,,essays    ,by    ,,david ,,hume       
,with ,biographical ,introduction    by 
,hannaford ,bennett    ,,london         
,,john ,,long ,,ltd          ,contents  
,,biographical ,,introduction    ,,of   
,,the ,,delicacy ,,of ,,taste ,,and     
,,passion    ,,of ,,the ,,liberty ,,of  
,,the ,,press    ,,that ,,politics ,,may
 ,,be ,,reduced ,,to ,a ,,science       
,,of ,,the ,,first ,,principles ,,of    
,,government    ,,of ,,the ,,origin ,,of
 ,,government    ,,of ,,the             
,,independency ,,of ,,parliament        
,,whether ,,the ,,british ,,government  
,,inclines ,,moreto ,,absolute          
,,monarchy ,,or  ,,to ,a ,,republic     
,,of ,,parties ,,in ,,general    ,,of   
,,the ,,parties ,,of ,,great ,,britain  
,,of ,,superstition ,,and ,,enthusiasm  
,,of ,,the ,,dignity ,,or ,,meanness    
,,of ,,human ,,nature    ,,of ,,civil   
,,liberty    ,,of ,,eloquence           
,biographical ,introduction      ,the   
material facts in ,hume's life are to be
 found in the autobiography  which he   

prefixed to his ,history of ,england4   
,my ,own ,life1 as he  calls it1 is but 
a brief exposition1 but it is sufficient
 for its  purpose1 and the longer       
biographies of him do little more than  
amplify  the information which he gives 
us himself4 ,the ,humes1 it appears1    
were a  remote branch of the family of  
,lord ,hume of ,douglas4 ,hume's father 
was  ,joseph ,hume1 of ,ninewells1 a    
minor ,scotch laird1 who died when his  
son  was an infant4 ,david ,hume was    
born at ,edinburgh on ,april #bfth1     
#agaa1  during a visit of his parents to
 the ,scotch capital4 ,hume tells us    
that  his father passed for a man of    
parts1 and that his mother1 who herself 
came of good ,scottish family1 was a    
woman of singular merit2 though  young  
and handsome1 she devoted herself       
entirely to the rearing and  educating  
of her children4 ,at school ,hume won no
 special distinction4  ,he matriculated 
in the class of ,greek at the ,edinburgh
 ,university when  he was twelve years  

old1 and1 he says passed through the    
ordinary  course of education with      
success2 but our college education in   
,scotland1 he remarks in one of his     
works1 extending little further  than   
the languages1 ends commonly when we are
 about fourteen or fifteen  years of    
age4 ,during his youth1 ,mrs4 ,hume does
 not appear to have  maintained any too 
flattering opinion of her son's         
abilities2 she  considered him a        
good-natured but uncommon weak-minded   
creature4  ,possibly her judgment       
underwent a change in course of time1   
since she  lived to see the beginnings  
of his literary fame2 but his worldly   
success was long in the making1 and he  
was a middle-aged man before his  meagre
 fortune was converted into anything    
like a decent maintenance4    ,it may   
have been ,hume's apparent vacillation  
in choosing a career that  made this    
shrewd ,scots wife hold her son in such 
small esteem4 ,at  first the family     
tried to launch him into the profession 

of the law1 but  while they fancied ,i  
was poring over ,voet and ,vinnius1     
,cicero and  ,virgil were the authors ,i
 was secretly devouring4 ,for six years 
,hume  remained at ,ninewells and then  
made a feeble trial for entering on a   
more active scene of life4 ,commerce1   
this time1 was the chosen  instrument1  
but the result was not more successful4 
,in #agcd ,i went to  ,bristol with some
 recommendations to eminent merchants1  
but in a few  months found that scene   
totally unsuitable for me4 ,at          
length--in the  middle of #agcf when    
,hume was twenty-three years of age and 
without any  profession or means of     
earning a livelihood--he went over to   
,france4 ,he  settled first at ,rheims1 
and afterwards at ,la ,flche in ,anjou1 
and  there ,i laid that plan of life    
which ,i have steadily and successfully 
pursued4 ,i resolved to make a very     
rigid frugality supply my deficiency  of
 fortune1 to maintain unimpaired my     
independency1 and to regard every       

object as contemptible except the       
improvement of my talents in            
literature4 ,at ,la ,flche ,hume lived  
in frequent intercourse with the        
,jesuits at the famous college in which 
,descartes was educated1 and he         
composed his first book1 the ,treatise  
of ,human ,nature4 ,according to        
himself it fell dead-born from the      
press1 without reaching such            
distinction as even to excite a murmur  
among the zealots4 ,but this work  which
 was planned before the author was      
twenty-one and written before he  was   
twenty-five1 in the opinion of          
,professor ,huxley1 is probably the     
most remarkable philosophical work1 both
 intrinsically and in its  effects upon 
the course of thought1 that has ever    
been written4 ,three  years later ,hume 
published anonymously1 at ,edinburgh1   
the first volume  of ,essays1 ,moral and
 ,political1 which was followed in #agdb
 by the  second volume4 ,the ,essays1 he
 says1 were favourably received and soon

  made me entirely forget my former     
disappointments4    ,in #agde ,hume     
became tutor to a young nobleman1 the   
,marquis of ,annandale1  who was        
mentally affected1 but he did not endure
 the engagement for  long4 ,next year   
,general ,st4 ,clair1 who had been      
appointed to command an  expedition in  
the ,war of the ,pragmatic ,sanction1   
invited him to be his  secretary1 an    
office to which that of judge-advocate  
was afterwards  added4 ,the expedition  
was a failure1 but ,general ,st4 ,clair1
 who was  afterwards entrusted with     
embassies to ,turin and ,vienna1 and    
upon whom  ,hume seems to have created a
 favourable impression1 insisted that he
  should accompany him in the same      
capacity as secretary2 he further made  
him one of his aides-de-camp4 ,thus     
,hume had to attire his portly  figure  
in a scarlet military uniform1 and ,lord
 ,charlemont who met him  in ,turin says
 that he wore his uniform like a grocer 
of the  train-bands4 ,at ,vienna the    

,empress-,dowager excused him on        
ceremonial  occasions from walking      
backwards1 a concession which was much  
appreciated by my companions who were   
desperately afraid of my falling  on    
them and crushing them4 ,hume returned  
to ,london in #agdi4 ,these  years1 he  
says1 were almost the only interruptions
 my studies have  received during the   
course of my life4 ,i passed them       
agreeably and in  good company1 and my  
appointments1 with my frugality1 had    
made me reach  a fortune which ,i called
 independent1 though most of my friends 
were  inclined to smile when ,i said so2
 in short1 ,i was now master of near a  
thousand pounds4    ,while ,hume was    
away with ,general ,st4 ,clair his      
,inquiry ,concerning ,human             
,understanding was published1 but it was
 not more successful than the  original 
,treatise of a portion of which it was a
 recasting4 ,a new  edition of ,moral   
and ,political ,essays met with no      
better fate1 but  these disappointments1

 he says1 made little or no impression  
on him4  ,in #agdi ,hume returned to    
,ninewells1 and lived for a while with  
his  brothers4 ,afterwards he took a    
flat of his own at ,edinburgh1 with his 
sister to keep house for him4 ,at this  
period the ,political ,discourses  and  
the ,inquiry concerning the ,principles 
of ,morals were published4 ,of  the     
,inquiry ,hume held the opinion1 an     
opinion1 however1 which was not  shared 
by the critics1 that it is of all my    
writings--historical1  philosophical1 or
 literary incomparably the best4 ,slowly
 and surely his  publications were      
growing in reputation4 ,in #ageb the    
,faculty of  ,advocates elected ,hume   
their librarian1 an office which was    
valuable to  him1 not so much for the   
emolument as for the extensive library  
which  enabled him to pursue the        
historical studies upon which he had for
 some  time been engaged4 ,for the next 
nine years he was occupied with his     
,history of ,england4 ,the first volume 

was published in #aged1 and the  second 
volume1 which met with a better         
reception than the first1 in  #agef4    
,only forty-five copies of the first    
volume were sold in a  twelvemonth2 but 
the subsequent volumes made rapid       
headway1 and raised a  great clamour1   
for in the words of ,macaulay1 ,hume's  
historical picture1  though drawn by a  
master hand1 has all the lights ,tory   
and all the  shades ,whig4 ,in #ageg one
 of his most remarkable works1 the      
,natural  ,history of ,religion1        
appeared4 ,the book was attacked--not   
wholly to  ,hume's dissatisfaction1 for 
he appreciated fame as well as          
success--with all the illiberal         
petulance1 arrogance1 and scurrility    
which distinguish the ,warburtonian     
school4    ,hume remained in ,edinburgh 
superintending the publication of the   
,history until #agfc when ,lord         
,hertford1 who had been appointed       
ambassador to ,france1 offered him      
office in the embassy1 with the  promise

 of the secretaryship later on4 ,the    
appointment was the more  honourable1   
inasmuch as ,hume was not personally    
acquainted with ,lord  ,hertford1 who   
had a reputation for virtue and piety1  
whilst ,hume's views  about religion had
 rendered him one of the best abused men
 of his time4  ,in ,france ,hume's      
reputation stood higher than it was in  
,england2 several  of his works had been
 translated into ,french2 and he had    
corresponded  with ,montesquieu1        
,helvetius and ,rousseau4 ,thus he was  
received in ,french  society with every 
mark of distinction4 ,in a letter to    
,adam ,smith in  ,october #agfc1 he     
wrote3 ,i have been three days at ,paris
 and two at  ,fontainebleau1 and have   
everywhere met with the most            
extraordinary  honours1 which the most  
exorbitant vanity could wish or desire4 
,great  nobles fted him1 and great      
ladies struggled for the presence of the
  gros ,david at their receptions or in 
their boxes at the theatre4 ,at  the    

opera his broad unmeaning face was      
usually to be seen entre deux  joli     
minois1 says ,lord ,charlemont4 ,hume   
took his honours with  satisfaction1 but
 with becoming good sense1 and he did   
not allow these  flatteries to turn his 
head4    ,in #agfg ,hume was back in    
,london1 and for the next two years held
 office  as ,under-,secretary of ,state4
 ,it is not necessary to dwell upon this
  period of his life1 or to go into the 
details of his quarrel with  ,rousseau4 
,in #agfi he returned to ,edinburgh very
 opulent in the  possession of #a1jjj a 
year1 and determined to take the rest of
 his life  easily and pleasantly4 ,he   
built himself a house in ,edinburgh1 and
 for  the next six years it was the     
centre of the most accomplished society 
in  the city4 ,in #agee ,hume's health  
began to fail1 and he knew that his     
illness must be fatal4 ,thus he made his
 will and wrote ,my ,own ,life1  which  
ends simply in these words3         ,i  
now reckon upon a speedy dissolution4 ,i

 have suffered very       little pain   
from my disorder2 and what is more      
strange have1       notwithstanding the 
great decline of my person1 never       
suffered a       moment's abatement of  
spirits2 insomuch that were ,i to name  
the       period of my life which ,i    
should most choose to pass over again1  
,i       might be tempted to point to   
this later period4 ,i possess the same  
ardour as ever in study1 and the same   
gaiety in company2 ,i       consider1   
besides1 that a man of sixty-five1 by   
dying1 cuts off       only a few years  
of infirmities2 and though ,i see many  
symptoms of       my literary           
reputation's breaking out at last with  
additional       lustre1 ,i know that ,i
 could have but few years to enjoy it4  
,it is       difficult to be more       
detached from life than ,i am at        
present4         ,to conclude           
historically with my own character1 ,i  
am1 or rather       was 7for that is the
 style ,i must now use in speaking of   

myself72 ,i       was1 ,i say1 a man of 
mild dispositions1 of command of temper1
 of       an open1 social1 and cheerful 
humour1 capable of attachment1 but      
little susceptible of enmity1 and of    
great moderation in all my              
passions4 ,even my love of literary     
fame1 my ruling passion1 never          
soured my temper1 notwithstanding my    
frequent disappointments4 ,my           
company was not unacceptable to the     
young and careless1 as well as       to 
the studious and literary2 and as ,i    
took a particular pleasure       in the 
company of modest women1 ,i had no      
reason to be displeased       with the  
reception ,i met with from them4 ,in a  
word1 though most men       any wise    
eminent1 have found reason to complain  
of calumny1 ,i never       was touched  
or even attacked by her baleful tooth2  
and though ,i       wantonly exposed    
myself to the rage of both civil and    
religious       factions1 they seemed to
 be disarmed in my behalf of their      

wonted       fury4 ,my friends never had
 occasion to vindicate any one          
circumstance of my character and        
conduct2 not but that the zealots1      
we may well suppose1 would have been    
glad to invent and propagate       any  
story to my disadvantage1 but they could
 never find any which       they thought
 would wear the face of probability4 ,i 
cannot say there       is no vanity in  
making this funeral oration of myself1  
but ,i hope       it is not a misplaced 
one2 and this is a matter of fact which 
is       easily cleared and ascertained4
    ,hume died in ,edinburgh on ,august 
#beth1 #aggf1 and a few days later was  
buried in a spot selected by himself on 
the ,carlton ,hill4                     
,,hannaford ,,bennett          ,essays  
,,of ,,the ,,delicacy ,,of ,,taste ,,and
 ,,passion      ,some people are subject
 to a certain delicacy of passion1 which
  makes them extremely sensible to all  
the accidents of life1 and gives  them a
 lively joy upon every prosperous event1

 as well as a piercing  grief when they 
meet with misfortune and adversity4     
,favours and good  offices easily engage
 their friendship1 while the smallest   
injury  provokes their resentment4 ,any 
honour or mark of distinction elevates  
them above measure1 but they are        
sensibly touched with contempt4 ,people 
of this character have1 no doubt1 more  
lively enjoyments1 as well as  more     
pungent sorrows1 than men of cool and   
sedate tempers4 ,but1 ,i  believe1 when 
every thing is balanced1 there is no one
 who would not  rather be of the latter 
character1 were he entirely master of   
his own  disposition4 ,good or ill      
fortune is very little at our disposal2 
and  when a person that has this        
sensibility of temper meets with any    
misfortune1 his sorrow or resentment    
takes entire possession of him1 and     
deprives him of all relish in the common
 occurrences of life1 the right         
enjoyment of which forms the chief part 
of our happiness4 ,great  pleasures are 

much less frequent than great pains1 so 
that a sensible  temper must meet with1 
fewer trials in the former way than in  
the  latter4 ,not to mention1 that men  
of such lively passions are apt to be   
transported beyond all bounds of        
prudence and discretion1 and to take    
false steps in the conduct of life1     
which are often irretrievable4    ,there
 is a delicacy of taste observable in   
some men1 which very much  resembles    
this delicacy of passion1 and produces  
the same  sensibility to beauty and     
deformity of every kind1 as that does to
  prosperity and adversity1 obligations 
and injuries4 ,when you present a  poem 
or a picture to a man possessed of this 
talent1 the delicacy of his  feeling    
makes him be sensibly touched with every
 part of it2 nor are the  masterly      
strokes perceived with more exquisite   
relish and satisfaction1  than the      
negligences or absurdities with disgust 
and uneasiness4 ,a  polite and judicious
 conversation affords him the highest   

entertainment2  rudeness or impertinence
 is as great punishment to him4 ,in     
short1  delicacy of taste has the same  
effect as delicacy of passion4 ,it      
enlarges the sphere both of our         
happiness and misery1 and makes us      
sensible to pains as well as pleasures  
which escape the rest of mankind4    ,i 
believe1 however1 every one will agree  
with me1 that notwithstanding  this     
resemblance1 delicacy of taste is as    
much to be desired and  cultivated1 as  
delicacy of passion is to be lamented1  
and to be  remedied1 if possible4 ,the  
good or ill accidents of life are very  
little  at our disposal2 but we are     
pretty much masters what books we shall 
read1 what diversions we shall partake  
of1 and what company we shall  keep4    
,philosophers have endeavoured to render
 happiness entirely  independent of     
every thing external4 ,the degree of    
perfection is  impossible to be         
attained2 but every wise man will       
endeavour to place  his happiness on    

such objects chiefly as depend upon     
himself2 and that  is not to be attained
 so much by any other means as by this  
delicacy  of sentiment4 ,when a man is  
possessed of that talent1 he is more    
happy  by what pleases his taste1 than  
by what gratifies his appetites1 and    
receives more enjoyment from a poem1 or 
a piece of reasoning1 than the  most    
expensive luxury can afford4            
,whatever connection there may be       
originally between these two species of 
delicacy1 ,i am persuaded that nothing  
is so proper to cure us of this         
delicacy of passion1 as the cultivating 
of that higher and more refined  taste1 
which enables us to judge of the        
characters of men1 of the  compositions 
of genius1 and of the productions of the
 nobler arts4 ,a  greater or less relish
 for those obvious beauties which strike
 the  senses1 depends entirely upon the 
greater or less sensibility of the      
temper2 but with regard to the sciences 
and liberal arts1 a fine taste  is1 in  

some measure1 the same with strong      
sense1 or at least depends so  much upon
 it that they are inseparable4 ,in order
 to judge aright of a  composition of   
genius1 there are so many views to be   
taken in1 so many  circumstances to be  
compared1 and such a knowledge of human 
nature  requisite1 that no man1 who is  
not possessed of the soundest judgment1 
will ever make a tolerable critic in    
such performances4 ,and this is a  new  
reason for cultivating a relish in the  
liberal arts4 ,our judgment  will       
strengthen by this exercise4 ,we shall  
form juster notions of life4  ,many     
things which please or afflict others1  
will appear to us too  frivolous to     
engage our attention2 and we shall lose 
by degrees that  sensibility and        
delicacy of passion which is so         
incommodious4    ,but perhaps ,i have   
gone too far1 in saying that a          
cultivated taste for  the polite arts   
extinguishes the passions1 and renders  
us indifferent to  those objects which  

are so fondly pursued by the rest of    
mankind4 ,on  further reflection1 ,i    
find1 that it rather improves our       
sensibility for  all the tender and     
agreeable passions2 at the same time    
that it renders  the mind incapable of  
the rougher and more boisterous         
emotions4         ,ingenuas didicisse   
fideliter artes1       ,emollit mores1  
nec sinit esse feros4    ,for this1 ,i  
think1 there may be assigned two very   
natural reasons4 ,in  the first place1  
nothing is so improving to the temper as
 the study of  the beauties either of   
poetry1 eloquence1 music1 or painting4  
,they give  a certain elegance of       
sentiment to which the rest of mankind  
are  strangers4 ,the emotions which they
 excite are soft and tender4 ,they draw 
off the mind from the hurry of business 
and interest2 cherish  reflection2      
dispose to tranquillity2 and produce an 
agreeable  melancholy1 which1 of all    
dispositions of the mind1 is the best   
suited  to love and friendship4    ,in  

the second place1 a delicacy of taste is
 favourable to love and  friendship1 by 
confining our choice to few people1 and 
making us  indifferent to the company   
and conversation of the greater part of 
men4  ,you will seldom find that mere   
men of the world1 whatever strong sense 
they may be endowed with1 are very nice 
in distinguishing characters1 or  in    
marking those insensible differences and
 gradations1 which make one  man        
preferable to another4 ,any one that has
 competent sense is  sufficient for     
their entertainment4 ,they talk to him  
of their pleasures  and affairs1 with   
the same frankness that they would to   
another2 and  finding many who are fit  
to supply his place1 they never feel any
  vacancy or want in his absence4 ,but  
to make use of the allusion of a        
celebrated ,french#a author1 the        
judgment may be compared to a clock or  
watch1 where the most ordinary machine  
is sufficient to tell the hours2  but   
the most elaborate alone can point out  

the minutes and seconds1 and            
distinguish the smallest differences of 
time4 ,one that has well digested  his  
knowledge both of books and men1 has    
little enjoyment but in the  company of 
a few select companions4 ,he feels too  
sensibly1 how much all  the rest of     
mankind fall short of the notions which 
he has entertained4  ,and1 his          
affections being thus confined within a 
narrow circle1 no  wonder he carries    
them further than if they were more     
general and  undistinguished4 ,the      
gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion 
improves  with him into a solid         
friendship2 and the ardours of a        
youthful appetite  become an elegant    
passion4      #a ,mons4 ,fontenelle1    
,pluralit des ,mondes1 ,soir #f4        
,,of ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,the ,,press 
,nothing is more apt to surprise a      
foreigner1 than the extreme liberty     
which we enjoy in this country of       
communicating whatever we please to  the
 public and of openly censuring every   

measure entered into by the  king or his
 ministers4 ,if the administration      
resolve upon war1 it is  affirmed1 that1
 either wilfully or ignorantly1 they    
mistake the  interests of the nation2   
and that peace1 in the present situation
 of  affairs1 is infinitely preferable4 
,if the passion of the ministers lie    
towards peace1 our political writers    
breathe nothing but war and             
devastation1 and represent the specific 
conduct of the government as  mean and  
pusillanimous4 ,as this liberty is not  
indulged in any other  government1      
either republican or monarchical2 in    
,holland and ,venice1  more than in     
,france or ,spain2 it may very naturally
 give occasion to the  question1 ,how it
 happens that ,great ,britain alone     
enjoys this peculiar  privilege8    ,the
 reason why the laws indulge us in such 
a liberty1 seems to be  derived from our
 mixed form of government1 which is     
neither wholly  monarchical1 nor wholly 
republican4 ,it will be found1 if ,i    

mistake not1  a true observation in     
politics1 that the two extremes in      
government1  liberty and slavery1       
commonly approach nearest to each other2
 and that1  as you depart from the      
extremes1 and mix a little of monarchy  
with  liberty1 the government becomes   
always the more free2 and1 on the other 
hand1 when you mix a little of liberty  
with monarchy1 the yoke becomes  always 
the more grievous and intolerable4 ,in a
 government1 such as that  of ,france1  
which is absolute1 and where law1       
custom1 and religion  concur1 all of    
them1 to make the people fully satisfied
 with their  condition1 the monarch     
cannot entertain any jealousy against   
his  subjects1 and therefore is apt to  
indulge them in great liberties1  both  
of speech and action4 ,in a government  
altogether republican1 such  as that of 
,holland1 where there is no magistrate  
so eminent as to give  jealousy to the  
state1 there is no danger in intrusting 
the  magistrates with large             

discretionary powers2 and though many   
advantages  result from such powers1 in 
preserving peace and order1 yet they lay
 a  considerable restraint on men's     
actions1 and make every private citizen 
pay a great respect to the government4  
,thus it seems evident1 that the  two   
extremes of absolute monarchy and of a  
republic1 approach near to  each other  
in some material circumstances4 ,in the 
first1 the  magistrate has no jealousy  
of the people2 in the second1 the people
  have none of the magistrate3 which    
want of jealousy begets a mutual        
confidence and trust in both cases1 and 
produces a species of liberty in        
monarchies1 and of arbitrary power in   
republics4    ,to justify the other part
 of the foregoing observation1 that1 in 
every  government1 the means are most   
wide of each other1 and that the        
mixtures  of monarchy and liberty render
 the yoke either more grievous2 ,i must 
take notice of a remark in ,tacitus with
 regard to the ,romans under the        

