,,essays ,,of ,,michel ,,de ,,montaigne ,translated by ,charles ,cotton ,edited by ,william ,carew ,hazilitt #ahgg ,,contents ,,of ,,volume #d4 ,,xxii4 ,of custom1 and that we should not easily change a law received ,,xxiii4 ,various events from the same counsel4 ,,xxiv4 ,of pedantry4 ,,chapter ,,xxii ,,of ,,custom1 ,,and ,,that ,,we ,,should ,,not ,,easily ,,change ,a ,,law ,,received ,he seems to me to have had a right and true apprehension of the power of custom1 who first invented the story of a country-woman who1 having accustomed herself to play with and carry a young calf in her arms1 and daily continuing to do so as it grew up1 obtained this by custom1 that1 when grown to be a great ox1 she was still able to bear it4 ,for1 in truth1 custom is a violent and treacherous schoolmistress4 ,she1 by little and little1 slily and unperceived1 slips in the foot of her authority1 but having by this gentle and humble beginning1 with the benefit of time1 fixed and established it1 she then unmasks a furious and tyrannic countenance1 against which we have no more the courage or the power so much as to lift up our eyes4 ,we see her1 at every turn1 forcing and violating the rules of nature3 ,usus efficacissimus rerum omnium magister4 ,custom is the best master of all things4 --,pliny1 ,nat4 ,hist41xxvi4 #b4 ,i refer to her ,plato's cave in his ,republic1 and the physicians1 who so often submit the reasons of their art to her authority2 as the story of that king1 who by custom brought his stomach to that pass1 as to live by poison1 and the maid that ,albertus reports to have lived upon spiders4 ,in that new world of the ,indies1 there were found great nations1 and in very differing climates1 who were of the same diet1 made provision of them1 and fed them for their tables2 as also1 they did grasshoppers1 mice1 lizards1 and bats2 and in a time of scarcity of such delicacies1 a toad was sold for six crowns1 all which they cook1 and dish up with several sauces4 ,there were also others found1 to whom our diet1 and the flesh we eat1 were venomous and mortal3 ,consuetudinis magna vis est3 pernoctant venatores in nive3 in montibus uri se patiuntur3 pugiles1 caestibus contusi1 ne ingemiscunt quidem4 ,the power of custom is very great3 huntsmen will lie out all night in the snow1 or suffer themselves to be burned up by the sun on the mountains2 boxers1 hurt by the caestus1 never utter a groan4--,cicero1 ,tusc41 ii4 #ag ,these strange examples will not appear so strange if we consider what we have ordinary experience of1 how much custom stupefies our senses4 ,we need not go to what is reported of the people about the cataracts of the ,nile2 and what philosophers believe of the music of the spheres1 that the bodies of those circles being solid and smooth1 and coming to touch and rub upon one another1 cannot fail of creating a marvellous harmony1 the changes and cadences of which cause the revolutions and dances of the stars2 but that the hearing sense of all creatures here below1 being universally1 like that of the ,egyptians1 deafened1 and stupefied with the continual noise1 cannot1 how great soever1 perceive it--,this passage is taken from ,cicero1 ,dream of ,scipio2 see his ,de ,republica1 vi4 ,,ii4 ,the ,egyptians were said to be stunned by the noise of the ,cataracts4-- ,smiths1 millers1 pewterers1 forgemen1 and armourers could never be able to live in the perpetual noise of their own trades1 did it strike their ears with the same violence that it does ours4 ,my perfumed doublet gratifies my own scent at first2 but after ,i have worn it three days together1 'tis only pleasing to the bystanders4 ,this is yet more strange1 that custom1 notwithstanding long intermissions and intervals1 should yet have the power to unite and establish the effect of its impressions upon our senses1 as is manifest in such as live near unto steeples and the frequent noise of the bells4 ,i myself lie at home in a tower1 where every morning and evening a very great bell rings out the ,ave ,maria3 the noise shakes my very tower1 and at first seemed insupportable to me2 but ,i am so used to it1 that ,i hear it without any manner of offence1 and often without awaking at it4 ,plato--,diogenes ,laertius1 iii4 #ch4 ,but he whom ,plato censured was not a boy playing at nuts1 but a man throwing dice4--reprehending a boy for playing at nuts1 ,thou reprovest me1 says the boy1 for a very little thing4 ,custom1 replied ,plato1 is no little thing4 ,i find that our greatest vices derive their first propensity from our most tender infancy1 and that our principal education depends upon the nurse4 ,mothers are mightily pleased to see a child writhe off the neck of a chicken1 or to please itself with hurting a dog or a cat2 and such wise fathers there are in the world1 who look upon it as a notable mark of a martial spirit1 when they hear a son miscall1 or see him domineer over a poor peasant1 or a lackey1 that dares not reply1 nor turn again2 and a great sign of wit1 when they see him cheat and overreach his playfellow by some malicious treachery and deceit4 ,yet these are the true seeds and roots of cruelty1 tyranny1 and treason2 they bud and put out there1 and afterwards shoot up vigorously1 and grow to prodigious bulk1 cultivated by custom4 ,and it is a very dangerous mistake to excuse these vile inclinations upon the tenderness of their age1 and the triviality of the subject3 first1 it is nature that speaks1 whose declaration is then more sincere1 and inward thoughts more undisguised1 as it is more weak and young2 secondly1 the deformity of cozenage does not consist nor depend upon the difference betwixt crowns and pins2 but ,i rather hold it more just to conclude thus3 why should he not cozen in crowns since he does it in pins1 than as they do1 who say they only play for pins1 they would not do it if it were for money8 ,children should carefully be instructed to abhor vices for their own contexture2 and the natural deformity of those vices ought so to be represented to them1 that they may not only avoid them in their actions1 but especially so to abominate them in their hearts1 that the very thought should be hateful to them1 with what mask soever they may be disguised4 ,i know very well1 for what concerns myself1 that from having been brought up in my childhood to a plain and straightforward way of dealing1 and from having had an aversion to all manner of juggling and foul play in my childish sports and recreations 7and1 indeed1 it is to be noted1 that the plays of children are not performed in play1 but are to be judged in them as their most serious actions71 there is no game so small wherein from my own bosom naturally1 and without study or endeavour1 ,i have not an extreme aversion from deceit4 ,i shuffle and cut and make as much clatter with the cards1 and keep as strict account for farthings1 as it were for double pistoles2 when winning or losing against my wife and daughter1 'tis indifferent to me1 as when ,i play in good earnest with others1 for round sums4 ,at all times1 and in all places1 my own eyes are sufficient to look to my fingers2 ,i am not so narrowly watched by any other1 neither is there any ,i have more respect to4 ,i saw the other day1 at my own house1 a little fellow1 a native of ,nantes1 born without arms1 who has so well taught his feet to perform the services his hands should have done him1 that truly these have half forgotten their natural office2 and1 indeed1 the fellow calls them his hands2 with them he cuts anything1 charges and discharges a pistol1 threads a needle1 sews1 writes1 puts off his hat1 combs his head1 plays at cards and dice1 and all this with as much dexterity as any other could do who had more1 and more proper limbs to assist him4 ,the money ,i gave him--for he gains his living by shewing these feats--he took in his foot1 as we do in our hand4 ,i have seen another who1 being yet a boy1 flourished a two-handed sword1 and1 if ,i may so say1 handled a halberd with the mere motions of his neck and shoulders for want of hands2 tossed them into the air1 and caught them again1 darted a dagger1 and cracked a whip as well as any coachman in ,france4 ,but the effects of custom are much more manifest in the strange impressions she imprints in our minds1 where she meets with less resistance4 ,what has she not the power to impose upon our judgments and beliefs8 ,is there any so fantastic opinion 7omitting the gross impostures of religions1 with which we see so many great nations1 and so many understanding men1 so strangely besotted2 for this being beyond the reach of human reason1 any error is more excusable in such as are not endued1 through the divine bounty1 with an extraordinary illumination from above71 but1 of other opinions1 are there any so extravagant1 that she has not planted and established for laws in those parts of the world upon which she has been pleased to exercise her power8 ,and therefore that ancient exclamation was exceeding just3 ,non pudet physicum1 id est speculatorem venatoremque naturae1 ab animis consuetudine imbutis petere testimonium veritatis8 ,is it not a shame for a natural philosopher1 that is1 for an observer and hunter of nature1 to seek testimony of the truth from minds prepossessed by custom8--,cicero1 ,de ,natura ,deor41 i4 #cj4 ,i do believe1 that no so absurd or ridiculous fancy can enter into human imagination1 that does not meet with some example of public practice1 and that1 consequently1 our reason does not ground and back up4 ,there are people1 amongst whom it is the fashion to turn their backs upon him they salute1 and never look upon the man they intend to honour4 ,there is a place1 where1 whenever the king spits1 the greatest ladies of his court put out their hands to receive it2 and another nation1 where the most eminent persons about him stoop to take up his ordure in a linen cloth4 ,let us here steal room to insert a story4 ,a ,french gentleman was always wont to blow his nose with his fingers 7a thing very much against our fashion71 and he justifying himself for so doing1 and he was a man famous for pleasant repartees1 he asked me1 what privilege this filthy excrement had1 that we must carry about us a fine handkerchief to receive it1 and1 which was more1 afterwards to lap it carefully up1 and carry it all day about in our pockets1 which1 he said1 could not but be much more nauseous and offensive1 than to see it thrown away1 as we did all other evacuations4 ,i found that what he said was not altogether without reason1 and by being frequently in his company1 that slovenly action of his was at last grown familiar to me2 which nevertheless we make a face at1 when we hear it reported of another country4 ,miracles appear to be so1 according to our ignorance of nature1 and not according to the essence of nature the continually being accustomed to anything1 blinds the eye of our judgment4 ,barbarians are no more a wonder to us1 than we are to them2 nor with any more reason1 as every one would confess1 if after having travelled over those remote examples1 men could settle themselves to reflect upon1 and rightly to confer them1 with their own4 ,human reason is a tincture almost equally infused into all our opinions and manners1 of what form soever they are2 infinite in matter1 infinite in diversity4 ,but ,i return to my subject4 ,there are peoples1 where1 his wife and children excepted1 no one speaks to the king but through a tube4 ,in one and the same nation1 the virgins discover those parts that modesty should persuade them to hide1 and the married women carefully cover and conceal them4 ,to which1 this custom1 in another place1 has some relation1 where chastity1 but in marriage1 is of no esteem1 for unmarried women may prostitute themselves to as many as they please1 and being got with child1 may lawfully take physic1 in the sight of every one1 to destroy their fruit4 ,and1 in another place1 if a tradesman marry1 all of the same condition1 who are invited to the wedding1 lie with the bride before him2 and the greater number of them there is1 the greater is her honour1 and the opinion of her ability and strength3 if an officer marry1 'tis the same1 the same with a labourer1 or one of mean condition2 but then it belongs to the lord of the place to perform that office2 and yet a severe loyalty during marriage is afterward strictly enjoined4 ,there are places where brothels of young men are kept for the pleasure of women2 where the wives go to war as well as the husbands1 and not only share in the dangers of battle1 but1 moreover1 in the honours of command4 ,others1 where they wear rings not only through their noses1 lips1 cheeks1 and on their toes1 but also weighty gimmals of gold thrust through their paps and buttocks2 where1 in eating1 they wipe their fingers upon their thighs1 genitories1 and the soles of their feet3 where children are excluded1 and brothers and nephews only inherit2 and elsewhere1 nephews only1 saving in the succession of the prince3 