,the ,mystery of ,francis ,bacon ,,william ,t4 ,,smedley ,illustration3 ,,francis ,,bacon ,,at #i ,,years ,,of ,,age4 ,from the bust at ,gorhambury4 ,,the ,,mystery ,,of ,,francis ,,bacon ,,by ,,william ,t4 ,,smedley4 ,ad ,d4,b4 ,si bene qui latuit1 bene vixit1 tu bene vivis3 ,ingeniumque tuum grande latendo patet4 --,john ,owen's ,epigrammatum1 #afab4 ,,london3 ,,robert ,,banks ,,son1 ,,racquet ,,court1 ,,fleet ,,street ,e4,c4 #aiab4 ,but such is the infelicity and unhappy disposition of the human mind in the course of invention that it first distrusts and then despises itself3 first will not believe that any such thing can be found out2 and when it is found out1 cannot understand how the world should have missed it so long4 --,,novum ,,organum1 ,chap4 ,,cx4 ,,contents4 ,,page ,preface #e ,,chapter ,i4--,sources of ,information #i ,,ii4--,the ,stock from which ,bacon ,came #ad ,,iii4--,francis ,bacon1 #aefj to #aegb #ai ,,iv4--,at ,cambridge #be ,v4--,early ,compositions #bi ,,vi4--,bacon's ,temporis ,partus ,maximus #cf ,,vii4--,bacon's ,first ,allegorical ,romance #dg ,,viii4--,bacon in ,france1 #aegf-aegi #eb ,,ix4--,bacon's ,suit on ,his ,return to ,england1 #aehj #fb ,x4--,the ,rare and ,unaccustomed ,suit #gf ,,xi4--,bacon's ,second ,visit to the ,continent and ,after #hb ,,xii4--,is it ,probable that ,bacon left ,manuscripts ,hidden ,away8 #id ,,xiii4--,how the ,elizabethan ,literature was ,produced #ih ,,xiv4--,the ,clue to the ,mystery of ,bacon's ,life #ajc ,,xv4--,burghley and ,bacon #aad ,,xvi4--,the #afbc ,folio ,edition of ,shakespeare's ,plays #abc ,,xvii4--,the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible1 #afaa #abf ,,xviii4--,how ,bacon ,marked ,books with the ,publication of ,which ,he ,was ,connected #acb ,,xix4--,bacon and ,emblemata #adj ,,xx4--,shakespeare's ,sonnets #adh ,,xxi4--,bacon's ,library #aef ,,xxii4--,two ,german ,opinions on ,shakespeare and ,bacon #afa ,,xxiii4--,the ,testimony of ,bacon's ,contemporaries #agj ,,xxiv4--,the ,missing ,fourth ,part of ,the ,great ,instauration #agg ,,xxv4--,the ,philosophy of ,bacon #ahg ,appendix #aic ,,preface4 ,is there a mystery connected with the life of ,francis ,bacon8 ,the average student of history or literature will unhesitatingly reply in the negative1 perhaps qualifying his answer by adding3--,unless it be a mystery that a man with such magnificent intellectual attainments could have fallen so low as to prove a faithless friend to a generous benefactor in the hour of his trial1 and1 upon being raised to one of the highest positions of honour and influence in the ,state1 to become a corrupt public servant and a receiver of bribes to pervert justice4--,it is one of the most remarkable circumstances to be found in the history of any country that a man admittedly pre-eminent in his intellectual powers1 spoken of by his contemporaries in the highest terms for his virtues and his goodness1 should1 in subsequent ages1 be held up to obloquy and scorn and seldom be referred to except as an example of a corrupt judge1 a standing warning to those who must take heed how they stand lest they fall4 ,truly the treatment which ,francis ,bacon has received confirms the truth of the aphorism1 ,the evil that men do lives after them2 the good is oft interred with their bones4 ,it is not the intention in the following brief survey of ,bacon's life to enter upon any attempt to vindicate his character4 ,since his works and life have come prominently before the reading public1 he has never been without a defender4 ,montagu1 ,hepworth ,dixon1 and ,spedding have1 one after the other1 raised their voices against the injustice which has been done to the memory of this great ,englishman2 and although ,macaulay1 in his misleading and inaccurate essay1#a abounding in paradoxes and inconsistencies1 produced the most powerful1 though prejudiced1 attack which has been made on ,bacon's fame1 he may almost be forgiven1 because it provided the occasion for ,james ,spedding in ,evenings with a ,reviewer1 to respond with a thorough and complete vindication of the man to whose memory he devoted his life4 ,there rests on every member of the ,anglo-,saxon race an obligation--imposed upon him by the benefits which he enjoys as the result of ,francis ,bacon's life-work--to read this vindication of his character4 ,nor should mention be omitted of the essay by ,mr4 ,j4 ,m4 ,robertson on ,francis ,bacon in his excellent work ,pioneer ,humanists4 ,all these defenders of ,bacon treat their subject from what may be termed the orthodox point of view4 ,they follow in the beaten track4 ,they do not look for ,bacon outside his acknowledged works and letters4 ,since #aheg1 however1 there has been steadily growing a belief that ,bacon was associated with the literature of the ,elizabethan and early ,jacobean periods1 and that he deliberately concealed his connection with it4 ,that this view is scouted by what are termed the men of letters is well-known4 ,they will have none of it4 ,they refuse its claim to a rational hearing4 ,but1 in spite of this1 as years go on1 the number of adherents to the new theory steadily increases4 ,the scornful epithets that are hurled at them only appear to whet their appetite1 and increase their determination4 ,men and women devote their lives with enthusiasm to the quest for further knowledge4 ,they dig and delve in the records of the period1 and in the byeways of literature4 ,theories which appear extravagant and untenable are propounded4 ,whether any of these theories will come to be accepted and established beyond cavil1 time alone can prove4 ,but1 at any rate1 it is certain that in this quest many forgotten facts are brought to light1 and the general stock of information as to the literature of the period is augmented4 ,in the following pages it is sought to establish what may be termed one of these extravagant theories4 ,how far this attempt is successful1 it is for the reader to judge4 ,notwithstanding all that may be said to the contrary1 by far the greater part of ,francis ,bacon's life is unknown4 ,an attempt will be made by the aid of accredited documents and books to represent in a new light his youth and early manhood4 ,it is contended that he deliberately sought to conceal his movements and work1 although1 at the same time1 he left the landmarks by which a diligent student might follow them4 ,in his youth he conceived the idea that the man ,francis ,bacon should be concealed1 and be revealed only by his works4 ,the motto1 ,mente videbor--by the mind ,i shall be seen--became the guiding principle of his life4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,attention is drawn to one of the inaccuracies in ,an ,introduction to ,mathematics1 by ,a4 ,w4 ,whithead1 ,sc4,d41 ,f4,r4,s41 published in the ,home ,university ,library of ,modern ,knowledge4 ,the author says3 ,macaulay in his essay on ,bacon contrasts the certainty of mathematics with the uncertainty of philosophy1 and by way of a rhetorical example he says1 ',there has been no re-action against ,taylor's theorem4' ,he could not have chosen a worse example4 ,for1 without having made an examination of ,english text-books on mathematics contemporary with the publication of this essay1 the assumption is a fairly safe one that ,taylor's theorem was enunciated and proved wrongly in every one of them4 ,,the ,,mystery ,,of ,,francis ,,bacon4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,sources ,,of ,,information4 ,the standard work is ,the ,life and ,letters of ,francis ,bacon1 by ,james ,spedding1 which was published from #aheh-ahfi4 ,it comprises seven volumes1 with #c1jcc pages4 ,the first twenty years of ,bacon's life are disposed of in #h pages1 and the next ten years in #ie pages1 of which #dc pages are taken up with three tracts attributed to him4 ,there is practically no information given as to what should be the most important years of his life4 ,the two first volumes carry the narrative to the end of ,elizabeth's reign1 when ,bacon had passed his fortieth year4 ,there is in them a considerable contribution to the history of the times1 but a critical perusal will establish the fact that they add very little to our knowledge of the man1 and they fail to give any adequate idea of how he was occupied during those years4 ,in the seven volumes #eac letters of ,bacon's are printed1 and of these no less than #bch are addressed to ,james ,i4 and the ,duke of ,buckingham1 and were written during the last years of his life4 ,the biographies by ,montagu and ,hepworth ,dixon are less pretentious1 but contain little more information4 ,the first published ,life of ,bacon appears to have been unknown to all these writers4 ,in #afca was published in ,paris a translation of the ,sylva ,sylvarum1 as the ,histoire ,naturelle de ,mre4 ,francois ,bacon4 ,prefixed to it is a chapter entitled ,discours sur la vie de ,mre4 ,francois ,bacon1 ,chancelier ,d',angleterre4 ,reference will be made to this important discourse hereafter4 ,it is sufficient for the present to say that it definitely states that during his youth ,bacon travelled in ,italy and ,spain1 which fact is to-day unrecognised by those who are accepted as authorities on his life4 ,in #afdg there was published at ,leyden a ,dutch translation of forty-six of ,bacon's ,essays--the ,wisdom of the ,ancients and the ,religious ,meditations4 ,the translation is by ,peter ,boener1 an apothecary of ,nymegen1 ,holland1 who was in ,bacon's service for some years as domestic apothecary1 and occasional amanuensis1 and quitted his employment in #afbc4 ,boener added a ,life of ,bacon which is a mere fragment1 but contains testimony by a personal attendant which is of value4 ,in #afeg ,william ,rawley issued a volume of unpublished manuscripts under the title of ,resuscitatio1 and to these he added a ,life of the great ,philosopher4 ,rawley is only once mentioned by ,bacon4 ,his will contains the sentence3 ,i give to my chaplain1 ,dr4 ,rawleigh1 one hundred pounds4 ,rawley was born in #aeij4 ,when he became associated with his master is not known1 but it could only have been towards the close of his life4 ,bacon appears to have reposed great confidence in him4 ,in #afbg1b the year following ,bacon's death1 he published the ,sylva ,sylvarum4 ,this must have been in the press before ,bacon's death4 ,rawley subsequently published other works1 and was associated with ,isaac ,gruter during the seventeenth century in producing on the continent various editions of ,bacon's works4 ,rawley's account of ,bacon's life is meagre1 and1 having regard to the wealth of information which must have been at his disposal1 it is a very disappointing production4 ,still1 it contains information which is not to be found elsewhere4 ,how incomplete it is may be gathered from the fact that there is no reference in it to ,bacon's fall4 ,in #affe was published a volume1 ,the ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,england since the ,reformation4 ,it was compiled by ,david ,lloyd4 ,the biographies of the ,elizabethan statesmen were written by someone who was closely associated with them1 and who appears to have had exceptional opportunities of obtaining information as to their opinions and characters4#c ,as to how these lives came into ,lloyd's possession nothing is known4 ,prefixed to the biographies are two pages containing ,the ,lord ,bacon's judgment in a work of this nature4 ,the chapter on ,bacon is a most important contribution to the subject1 but it also appears to have escaped the notice of ,spedding1 ,hepworth ,dixon1 and ,montagu4 ,in #afeh ,francis ,osborn1 in ,letters to his son1 gives a graphic description of the ,lord ,chancellor4 ,perhaps one can better picture ,bacon as he was in the strength of his manhood from ,osborne's account of him than from any other source4 ,thomas ,bushell1 another of ,bacon's household dependents1 published in #afbh ,the ,first ,part of ,youth's ,errors4 ,in a letter therein addressed to ,mr4 ,john ,eliot1 he has left contributions to our stock of knowledge4 ,there are also some miscellaneous tracts written by him1 and published about the year #affj1 which contain references to ,bacon4 ,fuller's ,worthies 7#affj7 gives a short account of his life and character1 eulogistic but sparse4 ,in #afgi was published ,baconiana1 or ,certain ,genuine ,remains of ,sir ,francis ,bacon1 c41 by ,bishop ,tennison1 but it contains no better account of his life4 ,winstanley's ,worthies 7#afhd7 relies entirely on ,rawley's ,life1 which is reproduced in it4 ,aubrey's brief ,lives were written about #afhj4 ,there are references to ,bacon in ,arthur ,wilson's ,history of the ,reign of ,james ,i42 in ,the ,court of ,james ,i41 by ,sir ,w4 ,a42 in ,simeon ,d',ewes' ,diary2 and1 lastly1 in his ,discoveries1 ,ben ,jonson contributes a high eulogy on ,bacon's character and attainments4 ,in #agjb ,robert ,stephens1 the ,court historiographer1 published a volume of ,bacon's letters1 with an introduction giving some account of his life2 and there was a second edition in #agcf4 ,in #agdj ,david ,mallet published an edition of ,bacon's works1 and wrote a ,life to accompany it4 ,this was subsequently printed as a separate volume4 ,as a biography it is without interest1 as it contains no new facts as to his life4 ,in #aged memoirs of the reign of ,queen ,elizabeth from the year #aeha to her death appeared1 edited by ,dr4 ,thomas ,birch4 ,these memoirs are founded upon the letters of the various members of the ,bacon family4 ,in #agfc a volume of letters of ,francis ,bacon was issued under the same editor4 ,such are the sources of information which have come down to us in biographical notices4 ,in the ,british ,museum1 the ,record ,office1 and elsewhere are the originals of the letters and the manuscripts of some of the tracts which ,spedding has printed4 ,the ,british ,museum also possesses two books of ,memoranda used by ,bacon4 ,the ,transportat is entirely1 and the ,promus is partly1 in his handwriting4 ,beyond his published works1 that is all that so far has been available4 ,spedding remarks#d3 ,what became of his books which were left to ,sir ,john ,constable and must have contained traces of his reading1 we do not know1 but very few appear to have survived4 ,happily1 ,spedding was wrong4 ,during the past ten years nearly #b1jjj books which have passed through ,bacon's hands have been gathered together4 ,these are copiously annotated by him1 and from these annotations the wide range and the methodical character of his reading may be gathered4 ,manuscripts which were in his library1 and at least four common-place books in his handwriting1 have also been recovered4 ,particulars of these have not yet been made public1 but the advantage of access to them has been available in the preparation this volume4 ,,footnotes3 #b ,there are copies of this work bearing date #afbf1 the year in which ,bacon died4 #c ,the concluding paragraph of the ,epistle to the ,reader is as follows3 ,it's easily imaginable how unconcerned ,i am as to the fate of this ,book either in the ,history1 or the ,observations1 since ,i have been so faithful in the first1 that it is not my own1 but the ,historians2 and so careful in the second that they are not mine1 but the ,histories4 #d ,life and ,letters1 ,vol4 ,,vii41 page #eeb4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,stock ,,from ,,which ,,bacon ,,came4 ,a prodigy of parts he must be who was begot by wise ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 born of the accomplished ,mrs4 ,ann ,cooke1 says an early biographer4 ,nicholas ,bacon is said to have been born at ,chislehurst1 in ,kent1 in #aeji4 ,he was the second son of ,robert ,bacon1 of ,drinkstone1 in ,suffolk1 ,esquire and ,sheep-reeve to the ,abbey of ,bury ,st4 ,edmunds4 ,it is believed that he was educated at the abbey school4 ,he speaks of his intimacy with ,edmund ,rougham1 a monk of that house1 who was noted for his wonderful proficiency in memory4 ,he was admitted to the ,college of ,corpus ,christi1 ,cambridge1 and took the degree of ,b4,a4 in #aebf-g4 ,he went to ,paris soon afterwards1 and on his return studied law at ,gray's ,inn1 being called to the ,bar in #aecc1 and admitted ancient in #aecf4 ,he was appointed1 in #aecg1 ,clerk to the ,court of ,augmentations4 ,in #aedf he was made ,attorney of the ,court of ,wards and ,liveries1 and continued as such under ,edward ,,vi4 ,upon the accession of ,mary he conformed to the change of religion and retained his office during her reign4 ,nicholas ,bacon and ,william ,cecil1 each being a widower1 had married sisters4 ,when ,elizabeth came to the throne ,cecil became her adviser4 ,he was well acquainted with ,nicholas ,bacon's sterling worth and great capacity for business1 and availed himself of his advice and assistance4 ,the ,queen delivered to ,bacon the great seal1 with the title of ,lord ,keeper1 on the #bbnd ,december1 #aeeh1 and he was sworn of the ,privy ,council and knighted4 ,by letters patent1 dated #adth ,april1 #aeei1 the full powers of a ,chancellor were conferred upon him4 ,in #aefc he narrowly escaped the loss of his office for alleged complicity in the issue of a pamphlet espousing the cause of the ,house of ,suffolk to the succession4 ,he was restored to favour1 and continued as ,lord ,keeper until his death in #aegi4 ,the ,queen visited him at ,gorhambury on several occasions4 ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 in addition to performing the important duties of his high office in the ,court of ,chancery and in the ,star ,chamber1 took an important part in all public affairs1 both domestic and foreign1 from the accession of ,elizabeth until his death4 ,he first married ,jane1 daughter of ,william ,fernley1 of ,west ,creting1 ,suffolk1 by whom he had three sons and three daughters4 ,for his second wife he married ,anne1 daughter of ,sir ,anthony ,cooke1 by whom he had two sons1 ,anthony and ,francis4 ,it is of more importance for the present purpose to know what type of man was the father of ,francis ,bacon4 ,the author of the ,arte of ,english ,poesie 7#aehi7 relates that he came upon ,sir ,nicholas sitting in his gallery with the works of ,quintillian before him1 and adds3 ,in deede he was a most eloquent man and of rare learning and wisdome as ever ,i knew ,england to breed1 and one that joyed as much in learned men and good witts4 ,this author1 speaking of ,sir ,nicholas and ,burleigh1 remarks1 ,from whose lippes ,i have seen to proceede more grave and naturall eloquence then from all the oratours of ,oxford and ,cambridge4 ,in his ,fragmenta ,regalia ,sir ,robert ,naunton describes him as an archpeece of wit and wisdom1 stating that he was abundantly facetious which took much with the ,queen when it was suited with the season as he was well able to judge of his times4 ,fuller describes him as a man of rare wit and deep experience1 and1 again1 as a good man1 a grave statesman1 and a father to his country4 ,bishop ,burnet speaks of him as not only one of the most learned and pious men1 but one of the wisest ministers this nation ever bred4 ,the observations of the author of ,the ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,england in the ,reign of ,queen ,elizabeth are very illuminating4 ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 he says1 was a man full of wit and wisdome1 a gentleman and a man of ,law with great knowledge therein4 ,he proceeds3 ,this gentleman understood his ,mistress well and the times better3 ,he could raise factions to serve the one and allay them to suit the others4 ,he had the deepest reach into affairs of any man that was at the ,council table3 the knottiest ,head to pierce into difficulties3 the most comprehensive ,judgement to surround the merit of a cause3 the strongest memory to recollect all circumstances of a ,business to one ,view3 the greatest patience to debate and consider2 7for it was he that first said1 let us stay a little and we will have done the sooner37 and the clearest reason to urge anything that came in his way in the ,court of ,chancery4444 ,leicester seemed wiser than he was1 ,bacon was wiser than he seemed to be2 ,hunsden neither was nor seemed wise4444 ,great was this ,stateman's ,wit1 greater the ,fame of it2 which as he would say1 being nothing1 made all things4 ,for ,report1 though but ,fancy1 begets ,opinion2 and ,opinion begets substance4444 ,he neither affected nor attained to greatness3 ,mediocria firma1 was his principle and his practice4 ,when ,queen ,elizabeth asked him1 ,why his house was so little8 he answered1 ,madam1 my house is not too little for me1 but you have made me too big for my ,house4 ,give me1 said he1 a good ,estate rather than a great one4 ,he had a very ,quaint saying and he used it often to good purpose1 ,that he loved the ,jest well but not the loss of his ,friend4444 ,he was in a word1 a ,father of his country and of ,sir ,francis ,bacon4 ,before speaking of ,lady ,ann ,bacon1 it is necessary to give some account of her father1 ,sir ,anthony ,cooke4 ,he was a great-grandson of ,sir ,thomas ,cooke1 ,lord ,mayor of ,london1 and was born at ,giddy ,hall1 in ,essex4 ,again the most valuable observations on his character are to be found in ,the ,lives of ,statesmen and ,favourites before referred to4 ,the author states that ,sir ,anthony was one of the ,governors to ,king ,edward the sixth when ,prince1 and is charactered by ,mr4 ,camden ,vir antiqua serenitate4 ,he observeth him also to be happy in his ,daughters1 learned above their ,sex in ,greek and ,latine3 namely1 ,mildred who married ,william ,cecil1 ,lord ,treasurer of ,england2 ,anne who married ,nichlas ,bacon1 ,lord ,chancellor of ,england2 ,katherine who married ,henry ,killigrew2 ,elizabeth who married ,thomas ,hobby1 and afterwards ,lord ,russell1 and ,margaret who married ,ralph ,rowlet4 ,gravity1 says this author1 was the ,ballast of ,sir ,anthony's ,soul and ,general ,learning its leading4444 ,yet he was somebody in every ,art1 and eminent in all1 the whole circle of ,arts lodging in his ,soul4 ,his ,latine1 fluent and proper2 his ,greek1 critical and exact2 his ,philology and ,observations upon each of these languages1 deep1 curious1 various and pertinent3 ,his ,logic1 rational2 his ,history and ,experience1 general2 his ,rhetorick and ,poetry1 copious and genuine2 his ,mathematiques1 practicable and useful4 ,knowing that souls were equal1 and that ,women are as capable of ,learning as ,men1 he instilled that to his ,daughters at night1 which he had taught the ,prince in the day1 being resolved to have ,sons by education1 for fear he should have none by birth2 and lest he wanted an ,heir of his body1 he made five of his minde1 for whom he had at once a ,gavel-kind of affection and of ,estate4 ,three things there are before whom 7was ,sir ,anthony's saying7 ,i cannot do amis3 #a1 ,my ,prince2 #b1 my conscience2 #c1 my children4 ,seneca told his sister1 ,that though he could not leave her a good portion1 he would leave her a good pattern4 ,sir ,anthony would write to his ,daughter ,mildred1 ,my example is your inheritance and my life is your portion4444 ,he said first1 and his ,grandchilde my ,lord ,bacon after him1 ,that the ,joys of ,parents are ,secrets1 and so are their ,griefs and ,fears4444 ,very providently did he secure his eternity1 by leaving the image of his nature in his children and of his mind in his ,pupil4444 ,the books he advised were not many but choice3 the business he pressed was not reading1 but digesting4444 ,sir ,john ,checke talked merrily1 ,dr4 ,coxe solidly and ,sir ,anthony ,cooke weighingly3 ,a faculty that was derived with his blood to his ,grandchilde ,bacon4 ,such then was the father of ,lady ,anne ,bacon4 ,she and her sisters were famous as a family of accomplished classical scholars4 ,she had a thorough knowledge of ,greek and ,latin4 ,an ,apologie 444 in defence of the ,churche of ,england by ,dr4 ,jewel1 ,bishop of ,salisbury1 was translated by her from the ,latin and published in #aefd4 ,sir ,anthony had been exiled during ,mary's reign1 for his adherence to the ,protestant faith4 ,his daughter1 ,anne1 inherited1 not only his classical accomplishments1 but his strong ,puritan faith and his hatred of ,popery4 ,francis ,bacon describes her as ,a ,saint of ,god4 ,there is a portrait of her painted by ,nathaniel ,bacon1 her stepson1 in which she appears standing in her pantry habited as a cook4 ,in feature ,francis appears to have resembled his mother4 ,he had the same pouting lip1 the same round head1 the same straight nose and ,hebe chin4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,francis ,,bacon1 #aefj ,,to #aegb4 ,in the registry of ,st4 ,martin's will be found this entry3 ,mr4 ,franciscus ,bacon #aefj ,jan #be 7filius ,d'm ,nicho ,bacon ,magni ,angliae sigilli custodis74 ,rawley in his ,life of the ,honourable ,author says3 ,francis ,bacon1 the glory of his age and nation1 was born in ,york ,house or ,york ,place1 in the ,strand1 on the two and twentieth day of ,january in the year of our ,lord #aefj4 ,he relates that ,his first and childish years were not without some mark of eminency2 at which time he was endued with that pregnancy and towardness of wit1 as they were pressages of that deep and universal apprehension which was manifest in him afterward4 ,the ,queen then delighted much to confer with him1 and to prove him with questions unto whom he delivered himself with that gravity and maturity above his years that ,her ,majesty would often term him ',her young ,lord ,keeper4' ,being asked by the ,queen how old he was he answered with much discretion1 being then but a boy#e that he was two years younger than ,her ,majesty's happy reign1 with which answer the queen was much taken4 ,in the ,lives of the ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,queen ,elizabeth there is reference to the early development of his mental and intellectual faculties4 ,the author writes3--,he had a large mind from his ,father and great abilities from his ,mother2 ,his parts improved more than his years1 his great fixed and methodical memory1 his solide judgement1 his quick fancy1 his ready expression1 gave assurance of that profound and universal comprehension of things which then rendered him the observation of great and wise men2 and afterwards the wonder of all4 ,the historian continues3--,he never saw anything that was not noble and becoming1 at twelve his industry was above the capacity and his minde beyond the reache of his contemporaries4 ,this boy so marvellously endowed was brought up in surroundings which were ideal for his development4 ,his father1 a man of erudition1 a wit and orator1 occupying one of the highest positions in the country1 his mother a lady of great classical accomplishments1 who had enjoyed the benefits of an education and training by her father1 that eminent scholar1 ,sir ,anthony ,cooke1 and1 lastly1 there was this man--his grandfather--living within riding distance from his home4 ,it seems inevitable that the natural powers of young ,francis must have excited a keen interest in the old tutor of ,edward ,,vi41 who had devoted his evenings to imparting to his daughters what he had taught the ,prince during the day1 so that if he left behind him no heirs of his body1 he might leave heirs of his mind4 ,the boy ,francis was1 indeed1 a worthy heir of his mind1 and it is impossible to believe otherwise than that ,sir ,anthony ,cooke would throw himself heart and soul into the education of his grandchild1 but no statement or tradition has come down to this effect4 ,it may be1 however1 that a sentence which has already been quoted from ,the ,lives of ,statesmen and ,favourites is intended to imply that ,francis was the pupil of ,sir ,anthony3 ,he said first and his ,grandchilde my ,lord ,bacon after him1 ,that the ,joys of ,parents are ,secrets1 and so their ,griefs and ,fears4444 ,very providently did he secure his ,eternity1 by leaving the image of his nature in his ,children and of his mind in his ,pupil4 ,the pupil referred to was not ,edward ,,vi41 for he died twenty-three years before ,sir ,anthony1 and he could not1 therefore1 have left the image of his mind in the young ,king4 ,following directly after the sentence ,he said first and his ,grandchilde ,lord ,bacon after him it is possible that the reference may be to the boy ,francis4 ,certainly ,sir ,anthony would secure his eternity if he left the image of his mind in his ,grandchilde4 ,in any case the prodigious natural powers of the boy were placed in an environment well suited for their full development4 ,the historian says that at twelve his industry was above the capacity and his mind beyond the reache of his ,contemporaries4 ,who were the contemporaries alluded to8 ,those of his own age1 or those who were living at the time8 ,a boy of twelve1 he excelled others in his great industry and the wide range of his mind4 ,this industry appears to have accompanied him through life1 for ,rawley states that he would ever interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with his studies1 as walking or taking the air abroad in his coach or some other befitting recreation2 and yet he would lose no time1 inasmuch as upon the first and immediate return he would fall to reading again1 and so suffer no movement of time to slip from him without some present improvement4 ,it is a remarkable fact on which too much stress cannot be laid that in the two ,lives of ,bacon1 scanty as they are1 by contemporary writers1 his exceptional industry is pointed out4 ,there are certainly no visible fruits of this industry4 ,although there is no definite information as to what was the state of ,francis ,bacon's education at twelve1 there is testimony as to that of some of his contemporaries4 ,three instances will suffice4 ,philip ,melancthon 7whose family name was ,schwartzerd7 was born in #adig4 ,his education was at an early age directed by his maternal grandfather1 ,john ,reuter4 ,after a short stay at a public school at ,bretten he was removed to the academy at ,pforzheim4 ,here1 under the tutorship of ,john ,reuchlin1 an elegant scholar and teacher of languages1 he acquired the taste for ,greek literature in which he subsequently became so distinguished4 ,here his genius for composition asserted itself4 ,amongst other poetical essays in which he indulged when eleven years of age1 he wrote a humorous piece in the form of a comedy1 which he dedicated to his kind friend and instructor1 ,reuchlin1 in whose presence it was performed by the schoolfellows of the youthful author4 ,after a residence of two years at ,pforzheim1 ,philip matriculated at the ,university of ,heidelberg on the #acth ,october1 #aeji1 being eleven years and nine months old4 ,young as he was1 he appears to have been employed to compose most of the harangues that were delivered in the ,university1 besides writing some pieces for the professors themselves4 ,here1 at this early age1 he composed his ,rudiments of the ,greek ,language1 which were afterwards published4 ,agrippa d',aubigne was born in #aeej and died in #afcj4 ,at six years of age he read ,latin1 ,greek1 and ,hebrew4 ,when ten years he translated the ,crito4 ,italian and ,spanish were at his command4 ,thomas ,bodley was born in #aedd and died in #afab4 ,in the short autobiography which he left he makes the following statement as to how far his education had advanced when his father decided to fix his abode in the city of ,geneva in #aeef3-- ,i was at that time of twelve yeares age but through my fathers cost and care sufficiently instructed to become an auditour of ,chevalerius in ,hebrew1 of ,berealdus in ,greeke1 of ,calvin and ,beza in ,divinity and of some other ,professours in that ,university1 7which was newly there erected7 besides my domesticall teachers1 in the house of ,philibertus ,saracenus1 a famous ,physitian in that ,city with whom ,i was boarded2 when ,robertus ,constantinus that made the ,greek ,lexicon read ,homer with me4 ,bodley was undoubtedly proficient in ,french1 for ,calvin and ,beza lectured in ,french4 ,the ,institution of the ,christian ,religion1 ,calvin's greatest work1 although published in ,latin in #aecf1 was translated by him into ,french1 and issued in #aedj or #aeda4 ,this translation is one of the finest examples of ,french prose4 ,bodley's ,english was probably very poor1 and for a very good reason--there was no ,english language worthy of comparison with the languages of ,france1 ,italy1 or ,spain4 ,it had yet to be created4 ,it is fair to assume that at twelve years of age ,francis ,bacon was as proficient in languages as were ,philip ,melancthon1 ,agrippa d',aubigne1 or ,thomas ,bodley at that age4 ,he1 therefore1 had at least a good knowledge of ,latin1 ,greek1 ,hebrew1 ,french1 and such ,english as there was4 ,another class of evidence is now available4 ,it has already been stated that a large number of ,bacon's books have been recovered1 copiously annotated by him4 ,some of these books bear the date when the annotations were made4 ,for the most part the marginal notes appear to be aids to memory1 but in many cases they are critical observations of the text4 ,these are1 however1 dealt with in a subsequent chapter4 ,gilbert ,wats1 in dedicating to ,charles ,i4 his interpretation of ,the ,advancement of ,proficiency of ,learning 7#afdj71 makes a statement which throws light on the course of ,bacon's studies1 and this strongly supports the present contention4 ,he says3-- ,he 7,bacon7 after he had survaied all the ,records of ,antiquity1 after the volume of men1 betook himselfe to the study of the volume of the world2 and having conquerd whatever books possest1 set upon the ,kingdome of ,nature and carried that victory very farre4 ,speaking of him as a boy his biographer#f describes his memory as fixed and methodical1 and in another place he says ,his judgment was solid yet his memory was a wonder4 ,the extent of his reading at this time had been very wide4 ,he had already taken all knowledge to be his province1 and was with that industry which was beyond the capacity of his contemporaries rapidly laying the foundations which subsequently justified this claim4 ,,footnotes3 #e ,lloyd states that this occurred when he was seven years of age4 #f ,the ,lives of ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,elizabeth4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,at ,,cambridge4 ,francis ,bacon went to reside at ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge1 in ,april1 #aegc1 being #ab years and #c months of age4 ,while the plague raged he was absent from the end of ,august1 #aegd1 until the beginning of ,march following4 ,he finally left the ,university at ,christmas1 #aege1 about one month before his fifteenth birthday4 ,rawley says he was there educated and bred under the tuition of ,dr4 ,john ,whitgift1#g then master of the ,college1 afterwards the renowned ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 a prelate of the first magnitude for sanctity1 learning1 patience1 and humility2 under whom he was observed to have been more than an ordinary proficient in the several arts and sciences4 ,amboise1 in the ,discours sur la vie de ,m4 ,bacon1 prefixed to the ,histoire ,naturelle1 ,paris1 #afca1 says3 ,le jugement et la memoire ne furent jamais en aucun home au degre qu'ils estoient en celuy-cy2 de sorte qu'en bien peu de temps il se rendit fort habile en toutes les sciences qui s'apprennent au ,college4 ,et quoi que deslors il fust juge capable des charges les plas importantes1 nean-moins pour ne tomber dedans la mesme faute que sont d'ordinaire les jeunes gens de son estoffe1 qui par une ambition trop precipitee portent souvent au maniement des grandes affaires un esprit encore tout rempli des crudites de l'escole1 ,monsieur ,bacon se voulut acquerir cette science1 qui rendit autres-fois ,ulysse si recommandable et luy fit meriter le nom de sage1 par la connoissance des moeurs de tant de nations diverses4 ,that is all that can be said about his career at ,cambridge except that ,rawley adds3 ,whilst he was commorant in the ,university1 about sixteen years of age 7as his lordship hath been pleased to impart unto myself71 he first fell into the dislike of the philosophy of ,aristotle2 not for the worthlessness of the author1 to whom he would ever ascribe all high attributes1 but for the unfruitfulness of the way2 being a philosophy 7as his lordship used to say7 only strong for disputations and contentions1 but barren of the production of works for the benefit of the life of man2 in which mind he continued to his dying day4 ,as ,bacon left ,cambridge at ,christmas1 #aege1 before he was #ae years of age1 ,rawley's recollection must have been at fault when he mentions the age of #af as that when ,bacon formed this opinion4 ,there is another account of this incident in which it is stated that ,francis ,bacon left ,cambridge without taking a degree as a protest against the manner in which philosophy was taught there4 ,in the preface to the ,great ,instauration ,bacon repeats his protest3 ,and for its value and utility1 it must be plainly avowed that that wisdom which we have derived principally from the ,greeks is but like the boyhood of knowledge and has the characteristic property of boys3 it can talk but it cannot generate3 for it is fruitful of controversies but barren of works4 ,this is merely a re-statement of the position he took up when at ,cambridge4 ,so this boy set up his opinion against that of the recognised professors of philosophy of his day1 against the whole authority of the staff of the ,university1 on a fundamental point on the most important question which could be raised as to the pursuit of knowledge4 ,it is not too much to say that he had at this time covered the whole field of knowledge in a manner more thorough than it had ever been covered before1 and with his mind1 which was beyond the reach of his contemporaries1 he began to lay down those laws which revolutionised all thought and have become the accepted method by which the pursuit of knowledge is followed4 ,it is necessary again to seek for parallels to justify the position which will be claimed for ,francis ,bacon at this period4 ,philip ,melancthon affords one and ,james ,crichton another4 ,at ,heidelberg ,melancthon remained three years4 ,he left when he was #ae1 the principal cause of his leaving being disappointment at being refused a higher degree in the ,university solely1 it is alleged1 on account of his youth4 ,in ,september1 #aeab1 he was entered at the ,university of ,tubingen1 where1 in the following year1 before he was #ag years of age1 he was created ,doctor in ,philosophy or ,master of ,arts4 ,he then commenced a course of public lectures1 embracing an extraordinary variety of subjects1 including the learned languages1 rhetoric1 logic1 ethics1 mathematics1 and theology4 ,here in #aeaf he put forth his revision of the text of ,terence4 ,besides he entered into an undertaking with ,thomas ,anshelmus to revise all the books printed by him4 ,he bestowed great labour on a large work in folio by ,nauclerus1 which he appears to have almost entirely re-written4 ,so much romance has been thrown around ,james ,crichton that it is difficult to obtain the real facts of his life4 ,sir ,thomas ,urquhart1 in ,discovery of a ,most ,exquisite ,jewel1 published in #afeb1 gives a biography which is1 without doubt1 mainly apocryphal4 ,certain facts1 however1 are well established4 ,he was born in the same year as was ,bacon 7#aefj74 ,at #aj years of age he entered ,st4 ,andrew's ,university1 and in #aege 7the year ,bacon left ,cambridge7 took his degree1 coming out third in the first class4 ,in #aegf he went to ,france1 as did ,bacon--to ,paris4 ,in the ,college of ,navarre he issued a universal challenge4 ,this he subsequently repeated at ,venice with equal success2 that is1 to all men1 upon all things1 in any of twelve languages named4 ,the challenge is broad and formal4 ,he pledged himself to review the schoolmen1 allowed his opponents the privilege of selecting their topics--mathematics1 no less than scholastic lore--either from branches publicly or privately taught1 and promised to return answers in logical figure or in numbers estimated according to their occult power1 or in any of a hundred sorts of verse4 ,he is said to have justified before many competent witnesses his magnificent pretensions4 ,what ,philip ,melancthon was at fifteen1 what ,james ,crichton was at sixteen1 ,francis ,bacon may have been4 ,all the testimony which his contemporaries afford1 especially having regard to his after life1 justify the assertion that in knowledge and acquirements he was at least their equal4 ,about eighteen months later his portrait was painted by ,hilliard1 the ,court miniature painter1 who inscribed around it1 as ,james ,spedding says1 the significant words--the natural ejaculation1 we may presume1 of the artist's own emotion--,si tabula daretur digna animum mallem4 ,if one could only find materials worthy to paint his mind4 ,,footnotes3 #g ,dr4 ,whitgift was a man of strong moral rectitude1 yet in #aeic he became one of its sponsors on the publication of ,venus and ,adonis4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,early ,,compositions4 ,it is at this stage that the mystery of ,francis ,bacon begins to develop4 ,every channel through which information might be expected appears to be blocked4 ,besides a few pamphlets1 in the production of which little time would be occupied1 there came nothing from his pen until #aeig when1 at the age of #cg1 the first edition of the essays was published--only ten short essays containing less than #f1jjj words4 ,in #afje1 when #de1 he addressed to ,james ,i4 the ,two ,books on the ,advancement of ,learning1 containing less than #fj1jjj words4 ,it would require no effort on ,bacon's part to write either of these volumes4 ,he could turn out the ,two ,books of the ,advancement of ,learning with the same facility that a leader writer of the ,times would write his daily articles4 ,he was to all intents and purposes unoccupied4 ,until #aeid he had not held a brief1 and he never had any practice at the ,bar worth considering4 ,he was a member of ,parliament1 but the ,house seldom sat1 and never for long periods4 ,bacon's life is absolutely unaccounted for4 ,it is now proposed1 by the aid of the literature of the period from #aegf to #afbj1 and with the help of information derived from his own handwriting1 to trace1 step by step1 the results of his industry1 and to supply the reason for the concealment which he pursued4 ,there is an entry in the ,book of ,orders of ,gray's ,inn under date #bast ,november1 #aegg1 that ,anthony and ,francis ,bacon 7who had been admitted members #bgth ,june1 #aegf1 de societate magistrorum7 be admitted to the ,grand ,company1 i4e41 to the ,degree of ,ancients1 a privilege