,emperors1 that they neither could bear 
total slavery nor total liberty1  ,nec  
totam servitutem1 nec totam libertatem  
pati possunt4 ,this remark a  celebrated
 poet has translated and applied to the 
,english1 in his lively  description of 
,queen ,elizabeth's policy and          
government4         ,et fit aimer son   
joug  l',anglois indompt1       ,qui ne 
peut ni servir1 ni vivre en libert4     
,,henriade1 liv4 i4    ,according to    
these remarks1 we are to consider the   
,roman government  under the ,emperors  
as a mixture of despotism and liberty1  
where the  despotism prevailed2 and the 
,english government as a mixture of the 
same  kind1 where the liberty           
predominates4 ,the consequences are     
conformable  to the foregoing           
observation1 and such as may be expected
 from those  mixed forms of government1 
which beget a mutual watchfulness and   
jealousy4 ,the ,roman emperors were1    
many of them1 the most frightful        
tyrants that ever disgraced human       

nature2 and it is evident1 that their   
cruelty was chiefly excited by their    
jealousy1 and by their observing  that  
all the great men of ,rome bore with    
impatience the dominion of a  family1   
which1 but a little before1 was nowise  
superior to their own4 ,on  the other   
hand1 as the republican part of the     
government prevails in  ,england1 though
 with a great mixture of monarchy1 it is
 obliged1 for its  own preservation1 to 
maintain a watchful jealousy over the   
magistrates1 to remove all discretionary
 powers1 and to secure every  one's life
 and fortune by general and inflexible  
laws4 ,no action must be  deemed a crime
 but what the law has plainly determined
 to be such3 no  crime must be imputed  
to a man but from a legal proof before  
his judges2  and even these judges must 
be his fellow-subjects1 who are obliged1
 by  their own interest1 to have a      
watchful eye over the encroachments and 
violence of the ministers4 ,from these  
causes it proceeds1 that there is  as   

much liberty1 and even perhaps          
licentiousness1 in ,great ,britain1 as  
there were formerly slavery and tyranny 
in ,rome4    ,these principles account  
for the great liberty of the press in   
these  kingdoms1 beyond what is indulged
 in any other government4 ,it is        
apprehended that arbitrary power would  
steal in upon us1 were we not  careful  
to prevent its progress1 and were there 
not any easy method of  conveying the   
alarm from one end of the kingdom to the
 other4 ,the spirit  of the people must 
frequently be roused1 in order to curb  
the ambition  of the court2 and the     
dread of rousing this spirit must be    
employed to  prevent that ambition4     
,nothing so effectual to this purpose as
 the  liberty of the press2 by which all
 the learning1 wit1 and genius of the   
nation1 may be employed on the side of  
freedom1 and every one be  animated to  
its defence4 ,as long1 therefore1 as the
 republican part of  our government can 
maintain itself against the monarchical1

 it will  naturally be careful to keep  
the press open1 as of importance to its 
own  preservation4#a    ,it must however
 be allowed1 that the unbounded liberty 
of the press1  though it be difficult1  
perhaps impossible1 to propose a        
suitable remedy  for it1 is one of the  
evils attending those mixed forms of    
government4      #a ,since1 therefore1  
the liberty of the press is so essential
 to the  support of our mixed           
government1 this sufficiently decides   
the second  question1 ,whether this     
liberty be advantageous or prejudicial1 
there  being nothing of greater         
importance in every state than the      
preservation  of the ancient government1
 especially if it be a free one4 ,but ,i
 would  fain go a step further1 and     
assert1 that such a liberty is attended 
with  so few inconveniences1 that it may
 be claimed as the common right of      
mankind1 and ought to be indulged them  
almost in every government except  the  
ecclesiastical1 to which1 indeed1 it    

would be fatal4 ,we need not  dread from
 this liberty any such ill consequences 
as followed from the  harangues of the  
popular demagogues of ,athens and       
,tribunes of ,rome4 ,a  man reads a book
 or pamphlet alone and coolly4 ,there is
 none present  from whom he can catch   
the passion by contagion4 ,he is not    
hurried away  by the force and energy of
 action4 ,and should he be wrought up to
 never  so seditious a humour1 there is 
no violent resolution presented to him  
by which he can immediately vent his    
passion4 ,the liberty of the press1     
therefore1 however abused1 can scarce   
ever excite popular tumults or          
rebellion4 ,and as to those murmurs or  
secret discontents it may  occasion1 it 
is better they should get vent in words1
 that they may come  to the knowledge of
 the magistrate before it be too late1  
in order to  his providing a remedy     
against them4 ,mankind1 it is true1 have
 always a  greater propension to believe
 what is said to the disadvantage of    

their  governors than the contrary2 but 
this inclination is inseparable from    
them whether they have liberty or not4  
,a whisper may fly as quick1 and  be as 
pernicious as a pamphlet4 ,nay1 it will 
be more pernicious1 where  men are not  
accustomed to think freely1 or          
distinguish betwixt truth and           
falsehood4    ,it has also been found1  
as the experience of mankind increases1 
that the  people are no such dangerous  
monsters as they have been represented1 
and that it is in every respect better  
to guide them like rational  creatures  
than to lead or drive them like brute   
beasts4 ,before the  ,united ,provinces 
set the example1 toleration was deemed  
incompatible  with good government2 and 
it was thought impossible that a number 
of  religious sects could live together 
in harmony and peace1 and have all  of  
them an equal affection to their common 
country and to each other4  ,england has
 set a like example of civil liberty2   
and though this  liberty seems to       

occasion some small ferment at present1 
it has not as  yet produced any         
pernicious effects2 and it is to be     
hoped that men1  being every day more   
accustomed to the free discussion of    
public  affairs1 will improve in their  
judgment of them1 and be with greater   
difficulty seduced by every idle rumour 
and popular clamour4    ,it is a very   
comfortable reflection to the lovers of 
liberty1 that this  peculiar privilege  
of ,britain is of a kind that cannot    
easily be  wrested from us1 and must    
last as long as our government remains  
in any  degree free and independent4 ,it
 is seldom that liberty of any kind is  
lost all at once4 ,slavery has so       
frightful an aspect to men accustomed   
to freedom1 that it must steal in upon  
them by degrees1 and must  disguise     
itself in a thousand shapes in order to 
be received4 ,but if the  liberty of the
 press ever be lost1 it must be lost at 
once4 ,the general  laws against        
sedition and libelling are at present as

 strong as they  possibly can be made4  
,nothing can impose a further restraint 
but either  the clapping an imprimatur  
upon the press1 or the giving very large
  discretionary powers to the court to  
punish whatever displeases them4  ,but  
these concessions would be such a       
barefaced violation of liberty1  that   
they will probably be the last efforts  
of a despotic government4 ,we  may      
conclude that the liberty of ,britain is
 gone for ever when these  attempts     
shall succeed4          ,,that          
,,politics ,,may ,,be ,,reduced ,,to ,a 
,,science      ,it is a question with   
several1 whether there be any essential 
difference  between one form of         
government and another8 and1 whether    
every form may  not become good or bad1 
according as it is well or ill          
administered8#a  ,were it once admitted1
 that all governments are alike1 and    
that the only  difference consists in   
the character and conduct of the        
governors1 most  political disputes     

would be at an end1 and all ,zeal for   
one  constitution above another must be 
esteemed mere bigotry and folly4 ,but1  
though a friend to moderation1 ,i cannot
 forbear condemning this  sentiment1 and
 should be sorry to think1 that human   
affairs admit of no  greater stability1 
than what they receive from the casual  
humours and  characters of particular   
men4    ,it is true1 those who maintain 
that the goodness of all government     
consists in the goodness of the         
administration1 may cite many particular
  instances in history1 where the very  
same government1 in different  hands1   
has varied suddenly into the two        
opposite extremes of good and  bad4     
,compare the ,french government under   
,henry ,,iii and under ,henry ,,iv4     
,oppression1 levity1 artifice1 on the   
part of the rulers2 faction1  sedition1 
treachery1 rebellion1 disloyalty on the 
part of the subjects3  these compose the
 character of the former miserable era4 
,but when the  patriot and heroic       

prince1 who succeeded1 was once firmly  
seated on the  throne1 the government1  
the people1 every thing1 seemed to be   
totally  changed2 and all from the      
difference of the temper and conduct of 
these  two sovereigns4#b ,instances of  
this kind may be multiplied1 almost     
without number1 from ancient as well as 
modern history1 foreign as well  as     
domestic4    ,but here it may be proper 
to make a distinction4 ,all absolute    
governments must very much depend on the
 administration2 and this is one  of the
 great inconveniences attending that    
form of government4 ,but a  republican  
and free government would be an obvious 
absurdity1 if the  particular checks and
 controls1 provided by the constitution 
had really  no influence1 and made it   
not the interest1 even of bad men1 to   
act for  the public good4 ,such is the  
intention of these forms of government1 
and  such is their real effect1 where   
they are wisely constituted3 as1 on the 
other hand1 they are the source of all  

disorder1 and of the blackest  crimes1  
where either skill or honesty has been  
wanting in their original  frame and    
institution4    ,so great is the force  
of laws1 and of particular forms of     
government1  and so little dependence   
have they on the humours and tempers of 
men1  that consequences almost as       
general and certain may sometimes be    
deduced  from them1 as any which the    
mathematical sciences afford us4    ,the
 constitution of the ,roman republic    
gave the whole legislative power  to the
 people1 without allowing a negative    
voice either to the nobility  or        
consuls4 ,this unbounded power they     
possessed in a collective1 not in  a    
representative body4 ,the consequences  
were3 when the people1 by  success and  
conquest1 had become very numerous1 and 
had spread  themselves to a great       
distance from the capital1 the city     
tribes1 though  the most contemptible1  
carried almost every vote3 they were1   
therefore1  most cajoled by every one   

that affected popularity3 they were     
supported  in idleness by the general   
distribution of corn1 and by particular 
bribes1 which they received from almost 
every candidate3 by this means1  they   
became every day more licentious1 and   
the ,campus ,martius was a  perpetual   
scene of tumult and sedition3 armed     
slaves were introduced  among these     
rascally citizens1 so that the whole    
government fell into  anarchy2 and the  
greatest happiness which the ,romans    
could look for1 was  the despotic power 
of the ,csars4 ,such are the effects of 
democracy  without a representative4    
,a ,nobility may possess the whole1 or  
any part of the legislative power  of a 
state1 in two different ways4 ,either   
every nobleman shares the  power as a   
part of the whole body1 or the whole    
body enjoys the power as  composed of   
parts1 which have each a distinct power 
and authority4 ,the  ,venetian          
aristocracy is an instance of the first 
kind of government2 the  ,polish1 of the

 second4 ,in the ,venetian government   
the whole body of  nobility possesses   
the whole power1 and no nobleman has any
 authority  which he receives not from  
the whole4 ,in the ,polish government   
every  nobleman1 by means of his fiefs1 
has a distinct hereditary authority     
over his vassals1 and the whole body has
 no authority but what it  receives from
 the concurrence of its parts4 ,the     
different operations and  tendencies of 
these two species of government might be
 made apparent  even a priori4 ,a       
,venetian nobility is preferable to a   
,polish1 let the  humours and education 
of men be ever so much varied4 ,a       
nobility1 who  possess their power in   
common1 will preserve peace and order1  
both among  themselves1 and their       
subjects2 and no member can have        
authority enough  to control the laws   
for a moment4 ,the nobles will preserve 
their  authority over the people1 but   
without any grievous tyranny1 or any    
breach of private property2 because such

 a tyrannical government  promotes not  
the interests of the whole body1 however
 it may that of  some individuals4      
,there will be a distinction of rank    
between the  nobility and people1 but   
this will be the only distinction in the
 state4  ,the whole nobility will form  
one body1 and the whole people another1 
without any of those private feuds and  
animosities1 which spread ruin  and     
desolation everywhere4 ,it is easy to   
see the disadvantages of a  ,polish     
nobility in every one of these          
particulars4    ,it is possible so to   
constitute a free government1 as that a 
single  person1 call him a doge1 prince1
 or king1 shall possess a large share of
  power1 and shall form a proper balance
 or counterpoise to the other  parts of 
the legislature4 ,this chief magistrate 
may be either elective  or hereditary1  
and though the former institution may1  
to a superficial  view1 appear the most 
advantageous2 yet a more accurate       
inspection will  discover in it greater 

inconveniences than in the latter1 and  
such as  are founded on causes and      
principles eternal and immutable4 ,the  
filling  of the throne1 in such a       
government1 is a point of too great and 
too  general interest1 not to divide the
 whole people into factions1 whence a   
civil war1 the greatest of ills1 may be 
apprehended1 almost with  certainty1    
upon every vacancy4 ,the prince elected 
must be either a  ,foreigner or a       
,native3 the former will be ignorant of 
the people  whom he is to govern2       
suspicious of his new subjects1 and     
suspected by  them2 giving his          
confidence entirely to strangers1 who   
will have no  other care but of         
enriching themselves in the quickest    
manner1 while  their master's favour and
 authority are able to support them4 ,a 
native  will carry into the throne all  
his private animosities and friendships1
  and will never be viewed in his       
elevation without exciting the sentiment
  of envy in those who formerly         

considered him as their equal4 ,not to  
mention that a crown is too high a      
reward ever to be given to merit  alone1
 and will always induce the candidates  
to employ force1 or money1  or intrigue1
 to procure the votes of the electors3  
so that such an  election will give no  
better chance for superior merit in the 
prince1  than if the state had trusted  
to birth alone for determining the      
sovereign4    ,it may1 therefore1 be    
pronounced as an universal axiom in     
politics1  ,that an hereditary prince1 a
 nobility without vassals1 and a people 
voting by their representatives1 form   
the best ,,monarchy1 ,,aristocracy1  and
 ,,democracy4 ,but in order to prove    
more fully1 that politics admit  of     
general truths1 which are invariable by 
the humour or education  either of      
subject or sovereign1 it may not be     
amiss to observe some  other principles 
of this science1 which may seem to      
deserve that  character4    ,it may     
easily be observed1 that though free    

governments have been  commonly the most
 happy for those who partake of their   
freedom2 yet are  they the most ruinous 
and oppressive to their provinces3 and  
this  observation may1 ,i believe1 be   
fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here
  speaking of4 ,when a monarch extends  
his dominions by conquest1 he soon      
learns to consider his old and his new  
subjects as on the same footing2        
because1 in reality1 all his subjects   
are to him the same1 except the  few    
friends and favourites with whom he is  
personally acquainted4 ,he  does not1   
therefore1 make any distinction between 
them in his general  laws2 and1 at the  
same time1 is careful to prevent all    
particular acts  of oppression on the   
one as well as the other4 ,but a free   
state  necessarily makes a great        
distinction1 and must always do so till 
men  learn to love their neighbours as  
well as themselves4 ,the conquerors1 in 
such a government1 are all legislators1 
and will be sure to contrive  matters1  

by restrictions on trade1 and by taxes1 
so as to draw some  private1 as well as 
public advantage from their conquests4  
,provincial  governors have also a      
better chance1 in a republic1 to escape 
with their  plunder1 by means of bribery
 or intrigue2 and their fellow-citizens1
 who  find their own state to be        
enriched by the spoils of the subject   
provinces1 will be the more inclined to 
tolerate such abuses4 ,not to  mention1 
that it is a necessary precaution in a  
free state to change the  governors     
frequently1 which obliges these         
temporary tyrants to be more            
expeditious and rapacious1 that they may
 accumulate sufficient wealth  before   
they give place to their successors4    
,what cruel tyrants were the  ,romans   
over the world during the time of their 
commonwealth6 ,it is true1  they had    
laws to prevent oppression in their     
provincial magistrates2 but  ,cicero    
informs us1 that the ,romans could not  
better consult the  interests of the    

provinces than by repealing these very  
laws4 ,for1 in  that case1 says he1 our 
magistrates1 having entire impunity1    
would  plunder no more than would       
satisfy their own rapaciousness2        
whereas1 at  present1 they must also    
satisfy that of their judges1 and of all
 the  great men in ,rome1 of whose      
protection they stand in need4 ,who can 
read  of the cruelties and oppressions  
of ,verres without horror and           
astonishment8 ,and who is not touched   
with indignation to hear1 that1  after  
,cicero had exhausted on that abandoned 
criminal all the thunders  of his       
eloquence1 and had prevailed so far as  
to get him condemned to  the utmost     
extent of the laws1 yet that cruel      
tyrant lived peaceably to  old age1 in  
opulence and ease1 and1 thirty years    
afterwards1 was put  into the           
proscription by ,mark ,antony1 on       
account of his exorbitant  wealth1 where
 he fell with ,cicero himself1 and all  
the most virtuous men  of ,rome8 ,after 

the dissolution of the commonwealth1 the
 ,roman yoke  became easier upon the    
provinces1 as ,tacitus informs us2 and  
it may be  observed1 that many of the   
worst emperors1 ,domitian1 for instance1
 were  careful to prevent all oppression
 on the provinces4 ,in ,tiberius's time1
  ,gaul was esteemed richer than ,italy 
itself3 nor do ,i find1 during the      
whole time of the ,roman monarchy1 that 
the empire became less rich or  populous
 in any of its provinces2 though indeed 
its valour and military  discipline were
 always upon the decline4 ,the          
oppression and tyranny of  the          
,carthaginians over their subject states
 in ,africa went so far1 as we  learn   
from ,polybius1 that1 not content with  
exacting the half of all the  produce of
 the land1 which of itself was a very   
high rent1 they also  loaded them with  
many other taxes4 ,if we pass from      
ancient to modern  times1 we shall still
 find the observation to hold4 ,the     
provinces of  absolute monarchies are   

always better treated than those of free
 states4  ,compare the ,pais conquis of 
,france with ,ireland1 and you will be  
convinced of this truth2 though this    
latter kingdom1 being in a good  measure
 peopled from ,england1 possesses so    
many rights and privileges as  should   
naturally make it challenge better      
treatment than that of a  conquered     
province4 ,corsica is also an obvious   
instance to the same  purpose4    ,there
 is an observation of ,machiavel1 with  
regard to the conquests of  ,alexander  
the ,great1 which1 ,i think1 may be     
regarded as one of those  eternal       
political truths1 which no time nor     
accidents can vary4 ,it may  seem       
strange1 says that politician1 that such
 sudden conquests1 as those  of         
,alexander1 should be possessed so      
peaceably by his successors1 and  that  
the ,persians1 during all the confusions
 and civil wars among the  ,greeks1     
never made the smallest effort towards  
the recovery of their  former           

independent government4 ,to satisfy us  
concerning the cause of  this remarkable
 event1 we may consider1 that a monarch 
may govern his  subjects in two         
different ways4 ,he may either follow   
the maxims of the  ,eastern princes1 and
 stretch his authority so far as to     
leave no  distinction of rank among his 
subjects1 but what proceeds immediately 
from himself2 no advantages of birth2 no
 hereditary honours and  possessions2   
and1 in a word1 no credit among the     
people1 except from his  commission     
alone4 ,or a monarch may exert his power
 after a milder  manner1 like other     
,european princes2 and leave other      
sources of honour1  beside his smile and
 favour2 birth1 titles1 possessions1    
valour1  integrity1 knowledge1 or great 
and fortunate achievements4 ,in the     
former  species of government1 after a  
conquest1 it is impossible ever to shake
  off the yoke2 since no one possesses1 
among the people1 so much personal      
credit and authority as to begin such an

 enterprise3 whereas1 in the  latter1   
the least misfortune1 or discord among  
the victors1 will  encourage the        
vanquished to take arms1 who have       
leaders ready to prompt  and conduct    
them in every undertaking4#c    ,such is
 the reasoning of ,machiavel1 which     
seems solid and conclusive2  though ,i  
wish he had not mixed falsehood with    
truth1 in asserting that  monarchies1   
governed according to ,eastern policy1  
though more easily  kept when once      
subdued1 yet are the most difficult to  
subdue2 since they  cannot contain any  
powerful subject1 whose discontent and  
faction may  facilitate the enterprises 
of an enemy4 ,for1 besides1 that such a 
tyrannical government enervates the     
courage of men1 and renders them        
indifferent towards the fortunes of     
their sovereigns2 besides this1 ,i  say1
 we find by experience1 that even the   
temporary and delegated  authority of   
the generals and magistrates1 being     
always1 in such  governments1 as        

absolute within its sphere as that of   
the prince  himself1 is able1 with      
barbarians accustomed to a blind        
submission1 to  produce the most        
dangerous and fatal revolutions4 ,so    
that in every  respect1 a gentle        
government is preferable1 and gives the 
greatest  security to the sovereign as  
well as to the subject4    ,legislators1
 therefore1 ought not to trust the      
future government of a  state entirely  
to chance1 but ought to provide a system
 of laws to  regulate the administration
 of public affairs to the latest        
posterity4  ,effects will always        
correspond to causes2 and wise          
regulations1 in any  commonwealth1 are  
the most valuable legacy that can be    
left to future  ages4 ,in the smallest  
court or office1 the stated forms and   
methods by  which business must be      
conducted1 are found to be a            
considerable check  on the natural      
depravity of mankind4 ,why should not   
the case be the same  in public affairs8

 ,can we ascribe the stability and      
wisdom of the  ,venetian government1    
through so many ages1 to any thing but  
the form of  government8 ,and is it not 
easy to point out those defects in the  
original constitution1 which produced   
the tumultuous governments of  ,athens  
and ,rome1 and ended at last in the ruin
 of these two famous  republics8 ,and so
 little dependence has this affair on   
the humours and  education of particular
 men1 that one part of the same republic
 may be  wisely conducted1 and another  
weakly1 by the very same men1 merely on 
account of the differences of the forms 
and institutions by which these  parts  
are regulated4 ,historians inform us    
that this was actually the  case with   
,genoa4 ,for while the state was always 
full of sedition1 and  tumult1 and      
disorder1 the bank of ,st4 ,george1     
which had become a  considerable part of
 the people1 was conducted1 for several 
ages1 with  the utmost integrity and    
wisdom4    ,the ages of greatest public 

spirit are not always most eminent for  
private virtue4 ,good laws may beget    
order and moderation in the  government1
 where the manners and customs have     
instilled little humanity  or justice   
into the tempers of men4 ,the most      
illustrious period of the  ,roman       
history1 considered in a political view1
 is that between the  beginning of the  
first and end of the last ,punic war2   
the due balance  between the nobility   
and people being then fixed by the      
contests of the  tribunes1 and not being
 yet lost by the extent of conquests4   
,yet at this  very time1 the horrid     
practice of poisoning was so common1    
that1 during  part of the season1 a     
,prtor punished capitally for this crime
 above  three thousand persons in a part
 of ,italy2 and found informations of   
this nature still multiplying upon him4 
,there is a similar1 or rather a  worse 
instance1 in the more early times of the
 commonwealth2 so depraved  in private  
life were that people1 whom in their    

histories we so much  admire4 ,i doubt  
not but they were really more virtuous  
during the time  of the two             
,triumvirates1 when they were tearing   
their common country  to pieces1 and    
spreading slaughter and desolation over 
the face of the  earth1 merely for the  
choice of tyrants4    ,here1 then1 is a 
sufficient inducement to maintain1 with 
the utmost  zeal1 in every free state1  
those forms and institutions by which   
liberty  is secured1 the public good    
consulted1 and the avarice or ambition  
of  particular men restrained and       
punished4 ,nothing does more honour to  
human nature1 than to see it susceptible
 of so noble a passion2 as  nothing can 
be a greater indication of meanness of  
heart in any man than  to see him       
destitute of it4 ,a man who loves only  
himself1 without regard  to friendship  
and desert1 merits the severest blame2  
and a man1 who is  only susceptible of  
friendship1 without public spirit1 or a 
regard to  the community1 is deficient  

in the most material part of virtue4    
,but this is a subject which needs not  
be longer insisted on at present4       
,there are enow of zealots on both      
sides1 who kindle up the passions of    
their partisans1 and1 under pretence of 
public good1 pursue the  interests and  
ends of their particular faction4 ,for  
my part1 ,i shall  always be more fond  
of promoting moderation than zeal2      
though perhaps  the surest way of       
producing moderation in every party is  
to increase our  zeal for the public4   
,let us therefore try1 if it be         
possible1 from the  foregoing doctrine1 
to draw a lesson of moderation with     
regard to the  parties into which our   
country is at present divided2 at the   
same time1  that we allow not this      
moderation to abate the industry and    
passion1  with which every individual is
 bound to pursue the good of his        
country4    ,those who either attack or 
defend a minister in such a government  
as  ours1 where the utmost liberty is   

allowed1 always carry matters to an     
extreme1 and exaggerate his merit or    
demerit with regard to the public4  ,his
 enemies are sure to charge him with the
 greatest enormities1 both in  domestic 
and foreign management2 and there is no 
meanness or crime1 of  which1 in their  
account1 he is not capable4 ,unnecessary
 wars1 scandalous  treaties1 profusion  
of public treasure1 oppressive taxes1   
every kind of  maladministration is     
ascribed to him4 ,to aggravate the      
charge1 his  pernicious conduct1 it is  
said1 will extend its baneful influence 
even  to posterity1 by undermining the  
best constitution in the world1 and     
disordering that wise system of laws1   
institutions1 and customs1 by  which our
 ancestors1 during so many centuries1   
have been so happily  governed4 ,he is  
not only a wicked minister in himself1  
but has removed  every security provided
 against wicked ministers for the       
future4    ,on the other hand1 the      
partisans of the minister make his      

panegyric run  as high as the accusation
 against him1 and celebrate his wise1   
steady1  and moderate conduct in every  
part of his administration4 ,the honour 
and  interest of the nation supported   
abroad1 public credit maintained at     
home1 persecution restrained1 faction   
subdued2 the merit of all these         
blessings is ascribed solely to the     
minister4 ,at the same time1 he  crowns 
all his other merits by a religious care
 of the best constitution  in the world1
 which he has preserved in all its      
parts1 and has  transmitted entire1 to  
be the happiness and security of the    
latest  posterity4    ,when this        
accusation and panegyric are received by
 the partisans of each  party1 no wonder
 they beget an extraordinary ferment on 
both sides1 and  fill the nation with   
violent animosities4 ,but ,i would fain 
persuade  these party zealots1 that     
there is a flat contradiction both in   
the  accusation and panegyric1 and that 
it were impossible for either of them   

to run so high1 were it not for this    
contradiction4 ,if our constitution  be 
really that noble fabric1 the pride of  
,britain1 the envy of our  neighbours1  
raised by the labour of so many         
centuries1 repaired at the  expense of  
so many millions1 and cemented by such a
 profusion of  blood2#d ,i say1 if our  
constitution does in any degree deserve 
these  eulogies1 it would never have    
suffered a wicked and weak minister to  
govern triumphantly for a course of     
twenty years1 when opposed by the       
greatest geniuses in the nation1 who    
exercised the utmost liberty of  tongue 
and pen1 in parliament1 and in their    
frequent appeals to the  people4 ,but1  
if the minister be wicked and weak1 to  
the degree so  strenuously insisted on1 
the constitution must be faulty in its  
original  principles1 and he cannot     
consistently be charged with undermining
 the  best form of government in the    
world4 ,a constitution is only so far   
good1 as it provides a remedy against   

maladministration2 and if the  ,british1
 when in its greatest vigour1 and       
repaired by two such  remarkable events 
as the ,revolution and ,accession1 by   
which our  ancient royal family was     
sacrificed to it2 if our constitution1  
,i say1  with so great advantages1 does 
not1 in fact1 provide any such remedy1  
we  are rather beholden to any minister 
who undermines it1 and affords us an    
opportunity of erecting a better in its 
place4    ,i would employ the same      
topics to moderate the zeal of those who
 defend  the minister4 ,is our          
constitution so excellent8 ,then a      
change of  ministry can be no such      
dreadful event2 since it is essential to
 such a  constitution1 in every         
ministry1 both to preserve itself from  
violation1  and to prevent all          
enormities in the administration4 ,is   
our  constitution very bad8 ,then so    
extraordinary a jealousy and            
apprehension1 on account of changes1 is 
ill placed2 and a man should no  more be

