,,no ,,treason4    ,no4 ,,vi4    ,the   
,constitution of no ,authority4    ,,by 
,,lysander ,,spooner4    ,,boston3      
,,published ,,by ,,the ,,author4        
#ahgj4     ,no ,treason  ,the           
,constitution of ,no ,authority     ,i4 
,the ,constitution has no inherent      
authority or obligation4 ,it has no     
authority or obligation at all1 unless  
as a contract between man and man4 ,and 
it does not so much as even purport to  
be a contract between persons now       
existing4 ,it purports1 at most1 to be  
only a contract between persons living  
eighty years ago4 ,and it can be        
supposed to have been a contract then   
only between persons who had already    
come to years of discretion1 so as to be
 competent to make reasonable and       
obligatory contracts4 ,furthermore1 we  
know1 historically1 that only a small   
portion even of the people then existing
 were consulted on the subject1 or      
asked1 or permitted to express either   
their consent or dissent in any formal  

manner4 ,those persons1 if any1 who did 
give their consent formally1 are all    
dead now4 ,most of them have been dead  
forty1 fifty1 sixty1 or seventy years4  
,and the ,constitution1 so far as it was
 their contract1 died with them4 ,they  
had no natural power or right to make it
 obligatory upon their children4 ,it is 
not only plainly impossible1 in the     
nature of things1 that they could bind  
their posterity1 but they did not even  
attempt to bind them4 ,that is to say1  
the instrument does not purport to be an
 agreement between any body but the     
people then existing2 nor does it1      
either expressly or impliedly1 assert   
any right1 power1 or disposition1 on    
their part1 to bind anybody but         
themselves4 ,let us see4 ,its language  
is3      ,we1 the people of the ,united 
,states 7that is1 the people then       
existing in the ,united ,states71 in    
order to form a more perfect     union1 
insure domestic tranquility1 provide for
 the common     defense1 promote the    

general welfare1 and secure the         
blessings     of liberty to ourselves   
and our posterity1 do ordain and        
establish this ,constitution for the    
,united ,states of ,america4  ,it is    
plain1 in the first place1 that this    
language1 as an agreement1 purports to  
be only what it at most really was1     
viz41 a contract between the people then
 existing2 and1 of necessity1 binding1  
as a contract1 only upon those then     
existing4 ,in the second place1 the     
language neither expresses nor implies  
that they had any intention or desire1  
nor that they imagined they had any     
right or power1 to bind their posterity 
to live under it4 ,it does not say that 
their posterity will1 shall1 or must    
live under it4 ,it only says1 in effect1
 that their hopes and motives in        
adopting it were that it might prove    
useful to their posterity1 as well as to
 themselves1 by promoting their union1  
safety1 tranquility1 liberty1 etc4      
,suppose an agreement were entered into1

 in this form3  ,we1 the people of      
,boston1 agree to maintain a fort on    
,governor's ,island1 to protect         
ourselves and our posterity against     
invasion4  ,this agreement1 as an       
agreement1 would clearly bind nobody but
 the people then existing4 ,secondly1 it
 would assert no right1 power1 or       
disposition1 on their part1 to compel   
their posterity to maintain such a fort4
 ,it would only indicate that the       
supposed welfare of their posterity was 
one of the motives that induced the     
original parties to enter into the      
agreement4  ,when a man says he is      
building a house for himself and his    
posterity1 he does not mean to be       
understood as saying that he has any    
thought of binding them1 nor is it to be
 inferred that he is so foolish as to   
imagine that he has any right or power  
to bind them1 to live in it4 ,so far as 
they are concerned1 he only means to be 
understood as saying that his hopes and 
motives1 in building it1 are that they1 

or at least some of them1 may find it   
for their happiness to live in it4  ,so 
when a man says he is planting a tree   
for himself and his posterity1 he does  
not mean to be understood as saying that
 he has any thought of compelling them1 
nor is it to be inferred that he is such
 a simpleton as to imagine that he has  
any right or power to compel them1 to   
eat the fruit4 ,so far as they are      
concerned1 he only means to say that his
 hopes and motives1 in planting the     
tree1 are that its fruit may be         
agreeable to them4  ,so it was with     
those who originally adopted the        
,constitution4 ,whatever may have been  
their personal intentions1 the legal    
meaning of their language1 so far as    
their posterity was concerned1 simply   
was1 that their hopes and motives1 in   
entering into the agreement1 were that  
it might prove useful and acceptable to 
their posterity2 that it might promote  
their union1 safety1 tranquility1 and   
welfare2 and that it might tend to      

secure to them the blessings of liberty4
 ,the language does not assert nor at   
all imply1 any right1 power1 or         
disposition1 on the part of the original
 parties to the agreement1 to compel    
their posterity to live under it4 ,if   
they had intended to bind their         
posterity to live under it1 they should 
have said that their object was1 not to 
secure to them the blessings of liberty1
 but to make slaves of them2 for if     
their posterity are bound to live under 
it1 they are nothing less than the      
slaves of their foolish1 tyrannical1 and
 dead grandfathers4  ,it cannot be said 
that the ,constitution formed the people
 of the ,united ,states1 for all time1  
into a corporation4 ,it does not speak  
of the people as a corporation1 but as  
individuals4 ,a corporation does not    
describe itself as we1 nor as people1   
nor as ourselves4 ,nor does a           
corporation1 in legal language1 have any
 posterity4 ,it supposes itself to have1
 and speaks of itself as having1        

perpetual existence1 as a single        
individuality4  ,moreover1 no body of   
men1 existing at any one time1 have the 
power to create a perpetual corporation4
 ,a corporation can become practically  
perpetual only by the voluntary         
accession of new members1 as the old    
ones die off4 ,but for this voluntary   
accession of new members1 the           
corporation necessarily dies with the   
death of those who originally composed  
it4  ,legally speaking1 therefore1 there
 is1 in the ,constitution1 nothing that 
professes or attempts to bind the       
posterity of those who established it4  
,if1 then1 those who established the    
,constitution1 had no power to bind1 and
 did not attempt to bind1 their         
posterity1 the question arises1 whether 
their posterity have bound themselves4  
,if they have done so1 they can have    
done so in only one or both of these two
 ways1 viz41 by voting1 and paying      
taxes4     ,,ii4   ,let us consider     
these two matters1 voting and tax       

paying1 separately4 ,and first of       
voting4  ,all the voting that has ever  
taken place under the ,constitution1 has
 been of such a kind that it not only   
did not pledge the whole people to      
support the ,constitution1 but it did   
not even pledge any one of them to do   
so1 as the following considerations     
show4  #a4 ,in the very nature of       
things1 the act of voting could bind    
nobody but the actual voters4 ,but owing
 to the property qualifications         
required1 it is probable that1 during   
the first twenty or thirty years under  
the ,constitution1 not more than        
one-tenth1 fifteenth1 or perhaps        
twentieth of the whole population 7black
 and white1 men1 women1 and minors7 were
 permitted to vote4 ,consequently1 so   
far as voting was concerned1 not more   
than one-tenth1 fifteenth1 or twentieth 
of those then existing1 could have      
incurred any obligation to support the  
,constitution4  ,at the present time1 it
 is probable that not more than         

one-sixth of the whole population are   
permitted to vote4 ,consequently1 so far
 as voting is concerned1 the other      
five-sixths can have given no pledge    
that they will support the              
,constitution4  #b4 ,of the one-sixth   
that are permitted to vote1 probably not
 more than two-thirds 7about one-ninth  
of the whole population7 have usually   
voted4 ,many never vote at all4 ,many   
vote only once in two1 three1 five1 or  
ten years1 in periods of great          
excitement4  ,no one1 by voting1 can be 
said to pledge himself for any longer   
period than that for which he votes4    
,if1 for example1 ,i vote for an officer
 who is to hold his office for only a   
year1 ,i cannot be said to have thereby 
pledged myself to support the government
 beyond that term4 ,therefore1 on the   
ground of actual voting1 it probably    
cannot be said that more than one-ninth 
or one-eighth1 of the whole population  
are usually under any pledge to support 
the ,constitution4  #c4 ,it cannot be   

said that1 by voting1 a man pledges     
himself to support the ,constitution1   
unless the act of voting be a perfectly 
voluntary one on his part4 ,yet the act 
of voting cannot properly be called a   
voluntary one on the part of any very   
large number of those who do vote4 ,it  
is rather a measure of necessity imposed
 upon them by others1 than one of their 
own choice4 ,on this point ,i repeat    
what was said in a former number1a viz43
      ,in truth1 in the case of         
individuals1 their actual voting is     
not to be taken as proof of consent1    
even for the time being4     ,on the    
contrary1 it is to be considered that1  
without his     consent having even been
 asked a man finds himself environed by 
a government that he cannot resist2 a   
government that forces him     to pay   
money1 render service1 and forego the   
exercise of many of     his natural     
rights1 under peril of weighty          
punishments4 ,he sees1     too1 that    
other men practice this tyranny over him

 by the use of     the ballot4 ,he sees 
further1 that1 if he will but use the   
ballot     himself1 he has some chance  
of relieving himself from this          
tyranny of others1 by subjecting them to
 his own4 ,in short1 he     finds       
himself1 without his consent1 so        
situated that1 if he use     the ballot1
 he may become a master2 if he does not 
use it1 he     must become a slave4 ,and
 he has no other alternative than these 
two4 ,in self-defence1 he attempts the  
former4 ,his case is     analogous to   
that of a man who has been forced into  
battle1     where he must either kill   
others1 or be killed himself4 ,because1 
to save his own life in battle1 a man   
attempts to take the lives     of his   
opponents1 it is not to be inferred that
 the battle is     one of his own       
choosing4 ,neither in contests with the 
ballot--which is a mere substitute for a
 bullet--because1 as his     only chance
 of self-preservation1 a man uses a     
ballot1 is it to     be inferred that   

the contest is one into which he        
voluntarily     entered2 that he        
voluntarily set up all his own natural  
rights1     as a stake against those of 
others1 to be lost or won by the        
mere power of numbers4 ,on the contrary1
 it is to be considered     that1 in an 
exigency into which he had been forced  
by others1     and in which no other    
means of self-defence offered1 he1 as a 
matter of necessity1 used the only one  
that was left to him4      ,doubtless   
the most miserable of men1 under the    
most oppressive     government in the   
world1 if allowed the ballot1 would use 
it1 if     they could see any chance of 
thereby meliorating their     condition4
 ,but it would not1 therefore1 be a     
legitimate     inference that the       
government itself1 that crushes them1   
was one     which they had voluntarily  
set up1 or even consented to4           
,therefore1 a man's voting under the    
,constitution of the ,united            
,states1 is not to be taken as evidence 

that he ever freely     assented to the 
,constitution1 even for the time being4 
,consequently we have no proof that any 
very large portion1 even     of the     
actual voters of the ,united ,states1   
ever really and     voluntarily         
consented to the ,constitution1 even for
 the time     being4 ,nor can we ever   
have such proof1 until every man is left
     perfectly free to consent1 or not1 
without thereby subjecting     himself  
or his property to be disturbed or      
injured by others4  ,as we can have no  
legal knowledge as to who votes from    
choice1 and who from the necessity thus 
forced upon him1 we can have no legal   
knowledge1 as to any particular         
individual1 that he voted from choice2  
or1 consequently1 that by voting1 he    
consented1 or pledged himself1 to       
support the government4 ,legally        
speaking1 therefore1 the act of voting  
utterly fails to pledge any one to      
support the government4 ,it utterly     
fails to prove that the government rests

 upon the voluntary support of anybody4 
,on general principles of law and       
reason1 it cannot be said that the      
government has any voluntary supporters 
at all1 until it can be distinctly shown
 who its voluntary supporters are4  #d4 
,as taxation is made compulsory on all1 
whether they vote or not1 a large       
proportion of those who vote1 no doubt  
do so to prevent their own money being  
used against themselves2 when1 in fact1 
they would have gladly abstained from   
voting1 if they could thereby have saved
 themselves from taxation alone1 to say 
nothing of being saved from all the     
other usurpations and tyrannies of the  
government4 ,to take a man's property   
without his consent1 and then to infer  
his consent because he attempts1 by     
voting1 to prevent that property from   
being used to his injury1 is a very     
insufficient proof of his consent to    
support the ,constitution4 ,it is1 in   
fact1 no proof at all4 ,and as we can   
have no legal knowledge as to who the   

particular individuals are1 if there are
 any1 who are willing to be taxed for   
the sake of voting1 we can have no legal
 knowledge that any particular          
individual consents to be taxed for the 
sake of voting2 or1 consequently1       
consents to support the ,constitution4  
#e4 ,at nearly all elections1 votes are 
given for various candidates for the    
same office4 ,those who vote for the    
unsuccessful candidates cannot properly 
be said to have voted to sustain the    
,constitution4 ,they may1 with more     
reason1 be supposed to have voted1 not  
to support the ,constitution1 but       
specially to prevent the tyranny which  
they anticipate the successful candidate
 intends to practice upon them under    
color of the ,constitution2 and         
therefore may reasonably be supposed to 
have voted against the ,constitution    
itself4 ,this supposition is the more   
reasonable1 inasmuch as such voting is  
the only mode allowed to them of        
expressing their dissent to the         