where1 for the regulation of community in goods and estates1 observed in the country1 certain sovereign magistrates have committed to them the universal charge and overseeing of the agriculture1 and distribution of the fruits1 according to the necessity of every one where they lament the death of children1 and feast at the decease of old men3 where they lie ten or twelve in a bed1 men and their wives together3 where women1 whose husbands come to violent ends1 may marry again1 and others not3 where the condition of women is looked upon with such contempt1 that they kill all the native females1 and buy wives of their neighbours to supply their use2 where husbands may repudiate their wives1 without showing any cause1 but wives cannot part from their husbands1 for what cause soever2 where husbands may sell their wives in case of sterility2 where they boil the bodies of their dead1 and afterward pound them to a pulp1 which they mix with their wine1 and drink it2 where the most coveted sepulture is to be eaten by dogs1 and elsewhere by birds2 where they believe the souls of the blessed live in all manner of liberty1 in delightful fields1 furnished with all sorts of delicacies1 and that it is these souls1 repeating the words we utter1 which we call ,echo2 where they fight in the water1 and shoot their arrows with the most mortal aim1 swimming2 where1 for a sign of subjection1 they lift up their shoulders1 and hang down their heads2 where they put off their shoes when they enter the king's palace2 where the eunuchs1 who take charge of the sacred women1 have1 moreover1 their lips and noses cut off1 that they may not be loved2 where the priests put out their own eyes1 to be better acquainted with their demons1 and the better to receive their oracles2 where every one makes to himself a deity of what he likes best2 the hunter of a lion or a fox1 the fisher of some fish2 idols of every human action or passion2 in which place1 the sun1 the moon1 and the earth are the 'principal deities1 and the form of taking an oath is1 to touch the earth1 looking up to heaven2 where both flesh and fish is eaten raw2 where the greatest oath they take is1 to swear by the name of some dead person of reputation1 laying their hand upon his tomb2 where the newyear's gift the king sends every year to the princes1 his vassals1 is fire1 which being brought1 all the old fire is put out1 and the neighbouring people are bound to fetch of the new1 every one for themselves1 upon pain of high treason2 where1 when the king1 to betake himself wholly to devotion1 retires from his administration 7which often falls out71 his next successor is obliged to do the same1 and the right of the kingdom devolves to the third in succession3 where they vary the form of government1 according to the seeming necessity of affairs3 depose the king when they think good1 substituting certain elders to govern in his stead1 and sometimes transferring it into the hands of the commonality3 where men and women are both circumcised and also baptized3 where the soldier1 who in one or several engagements1 has been so fortunate as to present seven of the enemies' heads to the king1 is made noble3 where they live in that rare and unsociable opinion of the mortality of the soul3 where the women are delivered without pain or fear3 where the women wear copper leggings upon both legs1 and if a louse bite them1 are bound in magnanimity to bite them again1 and dare not marry1 till first they have made their king a tender of their virginity1 if he please to accept it3 where the ordinary way of salutation is by putting a finger down to the earth1 and then pointing it up toward heaven3 where men carry burdens upon their heads1 and women on their shoulders2 where the women make water standing1 and the men squatting3 where they send their blood in token of friendship1 and offer incense to the men they would honour1 like gods3 where1 not only to the fourth1 but in any other remote degree1 kindred are not permitted to marry3 where the children are four years at nurse1 and often twelve2 in which place1 also1 it is accounted mortal to give the child suck the first day after it is born3 where the correction of the male children is peculiarly designed to the fathers1 and to the mothers of the girls2 the punishment being to hang them by the heels in the smoke3 where they circumcise the women3 where they eat all sorts of herbs1 without other scruple than of the badness of the smell3 where all things are open the finest houses1 furnished in the richest manner1 without doors1 windows1 trunks1 or chests to lock1 a thief being there punished double what they are in other places3 where they crack lice with their teeth like monkeys1 and abhor to see them killed with one's nails3 where in all their lives they neither cut their hair nor pare their nails2 and1 in another place1 pare those of the right hand only1 letting the left grow for ornament and bravery3 where they suffer the hair on the right side to grow as long as it will1 and shave the other2 and in the neighbouring provinces1 some let their hair grow long before1 and some behind1 shaving close the rest3 where parents let out their children1 and husbands their wives1 to their guests to hire3 where a man may get his own mother with child1 and fathers make use of their own daughters or sons1 without scandal3 where1 at their solemn feasts1 they interchangeably lend their children to one another1 without any consideration of nearness of blood4 ,in one place1 men feed upon human flesh2 in another1 'tis reputed a pious office for a man to kill his father at a certain age2 elsewhere1 the fathers dispose of their children1 whilst yet in their mothers' wombs1 some to be preserved and carefully brought up1 and others to be abandoned or made away4 ,elsewhere the old husbands lend their wives to young men2 and in another place they are in common without offence2 in one place particularly1 the women take it for a mark of honour to have as many gay fringed tassels at the bottom of their garment1 as they have lain with several men4 ,moreover1 has not custom made a republic of women separately by themselves8 has it not put arms into their hands1 and made them raise armies and fight battles8 ,and does she not1 by her own precept1 instruct the most ignorant vulgar1 and make them perfect in things which all the philosophy in the world could never beat into the heads of the wisest men8 ,for we know entire nations1 where death was not only despised1 but entertained with the greatest triumph2 where children of seven years old suffered themselves to be whipped to death1 without changing countenance2 where riches were in such contempt1 that the meanest citizen would not have deigned to stoop to take up a purse of crowns4 ,and we know regions1 very fruitful in all manner of provisions1 where1 notwithstanding1 the most ordinary diet1 and that they are most pleased with1 is only bread1 cresses1 and water4 ,did not custom1 moreover1 work that miracle in ,chios that1 in seven hundred years1 it was never known that ever maid or wife committed any act to the prejudice of her honour8 ,to conclude2 there is nothing1 in my opinion1 that she does not1 or may not do2 and therefore1 with very good reason it is that ,pindar calls her the ruler of the world4 ,he that was seen to beat his father1 and reproved for so doing1 made answer1 that it was the custom of their family2 that1 in like manner1 his father had beaten his grandfather1 his grandfather his great-grandfather1 ,and this1 says he1 pointing to his son1 when he comes to my age1 shall beat me4 ,and the father1 whom the son dragged and hauled along the streets1 commanded him to stop at a certain door1 for he himself1 he said1 had dragged his father no farther1 that being the utmost limit of the hereditary outrage the sons used to practise upon the fathers in their family4 ,it is as much by custom as infirmity1 says ,aristotle1 that women tear their hair1 bite their nails1 and eat coals and earth1 and more by custom than nature that men abuse themselves with one another4 ,the laws of conscience1 which we pretend to be derived from nature1 proceed from custom2 every one1 having an inward veneration for the opinions and manners approved and received amongst his own people1 cannot1 without very great reluctance1 depart from them1 nor apply himself to them without applause4 ,in times past1 when those of ,crete would curse any one1 they prayed the gods to engage him in some ill custom4 ,but the principal effect of its power is1 so to seize and ensnare us1 that it is hardly in us to disengage ourselves from its gripe1 or so to come to ourselves1 as to consider of and to weigh the things it enjoins4 ,to say the truth1 by reason that we suck it in with our milk1 and that the face of the world presents itself in this posture to our first sight1 it seems as if we were born upon condition to follow on this track2 and the common fancies that we find in repute everywhere about us1 and infused into our minds with the seed of our fathers1 appear to be the most universal and genuine2 from whence it comes to pass1 that whatever is off the hinges of custom1 is believed to be also off the hinges of reason2 how unreasonably for the most part1 ,god knows4 ,if1 as we who study ourselves have learned to do1 every one who hears a good sentence1 would immediately consider how it does in any way touch his own private concern1 every one would find1 that it was not so much a good saying1 as a severe lash to the ordinary stupidity of his own judgment3 but men receive the precepts and admonitions of truth1 as directed to the common sort1 and never to themselves2 and instead of applying them to their own manners1 do only very ignorantly and unprofitably commit them to memory4 ,but let us return to the empire of custom4 ,such people as have been bred up to liberty1 and subject to no other dominion but the authority of their own will1 look upon all other form of government as monstrous and contrary to nature4 ,those who are inured to monarchy do the same2 and what opportunity soever fortune presents them with to change1 even then1 when with the greatest difficulties they have disengaged themselves from one master1 that was troublesome and grievous to them1 they presently run1 with the same difficulties1 to create another2 being unable to take into hatred subjection itself4 ',tis by the mediation of custom1 that every one is content with the place where he is planted by nature2 and the ,highlanders of ,scotland no more pant after ,touraine2 than the ,scythians after ,thessaly4 ,darius asking certain ,greeks what they would take to assume the custom of the ,indians1 of eating the dead bodies of their fathers 7for that was their use1 believing they could not give them a better nor more noble sepulture than to bury them in their own bodies71 they made answer1 that nothing in the world should hire them to do it2 but having also tried to persuade the ,indians to leave their custom1 and1 after the ,greek manner1 to burn the bodies of their fathers1 they conceived a still greater horror at the motion4--,herodotus1 iii4 #ch4--;,every one does the same1 for use veils from us the true aspect of things4 ,nil adeo magnum1 nec tam mirabile quidquam ,principio1 quod non minuant mirarier omnes ,paullatim4 ,there is nothing at first so grand1 so admirable1 which by degrees people do not regard with less admiration4--,lucretius1 ii4 #ajbg ,taking upon me once to justify something in use amongst us1 and that was received with absolute authority for a great many leagues round about us1 and not content1 as men commonly do1 to establish it only by force of law and example1 but inquiring still further into its origin1 ,i found the foundation so weak1 that ,i who made it my business to confirm others1 was very near being dissatisfied myself4 ',tis by this receipt that ,plato --,laws1 viii4 #f4--undertakes to cure the unnatural and preposterous loves of his time1 as one which he esteems of sovereign virtue1 namely1 that the public opinion condemns them2 that the poets1 and all other sorts of writers1 relate horrible stories of them2 a recipe1 by virtue of which the most beautiful daughters no more allure their fathers' lust2 nor brothers1 of the finest shape and fashion1 their sisters' desire2 the very fables of ,thyestes1 ,o,edipus1 and ,macareus1 having with the harmony of their song1 infused this wholesome opinion and belief into the tender brains of children4 ,chastity is1 in truth1 a great and shining virtue1 and of which the utility is sufficiently known2 but to treat of it1 and to set it off in its true value1 according to nature1 is as hard as 'tis easy to do so according to custom1 laws1 and precepts4 ,the fundamental and universal reasons are of very obscure and difficult research1 and our masters either lightly pass them over1 or not daring so much as to touch them1 precipitate themselves into the liberty and protection of custom1 there