,,apollonius ,,of ,,tyana    ,,the      
,,philosopher-,,reformer   ,,of ,,the   
,,first ,,century ,a4,d4    ,a          
,,critical ,,study ,,of ,,the ,,only    
,,existing   ,,record ,,of ,,his ,,life 
,,with ,,some ,,account   ,,of ,,the    
,,war ,,of ,,opinion ,,concerning ,,him 
,,and ,,an ,,introduction ,,on ,,the    
,,religious   ,,associations ,,and      
,,brotherhoods ,,of ,,the   ,,times     
,,and ,,the ,,possible ,,influence ,,of 
,,indian ,,thought ,,on ,,greece--,,by  
,g4 ,r4 ,s4   ,,mead1 ,b4,a41           
,m4,r4,a4,s4     ,,london ,,and         
,,benares   ,,theosophical ,,publishing 
,,society   #aija     ,,table ,,of      
,,contents4     ,,section               
,,page        ,i4 ,,introductory        
#a       ,,ii4 ,,the ,,religious        
,,associations ,,and ,,communities      
,,of ,,the ,,first ,,century            
#i      ,,iii4 ,,india ,,and ,,greece   
#ag       ,,iv4 ,,the ,,apollonius ,,of 
,,early ,,opinion                       
#bh        ,v4 ,,texts1 ,,translations1 

,,and ,,literature                  #db 
,,vi4 ,,the ,,biographer ,,of           
,,apollonius                         #ec
      ,,vii4 ,,early ,,life             
#fe     ,,viii4 ,,the ,,travels ,,of    
,,apollonius                            
#gc       ,,ix4 ,,in ,,the ,,shrines    
,,of ,,the ,,temples ,,and ,,the        
,,retreats ,,of ,,religion              
#hb        ,x4 ,,the ,,gymnosophists    
,,of ,,upper ,,egypt                    
#ii       ,,xi4 ,,apollonius ,,and ,,the
 ,,rulers ,,of ,,the ,,empire           
#ajf      ,,xii4 ,,apollonius ,,the     
,,prophet ,,and ,,wonder-,,worker       
#aaj     ,,xiii4 ,,his ,,mode ,,of      
,,life                                  
#aai      ,,xiv4 ,,himself ,,and ,,his  
,,circle                                
#abf       ,,xv4 ,,from ,,his ,,sayings 
,,and ,,sermons                         
#acb      ,,xvi4 ,,from ,,his ,,letters 
#ade     ,,xvii4 ,,the ,,writings ,,of  
,,apollonius                            
#aec    ,,xviii4 ,,bibliographical      

,,notes                                 
#aef     ,,apollonius ,,of ,,tyana4     
,,section ,i4  ,,introductory4   ,to the
 student of the origins of ,christianity
 there is naturally no period of        
,western history of greater interest and
 importance than the first century of   
our era2 and yet how little             
comparatively is known about it of a    
really definite and reliable nature4 ,if
 it be a subject of lasting regret that 
no non-,christian writer of the first   
century had sufficient intuition of the 
future to record even a line of         
information concerning the birth and    
growth of what was to be the religion of
 the ,western world1 equally            
disappointing is it to find so little   
definite information of the general     
social and religious conditions of the  
time4 ,the rulers and the wars of the   
,empire seem to have formed the chief   
interest of the historiographers of the 
succeeding century1 and even in this    
department of political history1 though 

the public acts of the ,emperors may be 
fairly well known1 for we can check them
 by records and inscriptions1 when we   
come to their private acts and motives  
we find ourselves no longer on the      
ground of history1 but for the most part
 in the atmosphere of prejudice1        
scandal1 and speculation4 ,the political
 acts of ,emperors and their officers1  
however1 can at best throw but a dim    
side-light on the general social        
conditions of the time1 while they shed 
no light at all on the religious        
conditions1 except so far as these in   
any particular contacted the domain of  
politics4 ,as well might we seek to     
reconstruct a picture of the religious  
life of the time from ,imperial acts and
 rescripts1 as endeavour to glean any   
idea of the intimate religion of this   
country from a perusal of statute books 
or reports of ,parliamentary debates4   
,the ,roman histories so-called1 to     
which we have so far been accustomed1   
cannot help us in the reconstruction of 

a picture of the environment into which1
 on the one hand1 ,paul led the new     
faith in ,asia ,minor1 ,greece1 and     
,rome2 and in which1 on the other1 it   
already found itself in the districts   
bordering on the south-east of the      
,mediterranean4 ,it is only by piecing  
together laboriously isolated scraps of 
information and fragments of            
inscriptions1 that we become aware of   
the existence of the life of a world of 
religious associations and private cults
 which existed at this period4 ,not that
 even so we have any very direct        
information of what went on in these    
associations1 guilds1 and brotherhoods2 
but we have sufficient evidence to make 
us keenly regret the absence of further 
knowledge4  ,difficult as this field is 
to till1 it is exceedingly fertile in   
interest1 and it is to be regretted that
 comparatively so little work has as yet
 been done in it2 and that1 as is so    
frequently the case1 the work which has 
been done is1 for the most part1 not    

accessible to the ,english reader4 ,what
 work has been done on this special     
subject may be seen from the            
bibliographical note appended to this   
essay1 in which is given a list of books
 and articles treating of the religious 
associations among the ,greeks and      
,romans4 ,but if we seek to obtain a    
general view of the condition of        
religious affairs in the first century  
we find ourselves without a reliable    
guide2 for of works dealing with this   
particular subject there are few1 and   
from them we learn little that does not 
immediately concern1 or is thought to   
concern1 ,christianity2 whereas1 it is  
just the state of the non-,christian    
religious world about which1 in the     
present case1 we desire to be informed4 
,if1 for instance1 the reader turn to   
works of general history1 such as       
,merivale's ,history of the ,romans     
under the ,empire 7,london2 last ed4    
#ahfe71 he will find1 it is true1 in    
chap4 iv41 a description of the state of

 religion up to the death of ,nero1 but 
he will be little wiser for perusing it4
 ,if he turn to ,hermann ,schiller's    
,geschichte der rmischen ,kaiserreichs  
unter der ,regierung des ,nero 7,berlin2
 #ahgb71 he will find much reason for   
discarding the vulgar opinions about the
 monstrous crimes imputed to ,nero1 as  
indeed he might do by reading in        
,english ,g4 ,h4 ,lewes' article ,was   
,nero a ,monster8 7,cornhill ,magazine2 
,july1 #ahfc7--;and he will also find   
7bk4 ,,iv4 chap4 iii47 a general view of
 the religion and philosophy of the time
 which is far more intelligent than that
 of ,merivale's2 but all is still very  
vague and unsatisfactory1 and we feel   
ourselves still outside the intimate    
life of the philosophers and            
religionists of the first century4  ,if1
 again1 he turn to the latest writers of
 ,church history who have treated this  
particular question1 he will find that  
they are occupied entirely with the     
contact of the ,christian ,church with  

the ,roman ,empire1 and only            
incidentally give us any information of 
the nature of which we are in search4   
,on this special ground ,c4 ,j4         
,neumann1 in his careful study ,der     
rmische ,staat und die allgemeine       
,kirche bis auf ,diocletian 7,leipzig2  
#ahij71 is interesting2 while ,prof4 ,w4
 ,m4 ,ramsay1 in ,the ,church in the    
,roman ,empire before ,a4,d4 #agj       
7,london2 #ahic71 is extraordinary1 for 
he endeavours to interpret ,roman       
history by the ,new ,testament          
documents1 the dates of the majority of 
which are so hotly disputed4  ,but1 you 
may say1 what has all this to do with   
,apollonius of ,tyana8 ,the answer is   
simple3 ,apollonius lived in the first  
century2 his work lay precisely among   
these religious associations1 colleges1 
and guilds4 ,a knowledge of them and    
their nature would give us the natural  
environment of a great part of his life2
 and information as to their condition  
in the first century would perhaps help 

us the better to understand some of the 
reasons for the task which he attempted4
  ,if1 however1 it were only the life   
and endeavours of ,apollonius which     
would be illuminated by this knowledge1 
we could understand why so little effort
 has been spent in this direction2 for  
the character of the ,tyanean1 as we    
shall see1 has since the fourth century 
been regarded with little favour even by
 the few1 while the many have been      
taught to look upon our philosopher not 
only as a charlatan1 but even as an     
anti-,christ4 ,but when it is just a    
knowledge of these religious            
associations and orders which would     
throw a flood of light on the earliest  
evolution of ,christianity1 not only    
with regard to the ,pauline communities1
 but also with regard to those schools  
which were subsequently condemned as    
heretical1 it is astonishing that we    
have had no more satisfactory work done 
on the subject4  ,it may be said1       
however1 that this information is not   

forthcoming simply because it is        
unprocurable4 ,to a large extent this is
 true2 nevertheless1 a great deal more  
could be done than has as yet been      
attempted1 and the results of research  
in special directions and in the byways 
of history could be combined1 so that   
the non-specialist could obtain some    
general idea of the religious conditions
 of the times1 and so be less inclined  
to join in the now stereotyped          
condemnation of all non-,jewish or      
non-,christian moral and religious      
effort in the ,roman ,empire of the     
first century4  ,but the reader may     
retort3 ,things social and religious in 
those days must have been in a very     
parlous state1 for1 as this essay shows1
 ,apollonius himself spent the major    
part of his life in trying to reform the
 institutions and cults of the ,empire4 
,to this we answer3 ,no doubt there was 
much to reform1 and when is there not8  
,but it would not only be not generous1 
but distinctly mischievous for us to    

judge our fellows of those days solely  
by the lofty standard of an ideal       
morality1 or even to scale them against 
the weight of our own supposed virtues  
and knowledge4 ,our point is not that   
there was nothing to reform1 far from   
that1 but that the wholesale accusations
 of depravity brought against the times 
will not bear impartial investigation4  
,on the contrary1 there was much good   
material ready to be worked up in many  
ways1 and if there had not been1 how    
could there among other things have been
 any ,christianity8  ,the ,roman ,empire
 was at the zenith of its power1 and had
 there not been many admirable          
administrators and men of worth in the  
governing caste1 such a political       
consummation could never have been      
reached and maintained4 ,moreover1 as   
ever previously in the ancient world1   
religious liberty was guaranteed1 and   
where we find persecution1 as in the    
reigns of ,nero and ,domitian1 it must  
be set down to political and not to     

theological reasons4 ,setting aside the 
disputed question of the persecution of 
the ,christians under ,domitian1 the    
,neronian persecution was directed      
against those whom the ,imperial power  
regarded as ,jewish political           
revolutionaries4 ,so1 too1 when we find 
the philosophers imprisoned or banished 
from ,rome during these two reigns1 it  
was not because they were philosophers1 
but because the ideal of some of them   
was the restoration of the ,republic1   
and this rendered them obnoxious to the 
charge not only of being political      
malcontents1 but also of actively       
plotting against the ,emperor's         
majestas4 ,apollonius1 however1 was     
throughout a warm supporter of          
monarchical rule4 ,when1 then1 we hear  
of the philosophers being banished from 
,rome or being cast into prison1 we must
 remember that this was not a wholesale 
persecution of philosophy throughout the
 ,empire2 and when we say that some of  
them desired to restore the ,republic1  

we should remember that the vast        
majority of them refrained from         
politics1 and especially was this the   
case with the disciples of the          
religio-philosophical schools4          
,,section ,,ii4  ,,the ,,religious      
,,associations ,,and ,,communities ,,of 
,,the ,,first ,,century4   ,in the      
domain of religion it is quite true that
 the state cults and national           
institutions throughout the ,empire were
 almost without exception in a parlous  
state1 and it is to be noticed that     
,apollonius devoted much time and labour
 to reviving and purifying them4        
,indeed1 their strength had long left   
the general state-institutions of       
religion1 where all was now perfunctory2
 but so far from there being no         
religious life in the land1 in          
proportion as the official cultus and   
ancestral institutions afforded no real 
satisfaction to their religious needs1  
the more earnestly did the people devote
 themselves to private cults1 and       

eagerly baptised themselves in all that 
flood of religious enthusiasm which     
flowed in with ever increasing volume   
from the ,east4 ,indubitably in all this
 fermentation there were many excesses1 
according to our present notions of     
religious decorum1 and also grievous    
abuses2 but at the same time in it many 
found due satisfaction for their        
religious emotions1 and1 if we except   
those cults which were distinctly       
vicious1 we have to a large extent      
before us in popular circles the        
spectacle of what1 in their last        
analysis1 are similar phenomena to those
 enthusiasms which in our own day may be
 frequently witnessed among such sects  
as the ,shakers or ,ranters1 and at the 
general revival meetings of the         
uninstructed4  ,it is not1 however1 to  
be thought that the private cults and   
the doings of the religious associations
 were all of this nature or confined to 
this class2 far from it4 ,there were    
religious brotherhoods1 communities1 and

