,,university ,,of ,,california ,,publications ,,american ,,archaeology ,,and ,,ethnology ,vol4 #d ,no4 #f ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,indians ,,of ,,california ,,by ,a4 ,l4 ,,kroeber ,,berkeley ,,the ,,university ,,press ,,september1 #aijg ,facsimile ,reprint by ,coyote ,press ,p4,o4 ,box #ccgg ,salinas1 ,,ca #iciab http3_/_/www4,coyote,press4com ,,university ,,of ,,california ,,publications ,,in ,,american ,,archaeology ,,and ,,ethnology ,,vol4 #d ,,no4 #f ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,indians ,,of ,,california#a ,,by ,a4 ,l4 ,,kroeber4 ,fundamentally the religion of the ,indians of ,california was very similar to that of savage and uncivilized races the world over4 ,like all such peoples1 the ,california ,indians were in an animistic state of mind1 in which they attributed life1 intelligence1 and especially supernatural power1 to virtually all living and lifeless things4 ,they lacked no less the ideas and practices of shamanism1 the universal accompaniment of animism3 namely1 the belief that certain men1 through communication with the animate supernatural world1 had the power to accomplish what was contrary to1 or rather above1 the events of daily ordinary experience1 which latter in so far as they were distinguished from the happenings caused by supernatural agencies1 were of natural1 meaningless1 and1 as it were1 accidental origin4 ,as in most parts of the world1 belief in shamanistic power was centered most strongly about disease and death1 which among most tribes were not only believed to be dispellable but to be entirely caused by shamans4 ,in common with the other ,american ,indians1 those of ,california made dancing1 and with it always singing1 a conspicuous part of nearly all their ceremonies that were of a public or tribal nature4 ,they differed from almost all other tribes of ,north ,america in showing a much weaker development of the ritualism1 and symbolism shading into pictography1 that constitute perhaps the most distinctive feature of the religion of the ,americans as a whole4 ,practically all the approaches to a system of writing devised in ,north ,america1 whether in ,mexico1 ,yucatan1 or among the tribes of the ,united ,states and ,canada1 are the direct outcome of a desire of religious expression4 ,the ,california ,indians however were remarkably free from even traces of this tendency1 equally in their religion and in the more practical aspects of their life4 ,in many parts of ,north ,america1 and more often where the culture was considerably developed than where it was rude1 there was a considerable amount of fetishism1 not of the crass and so to speak superstitious type of ,africa1 but rather as an accompaniment and result of over-symbolism4 ,this fetishistic tendency was very slightly developed in ,california1 and this in spite of--or as an ,americanist could more properly say on account of--the generally rude and primitive condition of culture4 ,by contrast1 as the action and the visible symbol were a less important means of religious expression1 the word1 both spoken and sung1 was of greater significance in ,california4 ,the weakness of the ritualistic tendency is however again marked in the circumstance that the exact form of religious speech was frequently less regarded than its substance4 ,in this aspect the ,indians of ,california differed widely from such nations as the ,egyptians and the peoples of ,asia1 where the efficacy of the word and speech used for a religious purpose was usually directly dependent upon the accuracy of their external and audible rendering1 even to their pronunciation and intonation4 #a ,this paper may be cited as ,univ4 ,calif4 ,publ4 ,am4 ,arch4 ,ethn41 ,vol4 #d1 ,no4 #f4 ,as an ethnographic province the greater part of ,california plainly forms a unit4 ,there are1 however1 two portions of the present political state that showed much cultural distinctness in times of native life and that must usually be kept apart in all matters of ethnological and religious consideration4 ,one of these divergent culture areas comprised the extreme northwestern corner of the state1 in the drainage of the lower ,klamath and about ,humboldt ,bay4 ,the other consisted of what is now usually known as ,southern ,california1 extending from the ,tehachapi pass and mountains in the interior1 and from ,point ,conception on the coast1 southward to the ,mexican boundary4 ,the religion of the ,indians of the peninsula of ,lower ,california is very little known from literature1 and the people themselves are almost extinct4 ,it is probable that it was more or less different from the forms of religion occurring in ,southern ,california1 that is to say1 the southern part of the ,american state of ,california4 ,ethnographically ,southern ,california was considerably diversified4 ,the tribes of the plains and mountains near the sea must be distinguished on the one hand from those of the desert interior and of the valley of the ,colorado river1 and on the other from those of the ,santa ,barbara archipelago and the adjacent coast of the mainland to the north4 ,the latter island group of tribes has become entirely extinct without leaving more than the merest trace of records of its religion4 ,the two other groups1 the sea-ward and the interior1 apparently presented a much greater uniformity in religion than in their material and social life1 so much so that in the present connection all the tribes of ,southern ,california of whom anything is known may be regarded as constituting a single ethnographic province4 ,the culture of the small ,northwestern area was in every way1 and that of the larger ,southern province at least in some respects1 more highly organized and complex than that of the still larger and principal ,central region1 which comprised at least two-thirds of the state and which1 if such a selection is to be made1 must be considered as the most typically ,californian4 ,the religious practices of the ,indians of ,california fall into three well marked divisions3 7#a7 such observances as are followed and executed by individuals1 although their perpetuation is traditionary and tribal2 that is to say1 customary observances2 7#b7 individual practices resting upon a direct personal communication of an individual with the supernatural world2 in other words1 shamanism2 7#c7 observances and practices which are not only the common property of the tribe by tradition1 but in which the entire tribe or community directly or indirectly participates2 in other words1 ceremonies4 ,,customary ,,observances ,,by ,,individuals4 ,customary observances are as strongly developed as farther north along the ,pacific slope4 ,this entire western coast region thus forms a unit that differs from the interior and eastern parts of the continent1 in which such observances are usually a less conspicuous feature than public and tribal ceremonies4 ,by far the most important of the customary observances in ,california are those relating to death4 ,next come those connected with birth and sexual functions4 ,beliefs and practices centering about the individual's name are of importance particularly in so far as they are connected with the customs relating to death4 ,there are restrictions and superstitions as to food1 but these are not more numerous than seems generally to have been the case among the ,north ,american ,indians1 and certainly of much less importance than in the ,pacific island world and ,australia4 ,death was considered to cause defilement and almost everywhere brought after it purification ceremonies4 ,in the ,northwestern region these were particularly important1 and among such tribes as the ,hupa and ,yurok the observance of religious purification from contact with the dead1 the most essential part of which was the recitation of a certain formula1 was the most stringently exacted religious custom4 ,the method of disposing of the dead varied locally between burial and cremation1 cremation being practiced over at least half of the state4 ,air burial and sea burial were nowhere found4 ,mourning1 which consisted primarily of singing and wailing1 began immediately upon death and continued for about a day1 sometimes longer by the immediate relatives of the deceased4 ,among some tribes this mourning commenced with full vigor some time before impending death1 often during the full consciousness of the patient and with his approval4 ,mutilations on the part of the mourners were not practiced to any great degree1 except that the hair was almost universally cut more or less1 especially by the women4 ,among many tribes the widow1 but she only1 cut or burned off all her hair4 ,mourning observances were almost always carried further by the women than men4 ,among some tribes of the ,sierra ,nevada the widow did not speak from the time of her husband's death until the following annual tribal mourning ceremony1 except to one attendant1 or1 in cases of actual necessity1 to women only4 ,in the ,sierra ,nevada was found also the custom of the widow smearing her face and breast with pitch1 which was not washed or removed until this annual ceremony4 ,except in the case of the ,northwestern tribes1 who possessed more elaborately constructed houses of wood1 the house in which a death had occurred was not used again1 but was burned4 ,objects that had been in personal contact or associated with the deceased were similarly shunned and destroyed4 ,the name of the dead was not spoken4 ,even the word which constituted his name was not used in ordinary discourse1 a circumlocution or newly coined word being employed4 ,it is certain that this stringently observed custom has been a factor in the marked dialectic differentiation of the languages of ,california4 ,the mention of the name of the dead1 whether intentionally or accidentally1 in some cases aroused feelings of fear connected with his spirit1 but more generally was objected to as causing grief1 which appears to have been actually and often intensely felt on such occasions4 ,in ,northwestern ,california the naming of the dead could be compensated for only by the payment of a considerable sum4 ,practically the only form of curse or malediction known1 other than an occasional indirect allusion to the object of the malediction as being in the condition of a corpse1 was a reference to his dead relatives4 ,some property1 but more rarely food1 was buried with the dead4 ,the idea that such articles were for his use in the world of the dead was not so strong a motive for such acts as1 on the one hand1 the feeling that the objects had been defiled by association with him1 and on the other1 the desire to give expression to the sincerity of the mourning by the destruction of valuables4 ,on the whole1 however1 the immediate observances of death paled in importance before the annual communal mourning ceremony1 