,constitution4  #f4 ,many votes are     
usually given for candidates who have no
 prospect of success4 ,those who give   
such votes may reasonably be supposed to
 have voted as they did1 with a special 
intention1 not to support1 but to       
obstruct the execution of1 the          
,constitution2 and1 therefore1 against  
the ,constitution itself4  #g4 ,as all  
the different votes are given secretly  
7by secret ballot71 there is no legal   
means of knowing1 from the votes        
themselves1 who votes for1 and who      
against1 the ,constitution4 ,therefore1 
voting affords no legal evidence that   
any particular individual supports the  
,constitution4 ,and where there can be  
no legal evidence that any particular   
individual supports the ,constitution1  
it cannot legally be said that anybody  
supports it4 ,it is clearly impossible  
to have any legal proof of the          
intentions of large numbers of men1     
where there can be no legal proof of the
 intentions of any particular one of    

them4  #h4 ,there being no legal proof  
of any man's intentions1 in voting1 we  
can only conjecture them4 ,as a         
conjecture1 it is probable1 that a very 
large proportion of those who vote1 do  
so on this principle1 viz41 that if1 by 
voting1 they could but get the          
government into their own hands 7or that
 of their friends71 and use its powers  
against their opponents1 they would then
 willingly support the ,constitution2   
but if their opponents are to have the  
power1 and use it against them1 then    
they would not willingly support the    
,constitution4  ,in short1 men's        
voluntary support of the ,constitution  
is doubtless1 in most cases1 wholly     
contingent upon the question whether1 by
 means of the ,constitution1 they can   
make themselves masters1 or are to be   
made slaves4  ,such contingent consent  
as that is1 in law and reason1 no       
consent at all4  #i4 ,as everybody who  
supports the ,constitution by voting 7if
 there are any such7 does so secretly   

7by secret ballot71 and in a way to     
avoid all personal responsibility for   
the act of his agents or                
representatives1 it cannot legally or   
reasonably be said that anybody at all  
supports the ,constitution by voting4   
,no man can reasonably or legally be    
said to do such a thing as to assent to1
 or support1 the ,constitution1 unless  
he does it openly1 and in a way to make 
himself personally responsible for the  
acts of his agents1 so long as they act 
within the limits of the power he       
delegates to them4  #aj4 ,as all voting 
is secret 7by secret ballot71 and as all
 secret governments are necessarily only
 secret bands of robbers1 tyrants1 and  
murderers1 the general fact that our    
government is practically carried on by 
means of such voting1 only proves that  
there is among us a secret band of      
robbers1 tyrants and murderers1 whose   
purpose is to rob1 enslave1 and1 so far 
as necessary to accomplish their        
purposes1 murder1 the rest of the       

people4 ,the simple fact of the         
existence of such a band does nothing   
towards proving that the people of the  
,united ,states1 or any one of them1    
voluntarily supports the ,constitution4 
,for all the reasons that have now been 
given1 voting furnishes no legal        
evidence as to who the particular       
individuals are 7if there are any71 who 
voluntarily support the ,constitution4  
,it therefore furnishes no legal        
evidence that anybody supports it       
voluntarily4  ,so far1 therefore1 as    
voting is concerned1 the ,constitution1 
legally speaking1 has no supporters at  
all4  ,and1 as matter of fact1 there is 
not the slightest probability that the  
,constitution has a single bona fide    
supporter in the country4 ,that is to   
say1 there is not the slightest         
probability that there is a single man  
in the country1 who both understands    
what the ,constitution really is1 and   
sincerely supports it for what it really
 is4  ,the ostensible supporters of the 

,constitution1 like the ostensible      
supporters of most other governments1   
are made up of three classes1 viz43 #a4 
,knaves1 a numerous and active class1   
who see in the government an instrument 
which they can use for their own        
aggrandizement or wealth4 #b4 ,dupes--a 
large class1 no doubt--each of whom1    
because he is allowed one voice out of  
millions in deciding what he may do with
 his own person and his own property1   
and because he is permitted to have the 
same voice in robbing1 enslaving1 and   
murdering others1 that others have in   
robbing1 enslaving1 and murdering       
himself1 is stupid enough to imagine    
that he is a free man1 a sovereign2 that
 this is a free government2 a government
 of equal rights1 the best government on
 earth1b and such like absurdities4 #c4 
,a class who have some appreciation of  
the evils of government1 but either do  
not see how to get rid of them1 or do   
not choose to so far sacrifice their    
private interests as to give themselves 

seriously and earnestly to the work of  
making a change4     ,,iii4   ,the      
payment of taxes1 being compulsory1 of  
course furnishes no evidence that any   
one voluntarily supports the            
,constitution4  #a4 ,it is true that the
 theory of our ,constitution is1 that   
all taxes are paid voluntarily2 that our
 government is a mutual insurance       
company1 voluntarily entered into by the
 people with each other2 that each man  
makes a free and purely voluntary       
contract with all others who are parties
 to the ,constitution1 to pay so much   
money for so much protection1 the same  
as he does with any other insurance     
company2 and that he is just as free not
 to be protected1 and not to pay tax1 as
 he is to pay a tax1 and be protected4  
,but this theory of our government is   
wholly different from the practical     
fact4 ,the fact is that the government1 
like a highwayman1 says to a man3 ,your 
money1 or your life4 ,and many1 if not  
most1 taxes are paid under the          

compulsion of that threat4  ,the        
government does not1 indeed1 waylay a   
man in a lonely place1 spring upon him  
from the roadside1 and1 holding a pistol
 to his head1 proceed to rifle his      
pockets4 ,but the robbery is none the   
less a robbery on that account2 and it  
is far more dastardly and shameful4     
,the highwayman takes solely upon       
himself the responsibility1 danger1 and 
crime of his own act4 ,he does not      
pretend that he has any rightful claim  
to your money1 or that he intends to use
 it for your own benefit4 ,he does not  
pretend to be anything but a robber4 ,he
 has not acquired impudence enough to   
profess to be merely a protector1 and   
that he takes men's money against their 
will1 merely to enable him to protect   
those infatuated travellers1 who feel   
perfectly able to protect themselves1 or
 do not appreciate his peculiar system  
of protection4 ,he is too sensible a man
 to make such professions as these4     
,furthermore1 having taken your money1  

he leaves you1 as you wish him to do4   
,he does not persist in following you on
 the road1 against your will2 assuming  
to be your rightful sovereign1 on       
account of the protection he affords    
you4 ,he does not keep protecting you1  
by commanding you to bow down and serve 
him2 by requiring you to do this1 and   
forbidding you to do that2 by robbing   
you of more money as often as he finds  
it for his interest or pleasure to do   
so2 and by branding you as a rebel1 a   
traitor1 and an enemy to your country1  
and shooting you down without mercy1 if 
you dispute his authority1 or resist his
 demands4 ,he is too much of a gentleman
 to be guilty of such impostures1 and   
insults1 and villainies as these4 ,in   
short1 he does not1 in addition to      
robbing you1 attempt to make you either 
his dupe or his slave4  ,the proceedings
 of those robbers and murderers1 who    
call themselves the government1 are     
directly the opposite of these of the   
single highwayman4  ,in the first place1

 they do not1 like him1 make themselves 
individually known2 or1 consequently1   
take upon themselves personally the     
responsibility of their acts4 ,on the   
contrary1 they secretly 7by secret      
ballot7 designate some one of their     
number to commit the robbery in their   
behalf1 while they keep themselves      
practically concealed4 ,they say to the 
person thus designated3  ,go to ,a----  
,b----1 and say to him that the         
government has need of money to meet the
 expenses of protecting him and his     
property4 ,if he presumes to say that he
 has never contracted with us to protect
 him1 and that he wants none of our     
protection1 say to him that that is our 
business1 and not his2 that we choose to
 protect him1 whether he desires us to  
do so or not2 and that we demand pay1   
too1 for protecting him4 ,if he dares to
 inquire who the individuals are1 who   
have thus taken upon themselves the     
title of the government1 and who assume 
to protect him1 and demand payment of   

him1 without his having ever made any   
contract with them1 say to him that     
that1 too1 is our business1 and not his2
 that we do not choose to make ourselves
 individually known to him2 that we have
 secretly 7by secret ballot7 appointed  
you our agent to give him notice of our 
demands1 and1 if he complies with them1 
to give him1 in our name1 a receipt that
 will protect him against any similar   
demand for the present year4 ,if he     
refuses to comply1 seize and sell enough
 of his property to pay not only our    
demands1 but all your own expenses and  
trouble beside4 ,if he resists the      
seizure of his property1 call upon the  
bystanders to help you 7doubtless some  
of them will prove to be members of our 
band74 ,if1 in defending his property1  
he should kill any of our band who are  
assisting you1 capture him at all       
hazards2 charge him 7in one of our      
courts7 with murder2 convict him1 and   
hang him4 ,if he should call upon his   
neighbors1 or any others who1 like him1 

may be disposed to resist our demands1  
and they should come in large numbers to
 his assistance1 cry out that they are  
all rebels and traitors2 that our       
country is in danger2 call upon the     
commander of our hired murderers2 tell  
him to quell the rebellion and save the 
country1 cost what it may4 ,tell him to 
kill all who resist1 though they should 
be hundreds of thousands2 and thus      
strike terror into all others similarly 
disposed4 ,see that the work of murder  
is thoroughly done2 that we may have no 
further trouble of this kind hereafter4 
,when these traitors shall have thus    
been taught our strength and our        
determination1 they will be good loyal  
citizens for many years1 and pay their  
taxes without a why or a wherefore4  ,it
 is under such compulsion as this that  
taxes1 so called1 are paid4 ,and how    
much proof the payment of taxes affords1
 that the people consent to support the 
government1 it needs no further argument
 to show4  #b4 ,still another reason why

 the payment of taxes implies no        
consent1 or pledge1 to support the      
government1 is that the taxpayer does   
not know1 and has no means of knowing1  
who the particular individuals are who  
compose the government4 ,to him the     
government is a myth1 an abstraction1 an
 incorporeality1 with which he can make 
no contract1 and to which he can give no
 consent1 and make no pledge4 ,he knows 
it only through its pretended agents4   
,the government itself he never sees4   
,he knows indeed1 by common report1 that
 certain persons1 of a certain age1 are 
permitted to vote2 and thus to make     
themselves parts of1 or 7if they choose7
 opponents of1 the government1 for the  
time being4 ,but who of them do thus    
vote1 and especially how each one votes 
7whether so as to aid or oppose the     
government71 he does not know2 the      
voting being all done secretly 7by      
secret ballot74 ,who1 therefore1        
practically compose the government1 for 
the time being1 he has no means of      

knowing4 ,of course he can make no      
contract with them1 give them no        
consent1 and make them no pledge4 ,of   
necessity1 therefore1 his paying taxes  
to them implies1 on his part1 no        
contract1 consent1 or pledge to support 
them--that is1 to support the           
government1 or the ,constitution4  #c4  
,not knowing who the particular         
individuals are1 who call themselves the
 government1 the taxpayer does not know 
whom he pays his taxes to4 ,all he knows
 is that a man comes to him1            
representing himself to be the agent of 
the government--that is1 the agent of a 
secret band of robbers and murderers1   
who have taken to themselves the title  
of the government1 and have determined  
to kill everybody who refuses to give   
them whatever money they demand4 ,to    
save his life1 he gives up his money to 
this agent4 ,but as this agent does not 
make his principals individually known  
to the taxpayer1 the latter1 after he   
has given up his money1 knows no more   

who are the government--that is1 who    
were the robbers--than he did before4   
,to say1 therefore1 that by giving up   
his money to their agent1 he entered    
into a voluntary contract with them1    
that he pledges himself to obey them1 to
 support them1 and to give them whatever
 money they should demand of him in the 
future1 is simply ridiculous4  #d4 ,all 
political power1 as it is called1 rests 
practically upon this matter of money4  
,any number of scoundrels1 having money 
enough to start with1 can establish     
themselves as a government2 because1    
with money1 they can hire soldiers1 and 
with soldiers extort more money2 and    
also compel general obedience to their  
will4 ,it is with government1 as ,caesar
 said it was in war1 that money and     
soldiers mutually supported each other2 
that with money he could hire soldiers1 
and with soldiers extort money4 ,so     
these villains1 who call themselves     
governments1 well understand that their 
power rests primarily upon money4 ,with 

money they can hire soldiers1 and with  
soldiers extort money4 ,and1 when their 
authority is denied1 the first use they 
always make of money1 is to hire        
soldiers to kill or subdue all who      
refuse them more money4  ,for this      
reason1 whoever desires liberty1 should 
understand these vital facts1 viz43 #a4 
,that every man who puts money into the 
hands of a government 7so called71 puts 
into its hands a sword which will be    
used against himself1 to extort more    
money from him1 and also to keep him in 
subjection to its arbitrary will4 #b4   
,that those who will take his money1    
without his consent1 in the first place1
 will use it for his further robbery and
 enslavement1 if he presumes to resist  
their demands in the future4 #c4 ,that  
it is a perfect absurdity to suppose    
that any body of men would ever take a  
man's money without his consent1 for any
 such object as they profess to take it 
for1 viz41 that of protecting him2 for  
why should they wish to protect him1 if 