 clubs--thiasi1 erani1 and orgeones--of 
all sorts and conditions4 ,there were   
also mutual benefit societies1 burial   
clubs1 and dining companies1 the        
prototypes of our present-day ,masonic  
bodies1 ,oddfellows1 and the rest4      
,these religious associations were not  
only private in the sense that they were
 not maintained by the ,state1 but also 
for the most part they were private in  
the sense that what they did was kept   
secret1 and this is perhaps the main    
reason why we have so defective a record
 of them4  ,among them are to be        
numbered not only the lower forms of    
mystery-cultus of various kinds1 but    
also the greater ones1 such as the      
,phrygian1 ,bacchic1 ,isiac1 and        
,mithriac ,mysteries1 which were spread 
everywhere throughout the ,empire4 ,the 
famous ,eleusinia were1 however1 still  
under the gis of the ,state1 but though 
so famous were1 as a state-cultus1 far  
more perfunctory4  ,it is1 moreover1 not
 to be thought that the great types of  

mystery-cultus above mentioned were     
uniform even among themselves4 ,there   
were not only various degrees and grades
 within them1 but also in all           
probability many forms of each line of  
tradition1 good1 bad1 and indifferent4  
,for instance1 we know that it was      
considered de rigueur for every         
respectable citizen of ,athens to be    
initiated into the ,eleusinia1 and      
therefore the tests could not have been 
very stringent2 whereas in the most     
recent work on the subject1 ,de ,apuleio
 ,isiacorum ,mysteriorum ,teste         
7,leyden2 #aijj71 ,dr4 ,k4 ,h4 ,e4 ,de  
,jong shows that in one form of the     
,isiac ,mysteries the candidate was     
invited to initiation by means of dream2
 that is to say1 he had to be           
psychically impressionable before his   
acceptance4  ,here1 then1 we have a vast
 intermediate ground for religious      
exercise between the most popular and   
undisciplined forms of private cults and
 the highest forms1 which could only be 

approached through the discipline and   
training of the philosophic life4 ,the  
higher side of these                    
mystery-institutions aroused the        
enthusiasm of all that was best in      
antiquity1 and unstinted praise was     
given to one or another form of them by 
the greatest thinkers and writers of    
,greece and ,rome2 so that we cannot but
 think that here the instructed found   
that satisfaction for their religious   
needs which was necessary not only for  
those who could not rise into the keen  
air of pure reason1 but also for those  
who had climbed so high upon the heights
 of reason that they could catch a      
glimpse of the other side4 ,the official
 cults were notoriously unable to give  
them this satisfaction1 and were only   
tolerated by the instructed as an aid   
for the people and a means of preserving
 the traditional life of the city or    
state4  ,by common consent the most     
virtuous livers of ,greece were the     
members of the ,pythagorean schools1    

both men and women4 ,after the death of 
their founder the ,pythagoreans seem to 
have gradually blended with the ,orphic 
communities1 and the ,orphic life was   
the recognised term for a life of purity
 and self-denial4 ,we also know that the
 ,orphics1 and therefore the            
,pythagoreans1 were actively engaged in 
the reformation1 or even the entire     
reforming1 of the ,baccho-,eleusinian   
rites2 they seem to have brought back   
the pure side of the ,bacchic cult with 
their reinstitution or reimportation of 
the ,iacchic mysteries1 and it is very  
evident that such stern livers and deep 
thinkers could not have been contented  
with a low form of cult4 ,their         
influence also spread far and wide in   
general ,bacchic circles1 so that we    
find ,euripides putting the following   
words into the mouth of a chorus of     
,bacchic initiates3 ,clad in white robes
 ,i speed me from the genesis of mortal 
men1 and never more approach the vase of
 death1 for ,i have done with eating    

food that ever housed a soul4#a ,such   
words could well be put into the mouth  
of a ,brahman or ,buddhist ascetic1     
eager to escape from the bonds of       
,sa4msara and such men cannot therefore 
justly be classed together              
indiscriminately with ribald            
revellers--the general mind-picture of a
 ,bacchic company4  ,but1 some one may  
say1 ,euripides and the ,pythagoreans   
and ,orphics are no evidence for the    
first century2 whatever good there may  
have been in such schools and           
communities1 it had ceased long before4 
,on the contrary1 the evidence is all   
against this objection4 ,philo1 writing 
about #be ,a4,d41 tells us that in his  
day numerous groups of men1 who in all  
respects led this life of religion1 who 
abandoned their property1 retired from  
the world and devoted themselves        
entirely to the search for wisdom and   
the cultivation of virtue1 were         
scattered far and wide throughout the   
world4 ,in his treatise1 ,on the        

,contemplative ,life1 he writes3 ,this  
natural class of men is to be found in  
many parts of the inhabited world1 both 
the ,grecian and non-,grecian world1    
sharing in the perfect good4 ,in ,egypt 
there are crowds of them in every       
province1 or nome as they call it1 and  
especially round ,alexandria4 ,this is a
 most important statement1 for if there 
were so many devoted to the religious   
life at this time1 it follows that the  
age was not one of unmixed depravity4   
,it is not1 however1 to be thought that 
these communities were all of an exactly
 similar nature1 or of one and the same 
origin1 least of all that they were all 
,therapeut or ,essene4 ,we have only to 
remember the various lines of descent of
 the doctrines held by the innumerable  
schools classed together as ,gnostic1 as
 sketched in my recent work1 ,fragments 
of a ,faith ,forgotten1 and to turn to  
the beautiful treatises of the ,hermetic
 schools1 to persuade us that in the    
first century the striving after the    

religious and philosophic life was      
wide-spread and various4  ,we are not1  
however1 among those who believe that   
the origin of the ,therapeut communities
 of ,philo and of the ,essenes of ,philo
 and ,josephus is to be traced to       
,orphic and ,pythagorean influence4 ,the
 question of precise origin is as yet   
beyond the power of historical research1
 and we are not of those who would      
exaggerate one element of the mass into 
a universal source4 ,but when we        
remember the existence of all these so  
widely scattered communities in the     
first century1 when we study the        
imperfect but important record of the   
very numerous schools and brotherhoods  
of a like nature which came into        
intimate contact with ,christianity in  
its origins1 we cannot but feel that    
there was the leaven of a strong        
religious life working in many parts of 
the ,empire4  ,our great difficulty is  
that these communities1 brotherhoods1   
and associations kept themselves apart1 

and with rare exceptions left no records
 of their intimate practices and        
beliefs1 or if they left any it has been
 destroyed or lost4 ,for the most part  
then we have to rely upon general       
indications of a very superficial       
character4 ,but this imperfect record is
 no justification for us to deny or     
ignore their existence and the intensity
 of their endeavours2 and a history     
which purports to paint a picture of the
 times is utterly insufficient so long  
as it omits this most vital subject from
 its canvas4  ,among such surroundings  
as these ,apollonius moved2 but how     
little does his biographer seem to have 
been aware of the fact6 ,philostratus   
has a rhetorician's appreciation of a   
philosophical court life1 but no feeling
 for the life of religion4 ,it is only  
indirectly that the ,life of            
,apollonius1 as it is now depicted1 can 
throw any light on these most           
interesting communities1 but even an    
occasional side-light is precious where 

all is in such obscurity4 ,were it but  
possible to enter into the living memory
 of ,apollonius1 and see with his eyes  
the things he saw when he lived nineteen
 hundred years ago1 what an enormously  
interesting page of the world's history 
could be recovered6 ,he not only        
traversed all the countries where the   
new faith was taking root1 but he lived 
for years in most of them1 and was      
intimately acquainted with numbers of   
mystic communities in ,egypt1 ,arabia1  
and ,syria4 ,surely he must have visited
 some of the earliest ,christian        
communities as well1 must even have     
conversed with some of the disciples of 
the ,lord6 ,and yet no word is breathed 
of this1 not one single scrap of        
information on these points do we glean 
from what is recorded of him4 ,surely he
 must have met with ,paul1 if not       
elsewhere1 then at ,rome1 in #ff1 when  
he had to leave because of the edict of 
banishment against the philosophers1 the
 very year according to some when ,paul 

was beheaded6     ,,section ,,iii4      
,,india ,,and ,,greece4   ,there is1    
however1 another reason why ,apollonius 
is of importance to us4 ,he was an      
enthusiastic admirer of the wisdom of   
,india4 ,here again a subject of wide   
interest opens up4 ,what influences1 if 
any1 had ,brahmanism and ,buddhism on   
,western thought in these early years8  
,it is strongly asserted by some that   
they had great influence2 it is as      
strongly denied by others that they had 
any influence at all4 ,it is1 therefore1
 apparent that there is no really       
indisputable evidence on the subject4   
,just as some would ascribe the         
constitution of the ,essene and         
,therapeut communities to ,pythagorean  
influence1 so others would ascribe their
 origin to ,buddhist propaganda2 and not
 only would they trace this influence in
 the ,essene tenets and practices1 but  
they would even refer the general       
teaching of the ,christ to a ,buddhist  
source in a ,jewish monotheistic        

setting4 ,not only so1 but some would   
have it that two centuries before the   
direct general contact of ,greece with  
,india1 brought about by the conquests  
of ,alexander1 ,india through           
,pythagoras strongly and lastingly      
influenced all subsequent ,greek        
thought4  ,the question can certainly   
not be settled by hasty affirmation or  
denial2 it requires not only a wide     
knowledge of general history and a      
minute study of scattered and imperfect 
indications of thought and practice1 but
 also a fine appreciation of the correct
 value of indirect evidence1 for of     
direct testimony there is none of a     
really decisive nature4 ,to such high   
qualifications we can make no           
pretension1 and our highest ambition is 
simply to give a few very general       
indications of the nature of the        
subject4  ,it is plainly asserted by the
 ancient ,greeks that ,pythagoras went  
to ,india1 but as the statement is made 
by ,neo-,pythagorean and ,neo-,platonic 

writers subsequent to the time of       
,apollonius1 it is objected that the    
travels of the ,tyanean suggested not   
only this item in the biography of the  
great ,samian but several others1 or    
even that ,apollonius himself in his    
,life of ,pythagoras was father of the  
rumour4 ,the close resemblance1 however1
 between many of the features of        
,pythagorean discipline and doctrine and
 ,indo-,aryan thought and practice1 make
 us hesitate entirely to reject the     
possibility of ,pythagoras having       
visited ancient ,aryavarta4  ,and even  
if we cannot go so far as to entertain  
the possibility of direct personal      
contact1 there has to be taken into     
consideration the fact that ,pherecydes1
 the master of ,pythagoras1 may have    
been acquainted with some of the main   
ideas of ,vaidic lore4 ,pherecydes      
taught at ,ephesus1 but was himself most
 probably a ,persian1 and it is quite   
credible that a learned ,asiatic1       
teaching a mystic philosophy and basing 

his doctrine upon the idea of rebirth1  
may have had some indirect1 if not      
direct1 knowledge of ,indo-,aryan       
thought4  ,persia must have been even at
 this time in close contact with ,india1
 for about the date of the death of     
,pythagoras1 in the reign of ,dareius1  
son of ,hystaspes1 at the end of the    
sixth and beginning of the fifth century
 before our era1 we hear of the         
expedition of the ,persian general      
,scylax down the ,indus1 and learn from 
,herodotus that in this reign ,india    
7that is the ,punjab7 formed the        
twentieth satrapy of the ,persian       
monarchy4 ,moreover1 ,indian troops were
 among the hosts of ,xerxes2 they       
invaded ,thessaly and fought at ,plata4 
,from the time of ,alexander onwards    
there was direct and constant contact   
between ,aryavarta and the kingdoms of  
the successors of the world-conqueror1  
and many ,greeks wrote about this land  
of mystery2 but in all that has come    
down to us we look in vain for anything 

but the vaguest indications of what the 
philosophers of ,india systematically   
thought4  ,that the ,brahmans would at  
this time have permitted their sacred   
books to be read by the ,yavanas        
7,ionians1 the general name for ,greeks 
in ,indian records7 is contrary to all  
we know of their history4 ,the ,yavanas 
were ,mlechchhas1 outside the pale of   
the ,aryas1 and all they could glean of 
the jealously guarded ,brahma-vidya or  
theosophy must have depended solely upon
 outside observation4 ,but the dominant 
religious activity at this time in      
,india was ,buddhist1 and it is to this 
protest against the rigid distinctions  
of caste and race made by ,brahmanical  
pride1 and to the startling novelty of  
an enthusiastic religious propaganda    
among all classes and races in ,india1  
and outside ,india to all nations1 that 
we must look for the most direct contact
 of thought between ,india and ,greece4 
,for instance1 in the middle of the     
third century ,b4,c41 we know from      

