 pass upon the criminality of the process and not upon the work1 and in this case1 ,i had rather be the author1 than be either the judge or the jury that should condemn it4 ,but to come at once to the point4 ,i have differed from some professional gentlemen on the subject of prosecutions1 and ,i since find they are falling into my opinion1 which ,i will here state as fully1 but as concisely as ,i can4 ,i will first put a case with respect to any law1 and then compare it with a government1 or with what in ,england is1 or has been1 called a constitution4 ,it would be an act of despotism1 or what in ,england is called arbitrary power1 to make a law to prohibit investigating the principles1 good or bad1 on which such a law1 or any other is founded4 ,if a law be bad it is one thing to oppose the practice of it1 but it is quite a different thing to expose its errors1 to reason on its defects1 and to show cause why it should be repealed1 or why another ought to be substituted in its place4 ,i have always held it an opinion 7making it also my practice7 that it is better to obey a bad law1 making use at the same time of every argument to show its errors and procure its repeal1 than forcibly to violate it2 because the precedent of breaking a bad law might weaken the force1 and lead to a discretionary violation1 of those which are good4 ,the case is the same with respect to principles and forms of government1 or to what are called constitutions and the parts of which they are1 composed4 ,it is for the good of nations and not for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular individuals1 that government ought to be established1 and that mankind are at the expense of supporting it4 ,the defects of every government and constitution both as to principle and form1 must1 on a parity of reasoning1 be as open to discussion as the defects of a law1 and it is a duty which every man owes to society to point them out4 ,when those defects1 and the means of remedying them1 are generally seen by a nation1 that nation will reform its government or its constitution in the one case1 as the government repealed or reformed the law in the other4 ,the operation of government is restricted to the making and the administering of laws2 but it is to a nation that the right of forming or reforming1 generating or regenerating constitutions and governments belong2 and consequently those subjects1 as subjects of investigation1 are always before a country as a matter of right1 and cannot1 without invading the general rights of that country1 be made subjects for prosecution4 ,on this ground ,i will meet ,mr4 ,burke whenever he please4 ,it is better that the whole argument should come out than to seek to stifle it4 ,it was himself that opened the controversy1 and he ought not to desert it4 ,i do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy will continue seven years longer in any of the enlightened countries in ,europe4 ,if better reasons can be shown for them than against them1 they will stand2 if the contrary1 they will not4 ,mankind are not now to be told they shall not think1 or they shall not read2 and publications that go no farther than to investigate principles of government1 to invite men to reason and to reflect1 and to show the errors and excellences of different systems1 have a right to appear4 ,if they do not excite attention1 they are not worth the trouble of a prosecution2 and if they do1 the prosecution will amount to nothing1 since it cannot amount to a prohibition of reading4 ,this would be a sentence on the public1 instead of the author1 and would also be the most effectual mode of making or hastening revolution4 ,on all cases that apply universally to a nation1 with respect to systems of government1 a jury of twelve men is not competent to decide4 ,where there are no witnesses to be examined1 no facts to be proved1 and where the whole matter is before the whole public1 and the merits or demerits of it resting on their opinion2 and where there is nothing to be known in a court1 but what every body knows out of it1 every twelve men is equally as good a jury as the other1 and would most probably reverse each other's verdict2 or1 from the variety of their opinions1 not be able to form one4 ,it is one case1 whether a nation approve a work1 or a plan2 but it is quite another case1 whether it will commit to any such jury the power of determining whether that nation have a right to1 or shall reform its government or not4 ,i mention those cases that ,mr4 ,burke may see ,i have not written on ,government without reflecting on what is ,law1 as well as on what are ,rights4--,the only effectual jury in such cases would be a convention of the whole nation fairly elected2 for in all such cases the whole nation is the vicinage4 ,if ,mr4 ,burke will propose such a jury1 ,i will waive all privileges of being the citizen of another country1 and1 defending its principles1 abide the issue1 provided he will do the same2 for my opinion is1 that his work and his principles would be condemned instead of mine4 ,as to the prejudices which men have from education and habit1 in favour of any particular form or system of government1 those prejudices have yet to stand the test of reason and reflection4 ,in fact1 such prejudices are nothing4 ,no man is prejudiced in favour of a thing1 knowing it to be wrong4 ,he is attached to it on the belief of its being right2 and when he sees it is not so1 the prejudice will be gone4 ,we have but a defective idea of what prejudice is4 ,it might be said1 that until men think for themselves the whole is prejudice1 and not opinion2 for that only is opinion which is the result of reason and reflection4 ,i offer this remark1 that ,mr4 ,burke may not confide too much in what have been the customary prejudices of the country4 ,i do not believe that the people of ,england have ever been fairly and candidly dealt by4 ,they have been imposed upon by parties1 and by men assuming the character of leaders4 ,it is time that the nation should rise above those trifles4 ,it is time to dismiss that inattention which has so long been the encouraging cause of stretching taxation to excess4 ,it is time to dismiss all those songs and toasts which are calculated to enslave1 and operate to suffocate reflection4 ,on all such subjects men have but to think1 and they will neither act wrong nor be misled4 ,to say that any people are not fit for freedom1 is to make poverty their choice1 and to say they had rather be loaded with taxes than not4 ,if such a case could be proved1 it would equally prove that those who govern are not fit to govern them1 for they are a part of the same national mass4 ,but admitting governments to be changed all over ,europe2 it certainly may be done without convulsion or revenge4 ,it is not worth making changes or revolutions1 unless it be for some great national benefit3 and when this shall appear to a nation1 the danger will be1 as in ,america and ,france1 to those who oppose2 and with this reflection ,i close my ,preface4 ,,thomas ,,paine ,london1 ,feb4 #i1 #agib ,,rights ,,of ,,man ,,part ,,ii4 ,,introduction4 ,what ,archimedes said of the mechanical powers1 may be applied to ,reason and ,liberty4 ,had we1 said he1 a place to stand upon1 we might raise the world4 ,the revolution of ,america presented in politics what was only theory in mechanics4 ,so deeply rooted were all the governments of the old world1 and so effectually had the tyranny and the antiquity of habit established itself over the mind1 that no beginning could be made in ,asia1 ,africa1 or ,europe1 to reform the political condition of man4 ,freedom had been hunted round the globe2 reason was considered as rebellion2 and the slavery of fear had made men afraid to think4 ,but such is the irresistible nature of truth1 that all it asks1--and all it wants1--is the liberty of appearing4 ,the sun needs no inscription to distinguish him from darkness2 and no sooner did the ,american governments display themselves to the world1 than despotism felt a shock and man began to contemplate redress4 ,the independence of ,america1 considered merely as a separation from ,england1 would have been a matter but of little importance1 had it not been accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of governments4 ,she made a stand1 not for herself only1 but for the world1 and looked beyond the advantages herself could receive4 ,even the ,hessian1 though hired to fight against her1 may live to bless his defeat2 and ,england1 condemning the viciousness of its government1 rejoice in its miscarriage4 ,as ,america was the only spot in the political world where the principle of universal reformation could begin1 so also was it the best in the natural world4 ,an assemblage of circumstances conspired1 not only to give birth1 but to add gigantic maturity to its principles4 ,the scene which that country presents to the eye of a spectator1 has something in it which generates and encourages great ideas4 ,nature appears to him in magnitude4 ,the mighty objects he beholds1 act upon his mind by enlarging it1 and he partakes of the greatness he contemplates4--,its first settlers were emigrants from different ,european nations1 and of diversified professions of religion1 retiring from the governmental persecutions of the old world1 and meeting in the new1 not as enemies1 but as brothers4 ,the wants which necessarily accompany the cultivation of a wilderness produced among them a state of society1 which countries long harassed by the quarrels and intrigues of governments1 had neglected to cherish4 ,in such a situation man becomes what he ought4 ,he sees his species1 not with the inhuman idea of a natural enemy1 but as kindred2 and the example shows to the artificial world1 that man must go back to ,nature for information4 ,from the rapid progress which ,america makes in every species of improvement1 it is rational to conclude that1 if the governments of ,asia1 ,africa1 and ,europe had begun on a principle similar to that of ,america1 or had not been very early corrupted therefrom1 those countries must by this time have been in a far superior condition to what they are4 ,age after age has passed away1 for no other purpose than to behold their wretchedness4 ,could we suppose a spectator who knew nothing of the world1 and who was put into it merely to make his observations1 he would take a great part of the old world to be new1 just struggling with the difficulties and hardships of an infant settlement4 ,he could not suppose that the hordes of miserable poor with which old countries abound could be any other than those who had not yet had time to provide for themselves4 ,little would he think they were the consequence of what in such countries they call government4 ,if1 from the more wretched parts of the old world1 we look at those which are in an advanced stage of improvement we still find the greedy hand of government thrusting itself into every corner and crevice of industry1 and grasping the spoil of the multitude4 ,invention is continually exercised to furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation4 ,it watches prosperity as its prey1 and permits none to escape without a tribute4 ,as revolutions have begun 7and as the probability is always greater against a thing beginning1 than of proceeding after it has begun71 it is natural to expect that other revolutions will follow4 ,the amazing and still increasing expenses with which old governments are conducted1 the numerous wars they engage in or provoke1 the embarrassments they throw in the way of universal civilisation and commerce1 and the oppression and usurpation acted at home1 have wearied out the patience1 and exhausted the property of the world4 ,in such a situation1 and with such examples already existing1 revolutions are to be looked for4 ,they are become subjects of universal conversation1 and may be considered as the ,order of the day4 ,if systems of government can be introduced less expensive and more productive of general happiness than those which have existed1 all attempts to oppose their progress will in the end be fruitless4 ,reason1 like time1 will make its own way1 and prejudice will fall in a combat with interest4 ,if universal peace1 civilisation1 and commerce are ever to be the happy lot of man1 it cannot be accomplished but by a revolution in the system of governments4 ,all the monarchical governments are military4 ,war is their trade1 plunder and revenue their objects4 ,while such governments continue1 peace has not the absolute security of a day4 ,what is the history of all monarchical governments but a disgustful picture of human wretchedness1 and the accidental respite of a few years' repose8 ,wearied with war1 and tired with human butchery1 they sat down to rest1 and called it peace4 ,this certainly is not the condition that heaven intended for man2 and if this be monarchy1 well might monarchy be reckoned among the sins of the ,jews4 ,the revolutions which formerly took place in the world had nothing in them that interested the bulk of mankind4 ,they extended only to a change of persons and measures1 but not of principles1 and rose or fell among the common transactions of the moment4 ,what we now behold may not improperly be called a counter-revolution4 ,conquest and tyranny1 at some earlier period1 dispossessed man of his rights1 and he is now recovering them4 ,and as the tide of all human affairs has its ebb and flow in directions contrary to each other1 so also is it in this4 ,government founded on a moral theory1 on a system of universal peace1 on the indefeasible hereditary ,rights of ,man1 is now revolving from west to east by a stronger impulse than the government of the sword revolved from east to west4 ,it interests not particular individuals1 but nations in its progress1 and promises a new era to the human race4 ,the danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is that of attempting them before the principles on which they proceed1 and the advantages to result from them1 are sufficiently seen and understood4 ,almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation1 has been absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word government4 ,though it avoids taking to its account the errors it commits1 and the mischiefs it occasions1 it fails not to arrogate to itself whatever has the appearance of prosperity4 ,it robs industry of its honours1 by pedantically making itself the cause of its effects2 and purloins from the general character of man1 the merits that appertain to him as a social being4 ,it may therefore be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate between those things which are the effect of government1 and those which are not4 ,this will best be done by taking a review of society and civilisation1 and the consequences resulting therefrom1 as things distinct from what are called governments4 ,by beginning with this investigation1 we shall be able to assign effects to their proper causes and analyse the mass of common errors4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,society ,,and ,,civilisation ,great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government4 ,it has its origin in the principles of society and the natural constitution of man4 ,it existed prior to government1 and would exist if the formality of government was abolished4 ,the mutual dependence and reciprocal interest which man has upon man1 and all the parts of civilised community upon each other1 create that great chain of connection which holds it together4 ,the landholder1 the farmer1 the manufacturer1 the merchant1 the tradesman1 and every occupation1 prospers by the aid which each receives from the other1 and from the whole4 ,common interest regulates their concerns1 and forms their law2 and the laws which common usage ordains1 have a greater influence than the laws of government4 ,in fine1 society performs for itself almost everything which is ascribed to government4 ,to understand the nature and quantity of government proper for man1 it is necessary to attend to his character4 ,as ,nature created him for social life1 she fitted him for the station she intended4 ,in all cases she made his natural wants greater than his individual powers4 ,no one man is capable1 without the aid of society1 of supplying his own wants1 and those wants1 acting upon every individual1 impel the whole of them into society1 as naturally as gravitation acts to a centre4 ,but she has gone further4 ,she has not only forced man into society by a diversity of wants which the reciprocal aid of each other can supply1 but she has implanted in him a system of social affections1 which1 though not necessary to his existence1 are essential to his happiness4 ,there is no period in life when this love for society ceases to act4 ,it begins and ends with our being4 ,if we examine with attention into the composition and constitution of man1 the diversity of his wants1 and the diversity of talents in different men for reciprocally accommodating the wants of each other1 his propensity to society1 and consequently to preserve the advantages resulting from it1 we shall easily discover1 that a great part of what is called government is mere imposition4 ,government is no farther necessary than to supply the few cases to which society and civilisation are not conveniently competent2 and instances are not wanting to show1 that everything which government can usefully add thereto1 has been performed by the common consent of society1 without government4 ,for upwards of two years from the commencement of the ,american ,war1 and to a longer period in several of the ,american ,states1 there were no established forms of government4 ,the old governments had been abolished1 and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ its attention in establishing new governments2 yet during this interval order and harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in ,europe4 ,there is a natural aptness in man1 and more so in society1 because it embraces a greater variety of abilities and resource1 to accommodate itself to whatever situation it is in4 ,the instant formal government is abolished1 society begins to act3 a general association takes place1 and common interest produces common security4 ,so far is it from being true1 as has been pretended1 that the abolition of any formal government is the dissolution of society1 that it acts by a contrary impulse1 and brings the latter the closer together4 ,all that part of its organisation which it had committed to its government1 devolves again upon itself1 and acts through its medium4 ,when men1 as well from natural instinct as from reciprocal benefits1 have habituated themselves to social and civilised life1 there is always enough of its principles in practice to carry them through any changes they may find necessary or convenient to make in their government4 ,in short1 man is so naturally a creature of society that it is almost impossible to put him out of it4 ,formal government makes but a small part of civilised life2 and when even the best that human wisdom can devise is established1 it is a thing more in name and idea than in fact4 ,it is to the great and fundamental principles of society and civilisation--to the common usage universally consented to1 and mutually and reciprocally maintained--to the unceasing circulation of interest1 which1 passing through its million channels1 invigorates the whole mass of civilised man--it is to these things1 infinitely more than to anything which even the best instituted government can perform1 that the safety and prosperity of the individual and of the whole depends4 ,the more perfect civilisation is1 the less occasion has it for government1 because the more does it regulate its own affairs1 and govern itself2 but so contrary is the practice of old governments to the reason of the case1 that the expenses of them increase in the proportion they ought to diminish4 ,it is but few general laws that civilised life requires1 and those of such common usefulness1 that whether they are enforced by the forms of government or not1 the effect will be nearly the same4 ,if we consider what the principles are that first condense men into society1 and what are the motives that regulate their mutual intercourse afterwards1 we shall find1 by the time we arrive at what is called government1 that nearly the whole of the business is performed by the natural operation of the parts upon each other4 ,man1 with respect to all those matters1 is more a creature of consistency than he is aware1 or than governments would wish him to believe4 ,all the great laws of society are laws of nature4 ,those of trade and commerce1 whether with respect to the intercourse of individuals or of nations1 are laws of mutual and reciprocal interest4 ,they are followed and obeyed1 because it is the interest of the parties so to do1 and not on account of any formal laws their governments may impose or interpose4 ,but how often is the natural propensity to society disturbed or destroyed by the operations of government6 ,when the latter1 instead of being ingrafted on the principles of the former1 assumes to exist for itself1 and acts by partialities of favour and oppression1 it becomes the cause of the mischiefs it ought to prevent4 ,if we look back to the riots and tumults which at various times have happened in ,england1 we shall find that they did not proceed from the want of a government1 but that government was itself the generating cause2 instead of consolidating society it divided it2 it deprived it of its natural cohesion1 and engendered discontents and disorders which otherwise would not have existed4 ,in those associations which men promiscuously form for the purpose of trade1 or of any concern in which government is totally out of the question1 and in which they act merely on the principles of society1 we see how naturally the various parties unite2 and this shows1 by comparison1 that governments1 so far from being always the cause or means of order1 are often the destruction of it4 ,the riots of #aghj had no other source than the remains of those prejudices which the government itself had encouraged4 ,but with respect to ,england there are also other causes4 ,excess and inequality of taxation1 however disguised in the means1 never fail to appear in their effects4 ,as a great mass of the community are thrown thereby into poverty and discontent1 they are constantly on the brink of commotion2 and deprived1 as they unfortunately are1 of the means of information1 are easily heated to outrage4 ,whatever the apparent cause of any riots may be1 the real one is always want of happiness4 ,it shows that something is wrong in the system of government that injures the felicity by which society is to be preserved4 ,but as a fact is superior to reasoning1 the instance of ,america presents itself to confirm these observations4 ,if there is a country in the world where concord1 according to common calculation1 would be least expected1 it is ,america4 ,made up as it is of people from different nations199#af accustomed to different forms and habits of government1 speaking different languages1 and more different in their modes of worship1 it would appear that the union of such a people was impracticable2 but by the simple operation of constructing government on the principles of society and the rights of man1 every difficulty retires1 and all the parts are brought into cordial unison4 ,there the poor are not oppressed1 the rich are not privileged4 ,industry is not mortified by the splendid extravagance of a court rioting at its expense4 ,their taxes are few1 because their government is just3 and as there is nothing to render them wretched1 there is nothing to engender riots and tumults4 ,a metaphysical man1 like ,mr4 ,burke1 would have tortured his invention to discover how such a people could be governed4 ,he would have supposed that some must be managed by fraud1 others by force1 and all by some contrivance2 that genius must be hired to impose upon ignorance1 and show and parade to fascinate the vulgar4 ,lost in the abundance of his researches1 he would have resolved and re-resolved1 and finally overlooked the plain and easy road that lay directly before him4 ,one of the great advantages of the ,american ,revolution has been1 that it led to a discovery of the principles1 and laid open the imposition1 of governments4 ,all the revolutions till then had been worked within the atmosphere of a court1 and never on the grand floor of a nation4 ,the parties were always of the class of courtiers2 and whatever was their rage for reformation1 they carefully preserved the fraud of the profession4 ,in all cases they took care to represent government as a thing made up of mysteries1 which only themselves understood2 and they hid from the understanding of the nation the only thing that was beneficial to know1 namely1 ,that government is nothing more than a national association adding on the principles of society4 ,having thus endeavoured to show that the social and civilised state of man is capable of performing within itself almost everything necessary to its protection and government1 it will be proper1 on the other hand1 to take a review of the present old governments1 and examine whether their principles and practice are correspondent thereto4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,present ,,old ,,governments ,it is impossible that such governments as have hitherto existed in the world1 could have commenced by any other means than a total violation of every principle sacred and moral4 ,the obscurity in which the origin of all the present old governments is buried1 implies the iniquity and disgrace with which they began4 ,the origin of the present government of ,america and ,france will ever be remembered1 because it is honourable to record it2 but with respect to the rest1 even ,flattery has consigned them to the tomb of time1 without an inscription4 ,it could have been no difficult thing in the early and solitary ages of the world1 while the chief employment of men was that of attending flocks and herds1 for a banditti of ruffians to overrun a country1 and lay it under contributions4 ,their power being thus established1 the chief of the band contrived to lose the name of ,robber in that of ,monarch2 and hence the origin of ,monarchy and ,kings4 ,the origin of the ,government of ,england1 so far as relates to what is called its line of monarchy1 being one of the latest1 is perhaps the best recorded4 ,the hatred which the ,norman invasion and tyranny begat1 must have been deeply rooted in the nation1 to have outlived the contrivance to obliterate it4 ,though not a courtier will talk of the curfew-bell1 not a village in ,england has forgotten it4 ,those bands of robbers having parcelled out the world1 and divided it into dominions1 began1 as is naturally the case1 to quarrel with each other4 ,what at first was obtained by violence was considered by others as lawful to be taken1 and a second plunderer succeeded the first4 ,they alternately invaded the dominions which each had assigned to himself1 and the brutality with which they treated each other explains the original character of monarchy4 ,it was ruffian torturing ruffian4 ,the conqueror considered the conquered1 not as his prisoner1 but his property4 ,he led him in triumph rattling in chains1 and doomed him1 at pleasure1 to slavery or death4 ,as time obliterated the history of their beginning1 their successors assumed new appearances1 to cut off the entail of their disgrace1 but their principles and objects remained the same4 ,what at first was plunder1 assumed the softer name of revenue2 and the power originally usurped1 they affected to inherit4 ,from such beginning of governments1 what could be expected but a continued system of war and extortion8 ,it has established itself into a trade4 ,the vice is not peculiar to one more than to another1 but is the common principle of all4 ,there does not exist within such governments sufficient stamina whereon to engraft reformation2 and the shortest and most effectual remedy is to begin anew on the ground of the nation4 ,what scenes of horror1 what perfection of iniquity1 present themselves in contemplating the character and reviewing the history of such governments6 ,if we would delineate human nature with a baseness of heart and hypocrisy of countenance that reflection would shudder at and humanity disown1 it is kings1 courts and cabinets that must sit for the portrait4 ,man1 naturally as he is1 with all his faults about him1 is not up to the character4 ,can we possibly suppose that if governments had originated in a right principle1 and had not an interest in pursuing a wrong one1 the world could have been in the wretched and quarrelsome condition we have seen it8 ,what inducement has the farmer1 while following the plough1 to lay aside his peaceful pursuit1 and go to war with the farmer of another country8 or what inducement has the manufacturer8 ,what is dominion to them1 or to any class of men in a nation8 ,does it add an acre to any man's estate1 or raise its value8 ,are not conquest and defeat each of the same price1 and taxes the never-failing consequence8--,though this reasoning may be good to a nation1 it is not so to a government4 ,war is the ,pharo-table of governments1 and nations the dupes of the game4 ,if there is anything to wonder at in this miserable scene of governments more than might be expected1 it is the progress which the peaceful arts of agriculture1 manufacture and commerce have made beneath such a long accumulating load of discouragement and oppression4 ,it serves to show that instinct in animals does not act with stronger impulse than the principles of society and civilisation operate in man4 ,under all discouragements1 he pursues his object1 and yields to nothing but impossibilities4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,and ,,new ,,systems ,,of ,,government ,nothing can appear more contradictory than the principles on which the old governments began1 and the condition to which society1 civilisation and commerce are capable of carrying mankind4 ,government1 on the old system1 is an assumption of power1 for the aggrandisement of itself2 on the new1 a delegation of power for the common benefit of society4 ,the former supports itself by keeping up a system of war2 the latter promotes a system of peace1 as the true means of enriching a nation4 ,the one encourages national prejudices2 the other promotes universal society1 as the means of universal commerce4 ,the one measures its prosperity1 by the quantity of revenue it extorts2 the other proves its excellence1 by the small quantity of taxes it requires4 ,mr4 ,burke has talked of old and new whigs4 ,if he can amuse himself with childish names and distinctions1 ,i shall not interrupt his pleasure4 ,it is not to him1 but to the ,abbe ,sieyes1 that ,i address this chapter4 ,i am already engaged to the latter gentleman to discuss the subject of monarchical government2 and as it naturally occurs in comparing the old and new systems1 ,i make this the opportunity of presenting to him my observations4 ,i shall occasionally take ,mr4 ,burke in my way4 ,though it might be proved that the system of government now called the ,new1 is the most ancient in principle of all that have existed1 being founded on the original1 inherent ,rights of ,man3 yet1 as tyranny and the sword have suspended the exercise of those rights for many centuries past1 it serves better the purpose of distinction to call it the new1 than to claim the right of calling it the old4 ,the first general distinction between those two systems1 is1 that the one now called the old is hereditary1 either in whole or in part2 and the new is entirely representative4 ,it rejects all hereditary government3 ,first1 ,as being an imposition on mankind4 ,secondly1 ,as inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary4 ,with respect to the first of these heads--,it cannot be proved by what right hereditary government could begin2 neither does there exist within the compass of mortal power a right to establish it4 ,man has no authority over posterity in matters of personal right2 and1 therefore1 no man1 or body of men1 had1 or can have1 a right to set up hereditary government4 ,were even ourselves to come again into existence1 instead of being succeeded by posterity1 we have not now the right of taking from ourselves the rights which would then be ours4 ,on what ground1 then1 do we pretend to take them from others8 ,all hereditary government is in its nature tyranny4 ,an heritable crown1 or an heritable throne1 or by what other fanciful name such things may be called1 have no other significant explanation than that mankind are heritable property4 ,to inherit a government1 is to inherit the people1 as if they were flocks and herds4 ,with respect to the second head1 that of being inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary1 we have only to consider what government essentially is1 and compare it with the circumstances to which hereditary succession is subject4 ,government ought to be a thing always in full maturity4 ,it ought to be so constructed as to be superior to all the accidents to which individual man is subject2 and1 therefore1 hereditary succession1 by being subject to them all1 is the most irregular and imperfect of all the systems of government4 ,we have heard the ,rights of ,man called a levelling system2 but the only system to which the word levelling is truly applicable1 is the hereditary monarchical system4 ,it is a system of mental levelling4 ,it indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority4 ,vice and virtue1 ignorance and wisdom1 in short1 every quality good or bad1 is put on the same level4 ,kings succeed each other1 not as rationals1 but as animals4 ,it signifies not what their mental or moral characters are4 ,can we then be surprised at the abject state of the human mind in monarchical countries1 when the government itself is formed on such an abject levelling system8--,it has no fixed character4 ,to-day it is one thing2 to-morrow it is something else4 ,it changes with the temper of every succeeding individual1 and is subject to all the varieties of each4 ,it is government through the medium of passions and accidents4 ,it appears under all the various characters of childhood1 decrepitude1 dotage1 a thing at nurse1 in leading-strings1 or in crutches4 ,it reverses the wholesome order of nature4 ,it occasionally puts children over men1 and the conceits of nonage over wisdom and experience4 ,in short1 we cannot conceive a more ridiculous