to which they were entitled as sons of a judge4 ,from a letter subsequently written by ,burghley1 it is known that one ,barker was appointed as their tutor of ,law4 ,apparently it was intended that they should settle down to a course of legal training1 but this plan was abandoned1 at any rate1 as far as ,francis was concerned4 ,sir ,amias ,paulet1 who was ,chancellor of the ,garter1 a ,privy ,counsellor1 and held in high esteem by the ,queen1#h was about to proceed to ,paris to take the place of ,dr4 ,dale as ,ambassador at the ,court of ,france4 ,there is a letter written from ,calais1 dated #beth ,september1 #aegf1 from ,sir ,amias to ,lord ,burghley1 in which this paragraph appears3 ,my ordinary train is no greater than of necessity1 being augmented by some young gentlemen1 whereof one is ,sir ,nicholas ,throgmorton's son1 who was recommended to me by her ,majesty1 and1 therefore1 ,i could not refuse him4 ,the others are so dear to me and the most part of them of such towardness1 as my good hope of their doing well1 and thereafter they will be able to serve their ,prince and country1 persuades me to make so much to excuse my folly as to entreat you to use your favour in my allowance for my transportations1 my charges being increased by these extraordinary occasions4 ,francis ,bacon was one of this group of young gentlemen4 ,rawley states that after he had passed the circle of the liberal arts1 his father thought fit to frame and mould him for the arts of state2 and for that end sent him over into ,france with ,sir ,amyas ,paulet then employed ,ambassador lieger into ,france4 ,there are grounds for believing that ,bacon's literary activity had commenced before he left ,england4 ,there is abundant evidence to prove that it was the custom at this period for authors who desired to conceal their authorship to substitute for their own names1 initials or the names of others on the title-pages4 ,two instances will suffice3 ,the ,arte of ,english ,poesie was published in #aehi1 but written several years previously4 ,the author says3--,i know very many notable ,gentlemen in the ,court that have written commendably1 and suppressed it agayne1 or els suffred it to be publisht without their owne names to it as if it were a discredit for a ,gentleman to seeme learned1 and to shew himself amorous of any learned ,art4 ,there is a bare-faced avowal of how names were placed on title-pages in a letter which exists from ,henry ,cuffe to ,mr4 ,reynolds4 ,cuffe1 an ,oxford scholar of distinction1 was a close companion and confidant of ,essex4 ,after the capture and sacking of ,cadiz by ,essex and ,howard1 the former deemed it important that his version of the affair should be the first to be published in ,england4 ,cuffe1 therefore1 started off post haste with the manuscript1 but was taken ill on his arrival at ,portsmouth1 and could not proceed4 ,he despatched the manuscript by a messenger with a letter to ,good ,mr4 ,reynoldes1 who was a private ,secretary of ,essex4 ,he was to cause a transcript to be made and have it delivered to some good printer1 in good characters and with diligence to publish it4 ,reynoldes was to confer with ,mr4 ,greville 7,fulke ,greville1 afterwards ,lord ,brooke7 whether he can be contented to suffer the two first letters of his name to be used in the inscription4 ,if he be unwilling1 adds ,cuffe1 you may put ,r4,b4 which some no doubt will interprete to be ,beale1 but it skills not4 ,that this was a common practice is admitted by those acquainted with ,elizabethan literature4 ,if any of ,bacon's writings were published prior to the trifle which appeared in #aeig as ,essaies1 his name was suppressed1 and it would be probable some other name would appear on the title-page4 ,there is a translation of a classical author1 bearing date #aegb1 which is in the ,baconian style1 but which need not be claimed for him without further investigation4 ,the following suggestion is put forward with all diffidence1 but after long and careful investigation4 ,francis ,bacon was the author of two books which were published1 one before he left ,england1 and the other shortly after4 ,the first is a philosophical discourse entitled ,the ,anatomie of the ,minde4 ,newlie made and set forth by ,t4,r4 ,imprinted at ,london by ,i4,c4 for ,andrew ,maunsell1 #aegf1 #abmo4 ,the dedication is addressed to ,master ,christopher ,hatton1 and the name of ,tho4 ,rogers is attached to it4 ,there was a ,thomas ,rogers who was ,chaplain to ,archbishop ,bancroft1 and the book has been attributed to him1 apparently only because no other of the same name was known4 ,there was published in #aegg a translation by ,rogers of a ,latin book ,of the ,ende of the ,world1 etc4 and there are other translations by him published between then and #afbh4 ,there are several sermons1 also1 but the style of these1 the matter1 and the manner of treatment are quite distinct from those of the book under consideration4 ,there is nothing of his which would support the assignment to him of ,the ,anatomie of the ,mind4 ,it is foreign to his style4 ,having regard to the acknowledged custom of the times of putting names other than the author's on title-pages1 there is no need for any apology for expressing doubt as to whether the book has been correctly placed to the credit of the ,bishop ,bancroft's chaplain4 ,in the address ,to the ,reader the author says3 ,i dyd once for my profite in the ,universitie1 draw into ,latin tables1 which since for thy profite 7,christian ,reader7 at the request of a gentleman of good credite and worship1 ,i have ,englished and published in these two books4 ,there is in existence a copy of the book with the printer's and other errors corrected in ,bacon's own handwriting4 ,bearing date #aegg1 imprinted at ,london for ,henri ,cockyn1 is an octavo book styled1 ,beautiful ,blossoms gathered by ,john ,byshop from the best trees of all kyndes1 ,divine1 ,philosophicall1 ,astronomicall1 ,cosmographical1 ,historical and ,humane that are growing in ,greece1 ,latium1 and ,arabia1 and some also in vulgar orchards as wel fro these that in auncient time were grafted1 as also from them which with skilful head and hand beene of late yeare's1 yea1 and in our dayes planted3 to the unspeakable1 both pleasure and profite of all such as wil vouchsafe to use them4 ,on the title-page are the words1 ,the ,first ,tome1 but no further volume was published4 ,as to who or what ,john ,byshop was there is no information available4 ,his name appears on no other book4 ,the preface is a gem of musical sounding words4 ,it contains the sentence1 let them pass it over and read the rest which are all as plaine as ,dunstable ,way4 ,bacon's home was within a few miles of ,dunstable ,way1 which was the local term for the main road4 ,it is impracticable here to give at length the grounds upon which it is believed that ,francis ,bacon was the author of these two books4 ,each of them is an outpouring of classical lore1 and is evidently written by some young man who had recently assimilated the writings of nearly every classical author4 ,in this respect both correspond with the manner of ,the ,french ,academie1 to which the attention of the reader will shortly be directed1 whilst in ,the ,anatomie of the ,minde the treatment of the subject is identical with that in the latter4 ,failing actual proof1 the circumstantial evidence that the two books are from the same pen is almost as strong as need be4 ,some time in ,october1 #aegf1 ,sir ,amyas ,paulet would reach ,paris1 accompanied by ,bacon4 ,the only fragment of information which is given by his biographers of any occurrence during his stay there is obtained from ,rawley4 ,he states that ,sir ,amias ,paulet after a while held him fit to be entrusted with some message1 or advertisement to the ,queen1 which having performed with great approbation1 he returned back into ,france again with intention to continue for some years there4 ,in his absence in ,france1 his father1 the ,lord ,keeper1 died4 ,this was in ,february1 #aegh-i4 ,if he returned shortly after news of his father's death reached him1 his stay on the ,continent would cover about two and a-half years4 ,as to what he was doing nothing is known1 but ,pierre ,amboise states that ,france1 ,italy1 and ,spain as the most civilised nations of the whole world were those whither his desire for ,knowledge carried him4 ,,footnotes3 #h ,it was to ,sir ,amias that the custody of ,mary ,queen of ,scots was committed4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,bacon',s ,,temporis ,,partus ,,maximus4 ,francis ,bacon was at ,blois with ,sir ,amias ,paulet in #aegg4 ,in the same year was published the first edition of the first part of ,academie ,francoise par ,pierre de la ,primaudaye ,esceuyer1 ,seignor dudict lieu et de la ,barree1 ,gentilhomme ordinaire de la chambre du ,roy4 ,the dedication1 dated ,february1 #aegg 7i4e41 #aegh7 is addressed1 ,au ,tres-chrestien ,roy de ,france et de ,polongne ,henry ,,iii4 de ce nom4 ,the first ,english translation1 by ,t4 ,b41 was published in #aehfi1 imprinted at ,london by ,edmund ,bollifant for ,g4 ,bishop and ,ralph ,newbery4 ,other parts of ,the ,academy followed at intervals of years1 but the first and only complete edition in ,english bears date #afah1 and was printed for ,thomas ,adams4 ,over the dedication is the well-known archer emblem4 ,it is a thick folio volume1 with #a1jch pages double columns4 ,it may be termed the first ,encyclopaedia which appeared in any language1 and is1 perhaps1 one of the most remarkable productions of the ,elizabethan era4 ,little is known of ,pierre de la ,primaudaye4 ,the particulars for his biography in the ,biographie ,nationale seem to have been taken from references made to the author in the ,french ,academie itself4 ,in the ,french ,edition1 #aehj1 there is a portrait of a man1 and under it the words ,anag4 de ,l'auth4 ,par la priere ,dieu m'ayde4 ,the following is an extract from the dedication3-- ,the dinner of that prince of famous memorie1 was a second table of ,salomon1 vnto which resorted from euerie nation such as were best learned1 that they might reape profit and instruction4 ,yours1 ,sir1 being compassed about with those1 who in your presence daily discourse of1 and heare discoursed many graue and goodly matters1 seemeth to be a schoole erected to teach men that are borne to vertue4 ,and for myselfe1 hauing so good hap during the assemblie of your ,estates at ,blois1 as to be made partaker of the fruit gathered thereof1 it came in my mind to offer vnto your ,maiestie a dish of diuers fruits1 which ,i gathered in a ,platonicall garden or orchard1 otherwise called an ,,academie1 where ,i was not long since with certaine yoong ,gentlemen of ,aniou my companions1 discoursing togither of the institution in good maners1 and of the means how all estates and conditions may liue well and happily4 ,and although a thousand thoughts came then into my mind to hinder my purpose1 as the small authoritie1 which youth may or ought to haue in counsell amongst ancient men3 the greatnes of the matter subject1 propounded to be handled by yeeres of so small experience2 the forgetfulness of the best foundations of their discourses1 which for want of a rich and happie memorie might be in me3 my iudgement not sound ynough1 and my profession vnfit to set them downe in good order3 briefly1 the consideration of your naturall disposition and rare vertue1 and of the learning which you receiuve both by reading good authors1 and by your familiar communication with learned and great personages that are neere about your ,maiestie 7whereby ,i seemed to oppose the light of an obscure day1 full of clouds and darkness1 to the bright beames of a very cleere shining sonne1 and to take in hand1 as we say1 to teach ,minerua74 ,i say all these reasons being but of too great weight to make me change my opinion1 yet calling to mind manie goodlie and graue sentences taken out of sundry ,greeke and ,latine ,philosophers1 as also the woorthie examples of the liues of ancient ,sages and famous men1 wherewith these discourses were inriched1 which might in delighting your noble mind renew your memorie with those notable sayings in the praise of vertue and dispraise of vice1 which you alwaies loued to heare3 and considering also that the bounty of ,artaxerxes that great ,monarke of the ,persians was reuiued in you1 who receiued with a cheerfull countenance a present of water of a poore laborer1 when he had no need of it1 thinking to be as great an act of magnanimitie to take in good part1 and to receiue cheerfully small presents offered with a hartie and good affection1 as to giue great things liberally1 ,i ouercame whatsoeuer would haue staied me in mine enterprise4 ,it appears1 therefore1 that the author by good hap was a visitor at the ,court of ,henry ,,iii4 when at ,blois2 that he was there studying with certain young gentlemen of ,anjou1 his companions2 that he was a youth1 and of years of small experience2 that his memory might not be sufficiently rich and happy1 his judgment not enough1 and his profession unfit in recording the discourses of himself and his companions4 ,the ,author to the ,reader is an essay on ,philosophy1 every sentence in which seems to have the same familiar sound as essays which subsequently appeared under another name4 ,the contents of the several chapters are enumerated thus3 ,of ,man1 ,of the ,body and ,soule1 etc4 ,the first chapter contains a description of how the ,academie came about4 ,an ancient wise gentleman of great calling having spent the greater part of his years in the service of two kings1 and of his country1 ,france1 for many and good causes had withdrawn himself to his house4 ,he thought that to content his mind1 which always delighted in honest and vertuous things1 he could not bring greater profit to the ,monarchie of ,france1 than to lay open and preserve and keep youth from the corruption which resulted from the over great license and excessive liberty granted to them in the ,universities4 ,he took unto his house four young gentlemen1 with the consent of their parents who were distinguished noblemen4 ,after he had shown these young men the first grounds of true wisdom1 and of all necessary things for their salvation1 he brought into his house a tutor of great learning and well reported of his good life and conversation1 to whom he committed their instruction4 ,after teaching them the ,latin tongue and some smattering of ,greek he propounded for their chief studies the moral philosophy of ancient sages and wise men1 together with the understanding and searching out of histories which are the light of life4 ,the four fathers1 desiring to see what progress their sons had made1 decided to visit them4 ,and because they had small skill in the ,latin tongue1 they determined to have their children discourse in their own natural tongue of all matters that might serve for the instruction and reformation of every estate and calling1 in such order and method as they and their master might think best4 ,it was arranged that they should meet in a walking place covered over with a goodly green arbour1 and daily1 except ,sundays1 for three weeks1 devote two hours in the morning and two hours after dinner to these discourses1 the fathers being in attendance to listen to their sons4 ,so interesting did these discussions become that the period was often extended to three or four hours1 and the young men were so intent upon preparation for them that they would not only bestow the rest of the days1 but oftentimes the whole night1 upon the well studying of that which they proposed to handle4 ,the author goes on to say3--,during which time it was my good hap to be one of the companie when they began their discourses1 at which ,i so greatly wondered that ,i thought them worthy to be published abroad4 ,from this it would appear that the author was a visitor1 privileged1 with the four fathers and the master1 to listen to the discourses of these four young men4 ,but1 a little further on the position is changed2 one of the four young men is1 without any explanation1 ignored1 and his father disappointed6 ,for the author takes his place1 as will be seen from the following extract3-- ,and thus all fower of us followed the same order daily until everie one in his course had intreated according to appointment1 both by the precepts of doctrine1 as also by the examples of the lives of ancient ,sages and famous men1 of all things necessary for the institution of manners and happie life of all estates and callings in this ,french ,monarchie4 ,but because ,i knowe not whether1 in naming my companions by their proper names1 supposing thereby to honour them as indeede they deserve it1 ,i should displease them 7which thing ,i would not so much as thinke7 ,i have determined to do as they that play on a ,theater1 who under borrowed maskes and disguised apparell1 do represent the true personages of those whom they have undertaken to bring on the stage4 ,i will therefore call them by names very agreeable to their skill and nature3 the first ,,aser which signifieth ,felicity3 the second ,,amana which is as much to say as ,truth3 the third ,,aram which noteth to us ,highness2 and to agree with them as well in name as in education and behaviour4 ,i will name myself ,,achitob#aj which is all one with ,brother of goodness4 ,further more ,i will call and honour the proceeding and finishing of our sundry treatises and discourses with this goodlie and excellent title of ,academie1 which was the ancient and renowned school amongst the ,greek ,philosophers1 who were the first that were esteemed1 and that the place where ,plato1 ,xenophon1 ,poleman1 ,xenocrates1 and many other excellent personages1 afterward called ,academicks1 did propound discourse of all things meet for the instruction and teaching of wisdome3 wherein we purposed to followe them to our power1 as the sequele of our discourses shall make good proofe4 ,and then the discourses commence4 ,love's ,labour's ,lost was published in #aeih1 and was the first quarto upon which the name of ,shakespeare was printed4 ,the title-page states that it is newly corrected and augmented1 from which it may be inferred that there was a previous edition1 but no copy of such is known4 ,the commentators are in practical agreement that it was probably the first play written by the dramatist4 ,there are differences of opinion as to the probable date when it was written4 ,richard ,grant ,white believes this to be not later than #aehh1 ,knight gives #aehi1 but all this is conjecture4 ,the play opens with a speech by ,ferdinand3-- ,let ,fame that all hunt after in their lives1 ,live registred upon our brazen ,tombes1 ,and then grace us1 in the disgrace of death3 ,when spight of cormorant devouring time1 ,th' endevour of this present breath may buy3 ,that honour which shall bate his sythes keene edge1 ,and make us heyres of all eternitie4 ,therefore brave ,conquerours1 for so you are1 ,that warre against your own affections1 ,and the huge ,armie of the worlds desires4 ,our late ,edict shall strongly stand in force1 ,navar shall be the wonder of the world4 ,our ,court shall be a little ,achademe1 ,still and contemplative in living ,art4 ,you three1 ,berowne1 ,doumaine1 and ,longavill1 ,have sworne for three yeeres terme1 to live with me1 ,my fellow ,schollers1 and to keepe those statutes ,that are recorded in this schedule heere4 ,your oathes are past1 and now subscribe your names2 ,that his owne hand may strike his honour downe1 ,that violates the smallest branch heerein3 ,if you are arm'd to doe1 as sworne to do1 ,subscribe to your deepe oathes1 and keepe it to4 ,four young men in the ,french ,academie associated together1 as in ,love's ,labour ,lost1 to war against their own affections and the whole army of the world's desires4 ,dumaine1 in giving his acquiescence to ,ferdinand1 ends3-- ,to love1 to wealth1 to pompe1 ,i pine and die ,with all these living in ,philosophie4 ,philosophie was the subject of study of the four young men to the ,academie4 ,berowne was a visitor1 for he says3-- ,i only swore to study with your grace ,and stay heere in your ,court for three yeeres' space4 ,upon his demurring to subscribe to the oath as drawn1 ,ferdinand retorts3-- ,well1 sit you out3 go home1 ,berowne3 adue4 ,to which ,berowne replies3-- ,no1 my good lord2 ,i have sworn to stay with you4 ,achitob was a visitor at the ,academie in ,france4 ,there are other points of resemblance1 but sufficient has been said to warrant consideration of the suggestion that the ,french ,academie contains the serious studies of the four young men whose experiences form the subject of the play4 ,the parallels between passages in the ,shakespeare plays and the ,french ,academie are numerous1 but they form no part of the present contention4 ,one of these may1 however1 be mentioned4 ,in the third ,tome the following passage occurs#aa3-- ,psal4 xix43 ,it is not without cause that the ,prophet said 7,the heavens declare the glory of ,god1 and the earth sheweth the workes of his handes7 ,for thereby he evidently teacheth1 as with the finger even to our eies1 the great and admirable providence of ,god their ,creator2 even as if the heavens should speake to anyone4 ,in another place it is written 7,eccles4 xliii473 7,this high ornament1 this cleere firmament1 the beauty of the heaven so glorious to behold1 tis a thing full of ,majesty74 ,on turning to the revised version of the ,bible it will be found that the first verse is thus translated3 ,the pride of the height1 the cleare firmament the beauty of heaven with his glorious shew4 ,the rendering of the text in ,the ,french ,academy is strongly suggestive of ,hamlet's famous soliloquy4 ,this most excellent canopy1 this brave o'erhanging firmament1 this majestical roof fritted with golden fire1 why it appears to me no other than a foul and pestilent congregation of vapours4 ,the author has forsaken the common-place rendering of the ,apocrypha1 and has adopted the same declamatory style which ,shakespeare uses4 ,it is strongly reminiscent of ,hamlet's famous speech1 ,act ,,ii41 scene ii4 ,only one of the ,shakespeare commentators makes any reference to the work4 ,the ,rev4 ,joseph ,hunter1 writing in #ahdd1 points out that the dramatist in ,as ,you ,like ,it1 describing the seven ages of man1 follows the division made in the chapter on ,the ,ages of ,man in the ,academie4#ab ,the suggestion now made is that the ,french ,academie was written by ,bacon1 who is represented in the dialogues as ,achitob--the first part when he was about #ah years of age1 that he continued it until1 in #afah1 the complete work was published4 ,in the dedication the author describes himself as a youth of immature experience1 but the contents bear evidence of a wide knowledge of classical authors and their works1 a close acquaintance with the ancient philosophies1 and a store of general information which it would be impossible for any ordinary youth of such an age to possess4 ,but was not the boy who at #ae years of age left ,cambridge disagreeing with the teaching there of ,aristotle's philosophy1 and whose mental qualities and acquirements provoked as the natural ejaculation of the artist's emotion the significant words1 ,si tabula daretur digna animum mallem1 altogether abnormal8 ,was the ,french ,academie ,bacon's temporis partus maximus8 ,it is only in a letter written to ,father ,fulgentio about #afbe that this work is heard of4 ,bacon writes3 ,equidem memini me1 quadraginta abhinc annis1 juvenile opusculum circa has res confecisse1 quod magna prorsus fiducia et magnifico titulo ',temporis ,partum ,maximum' inscripsi4#ac ,spedding says3 ,this was probably the work of which ,henry ,cuffe 7the great ,oxford scholar who was executed in #afja as one of the chief accomplices in the ,earl of ,essex's treason7 was speaking when he said that 'a fool could not have written it and a wise man would not4' ,bacon's intimacy with ,essex had begun about thirty-five years before this letter was written4 ,forty years from #afbe would carry back to #aehe1 the year preceding the date of publication of the first edition in ,english4 ,if ,cuffe's remark was intended to apply to the ,french ,academy1 it is just such a criticism as the book might be expected to provoke4 ,the first edition of ,the ,french ,academie in ,english appeared in #aehf1 the second in #aehi1 the third 7two parts7 in #aeid1 the fourth 7three parts7 in #afjb1 the fifth in #afad 7all quartos71 then1 in #afah1 the large folio edition containing the fourth part never before published in ,english4 ,it appears to have been more popular in ,england than it was in ,france4 ,brunet in his #ahch edition mentions neither the book nor the author1 ,primaudaye4 ,the question as to whether there was at this time a reading public in ,england sufficiently wide to absorb an edition in numbers large enough to make the publication of this and similar works possible at a profit will be dealt with hereafter4 ,in anticipation it may be said that the balance of probabilities justifies the conjecture that the issue of each of these editions involved someone in loss1 and the folio edition involved considerable loss4 ,a comparison between the ,french and ,english publications points to both having been written by an author who was a master of each language rather than that the latter was a mere translation of the former4 ,the version is so natural in idiom and style that it appears to be an original rather than a translation4 ,in #aehf how many men were there who could write such ,english8 ,the marginal notes are in the exact style of ,bacon4 ,a similitude--,a notable comparison--occur frequently just as the writer finds them again and again in ,bacon's handwriting in volumes which he possesses4 ,the book abounds in statements1 phrases1 and quotations which are to be found in ,bacon's letters and works4 ,one significant fact must be mentioned4 ,the first letter of the text in the dedication in the first ,english translation is the letter ,s4 ,it is printed from a wood block 7,fig4 ,i474 ,thirty-nine years after 7in #afbe7 when the last edition of ,bacon's ,essays--and1 with the exception of the small pamphlet containing his versification of certain ,psalms1 the last publication during his life--was printed1 that identical wood block 7,fig4 ,,ii47 was again used to print the first letter in the dedication of that book4 ,every defect and peculiarity in the one will be found in the other4 ,a search through many hundreds of books printed during these thirty-nine years--#aehf to #afbe--;has failed to find it used elsewhere1 except on one occasion1 either then1 before1 or since4 ,did ,bacon mark his first work on philosophy and his last book by printing the first letter in each from the same block8#ad ,illustration3 ,fig4 ,i4 ,the first letter in the text of the dedication of the #ast edition of the ,english translation of the ,french ,academie1 #aehf4 ,printed at ,london by ,g4 ,bollifant4 ,the block is also used in a similar manner in the #bnd edition1 #aehi4 ,londini ,impensis1 ,john ,bishop4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 ,,ii4 ,the first letter in the text of the dedication of the #afbe edition of ,bacon's ,essays1 printed in ,london1 by ,john ,haviland4 ,both letters were printed from the same block4 ,,footnotes3 #i ,in the ,gesta ,grayorum one of the articles which the ,knights of the ,helmet were required to vow to keep1 each kissing his helmet as he took his vow1 was ,item--every ,knight of this ,order shall endeavour to add conference and experiment to reading2 and therefore shall not only read and peruse ',guizo1' ',the ,french ,academy1' ',galiatto the ,courtier1' ',plutarch1' ',the ,arcadia1' and the ,neoterical writers from time to time1 etc4 ,the ,gesta ,grayorum1 which was written in #aeid1 was not published until #afhg4 ,the manuscript was probably incorrectly read as to the titles of the books4 ,galiatto1 apparently1 should be ,galateo1 described in a letter of ,gabriel ,harvey as ,the ,italian ,archbishop brave ,galateo4 ,the ,courtier is the ,italian work by ,castiglione which was ,englished by ,sir ,thomas ,hoby4 ,guizo should be ,guazzo4 ,stefano ,guazzo's ,civil ,conversation--four books--was ,englished by ,g4 ,pettie and ,young4 #aj ,hit is used by ,chaucer as the past participle of ,hide4 ,the name thus yields a suggestive anagram1 ,bacohit4 #aa #afah ,edition1 page #gab4 #ab ,in addition to this and to the ,gesta ,grayorum 7#afib7 ,i have only been able to find two references to ,the ,french ,academy in the works of ,english writers4 ,j4 ,payne ,collier1 in his ,poetical ,decameron1 ,vol4 ,,ii41 page #bga1 draws attention to the epistle to the ,christian reader prefixed to the second part1 and suggests that the initials ,t4,b4 which occur at the end of the dedicatory epistle stand for ,thomas ,beard1 the author of ,theatre of ,god's ,judgments4 ,collier does not appear to have read ,the ,french ,academy4 ,dibdin1 in ,notes on ,more's ,utopia1 says1 ,but ,i entreat the reader to examine 7if he be fortunate enough to possess the book7 ,the ,french ,academy of ,primaudaye1 a work written in a style of peculiarly impressive eloquence1 and which1 not very improbably1 was the foundation of ,derham's and ,paley's ,natural ,theology4 #ac ,it being now forty years as ,i remember1 since ,i composed a juvenile work on this subject which with great confidence and a magnificent title ,i named ,the greatest birth of ,time4 #ad ,the block was used on page #fbf of the #aeid quarto edition of ,william ,camden's ,britannia1 published in ,london by ,george ,bishop1 who was the publisher of the #aehf1 #aehi1 and #aeid editions of ,the ,french ,academy4 ,there is a marginal note at the foot of the imprint of the block commencing ,r4 ,bacons4 ,francis ,bacon is known to have assisted ,camden in the preparation of this work4 ,the manuscript bears evidence of the fact in his handwriting4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,bacon',s ,,first ,,allegorical ,,romance4 ,there is another work which it is impossible not to associate with this period1 and that is ,john ,barclay's ,argenis4 ,it is little better known than is ,the ,french ,academy1 and yet ,cowper pronounced it the most amusing romance ever written4 ,cardinal ,richelieu is said to have been extremely fond of reading it1 and to have derived thence many of his political maxims4 ,it is an allegorical novel4 ,it is proposed now only to mention some evidence connected with the ,argenis which supports the contention that the #afbe ,english edition contains the original composition1 and that its author was young ,francis ,bacon4 ,the first edition of the ,argenis in ,latin was published in #afba4 ,the authority to the publisher1 ,nicholas ,buon1 to print and sell the ,argenis is dated the #bast ,july1 #afba1 and was signed by ,barclay at ,rome4 ,the ,royal authority is dated on the #cast ,august following4 ,barclay's death took place between these dates1 on the #abth of ,august1 at ,rome4 ,it is reported that the cause of death was stone1 but in an appreciation of him1 published by his friend1 ,ralph ,thorie1 his death is attributed to poison4 ,the work is an example of the highest type of ,latinity4 ,so impressed was ,cowper with its style that he stated that it would not have dishonoured ,tacitus himself4 ,a translation in ,spanish was published in #afbd1 and in ,italian in #afbi4 ,the ,latin version was frequently reprinted during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries--perhaps more frequently than any other book4 ,in a letter dated #aath ,may1 #afbb1 ,chamberlain1 writing to ,carleton1 says3 ,the ,king has ordered ,ben ,jonson to translate the ',argenis1' but he will not be able to equal the original4 ,on the #bnd ,october1 #afbc1 ,ben ,jonson entered a translation in ,stationers' ,hall1 but it was never published4 ,about that time there was a fire in ,jonson's house1 in which it is said some manuscripts were destroyed2 but it is a pure assumption that the ,argenis was one of these4 ,in #afbi an ,english translation appeared by ,sir ,robert ,le ,grys1 ,knight1 and the verses by ,thomas ,may1 ,esquire4 ,the title-page bears the statement3 ,the prose upon his ,majesty's command4 ,there is a ,clavis appended1 also stated to be published at his ,majesties command4 ,it was printed by ,felix ,kyngston for ,richard ,mughten and ,henry ,seile4 ,in the address to ,the understanding ,reader ,le ,grys says1 ,what then should ,i say8 ,except it were to entreate thee1 that where my ,english phrase doth not please thee1 thou wilt compare it with the originall ,latin and mend it4 ,which ,i doe not speak as thinking it impossible1 but as willing to have it done1 for the saving me a labour1 who1 if his ,majesty had not so much hastened the publishing it1 would have reformed some things in it1 that did not give myselfe very full satisfaction4 ,in #afbb ,king ,james ordered a translation of the ,argenis4 ,in #afbiae ,charles ,i4 was so impatient to have a translation that he hastened the publication1 thus preventing the translator from revising his work4 ,three years previously1 however1 in #afbe--;if the date may be relied on--there was published as printed by ,g4 ,p4 for ,henry ,seile a translation by ,kingesmill ,long4 ,james died on the #beth ,march1 #afbe4 ,the ,argenis may not have been published in his lifetime2 but if the date be correct1 three or four years before ,charles hastened the publication of ,le ,grys's translation1 this far superior one with ,kingesmill ,long's name attached to it could have been obtained from ,h4 ,seile4 ,surely the publisher would have satisfied the ,king's impatience by supplying him with a copy of the #afbe edition had it been on sale4 ,the publication of a translation of the ,argenis must have attracted attention4 ,is it possible that it could have been in existence and not brought to the notice of the ,king8 ,there is something here that requires explanation4 ,the ,epistle ,dedicatorie of the #afbe edition is written in the familiar style of another pen1 although it bears the name of ,kingesmill ,long4 ,the title-page states that it is faithfully translated out of ,latine into ,english1 but it is not directly in the ,epistle ,dedicatorie spoken of as a translation4 ,the following extract implies that the work had been lying for years waiting publication3-- ,this rude piece1 such as it is1 hath long lyen by me1 since it was finished2 ,i not thinking it worthy to see the light4 ,i had always a desire and hope to have it undertaken by a more able workman1 that our ,nation might not be deprived of the use of so excellent a ,story3 ,but finding none in so long time to have done it2 and knowing that it spake not ,english1 though it were a rich jewell to the learned ,linguist1 yet it was close lockt from all those1 to whom education had not given more languages1 than ,nature ,tongues3 ,i have adventured to become the key to this piece of hidden ,treasure1 and have suffered myselfe to be overruled by some of my worthy friends1 whose judgements ,i have alwayes esteemed1 sending it abroad 7though coursely done7 for the delight and use of others4 ,not a word about the author6 ,the translations1 said to be by ,thomas ,may1 of the ,latin verses in the #afbi are identical with those in the #afbe edition1 although ,kingesmill ,long1 on the title-page1 appears as the translator4 ,nothing can be learnt as to who or what ,long was4 ,over lines ,authori1 signed ,ovv3 ,fell3#af in the #afbe edition is one of the well-known light and dark ,a devices4 ,this work is written in flowing and majestic ,english2 the #afbi edition in the cramped style of translation4 ,the copy bearing date #afbh1 to which reference has been made1 belonged to ,john ,henry ,shorthouse4 ,he has made this note on the front page3 ,jno4 ,barclay's description of himself under the person of ,nicopompus ,argenis1 p4 #fj4 ,this is the description to which he alludes3-- ,him thus boldly talking1 ,nicopompus could no longer endure3 he was a man who from his infancy loved ,learning2 but who disdaining to be nothing but a booke-man had left the schooles very young1 that in the courts of ,kings and ,princes1 he might serve his apprenticeship in publicke affairs2 so he grew there with an equall abilitie1 both in learning and imployment1 his descent and disposition fitting him for that kind of life3 wel esteemed of many ,princes1 and especially of ,meleander1 whose cause together with the rest of the ,princes1 he had taken upon him to defend4 ,this description is inaccurate as applied to ,john ,barclay1 but in every detail it describes ,francis ,bacon4 ,a comparison has been made between the editions of #afbe and #afbi with the #afba ,latin edition4 ,it leaves little room for doubting that the #afbe is the original work4 ,throughout the ,latin appears to follow it rather than to be the leader2 whilst the #afbi edition follows the ,latin closely4 ,in some cases the word used in the #afbe edition has been incorrectly translated into the #afba edition1 and the ,latin word re-translated literally and incorrectly in view of the sense in the #afbi edition4 ,but space forbids this comparison being further followed2 suffice it to say that everything points to the #afbe edition being the original work4 ,as to the date of composition much may be said2 but the present contention is that ,the ,french ,academie1 ,the ,argenis1 and ,love's ,labour's ,lost are productions from the same pen1 and that they all represent the work of ,francis ,bacon probably between the years #aegg and #aehj4 ,at any rate1 the first-named was written whilst he was in ,france1 and the others were founded on the incidents and experience obtained during his sojourn there4 ,,footnotes3 #ae ,one copy of this edition bears the date #afbh4 #af ,probably ,owen ,felltham1 author of ,felltham's ,resolves4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,bacon ,,in ,,france1 #aegf-aegi4 ,this brilliant young scholar landed with ,sir ,amias ,paulet at ,calais on the #beth of ,september1 #aegf1 and with him went straight to the ,court of ,henry ,,iii4 of ,france4 ,it is remarkable that neither ,montagu1 ,spedding1 ,hepworth ,dixon1 nor any other biographer seems to have thought it worth while to consider under what influences he was brought when he arrived there at the most impressionable period of his life4 ,hepworth ,dixon1 without stating his authority1 says that he quits the galleries of the ,louvre and ,st4 ,cloud with his morals pure1 but nothing more4 ,and yet ,francis ,bacon arrived in ,france at the most momentous epoch in the history of ,french literature4 ,this boy1 with his marvellous intellect--the same intellect which nearly half a century later produced the ,novum ,organum--with a memory saturated with the records of antiquity and with the writings of the classical authors1 with an industry beyond the capacity and a mind beyond the reach of his contemporaries1 skilled in the teachings of the philosophers1 with independence of thought and a courage which enabled him to condemn the methods of study followed at the ,university where he had spent three years2 this boy who had a beam of knowledge derived from ,god upon him1 who had not his knowledge from books1 but from some grounds and notions from himself1 and above and beyond all who was conscious of his powers and had unbounded confidence in his capacity for using them2 this boy walked beside the ,english ,ambassador elect into the highest circles of ,french ,society at the time when the most important factors of influence were ,ronsard and his confreres of the ,pleiade4 ,he had left behind him in his native country a language crude and almost barbaric1 incapable of giving expression to the knowledge which he possessed and the thoughts which resulted therefrom4 ,at this time there were few books written in the ,english tongue which could make any pretence to be considered literature3 ,sir ,thomas ,eliot's ,the ,governor1 ,robert ,ascham's ,the ,schoolmaster1 and ,thomas ,wright's ,arts of ,rhetoric1 almost exhaust the list4 ,thynne's edition1 #aecb1 and ,lidgate's edition1 #aefa1 of ,chaucer's works are not intelligible4 ,only in the #aeih edition can the great poet be read with any understanding4 ,the work of re-casting the poems for this edition was ,bacon's1 and he is the man referred to in the following lines1 which are prefixed to it3-- ,the ,reader to ,geffrey ,chaucer4 ,rea4--,where hast thou dwelt1 good ,geffrey al this while1 ,unknown to us save only by thy bookes8 ,chau4--,in haulks1 and hernes1 ,god wot1 and in exile1 ,where none vouchsaft to yeeld me words or lookes3 ,till one which saw me there1 and knew my friends1 ,did bring me forth3 such grace sometimes ,god sends4 ,rea4--,but who is he that hath thy books repar'd1 ,and added moe1 whereby thou are more graced8 ,chau4--,the selfe same man who hath no labor spar'd1 ,to helpe what time and writers had defaced3 ,and made old words1 which were unknoun of many1 ,so plaine1 that now they may be knoun of any4 ,rea4--,well fare his heart3 ,i love him for thy sake1 ,who for thy sake hath taken all this pains4 ,chau4--,would ,god ,i knew some means amends to make1 ,that for his toile he might receive some gains4 ,but wot ye what8 ,i know his kindnesse such1 ,that for my good he thinks no pains too much3 ,and more than that2 if he had knoune in time1 ,he would have left no fault in prose nor rime4 ,there is a catalogue of the library of ,sir ,thomas ,smith#ag on ,august #a1 #aeff1 in his gallery at ,hillhall4 ,it was said to contain nearly a thousand books4 ,of these only five were written in the ,english language4 ,under ,theologici1 ,k4 ,henry ,,viii4 book2 under ,juris ,civilis1 ,littleton's ,tenures1 an old abridgement of ,statutes2 under ,historiographi1 ,hall's ,chronicles1 and ,fabian's ,chronicles and ,the ,decades of ,p4 ,martyr2 under ,mathematica1 ,the ,art of ,navigation4 ,the remainder are in ,greek1 ,latin1 ,french1 and ,italian4 ,burghley's biographer states that ,burghley never read any books or praiers but in ,latin1 ,french1 or ,italian1 very seldom in ,englishe4 ,at this time ,francis ,bacon thought in ,latin1 for his mother tongue was wholly insufficient4 ,there is abundant proof of this in his own handwriting4 ,under existing conditions there could be no ,english literature worthy of the name4 ,if a ,gentleman of the ,court wrote he either suppressed his writings or suffered them to be published without his name to them1 as it was a discredit for a gentleman to seem learned and to show himself amorous of any good art4 ,here is where ,spedding missed his way and never recovered himself4 ,deep as is the debt of gratitude due to him for his devoted labours in the preparation of ,bacon's ,life and ,letters and in the edition