 anxious in this case1 than a husband1  
who had married a woman  from the stews1
 should be watchful to prevent her      
infidelity4 ,public  affairs1 in such a 
government1 must necessarily go to      
confusion1 by  whatever hands they are  
conducted2 and the zeal of patriots is  
in that  case much less requisite than  
the patience and submission of          
philosophers4 ,the virtue and good      
intention of ,cato and ,brutus are      
highly laudable2 but to what purpose did
 their zeal serve8 ,only to  hasten the 
fatal period of the ,roman government1  
and render its  convulsions and dying   
agonies more violent and painful4    ,i 
would not be understood to mean1 that   
public affairs deserve no care  and     
attention at all4 ,would men be moderate
 and consistent1 their claims  might be 
admitted2 at least might be examined4   
,the country party might  still assert1 
that our constitution1 though excellent1
 will admit of  maladministration to a  
certain degree2 and therefore1 if the   

minister be  bad1 it is proper to oppose
 him with a suitable degree of zeal4    
,and1  on the other hand1 the court     
party may be allowed1 upon the          
supposition that the minister were good1
 to defend1 and with some zeal  too1 his
 administration4 ,i would only persuade 
men not to contend1 as if  they were    
fighting pro aris et focis1 and change a
 good constitution  into a bad one1 by  
the violence of their factions4    ,i   
have not here considered any thing that 
is personal in the present  controversy4
 ,in the best civil constitutions1 where
 every man is  restrained by the most   
rigid laws1 it is easy to discover      
either the  good or bad intentions of a 
minister1 and to judge whether his      
personal  character deserve love or     
hatred4 ,but such questions are of      
little  importance to the public1 and   
lay those who employ their pens upon    
them1 under a just suspicion either of  
malevolence or of flattery4#e      #a   
,for forms of government let fools      

contest1       ,whate'er is best        
administered is best4                   
,,essay ,,on ,,man1 ,book #c4        #b 
,an equal difference of a contrary kind 
may be found in comparing the  reigns of
 ,elizabeth and ,james1 at least with   
regard to foreign  affairs4    #c ,i    
have taken it for granted1 according to 
the supposition of  ,machiavel1 that the
 ancient ,persians had no nobility2     
though there is  reason to suspect1 that
 the ,florentine secretary1 who seems to
 have been  better acquainted with the  
,roman than the ,greek authors1 was     
mistaken in  this particular4 ,the more 
ancient ,persians1 whose manners are    
described  by ,xenophon1 were a free    
people1 and had nobility4 ,their  were  
preserved even after the extending of   
their conquests and the consequent      
change of their government4 ,arrian     
mentions them in ,darius's time1 ,de    
exped4 ,alex4 lib4 ii4 ,historians also 
speak often of the persons in  command  
as men of family4 ,tygranes1 who was    

general of the ,medes under  ,xerxes1   
was of the race of ,achmnes1 ,heriod4   
lib4 vii4 cap4 #fb4  ,artachus1 who     
directed the cutting of the canal about 
,mount ,athos1 was  of the same family4 
,id4 cap4 #aag4 ,megabyzus was one of   
the seven eminent  ,persians who        
conspired against the ,magi4 ,his son1  
,zopyrus1 was in the  highest command   
under ,darius1 and delivered ,babylon to
 him4 ,his  grandson1 ,megabyzus1       
commanded the army defeated at          
,marathon4 ,his  great-grandson1        
,zopyrus1 was also eminent1 and was     
banished ,persia4  ,heriod4 lib4 iii4   
,thuc4 lib4 i4 ,rosaces1 who commanded  
an army in ,egypt  under ,artaxerxes1   
was also descended from one of the seven
 conspirators1  ,diod4 ,sic4 lib4 xvi4  
,agesilaus1 in ,xenophon4 ,hist4 ,grc4  
lib4 iv4 being  desirous of making a    
marriage betwixt king ,cotys his ally1  
and the  daughter of ,spithridates1 a   
,persian of rank1 who had deserted to   
him1  first asks ,cotys what family     

,spithridates is of4 ,one of the most   
considerable in ,persia1 says ,cotys4   
,arius1 when offered the sovereignty  by
 ,clearchus and the ten thousand        
,greeks1 refused it as of too low a     
rank1 and said1 that so many eminent    
,persians would never endure his  rule4 
,id4 de exped4 lib4 ii4 ,some of the    
families descended from the  seven      
,persians above mentioned remained      
during ,alexander's successors2  and    
,mithridates1 in ,antiochus's time1 is  
said by ,polybius to be  descended from 
one of them1 lib4 v4 cap4 #dc4          
,artabazus was esteemed as  ,arrian     
says1    1 lib4 iii4 ,and when          
,alexander  married in one day #hj of   
his captains to ,persian women1 his     
intention  plainly was to ally the      
,macedonians with the most eminent      
,persian  families4 ,id4 lib4 vii4      
,diodorus ,siculus says1 they were of   
the most  noble birth in ,persia1 lib4  
xvii4 ,the government of ,persia was    
despotic1  and conducted in many        

respects after the ,eastern manner1 but 
was not  carried so far as to extirpate 
all nobility1 and confound all ranks and
  orders4 ,it left men who were still   
great1 by themselves and their  family1 
independent of their office and         
commission4 ,and the reason why  the    
,macedonians kept so easily dominion    
over them1 was owing to other  causes   
easy to be found in the historians1     
though it must be owned that            
,machiavel's reasoning is1 in itself1   
just1 however doubtful its  application 
to the present case4    #d ,dissertation
 on ,parties1 ,letter ,x4    #e ,what   
our author's opinion was of the famous  
minister here pointed  at1 may be       
learned from that ,essay1 printed in the
 former edition1 under  the title of ',a
 ,character of ,sir ,robert ,walpole4'  
,it was as  follows3--,there never was a
 man whose actions and character have   
been  more earnestly and openly         
canvassed than those of the present     
minister1  who1 having governed a       

learned and free nation for so long a   
time1  amidst such mighty opposition1   
may make a large library of what has    
been  wrote for and against him1 and is 
the subject of above half the paper     
that has been blotted in the nation     
within these twenty years4 ,i wish1  for
 the honour of our country1 that any one
 character of him had been  drawn with  
such judgment and impartiality as to    
have some credit  with posterity1 and to
 show that our liberty has1 once at     
least1  employed to good purpose4 ,i am 
only afraid of failing in the former    
quality of judgment2 but if it should be
 so1 it is but one page more  thrown    
away1 after an hundred thousand upon the
 same subject1 that have  perished and  
become useless4 ,in the mean time1 ,i   
shall flatter myself  with the pleasing 
imagination1 that the following         
character will be  adopted by future    
historians4    ,sir ,robert ,walpole1   
,prime ,minister of ,great ,britain1 is 
a man of  ability1 not a genius1        

good-natured1 not virtuous2 constant1   
not  magnanimous2 moderate1 not         
equitable499 ,his virtues1 in some      
instances1  are free from the alloy of  
those vices which usually accompany such
  virtues2 he is a generous friend1     
without being a bitter enemy4 ,his      
vices1 in other instances1 are not      
compensated by those virtues which  are 
nearly allied to them3 his want of      
enterprise is not attended with         
frugality4 ,the private character of the
 man is better than the public3  his    
virtues more than his vices3 his fortune
 greater than his fame4 ,with  many good
 qualities1 he has incurred the public  
hatred3 with good  capacity1 he has not 
escaped ridicule4 ,he would have been   
esteemed more  worthy of his high       
station1 had he never possessed it2 and 
is better  qualified for the second than
 for the first place in any government2 
his  ministry has been more advantageous
 to his family than to the public1      
better for this age than for posterity2 

and more pernicious by bad  precedents  
than by real grievances4 ,during his    
time trade has  flourished1 liberty     
declined1 and learning gone to ruin4 ,as
 ,i am a man1  ,i love him2 as ,i am a  
scholar1 ,i hate him2 as ,i am a        
,briton1 ,i calmly  wish his fall4 ,and 
were ,i a member of either ,house1 ,i   
would give my vote  for removing him    
from ,st ,james's2 but should be glad to
 see him retire  to ,houghton-,hall1 to 
pass the remainder of his days in ease  
and  pleasure4    99,moderate in the    
exercise of power1 not equitable in     
engrossing it4    ,the author is pleased
 to find1 that after animosities are    
laid1 and  calumny has ceased1 the whole
 nation almost have returned to the same
  moderate sentiments with regard to    
this great man1 if they are not  rather 
become more favourable to him1 by a very
 natural transition1 from  one extreme  
to another4 ,the author would not oppose
 these humane  sentiments towards the   
dead2 though he cannot forbear          

observing1 that  the not paying more of 
our public debts was1 as hinted in this 
character1 a great1 and the only great1 
error in that long  administration4     
,,of ,,the ,,first ,,principles ,,of    
,,government      ,nothing appears more 
surprising to those who consider human  
affairs with  a philosophical eye1 than 
the easiness with which the many are    
governed  by the few2 and the implicit  
submission1 with which men resign their 
own  sentiments and passions to those of
 their rulers4 ,when we enquire by  what
 means this wonder is effected1 we shall
 find1 that1 as ,force is  always on the
 side of the governed1 the governors    
have nothing to  support them but       
opinion4 ,it is1 therefore1 on opinion  
only that  government is founded2 and   
this maxim extends to the most despotic 
and  most military governments1 as well 
as to the most free and most popular4   
,the soldan of ,egypt1 or the emperor of
 ,rome1 might drive his harmless        
subjects1 like brute beasts1 against    

their sentiments and inclination4  ,but 
he must1 at least1 have led his         
mamalukes or prtorian bands1  like men1 
by their opinion4    ,opinion is of two 
kinds1 to wit1 opinion of interest1 and 
opinion of  right4 ,by opinion of       
,,interest1 ,i chiefly understand the   
sense of the  general advantage which is
 reaped from government2 together with  
the  persuasion1 that the particular    
government which is established is      
equally advantageous with any other that
 could easily be settled4 ,when  this   
opinion prevails among the generality of
 a state1 or among those  who have the  
force in their hands1 it gives great    
security to any  government4    ,right  
is of two kinds2 right to ,power1 and   
right to ,property4 ,what  prevalence   
opinion of the first kind has over      
mankind1 may easily be  understood1 by  
observing the attachment which all      
nations have to their  ancient          
government1 and even to those names     
which have had the sanction  of         

antiquity4 ,antiquity always begets the 
opinion of right2 and whatever          
disadvantageous sentiments we may       
entertain of mankind1 they are always   
found to be prodigal both of blood and  
treasure in the maintenance of  public  
justice4#a ,there is1 indeed1 no        
particular in which1 at first  sight1   
there may appear a greater contradiction
 in the frame of the  human mind than   
the present4 ,when men act in a faction1
 they are apt1  without shame or        
remorse1 to neglect all the ties of     
honour and  morality1 in order to serve 
their party2 and yet1 when a faction is 
formed upon a point of right or         
principle1 there is no occasion where   
men discover a greater obstinacy1 and a 
more determined sense of justice  and   
equity4 ,the same social disposition of 
mankind is the cause of  these          
contradictory appearances4    ,it is    
sufficiently understood1 that the       
opinion of right to property is  of     
moment in all matters of government4 ,a 

noted author has made property  the     
foundation of all government2 and most  
of our political writers seem  inclined 
to follow him in that particular4 ,this 
is carrying the matter  too far2 but    
still it must be owned1 that the opinion
 of right to  property has a great      
influence in this subject4    ,upon     
these three opinions1 therefore1 of     
public interest1 of right to  power1 and
 of right to property1 are all          
governments founded1 and all  authority 
of the few over the many4 ,there are    
indeed other principles  which add force
 to these1 and determine1 limit1 or     
alter their  operation2 such as         
self-interest1 fear1 and affection4 ,but
 still  we may assert1 that these other 
principles can have no influence alone1 
but suppose the antecedent influence of 
those opinions above mentioned4  ,they  
are1 therefore1 to be esteemed the      
secondary1 not the original1  principles
 of government4    ,for1 first1 as to   
self-interest1 by which ,i mean the     

expectation of  particular rewards1     
distinct from the general protection    
which we  receive from government1 it is
 evident that the magistrate's authority
  must be antecedently established1 at  
least be hoped for1 in order to  produce
 this expectation4 ,the prospect of     
reward may augment his  authority with  
regard to some particular persons1 but  
can never give  birth to it1 with regard
 to the public4 ,men naturally look for 
the  greatest favours from their friends
 and acquaintance2 and therefore1 the   
hopes of any considerable number of the 
state would never centre in any         
particular set of men1 if these men had 
no other title to magistracy1  and had  
no separate influence over the opinions 
of mankind4 ,the same  observation may  
be extended to the other two principles 
of fear and  affection4 ,no man would   
have any reason to fear the fury of a   
tyrant1 if he had no authority over any 
but from fear2 since1 as a  single man1 
his bodily force can reach but a small  

way1 and all the  further power he      
possesses must be founded either on our 
own opinion1 or  on the presumed opinion
 of others4 ,and though affection to    
wisdom and  virtue in a sovereign       
extends very far1 and has great         
influence1 yet  he must antecedently be 
supposed invested with a public         
character1  otherwise the public esteem 
will serve him in no stead1 nor will his
  virtue have any influence beyond a    
narrow sphere4    ,a government may     
endure for several ages1 though the     
balance of power  and the balance of    
property do not coincide4 ,this chiefly 
happens where  any rank or order of the 
state has acquired a large share in the 
property2 but1 from the original        
constitution of the government1 has no  
share in the power4 ,under what pretence
 would any individual of that  order    
assume authority in public affairs8 ,as 
men are commonly much  attached to their
 ancient government1 it is not to be    
expected1 that  the public would ever   

favour such usurpations4 ,but where the 
original  constitution allows any share 
of power1 though small1 to an order of  
men  who possess a large share of       
property1 it is easy for them gradually 
to  stretch their authority1 and bring  
the balance of power to coincide with   
that of property4 ,this has been the    
case with the ,house of ,commons in     
,england4    ,most writers that have    
treated of the ,british government1 have
 supposed1  that1 as the ,lower ,house  
represents all the ,commons of ,great   
,britain1  its weight in the scale is   
proportioned to the property and power  
of all  whom it represents4 ,but this   
principle must not be received as       
absolutely true4 ,for though the people 
are apt to attach themselves more  to   
the ,house of ,commons than to any other
 member of the constitution1  that      
,house being chosen by them as their    
representatives1 and as the  public     
guardians of their liberty2 yet are     
there instances where the  ,house1 even 

when in opposition to the crown1 has not
 been followed by  the people1 as we may
 particularly observe of the ,tory      
,house of  ,commons in the reign of     
,king ,william4 ,were the members       
obliged to  receive instructions from   
their constituents1 like the ,dutch     
deputies1  this would entirely alter the
 case2 and if such immense power and    
riches1 as those of all the ,commons of 
,great ,britain1 were brought into  the 
scale1 it is not easy to conceive1 that 
the crown could either  influence that  
multitude of people1 or withstand the   
balance of  property4 ,it is true1 the  
crown has great influence over the      
collective  body in the elections of    
members2 but were this influence1 which 
at  present is only exerted once in     
seven years1 to be employed in bringing 
over the people to every vote1 it would 
soon be wasted1 and no skill1           
popularity1 or revenue1 could support   
it4 ,i must1 therefore1 be of  opinion1 
that an alteration in this particular   

would introduce a total  alteration in  
our government1 and would soon reduce it
 to a pure  republic2 and1 perhaps1 to a
 republic of no inconvenient form4 ,for 
though the people1 collected in a body  
like the ,roman tribes1 be quite  unfit 
for government1 yet1 when dispersed in  
small bodies1 they are most  susceptible
 both of reason and order2 the force of 
popular currents and  tides is in a     
great measure broken2 and the public    
interests may be  pursued with some     
method and constancy4 ,but it is        
needless to reason any  further         
concerning a form of government1 which  
is never likely to have  place in ,great
 ,britain1 and which seems not to be the
 aim of any party  amongst us4 ,let us  
cherish and improve our ancient         
government as much as  possible1 without
 encouraging a passion for such         
dangerous novelties4#b      #a ,this    
passion we may denominate enthusiasm1 or
 we may give it what  appellation we    
please2 but a politician who should     

overlook its  influence on human        
affairs1 would prove himself to have but
 a very  limited understanding4    #b ,i
 shall conclude this subject with       
observing1 that the present  political  
controversy with regard to instructions1
 is a very frivolous  one1 and can never
 be brought to any decision1 as it is   
managed by both  parties4 ,the country  
party do not pretend that a member is   
absolutely  bound to follow instructions
 as an ambassador or general is confined
 by  his orders1 and that his vote is   
not to be received in the ,house1 but so
  far as it is conformable to them4 ,the
 court party1 again1 do not pretend     
that the sentiments of the people ought 
to have no weight with every  member2   
much less that he ought to despise the  
sentiments of those whom  he represents1
 and with whom he is more particularly  
connected4 ,and if  their sentiments be 
of weight1 why ought they not to express
 these  sentiments8 ,the question then  
is only concerning the degrees of weight

  which ought to be placed on           
instructions4 ,but such is the nature of
  language1 that it is impossible for it
 to express distinctly these  different 
degrees2 and if men will carry on a     
controversy on this head1  it may well  
happen that they differ in the language1
 and yet agree in  their sentiments2 or 
differ in their sentiments1 and yet     
agree in their  language4 ,besides1 how 
is it possible to fix these degrees1    
considering  the variety of affairs that
 come before the ,house1 and the variety
 of  places which members represent8    
,ought the instructions of ,totness to  
have the same weight as those of        
,london8 or instructions with regard to 
the ,convention which respected foreign 
politics to have the same  weight as    
those with regard to the ,excise1 which 
respected only our  domestic affairs8   
,,of ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,government   
,man1 born in a family1 is compelled to 
maintain society from necessity1  from  
natural inclination1 and from habit4    

,the same creature1 in his  further     
progress1 is engaged to establish       
political society1 in order to          
administer justice1 without which there 
can be no peace among them1 nor  safety1
 nor mutual intercourse4 ,we are1       
therefore1 to look upon all the  vast   
apparatus of our government1 as having  
ultimately no other object  or purpose  
but the distribution of justice1 or1 in 
other words1 the  support of the twelve 
judges4 ,kings and parliaments1 fleets  
and armies1  officers of the court and  
revenue1 ambassadors1 ministers1 and    
privy  counsellors1 are all subordinate 
in their end to this part of            
administration4 ,even the clergy1 as    
their duty leads them to inculcate      
morality1 may justly be thought1 so far 
as regards this world1 to have  no other
 useful object of their institution4    
,all men are sensible of the necessity  
of justice to maintain peace and  order2
 and all men are sensible of the        
necessity of peace and order for  the   

maintenance of society4 ,yet1           
notwithstanding this strong and obvious 
necessity1 such is the frailty or       
perverseness of our nature6 it is       
impossible to keep men faithfully and   
unerringly in the paths of  justice4    
,some extraordinary circumstances may   
happen1 in which a man  finds his       
interests to be more promoted by fraud  
or rapine1 than hurt by  the breach     
which his injustice makes in the social 
union4 ,but much more  frequently he is 
seduced from his great and important1   
but distant  interests1 by the          
allurement of present1 though often very
 frivolous  temptations4 ,this great    
weakness is incurable in human nature4  
,men must1 therefore1 endeavour to      
palliate what they cannot cure4 ,they   
must institute some persons under the   
appellation of magistrates1 whose       
peculiar office it is to point out the  
decrees of equity1 to punish            
transgressors1 to correct fraud and     
violence1 and to oblige men1 however    

reluctant1 to consult their own real and
 permanent interests4 ,in a word1       
obedience is a new duty which must be   
invented to support that of  justice1   
and the ties of equity must be          
corroborated by those of  allegiance4   
,but still1 viewing matters in an       
abstract light1 it may be thought that  
nothing is gained by this alliance1 and 
that the factitious duty of  obedience1 
from its very nature1 lays as feeble a  
hold of the human  mind1 as the         
primitive and natural duty of justice4  
,peculiar interests  and present        
temptations may overcome the one as well
 as the other4 ,they  are equally       
exposed to the same inconvenience2 and  
the man who is  inclined to be a bad    
neighbour1 must be led by the same      
motives1 well  or ill understood1 to be 
a bad citizen or subject4 ,not to       
mention1 that  the magistrate himself   
may often be negligent1 or partial1 or  
unjust in  his administration4          
,experience1 however1 proves that there 

is a great difference between the       
cases4 ,order in society1 we find1 is   
much better maintained by means of      
government2 and our duty to the         
magistrate is more strictly guarded by  
the principles of human nature1 than our
 duty to our fellow-citizens4  ,the love
 of dominion1 is so strong in the breast
 of man1 that many not  only submit to1 
but court all the dangers1 and fatigues1
 and cares of  government2 and men1 once
 raised to that station1 though often   
led  astray by private passions1 find1  
in ordinary cases1 a visible interest   
in the impartial administration of      
justice4 ,the persons who first attain  
this distinction1 by the consent1 tacit 
or express1 of the people1 must  be     
endowed with superior personal qualities
 of valour1 force1 integrity1  or       
prudence1 which command respect and     
confidence2 and1 after government  is   
established1 a regard to birth1 rank1   
and station1 has a mighty  influence    
over men1 and enforces the decrees of   

the magistrate4 ,the  prince or leader  
exclaims against every disorder which   
disturbs his  society4 ,he summons all  
his partisans and all men of probity to 
aid him  in correcting and redressing   
it1 and he is readily followed by all   
indifferent persons in the execution of 
his office4 ,he soon acquires the  power
 of rewarding these services2 and in the
 progress of society1 he  establishes   
subordinate ministers1 and often a      
military force1 who find  an immediate  
and a visible interest in supporting his
 authority4 ,habit  soon consolidates   
what other principles of human nature   
had imperfectly  founded2 and men1 once 
accustomed to obedience1 never think of 
departing  from that path1 in which they
 and their ancestors have constantly    
trod1  and to which they are confined by
 so many urgent and visible motives4    
,but though this progress of human      
affairs may appear certain and          
inevitable1 and though the support which
 allegiance brings to justice be        

founded on obvious principles of human  
nature1 it cannot be expected  that men 
should beforehand be able to discover   
them1 or foresee their  operation4      
,government commences more casually and 
more imperfectly4 ,it  is probable1 that
 the first ascendent of one man over    
multitudes began  during a state of war2
 where the superiority of courage and of
 genius  discovers itself most visibly1 
where unanimity and concert are most    
requisite1 and where the pernicious     
effects of disorder are most  sensibly  
felt4 ,the long continuance of that     
state1 an incident common  among savage 
tribes1 inured the people to submission2
 and if the  chieftain possessed as much
 equity as prudence and valour1 he      
became1  even during peace1 the arbiter 
of all differences1 and could gradually1
  by a mixture of force and consent1    
establish his authority4 ,the benefit   
sensibly felt from his influence1 made  
it be cherished by the people1 at  least
 by the peaceable and well disposed     

among them2 and if his son  enjoyed the 
same good qualities1 government advanced
 the sooner to  maturity and perfection2
 but was still in a feeble state1 till  
the  further progress of improvement    
procured the magistrate a revenue1 and  
enabled him to bestow rewards on the    
several instruments of his              
administration1 and to inflict          
punishments on the refractory and       
disobedient4 ,before that period1 each  
exertion of his influence must  have    
been particular1 and founded on the     
peculiar circumstances of the  case4    
,after it1 submission was no longer a   
matter of choice in the bulk  of the    
community1 but was rigorously exacted by
 the authority of the  supreme          
magistrate4    ,in all governments1     
there is a perpetual intestine struggle1
 open or  secret1 between ,authority and
 ,liberty1 and neither of them can ever 
absolutely prevail in the contest4 ,a   
great sacrifice of liberty must         
necessarily be made in every government2

 yet even the authority1 which  confines
 liberty1 can never1 and perhaps ought  
never1 in any  constitution1 to become  
quite entire and uncontrollable4 ,the   
sultan is  master of the life and       
fortune of any individual2 but will not 
be  permitted to impose new taxes on his
 subjects3 a ,french monarch can  impose
 taxes at pleasure2 but would find it   
dangerous to attempt the  lives and     
fortunes of individuals4 ,religion also1
 in most countries1 is  commonly found  
to be a very intractable principle2 and 
other principles  or prejudices         
frequently resist all the authority of  
the civil  magistrate2 whose power1     
being founded on opinion1 can never     
subvert  other opinions equally rooted  
with that of his title to dominion4 ,the
  government1 which1 in common          
appellation1 receives the appellation of
  free1 is that which admits of a       
partition of power among several        
members1 whose united authority is no   
less1 or is commonly greater1 than  that