puffing themselves out and triumphing to their heart's content3 such as will not suffer themselves to be withdrawn from this original source1 do yet commit a greater error1 and subject themselves to wild opinions2 witness ,chrysippus1--,sextus ,empiricus1 ,pyyrhon4 ,hypotyp41 i4 #ad4--who1 in so many of his writings1 has strewed the little account he made of incestuous conjunctions1 committed with how near relations soever4 ,whoever would disengage himself from this violent prejudice of custom1 would find several things received with absolute and undoubting opinion1 that have no other support than the hoary head and rivelled face of ancient usage4 ,but the mask taken off1 and things being referred to the decision of truth and reason1 he will find his judgment as it were altogether overthrown1 and yet restored to a much more sure estate4 ,for example1 ,i shall ask him1 what can be more strange than to see a people obliged to obey laws they never understood2 bound in all their domestic affairs1 as marriages1 donations1 wills1 sales1 and purchases1 to rules they cannot possibly know1 being neither written nor published in their own language1 and of which they are of necessity to purchase both the interpretation and the use8 ,not according to the ingenious opinion of ,isocrates1--,discourse to ,nicocles4--who counselled his king to make the traffics and negotiations of his subjects1 free1 frank1 and of profit to them1 and their quarrels and disputes burdensome1 and laden with heavy impositions and penalties2 but1 by a prodigious opinion1 to make sale of reason itself1 and to give to laws a course of merchandise4 ,i think myself obliged to fortune that1 as our historians report1 it was a ,gascon gentleman1 a countryman of mine1 who first opposed ,charlemagne1 when he attempted to impose upon us ,latin and imperial laws4 ,what can be more savage1 than to see a nation where1 by lawful custom1 the office of a judge is bought and sold1 where judgments are paid for with ready money1 and where justice may legitimately be denied to him that has not wherewithal to pay2 a merchandise in so great repute1 as in a government to create a fourth estate of wrangling lawyers1 to add to the three ancient ones of the church1 nobility1 and people2 which fourth estate1 having the laws in their own hands1 and sovereign power over men's lives and fortunes1 makes another body separate from nobility3 whence it comes to pass1 that there are double laws1 those of honour and those of justice1 in many things altogether opposite one to another2 the nobles as rigorously condemning a lie taken1 as the other do a lie revenged3 by the law of arms1 he shall be degraded from all nobility and honour who puts up with an affront2 and by the civil law1 he who vindicates his reputation by revenge incurs a capital punishment3 he who applies himself to the law for reparation of an offence done to his honour1 disgraces himself2 and he who does not1 is censured and punished by the law4 ,yet of these two so different things1 both of them referring to one head1 the one has the charge of peace1 the other of war2 those have the profit1 these the honour2 those the wisdom1 these the virtue2 those the word1 these the action2 those justice1 these valour2 those reason1 these force2 those the long robe1 these the short2--divided betwixt them4 ,for what concerns indifferent things1 as clothes1 who is there seeking to bring them back to their true use1 which is the body's service and convenience1 and upon which their original grace and fitness depend2 for the most fantastic1 in my opinion1 that can be imagined1 ,i will instance amongst others1 our flat caps1 that long tail of velvet that hangs down from our women's heads1 with its party-coloured trappings2 and that vain and futile model of a member we cannot in modesty so much as name1 which1 nevertheless1 we make show and parade of in public4 ,these considerations1 notwithstanding1 will not prevail upon any understanding man to decline the common mode2 but1 on the contrary1 methinks1 all singular and particular fashions are rather marks of folly and vain affectation than of sound reason1 and that a wise man1 within1 ought to withdraw and retire his soul from the crowd1 and there keep it at liberty and in power to judge freely of things2 but as to externals1 absolutely to follow and conform himself to the fashion of the time4 ,public society has nothing to do with our thoughts1 but the rest1 as our actions1 our labours1 our fortunes1 and our lives1 we are to lend and abandon them to its service and to the common opinion1 as did that good and great ,socrates who refused to preserve his life by a disobedience to the magistrate1 though a very wicked and unjust one for it is the rule of rules1 the general law of laws1 that every one observe those of the place wherein he lives4 ,it is good to obey the laws of one's country4 --,excerpta ex ,trag4 ,gyaecis1 ,grotio interp41 #afbf1 p4 #icg4 ,and now to another point4 ,it is a very great doubt1 whether any so manifest benefit can accrue from the alteration of a law received1 let it be what it will1 as there is danger and inconvenience in altering it2 forasmuch as government is a structure composed of divers parts and members joined and united together1 with so strict connection1 that it is impossible to stir so much as one brick or stone1 but the whole body will be sensible of it4 ,the legislator of the ,thurians--,charondas2 ,diod4 ,sic41 xii4 #bd4--ordained1 that whosoever would go about either to abolish an old law1 or to establish a new1 should present himself with a halter about his neck to the people1 to the end1 that if the innovation he would introduce should not be approved by every one1 he might immediately be hanged2 and he of the ,lacedaemonians employed his life to obtain from his citizens a faithful promise that none of his laws should be violated4--,lycurgus2 ,plutarch1 in ,vita1 c4 #bb4--,the ,ephoros who so rudely cut the two strings that ,phrynis had added to music never stood to examine whether that addition made better harmony1 or that by its means the instrument was more full and complete2 it was enough for him to condemn the invention1 that it was a novelty1 and an alteration of the old fashion4 ,which also is the meaning of the old rusty sword carried before the magistracy of ,marseilles4 ,for my own part1 ,i have a great aversion from a novelty1 what face or what pretence soever it may carry along with it1 and have reason1 having been an eyewitness of the great evils it has produced4 ,for those which for so many years have lain so heavy upon us1 it is not wholly accountable2 but one may say1 with colour enough1 that it has accidentally produced and begotten the mischiefs and ruin that have since happened1 both without and against it2 it1 principally1 we are to accuse for these disorders3 ,heu6 patior telis vulnera facta meis4 ,alas6 ,the wounds were made by my own weapons4 --,ovid1 ,ep4 ,phyll4 ,demophoonti1 vers4 #dh4 ,they who give the first shock to a state1 are almost naturally the first overwhelmed in its ruin the fruits of public commotion are seldom enjoyed by him who was the first motor2 he beats and disturbs the water for another's net4 ,the unity and contexture of this monarchy1 of this grand edifice1 having been ripped and torn in her old age1 by this thing called innovation1 has since laid open a rent1 and given sufficient admittance to such injuries3 the royal majesty with greater difficulty declines from the summit to the middle1 then it falls and tumbles headlong from the middle to the bottom4 ,but if the inventors do the greater mischief1 the imitators are more vicious to follow examples of which they have felt and punished both the horror and the offence4 ,and if there can be any degree of honour in ill-doing1 these last must yield to the others the glory of contriving1 and the courage of making the first attempt4 ,all sorts of new disorders easily draw1 from this primitive and ever-flowing fountain1 examples and precedents to trouble and discompose our government3 we read in our very laws1 made for the remedy of this first evil1 the beginning and pretences of all sorts of wicked enterprises2 and that befalls us1 which ,thucydides said of the civil wars of his time1 that1 in favour of public vices1 they gave them new and more plausible names for their excuse1 sweetening and disguising their true titles2 which must be done1 forsooth1 to reform our conscience and belief3 ,honesta oratio est2 ,fine words truly4--,ter4 ,and41 i4 ,i1 #aad4 but the best pretence for innovation is of very dangerous consequence3 ,aden nihil motum ex antiquo probabile est4 ,we are ever wrong in changing ancient ways4--,livy1 xxxiv4 #ed ,and freely to speak my thoughts1 it argues a strange self-love and great presumption to be so fond of one's own opinions1 that a public peace must be overthrown to establish them1 and to introduce so many inevitable mischiefs1 and so dreadful a corruption of manners1 as a civil war and the mutations of state consequent to it1 always bring in their train1 and to introduce them1 in a thing of so high concern1 into the bowels of one's own country4 ,can there be worse husbandry than to set up so many certain and knowing vices against errors that are only contested and disputable8 ,and are there any worse sorts of vices than those committed against a man's own conscience1 and the natural light of his own reason8 ,the ,senate1 upon the dispute betwixt it and the people about the administration of their religion1 was bold enough to return this evasion for current pay3 ,ad deos id magis1 quam ad se1 pertinere3 ipsos visuros1 ne sacra sua polluantur2 ,those things belong to the gods to determine than to them2 let the gods1 therefore1 take care that their sacred mysteries were not profaned4--,livy1 x4 #f4 according to what the oracle answered to those of ,delphos who1 fearing to be invaded by the ,persians in the ,median war1 inquired of ,apollo1 how they should dispose of the holy treasure of his temple2 whether they should hide1 or remove it to some other place8 ,he returned them answer1 that they should stir nothing from thence1 and only take care of themselves1 for he was sufficient to look to what belonged to him4 --,herodotus1 viii4 #cf44-- ,the ,christian religion has all the marks of the utmost utility and justice3 but none more manifest than the severe injunction it lays indifferently upon all to yield absolute obedience to the civil magistrate1 and to maintain and defend the laws4 ,of which1 what a wonderful example has the divine wisdom left us1 that1 to establish the salvation of mankind1 and to conduct ,his glorious victory over death and sin1 would do it after no other way1 but at the mercy of our ordinary forms of justice subjecting the progress and issue of so high and so salutiferous an effect1 to the blindness and injustice of our customs and observances2 sacrificing the innocent blood of so many of ,his elect1 and so long a loss of so many years1 to the maturing of this inestimable fruit8 ,there is a vast difference betwixt the case of one who follows the forms and laws of his country1 and of another who will undertake to regulate and change them2 of whom the first pleads simplicity1 obedience1 and example for his excuse1 who1 whatever he shall do1 it cannot be imputed to malice2 'tis at the worst but misfortune3 ,quis est enim1 quem non moveat clarissimis monumentis testata consignataque antiquitas8 ,for who is there that antiquity1 attested and confirmed by the fairest monuments1 cannot move8--,cicero1 ,de ,divin41 i4 #dj4 besides what ,isocrates says1 that defect is nearer allied to moderation than excess3 the other is a much more ruffling gamester2 for whosoever shall take upon him to choose and alter1 usurps the authority of judging1 and should look well about him1 and make it his business to discern clearly the defect of what he would abolish1 and the virtue of what he is about to introduce4 ,this so vulgar consideration is that which settled me in my station1 and kept even my most extravagant and ungoverned youth under the rein1 so as not to burden my shoulders with so great a weight1 as to render myself responsible for a science of that importance1 and in this to dare1 what in my better and more mature judgment1 ,i durst not do in the most easy and indifferent things ,i had been instructed in1 and wherein the temerity of judging is of no consequence at all2 it seeming to me very unjust to go about to subject public and established customs and institutions1 to the weakness and instability of a private and particular fancy 7for private reason has but a private jurisdiction71 and to attempt that upon the divine1 which no government will endure a man should do1 upon the civil laws2 with which1 though human reason has much more commerce than with the other1 yet are they sovereignly judged by their own proper judges1 and the extreme sufficiency serves only to expound and set forth