of his works1 it must be asserted that he accomplished this work without seeing ,francis ,bacon4 ,there was a vista before young ,bacon's eyes from which the practice of the law and civil dignities were absent4 ,he arrived at the ,french ,court at the psychological moment when an object-lesson met his eyes which had a more far-reaching effect on the language and literature of the ,anglo-,saxon race than any or all other influences that have conspired to raise them to the proud position which to-day they occupy4 ,it is necessary briefly to explain the position of the ,french language and literature at this juncture4 ,the ,french ,renaissance of literature had its beginning in the early years of the sixteenth century4 ,it had been preceded by that of ,italy1 which opened in the fourteenth century1 and reached its limit with ,ariosto and ,tasso1 ,macchiavelli and ,guicciardini during the sixteenth century4 ,towards the end of the fifteenth century modern ,french poetry may be said to have had its origin in ,villon and ,french prose in ,comines4 ,the style of the former was artificial and his poems abounded in recurrent rhymes and refrains4 ,the latter had peculiarities of diction which were only compensated for by weight of thought and simplicity of expression4 ,clement ,marot1 who followed1 stands out as one of the first landmarks in the ,french ,renaissance4 ,his graceful style1 free from stiffness and monotony1 earned for him a popularity which even the brilliancy of the ,pleiade did not extinguish1 for he continued to be read with genuine admiration for nearly two centuries4 ,he was the founder of a school of which ,mellia de ,st4 ,gelais1 the introducer of the sonnet into ,france1 was the most important member4 ,rabelais and his followers concurrently effected a complete revolution in fiction4 ,marguerite of ,navarre1 who is principally known as the author of ,the ,heptameron1 maintained a literary ,court in which the most celebrated men of the time held high place4 ,it was not until the middle of the sixteenth century that the great movement took place in ,french literature which1 if that which occurred in the same country three hundred years subsequently be excepted1 is without parallel in literary history4 ,the ,pleiade consisted of a group of seven men and boys who1 animated by a sincere and intelligent love of their native language1 banded themselves together to remodel it and its literary forms on the methods of the two great classical tongues1 and to reinforce it with new words from them4 ,they were not actuated by any desire for gain4 ,in #aedi ,jean ,daurat1 then #di years of age1 was professor of ,greek at le ,college de ,coqueret in ,paris4 ,amongst those who attended his classes were five enthusiastic1 ambitious youths whose ages varied from seventeen to twenty-four4 ,they were ,pierre de ,ronsard1 ,joachim du ,bellay1 ,remy ,belleau1 ,antoine de ,baif1 and ,etienne ,jodelle4 ,they and their ,professor associated themselves together and received as a colleague ,pontus de ,tyard1 who was twenty-eight4 ,they formed a band of seven renovators1 to whom their countrymen applied the cognomen of the ,pleiade1 by which they will ever be known4 ,realising the defects and possibilities of their language1 they recognised that by appropriations from the ,greek and ,latin languages1 and from the melodious forms of the ,italian poetry1 they might reform its defects and develop its possibilities so completely that they could place at the service of great writers a vehicle for expression which would be the peer if not the superior of any language1 classical or modern4 ,it was a bold project for young men1 some of whom were not out of their teens1 to venture on4 ,that they met with great success is beyond question2 the extent of that success it is not necessary to discuss here4 ,the main point to be emphasised is that it was a deliberate scheme1 originated1 directed1 and matured by a group of little more than boys4 ,the ,french ,renaissance was not the result of a spontaneous bursting out on all sides of genius4 ,it was wrought out with sheer hard work1 entailing the mastering of foreign languages1 and accompanied by devotion and without hope of pecuniary gain4 ,the manifesto of the young band was written by ,joachim de ,bellay in #aedi1 and was entitled1 ,la ,defense et ,illustration de la langue ,francaise4 ,in the following year appeared ,ronsard's ,ode--the first example of the new method4 ,pierre de ,ronsard entered ,court life when ten years old4 ,in attendance on ,french ,ambassadors he visited ,scotland and ,england1 where he remained for some time4 ,a severe illness resulted in permanent deafness and compelled him to abandon his profession1 when he turned to literature4 ,although ,du ,bellay was the originator of the scheme1 ,ronsard became the director and the acknowledged leader of the band4 ,his accomplishments place him in the first rank of the poets of the world4 ,reference would be out of place here to the movement which was after his death directed by ,malherbe against ,ronsard's reputation and fame as a poet and his eventual restoration by the disciples of ,sainte ,beuve and the followers of ,hugo4 ,it is desirable1 however1 to allude to other great ,frenchmen whose labours contributed in other directions to promote the growth of ,french literature4 ,jean ,calvin1 a native of ,noyon1 in ,picardy1 had published in ,latin1 in #aecf1 when only twenty-seven years of age1 his greatest work1 both from a literary and theological point of view1 ,the ,institution of the ,christian ,religion1 which would be accepted as the product of full maturity of intellect rather than the firstfruits of the career of a youth4 ,what the ,pleiade had done to create a ,french language adequate for the highest expression of poetry ,calvin did to enable facility in argument and discussion4 ,a ,latin scholar of the highest order1 avoiding in his compositions a tendency to declamation1 he developed a stateliness of phrase which was marked by clearness and simplicity4 ,theodore ,beza1 historian1 translator1 and dramatist1 was another contributor to the literature of this period4 ,jacques ,amyot had commenced his translations from ,ethiopica1 treating of the royal and chaste loves of ,theagenes and ,chariclea three years before ,du ,bellay's manifesto appeared4 ,montaigne1 referring to his translation of ,plutarch1 accorded to him the palm over all ,french writers1 not only for the simplicity and purity of his vocabulary1 in which he surpassed all others1 but for his industry and depth of learning4 ,in another field ,michel ,eyquem ,sieur de ,montaigne had arisen4 ,his moral essays found a counterpart in the biographical essays of the ,abbe de ,brantome4 ,agrippa ,d',aubigne1 prose writer1 historian1 and poet2 ,guillaume de ,saluste du ,bartas1 the ,protestant ,ronsard whose works were more largely translated into ,english than those of any other ,french writer2 ,philippes ,desportes and others might be mentioned as forming part of that brilliant circle of writers who had during a comparatively short period helped to achieve such a high position for the language and literature of ,france4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in #aegf1 when ,francis ,bacon arrived in ,france1 the fame of the ,pleiade was at its zenith4 ,du ,bellay and ,jodelle were dead1 but the fruit of their labours and of those of their colleagues was evoking the admiration of their countrymen4 ,the popularity of ,ronsard1 the prince of poets and the poet of princes1 was without precedent4 ,it is said that the ,king had placed beside his throne a state chair for ,ronsard to occupy4 ,poets and men of letters were held in high esteem by their countrymen4 ,in ,england1 for a gentleman to be amorous of any learned art was held to be discreditable1 and any proclivities in this direction had to be hidden under assumed names or the names of others4 ,in ,france it was held to be discreditable for a gentleman not to be amorous of the learned arts4 ,the young men of the ,pleiade were all of good family1 and all came from cultured homes4 ,marguerite of ,navarre had set the example of attracting poets and writers to her ,court and according honours to them on account of their achievements4 ,the kings of ,france had adopted a similar attitude4 ,during the same period in ,england ,henry ,,viii41 ,mary1 and ,elizabeth had been following other courses4 ,they had given no encouragement to the pursuit of literature4 ,notwithstanding the repetition by historians of the assertion that the good ,queen ,bess was a munificent patron of men of letters1 literature flourished in her reign in spite of her action and not by its aid4 ,bacon implies this in the opening sentences of the second book of the ,advancement of ,learning4 ,he speaks of ,queen ,elizabeth as being a sojourner in the world in respect of her unmarried life1 rather than an inhabitant4 ,she hath indeed adorned her own time and many waies enricht it2 but in truth to ,your ,majesty1 whom ,god hath blest with so much ,royall issue worthy to perpetuate you for ever2 whose youthfull and fruitfull ,bed1 doth yet promise more children2 it is very proper1 not only to iradiate as you doe your own times1 but also to extend your ,cares to those ,acts which succeeding ,ages may cherish1 and ,eternity itself behold3 ,amongst which1 if my affection to learning doe not transport me1 there is none more worthy1 or more noble1 than the endowment of the world with sound and fruitfull ,advancement of ,learning3 ,for why should we erect unto ourselves some few authors1 to stand like ,hercules ,columnes beyond which there should be no discovery of knowledge1 seeing we have your ,majesty as a bright and benigne starre to conduct and prosper us in this ,navigation4 ,as ,elizabeth had been unfruitful in her body1 and ,james fruitful1 so had she been unfruitful in encouraging the ,advancement of ,learning1 but the appeal is made to ,james that he1 being blessed with a considerable issue1 should also have an issue by the endowment of ,learning4 ,what must have been the effect on the mind of this brilliant young ,englishman1 ,francis ,bacon1 when he entered into this literary atmosphere so different from that of the ,court which he had left behind him8 ,there was hardly a classical writer whose works he had not read and re-read4 ,he was familiar with the teachings of the schoolmen2 imbued with a deep religious spirit1 he had mastered the principles of their faiths and the subtleties of their disputations4 ,the intricacies of the known systems of philosophies had been laid bare before his penetrating intellect4 ,with the mysteries of mathematics and numbers he was familiar4 ,what had been discovered in astronomy1 alchemy and astrology he had absorbed2 however technical might be a subject1 he had mastered its details4 ,in architecture the works of ,vitruvius had been not merely read but criticised with the skill of an expert4 ,medicine1 surgery--every subject--he had made himself master of4 ,in fact1 when he asserted that he had taken all knowledge to be his province he spoke advisedly and with a basis of truth which has never until now been recognised4 ,the youth of #ag who possessed the intellect1 the brain and the memory which jointly produced the ,novum ,organum1 whose mind was so abnormal that the artist painting his portrait was impelled to place round it the significant words1 si tabula daretur digna1 animum mallem1 who had taken all knowledge to be his province1 was capable of any achievement of the ,admirable ,crichton4 ,and this youth it was who in #aegf passed from a country of literary and intellectual torpor into the brilliancy of the companionship of ,pierre de ,ronsard and his associates4 ,it is one of the most stupendous factors in his life4 ,something happened to him before his return to ,england which affected the whole of his future life4 ,it may be considered a wild assertion to make1 but the time will come when its truth will be proved1 that ,the ,anatomie of the ,minde1 ,beautiful ,blossoms1 and ,the ,french ,academy1 are the product of one mind1 and that same mind produced the ,arte of ,english ,poesie1 ,an ,apology for ,poetrie1 by ,sir ,john ,harrington1 and ,the ,defense of ,poetry1 by ,sir ,philip ,sydney4 ,the former three were written before #aegh and place the philosopher before the poet2 the latter three were written after #aehj and place the poet--the creator--before the philosopher4 ,francis ,bacon had recognised that the highest achievement was the act of creation4 ,henceforth he lived to create4 ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon died on or about the #agth of ,february1 #aegh-i4 ,how or where this news reached ,francis is not recorded1 but on the #bjth of the following ,march he left ,paris for ,england1 after a stay of two and a-half years on the ,continent4 ,he brought with him to the ,queen a despatch from ,sir ,amias ,paulet1 in which he was spoken of as being of great hope1 endued with many and singular parts1 and one who1 if ,god gave him life1 would prove a very able and sufficient subject to do her ,highness good and acceptable service4#ah ,,footnotes3 #ag ,sir ,thomas ,smith 7#aeab-aegg7 was ,secretary of ,state under ,edward ,,vi4 and ,elizabeth--a good scholar and philosopher4 ,he1 when ,greek lecturer and orator at ,cambridge1 with ,john ,cheke1 introduced1 in spite of strong opposition1 the correct way of speaking ,greek1 restoring the pronunciation of the ancients4 #ah ,state ,paper ,office2 ,french ,correspondence4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,bacon',s ,,suit ,,on ,,his ,,return ,,to ,,england1 #aehj4 ,spedding states that the earliest composition of ,bacon which he had been able to discover is a letter written in his #bjth year from ,grays ,inn4 ,from that time forward1 he continues1 compositions succeed each other without any considerable interval1 and in following them we shall accompany him step by step through his life4 ,what are the compositions which ,spedding places as being written but not published up to the year #aeig1 when the first small volume of #aj essays containing less than #f1jjj words was issued from the press8 ,these are they3-- ,notes on the ,state of ,christendom#ai 7date #aehj to #aehd74 ,letter of ,advice to the ,queen 7#aehd-aehf74 ,an ,advertisement touching the ,controversies of the ,church of ,england 7#aehf-aehi74 ,speeches written for some ,court device1 namely1 ,mr4 ,bacon in praise of ,knowledge1 and ,mr4 ,bacon's discourse in praise of his ,sovereign 7#aeij-aeib74 ,certain observations made upon a libel published this present year1 #aeib4 ,a true report of the ,detestable ,treason intended by ,dr4 ,roderigo ,lopez1 #aeid4 ,gesta ,grayorum1 #aeid1 parts of which are printed by ,spedding in type denoting doubtful authorship4 ,bacon's device1 #aeid-aeih4 ,three letters to the ,earl of ,rutland on his travels1 #aeie-aeif4 ,that is all6 ,these are the compositions which follow each other without considerable interval1 and by which we are to accompany him step by step through those seventeen years which should be the most important years in a man's life6 ,he could have turned them out in ten days or a fortnight with ease4 ,we expect from ,mr4 ,spedding bread1 and he gives us a stone6 ,this brilliant young man1 who1 when #ae years of age1 left ,cambridge1 having possessed himself of all the knowledge it could afford to a student1 who had travelled in ,france1 ,spain and ,italy to polish his mind and mould his opinion by intercourse with all kinds of foreigners1 how was he occupying himself during what should be the most fruitful years of his life8 ,following his profession at the ,bar8 ,his affections did not that way tend4 ,spedding expresses the opinion that he had a distaste for his profession1 and1 writing of the circumstances with which he was surrounded in #aeib1 says3 ,i do not find that he was getting into practice4 ,his main object still was to find ways and means for prosecuting his great philosophical enterprise4 ,what was this enterprise8 ,i confess that ,i have as vast contemplative ends as ,i have moderate means1 he says1 writing to ,burghley1 for ,i have taken all knowledge to be my province4 ,this means more than mere academic philosophy4 ,in #aeic1 when ,bacon was put forward and upheld for a year as a candidate for the post of ,attorney-,general1 ,spedding writes of him2 ,he had had little or no practice in the ,courts2 what proof he had given of professional proficiency was confined to his readings and exercises in ,grays ,inn4444 ,law1 far from being his only1 was not even his favourite study2 444 his head was full of ideas so new and large that to most about him they must have seemed visionary4 ,writing of him in #aeid ,spedding says3 ,the strongest point against ,bacon's pretensions for the ,attorneyship was his want of practice4 ,his opponents said that 'he had never entered the place of battle4'#bj ,whether this was because he could not find clients or did not seek them ,i cannot say4 ,in order to meet the objection1 ,bacon on the #beth ,january1 #aeic-d1 made his first pleading1 and ,burghley sent his secretary to congratulate unto him the first fruits of his public practice4 ,there is one other misconception to be corrected4 ,it is urged that ,bacon was1 during this period1 engrossed in ,parliamentary life4 ,from #aehd to #aeig five ,parliaments were summoned4 ,bacon sat in each4 ,in his twenty-fifth year he was elected member for ,melcombe1 in ,dorsetshire4 ,in the ,parliament of #aehf he sat for ,taunton1 in that of #aehh for ,liverpool1 in that of #aeib-c for ,middlesex1 and in #aeig for ,ipswich4 ,but the sittings of these ,parliaments were not of long duration1 and the speeches which he delivered and the meetings of committees upon which he was appointed would absorb but a small portion of his time4 ,it must be patent1 therefore1 that ,spedding does not account for his occupations from his return to ,england in #aegh until #aeig1 when the first small volume of his ,essays was published4 ,during the whole of this period ,bacon was in monetary difficulties1 and yet there is no evidence that he was living a life of dissipation or even of extravagance4 ,on the contrary1 all testimony would point to the conclusion that he was following the path of a strictly moral and studious young man4 ,on his return to ,england he took lodgings in ,coney ,court1 ,grays ,inn4 ,there ,anthony found him when he returned from abroad4 ,there are no data upon which to form any reliable opinion as to the amount of his income at this time4 ,rawley states that ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon had collected a considerable sum of money which he had separated with intention to have made a competent purchase of land for the livelihood of his youngest son1 but the purchase being unaccomplished at his death1 ,francis received only a fifth portion of the money dividable1 by which means he lived in some straits and necessities in his younger years4 ,it is not clear whether the money dividable was only that separated by ,sir ,nicholas1 or whether he left other sums which went to augment the fund divisible amongst the brothers4 ,his other children were well provided for4 ,francis was not1 however1 without income4 ,sir ,nicholas had left certain manors1 etc41 in ,herts to his sons ,anthony and ,francis in tail male1 remainder to himself and his heirs4 ,lady ,ann ,bacon had vested an estate called ,markes1 in ,essex1 in ,francis1 and there is a letter1 dated #afth ,april1 #aeic1 from ,anthony to his mother urging her to concur in its sale1 so that the proceeds might be applied to the relief of his brother's financial position4#ba ,lady ,bacon lived at ,gorhambury4 ,she was not extravagant1 and yet in #aehi she was so impoverished that ,captain ,allen1 in writing to ,anthony1 speaking of his mother1 ,lady ,bacon1 says she also saith her jewels be spent for you1 and that she borrowed the last money of seven several persons4 ,whatever her resources were1 they had by then been exhausted for her sons4 ,anthony was apparently a man of considerable means4 ,he was master of the manor and priory of ,redburn1 of the manor of ,abbotsbury1 ,minchinbury and ,hores1 in the parish of ,barley1 in the county of ,hertford2 of the ,brightfirth wood1 ,merydan-meads1 and ,pinner-,stoke farms1 in the county of ,middlesex4#bb ,but within a few years after his return to ,england ,anthony was borrowing money wherever he could4 ,mother and brother appear to have exhausted their resources and their borrowing capabilities4 ,there is an account showing that in eighteen months1 about #aeic1 ,anthony lent ,francis ,l#cgc1 equivalent to nearly ,l#c1jjj at to-day's value4 ,in #aeig ,francis was arrested by the sheriff for a debt of ,l#cjj1 for which a money-lender had obtained judgment against him1 and he was cast into the ,tower4 ,where had all the money gone8 ,there is no adequate explanation4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the first letter of ,francis ,bacon's which ,spedding met with1 to which reference has already been made1 is dated #aath ,july1 #aehj1 to ,mr4 ,doylie1 and is of little importance4 ,the six letters which follow--all there are between #aehj and #aeijbc--relate to one subject1 and are of great significance4 ,the first is dated from ,grays ,inn1 #afth ,september1 #aehj1 to ,lady ,burghley4 ,in it young ,francis1 now #ai years of age1 makes this request3 ,that it would please your ,ladyship in your letters wherewith you visit my good ,lord to vouchsafe the mention and recommendation of my suit2 wherein your ,ladyship shall bind me more unto you than ,i can look ever to be able to sufficiently acknowledge4 ,the next letter--written on the same day--is addressed to ,lord ,burghley4 ,its object is thus set forth3-- ,my letter hath no further errand but to commend unto your ,lordship the remembrance of my suit which then ,i moved unto you1 whereof it also pleased your ,lordship to give me good hearing so far forth as to promise to tender it unto her ,majesty1 and withal to add in the behalf of it that which ,i may better deliver by letter than by speech1 which is1 that although it must be confessed that the request is rare and unaccustomed1 yet if it be observed how few there be which fall in with the study of the common laws either being well left or friended1 or at their own free election1 or forsaking likely success in other studies of more delight and no less preferment1 or setting hand thereunto early without waste of years upon such survey made1 it may be my case may not seem ordinary1 no more than my suit1 and so more beseeming unto it4 ,as ,i force myself to say this in excuse of my motion1 lest it should appear unto your ,lordship altogether undiscreet and unadvised1 so my hope to obtain it resteth only upon your ,lordship's good affection towards me and grace with her ,majesty1 who methinks needeth never to call for the experience of the thing1 where she hath so great and so good of the person which recommendeth it4 ,what was this suit8 ,spedding cannot suggest any explanation4 ,he says3 ,what the particular employment was for which he hoped ,i cannot say2 something probably connected with the service of the ,crown1 to which the memory of his father1 an old and valued servant prematurely lost1 his near relationship to the ,lord ,treasurer1 and the personal notice which he had himself received from the ,queen1 would naturally lead him to look4444 ,the proposition1 whatever it was1 having been explained to ,burghley in conversation1 is only alluded to in these letters4 ,it seems to have been so far out of the common way as to require an apology1 and the terms of the apology imply that it was for some employment as a lawyer4 ,and this is all the light ,i can throw upon it4 ,subsequently ,spedding says the motion was one#bd which would in some way have made it unnecessary for him to follow 'a course of practice1' meaning1 ,i presume1 ordinary practice at the ,bar4 ,another expression in the letter makes it clear that the object of the suit was an experiment4 ,the ,queen could not have experience of the thing1 and ,bacon solicited ,burghley's recommendation1 because she would not need the experience if he1 so great and so good1 vouched for it4 ,burghley appears to have tendered the suit to the ,queen1 for there is a letter dated #ahth ,october1 #aehj1 addressed to him by ,bacon1 commencing3 ,your ,lordship's comfortable relation to her ,majesty's gracious opinion and meaning towards me1 though at that time your leisure gave me not leave to show how ,i was affected therewith1 yet upon every representation thereof it entereth and striketh so much more deeply into me1 as both my nature and duty presseth me to return some speech of thankfulness4 ,spedding remarks thereon3 ,it seems that he had spoken to ,burghley on the subject and made some overture1 which ,burghley undertook to recommend to the ,queen2 and that the ,queen1 who though slow to bestow favours was careful always to encourage hopes1 entertained the motion graciously and returned a favourable answer4 ,the proposition1 whatever it was1 having been explained to ,burghley in conversation1 is only alluded to in these letters4 ,spedding dismisses these three letters in #bb lines of comment1 which contain the extracts before set out4 ,he regards the matter as of slight consequence1 and admits that he can throw no light upon it4 ,but he points out that it was so far out of the common way as to require an apology4 ,surely he has not well weighed the terms of the apology when he says they imply that it was for some employment as a lawyer4 ,there had been a conversation between ,bacon and ,burghley during which ,bacon had submitted a project to the accomplishment of which he was prepared to devote his life in the ,queen's service4 ,it necessitated his abandoning the profession of the law4 ,apparently ,burghley had remonstrated with him1 in the manner of experienced men of the world1 against forsaking a certain road and avenue to preferment in favour of any course rare and unaccustomed4 ,referring in his letter to this1 ,bacon's parenthetical clause beginning either being well left or friended1 etc41 is confession and avoidance4 ,in effect he says3--,few study the common laws who have influence2 few at their own free election2 few desert studies of more delight and no less preferment2 and few devote themselves to that study from their earliest years4 ,since there are few who1 having my opportunities1 devote themselves to the study of the common laws1 my position in so doing would not be an ordinary one1 no more than is my suit4 ,therefore1 why should ,i1 having your ,burleigh's influence to help me1 sacrifice my great intellectual capabilities fitting me to accomplish my great contemplative ends8 ,why should ,i sacrifice them to a study of the common laws8 ,the sentence may be otherwise construed1 but in any case it involves an apology for the abandonment of the profession which had been chosen for him4 ,the next letter is addressed to the ,right ,honourable ,sir ,francis ,walsingham1 principal secretary to her ,majesty1 and is dated from ,grays ,inn1 #beth of ,august1 #aehe4 ,spedding's comment on it is as follows3-- ,for all this time1 it seems1 the suit 7whatever it was7 which he had made to her through ,burghley in #aehj remained in suspense1 neither granted nor denied1 and the uncertainty prevented him from settling his course of life4 ,from the following letter to ,walsingham we may gather two things more concerning it3 it was something which had been objected to as unfit for so young a man2 and which would in some way have made it unnecessary for him to follow 'a course of practice'--meaning1 ,i presume1 ordinary practice at the ,bar4 ,this is the letter3-- ,it may please your ,honour to give me leave amidst your great and diverse business to put you in remembrance of my poor suit1 leaving the time unto your ,honour's best opportunity and commodity4 ,i think the objection of my years will wear away with the length of my suit4 ,the very stay doth in this respect concern me1 because ,i am thereby hindered to take a course of practice which1 by the leave of ,god1 if her ,majesty like not my suit1 ,i must and will follow3 not for any necessity of estate1 but for my credit sake1 which ,i know by living out of action will wear4 ,i spake when the ,court was at ,theball's to ,mr4 ,vice-,chamberlain1#be who promised me his furderance2 which ,i did lest he mought be made for some other4 ,if it may please your ,honour1 who as ,i hear hath great interest in him1 to speak with him in it1 ,i think he will be fast mine4 ,spedding remarks3 ,this is the last we hear of this suit1 the nature and fate of which must both be left to conjecture4 ,with regard to its fate1 my own conjecture is that he presently gave up all hope of success in it1 and tried instead to obtain through his interest at ,court some furtherance in the direct line of his profession4 ,he adds3 ,the solid grounds on which ,bacon's pretensions rested had not yet been made manifest to the apprehension of ,bench and ,bar2 his mind was full of matters with which they could have no sympathy1 and the shy and studious habits which we have seen so offend ,mr4 ,faunt would naturally be misconstrued in the same way by many others4#bf ,this passage refers to a letter to ,burghley dated the #fth of the following ,may1 i4e41 #aehf1 from which it will be seen that the last had not been heard of the motion4 ,burghley had been remonstrating with ,bacon as to reports which had come to him of his nephew's proceedings4 ,bacon writes3-- ,i take it as an undoubted sign of your ,lordship's favour unto me that being hardly informed of me you took occasion rather of good advice than of evil opinion thereby4 ,and if your ,lordship had grounded only upon the said information of theirs1 ,i mought and would truly have upholden that few of the matters were justly objected2 as the very circumstances do induce in that they were delivered by men that did misaffect me and besides were to give colour to their own doings4 ,but because your ,lordship did mingle therewith both a late motion of mine own and somewhat which you had otherwise heard1 ,i know it to be my duty 7and so do ,i stand affected7 rather to prove your ,lordship's admonition effectual in my doings hereafter than causeless by excusing what is past4 ,and yet 7with your ,lordship's pardon humbly asked7 it may please you to remember that ,i did endeavour to set forth that said motion in such sort as it mought breed no harder effect than a denial1 and ,i protest simply before ,god that ,i sought therein an ease in coming within ,bars1 and not any extraordinary and singular note of favour4 ,may not the interpretation of the phrase ,i sought therein an ease in coming within ,bars be ,i sought in that motion a freedom from the burden 7or necessity7 of coming within ,bars4 ,the phrase an ease in is very unusual1 and unless it was a term used in connection with the ,inns it is difficult to see its precise meaning4 ,in other words1 he sought an alternative method to provide means for carrying out his great philosophical enterprise4 ,there is an interval of five years before the next and last letter of the six was written4 ,it is undated1 but an observation in it shows that it was written when he was about #ca years of age1 thus fixing the date at #aeia4 ,from an entry in ,burghley's note book1#bg dated #bi ,october1 #aehi1 it appears that in the meantime a grant had been made to ,bacon of the reversion of the office of ,clerk to the ,counsel in the ,star ,chamber4 ,this was worth about ,l#a1fjj per annum and executed by deputy1 but the reversion did not fall in for twenty years1 so it did not affect the immediate difficulty in ways and means4 ,there are occasional references to ,francis in ,anthony's correspondence which show that the brothers were residing at ,grays ,inn1 but nothing is stated as to the occupation of the younger brother4 ,at this time1 according to ,spedding1#bh who1 however1 does not give his authority1 ,francis had a lodge at ,twickenham4 ,many of his letters are subsequently addressed from it1 and three years later he was keeping a staff of scriveners there4 ,the last letter is addressed to ,lord ,burghley1 who is in it described by ,bacon as the second founder of my poor estate1 and contains the following3-- ,i cannot accuse myself that ,i am either prodigal or slothful1 yet my health is not to spend nor my course to get4 ,lastly1 ,i confess that ,i have as vast contemplative ends as ,i have moderate civil ends3 for ,i have taken all knowledge to be my province4 ,this whether it be curiosity or vain glory1 or 7if one takes it favourably7 philanthropia1 is so fixed in my mind as it cannot be removed4 ,and ,i do easily see1 that place of any reasonable countenance doth bring commandment of more wits than of a man's own1 which is the thing ,i greatly affect4 ,and for your ,lordship1 perhaps you shall not find more strength and less encounter in any other4 ,and if your ,lordship shall find now1 or at any time1 that ,i do seek or affect any place1 whereunto any that is nearer to your ,lordship shall be concurrent1 say then that ,i am a most dishonest man4 ,and if your ,lordship will not carry me on1 ,i will not do as ,anaxagoras did1 who reduced himself with contemplation unto voluntary poverty2 but this ,i will do1 ,i will sell the inheritance that ,i have1 and purchase some lease of quick revenue1 or some office of gain that shall be executed by deputy1 and so give over all care of service and become some sorry bookmaker1 or a true pioneer in that mine of truth1 which he said lay so deep4 ,this which ,i have writ to your ,lordship is rather thoughts than words1 being set down without all art1 disguising or reservation4 ,the suit has been of no avail4 ,once more ,bacon appeals 7and this is to be his final appeal7 to his uncle4 ,he is writing thoughts rather than words1 set down without art1 disguising or reservation4 ,but if his ,lordship will not carry him along he has definitely decided on his course of action4 ,the law is not now even referred to4 ,if the object of the suit was not stated in #aehj1 there cannot be much doubt now but that it had to do with the making of books and pioneer work in the mine of truth4 ,for ten years ,francis ,bacon had waited1 buoyed up by encouragements and false hopes4 ,now he decides to take his fortune into his own hands and rely no more on assistance either from the ,queen or ,burghley4 ,one sentence in the letter should be noted3 ,if your ,lordship shall find now1 or at any time1 that ,i do seek or affect any place whereunto any that is nearer unto your ,lordship shall be concurrent1 say then that ,i am a most dishonest man4 ,surely this was an assurance on ,bacon's part that he did not seek or affect to stand in the way of the one--the only one1 ,robert ,cecil--who stood nearer to ,burghley in kinship4 ,it therefore appears evident from the foregoing facts3-- 7#a7 ,that ,francis ,bacon at #ag years of age was an accomplished scholar2 that his knowledge was abnormally great1 and that his wit1 memory1 and mental qualities were of the highest order--probably without parallel4 7#b7 ,that in the year #aehj1 when #ai years old1 he sought the assistance of ,burghley to induce the ,queen to supply him with means and the opportunity to carry out some great work upon the achievement of which he had set his heart4 ,the work was without precedent1 and in carrying it out he was prepared to dedicate to her ,majesty the use and spending of his life4 7#c7 ,that for ten years he waited and hoped for the granting of his suit1 which was rare and unaccustomed1 until eventually he was compelled to relinquish it and rely upon his own resources to effect his object4 7#d7 ,but he desired to command other wits than his own1 and that could be more easily achieved by one holding place of any reasonable countenance4 ,he therefore sought through ,burleigh place accompanied by income1 so that he might be enabled to achieve the vast contemplative ends he had in view4 7#e7 ,that during the years #aehj to #aeig1 in which he claims that he was not slothful1 there is no evidence of his being occupied in his profession or in ,state affairs to any appreciable extent1 and yet there do not exist any acknowledged works as the result of his labours4 ,rawley states that ,bacon would suffer no moment of time to slip from him without some present improvement4 7#f7 ,he received pecuniary assistance from his uncle1 ,lord ,burghley4 ,he strained the monetary resources of his mother and brother1 which were not inconsiderable1 to the utmost1 exhausted his own1 and heavily encumbered himself with debts1 and yet he was not prodigal or extravagant4 7#g7 ,money and time he must have to carry out his scheme1 which1 if one takes it favourably1 might be termed philanthropia1 and he therefore decided that1 failing obtaining some sinecure office1 he would sell the inheritance he had1 purchase some lease of quick revenue or office of gain that could be executed by a deputy1 give over all care of serving the ,state1 and become some sorry bookmaker or a true pioneer in the mine of truth4 7#h7 ,spedding says1 ,he could at once imagine like a poet and execute like a clerk of the works2 but whatever his contemplative ends were there is nothing known to his biographers which reveals the result of his labours as clerk of the works4 7#i7 ,if he carried out the course of action which he contemplated it is clear that he decided to do so without himself appearing as its author and director4 ,from #aehj to #aeij something more was on his mind than the works he published after he had arrived at sixty years of age4 ,i am no vain promiser1 he said4 ,where can the fulfilment of his promise be found8 ,can his course be followed by tracing through the period the trail which was left by some great and powerful mind directing the progress of the ,english ,renaissance8 ,,footnotes3 #ai ,spedding prints this in small type1 being doubtful as to the authorship4 #bj ,that is1 never held a brief4 #ba ,i am indebted to ,mr4 ,harold ,hardy for this interesting information4 ,there is an entry in the ,state ,papers1 #afjh1 ,jan4 #ca3 ,grant at the suit of ,sir ,francis ,bacon to ,sir ,william ,cooke1 ,sir ,john ,constable1 and three others1 of the ,king's reversion of the estates in ,herts above referred to4 ,sir ,nicholas1 to whom it had descended from the ,lord ,keeper1 conveyed the remainder to ,queen ,elizabeth her heirs and successors with the condition that if he paid ,l#ajj the grant should be void1 which was apparently done to prevent the said ,sir ,francis to dispose of the same land which otherwise by law he might have done4 ,when ,lady ,anne conveyed the ,markes estate to ,francis it was subject to a similar condition1 namely1 that the grant was to be null and void on ,lady ,ann paying ten shillings to ,francis4 ,this condition made it impossible for ,francis to dispose of his interest in the estate1 hence ,anthony's request in the letter above referred to4 ,it is obvious that his relatives considered that ,francis was not to be trusted with property which he could turn into money4 ,there was evidently some heavy strain on his resources which caused him to convert everything he could into cash4 #bb ,story of ,lord ,bacon's ,life4 ,hepworth ,dixon1 p4 #bh4 #bc ,the two letters of #afth ,september1 #aehj1 and that of #aeth ,october1 #aehj1 are taken from copies in the ,lansdowne collection4 ,that of the #fth ,may1 #aehf1 is in the same collection1 and is an original in ,bacon's handwriting4 ,the letter of #beth ,august1 #aehe1 is also in his handwriting1 and is in the ,state ,papers1 ,domestic4 ,the letter without date1 written to ,burghley presumably in #aeia1 is from the supplement to the ,resuscitatio1 #afeg4 #bd ,life and ,letters1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #eg4 #be ,this was ,sir ,christopher ,hatton4 #bf ,life and ,letters1 ,vol ,i4 p4 #ei4 #bg ,cott4 ,,mss4 ,tit4 ,,cx4 #ic4 #bh ,life and ,letters1 ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #aaj4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,the ,,rare ,,and ,,unaccustomed ,,suit4 ,what was this rare and unaccustomed suit of which the ,queen could have had no experience and which1 according to ,spedding1 would make it unnecessary for ,bacon to follow ordinary practice at the bar8 ,historians and biographers have founded on this suit the allegation that from his earliest years ,bacon was a place hunter1 entirely ignoring the fact1 which is made clear from the letter to ,walsingham written four years after the application was first made1 that he had resolved on a course of action which1 if her ,majesty liked not his suit1 by the leave of ,god he must and would follow1 not for any necessity of estate1 but for his credit sake4 ,here was a young man of twenty years of age1 earnestly urging the adoption of a scheme which he had conceived1 and which he feared ,burghley might consider indiscreet and unadvised4 ,failing in obtaining his object1 as will be proved by definite evidence1 undertaking at the cost of ,thomas ,bodley and other friends a course of travel to better fit him for the task he had mapped out as his life's work--returning to ,england and1 four years after his first request had been made1 renewing his suit--grimly in earnest and determined to carry the scheme through at all costs1 with or without the ,queen's aid4 ,this is not the conduct of a mere place hunter4 ,if these letters be read aright and the reasonable theory which will be advanced of the nature of the suit be accepted--all efforts to suggest any explanation having hitherto1 as ,spedding admits1 proved futile--a fresh light will be thrown upon the character of ,francis ,bacon1 and the heavy obligation under which he has placed his countrymen for all ages will for the first time be recognised4 ,in the seven volumes of ,bacon's ,life and ,letters there is nothing to justify the eulogy on his character to which ,spedding gave utterance in the following words3--,but in him the gift of seeing in prophetic vision what might be and ought to be was united with the practical talent of devising means and handling minute details4 ,he could at once imagine like a poet and execute like a clerk of the works4 ,upon the conviction ,this must be done followed at once ,how may it be done8 ,upon that question answered followed the resolution to try and do it4 ,but although ,spedding fails to produce any evidence to justify his statement1 it is nevertheless correct4 ,more than that1 the actual achievement followed with unerring certainty1 but ,spedding restricts ,bacon's life's work to the establishment of a system of inductive philosophy1 