 of any monarch2 but who1 in the usual  
course of administration1  must act by  
general and equal laws1 that are        
previously known to all the  members1   
and to all their subjects4 ,in this     
sense1 it must be owned1  that liberty  
is the perfection of civil society2 but 
still authority  must be acknowledged   
essential to its very existence3 and in 
those  contests which so often take     
place between the one and the other1 the
  latter may1 on that account1 challenge
 the preference4 ,unless perhaps  one   
may say 7and it may be said with some   
reason7 that a circumstance1  which is  
essential to the existence of civil     
society1 must always  support itself1   
and needs be guarded with less jealousy1
 than one that  contributes only to its 
perfection1 which the indolence of men  
is so apt  to neglect1 or their         
ignorance to overlook4          ,,of    
,,the ,,independency ,,of ,,parliament#a
      ,political writers have           
established it as a maxim1 that1 in     

contriving  any system of government1   
and fixing the several checks and       
controls of  the constitution1 every man
 ought to be supposed a knave1 and to   
have  no other end1 in all his actions1 
than private interest4 ,by this         
interest we must govern him1 and1 by    
means of it1 make him1  notwithstanding 
his insatiable avarice and ambition1    
cooperate to public  good4 ,without     
this1 say they1 we shall in vain boast  
of the advantages  of any constitution1 
and shall find1 in the end1 that we have
 no  security for our liberties or      
possessions1 except the good-will of our
  rulers2 that is1 we shall have no     
security at all4    ,it is1 therefore1 a
 just political maxim1 that every man   
must be  supposed a knave2 though1 at   
the same time1 it appears somewhat      
strange1 that a maxim should be true in 
politics which is false in  fact4 ,but  
to satisfy us on this head1 we may      
consider1 that men are  generally more  
honest in their private than in their   

public capacity1  and will go greater   
lengths to serve a party1 than when     
their own  private interest is alone    
concerned4 ,honour is a great check upon
  mankind3 but where a considerable body
 of men act together1 this check  is in 
a great measure removed1 since a man is 
sure to be approved of by  his own      
party1 for what promotes the common     
interest2 and he soon learns  to despise
 the clamours of adversaries4 ,to which 
we may add1 that every  court or senate 
is determined by the greater number of  
voices2 so that1  if self-interest      
influences only the majority 7as it will
 always do71  the whole senate follows  
the allurements of this separate        
interest1 and  acts as if it contained  
not one member who had any regard to    
public  interest and liberty4    ,when  
there offers1 therefore1 to our censure 
and examination1 any plan  of           
government1 real or imaginary1 where the
 power is distributed among  several    
courts1 and several orders of men1 we   

should always consider the  separate    
interest of each court1 and each order2 
and if we find that1 by  the skilful    
division of power1 this interest must   
necessarily1 in its  operation1 concur  
with the public1 we may pronounce that  
government to  be wise and happy4 ,if1  
on the contrary1 separate interest be   
not  checked1 and be not directed to the
 public1 we ought to look for nothing   
but faction1 disorder1 and tyranny from 
such a government4 ,in this  opinion ,i 
am justified by experience1 as well as  
by the authority of  all philosophers   
and politicians1 both ancient and       
modern4    ,how much1 therefore1 would  
it have surprised such a genius as      
,cicero or  ,tacitus1 to have been told1
 that in a future age there should arise
 a  very regular system of mixed        
government1 where the authority was so  
distributed1 that one rank1 whenever it 
pleased1 might swallow up all  the rest1
 and engross the whole power of the     
constitution6 ,such a  government1 they 

would say1 will not be a mixed          
government4 ,for so great  is the       
natural ambition of men1 that they are  
never satisfied with  power2 and if one 
order of men1 by pursuing its own       
interest1 can usurp  upon every other   
order1 it will certainly do so1 and     
render itself1 as  far as possible1     
absolute and uncontrollable4    ,but1 in
 this opinion1 experience shows they    
would have been mistaken4  ,for this is 
actually the case with the ,british     
constitution4 ,the share  of power      
allotted by our constitution to the     
,house of ,commons1 is so  great1 that  
it absolutely commands all the other    
parts of the  government4 ,the king's   
legislative power is plainly no proper  
check to  it4 ,for though the king has a
 negative in framing laws1 yet this1 in 
fact1 is esteemed of so little moment1  
that whatever is voted by the two       
,houses1 is always sure to pass into a  
law1 and the royal assent is  little    
better than a form4 ,the principal      

weight of the crown lies in the         
executive2 power4 ,but1 besides that the
 executive power in every  government is
 altogether subordinate to the          
legislative2 besides this1 ,i  say1 the 
exercise of this power requires an      
immense expense1 and the  ,commons have 
assumed to themselves the sole right of 
granting money4 ,how  easy1 therefore1  
would it be for that house to wrest from
 the crown all  these powers1 one after 
another1 by making every grant          
conditional1 and  choosing their time so
 well1 that their refusal of supply     
should only  distress the government1   
without giving foreign powers any       
advantage  over us6 ,did the ,house of  
,commons depend in the same manner upon 
the  king1 and had none of the members  
any property but from his gift1 would   
not he command all their resolutions1   
and be from that moment absolute8  ,as  
to the ,house of ,lords1 they are a very
 powerful support to the crown1  so long
 as they are1 in their turn1 supported  

by it2 but both experience  and reason  
show1 that they have no force or        
authority sufficient to  maintain       
themselves alone1 without such support4 
,how1 therefore1 shall we solve this    
paradox8 ,and by what means is this     
member of our constitution confined     
within the proper limits1 since1  from  
our very constitution1 it must          
necessarily have as much power as it    
demands1 and can only be confined by    
itself8 ,how is this consistent with    
our experience of human nature8 ,i      
answer1 that the interest of the body   
is here restrained by that of the       
individuals1 and that the ,house of     
,commons stretches not its power1       
because such an usurpation would be     
contrary to the interest of the majority
 of its members4 ,the crown has  so many
 offices at its disposal1 that1 when    
assisted by the honest and              
disinterested part of the ,house1 it    
will always command the resolutions  of 
the whole1 so far1 at least1 as to      

preserve the ancient constitution  from 
danger4 ,we may1 therefore1 give to this
 influence what name we  please2 we may 
call it by the invidious appellations of
 corruption and  dependence2 but some   
degree and some kind of it are          
inseparable from  the very nature of the
 constitution1 and necessary to the     
preservation  of our mixed government4  
,instead1 then1 of asserting absolutely1
 that the dependence of  parliament1 in 
every degree1 is an infringement of     
,british liberty1 the  country party    
should have made some concessions to    
their adversaries1  and have only       
examined what was the proper degree of  
this dependence1  beyond which it became
 dangerous to liberty4 ,but such a      
moderation is  not to be expected in    
party men of any kind4 ,after a         
concession of this  nature1 all         
declamation must be abandoned2 and a    
calm inquiry into the  proper degree of 
court influence and parliamentary       
dependence would have  been expected by 

the readers4 ,and though the advantage1 
in such a  controversy1 might possibly  
remain to the country party1 yet the    
victory would not be so complete as they
 wish for1 nor would a true  patriot    
have given an entire loose to his zeal1 
for fear of running  matters into a     
contrary extreme1 by diminishing too#b  
far the  influence of the crown4 ,it    
was1 therefore1 thought best to deny    
that  this extreme could ever be        
dangerous to the constitution1 or that  
the  crown could ever have too little   
influence over members of parliament4   
,all questions concerning the proper    
medium between extremes are  difficult  
to be decided2 both because it is not   
easy to find words  proper to fix this  
medium1 and because the good and ill1 in
 such cases1  run so gradually into each
 other1 as even to render our sentiments
  doubtful and uncertain4 ,but there is 
a peculiar difficulty in the  present   
case1 which would embarrass the most    
knowing and most impartial  examiner4   

,the power of the crown is always lodged
 in a single person1  either king or    
minister2 and as this person may have   
either a greater or  less degree of     
ambition1 capacity1 courage1 popularity1
 or fortune1 the  power1 which is too   
great in one hand1 may become too little
 in another4  ,in pure republics1 where 
the authority is distributed among      
several  assemblies or senates1 the     
checks and controls are more regular in 
their  operation2 because the members of
 such numerous assemblies may be        
presumed to be always nearly equal in   
capacity and virtue2 and it is  only    
their number1 riches1 or authority1     
which enter into consideration4  ,but a 
limited monarchy admits not of any such 
stability2 nor is it  possible to assign
 to the crown such a determinate degree 
of power1 as  will1 in every hand1 form 
a proper counterbalance to the other    
parts of  the constitution4 ,this is an 
unavoidable disadvantage1 among the many
  advantages attending that species of  

government4      #a ,i have frequently  
observed1 in comparing the conduct of   
the court  and country party1 that the  
former are commonly less assuming and   
dogmatical in conversation1 more apt to 
make concessions1 and though  not1      
perhaps1 more susceptible of conviction1
 yet more able to bear  contradiction   
than the latter1 who are apt to fly out 
upon any  opposition1 and to regard one 
as a mercenary1 designing fellow1 if he 
argues with any coolness and            
impartiality1 or makes any concessions  
to  their adversaries4 ,this is a fact1 
which1 ,i believe1 every one may have   
observed who has been much in companies 
where political questions have  been    
discussed2 though1 were one to ask the  
reason of this difference1  every party 
would be apt to assign a different      
reason4 ,gentlemen in the  opposition   
will ascribe it to the very nature of   
their party1 which1  being founded on   
public spirit1 and a zeal for the       
constitution1 cannot  easily endure such

 doctrines as are of pernicious         
consequence to  liberty4 ,the courtiers1
 on the other hand1 will be apt to put  
us in mind  of the clown mentioned by   
,lord ,shaftesbury4 ',a clown1' says    
that  excellent author1 'once took a    
fancy to hear the ,latin disputes of    
doctors at an university4 ,he was asked 
what pleasure he could take in  viewing 
such combatants1 when he could never    
know so much as which of  the parties   
had the better4'--',for that matter1'   
replied the clown1  ',i a'n't such a    
fool neither1 but ,i can see who's the  
first that puts  t'other into a         
passion4' ,nature herself dictated this 
lesson to the  clown1 that he who had   
the better of the argument would be easy
 and well  humoured3 but he who was     
unable to support his cause by reason   
would  naturally lose his temper1 and   
grow violent4    ,to which of these     
reasons will we adhere8 ,to neither of  
them1 in my  opinion1 unless we have a  
mind to enlist ourselves and become     

zealots in  either party4 ,i believe ,i 
can assign the reason of this different 
conduct of the two parties1 without     
offending either4 ,the country party    
are plainly most popular at present1 and
 perhaps have been so in most           
administrations so that1 being          
accustomed to prevail in company1 they  
cannot endure to hear their opinions    
controverted1 but are so confident  on  
the public favour1 as if they were      
supported in all their sentiments  by   
the most infallible demonstration4 ,the 
courtiers1 on the other hand1  are      
,commonly run down by your popular      
talkers1 that if you speak to them  with
 any moderation1 or make them the       
smallest concessions1 they think        
themselves extremely obliged to you1 and
 are apt to return the favour by  a like
 moderation and facility on their part4 
,to be furious and  passionate1 they    
know1 would only gain them the character
 of shameless  mercenaries1 not that of 
zealous patriots1 which is the character

 that  such a warm behaviour is apt to  
acquire to the other party4    ,in all  
controversies1 we find1 without         
regarding the truth or falsehood  on    
either side1 that those who defend the  
established and popular  opinions are   
always most dogmatical and imperious in 
their style3 while  their adversaries   
affect almost extraordinary gentleness  
and moderation1  in order to soften1 as 
much as possible1 any prejudices that   
may be  ,against them4 ,consider the    
behaviour of our ,freethinkers of all   
denominations1 whether they be such as  
decry all revelation1 or only  oppose   
the exorbitant power of the clergy1     
,collins1 ,tindal1 ,foster1  ,hoadley4  
,compare their moderation and good      
manners with the furious zeal  and      
scurrility of their adversaries1 and you
 will be convinced of the  truth of my  
observation4 ,a like difference may be  
observed in the  conduct of those       
,french writers1 who maintained the     
controversy with  regard to ancient and 

modern learning4 ,boileau1 ,monsieur and
 ,madame  ,dacier1 l',abb de ,bos1 who  
defended the party of the ancients1     
mixed  their reasonings with satire and 
invective1 while ,fontenelle1 la ,motte1
  ,charpentier1 and even ,perrault1     
never transgressed the bounds of        
moderation and good breeding1 though    
provoked by the most injurious          
treatment of their adversaries4    ,i   
must however observe1 that this remark  
with regard to the seeming  moderation  
of the court party1 is entirely confined
 to conversation1  and to gentlemen who 
have been engaged by interest or        
inclination in  that party4 ,for as to  
the court writers1 being commonly hired 
scribblers1 they are altogether as      
scurrilous as the mercenaries of the    
other party3 nor has the ,gazetteer any 
advantage1 in this respect1  above      
common sense4 ,a man of education will1 
in any party1 discover  himself to be   
such by his goodbreeding and decency1 as
 a scoundrel will  always betray the    

opposite qualities4 ,the false accusers 
accused1 c4  is very scurrilous1 though 
that side of the question1 being least  
popular1 should be defended with most   
moderation4 ,when ,l--d ,b--e1 ,l--d    
,m--t1 ,mr4 ,l--n1 take the pen in hand1
 though they write with warmth1  they   
presume not upon their popularity so far
 as to transgress the  bounds of        
decency4    ,i am led into this train of
 reflection by considering some papers  
wrote  upon that grand topic of court   
influence and parliamentary dependence1 
where1 in my humble opinion1 the country
 party show too rigid an  inflexibility1
 and too great a jealousy of making     
concessions to their  adversaries4      
,their reasonings lose their force by   
being carried too far  and the          
popularity of their opinions has seduced
 them to neglect in some  measure their 
justness and solidity4 ,the following   
reasoning will1 ,i  hope1 serve to      
justify me in this opinion4    #b ,by   
that influence of the crown1 which ,i   

would justify1 ,i mean only  that which 
arises from the offices and honours that
 are at the disposal  of the crown4 ,as 
to private bribery1 it may be considered
 in the same  light as the practice of  
employing spies1 which is scarcely      
justifiable  in a good minister1 and is 
infamous in a bad one2 but to be a spy1 
or to  be corrupted1 is always infamous 
under all ministers1 and is to be       
regarded as a shameless prostitution4   
,polybius justly esteems the  pecuniary 
influence of the senate and censors to  
be one of the regular  and              
constitutional weights which preserved  
the balance of the ,roman               
government4--,lib4 vi4 cap4 #ae4        
,,whether ,,the ,,british ,,government  
,,inclines ,,more ,,to ,,absolute       
,,monarchy ,,or ,,to  ,a ,,republic     
,it affords a violent prejudice against 
almost every science1 that no  prudent  
man1 however sure of his principles1    
dares prophesy concerning  any event1 or
 foretell the remote consequences of    

things4 ,a physician  will not venture  
to pronounce concerning the condition of
 his patient a  fortnight or a month    
after3 and still less dares a politician
 foretell  the situation of public      
affairs a few years hence4 ,harrington  
thought  himself so sure of his general 
principle1 that the balance of power    
depends on that of property1 that he    
ventured to pronounce it  impossible    
ever to reestablish monarchy in         
,england3 but his book was  scarcely    
published when the king was restored2   
and we see that monarchy  has ever since
 subsisted upon the same footing as     
before4  ,notwithstanding this unlucky  
example1 ,i will venture to examine an  
important question1 to wit1 ,whether the
 ,british ,government inclines  more to 
absolute monarchy or to a republic2 and 
in which of these two  species of       
government it will most probably        
terminate8 ,as there seems  not to be   
any great danger of a sudden revolution 
either way1 ,i shall  at least escape   

the shame attending my temerity1 if ,i  
should be found to  have been mistaken4 
,those who assert that the balance of   
our government inclines towards         
absolute monarchy1 may support their    
opinion by the following reasons3  ,that
 property has a great influence on power
 cannot possibly be denied2  but yet the
 general maxim1 that the balance of the 
one depends on the  balance of the      
other1 must be received with several    
limitations4 ,it is  evident1 that much 
less property in a single hand will be  
able to  counterbalance a greater       
property in several2 not only because it
 is  difficult to make many persons     
combine in the same views and measures1 
but because property1 when united1      
causes much greater dependence than  the
 same property when dispersed4 ,a       
hundred persons of #a1jjj a year        
apiece1 can consume all their income1   
and nobody shall ever be the  better for
 them1 except their servants and        
tradesmen1 who justly regard  their     

profits as the product of their own     
labour4 ,but a man possessed of         
#ajj1jjj a year1 if he has either any   
generosity or any cunning1 may  create a
 great dependence by obligations1 and   
still a greater by  expectations4 ,hence
 we may observe1 that1 in all free      
governments1 any  subject exorbitantly  
rich has always created jealousy1 even  
though his  riches bore no proportion to
 those of the state4 ,crassus's fortune1
 if ,i  remember well1 amounted only to 
about two millions and a half of our    
money2 yet we find1 that though his     
genius was nothing extraordinary1  he   
was able1 by means of his riches alone1 
to counterbalance1 during his  lifetime1
 the power of ,pompey1 as well as that  
of ,csar1 who afterwards  became master 
of the world4 ,the wealth of the ,medici
 made them masters  of ,florence1 though
 it is probable it was not considerable1
 compared to  the united property of    
that opulent republic4    ,these        
considerations are apt to make one      

entertain a magnificent idea of  the    
,british spirit and love of liberty1    
since we could maintain our free        
government1 during so many centuries1   
against our sovereigns1 who1  besides   
the power1 and dignity1 and majesty of  
the crown1 have always  been possessed  
of much more property than any subject  
has ever enjoyed  in any commonwealth4  
,but it may be said that this spirit1   
however great1  will never be able to   
support itself against that immense     
property which  is now lodged in the    
king1 and which is still increasing4    
,upon a  moderate computation1 there are
 near three millions a year at the      
disposal of the crown4 ,the civil list  
amounts to near a million2 the          
collection of all taxes to another2 and 
the employments in the army and  navy1  
together with ecclesiastical            
preferments1 to above a third           
million3--an enormous sum1 and what may 
fairly be computed to be more  than a   
thirtieth part of the whole income and  

labour of the kingdom4  ,when we add to 
this great property the increasing      
luxury of the nation1  our proneness to 
corruption1 together with the great     
power and  prerogatives of the crown1   
and the command of military force1 there
 is  no one but must despair of being   
able1 without extraordinary efforts1 to 
support our free government much longer 
under these disadvantages4    ,on the   
other hand1 those who maintain that the 
bias of the ,british  government leans  
towards a republic1 may support their   
opinions by  specious arguments4 ,it may
 be said1 that though this immense      
property in  the crown be joined to the 
dignity of first magistrate1 and to many
  other legal powers and prerogatives1  
which should naturally give it  greater 
influence2 yet it really becomes less   
dangerous to liberty upon  that very    
account4 ,were ,england a republic1 and 
were any private man  possessed of a    
revenue1 a third1 or even a tenth part  
as large as that  of the crown1 he would

 very justly excite jealousy2 because he
 would  infallibly have great authority 
in the government4 ,and such an         
irregular  authority1 not avowed by the 
laws1 is always more dangerous than a   
much  greater authority derived from    
them4 ,a man possessed of usurped power 
can set no bounds to his pretensions3   
his partisans have liberty to hope  for 
every thing in his favour3 his enemies  
provoke his ambition with his  fears1 by
 the violence of their opposition3 and  
the government being  thrown into a     
ferment1 every corrupted humour in the  
state naturally  gathers to him4 ,on the
 contrary1 a legal authority1 though    
great1 has  always some bounds1 which   
terminate both the hopes and pretensions
 of  the person possessed of it3 the    
laws must have provided a remedy against
  its excesses3 such an eminent         
magistrate has much to fear1 and little 
to  hope1 from his usurpations3 and as  
his legal authority is quietly          
submitted to1 he has small temptation   

and small opportunity of extending  it  
further4 ,besides1 it happens1 with     
regard to ambitious aims and  projects1 
what may be observed with regard to     
sects of philosophy and  religion4 ,a   
new sect excites such a ferment1 and is 
both opposed and  defended with such    
vehemence1 that it always spreads       
faster1 and  multiplies its partisans   
with greater rapidity than any old      
established  opinion1 recommended by the
 sanction of the laws and of antiquity4 
,such  is the nature of novelty1 that1  
where any thing pleases1 it becomes     
doubly agreeable1 if new3 but if it     
displeases1 it is doubly displeasing    
upon that very account4 ,and1 in most   
cases1 the violence of enemies is       
favourable to ambitious projects1 as    
well as the zeal of partisans4    ,it   
may further be said1 that1 though men be
 much governed by interest1  yet even   
interest itself1 and all human affairs1 
are entirely governed  by opinion4 ,now1
 there has been a sudden and sensible   

change in the  opinions of men within   
these last fifty years1 by the progress 
of  learning and of liberty4 ,most      
people in this ,island have divested    
themselves of all superstitious         
reverence to names and authority3 the   
clergy have much lost their credit3     
their pretensions and doctrines  have   
been ridiculed2 and even religion can   
scarcely support itself in  the world4  
,the mere name of king commands little  
respect2 and to talk  of a king as      
,god's vicegerent on earth1 or to give  
him any of those  magnificent titles    
which formerly dazzled mankind1 would   
but excite  laughter in every one4      
,though the crown1 by means of its large
 revenue1  may maintain its authority1  
in times of tranquillity1 upon private  
interest and influence1 yet1 as the     
least shock or convulsion must break    
all these interests to pieces1 the royal
 power1 being no longer  supported by   
the settled principles and opinions of  
men1 will  immediately dissolve4 ,had   

men been in the same disposition at the 
,revolution1 as they are at present1    
monarchy would have run a great  risk of
 being entirely lost in this ,island4   
,durst ,i venture to deliver my own     
sentiments amidst these opposite        
arguments1 ,i would assert1 that1 unless
 there happen some extraordinary        
convulsion1 the power of the crown1 by  
means of its large revenue1 is  rather  
upon the increase2 though at the same   
time1 ,i own that its  progress seems   
very slow1 and almost insensible4 ,the  
tide has run long1  and with some       
rapidity1 to the side of popular        
government1 and is just  beginning to   
turn towards monarchy4    ,it is well   
known1 that every government must come  
to a period1 and that  death is         
unavoidable to the political1 as well as
 to the animal body4  ,but1 as one kind 
of death may be preferable to another1  
it may be  inquired1 whether it be more 
desirable for the ,british constitution 
to  terminate in a popular government1  

or in an absolute monarchy8 ,here ,i    
would frankly declare1 that though      
liberty be preferable to slavery1 in    
almost every case2 yet ,i should rather 
wish to see an absolute monarch  than a 
republic in this ,island4 ,for let us   
consider what kind of  republic we have 
reason to expect4 ,the question is not  
concerning any  fine imaginary republic1
 of which a man forms a plan in his     
closet4  ,there is no doubt but a       
popular government may be imagined more 
perfect  than an absolute monarchy1 or  
even than our present constitution4 ,but
  what reason have we to expect that any
 such government will ever be           
established in ,great ,britain1 upon the
 dissolution of our monarchy8 ,if  any  
single person acquire power enough to   
take our constitution to  pieces1 and   
put it up anew1 he is really an absolute
 monarch2 and we  have already had an   
instance of this kind1 sufficient to    
convince us1  that such a person will   
never resign his power1 or establish any

 free  government4 ,matters1 therefore1 
must be trusted to their natural        
progress and operation2 and the ,house  
of ,commons1 according to its  present  
constitution1 must be the only          
legislature in such a popular           
government4 ,the inconveniences         
attending such a situation of affairs   
present themselves by thousands4 ,if the
 ,house of ,commons1 in such a  case1   
ever dissolve itself1 which is not to be
 expected1 we may look for  a civil war 
every election4 ,if it continue itself1 
we shall suffer all  the tyranny of a   
faction sub-divided into new factions4  
,and1 as such a  violent government     
cannot long subsist1 we shall1 at last1 
after many  convulsions and civil wars1 
find repose in absolute monarchy1 which 
it  would have been happier for us to   
have established peaceably from the     
beginning4 ,absolute monarchy1          
therefore1 is the easiest death1 the    
true  ,euthanasia of the ,british       
constitution4    ,thus1 if we have      

reason to be more jealous of monarchy1  
because the  danger is more imminent    
from that quarter2 we have also reason  
to be  more jealous of popular          
government1 because that danger is more 
terrible4 ,this may teach us a lesson of
 moderation in all our political        
controversies4          ,,of ,,parties  
,,in ,,general      ,of all men that    
distinguish themselves by memorable     
achievements1 the  first place of honour
 seems due to ,,legislators and founders
 of states1  who transmit a system of   
laws and institutions to secure the     
peace1  happiness1 and liberty of future
 generations4 ,the influence of useful  
inventions in the arts and sciences may1
 perhaps1 extend further than  that of  
wise laws1 whose effects are limited    
both in time and place2 but  the benefit
 arising from the former is not so      
sensible as that which  results from the
 latter4 ,speculative sciences do1      
indeed1 improve the  mind1 but this     
advantage reaches only to a few persons1

 who have leisure  to apply themselves  
to them4 ,and as to practical arts1     
which increase  the commodities and     
enjoyments of life1 it is well known    
that men's  happiness consists not so   
much in an abundance of these1 as in the
 peace  and security with which they    
possess them3 and those blessings can   
only  be derived from good government4  
,not to mention1 that general virtue and
  good morals in a state1 which are so  
requisite to happiness1 can never  arise
 from the most refined precepts of      
philosophy1 or even the severest        
injunctions of religion2 but must       
proceed entirely from the virtuous      
education of youth1 the effect of wise  
laws and institutions4 ,i must1         
therefore1 presume to differ from ,lord 
,bacon in this particular1 and  must    
regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in  
its distribution of honours1  when it   
made gods of all the inventors of useful
 arts1 such as ,ceres1  ,bacchus1       
sculapius and dignified legislators1    