which was everywhere1 except in the ,northwestern region1 one of the most deeply rooted and spectacular acts of worship4 ,observances connected with sexual functions1 including birth1 are next in importance after those relating to death4 ,the menstruating woman was everywhere regarded as unclean1 and excluded especially from acts of worship4 ,not infrequent was the conception that she contaminated food1 especially meat2 in other words those varieties of food which were at once more highly prized and at the same time1 through being obtained with less regularity and only through special and skilled exertions1 regarded as most directly under the control and influence of supernatural powers4 ,among many tribes1 as elsewhere in ,america and other continents1 she was excluded from the living-house as well as from the ceremonial chamber1 and confined to the menstrual hut4 ,as elsewhere in ,north ,america1 the custom in this regard however varied from tribe to tribe1 the menstrual hut not having been used in some localities even in purely aboriginal times4 ,not only was seclusion1 as a means of preventing contact and association1 frequently required of the woman for the protection of others1 but her refraining from all but the most necessary activity was sometimes deemed essential for her own good4 ,all these observances were greatly intensified at the time of a girl's first menstruation1 a condition for which most of the languages of ,california possess a distinctive and often unanalyzed word4 ,the girl at this period was thought to be possessed of a particular degree of supernatural power1 and this was not always regarded as entirely defiling or malevolent4 ,often1 however1 there was a strong feeling of the power of evil inherent in her condition4 ,not only was she secluded from her family and the community1 but an attempt was made to seclude the world from her4 ,one of the injunctions most strongly laid upon her was not to look about her4 ,she kept her head bowed and was forbidden to see the world and the sun4 ,some tribes covered her with a blanket4 ,many of the customs in this connection resembled those of the ,north ,pacific ,coast most strongly1 such as the prohibition to the girl to touch or scratch her head with her hand1 a special implement being furnished her for the purpose4 ,sometimes she could eat only when fed and in other cases fasted altogether4 ,some form of public ceremony1 often accompanied by a dance and sometimes by a form of ordeal for the girl1 was practiced nearly everywhere4 ,such ceremonies were well developed in ,southern ,california1 where a number of actions symbolical of the girl's maturity and subsequent life were performed4 ,certain tribes1 however1 including at least one in the ,northwestern area and certain of those in the ,sierra region1 did not practice public ceremonies of this type4 ,religious customs connected with birth consisted in part of observances before the birth of the child1 in part of observances relating to it after birth1 and especially of restrictions imposed on one or both of its parents after birth4 ,practices affecting the child itself1 or the mother before its birth1 related in great part to food4 ,in the ,northwest the newly born child was fed for a number of days only on a soup of vegetable substance resembling milk4 ,the newly born child was washed1 often repeatedly1 among many tribes4 ,the mother after a birth was regarded as more or less defiled1 though this feeling usually did not approach in intensity those connected with either death or the woman's periodical functions4 ,either the mother or both father and mother were usually enjoined from activity for some time after a birth1 the motive being not only protection of the child but of themselves4 ,this idea is especially developed among the ,yokuts of the southern ,san ,joaquin valley4 ,the couvade in its strict form1 with restrictions and observances which are imposed entirely upon the father to the exclusion of the mother1 does not seem to be found4 ,observances regulating or restricting the use of food were in the main connected with the customs relating to death1 sexual functions1 and birth4 ,that is to say it was primarily the persons affected by these occurrences1 and next to these such as were engaged in acts of intense worship or shamanistic practices1 who were prohibited from using certain or all foods4 ,as already stated1 animal food rather than vegetable1 and meat rather than fish1 and among meat that of the deer and elk1 the largest of the game animals1 were particularly subjected to restriction4 ,in ,northwestern ,california the idea was very deeply rooted that the deer when killed and eaten are not destroyed1 but come to life again and report to their fellows their treatment in the hands of the hunter4 ,any violation of the numerous stringent observances regarding deer meat are therefore known to all the deer1 who1 as their capture is always a voluntary act on their part1 are in position to utterly destroy his luck in the chase if not placated by certain spoken formulae4 ,in ,southern ,california young people1 or in some cases the hunter himself1 must not eat his game4 ,fasting is less frequently and less rigorously practiced by the ,california tribes than by those of most other parts of ,north ,america4 ,this is in keeping with the generally lower pitch of intensity of their religious feeling4 ,many public ceremonies are not accompanied by any requirement of abstention from food4 ,in the ,northwestern region it is only the principal priest1 in whom the most sacred part of the ceremony is vested1 who fasts4 ,on the other hand there is a general feeling in this region that not only acts of a religious nature but ordinary work cannot be well performed after eating4 ,among the men of ,northwestern ,california breakfast was therefore habitually slight or entirely omitted4 ,perhaps the greatest development of the practice of fasting in ,north ,america occurs in connection with the acquisition of shamanistic power4 ,shamanism is fully as important among the ,california ,indians as elsewhere1 but differs in that it is more frequently regarded as an obsession1 something that of its own accord comes upon a man rather than something that it is sought to acquire by actions4 ,much of the incentive for fasting among other ,indians is therefore lacking1 and when the practice is observed it is usually less rigorous4 ,in ,northwestern ,california1 for instance1 a person engaged in almost any supernatural or religious practice abstains from drinking water2 but as to practical effect this provision is done away with through his being allowed to drink thin acorn soup at will4 ,in ,northwestern ,california there is a special development of spoken formulae1 whose content is little else than a myth and which constitute not only the basis and essential element of public ceremonies but are connected with almost all customary observances4 ,to such an extent have these formulae1 locally called medicines1 grown into the mind of these ,indians as being what is most sacred and most efficacious in all aspects of religion1 that they partly supplant shamanism1 which is a less important feature of religious life here than elsewhere in the state1 where the characteristic features of this peculiar ritual by formula are almost absent4 ,not only purification from death and other defilement1 but luck in hunting and fishing1 in gambling1 escape from danger1 success in felling trees and making baskets1 in the acquisition of wealth1 in short the proper achievement of every human wish1 were thought to be accompanied by the proper knowledge and recitation of these traditional myth-formulae1 usually accompanied by only the smallest amount of ritualistic action4 ,,shamanism4 ,shamanism1 the supposed individual control of the supernatural through a personally acquired power of communication with the spirit world1 rests upon much the same basis in ,california as elsewhere in ,north ,america4 ,in general among uncivilized tribes the simpler the stage of culture the more important the shaman4 ,it is as if he constituted an element that remained nearly constant in quantity of effect1 as it is fundamentally unvarying in form1 through all successive periods of civilization to the highest2 but that as increase in degree of civilization brought with it ever more and more new elements1 religious and otherwise1 and these unfolded in ever expanding complexity1 he became1 relatively to the total mass of thought and action of a people1 less and less important4 ,certainly the difference is marked between the ,eskimo1 whose religion consists of little else than shamanism1 and the much more highly organized ,indians of the ,north ,pacific ,coast1 where shamanism is but one of several and by no means the most important religious factor1 even though it may be the most deep seated4 ,the same contrast is found between the rude simple-minded ,indians of ,california as compared with those of the ,plains and of the ,southwest1 where the supremacy of the shaman is rather obscured by that of the priest conversant with a ceremony4 ,even within ,california the difference holds good4 ,in the ,northwest1 where the native civilization reached on the whole its greatest complexity1 the shaman is less prominent than anywhere else in the state4 ,in the south1 where the culture is also more developed than in the ,central part of the state1 the shaman is certainly as much dreaded as there2 but that his province is more restricted is shown by the fact that in ,southern ,california the shamans in their capacity as such do not seem to form associations1 perform public ceremonies1 or directly participate in the tribal dances4 ,the power of the shaman being directly dependent upon his personal acquisition of a connection with the supernatural world1 an understanding of the method by which this acquisition takes place generally furnishes also a pretty accurate idea of the nature of his functions and influence4 ,the most common way of acquiring shamanistic power in ,california1 as in so many other parts of the world1 is by dreaming4 ,a spirit1 be it that of an animal1 a place1 the sun or another natural object1 a deceased relative1 or an entirely unimbodied spirit1 visits the future medicine-man in his dreams1 and the connection thus established between them is the source and basis of the latter's power4 ,this spirit becomes his guardian spirit or personal4 ,from it he receives the song or rite or knowledge of the charm and the understanding which enable him to cause or remove disease and to do and endure what other men cannot4 ,in ,california1 with a few special exceptions1 the idea does not seem so prevalent as elsewhere that this guardian spirit is an animal4 ,occasionally it is the ghost of a person who has once lived1 usually a relative4 ,perhaps most frequently it is merely a spirit as such1 not connected with any tangible embodiment or form1 either human1 animate1 or inanimate4 ,the belief that the shaman acquires the spirits most frequently in dreaming is prevalent through the whole ,sierra ,nevada region and in many other parts of the state4 ,in certain regions another important method1 that of the waking vision and trance1 is recognized4 ,the person is in a wild desolate place1 perhaps hunting4 ,suddenly there is an appearance before him4 ,he becomes unconscious and while in this state receives his supernatural power4 ,on his return to his people he is for a time demented or physically affected4 ,after he again becomes normal he has control of his supernatural influences4 ,such beliefs prevail in part among the ,yuki and ,athabascans of the ,coast ,range and the ,maidu of the ,sacramento valley1 and no doubt occur more or less sporadically in other regions4 ,finally1 the shaman sometimes acquires his powers through seeking for them rather than by having them thrust upon him during a dream or vision4 ,this of course is a common procedure in the ,plains and in part on the ,north ,pacific ,coast4 ,among the ,yurok of the lower ,klamath1 for instance1 the person whom the spirits have visited in dreams1 ascends high peaks where he spends one or more nights until he has acquired his powers4 ,among the ,wiyot of ,humboldt ,bay there are similar beliefs4 ,in the same ,northwestern region a man who wishes to be fierce1 strong1 and invulnerable swims at night in lakes inhabited by monsters or thunders4 ,from these1 if his courage is sufficient to await and endure their presence1 he receives the desired powers4 ,this practice of bathing in lonely lakes closely recalls the custom prevalent along the ,pacific slope for some distance northward1 and within ,california it is probably not strictly confined to the ,northwestern culture area4 ,on the whole1 however1 this deliberate method of acquiring shamanistic power is not common1 nor1 as has already been stated1 would it be in accord with the generally lower intensity of religious feeling among the ,california ,indians as compared with those of most other parts of the continent4 ,the ,northwestern area is not only exceptional in being the principal one within the state where this deliberate seeking of shamanistic power is prevalent4 ,the conception of a guardian spirit is much less clearly defined among the ,northwestern tribes1 with whom the possession of pains1 the small material objects which cause disease1 rather than of true spirits1 seems to be what is generally associated with shamanistic power4 ,as already stated1 shamanism forms a much less important part of religion as a whole in the ,northwestern area than elsewhere1 and it is in accord with this fact that the majority of the shamans1 and those supposed to be most powerful1 are women4 ,in parts of ,southern ,california also the idea of the guardian spirit does not seem to be well developed4 ,here the method of acquiring shamanistic power is almost exclusively by dreams2 but among the ,mohave and probably other ,colorado river tribes1 myths1 and not a personal meeting or communion with an individual spirit1 constitute the subject of the dreams4 ,the ,mohave shamans believe that they were present at the beginning of the world1 before mankind had separated into tribes4 ,they were with the great leader and almost creator1 ,mastamho4 ,they saw him singing1 blowing1 and rubbing over the body of a sick man1 if their own power be that of curing disease1 and from ,mastamho they thus learned the actions and speeches which constitute their power4 ,before him they showed what they had learned from him1 and by him were designated those who had seen and learned most and those of less power4 ,each man saw only the shamanistic actions relating to his particular power1 whether these had reference to the curing of disease1 to love1 to war1 or to some other activity4 ,the ,mohave universally speak of having dreamed these scenes1 just as each narrator affirms his knowledge of non-shamanistic myths and of ceremonies to have been individually derived from dreaming them4 ,it is probable that to a certain extent this is true4 ,that it is not entirely true becomes evident when the ,mohave with equal unanimity state that these dreams were dreamed by them before birth4 ,in other words1 their statement that they have dreamed such experiences is to be interpreted mainly as a belief that they as individuals were present in spirit form at the beginning of the world1 at the time when it took shape and everything was ordained1 and when all power1 shamanistic and otherwise1 was established and allotted4 ,it is obvious that with this conception as the basis of their whole religion1 there is but little room for any beliefs as to guardian spirits of the usual form4 ,of course there is nothing that limits the shaman to one spirit1 and among many or most tribes1 such as the ,maidu1 a powerful medicine-man may possess a great number4 ,frequently in ,central and ,northwestern ,california there is some more or less public ceremony at which a new shaman is1 so to speak1 initiated before he practices his powers4 ,the body of initiated shamans do not form a definite society or association4 ,the ceremony is rather an occasion that marks the first public appearance of the novice1 in which he receives for his own good1 and presumably for that of the community also1 the assistance of the more experienced persons of his profession4 ,commonly it is thought that the novice cannot receive and exercise the full use of his powers without this assistance4 ,the ceremony is usually held in the ceremonial chamber and is accompanied by dancing4 ,the efforts of the older shamans are directed toward giving the initiate a firm and permanent control of the spirits which have only half attached themselves to him and which are thought to be still more or less rebellious4 ,of course exhibitions of magic and of the physical effects of the presence of the spirits are a prominent feature of these ceremonies4 ,this initiation of doctors is found among the ,northwestern tribes and in the ,central region among the ,maidu and ,wintun and probably other groups4 ,a special class of shamans found to a greater or less extent among probably all the ,central tribes1 though they are wanting both in the ,northwest and the ,south1 are the so-called bear doctors1 shamans who have received power from grizzly bears1 often by being taken into the abode of these animals--which appear there in human form1--and who after their return to mankind possess many of the qualities of the grizzly bear1 especially his apparent invulnerability to fatal attack4 ,the bear shamans can not only assume the form of bears1 as they do in order to inflict vengeance on their enemies1 but it is believed that they can be killed an indefinite number of times when in this form and each time return to life4 ,in some regions1 as among the ,pomo and ,yuki1 the bear shaman was not thought as elsewhere to actually become a bear1 but to remain a man who clothed himself in the skin of a bear to his complete disguisement1 and by his malevolence1 rapidity1 fierceness1 and resistance to wounds to be capable of inflicting greater injury than a true bear4 ,whether any bear shamans actually attempted to disguise themselves in this way to accomplish their ends is doubtful4 ,it is certain that all the members of some tribes believed it to be in their power4 ,the rattlesnake doctor1 who cured or prevented the bite of the rattlesnake1 was usually distinct from other medicine-men4 ,among the ,yuki his power1 as that of the rattlesnake1 was associated with the sun2 among the ,maidu with the thunder4 ,among the ,yokuts the rattlesnake shamans annually held a public ceremony designed to prevent rattlesnake bites among the tribe4 ,on this occasion they displayed their power over the snakes by handling them in a manner analogous to that of the ,hopi1 and by even allowing themselves to be bitten4 ,as everywhere else1 the practice of shamanism in ,california centers about disease and death4 ,it is probably more narrowly limited to this phase than in most other portions of ,north ,america4 ,being an essentially unwarlike even though a revengeful people1 it is natural that the supernatural power personally acquired by the ,california ,indian should not often be directed toward success in battle4 ,success in love is also less often the result of such personal power than for instance on the ,plains1 perhaps because in the latter region the custom which made virtually every young man seek shamanistic power1 resulted in a condition where those whose proclivities were not toward medicine or war1 desired and received their powers in this direction4 ,influence over game and over nature's yield of vegetable products was sometimes attributed to shamans in ,california1 but on the whole their powers in this respect were not very much insisted upon except in ,southern ,california1 favorable or adverse conditions of this kind being attributed rather to the tribal ceremonies1 and in the ,northwest connected with the all-important formulae4 ,the causing and prevention of disease and death were therefore even more largely the predominant functions of the person who had acquired personal supernatural power in ,california than elsewhere in ,america4 ,that the medicine-men who could cure diseases were also the ones who must cause it1 unless it were the direct consequence of an infraction of some religious observance or prohibition1 was the almost universal belief1 which was probably adhered to with greater definiteness than in most portions of ,north ,america4 ,the killing of medicine-men was therefore of frequent occurrence4 ,among some tribes1 as the ,yokuts1 the medicine-man who had lost several patients was held responsible for their death by their relatives4 ,among the ,mohave also murder seems to have been the normal end of the medicine-man4 ,in the ,northwestern region the shaman who failed to cure was forced to return the fee received in advance4 ,if he refused to attend a patient when summoned1 he was compelled to pay1 in the event of the latter's death1 an amount of property equal that proffered him for his services4 ,so completely was the shaman regarded as the cause of disease and death1 as well as of their prevention1 that one hears very little among the ,california ,indians of witchcraft1 that is to say1 of malevolent practices performed by persons1 often very old or very young people1 who are not believed to be endowed with the shaman's power of curing4 ,disease1 as among most primitive peoples the world over1 was usually held to be caused by small material objects which had in a supernatural way been caused to enter the body4 ,the determination and extraction