the law and custom received1 and neither to wrest it1 nor to introduce anything1 of innovation4 ,if1 sometimes1 the divine providence has gone beyond the rules to which it has necessarily bound and obliged us men1 it is not to give us any dispensation to do the same2 those are masterstrokes of the divine hand1 which we are not to imitate1 but to admire1 and extraordinary examples1 marks of express and particular purposes1 of the nature of miracles1 presented before us for manifestations of its almightiness1 equally above both our rules and force1 which it would be folly and impiety to attempt to represent and imitate2 and that we ought not to follow1 but to contemplate with the greatest reverence3 acts of ,his personage1 and not for us4 ,cotta very opportunely declares3 ,quum de religione agitur1 ,ti4 ,coruncanium1 ,p4 ,scipionem1 ,p4 ,scaevolam1 pontifices maximos1 non ,zenonem1 aut ,cleanthem1 aut ,chrysippum1 sequor4 ,when matter of religion is in question1 ,i follow the high priests ,t4 ,coruncanius1 ,p4 ,scipio1 ,p4 ,scaevola1 and not ,zeno1 ,cleanthes1 or ,chrysippus4--,cicero1 ,de ,natura ,deor41 iii4 #b4 ,god knows1 in the present quarrel of our civil war1 where there are a hundred articles to dash out and to put in1 great and very considerable1 how many there are who can truly boast1 they have exactly and perfectly weighed and understood the grounds and reasons of the one and the other party2 'tis a number1 if they make any number1 that would be able to give us very little disturbance4 ,but what becomes of all the rest1 under what ensigns do they march1 in what quarter do they lie8 ,theirs have the same effect with other weak and ill-applied medicines2 they have only set the humours they would purge more violently in work1 stirred and exasperated by the conflict1 and left them still behind4 ,the potion was too weak to purge1 but strong enough to weaken us2 so that it does not work1 but we keep it still in our bodies1 and reap nothing from the operation but intestine gripes and dolours4 ,so it is1 nevertheless1 that ,fortune still reserving her authority in defiance of whatever we are able to do or say1 sometimes presents us with a necessity so urgent1 that 'tis requisite the laws should a little yield and give way2 and when one opposes the increase of an innovation that thus intrudes itself by violence1 to keep a man's self in so doing1 in all places and in all things within bounds and rules against those who have the power1 and to whom all things are lawful that may in any way serve to advance their design1 who have no other law nor rule but what serves best to their own purpose1 'tis a dangerous obligation and an intolerable inequality3 ,aditum nocendi perfido praestat fides1 ,putting faith in a treacherous person1 opens the door to harm4--,seneca1 ,o,edip41 act iii41 verse #fhf4 forasmuch as the ordinary discipline of a healthful state does not provide against these extraordinary accidents2 it presupposes a body that supports itself in its principal members and offices1 and a common consent to its obedience and observation4 ,a legitimate proceeding is cold1 heavy1 and constrained1 and not fit to make head against a headstrong and unbridled proceeding4 ',tis known to be to this day cast in the dish of those two great men1 ,octavius and ,cato1 in the two civil wars of ,sylla and ,caesar1 that they would rather suffer their country to undergo the last extremities1 than relieve their fellow-citizens at the expense of its laws1 or be guilty of any innovation2 for in truth1 in these last necessities1 where there is no other remedy1 it would1 peradventure1 be more discreetly done1 to stoop and yield a little to receive the blow1 than1 by opposing without possibility of doing good1 to give occasion to violence to trample all under foot2 and better to make the laws do what they can1 when they cannot do what they would4 ,after this manner did he--,agesilaus4--who suspended them for four-and-twenty hours1 and he who1 for once shifted a day in the calendar1 and that other--,alexander the ,great4--who of the month of ,june made a second of ,may4 ,the ,lacedaemonians themselves1 who were so religious observers of the laws of their country1 being straitened by one of their own edicts1 by which it was expressly forbidden to choose the same man twice to be admiral2 and on the other side1 their affairs necessarily requiring1 that ,lysander should again take upon him that command1 they made one ,aratus admiral2 'tis true1 but withal1 ,lysander went general of the navy2 and1 by the same subtlety1 one of their ambassadors being sent to the ,athenians to obtain the revocation of some decree1 and ,pericles remonstrating to him1 that it was forbidden to take away the tablet wherein a law had once been engrossed1 he advised him to turn it only1 that being not forbidden2 and ,plutarch commends ,philopoemen1 that being born to command1 he knew how to do it1 not only according to the laws1 but also to overrule even the laws themselves1 when the public necessity so required4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii ,,various ,,events ,,from ,,the ,,same ,,counsel ,jacques ,amiot1 grand almoner of ,france1 one day related to me this story1 much to the honour of a prince of ours 7and ours he was upon several very good accounts1 though originally of foreign extraction71--,the ,duc de ,guise1 surnamed ,le ,balafre4--that in the time of our first commotions1 at the siege of ,rouen1--,in #aefb--this prince1 having been advertised by the queen-mother of a conspiracy against his life1 and in her letters particular notice being given him of the person who was to execute the business 7who was a gentleman of ,anjou or of ,maine1 and who to this effect ordinarily frequented this prince's house71 discovered not a syllable of this intelligence to any one whatever2 but going the next day to the ,st4 ,catherine's ,mount1--,an eminence outside ,rouen overlooking the ,seine4 ,d4,w4--from which our battery played against the town 7for it was during the time of the siege71 and having in company with him the said lord almoner1 and another bishop1 he saw this gentleman1 who had been denoted to him1 and presently sent for him2 to whom1 being come before him1 seeing him already pale and trembling with the conscience of his guilt1 he thus said1 ,monsieur1 such an one1 you guess what ,i have to say to you2 your countenance discovers it2 'tis in vain to disguise your practice1 for ,i am so well informed of your business1 that it will but make worse for you1 to go about to conceal or deny it3 you know very well such and such passages 7which were the most secret circumstances of his conspiracy71 and therefore be sure1 as you tender your own life1 to confess to me the whole truth of the design4 ,the poor man seeing himself thus trapped and convicted 7for the whole business had been discovered to the queen by one of the accomplices71 was in such a taking1 he knew not what to do2 but1 folding his hands1 to beg and sue for mercy1 he threw himself at his prince's feet1 who taking him up1 proceeded to say1 ,come1 sir2 tell me1 have ,i at any time done you offence8 or have ,i1 through private hatred or malice1 offended any kinsman or friend of yours8 ,it is not above three weeks that ,i have known you2 what inducement1 then1 could move you to attempt my death8 ,to which the gentleman with a trembling voice replied1 ,that it was no particular grudge he had to his person1 but the general interest and concern of his party1 and that he had been put upon it by some who had persuaded him it would be a meritorious act1 by any means1 to extirpate so great and so powerful an enemy of their religion4 ,well1 said the prince1 ,i will now let you see1 how much more charitable the religion is that ,i maintain1 than that which you profess3 yours has counselled you to kill me1 without hearing me speak1 and without ever having given you any cause of offence2 and mine commands me to forgive you1 convict as you are1 by your own confession1 of a design to kill me without reason4--,imitated by ,voltaire4 ,see ,nodier1 ,questions1 p4 #afe4--;,get you gone2 let me see you no more2 and1 if you are wise1 choose henceforward honester men for your counsellors in your designs4--,dampmartin1 ,la ,fortune de la ,coup1 liv4 ii41 p4 #aci ,the ,emperor ,augustus1--,this story is taken from ,seneca1 ,de ,clementia1 i4 #i4--;being in ,gaul1 had certain information of a conspiracy ,l4 ,cinna was contriving against him2 he therefore resolved to make him an example2 and1 to that end1 sent to summon his friends to meet the next morning in counsel4 ,but the night between he passed in great unquietness of mind1 considering that he was about to put to death a young man1 of an illustrious family1 and nephew to the great ,pompey1 and this made him break out into several passionate complainings4 ,what then1 said he1 is it possible that ,i am to live in perpetual anxiety and alarm1 and suffer my would-be assassin1 meantime1 to walk abroad at liberty8 ,shall he go unpunished1 after having conspired against my life1 a life that ,i have hitherto defended in so many civil wars1 in so many battles by land and by sea8 ,and after having settled the universal peace of the whole world1 shall this man be pardoned1 who has conspired not only to murder1 but to sacrifice me8--for the conspiracy was to kill him at sacrifice4 ,after which1 remaining for some time silent1 he began again1 in louder tones1 and exclaimed against himself1 saying3 ,why livest thou1 if it be for the good of so many that thou shouldst die8 must there be no end of thy revenges and cruelties8 ,is thy life of so great value1 that so many mischiefs must be done to preserve it8 ,his wife ,livia1 seeing him in this perplexity3 ,will you take a woman's counsel8 said she4 ,do as the physicians do1 who1 when the ordinary recipes will do no good1 make trial of the contrary4 ,by severity you have hitherto prevailed nothing2 ,lepidus has followed ,salvidienus2 ,murena1 ,lepidus2 ,caepio1 ,murena2 ,egnatius1 ,caepio4 ,begin now1 and try how sweetness and clemency will succeed4 ,cinna is convict2 forgive him1 he will never henceforth have the heart to hurt thee1 and it will be an act to thy glory4 ,augustus was well pleased that he had met with an advocate of his own humour2 wherefore1 having thanked his wife1 and1 in the morning1 countermanded his friends he had before summoned to council1 he commanded ,cinna all alone to be brought to him2 who being accordingly come1 and a chair by his appointment set him1 having ordered all the rest out of the room1 he spake to him after this manner3 ,in the first place1 ,cinna1 ,i demand of thee patient audience2 do not interrupt me in what ,i am about to say1 and ,i will afterwards give thee time and leisure to answer4 ,thou knowest1 ,cinna1--,this passage1 borrowed from ,seneca1 has been paraphrased in verse by ,corneille4 ,see ,nodier1 ,questions de la ,literature llgale1 #ahbh1 pp4 #g1 #afj4 ,the monologue of ,augustus in this chapter is also from ,seneca4 ,ibid41 #afd4--that having taken thee prisoner in the enemy's camp1 and thou an enemy1 not only so become1 but born so1 ,i gave thee thy life1 restored to thee all thy goods1 and1 finally1 put thee in so good a posture1 by my bounty1 of living well and at thy ease1 that the victorious envied the conquered4 ,the sacerdotal office which thou madest suit to me for1 ,i conferred upon thee1 after having denied it to others1 whose fathers have ever borne arms in my service4 ,after so many obligations1 thou hast undertaken to kill me4 ,at which ,cinna crying out that he was very far from entertaining any so wicked a thought3 ,thou dost not keep thy promise1 ,cinna1 continued ,augustus1 that thou wouldst not interrupt me4 ,yes1 thou hast undertaken to murder me in such a place1 on such a day1 in such and such company1 and in such a manner4 ,at which words1 seeing ,cinna astounded and silent1 not upon the account of his promise so to be1 but interdict with the weight of his conscience3 ,why1 proceeded ,augustus1 to what end wouldst thou do it8 ,is it to be emperor8 ,believe me1 the ,republic is in very ill condition1 if ,i am the only man betwixt thee and the empire4 ,thou art not able so much as to defend thy own house1 and but t'other day was baffled in a suit1 by the opposed interest of a mere manumitted slave4 ,what1 hast thou neither means nor power in any other thing1 but only to undertake ,caesar8 ,i quit the throne1 if there be no other than ,i to obstruct thy hopes4 ,canst thou believe that ,paulus1 that ,fabius1 that the ,cossii and the ,servilii1 and so many noble ,romans1 not only so in title1 but who by their virtue honour their nobility1 would suffer or endure thee8 ,after this1 and a great deal more that he said to him 7for he was two long hours in speaking71 ,now go1 ,cinna1 go thy way3 ,i give thee that life as traitor and parricide1 which ,i before gave thee in the quality of an enemy4 ,let friendship from