figure of government1 than hereditary succession1 in all its cases1 presents4 ,could it be made a decree in nature1 or an edict registered in heaven1 and man could know it1 that virtue and wisdom should invariably appertain to hereditary succession1 the objection to it would be removed2 but when we see that nature acts as if she disowned and sported with the hereditary system2 that the mental character of successors1 in all countries1 is below the average of human understanding2 that one is a tyrant1 another an idiot1 a third insane1 and some all three together1 it is impossible to attach confidence to it1 when reason in man has power to act4 ,it is not to the ,abbe ,sieyes that ,i need apply this reasoning2 he has already saved me that trouble by giving his own opinion upon the case4 ,if it be asked1 says he1 what is my opinion with respect to hereditary right1 ,i answer without hesitation1 ,that in good theory1 an hereditary transmission of any power of office1 can never accord with the laws of a true representation4 ,hereditaryship is1 in this sense1 as much an attaint upon principle1 as an outrage upon society4 ,but let us1 continues he1 refer to the history of all elective monarchies and principalities3 is there one in which the elective mode is not worse than the hereditary succession8 ,as to debating on which is the worst of the two1 it is admitting both to be bad2 and herein we are agreed4 ,the preference which the ,abbe has given1 is a condemnation of the thing that he prefers4 ,such a mode of reasoning on such a subject is inadmissible1 because it finally amounts to an accusation upon ,providence1 as if she had left to man no other choice with respect to government than between two evils1 the best of which he admits to be an attaint upon principle1 and an outrage upon society4 ,passing over1 for the present1 all the evils and mischiefs which monarchy has occasioned in the world1 nothing can more effectually prove its uselessness in a state of civil government1 than making it hereditary4 ,would we make any office hereditary that required wisdom and abilities to fill it8 ,and where wisdom and abilities are not necessary1 such an office1 whatever it may be1 is superfluous or insignificant4 ,hereditary succession is a burlesque upon monarchy4 ,it puts it in the most ridiculous light1 by presenting it as an office which any child or idiot may fill4 ,it requires some talents to be a common mechanic2 but to be a king requires only the animal figure of man--a sort of breathing automaton4 ,this sort of superstition may last a few years more1 but it cannot long resist the awakened reason and interest of man4 ,as to ,mr4 ,burke1 he is a stickler for monarchy1 not altogether as a pensioner1 if he is one1 which ,i believe1 but as a political man4 ,he has taken up a contemptible opinion of mankind1 who1 in their turn1 are taking up the same of him4 ,he considers them as a herd of beings that must be governed by fraud1 effigy1 and show2 and an idol would be as good a figure of monarchy with him1 as a man4 ,i will1 however1 do him the justice to say that1 with respect to ,america1 he has been very complimentary4 ,he always contended1 at least in my hearing1 that the people of ,america were more enlightened than those of ,england1 or of any country in ,europe2 and that therefore the imposition of show was not necessary in their governments4 ,though the comparison between hereditary and elective monarchy1 which the ,abbe has made1 is unnecessary to the case1 because the representative system rejects both3 yet1 were ,i to make the comparison1 ,i should decide contrary to what he has done4 ,the civil wars which have originated from contested hereditary claims1 are more numerous1 and have been more dreadful1 and of longer continuance1 than those which have been occasioned by election4 ,all the civil wars in ,france arose from the hereditary system2 they were either produced by hereditary claims1 or by the imperfection of the hereditary form1 which admits of regencies or monarchy at nurse4 ,with respect to ,england1 its history is full of the same misfortunes4 ,the contests for succession between the houses of ,york and ,lancaster lasted a whole century2 and others of a similar nature have renewed themselves since that period4 ,those of #agae and #agde were of the same kind4 ,the succession war for the crown of ,spain embroiled almost half ,europe4 ,the disturbances of ,holland are generated from the hereditaryship of the ,stadtholder4 ,a government calling itself free1 with an hereditary office1 is like a thorn in the flesh1 that produces a fermentation which endeavours to discharge it4 ,but ,i might go further1 and place also foreign wars1 of whatever kind1 to the same cause4 ,it is by adding the evil of hereditary succession to that of monarchy1 that a permanent family interest is created1 whose constant objects are dominion and revenue4 ,poland1 though an elective monarchy1 has had fewer wars than those which are hereditary2 and it is the only government that has made a voluntary essay1 though but a small one1 to reform the condition of the country4 ,having thus glanced at a few of the defects of the old1 or hereditary systems of government1 let us compare it with the new1 or representative system4 ,the representative system takes society and civilisation for its basis2 nature1 reason1 and experience1 for its guide4 ,experience1 in all ages1 and in all countries1 has demonstrated that it is impossible to control ,nature in her distribution of mental powers4 ,she gives them as she pleases4 ,whatever is the rule by which she1 apparently to us1 scatters them among mankind1 that rule remains a secret to man4 ,it would be as ridiculous to attempt to fix the hereditaryship of human beauty1 as of wisdom4 ,whatever wisdom constituently is1 it is like a seedless plant2 it may be reared when it appears1 but it cannot be voluntarily produced4 ,there is always a sufficiency somewhere in the general mass of society for all purposes2 but with respect to the parts of society1 it is continually changing its place4 ,it rises in one to-day1 in another to-morrow1 and has most probably visited in rotation every family of the earth1 and again withdrawn4 ,as this is in the order of nature1 the order of government must necessarily follow it1 or government will1 as we see it does1 degenerate into ignorance4 ,the hereditary system1 therefore1 is as repugnant to human wisdom as to human rights2 and is as absurd as it is unjust4 ,as the republic of letters brings forward the best literary productions1 by giving to genius a fair and universal chance2 so the representative system of government is calculated to produce the wisest laws1 by collecting wisdom from where it can be found4 ,i smile to myself when ,i contemplate the ridiculous insignificance into which literature and all the sciences would sink1 were they made hereditary2 and ,i carry the same idea into governments4 ,an hereditary governor is as inconsistent as an hereditary author4 ,i know not whether ,homer or ,euclid had sons2 but ,i will venture an opinion that if they had1 and had left their works unfinished1 those sons could not have completed them4 ,do we need a stronger evidence of the absurdity of hereditary government than is seen in the descendants of those men1 in any line of life1 who once were famous8 ,is there scarcely an instance in which there is not a total reverse of the character8 ,it appears as if the tide of mental faculties flowed as far as it could in certain channels1 and then forsook its course1 and arose in others4 ,how irrational then is the hereditary system1 which establishes channels of power1 in company with which wisdom refuses to flow6 ,by continuing this absurdity1 man is perpetually in contradiction with himself2 he accepts1 for a king1 or a chief magistrate1 or a legislator1 a person whom he would not elect for a constable4 ,it appears to general observation1 that revolutions create genius and talents2 but those events do no more than bring them forward4 ,there is existing in man1 a mass of sense lying in a dormant state1 and which1 unless something excites it to action1 will descend with him1 in that condition1 to the grave4 ,as it is to the advantage of society that the whole of its faculties should be employed1 the construction of government ought to be such as to bring forward1 by a quiet and regular operation1 all that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in revolutions4 ,this cannot take place in the insipid state of hereditary government1 not only because it prevents1 but because it operates to benumb4 ,when the mind of a nation is bowed down by any political superstition in its government1 such as hereditary succession is1 it loses a considerable portion of its powers on all other subjects and objects4 ,hereditary succession requires the same obedience to ignorance1 as to wisdom2 and when once the mind can bring itself to pay this indiscriminate reverence1 it descends below the stature of mental manhood4 ,it is fit to be great only in little things4 ,it acts a treachery upon itself1 and suffocates the sensations that urge the detection4 ,though the ancient governments present to us a miserable picture of the condition of man1 there is one which above all others exempts itself from the general description4 ,i mean the democracy of the ,athenians4 ,we see more to admire1 and less to condemn1 in that great1 extraordinary people1 than in anything which history affords4 ,mr4 ,burke is so little acquainted with constituent principles of government1 that he confounds democracy and representation together4 ,representation was a thing unknown in the ancient democracies4 ,in those the mass of the people met and enacted laws 7grammatically speaking7 in the first person4 ,simple democracy was no other than the common hall of the ancients4 ,it signifies the form1 as well as the public principle of the government4 ,as those democracies increased in population1 and the territory extended1 the simple democratical form became unwieldy and impracticable2 and as the system of representation was not known1 the consequence was1 they either degenerated convulsively into monarchies1 or became absorbed into such as then existed4 ,had the system of representation been then understood1 as it now is1 there is no reason to believe that those forms of government1 now called monarchical or aristocratical1 would ever have taken place4 ,it was the want of some method to consolidate the parts of society1 after it became too populous1 and too extensive for the simple democratical form1 and also the lax and solitary condition of shepherds and herdsmen in other parts of the world1 that afforded opportunities to those unnatural modes of government to begin4 ,as it is necessary to clear away the rubbish of errors1 into which the subject of government has been thrown1 ,i will proceed to remark on some others4 ,it has always been the political craft of courtiers and court-governments1 to abuse something which they called republicanism2 but what republicanism was1 or is1 they never attempt to explain4 ,let us examine a little into this case4 ,the only forms of government are the democratical1 the aristocratical1 the monarchical1 and what is now called the representative4 ,what is called a republic is not any particular form of government4 ,it is wholly characteristical of the purport1 matter or object for which government ought to be instituted1 and on which it is to be employed1 ,res-,publica1 the public affairs1 or the public good2 or1 literally translated1 the public thing4 ,it is a word of a good original1 referring to what ought to be the character and business of government2 and in this sense it is naturally opposed to the word monarchy1 which has a base original signification4 ,it means arbitrary power in an individual person2 in the exercise of which1 himself1 and not the res-publica1 is the object4 ,every government that does not act on the principle of a ,republic1 or in other words1 that does not make the res-publica its whole and sole object1 is not a good government4 ,republican government is no other than government established and conducted for the interest of the public1 as well individually as collectively4 ,it is not necessarily connected with any particular form1 but it most naturally associates with the representative form1 as being best calculated to secure the end for which a nation is at the expense of supporting it4 ,various forms of government have affected to style themselves a republic4 ,poland calls itself a republic1 which is an hereditary aristocracy1 with what is called an elective monarchy4 ,holland calls itself a republic1 which is chiefly aristocratical1 with an hereditary stadtholdership4 ,but the government of ,america1 which is wholly on the system of representation1 is the only real ,republic1 in character and in practice1 that now exists4 ,its government has no other object than the public business of the nation1 and therefore it is properly a republic2 and the ,americans have taken care that ,this1 and no other1 shall always be the object of their government1 by their rejecting everything hereditary1 and establishing governments on the system of representation only4 ,those who have said that a republic is not a form of government calculated for countries of great extent1 mistook1 in the first place1 the business of a government1 for a form of government2 for the res-publica equally appertains to every extent of territory and population4 ,and1 in the second place1 if they meant anything with respect to form1 it was the simple democratical form1 such as was the mode of government in the ancient democracies1 in which there was no representation4 ,the case1 therefore1 is not1 that a republic cannot be extensive1 but that it cannot be extensive on the simple democratical form2 and the question naturally presents itself1 ,what is the best form of government for conducting the ,res-,publica1 or the ,public ,business of a nation1 after it becomes too extensive and populous for the simple democratical form8 ,it cannot be monarchy1 because monarchy is subject to an objection of the same amount to which the simple democratical form was subject4 ,it is possible that an individual may lay down a system of principles1 on which government shall be constitutionally established to any extent of territory4 ,this is no more than an operation of the mind1 acting by its own powers4 ,but the practice upon those principles1 as applying to the various and numerous circumstances of a nation1 its agriculture1 manufacture1 trade1 commerce1 etc41 etc41 a knowledge of a different kind1 and which can be had only from the various parts of society4 ,it is an assemblage of practical knowledge1 which no individual can possess2 and therefore the monarchical form is as much limited1 in useful practice1 from the incompetency of knowledge1 as was the democratical form1 from the multiplicity of population4 ,the one degenerates1 by extension1 into confusion2 the other1 into ignorance and incapacity1 of which all the great monarchies are an evidence4 ,the monarchical form1 therefore1 could not be a substitute for the democratical1 because it has equal inconveniences4 ,much less could it when made hereditary4 ,this is the most effectual of all forms to preclude knowledge4 ,neither could the high democratical mind have voluntarily yielded itself to be governed by children and idiots1 and all the motley insignificance of character1 which attends such a mere animal system1 the disgrace and the reproach of reason and of man4 ,as to the aristocratical form1 it has the same vices and defects with the monarchical1 except that the chance of abilities is better from the proportion of numbers1 but there is still no security for the right use and application of them499#ag ,referring them to the original simple democracy1 it affords the true data from which government on a large scale can begin4 ,it is incapable of extension1 not from its principle1 but from the inconvenience of its form2 and monarchy and aristocracy1 from their incapacity4 ,retaining1 then1 democracy as the ground1 and rejecting the corrupt systems of monarchy and aristocracy1 the representative system naturally presents itself2 remedying at once the defects of the simple democracy as to form1 and the incapacity of the other two with respect to knowledge4 ,simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of secondary means4 ,by ingrafting representation upon democracy1 we arrive at a system of government capable of embracing and confederating all the various interests and every extent of territory and population2 and that also with advantages as much superior to hereditary government1 as the republic of letters is to hereditary literature4 ,it is on this system that the ,american government is founded4 ,it is representation ingrafted upon democracy4 ,it has fixed the form by a scale parallel in all cases to the extent of the principle4 ,what ,athens was in miniature ,america will be in magnitude4 ,the one was the wonder of the ancient world2 the other is becoming the admiration of the present4 ,it is the easiest of all the forms of government to be understood and the most eligible in practice2 and excludes at once the ignorance and insecurity of the hereditary mode1 and the inconvenience of the simple democracy4 ,it is impossible to conceive a system of government capable of acting over such an extent of territory1 and such a circle of interests1 as is immediately produced by the operation of representation4 ,france1 great and populous as it is1 is but a spot in the capaciousness of the system4 ,it is preferable to simple democracy even in small territories4 ,athens1 by representation1 would have outrivalled her own democracy4 ,that which is called government1 or rather that which we ought to conceive government to be1 is no more than some common center in which all the parts of society unite4 ,this cannot be accomplished by any method so conducive to the various interests of the community1 as by the representative system4 ,it concentrates the knowledge necessary to the interest of the parts1 and of the whole4 ,it places government in a state of constant maturity4 ,it is1 as has already been observed1 never young1 never old4 ,it is subject neither to nonage1 nor dotage4 ,it is never in the cradle1 nor on crutches4 ,it admits not of a separation between knowledge and power1 and is superior1 as government always ought to be1 to all the accidents of individual man1 and is therefore superior to what is called monarchy4 ,a nation is not a body1 the figure of which is to be represented by the human body2 but is like a body contained within a circle1 having a common center1 in which every radius meets2 and that center is formed by representation4 ,to connect representation with what is called monarchy1 is eccentric government4 ,representation is of itself the delegated monarchy of a nation1 and cannot debase itself by dividing it with another4 ,mr4 ,burke has two or three times1 in his parliamentary speeches1 and in his publications1 made use of a jingle of words that convey no ideas4 ,speaking of government1 he says1 ,it is better to have monarchy for its basis1 and republicanism for its corrective1 than republicanism for its basis1 and monarchy for its corrective4--,if he means that it is better to correct folly with wisdom1 than wisdom with folly1 ,i will no otherwise contend with him1 than that it would be much better to reject the folly entirely4 ,but what is this thing which ,mr4 ,burke calls monarchy8 ,will he explain it8 ,all men can understand what representation is2 and that it must necessarily include a variety of knowledge and talents4 ,but what security is there for the same qualities on the part of monarchy8 or1 when the monarchy is a child1 where then is the wisdom8 ,what does it know about government8 ,who then is the monarch1 or where is the monarchy8 ,if it is to be performed by regency1 it proves to be a farce4 ,a regency is a mock species of republic1 and the whole of monarchy deserves no better description4 ,it is a thing as various as imagination can paint4 ,it has none of the stable character that government ought to possess4 ,every succession is a revolution1 and every regency a counter-revolution4 ,the whole of it is a scene of perpetual court cabal and intrigue1 of which ,mr4 ,burke is himself an instance4 ,to render monarchy consistent with government1 the next in succession should not be born a child1 but a man at once1 and that man a ,solomon4 ,it is ridiculous that nations are to wait and government be interrupted till boys grow to be men4 ,whether ,i have too little sense to see1 or too much to be imposed upon2 whether ,i have too much or too little pride1 or of anything else1 ,i leave out of the question2 but certain it is1 that what is called monarchy1 always appears to me a silly1 contemptible thing4 ,i compare it to something kept behind a curtain1 about which there is a great deal of bustle and fuss1 and a wonderful air of seeming solemnity2 but when1 by any accident1 the curtain happens to be open--and the company see what it is1 they burst into laughter4 ,in the representative system of government1 nothing of this can happen4 ,like the nation itself1 it possesses a perpetual stamina1 as well of body as of mind1 and presents itself on the open theatre of the world in a fair and manly manner4 ,whatever are its excellences or defects1 they are visible to all4 ,it exists not by fraud and mystery2 it deals not in cant and sophistry2 but inspires a language that1 passing from heart to heart1 is felt and understood4 ,we must shut our eyes against reason1 we must basely degrade our understanding1 not to see the folly of what is called monarchy4 ,nature is orderly in all her works2 but this is a mode of government that counteracts nature4 ,it turns the progress of the human faculties upside down4 ,it subjects age to be governed by children1 and wisdom by folly4 ,on the contrary1 the representative system is always parallel with the order and immutable laws of nature1 and meets the reason of man in every part4 ,for example3 ,in the ,american ,federal ,government1 more power is delegated to the ,president of the ,united ,states than to any other individual member of ,congress4 ,he cannot1 therefore1 be elected to this office under the age of thirty-five years4 ,by this time the judgment of man becomes more matured1 and he has lived long enough to be acquainted with men and things1 and the country with him4--,but on the monarchial plan 7exclusive of the numerous chances there are against every man born into the world1 of drawing a prize in the lottery of human faculties71 the next in succession1 whatever he may be1 is put at the head of a nation1 and of a government1 at the age of eighteen years4 ,does this appear like an action of wisdom8 ,is it consistent with the proper dignity and the manly character of a nation8 ,where is the propriety of calling such a lad the father of the people8--,in all other cases1 a person is a minor until the age of twenty-one years4 ,before this period1 he is not trusted with the management of an acre of land1 or with the heritable property of a flock of sheep1 or an herd of swine2 but1 wonderful to tell6 he may1 at the age of eighteen years1 be trusted with a nation4 ,that monarchy is all a bubble1 a mere court artifice to procure money1 is evident 7at least to me7 in every character in which it can be viewed4 ,it would be impossible1 on the rational system of representative government1 to make out a bill of expenses to such an enormous amount as this deception admits4 ,government is not of itself a very chargeable institution4 ,the whole expense of the federal government of ,america1 founded1 as ,i have already said1 on the system of representation1 and extending over a country nearly ten times as large as ,england1 is but six hundred thousand dollars1 or one hundred and thirty-five thousand pounds sterling4 ,i presume that no man in his sober senses will compare the character of any of the kings of ,europe with that of ,general ,washington4 ,yet1 in ,france1 and also in ,england1 the expense of the civil list only1 for the support of one man1 is eight times greater than the whole expense of the federal government in ,america4 ,to assign a reason for this1 appears almost impossible4 ,the generality of people in ,america1 especially the poor1 are more able to pay taxes1 than the generality of people either in ,france or ,england4 ,but the case is1 that the representative system diffuses such a body of knowledge throughout a nation1 on the subject of government1 as to explode ignorance and preclude imposition4 ,the craft of courts cannot be acted on that ground4 ,there is no place for mystery2 nowhere for it to begin4 ,those who are not in the representation1 know as much of the nature of business as those who are4 ,an affectation of mysterious importance would there be scouted4 ,nations can have no secrets2 and the secrets of courts1 like those of individuals1 are always their defects4 ,in the representative system1 the reason for everything must publicly appear4 ,every man is a proprietor in government1 and considers it a necessary part of his business to understand4 ,it concerns his interest1 because it affects his property4 ,he examines the cost1 and compares it with the advantages2 and above all1 he does not adopt the slavish custom of following what in other governments are called ,leaders4 ,it can only be by blinding the understanding of man1 and making him believe that government is some wonderful mysterious thing1 that excessive revenues are obtained4 ,monarchy is well calculated to ensure this end4 ,it is the popery of government2 a thing kept up to amuse the ignorant1 and quiet them into taxes4 ,the government of a free country1 properly speaking1 is not in the persons1 but in the laws4 ,the enacting of those requires no great expense2 and when they are administered1 the whole of civil government is performed--the rest is all court contrivance4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,of ,,constitutions ,that men mean distinct and separate things when they speak of constitutions and of governments1 is evident2 or why are those terms distinctly and separately used8 ,a constitution is not the act of a government1 but of a people constituting a government2 and government without a constitution1 is power without a right4 ,all power exercised over a nation1 must have some beginning4 ,it must either be delegated or assumed4 ,there are no other sources4 ,all delegated power is trust1 and all assumed power is usurpation4 ,time does not alter the nature and quality of either4 ,in viewing this subject1 the case and circumstances of ,america present themselves as in the beginning of a world2 and our enquiry into the origin of government is shortened1 by referring to the facts that have arisen in our own day4 ,we have no occasion to roam for information into the obscure field of antiquity1 nor hazard ourselves upon conjecture4 ,we are brought at once to the point of seeing government begin1 as if we had lived in the beginning of time4 ,the real volume1 not of history1 but of facts1 is directly before us1 unmutilated by contrivance1 or the errors of tradition4 ,i will here concisely state the commencement of the ,american constitutions2 by which the difference between constitutions and governments will sufficiently appear4 ,it may not appear improper to remind the reader that the ,united ,states of ,america consist of thirteen separate states1 each of which established a government for itself1 after the declaration of independence1 done the #dth of ,july1 #aggf4 ,each state acted independently of the rest1 in forming its governments2 but the same general principle pervades the whole4 ,when the several state governments were formed1 they proceeded to form the federal government1 that acts over the whole in all matters which concern the interest of the whole1 or which relate to the intercourse of the several states with each other1 or with foreign nations4 ,i will begin with giving an instance from one of the state governments 7that of ,pennsylvania7 and then proceed to the federal government4 ,the state of ,pennsylvania1 though nearly of the same extent of territory as ,england1 was then divided into only twelve counties4 ,each of those counties had elected a committee at the commencement of the dispute with the ,english government2 and as the city of ,philadelphia1 which also had its committee1 was the most central for intelligence1 it became the center of communication to the several country committees4 ,when it became necessary to proceed to the formation of a government1 the committee of ,philadelphia proposed a conference of all the committees1 to be held in that city1 and which met the latter end of ,july1 #aggf4 ,though these committees had been duly elected by the people1 they were not elected expressly for the purpose1 nor invested with the authority of forming a constitution2 and as they could not1 consistently with the ,american idea of rights1 assume such a power1 they could only confer upon the matter1 and put it into a train of operation4 ,the conferees1 therefore1 did no more than state the case1 and recommend to the several counties to elect six representatives for each county1 to meet in convention at ,philadelphia1 with powers to form a constitution1 and propose it for public consideration4 ,this convention1 of which ,benjamin ,franklin was president1 having met and deliberated1 and agreed upon a constitution1 they next ordered it to be published1 not as a thing established1 but for the consideration of the whole people1 their approbation or rejection1 and then adjourned to a stated time4 ,when the time of adjournment was expired1 the convention re-assembled2 and as the general opinion of the people in approbation of it was then known1 the constitution was signed1 sealed1 and proclaimed on the authority of the people and the original instrument deposited as a public record4 ,the convention then appointed a day for the general election of the representatives who were to compose the government1 and the time it should commence2 and having done this they dissolved1 and returned to their several homes and occupations4 ,in this constitution were laid down1 first1 a declaration of rights2 then followed the form which the government should have1 and the powers it should possess--the authority of the courts of judicature1 and of juries--the manner in which elections should be conducted1 and the proportion of representatives to the number of electors--the time which each succeeding assembly should continue1 which was one year--the mode of levying1 and of accounting for the expenditure1 of public money--of appointing public officers1 etc41 etc41 etc4 ,no article of this constitution could be altered or infringed at the discretion of the government that was to ensue4 ,it was to that government a law4 ,but as it would have been unwise to preclude the benefit of experience1 and in order also to prevent the accumulation of errors1 if any should be found1 and to preserve an unison of government with the circumstances of the state at all times1 the constitution provided that1 at the expiration of every seven years1 a convention should be elected1 for the express purpose of revising the constitution1 and making alterations1 additions1 or abolitions therein1 if any such should be found necessary4 ,here we see a regular process--a government issuing out of a constitution1 formed by the people in their original character2 and that constitution serving1 not only as an authority1 but as a law of control to the government4 ,it was the political bible of the state4 ,scarcely a family was without it4 ,every member of the government had a copy2 and nothing was more common1 when any debate arose on the principle of a bill1 or on the extent of any species of authority1 than for the members to take the printed constitution out of their pocket1 and read the chapter with which such matter in debate was connected4 ,having thus given an instance from one of the states1 ,i will show the proceedings by which the federal constitution of the ,united ,states arose and was formed4 ,congress1 at its two first meetings1 in ,september #aggd1 and ,may #agge1 was nothing more than a deputation from the legislatures of the several provinces1 afterwards states2 and had no other authority than what arose from common consent1 and the necessity of its acting as a public body4 ,in everything which related to the internal affairs of ,america1 congress went no further than to issue recommendations to the several provincial assemblies1 who at discretion adopted them or not4 ,nothing on the part of congress was compulsive2 yet1 in this situation1 it was more faithfully and affectionately obeyed than was any government in ,europe4 ,this instance1 like that of the national assembly in ,france1 sufficiently shows1 that the strength of government does not consist in any thing itself1 but in the attachment of a nation1 and the interest which a people feel in supporting it4 ,when this is lost1 government is but a child in power2 and though1 like the old government in ,france1 it may harass individuals for a while1 it but facilitates its own fall4 ,after the declaration of independence1 it became consistent with the principle on which representative government is founded1 that the authority of congress should be defined and established4 ,whether that authority should be more or less than congress then discretionarily exercised was not the question4 ,it was merely the rectitude of the measure4 ,for this purpose1 the act1 called the act of confederation 7which was a sort of imperfect federal constitution71 was proposed1 and1 after long deliberation1 was concluded in the year #agha4 ,it was not the act of congress1 because it is repugnant to the principles of representative government that a body should give power to itself4 ,congress first informed the several states1 of the powers which it conceived were necessary to be invested in the union1 to enable it to perform the duties and services required from it2 and the states severally agreed with each other1 and concentrated in congress those powers4 ,it may not be improper to observe that in both those instances 7the one of ,pennsylvania1 and the other of the ,united ,states71 there is no such thing as the idea of a compact between the people on one side1 and the government on the other4 ,the compact was that of the people with each other1 to produce and constitute a government4 ,to suppose that