such as ,romulus and  ,theseus1 only    
with the appellation of demigods and    
heroes4    ,as much as legislators and  
founders of states ought to be honoured 
and  respected among men1 as much ought 
the founders of sects and factions to   
be detested and hated2 because the      
influence of faction is directly        
contrary to that of laws4 ,factions     
subvert government1 render laws         
impotent1 and beget the fiercest        
animosities among men of the same       
nation1 who ought to give mutual        
assistance and protection to each       
other4 ,and what should render the      
founders of parties more odious1 is  the
 difficulty of extirpating these weeds1 
when once they have taken  root in any  
state4 ,they naturally propagate        
themselves for many  centuries1 and     
seldom end but by the total dissolution 
of that  government1 in which they are  
sown4 ,they are1 besides1 plants which  
grow  most plentiful in the richest     
soil2 and though absolute governments be

  not wholly free from them1 it must be 
confessed1 that they rise more  easily1 
and propagate themselves faster in free 
governments1 where they  always infect  
the legislature itself1 which alone     
could be able1 by the  steady           
application of rewards and punishments1 
to eradicate them4    ,factions may be  
divided into ,personal and ,real2 that  
is1 into factions  founded on personal  
friendship or animosity among such as   
compose the  contending parties1 and    
into those founded on some real         
difference of  sentiment or interest4   
,the reason of this distinction is      
obvious1 though  ,i must acknowledge1   
that parties are seldom found pure and  
unmixed1  either of the one kind or the 
other4 ,it is not often seen1 that a    
government divides into factions1 where 
there is no difference in the  views of 
the constituent members1 either real or 
apparent1 trivial or  material3 and in  
those factions1 which are founded on the
 most real and  most material           

difference1 there is always observed a  
great deal of  personal animosity or    
affection4 ,but notwithstanding this    
mixture1 a  party may be denominated    
either personal or real1 according to   
that  principle which is predominant1   
and is found to have the greatest       
influence4    ,personal factions arise  
most easily in small republics4 ,every  
domestic  quarrel1 there1 becomes an    
affair of state4 ,love1 vanity1         
emulation1 any  passion1 as well as     
ambition and resentment1 begets public  
division4 ,the  ,,neri and ,,bianchi of 
,florence1 the ,,fregosi and ,,adorni of
 ,genoa1 the  ,,colonnesi and ,,orsini  
of modern ,rome1 were parties of this   
kind4    ,men have such a propensity to 
divide into personal factions1 that the 
smallest appearance of real difference  
will produce them4 ,what can be         
imagined more trivial than the          
difference between one colour of livery 
and another in horse races8 ,yet this   
difference begat two most  inveterate   

factions in the ,greek empire1 the      
,,prasini and ,,veneti1 who  never      
suspended their animosities till they   
ruined that unhappy  government4    ,we 
find in the ,roman history a remarkable 
dissension between two tribes1  the     
,,pollia and ,,papiria1 which continued 
for the space of near three  hundred    
years1 and discovered itself in their   
suffrages at every  election of         
magistrates4 ,this faction was the more 
remarkable1 as it  could continue for so
 long a tract of time2 even though it   
did not  spread itself1 nor draw any of 
the other tribes into a share of the    
quarrel4 ,if mankind had not a strong   
propensity to such divisions1 the       
indifference of the rest of the         
community must have suppressed this     
foolish animosity1 that had not any     
aliment of new benefits and  injuries1  
of general sympathy and antipathy1 which
 never fail to take  place1 when the    
whole state is rent into equal factions4
    ,nothing is more usual than to see  

parties1 which have begun upon a real   
difference1 continue even after that    
difference is lost4 ,when men are  once 
enlisted on opposite sides1 they        
contract an affection to the  persons   
with whom they are united1 and an       
animosity against their  antagonists2   
and these passions they often transmit  
to their posterity4  ,the real          
difference between ,guelf and           
,ghibelline was long lost in  ,italy1   
before these factions were extinguished4
 ,the ,guelfs adhered to  the pope1 the 
,ghibellines to the emperor2 yet the    
family of ,sforza1 who  were in alliance
 with the emperor1 though they were     
,guelfs1 being  expelled ,milan by the  
king of ,france1 assisted by ,jacomo    
,trivulzio and  the ,ghibellines1 the   
pope concurred with the latter1 and they
 formed  leagues with the pope against  
the emperor4    ,the civil wars which   
arose some few years ago in ,morocco    
between the  ,blacks and ,whites1 merely
 on account of their complexion1 are    

founded on a pleasant difference4 ,we   
laugh at them2 but1 ,i believe1 were    
things rightly examined1 we afford much 
more occasion of ridicule to the        
,moors4 ,for1 what are all the wars of  
religion1 which have prevailed in  this 
polite and knowing part of the world8   
,they are certainly more  absurd than   
the ,moorish civil wars4 ,the difference
 of complexion is a  sensible and a real
 difference2 but the controversy about  
an article of  faith1 which is utterly  
absurd and unintelligible1 is not a     
difference  in sentiment1 but in a few  
phrases and expressions1 which one party
  accepts of without understanding them1
 and the other refuses in the same      
manner4#a    ,real factions may be      
divided into those from interest1 from  
principle1 and from affection4 ,of all  
factions1 the first are the  most       
reasonable1 and the most excusable4     
,where two orders of men1 such  as the  
nobles and people1 have a distinct      
authority in a government1 not  very    

accurately balanced and modelled1 they  
naturally follow a distinct  interest2  
nor can we reasonably expect a different
 conduct1 considering  that degree of   
selfishness implanted in human nature4  
,it requires great  skill in a          
legislator to prevent such parties2 and 
many philosophers are  of opinion1 that 
this secret1 like the grand elixir1 or  
perpetual  motion1 may amuse men in     
theory1 but can never possibly be       
reduced to  practice4 ,in despotic      
governments1 indeed1 factions often do  
not appear2  but they are not the less  
real2 or rather1 they are more real and 
more  pernicious upon that very account4
 ,the distinct orders of men1 nobles    
and people1 soldiers and merchants1 have
 all a distinct interest2 but  the more 
powerful oppresses the weaker with      
impunity1 and without  resistance2 which
 begets a seeming tranquillity in such  
governments4    ,there has been an      
attempt in ,england to divide the landed
 and  trading part of the nation2 but   

without success4 ,the interests of      
these two bodies are not really         
distinct1 and never will be so1 till our
  public debts increase to such a degree
 as to become altogether  oppressive and
 intolerable4    ,parties from          
principle1 especially abstract          
speculative principle1  are known only  
to modern times1 and are1 perhaps1 the  
most extraordinary  and unaccountable   
phenomenon that has yet appeared in     
human affairs4  ,where different        
principles beget a contrariety of       
conduct1 which is the  case with all    
different political principles1 the     
matter may be more  easily explained4 ,a
 man who esteems the true right of      
government to lie  in one man1 or one   
family1 cannot easily agree with his    
fellow-citizen1  who thinks that another
 man or family is possessed of this     
right4 ,each  naturally wishes that     
right may take place1 according to his  
own notions  of it4 ,but where the      
difference of principle is attended with

 no  contrariety of action1 but every   
one may follow his own way1 without     
interfering with his neighbour1 as      
happens in all religious  controversies1
 what madness1 what fury1 can beget such
 an unhappy and  such fatal divisions8  
,two men travelling on the highway1 the 
one east1 the other west1 can  easily   
pass each other1 if the way be broad    
enough3 but two men1  reasoning upon    
opposite principles of religion1 cannot 
so easily pass1  without shocking1      
though one should think1 that the way   
were also1 in  that case1 sufficiently  
broad and that each might proceed1      
without  interruption1 in his own       
course4 ,but such is the nature of the  
human  mind1 that it always lays hold on
 every mind that approaches it2 and as  
it is wonderfully fortified by an       
unanimity of sentiments1 so it is       
shocked and disturbed by any            
contrariety4 ,hence the eagerness which 
most people discover in a dispute2 and  
hence their impatience of  opposition1  

even in the most speculative and        
indifferent opinions4    ,this          
principle1 however frivolous it may     
appear1 seems to have been the  origin  
of all religious wars and divisions4    
,but as this principle is  universal in 
human nature1 its effects would not have
 been confined to  one age1 and to one  
sect of religion1 did it not there      
concur with other  more accidental      
causes1 which raise it to such a height 
as to produce  the greatest misery and  
devastation4 ,most religions of the     
ancient world  arose in the unknown ages
 of government1 when men were as yet    
barbarous  and uninstructed1 and the    
prince1 as well as peasant1 was disposed
 to  receive1 with implicit faith1 every
 pious tale or fiction which was        
offered him4 ,the magistrate embraced   
the religion of the people1 and1        
entering cordially into the care of     
sacred matters1 naturally acquired  an  
authority in them1 and united the       
ecclesiastical with the civil  power4   

,but the ,christian religion arising1   
while principles directly  opposite to  
it were firmly established in the polite
 part of the world1  who despised the   
nation that first broached this novelty2
 no wonder  that1 in such circumstances1
 it was but little countenanced by the  
civil  magistrate1 and that the         
priesthood was allowed to engross all   
the  authority in the new sect4 ,so bad 
a use did they make of this power1  even
 in those early times1 that the         
primitive persecutions may1 perhaps  in 
part1#b be ascribed to the violence     
instilled by them into their  followers4
    ,and the same principles of priestly
 government continuing1 after           
,christianity became the established    
religion1 they have engendered a  spirit
 of persecution1 which has ever since   
been the poison of human  society1 and  
the source of the most inveterate       
factions in every  government4 ,such    
divisions1 therefore1 on the part of the
 people1 may  justly be esteemed        

factions of principle1 but1 on the part 
of the  priests1 who are the prime      
movers1 they are really factions of     
interest4    ,there is another cause    
7beside the authority of the priests1   
and the  separation of the              
ecclesiastical and civil powers71 which 
has  contributed to render ,christendom 
the scene of religious wars and         
divisions4 ,religions that arise in ages
 totally ignorant and barbarous1        
consist mostly of traditional tales and 
fictions1 which may be different  in    
every sect1 without being contrary to   
each other2 and even when they  are     
contrary1 every one adheres to the      
tradition of his own sect1  without much
 reasoning or disputation4 ,but as      
philosophy was widely  spread over the  
world at the time when ,christianity    
arose1 the teachers  of the new sect    
were obliged to form a system of        
speculative opinions1  to divide1 with  
some accuracy1 their articles of faith1 
and to explain1  comment1 confute1 and  

defend1 with all the subtlety of        
argument and  science4 ,hence naturally 
arose keenness in dispute1 when the     
,christian  religion came to be split   
into new divisions and heresies3 and    
this  keenness assisted the priests in  
the policy of begetting a mutual hatred 
and antipathy among their deluded       
followers4 ,sects of philosophy1 in the 
ancient world1 were more zealous than   
parties of religion2 but1 in  modern    
times1 parties of religion are more     
furious and enraged than the  most cruel
 factions that ever arose from interest 
and ambition4    ,i have mentioned      
parties from affection as a kind of real
 parties1  beside those from interest   
and principle4 ,by parties from         
affection1  ,i understand those which   
are founded on the different attachments
 of men  towards particular families and
 persons whom they desire to rule over  
them4 ,these factions are often very    
violent2 though1 ,i must own1 it may    
seem unaccountable that men should      

attach themselves so strongly to        
persons with whom they are nowise       
acquainted1 whom perhaps they never     
saw1 and from whom they never received1 
nor can ever hope for1 any  favour4 ,yet
 this we often find to be the case1 and 
even with men1 who1  on other occasions1
 discover no great generosity of spirit1
 nor are  found to be easily transported
 by friendship beyond their own         
interest4  ,we are apt to think the     
relation between us and our sovereign   
very close  and intimate4 ,the splendour
 of majesty and power bestows an        
importance  on the fortunes even of a   
single person4 ,and when a man's        
good-nature  does not give him this     
imaginary interest1 his ill-nature will1
 from  spite and opposition to persons  
whose sentiments are different from his 
own4      #a ,besides ,i do not find    
that the ,whites in ,morocco ever       
imposed on  the ,blacks any necessity pi
 altering their complexion1 or          
frightened  them with inquisitions and  

penal laws in case of obstinacy4 ,nor   
have the  ,blacks been more unreasonable
 in this particular4 ,but is a man's    
opinion1 where he is able to form a real
 opinion1 more at his disposal  than his
 complexion8 ,and can one be induced by 
force or fear to do more  than paint and
 disguise in the one case as well as in 
the other4    #b ,i say in part2 for it 
is a vulgar error to imagine1 that the  
ancients were as great friends to       
toleration as the ,english or ,dutch are
  at present4 ,the laws against external
 superstition1 among the ,romans1  were 
as ancient as the time of the ,twelve   
,tables2 and the ,jews1 as well  as     
,christians1 were sometimes punished by 
them2 though1 in general1  these laws   
were not rigorously executed4           
,immediately after the conquest  of     
,gaul1 they forbade all but the natives 
to be initiated into the  religion of   
the ,druids2 and this was a kind of     
persecution4 ,in about a  century after 
this conquest1 the emperor ,claudius    

quite abolished that  superstition by   
penal laws2 which would have been a very
 grievous  persecution1 if the imitation
 of the ,roman manners had not1         
beforehand1  weaned the ,gauls from     
their ancient prejudices4 ,suetonius in 
vita  ,claudii4 ,pliny ascribes the     
abolition of the ,druidical             
superstitions to  ,tiberius1 probably   
because that emperor had taken some     
steps towards  restraining them 7lib4   
xxx4 cap4 i74 ,this is an instance of   
the usual  caution and moderation of the
 ,romans in such cases2 and very        
different  from their violent and       
sanguinary method of treating the       
,christians4  ,hence we may entertain a 
suspicion1 that those furious           
persecutions of  ,christianity were in  
some measure owing to the imprudent zeal
 and  bigotry of the first propagators  
of that sect2 and ecclesiastical        
history affords us many reasons to      
confirm this suspicion4          ,,of   
,,the ,,parties ,,of ,,great ,,britain  

,were the ,british government proposed  
as a subject of speculation1 one  would 
immediately perceive in it a source of  
division and party1 which  it would be  
almost impossible for it1 under any     
administration1 to  avoid4 ,the just    
balance between the republican and      
monarchical part of  our constitution is
 really in itself so extremely delicate 
and  uncertain1 that1 when joined to    
men's passions and prejudices1 it is    
impossible but different opinions must  
arise concerning it1 even among  persons
 of the best understanding4 ,those of   
mild tempers1 who love peace  and order1
 and detest sedition and civil wars1    
will always entertain  more favourable  
sentiments of monarchy than men of bold 
and generous  spirits1 who are          
passionate lovers of liberty1 and think 
no evil  comparable to subjection and   
slavery4 ,and though all reasonable men 
agree in general to preserve our mixed  
government1 yet1 when they come  to     
particulars1 some will incline to trust 

greater powers to the crown1  to bestow 
on it more influence1 and to guard      
against its encroachments  with less    
caution1 than others who are terrified  
at the most distant  approaches of      
tyranny and despotic power4 ,thus are   
there parties of  ,,principle involved  
in the very nature of our constitution1 
which may  properly enough he           
denominated those of ,,court and        
,,country4#a ,the  strength and violence
 of each of these parties will much     
depend upon the  particular             
administration4 ,an administration may  
be so bad1 as to throw  a great majority
 into the opposition2 as a good         
administration will  reconcile to the   
court many of the most passionate lovers
 of liberty4  ,but however the nation   
may fluctuate between them1 the parties 
themselves will always subsist1 so long 
as we are governed by a limited         
monarchy4    ,but1 besides this         
difference of ,principle1 those parties 
are very much  fomented by a difference 

of ,,interest1 without which they could 
scarcely  ever be dangerous or violent4 
,the crown will naturally bestow all    
trust  and power upon those whose       
principles1 real or pretended1 are most 
favourable to monarchical government2   
and this temptation will naturally      
engage them to go greater lengths than  
their principles would otherwise  carry 
them4 ,their antagonists1 who are       
disappointed in their ambitious  aims1  
throw themselves into the party whose   
sentiments incline them to  be most     
jealous of royal power1 and naturally   
carry those sentiments to  a greater    
height than sound politics will justify4
 ,thus ,court and  ,country1 which are  
the genuine offspring of the ,british   
government1  are a kind of mixed        
parties1 and are influenced both by     
principle and by  interest4 ,the heads  
of the factions are commonly most       
governed by the  latter motive2 the     
inferior members of them by the         
former4#b    ,as to ecclesiastical      

parties1 we may observe1 that1 in all   
ages of the  world1 priests have been   
enemies to liberty2#c and1 it is        
certain1 that  this steady conduct of   
theirs must have been founded on fixed  
reasons of  interest and ambition4      
,liberty of thinking1 and of expressing 
our  thoughts1 is always fatal to       
priestly power1 and to those pious      
frauds  on which it is commonly founded2
 and1 by an infallible connection1 which
  prevails among all kinds of liberty1  
this privilege can never be  enjoyed1 at
 least has never yet been enjoyed1 but  
in a free government4  ,hence it must   
happen1 in such a constitution as that  
of ,great ,britain1  that the           
established clergy1 while things are in 
their natural  situation1 will always be
 of the ,court party2 as1 on the        
contrary1  dissenters of all kinds will 
be of the ,country party2 since they can
  never hope for that toleration which  
they stand in need of1 but by means  of 
our free government4 ,all princes that  

have aimed at despotic power  have known
 of what importance it was to gain the  
established clergy2 as  the clergy1 on  
their part1 have shown a great facility 
in entering into  the views of such     
princes4 ,gustavus ,vasa was1 perhaps1  
the only  ambitious monarch that ever   
depressed the church1 at the same time  
that  he discouraged liberty4 ,but the  
exorbitant power of the bishops in      
,sweden1 who at that time overtopped the
 crown itself1 together with  their     
attachment to a foreign family1 was the 
reason of his embracing  such an unusual
 system of politics4    ,this           
observation1 concerning propensity of   
priests to the government of  a single  
person1 is not true with regard to one  
sect only4 ,the  ,presbyterian and      
,calvinistic clergy in ,holland1 were   
professed  friends to the family of     
,orange2 as the ,arminians1 who were    
esteemed  heretics1 were of the         
,louvestein faction1 and zealous for    
liberty4 ,but  if a prince have the     

choice of both1 it is easy to see that  
he will  prefer the ,episcopal to the   
,presbyterian form of government1 both  
because of the greater affinity between 
monarchy and episcopacy1 and  because of
 the facility which he will find1 in    
such a government1 of  ruling the clergy
 by means of their ecclesiastical       
superiors4    ,if we consider the first 
rise of parties in ,england1 during the 
great  rebellion1 we shall observe that 
it was conformable to this general      
theory1 and that the species of         
government gave birth to them by a      
regular and infallible operation4 ,the  
,english constitution1 before that      
period1 had lain in a kind of confusion1
 yet so as that the subjects  possessed 
many noble privileges1 which1 though not
 exactly bounded and  secured by law1   
were universally deemed1 from long      
possession1 to belong  to them as their 
birthright4 ,an ambitious1 or rather a  
misguided1 prince  arose1 who deemed all
 these privileges to be concessions of  

his  predecessors1 revocable at         
pleasure2 and1 in prosecution of this   
principle1 he openly acted in violation 
of liberty during the course of  several
 years4 ,necessity1 at last1 constrained
 him to call a parliament2  the spirit  
of liberty arose and spread itself2 the 
prince1 being without  any support1 was 
obliged to grant every thing required of
 him2 and his  enemies1 jealous and     
implacable1 set no bounds to their      
pretensions4  ,here1 then1 began those  
contests in which it was no wonder that 
men of  that age were divided into      
different parties2 since1 even at this  
day1  the impartial are at a loss to    
decide concerning the justice of the    
quarrel4 ,the pretensions of the        
parliament1 if yielded to1 broke the    
balance of the constitution1 by         
rendering the government almost         
entirely republican4 ,if not yielded to1
 the nation was1 perhaps1 still  in     
danger of absolute power1 from the      
settled principles and inveterate       

habits of the king1 which had plainly   
appeared in every concession that  he   
had been constrained to make to his     
people4 ,in this question1 so  delicate 
and uncertain1 men naturally fell to the
 side which was most  conformable to    
their usual principles2 and the more    
passionate favourers  of monarchy       
declared for the king1 as the zealous   
friends of liberty  sided with the      
parliament4 ,the hopes of success being 
nearly equal on  both sides1 interest   
had no general influence in this        
contest2 so that  ,,roundhead and       
,,cavalier were merely parties of       
principle1 neither of  which disowned   
either monarchy or liberty2 but the     
former party inclined  most to the      
republican part of our government1 the  
latter to the  monarchical4 ,in this    
respect1 they may be considered as court
 and  country party1 inflamed into a    
civil war1 by an unhappy concurrence of 
circumstances1 and by the turbulent     
spirit of the age4 ,the  commonwealth's 

men1 and the partisans of absolute      
power1 lay concealed  in both parties1  
and formed but an inconsiderable part of
 them4    ,the clergy had concurred with
 the king's arbitrary designs2 and1 in  
return1 were allowed to persecute their 
adversaries1 whom they called  heretics 
and schismatics4 ,the established clergy
 were ,episcopal1 the  nonconformists   
,presbyterian2 so that all things       
concurred to throw the  former1 without 
reserve1 into the king's party1 and the 
latter into  that of the parliament4#d  
,every one knows the event of this      
quarrel2 fatal to the king first1 to    
the parliament afterwards4 ,after many  
confusions and revolutions1 the  royal  
family was at last restored1 and the    
ancient government  reestablished4      
,charles ,,ii was not made wiser by the 
example of his  father1 but prosecuted  
the same measures1 though1 at first1    
with more  secrecy and caution4 ,new    
parties arose1 under the appellation of 
,whig  and ,tory1 which have continued  

ever since to confound and distract our 
government4 ,to determine the nature of 
these parties is perhaps one of  the    
most difficult problems that can be met 
with1 and is a proof that  history may  
contain questions as uncertain as any to
 be found in the  most abstract         
sciences4 ,we have seen the conduct of  
the two parties1  during the course of  
seventy years1 in a vast variety of     
circumstances1  possessed of power1 and 
deprived of it1 during peace1 and during
 war3  persons1 who profess themselves  
of one side or other1 we meet with      
every hour1 in company1 in our          
pleasures1 in our serious occupations we
  ourselves are constrained1 in a       
manner1 to take party2 and1 living in a 
country of the highest liberty1 every   
one may openly declare all the          
sentiments and opinions3 yet are we at a
 loss to tell the nature1  pretensions1 
and principles1 of the different        
factions4#e    ,when we compare the     
parties of ,,whig and ,,tory with those 

of ,,roundhead and  ,,cavalier1 the most
 obvious difference that appears between
 them consists  in the principles of    
passive obedience1 and indefeasible     
right1  which were but little heard of  
among the ,cavaliers1 but became the    
universal doctrine1 and were esteemed   
the true characteristic of a ,tory4     
,were these principles pushed into their
 most obvious consequences1 they  imply 
a formal renunciation of all our        
liberties1 and an avowal of  absolute   
monarchy2 since nothing can be greater  
absurdity than a limited  power1 which  
must not be resisted1 even when it      
exceeds its limitations4  ,but1 as the  
most rational principles are often but a
 weak counterpoise  to passion1 it is no
 wonder that these absurd principles    
were found too  weak for that effect4   
,the ,tories1 as men1 were enemies to   
oppression2  and also as ,englishmen1   
they were enemies to arbitrary power4   
,their zeal  for liberty was1 perhaps1  
less fervent than that of their         

antagonists1  but was sufficient to make
 them forget all their general          
principles1  when they saw themselves   
openly threatened with a subversion of  
the  ancient government4 ,from these    
sentiments arose the ,revolution1 an    
event of mighty consequence1 and the    
firmest foundation of ,british  liberty4
 ,the conduct of the ,tories during that
 event1 and after it1 will  afford us a 
true insight into the nature of that    
party4    ,in the first place1 they     
appear to have had the genuine          
sentiments of  ,britons in their        
affection for liberty1 and in their     
determined  resolution not to sacrifice 
it to any abstract principle whatsoever1
 or  to any imaginary rights of princes4
 ,this part of their character might    
justly have been doubted of before the  
,revolution1 from the obvious  tendency 
of their avowed principles1 and from    
their compliances with a  court1 which  
seemed to make little secret of its     
arbitrary designs4 ,the  ,revolution    

showed them to have been1 in this       
respect1 nothing but a  genuine court   
party1 such as might be expected in a   
,british  government2 that is1 lovers of
 liberty1 but greater lovers of         
monarchy4 ,it must1 however1 be         
confessed1 that they carried their      
monarchical principles further even in  
practice1 but more so in theory1  than  
was in any degree consistent with a     
limited government4    ,secondly1       
,neither their principles nor affections
 concurred1 entirely  or heartily1 with 
the settlement made at the ,revolution1 
or with that  which has since taken     
place4 ,this part of their character may
 seem  opposite to the former1 since any
 other settlement1 in those             
circumstances of the nation1 must       
probably have been dangerous1 if not    
fatal1 to liberty4 ,but the heart of man
 is made to reconcile  contradictions2  
and this contradiction is not greater   
than that between  passive obedience and
 the resistance employed at the         