of these was the principal office of the medicine-man and1 also as elsewhere1 was most frequently accomplished by sucking4 ,in certain regions1 especially the ,south1 the tubular pipe was brought into requisition for this purpose1 the disease-object being supposed to be sucked into the doctor's mouth through it4 ,among such tribes the pipe was also smoked by the medicine-man as part of his ritual4 ,in other cases the sucking was performed directly with the mouth1 but1 just as the disease-causing object had by supernatural means entered the body without causing or leaving an opening1 so it was extracted by the medicine-man without an incision or a trace of its passage4 ,this object might be a bit of hair1 a stick1 an insect or small reptile1 a piece of bone1 deer sinew1 or almost any other material4 ,in the greater part of northern ,california1 including the ,northwestern region1 it was not an ordinary physical object working mischief by its mere presence in the body or by the supernatural properties with which the shaman or his spirits had endowed it1 but an object itself supernatural and called a pain4 ,these pains are variously described1 frequently as being sharp at both ends and clear as ice4 ,they possessed the power of moving even after extracted1 and were able to fly through the air to the intended victim at the command of the person who had sent them4 ,the medicine-man after extracting the disease-object or pain almost always exhibited it4 ,it was then either destroyed by him or kept by him for his own use4 ,in ,northwestern ,california he sometimes swallowed it1 the degree of his power being thought to be dependent upon the number of pains he kept in his body1 both those which he received upon his becoming a shaman1 when they were cooked before a great fire in the doctor-initiation dance1 and those which he subsequently secured in doctoring his patients4 ,the rattlesnake's bite was regarded as being dangerous on account of its injection into the victim's body of a material animate object1 which the rattlesnake shaman must extract if death was not to ensue4 ,among the ,yuki this object was a small snake2 among the ,yokuts a rodent's tooth or other object supposed to have formed part of the animals upon which the snake subsisted4 ,in some cases two classes of medicine-men were distinguished1 one diagnosing1 the other treating the patient4 ,among the ,wiyot or ,wishosk the former by dancing before the patient saw in a vision the nature and location of the disease-object and determined what had caused it to enter the body4 ,somewhat similar though varying distinctions between shamans whose power consists of knowledge1 and those who have practical capacity as well1 occurred among other tribes4 ,sucking is not always resorted to4 ,the ,mohave principally blow or spit over their patients and stroke or rub or knead their bodies1 which actions are supposed by them to drive out the disease4 ,medicines and drugs are but little used1 or if so1 in a manner that gives no opportunity for their physiological efficacy4 ,four or five drops--the number varying according to the ceremonial number of the tribe--of a weak decoction may be given to the patient or even only applied to him externally4 ,it is natural that where the magic effect of the drug as used in a certain ritual is believed in1 the quantity so used is not an essential consideration4 ,it is the supernatural qualities connected with the plant that bring about the desired result1 and these are as inherent in a drop placed upon the forehead as in a basketful taken internally4 ,perhaps the most-used medicinal plant throughout the state is the angelica root1 probably principally on account of its fragrance4 ,tobacco is considerably employed by shamans1 but is of equal importance in other aspects of religion4 ,,public ,,ceremonies4 ,after the exclusion of such public observances as the shaman initiation1 menstrual dance1 and victory celebration1 which1 while generally participated in1 are performed primarily for the benefit of individuals1 the ceremonies of the ,california ,indians which are of a really public or communal purpose and character fall into three classes3 7#a7 mourning ceremonies2 7#b7 initiation ceremonies connected with a secret society2 and 7#c7 a more varied group of dances and other observances which all1 however1 have in common the benefit either of the community or of the world at large1 in that they cause a good crop of acorns and natural products1 make the avoidance of rattlesnake bites possible1 or prevent the occurrence of disease1 earthquake1 flood1 and other calamities4 ,of these three classes of ceremonies the mourning ceremonies are at least as important as the others and by far the most distinctive of the state as an ethnographic province1 although neither they nor the secret society are found in the specialized ,northwestern area4 ,the mourning ceremonies further do not occur among the ,athabascan1 ,yuki1 and ,pomo tribes to the south of the ,northwestern tribes as far as the bay of ,san ,francisco2 but outside of this strip in the northern coast region they are universal in the state4 ,among the ,maidu they are usually known as burning1 among the ,miwok as cry4 ,among the ,yokuts they have been called dance of the dead1 and among the ,mohave and ,yuma annual4 ,these ceremonies are usually participated in by a number of visiting communities or villages4 ,they last for one or more nights1 during which crying and wailing1 sometimes accompanied by singing and exhortation1 are indulged in1 and find their climax in a great destruction of property4 ,while those who have recently lost relatives naturally take a prominent part1 the ceremony as a whole is not a personal but a tribal one4 ,among the ,yokuts and probably other groups it is immediately followed by a dance of a festive nature1 and usually there is a definitely expressed idea that this general ceremony puts an end to all individual mourning among the participants4 ,a typical form of the mourning ceremony is found among the ,maidu1 who call it oestu4 ,each village or political unit possesses its burning ground4 ,participation in the ceremony is effected by receipt of a membership-string or necklace1 both the receipt and return of which are marked by payments or presents4 ,the ceremony is held in autumn in a circular brush enclosure4 ,property to be destroyed is tied to poles which are erected on the ground4 ,after an opening exhortation by the chief or shaman in charge of the ceremony1 the wailing begins1 to continue throughout the night1 many exclamations to the dead being uttered4 ,toward morning the numerous articles displayed on the poles are taken down and burned4 ,when everything has been destroyed the assembly breaks up for gambling and feasting4 ,the purpose of the ceremony is to supply the ghosts of the dead with clothing1 property1 and food4 ,although its general tenor is communal1 each family offers only to its own relatives4 ,in some cases elaborate images of stuffed skins ornamented with dancing apparel are made to represent important people who have died4 ,these are burned with the property offered to the dead4 ,initiation ceremonies which result in something analogous to a secret society are found in the whole state except in the ,northwestern region and among the agricultural tribes at the extreme southeast in the ,colorado valley4 ,they are apparently as well developed among the ,yuki and ,pomo1 who do not practice tribal mourning ceremonies1 as among their neighbors who do4 ,in a strict sense there is no secret society1 even though the precepts taught boys at initiation are not made public4 ,there are usually no paraphernalia or insignia of a society1 no degrees or ranks1 no membership or other organization1 nor is there a definite purpose for the society4 ,the great majority of the males of the tribes are made to undergo the initiation1 and in many cases there is a distinct desire to force it upon every man1 whether he be willing or unwilling4 ,in so far as a society may therefore be said to exist at all1 its principal purpose and public function are the initiation of new members4 ,there is however often a special name for those who have been initiated1 such as yeponi among the ,maidu and pumal among the ,luiseno1 and to a certain extent the initiates are regarded as a class or council having a more or less indefinite decision over religious matters affecting the community4 ,the precepts imparted to the initiates1 other than the ritualistic knowledge relating to the initiation ceremony itself1 seems to be of the most general kind and pertains principally to daily life and the most obvious maxims of native morality4 ,in some ways this initiation is a puberty ceremony for boys corresponding to the first-menstruation-ceremony of girls4 ,the initiates are however not limited as to age1 men being sometimes included4 ,among at least the ,yokuts in ,central ,california and the ,mission ,indians of ,southern ,california the initiation was accompanied by the drinking of toloache or jimson-weed1 datura meteloides1 the stupor and visions produced by which were regarded as supernatural4 ,in ,southern ,california the idea of an ordeal and instruction was specially developed4 ,boys were made to undergo severe tests of pain and endurance and were given numerous injunctions regarding their adult life4 ,among the ,maidu of the ,sacramento valley instruction both in the myths of the tribe and in the more important ceremonies was imparted4 ,among certain of the ,maidu the secret society1 in so far as it comprises the more adult men1 is difficult to distinguish from an association of shamans4 ,the public ceremonies other than mourning and initiation observances1 in other words the tribal dances of ,california1 differ thoroughly in the three culture regions1 which must therefore be considered separately4 ,in ,central ,california these dances1 like the initiation ceremonies1 have disappeared to a much greater extent than the mourning ceremonies1 and where they survive have often been more or less influenced by modern ideas4 ,as a rule they were held in the large assembly or ceremonial chamber1 more often at night than during the day1 and either lasted for a number of nights or consisted of a series of successive dances extending over a considerable period4 ,some of the dances1 though a minority1 were named after animals1 and in such there was usually some imitation of the actions of animals4 ,sometimes rude paraphernalia were used to represent the animal itself1 but this was not very common and masks were never employed4 ,at least in the ,sacramento valley and northern ,coast ,range region there was some impersonation of mythical characters1 as of ,taikomol1 creator among the ,yuki1 and of the mythical being ,kuksu among the ,pomo and ,maidu4 ,such