any government can be a party in a compact with the whole people1 is to suppose it to have existence before it can have a right to exist4 ,the only instance in which a compact can take place between the people and those who exercise the government1 is1 that the people shall pay them1 while they choose to employ them4 ,government is not a trade which any man1 or any body of men1 has a right to set up and exercise for his own emolument1 but is altogether a trust1 in right of those by whom that trust is delegated1 and by whom it is always resumeable4 ,it has of itself no rights2 they are altogether duties4 ,having thus given two instances of the original formation of a constitution1 ,i will show the manner in which both have been changed since their first establishment4 ,the powers vested in the governments of the several states1 by the state constitutions1 were found1 upon experience1 to be too great2 and those vested in the federal government1 by the act of confederation1 too little4 ,the defect was not in the principle1 but in the distribution of power4 ,numerous publications1 in pamphlets and in the newspapers1 appeared1 on the propriety and necessity of new modelling the federal government4 ,after some time of public discussion1 carried on through the channel of the press1 and in conversations1 the state of ,virginia1 experiencing some inconvenience with respect to commerce1 proposed holding a continental conference2 in consequence of which1 a deputation from five or six state assemblies met at ,annapolis1 in ,maryland1 in #aghf4 ,this meeting1 not conceiving itself sufficiently authorised to go into the business of a reform1 did no more than state their general opinions of the propriety of the measure1 and recommend that a convention of all the states should be held the year following4 ,the convention met at ,philadelphia in ,may1 #aghg1 of which ,general ,washington was elected president4 ,he was not at that time connected with any of the state governments1 or with congress4 ,he delivered up his commission when the war ended1 and since then had lived a private citizen4 ,the convention went deeply into all the subjects2 and having1 after a variety of debate and investigation1 agreed among themselves upon the several parts of a federal constitution1 the next question was1 the manner of giving it authority and practice4 ,for this purpose they did not1 like a cabal of courtiers1 send for a ,dutch ,stadtholder1 or a ,german ,elector2 but they referred the whole matter to the sense and interest of the country4 ,they first directed that the proposed constitution should be published4 ,secondly1 that each state should elect a convention1 expressly for the purpose of taking it into consideration1 and of ratifying or rejecting it2 and that as soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine states should be given1 that those states shall proceed to the election of their proportion of members to the new federal government2 and that the operation of it should then begin1 and the former federal government cease4 ,the several states proceeded accordingly to elect their conventions4 ,some of those conventions ratified the constitution by very large majorities1 and two or three unanimously4 ,in others there were much debate and division of opinion4 ,in the ,massachusetts convention1 which met at ,boston1 the majority was not above nineteen or twenty1 in about three hundred members2 but such is the nature of representative government1 that it quietly decides all matters by majority4 ,after the debate in the ,massachusetts convention was closed1 and the vote taken1 the objecting members rose and declared1 ,that though they had argued and voted against it1 because certain parts appeared to them in a different light to what they appeared to other members2 yet1 as the vote had decided in favour of the constitution as proposed1 they should give it the same practical support as if they had for it4 ,as soon as nine states had concurred 7and the rest followed in the order their conventions were elected71 the old fabric of the federal government was taken down1 and the new one erected1 of which ,general ,washington is president4--,in this place ,i cannot help remarking1 that the character and services of this gentleman are sufficient to put all those men called kings to shame4 ,while they are receiving from the sweat and labours of mankind1 a prodigality of pay1 to which neither their abilities nor their services can entitle them1 he is rendering every service in his power1 and refusing every pecuniary reward4 ,he accepted no pay as commander-in-chief2 he accepts none as president of the ,united ,states4 ,after the new federal constitution was established1 the state of ,pennsylvania1 conceiving that some parts of its own constitution required to be altered1 elected a convention for that purpose4 ,the proposed alterations were published1 and the people concurring therein1 they were established4 ,in forming those constitutions1 or in altering them1 little or no inconvenience took place4 ,the ordinary course of things was not interrupted1 and the advantages have been much4 ,it is always the interest of a far greater number of people in a nation to have things right1 than to let them remain wrong2 and when public matters are open to debate1 and the public judgment free1 it will not decide wrong1 unless it decides too hastily4 ,in the two instances of changing the constitutions1 the governments then in being were not actors either way4 ,government has no right to make itself a party in any debate respecting the principles or modes of forming1 or of changing1 constitutions4 ,it is not for the benefit of those who exercise the powers of government that constitutions1 and the governments issuing from them1 are established4 ,in all those matters the right of judging and acting are in those who pay1 and not in those who receive4 ,a constitution is the property of a nation1 and not of those who exercise the government4 ,all the constitutions of ,america are declared to be established on the authority of the people4 ,in ,france1 the word nation is used instead of the people2 but in both cases1 a constitution is a thing antecedent to the government1 and always distinct there from4 ,in ,england it is not difficult to perceive that everything has a constitution1 except the nation4 ,every society and association that is established1 first agreed upon a number of original articles1 digested into form1 which are its constitution4 ,it then appointed its officers1 whose powers and authorities are described in that constitution1 and the government of that society then commenced4 ,those officers1 by whatever name they are called1 have no authority to add to1 alter1 or abridge the original articles4 ,it is only to the constituting power that this right belongs4 ,from the want of understanding the difference between a constitution and a government1 ,dr4 ,johnson1 and all writers of his description1 have always bewildered themselves4 ,they could not but perceive1 that there must necessarily be a controlling power existing somewhere1 and they placed this power in the discretion of the persons exercising the government1 instead of placing it in a constitution formed by the nation4 ,when it is in a constitution1 it has the nation for its support1 and the natural and the political controlling powers are together4 ,the laws which are enacted by governments1 control men only as individuals1 but the nation1 through its constitution1 controls the whole government1 and has a natural ability to do so4 ,the final controlling power1 therefore1 and the original constituting power1 are one and the same power4 ,dr4 ,johnson could not have advanced such a position in any country where there was a constitution2 and he is himself an evidence that no such thing as a constitution exists in ,england4 ,but it may be put as a question1 not improper to be investigated1 that if a constitution does not exist1 how came the idea of its existence so generally established8 ,in order to decide this question1 it is necessary to consider a constitution in both its cases3--,first1 as creating a government and giving it powers4 ,secondly1 as regulating and restraining the powers so given4 ,if we begin with ,william of ,normandy1 we find that the government of ,england was originally a tyranny1 founded on an invasion and conquest of the country4 ,this being admitted1 it will then appear1 that the exertion of the nation1 at different periods1 to abate that tyranny1 and render it less intolerable1 has been credited for a constitution4 ,magna ,charta1 as it was called 7it is now like an almanack of the same date71 was no more than compelling the government to renounce a part of its assumptions4 ,it did not create and give powers to government in a manner a constitution does2 but was1 as far as it went1 of the nature of a re-conquest1 and not a constitution2 for could the nation have totally expelled the usurpation1 as ,france has done its despotism1 it would then have had a constitution to form4 ,the history of the ,edwards and the ,henries1 and up to the commencement of the ,stuarts1 exhibits as many instances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation had restricted it4 ,the ,stuarts endeavoured to pass those limits1 and their fate is well known4 ,in all those instances we see nothing of a constitution1 but only of restrictions on assumed power4 ,after this1 another ,william1 descended from the same stock1 and claiming from the same origin1 gained possession2 and of the two evils1 ,james and ,william1 the nation preferred what it thought the least2 since1 from circumstances1 it must take one4 ,the act1 called the ,bill of ,rights1 comes here into view4 ,what is it1 but a bargain1 which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers1 profits1 and privileges8 ,you shall have so much1 and ,i will have the rest2 and with respect to the nation1 it said1 for your share1 ,you shall have the right of petitioning4 ,this being the case1 the bill of rights is more properly a bill of wrongs1 and of insult4 ,as to what is called the convention parliament1 it was a thing that made itself1 and then made the authority by which it acted4 ,a few persons got together1 and called themselves by that name4 ,several of them had never been elected1 and none of them for the purpose4 ,from the time of ,william a species of government arose1 issuing out of this coalition bill of rights2 and more so1 since the corruption introduced at the ,hanover succession by the agency of ,walpole2 that can be described by no other name than a despotic legislation4 ,though the parts may embarrass each other1 the whole has no bounds2 and the only right it acknowledges out of itself1 is the right of petitioning4 ,where then is the constitution either that gives or restrains power8 ,it is not because a part of the government is elective1 that makes it less a despotism1 if the persons so elected possess afterwards1 as a parliament1 unlimited powers4 ,election1 in this case1 becomes separated from representation1 and the candidates are candidates for despotism4 ,i cannot believe that any nation1 reasoning on its own rights1 would have thought of calling these things a constitution1 if the cry of constitution had not been set up by the government4 ,it has got into circulation like the words bore and quoz quiz1 by being chalked up in the speeches of parliament1 as those words were on window shutters and doorposts2 but whatever the constitution may be in other respects1 it has undoubtedly been the most productive machine of taxation that was ever invented4 ,the taxes in ,france1 under the new constitution1 are not quite thirteen shillings per head199#ah and the taxes in ,england1 under what is called its present constitution1 are forty-eight shillings and sixpence per head--men1 women1 and children--amounting to nearly seventeen millions sterling1 besides the expense of collecting1 which is upwards of a million more4 ,in a country like ,england1 where the whole of the civil ,government is executed by the people of every town and county1 by means of parish officers1 magistrates1 quarterly sessions1 juries1 and assize2 without any trouble to what is called the government or any other expense to the revenue than the salary of the judges1 it is astonishing how such a mass of taxes can be employed4 ,not even the internal defence of the country is paid out of the revenue4 ,on all occasions1 whether real or contrived1 recourse is continually had to new loans and new taxes4 ,no wonder1 then1 that a machine of government so advantageous to the advocates of a court1 should be so triumphantly extolled6 ,no wonder1 that ,st4 ,james's or ,st4 ,stephen's should echo with the continual cry of constitution2 no wonder1 that the ,french revolution should be reprobated1 and the res-publica treated with reproach6 ,the red book of ,england1 like the red book of ,france1 will explain the reason499#ai ,i will now1 by way of relaxation1 turn a thought or two to ,mr4 ,burke4 ,i ask his pardon for neglecting him so long4 ,america1 says he 7in his speech on the ,canada ,constitution bill71 never dreamed of such absurd doctrine as the ,rights of ,man4 ,mr4 ,burke is such a bold presumer1 and advances his assertions and his premises with such a deficiency of judgment1 that1 without troubling ourselves about principles of philosophy or politics1 the mere logical conclusions they produce1 are ridiculous4 ,for instance1 ,if governments1 as ,mr4 ,burke asserts1 are not founded on the ,rights of ,man1 and are founded on any rights at all1 they consequently must be founded on the right of something that is not man4 ,what then is that something8 ,generally speaking1 we know of no other creatures that inhabit the earth than man and beast2 and in all cases1 where only two things offer themselves1 and one must be admitted1 a negation proved on any one1 amounts to an affirmative on the other2 and therefore1 ,mr4 ,burke1 by proving against the ,rights of ,man1 proves in behalf of the beast2 and consequently1 proves that government is a beast2 and as difficult things sometimes explain each other1 we now see the origin of keeping wild beasts in the ,tower2 for they certainly can be of no other use than to show the origin of the government4 ,they are in the place of a constitution4 ,o ,john ,bull1 what honours thou hast lost by not being a wild beast4 ,thou mightest1 on ,mr4 ,burke's system1 have been in the ,tower for life4 ,if ,mr4 ,burke's arguments have not weight enough to keep one serious1 the fault is less mine than his2 and as ,i am willing to make an apology to the reader for the liberty ,i have taken1 ,i hope ,mr4 ,burke will also make his for giving the cause4 ,having thus paid ,mr4 ,burke the compliment of remembering him1 ,i return to the subject4 ,from the want of a constitution in ,england to restrain and regulate the wild impulse of power1 many of the laws are irrational and tyrannical1 and the administration of them vague and problematical4 ,the attention of the government of ,england 7for ,i rather choose to call it by this name than the ,english government7 appears1 since its political connection with ,germany1 to have been so completely engrossed and absorbed by foreign affairs1 and the means of raising taxes1 that it seems to exist for no other purposes4 ,domestic concerns are neglected2 and with respect to regular law1 there is scarcely such a thing4 ,almost every case must now be determined by some precedent1 be that precedent good or bad1 or whether it properly applies or not2 and the practice is become so general as to suggest a suspicion1 that it proceeds from a deeper policy than at first sight appears4 ,since the revolution of ,america1 and more so since that of ,france1 this preaching up the doctrines of precedents1 drawn from times and circumstances antecedent to those events1 has been the studied practice of the ,english government4 ,the generality of those precedents are founded on principles and opinions1 the reverse of what they ought2 and the greater distance of time they are drawn from1 the more they are to be suspected4 ,but by associating those precedents with a superstitious reverence for ancient things1 as monks show relics and call them holy1 the generality of mankind are deceived into the design4 ,governments now act as if they were afraid to awaken a single reflection in man4 ,they are softly leading him to the sepulchre of precedents1 to deaden his faculties and call attention from the scene of revolutions4 ,they feel that he is arriving at knowledge faster than they wish1 and their policy of precedents is the barometer of their fears4 ,this political popery1 like the ecclesiastical popery of old1 has had its day1 and is hastening to its exit4 ,the ragged relic and the antiquated precedent1 the monk and the monarch1 will moulder together4 ,government by precedent1 without any regard to the principle of the precedent1 is one of the vilest systems that can be set up4 ,in numerous instances1 the precedent ought to operate as a warning1 and not as an example1 and requires to be shunned instead of imitated2 but instead of this1 precedents are taken in the lump1 and put at once for constitution and for law4 ,either the doctrine of precedents is policy to keep a man in a state of ignorance1 or it is a practical confession that wisdom degenerates in governments as governments increase in age1 and can only hobble along by the stilts and crutches of precedents4 ,how is it that the same persons who would proudly be thought wiser than their predecessors1 appear at the same time only as the ghosts of departed wisdom8 ,how strangely is antiquity treated6 ,to some purposes it is spoken of as the times of darkness and ignorance1 and to answer others1 it is put for the light of the world4 ,if the doctrine of precedents is to be followed1 the expenses of government need not continue the same4 ,why pay men extravagantly1 who have but little to do8 ,if everything that can happen is already in precedent1 legislation is at an end1 and precedent1 like a dictionary1 determines every case4 ,either1 therefore1 government has arrived at its dotage1 and requires to be renovated1 or all the occasions for exercising its wisdom have occurred4 ,we now see all over ,europe1 and particularly in ,england1 the curious phenomenon of a nation looking one way1 and the government the other--the one forward and the other backward4 ,if governments are to go on by precedent1 while nations go on by improvement1 they must at last come to a final separation2 and the sooner1 and the more civilly they determine this point1 the better499#bj ,having thus spoken of constitutions generally1 as things distinct from actual governments1 let us proceed to consider the parts of which a constitution is composed4 ,opinions differ more on this subject than with respect to the whole4 ,that a nation ought to have a constitution1 as a rule for the conduct of its government1 is a simple question in which all men1 not directly courtiers1 will agree4 ,it is only on the component parts that questions and opinions multiply4 ,but this difficulty1 like every other1 will diminish when put into a train of being rightly understood4 ,the first thing is1 that a nation has a right to establish a constitution4 ,whether it exercises this right in the most judicious manner at first is quite another case4 ,it exercises it agreeably to the judgment it possesses2 and by continuing to do so1 all errors will at last be exploded4 ,when this right is established in a nation1 there is no fear that it will be employed to its own injury4 ,a nation can have no interest in being wrong4 ,though all the constitutions of ,america are on one general principle1 yet no two of them are exactly alike in their component parts1 or in the distribution of the powers which they give to the actual governments4 ,some are more1 and others less complex4 ,in forming a constitution1 it is first necessary to consider what are the ends for which government is necessary8 ,secondly1 what are the best means1 and the least expensive1 for accomplishing those ends8 ,government is nothing more than a national association2 and the object of this association is the good of all1 as well individually as collectively4 ,every man wishes to pursue his occupation1 and to enjoy the fruits of his labours and the produce of his property in peace and safety1 and with the least possible expense4 ,when these things are accomplished1 all the objects for which government ought to be established are answered4 ,it has been customary to consider government under three distinct general heads4 ,the legislative1 the executive1 and the judicial4 ,but if we permit our judgment to act unincumbered by the habit of multiplied terms1 we can perceive no more than two divisions of power1 of which civil government is composed1 namely1 that of legislating or enacting laws1 and that of executing or administering them4 ,everything1 therefore1 appertaining to civil government1 classes itself under one or other of these two divisions4 ,so far as regards the execution of the laws1 that which is called the judicial power1 is strictly and properly the executive power of every country4 ,it is that power to which every individual has appeal1 and which causes the laws to be executed2 neither have we any other clear idea with respect to the official execution of the laws4 ,in ,england1 and also in ,america and ,france1 this power begins with the magistrate1 and proceeds up through all the courts of judicature4 ,i leave to courtiers to explain what is meant by calling monarchy the executive power4 ,it is merely a name in which acts of government are done2 and any other1 or none at all1 would answer the same purpose4 ,laws have neither more nor less authority on this account4 ,it must be from the justness of their principles1 and the interest which a nation feels therein1 that they derive support2 if they require any other than this1 it is a sign that something in the system of government is imperfect4 ,laws difficult to be executed cannot be generally good4 ,with respect to the organization of the legislative power1 different modes have been adopted in different countries4 ,in ,america it is generally composed of two houses4 ,in ,france it consists but of one1 but in both countries1 it is wholly by representation4 ,the case is1 that mankind 7from the long tyranny of assumed power7 have had so few opportunities of making the necessary trials on modes and principles of government1 in order to discover the best1 that government is but now beginning to be known1 and experience is yet wanting to determine many particulars4 ,the objections against two houses are1 first1 that there is an inconsistency in any part of a whole legislature1 coming to a final determination by vote on any matter1 whilst that matter1 with respect to that whole1 is yet only in a train of deliberation1 and consequently open to new illustrations4 ,secondly1 ,that by taking the vote on each1 as a separate body1 it always admits of the possibility1 and is often the case in practice1 that the minority governs the majority1 and that1 in some instances1 to a degree of great inconsistency4 ,thirdly1 ,that two houses arbitrarily checking or controlling each other is inconsistent2 because it cannot be proved on the principles of just representation1 that either should be wiser or better than the other4 ,they may check in the wrong as well as in the right therefore to give the power where we cannot give the wisdom to use it1 nor be assured of its being rightly used1 renders the hazard at least equal to the precaution499#ba ,the objection against a single house is1 that it is always in a condition of committing itself too soon4--,but it should at the same time be remembered1 that when there is a constitution which defines the power1 and establishes the principles within which a legislature shall act1 there is already a more effectual check provided1 and more powerfully operating1 than any other check can be4 ,for example1 ,were a ,bill to be brought into any of the ,american legislatures similar to that which was passed into an act by the ,english parliament1 at the commencement of ,george the ,first1 to extend the duration of the assemblies to a longer period than they now sit1 the check is in the constitution1 which in effect says1 ,thus far shalt thou go and no further4 ,but in order to remove the objection against a single house 7that of acting with too quick an impulse71 and at the same time to avoid the inconsistencies1 in some cases absurdities1 arising from two houses1 the following method has been proposed as an improvement upon both4 ,first1 ,to have but one representation4 ,secondly1 ,to divide that representation1 by lot1 into two or three parts4 ,thirdly1 ,that every proposed bill shall be first debated in those parts by succession1 that they may become the hearers of each other1 but without taking any vote4 ,after which the whole representation to assemble for a general debate and determination by vote4 ,to this proposed improvement has been added another1 for the purpose of keeping the representation in the state of constant renovation2 which is1 that one-third of the representation of each county1 shall go out at the expiration of one year1 and the number be replaced by new elections4 ,another third at the expiration of the second year replaced in like manner1 and every third year to be a general election499#bb ,but in whatever manner the separate parts of a constitution may be arranged1 there is one general principle that distinguishes freedom from slavery1 which is1 that all hereditary government over a people is to them a species of slavery1 and representative government is freedom4 ,considering government in the only light in which it should be considered1 that of a ,national ,association1 it ought to be so constructed as not to be disordered by any accident happening among the parts2 and1 therefore1 no extraordinary power1 capable of producing such an effect1 should be lodged in the hands of any individual4 ,the death1 sickness1 absence or defection1 of any one individual in a government1 ought to be a matter of no more consequence1 with respect to the nation1 than if the same circumstance had taken place in a member of the ,english ,parliament1 or the ,french ,national ,assembly4 ,scarcely anything presents a more degrading character of national greatness1 than its being thrown into confusion1 by anything happening to or acted by any individual2 and the ridiculousness of the scene is often increased by the natural insignificance of the person by whom it is occasioned4 ,were a government so constructed1 that it could not go on unless a goose or a gander were present in the senate1 the difficulties would be just as great and as real1 on the flight or sickness of the goose1 or the gander1 as if it were called a ,king4 ,we laugh at individuals for the silly difficulties they make to themselves1 without perceiving that the greatest of all ridiculous things are acted in governments499#bc ,all the constitutions of ,america are on a plan that excludes the childish embarrassments which occur in monarchical countries4 ,no suspension of government can there take place for a moment1 from any circumstances whatever4 ,the system of representation provides for everything1 and is the only system in which nations and governments can always appear in their proper character4 ,as extraordinary power ought not to be lodged in the hands of any individual1 so ought there to be no appropriations of public money to any person1 beyond what his services in a state may be worth4 ,it signifies not whether a man be called a president1 a king1 an emperor1 a senator1 or by any other name which propriety or folly may devise or arrogance assume2 it is only a certain service he can perform in the state2 and the service of any such individual in the routine of office1 whether such office be called monarchical1 presidential1 senatorial1 or by any other name or title1 can never exceed the value of ten thousand pounds a year4 ,all the great services that are done in the world are performed by volunteer characters1 who accept nothing for them2 but the routine of office is always regulated to such a general standard of abilities as to be within the compass of numbers in every country to perform1 and therefore cannot merit very extraordinary recompense4 ,government1 says ,swift1 is a ,plain thing1 and fitted to the capacity of many heads4 ,it is inhuman to talk of a million sterling a year1 paid out of the public taxes of any country1 for the support of any individual1 whilst thousands who are forced to contribute thereto1 are pining with want1 and struggling with misery4 ,government does not consist in a contrast between prisons and palaces1 between poverty and pomp2 it is not instituted to rob the needy of his mite1 and increase the wretchedness of the wretched4--,but on this part of the subject ,i shall speak hereafter1 and confine myself at present to political observations4 ,when extraordinary power and extraordinary pay are allotted to any individual in a government1 he becomes the center1 round which every kind of corruption generates and forms4 ,give to any man a million a year1 and add thereto the power of creating and disposing of places1 at the expense of a country1 and the liberties of that country are no longer secure4 ,what is called the splendour of a throne is no other than the corruption of the state4 ,it is made up of a band of parasites1 living in luxurious indolence1 out of the public taxes4 ,when once such a vicious system is established it becomes the guard and protection of all inferior abuses4 ,the man who is in the receipt of a million a year is the last person to promote a spirit of reform1 lest1 in the event1 it should reach to himself4 ,it is always his interest to defend inferior abuses1 as so many outworks to protect the citadel2 and on this species of political fortification1 all the parts have such a common dependence that it is never to be expected they will attack each other499#bd ,monarchy would not have continued so many ages in the world1 had it not been for the abuses it protects4 ,it is the master-fraud1 which shelters all others4 ,by admitting a participation of the spoil1 it makes itself friends2 and when it ceases to do this it will cease to be the idol of courtiers4 ,as the principle on which constitutions are now formed rejects all hereditary pretensions to government1 it also rejects all that catalogue of assumptions known by the name of prerogatives4 ,if there is any government where prerogatives might with apparent safety be entrusted to any individual1 it is in the federal government of ,america4 ,the president of the ,united ,states of ,america is elected only for four years4 ,he is not only responsible in the general sense of the word1 but a particular mode is laid down in the constitution for trying him4 ,he cannot be elected under thirty-five years of age2 and he must be a native of the country4 ,in a comparison of these cases with the ,government of ,england1 the difference when applied to the latter amounts to an absurdity4 ,in ,england the person who exercises prerogative is often a foreigner2 always half a foreigner1 and always married to a foreigner4 ,he is never in full natural or political connection with the country1 is not responsible for anything1 and becomes of age at eighteen years2 yet such a person is permitted to form foreign alliances1 without even the knowledge of the nation1 and to make war and peace without its consent4 ,but this is not all4 ,though such a person cannot dispose of the government in the manner of a testator1 he dictates the marriage connections1 which1 in effect1 accomplish a great part of the same end4 ,he cannot directly bequeath half the government to ,prussia1 but he can form a marriage partnership that will produce almost the same thing4 ,under such circumstances1 it is happy for ,england that she is not situated on the ,continent1 or she might1 like ,holland1 fall under the dictatorship of ,prussia4 ,holland1 by marriage1 is as effectually governed by ,prussia1 as if the old tyranny of bequeathing the government had been the means4 ,the presidency in ,america 7or1 as it is sometimes called1 the executive7 is the only office from which a foreigner is excluded1 and in ,england it is the only one to which he is admitted4 ,a foreigner cannot be a member of ,parliament1 but he may be what is called a king4 ,if there is any reason for excluding foreigners1 it ought to be from those offices where mischief can most be acted1 and where1 by uniting every bias of interest and attachment1 the trust is best secured4 ,but as nations proceed in the great business of forming constitutions1 they will examine with more precision into the nature and business of that department which is called the executive4 ,what the legislative and judicial departments are every one can see2 but with respect to what1 in ,europe1 is called the executive1 as distinct from those two1 it is either a political superfluity or a chaos of unknown things4 ,some kind of official department1 to which reports shall be made from the different parts of a nation1 or from abroad1 to be laid before the national representatives1 is all that is necessary2 but there is no consistency in calling this the executive2 neither can it be considered in any other light than as inferior to the legislative4 ,the sovereign authority in any country is the power of making laws1 and everything else is an official department4 ,next to the arrangement of the principles and the organization of the several parts of a constitution1 is the provision to be made for the support of the persons to whom the nation shall confide the administration of the constitutional powers4 ,a nation can have no right to the time and services of any person at his own expense1 whom it may choose to employ or entrust in any department whatever2 neither can any reason be given for making provision for the support of any one part of a government and not for the other4 ,but admitting that the honour of being entrusted with any part of a government is to be considered a sufficient reward1 it ought to be so to every person alike4 ,if the members of the legislature of any country are to serve at their own expense that which is called the executive1 whether monarchical or by any other name1 ought to serve in like manner4 ,it is inconsistent to pay the one1 and accept the service of the other gratis4 ,in ,america1 every department in the government is decently provided for2 but no one is