,revolution4 ,a  ,,tory1 therefore1     
since the ,revolution1 may be defined1  
in a few words1  to be a lover of       
monarchy1 though without abandoning     
liberty1 and a  partisan of the family  
of ,stuart3 as a ,,whig may be defined  
to be a  lover of liberty1 though       
without renouncing monarchy1 and a      
friend to  the settlement in the        
,protestant line4#f    ,these different 
views1 with regard to the settlement of 
the crown1 were  accidental1 but        
natural1 additions1 to the principles of
 the ,court  and ,country parties1 which
 are the genuine divisions in the       
,british  ,government4 ,a passionate    
lover of monarchy is apt to be          
displeased at  any change of the        
succession1 as savouring too much of a  
commonwealth3 a  passionate lover of    
liberty is apt to think that every part 
of the  government ought to be          
subordinate to the interests of liberty4
    ,some1 who will not venture to      
assert that the real difference between 

,whig and ,tory was lost at the         
,revolution1 seem inclined to think1    
that  the difference is now abolished1  
and that affairs are so far returned to 
their natural state1 that there are at  
present no other parties among us  but  
,court and ,country2 that is1 men who1  
by interest or principle1  are attached 
either to monarchy or liberty4 ,the     
,tories have been so long  obliged to   
talk in the republican style1 that they 
seem to have made  converts of          
themselves by their hypocrisy1 and to   
have embraced the  sentiments1 as well  
as language of their adversaries4 ,there
 are1  however1 very considerable       
remains of that party in ,england1 with 
all  their old prejudices2 and a proof  
that ,court and ,country are not our    
only parties1 is that almost all the    
dissenters side with the court1 and  the
 lower clergy1 at least of the church or
 ,england1 with the  opposition4 ,this  
may convince us1 that some bias still   
hangs upon our  constitution1 some      

extrinsic weight1 which turns it from   
its natural  course1 and causes a       
confusion in our parties4#g      #a     
,these words have become of general use1
 and therefore ,i shall employ  them    
without intending to express by them an 
universal blame of the one  party1 or   
approbation of the other4 ,the ,court   
party may no doubt1 on  some occasions1 
consult best the interest of the        
country1 and the  ,country party oppose 
it4 ,in like manner1 the ,roman parties 
were  denominated ,optimates and        
,populares2 and ,cicero1 like a true    
party man1  defines the ,optimates to be
 such as1 in all their public conduct1  
regulated themselves by the sentiments  
of the best and worthiest ,romans2  pro 
,sextio4 ,the term of ,country party may
 afford a favourable  definition or     
etymology of the same kind2 but it would
 be folly to draw  any argument from    
that head1 and ,i have no regard to it  
in employing  these terms4    #b ,i must
 be understood to mean this of persons  

who have any motive for  taking party on
 any side4 ,for1 to tell the truth1 the 
greatest part are  commonly men who     
associate themselves they know not why2 
from example1  from passion1 from       
idleness4 ,but still it is requisite    
there be some  source of division1      
either in principle or interest2        
otherwise such  persons would not find  
parties to which they could associate   
themselves4    #c ,this proposition is  
true1 notwithstanding that1 in the early
 times  of the ,english government1 the 
clergy were the great and principal     
opposers of the crown2 but at that time 
their possessions were so  immensely    
great1 that they composed a considerable
 part of the  proprietors of ,england1  
and in many contests were direct rivals 
of the  crown4    #d ,the clergy had    
concurred in a shameless manner with the
 ,king's  arbitrary designs1 according  
to their usual maxims in such cases1    
and1  in return1 were allowed to        
persecute their adversaries1 whom they  

called  heretics and schismatics4 ,the  
established clergy were ,episcopal1 the 
nonconformists ,presbyterians2 so that  
all things concurred to throw the       
former1 without reserve1 into the       
,king's party1 and the latter into that 
of the ,parliament4 ,the ,cavaliers     
being the ,court party1 and the         
,roundheads the ,country party1 the     
union was infallible betwixt the  former
 and the established prelacy1 and       
betwixt the latter and  ,presbyterian   
nonconformists4 ,this union is so       
natural1 according to the  general      
principles of politics1 that it requires
 some very extraordinary  situation of  
affairs to break it4    #e ,the question
 is perhaps in itself somewhat          
difficult1 but has been  rendered more  
so by the prejudices and violence of    
party4    #f ,the celebrated writer     
above cited has asserted1 that the  real
 distinction betwixt ,whig and ,tory was
 lost at the ,revolution1  and that ever
 since they have continued to be mere   

personal parties1  like the ,guelfs and 
,ghibellines1 after the ,emperors had   
lost all  authority in ,italy4 ,such an 
opinion1 were it received1 would turn   
our  whole history into an enigma4    ,i
 shall first mention1 as a proof of a   
real distinction betwixt these  parties1
 what every one may have observed or    
heard concerning the  conduct and       
conversation of all his friends and     
acquaintance on both  sides4 ,have not  
the ,tories always borne an avowed      
affection to the  family of ,stuart1 and
 have not their adversaries always      
opposed with  vigour the succession of  
that family8    ,the ,tory principles   
are confessedly the most favourable to  
monarchy4  ,yet the ,tories have almost 
always opposed the court these fifty    
years2  nor were they cordial friends to
 ,king ,william1 even when employed by  
him4 ,their quarrel1 therefore1 cannot  
be supposed to have lain with the       
throne1 but with the person who sat on  
it4    ,they concurred heartily with the

 court during the four last years of    
,queen ,anne4 ,but is any one at a loss 
to find the reason8    ,the succession  
of the crown in the ,british government 
is a point of too  great consequence to 
be absolutely indifferent to persons who
 concern  themselves1 in any degree1    
about the fortune of the public2 much   
less  can it be supposed that the ,tory 
party1 who never valued themselves upon 
moderation1 could maintain a stoical    
indifference in a point of so  great    
importance4 ,were they1 therefore1      
zealous for the house of  ,hanover8 or  
was there any thing that kept an        
opposite zeal from openly  appearing1 if
 it did not openly appear1 but prudence1
 and a sense of  decency8    ,it is     
monstrous to see an established         
,episcopal clergy in declared           
opposition to the court1 and a          
nonconformist ,presbyterian clergy in   
conjunction with it4 ,what can produce  
such an unnatural conduct in both8      
,nothing1 but that the former have      

espoused monarchical principles too     
high for the present settlement1 which  
is founded on the principles of         
liberty1 and the latter1 being afraid of
 the prevalence of those high           
principles1 adhere to that party from   
whom they have reason to expect  liberty
 and toleration4    ,the different      
conduct of the two parties1 with regard 
to foreign  politics1 is also a proof to
 the same purpose4 ,holland has always  
been  most favoured by one1 and ,france 
by the other4 ,in short1 the proofs of  
this kind seem so palpable and evident1 
that it is almost needless to  collect  
them4    ,it is however remarkable1 that
 though the principles of ,whig and     
,tory be both of them of a compound     
nature1 yet the ingredients which       
predominated in both were not           
correspondent to each other4 ,a ,tory   
loved monarchy1 and bore an affection to
 the family of ,stuart2 but the  latter 
affection was the predominant           
inclination of the party4 ,a ,whig      

loved liberty1 and was a friend to the  
settlement in the ,protestant  line2 but
 the love of liberty was professedly his
 predominant  inclination4 ,the ,tories 
have frequently acted as republicans1   
where  either policy or revenge has     
engaged them to that conduct2 and there 
was  none of the party who1 upon the    
supposition that they were to be        
disappointed in their views with regard 
to the succession1 would not  have      
desired to impose the strictest         
limitations on the crown1 and to  bring 
our form of government as near          
republican as possible1 in order to     
depress the family1 that1 according to  
their apprehension1 succeeded  without  
any just title4 ,the ,whigs1 it is true1
 have also taken steps  dangerous to    
liberty1 under pretext of securing the  
succession and  settlement of the crown 
according to their views2 but1 as the   
body of  the party had no passion for   
that succession1 otherwise than as the  
means of securing liberty1 they have    

been betrayed into these steps by       
ignorance or frailty1 or the interest of
 their leaders4 ,the succession  of the 
crown was1 therefore1 the chief point   
with the ,tories2 the  security of our  
liberties with the ,whigs4    ,it is    
difficult to penetrate into the thoughts
 and sentiments of any  particular man2 
but it is almost impossible to          
distinguish those of a  whole party1    
where it often happens that no two      
persons agree precisely  in the same way
 of thinking4 ,yet ,i will venture to   
affirm1 that it was  not so much        
principle1 or an opinion of indefeasible
 right1 that  attached the ,tories to   
the ancient family1 as affection1 or a  
certain  love and esteem for their      
persons4 ,the same cause divided        
,england  formerly betwixt the houses of
 ,york and ,lancaster1 and ,scotland    
betwixt  the families of ,bruce and     
,baliol1 in an age when political       
disputes were  but little in fashion1   
and when political principles must of   

course have  had but little influence on
 mankind4 ,the doctrine of passive      
obedience  is so absurd in itself1 and  
so opposite to our liberties1 that it   
seems  to have been chiefly left to     
pulpit declaimers1 and to their deluded 
followers among the mob ,men of better  
sense were guided by  affection1 and as 
to the leaders of this party1 it is     
probable that  interest was their sole  
motive1 and that they acted more        
contrary to  their private sentiments   
than the leaders of the opposite party4 
,some who will not venture to assert1   
that the real difference between  ,whig 
and ,tory1 was lost at the ,revolution1 
seem inclined to think that  the        
difference is now abolished1 and that   
affairs are so far returned to  their   
natural state1 that there are at present
 no other parties amongst  us but ,court
 and ,country2 that is1 men who1 by     
interest or principle1  are attached    
either to ,monarchy or to ,liberty4 ,it 
must indeed be  confessed1 that the     

,tory party seem of late to have decayed
 much in  their numbers1 still more in  
their zeal1 and ,i may venture to say1  
still  more in their credit and         
authority4 ,there are few men of        
knowledge or  learning1 at least few    
philosophers since ,mr4 ,locke has      
wrote1 who would  not be ashamed to be  
thought of that party2 and in almost all
 companies1  the name of ,old ,whig is  
mentioned as an incontestable           
appellation of  honour and dignity4     
,accordingly1 the enemies of the        
ministry1 as a  reproach1 call the      
courtiers the true ,tories and1 as an   
honour1  denominate the gentlemen in the
 ,opposition the true ,whigs4    ,i     
shall conclude this subject with        
observing1 that we never had any        
,tories in ,scotland1 according to the  
proper signification of the word1  and  
that the division of parties in this    
country was really into ,whigs  and     
,jacobites4 ,a ,jacobite seems to be a  
,tory1 who has no regard to the         

constitution1 but is either a zealous   
partisan of absolute monarchy1 or  at   
least willing to sacrifice our liberties
 to the obtaining the  succession in    
that family to which he is attached4    
,the reason of the  difference betwixt  
,england and ,scotland ,i take to be    
this4 ,our political  and religious     
divisions in this country have been1    
since the ,revolution1  regularly       
correspondent to each other4 ,the       
,presbyterians were all ,whigs1  without
 exception2 the ,episcopalians of the   
opposite party4 ,and as the  clergy of  
the latter sect were turned out of their
 churches at the  ,revolution1 they had 
no motive to make any compliances with  
the  government in their oaths or forms 
of prayer1 but openly avowed the        
highest principles of their party2 which
 is the cause why their  followers have 
been more barefaced and violent than    
their brethren of  the ,tory party in   
,england4    #g ,some of the opinions   
delivered in these ,essays1 with regard 

to the  public transactions in the last 
century1 the ,author1 on a more accurate
  examination1 found reason to retract  
in his ,history of ,great ,britain4     
,and as he would not enslave himself to 
the systems of either party1  neither   
would he fetter his judgment by his own 
preconceived opinions  and principles2  
nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his    
mistakes4 ,these  mistakes were indeed1 
at that time almost universal in this   
kingdom4          ,,of ,,superstition   
,,and ,,enthusiasm      ,that the       
corruption of the best of things        
produces the worst1 is grown  into a    
maxim1 and is commonly proved1 among    
other instances1 by the  pernicious     
effects of superstition and enthusiasm1 
the corruptions  of true religion4      
,these two species of false religion1   
though both pernicious1 are yet of  a   
very different1 and even of a contrary  
nature4 ,the mind of man is  subject to 
certain unaccountable terrors and       
apprehensions1 proceeding  either from  

the unhappy situation of private or     
public affairs1 from ill  health1 from a
 gloomy and melancholy disposition1 or  
from the  concurrence of all these      
circumstances4 ,in such a state of mind1
  infinite unknown evils are dreaded    
from unknown agents2 and where real     
objects of terror are wanting1 the soul1
 active to its own prejudice1  and      
fostering its predominant inclination1  
finds imaginary ones1 to  whose power   
and malevolence it sets no limits4 ,as  
these enemies are  entirely invisible   
and unknown1 the methods taken to       
appease them are  equally unaccountable1
 and consist in ceremonies1 observances1
  mortifications1 sacrifices1 presents1 
or in any practice1 however absurd  or  
frivolous1 which either folly or knavery
 recommends to a blind and  terrified   
credulity4 ,weakness1 fear1 melancholy1 
together with  ignorance1 are1          
therefore1 the true sources of          
,superstition4    ,but the mind of man  
is also subject to an unaccountable     

elevation and  presumption1 arising from
 prosperous success1 from luxuriant     
health1  from strong spirits1 or from a 
bold and confident disposition4 ,in such
 a  state of mind1 the imagination      
swells with great1 but confused         
conceptions1 to which no sublunary      
beauties or enjoyments can  correspond4 
,every thing mortal and perishable      
vanishes as unworthy of  attention2 and 
a full range is given to the fancy in   
the invisible  regions1 or world of     
,spirits1 where the soul is at liberty  
to indulge  itself in every imagination1
 which may best suit its present taste  
and  disposition4 ,hence arise raptures1
 transports1 and surprising flights of  
fancy2 and1 confidence and presumption  
still increasing1 these raptures1  being
 altogether unaccountable1 and seeming  
quite beyond the reach of  our ordinary 
faculties1 are attributed to the        
immediate inspiration of  that ,divine  
,being who is the object of devotion4   
,in a little time1 the  inspired person 

comes to regard himself as a            
distinguished favourite of  the         
,divinity2 and when this phrensy once   
takes place1 which is the  summit of    
enthusiasm1 every whimsey is            
consecrated3 human reason1 and  even    
morality1 are rejected as fallacious    
guides1 and the fanatic madman  delivers
 himself over1 blindly and without      
reserve1 to the supposed  illapses of   
the ,spirit1 and to inspiration from    
above4 ,hope1 pride1  presumption1 a    
warm imagination1 together with         
ignorance1 are therefore  the true      
sources of ,enthusiasm4    ,these two   
species of false religion might afford  
occasion to many  speculations1 but ,i  
shall confine myself1 at present1 to a  
few  reflections concerning their       
different influence on government and   
society4    ,my first reflection is1    
that superstition is favourable to      
priestly  power1 and enthusiasm not     
less1 or rather more contrary to it1    
than  sound reason and philosophy4 ,as  

superstition is founded on fear1        
sorrow1 and a depression of spirits1 it 
represents the man to himself in  such  
despicable colours1 that he appears     
unworthy1 in his own eyes1 of           
approaching the ,divine presence1 and   
naturally has recourse to any other     
person1 whose sanctity of life1 or      
perhaps impudence and cunning1 have     
made him be supposed more favoured by   
the ,divinity4 ,to him the              
superstitious intrust their devotions to
 his care they recommend their  prayers1
 petitions1 and sacrifices3 and by his  
means1 they hope to  render their       
addresses acceptable to their incensed  
,deity4 ,hence the  origin of ,priests1 
who may justly be regarded as an        
invention of a  timorous and abject     
superstition1 which1 ever diffident of  
itself1 dares  not offer up its own     
devotions1 but ignorantly thinks to     
recommend  itself to the ,divinity1 by  
the mediation of his supposed friends   
and  servants4 ,as superstition is a    

considerable ingredient in almost all   
religions1 even the most fanatical2     
there being nothing but philosophy  able
 entirely to conquer these unaccountable
 terrors2 hence it proceeds1  that in   
almost every sect of religion there are 
priests to be found3 but  the stronger  
mixture there is of superstition1 the   
higher is the  authority of the         
priesthood4    ,on the other hand1 it   
may be observed1 that all enthusiasts   
have been  free from the yoke of        
ecclesiastics1 and have expressed great 
independence in their devotion1 with a  
contempt of forms1 ceremonies1  and     
traditions4 ,the ,quakers are the most  
egregious1 though1 at the  same time1   
the most innocent enthusiasts that have 
yet been known2 and  are perhaps the    
only sect that have never admitted      
priests among them4  ,the ,independents1
 of all the ,english sectaries1 approach
 nearest to  the ,quakers in fanaticism1
 and in their freedom from priestly     
bondage4  ,the ,presbyterians follow    

after1 at an equal distance1 in both    
particulars4 ,in short1 this observation
 is founded in experience2 and  will    
also appear to be founded in reason1 if 
we consider1 that1 as  enthusiasm arises
 from a presumptuous pride and          
confidence1 it thinks  itself           
sufficiently qualified to approach the  
,divinity1 without any  human mediator4 
,its rapturous devotions are so fervent1
 that it even  imagines itself actually 
to approach him by the way of           
contemplation  and inward converse2     
which makes it neglect all those outward
 ceremonies  and observances1 to which  
the assistance of the priests appears so
  requisite in the eyes of their        
superstitious votaries4 ,the fanatic    
consecrates himself1 and bestows on his 
own person a sacred character1  much    
superior to what forms and ceremonious  
institutions can confer on  any other4  
,my second reflection with regard to    
these species of false religion  is1    
that religions which partake of         

enthusiasm1 are1 on their first  rise1  
more furious and violent than those     
which partake of superstition2  but in a
 little time become more gentle and     
moderate4 ,the violence of  this species
 of religion1 when excited by novelty1  
and animated by  opposition1 appears    
from numberless instances2 of the       
,anabaptists in  ,germany1 the ,camisars
 in ,france1 the ,levellers1 and other  
fanatics  in ,england1 and the          
,covenanters in ,scotland4 ,enthusiasm  
being founded  on strong spirits1 and a 
presumptuous boldness of character1 it  
naturally begets the most extreme       
resolutions2 especially after it rises  
to that height as to inspire the deluded
 fanatic with the opinion of  ,divine   
illuminations1 and with a contempt for  
the common rules of  reason1 morality1  
and prudence4    ,it is thus enthusiasm 
produces the most cruel disorders in    
human  society2 but its fury is like    
that of thunder and tempest1 which      
exhaust  themselves in a little time1   

and leave the air more calm and serene  
than  before4 ,when the first fire of   
enthusiasm is spent1 men naturally1 in  
all fanatical sects1 sink into the      
greatest remissness and coolness in     
sacred matters2 there being no body of  
men among them endowed with  sufficient 
authority1 whose interest is concerned  
to support the  religious spirit2 no    
rites1 no ceremonies1 no holy           
observances1 which  may enter into the  
common train of life1 and preserve the  
sacred  principles from oblivion4       
,superstition1 on the contrary1 steals  
in  gradually and insensibly2 renders   
men tame and submissive2 is acceptable  
to the magistrate1 and seems inoffensive
 to the people3 till at last the        
priest1 having firmly established his   
authority1 becomes the tyrant and       
disturber of human society1 by his      
endless contentions1 persecutions1  and 
religious wars4 ,how smoothly did the   
,romish church advance in her           
acquisition of power6 ,but into what    

dismal convulsions did she throw all    
,europe1 in order to maintain it6 ,on   
the other hand1 our sectaries1 who  were
 formerly such dangerous bigots1 are now
 become very free reasoners2  and the   
,quakers seem to approach nearly the    
only regular body of  ,deists in the    
universe1 the literati or the disciples 
of ,confucius  in ,china4#a    ,my third
 observation on this head is1 that      
superstition is an enemy  to civil      
liberty1 and enthusiasm a friend to it4 
,as superstition groans  under the      
dominion of priests1 and enthusiasm is  
destructive of all  ecclesiastical      
power1 this sufficiently accounts for   
the present  observation4 ,not to       
mention that enthusiasm1 being the      
infirmity of bold  and ambitious        
tempers1 is naturally accompanied with a
 spirit of  liberty1 as superstition1 on
 the contrary1 renders men tame and     
abject1  and fits them for slavery4 ,we 
learn from ,english history1 that1      
during  the civil wars1 the             

,independents and ,deists1 though the   
most  opposite in their religious       
principles1 yet were united in their    
political ones1 and were alike          
passionate for a commonwealth4 ,and     
since  the origin of ,whig and ,tory1   
the leaders of the ,whigs have either   
been ,deists or professed               
,latitudinarians in their principles2   
that  is1 friends to toleration1 and    
indifferent to any particular sect of   
,christians3 while the sectaries1 who   
have all a strong tincture of           
enthusiasm1 have always1 without        
exception1 concurred with that party in 
defence of civil liberty4 ,the          
resemblance in their superstitions long 
united the ,high-,church ,tories and the
 ,roman ,catholics1 in support of       
prerogative and kingly power1 though    
experience of the tolerating spirit  of 
the ,whigs seems of late to have        
reconciled the ,catholics to that       
party4    ,the ,molinists and           
,jansenists in ,france have a thousand  

unintelligible disputes1 which are not  
worthy the reflection of a man of       
sense3 but what principally             
distinguishes these two sects1 and alone
  merits attention1 is the different    
spirit of their religion4 ,the          
,molinists1 conducted by the ,jesuits1  
are great friends to  superstition1     
rigid observers of external forms and   
ceremonies1 and  devoted to the         
authority of the priests1 and to        
tradition4 ,the  ,jansenists are        
enthusiasts1 and zealous promoters of   
the passionate  devotion1 and of the    
inward life1 little influenced by       
authority1 and1  in a word1 but half    
,catholics4 ,the consequences are       
exactly conformable  to the foregoing   
reasoning4 ,the ,jesuits are the tyrants
 of the people1  and the slaves of the  
court2 and the ,jansenists preserve     
alive the  small sparks of the love of  
liberty which are to be found in the    
,french  nation4      #a ,the ,chinese  
literati have no priests or             

ecclesiastical  establishment4          
,,of ,,the ,,dignity ,,or ,,meanness    
,,of ,,human ,,nature      ,there are   
certain sects which secretly form       
themselves in the learned  world1 as    
well as factions in the political2 and  
though sometimes they  come not to an   
open rupture1 they give a different turn
 to the ways of  thinking of those who  
have taken part on either side4 ,the    
most  remarkable of this kind are the   
sects founded on the different          
sentiments with regard to the dignity of
 human nature2 which is a  point that   
seems to have divided philosophers and  
poets1 as well as  divines1 from the    
beginning of the world to this day4     
,some exalt our  species to the skies1  
and represent man as a kind of human    
demigod1 who  derives his origin from   
heaven1 and retains evident marks of his
 lineage  and descent4 ,others insist   
upon the blind sides of human nature1   
and can  discover nothing1 except       
vanity1 in which man surpasses the other

  animals1 whom he affects so much to   
despise4 ,if an author possess the      
talent of rhetoric and declamation1 he  
commonly takes part with the  former3 if
 his turn lie towards irony and         
ridicule1 he naturally throws  himself  
into the other extreme4    ,i am far    
from thinking that all those who have   
depreciated our species  have been      
enemies to virtue1 and have exposed the 
frailties of their  fellow-creatures    
with any bad intention4 ,on the         
contrary1 ,i am sensible  that a        
delicate sense of morals1 especially    
when attended with a  splenetic temper1 
is apt to give a man a disgust of the   
world1 and to  make him consider the    
common course of human affairs with too 
much  indignation4 ,i must1 however1 be 
of opinion1 that the sentiments of      
those who are inclined to think         
favourably of mankind1 are more         
advantageous to virtue than the contrary
 principles1 which give us a  mean      
opinion of our nature4 ,when a man is   

prepossessed with a high  notion of his 
rank and character in the creation1 he  
will naturally  endeavour to act up to  
it1 and will scorn to do a base or      
vicious action  which might sink him    
below that figure which he makes in his 
own  imagination4 ,accordingly1 we find1
 that all our polite and fashionable    
moralists insist upon this topic1 and   
endeavour to represent vice  unworthy of
 man1 as well as odious in itself4#a    
,we find new disputes that are not      
founded on some ambiguity in the        
expression2 and ,i am persuaded that the
 present dispute1 concerning the        
dignity or meanness of human nature1 is 
not more exempt from it than any  other4
 ,it may therefore be worth while to    
consider what is real1 and  what is only
 verbal1 in this controversy4    ,that  
there is a natural difference between   
merit and demerit1 virtue and  vice1    
wisdom and folly1 no reasonable man will
 deny1 yet it is evident  that1 in      
affixing the term1 which denotes either 

our approbation or  blame1 we are       
commonly more influenced by comparison  
than by any fixed  unalterable standard 
in the nature of things4 ,in like       
manner1 quantity1  and extension1 and   
bulk1 are by every one acknowledged to  
be real  things3 but when we call any   
animal great or little1 we always form  
a secret comparison between that animal 
and others of the same species2  and it 
is that comparison which regulates our  
judgment concerning its  greatness4 ,a  
dog and a horse may be of the very same 
size1 while the one  is admired for the 
greatness of its bulk1 and the other for
 the  smallness4 ,when ,i am present1   
therefore1 at any dispute1 ,i always    
consider with myself whether it be a    
question of comparison or not that  is  
the subject of controversy2 and if it   
be1 whether the disputants  compare the 
same objects together1 or talk of things
 that are widely  different4    ,in     
forming our notions of human nature1 we 
are apt to make a comparison  between   