he does not wish them to do so8 ,to     
suppose that they would do so1 is just  
as absurd as it would be to suppose that
 they would take his money without his  
consent1 for the purpose of buying food 
or clothing for him1 when he did not    
want it4 #d4 ,if a man wants protection1
 he is competent to make his own        
bargains for it2 and nobody has any     
occasion to rob him1 in order to protect
 him against his will4 #e4 ,that the    
only security men can have for their    
political liberty1 consists in their    
keeping their money in their own        
pockets1 until they have assurances1    
perfectly satisfactory to themselves1   
that it will be used as they wish it to 
be used1 for their benefit1 and not for 
their injury4 #f4 ,that no government1  
so called1 can reasonably be trusted for
 a moment1 or reasonably be supposed to 
have honest purposes in view1 any longer
 than it depends wholly upon voluntary  
support4  ,these facts are all so vital 
and so self-evident1 that it cannot     

reasonably be supposed that any one will
 voluntarily pay money to a government1 
for the purpose of securing its         
protection1 unless he first makes an    
explicit and purely voluntary contract  
with it for that purpose4  ,it is       
perfectly evident1 therefore1 that      
neither such voting1 nor such payment of
 taxes1 as actually takes place1 proves 
anybody's consent1 or obligation1 to    
support the ,constitution4 ,consequently
 we have no evidence at all that the    
,constitution is binding upon anybody1  
or that anybody is under any contract or
 obligation whatever to support it4 ,and
 nobody is under any obligation to      
support it4     ,,iv4   ,the            
,constitution not only binds nobody now1
 but it never did bind anybody4 ,it     
never bound anybody1 because it was     
never agreed to by anybody in such a    
manner as to make it1 on general        
principles of law and reason1 binding   
upon him4  ,it is a general principle of
 law and reason1 that a written         

instrument binds no one until he has    
signed it4 ,this principle is so        
inflexible a one1 that even though a man
 is unable to write his name1 he must   
still make his mark1 before he is bound 
by a written contract4 ,this custom was 
established ages ago1 when few men could
 write their names2 when a clerk--that  
is1 a man who could write--was so rare  
and valuable a person1 that even if he  
were guilty of high crimes1 he was      
entitled to pardon1 on the ground that  
the public could not afford to lose his 
services4 ,even at that time1 a written 
contract must be signed2 and men who    
could not write1 either made their mark1
 or signed their contracts by stamping  
their seals upon wax affixed to the     
parchment on which their contracts were 
written4 ,hence the custom of affixing  
seals1 that has continued to this time4 
,the law holds1 and reason declares1    
that if a written instrument is not     
signed1 the presumption must be that the
 party to be bound by it1 did not choose

 to sign it1 or to bind himself by it4  
,and law and reason both give him until 
the last moment1 in which to decide     
whether he will sign it1 or not4        
,neither law nor reason requires or     
expects a man to agree to an instrument1
 until it is written2 for until it is   
written1 he cannot know its precise     
legal meaning4 ,and when it is written1 
and he has had the opportunity to       
satisfy himself of its precise legal    
meaning1 he is then expected to decide1 
and not before1 whether he will agree to
 it or not4 ,and if he does not then    
sign it1 his reason is supposed to be1  
that he does not choose to enter into   
such a contract4 ,the fact that the     
instrument was written for him to sign1 
or with the hope that he would sign it1 
goes for nothing4  ,where would be the  
end of fraud and litigation1 if one     
party could bring into court a written  
instrument1 without any signature1 and  
claim to have it enforced1 upon the     
ground that it was written for another  

man to sign8 that this other man had    
promised to sign it8 that he ought to   
have signed it8 that he had had the     
opportunity to sign it1 if he would8 but
 that he had refused or neglected to do 
so8 ,yet that is the most that could    
ever be said of the ,constitution4c ,the
 very judges1 who profess to derive all 
their authority from the                
,constitution--from an instrument that  
nobody ever signed--would spurn any     
other instrument1 not signed1 that      
should be brought before them for       
adjudication4  ,moreover1 a written     
instrument must1 in law and reason1 not 
only be signed1 but must also be        
delivered to the party 7or to some one  
for him71 in whose favor it is made1    
before it can bind the party making it4 
,the signing is of no effect1 unless the
 instrument be also delivered4 ,and a   
party is at perfect liberty to refuse to
 deliver a written instrument1 after he 
has signed it4 ,he is as free to refuse 
to deliver it1 as he is to refuse to    

sign it4 ,the ,constitution was not only
 never signed by anybody1 but it was    
never delivered by anybody1 or to       
anybody's agent or attorney4 ,it can    
therefore be of no more validity as a   
contract1 than can any other instrument1
 that was never signed or delivered4    
,v4   ,as further evidence of the       
general sense of mankind1 as to the     
practical necessity there is that all   
men's important contracts1 especially   
those of a permanent nature1 should be  
both written and signed1 the following  
facts are pertinent4  ,for nearly two   
hundred years--that is1 since           
#afgg--there has been on the statute    
book of ,england1 and the same1 in      
substance1 if not precisely in letter1  
has been re-enacted1 and is now in      
force1 in nearly or quite all the       
,states of this ,union1 a statute1 the  
general object of which is to declare   
that no action shall be brought to      
enforce contracts of the more important 
class1 unless they are put in writing1  

and signed by the parties to be held    
chargeable upon them4d  ,the principle  
of the statute1 be it observed1 is1 not 
merely that written contracts shall be  
signed1 but also that all contracts1    
except those specially                  
exempted--generally those that are for  
small amounts1 and are to remain in     
force but for a short time--shall be    
both written and signed4  ,the reason of
 the statute1 on this point1 is1 that it
 is now so easy a thing for men to put  
their contracts in writing1 and sign    
them1 and their failure to do so opens  
the door to so much doubt1 fraud1 and   
litigation1 that men who neglect to have
 their contracts--of any considerable   
importance--written and signed1 ought   
not to have the benefit of courts of    
justice to enforce them4 ,and this      
reason is a wise one2 and that          
experience has confirmed its wisdom and 
necessity1 is demonstrated by the fact  
that it has been acted upon in ,england 
for nearly two hundred years1 and has   

been so nearly universally adopted in   
this country1 and that nobody thinks of 
repealing it4  ,we all know1 too1 how   
careful most men are to have their      
contracts written and signed1 even when 
this statute does not require it4 ,for  
example1 most men1 if they have money   
due them1 of no larger amount than five 
or ten dollars1 are careful to take a   
note for it4 ,if they buy even a small  
bill of goods1 paying for it at the time
 of delivery1 they take a receipted bill
 for it4 ,if they pay a small balance of
 a book account1 or any other small debt
 previously contracted1 they take a     
written receipt for it4  ,furthermore1  
the law everywhere 7probably7 in our    
country1 as well as in ,england1        
requires that a large class of          
contracts1 such as wills1 deeds1 etc41  
shall not only be written and signed1   
but also sealed1 witnessed1 and         
acknowledged4 ,and in the case of       
married women conveying their rights in 
real estate1 the law1 in many ,states1  

requires that the women shall be        
examined separate and apart from their  
husbands1 and declare that they sign    
their contracts free of any fear or     
compulsion of their husbands4  ,such are
 some of the precautions which the laws 
require1 and which individuals--from    
motives of common prudence1 even in     
cases not required by law--take1 to put 
their contracts in writing1 and have    
them signed1 and1 to guard against all  
uncertainties and controversies in      
regard to their meaning and validity4   
,and yet we have what purports1 or      
professes1 or is claimed1 to be a       
contract--the ,constitution--made eighty
 years ago1 by men who are now all dead1
 and who never had any power to bind us1
 but which 7it is claimed7 has          
nevertheless bound three generations of 
men1 consisting of many millions1 and   
which 7it is claimed7 will be binding   
upon all the millions that are to come2 
but which nobody ever signed1 sealed1   
delivered1 witnessed1 or acknowledged2  

and which few persons1 compared with the
 whole number that are claimed to be    
bound by it1 have ever read1 or even    
seen1 or ever will read1 or see4 ,and of
 those who ever have read it1 or ever   
will read it1 scarcely any two1 perhaps 
no two1 have ever agreed1 or ever will  
agree1 as to what it means4  ,moreover1 
this supposed contract1 which would not 
be received in any court of justice     
sitting under its authority1 if offered 
to prove a debt of five dollars1 owing  
by one man to another1 is one by        
which--as it is generally interpreted by
 those who pretend to administer it--all
 men1 women and children throughout the 
country1 and through all time1 surrender
 not only all their property1 but also  
their liberties1 and even lives1 into   
the hands of men who by this supposed   
contract1 are expressly made wholly     
irresponsible for their disposal of     
them4 ,and we are so insane1 or so      
wicked1 as to destroy property and lives
 without limit1 in fighting to compel   

men to fulfill a supposed contract1     
which1 inasmuch as it has never been    
signed by anybody1 is1 on general       
principles of law and reason--such      
principles as we are all governed by in 
regard to other contracts--the merest   
waste paper1 binding upon nobody1 fit   
only to be thrown into the fire2 or1 if 
preserved1 preserved only to serve as a 
witness and a warning of the folly and  
wickedness of mankind4     ,,vi4   ,it  
is no exaggeration1 but a literal truth1
 to say that1 by the ,constitution--not 
as ,i interpret it1 but as it is        
interpreted by those who pretend to     
administer it--the properties1          
liberties1 and lives of the entire      
people of the ,united ,states are       
surrendered unreservedly into the hands 
of men who1 it is provided by the       
,constitution itself1 shall never be    
questioned as to any disposal they make 
of them4  ,thus the ,constitution 7,art4
 ,i1 ,sec4 #f7 provides that1 for any   
speech or debate 7or vote71 in either   

house1 they 7the senators and           
representatives7 shall not be questioned
 in any other place4  ,the whole        
law-making power is given to these      
senators and representatives 7when      
acting by a two-thirds vote7e2 and this 
provision protects them from all        
responsibility for the laws they make4  
,the ,constitution also enables them to 
secure the execution of all their laws1 
by giving them power to withhold the    
salaries of1 and to impeach and remove1 
all judicial and executive officers1 who
 refuse to execute them4  ,thus the     
whole power of the government is in     
their hands1 and they are made utterly  
irresponsible for the use they make of  
it4 ,what is this but absolute1         
irresponsible power8  ,it is no answer  
to this view of the case to say that    
these men are under oath to use their   
power only within certain limits2 for   
what care they1 or what should they     
care1 for oaths or limits1 when it is   
expressly provided1 by the ,constitution

 itself1 that they shall never be       
questioned1 or held to any              
responsibility whatever1 for violating  
their oaths1 or transgressing those     
limits8  ,neither is it any answer to   
this view of the case to say that the   
particular individuals holding this     
power can be changed once in two or six 
years2 for the power of each set of men 
is absolute during the term for which   
they hold it2 and when they can hold it 
no longer1 they are succeeded only by   
men whose power will be equally absolute
 and irresponsible4  ,neither is it any 
answer to this view of the case to say  
that the men holding this absolute1     
irresponsible power1 must be men chosen 
by the people 7or portions of them7 to  
hold it4 ,a man is none the less a slave
 because he is allowed to choose a new  
master once in a term of years4 ,neither
 are a people any the less slaves       
because permitted periodically to choose
 new masters4 ,what makes them slaves is
 the fact that they now are1 and are    

always hereafter to be1 in the hands of 
men whose power over them is1 and always
 is to be1 absolute and irresponsible4f 
,the right of absolute and irresponsible
 dominion is the right of property1 and 
the right of property is the right of   
absolute1 irresponsible dominion4 ,the  
two are identical2 the one necessarily  
implying the other4 ,neither can exist  
without the other4 ,if1 therefore1      
,congress have that absolute and        
irresponsible law-making power1 which   
the ,constitution--according to their   
interpretation of it--gives them1 it can
 only be because they own us as         
property4 ,if they own us as property1  
they are our masters1 and their will is 
our law4 ,if they do not own us as      
property1 they are not our masters1 and 
their will1 as such1 is of no authority 
over us4  ,but these men who claim and  
exercise this absolute and irresponsible
 dominion over us1 dare not be          
consistent1 and claim either to be our  
masters1 or to own us as property4 ,they

 say they are only our servants1 agents1
 attorneys1 and representatives4 ,but   
this declaration involves an absurdity1 
a contradiction4 ,no man can be my      
servant1 agent1 attorney1 or            
representative1 and be1 at the same     
time1 uncontrollable by me1 and         
irresponsible to me for his acts4 ,it is
 of no importance that ,i appointed him1
 and put all power in his hands4 ,if ,i 
made him uncontrollable by me1 and      
irresponsible to me1 he is no longer my 
servant1 agent1 attorney1 or            
representative4 ,if ,i gave him         
absolute1 irresponsible power over my   
property1 ,i gave him the property4 ,if 
,i gave him absolute1 irresponsible     
power over myself1 ,i made him my       
master1 and gave myself to him as a     
slave4 ,and it is of no importance      
whether ,i called him master or servant1
 agent or owner4 ,the only question is1 
what power did ,i put into his hands8   
,was it an absolute and irresponsible   
one8 or a limited and responsible one8  