extravagantly paid4 ,every member of ,congress1 and of the ,assemblies1 is allowed a sufficiency for his expenses4 ,whereas in ,england1 a most prodigal provision is made for the support of one part of the ,government1 and none for the other1 the consequence of which is that the one is furnished with the means of corruption and the other is put into the condition of being corrupted4 ,less than a fourth part of such expense1 applied as it is in ,america1 would remedy a great part of the corruption4 ,another reform in the ,american constitution is the exploding all oaths of personality4 ,the oath of allegiance in ,america is to the nation only4 ,the putting any individual as a figure for a nation is improper4 ,the happiness of a nation is the superior object1 and therefore the intention of an oath of allegiance ought not to be obscured by being figuratively taken1 to1 or in the name of1 any person4 ,the oath1 called the civic oath1 in ,france1 viz41 the nation1 the law1 and the king1 is improper4 ,if taken at all1 it ought to be as in ,america1 to the nation only4 ,the law may or may not be good2 but1 in this place1 it can have no other meaning1 than as being conducive to the happiness of a nation1 and therefore is included in it4 ,the remainder of the oath is improper1 on the ground1 that all personal oaths ought to be abolished4 ,they are the remains of tyranny on one part and slavery on the other2 and the name of the ,creator ought not to be introduced to witness the degradation of his creation2 or if taken1 as is already mentioned1 as figurative of the nation1 it is in this place redundant4 ,but whatever apology may be made for oaths at the first establishment of a government1 they ought not to be permitted afterwards4 ,if a government requires the support of oaths1 it is a sign that it is not worth supporting1 and ought not to be supported4 ,make government what it ought to be1 and it will support itself4 ,to conclude this part of the subject3--,one of the greatest improvements that have been made for the perpetual security and progress of constitutional liberty1 is the provision which the new constitutions make for occasionally revising1 altering1 and amending them4 ,the principle upon which ,mr4 ,burke formed his political creed1 that of binding and controlling posterity to the end of time1 and of renouncing and abdicating the rights of all posterity1 for ever1 is now become too detestable to be made a subject of debate2 and therefore1 ,i pass it over with no other notice than exposing it4 ,government is but now beginning to be known4 ,hitherto it has been the mere exercise of power1 which forbade all effectual enquiry into rights1 and grounded itself wholly on possession4 ,while the enemy of liberty was its judge1 the progress of its principles must have been small indeed4 ,the constitutions of ,america1 and also that of ,france1 have either affixed a period for their revision1 or laid down the mode by which improvement shall be made4 ,it is perhaps impossible to establish anything that combines principles with opinions and practice1 which the progress of circumstances1 through a length of years1 will not in some measure derange1 or render inconsistent2 and1 therefore1 to prevent inconveniences accumulating1 till they discourage reformations or provoke revolutions1 it is best to provide the means of regulating them as they occur4 ,the ,rights of ,man are the rights of all generations of men1 and cannot be monopolised by any4 ,that which is worth following1 will be followed for the sake of its worth1 and it is in this that its security lies1 and not in any conditions with which it may be encumbered4 ,when a man leaves property to his heirs1 he does not connect it with an obligation that they shall accept it4 ,why1 then1 should we do otherwise with respect to constitutions8 ,the best constitution that could now be devised1 consistent with the condition of the present moment1 may be far short of that excellence which a few years may afford4 ,there is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject of government1 that has not appeared before4 ,as the barbarism of the present old governments expires1 the moral conditions of nations with respect to each other will be changed4 ,man will not be brought up with the savage idea of considering his species as his enemy1 because the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in countries distinguished by different names2 and as constitutions have always some relation to external as well as to domestic circumstances1 the means of benefitting by every change1 foreign or domestic1 should be a part of every constitution4 ,we already see an alteration in the national disposition of ,england and ,france towards each other1 which1 when we look back to only a few years1 is itself a ,revolution4 ,who could have foreseen1 or who could have believed1 that a ,french ,national ,assembly would ever have been a popular toast in ,england1 or that a friendly alliance of the two nations should become the wish of either8 ,it shows that man1 were he not corrupted by governments1 is naturally the friend of man1 and that human nature is not of itself vicious4 ,that spirit of jealousy and ferocity1 which the governments of the two countries inspired1 and which they rendered subservient to the purpose of taxation1 is now yielding to the dictates of reason1 interest1 and humanity4 ,the trade of courts is beginning to be understood1 and the affectation of mystery1 with all the artificial sorcery by which they imposed upon mankind1 is on the decline4 ,it has received its death-wound2 and though it may linger1 it will expire4 ,government ought to be as much open to improvement as anything which appertains to man1 instead of which it has been monopolised from age to age1 by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race4 ,need we any other proof of their wretched management1 than the excess of debts and taxes with which every nation groans1 and the quarrels into which they have precipitated the world8 ,just emerging from such a barbarous condition1 it is too soon to determine to what extent of improvement government may yet be carried4 ,for what we can foresee1 all ,europe may form but one great ,republic1 and man be free of the whole4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,ways ,,and ,,means ,,of ,,improving ,,the ,,condition ,,of ,,europe ,,interspersed ,,with ,,miscellaneous ,,observations ,in contemplating a subject that embraces with equatorial magnitude the whole region of humanity it is impossible to confine the pursuit in one single direction4 ,it takes ground on every character and condition that appertains to man1 and blends the individual1 the nation1 and the world4 ,from a small spark1 kindled in ,america1 a flame has arisen not to be extinguished4 ,without consuming1 like the ,ultima ,ratio ,regum1 it winds its progress from nation to nation1 and conquers by a silent operation4 ,man finds himself changed1 he scarcely perceives how4 ,he acquires a knowledge of his rights by attending justly to his interest1 and discovers in the event that the strength and powers of despotism consist wholly in the fear of resisting it1 and that1 in order to be free1 it is sufficient that he wills it4 ,having in all the preceding parts of this work endeavoured to establish a system of principles as a basis on which governments ought to be erected1 ,i shall proceed in this1 to the ways and means of rendering them into practice4 ,but in order to introduce this part of the subject with more propriety1 and stronger effect1 some preliminary observations1 deducible from1 or connected with1 those principles1 are necessary4 ,whatever the form or constitution of government may be1 it ought to have no other object than the general happiness4 ,when1 instead of this1 it operates to create and increase wretchedness in any of the parts of society1 it is on a wrong system1 and reformation is necessary4 ,customary language has classed the condition of man under the two descriptions of civilised and uncivilised life4 ,to the one it has ascribed felicity and affluence2 to the other hardship and want4 ,but1 however our imagination may be impressed by painting and comparison1 it is nevertheless true1 that a great portion of mankind1 in what are called civilised countries1 are in a state of poverty and wretchedness1 far below the condition of an ,indian4 ,i speak not of one country1 but of all4 ,it is so in ,england1 it is so all over ,europe4 ,let us enquire into the cause4 ,it lies not in any natural defect in the principles of civilisation1 but in preventing those principles having a universal operation2 the consequence of which is1 a perpetual system of war and expense1 that drains the country1 and defeats the general felicity of which civilisation is capable4 ,all the ,european governments 7,france now excepted7 are constructed not on the principle of universal civilisation1 but on the reverse of it4 ,so far as those governments relate to each other1 they are in the same condition as we conceive of savage uncivilised life2 they put themselves beyond the law as well of ,god as of man1 and are1 with respect to principle and reciprocal conduct1 like so many individuals in a state of nature4 ,the inhabitants of every country1 under the civilisation of laws1 easily civilise together1 but governments being yet in an uncivilised state1 and almost continually at war1 they pervert the abundance which civilised life produces to carry on the uncivilised part to a greater extent4 ,by thus engrafting the barbarism of government upon the internal civilisation of a country1 it draws from the latter1 and more especially from the poor1 a great portion of those earnings1 which should be applied to their own subsistence and comfort4 ,apart from all reflections of morality and philosophy1 it is a melancholy fact that more than one-fourth of the labour of mankind is annually consumed by this barbarous system4 ,what has served to continue this evil1 is the pecuniary advantage which all the governments of ,europe have found in keeping up this state of uncivilisation4 ,it affords to them pretences for power1 and revenue1 for which there would be neither occasion nor apology1 if the circle of civilisation were rendered complete4 ,civil government alone1 or the government of laws1 is not productive of pretences for many taxes2 it operates at home1 directly under the eye of the country1 and precludes the possibility of much imposition4 ,but when the scene is laid in the uncivilised contention of governments1 the field of pretences is enlarged1 and the country1 being no longer a judge1 is open to every imposition1 which governments please to act4 ,not a thirtieth1 scarcely a fortieth1 part of the taxes which are raised in ,england are either occasioned by1 or applied to1 the purpose of civil government4 ,it is not difficult to see1 that the whole which the actual government does in this respect1 is to enact laws1 and that the country administers and executes them1 at its own expense1 by means of magistrates1 juries1 sessions1 and assize1 over and above the taxes which it pays4 ,in this view of the case1 we have two distinct characters of government2 the one the civil government1 or the government of laws1 which operates at home1 the other the court or cabinet government1 which operates abroad1 on the rude plan of uncivilised life2 the one attended with little charge1 the other with boundless extravagance2 and so distinct are the two1 that if the latter were to sink1 as it were1 by a sudden opening of the earth1 and totally disappear1 the former would not be deranged4 ,it would still proceed1 because it is the common interest of the nation that it should1 and all the means are in practice4 ,revolutions1 then1 have for their object a change in the moral condition of governments1 and with this change the burthen of public taxes will lessen1 and civilisation will be left to the enjoyment of that abundance1 of which it is now deprived4 ,in contemplating the whole of this subject1 ,i extend my views into the department of commerce4 ,in all my publications1 where the matter would admit1 ,i have been an advocate for commerce1 because ,i am a friend to its effects4 ,it is a pacific system1 operating to cordialise mankind1 by rendering nations1 as well as individuals1 useful to each other4 ,as to the mere theoretical reformation1 ,i have never preached it up4 ,the most effectual process is that of improving the condition of man by means of his interest2 and it is on this ground that ,i take my stand4 ,if commerce were permitted to act to the universal extent it is capable1 it would extirpate the system of war1 and produce a revolution in the uncivilised state of governments4 ,the invention of commerce has arisen since those governments began1 and is the greatest approach towards universal civilisation that has yet been made by any means not immediately flowing from moral principles4 ,whatever has a tendency to promote the civil intercourse of nations by an exchange of benefits1 is a subject as worthy of philosophy as of politics4 ,commerce is no other than the traffic of two individuals1 multiplied on a scale of numbers2 and by the same rule that nature intended for the intercourse of two1 she intended that of all4 ,for this purpose she has distributed the materials of manufactures and commerce1 in various and distant parts of a nation and of the world2 and as they cannot be procured by war so cheaply or so commodiously as by commerce1 she has rendered the latter the means of extirpating the former4 ,as the two are nearly the opposite of each other1 consequently1 the uncivilised state of the ,european governments is injurious to commerce4 ,every kind of destruction or embarrassment serves to lessen the quantity1 and it matters but little in what part of the commercial world the reduction begins4 ,like blood1 it cannot be taken from any of the parts1 without being taken from the whole mass in circulation1 and all partake of the loss4 ,when the ability in any nation to buy is destroyed1 it equally involves the seller4 ,could the government of ,england destroy the commerce of all other nations1 she would most effectually ruin her own4 ,it is possible that a nation may be the carrier for the world1 but she cannot be the merchant4 ,she cannot be the seller and buyer of her own merchandise4 ,the ability to buy must reside out of herself2 and1 therefore1 the prosperity of any commercial nation is regulated by the prosperity of the rest4 ,if they are poor she cannot be rich1 and her condition1 be what it may1 is an index of the height of the commercial tide in other nations4 ,that the principles of commerce1 and its universal operation may be understood1 without understanding the practice1 is a position that reason will not deny2 and it is on this ground only that ,i argue the subject4 ,it is one thing in the counting-house1 in the world it is another4 ,with respect to its operation it must necessarily be contemplated as a reciprocal thing2 that only one-half its powers resides within the nation1 and that the whole is as effectually destroyed by the destroying the half that resides without1 as if the destruction had been committed on that which is within2 for neither can act without the other4 ,when in the last1 as well as in former wars1 the commerce of ,england sunk1 it was because the quantity was lessened everywhere2 and it now rises1 because commerce is in a rising state in every nation4 ,if ,england1 at this day1 imports and exports more than at any former period1 the nations with which she trades must necessarily do the same2 her imports are their exports1 and vice versa4 ,there can be no such thing as a nation flourishing alone in commerce3 she can only participate2 and the destruction of it in any part must necessarily affect all4 ,when1 therefore1 governments are at war1 the attack is made upon a common stock of commerce1 and the consequence is the same as if each had attacked his own4 ,the present increase of commerce is not to be attributed to ministers1 or to any political contrivances1 but to its own natural operation in consequence of peace4 ,the regular markets had been destroyed1 the channels of trade broken up1 the high road of the seas infested with robbers of every nation1 and the attention of the world called to other objects4 ,those interruptions have ceased1 and peace has restored the deranged condition of things to their proper order499#be ,it is worth remarking that every nation reckons the balance of trade in its own favour2 and therefore something must be irregular in the common ideas upon this subject4 ,the fact1 however1 is true1 according to what is called a balance2 and it is from this cause that commerce is universally supported4 ,every nation feels the advantage1 or it would abandon the practice3 but the deception lies in the mode of making up the accounts1 and in attributing what are called profits to a wrong cause4 ,mr4 ,pitt has sometimes amused himself1 by showing what he called a balance of trade from the custom-house books4 ,this mode of calculating not only affords no rule that is true1 but one that is false4 ,in the first place1 ,every cargo that departs from the custom-house appears on the books as an export2 and1 according to the custom-house balance1 the losses at sea1 and by foreign failures1 are all reckoned on the side of profit because they appear as exports4 ,secondly1 ,because the importation by the smuggling trade does not appear on the custom-house books1 to arrange against the exports4 ,no balance1 therefore1 as applying to superior advantages1 can be drawn from these documents2 and if we examine the natural operation of commerce1 the idea is fallacious2 and if true1 would soon be injurious4 ,the great support of commerce consists in the balance being a level of benefits among all nations4 ,two merchants of different nations trading together1 will both become rich1 and each makes the balance in his own favour2 consequently1 they do not get rich of each other2 and it is the same with respect to the nations in which they reside4 ,the case must be1 that each nation must get rich out of its own means1 and increases that riches by something which it procures from another in exchange4 ,if a merchant in ,england sends an article of ,english manufacture abroad which costs him a shilling at home1 and imports something which sells for two1 he makes a balance of one shilling in his favour2 but this is not gained out of the foreign nation or the foreign merchant1 for he also does the same by the articles he receives1 and neither has the advantage upon the other4 ,the original value of the two articles in their proper countries was but two shillings2 but by changing their places1 they acquire a new idea of value1 equal to double what they had first1 and that increased value is equally divided4 ,there is no otherwise a balance on foreign than on domestic commerce4 ,the merchants of ,london and ,newcastle trade on the same principles1 as if they resided in different nations1 and make their balances in the same manner3 yet ,london does not get rich out of ,newcastle1 any more than ,newcastle out of ,london3 but coals1 the merchandize of ,newcastle1 have an additional value at ,london1 and ,london merchandize has the same at ,newcastle4 ,though the principle of all commerce is the same1 the domestic1 in a national view1 is the part the most beneficial2 because the whole of the advantages1 an both sides1 rests within the nation2 whereas1 in foreign commerce1 it is only a participation of one-half4 ,the most unprofitable of all commerce is that connected with foreign dominion4 ,to a few individuals it may be beneficial1 merely because it is commerce2 but to the nation it is a loss4 ,the expense of maintaining dominion more than absorbs the profits of any trade4 ,it does not increase the general quantity in the world1 but operates to lessen it2 and as a greater mass would be afloat by relinquishing dominion1 the participation without the expense would be more valuable than a greater quantity with it4 ,but it is impossible to engross commerce by dominion2 and therefore it is still more fallacious4 ,it cannot exist in confined channels1 and necessarily breaks out by regular or irregular means1 that defeat the attempt3 and to succeed would be still worse4 ,france1 since the ,revolution1 has been more indifferent as to foreign possessions1 and other nations will become the same when they investigate the subject with respect to commerce4 ,to the expense of dominion is to be added that of navies1 and when the amounts of the two are subtracted from the profits of commerce1 it will appear1 that what is called the balance of trade1 even admitting it to exist1 is not enjoyed by the nation1 but absorbed by the ,government4 ,the idea of having navies for the protection of commerce is delusive4 ,it is putting means of destruction for the means of protection4 ,commerce needs no other protection than the reciprocal interest which every nation feels in supporting it--it is common stock--it exists by a balance of advantages to all2 and the only interruption it meets1 is from the present uncivilised state of governments1 and which it is its common interest to reform499#bf ,quitting this subject1 ,i now proceed to other matters4--,as it is necessary to include ,england in the prospect of a general reformation1 it is proper to inquire into the defects of its government4 ,it is only by each nation reforming its own1 that the whole can be improved1 and the full benefit of reformation enjoyed4 ,only partial advantages can flow from partial reforms4 ,france and ,england are the only two countries in ,europe where a reformation in government could have successfully begun4 ,the one secure by the ocean1 and the other by the immensity of its internal strength1 could defy the malignancy of foreign despotism4 ,but it is with revolutions as with commerce1 the advantages increase by their becoming general1 and double to either what each would receive alone4 ,as a new system is now opening to the view of the world1 the ,european courts are plotting to counteract it4 ,alliances1 contrary to all former systems1 are agitating1 and a common interest of courts is forming against the common interest of man4 ,this combination draws a line that runs throughout ,europe1 and presents a cause so entirely new as to exclude all calculations from former circumstances4 ,while despotism warred with despotism1 man had no interest in the contest2 but in a cause that unites the soldier with the citizen1 and nation with nation1 the despotism of courts1 though it feels the danger and meditates revenge1 is afraid to strike4 ,no question has arisen within the records of history that pressed with the importance of the present4 ,it is not whether this or that party shall be in or not1 or ,whig or ,tory1 high or low shall prevail2 but whether man shall inherit his rights1 and universal civilisation take place8 ,whether the fruits of his labours shall be enjoyed by himself or consumed by the profligacy of governments8 ,whether robbery shall be banished from courts1 and wretchedness from countries8 ,when1 in countries that are called civilised1 we see age going to the workhouse and youth to the gallows1 something must be wrong in the system of government4 ,it would seem1 by the exterior appearance of such countries1 that all was happiness2 but there lies hidden from the eye of common observation1 a mass of wretchedness1 that has scarcely any other chance1 than to expire in poverty or infamy4 ,its entrance into life is marked with the presage of its fate2 and until this is remedied1 it is in vain to punish4 ,civil government does not exist in executions2 but in making such provision for the instruction of youth and the support of age1 as to exclude1 as much as possible1 profligacy from the one and despair from the other4 ,instead of this1 the resources of a country are lavished upon kings1 upon courts1 upon hirelings1 impostors and prostitutes2 and even the poor themselves1 with all their wants upon them1 are compelled to support the fraud that oppresses them4 ,why is it that scarcely any are executed but the poor8 ,the fact is a proof1 among other things1 of a wretchedness in their condition4 ,bred up without morals1 and cast upon the world without a prospect1 they are the exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity4 ,the millions that are superfluously wasted upon governments are more than sufficient to reform those evils1 and to benefit the condition of every man in a nation1 not included within the purlieus of a court4 ,this ,i hope to make appear in the progress of this work4 ,it is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune4 ,in taking up this subject ,i seek no recompense--,i fear no consequence4 ,fortified with that proud integrity1 that disdains to triumph or to yield1 ,i will advocate the ,rights of ,man4 ,it is to my advantage that ,i have served an apprenticeship to life4 ,i know the value of moral instruction1 and ,i have seen the danger of the contrary4 ,at an early period--little more than sixteen years of age1 raw and adventurous1 and heated with the false heroism of a master99#bg who had served in a man-of-war--,i began the carver of my own fortune1 and entered on board the ,terrible ,privateer1 ,captain ,death4 ,from this adventure ,i was happily prevented by the affectionate and moral remonstrance of a good father1 who1 from his own habits of life1 being of the ,quaker profession1 must begin to look upon me as lost4 ,but the impression1 much as it effected at the time1 began to wear away1 and ,i entered afterwards in the ,king of ,prussia ,privateer1 ,captain ,mendez1 and went with her to sea4 ,yet1 from such a beginning1 and with all the inconvenience of early life against me1 ,i am proud to say1 that with a perseverance undismayed by difficulties1 a disinterestedness that compelled respect1 ,i have not only contributed to raise a new empire in the world1 founded on a new system of government1 but ,i have arrived at an eminence in political literature1 the most difficult of all lines to succeed and excel in1 which aristocracy with all its aids has not been able to reach or to rival499#bh ,knowing my own heart and feeling myself as ,i now do1 superior to all the skirmish of party1 the inveteracy of interested or mistaken opponents1 ,i answer not to falsehood or abuse1 but proceed to the defects of the ,english ,government4 ,i begin with charters and corporations4 ,it is a perversion of terms to say that a charter gives rights4 ,it operates by a contrary effect--that of taking rights away4 ,rights are inherently in all the inhabitants2 but charters1 by annulling those rights1 in the majority1 leave the right1 by exclusion1 in the hands of a few4 ,if charters were constructed so as to express in direct terms1 that every inhabitant1 who is not a member of a corporation1 shall not exercise the right of voting1 such charters would1 in the face1 be charters not of rights1 but of exclusion4 ,the effect is the same under the form they now stand2 and the only persons on whom they operate are the persons whom they exclude4 ,those whose rights are guaranteed1 by not being taken away1 exercise no other rights than as members of the community they are entitled to without a charter2 and1 therefore1 all charters have no other than an indirect negative operation4 ,they do not give rights to ,a1 but they make a difference in favour of ,a by taking away the right of ,b1 and consequently are instruments of injustice4 ,but charters and corporations have a more extensive evil effect than what relates merely to elections4 ,they are sources of endless contentions in the places where they exist1 and they lessen the common rights of national society4 ,a native of ,england1 under the operation of these charters and corporations1 cannot be said to be an ,englishman in the full sense of the word4 ,he is not free of the nation1 in the same manner that a ,frenchman is free of ,france1 and an ,american of ,america4 ,his rights are circumscribed to the town1 and1 in some cases1 to the parish of his birth2 and all other parts1 though in his native land1 are to him as a foreign country4 ,to acquire a residence in these1 he must undergo a local naturalisation by purchase1 or he is forbidden or expelled the place4 ,this species of feudality is kept up to aggrandise the corporations at the ruin of towns2 and the effect is visible4 ,the generality of corporation towns are in a state of solitary decay1 and prevented from further ruin only by some circumstance in their situation1 such as a navigable river1 or a plentiful surrounding country4 ,as population is one of the chief sources of wealth 7for without it land itself has no value71 everything which operates to prevent it must lessen the value of property2 and as corporations have not only this tendency1 but directly this effect1 they cannot but be injurious4 ,if any policy were to be followed1 instead of that of general freedom1 to every person to settle where he chose 7as in ,france or ,america7 it would be more consistent to give encouragement to new comers than to preclude their admission by exacting premiums from them499#bi ,the persons most immediately interested in the abolition of corporations are the inhabitants of the towns where corporations are established4 ,the instances of ,manchester1 ,birmingham1 and ,sheffield show1 by contrast1 the injuries which those ,gothic institutions are to property and commerce4 ,a few examples may be found1 such as that of ,london1 whose natural and commercial advantage1 owing to its situation on the ,thames1 is capable of bearing up against the political evils of a corporation2 but in almost all other cases the fatality is too visible to be doubted or denied4 ,though the whole nation is not so directly affected by the depression of property in corporation towns as the inhabitants themselves1 it partakes of the consequence4 ,by lessening the value of property1 the quantity of national commerce is curtailed4 ,every man is a customer in proportion to his ability2 and as all parts of a nation trade with each other1 whatever affects any of the parts must necessarily communicate to the whole4 ,as one of the ,houses of the ,english ,parliament is1 in a great measure1 made up of elections from these corporations2 and as it is unnatural that a pure stream should flow from a foul fountain1 its vices are but a continuation of the vices of its origin4 ,a man of moral honour and good political principles cannot submit to the mean drudgery and disgraceful arts1 by which such elections are carried4 ,to be a successful candidate1 he must be destitute of the qualities that constitute a just legislator2 and being thus disciplined to corruption by the mode of entering into ,parliament1 it is not to be expected that the representative should be better than the man4 ,mr4 ,burke1 in speaking of the ,english representation1 has advanced as bold a challenge as ever was given in the days of chivalry4 ,our representation1 says he1 has been found perfectly adequate to all the purposes for which a representation of the people can be desired or devised4 ,i defy1 continues he1 the enemies of our constitution to show the contrary4--,this declaration from a man who has been in constant opposition to all the measures of parliament the whole of his political life1 a year or two excepted1 is most extraordinary2 and1 comparing him with himself1 admits of no other alternative1 than that he acted against his judgment as a member1 or has declared contrary to it as an author4 ,but it is not in the representation only that the defects lie1 and therefore ,i proceed in the next place to the aristocracy4 ,what is called the ,house of ,peers1 is constituted on a ground very similar to that1 against which there is no law in other cases4 ,it amounts to a combination of persons in one common interest4 ,no better reason can be given1 why a house of legislation should be composed entirely of men whose occupation consists in letting landed property1 than why it should be composed of those who hire1 or of brewers1 or bakers1 or any other separate class of men4 ,mr4 ,burke calls this house the great ground and pillar of security to the landed interest4 ,let us examine this idea4 ,what pillar of security does the landed interest require more than any other interest in the state1 or what right has it to a distinct and separate representation from the general interest of a nation8 ,the only use to be made of this power 7and which it always has made71 is to ward off taxes from itself1 and throw the burthen upon those articles of consumption by which itself would be least affected4 ,that this has been the consequence 7and will always be the consequence7 of constructing governments on combinations1 is evident with respect to ,england1 from the history of its taxes4 ,notwithstanding taxes have increased and multiplied upon every article of common consumption1 the land-tax1 which more particularly affects this pillar1 has diminished4 ,in #aggh the amount of the land-tax was ,l#a1iej1jjj1 which is half-a-million less than it produced almost a hundred years ago199#cj notwithstanding the rentals are in many instances doubled since that period4 ,before the coming of the ,hanoverians1 the taxes were divided in nearly equal proportions between the land and articles of consumption1 the land bearing rather the largest share3 but since that era nearly thirteen millions annually of new taxes have been thrown upon consumption4 ,the consequence of which has been a constant increase in the number and wretchedness of the poor1 and in the amount of the poor-rates4 ,yet here again the burthen does not fall in equal proportions on the aristocracy with the rest of the community4 ,their residences1 whether in town or country1 are not mixed with the habitations of the poor4 ,they live apart from distress1 and the expense of relieving it4 ,it is in manufacturing towns and labouring villages that those burthens press the heaviest2 in many of which it is one class of poor supporting another4 ,several of the most heavy and productive taxes are so contrived1 as to give an exemption to this pillar1 thus standing in its own defence4 ,the tax upon beer brewed for sale does not affect the aristocracy1 who brew their own beer free from this duty4 ,it falls only on those who have not conveniency or ability to brew1 and who must purchase it in small quantities4 ,but what will mankind think of the justice of taxation1 when they know that this tax alone1 from which the aristocracy are from circumstances