,asoka's thirteenth edict1 that this    
,buddhist ,emperor of ,india1 the       
,constantine of the ,east1 sent         
missionaries to ,antiochus ,,ii4 of     
,syria1 ,ptolemy ,,ii4 of ,egypt1       
,antigonus ,gonatas of ,macedonia1      
,magas of ,cyrene1 and ,alexander ,,ii4 
of ,epirus4 ,when1 in a land of such    
imperfect records1 the evidence on the  
side of ,india is so clear and          
indubitable1 all the more extraordinary 
is it that we have no direct testimony  
on our side of so great a missionary    
activity4 ,although1 then1 merely       
because of the absence of all direct    
information from ,greek sources1 it is  
very unsafe to generalize1 nevertheless 
from our general knowledge of the times 
it is not illegitimate to conclude that 
no great public stir could have been    
made by these pioneers of the ,dharma in
 the ,west4 ,in every probability these 
,buddhist ,bhiks4hus produced no effect 
on the rulers or on the people4 ,but was
 their mission entirely abortive2 and   

did ,buddhist missionary enterprise     
westwards cease with them8  ,the answer 
to this question1 as it seems to us1 is 
hidden in the obscurity of the religious
 communities4 ,we cannot1 however1 go so
 far as to agree with those who would   
cut the gordian knot by asserting       
dogmatically that the ascetic           
communities in ,syria and ,egypt were   
founded by these ,buddhist              
propagandists4 ,already even in ,greece 
itself were not only ,pythagorean but   
even prior to them ,orphic communities1 
for even on this ground we believe that 
,pythagoras rather developed what he    
found already existing1 than that he    
established something entirely new4 ,and
 if they were found in ,greece1 much    
more then is it reasonable to suppose   
that such communities already existed in
 ,syria1 ,arabia1 and ,egypt1 whose     
populations were given far more to      
religious exercises than the sceptical  
and laughter-loving ,greeks4  ,it is1   
however1 credible that in such          

communities1 if anywhere1 ,buddhist     
propaganda would find an appreciative   
and attentive audience2 but even so it  
is remarkable that they have left no    
distinctly direct trace of their        
influence4 ,nevertheless1 both by the   
sea way and by the great caravan route  
there was an ever open line of          
communication between ,india and the    
,empire of the successors of ,alexander2
 and it is even permissible to          
speculate1 that if we could recover a   
catalogue of the great ,alexandrian     
library1 for instance1 we should        
perchance find that in it ,indian ,,mss4
 were to be found among the other rolls 
and parchments of the scriptures of the 
nations4  ,indeed1 there are phrases in 
the oldest treatises of the             
,trismegistic ,hermetic literature which
 can be so closely paralleled with      
phrases in the ,upanis4hads and in the  
,bhagavad ,gita1 that one is almost     
tempted to believe that the writers had 
some acquaintance with the general      

contents of these ,brahmanical          
scriptures4 ,the ,trismegistic          
literature had its genesis in ,egypt1   
and its earliest deposit must be dated  
at least in the first century ,a4,d41 if
 it cannot even be pushed back earlier4 
,even more striking is the similarity   
between the lofty mystic metaphysic of  
the ,gnostic doctor ,basilides1 who     
lived at the end of the first and       
beginning of the second century ,a4,d41 
and ,vedantic ideas4 ,moreover1 both the
 ,hermetic and the ,basilidean schools  
and their immediate predecessors were   
devoted to a stern self-discipline and  
deep philosophical study which would    
make them welcome eagerly any           
philosopher or mystic student who might 
come from the far ,east4  ,but even so1 
we are not of those who by their own    
self-imposed limitations of possibility 
are condemned to find some direct       
physical contact to account for a       
similarity of ideas or even of phrasing4
 ,granting1 for instance1 that there is 

much resemblance between the teachings  
of the ,dharma of the ,buddha and of the
 ,gospel of the ,christ1 and that the   
same spirit of love and gentleness      
pervades them both1 still there is no   
necessity to look for the reason of this
 resemblance to purely physical         
transmission4 ,and so for other schools 
and other teachers2 like conditions will
 produce similar phenomena2 like effort 
and like aspiration will produce similar
 ideas1 similar experience1 and similar 
response4 ,and this we believe to be the
 case in no general way1 but that it is 
all very definitely ordered from within 
by the servants of the real guardians of
 things religious in this world4  ,we   
are1 then1 not compelled to lay so much 
stress on the question of physical      
transmission1 or to be seeking even to  
find proof of copying4 ,the human mind  
in its various degrees is much the same 
in all climes and ages1 and its inner   
experience has a common ground into     
which seed may be sown1 as it is tilled 

and cleared of weeds4 ,the good seed    
comes all from the same granary1 and    
those who sow it pay no attention to the
 man-made outer distinctions of race and
 creed4  ,however difficult1 therefore1 
it may be to prove1 from unquestionably 
historical statements1 any direct       
influence of ,indian thought on the     
conceptions and practices of some of    
these religious communities and         
philosophic schools of the ,grco-,roman 
,empire1 and although in any particular 
case similarity of ideas need not       
necessarily be assigned to direct       
physical transmission1 nevertheless the 
highest probability1 if not the greatest
 assurance1 remains that even prior to  
the days of ,apollonius there was some  
private knowledge in ,greece of the     
general ideas of the ,vedanta and       
,dharma2 while in the case of           
,apollonius himself1 even if we discount
 nine-tenths of what is related of him1 
his one idea seems to have been to      
spread abroad among the religious       

brotherhoods and institutions of the    
,empire some portion of the wisdom which
 he brought back with him from ,india4  
,when1 then1 we find at the end of the  
first and during the first half of the  
second century1 among such mystic       
associations as the ,hermetic and       
,gnostic schools1 ideas which strongly  
remind us of the theosophy of the       
,upanis4hads or the reasoned ethics of  
the ,suttas1 we have always to take into
 consideration not only the high        
probability of ,apollonius having       
visited such schools1 but also the      
possibility of his having discoursed at 
length therein on the ,indian wisdom4   
,not only so1 but the memory of his     
influence may have lingered for long in 
such circles1 for do we not find        
,plotinus1 the coryphus of              
,neo-,platonism1 as it is called1 so    
enamoured with what he had heard of the 
wisdom of ,india at ,alexandria1 that in
 #bdb he started off with the           
ill-starred expedition of ,gordian to   

the ,east in the hope of reaching that  
land of philosophy8 ,with the failure of
 the expedition and assassination of the
 ,emperor1 however1 he had to return1   
for ever disappointed of his hope4  ,it 
is not1 however1 to be thought that     
,apollonius set out to make a propaganda
 of ,indian philosophy in the same way  
that the ordinary missionary sets forth 
to preach his conception of the ,gospel4
 ,by no means2 ,apollonius seems to have
 endeavoured to help his hearers1       
whoever they might be1 in the way best  
suited to each of them4 ,he did not     
begin by telling them that what they    
believed was utterly false and          
soul-destroying1 and that their eternal 
welfare depended upon their instantly   
adopting his own special scheme of      
salvation2 he simply endeavoured to     
purge and further explain what they     
already believed and practised4 ,that   
some strong power supported him in his  
ceaseless activity1 and in his almost   
world-wide task1 is not so difficult of 

belief2 and it is a question of deep    
interest for those who strive to peer   
through the mists of appearance1 to     
speculate how that not only a ,paul but 
also an ,apollonius was aided and       
directed in his task from within4  ,the 
day1 however1 has not yet dawned when it
 will be possible for the general mind  
in the ,west to approach the question   
with such freedom from prejudice1 as to 
bear the thought that1 seen from within1
 not only ,paul but also ,apollonius may
 well have been a disciple of the ,lord 
in the true sense of the words2 and that
 too although on the surface of things  
their tasks seem in many ways so        
dissimilar1 and even1 to theological    
preconceptions1 entirely antagonistic4  
,fortunately1 however1 even to-day there
 is an ever-growing number of thinking  
people who will not only not be shocked 
by such a belief1 but who will receive  
it with joy as the herald of the dawning
 of a true sun of righteousness1 which  
will do more to illumine the manifold   

ways of the religion of our common      
humanity than all the self-righteousness
 of any particular body of exclusive    
religionists4  ,it is1 then1 in this    
atmosphere of charity and tolerance that
 we would ask the reader to approach the
 consideration of ,apollonius and his   
doings1 and not only the life and deeds 
of an ,apollonius1 but also of all those
 who have striven to help their fellows 
the world over4     ,,section ,,iv4     
,,the ,,apollonius ,,of ,,early         
,,opinion4   ,apollonius of ,tyana#b was
 the most famous philosopher of the     
,grco-,roman world of the first century1
 and devoted the major part of his long 
life to the purification of the many    
cults of the ,empire and to the         
instruction of the ministers and priests
 of its religions4 ,with the exception  
of the ,christ no more interesting      
personage appears upon the stage of     
,western history in these early years4  
,many and various and ofttimes mutually 
contradictory are the opinions which    

have been held about ,apollonius1 for   
the account of his life which has come  
down to us is in the guise of a romantic
 story rather than in the form of a     
plain history4 ,and this is perhaps to  
some extent to be expected1 for         
,apollonius1 besides his public         
teaching1 had a life apart1 a life into 
which even his favourite disciple does  
not enter4 ,he journeys into the most   
distant lands1 and is lost to the world 
for years2 he enters the shrines of the 
most sacred temples and the inner       
circles of the most exclusive           
communities1 and what he says or does   
therein remains a mystery1 or serves    
only as an opportunity for the weaving  
of some fantastic story by those who did
 not understand4  ,the following study  
will be simply an attempt to put before 
the reader a brief sketch of the problem
 which the records and traditions of the
 life of the famous ,tyanean present2   
but before we deal with the ,life of    
,apollonius1 written by ,flavius        

,philostratus at the beginning of the   
third century1 we must give the reader a
 brief account of the references to     
,apollonius among the classical writers 
and the ,church ,fathers1 and a short   
sketch of the literature of the subject 
in more recent times1 and of the varying
 fortunes of the war of opinion         
concerning his life in the last four    
centuries4  ,first1 then1 with regard to
 the references in classical and        
patristic authors4 ,lucian1 the witty   
writer of the first half of the second  
century1 makes the subject of one of his
 satires the pupil of a disciple of     
,apollonius1 of one of those who were   
acquainted with all the tragedy#c of his
 life4 ,and ,appuleius1 a contemporary  
of ,lucian1 classes ,apollonius with    
,moses and ,zoroaster1 and other famous 
,magi of antiquity4#d  ,about the same  
period1 in a work entitled ,qustiones et
 ,responsiones ad ,orthodoxos1 formerly 
attributed to ,justin ,martyr1 who      
flourished in the second quarter of the 

second century1 we find the following   
interesting statement3  ,question #bd3  
,if ,god is the maker and master of     
creation1 how do the consecrated        
objects#e of ,apollonius have power in  
the various orders of that creation8    
,for1 as we see1 they check the fury of 
the waves and the power of the winds and
 the inroads of vermin and attacks of   
wild beasts4#f  ,dion ,cassius in his   
history1#g which he wrote ,a4,d4        
#baa-bbb1 states that ,caracalla 7,emp4 
#baa-baf7 honoured the memory of        
,apollonius with a chapel or monument   
7heroum74  ,it was just at this time    
7#baf7 that ,philostratus composed his  
,life of ,apollonius1 at the request of 
,domna ,julia1 ,caracalla's mother1 and 
it is with this document principally    
that we shall have to deal in the       
sequel4  ,lampridius1 who flourished    
about the middle of the third century1  
further informs us that ,alexander      
,severus 7,emp4 #bbb-bce7 placed the    
statue of ,apollonius in his lararium   

together with those of ,christ1         
,abraham1 and ,orpheus4#h  ,vopiscus1   
writing in the last decade of the third 
century1 tells us that ,aurelian 7,emp4 
#bgj-bge7 vowed a temple to ,apollonius1
 of whom he had seen a vision when      
besieging ,tyana4 ,vopiscus speaks of   
the ,tyanean as a sage of the most      
wide-spread renown and authority1 an    
ancient philosopher1 and a true friend  
of the ,gods1 nay1 as a manifestation of
 deity4 ,for what among men1 exclaims   
the historian1 was more holy1 what more 
worthy of reverence1 what more          
venerable1 what more god-like than he8  
,he1 it was1 who gave life to the dead4 
,he1 it was1 who did and said so many   
things beyond the power of men4#i ,so   
enthusiastic is ,vopiscus about         
,apollonius1 that he promises1 if he    
lives1 to write a short account of his  
life in ,latin1 so that his deeds and   
words may be on the tongue of all1 for  
as yet the only accounts are in         
,greek4#aj ,vopiscus1 however1 did not  

fulfil his promise1 but we learn that   
about this date both ,soterichus#aa and 
,nichomachus wrote ,lives of our        
philosopher1 and shortly afterwards     
,tascius ,victorianus1 working on the   
papers of ,nichomachus1#ab also composed
 a ,life4 ,none of these ,lives1        
however1 have reached us4  ,it was just 
at this period also1 namely1 in the last
 years of the third century and the     
first years of the fourth1 that         
,porphyry and ,iamblichus composed their
 treatises on ,pythagoras and his       
school2 both mention ,apollonius as one 
of their authorities1 and it is probable
 that the first #cj sections of         
,iamblichus are taken from              
,apollonius4#ac  ,we now come to an     
incident which hurled the character of  
,apollonius into the arena of ,christian
 polemics1 where it has been tossed     
about until the present day4 ,hierocles1
 successively governor of ,palmyra1     
,bithynia1 and ,alexandria1 and a       
philosopher1 about the year #cje wrote a

 criticism on the claims of the         
,christians1 in two books1 called ,a    
,truthful ,address to the ,christians1  
or more shortly ,the ,truth-lover4 ,he  
seems to have based himself for the most
 part on the previous works of ,celsus  
and ,porphyry1#ad but introduced a new  
subject of controversy by opposing the  
wonderful works of ,apollonius to the   
claims of the ,christians to exclusive  
right in miracles as proof of the       
divinity of their ,master4 ,in this part
 of his treatise ,hierocles used        
,philostratus' ,life of ,apollonius4    
,to this pertinent criticism of         
,hierocles ,eusebius of ,csarea         
immediately replied in a treatise still 
extant1 entitled ,contra ,hieroclem4#ae 
,eusebius admits that ,apollonius was a 
wise and virtuous man1 but denies that  
there is sufficient proof that the      
wonderful things ascribed to him ever   
took place2 and even if they did take   
place1 they were the work of dmons1 and 
not of ,god4 ,the treatise of ,eusebius 