,for still another reason they are      
neither our servants1 agents1 attorneys1
 nor representatives4 ,and that reason  
is1 that we do not make ourselves       
responsible for their acts4 ,if a man is
 my servant1 agent1 or attorney1 ,i     
necessarily make myself responsible for 
all his acts done within the limits of  
the power ,i have intrusted to him4 ,if 
,i have intrusted him1 as my agent1 with
 either absolute power1 or any power at 
all1 over the persons or properties of  
other men than myself1 ,i thereby       
necessarily make myself responsible to  
those other persons for any injuries he 
may do them1 so long as he acts within  
the limits of the power ,i have granted 
him4 ,but no individual who may be      
injured in his person or property1 by   
acts of ,congress1 can come to the      
individual electors1 and hold them      
responsible for these acts of their     
so-called agents or representatives4    
,this fact proves that these pretended  
agents of the people1 of everybody1 are 

really the agents of nobody4  ,if1 then1
 nobody is individually responsible for 
the acts of ,congress1 the members of   
,congress are nobody's agents4 ,and if  
they are nobody's agents1 they are      
themselves individually responsible for 
their own acts1 and for the acts of all 
whom they employ4 ,and the authority    
they are exercising is simply their own 
individual authority2 and1 by the law of
 nature--the highest of all             
laws--anybody injured by their acts1    
anybody who is deprived by them of his  
property or his liberty1 has the same   
right to hold them individually         
responsible1 that he has to hold any    
other trespasser individually           
responsible4 ,he has the same right to  
resist them1 and their agents1 that he  
has to resist any other trespassers4    
,,vii4   ,it is plain1 then1 that on    
general principles of law and           
reason--such principles as we all act   
upon in courts of justice and in common 
life--the ,constitution is no contract2 

that it binds nobody1 and never did bind
 anybody2 and that all those who pretend
 to act by its authority1 are really    
acting without any legitimate authority 
at all2 that1 on general principles of  
law and reason1 they are mere usurpers1 
and that everybody not only has the     
right1 but is morally bound1 to treat   
them as such4  ,if the people of this   
country wish to maintain such a         
government as the ,constitution         
describes1 there is no reason in the    
world why they should not sign the      
instrument itself1 and thus make known  
their wishes in an open1 authentic      
manner2 in such manner as the common    
sense and experience of mankind have    
shown to be reasonable and necessary in 
such cases2 and in such manner as to    
make themselves 7as they ought to do7   
individually responsible for the acts of
 the government4 ,but the people have   
never been asked to sign it4 ,and the   
only reason why they have never been    
asked to sign it1 has been that it has  

been known that they never would sign   
it2 that they were neither such fools   
nor knaves as they must needs have been 
to be willing to sign it2 that 7at least
 as it has been practically interpreted7
 it is not what any sensible and honest 
man wants for himself2 nor such as he   
has any right to impose upon others4 ,it
 is1 to all moral intents and purposes1 
as destitute of obligation as the       
compacts which robbers and thieves and  
pirates enter into with each other1 but 
never sign4  ,if any considerable number
 of the people believe the ,constitution
 to be good1 why do they not sign it    
themselves1 and make laws for1 and      
administer them upon1 each other2       
leaving all other persons 7who do not   
interfere with them7 in peace8 ,until   
they have tried the experiment for      
themselves1 how can they have the face  
to impose the ,constitution upon1 or    
even to recommend it to1 others8        
,plainly the reason for such absurd and 
inconsistent conduct is that they want  

the ,constitution1 not solely for any   
honest or legitimate use it can be of to
 themselves or others1 but for the      
dishonest and illegitimate power it     
gives them over the persons and         
properties of others4 ,but for this     
latter reason1 all their eulogiums on   
the ,constitution1 all their            
exhortations1 and all their expenditures
 of money and blood to sustain it1 would
 be wanting4     ,,viii4   ,the         
,constitution itself1 then1 being of no 
authority1 on what authority does our   
government practically rest8 ,on what   
ground can those who pretend to         
administer it1 claim the right to seize 
men's property1 to restrain them of     
their natural liberty of action1        
industry1 and trade1 and to kill all who
 deny their authority to dispose of     
men's properties1 liberties1 and lives  
at their pleasure or discretion8  ,the  
most they can say1 in answer to this    
question1 is1 that some half1           
two-thirds1 or three-fourths1 of the    

male adults of the country have a tacit 
understanding that they will maintain a 
government under the ,constitution2 that
 they will select1 by ballot1 the       
persons to administer it2 and that those
 persons who may receive a majority1 or 
a plurality1 of their ballots1 shall act
 as their representatives1 and          
administer the ,constitution in their   
name1 and by their authority4  ,but this
 tacit understanding 7admitting it to   
exist7 cannot at all justify the        
conclusion drawn from it4 ,a tacit      
understanding between ,a1 ,b1 and ,c1   
that they will1 by ballot1 depute ,d as 
their agent1 to deprive me of my        
property1 liberty1 or life1 cannot at   
all authorize ,d to do so4 ,he is none  
the less a robber1 tyrant1 and murderer1
 because he claims to act as their      
agent1 than he would be if he avowedly  
acted on his own responsibility alone4  
,neither am ,i bound to recognize him as
 their agent1 nor can he legitimately   
claim to be their agent1 when he brings 

no written authority from them          
accrediting him as such4 ,i am under no 
obligation to take his word as to who   
his principals may be1 or whether he has
 any4 ,bringing no credentials1 ,i have 
a right to say he has no such authority 
even as he claims to have3 and that he  
is therefore intending to rob1 enslave1 
or murder me on his own account4  ,this 
tacit understanding1 therefore1 among   
the voters of the country1 amounts to   
nothing as an authority to their agents4
 ,neither do the ballots by which they  
select their agents1 avail any more than
 does their tacit understanding2 for    
their ballots are given in secret1 and  
therefore in a way to avoid any personal
 responsibility for the acts of their   
agents4  ,no body of men can be said to 
authorize a man to act as their agent1  
to the injury of a third person1 unless 
they do it in so open and authentic a   
manner as to make themselves personally 
responsible for his acts4 ,none of the  
voters in this country appoint their    

political agents in any open1 authentic 
manner1 or in any manner to make        
themselves responsible for their acts4  
,therefore these pretended agents cannot
 legitimately claim to be really agents4
 ,somebody must be responsible for the  
acts of these pretended agents2 and if  
they cannot show any open and authentic 
credentials from their principals1 they 
cannot1 in law or reason1 be said to    
have any principals4 ,the maxim applies 
here1 that what does not appear1 does   
not exist4 ,if they can show no         
principals1 they have none4  ,but even  
these pretended agents do not themselves
 know who their pretended principals    
are4 ,these latter act in secret2 for   
acting by secret ballot is acting in    
secret as much as if they were to meet  
in secret conclave in the darkness of   
the night4 ,and they are personally as  
much unknown to the agents they select1 
as they are to others4 ,no pretended    
agent therefore can ever know by whose  
ballots he is selected1 or consequently 

who his real principals are4 ,not       
knowing who his principals are1 he has  
no right to say that he has any4 ,he    
can1 at most1 say only that he is the   
agent of a secret band of robbers and   
murderers1 who are bound by that faith  
which prevails among confederates in    
crime1 to stand by him1 if his acts1    
done in their name1 shall be resisted4  
,men honestly engaged in attempting to  
establish justice in the world1 have no 
occasion thus to act in secret2 or to   
appoint agents to do acts for which they
 7the principals7 are not willing to be 
responsible4  ,the secret ballot makes a
 secret government2 and a secret        
government is a secret band of robbers  
and murderers4 ,open despotism is better
 than this4 ,the single despot stands   
out in the face of all men1 and says3 ,i
 am the ,state3 ,my will is law3 ,i am  
your master3 ,i take the responsibility 
of my acts3 ,the only arbiter ,i        
acknowledge is the sword3 ,if any one   
denies my right1 let him try conclusions

 with me4  ,but a secret government is  
little less than a government of        
assassins4 ,under it1 a man knows not   
who his tyrants are1 until they have    
struck1 and perhaps not then4 ,he may   
guess1 beforehand1 as to some of his    
immediate neighbors4 ,but he really     
knows nothing4 ,the man to whom he would
 most naturally fly for protection1 may 
prove an enemy1 when the time of trial  
comes4  ,this is the kind of government 
we have2 and it is the only one we are  
likely to have1 until men are ready to  
say3 ,we will consent to no             
,constitution1 except such an one as we 
are neither ashamed nor afraid to sign2 
and we will authorize no government to  
do anything in our name which we are not
 willing to be personally responsible   
for4     ,,ix4   ,what is the motive to 
the secret ballot8 ,this1 and only this3
 ,like other confederates in crime1     
those who use it are not friends1 but   
enemies2 and they are afraid to be      
known1 and to have their individual     

doings known1 even to each other4 ,they 
can contrive to bring about a sufficient
 understanding to enable them to act in 
concert against other persons2 but      
beyond this they have no confidence1 and
 no friendship1 among themselves4 ,in   
fact1 they are engaged quite as much in 
schemes for plundering each other1 as in
 plundering those who are not of them4  
,and it is perfectly well understood    
among them that the strongest party     
among them will1 in certain             
contingencies1 murder each other by the 
hundreds of thousands 7as they lately   
did do7 to accomplish their purposes    
against each other4 ,hence they dare not
 be known1 and have their individual    
doings known1 even to each other4 ,and  
this is avowedly the only reason for the
 ballot3 for a secret government2 a     
government by secret bands of robbers   
and murderers4 ,and we are insane enough
 to call this liberty6 ,to be a member  
of this secret band of robbers and      
murderers is esteemed a privilege and an

 honor6 ,without this privilege1 a man  
is considered a slave2 but with it a    
free man6 ,with it he is considered a   
free man1 because he has the same power 
to secretly 7by secret ballot7 procure  
the robbery1 enslavement1 and murder of 
another man1 and that other man has to  
procure his robbery1 enslavement1 and   
murder4 ,and this they call equal       
rights6  ,if any number of men1 many or 
few1 claim the right to govern the      
people of this country1 let them make   
and sign an open compact with each other
 to do so4 ,let them thus make          
themselves individually known to those  
whom they propose to govern4 ,and let   
them thus openly take the legitimate    
responsibility of their acts4 ,how many 
of those who now support the            
,constitution1 will ever do this8 ,how  
many will ever dare openly proclaim     
their right to govern8 or take the      
legitimate responsibility of their acts8
 ,not one6     ,x4   ,it is obvious     
that1 on general principles of law and  

reason1 there exists no such thing as a 
government created by1 or resting upon1 
any consent1 compact1 or agreement of   
the people of the ,united ,states with  
each other2 that the only visible1      
tangible1 responsible government that   
exists1 is that of a few individuals    
only1 who act in concert1 and call      
themselves by the several names of      
senators1 representatives1 presidents1  
judges1 marshals1 treasurers1           
collectors1 generals1 colonels1         
captains1 etc41 etc4  ,on general       
principles of law and reason1 it is of  
no importance whatever that those few   
individuals profess to be the agents and
 representatives of the people of the   
,united ,states2 since they can show no 
credentials from the people themselves2 
they were never appointed as agents or  
representatives in any open1 authentic  
manner2 they do not themselves know1 and
 have no means of knowing1 and cannot   
prove1 who their principals 7as they    
call them7 are individually2 and        

consequently cannot1 in law or reason1  
be said to have any principals at all4  
,it is obvious1 too1 that if these      
alleged principals ever did appoint     
these pretended agents1 or              
representatives1 they appointed them    
secretly 7by secret ballot71 and in a   
way to avoid all personal responsibility
 for their acts2 that1 at most1 these   
alleged principals put these pretended  
agents forward for the most criminal    
purposes1 viz3 to plunder the people of 
their property1 and restrain them of    
their liberty2 and that the only        
authority that these alleged principals 
have for so doing1 is simply a tacit    
understanding among themselves that they
 will imprison1 shoot1 or hang every man
 who resists the exactions and          
restraints which their agents or        
representatives may impose upon them4   
,thus it is obvious that the only       
visible1 tangible government we have is 
made up of these professed agents or    
representatives of a secret band of     

robbers and murderers1 who1 to cover up1
 or gloss over1 their robberies and     
murders1 have taken to themselves the   
title of the people of the ,united      
,states2 and who1 on the pretense of    
being the people of the ,united ,states1
 assert their right to subject to their 
dominion1 and to control and dispose of 
at their pleasure1 all property and     
persons found in the ,united ,states4   
,,xi4   ,on general principles of law   
and reason1 the oaths which these       
pretended agents of the people take to  
support the ,constitution1 are of no    
validity or obligation4 ,and why8 ,for  
this1 if for no other reason1 viz41 that
 they are given to nobody4 ,there is no 
privity 7as the lawyers say7--that is1  
no mutual recognition1 consent1 and     
agreement--between those who take these 
oaths1 and any other persons4  ,if ,i go
 upon ,boston ,common1 and in the       
presence of a hundred thousand people1  
men1 women and children1 with whom ,i   
have no contract on the subject1 take an

 oath that ,i will enforce upon them the
 laws of ,moses1 of ,lycurgus1 of       
,solon1 of ,justinian1 or of ,alfred1   
that oath is1 on general principles of  
law and reason1 of no obligation4 ,it is
 of no obligation1 not merely because it
 is intrinsically a criminal one1 but   
also because it is given to nobody1 and 
consequently pledges my faith to nobody4
 ,it is merely given to the winds4  ,it 
would not alter the case at all to say  
that1 among these hundred thousand      
persons1 in whose presence the oath was 
taken1 there were two1 three1 or five   
thousand male adults1 who had           
secretly--by secret ballot1 and in a way
 to avoid making themselves individually
 known to me1 or to the remainder of the
 hundred thousand--designated me as     
their agent to rule1 control1 plunder1  
and1 if need be1 murder1 these hundred  
thousand people4 ,the fact that they had
 designated me secretly1 and in a manner
 to prevent my knowing them             
individually1 prevents all privity      