and records the failure of the system4 ,william ,cecil was a man of considerable classical attainments1 although these were probably not superior to those of ,mildred ,cooke1 the lady who became his second wife4 ,he was initiated into the methods of statesmanship at an early age by his father1 ,richard ,cecil1 ,master of the ,robes to ,henry ,,viii4 ,having found favour with ,somerset1 the ,protector of ,edward ,,vi41 he was1 when #bg years of age1 made ,master of ,requests4 ,when ,somerset fell from power in #aedi young ,cecil1 with other adherents of the ,protector1 was committed to the ,tower4 ,but he was soon released and was rapidly advanced by ,northumberland4 ,he became ,secretary of ,state1 was knighted and made a member of the ,privy ,council4 ,mary would have continued his employment in office had he not refused her offers on account of his adhesion to the ,protestant faith4 ,he mingled during her reign with men of all parties and his moderation and cautious conduct carried him through that period without mishap4 ,on ,elizabeth's accession he was the first member sworn upon the ,privy ,council1 and he continued during the remainder of his life her principal ,minister of ,state4 ,sagacious1 deliberate in thought and character1 tolerant1 a man of peace and compromise1 he became the mainstay of the ,queen's government and the most influential man in ,state affairs4 ,whilst he maintained a princely magnificence in his affairs1 his private life was pure1 gentle and generous4 ,this was the man to whom the brilliant young nephew of his wife and the son of his old friend1 ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 disclosed1 some time during the summer of #aehj1 his scheme1 of which there had been no experience1 and entrusted his suit1 which was rare and unaccustomed4 ,the arguments in its favour at this interview may have followed the following outline3-- ,i need not remind you of my devotion to learning4 ,you know that from my earliest boyhood ,i have followed a course of study which has embraced all subjects4 ,i have made myself acquainted with all knowledge which the world possesses4 ,to enable me to do this ,i mastered all languages in which books are written4 ,during my recent visit to foreign lands1 ,i have recognized how far my country falls behind others in language1 and consequently in literature4 ,i would draw your special attention to the remarkable advance which has been made in these matters in ,france during your lordship's lifetime4 ,when ,i arrived there in #aegf ,i made myself acquainted with the principles of the movement which had been carried through by ,du ,bellay1 ,ronsard1 and their confreres4 ,they recognized that their native language was crude and lacking in gravity and art4 ,first by obtaining a complete mastery of the ,greek and ,latin languages1 as also of those of ,italy and ,spain1 they prepared themselves for a study of the literatures of which those languages1 with their idioms and peculiarities1 form the basis4 ,having obtained this mastery they reconstructed their native language and gave their country a medium by which her writers might express their thoughts and emotions4 ,they have made it possible for their countrymen to rival the poets of ancient ,greece and ,rome4 ,they and others of their countrymen have translated the literary treasures of those ancient nations into their own tongue1 and thereby enabled those speaking their language1 who are not skilled in classical languages1 to enjoy and profit by the works of antiquity4 ,your lordship knows well the deficiencies of the language of our ,england1 the absence of any literature worthy of the name4 ,in these respects the condition of affairs is far behind that which prevailed in ,france even before the great movement which ,ronsard and ,du ,bellay initiated4 ,i do not speak of ,italy1 which possesses a language melodious1 facile1 and rich1 and a literature which can never die4 ,i know my own powers4 ,i possess every qualification which will enable me to do for my native tongue what the ,pleiade have done for theirs4 ,i ask to be permitted to give to my country this great heritage4 ,others may serve her in the law1 others may serve her in affairs of state1 but your ,lordship knows full well that there are none who could serve her in this respect as could ,i4 ,you are not unmindful of the poorness of my estate4 ,this work will not only entail a large outlay of money but it necessitates command of the ablest wits of the nation4 ,this is my suit3 that her ,majesty will graciously confer on me some office which will enable me to control such literary resources and the services of such men as may be necessary for the accomplishment of this work2 further1 that she may be pleased from time to time to make grants from the civil list to cover the cost of the work4 ,i need not remind your ,lordship what fame will ever attach to her ,majesty and how glorious will be the memory of her reign if this great project be effected in it4 ,your ,lordship must realise this because you and her ,ladyship1 my aunt1 are by your attainments qualified to appreciate its full value4 ,my youth may be urged as an objection to my fitness for such a task1 but your ,lordship knows full well--none better--that my powers are not to be measured by my years4 ,this ,i will say1 ,i am no vain promiser1 but ,i am assured that ,i can accomplish all that ,i contemplate4 ,the ,queen hath such confidence in the soundness of your judgment that she will listen to your advice4 ,my prayer to you therefore is that it may please your ,lordship both herein and elsewhere to be my patron and urge my suit1 which1 although rare and unaccustomed1 may be granted if it receives your powerful support4 ,the suit was submitted to the ,queen1 but without result4 ,probably it was not urged with a determination to obtain its acceptance in spite of any objections which might be raised by the ,queen4 ,five years after1 ,bacon1 still a suppliant1 wrote to ,walsingham3 ,i think the objection to my years will wear away with the length of my suit4 ,cautious ,lord ,burghley would give full weight to the force of this objection if it were advanced by the ,queen4 ,he loved this boy1 with his extraordinary abilities1 but he had such novel and far-reaching ideas4 ,he appeared to have no adequate reverence for his inferior superiors4 ,on leaving ,cambridge he had arrogantly condemned its cherished methods of imparting knowledge4 ,before power was placed in his hands the use he might make of it must be well weighed and considered4 ,what effect might the advancement of ,francis ,bacon have on ,robert ,cecil's career8 ,granted that the contentions of the former were sound1 and the object desirable1 should not this work be carried out by the ,universities8 ,never leap until you know where you are going to alight was a proverb the soundness of which had been proved in ,lord ,burghley's experience4 ,what might be the outcome if this rare and unaccustomed suit were granted8 ,better for the ,queen1 who1 though slow to bestow favours1 was always ready to encourage hopes1 to follow her usual course4 ,she might entertain the motion graciously and return a favourable answer and let it rest there4 ,and so it did4 ,then there was a happening which has remained unknown until now4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,bacon',s ,,second ,,visit ,,to ,,the ,,continent ,,and ,,after4 ,in the ,reliquiae ,bodleianae1 published in #agjc1 is a letter written without date by ,thomas ,bodley to ,francis ,bacon4 ,this letter does not appear to have been known to ,mallett1 ,montague1 ,dixon1 ,spedding1 or any of ,bacon's biographers4 ,it had been lost sight of until the writer noticed it and reproduced it in ,baconiana4 ,this is the letter3-- ,,my ,,dear ,,cousin1--,according to your request in your letter 7dated the #aith ,october at ,orleans1 ,i received here the #ahth of ,december71 ,i have sent you by your merchant ,l#cj 7the thirty is written thus #cj l7 sterling for your present supply1 and had sent you a greater sum1 but that my extraordinary charge this year hath utterly unfurnished me4 ,and now1 cousin1 though ,i will be no severe exactor of the account1 either of your money or time1 yet for the love ,i bear you1 ,i am very desirous1 both to satisfy myself1 and your friends how you prosper in your travels1 and how you find yourself bettered thereby1 either in knowledge of ,god1 or of the world2 the rather1 because the ,days you have already spent abroad1 are now both sufficient to give you ,light1 how to fix yourself and end with counsel1 and accordingly to shape your course constantly unto it4 ,besides1 it is a vulgar scandal unto the travellers1 that few return more religious 7narrow1 editor7 than they went forth2 wherein both my hope and ,request is to you1 that your principal care be to hold your ,foundation1 and to make no other use of informing your self in the corruptions and superstitions of other nations1 than only thereby to engage your own heart more firmly to the ,truth4 ,you live indeed in a country of two several professions1 and you shall return a ,novice1 if you be not able to give an account of the ,ordinances1 strength1 and progress of each1 in ,reputation1 and ,party1 and how both are supported1 ballanced and managed by the state1 as being the contrary humours1 in the ,temper of ,predominancy whereof1 the ,health or ,disease of that ,body doth consist4 ,these things you will observe1 not only as an ,english-man1 whom it may concern1 to what interest his country may expect in the consciences of their ,neighbours2 but also1 as a ,christian1 to consider both the beauties and blemishes1 the hopes and dangers of the church in all places4 ,now for the world1 ,i know it too well1 to persuade you to dive into the practices thereof2 rather stand upon your own guard1 against all that attempt you there unto1 or may practise upon you in your ,conscience1 ,reputation1 or your ,purse4 ,resolve1 no ,man is wise or safe1 but he that is honest3 ,and let this ,persuasion turn your studies and observations from the ,complement and ,impostures of the debased age1 to more real grounds of wisdom1 gathered out of the story of ,times past1 and out of the government of the present state4 ,your guide to this1 is the knowledge of the country and the people among whom ye live2 ,for the country though you cannot see all places1 yet if1 as you pass along1 you enquire carefully1 and further help yourself with ,books that are written of the cosmography of those parts1 you shall sufficiently gather the strength1 ,riches1 ,traffick1 ,havens1 ,shipping1 commodities1 vent1 and the wants and disadvantages of places4 ,wherein also1 for your good hereafter1 and for your friends1 it will befit to note their buildings1 ,furnitures1 ,entertainments2 all their ,husbandry1 and ingenious inventions1 in whatsoever concerneth either ,pleasure or ,profit4 ,for the people1 your traffick among them1 while you learn their language1 will sufficiently instruct you in their ,habilities1 ,dispositions1 and ,humours1 if you a little enlarge the ,privacy of your own ,nature1 to seek acquaintance with the best sort of strangers1 and restrain your ,affections and ,participation1 for your own countrymen of whatsoever condition4 ,in the story of ,france1 you have a large and pleasant ,field in three lines of their ,kings1 to observe their alliances and successions1 their ,conquests1 their wars1 especially with us2 their ,councils1 their treaties2 and all ,rules and examples of experiences and ,wisdom1 which may be ,lights and ,remembrances to you hereafter1 to ,judge of all occurants both at home and abroad4 ,lastly1 for the ,government1 your end must not be like an ,intelligencer1 to spend all your time in fishing after the present ,news1 ,humours1 ,graces1 or ,disgraces of ,court1 which happily may change before you come home2 but your better and more constant ground will be1 to know the ,consanguinities1 ,alliances1 and ,estates of their ,princes2 ,proportion between the ,nobility and ,magistracy2 the ,constitutions of their ,courts of ,justice2 the state of the ,laws1 as well for the making as the execution thereof2 ,how the ,sovereignty of the ,king infuseth itself into all ,acts and ,ordinances2 how many ways they lay ,impositions and ,taxations1 and gather ,revenues to the ,crown4 ,what be the ,liberties and ,servitudes of all degrees2 what ,discipline and ,preparations for wars2 what ,invention for increase of ,traffick at home1 for multiplying their commodities1 encouraging ,arts and ,manufactures1 or of worth in any kind4 ,also what establishment1 to prevent the ,necessities and ,discontentment of ,people1 ,to cut off suits at ,law1 and ,duels1 to suppress thieves and all ,disorders4 ,to be short1 because my purpose is not to bring all your ,observations to ,heads1 but only by these few to let you know what manner of ,return your ,friends expect from you2 let me1 for all these and all the rest1 give you this one ,note1 which ,i desire you to observe as the ,counsels of a ,friend1 ,not to spend your ,spirits1 and the precious time of your ,travel1 in a ,captious ,prejudice and censuring of all things1 nor in an ,infectious ,collection of base ,vices and ,fashions of ,men and ,women1 or general corruption of these times1 which will be of use only ,among ,humorists1 for ,jests and ,table-,talk3 but rather strain your ,wits and ,industry soundly to instruct your-self in all things between ,heaven and ,earth which may tend to ,virtue1 ,wisdom1 and ,honour1 and which may make your life more profitable to your country1 and yourself more comfortable to your friends1 and acceptable to ,god4 ,and to conclude1 let all these ,riches be treasured up1 not only in your memory1 where time may lessen your stock2 but rather in good writings1 and ,books of ,account1 which will keept them safe for your use hereafter4 ,and if in this time of your liberal ,traffick1 you will give me any advertizement of your commodities in these kinds1 ,i will make you as liberal a ,return from my self and your ,friends here1 as ,i shall be able4 ,and so commending all your good ,endeavours1 to him that must either wither or prosper them1 ,i very kindly bid you farewel4 ,your's to be commanded1 ,,thomas ,,bodley4 ,spedding prints this letter 7,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #af7 commencing with the words1 ,yet for the love ,i bear1 to the end1 with the exception of the last sentence1 as a letter written probably by ,bacon for ,essex to send to the ,earl of ,rutland4 ,he identifies it as the letter which the compiler of ,stephens' ,catalogue took for a letter addressed by ,bacon to ,buckingham1 which he says it could not be4 ,the original is at ,lambeth 7,,mss4 #icf1 fo4 #bah74 ,the seal remains1 but the part of the last sheet which contained the signature on one side1 and the superscription on the other1 has been torn off4 ,the letter commences1 ,my good ,lord1 and ends1 ,your ,lordship's in all duty to serve you4 ,it would appear1 therefore1 that someone had access to ,bodley's letter to ,bacon1 and1 approving its contents1 used its contents a second time4 ,there are two palpable deductions to be drawn from this letter3 7#a7 ,that ,bacon was on a journey through several countries to obtain knowledge of their customs1 laws1 religion1 military strength1 shipping1 and whatsoever concerneth pleasure or profit4 ,there is a striking correspondence between ,bodley's advice and the description of ,bacon's travels found in the ,life prefixed to ,l',histoire ,naturelle4 7#b7 ,that ,bacon was being supported by ,bodley and other of his friends1 who desired him to keep a record of all that he observed and learnt1 and to report from time to time as he progressed1 and in return1 said ,bodley1 ,i will make you as liberal a return from myself and your friends here as ,i shall be able4 ,this letter was written from ,england1 and there is a paragraph in ,bodley's ,life1 written by himself1 which makes it possible to fix the year3-- ,my resolution fully taken ,i departed out of ,england anno #aegf and continued very neare foure yeares abroad1 and that in sundry parts of ,italy1 ,france1 and ,germany4 ,a good while after my return to wit1 in the yeare #aehe ,i was employed by the ,queen1 etc4 ,if this letter was written between #aegf and #aegi it would appear strange that ,bodley and others should be providing ,bacon with money for his travels1 and requiring reports from him1 whilst his father1 ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 was alive and prosperous4 ,no such difficulty1 however1 arises1 for the letter1 being sent from ,england1 could not have been written between the date of ,bacon's first departure for ,france in #aegf and his return on his father's death in #aegi1 for during the whole of that time ,bodley was abroad4 ,it is stated in it that ,bacon wrote from ,orleans a letter dated #aith ,october1 the year not being given4 ,this could not be in #aehj1 for ,bacon wrote to ,lord ,burghley from ,gray's ,inn on the #ahth ,october1 #aehj4 ,spedding commences the paragraph immediately following this letter by saying1 ,from this time we have no further news of ,francis ,bacon till the #eth of ,april1 #aehb1 and although he does not reproduce the letter1 he relies on a letter from ,faunt to ,anthony ,bacon1 to which that date is attributed in ,birch's ,memorials1 ,vol4 ,i4 page #bb4 ,in it ,faunt refers to having seen ,anthony's mother and his brother ,francis4 ,faunt left ,paris for ,england on the #bbnd ,march1 #aehb4 ,this letter was written on the #aeth of the following month1 so no trace has been found of ,francis being in ,england between #ahth ,october1 #aehj1 and #eth of ,april1 #aehb4 ,bodley's letter1 must1 therefore1 have been written in ,december1 #aeha1 when ,bacon was abroad making a journey through several countries4 ,from the foregoing facts it is impossible to form any other conclusion4 ,now for the first time this journey has been made known4 ,there is a letter amongst the ,state papers in the ,record ,office1 dated ,february1 #aeha1 written by ,anthony ,bacon to ,lord ,burghley1 enclosing a note of advice and instructions for his brother ,francis4 ,anthony was an experienced traveller1 and was then abroad4 ,it reads as though he was sending advice and instructions to his younger brother1 who was about to start on travels through countries with which ,anthony was familiar4 ,if so1 ,francis would leave ,england early in ,march1 #aeha--that is1 if he had not left before this letter was received by ,burghley4 ,having established beyond reasonable doubt the fact of this journey1 a new and remarkable suggestion presents itself4 ,spedding1 when dealing with the year #aehb1 prints ,notes on the ,state of ,christendom1#bi with the following remarks3-- ,if that paper of notes concerning ',the ,state of ,europe' which was printed as ,bacon's in the supplement to ,stephens' second collection in #agcd1 reprinted by ,mallet in #agfj1 and has been placed at the beginning of his political writings in all editions since #aefc1 be really of his composition1 this is the period of his life to which it belongs4 ,i must confess1 however1 that ,i am not satisfied with the evidence or authority upon which it appears to have been ascribed to him4 ,robert ,stephens1 who was ,historiographer ,royal in the reign of ,william and ,mary1 states that the ,earl of ,oxford placed in his hands some neglected manuscripts and loose papers to see whether any of the ,lord ,bacon's compositions lay concealed there and were fit for publication4 ,he found some of them written1 and others amended1 with his lordship's own hand4 ,he found certain of the treatises had been published by him1 and that others1 certainly genuine1 which had not1 were fit to be transcribed if not divulged4 ,spedding states that he has little doubt that this paper on the state of ,europe was among these manuscripts and loose papers1 for the editor states that the supplementary pieces 7of which this was one7 were added from originals found among ,stephens' papers4 ,the original is now among the ,harleian ,,mss4 in the ,british ,museum4 ,spedding thus describes it3-- ,the ,harleian ,,ms4 is a copy in an old hand1 probably contemporary1 but not ,francis ,bacon's4 ,a few sentences have been inserted afterwards by the same hand1 and two by another which is very like ,anthony ,bacon's2 none in ,francis's4 ,the blanks have all been filled up1 but no words have been corrected1 though it is obvious that in some places they stand in need of correction4 ,certain allusions to events then passing 7which will be pointed out in their place7 prove that the original paper was written1 or at least completed1 in the summer of #aehb1 at which time ,francis ,bacon was studying law in ,gray's ,inn1 while ,anthony was travelling in ,france in search of political intelligence and was in close correspondence with ,nicholas ,faunt1 a secretary of ,sir ,francis ,walsingham's1 who had spent the previous year in ,france1 ,germany1 ,switzerland1 and the north of ,italy1 on the same errand2 and was now living about the ,english ,court1 studying affairs at home1 and collecting and arranging the observations which he had made abroad1 'having already recovered all his writings and books which he had left behind him in ,italy and in ,frankfort' 7see ,birch's ',memoirs1' ,i4 #bd71 and it is remembered that if this paper belonged to ,anthony ,bacon1 it would naturally descend at his death to ,francis and so remain among his manuscripts1 where it is supposed to have been found4 ,thus it appears that the external evidence justifies no inference as to the authorship1 and the only question is whether the style can be considered conclusive4 ,to me it certainly is not4 ,but as this is a point upon which the reader should be allowed to judge for himself1 and as the paper is interesting in itself and historically valuable and has always passed for ,bacon's1 it is here printed from the original though 7to distinguish it from his undoubted compositions7 in a smaller type4 ,spedding's difficulty in accepting this paper as from ,bacon's pen really lay in the fact that from the internal evidence it is obvious that it was written by one who had himself travelled through1 at any rate1 some of the countries described4 ,the results of personal observation are again and again apparent4 ,according to ,spedding1 ,bacon was in #aeha-aehb studying law at ,gray's ,inn2 according to ,bodley he was on the ,continent making observations for his future guidance4 ,the reader can judge of the value of the external evidence4 ,it is not conclusive1 but the draft being found amongst papers which were unquestionably ,bacon's writings and being adopted as ,bacon's and published as such by those who found it1 the balance of probabilities is distinctly in favour of its being his4 ,as to the internal evidence much may be said4 ,it corresponds as closely as it is possible with ,bodley's requirements as set forth in his letter of ,december4 ,it is exactly the manner of return ,bodley wrote to ,francis your friends expect from you4 ,and1 he added1 if in this time of your liberal ,traffick1 you will give me any advertisement of your commodities in these kinds1 ,i will make you as liberal a return from myself and your friends here as ,i shall be able4 ,the date agrees with that of ,bacon's second visit to the ,continent4 ,in ,spedding's ,life and ,letters it occupies twelve and a-half pages1 of which five are occupied by descriptions of ,italy1 one of ,austria1 two of ,germany 7chiefly a recital of names and places71 two of ,france1 three-quarters of ,spain1 one and three-quarters of ,portugal1 ,poland1 ,denmark1 and ,sweden4 ,this may have been ,bacon's itinerary in #aeha-b4 ,italy is treated with considerable detail and was undoubtedly described from personal observation1 as were ,france and ,spain4 ,in a less degree the description of ,austria1 ,poland and ,denmark produces this impression2 in a still smaller degree ,portugal and ,sweden1 and it is quite absent from the description of ,germany4 ,florence1 ,venice1 ,mantua1 ,genoa1 ,savoy1 are dealt with in most detail4 ,rawley states that it was ,bacon's intention to have stayed abroad some years longer when he was called home by the death of his father1 to find himself left in straightened circumstances4 ,then followed his ineffectual suit1 which he still persisted in4 ,bodley evidently was1 if not the instigator1 at any rate the paymaster for this second journey4 ,anthony's letter of ,february1 #aeha1 points to ,burghley as a participator in the project4 ,he would assist not only out of kindly feeling1 but the journey would at any rate get this ambitious1 determined young man out of the way for a time1 and possibly the journey might get this unaccustomed suit out of his mind4 ,thus it came about4 ,from ,faunt's letters1 ,spedding says we derive what little information we have with regard to ,francis's proceedings from #aehc to #aehd4 ,from them we gather little more than that he remained studying at ,gray's ,inn1 occasionally visiting his mother at ,gorhambury1 or going with her to hear ,travers at the ,temple and occasionally appearing at the ,court4 ,but the suit was not abandoned1 for there is the letter of #beth ,august1 #aehe1 to ,walsingham1 when ,bacon writes3 ,i think the objection of my years will wear away with the length of my suit4 ,the very stay doth in this respect concern me1 because ,i am thereby hindered to take a course of practice which by the leave of ,god1 if her ,majesty like not of my suit1 ,i must and will follow3 not for any necessity of estate1 but for my credit sake1 which ,i know by living out of action will wear4 ,again1 the old1 rare and unaccustomed suit of which the ,queen could have had no experience6 ,either the persuasive powers of ,burghley had failed or he had not exerted them4 ,probably the latter1 because the troublesome1 determined young man is now worrying ,walsingham and ,hatton to urge its acceptance with the ,queen4 ,the purport of the foregoing extract effectually precludes the possibility of this suit referring to his advancement at the bar4 ,for five years it has been proceeding--he has been indulging in hopes which have been unfulfilled4 ,now he will wait no longer1 but he will adopt a course which1 if her ,majesty like not his suit1 by the leave of ,god he must and will follow1 not for any necessity of making money but because he feels impelled to it by a sense of responsibility which he must fulfil4 ,walsingham and ,hatton do not appear to have helped the matter forward4 ,there was little probability of them succeeding in influencing the ,queen where ,burghley had failed4 ,there was still less probability of them attempting to influence her if ,burghley objected4 ,had this suit referred to advancement in the law it would have been granted with the aid of ,burghley's influence years before4 ,had it referred to some ordinary office of ,state1 friends so powerful as ,burghley1 ,walsingham and ,hatton could and would have obtained anything within reason for this brilliant young son of ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon1 for there was no complication with ,essex until after #aeia4 ,but this rare and unaccustomed suit of which there had been no experience was another matter4 ,six more years pass1 and although there is now no suit to the ,queen there is the same idea prevailing in the letter to ,burghley--a seeking for help to achieve some great scheme upon which ,bacon's mind was so fixed as it cannot be removed1 whether it be curiosity1 vainglory or nature1 or 7if one take it favourably7 philanthropia4 ,still he required the command of more wits than of a man's own1 which is the thing he did greatly affect4 ,still his course was not to get4 ,still the determination to achieve the object without help1 if help could not be obtained--to achieve it by becoming some sorry bookmaker or a pioneer in that mine of truth which ,anaxagoras said lay so deep4 ,this is emphasised4 ,these are thoughts rather than words1 being set down without all art1 disguising or reservation4 ,there are two significant sentences in this letter written to ,burghley when ,bacon was #ca years of age4 ,he describes ,burghley as the second founder of my poor estate1 and1 further1 he uses the expression ,and if your ,lordship will not carry me on4 ,what can these allusions mean but that ,burghley had been rendering financial assistance to his nephew8 ,if the theory here put forward as to the nature of the suit be correct1 the object was one which would have ,burghley's cordial support4 ,that he had expressed approval of it must be deduced from the letter of the #afth of ,september1 #aehj4 ,the object was one which1 without doubt1 would find still warmer support from ,lady ,mildred4 ,but the suit was so unprecedented that it is not to be wondered at that ,burghley did not try to force it through4 ,the work was going forward all the time--slowly for lack of means and official recognition4 ,burghley1 generous in his nature1 lavish in private life1 might1 however1 be expected to help a work which he would be glad to see carried to a successful conclusion4 ,had he been less cautious and let young ,francis have his head1 what might not have happened6 ,but there was always the fear of letting this huge intellectual power forge ahead without restraint4 ,it was1 however1 working out unseen its scheme and that1 too1 with ,burghley's help and that of others4 ,the period from #aegf to #afbc--only #dg years--sees the ,english language developed from a state of almost barbaric crudeness to the highest pitch which any language1 classical or modern1 has reached4 ,there was but one workman living at that period who could have constructed that wonderful instrument and used it to produce such magnificent examples of its possibilities4 ,it is as reasonable to take up a watch keeping perfect time and aver that the parts came together by accident1 as to contend that the ,english language of the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible and the works of ,shakespeare were the result of a general up-springing of literary taste which was diffused amongst a few writers of very mediocre ability4 ,the ,english ,renaissance was conceived in ,france and born in ,england in #aegi4 ,it ran its course and in #afbc attained its maturity2 but when ,francis ,bacon was no more--he who had performed that in our tongue which may be preferred either to insolent ,greece or haughty ,rome--things daily fall1 wits grow downward1 and eloquence grows backward3 so that he may be named and stand as the mark and ,greek3 achme of our language4 ,,footnotes3 #bi ,life and ,letters1 ,vol4 ,i41 page #af4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,is ,,it ,,probable ,,that ,,bacon ,,left ,,manuscripts ,,hidden ,,away8 ,it is difficult to leave this subject without some reference to the articles which have appeared in the press and magazines referring to the suggestion that there were left concealed literary remains of ,bacon hitherto undiscovered4 ,in an article which recently appeared in a ,shakespearean journal1 a writer who evidently knows little about the ,elizabethan period said3 ,but why should ,bacon want to bury manuscripts1 anyhow8 ,who does bury manuscripts8 ,besides1 they had been printed and were1 therefore1 rubbish and waste paper merely4 ,the manuscript of ,john ,harrington's translation of ,ariosto's ,orlando ,furioso may be seen in the ,british ,museum4 ,it is beautifully written on quarto paper4 ,it was1 apparently1 the fair copy sent to the printer from which the type was to be set up4 ,be this as it may1 it was undoubtedly a copy upon which ,bacon marked off the verses which are to go on each page and set out the folio of each page and the printer's signature which was to appear at the bottom4 ,it also contains instructions to the printer as to the type to be used4 ,this manuscript was not considered rubbish and waste paper merely4 ,francis ,bacon has again and again insisted upon the value of history4 ,in the ,advancement of ,learning he points out to the ,king the indignity and unworthiness of the history of ,england as it now is1 in the main continuation thereof4 ,no man appreciated as did ,bacon the importance in the history of ,england of the epoch in which he lived4 ,that a truthful relation of the events of those times would be invaluable to posterity he knew full well4 ,he of all men living at that time was best qualified to write such a history4 ,he recognised that there were objections to a history being written1 or1 at any rate1 published1 wherein the actions of persons living were described1 for he said it must be confessed that such kind of relations1 specially if they be published about the times of things done1 seeing very often that they are written with passion or partiality1 of all other narrations1 are most suspected4 ,it is hardly conceivable that ,bacon should have failed to provide a faithful history of his own times for the benefit of posterity1 or1 at any rate1 that he should have failed to preserve the materials for such a history4 ,neither the history nor such materials are known to be in existence4 ,supposing ,bacon had prepared either the one or the other1 what could he do with it8 ,hand it to ,rawley with instructions for it to be printed8 ,with a strong probability1 if it were a faithful history1 that it would never be published1 but that it would be destroyed1 he would never take such a risk4 ,there would only be one course open to him4 ,to conceal it in some place where it would not be likely to be disturbed1 in which it might remain in safety1 possibly for hundreds of years4 ,and then leave a clue either in cypher or otherwise by which it might be recovered4 ,it is by no means outside the range of possibility that ,bacon as early as #aehh had opened a receptacle for books and manuscripts which he desired should go down to posterity1 and fearing their loss from any cause1 he carefully concealed them1 adding to the store from time to time4 ,if he did so he left a problem to be solved1 and arranged the place of concealment so that it could only be found by a solution of the problem4 ,the emblems on two title-pages of two books of the period are very significant4 ,truth brought to ,light and discovered by ,time is a narrative history of the first fourteen years of ,king ,james' reign4 ,one portion of the engraved title-page represents a spreading tree growing up out of a coffin1 full fraught with various fruits 7manuscripts and books7 most fresh and fair to make succeeding times most rich and rare4 ,in the ,emblem 7,fig4 ,,iii47 now reproduced1 which is found on the title-page of the first edition of ,new ,atlantis1 #afbg1cj ,truth personified by a naked woman is being revealed by ,father ,time1 and the inscription round the device is ,tempore patet occulta veritas--in time the hidden truth shall be revealed4 ,then1 in further confirmation of this view1 there is the statement of ,rawley in his introduction to the ,manes ,verulamiani4 ,speaking of the fame of his illustrious master he says1 ,be this moreover enough1 to have laid1 as it were1 the foundations1 in the name of the present age4 ,every age will1 methinks1 adorn and amplify this structure1 but to what age it may be vouchsafed to set the finishing hand--this is known only to ,god and the ,fates4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,from the ,title ,page of ,new ,atlantis1 #afbg4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 ,,iv4 ,from the ,title ,page of ,peacham's ,minerva ,britannia1 #afab4 ,,footnotes3 #cj ,there is a copy bearing date #afbf4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,how ,,the ,,elizabethan ,,literature ,,was ,,produced4 ,the half century from #aegf to #afbe stands by itself in the history of the literature of this country4 ,during that period not only was the ,english language made1 not only were there produced the finest examples of its capacities1 which to-day exist1 but the knowledge and wisdom possessed by the classical writers1 the histories of the principal nations of the world1 practically everything that was worth knowing in the literature which existed in other countries were1 for the first time1 made available in the ,english tongue4 ,and what is still more remarkable1 these translations were printed and published4 ,these works embraced every art and subject which can be imagined4 ,further1 during this period there were issued a large number of books crowded with information upon general subjects4 ,the names on the title-pages of many of these works are unknown4 ,it is astonishing how many men as to whom nothing can be learnt1 appear about this time to have written one book and one book only4 ,these translations were published at a considerable cost4 ,for such works1 being printed in the ,english language1 purchasers were practically confined to this country1 and their number was very limited4 ,the quantity of copies constituting an edition must have been small4 ,it is impossible to believe that the sale of these books could realise the amount of their cost4 ,definite information on this point is difficult to obtain1 for little is known as to the prices at which these books were sold4 ,it appears from the ,transcripts of the ,stationers' ,registers that the maximum number of copies that went to make up an edition was in the interest of the workman fixed at #a1bej copies1 so that if a larger number were required the type had to be re-set for each additional #a1bej copies4 ,double impressions of #b1ejj were allowed of primers1 catechisms1 proclamations1 statutes and almanacs4 ,but the solid literature which came into the language at this period would not be required in such quantities4 ,the printer was not usually the vendor of the books4 ,the publisher and bookseller or stationer carried on in most cases a distinct business4 ,pamphlets1 sermons1 plays1 books of poems1 formed the staple ware of the stationer4 ,the style of the book out of which the stationer made his money may be gathered from the following extract from ,the ,return from ,parnassus1 ,act ,i1 scene #c3-- ,ingenioso4--,danter thou art deceived1 wit is dearer than thou takest it to bee4 ,i tell thee this libel of ,cambridge has much salt and pepper in the nose3 it will sell sheerely underhand when all those bookes of exhortations and catechisms lie moulding on thy shopboard4 ,danter4--,it's true1 but good fayth1 ,m4 ,ingenioso1 ,i lost by your last booke2 and you know there is many a one that pays me largely for the printing of their inventions1 but for all this you shall have #dj shillings and an odde pottle of wine4 ,ingenioso4--#dj shillings8 a fit reward for one of your reumatick poets1 that beslavers all the paper he comes by1 and furnishes the ,chaundlers with wast papers to wrap candles in3 444 it's the gallantest ,child my invention was ever delivered off4 ,the title is1 a ,chronicle of ,cambridge ,cuckolds2 here a man may see1 what day of the moneth such a man's commons were inclosed1 and when throwne open1 and when any entayled some odde crownes upon the heires of their bodies unlawfully begotten2 speake quickly1 ells ,i am gone4 ,danter4--,oh this will sell gallantly4 ,ile have it whatsoever it cost1 will you walk on1 ,m4 ,ingenioso1 weele sit over a cup of wine and agree on it4 ,the publication of such works as ,hollingshed's ,chronicles1 ,north's ,plutarch's ,lives1 ,grimston's ,history of ,france1 and ,the ,french ,academy1 could not have been produced with profit as the object4 ,a large body of evidence may be brought forward to support this view1 but space will only permit two examples to be here set forth4 ,in the dedication to ,sir ,william ,cecil1 of ,hollingshed's ,chronicles1 #aehg1 the writer says3 ,yet when the volume grew so great as they that were to defraie the charges for the impression were not willing to go through with the whole1 they resolved first to publish the histories of ,england1 ,scotland1 and ,ireland with their descriptions4 ,john ,dee spent most of the year #aegf in writing a series of volumes to be entitled ,general and ,rare ,memorials pertayning to the perfect ,art of ,navigation4 ,in #aegg the first volume was ready for the press4 ,in ,june he had to borrow ,l#dj from one friend1 ,l#bj from another1 and ,l#bg upon the chayn of gold4 ,in the following ,august ,john ,day commenced printing it at his press in ,aldersgate4 ,the title was ,the ,british ,monarchy or ,hexameron ,brytannicum1 and the edition consisted of #ajj copies4 ,the second volume1 ,the ,british ,complement1 was ready in the following ,december4 ,it was never published4 ,dee states in his ,diary that the printing would cost many hundreds of pounds1 as it contained tables and figures1 and he must first have a comfortable and sufficient opportunity or supply thereto4 ,this he was unable to procure1 so the book remained in manuscript4#ca ,books of this class were never produced with the object of making profit4 ,the proceeds of sale would not cover the cost of printing and publishing1 without any provision for the remuneration of the translator or author4 ,why were they published1 and how was the cost provided8 ,there was1 however1 another source of revenue open to the author of a book4 ,henry ,peacham1 in ,the ,truth of our ,time1 says3-- ,but then you may say1 the ,dedication will bee worth a great matter1 either in present reward of money1 or preferment by your ,patrones ,letter1 or other means4 ,and for this purpose you prefixe a learned and as ,panegyricall ,epistle as can1 etc4 ,it is beyond question that an author usually obtained a considerable contribution towards the cost of the production of a book from the person to whom the dedication was addressed4 ,a number of books published during the period from #aegf to #aeih are dedicated to the ,queen1 to the ,earl of ,leicester1 and to ,lord ,burghley4 ,one can only offer a suggestion on this point which may or may not be correct4 ,if ,francis ,bacon was concerned in the issue of these translations and other works1 and ,burghley was assisting him financially1 it is probable that ,burghley would procure grants from the ,queen in respect of books which were dedicated to her1 and would provide funds towards the cost of such books as were dedicated to himself4 ,the ,arte of ,english ,poesie was written with the intention that it should be dedicated to the ,queen1 but there was a change in the plans1 and ,burghley's name was substituted4 ,when ,bacon1 in #aeia1 is threatening to become a sorry bookmaker1 he describes ,burghley as the second founder of his poor estate1 and uses the expression1 ,if your ,lordship will not carry me on1 which can only mean that as to the matter which is the subject of the letter1 ,burghley