impersonators usually wore either the big head1 an enormous head-dress of feathers attached to radiating sticks1 or a large cape of feathers fastened to a network1 which concealed both body and face1 or both pieces of apparel4 ,there seems to have been nothing corresponding to an altar4 ,the dancers were painted but crudely1 and such symbolism as was denoted by the painting was of the simplest4 ,one or more of the posts that supported the roof of the assembly chamber were usually of ceremonial importance4 ,the dancers frequently entered and left the house by a hole above instead of the door at the ground4 ,a rude drum consisting of a hollow slab placed on the ground and stamped with the feet was often used4 ,an important character in most ceremonies was the clown or buffoon1 part of whose duties was to caricature the more serious performance4 ,in some cases shamanistic exhibitions of magic were included in the ceremony4 ,at times an exchange or compulsory giving of property formed part of the ceremony4 ,the participants were rarely if ever called upon to undergo severe trials of endurance1 pain1 or courage1 as among so many other ,indians4 ,the whole ritual was comparatively simple4 ,the exact nature and relation of the various dances are very little known among most of the tribes of the ,central region4 ,probably a typical example of these dances is furnished by the ,maidu of the ,sacramento valley1 who declare that their ceremonies were obtained from their neighbors1 the ,wintun4 ,this statement is borne out by indirect evidence4 ,among the ,maidu the ceremonies were performed in winter and constituted a series of fifteen or more distinct dances1 coming for the most part in a definite order4 ,so far as known they were the following3 ,hesi1 ,luyi1 ,loli1 ,salalu-ngkasi1 ,duck1 ,bear1 ,coyote1 ,creeper1 ,turtle1 ,aloli-ngkasi1 ,yokola-ngkasi1 ,moloko-ngkasi1 ,deer1 ,aki1 ,hesi4 ,the majority of these dances were performed by men1 but some by women only4 ,there is no evidence that participation in these dances was dependent upon anything like membership in an association4 ,each had its characteristic paraphernalia or combinations of paraphernalia4 ,in several there are participants with special apparel and with a distinctive name4 ,at least some of these seem to represent mythical characters4 ,in several instances these performers enact ceremonial operations1 largely in the nature of complex approaches and departures which take place outside the assembly chamber4 ,the names of several of these ceremonies occur also among neighboring ,indians speaking entirely different languages1 and thus give proof of the transmission of the ceremonies from one locality to another4 ,the ,hesi1 the most important of the ,maidu series1 is danced also by the ,wintun4 ,the ,loli is an important ceremony among the ,maidu1 ,miwok1 and ,pomo4 ,the performer called ,kuksu1 who refers to important myths1 is found among the ,maidu1 ,wintun1 ,pomo1 and either the ,miwok or ,costanoan ,indians formerly at ,mission ,san ,jose4 ,there is every reason to believe that a fuller acquaintance with the tribes whose ceremonies are as yet least known will reveal other instances of ceremonies held in common and known under the same name4 ,farther to the south1 among the ,yokuts of the ,tulare basin1 these ceremonies do not seem to have penetrated4 ,here the majority of the public ceremonies1 like the rattlesnake ceremony that has been mentioned1 were of the nature of shamanistic performances4 ,throughout the ,central region the dances1 while they might be held only in structures of certain kinds1 were never rigorously attached to a specific locality4 ,in ,northwestern ,california the more important ceremonies can always be held only at certain spots1 and the performance of ceremonies of the same name always varies somewhat at different places4 ,the performers do not represent mythological or other characters and do not imitate animals4 ,the more important dances last at least a number of days1 not infrequently as many as ten4 ,the dances are held either out-doors or in certain sacred houses1 which are however not different from the ordinary living-house of the region except through their traditionary and ceremonial associations4 ,the essential religious portion of the ceremony consists of the actions gone through by a priest1 with sometimes one or two assistants4 ,the more important part of his procedure is the recital of one of the sacred formulae so characteristic of the region4 ,this formula relates specifically to the exact locality at which the dance is held1 and therefore often varies considerably from spot to spot4 ,the formula is regarded as it were as private property1 and its knowledge is sufficient to institute the priest in his capacity4 ,the public portions of the ceremony1 such as the dancing1 are practically dissociated from this purely religious element4 ,the dancers are mostly young men without any knowledge of the ceremony other than of the simple dance-step and songs4 ,the paraphernalia which they wear belong neither to them nor to the priests1 but to wealthy men of the tribe1 for whom the occasion is an all-important opportunity for the display of their wealth1 which consists in large part of the dancing regalia1 and the possession of which is the chief factor toward their social prominence4 ,the dancers appear in from two to five parties1 representing neighboring villages1 each of which is aided by the wealthy men of other villages2 and these parties vie with each other primarily in the display of their regalia4 ,the most important ceremonies are the ,deerskin dance and the ,jumping dance1 which are held either annually or biennially1 the former always out-doors1 the latter at some places out-doors1 sometimes in boats1 at others in-doors4 ,the purpose of both dances1 which where both are practiced are usually given in close succession1 is the good of the world4 ,earthquake and disease are prevented and a food supply insured4 ,very little of the sacred formulae and accompanying ritual1 and nothing in the remainder of the dance1 has however any specific reference to this purpose4 ,a third1 minor ceremony1 the ,brush dance1 completes the series of public ceremonies in this region1 the remaining dances being held only on occasion of war1 a girl's puberty1 or the initiation of a shaman4 ,even the ,brush dance is not fully of a tribal character1 inasmuch as it is performed for the benefit of a single individual1 a sick child1 although it is participated in by an entire village with the assistance of visitors from others1 and though there seems to be a desire to perform the ceremony at least once a year in each of the larger villages4 ,in ,southern ,california mourning ceremonies are everywhere the most prominent4 ,in the coast region1 among the various groups of ,mission ,indians1 initiation ceremonies make up most of the public rituals that are not connected with mourning4 ,in the interior the ,mohave possess no initiation ceremonies4 ,in both regions such ceremonies as partake neither of the nature of mourning nor initiation are conspicuous by the prominence of the myth element4 ,they consist essentially of long series of songs1 occupying one or more nights in the recital1 which recount1 in part directly but more often by allusion1 an important myth4 ,at times the myth is actually related in the intervals between the songs4 ,in some cases dancing by men or women accompanies the singing1 but this is never spectacular and in many cases is entirely lacking4 ,being only ceremonial recitations of myths1 these ceremonies are not attached in their performance to specific localities1 and when dancing regalia are used they are of the simplest character2 nor is there opportunity for either altar or ritual4 ,the predominance of the mourning element in the ceremonies of this region is further shown by the fact that among some tribes1 as the ,mohave1 these same singing ceremonies1 besides being performed independently1 are also sung for many hours at every death4 ,the series of songs selected for each individual on this occasion is that with which he is acquainted4 ,in accord with what has been said of the dream as the basis of ,mohave religious life1 these singing ceremonies are almost always believed by each person to have been dreamed by himself4 ,,ceremonial ,,structures ,,and ,,paraphernalia4 ,the ceremonial chamber is also of distinctive character in the three culture areas4 ,in the ,central region it is a large1 circular1 dome-shaped structure1 partly underground and with a covering of earth4 ,it serves also as place of assembly and at least at times as sudatory1 whence its popular name of sweat-house4 ,in the ,northwest the sweat-house is quite small1 almost entirely underground1 and its roof consists of boards without a covering of earth4 ,it is constantly used for sweating and is the regular sleeping place of all adult males4 ,it is not used for public ceremonies except in the case of the dance initiating shamans4 ,in the ,south the ceremonial structure is not a house1 but either a mere enclosure of brush1 as among the ,mission tribes1 or a simple shade of brush on upright posts1 as among the ,mohave4 ,this type of ceremonial structure is also found in the southern part of the ,central region among the ,yokuts4 ,in the matter of dancing apparel the ,northwest differs fundamentally from all the remainder of the state4 ,some of the most important of the regalia1 such as long obsidian knives and albino deerskins1 are not worn on the body or used ritually but merely carried for display1 being primarily objects of great value4 ,large forehead-bands entirely covered with brilliant red woodpecker feathers more nearly resemble ordinary dancing apparel1 but are also articles of value1 the unmounted woodpecker feathers virtually constituting one form of currency4 ,other objects used in dancing are dresses1 cloaks1 and head-bands of skin and fur1 head-dresses of network1 and carefully ornamented plumes and head feathers4 ,all these1 while worn on the body1 and decorative1 also possess considerable commercial value4 ,the drum is not used1 the whistle employed at times1 and the rattle1 which consists of deer hoofs1 but sparingly4 ,in the ,central region objects made of feathers greatly predominate over all others1 and are mostly made to be worn actually on the body4 ,head-dresses are particularly conspicuous and of many forms4 ,in the ,sacramento and ,san ,joaquin valleys and the adjacent region cloaks of large feathers attached to a network are worn4 ,in the ,tulare basin these are replaced by skirts consisting of strings of eagle-down4 ,with these down-skirts are worn large upright head-dresses of crow and magpie feathers4 ,this combination of costume was used also by the ,mission ,indians in ,southern ,california and