between them and me2 and consequently   
makes it impossible that there can be   
any contract1 or pledge of faith1 on my 
part towards them2 for it is impossible 
that ,i can pledge my faith1 in any     
legal sense1 to a man whom ,i neither   
know1 nor have any means of knowing1    
individually4  ,so far as ,i am         
concerned1 then1 these two1 three1 or   
five thousand persons are a secret band 
of robbers and murderers1 who have      
secretly1 and in a way to save          
themselves from all responsibility for  
my acts1 designated me as their agent2  
and have1 through some other agent1 or  
pretended agent1 made their wishes known
 to me4 ,but being1 nevertheless1       
individually unknown to me1 and having  
no open1 authentic contract with me1 my 
oath is1 on general principles of law   
and reason1 of no validity as a pledge  
of faith to them4 ,and being no pledge  
of faith to them1 it is no pledge of    
faith to anybody4 ,it is mere idle wind4
 ,at most1 it is only a pledge of faith 

to an unknown band of robbers and       
murderers1 whose instrument for         
plundering and murdering other people1  
,i thus publicly confess myself to be4  
,and it has no other obligation than a  
similar oath given to any other unknown 
body of pirates1 robbers1 and murderers4
  ,for these reasons the oaths taken by 
members of ,congress1 to support the    
,constitution1 are1 on general          
principles of law and reason1 of no     
validity4 ,they are not only criminal in
 themselves1 and therefore void2 but    
they are also void for the further      
reason that they are given to nobody4   
,it cannot be said that1 in any         
legitimate or legal sense1 they are     
given to the people of the ,united      
,states2 because neither the whole1 nor 
any large proportion of the whole1      
people of the ,united ,states ever1     
either openly or secretly1 appointed or 
designated these men as their agents to 
carry the ,constitution into effect4    
,the great body of the people--that is1 

men1 women and children--were never     
asked1 or even permitted1 to signify1 in
 any formal manner1 either openly or    
secretly1 their choice or wish on the   
subject4 ,the most that these members of
 ,congress can say1 in favor of their   
appointment1 is simply this3 ,each one  
can say for himself3  ,i have evidence  
satisfactory to myself1 that there      
exists1 scattered throughout the        
country1 a band of men1 having a tacit  
understanding with each other1 and      
calling themselves the people of the    
,united ,states1 whose general purposes 
are to control and plunder each other1  
and all other persons in the country1   
and1 so far as they can1 even in        
neighboring countries2 and to kill every
 man who shall attempt to defend his    
person and property against their       
schemes of plunder and dominion4 ,who   
these men are1 individually1 ,i have no 
certain means of knowing1 for they sign 
no papers1 and give no open1 authentic  
evidence of their individual membership4

 ,they are not known individually even  
to each other4 ,they are apparently as  
much afraid of being individually known 
to each other1 as of being known to     
other persons4 ,hence they ordinarily   
have no mode either of exercising1 or of
 making known1 their individual         
membership1 otherwise than by giving    
their votes secretly for certain agents 
to do their will4 ,but although these   
men are individually unknown1 both to   
each other and to other persons1 it is  
generally understood in the country that
 none but male persons1 of the age of   
twenty-one years and upwards1 can be    
members4 ,it is also generally          
understood that all male persons1 born  
in the country1 having certain          
complexions1 and 7in some localities7   
certain amounts of property1 and 7in    
certain cases7 even persons of foreign  
birth1 are permitted to be members4 ,but
 it appears that usually not more than  
one half1 two-thirds1 or1 in some cases1
 three-fourths1 of all who are thus     

permitted to become members of the band1
 ever exercise1 or consequently prove1  
their actual membership1 in the only    
mode in which they ordinarily can       
exercise or prove it1 viz41 by giving   
their votes secretly for the officers or
 agents of the band4 ,the number of     
these secret votes1 so far as we have   
any account of them1 varies greatly from
 year to year1 thus tending to prove    
that the band1 instead of being a       
permanent organization1 is a merely pro 
tempore affair with those who choose to 
act with it for the time being4 ,the    
gross number of these secret votes1 or  
what purports to be their gross number1 
in different localities1 is occasionally
 published4 ,whether these reports are  
accurate or not1 we have no means of    
knowing4 ,it is generally supposed that 
great frauds are often committed in     
depositing them4 ,they are understood to
 be received and counted by certain men1
 who are themselves appointed for that  
purpose by the same secret process by   

which all other officers and agents of  
the band are selected4 ,according to the
 reports of these receivers of votes    
7for whose accuracy or honesty1 however1
 ,i cannot vouch71 and according to my  
best knowledge of the whole number of   
male persons in my district1 who 7it is 
supposed7 were permitted to vote1 it    
would appear that one-half1 two-thirds  
or three-fourths actually did vote4 ,who
 the men were1 individually1 who cast   
these votes1 ,i have no knowledge1 for  
the whole thing was done secretly4 ,but 
of the secret votes thus given for what 
they call a member of ,congress1 the    
receivers reported that ,i had a        
majority1 or at least a larger number   
than any other one person4 ,and it is   
only by virtue of such a designation    
that ,i am now here to act in concert   
with other persons similarly selected in
 other parts of the country4 ,it is     
understood among those who sent me here1
 that all the persons so selected1 will1
 on coming together at the ,city of     

,washington1 take an oath in each       
other's presence to support the         
,constitution of the ,united ,states4   
,by this is meant a certain paper that  
was drawn up eighty years ago4 ,it was  
never signed by anybody1 and apparently 
has no obligation1 and never had any    
obligation1 as a contract4 ,in fact1 few
 persons ever read it1 and doubtless    
much the largest number of those who    
voted for me and the others1 never even 
saw it1 or now pretend to know what it  
means4 ,nevertheless1 it is often spoken
 of in the country as the ,constitution 
of the ,united ,states2 and for some    
reason or another1 the men who sent me  
here1 seem to expect that ,i1 and all   
with whom ,i act1 will swear to carry   
this ,constitution into effect4 ,i am   
therefore ready to take this oath1 and  
to co-operate with all others1 similarly
 selected1 who are ready to take the    
same oath4  ,this is the most that any  
member of ,congress can say in proof    
that he has any constituency2 that he   

represents anybody2 that his oath to    
support the ,constitution1 is given to  
anybody1 or pledges his faith to        
anybody4 ,he has no open1 written1 or   
other authentic evidence1 such as is    
required in all other cases1 that he was
 ever appointed the agent or            
representative of anybody4 ,he has no   
written power of attorney from any      
single individual4 ,he has no such legal
 knowledge as is required in all other  
cases1 by which he can identify a single
 one of those who pretend to have       
appointed him to represent them4  ,of   
course his oath1 professedly given to   
them1 to support the ,constitution1 is1 
on general principles of law and reason1
 an oath given to nobody4 ,it pledges   
his faith to nobody4 ,if he fails to    
fulfil his oath1 not a single person can
 come forward1 and say to him1 you have 
betrayed me1 or broken faith with me4   
,no one can come forward and say to him3
 ,i appointed you my attorney to act for
 me4 ,i required you to swear that1 as  

my attorney1 you would support the      
,constitution4 ,you promised me that you
 would do so2 and now you have forfeited
 the oath you gave to me4 ,no single    
individual can say this4  ,no open1     
avowed1 or responsible association1 or  
body of men1 can come forward and say to
 him3 ,we appointed you our attorney1 to
 act for us4 ,we required you to swear  
that1 as our attorney1 you would support
 the ,constitution4 ,you promised us    
that you would do so2 and now you have  
forfeited the oath you gave to us4  ,no 
open1 avowed1 or responsible            
association1 or body of men1 can say    
this to him2 because there is no such   
association or body of men in existence4
 ,if any one should assert that there is
 such an association1 let him prove1 if 
he can1 who compose it4 ,let him        
produce1 if he can1 any open1 written1  
or other authentic contract1 signed or  
agreed to by these men2 forming         
themselves into an association2 making  
themselves known as such to the world2  

appointing him as their agent2 and      
making themselves individually1 or as an
 association1 responsible for his acts1 
done by their authority4 ,until all this
 can be shown1 no one can say that1 in  
any legitimate sense1 there is any such 
association2 or that he is their agent2 
or that he ever gave his oath to them2  
or ever pledged his faith to them4  ,on 
general principles of law and reason1 it
 would be a sufficient answer for him to
 say1 to all individuals1 and all       
pretended associations of individuals1  
who should accuse him of a breach of    
faith to them3  ,i never knew you4      
,where is your evidence that you1 either
 individually or collectively1 ever     
appointed me your attorney8 that you    
ever required me to swear to you1 that1 
as your attorney1 ,i would support the  
,constitution8 or that ,i have now      
broken any faith ,i ever pledged to you8
 ,you may1 or you may not1 be members of
 that secret band of robbers and        
murderers1 who act in secret2 appoint   

their agents by a secret ballot2 who    
keep themselves individually unknown    
even to the agents they thus appoint2   
and who1 therefore1 cannot claim that   
they have any agents2 or that any of    
their pretended agents ever gave his    
oath1 or pledged his faith1 to them4 ,i 
repudiate you altogether4 ,my oath was  
given to others1 with whom you have     
nothing to do2 or it was idle wind1     
given only to the idle winds4 ,begone6  
,,xii4   ,for the same reasons1 the     
oaths of all the other pretended agents 
of this secret band of robbers and      
murderers are1 on general principles of 
law and reason1 equally destitute of    
obligation4 ,they are given to nobody2  
but only to the winds4  ,the oaths of   
the tax-gatherers and treasurers of the 
band1 are1 on general principles of law 
and reason1 of no validity4 ,if any tax 
gatherer1 for example1 should put the   
money he receives into his own pocket1  
and refuse to part with it1 the members 
of this band could not say to him3 ,you 

collected that money as our agent1 and  
for our uses2 and you swore to pay it   
over to us1 or to those we should       
appoint to receive it4 ,you have        
betrayed us1 and broken faith with us4  
,it would be a sufficient answer for him
 to say to them3  ,i never knew you4    
,you never made yourselves individually 
known to me4 ,i never gave my oath to   
you1 as individuals4 ,you may1 or you   
may not1 be members of that secret band1
 who appoint agents to rob and murder   
other people2 but who are cautious not  
to make themselves individually known1  
either to such agents1 or to those whom 
their agents are commissioned to rob4   
,if you are members of that band1 you   
have given me no proof that you ever    
commissioned me to rob others for your  
benefit4 ,i never knew you1 as          
individuals1 and of course never        
promised you that ,i would pay over to  
you the proceeds of my robberies4 ,i    
committed my robberies on my own        
account1 and for my own profit4 ,if you 

thought ,i was fool enough to allow you 
to keep yourselves concealed1 and use me
 as your tool for robbing other persons2
 or that ,i would take all the personal 
risk of the robberies1 and pay over the 
proceeds to you1 you were particularly  
simple4 ,as ,i took all the risk of my  
robberies1 ,i propose to take all the   
profits4 ,begone6 ,you are fools1 as    
well as villains4 ,if ,i gave my oath to
 anybody1 ,i gave it to other persons   
than you4 ,but ,i really gave it to     
nobody4 ,i only gave it to the winds4   
,it answered my purposes at the time4   
,it enabled me to get the money ,i was  
after1 and now ,i propose to keep it4   
,if you expected me to pay it over to   
you1 you relied only upon that honor    
that is said to prevail among thieves4  
,you now understand that that is a very 
poor reliance4 ,i trust you may become  
wise enough to never rely upon it again4
 ,if ,i have any duty in the matter1 it 
is to give back the money to those from 
whom ,i took it2 not to pay it over to  

such villains as you4     ,,xiii4   ,on 
general principles of law and reason1   
the oaths which foreigners take1 on     
coming here1 and being naturalized 7as  
it is called71 are of no validity4 ,they
 are necessarily given to nobody2       
because there is no open1 authentic     
association1 to which they can join     
themselves2 or to whom1 as individuals1 
they can pledge their faith4 ,no such   
association1 or organization1 as the    
people of the ,united ,states1 having   
ever been formed by any open1 written1  
authentic1 or voluntary contract1 there 
is1 on general principles of law and    
reason1 no such association1 or         
organization1 in existence4 ,and all    
oaths that purport to be given to such  
an association are necessarily given    
only to the winds4 ,they cannot be said 
to be given to any man1 or body of men1 
as individuals1 because no man1 or body 
of men1 can come forward with any proof 
that the oaths were given to them1 as   
individuals1 or to any association of   