men and animals1 the only creatures     
endowed with thought that  fall under   
our senses4 ,certainly this comparison  
is favourable to  mankind4 ,on the one  
hand1 we see a creature whose thoughts  
are not  limited by any narrow bounds1  
either of place or time2 who carries his
  researches into the most distant      
regions of this globe1 and beyond this  
globe1 to the planets and heavenly      
bodies2 looks backward to consider  the 
first origin1 at least the history of   
the human race2 casts his eye  forward  
to see the influence of his actions upon
 posterity and the  judgments which will
 be formed of his character a thousand  
years hence2  a creature1 who traces    
causes and effects to a great length and
  intricacy1 extracts general principles
 from particular appearances2  improves 
upon his discoveries2 corrects his      
mistakes2 and makes his very  errors    
profitable4 ,on the other hand1 we are  
presented with a creature  the very     
reverse of this2 limited in its         

observations and reasonings to  a few   
sensible objects which surround it2     
without curiosity1 without  foresight2  
blindly conducted by instinct1 and      
attaining1 in a short  time1 its utmost 
perfection1 beyond which it is never    
able to advance a  single step4 ,what a 
wide difference is there between these  
creatures6  ,and how exalted a notion   
must we entertain of the former1 in     
comparison  of the latter4    ,there are
 two means commonly employed to destroy 
this conclusion3  ,first1 ,by making an 
unfair representation of the case1 and  
insisting  only upon the weakness of    
human nature4 ,and1 secondly1 ,by       
forming a  new and secret comparison    
between man and beings of the most      
perfect  wisdom4 ,among the other       
excellences of man1 this is one1 that he
 can  form an idea of perfections much  
beyond what he has experience of in     
himself2 and is not limited in his      
conception of wisdom and virtue4 ,he    
can easily exalt his notions1 and       

conceive a degree of knowledge1 which1  
when compared to his own1 will make the 
latter appear very contemptible1  and   
will cause the difference between that  
and the sagacity of animals1  in a      
manner1 to disappear and vanish4 ,now   
this being a point in which  all the    
world is agreed1 that human             
understanding falls infinitely short  of
 perfect wisdom1 it is proper we should 
know when this comparison  takes place1 
that we may not dispute where there is  
no real difference  in our sentiments4  
,man falls much more short of perfect   
wisdom1 and even  of his own ideas of   
perfect wisdom1 than animals do of man2 
yet the  latter difference is so        
considerable1 that nothing but a        
comparison with  the former can make it 
appear of little moment4    ,it is also 
usual to compare one man with another2  
and finding very few  whom we can call  
wise or virtuous1 we are apt to         
entertain a  contemptible notion of our 
species in general4 ,that we may be     

sensible  of the fallacy of this way of 
reasoning1 we may observe1 that the     
honourable appellations of wise and     
virtuous are not annexed to any         
particular degree of those qualities of 
wisdom and virtue1 but arise  altogether
 from the comparison we make between one
 man and another4 ,when  we find a man  
who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom1  
as is very  uncommon1 we pronounce him a
 wise man3 so that to say there are few 
wise  men in the world1 is really to say
 nothing2 since it is only by their     
scarcity that they merit that           
appellation4 ,were the lowest of our    
species as wise as ,tully or ,lord      
,bacon1 we should still have reason to  
say that there are few wise men4 ,for in
 that case we should exalt our  notions 
of wisdom1 and should not pay a singular
 homage to any one who  was not         
singularly distinguished by his talents4
 ,in like manner1 ,i have  heard it     
observed by thoughtless people1 that    
there are few women  possessed of beauty

 in comparison of those who want it2 not
 considering  that we bestow the epithet
 of beautiful only on such as possess a 
degree of beauty that is common to them 
with a few4 ,the same degree of  beauty 
in a woman is called deformity1 which is
 treated as real beauty  in one of our  
sex4    ,as it is usual1 in forming a   
notion of our species1 to compare it    
with  the other species above or below  
it1 or to compare the individuals of    
the species among themselves2 so we     
often compare together the different    
motives or actuating principles of human
 nature1 in order to regulate  our      
judgment concerning it4 ,and1 indeed1   
this is the only kind of  comparison    
which is worth our attention1 or decides
 any thing in the  present question4    
,were our selfish and vicious principles
 so much  predominant above our social  
and virtuous1 as is asserted by some    
philosophers1 we ought undoubtedly to   
entertain a contemptible notion of      
human nature4#b    ,there is much of a  

dispute of words in all this            
controversy4 ,when a man  denies the    
sincerity of all public spirit or       
affection to a country and  community1  
,i am at a loss what to think of him4   
,perhaps he never felt  this passion in 
so clear and distinct a manner as to    
remove all his  doubts concerning its   
force and reality4 ,but when he proceeds
 afterwards  to reject all private      
friendship1 if no interest or self-love 
intermix  itself2 ,i am then confident  
that he abuses terms1 and confounds the 
ideas of things2 since it is impossible 
for any one to be so selfish1 or  rather
 so stupid1 as to make no difference    
between one man and another1  and give  
no preference to qualities which engage 
his approbation and  esteem4 ,is he     
also1 say ,i1 as insensible to anger as 
he pretends to be  to friendship8 ,and  
does injury and wrong no more affect him
 than  kindness or benefits8            
,impossible3 he does not know himself3  
he has  forgotten the movements of his  

heart2 or rather1 he makes use of a     
different language from the rest of his 
countrymen and calls not things  by     
their proper names4 ,what say you of    
natural affection8 7,i subjoin71  ,is   
that also a species of self-love8 ,yes2 
all is self-love4 ,your  children are   
loved only because they are yours3 your 
friend for a like  reason2 and your     
country engages you only so far as it   
has a  connection with yourself4 ,were  
the idea of self removed1 nothing  would
 affect you3 you would be altogether    
unactive and insensible3 or1  if you    
ever give yourself any movement1 it     
would only be from vanity1  and a desire
 of fame and reputation to this same    
self4 ,i am willing1  reply ,i1 to      
receive your interpretation of human    
actions1 provided you  admit the facts4 
,that species of self-love which        
displays itself in  kindness to others1 
you must allow to have great influence  
over human  actions1 and even greater1  
on many occasions1 than that which      

remains in  its original shape and form4
 ,for how few are there1 having a       
family1  children1 and relations1 who do
 not spend more on the maintenance and  
education of these than on their own    
pleasures8 ,this1 indeed1 you justly    
observe1 may proceed from their         
self-love1 since the prosperity of their
  family and friends is one1 or the     
chief of their pleasures1 as well as    
their chief honour4 ,be you also one of 
these selfish men1 and you are  sure of 
every one's good opinion and good-will2 
or1 not to shock your  ears with their  
expressions1 the self-love of every one1
 and mine among  the rest1 will then    
incline us to serve you1 and speak well 
of you4    ,in my opinion1 there are two
 things which have led astray those     
philosophers that have insisted so much 
on the selfishness of man4 ,in  the     
first place1 they found that every act  
of virtue or friendship was  attended   
with a secret pleasure2 whence they     
concluded1 that friendship  and virtue  

could not be disinterested4 ,but the    
fallacy of this is  obvious4 ,the       
virtuous sentiment or passion produces  
the pleasure1 and  does not arise from  
it4 ,i feel a pleasure in doing good to 
my friend1  because ,i love him2 but do 
not love him for the sake of that       
pleasure4    ,in the second place1 it   
has always been found1 that the virtuous
 are  far from being indifferent to     
praise2 and therefore they have been    
represented as a set of vainglorious    
men1 who had nothing in view but  the   
applauses of others4 ,but this also is a
 fallacy4 ,it is very unjust  in the    
world1 when they find any tincture of   
vanity in a laudable  action1 to        
depreciate it upon that account1 or     
ascribe it entirely to  that motive4    
,the case is not the same with vanity1  
as with other  passions4 ,where avarice 
or revenge enters into any seemingly    
virtuous  action1 it is difficult for us
 to determine how far it enters1 and it 
is  natural to suppose it the sole      

actuating principle4 ,but vanity is so  
closely allied to virtue1 and to love   
the fame of laudable actions  approaches
 so near the love of laudable actions   
for their own sake1 that  these passions
 are more capable of mixture1 than any  
other kinds of  affection2 and it is    
almost impossible to have the latter    
without some  degree of the former4     
,accordingly we find1 that this passion 
for glory  is always warped and varied  
according to the particular taste or    
disposition of the mind on which it     
falls4 ,nero had the same vanity in     
driving a chariot1 that ,trajan had in  
governing the empire with justice  and  
ability4 ,to love the glory of virtuous 
deeds is a sure proof of the  love of   
virtue4      #a ,women are generally    
much more flattered in their youth than 
men1  which may proceed from this reason
 among others1 that their chief point   
of honour is considered as much more    
difficult than ours1 and requires  to be
 supported by all that decent pride     

which can be instilled into  them4    #b
 ,i may perhaps treat more fully of this
 subject in some future ,essay4  ,in the
 meantime ,i shall observe1 what has    
been proved beyond question by  several 
great moralists of the present age1 that
 the social passions are  by far the    
most powerful of any1 and that even all 
the other passions1  receive from them  
their chief force and influence4        
,whoever desires to  see this question  
treated at large1 with the greatest     
force of argument  and eloquence1 may   
consult my ,lord ,shaftesbury's ,enquiry
 concerning  ,virtue4          ,,of     
,,civil ,,liberty      ,those who employ
 their pens on political subjects1 free 
from party rage1  and party prejudices1 
cultivate a science1 which1 of all      
others1  contributes most to public     
utility1 and even to the private        
satisfaction  of those who addict       
themselves to the study of it4 ,i am    
apt1 however1 to  entertain a suspicion1
 that the world is still too young to   

fix many  general truths in politics1   
which will remain true to the latest    
posterity4 ,we have not as yet had      
experience of three thousand years2 so  
that not only the art of reasoning is   
still imperfect in this science1  as in 
all others1 but we even want sufficient 
materials upon which we  can reason4 ,it
 is not fully known what degree of      
refinement1 either in  virtue or vice1  
human nature is susceptible of1 nor what
 may be expected  of mankind from any   
great revolution in their education1    
customs1 or  principles4 ,machiavel was 
certainly a great genius2 but1 having   
confined  his study to the furious and  
tyrannical governments of ancient times1
 or  to the little disorderly           
principalities of ,italy1 his           
reasonings1  especially upon monarchical
 government1 have been found extremely  
defective2 and there scarcely is any    
maxim in his ,prince which  subsequent  
experience has not entirely refuted4 ',a
 weak prince1' says  he1 'is incapable  

of receiving good counsel2 for1 if he   
consult with  several1 he will not be   
able to choose among their different    
counsels4  ,if he abandon himself to    
one1 that minister may perhaps have     
capacity1  but he will not long be a    
minister4 ,he will be sure to dispossess
 his  master1 and place himself and his 
family upon the throne4' ,i mention     
this1 among many instances of the errors
 of that politician1 proceeding1  in a  
great measure1 from his having lived in 
too early an age of the  world1 to be a 
good judge of political truth4 ,almost  
all the princes of  ,europe are at      
present governed by their ministers1 and
 have been so for  near two centuries1  
and yet no such event has ever happened1
 or can  possibly happen4 ,sejanus might
 project dethroning the ,csars1 but     
,fleury1 though ever so vicious1 could  
not1 while in his senses1  entertain the
 least hopes of dispossessing the       
,bourbons4    ,trade was never esteemed 
an affair of state till the last        

century2 and  there scarcely is any     
ancient writer on politics who has made 
mention of  it4 ,even the ,italians have
 kept a profound silence with regard to 
it1  though it has now engaged the chief
 attention1 as well of ministers of     
state1 as of speculative reasoners4 ,the
 great opulence1 grandeur1 and  military
 achievements of the two maritime       
powers1 seem first to have  instructed  
mankind in the importance of an         
extensive commerce4    ,having therefore
 intended1 in this ,essay1 to make a    
full comparison of  civil liberty and   
absolute government1 and to show the    
great advantages  of the former above   
the latter2 ,i began to entertain a     
suspicion that no  man in this age was  
sufficiently qualified for such an      
undertaking1 and  that1 whatever any one
 should advance on that head1 would in  
all  probability be refuted by further  
experience1 and be rejected by          
posterity4 ,such mighty revolutions have
 happened in human affairs1 and  so many

 events have arisen contrary to the     
expectation of the ancients1  that they 
are sufficient to beget the suspicion of
 still further  changes4    ,it had been
 observed by the ancients1 that all the 
arts and sciences  arose among free     
nations2 and that the ,persians and     
,egyptians1  notwithstanding their ease1
 opulence1 and luxury1 made but faint   
efforts  towards a relish in those finer
 pleasures1 which were carried to such  
perfection by the ,greeks1 amidst       
continual wars1 attended with poverty1  
and the greatest simplicity of life and 
manners4 ,it had also been  observed1   
that1 when the ,greeks lost their       
liberty1 though they  increased mightily
 in riches by means of the conquests of 
,alexander1 yet  the arts1 from that    
moment1 declined among them1 and have   
never since  been able to raise their   
head in that climate4 ,learning was     
transplanted  to ,rome1 the only free   
nation at that time in the universe2 and
 having  met with so favourable a soil1 

it made prodigious shoots for above a   
century2 till the decay of liberty      
produced also the decay of letters1  and
 spread a total barbarism over the      
world4 ,from these two  experiments1 of 
which1 each was double in its kind1 and 
showed the fall  of learning in absolute
 governments1 as well as its rise in    
popular  ones1 ,longinus thought himself
 sufficiently justified in asserting    
that  the arts and sciences could never 
flourish but in a free government4 ,and 
in this opinion he has been followed by 
several eminent writers#a in  our own   
country1 who either confined their view 
merely to ancient facts1  or entertained
 too great a partiality in favour of    
that form of  government established    
among us4    ,but what would these      
writers have said to the instances of   
modern ,rome  and ,florence8 ,of which  
the former carried to perfection all the
 finer  arts of sculpture1 painting1 and
 music1 as well as poetry1 though it    
groaned under tyranny1 and under the    

tyranny of priests1 while the  latter   
made its chief progress in the arts and 
sciences after it began  to lose its    
liberty by the usurpation of the family 
of ,medici4 ,ariosto1  ,tasso1 ,galileo1
 no more than ,raphael or ,michael      
,angelo1 were born in  republics4 ,and  
though the ,lombard school was famous as
 well as the  ,roman1 yet the ,venetians
 have had the smallest share in its     
honours1 and  seem rather inferior to   
the other ,italians in their genius for 
the arts  and sciences4 ,rubens         
established his school at ,antwerp1 not 
at  ,amsterdam4 ,dresden1 not ,hamburg1 
is the centre of politeness in ,germany4
    ,but the most eminent instance of   
the flourishing of learning in absolute 
governments is that of ,france1 which   
scarcely ever enjoyed any  established  
liberty1 and yet has carried the arts   
and sciences as near  perfection as any 
other nation4 ,the ,english are1        
perhaps1 greater  philosophers2 the     
,italians better painters and musicians2

 the ,romans  were greater orators2 but 
the ,french are the only people1 except 
the  ,greeks1 who have been at once     
philosophers1 poets1 orators1           
historians1  painters1 architects1      
sculptors1 and musicians4 ,with regard  
to the  stage1 they have excelled even  
the ,greeks1 who far excelled the       
,english4  ,and1 in common life1 they   
have1 in a great measure1 perfected that
 art1  the most useful and agreeable of 
any1 l',art de ,vivre1 the art of       
society and conversation4    ,if we     
consider the state of the sciences and  
polite arts in our own  country1        
,horace's observation1 with regard to   
the ,romans1 may in a great  measure be 
applied to the ,british4                
,sed in longum tamen vum                
,manserunt1 hodieque manent vestigia    
ruris4    ,the elegance and propriety of
 style have been very much neglected    
among  us4 ,we have no dictionary of our
 language1 and scarcely a tolerable     
grammar4 ,the first polite prose we have

 was writ by a man who is still         
alive4#b ,as to ,sprat1 ,locke1 and even
 ,temple1 they knew too little of  the  
rules of art to be esteemed elegant     
writers4 ,the prose of ,bacon1          
,harrington1 and ,milton1 is altogether 
stiff and pedantic1 though their  sense 
be excellent4 ,men1 in this country1    
have been so much occupied in  the great
 disputes of ,religion1 ,politics1 and  
,philosophy1 that  they had no relish   
for the seemingly minute observations of
 grammar and  criticism4 ,and1 though   
this turn of thinking must have         
considerably  improved our sense and our
 talent of reasoning1 it must be        
confessed1  that even in those sciences 
above mentioned1 we have not any        
standard  book which we can transmit to 
posterity3 and the utmost we have to    
boast  of1 are a few essays towards a   
more just philosophy1 which indeed      
promise well1 but have not as yet       
reached any degree of perfection4    ,it
 has become an established opinion1 that

 commerce can never flourish  but in a  
free government2 and this opinion seems 
to be founded on a  longer and larger   
experience than the foregoing1 with     
regard to the arts  and sciences4 ,if we
 trace commerce in its progress through 
,tyre1 ,athens1  ,syracuse1 ,carthage1  
,venice1 ,florence1 ,genoa1 ,antwerp1   
,holland1 ,england1  c1 we shall always 
find it to have fixed its seat in free  
governments4  ,the three greatest       
trading towns now in ,europe1 are       
,london1 ,amsterdam1  and ,hamburg2 all 
free cities1 and ,protestant cities2    
that is1 enjoying a  double liberty4 ,it
 must1 however1 be observed1 that the   
great jealousy  entertained of late with
 regard to the commerce of ,france1     
seems to  prove that this maxim is no   
more certain and infallible than the    
foregoing1 and that the subjects of an  
absolute prince may become our  rivals  
in commerce as well as in learning4     
,durst ,i deliver my opinion in an      
affair of so much uncertainty1 ,i would 

assert1 that notwithstanding the efforts
 of the ,french1 there is  something    
hurtful to commerce inherent in the very
 nature of absolute  government1 and    
inseparable from it2 though the reason  
,i should assign  for this opinion is   
somewhat different from that which is   
commonly  insisted on4 ,private property
 seems to me almost as secure in a      
civilized ,european monarchy as in a    
republic1 nor is danger much            
apprehended1 in such a government1 from 
the violence of the sovereign1  more    
than we commonly dread harm from        
thunder1 or earthquakes1 or any         
accident the most unusual and           
extraordinary4 ,avarice1 the spur of    
industry1 is so obstinate a passion1 and
 works its way through so many  real    
dangers and difficulties1 that it is not
 likely to be scared by an  imaginary   
danger1 which is so small1 that it      
scarcely admits of  calculation4        
,commerce1 therefore1 in my opinion1 is 
apt to decay in  absolute governments1  

not because it is there less secure1 but
 because  it is less honourable4 ,a     
subordination of rank is absolutely     
necessary  to the support of monarchy4  
,birth1 titles1 and place1 must be      
honoured  above industry and riches2 and
 while these notions prevail1 all the   
considerable traders will be tempted to 
throw up their commerce1 in  order to   
purchase some of those employments1 to  
which privileges and  honours are       
annexed4    ,since ,i am upon this head1
 of the alterations which time has      
produced1  or may produce in politics1  
,i must observe1 that all kinds of      
government1 free and absolute1 seem to  
have undergone in modern times1 a  great
 change for the better1 with regard both
 to foreign and domestic  management4   
,the balance of power is a secret in    
politics1 fully known  only to the      
present age2 and ,i must add1 that the  
internal police of  states has also     
received great improvements within the  
last century4 ,we  are informed by      

,sallust1 that ,catiline's army was much
 augmented by the  accession of the     
highwaymen about ,rome2 though ,i       
believe1 that all of  that profession   
who are at present dispersed over       
,europe would not  amount to a regiment4
 ,in ,cicero's pleadings for ,milo1 ,i  
find this  argument1 among others1 made 
use of to prove that his client had not 
assassinated ,clodius4 ,had ,milo1 said 
he1 intended to have killed  ,clodius1  
he had not attacked him in the daytime1 
and at such a distance  from the city2  
he had waylaid him at night1 near the   
suburbs1 where it  might have been      
pretended that he was killed by robbers2
 and the  frequency of the accident     
would have favoured the deceit4 ,this is
 a  surprising proof of the loose policy
 of ,rome1 and of the number and  force 
of these robbers1 since ,clodius was at 
that time attended by  thirty slaves1   
who were completely armed1 and          
sufficiently accustomed to  blood and   
danger in the frequent tumults excited  

by that seditious  tribune4    ,but     
though all kinds of government be       
improved in modern times1 yet           
monarchical government seems to have    
made the greatest advances towards      
perfection4 ,it may now be affirmed of  
civilized monarchies1 what was  formerly
 said in praise of republics alone1 that
 they are a government  of ,laws1 not of
 ,men4 ,they are found susceptible of   
order1 method1 and  constancy1 to a     
surprising degree4 ,property is there   
secure1 industry  encouraged1 the arts  
flourish1 and the prince lives secure   
among his  subjects1 like a father among
 his children4 ,there are1 perhaps1 and 
have  been for two centuries1 near two  
hundred absolute princes1 great and     
small1 in ,europe2 and allowing twenty  
years to each reign1 we may  suppose1   
that there have been in the whole two   
thousand monarchs1 or  tyrants1 as the  
,greeks would have called them2 yet of  
these there has  not been one1 not even 
,philip ,,ii of ,spain1 so bad as       

,tiberius1 ,caligula1  ,nero1 or        
,domitian1 who were four in twelve among
 the ,roman emperors4 ,it  must1        
however1 be confessed1 that though      
monarchical governments have  approached
 nearer to popular ones in gentleness   
and stability1 they are  still inferior4
 ,our modern education and customs      
instil more humanity  and moderation    
than the ancient2 but have not as yet   
been able to  overcome entirely the     
disadvantages of that form of           
government4    ,but here ,i must beg    
leave to advance a conjecture1 which    
seems probable1  but which posterity    
alone can fully judge of4 ,i am apt to  
think1 that in  monarchical governments 
there is a source of improvement1 and in
 popular  governments a source of       
degeneracy1 which in time will bring    
these  species of civil polity still    
nearer an equality4 ,the greatest abuses
  which arise in ,france1 the most      
perfect model of pure monarchy1 proceed 
not from the number or weight of the    

taxes1 beyond what are to be met  with  
in free countries2 but from the         
expensive1 unequal1 arbitrary1 and      
intricate method of levying them1 by    
which the industry of the poor1         
especially of the peasants and farmers1 
is in a great measure  discouraged1 and 
agriculture rendered a beggarly and     
slavish employment4  ,but to whose      
advantage do these abuses tend8 ,if to  
that of the nobility1  they might be    
esteemed inherent in that form of       
government1 since the  nobility are the 
true supports of monarchy2 and it is    
natural their  interest should be more  
consulted in such a constitution1 than  
that of  the people4 ,but the nobility  
are1 in reality1 the chief losers by    
this  oppression1 since it ruins their  
estates1 and beggars their tenants4 ,the
  only gainers by it are the            
,financiers1 a race of men rather odious
 to  the nobility and the whole kingdom4
 ,if a prince or minister1 therefore1   
should arise1 endowed with sufficient   

discernment to know his own and  the    
public interest1 and with sufficient    
force of mind to break through  ancient 
customs1 we might expect to see these   
abuses remedied2 in which  case1 the    
difference between that absolute        
government and our free one  would not  
appear so considerable as at present4   
,the source of degeneracy which may be  
remarked in free governments1  consists 
in the practice of contracting debt1 and
 mortgaging the public  revenues1 by    
which taxes may1 in time1 become        
altogether intolerable1  and all the    
property of the state be brought into   
the hands of the  public ,the practice  
is of modern date4 ,the ,athenians1     
though governed by  a republic1 paid    
near two hundred per cent4 for those    
sums of money  which any emergency made 
it necessary for them to borrow2 as we  
learn  from ,xenophon4 ,among the       
moderns1 the ,dutch first introduced the
  practice of borrowing great sums at   
low interest1 and have wellnigh  ruined 

themselves by it4 ,absolute princes have
 also contracted debt2 but  as an       
absolute prince may make a bankruptcy   
when he pleases1 his people  can never  
be oppressed by his debts4 ,in popular  
governments1 the people1  and chiefly   
those who have the highest offices1     
being commonly the  public creditors1 it
 is difficult for the state to make use 
of thiss  remedy1 which1 however it may 
sometimes be necessary1 is always cruel 
and barbarous4 ,this1 therefore1 seems  
to be an inconvenience which  nearly    
threatens all free governments1         
especially our own1 at the  present     
juncture of affairs4 ,and what a strong 
motive is this to  increase our         
frugality of public money1 lest1 for    
want of it1 we be  reduced1 by the      
multiplicity of taxes1 or1 what is      
worse1 by our public  impotence and     
inability for defence1 to curse our very
 liberty1 and wish  ourselves in the    
same state of servitude with all the    
nations who  surround us8      #a ,mr4  