by the ,washo of ,nevada1 and at least the head-dress is found as far north as the ,sacramento valley4 ,network caps filled with down1 and forehead bands of down1 are frequent in various parts4 ,perhaps the most typical single object of ceremonial apparel is a flat band1 usually worn on the forehead1 and consisting of the trimmed red quills of the yellow-hammer sewed side by side4 ,this head-band occurs through the whole of ,central ,california and is used also by the tribes east of the ,sierra ,nevada1 in the state of ,nevada1 and south of ,tehachapi pass in ,southern ,california4 ,the large foot drum of the ,central region has already been mentioned4 ,whistles are also used and there are two forms of rattle1 one consisting of silk cocoons containing gravel1 the other of a split stick4 ,the cocoon rattle is usually associated with the shaman1 the clap-stick with dancing4 ,in the ,south1 especially among the ,mission ,indians1 the dancing apparel1 as is evident from the instances already mentioned1 is of much the same type as in the ,central area4 ,on the ,colorado river feather ornaments of the same general character are used1 though they are of a simpler type and head-dresses predominate4 ,the whistle is but little used in the ,south1 the drum occasionally1 baskets and other objects being chiefly employed for this purpose4 ,the rattle is the all-important musical instrument in this region4 ,it is made most frequently from a gourd or a turtle-shell4 ,,mythology ,,and ,,beliefs4 ,in mythology a deep-going difference between the three culture areas again appears4 ,the ,northwestern mythologies are characterized primarily by a very deeply impressed conception of a previous1 now vanished1 race1 who by first living the life and performing the actions of mankind were the producers of all human institutions and arts as well as of some of the phenomena of nature4 ,second in importance in the ,northwest are myths dealing with culture-heroes more or less of the trickster type familiar from so many other parts of ,north ,america4 ,in ,central ,california there is always a true creation of the world1 of mankind1 and of its institutions4 ,the conception of the creator is often quite lofty1 and tricky exploits or defeats are usually not connected with him4 ,often there is an antithesis between this beneficent and truly divine creator and a second character1 usually the ,coyote1 who in part cooeperates with the creator but in part thwarts him1 being responsible for the death of mankind and other imperfections in the world-scheme4 ,in the northern half of the ,central region the creator is generally anthropomorphic2 if not1 he is merged into one personage with the more or less tricky ,coyote4 ,in the southern half of the region the creators seem always to be animals with the dignified and wise eagle as the chief4 ,the myths of the ,central region not directly concerned with creation are mostly stories of adventure1 of much the same type as ,european folk and fairy tales4 ,they do not explain the origin of phenomena except in a casual1 isolated way1 and but rarely are of ceremonial import4 ,in ,southern ,california there is no creation4 ,the various animate and inanimate existences in the world are born from heaven and earth as the first parents4 ,sometimes heaven and earth are regarded as the first concrete existences1 who were1 however1 preceded by a series of psychic beings grouped in pairs4 ,the bulk of the ,southern origin myth consists of a history of mankind1 at first as a single tribe and later centered in the tribe which tells the story4 ,in the successive experiences of this body of people1 which are accompanied by more or less journeying1 the world is gradually brought to its present stage1 and all the institutions of mankind1 particularly of the narrating tribe but also of others1 are developed4 ,the people are under the leadership of one or two great leaders1 at least one of whom always dies or departs after his beneficent directions4 ,the thoroughly ,southwestern and ,pueblo character of this long origin myth is obvious4 ,it is usually followed to a greater or less extent by migration legends recounting the wandering and conflicts of different tribes or clans4 ,the remaining myths are in plot essentially not very different from the adventure stories of the ,central region1 but both much longer and more elaborate1 and at the same time distinctively ritualistic in that they form the basis or framework of the singing ceremonies that have been described4 ,as these ceremonies themselves are nothing but myths1 there is neither need nor room for traditionary accounts explaining the origin of the ceremonies4 ,an identification of myth and ceremony that is in many ways similar to that prevalent in ,southern ,california is characteristic also of the ,northwestern region1 where the formulae which constitute the essential religious elements1 as well as being the direct means1 of most supernatural accomplishment1 are nothing but myths4 ,the ,northwestern formula is a myth1 rarely a direct prayer1 and practically every more serious myth is either in whole or in part a also a formula4 ,in purpose1 however1 as well as in rendering1 the spoken myth-formulae of the ,northwest and the sung myth-ceremonies of the ,south are different1 the former having always a definite practical result in view1 whereas the latter have no aim other than their own recital4 ,thus the mythology of ,southern ,california resembles that of the ,southwest rather than that of the remainder of the state4 ,that of the ,northwestern region shows affinities to the ,north ,pacific ,coast in its prevalence of the culture-hero and trickster over the creator4 ,the most marked special characteristic of the ,northwestern mythology1 other than its practical use of myths for religious purposes in the shape of formulas1 is its strong and definite1 though inconsistently carried out1 idea of the previous race which is parallel to but distinct from mankind1 and which is the originator1 not by any act of creation but by merely living its life1 of everything human except mankind itself1 the origin of which is never accounted for4 ,this idea of a previous supernatural race analogous to mankind crops out to some extent in almost all ,north ,american mythologies1 and particularly in other parts of ,california3 but it seems nowhere to be so deep-seated and so freely expressed as in this region4 ,the members of this vanished race are almost always strictly human1 in ,northwestern ,california1 and not animals or personifications4 ,they are nothing but men1 living the life of the ,indians1 transposed into a mythic supernatural age1 and by the fact of their mere existence regarded as the originators of the present condition of the world4 ,they therefore leave no room for a creator1 and but little for the culture hero1 whose exploits1 when not of purely personal significance1 consequently consist mainly of the destruction of evil beings4 ,if the mythology of ,northwestern ,california in spite of its partial northern affinities accordingly has a dominant character all its own1 the same is also true of the larger1 more representative ,central region4 ,a true creator1 and a full and consistent attempt at an account of the creation1 are found nowhere else in ,north ,america1 or at least only sporadically and carried out with an apparently much less degree of thoroughness4 ,the remainder of the ,central ,californian mythology however scarcely presents any unique qualities1 even some of the specific myth-episodes1 such as the favorite one of the bear and deer children1 being found over considerable territories outside of ,california4 ,even the important characteristic of the presence of creation-myths is in a measure a negative one1 for from a world view some approach to such a myth may be expected among most peoples1 whether primitive or civilized1 and it is primarily only in ,america that special bents of mind and of religious thought have supplanted the idea of creation by the culture hero1 the tribal history1 and other conceptions4 ,we are therefore not far from right if we regard the unique development of creation myths over the greater part of ,california as merely a part of a general tendency of the ,california ,indians towards simplicity and lack of strongly marked peculiar and ,american qualities in any one direction1 a tendency which has already been emphasized in other aspects of their religion1 and which must be said to characterize their whole life and culture4 ,ideas as to the world and the existence of the dead vary from tribe to tribe but present nothing specially distinctive4 ,the world is usually regarded as surrounded by water1 sometimes as floating upon it4 ,it is often secured by four or five pillars1 ropes1 or other supports4 ,beyond where earth and sky meet there is often another land4 ,the dead sometimes go below1 sometimes above1 sometimes across the ocean to the west1 and sometimes to more or less distant parts of this earth4 ,the entrance to the world of the dead is pointed out by some tribes4 ,people who have temporarily died have been there and returned to describe it4 ,dances constitute the principal occupation of the dead4 ,no ideas of future rewards and punishments based on conduct in this life have yet been found4 ,if such ideas exist they must be very scantily developed4 ,as in other parts of the world1 there are occasional ideas of transmigration of souls into animals1 but these conceptions are nowhere systematically worked out or of any religious importance4 ,,special ,,characteristics ,,of ,,different ,,tribes4 ,such are the principal characteristics of the religion of the ,indians of ,california as a whole1 and of the larger ethnographical areas of the state4 ,it is obvious that with so great a linguistic and political diversification as existed among these ,indians1 there must have been many local modifications of the scheme which has been outlined4 ,the most conspicuous or best known of these special modifications it is the purpose of the remainder of this paper to consider4 ,in this review the groups to be taken up will1 for the sake of greatest convenience of classification1 be the linguistic families4 ,these numerous families are territorially so restricted1 and usually so small in numbers1 that they almost form the equivalent of the tribe in other regions of ,north ,america1 that is to say1 of a subdivision of the family4 ,strictly there are no tribes in the greater part of ,california4 ,the families or stocks are the largest linguistic units1 usually subdivided into several dialectic areas1 each of which contains a number of small village communities that are the only units of political or social organization4 ,in the ,northwestern region1 in spite of the excessive limitation of this territory1 a distinction must