which they are members4 ,to say that    
there is a tacit understanding among a  
portion of the male adults of the       
country1 that they will call themselves 
the people of the ,united ,states1 and  
that they will act in concert in        
subjecting the remainder of the people  
of the ,united ,states to their         
dominion2 but that they will keep       
themselves personally concealed by doing
 all their acts secretly1 is wholly     
insufficient1 on general principles of  
law and reason1 to prove the existence  
of any such association1 or             
organization1 as the people of the      
,united ,states2 or consequently to     
prove that the oaths of foreigners were 
given to any such association4          
,,xiv4   ,on general principles of law  
and reason1 all the oaths which1 since  
the war1 have been given by ,southern   
men1 that they will obey the laws of    
,congress1 support the ,union1 and the  
like1 are of no validity4 ,such oaths   
are invalid1 not only because they were 

extorted by military power1 and threats 
of confiscation1 and because they are in
 contravention of men's natural right to
 do as they please about supporting the 
government1 but also because they were  
given to nobody4 ,they were nominally   
given to the ,united ,states4 ,but being
 nominally given to the ,united ,states1
 they were necessarily given to nobody1 
because1 on general principles of law   
and reason1 there were no ,united       
,states1 to whom the oaths could be     
given4 ,that is to say1 there was no    
open1 authentic1 avowed1 legitimate     
association1 corporation1 or body of    
men1 known as the ,united ,states1 or as
 the people of the ,united ,states1 to  
whom the oaths could have been given4   
,if anybody says there was such a       
corporation1 let him state who were the 
individuals that composed it1 and how   
and when they became a corporation4     
,were ,mr4 ,a1 ,mr4 ,b1 and ,mr4 ,c     
members of it8 ,if so1 where are their  
signatures8 ,where the evidence of their

 membership8 ,where the record8 ,where  
the open1 authentic proof8 ,there is    
none4 ,therefore1 in law and reason1    
there was no such corporation4  ,on     
general principles of law and reason1   
every corporation1 association1 or      
organized body of men1 having a         
legitimate corporate existence1 and     
legitimate corporate rights1 must       
consist of certain known individuals1   
who can prove1 by legitimate and        
reasonable evidence1 their membership4  
,but nothing of this kind can be proved 
in regard to the corporation1 or body of
 men1 who call themselves the ,united   
,states4 ,not a man of them1 in all the 
,northern ,states1 can prove by any     
legitimate evidence1 such as is required
 to prove membership in other legal     
corporations1 that he himself1 or any   
other man whom he can name1 is a member 
of any corporation or association called
 the ,united ,states1 or the people of  
the ,united ,states1 or1 consequently1  
that there is any such corporation4 ,and

 since no such corporation can be proved
 to exist1 it cannot of course be proved
 that the oaths of ,southern men were   
given to any such corporation4 ,the most
 that can be claimed is that the oaths  
were given to a secret band of robbers  
and murderers1 who called themselves the
 ,united ,states1 and extorted those    
oaths4 ,but that certainly is not enough
 to prove that the oaths are of any     
obligation4     ,,xv4   ,on general     
principles of law and reason1 the oaths 
of soldiers1 that they will serve a     
given number of years1 that they will   
obey the orders of their superior       
officers1 that they will bear true      
allegiance to the government1 and so    
forth1 are of no obligation4            
,independently of the criminality of an 
oath1 that1 for a given number of years1
 he will kill all whom he may be        
commanded to kill1 without exercising   
his own judgment or conscience as to the
 justice or necessity of such killing1  
there is this further reason why a      

soldier's oath is of no obligation1     
viz41 that1 like all the other oaths    
that have now been mentioned1 it is     
given to nobody4 ,there being1 in no    
legitimate sense1 any such corporation1 
or nation1 as the ,united ,states1 nor1 
consequently1 in any legitimate sense1  
any such government as the government of
 the ,united ,states1 a soldier's oath  
given to1 or contract made with1 such   
nation or government1 is necessarily an 
oath given to1 or a contract made with1 
nobody4 ,consequently such oath or      
contract can be of no obligation4       
,,xvi4   ,on general principles of law  
and reason1 the treaties1 so called1    
which purport to be entered into with   
other nations1 by persons calling       
themselves ambassadors1 secretaries1    
presidents1 and senators of the ,united 
,states1 in the name1 and in behalf1 of 
the people of the ,united ,states1 are  
of no validity4 ,these so-called        
ambassadors1 secretaries1 presidents1   
and senators1 who claim to be the agents

 of the people of the ,united ,states1  
for making these treaties1 can show no  
open1 written1 or other authentic       
evidence that either the whole people of
 the ,united ,states1 or any other open1
 avowed1 responsible body of men1       
calling themselves by that name1 ever   
authorized these pretended ambassadors  
and others to make treaties in the name 
of1 or binding upon any one of1 the     
people of the ,united ,states1 or any   
other open1 avowed1 responsible body of 
men1 calling themselves by that name1   
ever authorized these pretended         
ambassadors1 secretaries1 and others1 in
 their name and behalf1 to recognize    
certain other persons1 calling          
themselves emperors1 kings1 queens1 and 
the like1 as the rightful rulers1       
sovereigns1 masters1 or representatives 
of the different peoples whom they      
assume to govern1 to represent1 and to  
bind4  ,the nations1 as they are called1
 with whom our pretended ambassadors1   
secretaries1 presidents1 and senators   

profess to make treaties1 are as much   
myths as our own4 ,on general principles
 of law and reason1 there are no such   
nations4 ,that is to say1 neither the   
whole people of ,england1 for example1  
nor any open1 avowed1 responsible body  
of men1 calling themselves by that name1
 ever1 by any open1 written1 or other   
authentic contract with each other1     
formed themselves into any bona fide1   
legitimate association or organization1 
or authorized any king1 queen1 or other 
representative to make treaties in their
 name1 or to bind them1 either          
individually1 or as an association1 by  
such treaties4  ,our pretended treaties1
 then1 being made with no legitimate or 
bona fide nations1 or representatives of
 nations1 and being made1 on our part1  
by persons who have no legitimate       
authority to act for us1 have           
intrinsically no more validity than a   
pretended treaty made by the ,man in the
 ,moon with the king of the ,pleiades4  
,,xvii4   ,on general principles of law 

and reason1 debts contracted in the name
 of the ,united ,states1 or of the      
people of the ,united ,states1 are of no
 validity4 ,it is utterly absurd to     
pretend that debts to the amount of     
twenty-five hundred millions of dollars 
are binding upon thirty-five or forty   
millions of people1 when there is not a 
particle of legitimate evidence--such as
 would be required to prove a private   
debt--that can be produced against any  
one of them1 that either he1 or his     
properly authorized attorney1 ever      
contracted to pay one cent4  ,certainly1
 neither the whole people of the ,united
 ,states1 nor any number of them1 ever  
separately or individually contracted to
 pay a cent of these debts4  ,certainly1
 also1 neither the whole people of the  
,united ,states1 nor any number of them1
 ever1 by any open1 written1 or other   
authentic and voluntary contract1 united
 themselves as a firm1 corporation1 or  
association1 by the name of the ,united 
,states1 or the people of the ,united   

,states1 and authorized their agents to 
contract debts in their name4           
,certainly1 too1 there is in existence  
no such firm1 corporation1 or           
association as the ,united ,states1 or  
the people of the ,united ,states1      
formed by any open1 written1 or other   
authentic and voluntary contract1 and   
having corporate property with which to 
pay these debts4  ,how1 then1 is it     
possible1 on any general principle of   
law or reason1 that debts that are      
binding upon nobody individually1 can be
 binding upon forty millions of people  
collectively1 when1 on general and      
legitimate principles of law and reason1
 these forty millions of people neither 
have1 nor ever had1 any corporate       
property8 never made any corporate or   
individual contract8 and neither have1  
nor ever had1 any corporate existence8  
,who1 then1 created these debts1 in the 
name of the ,united ,states8 ,why1 at   
most1 only a few persons1 calling       
themselves members of ,congress1 etc41  

who pretended to represent the people of
 the ,united ,states1 but who really    
represented only a secret band of       
robbers and murderers1 who wanted money 
to carry on the robberies and murders in
 which they were then engaged2 and who  
intended to extort from the future      
people of the ,united ,states1 by       
robbery and threats of murder 7and real 
murder1 if that should prove necessary71
 the means to pay these debts4  ,this   
band of robbers and murderers1 who were 
the real principals in contracting these
 debts1 is a secret one1 because its    
members have never entered into any     
open1 written1 avowed1 or authentic     
contract1 by which they may be          
individually known to the world1 or even
 to each other4 ,their real or pretended
 representatives1 who contracted these  
debts in their name1 were selected 7if  
selected at all7 for that purpose       
secretly 7by secret ballot71 and in a   
way to furnish evidence against none of 
the principals individually2 and these  

principals were really known            
individually neither to their pretended 
representatives who contracted these    
debts in their behalf1 nor to those who 
lent the money4 ,the money1 therefore1  
was all borrowed and lent in the dark2  
that is1 by men who did not see each    
other's faces1 or know each other's     
names2 who could not then1 and cannot   
now1 identify each other as principals  
in the transactions2 and who            
consequently can prove no contract with 
each other4  ,furthermore1 the money was
 all lent and borrowed for criminal     
purposes2 that is1 for purposes of      
robbery and murder2 and for this reason 
the contracts were all intrinsically    
void2 and would have been so1 even      
though the real parties1 borrowers and  
lenders1 had come face to face1 and made
 their contracts openly1 in their own   
proper names4  ,furthermore1 this secret
 band of robbers and murderers1 who were
 the real borrowers of this money1      
having no legitimate corporate          

existence1 have no corporate property   
with which to pay these debts4 ,they do 
indeed pretend to own large tracts of   
wild lands1 lying between the ,atlantic 
and ,pacific ,oceans1 and between the   
,gulf of ,mexico and the ,north ,pole4  
,but1 on general principles of law and  
reason1 they might as well pretend to   
own the ,atlantic and ,pacific ,oceans  
themselves2 or the atmosphere and the   
sunlight2 and to hold them1 and dispose 
of them1 for the payment of these debts4
  ,having no corporate property with    
which to pay what purports to be their  
corporate debts1 this secret band of    
robbers and murderers are really        
bankrupt4 ,they have nothing to pay     
with4 ,in fact1 they do not propose to  
pay their debts otherwise than from the 
proceeds of their future robberies and  
murders4 ,these are confessedly their   
sole reliance2 and were known to be such
 by the lenders of the money1 at the    
time the money was lent4 ,and it was1   
therefore1 virtually a part of the      

contract1 that the money should be      
repaid only from the proceeds of these  
future robberies and murders4 ,for this 
reason1 if for no other1 the contracts  
were void from the beginning4  ,in fact1
 these apparently two classes1 borrowers
 and lenders1 were really one and the   
same class4 ,they borrowed and lent     
money from and to themselves4 ,they     
themselves were not only part and       
parcel1 but the very life and soul1 of  
this secret band of robbers and         
murderers1 who borrowed and spent the   
money4 ,individually they furnished     
money for a common enterprise2 taking1  
in return1 what purported to be         
corporate promises for individual loans4
 ,the only excuse they had for taking   
these so-called corporate promises of1  
for individual loans by1 the same       
parties1 was that they might have some  
apparent excuse for the future robberies
 of the band 7that is1 to pay the debts 
of the corporation71 and that they might
 also know what shares they were to be  

respectively entitled to out of the     
proceeds of their future robberies4     
,finally1 if these debts had been       
created for the most innocent and honest
 purposes1 and in the most open and     
honest manner1 by the real parties to   
the contracts1 these parties could      
thereby have bound nobody but           
themselves1 and no property but their   
own4 ,they could have bound nobody that 
should have come after them1 and no     
property subsequently created by1 or    
belonging to1 other persons4            
,,xviii4   ,the ,constitution having    
never been signed by anybody2 and there 
being no other open1 written1 or        
authentic contract between any parties  
whatever1 by virtue of which the ,united
 ,states government1 so called1 is      
maintained2 and it being well known that
 none but male persons1 of twenty-one   
years of age and upwards1 are allowed   
any voice in the government2 and it     
being also well known that a large      
number of these adult persons seldom or 

never vote at all2 and that all those   
who do vote1 do so secretly 7by secret  
ballot71 and in a way to prevent their  
individual votes being known1 either to 
the world1 or even to each other2 and   
consequently in a way to make no one    
openly responsible for the acts of their
 agents1 or representatives1--all these 
things being known1 the questions arise3
 ,who compose the real governing power  
in the country8 ,who are the men1 the   
responsible men1 who rob us of our      
property8 ,restrain us of our liberty8  
,subject us to their arbitrary dominion8
 ,and devastate our homes1 and shoot us 
down by the hundreds of thousands1 if we
 resist8 ,how shall we find these men8  
,how shall we know them from others8    
,how shall we defend ourselves and our  
property against them8 ,who1 of our     
neighbors1 are members of this secret   
band of robbers and murderers8 ,how can 
we know which are their houses1 that we 
may burn or demolish them8 ,which their 
property1 that we may destroy it8 ,which

 their persons1 that we may kill them1  
and rid the world and ourselves of such 
tyrants and monsters8  ,these are       
questions that must be answered1 before 
men can be free2 before they can protect
 themselves against this secret band of 
robbers and murderers1 who now plunder1 
enslave1 and destroy them4  ,the answer 
to these questions is1 that only those  
who have the will and the power to shoot
 down their fellow men1 are the real    
rulers in this1 as in all other         
7so-called7 civilized countries2 for by 
no others will civilized men be robbed1 
or enslaved4  ,among savages1 mere      
physical strength1 on the part of one   
man1 may enable him to rob1 enslave1 or 
kill another man4 ,among barbarians1    
mere physical strength1 on the part of a
 body of men1 disciplined1 and acting in
 concert1 though with very little money 
or other wealth1 may1 under some        
circumstances1 enable them to rob1      
enslave1 or kill another body of men1 as
 numerous1 or perhaps even more         