this time forward begin betwixt us1 and let us show whether ,i have given1 or thou hast received thy life with the better faith2 and so departed from him4 ,some time after1 he preferred him to the consular dignity1 complaining that he had not the confidence to demand it2 had him ever after for his very great friend1 and was1 at last1 made by him sole heir to all his estate4 ,now1 from the time of this accident which befell ,augustus in the fortieth year of his age1 he never had any conspiracy or attempt against him1 and so reaped the due reward of this his so generous clemency4 ,but it did not so happen with our prince1 his moderation and mercy not so securing him1 but that he afterwards fell into the toils of the like treason1--,the ,duc de ,guise was assassinated in #aefc by ,poltrot4--so vain and futile a thing is human prudence2 throughout all our projects1 counsels and precautions1 ,fortune will still be mistress of events4 ,we repute physicians fortunate when they hit upon a lucky cure1 as if there was no other art but theirs that could not stand upon its own legs1 and whose foundations are too weak to support itself upon its own basis2 as if no other art stood in need of ,fortune's hand to help it4 ,for my part1 ,i think of physic as much good or ill as any one would have me3 for1 thanks be to ,god1 we have no traffic together4 ,i am of a quite contrary humour to other men1 for ,i always despise it2 but when ,i am sick1 instead of recanting1 or entering into composition with it1 ,i begin1 moreover1 to hate and fear it1 telling them who importune me to take physic1 that at all events they must give me time to recover my strength and health1 that ,i may be the better able to support and encounter the violence and danger of their potions4 ,i let nature work1 supposing her to be sufficiently armed with teeth and claws to defend herself from the assaults of infirmity1 and to uphold that contexture1 the dissolution of which she flies and abhors4 ,i am afraid1 lest1 instead of assisting her when close grappled and struggling with disease1 ,i should assist her adversary1 and burden her still more with work to do4 ,now1 ,i say1 that not in physic only1 but in other more certain arts1 fortune has a very great part4 ,the poetic raptures1 the flights of fancy1 that ravish and transport the author out of himself1 why should we not attribute them to his good fortune1 since he himself confesses that they exceed his sufficiency and force1 and acknowledges them to proceed from something else than himself1 and that he has them no more in his power than the orators say they have those extraordinary motions and agitations that sometimes push them beyond their design4 ,it is the same in painting1 where touches shall sometimes slip from the hand of the painter1 so surpassing both his conception and his art1 as to beget his own admiration and astonishment4 ,but ,fortune does yet more evidently manifest the share she has in all things of this kind1 by the graces and elegances we find in them1 not only beyond the intention1 but even without the knowledge of the workman3 a competent reader often discovers in other men's writings other perfections than the author himself either intended or perceived1 a richer sense and more quaint expression4 ,as to military enterprises1 every one sees how great a hand ,fortune has in them4 ,even in our counsels and deliberations there must1 certainly1 be something of chance and good-luck mixed with human prudence2 for all that our wisdom can do alone is no great matter2 the more piercing1 quick1 and apprehensive it is1 the weaker it finds itself1 and is by so much more apt to mistrust itself4 ,i am of ,sylla's opinion2--,who freed his great deeds from envy by ever attributing them to his good fortune1 and finally by surnaming himself ,faustus1 the ,lucky4--,plutarch1 ,how far a ,man may praise ,himself1 c4 #i4--;and when ,i closely examine the most glorious exploits of war1 ,i perceive1 methinks1 that those who carry them on make use of counsel and debate only for custom's sake1 and leave the best part of the enterprise to ,fortune1 and relying upon her aid1 transgress1 at every turn1 the bounds of military conduct and the rules of war4 ,there happen1 sometimes1 fortuitous alacrities and strange furies in their deliberations1 that for the most part prompt them to follow the worst grounded counsels1 and swell their courage beyond the limits of reason4 ,whence it happened that several of the great captains of old1 to justify those rash resolutions1 have been fain to tell their soldiers that they were invited to such attempts by some inspiration1 some sign and prognostic4 ,wherefore1 in this doubt and uncertainty1 that the shortsightedness of human wisdom to see and choose the best 7by reason of the difficulties that the various accidents and circumstances of things bring along with them7 perplexes us withal1 the surest way1 in my opinion1 did no other consideration invite us to it1 is to pitch upon that wherein is the greatest appearance of honesty and justice2 and not1 being certain of the shortest1 to keep the straightest and most direct way2 as in the two examples ,i have just given1 there is no question but it was more noble and generous in him who had received the offence1 to pardon it1 than to do otherwise4 ,if the former--,the ,duc de ,guise4--miscarried in it1 he is not1 nevertheless1 to be blamed for his good intention2 neither does any one know if he had proceeded otherwise1 whether by that means he had avoided the end his destiny had appointed for him2 and he had1 moreover1 lost the glory of so humane an act4 ,you will read in history1 of many who have been in such apprehension1 that the most part have taken the course to meet and anticipate conspiracies against them by punishment and revenge2 but ,i find very few who have reaped any advantage by this proceeding2 witness so many ,roman emperors4 ,whoever finds himself in this danger1 ought not to expect much either from his vigilance or power2 for how hard a thing is it for a man to secure himself from an enemy1 who lies concealed under the countenance of the most assiduous friend we have1 and to discover and know the wills and inward thoughts of those who are in our personal service4 ',tis to much purpose to have a guard of foreigners about one1 and to be always fenced about with a pale of armed men2 whosoever despises his own life1 is always master of that of another man4--,seneca1 ,ep41 #d4--;,and moreover1 this continual suspicion1 that makes a prince jealous of all the world1 must of necessity be a strange torment to him4 ,therefore it was1 that ,dion1 being advertised that ,callippus watched all opportunities to take away his life1 had never the heart to inquire more particularly into it1 saying1 that he had rather die than live in that misery1 that he must continually stand upon his guard1 not only against his enemies1 but his friends also2--,plutarch1 ,apothegms4--which ,alexander much more vividly and more roundly manifested in effect1 when1 having notice by a letter from ,parmenio1 that ,philip1 his most beloved physician1 was by ,darius' money corrupted to poison him1 at the same time he gave the letter to ,philip to read1 drank off the potion he had brought him4 ,was not this to express a resolution1 that if his friends had a mind to despatch him out of the world1 he was willing to give them opportunity to do it8 ,this prince is1 indeed1 the sovereign pattern of hazardous actions2 but ,i do not know whether there be another passage in his life wherein there is so much firm courage as in this1 nor so illustrious an image of the beauty and greatness of his mind4 ,those who preach to princes so circumspect and vigilant a jealousy and distrust1 under colour of security1 preach to them ruin and dishonour3 nothing noble can be performed without danger4 ,i know a person1 naturally of a very great daring and enterprising courage1 whose good fortune is continually marred by such persuasions1 that he keep himself close surrounded by his friends1 that he must not hearken to any reconciliation with his ancient enemies1 that he must stand aloof1 and not trust his person in hands stronger than his own1 what promises or offers soever they may make him1 or what advantages soever he may see before him4 ,and ,i know another1 who has unexpectedly advanced his fortunes by following a clear contrary advice4 ,courage1 the reputation and glory of which men seek with so greedy an appetite1 presents itself1 when need requires1 as magnificently in cuerpo1 as in full armour2 in a closet1 as in a camp2 with arms pendant1 as with arms raised4 ,this over-circumspect and wary prudence is a mortal enemy to all high and generous exploits4 ,scipio1 to sound ,syphax's intention1 leaving his army1 abandoning ,spain1 not yet secure nor well settled in his new conquest1 could pass over into ,africa in two small ships1 to commit himself1 in an enemy's country1 to the power of a barbarian king1 to a faith untried and unknown1 without obligation1 without hostage1 under the sole security of the grandeur of his own courage1 his good fortune1 and the promise of his high hopes4-- ,livy1 xxviii4 #ag4 ,habita fides ipsam plerumque fidem obligat4 ,trust often obliges fidelity4--,livy1 xxii4 #bb4 ,in a life of ambition and glory1 it is necessary to hold a stiff rein upon suspicion3 fear and distrust invite and draw on offence4 ,the most mistrustful of our kings-- ,louis ,,xi4--established his affairs principally by voluntarily committing his life and liberty into his enemies' hands1 by that action manifesting that he had absolute confidence in them1 to the end they might repose as great an assurance in him4 ,caesar only opposed the authority of his countenance and the haughty sharpness of his rebukes to his mutinous legions in arms against him3 ,stetit aggere fulti ,cespitis1 intrepidus vultu3 meruitque timeri1 ,nil metuens4 ,he stood on a mound1 his countenance intrepid1 and merited to be feared1 he fearing nothing4--,lucan1 v4 #caf4 ,but it is true1 withal1 that this undaunted assurance is not to be represented in its simple and entire form1 but by such whom the apprehension of death1 and the worst that can happen1 does not terrify and affright2 for to represent a pretended resolution with a pale and doubtful countenance and trembling limbs1 for the service of an important reconciliation1 will effect nothing to purpose4 ',tis an excellent way to gain the heart and will of another1 to submit and intrust one's self to him1 provided it appear to be freely done1 and without the constraint of necessity1 and in such a condition1 that a man manifestly does it out of a pure and entire confidence in the party1 at least1 with a countenance clear from any cloud of suspicion4 ,i saw1 when ,i was a boy1 a gentleman1 who was governor of a great city1 upon occasion of a popular commotion and fury1 not knowing what other course to take1 go out of a place of very great strength and security1 and commit himself to the mercy of the seditious rabble1 in hopes by that means to appease the tumult before it grew to a more formidable head2 but it was ill for him that he did so1 for he was there miserably slain4 ,but ,i am not1 nevertheless1 of opinion1 that he committed so great an error in going out1 as men commonly reproach his memory withal1 as he did in choosing a gentle and submissive way for the effecting his purpose1 and in endeavouring to quiet this storm1 rather by obeying than commanding1 and by entreaty rather than remonstrance2 and ,i am inclined to believe1 that a gracious severity1 with a soldierlike way of commanding1 full of security and confidence1 suitable to the quality of his person1 and the dignity of his command1 would have succeeded better with him2 at least1 he had perished with greater decency and1 reputation4 ,there is nothing so little to be expected or hoped for from this many-headed monster1 in its fury1 as humanity and good nature2 it is much more capable of reverence and fear4 ,i should also reproach him1 that having taken a resolution 7in my judgment rather brave than rash7 to expose himself1 weak and naked1 in this tempestuous sea of enraged madmen1 he ought to have stuck to his text1 and not for an instant to have abandoned the high part he had undertaken2 whereas1 coming to discover his danger nearer hand1 and his nose happening to bleed1 he again changed that demiss and fawning countenance he had at first put on1 into another of fear and amazement1 filling his voice with entreaties and his eyes with tears1 and1 endeavouring so to withdraw and secure his person1 that carriage more inflamed their fury1 and soon brought the effects of it upon him4 ,it was upon a time intended that there should be a general muster of several troops in arms 7and that is the most proper occasion of secret revenges1 and there is no place where they can be executed with greater safety71 and there were public and manifest appearances1 that