exempt1 is nearly equal to the whole of the land-tax1 being in the year #aghh1 and it is not less now1 ,l#a1fff1aeb1 and with its proportion of the taxes on malt and hops1 it exceeds it4--,that a single article1 thus partially consumed1 and that chiefly by the working part1 should be subject to a tax1 equal to that on the whole rental of a nation1 is1 perhaps1 a fact not to be paralleled in the histories of revenues4 ,this is one of the circumstances resulting from a house of legislation1 composed on the ground of a combination of common interest2 for whatever their separate politics as to parties may be1 in this they are united4 ,whether a combination acts to raise the price of any article for sale1 or rate of wages2 or whether it acts to throw taxes from itself upon another class of the community1 the principle and the effect are the same2 and if the one be illegal1 it will be difficult to show that the other ought to exist4 ,it is no use to say that taxes are first proposed in the ,house of ,commons2 for as the other house has always a negative1 it can always defend itself2 and it would be ridiculous to suppose that its acquiescence in the measures to be proposed were not understood before hand4 ,besides which1 it has obtained so much influence by borough-traffic1 and so many of its relations and connections are distributed on both sides the commons1 as to give it1 besides an absolute negative in one house1 a preponderancy in the other1 in all matters of common concern4 ,it is difficult to discover what is meant by the landed interest1 if it does not mean a combination of aristocratical landholders1 opposing their own pecuniary interest to that of the farmer1 and every branch of trade1 commerce1 and manufacture4 ,in all other respects it is the only interest that needs no partial protection4 ,it enjoys the general protection of the world4 ,every individual1 high or low1 is interested in the fruits of the earth2 men1 women1 and children1 of all ages and degrees1 will turn out to assist the farmer1 rather than a harvest should not be got in2 and they will not act thus by any other property4 ,it is the only one for which the common prayer of mankind is put up1 and the only one that can never fail from the want of means4 ,it is the interest1 not of the policy1 but of the existence of man1 and when it ceases1 he must cease to be4 ,no other interest in a nation stands on the same united support4 ,commerce1 manufactures1 arts1 sciences1 and everything else1 compared with this1 are supported but in parts4 ,their prosperity or their decay has not the same universal influence4 ,when the valleys laugh and sing1 it is not the farmer only1 but all creation that rejoice4 ,it is a prosperity that excludes all envy2 and this cannot be said of anything else4 ,why then1 does ,mr4 ,burke talk of his house of peers as the pillar of the landed interest8 ,were that pillar to sink into the earth1 the same landed property would continue1 and the same ploughing1 sowing1 and reaping would go on4 ,the aristocracy are not the farmers who work the land1 and raise the produce1 but are the mere consumers of the rent2 and when compared with the active world are the drones1 a seraglio of males1 who neither collect the honey nor form the hive1 but exist only for lazy enjoyment4 ,mr4 ,burke1 in his first essay1 called aristocracy the ,corinthian capital of polished society4 ,towards completing the figure1 he has now added the pillar2 but still the base is wanting2 and whenever a nation choose to act a ,samson1 not blind1 but bold1 down will go the temple of ,dagon1 the ,lords and the ,philistines4 ,if a house of legislation is to be composed of men of one class1 for the purpose of protecting a distinct interest1 all the other interests should have the same4 ,the inequality1 as well as the burthen of taxation1 arises from admitting it in one case1 and not in all4 ,had there been a house of farmers1 there had been no game laws2 or a house of merchants and manufacturers1 the taxes had neither been so unequal nor so excessive4 ,it is from the power of taxation being in the hands of those who can throw so great a part of it from their own shoulders1 that it has raged without a check4 ,men of small or moderate estates are more injured by the taxes being thrown on articles of consumption1 than they are eased by warding it from landed property1 for the following reasons3 ,first1 ,they consume more of the productive taxable articles1 in proportion to their property1 than those of large estates4 ,secondly1 ,their residence is chiefly in towns1 and their property in houses2 and the increase of the poor-rates1 occasioned by taxes on consumption1 is in much greater proportion than the land-tax has been favoured4 ,in ,birmingham1 the poor-rates are not less than seven shillings in the pound4 ,from this1 as is already observed1 the aristocracy are in a great measure exempt4 ,these are but a part of the mischiefs flowing from the wretched scheme of an house of peers4 ,as a combination1 it can always throw a considerable portion of taxes from itself2 and as an hereditary house1 accountable to nobody1 it resembles a rotten borough1 whose consent is to be courted by interest4 ,there are but few of its members1 who are not in some mode or other participators1 or disposers of the public money4 ,one turns a candle-holder1 or a lord in waiting2 another a lord of the bed-chamber1 a groom of the stole1 or any insignificant nominal office to which a salary is annexed1 paid out of the public taxes1 and which avoids the direct appearance of corruption4 ,such situations are derogatory to the character of man2 and where they can be submitted to1 honour cannot reside4 ,to all these are to be added the numerous dependants1 the long list of younger branches and distant relations1 who are to be provided for at the public expense3 in short1 were an estimation to be made of the charge of aristocracy to a nation1 it will be found nearly equal to that of supporting the poor4 ,the ,duke of ,richmond alone 7and there are cases similar to his7 takes away as much for himself as would maintain two thousand poor and aged persons4 ,is it1 then1 any wonder1 that under such a system of government1 taxes and rates have multiplied to their present extent8 ,in stating these matters1 ,i speak an open and disinterested language1 dictated by no passion but that of humanity4 ,to me1 who have not only refused offers1 because ,i thought them improper1 but have declined rewards ,i might with reputation have accepted1 it is no wonder that meanness and imposition appear disgustful4 ,independence is my happiness1 and ,i view things as they are1 without regard to place or person2 my country is the world1 and my religion is to do good4 ,mr4 ,burke1 in speaking of the aristocratical law of primogeniture1 says1 it is the standing law of our landed inheritance2 and which1 without question1 has a tendency1 and ,i think1 continues he1 a happy tendency1 to preserve a character of weight and consequence4 ,mr4 ,burke may call this law what he pleases1 but humanity and impartial reflection will denounce it as a law of brutal injustice4 ,were we not accustomed to the daily practice1 and did we only hear of it as the law of some distant part of the world1 we should conclude that the legislators of such countries had not arrived at a state of civilisation4 ,as to its preserving a character of weight and consequence1 the case appears to me directly the reverse4 ,it is an attaint upon character2 a sort of privateering on family property4 ,it may have weight among dependent tenants1 but it gives none on a scale of national1 and much less of universal character4 ,speaking for myself1 my parents were not able to give me a shilling1 beyond what they gave me in education2 and to do this they distressed themselves3 yet1 ,i possess more of what is called consequence1 in the world1 than any one in ,mr4 ,burke's catalogue of aristocrats4 ,having thus glanced at some of the defects of the two houses of parliament1 ,i proceed to what is called the crown1 upon which ,i shall be very concise4 ,it signifies a nominal office of a million sterling a year1 the business of which consists in receiving the money4 ,whether the person be wise or foolish1 sane or insane1 a native or a foreigner1 matters not4 ,every ministry acts upon the same idea that ,mr4 ,burke writes1 namely1 that the people must be hood-winked1 and held in superstitious ignorance by some bugbear or other2 and what is called the crown answers this purpose1 and therefore it answers all the purposes to be expected from it4 ,this is more than can be said of the other two branches4 ,the hazard to which this office is exposed in all countries1 is not from anything that can happen to the man1 but from what may happen to the nation--the danger of its coming to its senses4 ,it has been customary to call the crown the executive power1 and the custom is continued1 though the reason has ceased4 ,it was called the executive1 because the person whom it signified used1 formerly1 to act in the character of a judge1 in administering or executing the laws4 ,the tribunals were then a part of the court4 ,the power1 therefore1 which is now called the judicial1 is what was called the executive and1 consequently1 one or other of the terms is redundant1 and one of the offices useless4 ,when we speak of the crown now1 it means nothing2 it signifies neither a judge nor a general3 besides which it is the laws that govern1 and not the man4 ,the old terms are kept up1 to give an appearance of consequence to empty forms2 and the only effect they have is that of increasing expenses4 ,before ,i proceed to the means of rendering governments more conducive to the general happiness of mankind1 than they are at present1 it will not be improper to take a review of the progress of taxation in ,england4 ,it is a general idea1 that when taxes are once laid on1 they are never taken off4 ,however true this may have been of late1 it was not always so4 ,either1 therefore1 the people of former times were more watchful over government than those of the present1 or government was administered with less extravagance4 ,it is now seven hundred years since the ,norman conquest1 and the establishment of what is called the crown4 ,taking this portion of time in seven separate periods of one hundred years each1 the amount of the annual taxes1 at each period1 will be as follows3 ,annual taxes levied by ,william the ,conqueror1 beginning in the year #ajff ,l#djj1jjj ,annual taxes at #ajj years from the conquest 7#aaff7 #bjj1jjj ,annual taxes at #bjj years from the conquest 7#abff7 #aej1jjj ,annual taxes at #cjj years from the conquest 7#acff7 #acj1jjj ,annual taxes at #djj years from the conquest 7#adff7 #ajj1jjj ,these statements and those which follow1 are taken from ,sir ,john ,sinclair's ,history of the ,revenue2 by which it appears1 that taxes continued decreasing for four hundred years1 at the expiration of which time they were reduced three-fourths1 viz41 from four hundred thousand pounds to one hundred thousand4 ,the people of ,england of the present day1 have a traditionary and historical idea of the bravery of their ancestors2 but whatever their virtues or their vices might have been1 they certainly were a people who would not be imposed upon1 and who kept governments in awe as to taxation1 if not as to principle4 ,though they were not able to expel the monarchical usurpation1 they restricted it to a republican economy of taxes4 ,let us now review the remaining three hundred years3 ,annual amount of taxes at3 #ejj years from the conquest 7#aeff7 #ejj1jjj #fjj years from the conquest 7#afff7 #a1hjj1jjj the present time 7#agia7 #ag1jjj1jjj ,the difference between the first four hundred years and the last three1 is so astonishing1 as to warrant an opinion1 that the national character of the ,english has changed4 ,it would have been impossible to have dragooned the former ,english1 into the excess of taxation that now exists2 and when it is considered that the pay of the army1 the navy1 and of all the revenue officers1 is the same now as it was about a hundred years ago1 when the taxes were not above a tenth part of what they are at present1 it appears impossible to account for the enormous increase and expenditure on any other ground1 than extravagance1 corruption1 and intrigue499#ca ,with the ,revolution of #afhh1 and more so since the ,hanover succession1 came the destructive system of continental intrigues1 and the rage for foreign wars and foreign dominion2 systems of such secure mystery that the expenses admit of no accounts2 a single line stands for millions4 ,to what excess taxation might have extended had not the ,french revolution contributed to break up the system1 and put an end to pretences1 is impossible to say4 ,viewed1 as that revolution ought to be1 as the fortunate means of lessening the load of taxes of both countries1 it is of as much importance to ,england as to ,france2 and1 if properly improved to all the advantages of which it is capable1 and to which it leads1 deserves as much celebration in one country as the other4 ,in pursuing this subject1 ,i shall begin with the matter that first presents itself1 that of lessening the burthen of taxes2 and shall then add such matter and propositions1 respecting the three countries of ,england1 ,france1 and ,america1 as the present prospect of things appears to justify3 ,i mean1 an alliance of the three1 for the purposes that will be mentioned in their proper place4 ,what has happened may happen again4 ,by the statement before shown of the progress of taxation1 it is seen that taxes have been lessened to a fourth part of what they had formerly been4 ,though the present circumstances do not admit of the same reduction1 yet they admit of such a beginning1 as may accomplish that end in less time than in the former case4 ,the amount of taxes for the year ending at ,michaelmas #aghh1 was as follows3 ,land-tax ,l #a1iej1jjj ,customs #c1ghi1bgd ,excise 7including old and new malt7 #f1gea1gbg ,stamps #a1bgh1bad ,miscellaneous taxes and incidents #a1hjc1gee ----------- ,l#ae1egb1gee ,since the year #aghh1 upwards of one million new taxes have been laid on1 besides the produce of the lotteries2 and as the taxes have in general been more productive since than before1 the amount may be taken1 in round numbers1 at ,l#ag1jjj1jjj4 7,the expense of collection and the drawbacks1 which together amount to nearly two millions1 are paid out of the gross amount2 and the above is the net sum paid into the exchequer74 ,this sum of seventeen millions is applied to two different purposes2 the one to pay the interest of the ,national ,debt1 the other to the current expenses of each year4 ,about nine millions are appropriated to the former2 and the remainder1 being nearly eight millions1 to the latter4 ,as to the million1 said to be applied to the reduction of the debt1 it is so much like paying with one hand and taking out with the other1 as not to merit much notice4 ,it happened1 fortunately for ,france1 that she possessed national domains for paying off her debt1 and thereby lessening her taxes2 but as this is not the case with ,england1 her reduction of taxes can only take place by reducing the current expenses1 which may now be done to the amount of four or five millions annually1 as will hereafter appear4 ,when this is accomplished it will more than counter-balance the enormous charge of the ,american war2 and the saving will be from the same source from whence the evil arose4 ,as to the national debt1 however heavy the interest may be in taxes1 yet1 as it serves to keep alive a capital useful to commerce1 it balances by its effects a considerable part of its own weight2 and as the quantity of gold and silver is1 by some means or other1 short of its proper proportion1 being not more than twenty millions1 whereas it should be sixty 7foreign intrigue1 foreign wars1 foreign dominions1 will in a great measure account for the deficiency71 it would1 besides the injustice1 be bad policy to extinguish a capital that serves to supply that defect4 ,but with respect to the current expense1 whatever is saved therefrom is gain4 ,the excess may serve to keep corruption alive1 but it has no re-action on credit and commerce1 like the interest of the debt4 ,it is now very probable that the ,english ,government 7,i do not mean the nation7 is unfriendly to the ,french ,revolution4 ,whatever serves to expose the intrigue and lessen the influence of courts1 by lessening taxation1 will be unwelcome to those who feed upon the spoil4 ,whilst the clamour of ,french intrigue1 arbitrary power1 popery1 and wooden shoes could be kept up1 the nation was easily allured and alarmed into taxes4 ,those days are now past3 deception1 it is to be hoped1 has reaped its last harvest1 and better times are in prospect for both countries1 and for the world4 ,taking it for granted that an alliance may be formed between ,england1 ,france1 and ,america for the purposes hereafter to be mentioned1 the national expenses of ,france and ,england may consequently be lessened4 ,the same fleets and armies will no longer be necessary to either1 and the reduction can be made ship for ship on each side4 ,but to accomplish these objects the governments must necessarily be fitted to a common and correspondent principle4 ,confidence can never take place while an hostile disposition remains in either1 or where mystery and secrecy on one side is opposed to candour and openness on the other4 ,these matters admitted1 the national expenses might be put back1 for the sake of a precedent1 to what they were at some period when ,france and ,england were not enemies4 ,this1 consequently1 must be prior to the ,hanover succession1 and also to the ,revolution of #afhh499cb ,the first instance that presents itself1 antecedent to those dates1 is in the very wasteful and profligate times of ,charles the ,second2 at which time ,england and ,france acted as allies4 ,if ,i have chosen a period of great extravagance1 it will serve to show modern extravagance in a still worse light2 especially as the pay of the navy1 the army1 and the revenue officers has not increased since that time4 ,the peace establishment was then as follows 7see ,sir ,john ,sinclair's ,history of the ,revenue73 ,navy ,l #cjj1jjj ,army #bab1jjj ,ordnance #dj1jjj ,civil ,list #dfb1aae ------- ,l#a1jad1aae ,the parliament1 however1 settled the whole annual peace establishment at #a1bjj1jjj499cc ,if we go back to the time of ,elizabeth the amount of all the taxes was but half a million1 yet the nation sees nothing during that period that reproaches it with want of consequence4 ,all circumstances1 then1 taken together1 arising from the ,french revolution1 from the approaching harmony and reciprocal interest of the two nations1 the abolition of the court intrigue on both sides1 and the progress of knowledge in the science of government1 the annual expenditure might be put back to one million and a half1 viz43 ,navy ,l #ejj1jjj ,army #ejj1jjj ,expenses of ,government #ejj1jjj ---------- ,l#a1ejj1jjj ,even this sum is six times greater than the expenses of government are in ,america1 yet the civil internal government in ,england 7,i mean that administered by means of quarter sessions1 juries and assize1 and which1 in fact1 is nearly the whole1 and performed by the nation71 is less expense upon the revenue1 than the same species and portion of government is in ,america4 ,it is time that nations should be rational1 and not be governed like animals1 for the pleasure of their riders4 ,to read the history of kings1 a man would be almost inclined to suppose that government consisted in stag-hunting1 and that every nation paid a million a-year to a huntsman4 ,man ought to have pride1 or shame enough to blush at being thus imposed upon1 and when he feels his proper character he will4 ,upon all subjects of this nature1 there is often passing in the mind1 a train of ideas he has not yet accustomed himself to encourage and communicate4 ,restrained by something that puts on the character of prudence1 he acts the hypocrite upon himself as well as to others4 ,it is1 however1 curious to observe how soon this spell can be dissolved4 ,a single expression1 boldly conceived and uttered1 will sometimes put a whole company into their proper feelings3 and whole nations are acted on in the same manner4 ,as to the offices of which any civil government may be composed1 it matters but little by what names they are described4 ,in the routine of business1 as before observed1 whether a man be styled a president1 a king1 an emperor1 a senator1 or anything else1 it is impossible that any service he can perform1 can merit from a nation more than ten thousand pounds a year2 and as no man should be paid beyond his services1 so every man of a proper heart will not accept more4 ,public money ought to be touched with the most scrupulous consciousness of honour4 ,it is not the produce of riches only1 but of the hard earnings of labour and poverty4 ,it is drawn even from the bitterness of want and misery4 ,not a beggar passes1 or perishes in the streets1 whose mite is not in that mass4 ,were it possible that the ,congress of ,america could be so lost to their duty1 and to the interest of their constituents1 as to offer ,general ,washington1 as president of ,america1 a million a year1 he would not1 and he could not1 accept it4 ,his sense of honour is of another kind4 ,it has cost ,england almost seventy millions sterling1 to maintain a family imported from abroad1 of very inferior capacity to thousands in the nation2 and scarcely a year has passed that has not produced some new mercenary application4 ,even the physicians' bills have been sent to the public to be paid4 ,no wonder that jails are crowded1 and taxes and poor-rates increased4 ,under such systems1 nothing is to be looked for but what has already happened2 and as to reformation1 whenever it come1 it must be from the nation1 and not from the government4 ,to show that the sum of five hundred thousand pounds is more than sufficient to defray all the expenses of the government1 exclusive of navies and armies1 the following estimate is added1 for any country1 of the same extent as ,england4 ,in the first place1 three hundred representatives fairly elected1 are sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply1 and preferable to a larger number4 ,they may be divided into two or three houses1 or meet in one1 as in ,france1 or in any manner a constitution shall direct4 ,as representation is always considered1 in free countries1 as the most honourable of all stations1 the allowance made to it is merely to defray the expense which the representatives incur by that service1 and not to it as an office4 ,if an allowance1 at the rate of five hundred pounds per annum1 be made to every representative1 deducting for non-attendance1 the expense1 if the whole number attended for six months1 each year1 would be ,l #ge1jj ,the official departments cannot reasonably exceed the following number1 with the salaries annexed3 ,three offices at ten thousand pounds each ,l #cj1jjj ,ten ditto1 at five thousand pounds each #ej1jjj ,twenty ditto1 at two thousand pounds each #dj1jjj ,forty ditto1 at one thousand pounds each #dj1jjj ,two hundred ditto1 at five hundred pounds each #ajj1jjj ,three hundred ditto1 at two hundred pounds each #fj1jjj ,five hundred ditto1 at one hundred pounds each #ej1jjj ,seven hundred ditto1 at seventy-five pounds each #eb1ejj -------- ,l#dig1ejj ,if a nation choose1 it can deduct four per cent4 from all offices1 and make one of twenty thousand per annum4 ,all revenue officers are paid out of the monies they collect1 and therefore1 are not in this estimation4 ,the foregoing is not offered as an exact detail of offices1 but to show the number of rate of salaries which five hundred thousand pounds will support2 and it will1 on experience1 be found impracticable to find business sufficient to justify even this expense4 ,as to the manner in which office business is now performed1 the ,chiefs1 in several offices1 such as the post-office1 and certain offices in the exchequer1 etc41 do little more than sign their names three or four times a year2 and the whole duty is performed by under-clerks4 ,taking1 therefore1 one million and a half as a sufficient peace establishment for all the honest purposes of government1 which is three hundred thousand pounds more than the peace establishment in the profligate and prodigal times of ,charles the ,second 7notwithstanding1 as has been already observed1 the pay and salaries of the army1 navy1 and revenue officers1 continue the same as at that period71 there will remain a surplus of upwards of six millions out of the present current expenses4 ,the question then will be1 how to dispose of this surplus4 ,whoever has observed the manner in which trade and taxes twist themselves together1 must be sensible of the impossibility of separating them suddenly4 ,first4 ,because the articles now on hand are already charged with the duty1 and the reduction cannot take place on the present stock4 ,secondly4 ,because1 on all those articles on which the duty is charged in the gross1 such as per barrel1 hogshead1 hundred weight1 or ton1 the abolition of the duty does not admit of being divided down so as fully to relieve the consumer1 who purchases by the pint1 or the pound4 ,the last duty laid on strong beer and ale was three shillings per barrel1 which1 if taken off1 would lessen the purchase only half a farthing per pint1 and consequently1 would not reach to practical relief4 ,this being the condition of a great part of the taxes1 it will be necessary to look for such others as are free from this embarrassment and where the relief will be direct and visible1 and capable of immediate operation4 ,in the first place1 then1 the poor-rates are a direct tax which every house-keeper feels1 and who knows also1 to a farthing1 the sum which he pays4 ,the national amount of the whole of the poor-rates is not positively known1 but can be procured4 ,sir ,john ,sinclair1 in his ,history of the ,revenue has stated it at ,l#b1ajj1ehg4 ,a considerable part of which is expended in litigations1 in which the poor1 instead of being relieved1 are tormented4 ,the expense1 however1 is the same to the parish from whatever cause it arises4 ,in ,birmingham1 the amount of poor-rates is fourteen thousand pounds a year4 ,this1 though a large sum1 is moderate1 compared with the population4 ,birmingham is said to contain seventy thousand souls1 and on a proportion of seventy thousand to fourteen thousand pounds poor-rates1 the national amount of poor-rates1 taking the population of ,england as seven millions1 would be but one million four hundred thousand pounds4 ,it is1 therefore1 most probable1 that the population of ,birmingham is over-rated4 ,fourteen thousand pounds is the proportion upon fifty thousand souls1 taking two millions of poor-rates1 as the national amount4 ,be it1 however1 what it may1 it is no other than the consequence of excessive burthen of taxes1 for1 at the time when the taxes were very low1 the poor were able to maintain themselves2 and there were no poor-rates499#cd ,in the present state of things a labouring man1 with a wife or two or three children1 does not pay less than between seven and eight pounds a year in taxes4 ,he is not sensible of this1 because it is disguised to him in the articles which he buys1 and he thinks only of their dearness2 but as the taxes take from him1 at least1 a fourth part of his yearly earnings1 he is consequently disabled from providing for a family1 especially1 if himself1 or any of them1 are afflicted with sickness4 ,the first step1 therefore1 of practical relief1 would be to abolish the poor-rates entirely1 and in lieu thereof1 to make a remission of taxes to the poor of double the amount of the present poor-rates1 viz41 four millions annually out of the surplus taxes4 ,by this measure1 the poor would be benefited two millions1 and the house-keepers two millions4 ,this alone would be equal to a reduction of one hundred and twenty millions of the ,national ,debt1 and consequently equal to the whole expense of the ,american ,war4 ,it will then remain to be considered1 which is the most effectual mode of distributing this remission of four millions4 ,it is easily seen1 that the poor are generally composed of large families of children1 and old people past their labour4 ,if these two classes are provided for1 the remedy will so far reach to the full extent of the case1 that what remains will be incidental1 and1 in a great measure1 fall within the compass of benefit clubs1 which1 though of humble invention1 merit to be ranked among the best of modern institutions4 ,admitting ,england to contain seven millions of souls2 if one-fifth thereof are of that class of poor which need support1 the number will be one million four hundred thousand4 ,of this number1 one hundred and forty thousand will be aged poor1 as will be hereafter shown1 and for which a distinct provision will be proposed4 ,there will then remain one million two hundred and sixty thousand which1 at five souls to each family1 amount to two hundred and fifty-two thousand families1 rendered poor from the expense of children and the weight of taxes4 ,the number of children under fourteen years of age1 in each of those families1 will be found to be about five to every two families2 some having two1 and others three2 some one1 and others four3 some none1 and others five2 but it rarely happens that more than five are under fourteen years of age1 and after this age they are capable of service or of being apprenticed4 ,allowing five children 7under fourteen years7 to every two families1 ,the number of children will be #fcj1jjj ,the number of parents1 were they all living1 would be #ejd1jjj ,it is certain1 that if the children are provided for1 the parents are relieved of consequence1 because it is from the expense of bringing up children that their poverty arises4 ,having thus ascertained the greatest number that can be supposed to need support on account of young families1 ,i proceed to the mode of relief or distribution1 which is1 ,to pay as a remission of taxes to every poor family1 out of the surplus taxes1 and in room of poor-rates1 four pounds a year for every child under fourteen years of age2 enjoining the parents of such children to send them to school1 to learn reading1 writing1 and common arithmetic2 the ministers of every parish1 of every denomination to certify jointly to an office1 for that purpose1 that this duty is performed4 ,the amount of this expense will be1 ,for six hundred and thirty thousand children at four pounds per annum each ,l#b1ebj1jjj ,by adopting this method1 not only the poverty of the parents will be relieved1 but ignorance will be banished from the rising generation1 and the number of poor will hereafter become less1 because their abilities1 by the aid of education1 will be greater4 ,many a youth1 with good natural genius1 who is apprenticed to a mechanical trade1 such as a carpenter1 joiner1 millwright1 shipwright1 blacksmith1 etc41 is prevented getting forward the whole of his life from the want of a little common education when a boy4 ,i now proceed to the case of the aged4 ,i divide age into two classes4 ,first1 the approach of age1 beginning at fifty4 ,secondly1 old age commencing at sixty4 ,at fifty1 though the mental faculties of man are in full vigour1 and his judgment better than at any preceding date1 the bodily powers for laborious life are on the decline4 ,he cannot bear the same quantity of fatigue as at an earlier period4 ,he begins to earn less1 and is less capable of enduring wind and weather2 and in those more retired employments where much sight is required1 he fails apace1 and sees himself1 like an old horse1 beginning to be turned adrift4 ,at sixty his labour ought to be over1 at least from direct necessity4 ,it is painful to see old age working itself to death1 in what are called civilised countries1 for daily bread4 ,to form some judgment of the number of those above fifty years of age1 ,i have several times counted the persons ,i met in the streets of ,london1 men1 women1 and children1 and have generally found that the average is about one in sixteen or seventeen4 ,if it be said that aged persons do not come much into the streets1 so neither do infants2 and a great proportion of grown children are in schools and in work-shops as apprentices4 ,taking1 then1 sixteen for a divisor1 the whole number of persons in ,england of fifty years and upwards1 of both sexes1 rich and poor1 will be four hundred and twenty thousand4 ,the persons to be provided for out of this gross number will be husbandmen1 common labourers1 journeymen of every trade and their wives1 sailors1 and disbanded soldiers1 worn out servants of both sexes1 and poor widows4 ,there will be also a considerable number of middling tradesmen1 who having lived decently in the former part of life1 begin1 as age approaches1 to lose their business1 and at last fall to decay4 ,besides these there will be constantly thrown off from the revolutions of that wheel which no man can stop nor regulate1 a number from every class of life connected with commerce and adventure4 ,to provide for all those accidents1 and whatever else may befall1 ,i take the number of persons who1 at one time or other of their lives1 after fifty years of age1 may feel it necessary or comfortable to be better supported1 than they can support themselves1 and that not as a matter of grace and favour1 but of right1 at one-third of the whole number1 which is one hundred and forty thousand1 as stated in a previous page1 and for whom a distinct provision was proposed to be made4 ,if there be more1 society1 notwithstanding the show and pomposity of government1 is in a deplorable condition in ,england4 ,of this one hundred and forty thousand1 ,i take one half1 seventy thousand1 to be of the age of fifty and under sixty1 and the other half to be sixty years and upwards4 ,having thus ascertained the probable proportion of the number of aged persons1 ,i proceed to the mode of rendering their condition comfortable1 which is3 ,to pay to every such person of the age of fifty years1 and until he shall arrive at the age of sixty1 the sum of six pounds per annum out of the surplus taxes1 and ten pounds per annum during life after the age of sixty4 ,the expense of which will be1 ,seventy thousand persons1 at ,l#f per annum ,l #dbj1jjj ,seventy thousand persons1 at ,l#aj per annum #gjj1jjj ------- ,l#a1abj1jjj ,this support1 as already remarked1 is not of the nature