is interesting2 he severely scrutinises 
the statements in ,philostratus1 and    
shows himself possessed of a first rate 
critical faculty4 ,had he only used the 
same faculty on the documents of the    
,church1 of which he was the first      
historian1 posterity would have owed him
 an eternal debt of gratitude4 ,but     
,eusebius1 like so many other           
apologists1 could only see one side2    
justice1 when anything touching         
,christianity was called into question1 
was a stranger to his mind1 and he would
 have considered it blasphemy to use his
 critical faculty on the documents which
 relate the miracles of ,jesus4 ,still  
the problem of miracle was the same1 as 
,hierocles pointed out1 and remains the 
same to this day4  ,after the           
controversy reincarnated again in the   
sixteenth century1 and when the         
hypothesis of the ,devil as the         
prime-mover in all miracles but those of
 the ,church lost its hold with the     
progress of scientific thought1 the     

nature of the wonders related in the    
,life of ,apollonius was still so great 
a difficulty that it gave rise to a new 
hypothesis of plagiarism4 ,the life of  
,apollonius was a ,pagan plagiarism of  
the life of ,jesus4 ,but ,eusebius and  
the ,fathers who followed him had no    
suspicion of this2 they lived in times  
when such an assertion could have been  
easily refuted4 ,there is not a word in 
,philostratus to show he had any        
acquaintance with the life of ,jesus1   
and fascinating as ,baur's              
tendency-writing theory is to many1 we  
can only say that as a plagiarist of the
 ,gospel story ,philostratus is a       
conspicuous failure4 ,philostratus      
writes the history of a good and wise   
man1 a man with a mission of teaching1  
clothed in the wonder stories preserved 
in the memory and embellished by the    
imagination of fond posterity1 but not  
the drama of incarnate ,deity as the    
fulfilment of world-prophecy4           
,lactantius1 writing about #cae1 also   

attacked the treatise of ,hierocles1 who
 seems to have put forward some very    
pertinent criticisms2 for the ,church   
,father says that he enumerates so many 
of their ,christian inner teachings     
7intima7 that sometimes he would seem to
 have at one time undergone the same    
training 7disciplina74 ,but it is in    
vain1 says ,lactantius1 that ,hierocles 
endeavours to show that ,apollonius     
performed similar or even greater deeds 
than ,jesus1 for ,christians do not     
believe that ,christ is ,god because he 
did wonderful things1 but because all   
the things wrought in him were those    
which were announced by the prophets4#af
 ,and in taking this ground ,lactantius 
saw far more clearly than ,eusebius the 
weakness of the proof from miracle4     
,arnobius1 the teacher of ,lactantius1  
however1 writing at the end of the third
 century1 before the controversy1 in    
referring to ,apollonius simply classes 
him among ,magi1 such as ,zoroaster and 
others mentioned in the passage of      

,appuleius to which we have already     
referred4#ag  ,but even after the       
controversy there is a wide difference  
of opinion among the ,fathers1 for      
although at the end of the fourth       
century ,john ,chrysostom with great    
bitterness calls ,apollonius a deceiver 
and evil-doer1 and declares that the    
whole of the incidents in his life are  
unqualified fiction1#ah ,jerome1 on the 
contrary1 at the very same date1 takes  
almost a favourable view1 for1 after    
perusing ,philostratus1 he writes that  
,apollonius found everywhere something  
to learn and something whereby he might 
become a better man4#ai ,at the         
beginning of the fifth century also     
,augustine1 while ridiculing any attempt
 at comparison between ,apollonius and  
,jesus1 says that the character of the  
,tyanean was far superior to that       
ascribed to ,jove1 in respect of        
virtue4#bj  ,about the same date also we
 find ,isidorus of ,pelusium1 who died  
in #dej1 bluntly denying that there is  

any truth in the claim made by certain1 
whom he does not further specify1 that  
,apollonius of ,tyana consecrated many  
spots in many parts of the world for the
 safety of the inhabitants4#ba ,it is   
instructive to compare the denial of    
,isidorus with the passage we have      
already quoted from ,pseudo-,justin4    
,the writer of ,questions and ,answers  
to the ,orthodox in the second century  
could not dispose of the question by a  
blunt denial2 he had to admit it and    
argue the case on other grounds--namely1
 the agency of the ,devil4 ,nor can the 
argument of the ,fathers1 that          
,apollonius used magic to bring about   
his results1 while the untaught         
,christians could perform healing       
wonders by a single word1#bb be accepted
 as valid by the unprejudiced critic1   
for there is no evidence to support the 
contention that ,apollonius employed    
such methods for his wonder-workings2 on
 the contrary1 both ,apollonius himself 
and his biographer ,philostratus        

strenuously repudiate the charge of     
magic brought against him4  ,on the     
other hand1 a few years later1 ,sidonius
 ,apollinaris1 ,bishop of ,claremont1   
speaks in the highest terms of          
,apollonius4 ,sidonius translated the   
,life of ,apollonius into ,latin for    
,leon1 the councillor of ,king ,euric1  
and in writing to his friend he says3   
,read the life of a man who 7religion   
apart7 resembles you in many things2 a  
man sought out by the rich1 yet who     
never sought for riches2 who loved      
wisdom and despised gold2 a man frugal  
in the midst of feastings1 clad in linen
 in the midst of those clothed in       
purple1 austere in the midst of         
luxury4444 ,in fine1 to speak plainly1  
perchance no historian will find in     
ancient times a philosopher whose life  
is equal to that of ,apollonius4#bc     
,thus we see that even among the ,church
 ,fathers opinions were divided2 while  
among the philosophers themselves the   
praise of ,apollonius was unstinted4    

,for ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 the last   
subject of ,rome who composed a profane 
history in the ,latin language1 and the 
friend of ,julian the                   
philosopher-emperor1 refers to the      
,tyanean as that most renowned          
philosopher2#bd while a few years later 
,eunapius1 the pupil of ,chrysanthius1  
one of the teachers of ,julian1 writing 
in the last years of the fourth century1
 says that ,apollonius was more than a  
philosopher2 he was a middle term1 as it
 were1 between gods and men4#be ,not    
only was ,apollonius an adherent of the 
,pythagorean philosophy1 but he fully   
exemplified the more divine and         
practical side in it4 ,in fact          
,philostratus should have called his    
biography ,the ,sojourning of a ,god    
among ,men4#bf ,this seemingly wildly   
exaggerated estimate may perhaps receive
 explanation in the fact that ,eunapius 
belonged to a school which knew the     
nature of the attainments ascribed to   
,apollonius4  ,indeed1 as late as the   

fifth century we find one ,volusian1 a  
proconsul of ,africa1 descended from an 
old ,roman family and still strongly    
attached to the religion of his         
ancestors1 almost worshipping           
,apollonius of ,tyana as a supernatural 
being4#bg  ,even after the downfall of  
philosophy we find ,cassiodorus1 who    
spent the last years of his long life in
 a monastery1 speaking of ,apollonius as
 the renowned philosopher4#bh ,so also  
among ,byzantine writers1 the monk      
,george ,syncellus1 in the eighth       
century1 refers several times to our    
philosopher1 and not only without the   
slightest adverse criticism1 but he     
declares that he was the first and most 
remarkable of all the illustrious people
 who appeared under the ,empire4#bi     
,tzetzes also1 the critic and           
grammarian1 calls ,apollonius all-wise  
and a fore-knower of all things4#cj     
,and though the monk ,xiphilinus1 in the
 eleventh century1 in a note to his     
abridgment of the history of ,dion      

,cassius1 calls ,apollonius a clever    
juggler and magician1#ca nevertheless   
,cedrenus in the same century bestows on
 ,apollonius the not uncomplimentary    
title of an adept ,pythagorean          
philosopher1#cb and relates several     
instances of the efficacy of his powers 
in ,byzantium4 ,in fact1 if we can      
believe ,nicetas1 as late as the        
thirteenth century there were at        
,byzantium certain bronze doors1        
formerly consecrated by ,apollonius1    
which had to be melted down because they
 had become an object of superstition   
even for the ,christians themselves4#cc 
,had the work of ,philostratus          
disappeared with the rest of the ,lives1
 the above would be all that we should  
have known about ,apollonius4#cd ,little
 enough1 it is true1 concerning so      
distinguished a character1 yet ample    
enough to show that1 with the exception 
of theological prejudice1 the suffrages 
of antiquity were all on the side of our
 philosopher4     ,,section ,v4         

,,texts1 ,,translations1 ,,and          
,,literature4   ,we will now turn to the
 texts1 translations1 and general       
literature of the subject in more recent
 times4 ,apollonius returned to the     
memory of the world1 after the oblivion 
of the dark ages1 with evil auspices4   
,from the very beginning the old        
,hierocles-,eusebius controversy was    
revived1 and the whole subject was at   
once taken out of the calm region of    
philosophy and history and hurled once  
more into the stormy arena of religious 
bitterness and prejudice4 ,for long     
,aldus hesitated to print the text of   
,philostratus1 and only finally did so  
7in #aeja7 with the text of ,eusebius as
 an appendix1 so that1 as he piously    
phrases it1 the antidote might accompany
 the poison4 ,together with it appeared 
a ,latin translation by the ,florentine 
,rinucci4#ce  ,in addition to the ,latin
 version the sixteenth century also     
produced an ,italian#cf and ,french     
translation4#cg  ,the editio princeps of

 ,aldus was superseded a century later  
by the edition of ,morel1#ch which in   
its turn was followed a century still   
later by that of ,olearius4#ci ,nearly a
 century and a half later again the text
 of ,olearius was superseded by that of 
,kayser 7the first critical text71 whose
 work in its last edition contains the  
latest critical apparatus4#dj ,all      
information with regard to the ,,mss4   
will be found in ,kayser's ,latin       
,prefaces4  ,we shall now attempt to    
give some idea of the general literature
 on the subject1 so that the reader may 
be able to note some of the varying     
fortunes of the war of opinion in the   
bibliographical indications4 ,and if the
 general reader should be impatient of  
the matter and eager to get to something
 of greater interest1 he can easily omit
 its perusal2 while if he be a lover of 
the mystic way1 and does not take       
delight in wrangling controversy1 he may
 at least sympathise with the writer1   
who has been compelled to look through  

the works of the last century and a good
 round dozen of those of the previous   
centuries1 before he could venture on an
 opinion of his own with a clear        
conscience4  ,sectarian prejudice       
against ,apollonius characterises nearly
 every opinion prior to the nineteenth  
century4#da ,of books distinctly        
dedicated to the subject the works of   
the ,abb ,dupin#db and of de            
,tillemont#dc are bitter attacks on the 
,philosopher of ,tyana in defence of the
 monopoly of ,christian miracles2 while 
those of the ,abb ,houtteville#dd and   
,lderwald#de are less violent1 though on
 the same lines4 ,a pseudonymous writer1
 however1 of the eighteenth century     
strikes out a somewhat different line by
 classing together the miracles of the  
,jesuits and other ,monastic ,orders    
with those of ,apollonius1 and dubbing  
them all spurious1 while maintaining the
 sole authenticity of those of          
,jesus4#df  ,nevertheless1 ,bacon and   
,voltaire speak of ,apollonius in the   

highest terms1#dg and even a century    
before the latter the ,english ,deist1  
,charles ,blount1#dh raised his voice   
against the universal obloquy poured    
upon the character of the ,tyanean2 his 
work1 however1 was speedily suppressed4 
,in the midst of this war about miracles
 in the eighteenth century it is        
pleasant to remark the short treatise of
 ,herzog1 who endeavours to give a      
sketch of the philosophy and religious  
life of ,apollonius1#di but1 alas6 there
 were no followers of so liberal an     
example in this century of strife4  ,so 
far then for the earlier literature of  
the subject4 ,frankly none of it is     
worth reading2 the problem could not be 
calmly considered in such a period4 ,it 
started on the false ground of the      
,hierocles-,eusebius controversy1 which 
was but an incident 7for wonder-working 
is common to all great teachers and not 
peculiar to ,apollonius or ,jesus71 and 
was embittered by the rise of           
,encyclopdism and the rationalism of the

 ,revolution period4 ,not that the      
miracle-controversy ceased even in the  
last century2 it does not1 however1 any 
longer obscure the whole horizon1 and   
the sun of a calmer judgment may be seen
 breaking through the mist4  ,in order  
to make the rest of our summary clearer 
we append at the end of this essay the  
titles of the works which have appeared 
since the beginning of the nineteenth   
century1 in chronological order4  ,a    
glance over this list will show that the
 last century has produced an ,english  
7,berwick's71 an ,italian 7,lancetti's71
 a ,french 7,chassang's71 and two       
,german translations 7,jacobs' and      
,baltzer's74#ej ,the ,rev4 ,e4          
,berwick's translation is the only      
,english version2 in his ,preface the   
author1 while asserting the falsity of  
the miraculous element in the ,life1    
says that the rest of the work deserves 
careful attention4 ,no harm will accrue 
to the ,christian religion by its       
perusal1 for there are no allusions to  

the ,life of ,christ in it1 and the     
miracles are based on those ascribed to 
,pythagoras4  ,this is certainly a      
healthier standpoint than that of the   
traditional theological controversy1    
which1 unfortunately1 however1 was      
revived again by the great authority of 
,baur1 who saw in a number of the early 
documents of the ,christian era 7notably
 the canonical ,acts7 tendency-writings 
of but slight historical content1       
representing the changing fortunes of   
schools and parties and not the actual  
histories of individuals4 ,the ,life of 
,apollonius was one of these            
tendency-writings2 its object was to put
 forward a view opposed to ,christianity
 in favour of philosophy4 ,baur thus    
divorced the whole subject from its     
historical standpoint and attributed to 
,philostratus an elaborate scheme of    
which he was entirely innocent4 ,baur's 
view was largely adopted by ,zeller in  
his ,philosophie der ,griechen 7v4      
#adj71 and by ,rville in ,holland4      