there was no safe coming for some1 whose principal and necessary office it was to review them4 ,whereupon a consultation was held1 and several counsels were proposed1 as in a case that was very nice and of great difficulty2 and moreover of grave consequence4 ,mine1 amongst the rest1 was1 that they should by all means avoid giving any sign of suspicion1 but that the officers who were most in danger should boldly go1 and with cheerful and erect countenances ride boldly and confidently through the ranks1 and that instead of sparing fire 7which the counsels of the major part tended to7 they should entreat the captains to command the soldiers to give round and full volleys in honour of the spectators1 and not to spare their powder4 ,this was accordingly done1 and served so good use1 as to please and gratify the suspected troops1 and thenceforward to beget a mutual and wholesome confidence and intelligence amongst them4 ,i look upon ,julius ,caesar's way of winning men to him as the best and finest that can be put in practice4 ,first1 he tried by clemency to make himself beloved even by his very enemies1 contenting himself1 in detected conspiracies1 only publicly to declare1 that he was pre-acquainted with them2 which being done1 he took a noble resolution to await without solicitude or fear1 whatever might be the event1 wholly resigning himself to the protection of the gods and fortune3 for1 questionless1 in this state he was at the time when he was killed4 ,a stranger having publicly said1 that he could teach ,dionysius1 the tyrant of ,syracuse1 an infallible way to find out and discover all the conspiracies his subjects could contrive against him1 if he would give him a good sum of money for his pains1 ,dionysius hearing of it1 caused the man to be brought to him1 that he might learn an art so necessary to his preservation4 ,the man made answer1 that all the art he knew1 was1 that he should give him a talent1 and afterwards boast that he had obtained a singular secret from him4 ,dionysius liked the invention1 and accordingly caused six hundred crowns to be counted out to him4 --,plutarch1 ,apothegms4--,it was not likely he should give so great a sum to a person unknown1 but upon the account of some extraordinary discovery1 and the belief of this served to keep his enemies in awe4 ,princes1 however1 do wisely to publish the informations they receive of all the practices against their lives1 to possess men with an opinion they have so good intelligence that nothing can be plotted against them1 but they have present notice of it4 ,the ,duke of ,athens did a great many foolish things in the establishment of his new tyranny over ,florence3 but this especially was most notable1 that having received the first intimation of the conspiracies the people were hatching against him1 from ,matteo di ,morozzo1 one of the conspirators1 he presently put him to death1 to suppress that rumour1 that it might not be thought any of the city disliked his government4 ,i remember ,i have formerly read a story--,in ,appian's ,civil ,wars1 book iv44--of some ,roman of great quality who1 flying the tyranny of the ,triumvirate1 had a thousand times by the subtlety of as many inventions escaped from falling into the hands of those that pursued him4 ,it happened one day that a troop of horse1 which was sent out to take him1 passed close by a brake where he was squat1 and missed very narrowly of spying him3 but he considering1 at this point1 the pains and difficulties wherein he had so long continued to evade the strict and incessant searches that were every day made for him1 the little pleasure he could hope for in such a kind of life1 and how much better it was for him to die once for all1 than to be perpetually at this pass1 he started from his seat1 called them back1 showed them his form1--as of a squatting hare4--and voluntarily delivered himself up to their cruelty1 by that means to free both himself and them from further trouble4 ,to invite a man's enemies to come and cut his throat1 seems a resolution a little extravagant and odd2 and yet ,i think he did better to take that course1 than to live in continual feverish fear of an accident for which there was no cure4 ,but seeing all the remedies a man can apply to such a disease1 are full of unquietness and uncertainty1 'tis better with a manly courage to prepare one's self for the worst that can happen1 and to extract some consolation from this1 that we are not certain the thing we fear will ever come to pass4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv ,,of ,,pedantry ,i was often1 when a boy1 wonderfully concerned to see1 in the ,italian farces1 a pedant always brought in for the fool of the play1 and that the title of ,magister was in no greater reverence amongst us3 for being delivered up to their tuition1 what could ,i do less than be jealous of their honour and reputation8 ,i sought indeed to excuse them by the natural incompatibility betwixt the vulgar sort and men of a finer thread1 both in judgment and knowledge1 forasmuch as they go a quite contrary way to one another3 but in this1 the thing ,i most stumbled at was1 that the finest gentlemen were those who most despised them2 witness our famous poet ,du ,bellay-- ,mais je hay par sur tout un scavoir pedantesque4 ,of all things ,i hate pedantic learning4--,du ,bellay ,and 'twas so in former times2 for ,plutarch says that ,greek and ,scholar were terms of reproach and contempt amongst the ,romans4 ,but since1 with the better experience of age1 ,i find they had very great reason so to do1 and that-- ,magis magnos clericos non sunt magis magnos sapientes4 ,the greatest clerks are not the wisest men4 ,a proverb given in ,rabelais' ,gargantua1 i4 #ci4 ,but whence it should come to pass1 that a mind enriched with the knowledge of so many things should not become more quick and sprightly1 and that a gross and vulgar understanding should lodge within it1 without correcting and improving itself1 all the discourses and judgments of the greatest minds the world ever had1 ,i am yet to seek4 ,to admit so many foreign conceptions1 so great1 and so high fancies1 it is necessary 7as a young lady1 one of the greatest princesses of the kingdom1 said to me once1 speaking of a certain person7 that a man's own brain must be crowded and squeezed together into a less compass1 to make room for the others2 ,i should be apt to conclude1 that as plants are suffocated and drowned with too much nourishment1 and lamps with too much oil1 so with too much study and matter is the active part of the understanding which1 being embarrassed1 and confounded with a great diversity of things1 loses the force and power to disengage itself1 and by the pressure of this weight1 is bowed1 subjected1 and doubled up4 ,but it is quite otherwise2 for our soul stretches and dilates itself proportionably as it fills2 and in the examples of elder times1 we see1 quite contrary1 men very proper for public business1 great captains1 and great statesmen very learned withal4 ,and1 as to the philosophers1 a sort of men remote from all public affairs1 they have been sometimes also despised by the comic liberty of their times2 their opinions and manners making them appear1 to men of another sort1 ridiculous4 ,would you make them judges of a lawsuit1 of the actions of men8 they are ready to take it upon them1 and straight begin to examine if there be life1 if there be motion1 if man be any other than an ox2--,if ,montaigne has copied all this from ,plato's ,theatetes1 p4#abg1 ,f4 as it is plain by all which he has added immediately after1 that he has taken it from that dialogue1 he has grossly mistaken ,plato's sentiment1 who says here no more than this1 that the philosopher is so ignorant of what his neighbour does1 that he scarce knows whether he is a man1 or some other animal3--,coste4--what it is to do and to suffer8 what animals law and justice are8 ,do they speak of the magistrates1 or to him1 'tis with a rude1 irreverent1 and indecent liberty4 ,do they hear their prince1 or a king commended8 they make no more of him1 than of a shepherd1 goatherd1 or neatherd3 a lazy ,coridon1 occupied in milking and shearing his herds and flocks1 but more rudely and harshly than the herd or shepherd himself4 ,do you repute any man the greater for being lord of two thousand acres of land8 they laugh at such a pitiful pittance1 as laying claim themselves to the whole world for their possession4 ,do you boast of your nobility1 as being descended from seven rich successive ancestors8 they look upon you with an eye of contempt1 as men who have not a right idea of the universal image of nature1 and that do not consider how many predecessors every one of us has had1 rich1 poor1 kings1 slaves1 ,greeks1 and barbarians2 and though you were the fiftieth descendant from ,hercules1 they look upon it as a great vanity1 so highly to value this1 which is only a gift of fortune4 ,and 'twas so the vulgar sort contemned them1 as men ignorant of the most elementary and ordinary things2 as presumptuous and insolent4 ,but this ,platonic picture is far different from that these pedants are presented by4 ,those were envied for raising themselves above the common sort1 for despising the ordinary actions and offices of life1 for having assumed a particular and inimitable way of living1 and for using a certain method of high-flight and obsolete language1 quite different from the ordinary way of speaking3 but these are contemned as being as much below the usual form1 as incapable of public employment1 as leading a life and conforming themselves to the mean and vile manners of the vulgar3 ,odi ignava opera1 philosopha sententia4 ,i hate men who jabber about philosophy1 but do nothing4 --,pacuvius1 ap ,gellium1 xiii4 #h4 ,for what concerns the philosophers1 as ,i have said1 if they were in science1 they were yet much greater in action4 ,and1 as it is said of the geometrician of ,syracuse1--,archimedes4--who having been disturbed from his contemplation1 to put some of his skill in practice for the defence of his country1 that he suddenly set on foot dreadful and prodigious engines1 that wrought effects beyond all human expectation2 himself1 notwithstanding1 disdaining all his handiwork1 and thinking in this he had played the mere mechanic1 and violated the dignity of his art1 of which these performances of his he accounted but trivial experiments and playthings so they1 whenever they have been put upon the proof of action1 have been seen to fly to so high a pitch1 as made it very well appear1 their souls were marvellously elevated1 and enriched by the knowledge of things4 ,but some of them1 seeing the reins of government in the hands of incapable men1 have avoided all management of political affairs2 and he who demanded of ,crates1 how long it was necessary to philosophise1 received this answer3 ,till our armies are no more commanded by fools4 --,diogenes ,laertius1 vi4 #ib4--;,heraclitus resigned the royalty to his brother2 and1 to the ,ephesians1 who reproached him that he spent his time in playing with children before the temple3 ,is it not better1 said he1 to do so1 than to sit at the helm of affairs in your company8 ,others having their imagination advanced above the world and fortune1 have looked upon the tribunals of justice1 and even the thrones of kings1 as paltry and contemptible2 insomuch1 that ,empedocles refused the royalty that the ,agrigentines offered to him4 ,thales1 once inveighing in discourse against the pains and care men put themselves to to become rich1 was answered by one in the company1 that he did like the fox1 who found fault with what he could not obtain4 ,whereupon1 he had a mind1 for the jest's sake1 to show them to the contrary2 and having1 for this occasion1 made a muster of all his wits1 wholly to employ them in the service of profit and gain1 he set a traffic on foot1 which in one year brought him in so great riches1 that the most experienced in that trade could hardly in their whole lives1 with all their industry1 have raked so much together4--,diogenes ,laertius1 ,life of ,thales1 i4 #bf2 ,cicero1 ,de ,divin41 i4 #di4--,that which ,aristotle reports of some who called both him and ,anaxagoras1 and others of their profession1 wise but not prudent1 in not applying their study to more profitable things--though ,i do not well digest this verbal distinction--that will not1 however1 serve to excuse my pedants1 for to see the low and necessitous fortune wherewith they are content1 we have rather reason to pronounce that they are neither wise nor prudent4 ,but letting this first reason alone1 ,i think it better to say1 that this evil proceeds from their applying themselves the wrong way to the study of the sciences2 and that1 after the manner we are instructed1 it is no wonder if neither the scholars nor the masters become1 though more learned1 ever the wiser1 or more able4 ,in plain truth1 the cares and expense our parents are at in our education1 point