of a charity but of a right4 ,every person in ,england1 male and female1 pays on an average in taxes two pounds eight shillings and sixpence per annum from the day of his 7or her7 birth2 and1 if the expense of collection be added1 he pays two pounds eleven shillings and sixpence2 consequently1 at the end of fifty years he has paid one hundred and twenty-eight pounds fifteen shillings2 and at sixty one hundred and fifty-four pounds ten shillings4 ,converting1 therefore1 his 7or her7 individual tax in a tontine1 the money he shall receive after fifty years is but little more than the legal interest of the net money he has paid2 the rest is made up from those whose circumstances do not require them to draw such support1 and the capital in both cases defrays the expenses of government4 ,it is on this ground that ,i have extended the probable claims to one-third of the number of aged persons in the nation4--,is it1 then1 better that the lives of one hundred and forty thousand aged persons be rendered comfortable1 or that a million a year of public money be expended on any one individual1 and him often of the most worthless or insignificant character8 ,let reason and justice1 let honour and humanity1 let even hypocrisy1 sycophancy and ,mr4 ,burke1 let ,george1 let ,louis1 ,leopold1 ,frederic1 ,catherine1 ,cornwallis1 or ,tippoo ,saib1 answer the question499#ce ,the sum thus remitted to the poor will be1 ,to two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families1 containing six hundred and thirty thousand children ,l#b1ebj1jjj ,to one hundred and forty thousand aged persons #a1abj1jjj ---------- ,l#c1fdj1jjj ,there will then remain three hundred and sixty thousand pounds out of the four millions1 part of which may be applied as follows3-- ,after all the above cases are provided for there will still be a number of families who1 though not properly of the class of poor1 yet find it difficult to give education to their children2 and such children1 under such a case1 would be in a worse condition than if their parents were actually poor4 ,a nation under a well-regulated government should permit none to remain uninstructed4 ,it is monarchical and aristocratical government only that requires ignorance for its support4 ,suppose1 then1 four hundred thousand children to be in this condition1 which is a greater number than ought to be supposed after the provisions already made1 the method will be3 ,to allow for each of those children ten shillings a year for the expense of schooling for six years each1 which will give them six months schooling each year1 and half a crown a year for paper and spelling books4 ,the expense of this will be annually ,l#bej1jjj499cf ,there will then remain one hundred and ten thousand pounds4 ,notwithstanding the great modes of relief which the best instituted and best principled government may devise1 there will be a number of smaller cases1 which it is good policy as well as beneficence in a nation to consider4 ,were twenty shillings to be given immediately on the birth of a child1 to every woman who should make the demand1 and none will make it whose circumstances do not require it1 it might relieve a great deal of instant distress4 ,there are about two hundred thousand births yearly in ,england2 and if claimed by one fourth1 ,the amount would be ,l#ej1jjj ,and twenty shillings to every new-married couple who should claim in like manner4 ,this would not exceed the sum of ,l#bj1jjj4 ,also twenty thousand pounds to be appropriated to defray the funeral expenses of persons1 who1 travelling for work1 may die at a distance from their friends4 ,by relieving parishes from this charge1 the sick stranger will be better treated4 ,i shall finish this part of the subject with a plan adapted to the particular condition of a metropolis1 such as ,london4 ,cases are continually occurring in a metropolis1 different from those which occur in the country1 and for which a different1 or rather an additional1 mode of relief is necessary4 ,in the country1 even in large towns1 people have a knowledge of each other1 and distress never rises to that extreme height it sometimes does in a metropolis4 ,there is no such thing in the country as persons1 in the literal sense of the word1 starved to death1 or dying with cold from the want of a lodging4 ,yet such cases1 and others equally as miserable1 happen in ,london4 ,many a youth comes up to ,london full of expectations1 and with little or no money1 and unless he get immediate employment he is already half undone2 and boys bred up in ,london without any means of a livelihood1 and as it often happens of dissolute parents1 are in a still worse condition2 and servants long out of place are not much better off4 ,in short1 a world of little cases is continually arising1 which busy or affluent life knows not of1 to open the first door to distress4 ,hunger is not among the postponable wants1 and a day1 even a few hours1 in such a condition is often the crisis of a life of ruin4 ,these circumstances which are the general cause of the little thefts and pilferings that lead to greater1 may be prevented4 ,there yet remain twenty thousand pounds out of the four millions of surplus taxes1 which with another fund hereafter to be mentioned1 amounting to about twenty thousand pounds more1 cannot be better applied than to this purpose4 ,the plan will then be3 ,first1 ,to erect two or more buildings1 or take some already erected1 capable of containing at least six thousand persons1 and to have in each of these places as many kinds of employment as can be contrived1 so that every person who shall come may find something which he or she can do4 ,secondly1 ,to receive all who shall come1 without enquiring who or what they are4 ,the only condition to be1 that for so much1 or so many hours' work1 each person shall receive so many meals of wholesome food1 and a warm lodging1 at least as good as a barrack4 ,that a certain portion of what each person's work shall be worth shall be reserved1 and given to him or her1 on their going away2 and that each person shall stay as long or as short a time1 or come as often as he choose1 on these conditions4 ,if each person stayed three months1 it would assist by rotation twenty-four thousand persons annually1 though the real number1 at all times1 would be but six thousand4 ,by establishing an asylum of this kind1 such persons to whom temporary distresses occur1 would have an opportunity to recruit themselves1 and be enabled to look out for better employment4 ,allowing that their labour paid but one half the expense of supporting them1 after reserving a portion of their earnings for themselves1 the sum of forty thousand pounds additional would defray all other charges for even a greater number than six thousand4 ,the fund very properly convertible to this purpose1 in addition to the twenty thousand pounds1 remaining of the former fund1 will be the produce of the tax upon coals1 so iniquitously and wantonly applied to the support of the ,duke of ,richmond4 ,it is horrid that any man1 more especially at the price coals now are1 should live on the distresses of a community2 and any government permitting such an abuse1 deserves to be dismissed4 ,this fund is said to be about twenty thousand pounds per annum4 ,i shall now conclude this plan with enumerating the several particulars1 and then proceed to other matters4 ,the enumeration is as follows3-- ,first1 ,abolition of two millions poor-rates4 ,secondly1 ,provision for two hundred and fifty thousand poor families4 ,thirdly1 ,education for one million and thirty thousand children4 ,fourthly1 ,comfortable provision for one hundred and forty thousand aged persons4 ,fifthly1 ,donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births4 ,sixthly1 ,donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages4 ,seventhly1 ,allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons travelling for work1 and dying at a distance from their friends4 ,eighthly1 ,employment1 at all times1 for the casual poor in the cities of ,london and ,westminster4 ,by the operation of this plan1 the poor laws1 those instruments of civil torture1 will be superseded1 and the wasteful expense of litigation prevented4 ,the hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and hungry children1 and persons of seventy and eighty years of age1 begging for bread4 ,the dying poor will not be dragged from place to place to breathe their last1 as a reprisal of parish upon parish4 ,widows will have a maintenance for their children1 and not be carted away1 on the death of their husbands1 like culprits and criminals2 and children will no longer be considered as increasing the distresses of their parents4 ,the haunts of the wretched will be known1 because it will be to their advantage2 and the number of petty crimes1 the offspring of distress and poverty1 will be lessened4 ,the poor1 as well as the rich1 will then be interested in the support of government1 and the cause and apprehension of riots and tumults will cease4--,ye who sit in ease1 and solace yourselves in plenty1 and such there are in ,turkey and ,russia1 as well as in ,england1 and who say to yourselves1 ,are we not well off8 have ye thought of these things8 ,when ye do1 ye will cease to speak and feel for yourselves alone4 ,the plan is easy in practice4 ,it does not embarrass trade by a sudden interruption in the order of taxes1 but effects the relief by changing the application of them2 and the money necessary for the purpose can be drawn from the excise collections1 which are made eight times a year in every market town in ,england4 ,having now arranged and concluded this subject1 ,i proceed to the next4 ,taking the present current expenses at seven millions and an half1 which is the least amount they are now at1 there will remain 7after the sum of one million and an half be taken for the new current expenses and four millions for the before-mentioned service7 the sum of two millions2 part of which to be applied as follows3 ,though fleets and armies1 by an alliance with ,france1 will1 in a great measure1 become useless1 yet the persons who have devoted themselves to those services1 and have thereby unfitted themselves for other lines of life1 are not to be sufferers by the means that make others happy4 ,they are a different description of men from those who form or hang about a court4 ,a part of the army will remain1 at least for some years1 and also of the navy1 for which a provision is already made in the former part of this plan of one million1 which is almost half a million more than the peace establishment of the army and navy in the prodigal times of ,charles the ,second4 ,suppose1 then1 fifteen thousand soldiers to be disbanded1 and that an allowance be made to each of three shillings a week during life1 clear of all deductions1 to be paid in the same manner as the ,chelsea ,college pensioners are paid1 and for them to return to their trades and their friends2 and also that an addition of fifteen thousand sixpences per week be made to the pay of the soldiers who shall remain2 the annual expenses will be3 ,to the pay of fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers at three shillings per week ,l#aag1jjj ,additional pay to the remaining soldiers #ai1ejj ,suppose that the pay to the officers of the disbanded corps be the same amount as sum allowed to the men #aag1jjj -------- ,l#bec1ejj ,to prevent bulky estimations1 admit the same sum to the disbanded navy as to the army1 and the same increase of pay #bec1ejj -------- ,total ,l#ejg1jjj ,every year some part of this sum of half a million 7,i omit the odd seven thousand pounds for the purpose of keeping the account unembarrassed7 will fall in1 and the whole of it in time1 as it is on the ground of life annuities1 except the increased pay of twenty-nine thousand pounds4 ,as it falls in1 part of the taxes may be taken off2 and as1 for instance1 when thirty thousand pounds fall in1 the duty on hops may be wholly taken off2 and as other parts fall in1 the duties on candles and soap may be lessened1 till at last they will totally cease4 ,there now remains at least one million and a half of surplus taxes4 ,the tax on houses and windows is one of those direct taxes1 which1 like the poor-rates1 is not confounded with trade2 and1 when taken off1 the relief will be instantly felt4 ,this tax falls heavy on the middle class of people4 ,the amount of this tax1 by the returns of #aghh1 was3 ,houses and windows3 ,l s4 d4 ,by the act of #agff #che1dei #aa #g ,by the act be #aggi #acj1gci #ad #e #a_/b ---------------------- ,total #eaf1aii #f #j #a_/b ,if this tax be struck off1 there will then remain about one million of surplus taxes2 and as it is always proper to keep a sum in reserve1 for incidental matters1 it may be best not to extend reductions further in the first instance1 but to consider what may be accomplished by other modes of reform4 ,among the taxes most heavily felt is the commutation tax4 ,i shall therefore offer a plan for its abolition1 by substituting another in its place1 which will effect three objects at once3 #a1 that of removing the burthen to where it can best be borne2 #b1 restoring justice among families by a distribution of property2 #c1 extirpating the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture1 which is one of the principal sources of corruption at elections4 ,the amount of commutation tax by the returns of #aghh1 was ,l#gga1feg4 ,when taxes are proposed1 the country is amused by the plausible language of taxing luxuries4 ,one thing is called a luxury at one time1 and something else at another2 but the real luxury does not consist in the article1 but in the means of procuring it1 and this is always kept out of sight4 ,i know not why any plant or herb of the field should be a greater luxury in one country than another2 but an overgrown estate in either is a luxury at all times1 and1 as such1 is the proper object of taxation4 ,it is1 therefore1 right to take those kind tax-making gentlemen up on their own word1 and argue on the principle themselves have laid down1 that of taxing luxuries4 ,if they or their champion1 ,mr4 ,burke1 who1 ,i fear1 is growing out of date1 like the man in armour1 can prove that an estate of twenty1 thirty1 or forty thousand pounds a year is not a luxury1 ,i will give up the argument4 ,admitting that any annual sum1 say1 for instance1 one thousand pounds1 is necessary or sufficient for the support of a family1 consequently the second thousand is of the nature of a luxury1 the third still more so1 and by proceeding on1 we shall at last arrive at a sum that may not improperly be called a prohibitable luxury4 ,it would be impolitic to set bounds to property acquired by industry1 and therefore it is right to place the prohibition beyond the probable acquisition to which industry can extend2 but there ought to be a limit to property or the accumulation of it by bequest4 ,it should pass in some other line4 ,the richest in every nation have poor relations1 and those often very near in consanguinity4 ,the following table of progressive taxation is constructed on the above principles1 and as a substitute for the commutation tax4 ,it will reach the point of prohibition by a regular operation1 and thereby supersede the aristocratical law of primogeniture4 ,,table ,i ,a tax on all estates of the clear yearly value of ,l#ej1 after deducting the land tax1 and up ,to ,l#ejj #js #c;d per pound ,from ,l#ejj to ,l#a1jjj #j #f ,on the second thousand #j #i ,on the third #a #j ,on the fourth #a #f ,on the fifth #b #j ,on the sixth #c #j ,on the seventh #d #j ,on the eighth #e #j ,on the ninth #fs #j;d per pound ,on the tenth #g #j ,on the eleventh #h #j ,on the twelfth #i #j ,on the thirteenth #aj #j ,on the fourteenth #aa #j ,on the fifteenth #ab #j ,on the sixteenth #ac #j ,on the seventeenth #ad #j ,on the eighteenth #ae #j ,on the nineteenth #af #j ,on the twentieth #ag #j ,on the twenty-first #ah #j ,on the twenty-second #ai #j ,on the twenty-third #bj #j ,the foregoing table shows the progression per pound on every progressive thousand4 ,the following table shows the amount of the tax on every thousand separately1 and in the last column the total amount of all the separate sums collected4 ,,table ,,ii ,an estate of3 ,l #ej per annum at #c;d per pound pays ,l#j #ab #f #ajj #a #e #j #bjj #b #aj #j #cjj #c #ae #j #djj #e #j #j #ejj #g #e #j ,after ,l#ejj1 the tax of #f;d4 per pound takes place on the second ,l#ejj2 consequently an estate of ,l#a1jjj per annum pays ,l#bl1 #aes41 and so on4 ,total amount ,for the #ast ,l#ejj at #js #c;d per pound ,l#g #es #bnd #j #f #ad #aj ,l#ba #aes #bnd #ajjj at #j #i #cg #aa #ei #e #crd #a #j #ej #j #aji #e 7,total amount7 #dth #ajjj at #as #f;d per pound ,l#ge #js ,l#ahd #es #eth #b #j #ajj #j #bhd #e #fth #c #j #aej #j #dcd #e #gth #d #j #bjj #j #fcd #e #hth #e #j #bej #j #hhj #e #ith #f #j #cjj #j #aajj #e #ajth #g #j #cej #j #aecj #e #aath #h #j #djj #j #aicj #e #abth #i #j #dej #j #bchj #e #acth #aj #j #ejj #j #bhhj #e #adth #aa #j #eej #j #cdcj #e #aeth #ab #j #fjj #j #djcj #e #afth #ac #j #fej #j #dfhj #e #agth #ad #j #gjj #j #echj #e #ahth #ae #j #gej #j #facj #e #aith #af #j #hjj #j #ficj #e #bjth #ag #j #hej #j #gghj #e #bast #ah #j #ijj #j #hfhj #e 7,total amount7 #bbnd #ajjj at #ais #j;d per pound ,l#iej #js ,l#ifcj #es #bcrd #bj #j #ajjj #j #ajfcj #e ,at the twenty-third thousand the tax becomes #bjs4 in the pound1 and consequently every thousand beyond that sum can produce no profit but by dividing the estate4 ,yet formidable as this tax appears1 it will not1 ,i believe1 produce so much as the commutation tax2 should it produce more1 it ought to be lowered to that amount upon estates under two or three thousand a year4 ,on small and middling estates it is lighter 7as it is intended to be7 than the commutation tax4 ,it is not till after seven or eight thousand a year that it begins to be heavy4 ,the object is not so much the produce of the tax as the justice of the measure4 ,the aristocracy has screened itself too much1 and this serves to restore a part of the lost equilibrium4 ,as an instance of its screening itself1 it is only necessary to look back to the first establishment of the excise laws1 at what is called the ,restoration1 or the coming of ,charles the ,second4 ,the aristocratical interest then in power1 commuted the feudal services itself was under1 by laying a tax on beer brewed for sale2 that is1 they compounded with ,charles for an exemption from those services for themselves and their heirs1 by a tax to be paid by other people4 ,the aristocracy do not purchase beer brewed for sale1 but brew their own beer free of the duty1 and if any commutation at that time were necessary1 it ought to have been at the expense of those for whom the exemptions from those services were intended299#cg instead of which1 it was thrown on an entirely different class of men4 ,but the chief object of this progressive tax 7besides the justice of rendering taxes more equal than they are7 is1 as already stated1 to extirpate the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture1 and which is one of the principal sources of corruption at elections4 ,it would be attended with no good consequences to enquire how such vast estates as thirty1 forty1 or fifty thousand a year could commence1 and that at a time when commerce and manufactures were not in a state to admit of such acquisitions4 ,let it be sufficient to remedy the evil by putting them in a condition of descending again to the community by the quiet means of apportioning them among all the heirs and heiresses of those families4 ,this will be the more necessary1 because hitherto the aristocracy have quartered their younger children and connections upon the public in useless posts1 places and offices1 which when abolished will leave them destitute1 unless the law of primogeniture be also abolished or superseded4 ,a progressive tax will1 in a great measure1 effect this object1 and that as a matter of interest to the parties most immediately concerned1 as will be seen by the following table2 which shows the net produce upon every estate1 after subtracting the tax4 ,by this it will appear that after an estate exceeds thirteen or fourteen thousand a year1 the remainder produces but little profit to the holder1 and consequently1 ,will pass either to the younger children1 or to other kindred4 ,,table ,,iii ,showing the net produce of every estate from one thousand to twenty-three thousand pounds a year ,no of thousand ,total tax per annum subtracted ,net produce ,l#ajjj ,l#ba ,l#igi #bjjj #ei #aida #cjjj #aji #bhia #djjj #ahd #chaf #ejjj #bhd #dgaf #fjjj #dcd #eeff #gjjj #fcd #fcff #hjjj #hhj #gabj #ijjj #aajj #gijj #aj1jjj #aecj #hdgj #aa1jjj #aicj #ijgj #ab1jjj #bchj #ifbj #ac1jjj #bhhj #aj1abj 7,no of thousand 7,total tax per annum7 subtracted7 7,net produce7 #ad1jjj #cdcj #aj1egj #ae1jjj #djcj #aj1igj #af1jjj #dfhj #aa1cbj #ag1jjj #echj #aa1fbj #ah1jjj #facj #aa1hgj #ai1jjj #ficj #ab1agj #bj1jjj #gghj #ab1bbj #ba1jjj #hfhj #ab1cbj #bb1jjj #ifcj #ab1cgj #bc1jjj #aj1fcj #ab1cgj ,n4,b4 ,the odd shillings are dropped in this table4 ,according to this table1 an estate cannot produce more than ,l#ab1cgj clear of the land tax and the progressive tax1 and therefore the dividing such estates will follow as a matter of family interest4 ,an estate of ,l#bc1jjj a year1 divided into five estates of four thousand each and one of three1 will be charged only ,l#a1abi which is but five per cent41 but if held by one possessor1 will be charged ,l#aj1fcj4 ,although an enquiry into the origin of those estates be unnecessary1 the continuation of them in their present state is another subject4 ,it is a matter of national concern4 ,as hereditary estates1 the law has created the evil1 and it ought also to provide the remedy4 ,primogeniture ought to be abolished1 not only because it is unnatural and unjust1 but because the country suffers by its operation4 ,by cutting off 7as before observed7 the younger children from their proper portion of inheritance1 the public is loaded with the expense of maintaining them2 and the freedom of elections violated by the overbearing influence which this unjust monopoly of family property produces4 ,nor is this all4 ,it occasions a waste of national property4 ,a considerable part of the land of the country is rendered unproductive1 by the great extent of parks and chases which this law serves to keep up1 and this at a time when the annual production of grain is not equal to the national consumption499#ch--;,in short1 the evils of the aristocratical system are so great and numerous1 so inconsistent with every thing that is just1 wise1 natural1 and beneficent1 that when they are considered1 there ought not to be a doubt that many1 who are now classed under that description1 will wish to see such a system abolished4 ,what pleasure can they derive from contemplating the exposed condition1 and almost certain beggary of their younger offspring8 ,every aristocratical family has an appendage of family beggars hanging round it1 which in a few ages1 or a few generations1 are shook off1 and console themselves with telling their tale in almshouses1 workhouses1 and prisons4 ,this is the natural consequence of aristocracy4 ,the peer and the beggar are often of the same family4 ,one extreme produces the other3 to make one rich many must be made poor2 neither can the system be supported by other means4 ,there are two classes of people to whom the laws of ,england are particularly hostile1 and those the most helpless2 younger children1 and the poor4 ,of the former ,i have just spoken2 of the latter ,i shall mention one instance out of the many that might be produced1 and with which ,i shall close this subject4 ,several laws are in existence for regulating and limiting work-men's wages4 ,why not leave them as free to make their own bargains1 as the law-makers are to let their farms and houses8 ,personal labour is all the property they have4 ,why is that little1 and the little freedom they enjoy1 to be infringed8 ,but the injustice will appear stronger1 if we consider the operation and effect of such laws4 ,when wages are fixed by what is called a law1 the legal wages remain stationary1 while every thing else is in progression2 and as those who make that law still continue to lay on new taxes by other laws1 they increase the expense of living by one law1 and take away the means by another4 ,but if these gentlemen law-makers and tax-makers thought it right to limit the poor pittance which personal labour can produce1 and on which a whole family is to be supported1 they certainly must feel themselves happily indulged in a limitation on their own part1 of not less than twelve thousand a-year1 and that of property they never acquired 7nor probably any of their ancestors71 and of which they have made never acquire so ill a use4 ,having now finished this subject1 ,i shall bring the several particulars into one view1 and then proceed to other matters4 ,the first eight articles1 mentioned earlier1 are2 #a4 ,abolition of two millions poor-rates4 #b4 ,provision for two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families1 at the rate of four pounds per head for each child under fourteen years of age2 which1 with the addition of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds1 provides also education for one million and thirty thousand children4 #c4 ,annuity of six pounds 7per annum7 each for all poor persons1 decayed tradesmen1 and others 7supposed seventy thousand7 of the age of fifty years1 and until sixty4 #d4 ,annuity of ten pounds each for life for all poor persons1 decayed tradesmen1 and others 7supposed seventy thousand7 of the age of sixty years4 #e4 ,donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births4 #f4 ,donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages4 #g4 ,allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons travelling for work1 and dying at a distance from their friends4 #h4 ,employment at all times for the casual poor in the cities of ,london and ,westminster4 ,second ,enumeration #i4 ,abolition of the tax on houses and windows4 #aj4 ,allowance of three shillings per week for life to fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers1 and a proportionate allowance to the officers of the disbanded corps4 #aa4 ,increase of pay to the remaining soldiers of ,l#ai1ejj annually4 #ab4 ,the same allowance to the disbanded navy1 and the same increase of pay1 as to the army4 #ac4 ,abolition of the commutation tax4 #ad4 ,plan of a progressive tax1 operating to extirpate the unjust and unnatural law of primogeniture1 and the vicious influence of the aristocratical system499#ci ,there yet remains1 as already stated1 one million of surplus taxes4 ,some part of this will be required for circumstances that do not immediately present themselves1 and such part as shall not be wanted1 will admit of a further reduction of taxes equal to that amount4 ,among the claims that justice requires to be made1 the condition of the inferior revenue-officers will merit attention4 ,it is a reproach to any government to waste such an immensity of revenue in sinecures and nominal and unnecessary places and officers1 and not allow even a decent livelihood to those on whom the labour falls4 ,the salary of the inferior officers of the revenue has stood at the petty pittance of less than fifty pounds a year for upwards of one hundred years4 ,it ought to be seventy4 ,about one hundred and twenty thousand pounds applied to this purpose1 will put all those salaries in a decent condition4 ,this was proposed to be done almost twenty years ago1 but the treasury-board then in being1 startled at it1 as it might lead to similar expectations from the army and navy2 and the event was1 that the ,king1 or somebody for him1 applied to parliament to have his own salary raised an hundred thousand pounds a year1 which being done1 every thing else was laid aside4 ,with respect to another class of men1 the inferior clergy1 ,i forbear to enlarge on their condition2 but all partialities and prejudices for1 or against1 different modes and forms of religion aside1 common justice will determine1 whether there ought to be an income of twenty or thirty pounds a year to one man1 and of ten thousand to another4 ,i speak on this subject with the more freedom1 because ,i am known not to be a ,presbyterian2 and therefore the cant cry of court sycophants1 about church and meeting1 kept up to amuse and bewilder the nation1 cannot be raised against me4 ,ye simple men on both sides the question1 do you not see through this courtly craft8 ,if ye can be kept disputing and wrangling about church and meeting1 ye just answer the purpose of every courtier1 who lives the while on the spoils of the taxes1 and laughs at your credulity4 ,every religion is good that teaches man to be good2 and ,i know of none that instructs him to be bad4 ,all the before-mentioned calculations suppose only sixteen millions and an half of taxes paid into the exchequer1 after the expense of collection and drawbacks at the custom-house and excise-office are deducted2 whereas the sum paid into the exchequer is very nearly1 if not quite1 seventeen millions4 ,the taxes raised in ,scotland and ,ireland are expended in those countries1 and therefore their savings will come out of their own taxes2 but if any part be paid into the ,english exchequer1 it might be remitted4 ,this will not make one hundred thousand pounds a year difference4 ,there now remains only the national debt to be considered4 ,in the year #aghi1 the interest1 exclusive of the tontine1 was ,l#i1aej1ach4 ,how much the capital has been reduced since that time the minister best knows4 ,but after paying the interest1 abolishing the tax on houses and windows1 the commutation tax1 and the poor-rates2 and making all the provisions for the poor1 for the education of children1 the support of the aged1 the disbanded part of the army and navy1 and increasing the pay of the remainder1 there will be a surplus of one million4 ,the present scheme of paying off the national debt appears to me1 speaking as an indifferent person1 to be an ill-concerted1 if not a fallacious job4 ,the burthen of the national debt consists not in its being so many millions1 or so many hundred millions1 but in the quantity of taxes collected every year to pay the interest4 ,if this quantity continues the same1 the burthen of the national debt is the same to all intents and purposes1 be the capital more or less4 ,the only knowledge which the public can have of the reduction of the debt1 must be through the reduction of taxes for paying the interest4 ,the debt1 therefore1 is not reduced one farthing to the public by all the millions that have been paid2 and it would require more money now to purchase up the capital1 than when the scheme began4 ,digressing for a moment at this point1 to which ,i shall return again1 ,i look back to the appointment of ,mr4 ,pitt1 as minister4 ,i was then in ,america4 ,the war was over2 and though resentment had ceased1 memory was still alive4 ,when the news of the coalition arrived1 though it was a matter of no concern to ,i felt it as a man4 ,it had something in it which shocked1 by publicly sporting with decency1 if not with principle4 ,it was impudence in ,lord ,north2 it was a want of firmness in ,mr4 ,fox4 ,mr4 ,pitt was1 at that time1 what may be called a maiden character in politics4 ,so far from being hackneyed1 he appeared not to be initiated into the first mysteries of court intrigue4 ,everything was in his favour4 ,resentment against the coalition served as friendship to him1 and his ignorance of vice was credited for virtue4 ,with the return of peace1 commerce and prosperity would rise of itself2 yet even this increase was thrown to his account4 ,when he came to the helm1 the storm was over1 and he had nothing to interrupt his course4 ,it required even ingenuity to be wrong1 and he succeeded4 ,a little time showed him the same sort of man as his predecessors had been4 ,instead of profiting by those errors which had accumulated a burthen of taxes unparalleled in the world1 he sought1 ,i might almost say1 he advertised for enemies1 and provoked means to increase taxation4 ,aiming at something1 he knew not what1 he ransacked ,europe and ,india for adventures1 and abandoning the fair pretensions he began with1 he became the knight-errant of modern times4 ,it is unpleasant to see character throw itself away4 ,it is more so to see one's-self deceived4 ,mr4 ,pitt had merited nothing1 but he promised much4 ,he gave symptoms of a mind superior to the meanness and corruption of courts4 ,his apparent candour encouraged expectations2 and the public confidence1 stunned1 wearied1 and confounded by a chaos of parties1 revived and attached itself to him4 ,but mistaking1 as he has done1 the disgust of the nation against the coalition1 for merit in himself1 he has rushed into measures which a man less supported would not have presumed to act4 ,all this seems to show that change of ministers amounts to nothing4 ,one goes out1 another comes in1 and still the same measures1 vices1 and extravagance are pursued4 ,it signifies not who is minister4 ,the defect lies in the system4 ,the foundation and the superstructure of the government is bad4 ,prop it as you please1 it continually sinks into court government1 and ever will4 ,i return1 as ,i promised1 to the subject of the national debt1 that offspring of the ,dutch-,anglo revolution1 and its handmaid the ,hanover succession4 ,but it is now too late to enquire how it began4 ,those to whom it is due have advanced the money2 and whether it was well or ill spent1 or pocketed1 is not their crime4 ,it is1 however1 easy to see1 that as the nation proceeds in contemplating the nature and principles of government1 and to understand taxes1 and make comparisons between those of ,america1 ,france1 and ,england1 it will be next to impossible to keep it in the same torpid state it has hitherto been4 ,some reform must1 from the necessity of the case1 soon begin4 ,it is not whether these principles press with little or much force in the present moment4 ,they are out4 ,they are abroad in the world1 and no force can stop them4 ,like a secret told1 they are beyond recall2 and he must be blind indeed that does not see that a change is already beginning4 ,nine millions of dead taxes is a serious thing2 and this not only for bad1 but in a great measure for foreign government4 ,by putting the power of making war into the hands of the foreigners who came for what they could get1 little else was to be expected than what has