had not merely been assisting but carrying him4 ,the evidence which exists is strong enough to warrant putting forward this theory as to the frequency of the names of the ,queen and ,burghley on the dedications4 ,the ,earl of ,leicester desired to have the reputation of being a patron of the arts1 and was willing to pay for advertisement4 ,he was the ,chancellor of ,oxford ,university1 and evidently recognised the value of printing1 for in #aehe he erected1 at his own expense1 a new printing press for the use of the ,university4 ,if he paid at all for dedications he would pay liberally4 ,but1 of course1 the ,queen1 ,burghley1 and ,leicester were accessible to others besides ,bacon1 and the argument goes no further than that towards the production of certain books upon which their names appear the patrons provided part of the cost4 ,the recognition of this fact1 however1 does not detract from the importance of the expressions used by ,bacon in his letter to ,burghley4 ,there is abundant testimony to the fact that it was the custom1 during the ,elizabethan age1 for an author to suppress his own name1 and on the title-page#cb substitute either the initials or name of some other person4 ,the title-pages of this period are as unreliable as are the names or initials affixed to the dedications and epistles ,to the ,reader4 ,in #afbd was published ,the ,historie of the ,life and ,death of ,mary ,stuart ,queene of ,scotland4 ,the dedication is signed ,wil ,stranguage4 ,in #afcf it was reprinted1 the same dedication being signed ,w4 ,vdall4 ,there are numerous similar instances4 ,,footnotes3 #ca ,john ,dee1 by ,charlotte ,fell ,smith1 #aiji4 ,constable and ,co41 ,ltd4 #cb ,see page #ca4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,the ,,clue ,,to ,,the ,,mystery ,,of ,,bacon',s ,,life4 ,the theory now put forward is based upon the assumption that ,francis ,bacon at a very early age adopted the conception that he would devote his life to the construction of an adequate language and literature for his country and that he would do this remaining invisible4 ,if he was the author of ,the ,anatomie of the ,mind1 #aegf1 and of ,beautiful ,blossoms1 #aegg1 he must have adopted this plan of obscurity as early as his sixteenth year4 ,it is possible1 however1 that it may be shown that at a date still earlier he had decided upon this course4 ,this1 however1 is beyond doubt--that if ,francis ,bacon was associated in any way with the literature of ,england from #aegj to #afje1 with the exception of the small volume of essays published in #aeig1 he most carefully concealed his connection with it4 ,therefore1 set it down1 he says in the essay ,of ,simulation and ,dissimulation1 that a habit of secrecy is both politic and moral1 and in ,examples of the ,antitheta1#cc ,dissimulation is a compendious wisdome4 ,here again is the same idea3 ,beside in all wise humane ,government1 they that sit at the helme1 doe more happily bring their purposes about1 and insinuate more easily things fit for the people by pretexts1 and oblique courses2 than by 444 downright dealing4 ,nay 7which perchance may seem very strange7 in things meerely naturall1 you may sooner deceive nature than force her2 so improper and selfeimpeaching are open direct proceedings2 whereas on the other side1 an oblique and an insinuating way1 gently glides along1 and compasseth the intended effect4#cd ,it is noteworthy that ,bacon had a quaint conceit of the ,divine ,being which he was never tired of repeating4 ,in the preface to the ,advancement of ,learning 7#afdj71 the following passage occurs3-- ,for of the knowledges which contemplate the works of ,nature1 the holy ,philosopher hath said expressly2 that the glory of ,god is to conceal a thing1 but the glory of the ,king is to find it out3 as if the ,divine ,nature1 according to the innocent and sweet play of children1 which hide themselves to the end they may be found2 took delight to hide his works1 to the end they might be found out2 and of his indulgence and goodness to mankind1 had chosen the ,soule of man to be his ,play-fellow in this game4 ,again on page #de of the work itself he says3-- ,for so he 7,king ,solomon7 saith expressly1 ,the ,glory of ,god is to conceale a thing1 but the ,glory of a ,king is to find it out4 ,as if according to that innocent and affectionate play of children1 the ,divine ,majesty took delight to hide his works1 to the end to have them found out1 and as if ,kings could not obtain a greater ,honour1 then to be ,god's play-fellowes in that game1 especially considering the great command they have of wits and means1 whereby the investigation of all things may be perfected4 ,another phase of the same idea is to be found on page #acf4 ,in the author's preface to the ,novum ,organum the following passage occurs3-- ,whereas of the sciences which regard nature the ,holy ,philosopher declares that 'it is the glory of ,god to conceal a thing1 but it is the glory of the ,king to find it out4' ,even as though the ,divine ,nature took pleasure in the innocent and kindly sport of children playing at hide and seek1 and vouched-safe of his kindness and goodness to admit the human spirit for his play fellow in that game4 ,in almost identical words ,bacon suggests the same conception in ,in ,valerius ,terminus and in ,filum ,labyrinthi4 ,in the ,epistle ,dedicatorie of ,the ,french ,academie and elsewhere the author is insisting on the same idea that ,he 7,god7 cannot be seene of any mortal creature but is notwithstanding known by his works4 ,the close connection of ,francis ,bacon with the works 7now seldom studied7 of the ,emblem writers is vouched for by ,j4 ,baudoin4 ,oliver ,lector in ,letters from the ,dead to the ,dead has given examples of his association with the ,dutch and ,french emblem writers4 ,three ,englishmen appear to have indulged in this fascinating pursuit--,george ,whitney 7#aehi71 ,henry ,peacham 7#afab71 and ,george ,withers 7#afcd74 ,from the ,baconian point of view ,peacham's ,minerva ,britannia is by far the most interesting4 ,the ,emblem on page #cd is addressed ,to the most judicious and learned1 ,,sir ,,francis ,,bacon ,knight4 ,on the opposite leaf1 paged thus1 4#cc1ce the design represents a hand holding a spear as in the act of shaking it4 ,but it is the frontispiece which bears specially on the present contention4 ,the design is now reproduced 7,fig4 ,,iv74 ,a curtain is drawn to hide a figure1 the hand only of which is protruding4 ,it has just written the words ,,mente ,,videbor--,by the mind ,i shall be seen4 ,around the scroll are the words ,vivitur ingenio cetera mortis erunt--one lives in one's genius1 other things shall be 7or pass away7 in death4 ,that emblem represents the secret of ,francis ,bacon's life4 ,at a very early age1 probably before he was twelve1 he had conceived the idea that he would imitate ,god1 that he would hide his works in order that they might be found out--that he would be seen only by his mind and that his image should be concealed4 ,there was no haphazard work about it4 ,it was not simply that having written poems or plays1 and desiring not to be known as the author on publishing them1 he put someone else's name on the title-page4 ,there was first the conception of the idea1 and then the carefully-elaborated scheme for carrying it out4 ,there are numerous allusions in ,elizabethan and early ,jacobean literature to someone who was active in literary matters but preferred to remain unrecognised4 ,amongst these there are some which directly refer to ,francis ,bacon1 others which occur in books or under circumstances which suggest association with him4 ,it is not contended that they amount to direct testimony1 but the cumulative force of this evidence must not be ignored4 ,in some of the emblem books of the period these allusions are frequent4 ,then there is ,john ,owen's epigram appearing in his ,epigrammatum1 published in #afab4 ,,ad4 ,d4,b4 ,si bene qui latuit1 bene vixit1 tu bene vivis3 ,ingeniumque tuum grande latendo patet4 ,thou livest well if one well hid well lives1 ,and thy great genius in being concealed is revealed4 ,d4 is elsewhere used by ,owen as the initial of ,dominus4 ,the suggestion that ,ad4 ,d4,b4 represents ,ad ,dominum ,baconum is therefore reasonable4 ,thomas ,powell published in #afcj the ,attourney's ,academy4 ,the book is dedicated ,to ,true ,nobility and ,tryde learning beholden ,to no ,mountaine for ,eminence1 nor supportment for ,height1 ,francis1 ,lord ,verulam and ,viscount ,st4 ,albanes4 ,then follow these lines3-- ,o ,give me leave to pull the ,curtaine by ,that clouds thy ,worth in such obscurity4 ,good ,seneca1 stay but a while thy bleeding1 ,t' accept what ,i received at thy ,reading3 ,here ,i present it in a solemne strayne1 ,and thus ,i pluckt the ,curtayne backe again4 ,in the ,mirrour of ,state and ,eloquence1 published in #afef1 the frontispiece is a very bad copy of ,marshall's portrait of ,bacon prefixed to the #afdj ,gilbert ,wat's ,advancement of ,learning4 ,under it are these lines3-- ,grace1 ,honour1 virtue1 ,learning1 witt1 ,are all within this ,porture knitt ,and left to time that it may tell1 ,what worth within this ,peere did dwell4 ,the frontispiece previously referred to of ,truth brought to ,light and discovered by ,time1 or a discourse and ,historicall narration of the first ,,xiiii4 yeares of ,king ,james ,reign1 published in #afea1 is full of cryptic meaning and in one section of it there is a representation of a coffin out of which is growing ,a spreading ,tree ,full fraught with various ,fruits most fresh and fair ,to make succeeding ,times most rich and rare4 ,the fruits are books and manuscripts4 ,the volume contains speeches of ,bacon and copies of official documents signed by him4 ,the books of the emblem writers are still more remarkable4 ,jacobi ,bornitii ,emblemata ,ethico ,politica1 #afei1 contains at least a dozen plates in which ,bacon is represented4 ,a suggestive emblem is ,no4 #a of ,cornelii ,giselberti ,plempii ,amsterodarnum ,monogrammon1 bearing date #afaf1 the year of ,shakespeare's death4 ,it is now reproduced 7,fig4 ,v474 ,it will be observed that the initial letters of each word in the sentence--,obscaenumque nimis crepuit ,fortuna ,batavis appellanda--yield ,f4 ,bacon4 ,there are in other designs figures which are evidently intended to represent ,bacon4 ,emblem ,,xxxvi4 shows the inside of a printer's shop and two men at work in the foreground blacking and fixing the type4 ,behind is a workman setting type1 and standing beside him1 apparently directing1 or at any rate observing him1 is a man with the well-known ,bacon hat on4 ,the contention may be stated thus3--,francis ,bacon possessed1 to quote ,macaulay1 the most exquisitely constructed intellect that has ever been bestowed on any of the children of men4 ,hallam described him as the wisest1 greatest of mankind1 and affirmed that he might be compared to ,aristotle1 ,thucydides1 ,tacitus1 ,philippe de ,comines1 ,machiavelli1 ,davila1 ,hume1 all of these together1 and confirming this view ,addison said that he possessed at once all those extraordinary talents which were divided amongst the greatest authors of antiquity4 ,at twelve years of age in industry he surpassed the capacity1 and1 in his mind1 the range of his contemporaries1 and had acquired a thorough command of the classical and modern languages4 ,he1 after he had survaied all the ,records of ,antiquity1 after the volumes of men1 betook himself to the volume of the world and conquered whatever books possest4 ,having1 whilst still a youth1 taken all knowledge to be his province1 he had read1 marked1 and absorbed the contents of nearly every book that had been printed4 ,how that boy read6 ,points of importance he underlined and noted in the margin4 ,every subject he mastered--mathematics1 geometry1 music1 poetry1 painting1 astronomy1 astrology1 classical drama and poetry1 philosophy1 history1 theology1 architecture4 ,then--or perhaps before--came this marvellous conception1 ,like ,god ,i will be seen by my works1 although my image shall never be visible--,mente videbor4 ,by the mind ,i shall be seen4 ,so equipped1 and with such a scheme1 he commenced and successfully carried through that colossal enterprise in which he sought the good of all men1 though in a despised weed4 ,this1 he said1 whether it be curiosity or vainglory1 or 7if one takes it favourably7 philanthropia1 is so fixed in my mind as it cannot be removed4 ,translations of the classics1 of histories1 and other works were made4 ,in those he no doubt had assistance by the commandment of more wits than his own1 which is a thing he greatly affected4 ,books came from his pen--poetry and prose--at a rate which1 when the truth is revealed1 will literally stagger humanity4 ,books were written by others under his direction4 ,he saw them through the press1 and he did more4 ,he had his own wood blocks of devices1 some1 at any rate1 of which were his own design1 and every book produced under his direction1 whether written by him or not1 was marked by the use of one or more of these wood blocks4 ,the favourite device was the light ,a and the dark ,a4 ,probably the first book published in ,england which was marked with this device was ,de ,rep4 ,anglorum ,instauranda libri decem1 ,authore ,thoma ,chalonero ,equite1 ,anglo4 ,this was printed by ,thomas ,vautrollerius1#cf and bears date #aegi4 ,vautrollier1 and afterwards ,richard ,field1 printed many of the books in the issue of which ,bacon was concerned from #aegi onwards4 ,henry ,bynneman1 and afterwards his assignees ,ralph ,newbery and ,henry ,denham and ,george ,bishop1 who was associated with ,denham1 were also printing books issued under his auspices1 and later ,adam ,islip1 ,george ,eld and ,james ,haviland came in for a liberal share of his patronage4 ,the cost of printing and publishing must have been very great4 ,if the facts ever come to light it will probably be found that ,burghley was ,bacon's mainstay for financial support4 ,it will also be found that ,lady ,anne ,bacon and ,anthony ,bacon were liberal contributors to the funds1 and that the cause of ,francis ,bacon's monetary difficulties and consequent debts was the heavy obligation which he personally undertook in connection with the production of the ,elizabethan literature4 ,in the ,dedications1 ,prefaces1 and ,epistles ,to the ,reader also ,francis ,bacon's mind may be recognised4 ,when ,addison wrote of ,bacon1 ,one does not know which to admire most in his writings1 the strength of reason1 force of style1 or brightness of imagination1 his words might have been inspired by these prefixes to the literature of this period4 ,when once the student has made himself thoroughly acquainted with ,bacon's style of writing prefaces he can never fail to recognise it1 especially if he reads the passages aloud4 ,the ,epistle ,dedicatorie to the #afbe edition of ,barclay's ,argenis1 signed ,kingesmill ,long1 is one of the finest examples of ,baconian ,english extant4 ,who but the writer of the ,shakespeare plays could have written that specimen of musical language8 ,to hear it read aloud gives all the enjoyment of listening to a fine composition of music4 ,it is the same with the ,shakespeare plays2 only when they are read aloud can the richness and charm of the language they contain be appreciated4 ,bacon's work can never be understood by anyone who has not realised the marvellous character of the mind of the boy1 his phenomenal industry1 and the fact that he could imagine like a poet and execute like a clerk of the works4 ,it has been suggested that he had a secret ,society1 by the agency of which he carried through his works1 but it is difficult to find any evidence that such a ,society existed4 ,it may be that he had helpers without there having been anything of the nature of a ,society4 ,from #aege to #afje 7thirty years7 with the exception of the trifles published as ,essays in #aeig1 there are no acknowledged fruits of his work to which his name is attached4 ,even the two books of the ,advancement of ,learning1 published in #afje1 would have made little demands on his time4 ,edmund ,burke said3 ,who is there that hearing the name of ,bacon does not instantly recognise everything of genius the most profound1 of literature the most extensive1 of discovery the most penetrating1 of observation of human life the most distinguished and refined4 ,for such a man to write ,the two books would be no hard or lengthy task4 ,the wonder is that ,francis ,bacon should have attached his name to the #aeig edition of the essays4 ,he had written and published under other names tomes of essays of at least equal merit4 ,in ,aphorism #abh of the ,novum ,organum ,bacon says1 ,but how sincere ,i am in my profession of affection and goodwill towards the received sciences my published writings1 especially the books on the ,advancement of ,learning1 sufficiently shew4 ,what are the published writings referred to8 ,the only works which bore his name were the incomplete volume of the ,essays and the ,wisdom of the ,ancients1 to neither of which the words quoted are applicable4 ,anthony ,bacon1 writing to ,lady ,anne in ,april1 #aeic1 referring to her motherly offer to help ,francis out of debt by being content to bestow the whole interest in an estate in ,essex1 called ,markes1 said beseeching you to believe that being so near and dear unto me as he is1 it cannot but be a grief unto me to see a mind that hath given so sufficient proof of itself in having brought forth many good thoughts for the general to be overburdened and cumbered with a care of clearing his particular estate4 ,in #aeic nothing had been published under ,bacon's name1 and there is not any production of his known which would justify ,anthony's remark4 ,what was his motive in selecting this insignificant little volume of essays whereby to proclaim himself a writer8 ,one can understand his object in addressing ,james in ,the ,two ,books of the ,advancement of ,learning4 ,he obtained in #afjf1 as ,peacham has it1 preferment by his ,patrone's letter by being appointed ,solicitor-,general4 ,during all this period--#aege to #afje--the most exquisitely constructed mind that has ever been bestowed on any of the children of men appears to have been dormant4 ,take the first three volumes of ,spedding's ,life and ,letters1 and carefully note all that is recorded as the product of that mind during the years when it must have been at the zenith of its power and activity4 ,all the letters and tracts accredited to ,bacon in them which have come down to us would not account for six months--not for three months--of its occupation4 ,the explanation that he was building up his great system of inductive philosophy is quite inadequate4 ,rawley speaks of the ,novum ,organum as having been in hand for twelve years4 ,this would give #afjh as the year when it was commenced4 ,the ,cogitata et ,visa1 of which it was an amplification1 was probably written in #afjf or #afjg1 for on the #agth ,february1 #afjg-h1 ,bodley writes acknowledging the receipt of it and commenting on it4 ,rawley says that it was during the last five years of ,bacon's life that he composed the greatest part of his books and writings both in ,english and ,latin1 and supplies a list which comprises all his acknowledged published works except the ,novum ,organum and the ,essays4 ,in ,the ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,england since the ,reformation1 it is stated that the universal knowledge and comprehension of things rendered ,francis ,bacon the observation of great and wise men1 and afterward the wonder of all4 ,yet it is remarkable how few are the references to him amongst his contemporaries4 ,practically the only one that would enable a reader to gain any knowledge of his personality is ,francis ,osborn1 who1 in letters to his son1 published in #afeh1 describes him as he was in the last few years of his life4 ,no one has left data which enables a clear impression to be formed of ,francis ,bacon as he was up to his fortieth year4 ,the omission may be described as a conspiracy of silence4 ,how exactly the circumstances appear to fit in with the first line of ,john ,owen's epigram to ,dominus ,b41 published in #afab6--,thou livest well if one well hid well lives2 and if the suggestion now put forward be correct that ,bacon deliberately resolved that his image and personality should never be seen1 but only the fruits of his mind--the issues of his brain1 to use ,rawley's expression--how apt is the second line of the epigram3 ,and thy great genius in being concealed1 is revealed4 ,,footnotes3 #cc ,of the ,advancement of ,learning1 #afdj1 page #cab4 #cd ,of the ,advancement of ,learning1 #afdj1 pages #aae1 #aaf4 #ce #cc is the numerical value of the name ,bacon4 ,the stop preceding it denotes cypher4 #cf ,vautrollier was a scholar and printer who came to ,england from ,paris or ,roan about the beginning of ,elizabeth's reign1 and first commenced business in ,blackfriars4 ,in #aehd he printed ,jordanus ,brunus1 for which he was compelled to fly4 ,in the next year he was in ,edinburgh1 where1 by his help1 ,scottish printing was greatly improved4 ,eventually his pardon was procured by powerful friends1 amongst whom was ,thomas ,randolph4 ,in #aehh ,richard ,field1 who was apprenticed to ,vautrollier1 married ,jakin1 his daughter1 and on his death in #aehi succeeded to the business4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,burghley ,,and ,,bacon4 ,there was published in #agcb ,the ,life of the ,great ,statesman ,william ,cecil1 ,lord ,burghley4 ,the preface signed by ,arthur ,collins states3-- ,the work ,i have for several years engaged in1 of treating of those families that have been ,barons of this ,kingdom1 necessarily induced me to apply to our ,nobility for such helps1 as might illustrate the memory of their ancestors4 ,and several ,noblemen having favour'd me with the perusal of their family evidences1 and being recommended to the ,right ,honourable the present ,earl of ,exeter1 his ,lordship out of just regard to the memory of his great ,ancestor1 was pleased to order the manuscript ,life of the ,lord ,burghley to be communicated to me4 ,which being very old and decayed and only legible to such who are versed in ancient writings it was with great satisfaction that ,i copied it literatim4 ,and that it may not be lost to the world1 ,i now offer it to the view of the publick4 ,it fully appears to be wrote in the reign of ,queen ,elizabeth soon after his ,lordship's death1 by one who was intimate with him1 and an eye witness of his actions for the last twenty-five years4 ,it needs no comment to set it off2 that truth and sincerity which shines through the whole1 will1 ,i don't doubt have the same weight with the ,readers as it had with me and that they will be of opinion it's too valuable to be buried in oblivion4 ,this ,life of ,lord ,burghley is referred to by ,nares and other of his biographers as having been written by a domestic4 ,it contains about #af1jjj words and is the most authentic account extant of the great statesman's life4 ,the narrative is full1 but the observations on the character and habits of ,burghley are by far the most important feature4 ,the method of treatment of the subject is after ,bacon's style2 the ,life abounds with phrases and with tricks of diction1 which enable it to be identified as his4 ,the concluding sentences could only have been written with ,bacon's pen3-- ,and so leaving his soule with ,god1 his fame to the world1 and the truth to all charitable mynds1 ,i leave the sensure to all judicious ,christians1 who truly practising what they professe1 will better approve1 and more indifferentlie interpret it1 than envie or malice can disprove it4 ,the best sort will ever doe right1 the worst can but imagine mischief and doe wrong2 yet this is a comfort1 the more his virtues are troden downe1 the more will theire brightnes appeare4 ,virtus vulnerata virescit4 ,in #aeib the ,responsio ad edictum ,reginae ,angliae of the ,jesuit ,parsons had appeared1 attacking the ,queen and her advisers 7especially ,burghley71 to whom were attributed all the evils of ,england and the disturbances of ,christendom4 ,the reply to this was entrusted to ,francis ,bacon1 who responded with a pamphlet entitled ,certain observations upon a libel published this present year1 #aeib4 ,it was first printed by ,dr4 ,rawley in the ,resuscitatio in #afeg4 ,at the time it was written it was circulated largely in manuscript1 for at least eight copies1 somewhat varying from each other1 have been preserved4#cg ,it is quite possible that it was printed at the time1 but that no copy has survived4 ,throughout the whole work there are continual references to ,burghley4 ,chapter ,,vi4 is entirely devoted to his defence and is headed ,certain true general notes upon the actions of the ,lord ,burghley4 ,either ,the ,life and the ,observations on a ,libel are by the same writer or the author of the former borrowed the latter very freely4 ,it is to be regretted that the original manuscript of the ,life cannot now be found4 ,in #agcb it was at ,burghley ,house4 ,application has been made to the present ,marquis of ,exeter for permission to inspect it1 but his ,lordship's librarian has no knowledge of its existence4 ,if it could be examined it is probable that if the text was not in ,bacon's handwriting some notes or alterations might be recognised as his4 ,the writer says he was an eye witness of ,burghley's life and actions twenty-five years together--that would be from #aegc to #aeih1 which would well accord with the present contention4 ,if ,bacon was the author it throws considerable light on his relations with ,burghley and establishes the fact that they were of the most cordial and affectionate character4 ,it is reported that ,bacon said that in the time of the ,burghleys--father and son--clever or able men were repressed1 and mainly upon this has been based the impression that ,burghley opposed ,francis ,bacon's progress4 ,burghley's biographer refers to this report4 ,he writes3 ,he was careful and desirous to furder and advaunce men of quality and desart to be ,councellors and officers to her ,majesty wherein he placed manie and laboured to bring in more 444 yet would envy with her slaunders report he hindered men from rising2 but howe true it is wise men maie judge1 for it was the ,queene to take whom she pleased and not in a subject to preferree whom he listed4 ,it will eventually be proved that such a report conveys an incorrect view4 ,in the letter of #aeia1ch addressed to ,burghley1 ,bacon says3--,besides ,i do not find in myself so much self-love1 but that the greater parts of my thoughts are to deserve well 7if ,i were able7 of my friends and namely of your ,lordship2 who being the ,atlas of this ,commonwealth1 the honour of my house1 and the second founder of my poor estate1 ,i am tied by all duties1 both of a good patriot1 and of an unworthy kinsman1 and of an obliged servant1 to employ whatsoever ,i am to do your service1 and later in the letter he employs the phrase1 ,and if your ,lordship will not carry me on1 and then threatens to sell the inheritance that he has1 purchase some quick revenue that may be executed by another1 and become some sorry bookmaker or a pioneer in that mine of truth which ,anaxagoras said lay so deep4 ,again1 in a letter to ,burghley1 dated #cast ,march1 #aeid1 he says3--,lastly1 that howsoever this matter may go1 yet ,i may enjoy your lordship's good favour and help as ,i have done in regard to my private estate1 which as ,i have not altogether neglected so ,i have but negligently attended and which hath been bettered only by yourself 7the ,queen except7 and not by any other in matter of importance4 ,further on he says3 ,thus again desiring the continuance of your ,lordship's goodness as ,i have hitherto found it on my part sought also to deserve1 ,i commend1 etc4 ,it is very easy1 with little information as to ,bacon's actions and little knowledge of the period1 to form a definite opinion as to the relations of ,bacon and ,burghley4 ,the more information as to the one and knowledge of the other one gets1 the more difficult does it become to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion4 ,here was the son of ,elizabeth's great ,lord ,keeper1 the nephew of her trusted minister1 himself from his boyhood a persona grata with the ,queen1 of brilliant parts and great wisdom--if he had been a mere place-hunter his desires could have been satisfied over and over again4 ,there was some condition of circumstance1 of which nothing has hitherto been known1 which prevented him from obtaining the object of his desires4 ,that he had a definite object1 and had mapped out a course by which he hoped to achieve it1 is evident from his letters#ci already quoted4 ,it is equally clear that the course he sought to pursue entailed his abandoning the law as a profession4 ,either he would only have such place as he desired1 and on his own terms1 or he was known to be following some course which1 although not distasteful to his close friends1 caused him to be held in suspicion1 if not distrust1 by the courtiers with whom ,elizabeth was surrounded4 ,every additional fact that comes to light seems to point to the truth being that through his life ,burghley was ,francis ,bacon's staunch friend and supporter4 ,upon ,sir ,nicholas ,bacon's death ,burghley appears with ,bodley to have been maintaining ,bacon in his travels abroad4 ,upon his return to ,england ,burghley gave him financial support in his great project4 ,in #aeia there was a crisis--someone had been spending money for the past twelve years freely in making ,english literature4 ,that cannot be gainsaid4 ,burghley appears to have pulled up and remonstrated2 hence ,bacon's letter containing the threat before referred to4 ,it is significant that it was immediately after this letter was written that ,bacon's association with ,essex commenced4 ,bacon would take him and ,southampton into his confidence and seek their help4 ,essex was just the man to respond with enthusiasm4 ,francis introduced ,anthony to him4 ,the services of the brothers were placed at his disposal1 and he undertook to manage the ,queen4 ,the office of ,attorney-,general for ,francis would meet the case4 ,it was dangerous in a factious age to have my ,lord ,essex his favour1 says the biographer before quoted4#dj ,that ,burghley was favourable to his appointment as ,attorney-,general two letters written by ,francis to ,lord ,keeper ,puckering in #aeid testify4 ,in the first ,bacon writes3 ,i pray your ,lordship to call to remembrance my ,lord ,treasurer's kind course1 who affirmed directly all the rest to be unfit4 ,and because vis unita fortior ,i beg your ,lordship to take a time with the ,queen when my ,lord ,treasurer is present4 ,in a second letter he writes3 ,i thought good to remember your good ,lordship and to request you as ,i touched in my last that if my ,lord ,treasurer be absent your ,lordship would forbear to fall into my business with her ,majesty lest it mought receive some foil before the time when it should be resolutely dealt in4 ,only ,burghley was found to support ,essex's advocacy1 and on the whole this was not to be wondered at4 ,such an appointment1 to say the least1 would have been an experiment4 ,possibly ,essex was the stumbling-block1 but it may be that the real objection on the part of the ,queen and her advisers was that ,bacon was known to be so amorous of certain learned arts1 so much given over to invention1 that the consensus of opinion was that he was thereby unfitted to hold an important office of the ,state4 ,or it may be that he was discredited by his suspected or known association with certain printers4 ,there was some reason of which no explanation can now be traced4 ,it has been suggested that in #aeia there was a crisis in ,bacon's life4 ,that is evident from the letter to ,burghley written in that year4 ,john ,harrington's translation of ,orlando ,furioso was published about this time4 ,the manuscript1 which is in a perfect condition1 is in the ,british ,museum1 and has been marked in ,bacon's handwriting throughout4 ,the pagination and the printer's signature are placed at the commencement of the stanzas to be printed on each page1 and there are instructions to the printer at the end which are not in his hand4 ,there are good grounds for attributing the notes at the end of each chapter to ,bacon4 ,it is very improbable that ,sir ,john ,harrington had the classical knowledge which the writer of these notes must have possessed4 ,there is a letter written by him to ,sir ,amias ,pawlett1 dated ,january1 #afjf-g4 ,he is relating an interview with ,king ,james1 and says3 ,then he 7the king7 enquyrede muche of lernynge and showede me his owne in such sorte as made me remember my examiner at ,cambridge aforetyme4 ,he soughte muche to knowe my advances in philosophie and utterede profounde sentences of ,aristotle and such lyke wryters1 whiche ,i had never reade and which some are bolde enoughe to saye others do not understand4 ,it would be difficult to mention any classical author with whose works the writer of these notes was not familiar1 or to believe that ,epigrams both ,pleasant and ,serious 7#afae7 came from the pen of that writer4 ,at the end of the thirty-seventh chapter the following note occurs3 ,it was because she 7,porcia7 wrote some verses in manner of an ,epitaph upon her husband after his decease3 ,in which kind1 that honourable ,ladie 7widow of the late ,lord ,john ,russell7 deserveth no lesse commendation1 having done as much for two husbands4 ,and whereas my author maketh so great bost only of one learned woman in ,italie1 ,i may compare 7besides one above all comparison that ,i have noted in the twentith booke7 three or foure in ,england out of one family1 and namely the sisters of that learned ,ladie1 as witness that verse written by the meanest of the foure to the ,ladie ,burlie which ,i doubt if ,cambridge or ,oxford can mend4 ,the four ,si mihi quem cupio cures ,mildreda ,she wrote to daughters of remitti ,lady ,burlie ,sir ,anthonie ,tu bona1 tu melior1 tu mihi sola to send a ,cooke-- soror2 kinsman of ,ladie ,burlie1 ,sin mali cessando retines1 trans hers into ,ladie ,russell1 mare mittis1 ,cornwall1 ,lady ,bacon1 ,tu mala1 tu peior1 tu mihi nulla where she ,mistress soror4 dwelt1 and to ,killygrew4 ,is si ,cornubiam1 tibi pax sit stop his going omnia laeta1 beyond sea4 ,sin mare ,ceciliae nuncio bella4 ,vale4#da ,the writer of the ,latin verse was not ,ladie ,russell1 and it was written to ,ladie ,burlie1 so she must either be ,ladie ,bacon or ,mistress ,killigrew4 ,it is not an improbable theory that ,ladie ,bacon was writing to her sister ,mildred1 who had1 through her husband1 power either to send ,francis to ,cornwall or permit him to be sent away over the seas4 ,there is a copy of ,machiavelli's ,history of ,florence1 #aeie1 with ,bacon's notes in the margins4#db ,at the end is a memorandum giving the dates when the book was read in ,cornwall at1 and then follow two words1 the second of which is ,lake1 but the first is undecipherable4 ,is it possible that ,lady ,anne ,bacon had a house in ,cornwall which ,francis ,bacon1 inheriting after her death1 was in the habit of visiting for retirement8 ,but this is conjecture4 ,the following point is of interest4 ,in the ,life of ,burghley 7#aeih7 it is said that3 ,bookes weare so pleasing to him1 as when he gott libertie to goe unto his house to take ayre1 if he found a book worth the openinge1 he wold rather loose his ridinge than his readinge2 and yet ryding in his garden walks upon his litle moile was his greatest ,disport3 ,but so soone as he came in he fell to his readinge againe or els to dispatchinge busines4 ,rawley1 in his ,life of ,bacon 7#afeg71 attributes an exactly similar habit to the philosopher1 and almost in identical phrase3 ,for he would ever interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with his studies as walking1 or taking the air abroad in his coach or some other befitting recreation2 and yet he would lose no time1 inasmuch as upon his first and immediate return he would fall to reading again1 and so suffer no moment of time to slip from him without some present improvement4 ,it is difficult to approach any phase of the life of ,bacon without being confronted with what appears to be evidence of careful preparation to obscure the facts4 ,this observation does not result from imagination or prejudice2 ,bacon's movements are always enshrouded in mystery4 ,investigation and research will1 however1 eventually establish as a fact that there was a closer connection between ,burghley and ,bacon than historians have recognised1 and that they had a strong attachment for each other4 ,,footnotes3 #cg ,harl4 ,,mss41 #ecg1 pp4 #bf and #ga2 additional ,,mss41 #d1bfc1 p4 #add2 ,harl4 ,,mss41 #f1dja2 ,harl4 ,,mss41 #f1hed1 p4 #bjc2 ,cambridge ,univ4 ,lib41 ,mm4 ,v4 #e2 ,cotton ,,mss41 ,tit41 ,chap4 ,,vii41 p4 #ej b2 ,harl4 ,,mss41 #hei1 p4 #dj2 ,cotton ,,mss41 ,jul41 ,f4 ,,vi41 p4 #aeh4 #ch ,see page #gb4 #ci ,see pages #gj1 #gb4 #dj ,see ,appendix4 #da ,if you1 ,o ,mildred1 will take care to send back to me him whom ,i desire1 ,you will be my good1 my more than good1 my only sister2 ,but if1 unfortunately1 by doing nothing you keep him back and send him across the sea1 ,you will be bad1 more than bad1 nay no sister at all of mine4 ,if he comes to ,cornwall1 peace and all joys be with you1 ,but if he goes by sea to ,sicily ,i declare war4 ,farewell4 #db ,one note on this book contains an interesting historical fact hitherto unknown4 ,on page #bgi the text states3 ,among the ,conspirators was ,nicholo ,fedini whom they employed as ,chauncellor1 he persuaded with a hope more certaine1 revealed to ,piero1 all the practice argreed by his enemies1 and delivered him a note of all their names4 ,bacon has made the following note in the margin3 ,ex 7i4e41 ,essex7 did the like in ,england which he burnt at ,shirfr ,smiths house in fenchurch ,street4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,the #afbc ,,folio ,,edition ,,of ,,shakespeare',s ,,plays4 ,sir ,sydney ,lee has written#dc3--;,as a specimen of typography1 the ,first ,folio is not to be commended4 ,there are a great many contemporary folios of larger bulk far more neatly and correctly printed4 ,it looks as though ,jaggard's printing office was undermanned4 ,the misprints are numerous1 and are especially conspicuous in the pagination4 ,in the same year was published ,the ,theater of ,honour and ,knighthood1 translated from the ,french of ,andreu ,favine4 ,william ,jaggard was the printer4 ,it is a large folio volume containing about #a1bjj pages1 and is referred to as being issued by ,jaggard as an example of the printer's art to maintain his reputation1 which had suffered from the apparently careless manner in which the ,shakespeare ,folio was turned out4 ,both books contain the same emblematic head-pieces and tail-pieces4 ,there are1 however1 some considerable mispaginations in ,the ,theater of ,honour4 ,mispaginations were not infrequent in ,elizabethan and ,jacobean literature1 but it is quite possible that they were not unintentional4 ,the most glaring instance is to be found in the first ,edition of ,the ,two ,bookes of ,francis ,bacon--,of the ,proficience and ,advancement in ,learning1 ,divine and ,humane1 published by ,henrie ,tomes 7#afje74 ,each leaf 7not page7 is numbered4 ,the #de leaves of the first book are correctly numbered4 ,in the second book there is no number on leaf #f4 ,leaf #i is numbered #f1 the right figure being printed upside down2 #cj is numbered #cc2 from #ca to #gj the numbering is correct1 and then the leaves are numbered as follows3--#gj1 #gj1 #ga1 #gj1 #gb1 #gd1 #gc1 #gd1 #ge1 #fi1 #gg1 #gh1 #gi1 #hj1 #gg1 #gd1 #gd1 #fi1 #fi1 #hb1 #hg1 #gi1 #hi1 #ia1 #ib1 #ic1 #id1 #ie1 #ii1 #ig1 #ii1 #id1 #ajj1 #ii1 #ajb1 #ajc1 #ajc1 #ic1 #ajf1 and on correctly until the last page1 #aah1 except that #aae is numbered #aje4 ,it is impossible to attribute this mispagination to the printer's carelessness4 ,this was the first work published bearing ,bacon's name1 excepting the trifle of essays published in #aeig4 ,there does not appear to have been any hurry in its production4 ,it is quite a small volume1 and yet the foregoing remarkable mispaginations occur4 ,there must be some purpose in this which has yet to be found out4 ,the #afbc ,shakespeare ,folio will be found to be one of the most perfect examples of the printer's art extant1 because no work has been produced under such difficult conditions for the printer4 ,there are few mistakes in pagination or spelling which are not intentional4 ,the work is a masterpiece of enigma and cryptic design4 ,the lines ,to the ,reader opposite to the title-page are a table or code of numbers4 ,the same lines and the lettering on the title-page form another table4 ,the ingenuity displayed in this manipulation of words and numbers to create analogies is almost beyond the comprehension of the human mind4 ,the mispaginations are all intentional and have cryptic meanings4 ,the acme of wit is the substitution of #iic for #cii on the last page of the tragedies2 a hundred has been omitted in ,hamlet1 #beg following #aef1 and other errors made in order to obtain this result on the last page4 ,the manner in which the printer's signatures have been arranged with the pages is equally wonderful4 ,the name ,william ,shakespeare must have been created without reference to him of ,stratford1 who possibly bore or had assigned to him a somewhat similar name4 ,a great superstructure is built up on the exact spelling of the words ,william ,shakespeare4 ,the year #afbc was specially selected for the issue of the complete volume of the plays1 because of the marvellous relations which the numbers composing it bear to the names ,william ,shakespeare and ,francis ,bacon1 to the year #aefj1 in which the birth of ,bacon is registered1 and to #aefd and #afaf1 the reputed dates of the birth and death of the ,stratford man4 ,nor do the wonders end here4 ,the use of numerical analogies has been carried into the construction of the ,english language4 ,all this1 and much more1 will be made manifest when the work of ,mr4 ,e4 ,v4 ,tanner comes to be investigated and appreciated4 ,he has made the greatest literary discovery of all time4 ,the wonder is how it has been possible for anyone to pierce the veil and reveal the secrets of the volume4 ,the value of the ,shakespeare ,folio #afbc will be enhanced4 ,it will stand alone as the greatest monument of the achievements of the human intellect4 ,to any literary critic who should honour this book by noticing it1 it is probable the foregoing statements may seem extravagant and untrustworthy4 ,to