at nothing1 but to furnish our heads with knowledge2 but not a word of judgment and virtue4 ,cry out1 of one that passes by1 to the people3 ,o1 what a learned man6 and of another1 ,o1 what a good man6--,translated from ,seneca1 ,ep41 #hh4--they will not fail to turn their eyes1 and address their respect to the former4 ,there should then be a third crier1 ,o1 the blockheads6 ,men are apt presently to inquire1 does such a one understand ,greek or ,latin8 ,is he a poet8 or does he write in prose8 ,but whether he be grown better or more discreet1 which are qualities of principal concern1 these are never thought of4 ,we should rather examine1 who is better learned1 than who is more learned4 ,we only labour to stuff the memory1 and leave the conscience and the understanding unfurnished and void4 ,like birds who fly abroad to forage for grain1 and bring it home in the beak1 without tasting it themselves1 to feed their young2 so our pedants go picking knowledge here and there1 out of books1 and hold it at the tongue's end1 only to spit it out and distribute it abroad4 ,and here ,i cannot but smile to think how ,i have paid myself in showing the foppery of this kind of learning1 who myself am so manifest an example2 for1 do ,i not the same thing throughout almost this whole composition8 ,i go here and there1 culling out of several books the sentences that best please me1 not to keep them 7for ,i have no memory to retain them in71 but to transplant them into this2 where1 to say the truth1 they are no more mine than in their first places4 ,we are1 ,i conceive1 knowing only in present knowledge1 and not at all in what is past1 or more than is that which is to come4 ,but the worst on't is1 their scholars and pupils are no better nourished by this kind of inspiration2 and it makes no deeper impression upon them1 but passes from hand to hand1 only to make a show to be tolerable company1 and to tell pretty stories1 like a counterfeit coin in counters1 of no other use or value1 but to reckon with1 or to set up at cards3 ,apud alios loqui didicerunt non ipsi secum4 ,they have learned to speak from others1 not from themselves4 --,cicero1 ,tusc4 ,quaes1 v4 #cf4 ,non est loquendum1 sed gubernandum4 ,speaking is not so necessary as governing4--,seneca1 ,ep41 #ajh4 ,nature1 to shew that there is nothing barbarous where she has the sole conduct1 oftentimes1 in nations where art has the least to do1 causes productions of wit1 such as may rival the greatest effect of art whatever4 ,in relation to what ,i am now speaking of1 the ,gascon proverb1 derived from a cornpipe1 is very quaint and subtle3 ,bouha prou bouha1 mas a remuda lous dits quem4 ,you may blow till your eyes start out2 but if once you offer to stir your fingers1 it is all over4 ,we can say1 ,cicero says thus2 these were the manners of ,plato2 these are the very words of ,aristotle3 but what do we say ourselves8 ,what do we judge8 ,a parrot would say as much as that4 ,and this puts me in mind of that rich gentleman of ,rome1--,calvisius ,sabinus4 ,seneca1 ,ep41 #bg4--who had been solicitous1 with very great expense1 to procure men that were excellent in all sorts of science1 whom he had always attending his person1 to the end1 that when amongst his friends any occasion fell out of speaking of any subject whatsoever1 they might supply his place1 and be ready to prompt him1 one with a sentence of ,seneca1 another with a verse of ,homer1 and so forth1 every one according to his talent2 and he fancied this knowledge to be his own1 because it was in the heads of those who lived upon his bounty2 as they also do1 whose learning consists in having noble libraries4 ,i know one1 who1 when ,i question him what he knows1 he presently calls for a book to shew me1 and dares not venture to tell me so much1 as that he has piles in his posteriors1 till first he has consulted his dictionary1 what piles and what posteriors are4 ,we take other men's knowledge and opinions upon trust2 which is an idle and superficial learning4 ,we must make it our own4 ,we are in this very like him1 who having need of fire1 went to a neighbour's house to fetch it1 and finding a very good one there1 sat down to warm himself without remembering to carry any with him home4--,plutarch1 ,how a ,man should ,listen4--,what good does it do us to have the stomach full of meat1 if it do not digest1 if it be not incorporated with us1 if it does not nourish and support us8 ,can we imagine that ,lucullus1 whom letters1 without any manner of experience1 made so great a captain1 learned to be so after this perfunctory manner8--,cicero1 ,acad41 ii4 ,i4--,we suffer ourselves to lean and rely so strongly upon the arm of another1 that we destroy our own strength and vigour4 ,would ,i fortify myself against the fear of death1 it must be at the expense of ,seneca3 would ,i extract consolation for myself or my friend1 ,i borrow it from ,cicero4 ,i might have found it in myself1 had ,i been trained to make use of my own reason4 ,i do not like this relative and mendicant understanding2 for though we could become learned by other men's learning1 a man can never be wise but by his own wisdom3 ,i hate the wise man1 who in his own concern is not wise4 --,euripides1 ap4 ,cicero1 ,ep4 ,fam41 xiii4 #ae4 ,whence ,ennius3 ,nequidquam sapere sapientem1 qui ipse sibi prodesse non quiret4 ,that wise man knows nothing1 who cannot profit himself by his wisdom4--,cicero1 ,de ,offic41 iii4 #ae4 ,si cupidus1 si ,vanus1 et ,euganea quantumvis mollior agna4 ,if he be grasping1 or a boaster1 and something softer than an ,euganean lamb4--,juvenal1 ,sat41 viii4 #ad4 ,non enim paranda nobis solum1 sed fruenda sapientia est4 ,for wisdom is not only to be acquired1 but to be utilised4 --,cicero1 ,de ,finib41 i4 ,i4 ,dionysius--,it was not ,dionysius1 but ,diogenes the cynic4 ,diogenes ,laertius1 vi4 #bg4--laughed at the grammarians1 who set themselves to inquire into the miseries of ,ulysses1 and were ignorant of their own2 at musicians1 who were so exact in tuning their instruments1 and never tuned their manners2 at orators1 who made it a study to declare what is justice1 but never took care to do it4 ,if the mind be not better disposed1 if the judgment be no better settled1 ,i had much rather my scholar had spent his time at tennis1 for1 at least1 his body would by that means be in better exercise and breath4 ,do but observe him when he comes back from school1 after fifteen or sixteen years that he has been there2 there is nothing so unfit for employment2 all you shall find he has got1 is1 that his ,latin and ,greek have only made him a greater coxcomb than when he went from home4 ,he should bring back his soul replete with good literature1 and he brings it only swelled and puffed up with vain and empty shreds and patches of learning2 and has really nothing more in him than he had before4--,plato's ,dialogues3 ,protagoras4 ,these pedants of ours1 as ,plato says of the ,sophists1 their cousin-germans1 are1 of all men1 they who most pretend to be useful to mankind1 and who alone1 of all men1 not only do not better and improve that which is committed to them1 as a carpenter or a mason would do1 but make them much worse1 and make us pay them for making them worse1 to boot4 ,if the rule which ,protagoras proposed to his pupils were followed --either that they should give him his own demand1 or make affidavit upon oath in the temple how much they valued the profit they had received under his tuition1 and satisfy him accordingly--my pedagogues would find themselves sorely gravelled1 if they were to be judged by the affidavits of my experience4 ,my ,perigordin patois very pleasantly calls these pretenders to learning1 'lettre-ferits'1 as a man should say1 letter-marked--men on whom letters have been stamped by the blow of a mallet4 ,and1 in truth1 for the most part1 they appear to be deprived even of common sense2 for you see the husbandman and the cobbler go simply and fairly about their business1 speaking only of what they know and understand2 whereas these fellows1 to make parade and to get opinion1 mustering this ridiculous knowledge of theirs1 that floats on the superficies of the brain1 are perpetually perplexing1 and entangling themselves in their own nonsense4 ,they speak fine words sometimes1 'tis true1 but let somebody that is wiser apply them4 ,they are wonderfully well acquainted with ,galen1 but not at all with the disease of the patient2 they have already deafened you with a long ribble-row of laws1 but understand nothing of the case in hand2 they have the theory of all things1 let who will put it in practice4 ,i have sat by1 when a friend of mine1 in my own house1 for sport-sake1 has with one of these fellows counterfeited a jargon of ,galimatias1 patched up of phrases without head or tail1 saving that he interlarded here and there some terms that had relation to their dispute1 and held the coxcomb in play a whole afternoon together1 who all the while thought he had answered pertinently and learnedly to all his objections2 and yet this was a man of letters1 and reputation1 and a fine gentleman of the long robe3 ,vos1 ,o patricius sanguis1 quos vivere par est ,occipiti caeco1 posticae occurrite sannae4 ,o you1 of patrician blood1 to whom it is permitted to live with7out7 eyes in the back of your head1 beware of grimaces at you from behind4--,persius1 ,sat41 i4 #fa4 ,whosoever shall narrowly pry into and thoroughly sift this sort of people1 wherewith the world is so pestered1 will1 as ,i have done1 find1 that for the most part1 they neither understand others1 nor themselves2 and that their memories are full enough1 but the judgment totally void and empty2 some excepted1 whose own nature has of itself formed them into better fashion4 ,as ,i have observed1 for example1 in ,adrian ,turnebus1 who having never made other profession than that of mere learning only1 and in that1 in my opinion1 he was the greatest man that has been these thousand years1 had nothing at all in him of the pedant1 but the wearing of his gown1 and a little exterior fashion1 that could not be civilised to courtier ways1 which in themselves are nothing4 ,i hate our people1 who can worse endure an ill-contrived robe than an ill-contrived mind1 and take their measure by the leg a man makes1 by his behaviour1 and so much as the very fashion of his boots1 what kind of man he is4 ,for within there was not a more polished soul upon earth4 ,i have often purposely put him upon arguments quite wide of his profession1 wherein ,i found he had so clear an insight1 so quick an apprehension1 so solid a judgment1 that a man would have thought he had never practised any other thing but arms1 and been all his life employed in affairs of ,state4 ,these are great and vigorous natures1 ,queis arte benigna ,et meliore luto finxit praecordia ,titan4 ,whom benign ,titan 7,prometheus7 has framed of better clay4 --,juvenal1 xiv4 #cd4 that can keep themselves upright in despite of a pedantic education4 ,but it is not enough that our education does not spoil us2 it must1 moreover1 alter us for the better4 ,some of our ,parliaments1 when they are to admit officers1 examine only their learning2 to which some of the others also add the trial of understanding1 by asking their judgment of some case in law2 of these the latter1 methinks1 proceed with the better method2 for although both are necessary1 and that it is very requisite they should be defective in neither1 yet1 in truth1 knowledge is not so absolutely necessary as judgment2 the last may make shift without the other1 but the other never without this4 ,for as the ,greek verse says-- ,to what use serves learning1 if understanding be away4 --,apud ,stobaeus1 tit4 iii41 p4 #cg 7#afji74 ,would to ,god that1 for the good of our judicature1 these societies were as well furnished with understanding and conscience as they are with knowledge4 ,non vita1 sed scolae discimus4 ,we do not study for life1 but only for the school4 --,seneca1 ,ep41 #ajf4 ,we are not to tie learning to the soul1 but to work and incorporate them together3 not to tincture it only1 but to give it a thorough and perfect dye2 which1 if it will not take colour1 and meliorate its imperfect state1 it were without question better to let it alone4 ',tis a dangerous weapon1 that will hinder and wound its master1 if put into an awkward and unskilful hand3 ,ut fuerit melius non didicisse4 ,so that it were better not to have learned4 --,cicero1 ,tusc4 ,quaes41 ii4 #d4 ,and this1 peradventure1 is the reason why neither we nor theology require much learning in women2 and that ,francis1 ,duke of ,brittany1 son of ,john ,v41 one talking with him about his marriage with ,isabella the daughter of ,scotland1 and adding that she was homely bred1 and without any manner of learning1 made answer1 that he liked her the better1 and that a woman was wise enough1 if she could distinguish her husband's shirt from his doublet4 ,so that it is no so great wonder1 as they make of it1 