happened4 ,reasons are already advanced in this work1 showing that whatever the reforms in the taxes may be1 they ought to be made in the current expenses of government1 and not in the part applied to the interest of the national debt4 ,by remitting the taxes of the poor1 they will be totally relieved1 and all discontent will be taken away2 and by striking off such of the taxes as are already mentioned1 the nation will more than recover the whole expense of the mad ,american war4 ,there will then remain only the national debt as a subject of discontent2 and in order to remove1 or rather to prevent this1 it would be good policy in the stockholders themselves to consider it as property1 subject like all other property1 to bear some portion of the taxes4 ,it would give to it both popularity and security1 and as a great part of its present inconvenience is balanced by the capital which it keeps alive1 a measure of this kind would so far add to that balance as to silence objections4 ,this may be done by such gradual means as to accomplish all that is necessary with the greatest ease and convenience4 ,instead of taxing the capital1 the best method would be to tax the interest by some progressive ratio1 and to lessen the public taxes in the same proportion as the interest diminished4 ,suppose the interest was taxed one halfpenny in the pound the first year1 a penny more the second1 and to proceed by a certain ratio to be determined upon1 always less than any other tax upon property4 ,such a tax would be subtracted from the interest at the time of payment1 without any expense of collection4 ,one halfpenny in the pound would lessen the interest and consequently the taxes1 twenty thousand pounds4 ,the tax on wagons amounts to this sum1 and this tax might be taken off the first year4 ,the second year the tax on female servants1 or some other of the like amount might also be taken off1 and by proceeding in this manner1 always applying the tax raised from the property of the debt toward its extinction1 and not carry it to the current services1 it would liberate itself4 ,the stockholders1 notwithstanding this tax1 would pay less taxes than they do now4 ,what they would save by the extinction of the poor-rates1 and the tax on houses and windows1 and the commutation tax1 would be considerably greater than what this tax1 slow1 but certain in its operation1 amounts to4 ,it appears to me to be prudence to look out for measures that may apply under any circumstances that may approach4 ,there is1 at this moment1 a crisis in the affairs of ,europe that requires it4 ,preparation now is wisdom4 ,if taxation be once let loose1 it will be difficult to re-instate it2 neither would the relief be so effectual1 as if it proceeded by some certain and gradual reduction4 ,the fraud1 hypocrisy1 and imposition of governments1 are now beginning to be too well understood to promise them any long career4 ,the farce of monarchy and aristocracy1 in all countries1 is following that of chivalry1 and ,mr4 ,burke is dressing aristocracy1 in all countries1 is following that of chivalry1 and ,mr4 ,burke is dressing for the funeral4 ,let it then pass quietly to the tomb of all other follies1 and the mourners be comforted4 ,the time is not very distant when ,england will laugh at itself for sending to ,holland1 ,hanover1 ,zell1 or ,brunswick for men1 at the expense of a million a year1 who understood neither her laws1 her language1 nor her interest1 and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted them for the office of a parish constable4 ,if government could be trusted to such hands1 it must be some easy and simple thing indeed1 and materials fit for all the purposes may be found in every town and village in ,england4 ,when it shall be said in any country in the world1 my poor are happy2 neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them2 my jails are empty of prisoners1 my streets of beggars2 the aged are not in want1 the taxes are not oppressive2 the rational world is my friend1 because ,i am the friend of its happiness3 when these things can be said1 then may that country boast its constitution and its government4 ,within the space of a few years we have seen two revolutions1 those of ,america and ,france4 ,in the former1 the contest was long1 and the conflict severe2 in the latter1 the nation acted with such a consolidated impulse1 that having no foreign enemy to contend with1 the revolution was complete in power the moment it appeared4 ,from both those instances it is evident1 that the greatest forces that can be brought into the field of revolutions1 are reason and common interest4 ,where these can have the opportunity of acting1 opposition dies with fear1 or crumbles away by conviction4 ,it is a great standing which they have now universally obtained2 and we may hereafter hope to see revolutions1 or changes in governments1 produced with the same quiet operation by which any measure1 determinable by reason and discussion1 is accomplished4 ,when a nation changes its opinion and habits of thinking1 it is no longer to be governed as before2 but it would not only be wrong1 but bad policy1 to attempt by force what ought to be accomplished by reason4 ,rebellion consists in forcibly opposing the general will of a nation1 whether by a party or by a government4 ,there ought1 therefore1 to be in every nation a method of occasionally ascertaining the state of public opinion with respect to government4 ,on this point the old government of ,france was superior to the present government of ,england1 because1 on extraordinary occasions1 recourse could be had what was then called the ,states ,general4 ,but in ,england there are no such occasional bodies2 and as to those who are now called ,representatives1 a great part of them are mere machines of the court1 placemen1 and dependants4 ,i presume1 that though all the people of ,england pay taxes1 not an hundredth part of them are electors1 and the members of one of the houses of parliament represent nobody but themselves4 ,there is1 therefore1 no power but the voluntary will of the people that has a right to act in any matter respecting a general reform2 and by the same right that two persons can confer on such a subject1 a thousand may4 ,the object1 in all such preliminary proceedings1 is to find out what the general sense of a nation is1 and to be governed by it4 ,if it prefer a bad or defective government to a reform or choose to pay ten times more taxes than there is any occasion for1 it has a right so to do2 and so long as the majority do not impose conditions on the minority1 different from what they impose upon themselves1 though there may be much error1 there is no injustice4 ,neither will the error continue long4 ,reason and discussion will soon bring things right1 however wrong they may begin4 ,by such a process no tumult is to be apprehended4 ,the poor1 in all countries1 are naturally both peaceable and grateful in all reforms in which their interest and happiness is included4 ,it is only by neglecting and rejecting them that they become tumultuous4 ,the objects that now press on the public attention are1 the ,french revolution1 and the prospect of a general revolution in governments4 ,of all nations in ,europe there is none so much interested in the ,french revolution as ,england4 ,enemies for ages1 and that at a vast expense1 and without any national object1 the opportunity now presents itself of amicably closing the scene1 and joining their efforts to reform the rest of ,europe4 ,by doing this they will not only prevent the further effusion of blood1 and increase of taxes1 but be in a condition of getting rid of a considerable part of their present burthens1 as has been already stated4 ,long experience however has shown1 that reforms of this kind are not those which old governments wish to promote1 and therefore it is to nations1 and not to such governments1 that these matters present themselves4 ,in the preceding part of this work1 ,i have spoken of an alliance between ,england1 ,france1 and ,america1 for purposes that were to be afterwards mentioned4 ,though ,i have no direct authority on the part of ,america1 ,i have good reason to conclude1 that she is disposed to enter into a consideration of such a measure1 provided1 that the governments with which she might ally1 acted as national governments1 and not as courts enveloped in intrigue and mystery4 ,that ,france as a nation1 and a national government1 would prefer an alliance with ,england1 is a matter of certainty4 ,nations1 like individuals1 who have long been enemies1 without knowing each other1 or knowing why1 become the better friends when they discover the errors and impositions under which they had acted4 ,admitting1 therefore1 the probability of such a connection1 ,i will state some matters by which such an alliance1 together with that of ,holland1 might render service1 not only to the parties immediately concerned1 but to all ,europe4 ,it is1 ,i think1 certain1 that if the fleets of ,england1 ,france1 and ,holland were confederated1 they could propose1 with effect1 a limitation to1 and a general dismantling of1 all the navies in ,europe1 to a certain proportion to be agreed upon4 ,first1 ,that no new ship of war shall be built by any power in ,europe1 themselves included4 ,second1 ,that all the navies now in existence shall be put back1 suppose to one-tenth of their present force4 ,this will save to ,france and ,england1 at least two millions sterling annually to each1 and their relative force be in the same proportion as it is now4 ,if men will permit themselves to think1 as rational beings ought to think1 nothing can appear more ridiculous and absurd1 exclusive of all moral reflections1 than to be at the expense of building navies1 filling them with men1 and then hauling them into the ocean1 to try which can sink each other fastest4 ,peace1 which costs nothing1 is attended with infinitely more advantage1 than any victory with all its expense4 ,but this1 though it best answers the purpose of nations1 does not that of court governments1 whose habited policy is pretence for taxation1 places1 and offices4 ,it is1 ,i think1 also certain1 that the above confederated powers1 together with that of the ,united ,states of ,america1 can propose with effect1 to ,spain1 the independence of ,south ,america1 and the opening those countries of immense extent and wealth to the general commerce of the world1 as ,north ,america now is4 ,with how much more glory1 and advantage to itself1 does a nation act1 when it exerts its powers to rescue the world from bondage1 and to create itself friends1 than when it employs those powers to increase ruin1 desolation1 and misery4 ,the horrid scene that is now acting by the ,english government in the ,east-,indies1 is fit only to be told of ,goths and ,vandals1 who1 destitute of principle1 robbed and tortured the world they were incapable of enjoying4 ,the opening of ,south ,america would produce an immense field of commerce1 and a ready money market for manufactures1 which the eastern world does not4 ,the ,east is already a country full of manufactures1 the importation of which is not only an injury to the manufactures of ,england1 but a drain upon its specie4 ,the balance against ,england by this trade is regularly upwards of half a million annually sent out in the ,east-,india ships in silver2 and this is the reason1 together with ,german intrigue1 and ,german subsidies1 that there is so little silver in ,england4 ,but any war is harvest to such governments1 however ruinous it may be to a nation4 ,it serves to keep up deceitful expectations which prevent people from looking into the defects and abuses of government4 ,it is the lo here6 and the lo there6 that amuses and cheats the multitude4 ,never did so great an opportunity offer itself to ,england1 and to all ,europe1 as is produced by the two ,revolutions of ,america and ,france4 ,by the former1 freedom has a national champion in the western world2 and by the latter1 in ,europe4 ,when another nation shall join ,france1 despotism and bad government will scarcely dare to appear4 ,to use a trite expression1 the iron is becoming hot all over ,europe4 ,the insulted ,german and the enslaved ,spaniard1 the ,russ and the ,pole1 are beginning to think4 ,the present age will hereafter merit to be called the ,age of ,reason1 and the present generation will appear to the future as the ,adam of a new world4 ,when all the governments of ,europe shall be established on the representative system1 nations will become acquainted1 and the animosities and prejudices fomented by the intrigue and artifice of courts1 will cease4 ,the oppressed soldier will become a freeman2 and the tortured sailor1 no longer dragged through the streets like a felon1 will pursue his mercantile voyage in safety4 ,it would be better that nations should wi continue the pay of their soldiers during their lives1 and give them their discharge and restore them to freedom and their friends1 and cease recruiting1 than retain such multitudes at the same expense1 in a condition useless to society and to themselves4 ,as soldiers have hitherto been treated in most countries1 they might be said to be without a friend4 ,shunned by the citizen on an apprehension of their being enemies to liberty1 and too often insulted by those who commanded them1 their condition was a double oppression4 ,but where genuine principles of liberty pervade a people1 every thing is restored to order2 and the soldier civilly treated1 returns the civility4 ,in contemplating revolutions1 it is easy to perceive that they may arise from two distinct causes2 the one1 to avoid or get rid of some great calamity2 the other1 to obtain some great and positive good2 and the two may be distinguished by the names of active and passive revolutions4 ,in those which proceed from the former cause1 the temper becomes incensed and soured2 and the redress1 obtained by danger1 is too often sullied by revenge4 ,but in those which proceed from the latter1 the heart1 rather animated than agitated1 enters serenely upon the subject4 ,reason and discussion1 persuasion and conviction1 become the weapons in the contest1 and it is only when those are attempted to be suppressed that recourse is had to violence4 ,when men unite in agreeing that a thing is good1 could it be obtained1 such for instance as relief from a burden of taxes and the extinction of corruption1 the object is more than half accomplished4 ,what they approve as the end1 they will promote in the means4 ,will any man say1 in the present excess of taxation1 falling so heavily on the poor1 that a remission of five pounds annually of taxes to one hundred and four thousand poor families is not a good thing8 ,will he say that a remission of seven pounds annually to one hundred thousand other poor families--of eight pounds annually to another hundred thousand poor families1 and of ten pounds annually to fifty thousand poor and widowed families1 are not good things8 ,and1 to proceed a step further in this climax1 will he say that to provide against the misfortunes to which all human life is subject1 by securing six pounds annually for all poor1 distressed1 and reduced persons of the age of fifty and until sixty1 and of ten pounds annually after sixty1 is not a good thing8 ,will he say that an abolition of two millions of poor-rates to the house-keepers1 and of the whole of the house and window-light tax and of the commutation tax is not a good thing8 ,or will he say that to abolish corruption is a bad thing8 ,if1 therefore1 the good to be obtained be worthy of a passive1 rational1 and costless revolution1 it would be bad policy to prefer waiting for a calamity that should force a violent one4 ,i have no idea1 considering the reforms which are now passing and spreading throughout ,europe1 that ,england will permit herself to be the last2 and where the occasion and the opportunity quietly offer1 it is better than to wait for a turbulent necessity4 ,it may be considered as an honour to the animal faculties of man to obtain redress by courage and danger1 but it is far greater honour to the rational faculties to accomplish the same object by reason1 accommodation1 and general consent499#dj ,as reforms1 or revolutions1 call them which you please1 extend themselves among nations1 those nations will form connections and conventions1 and when a few are thus confederated1 the progress will be rapid1 till despotism and corrupt government be totally expelled1 at least out of two quarters of the world1 ,europe and ,america4 ,the ,algerine piracy may then be commanded to cease1 for it is only by the malicious policy of old governments1 against each other1 that it exists4 ,throughout this work1 various and numerous as the subjects are1 which ,i have taken up and investigated1 there is only a single paragraph upon religion1 viz4 that every religion is good that teaches man to be good4 ,i have carefully avoided to enlarge upon the subject1 because ,i am inclined to believe that what is called the present ministry1 wish to see contentions about religion kept up1 to prevent the nation turning its attention to subjects of government4 ,it is as if they were to say1 ,look that way1 or any way1 but this4 ,but as religion is very improperly made a political machine1 and the reality of it is thereby destroyed1 ,i will conclude this work with stating in what light religion appears to me4 ,if we suppose a large family of children1 who1 on any particular day1 or particular circumstance1 made it a custom to present to their parents some token of their affection and gratitude1 each of them would make a different offering1 and most probably in a different manner4 ,some would pay their congratulations in themes of verse and prose1 by some little devices1 as their genius dictated1 or according to what they thought would please2 and1 perhaps1 the least of all1 not able to do any of those things1 would ramble into the garden1 or the field1 and gather what it thought the prettiest flower it could find1 though1 perhaps1 it might be but a simple weed4 ,the parent would be more gratified by such a variety1 than if the whole of them had acted on a concerted plan1 and each had made exactly the same offering4 ,this would have the cold appearance of contrivance1 or the harsh one of control4 ,but of all unwelcome things1 nothing could more afflict the parent than to know1 that the whole of them had afterwards gotten together by the ears1 boys and girls1 fighting1 scratching1 reviling1 and abusing each other about which was the best or the worst present4 ,why may we not suppose1 that the great ,father of all is pleased with variety of devotion2 and that the greatest offence we can act1 is that by which we seek to torment and render each other miserable8 ,for my own part1 ,i am fully satisfied that what ,i am now doing1 with an endeavour to conciliate mankind1 to render their condition happy1 to unite nations that have hitherto been enemies1 and to extirpate the horrid practice of war1 and break the chains of slavery and oppression is acceptable in his sight1 and being the best service ,i can perform1 ,i act it cheerfully4 ,i do not believe that any two men1 on what are called doctrinal points1 think alike who think at all4 ,it is only those who have not thought that appear to agree4 ,it is in this case as with what is called the ,british constitution4 ,it has been taken for granted to be good1 and encomiums have supplied the place of proof4 ,but when the nation comes to examine into its principles and the abuses it admits1 it will be found to have more defects than ,i have pointed out in this work and the former4 ,as to what are called national religions1 we may1 with as much propriety1 talk of national ,gods4 ,it is either political craft or the remains of the ,pagan system1 when every nation had its separate and particular deity4 ,among all the writers of the ,english church clergy1 who have treated on the general subject of religion1 the present ,bishop of ,llandaff has not been excelled1 and it is with much pleasure that ,i take this opportunity of expressing this token of respect4 ,i have now gone through the whole of the subject1 at least1 as far as it appears to me at present4 ,it has been my intention for the five years ,i have been in ,europe1 to offer an address to the people of ,england on the subject of government1 if the opportunity presented itself before ,i returned to ,america4 ,mr4 ,burke has thrown it in my way1 and ,i thank him4 ,on a certain occasion1 three years ago1 ,i pressed him to propose a national convention1 to be fairly elected1 for the purpose of taking the state of the nation into consideration2 but ,i found1 that however strongly the parliamentary current was then setting against the party he acted with1 their policy was to keep every thing within that field of corruption1 and trust to accidents4 ,long experience had shown that parliaments would follow any change of ministers1 and on this they rested their hopes and their expectations4 ,formerly1 when divisions arose respecting governments1 recourse was had to the sword1 and a civil war ensued4 ,that savage custom is exploded by the new system1 and reference is had to national conventions4 ,discussion and the general will arbitrates the question1 and to this1 private opinion yields with a good grace1 and order is preserved uninterrupted4 ,some gentlemen have affected to call the principles upon which this work and the former part of ,rights of ,man are founded1 a new-fangled doctrine4 ,the question is not whether those principles are new or old1 but whether they are right or wrong4 ,suppose the former1 ,i will show their effect by a figure easily understood4 ,it is now towards the middle of ,february4 ,were ,i to take a turn into the country1 the trees would present a leafless1 wintery appearance4 ,as people are apt to pluck twigs as they walk along1 ,i perhaps might do the same1 and by chance might observe1 that a single bud on that twig had begun to swell4 ,i should reason very unnaturally1 or rather not reason at all1 to suppose this was the only bud in ,england which had this appearance4 ,instead of deciding thus1 ,i should instantly conclude1 that the same appearance was beginning1 or about to begin1 every where2 and though the vegetable sleep will continue longer on some trees and plants than on others1 and though some of them may not blossom for two or three years1 all will be in leaf in the summer1 except those which are rotten4 ,what pace the political summer may keep with the natural1 no human foresight can determine4 ,it is1 however1 not difficult to perceive that the spring is begun4--,thus wishing1 as ,i sincerely do1 freedom and happiness to all nations1 ,i close the ,second ,part4 ,,appendix ,as the publication of this work has been delayed beyond the time intended1 ,i think it not improper1 all circumstances considered1 to state the causes that have occasioned delay4 ,the reader will probably observe1 that some parts in the plan contained in this work for reducing the taxes1 and certain parts in ,mr4 ,pitt's speech at the opening of the present session1 ,tuesday1 ,january #ca1 are so much alike as to induce a belief1 that either the author had taken the hint from ,mr4 ,pitt1 or ,mr4 ,pitt from the author4--,i will first point out the parts that are similar1 and then state such circumstances as ,i am acquainted with1 leaving the reader to make his own conclusion4 ,considering it as almost an unprecedented case1 that taxes should be proposed to be taken off1 it is equally extraordinary that such a measure should occur to two persons at the same time2 and still more so 7considering the vast variety and multiplicity of taxes7 that they should hit on the same specific taxes4 ,mr4 ,pitt has mentioned1 in his speech1 the tax on ,carts and ,wagons--that on ,female ,servantsthe lowering the tax on ,candles and the taking off the tax of three shillings on ,houses having under seven windows4 ,every one of those specific taxes are a part of the plan contained in this work1 and proposed also to be taken off4 ,mr4 ,pitt's plan1 it is true1 goes no further than to a reduction of three hundred and twenty thousand pounds2 and the reduction proposed in this work1 to nearly six millions4 ,i have made my calculations on only sixteen millions and an half of revenue1 still asserting that it was very nearly1 if not quite1 seventeen millions4 ,mr4 ,pitt states it at #af1fij1jjj4 ,i know enough of the matter to say1 that he has not overstated it4 ,having thus given the particulars1 which correspond in this work and his speech1 ,i will state a chain of circumstances that may lead to some explanation4 ,the first hint for lessening the taxes1 and that as a consequence flowing from the ,french revolution1 is to be found in the ,address and ,declaration of the ,gentlemen who met at the ,thatched-,house ,tavern1 ,august #bj1 #agia4 ,among many other particulars stated in that ,address1 is the following1 put as an interrogation to the government opposers of the ,french ,revolution4 ,are they sorry that the pretence for new oppressive taxes1 and the occasion for continuing many old taxes will be at an end8 ,it is well known that the persons who chiefly frequent the ,thatched-,house ,tavern1 are men of court connections1 and so much did they take this ,address and ,declaration respecting the ,french ,revolution1 and the reduction of taxes in disgust1 that the ,landlord was under the necessity of informing the ,gentlemen1 who composed the meeting of the #bjth of ,august1 and who proposed holding another meeting1 that he could not receive them499#da ,what was only hinted in the ,address and ,declaration respecting taxes and principles of government1 will be found reduced to a regular system in this work4 ,but as ,mr4 ,pitt's speech contains some of the same things respecting taxes1 ,i now come to give the circumstances before alluded to4 ,the case is3 ,this work was intended to be published just before the meeting of ,parliament1 and for that purpose a considerable part of the copy was put into the printer's hands in ,september1 and all the remaining copy1 which contains the part to which ,mr4 ,pitt's speech is similar1 was given to him full six weeks before the meeting of ,parliament1 and he was informed of the time at which it was to appear4 ,he had composed nearly the whole about a fortnight before the time of ,parliament meeting1 and had given me a proof of the next sheet4 ,it was then in sufficient forwardness to be out at the time proposed1 as two other sheets were ready for striking off4 ,i had before told him1 that if he thought he should be straitened for time1 ,i could get part of the work done at another press1 which he desired me not to do4 ,in this manner the work stood on the ,tuesday fortnight preceding the meeting of ,parliament1 when all at once1 without any previous intimation1 though ,i had been with him the evening before1 he sent me1 by one of his workmen1 all the remaining copy1 declining to go on with the work on any consideration4 ,to account for this extraordinary conduct ,i was totally at a loss1 as he stopped at the part where the arguments on systems and principles of government closed1 and where the plan for the reduction of taxes1 the education of children1 and the support of the poor and the aged begins2 and still more especially1 as he had1 at the time of his beginning to print1 and before he had seen the whole copy1 offered a thousand pounds for the copy-right1 together with the future copy-right of the former part of the ,rights of ,man4 ,i told the person who brought me this offer that ,i should not accept it1 and wished it not to be renewed1 giving him as my reason1 that though ,i believed the printer to be an honest man1 ,i would never put it in the power of any printer or publisher to suppress or alter a work of mine1 by making him master of the copy1 or give to him the right of selling it to any minister1 or to any other person1 or to treat as a mere matter of traffic1 that which ,i intended should operate as a principle4 ,his refusal to complete the work 7which he could not purchase7 obliged me to seek for another printer1 and this of consequence would throw the publication back till after the meeting of ,parliament1 otherways it would have appeared that ,mr4 ,pitt had only taken up a part of the plan which ,i had more fully stated4 ,whether that gentleman1 or any other1 had seen the work1 or any part of it1 is more than ,i have authority to say4 ,but the manner in which the work was returned1 and the particular time at which this was done1 and that after the offers he had made1 are suspicious circumstances4 ,i know what the opinion of booksellers and publishers is upon such a case1 but as to my own opinion1 ,i choose to make no declaration4 ,there are many ways by which proof sheets may be procured by other persons before a work publicly appears2 to which ,i shall add a certain circumstance1 which is1 ,a ministerial bookseller in ,piccadilly who has been employed1 as common report says1 by a clerk of one of the boards closely connected with the ministry 7the board of trade and plantation1 of which ,hawkesbury is president7 to publish what he calls my ,life1 7,i wish his own life and those of the cabinet were as good71 used to have his books printed at the same printing-office that ,i employed2 but when the former part of ,rights of ,man came out1 he took his work away in dudgeon2 and about a week or ten days before the printer returned my copy1 he came to make him an offer of his work again1 which was accepted4 ,this would consequently give him admission into the printing-office where the sheets of this work were then lying2 and as booksellers and printers are free with each other1 he would have the opportunity of seeing what was going on4--,be the case1 however1 as it may1 ,mr4 ,pitt's plan1 little and diminutive as it is1 would have made a very awkward appearance1 had this work appeared at the time the printer had engaged to finish it4 ,i have now stated the particulars which occasioned the delay1 from the proposal to purchase1 to the refusal to print4 ,if all the ,gentlemen are innocent1 it is very unfortunate for them that such a variety of suspicious circumstances should1 without any design1 arrange themselves together4 ,having now finished this part1 ,i will conclude with stating another circumstance4 ,about a fortnight or three weeks before the meeting of ,parliament1 a small addition1 amounting to about twelve shillings and sixpence a year1 was made to the pay of the soldiers1 or rather their pay was docked so much less4 ,some ,gentlemen who knew1 in part1 that this work would contain a plan of reforms respecting the oppressed condition of soldiers1 wished me to add a note to the work1 signifying that the part upon that subject had been in the printer's hands some weeks before that addition of pay was proposed4 ,i declined doing this1 lest it should be interpreted into an air of vanity1 or an endeavour to excite suspicion 7for which perhaps there might be no grounds7 that some of the government gentlemen had1 by some means or other1 made out what this work would contain3 and had not the printing been interrupted so as to occasion a delay beyond the time fixed for publication1 nothing contained in this appendix would have appeared4 ,thomas ,paine ,,the ,,author',s ,,notes ,,for ,,part ,,one ,,and ,,part ,,two ,footnote #a3 ,the main and uniform maxim of the judges is1 the greater the truth the greater the libel4 ,footnote #b3 ,since writing the above1 two other places occur in ,mr4 ,burke's pamphlet in which the name of the ,bastille is mentioned1 but in the same manner4 ,in the one he introduces it in a sort of obscure question1 and asks3 ,will any ministers who now serve such a king1 with but a decent appearance of respect1 cordially obey the orders of those whom but the other day1 in his name1 they had committed to the ,bastille8 ,in the other the taking it is mentioned as implying criminality in the ,french guards1 who assisted in demolishing it4 ,they have not1 says he1 forgot the taking the king's castles at ,paris4 ,this is ,mr4 ,burke1 who pretends to write on constitutional freedom4 ,footnote #c3 ,i am warranted in asserting this1 as ,i had it personally from ,m4 de la ,fayette1 with whom ,i lived in habits of friendship for fourteen years4 ,footnote #d3 ,an account of the expedition to ,versailles may be seen in ,no4 #ac of the ,revolution de ,paris containing the events from the #crd to the #ajth of ,october1 #aghi4 ,footnote #e3 ,it is a practice in some parts of the country1 when two travellers have but one horse1 which1 like the national purse1 will not carry double1 that the one mounts and rides two or three miles ahead1 and then ties the horse to a gate and walks on4 ,when the second traveller arrives he takes the horse1 rides on1 and passes his companion a mile or two1 and ties again1 and so on--,ride and tie4 ,footnote #f3 ,the word he used was renvoye1 dismissed or sent away4 ,footnote #g3 ,when in any country we see extraordinary circumstances taking place1 they naturally lead any man who has a talent for observation and investigation1 to enquire into the causes4 ,the manufacturers of ,manchester1 ,birmingham1 and ,sheffield1 are the principal manufacturers in ,england4 ,from whence did this arise8 ,a little observation will explain the case4 ,the principal1 and the generality of the inhabitants of those places1 are not of what is called in ,england1 the church established by law3 and they1 or their fathers1 7for it is within but a few years7 withdrew from the persecution of the chartered towns1 where test-laws more particularly operate1 and established a sort of asylum for themselves in those places4 ,it was the only asylum that then offered1 for the rest of ,europe was worse4--,but the case is now changing4 ,france and ,america bid all comers welcome1 and initiate them into all the rights of citizenship4 ,policy and interest1 therefore1 will1 but perhaps too late1 dictate in ,england1 what reason and justice could not4 ,those manufacturers are withdrawing1 and arising in other places4 ,there is now erecting in ,passey1 three miles from ,paris1 a large cotton manufactory1 and several are already erected in ,america4 ,soon after the rejecting the ,bill for repealing the test-law1 one of the richest manufacturers in ,england said in my hearing1 ,england1 ,sir1 is not a country for a dissenter to live in1--we must go to ,france4 ,these are truths1 and it is doing justice to both parties to tell them4 ,it is chiefly the dissenters that have carried ,english