,this ,christusbild theory 7carried by a
 few extremists to the point of denying 
that ,apollonius ever existed7 has had a
 great vogue among writers on the       
subject1 especially compilers of        
encyclopdia articles2 it is at any rate 
a wider issue than the traditional      
miracle-wrangle1 which was again revived
 in all its ancient narrowness by       
,newman1 who only uses ,apollonius as an
 excuse for a dissertation on orthodox  
miracles1 to which he devotes eighteen  
pages out of the twenty-five of his     
treatise4 ,noack also follows ,baur1 and
 to some extent ,pettersch1 though he   
takes the subject onto the ground of    
philosophy2 while ,mnckeberg1 pastor of 
,st4 ,nicolai in ,hamburg1 though       
striving to be fair to ,apollonius1 ends
 his chatty dissertation with an        
outburst of orthodox praises of ,jesus1 
praises which we by no means grudge1 but
 which are entirely out of place in such
 a subject4  ,the development of the    
,jesus-,apollonius miracle-controversy  

into the ,jesus-against-,apollonius and 
even ,christ-against-,anti-,christ      
battle1 fought out with relays of lusty 
champions on the one side against a     
feeble protest at best on the other1 is 
a painful spectacle to contemplate4 ,how
 sadly must ,jesus and ,apollonius have 
looked upon1 and still look upon1 this  
bitter and useless strife over their    
saintly persons4 ,why should posterity  
set their memories one against the      
other8 ,did they oppose one another in  
life8 ,did even their biographers do so 
after their deaths8 ,why then could not 
the controversy have ceased with        
,eusebius8 ,for ,lactantius frankly     
admits the point brought forward by     
,hierocles 7to exemplify which          
,hierocles only referred to ,apollonius 
as one instance out of many7--that      
miracles do not prove divinity4 ,we rest
 our claims1 says ,lactantius1 not on   
miracles1 but on the fulfilment of      
prophecy4#ea ,had this more sensible    
position been revived instead of that of

 ,eusebius1 the problem of ,apollonius  
would have been considered in its       
natural historical environment four     
hundred years ago1 and much ink and     
paper would have been saved4  ,with the 
progress of the critical method1        
however1 opinion has at length partly   
recovered its balance1 and it is        
pleasant to be able to turn to works    
which have rescued the subject from     
theological obscurantism and placed it  
in the open field of historical and     
critical research4 ,the two volumes of  
the independent thinker1 ,legrand       
d',aussy1 which appeared at the very    
beginning of the last century1 are1 for 
the time1 remarkably free from          
prejudice1 and are a praiseworthy       
attempt at historical impartiality1 but 
criticism was still young at this       
period4 ,kayser1 though he does not go  
thoroughly into the matter1 decides that
 the account of ,philostratus is purely 
a fabularis narratio but is well opposed
 by ,i4 ,mller1 who contends for a      

strong element of history as a          
background4 ,but by far the best sifting
 of the sources is that of ,jessen4#eb  
,priaulx's study deals solely with the  
,indian episode and is of no critical   
value for the estimation of the sources4
 ,of all previous studies1 however1 the 
works of ,chassang and ,baltzer are the 
most generally intelligent1 for both    
writers are aware of the possibilities  
of psychic science1 though mostly from  
the insufficient standpoint of          
spiritistic phenomena4  ,as for         
,tredwell's somewhat pretentious volume 
which1 being in ,english1 is accessible 
to the general reader1 it is largely    
reactionary1 and is used as a cover for 
adverse criticism of the ,christian     
origins from a ,secularist standpoint   
which denies at the outset the          
possibility of miracle in any meaning of
 the word4 ,a mass of well-known        
numismatological and other matter1 which
 is entirely irrelevant1 but which seems
 to be new and surprising to the author1

 is introduced1 and a map is prefixed to
 the title-page purporting to give the  
itineraries of ,apollonius1 but having  
little reference to the text of         
,philostratus4 ,indeed1 nowhere does    
,tredwell show that he is working on the
 text itself1 and the subject in his    
hands is but an excuse for a rambling   
dissertation on the first century in    
general from his own standpoint4  ,this 
is all regrettable1 for with the        
exception of ,berwick's translation1    
which is almost unprocurable1 we have   
nothing of value in ,english for the    
general reader1#ec except ,sinnett's    
short sketch1 which is descriptive      
rather than critical or explanatory4    
,so far then for the history of the     
,apollonius of opinion2 we will now turn
 to the ,apollonius of ,philostratus1   
and attempt if possible to discover some
 traces of the man as he was in history1
 and the nature of his life and work4   
,,section ,,vi4  ,,the ,,biographer ,,of
 ,,apollonius4   ,flavius ,philostratus1

 the writer of the only ,life of        
,apollonius which has come down to      
us1#ed was a distinguished man of       
letters who lived in the last quarter of
 the second and the first half of the   
third century 7cir4 #age-bde ,a4,d474   
,he formed one of the circle of famous  
writers and thinkers gathered round the 
philosopher-empress1#ee ,julia ,domna1  
who was the guiding spirit of the       
,empire during the reigns of her husband
 ,septimius ,severus and her son        
,caracalla4 ,all three members of the   
imperial family were students of occult 
science1 and the age was preeminently   
one in which the occult arts1 good and  
bad1 were a passion4 ,thus the sceptical
 ,gibbon1 in his sketch of ,severus and 
his famous consort1 writes3  ,like most 
of the ,africans1 ,severus was          
passionately addicted to the vain       
studies of magic and divination1 deeply 
versed in the interpretation of dreams  
and omens1 and perfectly acquainted with
 the science of judicial astrology1     

which in almost every age except the    
present1 has maintained its dominion    
over the mind of man4 ,he had lost his  
first wife whilst he was governor of the
 ,lionnese ,gaul4 ,in the choice of a   
second1 he sought only to connect       
himself with some favourite of fortune2 
and as soon as he had discovered that a 
young lady of ,emesa in ,syria had a    
royal nativity#ef he solicited and      
obtained her hand4 ,julia ,domna#eg 7for
 that was her name7 deserved all that   
the stars could promise her4 ,she       
possessed1 even in an advanced age1#eh  
the attractions of beauty1 and united to
 a lively imagination a firmness of     
mind1 and strength of judgment1 seldom  
bestowed on her sex4 ,her amiable       
qualities never made any deep impression
 on the dark and jealous temper of her  
husband1#ei but in her son's reign1 she 
administered the principal affairs of   
the ,empire with a prudence that        
supported his authority1 and with a     
moderation that sometimes corrected his 

wild extravagances4 ,julia applied      
herself to letters and philosophy with  
some success1 and with the most splendid
 reputation4 ,she was the patroness of  
every art1 and the friend of every man  
of genius4#fj  ,we thus see1 even from  
,gibbon's somewhat grudging estimate1   
that ,domna ,julia was a woman of       
remarkable character1 whose outer acts  
give evidence of an inner purpose1 and  
whose private life has not been written4
 ,it was at her request that            
,philostratus wrote the ,life of        
,apollonius1 and it was she who supplied
 him with certain ,,mss4 that were in   
her possession1 as a basis2 for the     
beautiful daughter of ,bassianus1 priest
 of the sun at ,emesa1 was an ardent    
collector of books from every part of   
the world1 especially of the ,,mss4 of  
philosophers and of memoranda and       
biographical notes relating to the      
famous students of the inner nature of  
things4  ,that ,philostratus was the    
best man to whom to entrust so important

 a task1 is doubtful4 ,it is true that  
he was a skilled stylist and a practised
 man of letters1 an art critic and an   
ardent antiquarian1 as we may see from  
his other works2 but he was a sophist   
rather than a philosopher1 and though an
 enthusiastic admirer of ,pythagoras and
 his school1 was so from a distance1    
regarding it rather through a           
wonder-loving atmosphere of curiosity   
and the embellishments of a lively      
imagination than from a personal        
acquaintance with its discipline1 or a  
practical knowledge of those hidden     
forces of the soul with which its adepts
 dealt4 ,we have1 therefore1 to expect a
 sketch of the appearance of a thing by 
one outside1 rather than an exposition  
of the thing itself from one within4    
,the following is ,philostratus' account
 of the sources from which he derived   
his information concerning              
,apollonius3#fa  ,i have collected my   
materials partly from the cities which  
loved him1 partly from the temples whose

 rites and regulations he restored from 
their former state of neglect1 partly   
from what others have said about him1   
and partly from his own letters4#fb     
,more detailed information ,i procured  
as follows4 ,damis was a man of some    
education who formerly used to live in  
the ancient city of ,ninus4#fc ,he      
became a disciple of ,apollonius and    
recorded his travels1 in which he says  
he himself took part1 and also the      
views1 sayings1 and predictions of his  
master4 ,a member of ,damis' family     
brought the ,empress ,julia the         
note-books#fd containing these memoirs1 
which up to that time had not been known
 of4 ,as ,i was one of the circle of    
this princess1 who was a lover and      
patroness of all literary productions1  
she ordered me to rewrite these sketches
 and improve their form of expression1  
for though the ,ninevite expressed      
himself clearly1 his style was far from 
correct4 ,i also have had access to a   
book by ,maximus#fe of g which contained

 all ,apollonius' doings at g4#ff ,there
 is also a will written by ,apollonius1 
from which we can learn how he almost   
deified philosophy4#fg ,as to the four  
books of ,moeragenes#fh on ,apollonius  
they do not deserve attention1 for he   
knows nothing of most of the facts of   
his life 7i4 #b1 #c74  ,these are the   
sources to which ,philostratus was      
indebted for his information1 sources   
which are unfortunately no longer       
accessible to us1 except perhaps a few  
letters4 ,nor did ,philostratus spare   
any pains to gather information on the  
subject1 for in his concluding words    
7viii4 #ca71 he tells us that he has    
himself travelled into most parts of the
 world and everywhere met with the      
inspired sayings#fi of ,apollonius1 and 
that he was especially well acquainted  
with the temple dedicated to the memory 
of our philosopher at ,tyana and founded
 at the imperial expense 7for the       
emperors had judged him not unworthy of 
like honours with themselves71 whose    

priests1 it is to be presumed1 had got  
together as much information as they    
could concerning ,apollonius4  ,a       
thoroughly critical analysis of the     
literary effort of ,philostratus1       
therefore1 would have to take into      
account all of these factors1 and       
endeavour to assign each statement to   
its original source4 ,but even then the 
task of the historian would be          
incomplete1 for it is transparently     
evident that ,philostratus has          
considerably embellished the narrative  
with numerous notes and additions of his
 own and with the composition of set    
speeches4  ,now as the ancient writers  
did not separate their notes from the   
text1 or indicate them in any distinct  
fashion1 we have to be constantly on our
 guard to detect the original sources   
from the glosses of the writer4#gj ,in  
fact ,philostratus is ever taking       
advantage of the mention of a name or a 
subject to display his own knowledge1   
which is often of a most legendary and  

fantastic nature4 ,this is especially   
the case in his description of          
,apollonius' ,indian travels4 ,india at 
that time and long afterwards was       
considered the end of the world1 and an 
infinity of the strangest travellers'   
tales and mythological fables were in   
circulation concerning it4 ,one has only
 to read the accounts of the writers on 
,india#ga from the time of ,alexander   
onwards to discover the source of most  
of the strange incidents that           
,philostratus records as experiences of 
,apollonius4 ,to take but one instance  
out of a hundred1 ,apollonius had to    
cross the ,caucasus1 an indefinite name 
for the great system of mountain ranges 
that bound the northern limits of       
,aryavarta4 ,prometheus was chained to  
the ,caucasus1 so every child had been  
told for centuries4 ,therefore1 if      
,apollonius crossed the ,caucasus1 he   
must have seen those chains4 ,and so it 
was1 ,philostratus assures us 7ii4 #c74 
,not only so1 but he volunteers the     

additional information that you could   
not tell of what they were made6 ,a     
perusal of ,megasthenes1 however1 will  
speedily reduce the long ,philostratian 
account of the ,indian travels of       
,apollonius 7i4 #da-;iii4 #eh7 to a very
 narrow compass1 for page after page is 
simply padding1 picked up from any one  
of the numerous ,indica to which our    
widely read author had access4#gb ,to   
judge from such writers1 ,porus#gc 7the 
,rajah conquered by ,alexander7 was the 
immemorial king of ,india4 ,in fact1 in 
speaking of ,india or any other         
little-known country1 a writer in these 
days had to drag in all that popular    
legend associated with it or he stood   
little chance of being listened to4 ,he 
had to give his narrative a local       
colour1 and this was especially the case
 in a technical rhetorical effort like  
that of ,philostratus4  ,again1 it was  
the fashion to insert set speeches and  
put them in the mouths of well-known    
characters on historical occasions1 good