be made between three tribes which occupy the heart of the region and show the culture in its most extreme form1 and a fringe of surrounding tribes where the ,northwestern culture is either less developed or subject to greater extraneous influences4 ,the three more characteristic groups are the ,yurok and ,karok1 small independent linguistic families1 and the ,hupa division of the ,athabascan family4 ,these alone practice the ,deerskin dance and the ,new ,year's or world-making ceremonies4 ,with them also the peculiar mythological and shamanistic conceptions typical of the region are found in the purest form4 ,the surrounding tribes are the ,wishosk or ,wiyot1 perhaps the ,chimariko and some of the ,shasta1 the ,athabascan ,tolowa1 and the ,athabascans southwest of the ,hupa4 ,the ,yurok held the ,deerskin and ,jumping dances at three places along the ,klamath river1 and the ,jumping dance alone at three points on the coast1 to the south4 ,at the mouth of the river an annual spring ceremony to cause or regulate the ascent of the salmon was made4 ,until this ceremony had been made salmon were not eaten4 ,the shamans of the ,yurok were almost all women4 ,alone of all the tribes in the ,northwestern region the ,yurok held no dance or public ceremony on the occasion of a girl's puberty4 ,their traditions seem to have the peculiar ,northwestern qualities perhaps more deeply impressed upon them than even those of their neighbors1 the ,karok and ,hupa1 especially in regard to the underlying conception of a previous race and its function4 ,in accord with the development of this conception1 the mythical heroes of the ,yurok show less approximation to being creators than those of the other tribes1 and animals are mentioned in the mythology surprisingly little4 ,the ,karok1 who live immediately upstream from the ,yurok on the ,klamath1 held the ,deerskin and ,jumping dances at three places4 ,at each of these the dances were conducted in connection with a sacred ceremony called ,new ,year's by the whites and making the world by the ,indians4 ,this ceremony was performed early in autumn1 practically by one man1 the priest who knew the formula and ritual4 ,a similar ceremony was held at a fourth locality in spring1 in connection with the coming of the salmon4 ,the ,karok regard the ,deerskin and ,jumping dances of the ,yurok and ,hupa as the equivalents of these ceremonies of their own1 reckoning altogether ten places in the world at which they are performed4 ,karok mythology is of the ,northwestern type1 but shows more animal characters than that of the ,yurok4 ,the territory held by the ,hupa was much less extended than that of their neighbors1 and this was no doubt the occasion of their making only one ,deerskin and ,jumping dance in their valley4 ,they held a ,new ,year's ceremony in autumn which had distinct reference to the acorn crop4 ,ceremonials and restrictions connected with menstruation were considerably developed1 much more than among the neighboring ,yurok4 ,it was thought dangerous to speak to a dog1 as he might be provoked to answer1 which would be a fatal portent4 ,the religion of the other ,athabascans in this part of the state is very little known1 but it is certain that before the southern end of ,humboldt county is reached1 in other words1 in the ,eel river drainage1 a totally distinct set of conceptions and practices is encountered1 which are allied to those of the ,central region4 ,the ,wiyot or ,wishosk1 who adjoin the ,yurok on the south1 did not practice the ,jumping dance1 other ceremonies1 which are very little known1 taking its place among them4 ,one dance was performed by women standing up to the hips in water4 ,shamanism is of more prominence among them than with their neighbors the ,yurok1 and men as well as women are affected with supernatural powers4 ,the sex of the guardian spirit is usually the opposite of that of the shaman4 ,it is possible that on account of the almost complete disappearance of their tribal life and communal religious practices1 shamanism1 which has been retained with greater vigor among the ,wiyot1 now appears relatively more important1 as the only remnant of the religious side of their culture4 ,an elaborate hanging feather head-dress1 a belt1 a pipe for smoking1 and another for sucking1 are the constant paraphernalia of the medicine-man4 ,two shamans often support each other in curing disease1 one diagnosing1 the other removing the pain4 ,the mythology of the ,wiyot resembles that of the ,yurok chiefly through possessing certain specific narrative episodes in common with it4 ,but the idea of a previous parallel race is very little developed1 and there is a true creator1 ,above-,old-,man4 ,most of the other mythical characters are animals4 ,the whole mythology therefore is of the ,central rather than of the ,northwestern type4 ,with the ,yuki of ,mendocino county a pure form of the ,central culture obtains4 ,the creator is ,taikomol1 he who goes alone4 ,his companion1 who supplements his work1 especially as regards the culture of man1 is ,coyote4 ,there is a ,taikomol ceremony in which this character is impersonated1 and which is shamanistic at least to the degree of being performed to cure an individual of sickness4 ,there is no trace of the sacred formulae of the ,northwest4 ,the shaman1 who is usually a man1 receives his power either by dreaming or in a vision in a desolate place4 ,his power is not sought by him and he possesses definite guardian spirits4 ,bear shamans are much feared4 ,all the ,yuki possess a sacred society initiation ceremony1 in which performances of magic are prominent4 ,among the northern ,yuki and neighboring ,wailaki this is called ,flint ceremony1 and the initiates display magic powers in handling and swallowing flint points4 ,among the southern ,yuki1 as among the neighboring ,pomo and ,athabascan ,kato1 the ceremony relates to ghosts and is popularly known as ,devil dance4 ,the members possess power of causing sickness and contend against each other much like the shamans of the ,maidu and ,yokuts4 ,one of the most conspicuous features of the religion of the ,pomo1 who are south of the ,yuki1 is their shamanistic fetishes4 ,the medicine-man possesses a number of objects1 stones1 parts of animals1 and other articles1 which he treasures and with which his power is largely bound up4 ,pomo mythology is characterized by the importance of ,coyote1 who comes nearer than any other personage to playing the part of creator4 ,in certain ceremonies there are exhibitions of fire-eating and the clown occurs4 ,the ,wintun occupy a territory which is of much greater extent from north to south than from east to west4 ,the northern and southernmost members of the family therefore differ considerably4 ,in the north there is a well defined conception of a creator who dwells above1 and to whom ,coyote forms an antithesis4 ,in the south1 where everything shows the ,wintun and ,pomo to have influenced each other considerably1 he is replaced by ,coyote4 ,in both regions a world-fire is prominent in the mythology4 ,in the north the shaman is inaugurated in his career in a ceremony in which he is assisted by his older colleagues4 ,the southern ,wintun may prove to have been the people who largely developed the dances and ceremonies characteristic of a large part of the ,sacramento valley4 ,they show much in common with their western neighbors the ,pomo1 and with the ,maidu who adjoin them on the east and who themselves declare that they have derived the ,hesi and other dances from them4 ,none of the groups so far discussed1 with the possible exception of part of the ,wintun1 practiced any distinct mourning ceremony4 ,on the other hand1 all that follow1 with the possible doubtful exception of one or two tribes on the outskirts of the state1 held mourning ceremonies as among the most important of all their religious practices4 ,the ,maidu everywhere possessed a secret society4 ,their system of dances becomes less and less developed as one proceeds farther from ,wintun influence4 ,among the mountain tribes almost all ceremonies were much less developed than in the ,sacramento valley4 ,shamanistic beliefs and practices also varied1 although there was everywhere a clear idea of spirits personally acquired and controlled by the medicine-man4 ,among the northeastern ,maidu every shaman's son invariably became a shaman1 although only through his own acquisition of spirits1 which might be those of his father4 ,in the ,sacramento valley spirits were acquired by involuntary dreaming without much regard to heredity4 ,puberty ceremonies for girls were performed both among the northwestern and northeastern ,maidu1 perhaps among those of the south also4 ,the mythology of the several ,maidu divisions is much more uniform than their religious practices4 ,the creator is always opposed and his beneficent work rendered incomplete by ,coyote4 ,it is clear that the mythology of the ,maidu is distinctive and much less under ,wintun influence than their ceremonies4 ,among the ,miwok the ,coyote largely takes the place of the creator4 ,as among their northern neighbors the ,maidu1 the mourning ceremony was important1 and the two stocks held at least certain dances in common4 ,the individual mourning practices and restrictions of the widow were elaborate and severe4 ,nothing is as yet known of a secret society1 but as both the southern and northern neighbors of the ,miwok performed initiation ceremonies1 it is likely that they also possessed them4 ,among the ,yokuts1 who occupied the head of the ,san ,joaquin-,tulare valley south of the ,miwok1 there are no traces of the ceremonial system of the ,sacramento valley1 which is replaced by public shamanistic ceremonies1 in which contests and exhibitions of magic were conspicuous4 ,the annual rattlesnake ceremony which has been described is of this type1 as is the ,ohowish1 a ceremony in which medicine-men from different villages or districts2 directed their powers against each other4 ,there seem to have been also certain animal dances among the ,yokuts4 ,medicine-men usually acquired their power by dreaming1 sometimes by visions while alone4 ,bear shamans were known1 but were not so much dreaded as farther north4 ,rain doctors1 who could control the weather1 were important4 ,their power was bound up with certain stone amulets evidencing a fetishistic development4 ,formulae1 some with ritualistic accompaniment1 were spoken1 but differed from those of the ,northwest in being short direct prayers or supplications instead of mythical narratives4 ,the creators in ,yurok mythology are several animals1 the chief of whom is the eagle and among whom ,coyote always finds a place4 ,a favorite mythological personage is the prairie-falcon1 and a myth which has found a particular development relates the visit of a husband to