such the request is now made that before making any comment he will inspect the proof of the foregoing statements which are in the writer's possession4 ,the dramas of ,shakespeare are1 by universal consent1 placed at the head of all literature4 ,the invitation is now put forth in explicit terms1 and facilities are offered for the investigation of the truth1 or otherwise1 of every statement made in the foregoing paragraph4 ,,footnotes3 #dc ,a ,life of ,shakespeare1 #aehi1 #bnd ,edition1 p4 #cjh4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,the ,,authorized ,,version ,,of ,,the ,,bible1 #afaa4 ,is it not strange that there is no mention of any connection of ,francis ,bacon with this work8 ,there was a conference held at ,hampton ,court ,palace before ,king ,james on ,january1 #afjc1 between the ,episcopalians and ,puritans4 ,john ,rainoldes urged the necessity of providing for his people a uniform translation of the ,bible4 ,rainoldes was the leader of the ,puritans1 a person of prodigious reading and doctrine1 and the very treasury of erudition4 ,dr4 ,hall1 ,bishop of ,norwich1 reports that he alone was a well furnished library1 full of all faculties1 of all studies1 of all learning--the memory and reading of that man were near a miracle4 ,the ,king approved the suggestion and commissioned for that purpose fifty-four of the most learned men in the universities and other places4 ,there was a careful selection of revisers made by some unknown but very competent authority4 ,the translators were divided into six bands of nine each1 and the work of translation was apportioned out to them4 ,a set of rules was drawn up for their guidance1 which has happily come down to modern times--almost the only record that remains of this great undertaking4 ,these concise rules have a homogeneity1 breadth and vigour which point to ,bacon as their author4 ,each reviser was to translate the whole of the original allocated to his company2 then they were to compare their translations together1 and1 as soon as a company had completed its part1 it was to communicate the result to the other companies1 that nothing might pass without the general consent4 ,if any company1 upon the review of the translation so sent1 differed on any point1 they were to note their objection and state their reasons for disagreement4 ,if the differences could not be adjusted1 there was a committee of arbitration which met weekly1 consisting of a representative from each company1 to whom the matter in dispute was referred4 ,if any point was found to be very obscure1 letters were to be addressed1 by authority1 to learned persons throughout the land inviting their judgment4 ,the work was commenced in #afjd4 ,rainoldes belonged to the company to whom ,isaiah and the prophets were assigned4 ,he died in #afjg1 before the work was completed4 ,during his illness his colleagues met in his bedroom so that they might retain the benefit of his learning4 ,only forty-seven out of the fifty-four names are known4 ,when the companies had completed their work1 one complete copy was made at ,oxford1 one at ,cambridge1 and one at ,westminster4 ,those were sent to ,london4 ,then two members were selected from each company to form a committee to review and polish the whole4 ,the members met daily at ,stationers' ,hall and occupied nine months in their task4 ,then a final revision was entrusted to ,dr4 ,thomas ,bilson and ,dr4 ,miles ,smith1 and in #afji their labours were completed and the result was handed to the ,king4 ,many of the translators have left specimens of their writing in theological treatises1 sermons1 and other works4 ,a careful perusal of all these available justifies the assertion that amongst the whole body there was not one man who was so great a literary stylist as to be able to write certain portions of the ,authorised ,version1 which stamp it as one of the two greatest examples of the ,english language4 ,naturally the interest centres on ,dr4 ,thomas ,bilson and ,dr4 ,miles ,smith1 to whom the final revision was entrusted4 ,there are some nine or ten theological works by the former and two sermons by the latter4 ,unless the theory of a special divine inspiration for the occasion be admitted1 it is clear that neither ,bilson nor ,miles ,smith could have given the final touches to the ,bible4 ,and now a curious statement has come down to us4 ,in #afji the translators handed their work to the ,king1 and in #afaj he returned it to them completed4 ,james was incapable of writing anything to which the term beautiful could be applied4 ,what had happened to the translators' work whilst it was left in his hands8 ,james had an officer of state at that time of whom a contemporary biographer wrote that he had the contrivance of all ,king ,james his ,designs1 until the match with ,spain4 ,it will eventually be proved that the whole scheme of the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible was ,francis ,bacon's4 ,he was an ardent student not only of the ,bible1 but of the early manuscripts4 ,st4 ,augustine1 ,st4 ,jerome1 and writers of theological works1 were studied by him with industry4 ,he has left his annotations in many copies of the ,bible and in scores of theological works4 ,the translation must have been a work in which he took the deepest interest and which he would follow from stage to stage4 ,when the last stage came there was only one writer of the period who was capable of turning the phrases with that matchless style which is the great charm of the ,shakespeare plays4 ,whoever that stylist was1 it was to him that ,james handed over the manuscripts which he received from the translators4 ,that man then made havoc of much of the translation1 but he produced a result which1 on its literary merits1 is without an equal4 ,thirty years ago another revision took place1 but1 notwithstanding the advantages which the revisers of #ahhj had over their predecessors of #afaa1 their version has failed to displace the older version1 which is too precious to the hearts of the people for them to abandon it4 ,although not one of the translators has left any literary work which would justify the belief that he was capable of writing the more beautiful portions of the ,bible1 fortunately ,bacon has left an example which would rather add lustre to than decrease the high standard of the ,bible if it were incorporated in it4 ,as to the truth of this statement the reader must judge from the following prayer1 which was written after his fall1 and which was described by ,addison as resembling the devotion of an angel rather than a man3-- ,remember1 ,o ,lord1 how ,thy servant hath walked before ,thee2 remember what ,i have first sought1 and what been principal in mine intentions4 ,i have loved ,thy assemblies2 ,i have mourned for the divisions of ,thy ,church2 ,i have delighted in the brightness of ,thy sanctuary4 ,this vine1 which ,thy right hand hath planted in this nation1 ,i have ever prayed unto ,thee that it might have the first and the latter rain1 and that it might stretch her branches to the seas and to the floods4 ,the state and bread of the poor and oppressed have been precious in mine eyes4 ,i have hated all cruelty and hardness of heart4 ,i have1 though in a despised weed1 procured the good of all men4 ,if any have been mine enemies1 ,i thought not of them1 neither hath the sun almost set upon my displeasure2 but ,i have been as a dove1 free from superfluity of maliciousness4 ,thy creatures have been my books1 but ,thy scriptures much more4 ,i have sought ,thee in the courts1 fields1 and gardens1 but ,i have found ,thee in ,thy temples4 ,thousand have been my sins and ten thousand my transgressions1 but ,thy sanctifications have remained with me1 and my heart1 through ,thy grace1 hath been an unquenched coal upon ,thine altar4 ,o ,lord1 my strength1 ,i have since my youth met with ,thee in all my ways1 by ,thy fatherly compassions1 by ,thy comfortable chastisements1 and by ,thy most visible providence4 ,as ,thy favours have increased upon me1 so have ,thy corrections1 so that ,thou hast been ever near me1 ,o ,lord2 and ever1 as ,thy worldly blessings were exalted1 so secret darts from ,thee have pierced me1 and when ,i have ascended before men1 ,i have descended in humiliation before ,thee4 ,and now1 when ,i thought most of peace and honour1 ,thy hand is heavy upon me1 and hath humbled me according to ,thy former lovingkindness1 keeping me still in ,thy fatherly school1 not as a bastard but as a child4 ,just are ,thy judgments upon me for my sins1 which are more in number than the sands of the sea1 but have no proportion to ,thy mercies2 for what are the sands of the sea to the sea8 ,earth1 heavens1 and all these are nothing to ,thy mercies4 ,besides my innumerable sins1 ,i confess before ,thee that ,i am debtor to ,thee for the gracious talent of ,thy gifts and graces1 which ,i have neither put into a napkin1 nor put it 7as ,i ought7 to exchangers1 where it might have made most profit1 but misspent it in things for which ,i was least fit so that ,i may truly say my soul hath been a stranger in the course of my pilgrimage4 ,be merciful unto me1 ,o ,lord1 for my ,saviour's sake1 and receive me into ,thy bosom or guide me in ,thy ways4 ,there is another feature about the first editions of the ,authorised ,version which arrests attention4 ,in #afaa the first folio edition was published4 ,the design with archers1 dogs and rabbits which is to be found over the address ,to the ,christian ,reader which introduces the genealogies is also to be found in the folio edition of ,shakespeare over the dedication to the most noble and ,incomparable paire of ,brethren1 over the ,catalogue and elsewhere4 ,except that the mark of query which is on the head of the right hand pillar in the design in the ,bible is missing in the ,shakespeare folio1 and the arrow which the archer on the right hand side is shooting contains a message in the design used in the ,bible and is without one in the ,shakespeare folio4 ,in the #afab quarto edition of the ,authorised ,version on the title-page of the ,genealogies are two designs2 that at the head of the page is printed from the identical block which was used on the title-page of the first edition of ,venus and ,adonis1 #aeic1 and the first edition of ,lucrece1 #aeid4 ,at the bottom is the design with the light ,a and dark ,a1 which is over the dedication to ,sir ,william ,cecil in the ,arte of ,english ,poesie1 #aehi4 ,an octavo edition1 which is now very rare1 was also published in #afab4 ,on the title-page of the ,genealogies will be found the design with the light ,a and dark ,a which is used on several of the ,shakespeare quartos and elsewhere4 7,figure ,,xxi47 ,the selection of these designs was not made by chance4 ,they were deliberately chosen to create similitudes between certain books1 and mark their connection with each other4 ,the revised translation of the ,bible was undertaken as a national work4 ,it was carried out under the personal supervision of the ,king1 but every record of the proceedings has disappeared4 ,the ,british ,museum does not contain a manuscript connected with the proceedings of the translators4 ,in the ,record ,office have been preserved the original documents referring to important proceedings of that period4 ,the parliamentary1 judicial1 and municipal records are1 on the whole1 in a complete condition1 but ask for any records connected with the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible and the reply is3 ,we have none4 ,and yet it is reasonable to suppose that manuscripts and documents of such importance would be preserved4 ,where are they to be found8 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,how ,,bacon ,,marked ,,books ,,with ,,the ,,publication ,,of ,,which ,,he ,,was ,,connected4 ,at a very early period in the history of printing1 the custom was introduced of placing on title-pages1 at the heads and ends of the chapters1 emblematical designs4 ,in ,english printed books these are seldom to be found until the latter half of the #afth century4 ,an investigation of the books of the period reveals the fact that the same blocks were used by different printers4 ,articles have been written on the migration of printer's blocks1 but1 so far1 no explanation has been offered as to any object other than decoration for which these blocks were used4 ,among other designs in use between #aegf and #afdj are a number of variants of a device in which a light ,a and a dark ,a form the most conspicuous points4 ,camden1 in his ,remaines ,concerning ,britaine1 #afad1 commences a chapter on ,impresses1 at the head of which the device is found1 thus3--,an ,imprese 7as the ,italians call it7 is a device in picture with his ,motto1 or ,word1 borne by noble and learned personages1 to notifie some particular conceit of their owne3 as ,emblemes 7that we may omitte other differences7 doe propound some general instructions to all4 ,then follow a number of examples1 and amongst them this3-- ,variete and vicissitude of humane things he seemed to shew which parted his shield1 ,per ,pale1 ,argent ,sables and counter-changeably writte in the ,argent1 ,ater and in the ,sables ,albus4 ,but even if the light ,a and dark ,a are used in the design of the head-piece to represent ,albus and ,ater it does not afford any satisfactory explanation as to why they are so used4 ,in ,,mdcxvi4 was published ,les ,emblemes ,moraulx et ,militaires du ,sieur ,jacob ,de ,bruck ,angermundt ,nouvellement mis en ,lumiere ,a ,strasbourg1 ,par ,jacob de ,heyden ,graveur4 ,in ,emblem ,no4 #ah1 now reproduced1 the light ,a and the dark ,a will be found in the branch of the tree which the man is about to cut off4 7,figure ,,vi47#dd ,another ,emblem does not contain the light ,a and dark ,a1 but the bark of the trunk and branches of the tree on the design exhibit a strong contrast between the dark and light1 which feature is represented in most of the title-pages of books in which the device is found4 7,figure ,,vii47 ,mr4 ,charles ,t4 ,jacob1 ,chiswick ,press1 ,london1 who is the author of ,books and ,printing 7,london1 #aijb71 and several works on typography1 referring to an article on the migration of woodblocks1 said3-- ,it is a well-known fact to ,bibliographers that the same blocks were sometimes used by different printers in two places quite far apart1 and at various intervals during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries4 ,that the same blocks were employed is apparent from a comparison of technical defects of impressions taken at different places1 and at two periods4 ,there was no method of duplication in existence until stereotyping was first invented in #agbe2 even then the details were somewhat crude1 and the process being new1 it met with much opposition and was practically not adopted until the early part of the nineteenth century4 ,electrotyping1 which is the ideal method of reproducing woodblocks1 was not introduced until #ahcf or thereabouts4 ,of course1 it was quite possible to re-engrave the same design1 but absolute fidelity could not be relied on by these means1 even if executed by the same hand4 ,the earliest date which appears on a book in which the head-piece1 containing the device of the light ,a and dark ,a is found1 is #aefc4 ,the book is ,de ,furtivis ,literarum ,notis ,vulgo4 ,de ,ziferis1 ,ioan4 ,baptista ,porta ,neapolitano ,authore4 ,cum ,privilegio ,neapoli1 apud ,ioa4 ,mariam ,scotum4 ,,mdlxiii4 7,figure ,,viii47 ,it is only used once--over the dedication ,ioanni ,soto ,philippi ,regis4 ,there is no other head-piece in the book4 ,john ,baptist ,porta was1 with the exception of ,trithemius1 whom he quotes1 the first writer on cyphers4 ,at the time at which he wrote cypher-writing was studied in every ,court in ,europe4 ,it is significant that this emblematic device is used in the earliest period in which head-pieces were adopted1 in a book which is descriptive and is in fact a text-book of the art of concealment4 ,this has1 however1 now been proved to be a falsely dated book4 ,the first edition of this work was published in ,naples in #aefc by ,ioa4 ,marius ,scotus1 but this does not contain the ,a ,a design4 ,in #aeia the book was published in ,london by ,john ,wolfe2 this reprint was dedicated to ,henry ,percy1 ,earl of ,northumberland4 ,after the edition had been printed off1 the title-page was altered to correspond with the #aefc ,naples publication4 ,the dedication was taken out1 and a reprint of the original dedication was substituted1 and over this was placed the ,a ,a head-piece2 then an edition was struck off1 and1 until to-day1 it has been sold and re-sold as the first edition of ,baptista ,porta's work4 ,it is difficult to offer any explanation as to why this fraud was committed4 ,the first occasion upon which this device was used appears to be in a book so rare that no copy of it can be found1 either in the ,british ,museum or the ,bodleian ,library4 ,unfortunately1 in the copy belonging to the writer1 the title-page and the two first pages are missing4 ,the work is called ,hebraicum ,alphabethum ,jo4 ,bovlaese4 ,it is a ,hebrew ,grammar1 with proof-sheets added4 ,it is interleaved with sheets of ,english-made paper1 containing ,bacon's handwriting4 ,bound up with it is another ,hebrew ,grammar1 similarly interleaved1 called ,sive compendium1 quintacunque ,ratione fieri potuit amplessimum1 ,totius linguae1 published in ,paris in #aeff4 ,the book ends with the sentence3 ,ex collegio ,montis--,acuti #bj ,decembris #aegf2 then follow two pages in ,hebrew1 with the ,latin translation over it1 headed ,decem ,praecepta decalogi ,exod4 ,over this is the design containing the light ,a and the dark ,a1 and the squirrel and rabbits4 7,figure ,,ix47 ,one thing is certain1 that the copy now referred to was in the possession of ,bacon1 and that the interleaved sheets of paper contain his handwriting1 in which have been added page by page the equivalents of the ,hebrew in ,greek1 ,chaldaeic1 ,syriac and ,arabic4 ,in #aegg ,christophor ,plantin published an edition of ,andrea ,alciat's ,emblemata4 ,on page #ajd is ,emblem ,no4 #de1 ,in dies meliora4 ,this has been re-designed for the #aegg edition4 ,it contains at the back the pillars of ,hercules1 with a scroll around bearing the motto3 ,plus oltre4 ,these pillars stand on some arches1 immediately in front of which is a mound or pyramid1 two sides of which are seen4 ,on one is to be found the light ,a and on the other the dark ,a4 ,the design was appropriated by ,whitney1 and appears on page #ec in the #aehf edition of his ,emblems4 ,from this time forth1 ,a ,a devices are to be found in numbers of books published in ,england1 and on some published on the ,continent4 ,amongst the former are the first editions of ,venus and ,adonis1 ,lucrece1 the ,sonnets1 the quarto editions of ,shakespeare's plays1 the folio edition 7#afbc7 of his works1 and the first quarto and octavo editions 7#afab7 of the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible4 ,there are fourteen distinct designs1 in all of which1 varying widely in other respects1 the light ,a and the dark ,a constitute the outstanding figure4 ,the use of the two letters so shaded must have had a special significance4 ,in nearly every case it will be observed that the letter ,a is so drawn as to make the letter ,c on the inside4 ,was its significance of general knowledge amongst printers and readers1 or was it an earmarking device used by one person1 or by a ,society8 ,a possible interpretation of the use of the light and dark shading1 is that the book in which it is used contains more than is revealed2 that is to say1 the overt and the concealed4 ,a copy of ,a,esopiphrygis vita et fabellae cum latina interpretatione exists1 date #aeag4 ,the book is annotated by ,bacon4 ,on one side is the ,greek text and on the opposite page the ,latin translation4 ,on pages #ajb and #ajc are two initial letters printed from blocks of the letter ,a4 ,these are coloured so that the one on the left hand side is a light ,a1 and that on the opposite page a dark ,a4 ,there are other designs which are used apparently as part of a scheme4 ,the identical block 7,figure ,x47 which was used at the top of the title page of ,venus and ,adonis 7#aeic7 and ,lucrece 7#aeid7 did service on the title page of the ,genealogies in the quarto edition of the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible1 #afab4 ,this design was1 so far as can be traced1 only used twice in the intervening nineteen years--on ,an ,apologie of the ,earl of ,essex to ,master ,anthony ,bacon1 penned by himself in #aeih1 and printed by ,richard ,bradocke in #afjc1 and in #afjg1 on the ,world of ,wonders1 printed by ,richard ,field4 ,it was of this book that ,caldecott1 the bibliophile and ,shakespearean scholar1 wrote3 ,the phraseology of ,shakespeare is better illustrated in this work than in any other book existing4 ,the design which is found on the title page of the ,sonnets of ,shakespeare1 #afji1 is found also in the first edition of ,napier's ,mirifici ,logarithmorum1 #afaa1 but printed from a different block4 ,the design with archers shooting at the base of the central figure is to be found in a large number of the folio editions of the period4 ,amongst these are the ,authorised ,version of the ,bible1 #afaa1 the ,novum ,organum1 #afbj1 and the #afbc edition of ,shakespeare's works4 ,there are other designs which are usually found accompanying the light ,a and dark ,a and the other devices before referred to4 ,these designs were first brought into use from #aegf and practically cease to appear about #afbf4 ,afterwards they are seldom seen except in books bearing ,bacon's name1 and eventually they lapse4 ,the last use of an ,a ,a device is over the life of the author in the second volume of an edition of ,bacon's ,essays edited by ,dr4 ,william ,willymott1 published by ,henry ,parson in #agbj4 ,after an interval of about #fj years a new design is made1 which is not one of those employed by ,bacon4 ,by means of these devices a certain number of books may be identified as forming a class by themselves4 ,there is another feature connected with them which is of special interest4 ,one man appears to have contributed to all the books thus marked--either the dedication1 the preface1#de or the lines ,to the ,reader2 in some cases all three4 ,it may be urged in opposition to this view that in those days there was a form in which dedications and prefaces were written1 and that this was more or less followed by many writers1 but this contention will not stand investigation4 ,there are tricks of phrasing and other peculiarities which enable certain literary productions to be identified as the work of one man4 ,some of the finest ,elizabethan literature is to be found in the prefaces and dedications in these books4 ,the theory now put forth is that ,francis ,bacon was directing the production of a great quantity of the ,elizabethan literature1 and in every book in the production of which he was interested1 he caused to be inserted one of these devices4 ,he kept the blocks in his own custody2 he sent them out to a printer when a book was approved by him for printing4 ,on the completion of the work1 the printer returned the blocks to ,bacon so that they could be sent elsewhere by him as occasion required4 ,the most elaborate of the ,,aa designs is ,figure ,,xii41 and the writer has only found it in one volume4 ,it is ,le ,historie della ,citta ,di ,fiorenza1 by ,m4 ,jacopo1 published in ,lyons by ,theobald ,ancelin in #aehb4 ,exact was his correspondence abroad and at home1 constant his ,letters1 frequent his ,visits1 great his obligations1 states the contemporary biographer1 speaking of ,francis ,bacon4 ,it is difficult to arrive at the exact meaning of these words4 ,there is little correspondence with those abroad remaining1 no record of visits1 no particulars of the great obligations into which he entered4 ,in the dedication of the #afca edition of the ,histoire ,naturelle to ,monseigneur de ,chasteauneuf1 the author speaking of ,bacon writes3--,le ,chancelier1 qu'on a fait venir tant de fois en ,france1 n'a point encore quitte l',angleterre avec tant de passion de nous decouvrir ses merveilles que depuis qu'il a sceu le rang dont on avoit reconnu vos vertus4 ,these frequent visits to ,france are unrecorded elsewhere1 but here is definite testimony that they were made4 ,there are good grounds for believing that ,bacon was throughout his life1 until their deaths1 in constant communication with ,christophor ,plantin 7#aead-aehi71 ,aldus ,manutius1 ,henry ,stephen 7#aebh-aeih71 and also with ,robert ,stephens the third 7#aefc-afdj74 ,all these men were not only printers1 but brilliant scholars and writers4 ,if search be made1 it is quite possible that correspondence or other evidence of their friendship may come to light4 ,be that as it may1 there were undoubtedly a number of books published on the continent between #aegf and #afcj which in the sparta upon them bear testimony to ,bacon's association with their publication4 ,the following are instances of where the several designs which are reproduced may be found4 ,they however occur in many other volumes4 ,figure ,,ix4--,the ,arte of ,english ,poesie1 #aehi4 ,,xiii4--,orlando ,furioso1 #afjg4 ,,xiv4--,spencer's ,fairie ,queen4 ,,xv4--,florentine ,history translation1 #aeie1 and #afcf edition of ,barclay's ,argenis4 ,,xi4--,sonnets4 ,,xvi4--,simon ,pateriche's translation of ,discourse against ,machiavel4 ,,xvii4--,lodge's translation of ,seneca1 #afad4 ,,xviii4--,shakespeare ,folio1 #afbc4 ,,xix4--,daemonologie1 #afjc4 ,,xx4--,alciat's ,emblems1 published in ,paris1 #aehd4 ,,footnotes3 #dd ,plates ,nos4 ,,vi4 to ,,xxi4 will be found after the ,appendix4 #de ,in the ,advancement of ,learning ,bacon says that ,demosthenes went so far in regard to the great force that the entrance and access into a cause had to make a good impression that he kept in readiness a stock of prefaces4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,bacon ,,and ,,emblemata4 ,in ,shakespeare and the ,emblem ,writers the ,rev4 ,henry ,green endeavours to show the similarities of thought and expression between the great poet and the authors of ,emblemata1 but the line of enquiry which he there opened does not appear to have been followed by subsequent writers4 ,to-day the ,emblemata literature is a terra incognita except to a very few students1 and yet it is full of interest1 romance1 and mystery4 ,emblem literature may be said to have had its origin with ,andrea ,alciat1 the celebrated ,italian jurisconsult1 who was famous for his great knowledge and power of mind4 ,in #aebb he published at ,milan an ,emblematum ,libellus1 or ,little ,book of ,emblems4 ,green says3 ,it established1 if it did not introduce1 a new style of emblem literature1 the classical in the place of the simply grotesque and humorous1 or of the heraldic and mythic4 ,the first edition now known to exist was published at ,augsburg in #aeca1 a small octavo containing eighty-eight pages with ninety-seven emblems1 and as many woodcuts4 ,it was from time to time augmented1 and passed through many editions4 ,for some years the ,emblemata appears to have been produced chiefly by ,italians1 with a few ,frenchmen4 ,until the last half of the sixteenth century the output of books of this character was not large4 ,thenceforth for the next hundred years the creation of emblems became a popular form of literary exercise4 ,the ,italians continued to be prolific1 but ,dutch1 ,french1 and ,german scholars were but little behind them4 ,there were a few ,englishmen and ,spaniards who also practised the art4 ,in #aije was published a book called ,letters from the ,dead to the ,dead1 by ,oliver ,lector4 ,in it attention is drawn to the remarkable features of some of the books on emblems printed during ,bacon's life1 and to the evidence that he was in some manner connected with the publication of many of these volumes4 ,the author claims this to be especially the case with the ,emblemata ,moralia et ,bellica1 #afae1 of ,jacob de ,bruck1 of ,angermundt1 and the ,emblemata ,ethic ,politica of ,j4 ,bornitius4 ,the emblem pictures for the most part appear to be picture puzzles4 ,in the ,critique upon the ,mythology of the ,ancients ,bacon says3-- ,it may pass for a farther indication of a concealed and secret meaning1 that some of these fables are so absurd and idle in their narration as to proclaim and shew an allegory afar off4 ,a fable that carries probability with it may be supposed invented for pleasure1 or in imitation of history2 but1 those that would never be conceived or related in this way1 must surely have a different use4 ,if this line of reasoning be applied to the illustrations in the emblem books1 it is clear that they conceal some hidden meaning1 for they are apparently unintelligible1 and the accompanying letterpress does not afford any illumination4 ,jean ,baudoin was the translator of ,bacon's ,essaies into the ,french language 7#afbf74 ,baudoin published in #afch-i ,recueil ,d',emblemes divers avec des ,discours ,moraux1 ,philos4 et ,polit4 ,in the preface he says3 ,le grand chancelier ,bacon m'ayant fait naitre l'envie de travailler a ces emblemes 444 m'en a fourni les principaux que j'ai tires de l'explication ingenieuse qu'il a donnee de quelques fables et de ses autres ouvrages4 ,here is definite evidence of ,bacon's association with a book of emblems4 ,the first volume of ,emblemata in which traces of ,bacon's hand are to be found is the #aegg edition of ,alciat's ,emblems1 published by the ,plantin ,press1 with notes by ,claude ,mignault4 ,it is in this edition1 in ,emblem ,no4 #de1 ,in dies meliora1 that for the first time the light ,a and the dark ,a is to be found4 ,in previous editions this device is absent4 ,for this volume a new design has been engraved in which it appears4 ,in the emblem books written in ,italian ,bacon does not appear to have been concerned1 unless an exception be made of ,ripa's ,iconologia1 a copy of which contains his handwriting and initials4 ,in some way he had control of a large number of those written in ,latin1 and bearing names of ,dutch1 ,french1 and some ,italian authors1 and also of several written in ,dutch and of the ,english writers4 ,the field is a very wide one1 and only a few of the principal examples can be mentioned4 ,the most important work is the ,emblemata ,moralia et ,bellica of ,jacob a ,bruck1 of ,angermundt1 #afae4 ,argentorati per ,jacobum ab ,heyden4 ,with many of the designs in this volume ,oliver ,lector has dealt fully in ,letters from the ,dead to the ,dead1#df before referred to4 ,there is another volume bearing the name of ,jacob a ,bruck1 published in #aeih4 ,only one copy of this book is known to be in existence1 and that is in the ,royal ,library of ,st4 ,petersburg4 ,the ,emblemata ,ethico ,politica of ,jacobus ,bornitius1 #afei1 ,moguntiae1 is remarkable because many of the engravings contain portraits of ,bacon1 namely1 in ,sylloge ,prima1 ,plates ,nos4 vii41 xxiii41 xliv41 xlv41 xlvix42 and in ,sylloge ,,ii41 ,plates ix4 and xxxvi4 ,oliver ,lector says3 ,i have not met with an earlier edition of ,bornitius than #afei4 ,my conjecture1 however1 is that the manuscript came into the hands of ,gruter with other of ,bacon's published by him in the year #afec4 ,there are two productions of ,janus ,jacobus ,boissardus in which ,bacon's hand may be recognised--,emblemes ,latines avec l',interpretation ,francoise du ,i4 ,pierre ,ioly ,messin4 ,metis1 #aehh1 and ,emblematum liber4 ,ipsa ,emblemata ab ,auctore delineata3 a ,theodoro de ,bry sculpta et nunc recens in lucem edita1 #aeic1 ,frankfort4 ,two editions of the latter were printed in the same year4 ,the title-pages are identical1 and the same plates have been used throughout1 but the letterpress is in ,latin in the one1 and in ,french in the other4 ,in both1 the dedications are addressed in ,french to ,madame de ,clervent1 ,baronne de ,coppet1 etc4 ,the dedication of the former bears the name ,jan ,jacques ,boissard at the head1 and addresses the lady as que come estes addonnee a la speculation des choses qui appartiennent a l'instruction de l'ame4 ,the dedication of the latter is signed ,ioly1 who explains that he has translated the verses into ,french1 so that they may be of more service to the dedicatee4 ,otho ,van ,veen enjoys the distinction of having had ,rubens for a disciple4 ,a considerable number of emblem books emanated from him4 ,in #afjh were published at ,antwerp two editions of his ,amorum ,emblemata4 ,in one copy the verses are in ,latin1 ,german1 and ,french1 and in the other in ,latin1 ,english1 and ,italian4 ,there are commendatory verses in the latter1 two of which are by ,daniel ,heinsius and ,r4 ,v41 who was ,robert ,verstegen1 the author of ,a ,restitution of ,decayed ,intelligence in ,antiquities4 ,the dedication is ,to the most honourable and worthie brothers ,william ,earle of ,pembroke1 and ,phillip ,earle of ,montgomerie1 patrons of learning and chevalrie1 who are the most noble and incomparable paire of brethren to whom the #afbc ,shakespeare ,folio was dedicated4 ,in this volume ,bacon has left his marks4 ,emblemata door ,zacharias ,heyns1 published in ,rotterdam in #afbe1 comprises four books bound together4 ,the inscriptions over the plates are in ,latin4 ,the letterpress1 which is in ,dutch and ,french1 apparently bears very little reference to the illustrations4 ,johannis de ,brunes ,i4,c4 ,emblemata of ,sinne-,werck1 ,amsterdam1 #afbd1 is written in ,dutch4 ,emblem ,,viii4 contains an indication that the number #afbc is a key4 ,the ,silenus ,alcibiades sive ,proteus was published at ,middleburgh in #afah4 ,there is no author's name on the title-page1 but the ,voor-reden1 written in ,dutch1 is signed ,j4 ,cats4 ,attached to two of the preliminary complimentary verses are the names of ,daniel ,heyns and ,josuah ,sylvester1 the translator of ,du ,bartas4 ,the verses are in ,latin1 ,dutch1 and ,french4 ,immediately following the title-page is a preface in ,latin1 signed by ,majores de ,baptis4 ,over this is the familiar emblem containing the archers1 rabbits1 and dogs1 with the note of query on the right-hand side1 and the message on the arrow4 ,this volume is one of the most remarkable of the emblem books4 ,the ,latin preface is autobiographical4 ,if the writer can be identified as the author of ,venus and ,adonis1 it becomes one of the most important contributions to his biography4 ,in #afaf1 the year of ,shakespeare's death1 was published at ,amsterdam a book bearing on its title-page the inscription3 ,cornelii ,giselberti ,plempii ,amsterodamum ,monogrammon4 ,it contains fifty illustrations1 with ,latin verses attached4 ,emblem ,i4 is reproduced 7,fig4 ,v47 ,on reference to it1 it will be seen that ,fortune stands on a globe1 and with one hand is pushing off from the pinnacle of fame a man dressed as a player with a feather in his hat2 with the other hand she is raising up a man who is wearing the ,bacon hat1 but whose face is hidden4 ,the prophecy expressed by the emblem is now being fulfilled4 ,it will be seen that the initial letters of each word in the sentence of the letterpress--,obscaenumque nimis crepuit1 ,fortuna ,batavis appellanda--yield ,f4 ,bacon4 ,bacon's portrait is found in several of the illustrations in this book4 ,other emblem writers whose works bear traces of ,bacon's co-operation are ,g4 ,rollenhagen1 ,j4 ,camerius1 ,j4 ,typotius1 ,d4 ,hensius4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 ,v4 ,en ,fortuna3 manu quos rupem ducit in altam1 ,praecipites abigit3 carnificina ,dea est4 ,firma globo imponi voluerunt fata caducam1 ,ipsa quoque ut posset risus1 esse iocus4 ,olim unctos ,saly qui praesiliere per utres1 ,ridebant caderet si qua puella male4 ,o quam saepe sales1 plausumque merente ruina1 ,erubuit vitium fors inhonest a suum6 ,obscaenumque nimis crepuit1 ,fortuna ,batavis ,appellanda2 sono1 quo sua curta vocant4 ,quoque sono veteres olim sua furta ,latini3 ,vt nec1 ,homere1 mali nomen odoris ames4 ,c4 ,,plempii4 ,,emblemata ,,embl4 ,i4 ,there yet remain to be mentioned two ,english emblem writers4 ,a ,choice of ,emblems by ,geffrey ,whitney was published in #aehf by ,francis ,raphelengius in the house of ,christopher ,plantin at ,leyden4 ,the dedication is to ,robert ,earle of ,leicester4 ,there are only from fifteen to twenty original designs out of #aff illustrations4 ,the remainder are taken from other emblem writers1 chiefly from ,alciat1 ,sambucus1 ,paradin1 and ,hadrian ,junius4 ,on page #ec is the design headed ,in dies meliora found in the #aegg edition of ,alciat1 but the letterpress1 which is in ,english1 is quite different from the ,latin verse attached to it in the ,alciat4 ,the ,minerva ,britanna of ,henry ,peacham was published in #afab4 ,the emblem on the title-page#dg represents the great secret of ,francis ,bacon's life1 and on page 4#cc is an emblem in which the name ,shakespeare is represented4 ,the volume is full of devices which will amply repay a careful study4 ,apart from any connection which ,bacon may have had with this remarkable class of books1 they are of great interest to the student of the ,elizabethan and ,jacobean periods4 ,they contain pictorial representations full of information as to the habits and customs of the people4 ,with the exception of ,whitney's ,choice of ,emblems1 a facsimile reprint of which was published in #ahff1 edited by the ,rev4 ,henry ,green1 no reprint of any of these curious books has been issued4 ,as the original editions of many of them are very rare1 and of none of them plentiful1 their study is a matter of difficulty1 and few students find their way to this fascinating field of research4 ,how close ,bacon's connection was with the writers of these books1 or with their publishers1 it is difficult to say1 but there is considerable evidence that in some way he was able to introduce into every one of the books here enumerated1 and many others1 some plates illustrative of his inductive philosophy4 ,,footnotes3 #df ,bernard ,quaritch1 #aije4 #dg ,see page #aje4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,shakespeare',s ,,sonnets4 ,shakespeare's ,sonnets never before ,imprinted1 have afforded commentators material for many volumes filled with theories which to the ordinary critical mind appear to have no foundation in fact4 ,chapters have been written to prove that ,mr4 ,w4 ,h41 the only begetter of the ,sonnets1 was ,henry ,wriothesley1 ,earl of ,southampton1 and chapters have been written to prove that he was no such person1 but that ,william ,herbert1 ,earl of ,pembroke1 was the man intended to be designated4 ,theories have been elaborated to identify the individuals represented by the ,rival ,poet and the dark ,lady4 ,not one of these theories is supported by the vestige of a shred of testimony that would stand investigation4 ,there has not come down any evidence that ,shakspur1 of ,stratford1 knew either the ,earl of ,southampton1 the ,earl of ,pembroke or ,marie ,fitton4 ,the truth is that ,mr4 ,w4 ,h4 was ,shakespeare1 who was the only begetter of the ,sonnets1 and the proof of this statement will in due time be forthcoming4 ,it may be well to try and read some of the ,sonnets as they stand and endeavour to realise what is the obvious meaning of the printed words4 ,the key to the ,sonnets will be found in ,no4 #fb4 ,the language in which it is written is explicit and capable of being understood by any ordinary intellect4 ,sinne of selfe-love possesseth al mine eie ,and all my soule1 and al my every part2 ,and for this sinne there is no remedie1 ,it is so grounded inward in my heart4 ,me thinkes no face so gratious is as mine1 ,no shape so true1 no truth of such account1 ,and for my selfe mine owne worth do define1 ,as ,i all other in all worth's surmount ,but when my glasse shewes me my selfe indeed ,beated and chopt with tand antiquitie1 ,mine own selfe love quite contrary ,i read ,selfe1 so selfe loving were iniquity4 ,tis thee 7my-selfe7 that for myself ,i praise ,painting my age with beauty of thy daies4 ,the writer here states definitely that he is dominated by the sin of self-love2 it possesseth his eye1 his soul1 and every part of him4 ,there can be found no remedy for it2 it is so grounded in his heart4 ,no face is so gracious as is his1 no shape so true1 no truth of such account4 ,he defines his worth as surmounting that of all others4 ,this is the frank expression of a man who not only believed that he was1 but knew that he was superior to all his contemporaries1 not only in intellectual power1 but in personal appearance4 ,then comes an arrest in the thought1 and he realises that time has been at work4 ,he has been picturing himself as he was when a young man4 ,he turns to his glass and sees himself beated and chopt with tanned antiquity2 forty summers have passed over his brow4#dh ,francis ,bacon at forty years of age1 or thereabouts1 unmarried1 childless1 sits down to his table1 ,hilliard's portrait before him1 with pen in hand1 full of self-love1 full of admiration for that beautiful youth on whose counterfeit presentment he is gazing4 ,his intellectual triumphs pass in review before him1 most of them known only to himself and that youth--his companion through life4 ,that was the ,francis ,bacon who controlled him in all his comings and goings--his ideal whom he worshipped4 ,if he could have a son like that boy6 ,his pen begins to move on the paper-- ,from fairest creatures we desire increase ,that thereby beauty's rose might never die1 ,but as the riper should by time decrease ,his tender heire might bear his memory4 ,the pen stops and the writer's eye wanders to the miniature3-- ,but thou#di contracted to thine own bright eyes4 ,and so the ,sonnets flow on1 without effort1 without the need of reference to authorities1 for the great1 fixed and methodical memory needs none4 ,how natural are the allusions-- ,thou art thy mother's glasse and she in thee ,calls backe the lovely ,aprill of her prime4 99 99 99 99 99 ,be as thy presence is1 gracious and kind1 ,or to thyselfe at least kind hearted prove4 ,make thee another self1 for love of me ,that beauty may still live in thine or thee4 99 99 99 99 99 ,let those whom nature hath not made for store1 ,harsh1 featureless and rude1 barrenly perish2 ,look1 whom she best indow'd she gave the more2 ,which bountious guift thou shouldst in bounty cherrish2 ,she carv'd thee for her seale1 and ment therby ,thou shouldst print more1 not let that coppy die4 99 99 99 99 99 ,o that you were yourselfe1 but love you are ,no longer yours1 then you yourselfe here live1 ,against this cunning end you should prepare1 ,and your sweet semblance to some other give 4 4 4 4 ,who lets so faire a house fall to decay 4 4 4 4 ,o none but unthrifts1 deare my love you know ,you had a ,father1 let your ,son say so4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but wherefore do not you a mightier waie ,make warre uppon this bloodie tirant ,time8 ,and fortifie your selfe in your decay ,with meanes more blessed1 then my barren rime8 ,now stand you on the top of happie houres ,and many maiden gardens1 yet onset1 ,with virtuous wish would beare you living flowers ,much liker than your painted counterfeit3 99 99 99 99 99 ,who will beleeve my verses in time to come ,if it were fil'd with your most high deserts8 ,though yet heaven knows1 it is but as a tombe ,which hides your life1 and shewes not halfe your parts3 ,if ,i could write the beauty of your eyes ,and in fresh numbers number all your graces1 ,the age to come would say this ,poet lies1 ,such heavenly touches nere toucht earthly faces4 ,so should my papers 7yellowed with their age7 ,be scorn'd1 like old men of lesse truth than tongue1 ,and your true rights be termd a ,poets rage ,and stretched miter of an ,antique song4 ,but were some childe of yours alive that time1 ,you should live twise1 in it and in my rime4 99 99 99 99 99 ,yet doe thy worst1 ould ,time1 dispight thy wrong ,my love shall in my verse ever live young4 ,he realises that he no longer answers ,ophelia's description3 ,the courtier's1 soldier's1 scholar's eye1 tongue1 sword3 ,the expectancy and rose of the fair state ,the glass of fashion and the mould of form1 ,the observed of all observers4444 ,that unmatch'd form and feature of blown youth4 ,but he cannot forget what he has been1 he cannot realise that he is no longer the brilliant youth whose miniature he has before him1 with the words inscribed around1 ,si tabula daretur digna animum mallem--,if materials could be found worthy to paint his mind 7,o could he but have drawn his wit7 and then with a burst of poetic enthusiasm he exclaims3-- ,tis thee 7myselfe7 that for myselfe ,i praise1 ,painting my age with beauty of thy daies4 ,this is the common experience of a man as he advances in life4 ,so long as he does not see his reflection in a glass1 if he tries to visualize himself1 he sees the youth or young man4 ,only in his most pessimistic moments does he realise his age4 ,there is no longer any difficulty in understanding ,shakespeare's ,sonnets4 ,they were addressed by ,shakespeare1 the poet1 to the marvellous youth who was known under the name of ,francis ,bacon1 and they were written1 with ,hilliard's portrait placed on his table before him4 ,in that age 7please ,god it may be the present age71 which is known only to ,god and to the fates when the finishing touch shall be given to ,bacon's fame1#ej it will be found that the period of his life from twelve to thirty-five years of age surpassed all others1 not only in brilliant intellectual achievements1 but for the enduring wealth with which he endowed his countrymen4 ,and yet it was part of his scheme of life that his connection with the great renaissance in ,english literature should lie hidden until posterity should recognise that work as the fruit of his brain3--,mente ,videbor--by the mind ,i shall be seen4 ,how lacking all his modern biographers have been in perception6 ,every difficulty in those which are termed the procreation ,sonnets disappears with the application of this key4 ,only by it can ,sonnet #bb be made intelligible3-- ,my glass shall not persuade me ,i am old1 ,as long as youth and thou are of one date2 ,but when in thee time's furrow ,i behold1 ,then look1 ,i death my days would expirate ,for all that beauty that doth cover thee ,is but the steady raiment of my heart4 ,which in my breast doth live1 as thine in me4 ,how can ,i then be older than thou art8 ,o1 therefore1 love1 be of thyself so wary ,as ,i1 not for myself1 but for thee will2 ,bearing thy heart1 which ,i will keep so chary ,as tender nurse her babe from faring ill4 ,presume not on thy heart when mine is slain2 ,thou gavest me thine1 not to give back again4 ,but nearly every ,sonnet might be quoted in support of this view4 ,especially is it of value in bringing an intelligent and allowable explanation to ,sonnets #dj1 #da1 and #db1 which now no longer have an unsavoury flavour4 ,sonnet ,no4 #ei is most noteworthy1 because it implies a belief in re-incarnation4 ,shakespeare expresses his longing to know what the ancients would have said of his marvellous intellect4 ,if he could find his picture in some antique book over #ejj years old1 see an image of himself as he then was1 and learn what men thought of him6 ,if their bee nothing new1 but that which is ,hath beene before1 how are our braines begulld1 ,which laboring for invention1 beare amisse ,the second burthen of a former child8 ,oh that record could with a back-ward looke1 ,even of five hundredth courses of the ,sunne1 ,show me your image in some antique booke1 ,since minde at first in carrecter was done1 ,that ,i might see what the old world could say ,to this composed wonder of your frame2 ,whether we are mended1 or where better they1 ,or whether revolution be the same4 ,oh sure ,i am1 the wits of former daies1 ,to subjects worse have given admiring praise4 ,there is the same idea in ,sonnet #ga1 which suggests that in some future re-incarnation ,bacon might read ,shakespeare's praises of him4 ,conjectures as to who was the rival poet may be dispensed with4 ,the following rendering of ,sonnet ,no4 #hj makes this perfectly clear3-- ,o how ,i 7the poet7 faint when ,i of you 7,f4,b47 do write1 ,knowing a better spirit 7that of the philosopher7 doth use your name ,and in the praise thereof spends all his might ,to make me tongue tied1 speaking of your fame6 7,shakespeare never refers to ,bacon or vice-versa7 ,but since your 7,f4,b4's7 worth wide as the ocean is1 ,the humble as the proudest sail doth bear1 ,my saucy bark 7that of the poet7 inferior far to his 7that of the philosopher71 ,on your broad main doth wilfully appear4 ,your shallowest help will hold me 7the poet7 up afloat ,whilst he 7the philosopher7 upon your soundless deep doth ride4 ,it is impossible to do justice to this subject in the space here available4 ,by the aid of this key every line becomes intelligible4 ,the charm and beauty of the ,sonnets are increased tenfold4 ,every unpleasant association of them is removed4 ,no longer need ,browning say1 ,if so the less ,shakespeare he4 ,these are not ,shakespeare's sug'rd#ea ,sonnets amongst his private friends to which ,meres makes reference4 ,they are to be found elsewhere4 ,if there had been an intelligent study of ,elizabethan literature from original sources the authorship of the ,sonnets would have been revealed long ago4 ,it was a habit of ,bacon to speak of himself as some one apart from the speaker4 ,the opening sentence of ,filum ,labyrinthi1 ,sivo ,forma ,inquisitiones is an example4 ,ad ,filios--,francis ,bacon thought in this manner4 ,prefixed to the preface to ,gilbert ,wats' interpretation of the ,advancement of ,learning is a chapter commencing1 ,francis ,lo ,verulam consulted thus3 and thus concluded with himselfe4 ,the publication whereof he conceived did concern the present and future age4 ,nothing that has been written is more perfectly ,baconian in style and temperament than are the ,sonnets4 ,they breathe out his hopes1 his aspirations1 his ideals1 his fears1 in every line4 ,he knew he was not for his time4 ,he knew future generations only would render him the fame to which his incomparable powers entitled him4 ,he knew how far he towered above his contemporaries1 aye1 and his predecessors1 in intellectual power4 ,his hopes were fixed on that day in the distant future--to-day--when for the first time the meshes which he wove1 behind which his life's work is obscured1 are beginning to be unravelled4 ,the most sanguine ,baconian1 in his most enthusiastic moments1 must fail adequately to appreciate the achievements of ,francis ,bacon and the obligations under which he has placed posterity4 ,but ,bacon knew--and he alone knew--their full value4 ,it was fitting that the greatest poet which the world had produced should in matchless verse do honour to the world's greatest intellect4 ,it was a pretty conceit4 ,only a master mind would dare to make the attempt4 ,the result has afforded another example of how his great wit1 in being concealed1 was revealed4 ,,footnotes3 #dh ,sonnet ,no4 #b4 #di ',tis thee myselfe1 ,sonnet #fb4 #ej ,see ,rawley's ,introduction to ,manes ,verulamiana4 #ea ,the expression sugr'd ,sonnets refers to verses which were written with coloured ink to which sugar had been added4 ,when dry the writing shone brightly4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,bacon',s ,,library4 ,in the ,advancement of ,learning ,bacon refers to the annotations of books as being deficient4 ,there was living at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century a scholar through whose hands at least several thousand books passed4 ,he appears to have made a practice of annotating in the margins every book he read4 ,the chief purpose1 however1 of the notes1 apparently1 was to aid the memory1 for in some books nearly every name occurring in the text is carried into the margin without comment4 ,the notes are also accompanied by scrolls1 marks1 and brackets1 which support the contention that they are the work of one man4 ,the annotation of books was not a common practice then1 nor has it been since4 ,if a reader takes up a hundred books in a second-hand book shop he will probably not find more than one containing manuscript notes1 and not one in five hundred in which the annotations have been systematically carried through4 ,there does not appear to have been any other scholar living at that time1 with the exception of this one1 who was persistently making marginal notes on the books he read4 ,spedding writes3 ,what became of his 7,bacon's7 books1 which were left to ,sir ,john ,constable and must have contained traces of his reading1 we do not know2 but very few appear to have survived4 ,mrs4 ,pott1 in ,francis ,bacon and his ,secret ,society1 draws attention to the mystery as to the disappearance of ,bacon's library4 ,which is a mystery1 she adds1 although the world has been content to take it very apathetically4 ,where is ,bacon's library8 ,undoubtedly the books exist and are traceable4 ,we should expect them to be recognisable by marginal notes2 yet those notes1 whether in pencil or in ink1 may have been effaced4 ,if annotated1 ,bacon and his friends would not wish his books to attract public attention4 ,and further on3 ,it is probable that the latter 7i4e41 the books7 will seldom or never be found to bear his name or signature4 ,and again3 ,yet it may reasonably be anticipated that some at least are 'noted in the margin1' or that some will be found with traces of marks which were guides to the transcriber or amanuensis as to the portions which were to be copied for future use in ,bacon's collections or book of commonplaces4 ,mrs4 ,pott's words were written in a spirit of true prophecy4 ,the collecting together of these books originated with that distinguished ,baconian scholar1 ,mr4 ,w4 ,m4 ,safford4 ,for years past he has been steadily engaged in reconstituting ,bacon's ,library4 ,the writer has had the privilege of being associated with him in this work during the past three years4 ,a collection of nearly two thousand volumes has been gathered together4 ,the annotations on the margins of these books are unquestionably the work of one man1 and that man1 or rather boy and man1 was undoubtedly ,francis ,bacon4 ,the books bear date from #adgj to #afbj4 ,it is impossible to enumerate them all here1 but they include the works of ,seneca1 ,aristotle1 ,plato1 ,horace1 ,alciat1 ,lucanus1 ,dionysius1 ,catullus1 ,lactinius1 ,plutarch1 ,pliny1 ,aristophanes1 ,plautus1 ,cornelius ,agrippa1 ,cicero1 ,vitruvius1 ,euclid1 ,virgil1 ,ovid1 ,lucretius1 ,apuleius1 ,salust1 ,tibullus1 ,isocrates1 and hundreds of other classical writers2 ,st4 ,augustine1 ,st4 ,jerome1 ,calvin1 ,beza1 ,beda1 ,erasmus1 ,martin ,luther1 ,j4 ,cammerarius1 ,sir ,thomas ,moore1 ,machiavelli1 and other more modern writers4 ,the handwriting varies1#eb but there is a particular hand which is found accompanied by a boy's sketches4 ,there are drawings of full-length figures1 heads of men and women1 animals1 birds1 reptiles1 ships1 castles1 cathedrals1 cities1 battles1 storms1 etc4 ,the writing is a strong1 clerkly student's hand4 ,there is a passage in ,hamlet1 ,act ,v41 scene ii41 which is noteworthy4 ,hamlet1 speaking to ,horatio1 says3-- ,i sat me down ,devised a new commission2 wrote it fair2 ,i once did hold it1 as our statists do1 ,a baseness to write fair1 and labour'd much ,how to forget that learning2 but1 ,sir1 now ,it did me yeomans service4 ,the nature of this statement is so personal that it could only have been written as the result of experience4 ,hamlet had been taught1 when young1 to write a hand so fair that he was capable of producing a fresh commission which would pass muster as the work of a ,court copyist4 ,the annotation of these books possessed the same qualification4 ,in the margins of these books are abundant references in handwriting to the whole range of classical authors4 ,a copy of the ,grammatice ,compendium of ,lactus ,pomponius1 a very rare book printed by ,de ,fortis in ,venice in #adhd1 contains on the margins the boy's scribble and drawings1 besides a number of manuscript notes4 ,it bears traces of his reading probably at eight years of age4 ,a large folio volume entitled ,t4 ,livii ,palvini ,latinae ,historiae ,principis ,decades ,tres1 published by ,frobenius in #aece1 is a treasure4 ,it is most copiously annotated and embellished with sketches4 ,the notes are usually in ,latin1 but interspersed with ,greek and sometimes with ,english4 ,obviously the writer thought in ,latin1 and the character of the drawings justifies the assumption that1 at the time1 his age would be from ten to fourteen years4 ,the most remarkable reference to these annotations is to be found in the ,rape of ,lucrece4 ,the fifteenth stanza is as follows3-- ,but she that never cop't with straunger eies1 ,could picke no meaning from their parling lookes1 ,nor read the subtle shining secrecies ,writ in the glassie margents of such bookes1 ,shee toucht no unknown baits1 nor feared no hooks1 ,nor could shee moralize his wanton sight ,more than his eies were opend to the light4 ,it would be difficult to conceive a more inappropriate simile for the lustful looks in ,tarquin's eyes than the subtle shining secrecies1 writ in the glassie margents of such books4 ,that this is lugged in for a purpose outside the object of the poem is manifest4 ,how many readers of ,lucrece would know of such a practice8 ,nay4 ,if it did exist1 was not its use very rare8 ,but the margin of the verse itself yields a subtle shining secret6 ,the initial letters of the lines are ,b1 ,c1 ,n1 ,w1 ,sh1 ,n1 ,m4 ,it is only necessary to supply the vowels--,b,a,co,n1 ,w4 ,sh41 ,na,me4 ,sh is on line #ajc1 which is the numerical value of the word ,shakespeare4 ,the numerical value of ,bacon is #cc4 ,in view of this the line #cc is significant3--,why is ,colatine the publisher8 ,the use of the word publisher here is quite inappropriate4 ,it is introduced for some reason outside the purpose of the text4 ,the ,rape of ,lucrece commences with ,bacon's monogram and1 as the late ,rev4 ,walter ,begley pointed out1 ends with his signature4 ,the theory now advanced is that when ,bacon read a book he made marginal notes in it--the object being mainly to assist his memory1 but the critical notes are numerous4 ,it does not follow that all these books constituted his library4 ,he would read a book and it having served his purpose he would dispose of it4 ,some books no doubt he would retain and these would form his library4 ,the annotations are chiefly in ,latin1 but some are in ,greek1 some in ,hebrew1 ,french and ,spanish4 ,when these have been examined and translated the meaning of the phrase that he had taken all knowledge to be his province will be better understood4 ,rawley says3 ,he read much and that with great judgment and rejection of impertinences incident to many authors4 ,the writer having examined annotations1 many and varied1 of books in his library1 and having enjoyed the privilege of free access to those collected by ,mr4 ,safford1 ventures to assert that much of the ripe learning of the ,shakespeare plays can be traced therein to its proper origin4 ,amongst the former is a copy of ,alciat's ,emblems1 #aegg1 in the early part profusely annotated4 ,ben ,jonson in his ,discoveries has incorporated the translation of a portion of one of the ,emblems and has also incorporated a portion of the annotations from this very book4 ,,footnotes3 #eb ,edwin ,a4 ,abbot1 in his work1 ,francis ,bacon1 p4 #ddg1 writes1 ,bacon's style 7as a writer7 varied almost as much as his handwriting4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,two ,,german ,,opinions ,,on ,,shakespeare ,,and ,,bacon4 ,dr4 ,g4 ,g4 ,gervinus1 the eminent ,german ,historian and ,professor ,extraordinary at ,heidelberg1 published in #ahdi his work1 ,shakespeare ,commentaries4 ,this was years before any suggestion had been made that ,bacon was in any way connected with the authorship of the ,shakespearean dramas4 ,in the ,prospectus of ,the ,new ,shakespeare ,society1 written in #ahgc1 ,dr4 ,f4 ,j4 ,furnivall says3-- ,the profound and generous ',commentaries' of ,gervinus--an honour to a ,german to have written1 a pleasure to an ,englishman to read--is still the only book known to me that comes near the true treatment and the dignity of its subject1 or can be put into the hands of the student who wants to know the mind of ,shakespeare4 ,the book abounds with references to ,bacon4 ,from the ,preface to the last chapter ,gervinus appears to have ,bacon continually suggested to him by the thoughts and words of ,shakespeare4 ,in the ,preface1 after speaking of the value accruing to ,german literature by naturalizing ,shakespeare even at the risk of casting our own poets still further in the shade1 he says3-- ,a similar benefit would it be to our intellectual life if his famed contemporary1 ,bacon1 were revived in a suitable manner1 in order to counterbalance the idealistic philosophy of ,germany4 ,for both these1 the poet as well as the philosopher1 having looked deeply into the history and politics of their people1 stand upon the level ground of reality1 notwithstanding the high art of the one and the speculative notions of the other4 ,by the healthfulness of their own mind they influence the healthfulness of others1 while in their most ideal and most abstract representations they aim at a preparation for life as it is--for that life which forms the exclusive subject of all political action4 ,in the chapter on ,his ,age1 written prior to #ahdi1 the ,professor pours out the results of a profound study of the writings attributed to both men in the following remarkable sentences3-- ,judge then how natural it was that ,england1 if not the birthplace of the drama1 should be that of dramatic legislature4 ,yet even this instance of favourable concentration is not the last4 ,both in philosophy and poetry everything conspired1 as it were1 throughout this prosperous period1 in favour of two great minds1 ,shakespeare and ,bacon2 all competitors vanished from their side1 and they could give forth laws for art and science which it is incumbent even upon present ages to fulfil4 ,as the revived philosophy1 which in the former century in ,germany was divided among many1 but in ,england at that time was the possession of a single man1 so poetry also found one exclusive heir1 compared with whom those later born could claim but little4 ,that ,shakespeare's appearance upon a soil so admirably prepared was neither marvellous nor accidental is evidenced even by the corresponding appearance of such a contemporary as ,bacon4 ,scarcely can anything be said of ,shakespeare's position generally with regard to mediaeval poetry which does not also bear upon the position of the renovator ,bacon with regard to mediaeval philosophy4 ,neither knew nor mentioned the other1 although ,bacon was almost called upon to have done so in his remarks upon the theatre of his day4 ,it may be presumed that ,shakespeare liked ,bacon but little1 if he knew his writings and life2 that he liked not his ostentation1 which1 without on the whole interfering with his modesty1 recurred too often in many instances2 that he liked not the fault-finding which his ill-health might have caused1 nor the narrow-mindedness with which he pronounced the histrionic art to be infamous1 although he allowed that the ancients regarded the drama as a school for virtue2 nor the theoretic precepts of worldly wisdom which he gave forth2 nor1 lastly1 the practical career which he lived4 ,before his mind1 however1 if he had fathomed it1 he must have bent in reverence4 ,for just as ,shakespeare was an interpreter of the secrets of history and of human nature1 ,bacon was an interpreter of lifeless nature4 ,just as ,shakespeare went from instance to instance in his judgment of moral actions1 and never founded a law on single experience1 so did ,bacon in natural science avoid leaping from one experience of the senses to general principles2 he spoke of this with blame as anticipating nature2 and ,shakespeare1 in the same way1 would have called the conventionalities in the poetry of the ,southern races an anticipation of human nature4 ,in the scholastic science of the middle ages1 as in the chivalric poetry of the romantic period1 approbation and not truth was sought for1 and with one accord ,shakespeare's poetry and ,bacon's science were equally opposed to this4 ,as ,shakespeare balanced the one-sided errors of the imagination by reason1 reality1 and nature1 so ,bacon led philosophy away from the one-sided errors of reason to experience2 both with one stroke1 renovated the two branches of science and poetry by this renewed bond with nature2 both1 disregarding all by-ways1 staked everything upon this 'victory in the race between art and nature4' ,just as ,bacon with his new philosophy is linked with the natural science of ,greece and ,rome1 and then with the latter period of philosophy in western ,europe1 so ,shakespeare's drama stands in relation to the comedies of ,plautus and to the stage of his own day2 between the two there lay a vast wilderness of time1 as unfruitful for the drama as for philosophy4 ,but while they thus led back to nature1 ,bacon was yet as little of an empiric1 in the common sense1 as ,shakespeare was a poet of nature4 ,bacon prophesied that if hereafter his commendation of experience should prevail1 great danger to science would arise from the other extreme1 and ,shakespeare even in his own day could perceive the same with respect to his poetry2 ,bacon1 therefore1 insisted on the closest union between experience and reason1 just as ,shakespeare effected that between reality and imagination4 ,while they thus bid adieu to the formalities of ancient art and science1 ,shakespeare to conceits and taffeta-phrases1 ,bacon to logic and syllogisms1 yet at times it occurred that the one fell back into the subtleties of the old school1 and the other into the constrained wit of the ,italian style4 ,bacon felt himself quite an original in that which was his peculiar merit1 and so was ,shakespeare2 the one in the method of science he had laid down1 and in his suggestions for its execution1 the other in the poetical works he had executed1 and in the suggestions of their new law4 ,bacon1 looking back to the waymarks he had left for others1 said with pride that his words required a century for their demonstration and several for their execution2 and so too it has demanded two centuries to understand ,shakespeare1 but very little has ever been executed in his sense4 ,and at the same time we have mentioned what deep modesty was interwoven in both with their self-reliance1 so that the words which ,bacon liked to quote hold good for the two works3--',the kingdom of ,god cometh not with observation4' ,both reached this height from the one starting point1 that ,shakespeare despised the million1 and ,bacon feared with ,phocion the applause of the multitude4 ,both are alike in the rare impartiality with which they avoided everything one-sided2 in ,bacon we find1 indeed1 youthful exercises in which he endeavoured in severe contrasts to contemplate a series of things from two points of view4 ,both1 therefore1 have an equal hatred of sects and parties2 ,bacon of sophists and dogmatic philosophers1 ,shakespeare of ,puritans and zealots4 ,both1 therefore1 are equally free from prejudices1 and from astrological superstition in dreams and omens4 ,bacon says of the alchemists and magicians in natural science that they stand in similar relation to true knowledge as the deeds of ,amadis to those of ,caesar1 and so does ,shakespeare's true poetry stand in relation to the fantastic romance of ,amadis4 ,just as ,bacon banished religion from science1 so did ,shakespeare from ,art2 and when the former complained that the teachers of religion were against natural philosophy1 they were equally against the stage4 ,from ,bacon's example it seems clear that ,shakespeare left religious matters unnoticed on the same grounds as himself1 and took the path of morality in worldly things2 in both this has been equally misconstrued1 and ,le ,maistre has proved ,bacon's lack of ,christianity1 as ,birch has done that of ,shakespeare4 ,shakespeare would1 perhaps1 have looked down just as contemptuously on the ancients and their arts as ,bacon did on their philosophy and natural science1 and both on the same grounds2 they boasted of the greater age of the world1 of more enlarged knowledge of heaven1 earth1 and mankind4 ,neither stooped before authorities1 and an injustice similar to that which ,bacon committed against ,aristotle1 ,shakespeare perhaps has done to ,homer4 ,in both a similar combination of different mental powers was at work2 and as ,shakespeare was often involuntarily philosophical in his profoundness1 ,bacon was not seldom surprised into the imagination of the poet4 ,just as ,bacon1 although he declared knowledge in itself to be much more valuable than the use of invention1 insisted throughout generally and dispassionately upon the practical use of philosophy1 so ,shakespeare's poetry1 independent as was his sense of art1 aimed throughout at bearing upon the moral life4 ,bacon himself was of the same opinion2 he was not far from declaring history to be the best teacher of politics1 and poetry the best instructor in morals4 ,both were alike deeply moved by the picture of a ruling ,nemesis1 whom they saw1 grand and powerful1 striding through history and life1 dragging the mightiest and most prosperous as a sacrifice to her altar1 as the victims of their own inward nature and destiny4 ,in ,bacon's works we find a multitude of moral sayings and maxims of experience1 from which the most striking mottoes might be drawn for every ,shakespearian play1 aye1 for every one of his principal characters 7we have already brought forward not a few proofs of this71 testifying to a remarkable harmony in their mutual comprehension of human nature4 ,both1 in their systems of morality rendering homage to ,aristotle1 whose ethics ,shakespeare1 from a passage in ,troilus1 may have read1 arrived at the same end as he did--that virtue lies in a just medium between two extremes4 ,shakespeare would also have agreed with him in this1 that ,bacon declared excess to be 'the fault of youth1 as defect is of age2' he accounted 'defect the worst1 because excess contains some sparks of magnanimity1 and1 like a bird1 claims kindred of the heavens1 while defect1 only like a base worm1 crawls upon the earth4' ,in these maxims lie at once1 as it were1 the whole theory of ,shakespeare's dramatic forms and of his moral philosophy4 ,,dr4 ,,kuno ,,fischer1 the distinguished ,german critic and historian of philosophy1 in a volume on ,bacon1 published in #ahef1 writes3-- ,the same affinity for the ,roman mind1 and the same want of sympathy with the ,greek1 we again find in ,bacon's greatest contemporary1 whose imagination took as broad and comprehensive a view as ,bacon's intellect4 ,indeed1 how could a ,bacon attain that position with respect to ,greek poetry that was unattainable by the mighty imagination of a ,shakspeare8 ,for in ,shakspeare1 at any rate1 the imagination of the ,greek antiquity could be met by a homogeneous power of the same rank as itself2 and1 as the old adage says1 like comes to like4 ,but the age1 the spirit of the nation--in a word1 all those forces of which the genius of an individual man is composed1 and which1 moreover1 genius is least able to resist--had here placed an obstacle1 impenetrable both to the poet and the philosopher4 ,shakspeare was no more able to exhibit ,greek characters than ,bacon to expound ,greek poetry4 ,like ,bacon1 ,shakspeare had in his turn of mind something that was ,roman1 and not at all akin to the ,greek4 ,he could appropriate to himself a ,coriolanus and a ,brutus1 a ,caesar and an ,antony2 he could succeed with the ,roman heroes of ,plutarch1 but not with the ,greek heroes of ,homer4 ,the latter he could only parody1 but his parody was as infelicitous as ,bacon's explanation of the ,wisdom of the ,ancients4 ,those must be dazzled critics indeed who can persuade themselves that the heroes of the ,iliad are excelled by the caricatures in ,troilus and ,cressida4 ,the success of such a parody was poetically impossible2 indeed1 he that attempts to parody ,homer shows thereby that he has not understood him4 ,for the simple and the naive do not admit of a parody1 and these have found in ,homer their eternal and inimitable expression4 ,just as well might caricatures be made of the statues of ,phidias4 ,where the creative imagination never ceases to be simple and naive1 where it never distorts itself by the affected or the unnatural1 there is the consecrated land of poetry1 in which there is no place for the parodist4 ,on the other hand1 where there is a palpable want of simplicity and nature1 parody is perfectly conceivable2 nay1 may even be felt as a poetical necessity4 ,thus ,euripides1 who1 often enough1 was neither simple nor naive1 could be parodied1 and ,aristophanes has shown us with what felicity4 ,even ,a,eschylus1 who was not always as simple as he was grand1 does not completely escape the parodising test4 ,but ,homer is safe4 ,to parody ,homer is to mistake him1 and to stand so far beyond his scope that the truth and magic of his poetry can no longer be felt2 and this is the position of ,shakespeare and ,bacon4 ,the imagination of ,homer1 and all that could be contemplated and felt by that imagination1 namely1 the classical antiquity of the ,greeks1 are to them utterly foreign4 ,we cannot understand ,aristotle without ,plato2 nay1 ,i maintain that we cannot contemplate with a sympathetic mind the ,platonic world of ideas1 if we have not previously sympathised with the world of the ,homeric gods4 ,be it understood1 ,i speak of the form of the ,platonic mind1 not of its logical matter2 in point of doctrine1 the ,homeric faith was no more that of ,plato than of ,phidias4 ,but these doctrinal or logical differences are far less than the formal and aesthetical affinity4 ,the conceptions of ,plato are of ,homeric origin4 ,this want of ability to take an historical survey of the world is to be found alike in ,bacon and ,shakspeare1 together with many excellencies likewise common to them both4 ,to the parallel between them--which ,gervinus1 with his peculiar talent for combination1 has drawn in the concluding remarks to his ,shakespeare1 and has illustrated by a series of appropriate instances--belongs the similar relation of both to antiquity1 their affinity to the ,roman mind1 and their diversity from the ,greek4 ,both possessed to an eminent degree that faculty for a knowledge of human nature that at once pre-supposes and calls forth an interest in practical life and historical reality4 ,to this interest corresponds the stage1 on which the ,roman characters moved2 and here ,bacon and ,shakspeare met1 brought together by a common interest in these objects1 and the attempt to depict and copy them4 ,this point of agreement1 more than any other argument1 explains their affinity4 ,at the same time there is no evidence that one ever came into actual contact with the other4 ,bacon does not even mention ,shakspeare when he discourses of dramatic poetry1 but passes over this department of poetry with a general and superficial remark that relates less to the subject itself than to the stage and its uses4 ,as far as his own age is concerned1 he sets down the moral value of the stage as exceedingly trifling4 ,but the affinity of ,bacon to ,shakspeare is to be sought in his moral and psychological1 not in his aesthetical views1 which are too much regulated by material interests and utilitarian prepossessions to be applicable to art itself1 considered with reference to its own independent value4 ,however1 even in these there is nothing to prevent ,bacon's manner of judging mankind1 and apprehending characters from agreeing perfectly with that of ,shakspeare2 so that human life1 the subject-matter of all dramatic art1 appeared to him much as it appeared to the great artist himself1 who1 in giving form to this matter1 excelled all others4 ,is not the inexhaustible theme of ,shakspeare's poetry the history and course of human passion8 ,in the treatment of this especial theme is not ,shakspeare the greatest of all poets--nay1 is he not unique among them all8 ,and it is this very theme that is proposed by ,bacon as the chief problem of moral philosophy4 ,he blames ,aristotle for treating of the passions in his rhetoric rather than his ethics2 for regarding the artificial means of exciting them rather than their natural history4 ,it is to the natural history of the human passions that ,bacon directs the attention of philosophy4 ,he does not find any knowledge of them among the sciences of his time4 ,the poets and writers of histories1 he says1 are the best doctors of this knowledge2 where we may find painted forth with great life how passions are kindled and incited2 and how pacified and refrained2 and how again contained from act and further degree2 how they disclose themselves2 how they work2 how they vary2 how they gather and fortify2 how they are inwrapped one within another2 and how they do fight and encounter one with another2 and other the like particularities4#ec ,such a lively description is required by ,bacon from moral philosophy4 ,that is to say1 he desired nothing less than a natural history of the passions--the very thing that ,shakspeare has produced4 ,indeed1 what poet could have excelled ,shakspeare in this respect8 ,who1 to use a ,baconian expression1 could have depicted man and all his passions more ad vivum8 ,according to ,bacon1 the poets and historians give us copies of characters2 and the outlines of these images--the simple strokes that determine characters--are the proper objects of ethical science4 ,just as physical science requires a dissection of bodies1 that their hidden qualities and parts may be discovered1 so should ethics penetrate the various minds of men1 in order to find out the eternal basis of them all4 ,and not only this foundation1 but likewise those external conditions which give a stamp to human character--all those peculiarities that are imposed upon the mind by the sex1 by the age1 by the region1 by health and sickness1 by beauty and deformity1 and the like1 which are inherent and not external2 and1 again1 those which are caused by external fortune#ed--should come within the scope of ethical philosophy4 ,in a word1 ,bacon would have man studied in his individuality as a product of nature and history1 in every respect determined by natural and historical influences1 by internal and external conditions4 ,and exactly in the same spirit has ,shakespeare understood man and his destiny2 regarding character as the result of a certain natural temperament and a certain historical position1 and destiny as a result of character4 ,,footnotes3 #ec ,advancement of ,learning1 ,,ii4 ,de ,augment4 ,scient41 ,,vii4 #c4 #ed ,advancement of ,learning1 ,,ii4 ,for the whole passage compare ,de ,augment4 ,scient41 ,,vii4 #c4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,the ,,testimony ,,of ,,bacon',s ,,contemporaries4 ,a distinguished member of the ,bench in a recent post-prandial address referred to ,bacon as a shady lawyer4 ,irresponsible newspaper correspondents1 when attacking the ,baconian theory1 indulge in epithets of this kind1 but it is amazing that any man occupying a position so responsible as that of an ,english judge should1 either through ignorance or with a desire to be considered a wit1 make use of such a term4 ,whatever may have been ,francis ,bacon's faults1 one fact must stand unchallenged--that amongst those of his contemporaries who knew him there was a consensus of opinion that his virtues overshadowed any failings to which he might be subject4 ,the following testimonies establish this fact3-- ,let ,,ben ,,jonson speak first3 ,yet there happened in my time one noble speaker1 who was full of gravity in his speaking4 ,his language 7where he could spare or pass a jest7 was nobly censorious4 ,no man ever spake more neatly1 more pressly1 more weightily1 or suffered less emptiness1 less idleness1 in what he uttered4 ,no member of his speech1 but consisted of his own graces4 ,his hearers could not cough1 or look aside from him1 without loss4 ,he commanded where he spoke2 and had his judges angry and pleased at his devotion4 ,no man had their affections more in his power4 ,the fear of every man that heard him was1 lest he should make an end1 and1 after referring to ,lord ,ellesmere1 ,jonson continues3-- ,but his learned and able 7though unfortunate7 successor1 7i4e41 ,bacon7 is he who hath filled up all numbers1 and performed that in our tongue1 which may be compared or preferred either to insolent ,greece1 or haughty ,rome4 ,in short1 within his view1 and about his times1 were all the wits born1 that could honour a language1 or help study4 ,now things daily fall1 wits grow downward1 and eloquence grows backward3 so that he may be named1 and stand as the mark and ,greek3 akoe of our language4 ,my conceit of his person was never increased toward him by his place1 or honours3 but ,i have and do reverence him1 for the greatness that was only proper to himself1 in that he seemed to me ever1 by his work1 one of the greatest men1 and most worthy of admiration1 that had been in many ages4 ,in his adversity ,i ever prayed ,god would give him strength2 for greatness he could not want4 ,neither could ,i condole in a word or syllable for him1 as knowing no accident could do harm to virtue1 but rather help to make it manifest4 ,,sir ,,toby ,,matthew describes ,francis ,bacon as ,a friend unalterable to his friends2 ,a man most sweet in his conversation and ways2 and adds3 ,it is not his greatness that ,i admire1 but his virtue4 ,,thomas ,,bushel1 his servant1 in a letter to ,mr4 ,john ,eliot1 printed in #afbh1 in a volume called ,the ,first ,part of ,youth's ,errors1 says3 ,yet lest the calumnious tongues of men might extenuate the good opinion you had of his worth and merit1 ,i must ingenuously confess that my selfe and others of his servants were the occasion of exhaling his vertues into a darke exlipse2 which ,god knowes would have long endured both for the honour of his ,king and the good of the ,commonaltie2 had not we whom his bountie nursed1 laid on his guiltlesse shoulders our base and execrable deeds to be scand and censured by the whole senate of a state1 where no sooner sentence was given1 but most of us forsoke him1 which makes us bear the badge of ,jewes to this day4 ,yet ,i am confident there were some ,godly ,daniels amongst us4444 ,as for myselfe1 with shame ,i must acquit the title1 and pleade guilty2 which grieves my very soule1 that so matchlesse a ,peer should be lost by such insinuating caterpillars1 who in his owne nature scorn'd the least thought of any base1 unworthy1 or ignoble act1 though subject to infirmites as ordained to the wisest4 ,in ,,fuller',s ,worthies it is written3 ,he was a rich ,cabinet filled with ,judgment1 ,wit1 ,fancy and ,memory1 and had the golden ,key1 ,elocution1 to open it4 ,he was singular in singulis1 in every ,science and ,art1 and being ,in-at-all came off with ,credit4 ,he was too ,bountifull to his ,servants1 and either too confident of their ,honesty1 or too conniving at their ,falsehood4 ',tis said he had #b ,servants1 one in all ,causes ,patron to the ,plaintiff1 the other to the ,defendant1 but taking bribes of both1 with this ,condition1 to restore the ,mony received1 if the ,cause went against them4 ,such practices1 tho' unknown to their ,master1 cost him the loss of his ,office4 ,in ,the ,lives of ,statesmen and ,favourites of ,elizabeth's ,reign it is said3-- ,his religion was rational and sober1 his spirit publick1 his love to relations tender1 to ,friends faithful1 to the hopeful liberal1 to men universal1 to his very ,enemies civil4 ,he left the best pattern of ,government in his actions under one king and the best principles of it in the ,life of the other4 ,the following is a translation from the discourse on the life of ,mr4 ,francis ,bacon which is prefixed to the ,histoire ,naturelle1 by ,,piere ,,amboise1 published in ,paris in #afca3 ,among so many virtues that made this great man commendable1 prudence1 as the first of all the moral virtues1 and that most necessary to those of his profession1 was that which shone in him the most brightly4 ,his profound wisdom can be most readily seen in his books1 and his matchless fidelity in the signal services that he continuously rendered to his ,prince4 ,never was there man who so loved equity1 or so enthusiastically worked for the public good as he2 so that ,i may aver that he would have been much better suited to a ,republic than to a ,monarchy1 where frequently the convenience of the ,prince is more thought of than that of his people4 ,and ,i do not doubt that had he lived in a ,republic he would have acquired as much glory from the citizens as formerly did ,aristides and ,cato1 the one in ,athens1 the other in ,rome4 ,innocence oppressed found always in his protection a sure refuge1 and the position of the great gave them no vantage ground before the ,chancellor when suing for justice4 ,vanity1 avarice1 and ambition1 vices that too often attach themselves to great honours1 were to him quite unknown1 and if he did a good action it was not from the desire of fame1 but simply because he could not do otherwise4 ,his good qualities were entirely pure1 without