 instances of which may be seen in      
,thucydides and the ,acts of the        
,apostles4 ,philostratus repeatedly does
 this4  ,but it would be too long to    
enter into a detailed investigation of  
the subject1 although the writer has    
prepared notes on all these points1 for 
that would be to write a volume and not 
a sketch4 ,only a few points are        
therefore set down1 to warn the student 
to be ever on his guard to sift out     
,philostratus from his sources4#gd  ,but
 though we must be keenly alive to the  
importance of a thoroughly critical     
attitude where definite facts of history
 are concerned1 we should be as keenly  
on our guard against judging everything 
from the standpoint of modern           
preconceptions4 ,there is but one       
religious literature of antiquity that  
has ever been treated with real sympathy
 in the ,west1 and that is the          
,judo-,christian2 in that alone have men
 been trained to feel at home1 and all  
in antiquity that treats of religion in 

a different mode to the ,jewish or      
,christian way1 is felt to be strange1  
and1 if obscure or extraordinary1 to be 
even repulsive4 ,the sayings and doings 
of the ,jewish prophets1 of ,jesus1 and 
of the ,apostles1 are related with      
reverence1 embellished with the greatest
 beauties of diction1 and illumined with
 the best thought of the age2 while the 
sayings and doings of other prophets and
 teachers have been for the most part   
subjected to the most unsympathetic     
criticism1 in which no attempt is made  
to understand their standpoint4 ,had    
even-handed justice been dealt out all  
round1 the world to-day would have been 
richer in sympathy1 in wide-mindedness1 
in comprehension of nature1 humanity1   
and ,god1 in brief1 in soul-experience4 
,therefore1 in reading the ,life of     
,apollonius let us remember that we have
 to look at it through the eyes of a    
,greek1 and not through those of a ,jew 
or a ,protestant4 ,the ,many in their   
proper sphere must be for us as         

authentic a manifestation of the ,divine
 as the ,one or the ,all1 for indeed the
 ,gods exist in spite of commandment and
 creed4 ,the ,saints and ,martyrs and   
,angels have seemingly taken the places 
of the ,heroes and ,dmons and ,gods1 but
 the change of name and change of       
view-point among men affect but little  
the unchangeable facts4 ,to sense the   
facts of universal religion under the   
ever-changing names which men bestow    
upon them1 and then to enter with full  
sympathy and comprehension into the     
hopes and fears of every phase of the   
religious mind--to read1 as it were1 the
 past lives of our own souls--is a most 
difficult task4 ,but until we can put   
ourselves understandingly in the places 
of others1 we can never see more than   
one side of the ,infinite ,life of ,god4
 ,a student of comparative religion must
 not be afraid of terms2 he must not    
shudder when he meets with polytheism1  
or draw back in horror when he          
encounters dualism1 or feel an increased

 satisfaction when he falls in with     
monotheism2 he must not feel awe when he
 pronounces the name of ,yahweh and     
contempt when he utters the name of     
,zeus2 he must not picture a satyr when 
he reads the word dmon1 and imagine a   
winged dream of beauty when he          
pronounces the word angel4 ,for him     
heresy and orthodoxy must not exist2 he 
sees only his own soul slowly working   
out its own experience1 looking at life 
from every possible view-point1 so that 
haply at last he may see the whole1 and 
having seen the whole1 may become at one
 with ,god4  ,to ,apollonius the mere   
fashion of a man's faith was            
unessential2 he was at home in all      
lands1 among all cults4 ,he had a       
helpful word for all1 an intimate       
knowledge of the particular way of each 
of them1 which enabled him to restore   
them to health4 ,such men are rare2 the 
records of such men are precious1 and   
require the embellishments of no        
rhetorician4  ,let us then1 first of    

all1 try to recover the outline of the  
early external life and of the travels  
of ,apollonius shorn of ,philostratus'  
embellishments1 and then endeavour to   
consider the nature of his mission1 the 
manner of the philosophy which he so    
dearly loved and which was to him his   
religion1 and last1 if possible1 the way
 of his inner life4     ,,section ,,vii4
  ,,early ,,life4   ,apollonius was     
born#ge at ,tyana1 a city in the south  
of ,cappadocia1 somewhen in the early   
years of the ,christian era4 ,his       
parents were of ancient family and      
considerable fortune 7i4 #d74 ,at an    
early age he gave signs of a very       
powerful memory and studious            
disposition1 and was remarkable for his 
beauty4 ,at the age of fourteen he was  
sent to ,tarsus1 a famous centre of     
learning of the time1 to complete his   
studies4 ,but mere rhetoric and style   
and the life of the schools were little 
suited to his serious disposition1 and  
he speedily left for g1 a town on the   

sea-coast east of ,tarsus4 ,here he     
found surroundings more suitable to his 
needs1 and plunged with ardour into the 
study of philosophy4 ,he became intimate
 with the priests of the temple of      
sculapius1 where cures were still       
wrought1 and enjoyed the society and    
instruction of pupils and teachers of   
the ,platonic1 ,stoic1 ,peripatetic1 and
 ,epicurean schools of philosophy2 but  
though he studied all these systems of  
thought with attention1 it was the      
lessons of the ,pythagorean school upon 
which he seized with an extraordinary   
depth of comprehension1#gf and that1    
too1 although his teacher1 ,euxenus1 was
 but a parrot of the doctrines and not a
 practiser of the discipline4 ,but such 
parrotting was not enough for the eager 
spirit of ,apollonius2 his extraordinary
 memory1 which infused life into the    
dull utterances of his tutor1 urged him 
on1 and at the age of sixteen he soared 
into the ,pythagorean life1 winged by   
some greater one4#gg ,nevertheless he   

retained his affection for the man who  
had told him of the way1 and rewarded   
him handsomely 7i4 #g74  ,when ,euxenus 
asked him how he would begin his new    
mode of life he replied3 ,as doctors    
purge their patients4 ,hence he refused 
to touch anything that had animal life  
in it1 on the ground that it densified  
the mind and rendered it impure4 ,he    
considered that the only pure form of   
food was what the earth produced1 fruits
 and vegetables4 ,he also abstained from
 wine1 for though it was made from      
fruit1 it rendered turbid the ther#gh in
 the soul and destroyed the composure of
 the mind4 ,moreover1 he went barefoot1 
let his hair grow long1 and wore nothing
 but linen4 ,he now lived in the temple1
 to the admiration of the priests and   
with the express approval of            
sculapius1#gi and he rapidly became so  
famous for his asceticism and pious     
life1 that a saying#hj of the ,cilicians
 about him became a proverb 7i4 #h74    
,at the age of twenty his father died   

7his mother having died some years      
before7 leaving a considerable fortune1 
which ,apollonius was to share with his 
elder brother1 a wild and dissolute     
youth of twenty-three4 ,being still a   
minor1 ,apollonius continued to reside  
at g1 where the temple of sculapius had 
now become a busy centre of study1 and  
echoed from one end to the other with   
the sound of lofty philosophical        
discourses4 ,on coming of age he        
returned to ,tyana to endeavour to      
rescue his brother from his vicious     
life4 ,his brother had apparently       
exhausted his legal share of the        
property1 and ,apollonius at once made  
over half of his own portion to him1 and
 by his gentle admonitions restored him 
to his manhood4 ,in fact he seems to    
have devoted his time to setting in     
order the affairs of the family1 for he 
distributed the rest of his patrimony   
among certain of his relatives1 and kept
 for himself but a bare pittance2 he    
required but little1 he said1 and should

 never marry 7i4 #ac74  ,he now took the
 vow of silence for five years1 for he  
was determined not to write on          
philosophy until he had passed through  
this wholesome discipline4 ,these five  
years were passed mostly in ,pamphylia  
and ,cilicia1 and though he spent much  
time in study1 he did not immure himself
 in a community or monastery but kept   
moving about and travelling from city to
 city4 ,the temptations to break his    
self-imposed vow were enormous4 ,his    
strange appearance drew everyone's      
attention1 the laughter-loving populace 
made the silent philosopher the butt of 
their unscrupulous wit1 and all the     
protection he had against their         
scurrility and misconceptions was the   
dignity of his mien and the glance of   
eyes that now could see both past and   
future4 ,many a time he was on the verge
 of bursting out against some           
exceptional insult or lying gossip1 but 
ever he restrained himself with the     
words3 ,heart1 patient be1 and thou1 my 

tongue1 be still#ha 7i4 #ad74  ,yet even
 this stern repression of the common    
mode of speech did not prevent his good 
doing4 ,even at this early age he had   
begun to correct abuses4 ,with eyes and 
hands and motions of the head1 he made  
his meaning understood1 and on one      
occasion1 at ,aspendus in ,pamphylia1   
prevented a serious corn riot by        
silencing the crowd with his commanding 
gestures and then writing what he had to
 say on his tablets 7i4 #ae74  ,so far1 
apparently1 ,philostratus has been      
dependent upon the account of ,maximus  
of g1 or perhaps only up to the time of 
,apollonius' quitting g4 ,there is now a
 considerable gap in the narrative1 and 
two short chapters of vague generalities
 7i4 #af1 #ag7 are all that             
,philostratus can produce as the record 
of some fifteen or twenty#hb years1     
until ,damis' notes begin4  ,after the  
five years of silence1 we find          
,apollonius at ,antioch1 but this seems 
to be only an incident in a long round  

of travel and work1 and it is probable  
that ,philostratus brings ,antioch into 
prominence merely because what little he
 had learnt of this period of           
,apollonius' life1 he picked up in this 
much-frequented city4  ,even from       
,philostratus himself we learn          
incidentally later on 7i4 #bj2 iv4 #ch7 
that ,apollonius had spent some time    
among the ,arabians1 and had been       
instructed by them4 ,and by ,arabia we  
are to understand the country south of  
,palestine1 which was at this period a  
regular hot-bed of mystic communities4  
,the spots he visited were in           
out-of-the-way places1 where the spirit 
of holiness lingered1 and not the       
crowded and disturbed cities1 for the   
subject of his conversation1 he said1   
required men and not people4#hc ,he     
spent his time in travelling from one to
 another of these temples1 shrines1 and 
communities2 from which we may conclude 
that there was some kind of a common    
freemasonry1 as it were1 among them1 of 

the nature of initiation1 which opened  
the door of hospitality to him4  ,but   
wherever he went1 he always held to a   
certain regular division of the day4 ,at
 sun-rise he practised certain religious
 exercises alone1 the nature of which he
 communicated only to those who had     
passed through the discipline of a four 
years' 78 five years'7 silence4 ,he then
 conversed with the temple priests or   
the heads of the community1 according as
 he was staying in a ,greek or          
non-,greek temple with public rites1 or 
in a community with a discipline        
peculiar to itself apart from the public
 cult4#hd  ,he thus endeavoured to bring
 back the public cults to the purity of 
their ancient traditions1 and to suggest
 improvements in the practices of the   
private brotherhoods4 ,the most         
important part of his work was with     
those who were following the inner life1
 and who already looked upon ,apollonius
 as a teacher of the hidden way4 ,to    
these his comrades 7,greek3 hetairous7  

and pupils 7,greek3 homiltas71 he       
devoted much attention1 being ever ready
 to answer their questions and give     
advice and instruction4 ,not however    
that he neglected the people2 it was his
 invariable custom to teach them1 but   
always after mid-day2 for those who     
lived the inner life1#he he said1 should
 on day's dawning enter the presence of 
the ,gods1#hf then spend the time till  
mid-day in giving and receiving         
instruction in holy things1 and not till
 after noon devote themselves to human  
affairs4 ,that is to say1 the morning   
was devoted by ,apollonius to the divine
 science1 and the afternoon to          
instruction in ethics and practical     
life4 ,after the day's work he bathed in
 cold water1 as did so many of the      
mystics of the time in those lands1     
notably the ,essenes and ,therapeuts 7i4
 #af74  ,after these things1 says       
,philostratus1 as vaguely as the writer 
of a gospel narrative1 ,apollonius      
determined to visit the ,brachmanes and 

,sarmanes4#hg ,what induced our         
philosopher to make so long and         
dangerous a journey nowhere appears from
 ,philostratus1 who simply says that    
,apollonius thought it a good thing for 
a young man#hh to travel4 ,it is        
abundantly evident1 however1 that       
,apollonius never travelled merely for  
the sake of travelling4 ,what he does he
 does with a distinct purpose4 ,and his 
guides on this occasion1 as he assures  
his disciples who tried to dissuade him 
from his endeavour and refused to       
accompany him1 were wisdom and his inner
 monitor 7dmon74 ,since ye are          
faint-hearted1 says the solitary        
pilgrim1 ,i bid you farewell4 ,as for   
myself ,i must go whithersoever wisdom  
and my inner self may lead me4 ,the     
,gods are my advisers and ,i can but    
rely on their counsels 7i4 #ah74        
,,section ,,viii4  ,,the ,,travels ,,of 
,,apollonius4   ,and so ,apollonius     
departs from ,antioch and journeys on to
 ,ninus1 the relic of the once great    