numerous1 than themselves4 ,and among   
both savages and barbarians1 mere want  
may sometimes compel one man to sell    
himself as a slave to another4 ,but with
 7so-called7 civilized peoples1 among   
whom knowledge1 wealth1 and the means of
 acting in concert1 have become         
diffused2 and who have invented such    
weapons and other means of defense as to
 render mere physical strength of less  
importance2 and by whom soldiers in any 
requisite number1 and other             
instrumentalities of war in any         
requisite amount1 can always be had for 
money1 the question of war1 and         
consequently the question of power1 is  
little else than a mere question of     
money4 ,as a necessary consequence1     
those who stand ready to furnish this   
money1 are the real rulers4 ,it is so in
 ,europe1 and it is so in this country4 
,in ,europe1 the nominal rulers1 the    
emperors and kings and parliaments1 are 
anything but the real rulers of their   
respective countries4 ,they are little  

or nothing else than mere tools1        
employed by the wealthy to rob1 enslave1
 and 7if need be7 murder those who have 
less wealth1 or none at all4  ,the      
,rothschilds1 and that class of         
money-lenders of whom they are the      
representatives and agents--men who     
never think of lending a shilling to    
their next-door neighbors1 for purposes 
of honest industry1 unless upon the most
 ample security1 and at the highest rate
 of interest--stand ready1 at all times1
 to lend money in unlimited amounts to  
those robbers and murderers1 who call   
themselves governments1 to be expended  
in shooting down those who do not submit
 quietly to being robbed and enslaved4  
,they lend their money in this manner1  
knowing that it is to be expended in    
murdering their fellow men1 for simply  
seeking their liberty and their rights2 
knowing also that neither the interest  
nor the principal will ever be paid1    
except as it will be extorted under     
terror of the repetition of such murders

 as those for which the money lent is to
 be expended4  ,these money-lenders1 the
 ,rothschilds1 for example1 say to      
themselves3 ,if we lend a hundred       
millions sterling to the queen and      
parliament of ,england1 it will enable  
them to murder twenty1 fifty1 or a      
hundred thousand people in ,england1    
,ireland1 or ,india2 and the terror     
inspired by such wholesale murder1 will 
enable them to keep the whole people of 
those countries in subjection for       
twenty1 or perhaps fifty1 years to come2
 to control all their trade and         
industry2 and to extort from them large 
amounts of money1 under the name of     
taxes2 and from the wealth thus extorted
 from them1 they 7the queen and         
parliament7 can afford to pay us a      
higher rate of interest for our money   
than we can get in any other way4 ,or1  
if we lend this sum to the emperor of   
,austria1 it will enable him to murder  
so many of his people as to strike      
terror into the rest1 and thus enable   

him to keep them in subjection1 and     
extort money from them1 for twenty or   
fifty years to come4 ,and they say the  
same in regard to the emperor of        
,russia1 the king of ,prussia1 the      
emperor of ,france1 or any other ruler1 
so called1 who1 in their judgment1 will 
be able1 by murdering a reasonable      
portion of his people1 to keep the rest 
in subjection1 and extort money from    
them1 for a long time to come1 to pay   
the interest and principal of the money 
lent him4  ,and why are these men so    
ready to lend money for murdering their 
fellow men8 ,solely for this reason1    
viz41 that such loans are considered    
better investments than loans for       
purposes of honest industry4 ,they pay  
higher rates of interest2 and it is less
 trouble to look after them4 ,this is   
the whole matter4  ,the question of     
making these loans is1 with these       
lenders1 a mere question of pecuniary   
profit4 ,they lend money to be expended 
in robbing1 enslaving1 and murdering    

their fellow men1 solely because1 on the
 whole1 such loans pay better than any  
others4 ,they are no respecters of      
persons1 no superstitious fools1 that   
reverence monarchs4 ,they care no more  
for a king1 or an emperor1 than they do 
for a beggar1 except as he is a better  
customer1 and can pay them better       
interest for their money4 ,if they doubt
 his ability to make his murders        
successful for maintaining his power1   
and thus extorting money from his people
 in future1 they dismiss him as         
unceremoniously as they would dismiss   
any other hopeless bankrupt1 who should 
want to borrow money to save himself    
from open insolvency4  ,when these great
 lenders of blood-money1 like the       
,rothschilds1 have loaned vast sums in  
this way1 for purposes of murder1 to an 
emperor or a king1 they sell out the    
bonds taken by them1 in small amounts1  
to anybody1 and everybody1 who are      
disposed to buy them at satisfactory    
prices1 to hold as investments4 ,they   

7the ,rothschilds7 thus soon get back   
their money1 with great profits2 and are
 now ready to lend money in the same way
 again to any other robber and murderer1
 called an emperor or a king1 who1 they 
think1 is likely to be successful in his
 robberies and murders1 and able to pay 
a good price for the money necessary to 
carry them on4  ,this business of       
lending blood-money is one of the most  
thoroughly sordid1 cold-blooded1 and    
criminal that was ever carried on1 to   
any considerable extent1 amongst human  
beings4 ,it is like lending money to    
slave traders1 or to common robbers and 
pirates1 to be repaid out of their      
plunder4 ,and the men who loan money to 
governments1 so called1 for the purpose 
of enabling the latter to rob1 enslave1 
and murder their people1 are among the  
greatest villains that the world has    
ever seen4 ,and they as much deserve to 
be hunted and killed 7if they cannot    
otherwise be got rid of7 as any slave   
traders1 robbers1 or pirates that ever  

lived4  ,when these emperors and kings1 
so-called1 have obtained their loans1   
they proceed to hire and train immense  
numbers of professional murderers1      
called soldiers1 and employ them in     
shooting down all who resist their      
demands for money4 ,in fact1 most of    
them keep large bodies of these         
murderers constantly in their service1  
as their only means of enforcing their  
extortions4 ,there are now1 ,i think1   
four or five millions of these          
professional murderers constantly       
employed by the so-called sovereigns of 
,europe4 ,the enslaved people are1 of   
course1 forced to support and pay all   
these murderers1 as well as to submit to
 all the other extortions which these   
murderers are employed to enforce4  ,it 
is only in this way that most of the    
so-called governments of ,europe are    
maintained4 ,these so-called governments
 are in reality only great bands of     
robbers and murderers1 organized1       
disciplined1 and constantly on the      

alert4 ,and the so-called sovereigns1 in
 these different governments1 are simply
 the heads1 or chiefs1 of different     
bands of robbers and murderers4 ,and    
these heads or chiefs are dependent upon
 the lenders of blood-money for the     
means to carry on their robberies and   
murders4 ,they could not sustain        
themselves a moment but for the loans   
made to them by these blood-money       
loan-mongers4 ,and their first care is  
to maintain their credit with them2 for 
they know their end is come1 the instant
 their credit with them fails4          
,consequently the first proceeds of     
their extortions are scrupulously       
applied to the payment of the interest  
on their loans4  ,in addition to paying 
the interest on their bonds1 they       
perhaps grant to the holders of them    
great monopolies in banking1 like the   
,banks of ,england1 of ,france1 and of  
,vienna2 with the agreement that these  
banks shall furnish money whenever1 in  
sudden emergencies1 it may be necessary 

to shoot down more of their people4     
,perhaps also1 by means of tariffs on   
competing imports1 they give great      
monopolies to certain branches of       
industry1 in which these lenders of     
blood-money are engaged4 ,they also1 by 
unequal taxation1 exempt wholly or      
partially the property of these         
loan-mongers1 and throw corresponding   
burdens upon those who are too poor and 
weak to resist4  ,thus it is evident    
that all these men1 who call themselves 
by the high-sounding names of ,emperors1
 ,kings1 ,sovereigns1 ,monarchs1 ,most  
,christian ,majesties1 ,most ,catholic  
,majesties1 ,high ,mightinesses1 ,most  
,serene and ,potent ,princes1 and the   
like1 and who claim to rule by the grace
 of ,god1 by ,divine ,right--that is1 by
 special authority from ,heaven--are    
intrinsically not only the merest       
miscreants and wretches1 engaged solely 
in plundering1 enslaving1 and murdering 
their fellow men1 but that they are also
 the merest hangers on1 the servile1    

obsequious1 fawning dependents and tools
 of these blood-money loan-mongers1 on  
whom they rely for the means to carry on
 their crimes4 ,these loan-mongers1 like
 the ,rothschilds1 laugh in their       
sleeves1 and say to themselves3 ,these  
despicable creatures1 who call          
themselves emperors1 and kings1 and     
majesties1 and most serene and potent   
princes2 who profess to wear crowns1 and
 sit on thrones2 who deck themselves    
with ribbons1 and feathers1 and jewels2 
and surround themselves with hired      
flatterers and lickspittles2 and whom we
 suffer to strut around1 and palm       
themselves off1 upon fools and slaves1  
as sovereigns and lawgivers specially   
appointed by ,almighty ,god2 and to hold
 themselves out as the sole fountains of
 honors1 and dignities1 and wealth1 and 
power--all these miscreants and         
imposters know that we make them1 and   
use them2 that in us they live1 move1   
and have their being2 that we require   
them 7as the price of their positions7  

to take upon themselves all the labor1  
all the danger1 and all the odium of all
 the crimes they commit for our profit2 
and that we will unmake them1 strip them
 of their gewgaws1 and send them out    
into the world as beggars1 or give them 
over to the vengeance of the people they
 have enslaved1 the moment they refuse  
to commit any crime we require of them1 
or to pay over to us such share of the  
proceeds of their robberies as we see   
fit to demand4     ,,xix4   ,now1 what  
is true in ,europe1 is substantially    
true in this country4 ,the difference is
 the immaterial one1 that1 in this      
country1 there is no visible1 permanent 
head1 or chief1 of these robbers and    
murderers1 who call themselves the      
government4 ,that is to say1 there is no
 one man1 who calls himself the state1  
or even emperor1 king1 or sovereign2 no 
one who claims that he and his children 
rule by the ,grace of ,god1 by ,divine  
,right1 or by special appointment from  
,heaven4 ,there are only certain men1   

who call themselves presidents1         
senators1 and representatives1 and claim
 to be the authorized agents1 for the   
time being1 or for certain short        
periods1 of all the people of the       
,united ,states2 but who can show no    
credentials1 or powers of attorney1 or  
any other open1 authentic evidence that 
they are so2 and who notoriously are not
 so2 but are really only the agents of a
 secret band of robbers and murderers1  
whom they themselves do not know1 and   
have no means of knowing1 individually2 
but who1 they trust1 will openly or     
secretly1 when the crisis comes1 sustain
 them in all their usurpations and      
crimes4  ,what is important to be       
noticed is1 that these so-called        
presidents1 senators1 and               
representatives1 these pretended agents 
of all the people of the ,united        
,states1 the moment their exactions meet
 with any formidable resistance from any
 portion of the people themselves1 are  
obliged1 like their co-robbers and      

murderers in ,europe1 to fly at once to 
the lenders of blood money1 for the     
means to sustain their power4 ,and they 
borrow their money on the same          
principle1 and for the same purpose1    
viz41 to be expended in shooting down   
all those people of the ,united         
,states--their own constituents and     
principals1 as they profess to call     
them--who resist the robberies and      
enslavement which these borrowers of the
 money are practising upon them4 ,and   
they expect to repay the loans1 if at   
all1 only from the proceeds of the      
future robberies1 which they anticipate 
it will be easy for them and their      
successors to perpetrate through a long 
series of years1 upon their pretended   
principals1 if they can but shoot down  
now some hundreds of thousands of them1 
and thus strike terror into the rest4   
,perhaps the facts were never made more 
evident1 in any country on the globe1   
than in our own1 that these soulless    
blood-money loan-mongers are the real   

rulers2 that they rule from the most    
sordid and mercenary motives2 that the  
ostensible government1 the presidents1  
senators1 and representatives1 so       
called1 are merely their tools2 and that
 no ideas of1 or regard for1 justice or 
liberty had anything to do in inducing  
them to lend their money for the war4   
,in proof of all this1 look at the      
following facts4  ,nearly a hundred     
years ago we professed to have got rid  
of all that religious superstition1     
inculcated by a servile and corrupt     
priesthood in ,europe1 that rulers1 so  
called1 derived their authority directly
 from ,heaven2 and that it was          
consequently a religious duty on the    
part of the people to obey them4 ,we    
professed long ago to have learned that 
governments could rightfully exist only 
by the free will1 and on the voluntary  
support1 of those who might choose to   
sustain them4 ,we all professed to have 
known long ago1 that the only legitimate
 objects of government were the         

maintenance of liberty and justice      
equally for all4 ,all this we had       
professed for nearly a hundred years4   
,and we professed to look with pity and 
contempt upon those ignorant1           
superstitious1 and enslaved peoples of  
,europe1 who were so easily kept in     
subjection by the frauds and force of   
priests and kings4  ,notwithstanding all
 this1 that we had learned1 and known1  
and professed1 for nearly a century1    
these lenders of blood money had1 for a 
long series of years previous to the    
war1 been the willing accomplices of the
 slave-holders in perverting the        
government from the purposes of liberty 
and justice1 to the greatest of crimes4 
,they had been such accomplices for a   
purely pecuniary consideration1 to wit1 
a control of the markets in the ,south2 
in other words1 the privilege of holding
 the slave-holders themselves in        
industrial and commercial subjection to 
the manufacturers and merchants of the  
,north 7who afterwards furnished the    

money for the war74 ,and these ,northern
 merchants and manufacturers1 these     
lenders of blood-money1 were willing to 
continue to be the accomplices of the   
slave-holders in the future1 for the    
same pecuniary consideration4 ,but the  
slave-holders1 either doubting the      
fidelity of their ,northern allies1 or  
feeling themselves strong enough to keep
 their slaves in subjection without     
,northern assistance1 would no longer   
pay the price which these ,northern men 
demanded4 ,and it was to enforce this   
price in the future--that is1 to        
monopolize the ,southern markets1 to    
maintain their industrial and commercial
 control over the ,south--that these    
,northern manufacturers and merchants   
lent some of the profits of their former
 monopolies for the war1 in order to    
secure to themselves the same1 or       
greater1 monopolies in the future4      
,these--and not any love of liberty or  
justice--were the motives on which the  
money for the war was lent by the       