manufactures to the height they are now at1 and the same men have it in their power to carry them away2 and though those manufactures would afterwards continue in those places1 the foreign market will be lost4 ,there frequently appear in the ,london ,gazette1 extracts from certain acts to prevent machines and persons1 as far as they can extend to persons1 from going out of the country4 ,it appears from these that the ill effects of the test-laws and church-establishment begin to be much suspected2 but the remedy of force can never supply the remedy of reason4 ,in the progress of less than a century1 all the unrepresented part of ,england1 of all denominations1 which is at least an hundred times the most numerous1 may begin to feel the necessity of a constitution1 and then all those matters will come regularly before them4 ,footnote #h3 ,when the ,english ,minister1 ,mr4 ,pitt1 mentions the ,french finances again in the ,english ,parliament1 it would be well that he noticed this as an example4 ,footnote #i3 ,mr4 ,burke1 7and ,i must take the liberty of telling him that he is very unacquainted with ,french affairs71 speaking upon this subject1 says1 ,the first thing that struck me in calling the ,states-,general1 was a great departure from the ancient course2--and he soon after says1 ,from the moment ,i read the list1 ,i saw distinctly1 and very nearly as it has happened1 all that was to follow4--,mr4 ,burke certainly did not see an that was to follow4 ,i endeavoured to impress him1 as well before as after the ,states-,general met1 that there would be a revolution2 but was not able to make him see it1 neither would he believe it4 ,how then he could distinctly see all the parts1 when the whole was out of sight1 is beyond my comprehension4 ,and with respect to the departure from the ancient course1 besides the natural weakness of the remark1 it shows that he is unacquainted with circumstances4 ,the departure was necessary1 from the experience had upon it1 that the ancient course was a bad one4 ,the ,states-,general of #afad were called at the commencement of the civil war in the minority of ,louis ,,xiii42 but by the class of arranging them by orders1 they increased the confusion they were called to compose4 ,the author of ,l',intrigue du ,cabinet1 7,intrigue of the ,cabinet71 who wrote before any revolution was thought of in ,france1 speaking of the ,states-,general of #afad1 says1 ,they held the public in suspense five months2 and by the questions agitated therein1 and the heat with which they were put1 it appears that the great 7les grands7 thought more to satisfy their particular passions1 than to procure the goods of the nation2 and the whole time passed away in altercations1 ceremonies and parade4--,l',intrigue du ,cabinet1 vol4 i4 p4 #cbi4 ,footnote #aj3 ,there is a single idea1 which1 if it strikes rightly upon the mind1 either in a legal or a religious sense1 will prevent any man or any body of men1 or any government1 from going wrong on the subject of religion2 which is1 that before any human institutions of government were known in the world1 there existed1 if ,i may so express it1 a compact between ,god and man1 from the beginning of time3 and that as the relation and condition which man in his individual person stands in towards his ,maker cannot be changed by any human laws or human authority1 that religious devotion1 which is a part of this compact1 cannot so much as be made a subject of human laws2 and that all laws must conform themselves to this prior existing compact1 and not assume to make the compact conform to the laws1 which1 besides being human1 are subsequent thereto4 ,the first act of man1 when he looked around and saw himself a creature which he did not make1 and a world furnished for his reception1 must have been devotion2 and devotion must ever continue sacred to every individual man1 as it appears1 right to him2 and governments do mischief by interfering4 ,footnote #aa3 ,see this work1 ,part ,i starting at line number #bed4--,n4,b4 ,since the taking of the ,bastille1 the occurrences have been published3 but the matters recorded in this narrative1 are prior to that period2 and some of them1 as may be easily seen1 can be but very little known4 ,footnote #ab3 ,see ,estimate of the ,comparative ,strength of ,great ,britain1 by ,g4 ,chalmers4 ,footnote #ac3 ,see ,administration of the ,finances of ,france1 vol4 iii1 by ,m4 ,neckar4 ,footnote #ad3 ,administration of the ,finances of ,france1 vol4 iii4 ,footnote #ae3 ,whether the ,english commerce does not bring in money1 or whether the government sends it out after it is brought in1 is a matter which the parties concerned can best explain2 but that the deficiency exists1 is not in the power of either to disprove4 ,while ,dr4 ,price1 ,mr4 ,eden1 7now ,auckland71 ,mr4 ,chalmers1 and others1 were debating whether the quantity of money in ,england was greater or less than at the ,revolution1 the circumstance was not adverted to1 that since the ,revolution1 there cannot have been less than four hundred millions sterling imported into ,europe2 and therefore the quantity in ,england ought at least to have been four times greater than it was at the ,revolution1 to be on a proportion with ,europe4 ,what ,england is now doing by paper1 is what she would have been able to do by solid money1 if gold and silver had come into the nation in the proportion it ought1 or had not been sent out2 and she is endeavouring to restore by paper1 the balance she has lost by money4 ,it is certain1 that the gold and silver which arrive annually in the register-ships to ,spain and ,portugal1 do not remain in those countries4 ,taking the value half in gold and half in silver1 it is about four hundred tons annually2 and from the number of ships and galloons employed in the trade of bringing those metals from ,south-,america to ,portugal and ,spain1 the quantity sufficiently proves itself1 without referring to the registers4 ,in the situation ,england now is1 it is impossible she can increase in money4 ,high taxes not only lessen the property of the individuals1 but they lessen also the money capital of the nation1 by inducing smuggling1 which can only be carried on by gold and silver4 ,by the politics which the ,british ,government have carried on with the ,inland ,powers of ,germany and the ,continent1 it has made an enemy of all the ,maritime ,powers1 and is therefore obliged to keep up a large navy2 but though the navy is built in ,england1 the naval stores must be purchased from abroad1 and that from countries where the greatest part must be paid for in gold and silver4 ,some fallacious rumours have been set afloat in ,england to induce a belief in money1 and1 among others1 that of the ,french refugees bringing great quantities4 ,the idea is ridiculous4 ,the general part of the money in ,france is silver2 and it would take upwards of twenty of the largest broad wheel wagons1 with ten horses each1 to remove one million sterling of silver4 ,is it then to be supposed1 that a few people fleeing on horse-back or in post-chaises1 in a secret manner1 and having the ,french ,custom-,house to pass1 and the sea to cross1 could bring even a sufficiency for their own expenses8 ,when millions of money are spoken of1 it should be recollected1 that such sums can only accumulate in a country by slow degrees1 and a long procession of time4 ,the most frugal system that ,england could now adopt1 would not recover in a century the balance she has lost in money since the commencement of the ,hanover succession4 ,she is seventy millions behind ,france1 and she must be in some considerable proportion behind every country in ,europe1 because the returns of the ,english mint do not show an increase of money1 while the registers of ,lisbon and ,cadiz show an ,european increase of between three and four hundred millions sterling4 ,footnote #af3 ,that part of ,america which is generally called ,new-,england1 including ,new-,hampshire1 ,massachusetts1 ,rhode-,island1 and ,connecticut1 is peopled chiefly by ,english descendants4 ,in the state of ,new-,york about half are ,dutch1 the rest ,english1 ,scotch1 and ,irish4 ,in ,new-jersey1 a mixture of ,english and ,dutch1 with some ,scotch and ,irish4 ,in ,pennsylvania about one third are ,english1 another ,germans1 and the remainder ,scotch and ,irish1 with some ,swedes4 ,the ,states to the southward have a greater proportion of ,english than the middle ,states1 but in all of them there is a mixture2 and besides those enumerated1 there are a considerable number of ,french1 and some few of all the ,european nations1 lying on the coast4 ,the most numerous religious denomination are the ,presbyterians2 but no one sect is established above another1 and all men are equally citizens4 ,footnote #ag3 ,for a character of aristocracy1 the reader is referred to ,rights of ,man1 ,part ,i41 starting at line number #adeg4 ,footnote #ah3 ,the whole amount of the assessed taxes of ,france1 for the present year1 is three hundred millions of francs1 which is twelve millions and a half sterling2 and the incidental taxes are estimated at three millions1 making in the whole fifteen millions and a half2 which among twenty-four millions of people1 is not quite thirteen shillings per head4 ,france has lessened her taxes since the revolution1 nearly nine millions sterling annually4 ,before the revolution1 the city of ,paris paid a duty of upwards of thirty per cent4 on all articles brought into the city4 ,this tax was collected at the city gates4 ,it was taken off on the first of last ,may1 and the gates taken down4 ,footnote #ai3 ,what was called the livre rouge1 or the red book1 in ,france1 was not exactly similar to the ,court ,calendar in ,england2 but it sufficiently showed how a great part of the taxes was lavished4 ,footnote #bj3 ,in ,england the improvements in agriculture1 useful arts1 manufactures1 and commerce1 have been made in opposition to the genius of its government1 which is that of following precedents4 ,it is from the enterprise and industry of the individuals1 and their numerous associations1 in which1 tritely speaking1 government is neither pillow nor bolster1 that these improvements have proceeded4 ,no man thought about government1 or who was in1 or who was out1 when he was planning or executing those things2 and all he had to hope1 with respect to government1 was1 that it would let him alone4 ,three or four very silly ministerial newspapers are continually offending against the spirit of national improvement1 by ascribing it to a minister4 ,they may with as much truth ascribe this book to a minister4 ,footnote #ba3 ,with respect to the two houses1 of which the ,english parliament is composed1 they appear to be effectually influenced into one1 and1 as a legislature1 to have no temper of its own4 ,the minister1 whoever he at any time may be1 touches it as with an opium wand1 and it sleeps obedience4 ,but if we look at the distinct abilities of the two houses1 the difference will appear so great1 as to show the inconsistency of placing power where there can be no certainty of the judgment to use it4 ,wretched as the state of representation is in ,england1 it is manhood compared with what is called the house of ,lords2 and so little is this nick-named house regarded1 that the people scarcely enquire at any time what it is doing4 ,it appears also to be most under influence1 and the furthest removed from the general interest of the nation4 ,in the debate on engaging in the ,russian and ,turkish war1 the majority in the house of peers in favor of it was upwards of ninety1 when in the other house1 which was more than double its numbers1 the majority was sixty-three4 ,the proceedings on ,mr4 ,fox's bill1 respecting the rights of juries1 merits also to be noticed4 ,the persons called the peers were not the objects of that bill4 ,they are already in possession of more privileges than that bill gave to others4 ,they are their own jury1 and if any one of that house were prosecuted for a libel1 he would not suffer1 even upon conviction1 for the first offense4 ,such inequality in laws ought not to exist in any country4 ,the ,french constitution says1 that the law is the same to every individual1 whether to ,protect or to punish4 ,all are equal in its sight4 ,footnote #bb3 ,as to the state of representation in ,england1 it is too absurd to be reasoned upon4 ,almost all the represented parts are decreasing in population1 and the unrepresented parts are increasing4 ,a general convention of the nation is necessary to take the whole form of government into consideration4 ,footnote #bc3 ,it is related that in the canton of ,berne1 in ,switzerland1 it has been customary1 from time immemorial1 to keep a bear at the public expense1 and the people had been taught to believe that if they had not a bear they should all be undone4 ,it happened some years ago that the bear1 then in being1 was taken sick1 and died too suddenly to have his place immediately supplied with another4 ,during this interregnum the people discovered that the corn grew1 and the vintage flourished1 and the sun and moon continued to rise and set1 and everything went on the same as before1 and taking courage from these circumstances1 they resolved not to keep any more bears2 for1 said they1 a bear is a very voracious expensive animal1 and we were obliged to pull out his claws1 lest he should hurt the citizens4 ,the story of the bear of ,berne was related in some of the ,french newspapers1 at the time of the flight of ,louis ,xvi41 and the application of it to monarchy could not be mistaken in ,france2 but it seems that the aristocracy of ,berne applied it to themselves1 and have since prohibited the reading of ,french newspapers4 ,footnote #bd3 ,it is scarcely possible to touch on any subject1 that will not suggest an allusion to some corruption in governments4 ,the simile of fortifications1 unfortunately involves with it a circumstance1 which is directly in point with the matter above alluded to4 ,among the numerous instances of abuse which have been acted or protected by governments1 ancient or modern1 there is not a greater than that of quartering a man and his heirs upon the public1 to be maintained at its expense4 ,humanity dictates a provision for the poor2 but by what right1 moral or political1 does any government assume to say1 that the person called the ,duke of ,richmond1 shall be maintained by the public8 ,yet1 if common report is true1 not a beggar in ,london can purchase his wretched pittance of coal1 without paying towards the civil list of the ,duke of ,richmond4 ,were the whole produce of this imposition but a shilling a year1 the iniquitous principle would be still the same2 but when it amounts1 as it is said to do1 to no less than twenty thousand pounds per annum1 the enormity is too serious to be permitted to remain4 ,this is one of the effects of monarchy and aristocracy4 ,in stating this case ,i am led by no personal dislike4 ,though ,i think it mean in any man to live upon the public1 the vice originates in the government2 and so general is it become1 that whether the parties are in the ministry or in the opposition1 it makes no difference3 they are sure of the guarantee of each other4 ,footnote #be3 ,in ,america the increase of commerce is greater in proportion than in ,england4 ,it is1 at this time1 at least one half more than at any period prior to the revolution4 ,the greatest number of vessels cleared out of the port of ,philadelphia1 before the commencement of the war1 was between eight and nine hundred4 ,in the year #aghh1 the number was upwards of twelve hundred4 ,as the ,state of ,pennsylvania is estimated at an eighth part of the ,united ,states in population1 the whole number of vessels must now be nearly ten thousand4 ,footnote #bf3 ,when ,i saw ,mr4 ,pitt's mode of estimating the balance of trade1 in one of his parliamentary speeches1 he appeared to me to know nothing of the nature and interest of commerce2 and no man has more wantonly tortured it than himself4 ,during a period of peace it has been havocked with the calamities of war4 ,three times has it been thrown into stagnation1 and the vessels unmanned by impressing1 within less than four years of peace4 ,footnote #bg3 ,rev4 ,william ,knowle1 master of the grammar school of ,thetford1 in ,norfolk4 ,footnote #bh3 ,politics and self-interest have been so uniformly connected that the world1 from being so often deceived1 has a right to be suspicious of public characters1 but with regard to myself ,i am perfectly easy on this head4 ,i did not1 at my first setting out in public life1 nearly seventeen years ago1 turn my thoughts to subjects of government from motives of interest1 and my conduct from that moment to this proves the fact4 ,i saw an opportunity in which ,i thought ,i could do some good1 and ,i followed exactly what my heart dictated4 ,i neither read books1 nor studied other people's opinion4 ,i thought for myself4 ,the case was this3-- ,during the suspension of the old governments in ,america1 both prior to and at the breaking out of hostilities1 ,i was struck with the order and decorum with which everything was conducted1 and impressed with the idea that a little more than what society naturally performed was all the government that was necessary1 and that monarchy and aristocracy were frauds and impositions upon mankind4 ,on these principles ,i published the pamphlet ,common ,sense4 ,the success it met with was beyond anything since the invention of printing4 ,i gave the copyright to every state in the ,union1 and the demand ran to not less than one hundred thousand copies4 ,i continued the subject in the same manner1 under the title of ,the ,crisis1 till the complete establishment of the ,revolution4 ,after the declaration of independence ,congress unanimously1 and unknown to me1 appointed me ,secretary in the ,foreign ,department4 ,this was agreeable to me1 because it gave me the opportunity of seeing into the abilities of foreign courts1 and their manner of doing business4 ,but a misunderstanding arising between ,congress and me1 respecting one of their commissioners then in ,europe1 ,mr4 ,silas ,deane1 ,i resigned the office1 and declined at the same time the pecuniary offers made by the ,ministers of ,france and ,spain1 ,m4 ,gerald and ,don ,juan ,mirralles4 ,i had by this time so completely gained the ear and confidence of ,america1 and my own independence was become so visible1 as to give me a range in political writing beyond1 perhaps1 what any man ever possessed in any country1 and1 what is more extraordinary1 ,i held it undiminished to the end of the war1 and enjoy it in the same manner to the present moment4 ,as my object was not myself1 ,i set out with the determination1 and happily with the disposition1 of not being moved by praise or censure1 friendship or calumny1 nor of being drawn from my purpose by any personal altercation1 and the man who cannot do this is not fit for a public character4 ,when the war ended ,i went from ,philadelphia to ,borden-,town1 on the east bank of the ,delaware1 where ,i have a small place4 ,congress was at this time at ,prince-,town1 fifteen miles distant1 and ,general ,washington had taken his headquarters at ,rocky ,hill1 within the neighbourhood of ,congress1 for the purpose of resigning up his commission 7the object for which he accepted it being accomplished71 and of retiring to private life4 ,while he was on this business he wrote me the letter which ,i here subjoin3 ,rocky-,hill1 ,sept4 #aj1 #aghc4 ,i have learned since ,i have been at this place that you are at ,borden-,town4 ,whether for the sake of retirement or economy ,i know not4 ,be it for either1 for both1 or whatever it may1 if you will come to this place1 and partake with me1 ,i shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it4 ,your presence may remind ,congress of your past services to this country1 and if it is in my power to impress them1 command my best exertions with freedom1 as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of your works1 and who1 with much pleasure1 subscribes himself1 ,your sincere friend1 ,g4 ,washington4 ,during the war1 in the latter end of the year #aghj1 ,i formed to myself a design of coming over to ,england1 and communicated it to ,general ,greene1 who was then in ,philadelphia on his route to the southward1 ,general ,washington being then at too great a distance to communicate with immediately4 ,i was strongly impressed with the idea that if ,i could get over to ,england without being known1 and only remain in safety till ,i could get out a publication1 that ,i could open the eyes of the country with respect to the madness and stupidity of its ,government4 ,i saw that the parties in ,parliament had pitted themselves as far as they could go1 and could make no new impressions on each other4 ,general ,greene entered fully into my views1 but the affair of ,arnold and ,andre happening just after1 he changed his mind1 under strong apprehensions for my safety1 wrote very pressingly to me from ,annapolis1 in ,maryland1 to give up the design1 which1 with some reluctance1 ,i did4 ,soon after this ,i accompanied ,colonel ,lawrens1 son of ,mr4 ,lawrens1 who was then in the ,tower1 to ,france on business from ,congress4 ,we landed at ,l'orient1 and while ,i remained there1 he being gone forward1 a circumstance occurred that renewed my former design4 ,an ,english packet from ,falmouth to ,new ,york1 with the ,government dispatches on board1 was brought into ,l'orient4 ,that a packet should be taken is no extraordinary thing1 but that the dispatches should be taken with it will scarcely be credited1 as they are always slung at the cabin window in a bag loaded with cannon-ball1 and ready to be sunk at a moment4 ,the fact1 however1 is as ,i have stated it1 for the dispatches came into my hands1 and ,i read them4 ,the capture1 as ,i was informed1 succeeded by the following stratagem3--,the captain of the ,madame privateer1 who spoke ,english1 on coming up with the packet1 passed himself for the captain of an ,english frigate1 and invited the captain of the packet on board1 which1 when done1 he sent some of his own hands back1 and he secured the mail4 ,but be the circumstance of the capture what it may1 ,i speak with certainty as to the ,government dispatches4 ,they were sent up to ,paris to ,count ,vergennes1 and when ,colonel ,lawrens and myself returned to ,america we took the originals to ,congress4 ,by these dispatches ,i saw into the stupidity of the ,english ,cabinet far more than ,i otherwise could have done1 and ,i renewed my former design4 ,but ,colonel ,lawrens was so unwilling to return alone1 more especially as1 among other matters1 we had a charge of upwards of two hundred thousand pounds sterling in money1 that ,i gave in to his wishes1 and finally gave up my plan4 ,but ,i am now certain that if ,i could have executed it that it would not have been altogether unsuccessful4 ,footnote #bi3 ,it is difficult to account for the origin of charter and corporation towns1 unless we suppose them to have arisen out of1 or been connected with1 some species of garrison service4 ,the times in which they began justify this idea4 ,the generality of those towns have been garrisons1 and the corporations were charged with the care of the gates of the towns1 when no military garrison was present4 ,their refusing or granting admission to strangers1 which has produced the custom of giving1 selling1 and buying freedom1 has more of the nature of garrison authority than civil government4 ,soldiers are free of all corporations throughout the nation1 by the same propriety that every soldier is free of every garrison1 and no other persons are4 ,he can follow any employment1 with the permission of his officers1 in any corporation towns throughout the nation4 ,footnote #cj3 ,see ,sir ,john ,sinclair's ,history of the ,revenue4 ,the land-tax in #afdf was ,l#b1dgc1dii4 ,footnote #ca3 ,several of the court newspapers have of late made frequent mention of ,wat ,tyler4 ,that his memory should be traduced by court sycophants and an those who live on the spoil of a public is not to be wondered at4 ,he was1 however1 the means of checking the rage and injustice of taxation in his time1 and the nation owed much to his valour4 ,the history is concisely this3--,in the time of ,richard ,ii4 a poll tax was levied of one shilling per head upon every person in the nation of whatever estate or condition1 on poor as well as rich1 above the age of fifteen years4 ,if any favour was shown in the law it was to the rich rather than to the poor1 as no person could be charged more than twenty shillings for himself1 family and servants1 though ever so numerous2 while all other families1 under the number of twenty were charged per head4 ,poll taxes had always been odious1 but this being also oppressive and unjust1 it excited as it naturally must1 universal detestation among the poor and middle classes4 ,the person known by the name of ,wat ,tyler1 whose proper name was ,walter1 and a tiler by trade1 lived at ,deptford4 ,the gatherer of the poll tax1 on coming to his house1 demanded tax for one of his daughters1 whom ,tyler declared was under the age of fifteen4 ,the tax-gatherer insisted on satisfying himself1 and began an indecent examination of the girl1 which1 enraging the father1 he struck him with a hammer that brought him to the ground1 and was the cause of his death4 ,this circumstance served to bring the discontent to an issue4 ,the inhabitants of the neighbourhood espoused the cause of ,tyler1 who in a few days was joined1 according to some histories1 by upwards of fifty thousand men1 and chosen their chief4 ,with this force he marched to ,london1 to demand an abolition of the tax and a redress of other grievances4 ,the ,court1 finding itself in a forlorn condition1 and1 unable to make resistance1 agreed1 with ,richard at its head1 to hold a conference with ,tyler in ,smithfield1 making many fair professions1 courtier-like1 of its dispositions to redress the oppressions4 ,while ,richard and ,tyler were in conversation on these matters1 each being on horseback1 ,walworth1 then ,mayor of ,london1 and one of the creatures of the ,court1 watched an opportunity1 and like a cowardly assassin1 stabbed ,tyler with a dagger1 and two or three others falling upon him1 he was instantly sacrificed4 ,tyler appears to have been an intrepid disinterested man with respect to himself4 ,all his proposals made to ,richard were on a more just and public ground than those which had been made to ,john by the ,barons1 and notwithstanding the sycophancy of historians and men like ,mr4 ,burke1 who seek to gloss over a base action of the ,court by traducing ,tyler1 his fame will outlive their falsehood4 ,if the ,barons merited a monument to be erected at ,runnymede1 ,tyler merited one in ,smithfield4 ,footnote #cb3 ,i happened to be in ,england at the celebration of the centenary of the ,revolution of #afhh4 ,the characters of ,william and ,mary have always appeared to be detestable2 the one seeking to destroy his uncle1 and the other her father1 to get possession of power themselves2 yet1 as the nation was disposed to think something of that event1 ,i felt hurt at seeing it ascribe the whole reputation of it to a man who had undertaken it as a job and who1 besides what he otherwise got1 charged six hundred thousand pounds for the expense of the fleet that brought him from ,holland4 ,george the ,first acted the same close-fisted part as ,william had done1 and bought the ,duchy of ,bremen with the money he got from ,england1 two hundred and fifty thousand pounds over and above his pay as king1 and having thus purchased it at the expense of ,england1 added it to his ,hanoverian dominions for his own private profit4 ,in fact1 every nation that does not govern itself is governed as a job4 ,england has been the prey of jobs ever since the ,revolution4 ,footnote #cc3 ,charles1 like his predecessors and successors1 finding that war was the harvest of governments1 engaged in a war with the ,dutch1 the expense of which increased the annual expenditure to ,l#a1hjj1jjj as stated under the date of #afff2 but the peace establishment was but ,l#a1bjj1jjj4 ,footnote #cd3 ,poor-rates began about the time of ,henry ,,viii41 when the taxes began to increase1 and they have increased as the taxes increased ever since4 ,footnote #ce3 ,reckoning the taxes by families1 five to a family1 each family pays on an average ,l#ab #gs4 #f;d4 per annum4 ,to this sum are to be added the poor-rates4 ,though all pay taxes in the articles they consume1 all do not pay poor-rates4 ,about two millions are exempted3 some as not being house-keepers1 others as not being able1 and the poor themselves who receive the relief4 ,the average1 therefore1 of poor-rates on the remaining number1 is forty shillings for every family of five persons1 which make the whole average amount of taxes and rates ,l#ad #ags4 #f;d4 ,for six persons ,l#ag #ags4 ,for seven persons ,l#b,o #afs4 #f;d4 ,the average of taxes in ,america1 under the new or representative system of government1 including the interest of the debt contracted in the war1 and taking the population at four millions of souls1 which it now amounts to1 and it is daily increasing1 is five shillings per head1 men1 women1 and children4 ,the difference1 therefore1 between the two governments is as under3 ,england ,america ,l s4 d4 ,l s4 d4 ,for a family of five persons #ad #ag #f #a #e #j ,for a family of six persons #ag #ag #j #a #aj #j ,for a family of seven persons #bj #af #f #a #ae #j ,footnote #cf3 ,public schools do not answer the general purpose of the poor4 ,they are chiefly in corporation towns from which the country towns and villages are excluded1 or1 if admitted1 the distance occasions a great loss of time4 ,education1 to be useful to the poor1 should be on the spot1 and the best method1 ,i believe1 to accomplish this is to enable the parents to pay the expenses themselves4 ,there are always persons of both sexes to be found in every village1 especially when growing into years1 capable of such an undertaking4 ,twenty children at ten shillings each 7and that not more than six months each year7 would be as much as some livings amount to in the remotest parts of ,england1 and there are often distressed clergymen's widows to whom such an income would be acceptable4 ,whatever is given on this account to children answers two purposes4 ,to them it is education--to those who educate them it is a livelihood4 ,footnote #cg3 ,the tax on beer brewed for sale1 from which the aristocracy are exempt1 is almost one million more than the present commutation tax1 being by the returns of #aghh1 ,l#a1fff1aeb--;and1 consequently1 they ought to take on themselves the amount of the commutation tax1 as they are already exempted from one which is almost a million greater4 ,footnote #ch3 ,see the ,reports on the ,corn ,trade4 ,footnote #ci3 ,when enquiries are made into the condition of the poor1 various degrees of distress will most probably be found1 to render a different arrangement preferable to that which is already proposed4 ,widows with families will be in greater want than where there are husbands living4 ,there is also a difference in the expense of living in different counties3 and more so in fuel4 ,suppose then fifty thousand extraordinary cases1 at the rate of ten pounds per family per annum ,l#ejj1jjj #ajj1jjj families1 at ,l#h per family per annum #hjj1jjj #ajj1jjj families1 at ,l#g per family per annum #gjj1jjj #ajd1jjj families1 at ,l#e per family per annum #ebj1jjj ,and instead of ten shillings per head for the education of other children1 to allow fifty shillings per family for that purpose to fifty thousand families #bej1jjj ---------- ,l#b1ggj1jjj #adj1jjj aged persons as before #a1abj1jjj ---------- ,l#c1hij1jjj ,this arrangement amounts to the same sum as stated in this work1 ,part ,,ii1 line number #ajfh1 including the ,l#bej1jjj for education2 but it provides 7including the aged people7 for four hundred and four thousand families1 which is almost one third of an the families in ,england4 ,footnote #dj3 ,i know it is the opinion of many of the most enlightened characters in ,france 7there always will be those who see further into events than others71 not only among the general mass of citizens1 but of many of the principal members of the former ,national ,assembly1 that the monarchical plan will not continue many years in that country4 ,they have found out1 that as wisdom cannot be made hereditary1 power ought not2 and that1 for a man to merit a million sterling a year from a nation1 he ought to have a mind capable of comprehending from an atom to a universe1 which1 if he had1 he would be above receiving the pay4 ,but they wished not to appear to lead the nation faster than its own reason and interest dictated4 ,in all the conversations where ,i have been present upon this subject1 the idea always was1 that when such a time1 from the general opinion of the nation1 shall arrive1 that the honourable and liberal method would be1 to make a handsome present in fee simple to the person1 whoever he may be1 that shall then be in the monarchical office1 and for him to retire to the enjoyment of private life1 possessing his share of general rights and privileges1 and to be no more accountable to the public for his time and his conduct than any other citizen4 ,footnote #da3 ,the gentleman who signed the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting1 ,mr4 ,horne ,tooke1 being generally supposed to be the person who drew it up1 and having spoken much in commendation of it1 has been jocularly accused of praising his own work4 ,to free him from this embarrassment1 and to save him the repeated trouble of mentioning the author1 as he has not failed to do1 ,i make no hesitation in saying1 that as the opportunity of benefiting by the ,french ,revolution easily occurred to me1 ,i drew up the publication in question1 and showed it to him and some other gentlemen1 who1 fully approving it1 held a meeting for the purpose of making it public1 and subscribed to the amount of fifty guineas to defray the expense of advertising4 ,i believe there are at this time1 in ,england1 a greater number of men acting on disinterested principles1 and determined to look into the nature and practices of government themselves1 and not blindly trust1 as has hitherto been the case1 either to government generally1 or to parliaments1 or to parliamentary opposition1 than at any former period4 ,had this been done a century ago1 corruption and taxation had not arrived to the height they are now at4 -,,end ,,of ,,part ,,ii4-