the world of the dead in pursuit of his wife4 ,very little is known of the ethnology of the coast tribes west of the ,miwok and ,yokuts4 ,among the ,southern ,costanoan peoples creation myths resembling those of the ,yokuts are found4 ,coyote is at once a trickster and a giver of civilization and arts to man4 ,similar ideas probably prevailed among the ,salinan tribes4 ,as regards the ,esselen and ,chumash nothing is known4 ,tribes belonging to the great ,shoshonean family held almost all the eastern border of the state as well as a large part of the southern desert and coast region4 ,the former inhabited the ,great ,basin1 and are culturally entirely distinct from those of ,southern ,california1 of whom alone is there any considerable knowledge extant as regards religion4 ,certain of the northern groups1 such as the ,mono1 lived on the western or ,california slope of the ,sierra ,nevada1 in contact with the ,yokuts and ,miwok1 and partook more largely of the culture and presumably religion of these people than of the tribes of the ,basin4 ,among the ,shoshoneans of ,southern ,california1 such as the ,gabrielino and ,luiseno1 the so-called ,mission ,indians1 mourning ceremonies were more important than any others1 and were held both on the death of a person1 sometime afterwards1 and again in a still more public manner at large gatherings4 ,at some of these ceremonies images representing the dead1 and recalling those of the ,maidu far to the north1 were burned4 ,one form of mourning ceremony was the ,eagle dance1 performed with an eagle that was slowly killed as the ceremony went on through the night4 ,many of the songs of the mourning ceremonies are of mythological content1 referring to the great leader or culture-hero ,wiyot4 ,the puberty ceremonial for girls was elaborate and contained symbolic actions4 ,the initiation of males was intended for boys1 and therefore also took on largely the character of a puberty ceremony4 ,this character was heightened by the presence of numerous ordeals4 ,part of the initiation of boys consisted of the drinking of jimson-weed4 ,sand paintings of a very simple type1 evidently influenced by basket patterns1 but thoroughly symbolic in meaning and therefore essentially of the same nature as those of the ,pueblos and ,navaho1 were made in connection with this initiation4 ,on the whole religious symbolism was more developed than in ,central ,california or even among the ,yuman tribes to the east1 who are geographically so much nearer the ,indians of the ,southwest4 ,the shaman acquired his power by dreaming1 and the pipe with which he sucked as well as smoked was of the utmost importance to him4 ,paraphernalia were much used by the shamans1 especially boards or wooden swords1 which were swallowed and worn as head-dresses4 ,these1 however1 were not purely fetishistic objects1 but of potency rather through symbolism and association4 ,the mythology of the ,shoshonean ,mission ,indians was not essentially different from that of the other ,indians of ,southern ,california4 ,the ,yuman family1 which is so much represented in ,arizona and ,lower ,california1 occupied the southernmost portion of ,southern ,california4 ,the ,diegueno in the coast mountains and on the coast were culturally similar to the ,shoshonean ,luiseno1 with whom they are generally included as the present ,mission ,indians4 ,along the ,colorado river the physical and ethnic environment was quite different1 but as has already been said1 there was much closer resemblance to the ,mission ,indians in matters of religion than in almost any other phase of culture4 ,the principal ,yuman tribes in this ,colorado region are the ,mohave and the ,yuma4 ,the religion of only the former is known1 but the two give every evidence of having been very similar4 ,the religion of the ,shoshonean ,paiute or ,chemehuevi in the desert adjoining the ,mohave has been largely colored by the influence of the latter4 ,the most distinctive feature of ,mohave religion is the insistence upon dreaming as the source of everything religious1 although this dreaming must be interpreted rather as a belief in the presence of the individual in spirit form at the great events of mythic times4 ,all myths that are at all of sacred character are believed not to be handed down by tradition1 but to be dreamed by each narrator4 ,the shaman receives his power by dreaming ritualistic myths1 which reveal to him his practices4 ,the lengthy series of songs which are the essence of all ceremonies1 and the mythical narratives connected with them1 are also learned in dreams4 ,it is probably a result of this importance of the dream-world and of the identification of myth and ceremony1 of religious belief and religious practice1 that ritualism is so slightly developed among the ,mohave4 ,their geographical nearness and intercourse with the ,hopi and other southwestern tribes1 among whom ritualism and symbolism find perhaps their highest development on the continent north of ,mexico1 would certainly justify a contrary expectation4 ,both ceremonial actions and ceremonial paraphernalia and dress are developed only to a very slight extent4 ,there is no initiation or society4 ,the singing ceremonies1 which with the exception of a few minor observances such as that for a girl's puberty1 constitute all the ,mohave ceremonies other than mourning ceremonies1 are quite numerous1 more than twenty being known4 ,some of these ceremonies are acknowledged to have been borrowed from other ,yuman tribes1 especially the ,yuma1 and these ,indians no doubt have also acquired ,mohave ceremonies4 ,some of the ceremonies are primarily mythical in character1 others somewhat shamanistic4 ,all are also sung in mourning4 ,in addition there is a distinctive mourning ceremony held annually for important men4 ,,bibliography4 ,much of the material on which the statements in the preceding essay are based is information collected by the ,university of ,california's ,ethnological and ,archaeological ,survey of ,california since #aija and as yet unpublished4 ,of old accounts dealing with the religion of the ,indians of ,california1 the best is by the ,franciscan missionary ,boscana1 entitled ,chinigchinich and published in the #ahdf edition of a volume by ,a4 ,robinson called ,life in ,california4 ,it deals with the ,shoshonean ,indians of ,mission ,san ,juan ,capistrano4 ,an occasional reference of value may be found in other works1 such as ,venegas' ,history of ,california4 ,the series of translations and republications of early explorers in ,california and the ,southwest1 published in the ,land of ,sunshine1 later ,out ,west1 beginning in #ahii1 is also convenient1 though naturally it deals but incidentally with religion4 ,reid's account of the ,indians of ,los ,angeles county1 published in an early ,los ,angeles newspaper and republished by ,alexander ,taylor in the fourteenth volume of ,california ,farmer in #ahfa1 is particularly good1 though less so on the side of religion than on most others4 ,stephen ,powers' ,tribes of ,california1 issued in #ahgg as the third volume of the ,contributions to ,north ,american ,ethnology1 a government series1 deals with the ,indians of the greater part of the state and contains many references to their religious life4 ,powers is however often very inexact1 and the value of his work is in its comprehensiveness rather than in its reliability4 ,an important work is ,creation ,myths of ,primitive ,america1 by ,jeremiah ,curtin1 which consists of a collection of myths from the ,wintun and ,yana of ,northern ,california4 ,the differences of form which these myths show from most ,indian myths that have been published in translation are apparently chiefly due to the method of their presentation by the author4 ,curtin's introduction is very suggestive but exaggerated4 ,professor ,r4 ,b4 ,dixon has brought out a paper on ,maidu ,myths1 and another1 a great part of which is devoted to religion1 on the ,northern ,maidu1 both in the seventeenth volume of the ,bulletin of the ,american ,museum of ,natural ,history4 ,these two contributions are among the most careful studies as yet made by a trained observer in any part of the state4 ,the same author has also published briefer articles on ,some ,coyote ,stories from the ,maidu ,indians of ,california1 ,system and ,sequence in ,maidu ,mythology1 and ,some ,shamans of ,northern ,california1 in recent volumes of the ,journal of ,american ,folk-,lore1 and on ,the ,mythology of the ,shasta-,achomawi in the ,american ,anthropologist for #aije4 ,professor ,p4 ,e4 ,goddard has published ,life and ,culture of the ,hupa1 the last portion of which refers to religion2 and ,hupa ,texts 7with both interlinear and current translations71 almost all of which are religious in character4 ,these two papers constitute ,volume ,i of the ,university of ,california ,publications in ,american ,archaeology and ,ethnology4 ,in the ,journal of ,american ,folk-,lore for #aijf is a paper by the same author on ,lassik ,tales4 ,miss ,constance ,goddard ,du,bois has published a number of valuable papers on the ,mission ,indians1 mainly concerning the mythology of the ,diegueno1 in the volumes of the ,journal of ,american ,folk-,lore for #aija1 #aijd1 and #aijf4 ,in the ,american ,anthropologist for #aije ,miss ,du,bois has an article on the ,religious ,ceremonies and ,myths of the ,mission ,indians1 while another paper on ,the ,mythology of the ,dieguenos appears in the ,proceedings of the ,thirteenth ,international ,congress of ,americanists4 ,from the present author there have appeared1 in the second and fourth volumes of the series of ,american ,archaeology and ,ethnology1 of the ,university of ,california ,publications1 ,types of ,indian ,culture in ,california1 in part treating of religion1 and ,indian ,myths from ,south-,central ,california2 in the ,journal of ,american ,folk-,lore between #aijd and #aijf1 ,a ,ghost ,dance in ,california1 ,wishosk ,myths1 and ,two ,myths of the ,mission ,indians2 in the ,american ,anthropologist for #aijb1 ,a ,preliminary ,sketch of the ,mohave ,indians4 ,in the ,american ,anthropologist for #aije and #aijf the late ,major ,h4 ,n4 ,rust has two brief articles on ,the ,obsidian ,blades of ,california and ,a ,puberty ,ceremony of the ,mission ,indians4 ,the ,journal of ,american ,folk-,lore has contained a rather confused article on ,the ,cosmogony and ,theogony of the ,mojave ,indians1 by ,capt4 ,j4 ,g4 ,bourke1 in #ahhi1 and others by ,g4 ,w4 ,james1 on myths of the ,mission ,indians of ,southern ,california1 in #aijb and #aijc4 ,in the same ,journal appeared in #aijb ,an ,indian ,myth from the ,san ,joaquin ,basin by ,j4 ,w4 ,hudson1 and ,a ,composite ,myth of the ,pomo ,indians by ,s4 ,a4 ,barrett in #aijf4 ,since #aijf the ,journal has contained a series of ,notes on ,california ,folk-,lore4