,north4 ,in short1 the ,north said to   
the slave-holders3 ,if you will not pay 
us our price 7give us control of your   
markets7 for our assistance against your
 slaves1 we will secure the same price  
7keep control of your markets7 by       
helping your slaves against you1 and    
using them as our tools for maintaining 
dominion over you2 for the control of   
your markets we will have1 whether the  
tools we use for that purpose be black  
or white1 and be the cost1 in blood and 
money1 what it may4  ,on this principle1
 and from this motive1 and not from any 
love of liberty1 or justice1 the money  
was lent in enormous amounts1 and at    
enormous rates of interest4 ,and it was 
only by means of these loans that the   
objects of the war were accomplished4   
,and now these lenders of blood-money   
demand their pay2 and the government1 so
 called1 becomes their tool1 their      
servile1 slavish1 villainous tool1 to   
extort it from the labor of the enslaved
 people both of the ,north and the      

,south4 ,it is to be extorted by every  
form of direct1 and indirect1 and       
unequal taxation4 ,not only the nominal 
debt and interest--enormous as the      
latter was--are to be paid in full2 but 
these holders of the debt are to be paid
 still further--and perhaps doubly1     
triply1 or quadruply paid--by such      
tariffs on imports as will enable our   
home manufacturers to realize enormous  
prices for their commodities2 also by   
such monopolies in banking as will      
enable them to keep control of1 and thus
 enslave and plunder1 the industry and  
trade of the great body of the ,northern
 people themselves4 ,in short1 the      
industrial and commercial slavery of the
 great body of the people1 ,north and   
,south1 black and white1 is the price   
which these lenders of blood money      
demand1 and insist upon1 and are        
determined to secure1 in return for the 
money lent for the war4  ,this programme
 having been fully arranged and         
systematized1 they put their sword into 

the hands of the chief murderer of the  
war1 and charge him to carry their      
scheme into effect4 ,and now he1        
speaking as their organ1 says3 ,let us  
have peace4  ,the meaning of this is3   
,submit quietly to all the robbery and  
slavery we have arranged for you1 and   
you can have peace4 ,but in case you    
resist1 the same lenders of blood-money1
 who furnished the means to subdue the  
,south1 will furnish the means again to 
subdue you4  ,these are the terms on    
which alone this government1 or1 with   
few exceptions1 any other1 ever gives   
peace to its people4  ,the whole affair1
 on the part of those who furnished the 
money1 has been1 and now is1 a          
deliberate scheme of robbery and murder2
 not merely to monopolize the markets of
 the ,south1 but also to monopolize the 
currency1 and thus control the industry 
and trade1 and thus plunder and enslave 
the laborers1 of both ,north and ,south4
 ,and ,congress and the president are   
today the merest tools for these        

purposes4 ,they are obliged to be1 for  
they know that their own power1 as      
rulers1 so-called1 is at an end1 the    
moment their credit with the blood-money
 loan-mongers fails4 ,they are like a   
bankrupt in the hands of an extortioner4
 ,they dare not say nay to any demand   
made upon them4 ,and to hide at once1 if
 possible1 both their servility and     
their crimes1 they attempt to divert    
public attention1 by crying out that    
they have ,abolished ,slavery6 ,that    
they have ,saved the ,country6 ,that    
they have ,preserved our ,glorious      
,union6 and that1 in now paying the     
,national ,debt1 as they call it 7as if 
the people themselves1 all of them who  
are to be taxed for its payment1 had    
really and voluntarily joined in        
contracting it71 they are simply        
,maintaining the ,national ,honor6  ,by 
maintaining the national honor1 they    
mean simply that they themselves1 open  
robbers and murderers1 assume to be the 
nation1 and will keep faith with those  

who lend them the money necessary to    
enable them to crush the great body of  
the people under their feet2 and will   
faithfully appropriate1 from the        
proceeds of their future robberies and  
murders1 enough to pay all their loans1 
principal and interest4  ,the pretense  
that the abolition of slavery was either
 a motive or justification for the war1 
is a fraud of the same character with   
that of maintaining the national honor4 
,who1 but such usurpers1 robbers1 and   
murderers as they1 ever established     
slavery8 ,or what government1 except one
 resting upon the sword1 like the one we
 now have1 was ever capable of          
maintaining slavery8 ,and why did these 
men abolish slavery8 ,not from any love 
of liberty in general--not as an act of 
justice to the black man himself1 but   
only as a war measure1 and because they 
wanted his assistance1 and that of his  
friends1 in carrying on the war they had
 undertaken for maintaining and         
intensifying that political1 commercial1

 and industrial slavery1 to which they  
have subjected the great body of the    
people1 both white and black4 ,and yet  
these imposters now cry out that they   
have abolished the chattel slavery of   
the black man--although that was not the
 motive of the war--as if they thought  
they could thereby conceal1 atone for1  
or justify that other slavery which they
 were fighting to perpetuate1 and to    
render more rigorous and inexorable than
 it ever was before4 ,there was no      
difference of principle--but only of    
degree--between the slavery they boast  
they have abolished1 and the slavery    
they were fighting to preserve2 for all 
restraints upon men's natural liberty1  
not necessary for the simple maintenance
 of justice1 are of the nature of       
slavery1 and differ from each other only
 in degree4  ,if their object had really
 been to abolish slavery1 or maintain   
liberty or justice generally1 they had  
only to say3 ,all1 whether white or     
black1 who want the protection of this  

government1 shall have it2 and all who  
do not want it1 will be left in peace1  
so long as they leave us in peace4 ,had 
they said this1 slavery would           
necessarily have been abolished at once2
 the war would have been saved2 and a   
thousand times nobler union than we have
 ever had would have been the result4   
,it would have been a voluntary union of
 free men2 such a union as will one day 
exist among all men1 the world over1 if 
the several nations1 so called1 shall   
ever get rid of the usurpers1 robbers1  
and murderers1 called governments1 that 
now plunder1 enslave1 and destroy them4 
,still another of the frauds of these   
men is1 that they are now establishing1 
and that the war was designed to        
establish1 a government of consent4 ,the
 only idea they have ever manifested as 
to what is a government of consent1 is  
this--that it is one to which everybody 
must consent1 or be shot4 ,this idea was
 the dominant one on which the war was  
carried on2 and it is the dominant one1 

now that we have got what is called     
peace4  ,their pretenses that they have 
,saved the ,country1 and ,preserved our 
,glorious ,union1 are frauds like all   
the rest of their pretenses4 ,by them   
they mean simply that they have         
subjugated1 and maintained their power  
over1 an unwilling people4 ,this they   
call ,saving the ,country2 as if an     
enslaved and subjugated people--or as if
 any people kept in subjection by the   
sword 7as it is intended that all of us 
shall be hereafter7--could be said to   
have any country4 ,this1 too1 they call 
,preserving our ,glorious ,union2 as if 
there could be said to be any ,union1   
glorious or inglorious1 that was not    
voluntary4 ,or as if there could be said
 to be any union between masters and    
slaves2 between those who conquer1 and  
those who are subjugated4  ,all these   
cries of having abolished slavery1 of   
having saved the country1 of having     
preserved the union1 of establishing a  
government of consent1 and of           

maintaining the national honor1 are all 
gross1 shameless1 transparent cheats--so
 transparent that they ought to deceive 
no one--when uttered as justifications  
for the war1 or for the government that 
has succeeded the war1 or for now       
compelling the people to pay the cost of
 the war1 or for compelling anybody to  
support a government that he does not   
want4  ,the lesson taught by all these  
facts is this3 ,as long as mankind      
continue to pay national debts1         
so-called--that is1 so long as they are 
such dupes and cowards as to pay for    
being cheated1 plundered1 enslaved1 and 
murdered--so long there will be enough  
to lend the money for those purposes2   
and with that money a plenty of tools1  
called soldiers1 can be hired to keep   
them in subjection4 ,but when they      
refuse any longer to pay for being thus 
cheated1 plundered1 enslaved1 and       
murdered1 they will cease to have       
cheats1 and usurpers1 and robbers1 and  
murderers and blood-money loan-mongers  

for masters4     ,,appendix4   ,inasmuch
 as the ,constitution was never signed1 
nor agreed to1 by anybody1 as a         
contract1 and therefore never bound     
anybody1 and is now binding upon nobody2
 and is1 moreover1 such an one as no    
people can ever hereafter be expected to
 consent to1 except as they may be      
forced to do so at the point of the     
bayonet1 it is perhaps of no importance 
what its true legal meaning1 as a       
contract1 is4 ,nevertheless1 the writer 
thinks it proper to say that1 in his    
opinion1 the ,constitution is no such   
instrument as it has generally been     
assumed to be2 but that by false        
interpretations1 and naked usurpations1 
the government has been made in practice
 a very widely1 and almost wholly1      
different thing from what the           
,constitution itself purports to        
authorize4 ,he has heretofore written   
much1 and could write much more1 to     
prove that such is the truth4 ,but      
whether the ,constitution really be one 

thing1 or another1 this much is         
certain--that it has either authorized  
such a government as we have had1 or has
 been powerless to prevent it4 ,in      
either case1 it is unfit to exist4      
,,footnotes3   a ,see ,no ,treason1 ,no4
 #b1 pages #e and #f4  b ,suppose it be 
the best government on earth1 does that 
prove its own goodness1 or only the     
badness of all other governments8  c    
,the very men who drafted it1 never     
signed it in any way to bind themselves 
by it1 as a contract4 ,and not one of   
them probably ever would have signed it 
in any way to bind himself by it1 as a  
contract4  d ,i have personally examined
 the statute books of the following     
,states1 viz43 ,maine1 ,new ,hampshire1 
,vermont1 ,massachusetts1 ,rhode        
,island1 ,connecticut1 ,new ,york1 ,new 
,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1 ,delaware1      
,virginia1 ,north ,carolina1 ,south     
,carolina1 ,georgia1 ,florida1 ,alabama1
 ,mississippi1 ,tennessee1 ,kentucky1   
,ohio1 ,michigan1 ,indiana1 ,illinois1  

,wisconsin1 ,texas1 ,arkansas1          
,missouri1 ,iowa1 ,minnesota1 ,nebraska1
 ,kansas1 ,nevada1 ,california1 and     
,oregon1 and find that in all these     
,states the ,english statute has been   
re-enacted1 sometimes with              
modifications1 but generally enlarging  
its operations1 and is now in force4    
,the following are some of the          
provisions of the ,massachusetts        
statute3  ,no action shall be brought in
 any of the following cases1 that is to 
say3 444  ,to charge a person upon a    
special promise to answer for the debt1 
default1 or misdoings of another3 444   
,upon a contract for the sale of lands1 
tenements1 hereditaments1 or of any     
interest in1 or concerning them2 or     
,upon an agreement that is not to be    
performed within one year from the      
writing thereof3  ,unless the promise1  
contract1 or agreement1 upon which such 
action is brought1 or some memorandum or
 note thereof1 is in writing1 and signed
 by the party to be charged therewith1  

or by some person thereunto by him      
lawfully authorized4  ,no contract for  
the sale of goods1 wares1 or            
merchandise1 for the price of fifty     
dollars or more1 shall be good or valid1
 unless the purchaser accepts and       
receives part of the goods so sold1 or  
gives something in earnest to bind the  
bargain1 or in part payment2 or unless  
some note or memorandum in writing of   
the bargain is made and signed by the   
party to be charged thereby1 or by some 
person thereunto by him lawfully        
authorized4  e ,and this two-thirds vote
 may be but two-thirds of a quorum--that
 is two-thirds of a majority--instead of
 two-thirds of the whole4  f ,of what   
appreciable value is it to any man1 as  
an individual1 that he is allowed a     
voice in choosing these public masters8 
,his voice is only one of several       
millions4     ,transcriber's ,notes3    
,passages in italics are indicated by   
italics4    ,inconsistencies in spelling
 and hyphenation have been retained from

   the original4    ,obvious            
typographical errors have been corrected
 as follows3      ,page #bb3 do changed 
to does    ,punctuation has been        
corrected without note4