,nina or ,nineveh4 ,there he meets with 
,damis1 who becomes his constant        
companion and faithful disciple4 ,let us
 go together1 says ,damis in words      
reminding us somewhat of the words of   
,ruth4 ,thou shalt follow ,god1 and ,i  
thee6 7i4 #ai74  ,from this point       
,philostratus professes to base himself 
to a great extent on the narrative of   
,damis1 and before going further1 it is 
necessary to try to form some estimate  
of the character of ,damis1 and discover
 how far he was admitted to the real    
confidence of ,apollonius4  ,damis was  
an enthusiast who loved ,apollonius with
 a passionate affection4 ,he saw in his 
master almost a divine being1 possessed 
of marvellous powers at which he        
continually wondered1 but which he could
 never understand4 ,like ,ananda1 the   
favourite disciple of the ,buddha and   
his constant companion1 ,damis advanced 
but slowly in comprehension of the real 
nature of spiritual science2 he had ever
 to remain in the outer courts of the   

temples and communities into whose      
shrines and inner confidence ,apollonius
 had full access1 while he frequently   
states his ignorance of his master's    
plans and purposes4#hi ,the additional  
fact that he refers to his notes as the 
crumbs#ij from the feasts of the ,gods  
7i4 #ai71 those feasts of which he could
 for the most part only learn at        
secondhand what little ,apollonius      
thought fit to tell him1 and which he   
doubtless largely misunderstood and     
clothed in his own imaginings1 would    
further confirm this view1 if any       
further confirmation were necessary4    
,but indeed it is very manifest         
everywhere that ,damis was outside the  
circle of initiation1 and this accounts 
both for his wonder-loving point of view
 and his general superficiality4        
,another fact that comes out prominently
 from the narrative is his timid        
nature4#ia ,he is continually afraid for
 himself or for his master2 and even    
towards the end1 when ,apollonius is    

imprisoned by ,domitian1 it requires the
 phenomenal removal of the fetters      
before his eyes to assure him that      
,apollonius is a willing victim4  ,damis
 loves and wonders2 seizes on           
unimportant detail and exaggerates it1  
while he can only report of the really  
important things what he fancies to have
 taken place from a few hints of        
,apollonius4 ,as his story advances1 it 
is true it takes on a soberer tint2 but 
what ,damis omits1 ,philostratus is ever
 ready to supply from his own store of  
marvels1 if chance offers4              
,nevertheless1 even were we with the    
scalpel of criticism to cut away every  
morsel of flesh from this body of       
tradition and legend1 there would still 
remain a skeleton of fact that would    
still represent ,apollonius and give us 
some idea of his stature4  ,apollonius  
was one of the greatest travellers known
 to antiquity4 ,among the countries and 
places he visited the following are the 
chief ones recorded by ,philostratus4#ib

  ,from ,ninus 7i4 #ai7 ,apollonius     
journeys to ,babylon 7i4 #ba71 where he 
stops one year and eight months 7i4 #dj7
 and visits surrounding cities such as  
,ecbatana1 the capital of ,media 7i4    
#ci72 from ,babylon to the ,indian      
frontier no names are mentioned2 ,india 
was entered in every probability by the 
,khaibar ,pass 7ii4 #f71ic for the first
 city mentioned is ,taxila 7,attock7    
7ii4 #bj72 and so they make their way   
across the tributaries of the ,indus    
7ii4 #dc7 to the valley of the ,ganges  
7iii4 #e71 and finally arrive at the    
monastery of the wise men 7iii4 #aj71   
where ,apollonius spends four months    
7iii4 #ej74  ,this monastery was        
presumably in ,nepal2 it is in the      
mountains1 and the city nearest it is   
called ,paraca4 ,the chaos that         
,philostratus has made of ,damis'       
account1 and before him the wonderful   
transformations ,damis himself wrought  
in ,indian names1 are presumably shown  
in this word4 ,paraca is perchance all  

that ,damis could make of ,bharata1 the 
general name of the ,ganges valley in   
which the dominant ,aryas were settled4 
,it is also probable that these wise men
 were ,buddhists1 for they dwelt in a   
,greek3 tyrsis1 a place that looked like
 a fort or fortress to ,damis4  ,i have 
little doubt that ,philostratus could   
make nothing out of the geography of    
,india from the names in ,damis' diary2 
they were all unfamiliar to him1 so that
 as soon as he has exhausted the few    
,greek names known to him from the      
accounts of the expedition of           
,alexander1 he wanders in the ends of   
the earth1 and can make nothing of it   
till he picks up our travellers again on
 their return journey at the mouth of   
the ,indus4 ,the salient fact that      
,apollonius was making for a certain    
community1 which was his peculiar goal1 
so impressed the imagination of         
,philostratus 7and perhaps of ,damis    
before him7 that he has described it as 
being the only centre of the kind in    

,india4 ,apollonius went to ,india with 
a purpose and returned from it with a   
distinct mission2#id and perchance his  
constant inquiries concerning the       
particular wise men whom he was seeking1
 led ,damis to imagine that they alone  
were the ,gymnosophists1 the naked      
philosophers 7if we are to take the term
 in its literal sense7 of popular ,greek
 legend1 which ignorantly ascribed to   
all the ,hindu ascetics the most        
striking peculiarity of a very small    
number4 ,but to return to our itinerary4
  ,philostratus embellishes the account 
of the voyage from the ,indus to the    
mouth of the ,euphrates 7iii4 #eb-eh7   
with the travellers' tales and names of 
islands and cities he has gleaned from  
the ,indica which were accessible to    
him1 and so we again return to ,babylon 
and familiar geography with the         
following itinerary3  ,babylon1 ,ninus1 
,antioch1 ,seleucia1 ,cyprus2 thence to 
,ionia 7iii4 #eh71 where he spends some 
time in ,asia ,minor1 especially at     

,ephesus 7iv4 #a71 ,smyrna 7iv4 #e71    
,pergamus 7iv4 #i71 and ,troy 7iv4 #aa74
 ,thence ,apollonius crosses over to    
,lesbos 7iv4 #ac71 and subsequently     
sails for ,athens1 where he spends some 
years in ,greece 7iv4 #ag-cc7 visiting  
the temples of ,hellas1 reforming their 
rites and instructing the priests 7iv4  
#bd74 ,we next find him in ,crete 7iv4  
#cd71 and subsequently at ,rome in the  
time of ,nero 7iv4 #cf-df74  ,in ,a4,d4 
#ff ,nero issued a decree forbidding any
 philosopher to remain in ,rome1 and    
,apollonius set out for ,spain1 and     
landed at ,gades1 the modern ,cadiz2 he 
seems to have stayed in ,spain only a   
short time 7iv4 #dg72 thence crossed to 
,africa1 and so by sea once more to     
,sicily1 where the principal cities and 
temples were visited 7v4 #aa-ad74       
,thence ,apollonius returned to ,greece 
7v4 #ah71 four years having elapsed     
since his landing at ,athens from       
,lesbos 7v4 #ai74ie  ,from ,pirus our   
philosopher sails for ,chios 7v4 #ba71  

thence to ,rhodes1 and so to ,alexandria
 7v4 #bd74 ,at ,alexandria he spends    
some time1 and has several interviews   
with the future ,emperor ,vespasian 7v4 
#bg-da71 and thence he sets out on a    
long journey up the ,nile as far as     
,ethiopia beyond the cataracts1 where he
 visits an interesting community of     
ascetics called loosely ,gymnosophists  
7vi4 #a-bg74  ,on his return to         
,alexandria 7vi4 #bh71 he was summoned  
by ,titus1 who had just become emperor1 
to meet him at ,tarsus 7vi4 #bi-cd74    
,after this interview he appears to have
 returned to ,egypt1 for ,philostratus  
speaks vaguely of his spending some time
 in ,lower ,egypt1 and of visits to the 
,phoenicians1 ,cilicians1 ,ionians1     
,achans1 and also to ,italy 7vi4 #ce74  
,now ,vespasian was emperor from #fi to 
#gi1 and ,titus from #gi to #ha4 ,as    
,apollonius' interviews with ,vespasian 
took place shortly before the beginning 
of that emperor's reign1 it is          
reasonable to conclude that a number of 

years was spent by our philosopher in   
his ,ethiopian journey1 and that        
therefore ,damis' account is a most     
imperfect one4 ,in #ha ,domitian became 
emperor1 and just as ,apollonius opposed
 the follies of ,nero1 so did he        
criticise the acts of ,domitian4 ,he    
accordingly became an object of         
suspicion to the emperor2 but instead of
 keeping away from ,rome1 he determined 
to brave the tyrant to his face4        
,crossing from ,egypt to ,greece and    
taking ship at ,corinth1 he sailed by   
way of ,sicily to ,puteoli1 and thence  
to the ,tiber mouth1 and so to ,rome    
7vii4 #aj-af74 ,here ,apollonius was    
tried and acquitted 7vii4 #ag--viii4    
#aj74 ,sailing from ,puteoli again      
,apollonius returned to ,greece 7viii4  
#ae71 where he spent two years 7viii4   
#bd74 ,thence once more he crossed over 
to ,ionia at the time of the death of   
,domitian 7viii4 #be71 visiting ,smyrna 
and ,ephesus and other of his favourite 
haunts4 ,hereupon he sends away ,damis  

on some pretext to ,rome 7viii4 #bh7    
and--disappears2 that is to say1 if it  
be allowed to speculate1 he undertook   
yet another journey to the place which  
he loved above all others1 the home of  
the wise men4  ,now ,domitian was killed
 #if ,a4,d41 and one of the last        
recorded acts of ,apollonius is his     
vision of this event at the time of its 
occurrence4 ,therefore the trial of     
,apollonius at ,rome took place         
somewhere about #ic1 and we have a gap  
of twelve years from his interview with 
,titus in #ha1 which ,philostratus can  
only fill up with a few vague stories   
and generalities4  ,as to his age at the
 time of his mysterious disappearance   
from the pages of history1 ,philostratus
 tells us that ,damis says nothing2 but 
some1 he adds1 say he was eighty1 some  
ninety1 and some even an hundred4  ,the 
estimate of eighty years seems to fit in
 best with the rest of the chronological
 indications1 but there is no certainty 
in the matter with the present materials

 at our disposal4  ,such then is the    
geographical outline1 so to say1 of the 
life of ,apollonius1 and even the most  
careless reader of the bare skeleton of 
the journeys recorded by ,philostratus  
must be struck by the indomitable energy
 of the man1 and his power of endurance4
  ,we will now turn our attention to one
 or two points of interest connected    
with the temples and communities he     
visited4     ,,section ,,ix4  ,,in ,,the
 ,,shrines ,,of ,,the ,,temples ,,and   
,,the ,,retreats ,,of ,,religion4       
,seeing that the nature of ,apollonius' 
business with the priests of the temples
 and the devotees of the mystic life was
 necessarily of a most intimate and     
secret nature1 for in those days it was 
the invariable custom to draw a sharp   
line of demarcation between the inner   
and outer1 the initiated and the        
profane1 it is not to be expected that  
we can learn anything but mere          
externalities from the                  
,damis-,philostratus narrative2         

nevertheless1 even these outer          
indications are of interest4  ,the      
temple of sculapius at g1 where         
,apollonius spent the most              
impressionable years of his life1 was   
one of the innumerable hospitals of     
,greece1 where the healing art was      
practised on lines totally different to 
our present methods4 ,we are at once    
introduced to an atmosphere laden with  
psychic influences1 to a centre whither 
for centuries patients had flocked to   
consult the ,god4 ,in order to do so1 it
 was necessary for them to go through   
certain preliminary purifications and   
follow certain rules given by the       
priests2 they then passed the night in  
the shrine and in their sleep           
instructions were given them for their  
healing4 ,this method1 no doubt1 was    
only resorted to when the skill of the  
priest was exhausted2 in any case1 the  
priests must have been deeply versed in 
the interpretation of these dreams and  
in their rationale4 ,it is also evident 

that as ,apollonius loved to pass his   
time in the temple1 he must have found  
there satisfaction for his spiritual    
needs1 and instruction in the inner     
science2 though doubtless his own innate
 powers soon carried him beyond his     
instructors and marked him out as the   
favourite of the ,god4 ,the many cases  
on record in our own day of patients in 
trance or some other psychic condition  
prescribing for themselves1 will help   
the student to understand the           
innumerable possibilities of healing    
which were in ,greece summed up in the  
personification sculapius4  ,later on   
the chief of the ,indian sages has a    
disquisition on sculapius and the       
healing art put into his mouth 7iii4    
#dd71 where the whole of medicine is    
said to be dependent upon psychic       
diagnosis and prescience 7,greek3       
manteia74  ,finally it may be noticed   
that it was the invariable custom of    
patients on their recovery to record the
 fact on an ex-voto tablet in the       

temple1 precisely as is done to-day in  
,roman ,catholic countries4#if  ,on his 
way to ,india ,apollonius saw a good    
deal of the ,magi at ,babylon4 ,he used 
to visit them at mid-day and mid-night1 
but of what transpired ,damis knew      
nothing1 for ,apollonius would not      
permit him to accompany him1 and in     
answer to his direct questions would    
only answer3 ,they are wise1 but not in 
all things 7i4 #bf74  ,the description  
of a certain hall1 however1 to which    
,apollonius had access1 seems to be a   
garbled version of the interior of the  
temple4 ,the roof was dome-shaped1 and  
the ceiling was covered with sapphire2  
in this blue heaven were models of the  
heavenly bodies 7those whom they regard 
as ,gods7 fashioned in gold1 as though  
moving in the ether4 ,moreover from the 
roof were suspended four golden ,iygges 
which the ,magi call the ,tongues of the
 ,gods4 ,these were winged-wheels or    
spheres connected with the idea of      
,adrasteia 7or ,fate74 ,their prototypes