that our ancestors had letters in no greater esteem1 and that even to this day they are but rarely met with in the principal councils of princes2 and if the end and design of acquiring riches1 which is the only thing we propose to ourselves1 by the means of law1 physic1 pedantry1 and even divinity itself1 did not uphold and keep them in credit1 you would1 with doubt1 see them in as pitiful a condition as ever4 ,and what loss would this be1 if they neither instruct us to think well nor to do well8 ,postquam docti prodierunt1 boni desunt4 ,seneca1 ,ep41 #ie4 ,since the 'savans' have made their appearance among us1 the good people have become eclipsed4 --,rousseau1 ,discours sur les ,lettres4 ,all other knowledge is hurtful to him who has not the science of goodness4 ,but the reason ,i glanced upon but now1 may it not also hence proceed1 that1 our studies in ,france having almost no other aim but profit1 except as to those who1 by nature born to offices and employments rather of glory than gain1 addict themselves to letters1 if at all1 only for so short a time 7being taken from their studies before they can come to have any taste of them1 to a profession that has nothing to do with books71 there ordinarily remain no others to apply themselves wholly to learning1 but people of mean condition1 who in that only seek the means to live2 and by such people1 whose souls are1 both by nature and by domestic education and example1 of the basest alloy the fruits of knowledge are immaturely gathered and ill digested1 and delivered to their recipients quite another thing4 ,for it is not for knowledge to enlighten a soul that is dark of itself1 nor to make a blind man see4 ,her business is not to find a man's eyes1 but to guide1 govern1 and direct them1 provided he have sound feet and straight legs to go upon4 ,knowledge is an excellent drug1 but no drug has virtue enough to preserve itself from corruption and decay1 if the vessel be tainted and impure wherein it is put to keep4 ,such a one may have a sight clear enough who looks asquint1 and consequently sees what is good1 but does not follow it1 and sees knowledge1 but makes no use of it4 ,plato's principal institution in his ,republic is to fit his citizens with employments suitable to their nature4 ,nature can do all1 and does all4 ,cripples are very unfit for exercises of the body1 and lame souls for exercises of the mind4 ,degenerate and vulgar souls are unworthy of philosophy4 ,if we see a shoemaker with his shoes out at the toes1 we say1 'tis no wonder2 for1 commonly1 none go worse shod than they4 ,in like manner1 experience often presents us a physician worse physicked1 a divine less reformed1 and 7constantly7 a scholar of less sufficiency1 than other people4 ,old ,aristo of ,chios had reason to say that philosophers did their auditors harm1 forasmuch as most of the souls of those that heard them were not capable of deriving benefit from instruction1 which1 if not applied to good1 would certainly be applied to ill3 ,they proceeded effeminate debauchees from the school of ,aristippus1 cynics from that of ,zeno4 --,cicero1 ,de ,natura ,deor41 iii41 #ca4 ,in that excellent institution that ,xenophon attributes to the ,persians1 we find that they taught their children virtue1 as other nations do letters4 ,plato tells us that the eldest son in their royal succession was thus brought up2 after his birth he was delivered1 not to women1 but to eunuchs of the greatest authority about their kings for their virtue1 whose charge it was to keep his body healthful and in good plight2 and after he came to seven years of age1 to teach him to ride and to go a-hunting4 ,when he arrived at fourteen he was transferred into the hands of four1 the wisest1 the most just1 the most temperate1 and most valiant of the nation2 of whom the first was to instruct him in religion1 the second to be always upright and sincere1 the third to conquer his appetites and desires1 and the fourth to despise all danger4 ,it is a thing worthy of very great consideration1 that in that excellent1 and1 in truth1 for its perfection1 prodigious form of civil regimen set down by ,lycurgus1 though so solicitous of the education of children1 as a thing of the greatest concern1 and even in the very seat of the ,muses1 he should make so little mention of learning2 as if that generous youth1 disdaining all other subjection but that of virtue1 ought to be supplied1 instead of tutors to read to them arts and sciences1 with such masters as should only instruct them in valour1 prudence1 and justice2 an example that ,plato has followed in his laws4 ,the manner of their discipline was to propound to them questions in judgment upon men and their actions2 and if they commended or condemned this or that person or fact1 they were to give a reason for so doing2 by which means they at once sharpened their understanding1 and learned what was right4 ,astyages1 in ,xenophon1 asks ,cyrus to give an account of his last lesson2 and thus it was1 ,a great boy in our school1 having a little short cassock1 by force took a longer from another that was not so tall as he1 and gave him his own in exchange3 whereupon ,i1 being appointed judge of the controversy1 gave judgment1 that ,i thought it best each should keep the coat he had1 for that they both of them were better fitted with that of one another than with their own3 upon which my master told me1 ,i had done ill1 in that ,i had only considered the fitness of the garments1 whereas ,i ought to have considered the justice of the thing1 which required that no one should have anything forcibly taken from him that is his own4 ,and ,cyrus adds that he was whipped for his pains1 as we are in our villages for forgetting the first aorist of------4 ,cotton's version of this story commences differently1 and includes a passage which is not in any of the editions of the original before me3 ,mandane1 in ,xenophon1 asking ,cyrus how he would do to learn justice1 and the other virtues amongst the ,medes1 having left all his masters behind him in ,persia8 ,he made answer1 that he had learned those things long since2 that his master had often made him a judge of the differences amongst his schoolfellows1 and had one day whipped him for giving a wrong sentence4--,w4,c4,h4 ,my pedant must make me a very learned oration1 'in genere demonstrativo'1 before he can persuade me that his school is like unto that4 ,they knew how to go the readiest way to work2 and seeing that science1 when most rightly applied and best understood1 can do no more but teach us prudence1 moral honesty1 and resolution1 they thought fit1 at first hand1 to initiate their children with the knowledge of effects1 and to instruct them1 not by hearsay and rote1 but by the experiment of action1 in lively forming and moulding them2 not only by words and precepts1 but chiefly by works and examples2 to the end it might not be a knowledge in the mind only1 but its complexion and habit3 not an acquisition1 but a natural possession4 ,one asking to this purpose1 ,agesilaus1 what he thought most proper for boys to learn8 ,what they ought to do when they come to be men1 said he4--,plutarch1 ,apothegms of the ,lacedamonians4 ,rousseau adopts the expression in his ,diswuys sur tes ,lettres4--,it is no wonder1 if such an institution produced so admirable effects4 ,they used to go1 it is said1 to the other cities of ,greece1 to inquire out rhetoricians1 painters1 and musicians2 but to ,lacedaemon for legislators1 magistrates1 and generals of armies2 at ,athens they learned to speak well3 here to do well2 there to disengage themselves from a sophistical argument1 and to unravel the imposture of captious syllogisms2 here to evade the baits and allurements of pleasure1 and with a noble courage and resolution to conquer the menaces of fortune and death2 those cudgelled their brains about words1 these made it their business to inquire into things2 there was an eternal babble of the tongue1 here a continual exercise of the soul4 ,and therefore it is nothing strange if1 when ,antipater demanded of them fifty children for hostages1 they made answer1 quite contrary to what we should do1 that they would rather give him twice as many full-grown men1 so much did they value the loss of their country's education4 ,when ,agesilaus courted ,xenophon to send his children to ,sparta to be bred1 it is not1 said he1 there to learn logic or rhetoric1 but to be instructed in the noblest of all sciences1 namely1 the science to obey and to command4--,plutarch1 ,life of ,agesilaus1 c4 #g4 ,it is very pleasant to see ,socrates1 after his manner1 rallying ,hippias1 --,plato's ,dialogues3 ,hippias ,major4--who recounts to him what a world of money he has got1 especially in certain little villages of ,sicily1 by teaching school1 and that he made never a penny at ,sparta3 ,what a sottish and stupid people1 said ,socrates1 are they1 without sense or understanding1 that make no account either of grammar or poetry1 and only busy themselves in studying the genealogies and successions of their kings1 the foundations1 rises1 and declensions of states1 and such tales of a tub6 ,after which1 having made ,hippias from one step to another acknowledge the excellency of their form of public administration1 and the felicity and virtue of their private life1 he leaves him to guess at the conclusion he makes of the inutilities of his pedantic arts4 ,examples have demonstrated to us that in military affairs1 and all others of the like active nature1 the study of sciences more softens and untempers the courages of men than it in any way fortifies and excites them4 ,the most potent empire that at this day appears to be in the whole world is that of the ,turks1 a people equally inured to the estimation of arms and the contempt of letters4 ,i find ,rome was more valiant before she grew so learned4 ,the most warlike nations at this time in being are the most rude and ignorant3 the ,scythians1 the ,parthians1 ,tamerlane1 serve for sufficient proof of this4 ,when the ,goths overran ,greece1 the only thing that preserved all the libraries from the fire was1 that some one possessed them with an opinion that they were to leave this kind of furniture entire to the enemy1 as being most proper to divert them from the exercise of arms1 and to fix them to a lazy and sedentary life4 ,when our ,king ,charles ,,viii41 almost without striking a blow1 saw himself possessed of the kingdom of ,naples and a considerable part of ,tuscany1 the nobles about him attributed this unexpected facility of conquest to this1 that the princes and nobles of ,italy1 more studied to render themselves ingenious and learned1 than vigorous and warlike4 ,,etext ,,editor',s ,,bookmarks3 ,a parrot would say as much as that ,agesilaus1 what he thought most proper for boys to learn8 ,but it is not enough that our education does not spoil us ,conscience1 which we pretend to be derived from nature ,culling out of several books the sentences that best please me ,custom1 replied ,plato1 is no little thing ,education ,examine1 who is better learned1 than who is more learned ,fear and distrust invite and draw on offence ,fortune will still be mistress of events ,fox1 who found fault with what he could not obtain ,fruits of public commotion are seldom enjoyed ,gave them new and more plausible names for their excuse ,give me time to recover my strength and health ,great presumption to be so fond of one's own opinions ,gross impostures of religions ,hoary head and rivelled face of ancient usage ,hold a stiff rein upon suspicion ,i have a great aversion from a novelty ,knowledge is not so absolutely necessary as judgment ,laws do what they can1 when they cannot do what they would ,man can never be wise but by his own wisdom ,memories are full enough1 but the judgment totally void ,miracles appear to be so1 according to our ignorance of nature ,nothing noble can be performed without danger ,only set the humours they would purge more violently in work ,ought not to expect much either from his vigilance or power ,ought to withdraw and retire his soul from the crowd ,over-circumspect and wary prudence is a mortal enemy ,physic ,physician worse physicked ,plays of children are not performed in play ,present himself with a halter about his neck to the people ,rome was more valiant before she grew so learned ,study to declare what is justice1 but never took care to do it4 ,testimony of the truth from minds prepossessed by custom8 ,they neither instruct us to think well nor to do well ,think of physic as much good or ill as any one would have me ,use veils from us the true aspect of things ,victorious envied the conquered ,we only labour to stuff the memory ,we take other men's knowledge and opinions upon trust ,weakness and instability of a private and particular fancy ,what they ought to do when they come to be men ,whosoever despises his own life1 is always master ,worse endure an ill-contrived robe than an ill-contrived mind