,addison and ,lord ,shaftesbury4    #b  
,dr4 ,swift4          ,,of ,,eloquence  
,those who consider the periods and     
revolutions of human kind1 as           
represented in history1 are entertained 
with a spectacle full of  pleasure and  
variety1 and see with surprise the      
manners1 customs1 and  opinions of the  
same species susceptible of such        
prodigious changes in  different periods
 of time4 ,it may1 however1 be observed1
 that1 in  civil history1 there is found
 a much greater uniformity than in the  
history of learning and science1 and    
that the wars1 negotiations1 and        
politics of one age1 resemble more those
 of another than the taste1 wit1  and   
speculative principles4 ,interest and   
ambition1 honour and shame1  friendship 
and enmity1 gratitude and revenge1 are  
the prime movers in  all public         
transactions2 and these passions are of 
a very stubborn and  untractable nature1
 in comparison of the sentiments and    
understanding1  which are easily varied 

by education and example4 ,the ,goths   
were much  more inferior to the ,romans 
in taste and science than in courage and
  virtue4    ,but not to compare        
together nations so widely different1 it
 may be  observed1 that even this latter
 period of human learning is1 in many   
respects1 of an opposite character to   
the ancient2 and that1 if we be         
superior in philosophy1 we are still1   
notwithstanding all our  refinements1   
much inferior in eloquence4    ,in      
ancient times1 no work of genius was    
thought to require so great  parts and  
capacity as the speaking in public2 and 
some eminent writers  have pronounced   
the talents even of a great poet or     
philosopher to be of  an inferior nature
 to those which are requisite for such  
an undertaking4  ,greece and ,rome      
produced1 each of them1 but one         
accomplished orator2  and1 whatever     
praises the other celebrated speakers   
might merit1 they  were still esteemed  
much inferior to those great models of  

eloquence4 ,it  is observable1 that the 
ancient critics could scarcely find two 
orators  in any age who deserved to be  
placed precisely in the same rank1 and  
possessed the same degree of merit4     
,calvus1 ,clius1 ,curio1 ,hortensius1   
,csar1 rose one above another3 but the  
greatest of that age was inferior  to   
,cicero1 the most eloquent speaker that 
had ever appeared in ,rome4  ,those of  
fine taste1 however1 pronounced this    
judgment of the ,roman  orator1 as well 
as of the ,grecian1 that both of them   
surpassed in  eloquence all that had    
ever appeared1 but that they were far   
from  reaching the perfection of their  
art1 which was infinite1 and not only   
exceeded human force to attain1 but     
human imagination to conceive4  ,cicero 
declares himself dissatisfied with his  
own performances1 nay1  even with those 
of ,demosthenes4 ,ita sunt avid et      
capaces me aures1  says he1 et semper   
aliquid immensum infinitumque           
desiderant4    ,of all the polite and   

learned nations1 ,england alone         
possesses a popular  government1 or     
admits into the legislature such        
numerous assemblies as  can be supposed 
to lie under the dominion of eloquence4 
,but what has  ,england to boast of in  
this particular8 ,in enumerating the    
great men who  have done honour to our  
country1 we exult in our poets and      
philosophers2  but what orators are ever
 mentioned8 or where are the monuments  
of their  genius to be met with8 ,there 
are found1 indeed1 in our histories1 the
  names of several1 who directed the    
resolutions of our parliament3 but      
neither themselves nor others have taken
 the pains to preserve their  speeches1 
and the authority1 which they possessed1
 seems to have been  owing to their     
experience1 wisdom1 or power1 more than 
to their talents  for oratory4 ,at      
present there are above half a dozen    
speakers in the two  ,houses1 who1 in   
the judgment of the public1 have reached
 very near the  same pitch of eloquence2

 and no man pretends to give any one the
  preference above the rest4 ,this seems
 to me a certain proof1 that none  of   
them have attained much beyond a        
mediocrity in their art1 and that  the  
species of eloquence1 which they aspire 
to1 gives no exercise to the  sublimer  
faculties of the mind1 but may be       
reached by ordinary talents  and a      
slight application4 ,a hundred          
cabinet-makers in ,london can work a    
table or a chair equally well2 but no   
one poet can write verses with  such    
spirit and elegance as ,mr4 ,pope4      
,we are told1 that1 when ,demosthenes   
was to plead1 all ingenious men  flocked
 to ,athens from the most remote parts  
of ,greece1 as to the most  celebrated  
spectacle of the world4 ,at ,london1 you
 may see men sauntering  in the court of
 requests1 while the most important     
debate is carrying on  in the two       
,houses2 and many do not think          
themselves sufficiently  compensated for
 the losing of their dinners1 by all the

 eloquence of our  most celebrated      
speakers4 ,when old ,cibber is to act1  
the curiosity of  several is more       
excited1 than when our prime minister is
 to defend  himself from a motion for   
his removal or impeachment4    ,even a  
person1 unacquainted with the noble     
remains of ancient orators1  may judge1 
from a few strokes1 that the style or   
species of their  eloquence was         
infinitely more sublime than that which 
modern orators  aspire to4 ,how absurd  
would it appear1 in our temperate and   
calm  speakers1 to make use of an       
,apostrophe1 like that noble one of     
,demosthenes1 so much celebrated by     
,quintilian and ,longinus1 when1        
justifying the unsuccessful battle of   
,chronea1 he breaks out1 ',no1 my       
fellow-citizens4 ,no3 you have not      
erred4 ,i swear by the manes of those   
heroes1 who fought for the same cause in
 the plains of ,marathon and  ,plata4'  
,who could now endure such a bold and   
poetical figure as that  which ,cicero  

employs1 after describing1 in the most  
tragical terms1 the  crucifixion of a   
,roman citizen8 ',should ,i paint the   
horrors of this  scene1 not to ,roman   
citizens1 not to the allies of our      
state1 not to  those who have ever heard
 of the ,roman name1 not even to men1   
but to  brute creatures2 or1 to go      
further1 should ,i lift up my voice in  
the  most desolate solitude1 to the     
rocks and mountains1 yet should ,i      
surely  see those rude and inanimate    
parts of nature moved with horror and   
indignation at the recital of so        
enormous an action4' ,with what a blaze 
of eloquence must such a sentence be    
surrounded to give it grace1 or  cause  
it to make any impression on the        
hearers6 ,and what noble art and        
sublime talents are requisite to arrive1
 by just degrees1 at a sentiment  so    
bold and excessive6 ,to inflame the     
audience1 so as to make them  accompany 
the speaker in such violent passions1   
and such elevated  conceptions2 and to  

conceal1 under a torrent of eloquence1  
the artifice  by which all this is      
effectuated6 ,should this sentiment even
 appear to  us excessive1 as perhaps    
justly it may1 it will at least serve to
 give  an idea of the style of ancient  
eloquence1 where such swelling          
expressions were not rejected as wholly 
monstrous and gigantic4    ,suitable to 
this vehemence of thought and           
expression1 was the vehemence  of       
action1 observed in the ancient orators4
 ,the supplosio pedis1 or  stamping with
 the foot1 was one of the most usual and
 moderate gestures  which they made use 
of2 though that is now esteemed too     
violent1 either  for the senate1 bar1 or
 pulpit1 and is only admitted into the  
theatre  to accompany the most violent  
passions which are there represented4   
,one is somewhat at a loss to what cause
 we may ascribe so sensible a  decline  
of eloquence in latter ages4 ,the genius
 of mankind1 at all  times1 is perhaps  
equal3 the moderns have applied         

themselves1 with great  industry and    
success1 to all the other arts and      
sciences3 and a learned  nation         
possesses a popular government2 a       
circumstance which seems  requisite for 
the full display of these noble talents3
 but  notwithstanding all these         
advantages1 our progress in eloquence is
 very  inconsiderable1 in comparison of 
the advances which we have made in all  
other parts of learning4    ,shall we   
assert1 that the strains of ancient     
eloquence are unsuitable to  our age1   
and ought not to be imitated by modern  
orators8 ,whatever  reasons may be made 
use of to prove this1 ,i am persuaded   
they will be  found1 upon examination1  
to be unsound and unsatisfactory4       
,first1 ,it may be said1 that1 in       
ancient times1 during the flourishing   
period of ,greek and ,roman learning1   
the municipal laws1 in every state1     
were but few and simple1 and the        
decision of causes was1 in a great      
measure1 left to the equity and common  

sense of the judges4 ,the study of  the 
laws was not then a laborious           
occupation1 requiring the drudgery of  a
 whole life to finish it1 and           
incompatible with every other study or  
profession4 ,the great statesmen and    
generals among the ,romans were all     
lawyers2 and ,cicero1 to show the       
facility of acquiring this science1     
declares1 that in the midst of all his  
occupations1 he would undertake1  in a  
few days1 to make himself a complete    
civilian4 ,now1 where a pleader         
addresses himself to the equity of his  
judges1 he has much more room to        
display his eloquence1 than where he    
must draw his arguments from strict     
laws1 statutes1 and precedents4 ,in the 
former case many circumstances  must be 
taken in1 many personal considerations  
regarded1 and even favour  and          
inclination1 which it belongs to the    
orator1 by his art and  eloquence1 to   
conciliate1 may be disguised under the  
appearance of  equity4 ,but how shall a 

modern lawyer have leisure to quit his  
toilsome  occupations1 in order to      
gather the flowers of ,parnassus8 ,or   
what  opportunity shall we have of      
displaying them1 amidst the rigid and   
subtile arguments1 objections1 and      
replies1 which he is obliged to make    
use of8 ,the greatest genius1 and       
greatest orator1 who should pretend to  
plead before the ,chancellor1 after a   
month's study of the laws1 would  only  
labour to make himself ridiculous4    ,i
 am ready to own1 that this             
circumstance1 of the multiplicity and   
intricacy of laws1 is a discouragement  
to eloquence in modern times2 but  ,i   
assert1 that it will not entirely       
account for the decline of that  noble  
art4 ,it may banish oratory from        
,westminster ,hall1 but not from  either
 house of ,parliament4 ,among the       
,athenians1 the ,areopagites  expressly 
forbade all allurements of eloquence2   
and some have  pretended1 that in the   
,greek orations1 written in the         

judiciary form1  there is not so bold   
and rhetorical a style as appears in the
 ,roman4 ,but  to what a pitch did the  
,athenians carry their eloquence in the 
deliberative kind1 when affairs of state
 were canvassed1 and the  liberty1      
happiness1 and honour of the republic1  
were the subject of  debate6 ,disputes  
of this nature elevate the genius above 
all others1 and  give the fullest scope 
to eloquence2 and such disputes are very
 frequent  in this nation4    ,secondly1
 ,it may be pretended1 that the decline 
of eloquence is owing  to the superior  
good sense of the moderns1 who reject   
with disdain all  those rhetorical      
tricks employed to seduce the judges1   
and will admit of  nothing but solid    
argument in any debate or deliberation4 
,if a man be  accused of murder1 the    
fact must be proved by witnesses and    
evidence1  and the laws will afterwards 
determine the punishment of the         
criminal4  ,it would be ridiculous to   
describe1 in strong colours1 the horror 

and  cruelty of the action2 to introduce
 the relations of the dead1 and1 at a   
signal1 make them throw themselves at   
the feet of the judges1 imploring       
justice1 with tears and lamentations3   
and still more ridiculous would it  be1 
to employ a picture representing the    
bloody deed1 in order to move  the      
judges by the display of so tragical a  
spectacle1 though we know  that this    
artifice was sometimes practised by the 
pleaders of old4 ,now1  banish the      
pathetic from public discourses1 and you
 reduce the speakers  merely to modern  
eloquence2 that is1 to good sense1      
delivered in proper  expressions4       
,perhaps it may be acknowledged1 that   
our modern customs1 or our superior     
good sense1 if you will1 should make our
 orators more cautious and  reserved    
than the ancient1 in attempting to      
inflame the passions1 or  elevate the   
imagination of their audience2 but ,i   
see no reason why it  should make them  
despair absolutely of succeeding in that

 attempt4 ,it  should make them redouble
 their art1 not abandon it entirely4    
,the  ancient orators seem also to have 
been on their guard against this        
jealousy of their audience2 but they    
took a different way of eluding it4     
,they hurried away with such a torrent  
of sublime and pathetic1 that they  left
 their hearers no leisure to perceive   
the artifice by which they  were        
deceived4 ,nay1 to consider the matter  
aright1 they were not  deceived by any  
artifice4 ,the orator1 by the force of  
his own genius and  eloquence1 first    
inflamed himself with anger1            
indignation1 pity1 sorrow2  and then    
communicated those impetuous movements  
to his audience4    ,does any man       
pretend to have more good sense than    
,julius ,csar82 yet  that haughty       
conqueror1 we know1 was so subdued by   
the charms of  ,cicero's eloquence1 that
 he was1 in a manner1 constrained to    
change his  settled purpose and         
resolution1 and to absolve a criminal1  

whom1 before  that orator pleaded1 he   
was determined to condemn4    ,some     
objections1 ,i own1 notwithstanding his 
vast success1 may lie  against some     
passages of the ,roman orator4 ,he is   
too florid and  rhetorical3 his figures 
are too striking and palpable3 the      
divisions of  his discourse are drawn   
chiefly from the rules of the schools3  
and his  wit disdains not always the    
artifice even of a pun1 rhyme1 or jingle
 of  words4 ,the ,grecian addressed     
himself to an audience much less refined
  than the ,roman senate or judges4 ,the
 lowest vulgar of ,athens were his      
sovereigns1 and the arbiters of his     
eloquence4 ,yet is his manner more      
chaste and austere than that of the     
other4 ,could it be copied1 its  success
 would be infallible over a modern      
assembly4 ,it is rapid harmony1  exactly
 adjusted to the sense2 it is vehement  
reasoning1 without any  appearance of   
art3 it is disdain1 anger1 boldness1    
freedom1 involved in  a continued stream

 of argument3 and1 of all human         
productions1 the  orations of           
,demosthenes present to us the models   
which approach the  nearest to          
perfection4    ,thirdly1 ,it may be     
pretended1 that the disorders of the    
ancient  governments1 and the enormous  
crimes of which the citizens were often 
guilty1 afforded much ampler matter for 
eloquence than can be met with  among   
the moderns4 ,were there no ,verres or  
,catiline1 there would be no  ,cicero4  
,but that this reason can have no great 
influence1 is evident4 ,it  would be    
easy to find a ,philip in modern times1 
but where shall we find  a ,demosthenes8
    ,what remains1 then1 but that we lay
 the blame on the want of genius1 or  of
 judgment1 in our speakers1 who either  
found themselves incapable of  reaching 
the heights of ancient eloquence1 or    
rejected all such  endeavours1 as       
unsuitable to the spirit of modern      
assemblies8 ,a few  successful attempts 
of this nature might rouse the genius of

 the nation1  excite the emulation of   
the youth1 and accustom our ears to a   
more  sublime and more pathetic         
elocution1 than what we have been       
hitherto  entertained with4 ,there is   
certainly something accidental in the   
first  rise and progress of the arts in 
any nation4 ,i doubt whether a very     
satisfactory reason can be given why    
ancient ,rome1 though it received  all  
its refinements from ,greece1 could     
attain only to a relish for  statuary1  
painting1 and architecture1 without     
reaching the practice of  these arts4   
,while modern ,rome has been excited by 
a few remains found  among the ruins of 
antiquity1 and has produced artists of  
the greatest  eminence and distinction4 
,had such a cultivated genius for       
oratory1 as  ,waller's for poetry1      
arisen during the civil wars1 when      
liberty began to  be fully established1 
and popular assemblies to enter into all
 the most  material points of           
government1 ,i am persuaded so          

illustrious an example  would have given
 a quite different turn to ,british     
eloquence1 and made  us reach the       
perfection of the ancient model4 ,our   
orators would then  have done honour to 
their country1 as well as our poets1    
geometers1 and  philosophers2 and       
,british ,ciceros have appeared1 as well
 as ,british  ,archimedeses and         
,virgils4#a    ,it is seldom or never   
found1 when a false taste in poetry or  
eloquence  prevails among any people1   
that it has been preferred to a true1   
upon  comparison and reflection4 ,it    
commonly prevails merely from ignorance 
of  the true1 and from the want of      
perfect models to lead men into a juster
  apprehension1 and more refined relish 
of those productions of genius4  ,when  
these appear1 they soon unite all       
suffrages in their favour1 and1  by     
their natural and powerful charms1 gain 
over even the most  prejudiced to the   
love and admiration of them4 ,the       
principles of every  passion1 and of    

every sentiment1 is in every man2 and1  
when touched  properly1 they rise to    
life1 and warm the heart1 and convey    
that  satisfaction1 by which a work of  
genius is distinguished from the        
adulterate beauties of a capricious wit 
and fancy4 ,and1 if this  observation be
 true1 with regard to all the liberal   
arts1 it must be  peculiarly so with    
regard to eloquence2 which1 being merely
 calculated  for the public1 and for men
 of the world1 cannot1 without any      
pretence  of reason1 appeal from the    
people to more refined judges1 but must 
submit to the public verdict without    
reserve or limitation4 ,whoever1  upon  
comparison1 is deemed by a common       
audience the greatest orator1  ought    
most certainly to be pronounced such by 
men of science and  erudition4 ,and     
though an indifferent speaker may       
triumph for a long  time1 and be        
esteemed altogether perfect by the      
vulgar1 who are  satisfied with his     
accomplishments1 and know not in what he

 is  defective2 yet1 whenever the true  
genius arises1 he draws to him the      
attention of every one1 and immediately 
appears superior to his rival4    ,now1 
to judge by this rule1 ancient          
eloquence1 that is1 the sublime and     
passionate1 is of a much juster taste   
than the modern1 or the  argumentative  
and rational1 and1 if properly executed1
 will always have  more command and     
authority over mankind4 ,we are         
satisfied with our  mediocrity1 because 
we have had no experience of any thing  
better3 but  the ancients had experience
 of both2 and upon comparison1 gave the 
preference to that kind of which they   
have left us such applauded  models4    
,for1 if ,i mistake not1 our modern     
eloquence is of the same style  or      
species with that which ancient critics 
denominated ,attic eloquence1  that is1 
calm1 elegant1 and subtile1 which       
instructed the reason more  than        
affected the passions1 and never raised 
its tone above argument or  common      

discourse4 ,such was the eloquence of   
,lysias among the ,athenians1  and of   
,calvus among the ,romans4 ,these were  
esteemed in their time2 but1  when      
compared with ,demosthenes and ,cicero1 
were eclipsed like a taper  when set in 
the rays of a meridian sun4 ,those      
latter orators possessed  the same      
elegance1 and subtilty1 and force of    
argument with the former2  but1 what    
rendered them chiefly admirable1 was    
that pathetic and  sublime1 which1 on   
proper occasions1 they threw into their 
discourse1  and by which they commanded 
the resolution of their audience4    ,of
 this species of eloquence we have      
scarcely had any instance in  ,england1 
at least in our public speakers4 ,in our
 writers1 we have had  some instances   
which have met with great applause1 and 
might assure our  ambitious youth of    
equal or superior glory in attempts for 
the revival  of ancient eloquence4 ,lord
 ,bolingbroke's productions1 with all   
their  defects in argument1 method1 and 

precision1 contain a force and energy   
which our orators scarcely ever aim at2 
though it is evident that such  an      
elevated style has much better grace in 
a speaker than in a writer1  and is     
assured of more prompt and more         
astonishing success4 ,it is there       
seconded by the graces of voice and     
action3 the movements are mutually      
communicated between the orator and the 
audience3 and the very aspect of  a     
large assembly1 attentive to the        
discourse of one man1 must inspire  him 
with a peculiar elevation1 sufficient to
 give a propriety to the  strongest     
figures and expressions4 ,it is true1   
there is a great  prejudice against set 
speeches2 and a man cannot escape       
ridicule1 who  repeats a discourse as a 
schoolboy does his lesson1 and takes no 
notice  of any thing that has been      
advanced in the course of the debate4   
,but  where is the necessity of falling 
into this absurdity8 ,a public speaker  
must know beforehand the question under 

debate4 ,he may compose all the         
arguments1 objections1 and answers1 such
 as he thinks will be most  proper for  
his discourse4 ,if any thing new occur1 
he may supply it from  his own          
invention2 nor will the difference be   
very apparent between his  elaborate and
 his extemporary compositions4 ,the mind
 naturally continues  with the same     
impetus or force1 which it has acquired 
by its motion  as a vessel1 once        
impelled by the oars1 carries on its    
course for some  time when the original 
impulse is suspended4    ,i shall       
conclude this subject with observing1   
that1 even though our  modern orators   
should not elevate their style1 or      
aspire to a rivalship  with the ancient2
 yet there is1 in most of their         
speeches1 a material  defect which they 
might correct1 without departing from   
that composed  air of argument and      
reasoning to which they limit their     
ambition4 ,their  great affectation of  
extemporary discourses has made them    

reject all  order and method1 which     
seems so requisite to argument1 and     
without  which it is scarcely possible  
to produce an entire conviction on the  
mind4 ,it is not that one would         
recommend many divisions in a public    
discourse1 unless the subject very      
evidently offer them3 but it is easy1   
without this formality1 to observe a    
method1 and make that method            
conspicuous to the hearers1 who will be 
infinitely pleased to see the  arguments
 rise naturally from one another1 and   
will retain a more  thorough persuasion 
than can arise from the strongest       
reasons which are  thrown together in   
confusion4      #a ,i have confessed    
that there is something accidental in   
the origin  and progress of the arts in 
any nation2 and yet ,i cannot forbear   
thinking1 that if the other learned and 
polite nations of ,europe had  possessed
 the same advantages of a popular       
government1 they would  probably have   
carried eloquence to a greater height   

than it has yet  reached in ,britain4   
,the ,french sermons1 especially those  
of ,flechier and  ,bourdaloue1 are much 
superior to the ,english in this        
particular2 and in  ,flechier there are 
many strokes of the most sublime poetry4
 ,his funeral  sermon on the ,marechal  
de ,turenne1 is a good instance4 ,none  
but private  causes in that country1 are
 ever debated before their ,parliament  
or  ,courts of ,judicature2 but1        
notwithstanding this disadvantage1 there
  appears a spirit of eloquence in many 
of their lawyers1 which1 with  proper   
cultivation and encouragement1 might    
rise to the greatest  heights4 ,the     
pleadings of ,patru are very elegant1   
and give us room to  imagine what so    
fine a genius could have performed in   
questions  concerning public liberty or 
slavery1 peace or war1 who exerts       
himself  with such success in debates   
concerning the price of an old horse1 or
  the gossiping story of a quarrel      
betwixt an abbess and her nuns4 ,for it 

is remarkable1 that this polite writer1 
though esteemed by all the men  of wit  
in his time1 was never employed in the  
most considerable causes  of their      
courts of judicature1 but lived and died
 in poverty2 from an  ancient prejudice 
industriously propagated by the ,dunces 
in all  countries1 ,that a man of genius
 is unfit for business4 ,the disorders  
produced by the ministry of ,cardinal   
,mazarine1 made the ,parliament of      
,paris enter into the discussion of     
public affairs2 and during that short   
interval1 there appeared many symptoms  
of the revival of ancient  eloquence4   
,the ,avocat-,general1 ,talon1 in an    
oration1 invoked on his  knees the      
spirit of ,st ,louis to look down with  
compassion on his divided  and unhappy  
people1 and to inspire them1 from above1
 with the love of  concord and          
unanimity4 ,the members of the ,french  
,academy have attempted  to give us     
models of eloquence in their harangues  
at their admittance2  but having no     

subject to discourse upon1 they have run
 altogether into a  fulsome strain of   
panegyric and flattery1 the most barren 
of all  subjects4 ,their style1 however1
 is commonly1 on these occasions1 very  
elevated and sublime1 and might reach   
the greatest heights1 were it  employed 
on a subject more favourable and        
engaging4    ,there are some            
circumstances in the ,english temper and
 genius1 which are  disadvantageous to  
the progress of eloquence1 and render   
all attempts of  that kind more         
dangerous and difficult among them1 than
 among any other  nation in the         
universe4 ,the ,english are conspicuous 
for good sense1  which makes them very  
jealous of any attempts to deceive them1
 by the  flowers of rhetoric and        
elocution4 ,they are also peculiarly    
modest2  which makes them consider it as
 a piece of arrogance to offer any thing
  but reason to public assemblies1 or   
attempt to guide them by passion or     
fancy4 ,i may1 perhaps1 be allowed to   

add that the people in general are  not 
remarkable for delicacy of taste1 or for
 sensibility to the charms  of the      
,muses4 ,their musical parts1 to use the
 expression of a noble  author1 are but 
indifferent4 ,hence their comic poets1  
to move them1 must  have recourse to    
obscenity2 their tragic poets to blood  
and slaughter4  ,and hence1 their       
orators1 being deprived of any such     
resource1 have  abandoned altogether the
 hopes of moving them1 and have confined
  themselves to plain argument and      
reasoning4    ,these circumstances1     
joined to particular accidents1 may1    
perhaps1 have  retarded the growth of   
eloquence in this kingdom2 but will not 
be able  to prevent its success1 if ever
 it appear amongst us4 ,and one may     
safely  pronounce1 that this is a field 
in which the most flourishing laurels   
may yet be gathered1 if any youth of    
accomplished genius1 thoroughly         
acquainted with all the polite arts1 and
 not ignorant of public  business1      

should appear in ,parliament1 and       
accustom our ears to an  eloquence more 
commanding and pathetic4 ,and to confirm
 me in this  opinion1 there occur two   
considerations1 the one derived from    
ancient1  the other from modern times4