being clouded by the admixture of any imperfections1 and the passions that form usually the defects in great men in him only served to bring out his virtues2 if he felt hatred and rage it was only against evil-doers1 to shew his detestation of their crimes1 and success or failure in the affairs of his country brought to him the greater part of his joys or his sorrows4 ,he was as truly a good man as he was an upright judge1 and by the example of his life corrected vice and bad living as much as by pains and penalties4 ,and1 in a word1 it seemed that ,nature had exempted from the ordinary frailities of men him whom she had marked out to deal with their crimes4 ,all these good qualities made him the darling of the people and prized by the great ones of the ,state4 ,but when it seemed that nothing could destroy his position1 ,fortune made clear that she did not yet wish to abandon her character for instability1 and that ,bacon had too much worth to remain so long prosperous4 ,it thus came about that amongst the great number of officials such as a man of his position must have in his house1 there was one who was accused before ,parliament of exaction1 and of having sold the influence that he might have with his master4 ,and though the probity of ,mr4 ,bacon was entirely exempt from censure1 nevertheless he was declared guilty of the crime of his servant and was deprived of the power that he had so long exercised with so much honour and glory4 ,in this ,i see the working of monstrous ingratitude and unparalleled cruelty--to say that a man who could mark the years of his life rather by the signal services that he had rendered to the ,state than by times or seasons1 should have received such hard usage for the punishment of a crime which he never committed2 ,england1 indeed1 teaches us by this that the sea that surrounds her shores imparts to her inhabitants somewhat of its restless inconstancy4 ,this storm did not at all surprise him1 and he received the news of his disgrace with a countenance so undisturbed that it was easy to see that he thought but little of the sweets of life since the loss of them caused him discomfort so slight4 ,thus ended this great man whom ,england could place alone as the equal of the best of all the previous centuries4 ,,peter ,,boener1 who was private apothecary to ,bacon for a time1 wrote in #afdg a ,life1 of portions of which the following are translations3-- ,but how runneth man's future4 ,he who seemed to occupy the highest rank is alas6 by envious tongues near ,king and ,parliament deposed from all his offices and chancellorship1 little considering what treasure was being cast in the mire1 as afterwards the issue and result thereof have shown in that country4 ,but he always comforted himself with the words of ,scripture--nihil est novi2 that means 'there is nothing new4' ,because so is ,cicero by ,octavianus2 ,calisthenes by ,alexander2 ,seneca 7all his former teachers7 by ,nero2 yea1 ,ovid1 ,lucanus1 ,statius 7together with many others71 for a small cause very unthankfully the one banished1 the other killed1 the third thrown to the lions4 ,but even as for such men banishment is freedom--death their life1 so is for this author his deposition a memory to greater honour and fame1 and to such a sage no harm can come4 99 99 99 99 99 ,whilst his fortunes were so changed1 ,i never saw him--either in mien1 word or acts--changed or disturbed towards whomsoever2 ira enim hominis non implet justitiam ,dei1 he was ever one and the same1 both in sorrow and in joy1 as becometh a philosopher2 always with a benevolent allocution--manus nostrae sunt oculatae1 credunt quod vident4444 ,a noteworthy example and pattern for everyone of all virtue1 gentleness1 peacefulness1 and patience4 ,,francis ,,osborn1 in his ,advice to a ,son1 writes3-- ,and my memory neither doth nor 7,i believe possible ever7 can direct me towards an example more splendid in this kind1 than the ,lord ,bacon ,earl of ,st4 ,albans1 who in all companies did appear a good ,proficient1 if not a ,master in those ,arts entertained for the ,subject of every ones discourse4 ,so as ,i dare maintain1 without the least affectation of ,flattery or ,hyperbole1 ,that his most casual talk deserveth to be written1 ,as ,i have been told his first or foulest ,copys required no great ,labour to render them competent for the nicest judgments4 ,a high perfection1 attainable only by use1 and treating with every man in his respective profession1 and what he was most vers'd in4 ,so as ,i have heard him entertain a ,country ,lord in the proper terms relating to ,hawks and ,dogs4 ,and at another time out-,cant a ,london ,chirurgeon4 ,thus he did not only learn himself1 but gratifie such as taught him2 who looked upon their ,callings as honoured through his ,notice2 ,nor did an easie falling into ,arguments 7not unjustly taken for a blemish in the most7 appear less than an ornament in ,him3 ,the ears of the hearers receiving more gratification1 than trouble2 ,and 7so7 no less sorry when he came to conclude1 than displeased with any did interrupt him4 ,now this general ,knowledge he had in all things1 husbanded by his wit1 and dignifi'd by so ,majestical a carriage he was known to own1 strook such an awful reverence in those he question'd1 that they durst not conceal the most intrinsick part of their ,mysteries from him1 for fear of appearing ,ignorant1 or ,saucy4 ,all which rendered him no less ,necessary1 than admirable at the ,council ,table1 where in reference to ,impositions1 ,monopolies1 c4 the meanest ,manufacturers were an usual ,argument3 ,and1 as ,i have heard1 did in this ,baffle1 the ,earl of ,middlesex1 that was born and bred a ,citizen c4 ,yet without any great 7if at all7 interrupting his other ,studies1 as is not hard to be ,imagined of a quick ,apprehension1 in which he was ,admirable4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,the ,,missing ,,fourth ,,part ,,of ,,the ,,great ,,instauration4 ,it has been urged by critics that ,bacon1 whilst professing to take all knowledge for his province1 ignored one-half of it--that half which was a knowledge of himself2 that to him the external world was everything1 the internal nothing4 ,all that ,nature revealed was external2 nothing that was internal was of much importance4 ,it must be remembered that all that we have of ,bacon's was written as he was passing into the vale of life4 ,of his early productions nothing has come down to the present times under his own name4 ,the following extracts from his acknowledged works establish two facts3--7#a7 ,that the foregoing criticism is unfounded1 for he placed the study of man's mind and character above all other enquiries4 7#b7 ,that he had prepared examples1 being actual types and models1 by which the entire process of the mind and the whole fabric and order of invention from the beginning to the end in certain subjects and those various and remarkable should be set1 as it were1 before the eyes4 ,where are these works to be found8 ,bacon never tires of quoting from the ,roman poet the line-- ,omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci1 which1 in an ,elizabethan handwriting1 may be seen in a contemporary volume thus rendered-- ,he of all others fittest is to write ,which with some profit allso ioynes delight4 ,he repeats in different forms1 until the reiteration becomes almost tedious1 the following incident3-- ,and as ,alexander ,borgia was wont to say1 of the expedition of the ,french for ,naples1 that they came with chalk in their hands to marke up their lodgings not with weapons to fight2 so we like better1 that entry of truth1 which comes peaceably where the ,mindes of men1 capable to lodge so great a guest1 are signed1 as it were1 with chalke2 than that which comes with ,pugnacity1 and forceth itselfe a way by contentions and controversies4 ,the same idea is embodied in the following example of the antitheta3-- ,a witty conceit is oftentimes a convoy of a ,truth which otherwise could not so handsomely have been ferried over4 ,in the ,advancement of ,learning1 ,lib4 ,,ii41 again the same view is insisted on3-- ,besides in all wise humane ,government1 they that sit at the helme1 doe more happily bring their purposes about1 and insinuate more easily things fit for the people1 by pretexts1 and oblique courses2 than by downe-right dealing4 ,nay 7which perchance may seem very strange7 in things meerely naturall1 you may sooner deceive nature1 than force her2 so improper1 and selfe impeaching are open direct proceedings2 whereas on the other side1 an oblique and an insinuing way1 gently glides along and compasseth the intended effect4 ,one other fact must be realised before the full import of the quotations about to be made can be appreciated4 ,in the ,distributio ,operis prefixed to the ,novum ,organum the following significant passage occurs#ee3-- ,for as often as ,i have occasion to report anything as deficient1 the nature of which is at all obscure1 so that men may not perhaps easily understand what ,i mean or what the work is which ,i have in my head1 ,i shall always 7provided it be a matter of any worth7 take care to subjoin either directions for the execution of such work1 or else a portion of the work itself executed by myself as a sample of the whole3 thus giving assistance in every case either by work or by counsel4 ,in the ,advancement of ,learning1 ,book ,,ii41 chap4 i41 it is written3 ,that is the truest ,partition of humane ,learning1 which hath reference to the three ,faculties of ,man's soule1 which is the feat of ,learning4 ,history is referred to ,memory1 ,poesy to the ,imagination1 ,philosophy to ,reason4 ,by ,poesy1 in this place1 we understand nothing else1 but feigned ,history1 or ,fables4 ,as for ,verse1 that is only a style of expression1 and pertaines to the ,art of ,elocution1 of which in due place4 ,poesy1 in that sense we have expounded it1 is likewise of ,individuals1 fancied to the similitude of those things which in true ,history are recorded1 yet so as often it exceeds measure2 and those things which in ,nature would never meet1 nor come to passe1 ,poesy composeth and introduceth at pleasure1 even as ,painting doth3 which indeed is the work of the ,imagination4 ,and in the same book1 ,chapter ,,xiii43-- ,drammaticall1 or ,representative ,poesy1 which brings the ,world upon the stage1 is of excellent use1 if it were not abused4 ,for the ,instructions1 and ,corruptions1 of the ,stage1 may be great2 but the corruptions in this kind abound1 the ,discipline is altogether neglected in our times4 ,for although in moderne ,commonwealths1 ,stage-plaies be but estimed a sport or pastime1 unlesse it draw from the ,satyre1 and be mordant2 yet the care of the ,ancients was1 that it should instruct the minds of men unto virtue4 ,nay1 wise men and great ,philosophers1 have accounted it1 as the ,archet1 or musicall ,bow of the ,mind4 ,and certainly it is most true1 and as it were1 a secret of nature1 that the minds of men are more patent to affections1 and impressions1 ,congregate1 than solitary4 ,the third chapter of ,book ,,vii4 of the ,de ,augmentis is devoted to emphasising the importance of a knowledge of the internal working of the mind and of the disposition and character of men4 ,the following extracts are of special moment3-- ,some are naturally formed for contemplation1 others for business1 others for war1 others for advancement of fortune1 others for love1 others for the arts1 others for a varied kind of life2 so among the poets 7heroic1 satiric1 tragic1 comic7 are everywhere interspersed1 representations of characters1 though generally exaggerated and surpassing the truth4 ,and this argument touching the different characters of dispositions is one of those subjects in which the common discourse of men 7as sometimes1 though very rarely1 happens7 is wiser than books4 ,the drama as the only vehicle through which this can be accomplished at once suggests itself to the reader4 ,but in order to emphasize this point he proceeds-- ,but far the best provision and material for this treatise is to be gained from the wiser sort of historians1 not only from the commemorations which they commonly add on recording the deaths of illustrious persons1 but much more from the entire body of history as often as such a person enters upon the stage4 ,bacon becomes still more explicit4 ,he continues3-- ,wherefore out of these materials 7which are surely rich and abundant7 let a full and careful treatise be constructed4 ,not1 however1 that ,i would have their characters presented in ethics 7as we find them in history1 or poetry1 or even in common discourse7 in the shape of complete individual portraits1 but rather the several features and simple lineaments of which they are composed1 and by the various combinations and arrangements of which all characters whatever are made up1 showing how many1 and of what nature these are1 and how connected and subordinated one to another2 that so we may have a scientific and accurate dissection of minds and characters1 and the secret dispositions of particular men may be revealed2 and that from a knowledge thereof better rules may be framed for the treatment of the mind4 ,and not only should the characters of dispositions which are impressed by nature be received into this treatise1 but those also which are imposed upon the mind by sex1 by age1 by region1 by health and sickness1 by beauty and deformity and the like2 and again1 those which are caused by fortune1 as sovereignty1 nobility1 obscure birth1 riches1 want1 magistracy1 privateness1 prosperity1 adversity and the like4 ,shortly after follows this remarkable pronouncement4 ,but to speak the truth the poets and writers of history are the best doctors of this knowledge1#ef where we may find painted forth with great life and dissected1 how affections are kindled and excited1 and how pacified and restrained1 and how again contained from act and further degree2 how they disclose themselves1 though repressed and concealed2 how they work2 how they vary2 how they are enwrapped one within another2 how they fight and encounter one with another2 and many more particulars of this kind2 amongst which this last is of special use in moral and civil matters2 how1 ,i say1 to set affection against affection1 and to use the aid of one to master another2 like hunters and fowlers who use to hunt beast with beast1 and catch bird with bird1 which otherwise perhaps without their aid man of himself could not so easily contrive2 upon which foundation is erected that excellent and general use in civil government of reward and punishment1 whereon commonwealths lean2 seeing these predominant affections of fear and hope suppress and bridle all the rest4 ,for as in the government of ,states it is sometimes necessary to bridle one faction with another1 so is it in the internal government of the mind4 ,in his ,distributio ,operis ,bacon thus describes the missing fourth part of his ,instauratio ,magna3-- ,of these the first is to set forth examples of inquiry and invention#eg according to my method exhibited by anticipation in some particular subjects2 choosing such subjects as are at once the most noble in themselves among those under enquiry1 and most different one from another1 that there may be an example in every kind4 ,i do not speak of these precepts and rules by way of illustration 7for of these ,i have given plenty in the second part of the work72 but ,i mean actual types and models1 by which the entire process of the mind and the whole fabric and order of invention from the beginning to the end in certain subjects1 and those various and remarkable1 should be set as it were before the eyes4 ,for ,i remember that in the mathematics it is easy to follow the demonstration when you have a machine beside you1 whereas1 without that help1 all appears involved and more subtle than it really is4 ,to examples of this kind--being1 in fact1 nothing more than an application of the second part in detail and at large--the fourth part of the work is devoted4 ,the late ,mr4 ,edwin ,reed has1 in his ,francis ,bacon our ,shakespeare1 page #abf1 drawn attention to a remarkable circumstance4 ,in #afjg ,bacon had written his ,cogitata et ,visa1 which was the forerunner of his ,novum ,organum4 ,it was not published until twenty-seven years after his death1 namely1 in #afec1 by ,isaac ,gruter1 at ,leyden4 ,in #aheg ,mr4 ,spedding found a manuscript copy of the ,cogitata in the library of ,queen's ,college at ,oxford4 ,this manuscript had been corrected in ,bacon's own handwriting4 ,it contained passages which were omitted from ,gruter's print4 ,spedding did not realise the importance of the omitted passages1 but ,mr4 ,edwin ,reed has made this manifest4 ,the following extract is specially noteworthy1 the portion printed in italics having been omitted by ,gruter3-- 444 ,so he thought best1 after long considering the subject and weighing it carefully1 first of all to prepare ,tabulae ,inveniendi or regular forms of inquiry2 in other words1 a mass of particulars arranged for the understanding1 and to serve1 as it were1 for an example and almost visible representation of the matter4 ,for nothing else can be devised that would place in a clearer light what is true and what is false1 or show more plainly that what is presented is more than words1 and must be avoided by anyone who either has no confidence in his own scheme or may wish to have his scheme taken for more than it is worth4 ,but when these ,tabulae ,inveniendi have been put forth and seen1 he does not doubt that the more timid wits will shrink almost in despair from imitating them with similar productions with other materials or on other subjects2 and they will take so much delight in the specimen given that they will miss the precepts in it4 ,still1 many persons will be led to inquire into the real meaning and highest use of these writings1 and to find the key to their interpretation1 and thus more ardently desire1 in some degree at least1 to acquire the new aspect of nature which such a key will reveal4 ,but he intends1 yielding neither to his own personal aspirations nor to the wishes of others1 but keeping steadily in view the success of his undertaking1 having shared these writings with some1 to withhold the rest until the treatise intended for the people shall be published4 ,now what conclusions may be drawn from the foregoing extracts8 ,bacon attached the greatest importance to the consideration of the internal life of man4 ,he affirms that dramaticall or representative poesy1 which brings the world upon the stage1 is of excellent use if it be not abused4 ,the discipline of the stage was neglected in his time1 but the care of the ancients was that it should instruct the minds of men unto virtue1 and wise men and great philosophers accounted it as the musical bow of the mind4 ,he has devoted the fourth part of his ,instauratio ,magna to setting forth examples of inquiry and invention1 choosing such subjects as are at once the most noble in themselves and the most different one from another1 that there may be an example in every kind4 ,he is not speaking of precepts and rules by way of interpretation1 but actual types and models by which the entire process of the mind1 and the whole fabric and order of invention1 should be set1 as it were1 before the eyes4 ,not only should the characters of dispositions which are impressed by nature be received into this treatise1 but those also which are imposed upon the mind by sex1 by age1 by region1 by health and sickness1 by beauty and deformity1 and the like2 and1 again1 those that are caused by fortune1 as sovereignty1 nobility1 obscure birth1 riches1 want1 magistracy1 privateness1 prosperity1 adversity1 and the like4 ,the fourth part of ,bacon's ,great ,instauration is missing4 ,the above requirements are met in the ,shakespeare plays4 ,could the dramas be more accurately described than in the foregoing extracts8 ,from a study of the plays let a list be made out of the qualifications which the author must have possessed4 ,it will be found that the only person in whom every qualification will be found who has lived in any age of any country was ,francis ,bacon4 ,any investigator who will devote the time and trouble requisite for an exhaustive examination of the subject can come to no other conclusion4 ,one cannot without feeling deep regret recognise that we have to turn to a foreigner to give reasons for the faith which we ,english have in ,shakespeare4 ,it was a ,german1 ,schlegel1 who discovered the great dramatist1 and to-day we must turn to his ,lectures on the ,drama for the most penetrating description of his plays4 ,the following is a translation of a passage which in describing the plays almost adopts the words ,bacon uses in the foregoing passages as to the scope and object of the fourth part of his ,great ,instauration4 ,never1 perhaps1 was there so comprehensive a talent for the delineation of character as ,shakespeare's4 ,it not only grasps the diversities of rank1 sex1 and age1 down to the dawnings of infancy2 not only do the king and the beggar1 the hero and the pickpocket1 the sage and the idiot speak and act with equal truth2 not only does he transport himself to distant ages and foreign nations1 and portray in the most accurate manner1 with only a few apparent violations of costume1 the spirit of the ancient ,romans1 of the ,french in their wars with the ,english1 of the ,english themselves during a great part of their history1 of the ,southern ,europeans 7in the serious part of many comedies71 the cultivated society of that time1 and the former rude and barbarous state of the ,north2 his human characters have not only such depth and precision that they cannot be arranged under classes1 and are inexhaustible1 even in conception2 no1 this ,prometheus not merely forms men1 he opens the gates of the magical world of spirits1 calls up the midnight ghost1 exhibits before us his witches amidst their unhallowed mysteries1 peoples the air with sportive fairies and sylphs2 and these beings1 existing only in imagination1 possess such truth and consistency that even when deformed monsters like ,caliban1 he extorts the conviction that if there should be such beings they would so conduct themselves4 ,in a word1 as he carries with him the most fruitful and daring fancy into the kingdom of nature2 on the other hand1 he carries nature into the regions of fancy1 lying beyond the confines of reality4 ,we are lost in astonishment at seeing the extraordinary1 the wonderful1 and the unheard of in such intimate nearness4 ,if ,shakespeare deserves our admiration for his characters he is equally deserving of it for his exhibition of passion1 taking this word in its widest signification1 as including every mental condition1 every tone from indifference or familiar mirth to the wildest rage and despair4 ,he gives us the history of minds1 he lays open to us in a single word a whole series of preceding conditions4 ,his passions do not at first stand displayed to us in all their height1 as is the case with so many tragic poets who1 in the language of ,lessing1 are thorough masters of the legal style of love4 ,he paints1 in a most inimitable manner1 the gradual progress from the first origin4 ',he gives1' as ,lessing says1 'a living picture of all the most minute and secret artifices by which a feeling steals into our souls2 of all the imperceptible advantages which it there gains1 of all the stratagems by which every other passion is made subservient to it1 till it becomes the sole tyrant of our desires and our aversions4' ,of all poets1 perhaps1 he alone has portrayed the mental diseases--melancholy1 delirium1 lunacy--with such inexpressible1 and in every respect definite truth1 that the physician may enrich his observations from them in the same manner as from real cases4 ,,footnotes3 #ee ,a ,translation by ,spedding1 ,works1 ,vol4 ,,iv41 p4 #bc4 #ef ,the knowledge touching the affections and perturbations which are the diseases of the mind4 #eg ,tabulae inveniendi4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,the ,,philosophy ,,of ,,bacon4 ,to attempt anything of the nature of a review of ,bacon's acknowledged works is a task far too great for the scope of the present volume4 ,to attempt a survey of the whole of his works would require years of diligent study1 and would necessitate a perusal of nearly every book published in ,england between #aegf and #afcj4 ,not that it is suggested that all the literature of this period was the product of his pen or was produced under his supervision1 but each book published should be read and considered with attention to arrive at a selection4 ,there has been no abler judgment of the acknowledged works than that which will be found in ,william ,hazlitt's ,lectures on the ,literature of the ,age of ,elizabeth4 ,lecture ,,vii4 commences with an account of the ,character of ,bacon's ,works4 ,it may not1 however1 be out of place here to try and make plain in what sense ,bacon was a philosopher4 ,in ,chapter ,,cxvi4 of the ,novum ,organum he makes his position clear in the following words3-- ,first then ,i must request men not to suppose that after the fashion of ancient ,greeks1 and of certain moderns1 as ,telesius1 ,patricius1 ,severinus1 ,i wish to found a new sect in philosophy4 ,for this is not what ,i am about2 nor do ,i think that it matters much to the fortunes of men what abstract notions one may entertain concerning nature and the principles of things2 and no doubt many old theories of this kind can be revived1 and many new ones introduced2 just as many theories of the heavens may be supposed which agree well enough with the phenomena and yet differ with each other4 ,for my part1 ,i do not trouble myself with any such speculative and withal unprofitable matters4 ,my purpose on the contrary1 is to try whether ,i cannot in very fact lay more firmly the foundations and extend more widely the limits of the power and greatness of man 444 ,i have no entire or universal theory to propound4 ,so the idea that there was what is termed a system of philosophy constructed by ,bacon must be abandoned4 ,what justification is there for calling him the father of the ,inductive ,philosophy8 ,it is difficult to answer this question4 ,spedding admits that ,bacon was not the first to break down the dominion of ,aristotle4 ,that followed the awakening throughout the intellectual world which was brought about by the ,reformation and the revival of learning4 ,sir ,john ,herschel justifies the application to ,bacon of the term ,the great ,reformer of ,philosophy not on the ground that he introduced inductive reasoning1 but because of his keen perception and his broad and spirit-stirring1 almost enthusiastic announcement of its paramount importance1 as the ,alpha and ,omega of science1 as the grand and only chain for linking together of physical truths and the eventual key to every discovery and application4 ,bacon was #fj years of age when his ,novum ,organum was published4 ,it was founded on a tract he had written in #afjg1 which he called ,cogitata et ,visa1 not printed until long after his death4 ,he had previously published a portion of his ,essays1 the two books on ,the ,advancement of ,learning and ,the ,wisdom of the ,ancients4 ,just at the end of his life he gave to the world the ,novum ,organum1 accompanied by ,the ,parasceve4 ,certainly it was not understood in his time4 ,coke described it as only fit to freight the ,ship of ,fools1 and the ,king likened it to the peace of ,god which passeth all understanding4 ,it is admittedly incomplete1 and ,bacon made no attempt in subsequent years to complete it4 ,it is a book that if read and re-read becomes fascinating4 ,taine describes it as a string of aphorisms1 a collection as it were of scientific decrees as of an oracle who foresees the future and reveals the truth4 ,it is intuition not reasoning1 he adds4 ,the wisdom contained in its pages is profound4 ,an understanding of the interpretation of the ,idols and the ,instances has so far evaded all commentators4 ,who can explain the ,latent ,process8 ,but the book contains no scheme of arrangement4 ,therein is found a series of desultory discourses--full of wisdom1 rich in analogies1 abundant in observation and profound in comprehension4 ,from here and there in it with the help of the ,parasceve one can grasp the intention of the great philosopher4 ,in ,chapter ,,lxi4 he says3--,but the course ,i propose for the discovery of sciences is such as leaves but little to the acuteness and strength of wits1 but places all wits and understandings on a level4 ,how was this to be accomplished8 ,by the systemization of labour expended on scientific research4 ,a catalogue of the particulars of histories which were to be prepared is appended to the ,parasceve4 ,it embraces every subject conceivable4 ,in ,chapter ,,cxi4 he says1 ,i plainly confess that a collection of history1 natural and experimental1 such as ,i conceive it1 and as it ought to be1 is a great1 ,i may say a royal work1 and of much labour and expense4 ,in the ,parasceve he says3--,if all the wits of all the ages had met or shall hereafter meet together2 if the whole human race had applied or shall hereafter apply themselves to philosophy1 and the whole earth had been or shall be nothing but academies and colleges and schools of learned men2 still without a natural and experimental history such as ,i am going to prescribe1 no progress worthy of the human race could have been made or can be made in philosophy and the sciences4 ,whereas on the other hand let such a history be once provided and well set forth and let there be added to it such auxiliary and light-giving experiments as in the very course of interpretation will present themselves or will have to be found out2 and the investigation of nature and of all sciences will be the work of a few years4 ,this therefore must be done or the business given up4 ,to carry out this work an army of workers was required4 ,in the preparation of each history some were to make a rough and general collection of facts4 ,their work was to be handed over to others who would arrange the facts in order for reference4 ,this accomplished1 others would examine to get rid of superfluities4 ,then would be brought in those who would re-arrange that which was left and the history would be completed4 ,from ,chapter ,,ciii4 it is clear that ,bacon contemplated that eventually all the experiments of all the arts1 collected and digested1 should be brought within one man's knowledge and judgment4 ,this man1 having a supreme view of the whole range of subjects1 would transfer experiments of one art to another and so lead to the discovery of many new things of service to the life and state of man4 ,nearly three hundred years have passed since ,bacon propounded his scheme4 ,the arts and sciences have been greatly advanced4 ,they might have proceeded more rapidly had the histories been prepared1 but since his time there has arisen no man who has taken all knowledge to be his province--no man who could occupy the position ,bacon contemplated4 ,the method by which the induction was to be followed is described in ,chapter ,,cv4 ,there must be an analysis of nature by proper rejections and exclusions1 and then1 after a sufficient number of negatives1 a conclusion should be arrived at from the affirmative instances4 ,it is in this induction1 ,bacon adds1 that our chief hope lies4 ,bacon's new organ has never been constructed1 and all wits and understandings have not yet been placed on a level4 ,we come back to the mystery of ,francis ,bacon1 the possessor of the most exquisite intellect that was ever bestowed on any of the children of men4 ,as an historian1 he gives us a taste of his quality in ,henry ,,vii4 ,in the ,essays and the ,novum ,organum1 sayings which have the effect of axioms are at once striking and self-evident4 ,but he is always desultory4 ,in perceiving analogies between things which have nothing in common he never had an equal1 and this characteristic1 to quote ,macaulay1 occasionally obtained the mastery over all his other faculties and led him into absurdities into which no dull man could have fallen4 ,his memory was so stored with materials1 and these so diverse1 that in similitude or with comparison he passed from subject to subject4 ,in the ,advancement of ,learning are enumerated the deficiencies which ,bacon observed1 nearly the whole of which were supplied during his lifetime4 ,the ,sylva ,sylvarum is the most extraordinary jumble of facts and observations that has ever been brought together4 ,it is a literary curiosity4 ,the ,new ,atlantis and other short works in quantity amount to very little4 ,bacon's life has hitherto remained unaccounted for4 ,in the foregoing pages an attempt has been made to offer an intelligible explanation of the work to which he devoted his life1 namely1 to supply the deficiencies which he had himself pointed out and which retarded the advancement of learning4 ,hallam has said of ,bacon3 ,if we compare what may be found in the sixth1 seventh1 and eighth books of the ',de ,augmentis1' and the various short treatises contained in his works on moral and political wisdom and on human nature1 with the rhetoric1 ethics1 and politics of ,aristotle1 or with the historians most celebrated for their deep insight into civil society and human character--with ,thucydides1 ,tacitus1 ,phillipe de ,comines1 ,machiavel1 ,david ,hume--we shall1 ,i think1 find that one man may almost be compared with all of these together4 ,pope wrote3 ,lord ,bacon was the greatest genius that ,england1 or perhaps any other country1 ever produced4 ,if an examination1 more thorough than has hitherto been made1 of the records and literature of his age establishes beyond doubt the truth of the suggestions which have now been put forward1 what more can be said8 ,this at any rate1 that to him shall be given that title to which he aspired and for which he was willing to renounce his own name4 ,he shall be called ,the ,benefactor of ,mankind4 ,,appendix4 ,sir ,thomas ,bodley left behind him a short history of his life which is of a fragmentary description4 ,one-fourth of it is devoted to a record of how much he suffered in permitting ,essex to urge his advancement in the ,state4 ,the following is the passage3-- ,now here ,i can not choose but in making report of the principall accidents that have fallen unto me in the course of my life1 but record among the rest1 that from the very first day ,i had no man more to friend among the ,lords of the ,councell1 than was the ,lord ,treasurer ,burleigh3 for when occasion had beene offered of declaring his conceit as touching my service1 he would alwaies tell the ,queen 7which ,i received from her selfe and some other ear-witnesses7 that there was not any man in ,england so meet as myselfe to undergoe the office of the ,secretary4 ,and sithence his sonne1 the present ,lord ,treasurer1 hath signified unto me in private conference1 that when his father first intended to advance him to that place1 his purpose was withall to make me his ,colleague4 ,but the case stood thus in my behalf3 before such time as ,i returned from the ,provinces united1 which was in the yeare #aeig1 and likewise after my returne1 the then ,earle of ,essex did use me so kindly both by letters and messages1 and other great tokens of his inward favours to me1 that although ,i had no meaning1 but to settle in my mind my chiefest desire and dependance upon the ,lord ,burleigh1 as one that ,i reputed to be both the best able1 and therewithall the most willing to worke my advancement with the ,queene1 yet ,i know not how1 the ,earle1 who fought by all devices to divert her love and liking both from the ,father and the ,son 7but from the ,sonne in speciall7 to withdraw my affection from the one and the other1 and to winne mee altogether to depend upon himselfe1 did so often take occasion to entertaine the ,queene with some prodigall speeches of my sufficiency for a ,secretary1 which were ever accompanied with words of disgrace against the present ,lord ,treasurer1 as neither she her selfe1 of whose favour before ,i was thoroughly assured1 took any great pleasure to preferre me the sooner1 7for she hated his ambition1 and would give little countenance to any of his followers7 and both the ,lord ,burleigh and his ,sonne waxed jealous of my courses1 as if under hand ,i had beene induced by the cunning and kindnesse of the ,earle of ,essex1 to oppose my selfe against their dealings4 ,and though in very truth they had no solid ground at all of the least alteration in my disposition towards either of them both1 7for ,i did greatly respect their persons and places1 with a settled resolution to doe them any service1 as also in my heart ,i detested to be held of any faction whatsoever7 yet the now ,lord ,treasurer1 upon occasion of some talke1 that ,i have since had with him1 of the ,earle and his actions1 hath freely confessed of his owne accord unto me1 that his daily provocations were so bitter and sharpe against him1 and his comparisons so odious1 when he put us in a ballance1 as he thought thereupon he had very great reason to use his best meanes1 to put any man out of hope of raising his fortune1 whom the ,earle with such violence1 to his extreame prejudice1 had endeavoured to dignifie4 ,and this1 as he affirmed1 was all the motive he had to set himselfe against me1 in whatsoever might redound to the bettering of my estate1 or increasing of my credit and countenance with the ,queene4 ,when ,i hae thoroughly now bethought me1 first in the ,earle1 of the slender hold-fast that he had in the favour of the ,queene1 of an endlesse opposition of the cheifest of our ,statesmen like still to waite upon him1 of his perillous1 and feeble1 and uncertain advice1 as well in his owne1 as in all the causes of his friends3 and when moreover for my selfe ,i had fully considered how very untowardly these two ,counsellours were affected unto me1 7upon whom before in cogitation ,i had framed all the fabrique of my future prosperity7 how ill it did concurre with my naturall disposition1 to become1 or to be counted either a stickler or partaker in any publique faction1 how well ,i was able1 by ,god's good blessing1 to live of my selfe1 if ,i could be content with a competent livelyhood2 how short time of further life ,i was then to expect by the common course of nature3 when ,i had1 ,i say1 in this manner represented to my thoughts my particular estate1 together with the ,earles1 ,i resolved thereupon to possesse my soule in peace all the residue of my daies1 to take my full farewell of ,state imployments1 to satisfie my mind with that mediocrity of worldly living that ,i had of my owne1 and so to retire me from the ,court1 which was the epilogue and end of all my actions and endeavours of any important note1 till ,i came to the age of fifty-three4 ,the experience of ,bodley and ,bacon appears to have been identical4 ,it certainly materially strengthens the case of those who contend that ,bacon's conduct to ,essex was not deserving of censure on the ground of ingratitude for favours received from him4 ,the words which ,robert ,cecil addressed to ,bodley1 namely1 that he had very great reason to use his best meanes1 to put any man out of hope of raising his fortune whom the ,earle with such violence1 to his extreame prejudice had endeavoured to dignifie1 would with equal force have been applied to ,bacon's case4 ,the drift of ,bodley's account of the matter points to his feeling that ,essex's conduct had not been of a disinterested character1 and suggests that he felt the ,earle had been making a tool of him4 ,the effect of this was that ,bodley adopted the course which ,bacon threatened to adopt when refused the office of ,attorney-,general1 solicited for him by ,essex--he took a farewell of ,state employments and retired from the ,court to devote himself to the service of his ,reverend ,mother1 the ,university of ,oxford1 and to the advancement of her good4 ,to this end he became a collector of books1 whereas ,bacon would have become some sorry book-maker or a true pioner in that mine of truth which ,anaxagoras said lay so deep4 ,,robert ,,banks ,,and ,,son1 ,,racquet ,,court1 ,,fleet ,,street4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,vi4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,vii4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,viii4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,ix4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xx4 ,illustration3 ,,the ,,xxxviii4 ,,booke4 ,,the ,,argvment ,marfisa doth present herselfe before ,king ,charles1 and in his presence is baptized3 ,astolfo doth ,senapos sight restore1 ,by whom such hardie feats are enterprised1 ,that ,agramant therewith molested sore ,is by ,sobrino finally aduised1 ,to make a challenge on ,rogeros hed1 ,to end the troubles that the warre had bred4 ,figure ,,xiii4 ,figure ,,xiv4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,x4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xv4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xi4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xii4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xxi4 ,,the ,,genealogies ,,recorded ,,in ,,the ,,sacred ,,scriptvres1 ,a,ccording to euery ,,family and ,,tribe4 ,,with ,the ,line of our ,sauiour ,,iesvs ,,christ obserued from ,adam to the blessed ,,virgin ,,mary4 ,by ,i4 ,s4 ,,cvm ,,privilegio4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xvi4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xvii4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xviii4 ,illustration3 ,figure ,,xix4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,transcriber',s ,,notes #a4 ,passages in italics are surrounded by underscores4 #b4 ,passages in bold are indicated by bold4 #c4 ,long s has been modernized4 #d4 ,images have been moved from the middle of a paragraph to the closest paragraph break4 #e4 ,footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the chapters in which they are referenced4 #f4 ,the original text includes ,greek characters4 ,for this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations4 #g4 ,certain words use oe ligature in the original4 #h4 ,the following misprints have been corrected3 obain corrected to obtain 7page #bg7 ,shakespere corrected to ,shakespeare 7page #ci7 ,bodly corrected to ,bodley 7page #he7 ,shakepeare's corrected to ,shakespeare's 7page #ajg7 commenceed corrected to commenced 7page #ajh7 ,proecepta corrected to ,praecepta 7page #ace7 deficiences corrected to deficiencies 7page #aia7 numercial corrected to numerical 7footnote #ce7 #i4 ,other than the corrections listed above1 printer's inconsistencies in spelling1 hyphenation1 and ligature usage have been retained4