 are described imperfectly in the       
,vision of ,ezekiel1 and the so-called  
,hecatine strophali or spherul used in  
magical practices may have been         
degenerate descendants of these living  
wheels or spheres of the vital elements4
 ,the subject is one of intense         
interest1 but hopelessly incapable of   
treatment in our present age of         
scepticism and profound ignorance of the
 past4 ,the ,gods who taught our infant 
humanity were1 according to occult      
tradition1 from a humanity higher than  
that at present evolving on our earth4  
,they gave the impulse1 and1 when the   
earth-children were old enough to stand 
on their own feet1 they withdrew4 ,but  
the memory of their deeds and a corrupt 
and degenerate form of the mysteries    
they established has ever lingered in   
the memory of myth and legend4 ,seers   
have caught obscure glimpses of what    
they taught and how they taught it1 and 
the tradition of the ,mysteries         
preserved some memory of it in its      

symbols and instruments or engines4 ,the
 ,iygges of the ,magi are said to be a  
relic of this memory4  ,with regard to  
the ,indian sages it is impossible to   
make out any consistent story from the  
fantastic jumble of the                 
,damis-,philostratus romance4 ,damis    
seems to have confused together a       
mixture of memories and scraps of gossip
 without any attempt to distinguish one 
community or sect from another1 and so  
produced a blurred daub which           
,philostratus would have us regard as a 
picture of the hill and a description of
 its sages4 ,damis' confused            
memories1#ig however1 have little to do 
with the actual monastery and its       
ascetic inhabitants1 who were the goal  
of ,apollonius' long journey4 ,what     
,apollonius heard and saw there1        
following his invariable custom in such 
circumstances1 he told no one1 not even 
,damis1 except what could be derived    
from the following enigmatical sentence3
 ,i saw men dwelling on the earth and   

yet not on it1 defended on all sides1   
yet without any defence1 and yet        
possessed of nothing but what all       
possess4 ,these words occur in two      
passages 7iii4 #ae and vi4 #aa71 and in 
both ,philostratus adds that ,apollonius
 wrote#ih and spoke them enigmatically4 
,the meaning of this saying is not      
difficult to divine4 ,they were on the  
earth1 but not of the earth1 for their  
minds were set on things above4 ,they   
were protected by their innate spiritual
 power1 of which we have so many        
instances in ,indian literature2 and yet
 they possessed nothing but what all men
 possess if they would but develop the  
spiritual part of their being4 ,but this
 explanation is not simple enough for   
,philostratus1 and so he presses into   
service all the memories of ,damis1 or  
rather travellers' tales1 about         
levitation1 magical illusions and the   
rest4  ,the head of the community is    
called ,iarchas1 a totally un-,indian   
name4 ,the violence done to all foreign 

names by the ,greeks is notorious1 and  
here we have to reckon with an army of  
ignorant copyists as well as with       
,philostratus and ,damis4 ,i would      
suggest that the name may perhaps be a  
corruption of ,arhat4#ii  ,the main     
burden of ,damis' narrative insists on  
the psychic and spiritual knowledge of  
the sages4 ,they know what takes place  
at a distance1 they can tell the past   
and future1 and read the past births of 
men4  ,the messenger sent to meet       
,apollonius carried what ,damis calls a 
golden anchor 7iii4 #aa1 #ag71 and if   
this is an authentic fact1 it would     
suggest a forerunner of the ,tibetan    
dorje1 the present degenerate symbol of 
the rod of power1 something like the    
thunder-bolt wielded by ,zeus4 ,this    
would also point to a ,buddhist         
community1 though it must be confessed  
that other indications point equally    
strongly to ,brahmanical customs1 such  
as the caste-mark on the forehead of the
 messenger 7iii4 #g1 #aa71 the carrying 

of 7bamboo7 staves 7dan4d4a71 letting   
the hair grow long1 and wearing of      
turbans 7iii4 #ac74 ,but indeed the     
whole account is too confused to permit 
any hope of extracting historical       
details4  ,of the nature of ,apollonius'
 visit we may1 however1 judge from the  
following mysterious letter to his hosts
 7iii4 #ea73  ,i came to you by land and
 ye have given me the sea2 nay1 rather1 
by sharing with me your wisdom ye have  
given me power to travel through heaven4
 ,these things will ,i bring back to the
 mind of the ,greeks1 and ,i will hold  
converse with you as though ye were     
present1 if it be that ,i have not drunk
 of the cup of ,tantalus in vain4  ,it  
is evident from these cryptic sentences 
that the sea and the cup of ,tantalus   
are identical with the wisdom which had 
been imparted to ,apollonius--the wisdom
 which he was to bring back once more to
 the memory of the ,greeks4 ,he thus    
clearly states that he returned from    
,india with a distinct mission and with 

the means to accomplish it1 for not only
 had he drunk of the ocean of wisdom in 
that he has learnt the ,brahma-vidya    
from their lips1 but he has also learnt 
how to converse with them though his    
body be in ,greece and their bodies in  
,india4  ,but such a plain              
meaning--plain at least to every student
 of occult nature--was beyond the       
understanding of ,damis or the          
comprehension of ,philostratus4 ,and it 
is doubtless the mention of the cup of  
,tantalus#ajj in this letter which      
suggested the inexhaustible loving cup  
episode in iii4 #cb1 and its connection 
with the mythical fountains of ,bacchus4
 ,damis presses it into service to      
explain the last phrase in ,apollonius' 
saying about the sages1 namely1 that    
they were possessed of nothing but what 
all possess--which1 however1 appears    
elsewhere in a changed form1 as         
possessing nothing1 they have the       
possessions of all men 7iii4 #ae74aja   
,on returning to ,greece1 one of the    

first shrines ,apollonius visited was   
that of ,aphrodite at ,paphos in ,cyprus
 7iii4 #eh74 ,the greatest external     
peculiarity of the ,paphian worship of  
,venus was the representation of the    
goddess by a mysterious stone symbol4   
,it seems to have been of the size of a 
human being1 but shaped like a          
pine-cone1 only of course with a smooth 
surface4 ,paphos was apparently the     
oldest shrine dedicated to ,venus in    
,greece4 ,its mysteries were very       
ancient1 but not indigenous2 they were  
brought over from the mainland1 from    
what was subsequently ,cilicia1 in times
 of remote antiquity4  ,the worship or  
consultation of the ,goddess was by     
means of prayers and the pure flame of  
fire1 and the temple was a great centre 
of divination4#ajb  ,apollonius spent   
some time here and instructed the       
priests at length with regard to their  
sacred rites4  ,in ,asia ,minor he was  
especially pleased with the temple of   
sculapius at ,pergamus2 he healed many  

of the patients there1 and gave         
instruction in the proper methods to    
adopt in order to procure reliable      
results by means of the prescriptive    
dreams4  ,at ,troy1 we are told1        
,apollonius spent a night alone at the  
tomb of ,achilles1 in former days one of
 the spots of greatest popular sanctity 
in ,greece 7iv4 #aa74 ,why he did so    
does not transpire1 for the fantastic   
conversation with the shade of the hero 
reported by ,philostratus 7iv4 #af7     
seems to be devoid of any element of    
likelihood4 ,as1 however1 ,apollonius   
made it his business to visit ,thessaly 
shortly afterwards expressly to urge the
 ,thessalians to renew the old          
accustomed rites to the hero 7iv4 #ac71 
we may suppose that it formed part of   
his great effort to restore and purify  
the old institutions of ,hellas1 so     
that1 the accustomed channels being     
freed1 the life might flow more         
healthily in the national body4  ,rumour
 would also have it that ,achilles had  

told ,apollonius where he would find the
 statue of the hero ,palamedes on the   
coast of olia4 ,apollonius accordingly  
restored the statue1 and ,philostratus  
tells us he had seen it with his own    
eyes on the spot 7iv4 #ac74  ,now this  
would be a matter of very little        
interest1 were it not that a great deal 
is made of ,palamedes elsewhere in      
,philostratus' narrative4 ,what it all  
means is difficult to say with a ,damis 
and ,philostratus as interpreters       
between ourselves and the silent and    
enigmatical ,apollonius4  ,palamedes was
 one of the heroes before ,troy1 who was
 fabled to have invented letters1 or to 
have completed the alphabet of          
,cadmus4#ajc  ,now from two obscure     
sayings 7iv4 #ac1 #cc71 we glean that   
our philosopher looked upon ,palamedes  
as the philosopher-hero of the ,trojan  
period1 although ,homer says hardly a   
word about him4  ,was this1 then1 the   
reason why ,apollonius was so anxious to
 restore his statue8 ,not altogether so2

 there appears to have been a more      
direct reason4 ,damis would have it that
 ,apollonius had met ,palamedes in      
,india2 that he was at the monastery2   
that ,iarchas had one day pointed out a 
young ascetic who could write without   
ever learning letters2 and that this    
youth had been no other than ,palamedes 
in one of his former births4 ,doubtless 
the sceptic will say3 ,of course6       
,pythagoras was a reincarnation of the  
hero ,euphorbus who fought at ,troy1    
according to popular superstition2      
therefore1 naturally1 the young ,indian 
was the reincarnation of the hero       
,palamedes6 ,the one legend simply begat
 the other4 ,but on this principle1 to  
be consistent1 we should expect to find 
that it was ,apollonius himself and not 
an unknown ,hindu ascetic1 who had been 
once ,palamedes4  ,in any case          
,apollonius restored the rites to       
,achilles1 and erected a chapel in which
 he set up the neglected statue of      
,palamedes4#ajd ,the heroes of the      

,trojan period1 then1 it would seem1 had
 still some connection with ,greece1    
according to the science of the         
invisible world into which ,apollonius  
was initiated4 ,and if the ,protestant  
sceptic can make nothing of it1 at least
 the ,roman ,catholic reader may be     
induced to suspend his judgment by      
changing hero into saint4  ,can it be   
possible that the attention which       
,apollonius bestowed upon the graves and
 funeral monuments of the mighty dead of
 ,greece may have been inspired by the  
circle of ideas which led to the        
erection of the innumerable dagobas and 
stupas in ,buddhist lands1 originally   
over the relics of the ,buddha1 and the 
subsequent preservation of relics of    
arhats and great teachers8  ,at ,lesbos 
,apollonius visited the ancient temple  
of the ,orphic mysteries1 which in early
 years had been a great centre of       
prophecy and divination4 ,here also he  
was privileged to enter the inner shrine
 or adytum 7iv4 #ad74  ,the ,tyanean    

arrived in ,athens at the time of the   
,eleusinian ,mysteries1 and in spite of 
the festival and rites not only the     
people but also the candidates flocked  
to meet him to the neglect of their     
religious duties4 ,apollonius rebuked   
them1 and himself joined in the         
necessary preliminary rites and         
presented himself for initiation4  ,it  
may1 perhaps1 surprise the reader to    
hear that ,apollonius1 who had already  
been initiated into higher privileges   
than ,eleusis could afford1 should      
present himself for initiation4 ,but the
 reason is not far to seek2 the         
,eleusinia constituted one of the       
intermediate organisations between the  
popular cults and the genuine inner     
circles of instruction4 ,they preserved 
one of the traditions of the inner way1 
even if their officers for the time     
being had forgotten what their          
predecessors had once known4 ,to restore
 these ancient rites to their purity1 or
 to utilise them for their original     

object1 it was necessary to enter within
 the precincts of the institution2      
nothing could be effected from outside4 
,the thing itself was good1 and         
,apollonius desired to support the      
ancient institution by setting the      
public example of seeking initiation    
therein2 not that he had anything to    
gain personally4  ,but whether it was   
that the hierophant of that time was    
only ignorant1 or whether he was jealous
 of the great influence of ,apollonius1 
he refused to admit our philosopher1 on 
the ground that he was a sorcerer       
7,greek3 gos71 and that no one could be 
initiated who was tainted by intercourse
 with evil entities 7,greek3 daimonia74 
,to this charge ,apollonius replied with
 veiled irony3 ,you have omitted the    
most serious charge that might have been
 urged against me3 to wit1 that though  
,i really know more about the mystic    
rite than its hierophant1 ,i have come  
here pretending to desire initiation    
from men knowing more than myself4 ,this

 charge would have been true2 he had    
made a pretence4  ,dismayed at these    
words1 frightened at the indignation of 
the people aroused by the insult offered
 to their distinguished guest1 and      
overawed by the presence of a knowledge 
which he could no longer deny1 the      
hierophant begged our philosopher to    
accept the initiation4 ,but ,apollonius 
refused4 ,i will be initiated later on1 
he replied2 he will initiate me4 ,this  
is said to have referred to the         
succeeding hierophant1 who presided when
 ,apollonius was initiated four years   
later 7iv4 #ah2 v4 #ai74  ,while at     
,athens ,apollonius spoke strongly      
against the effeminacy of the           
,bacchanalia and the barbarities of the 
gladiatorial combats 7iv4 #ba1 #bb74    
,the temples1 mentioned by              
,philostratus1 which ,apollonius visited
 in ,greece1 have all the peculiarity of
 being very ancient2 for instance1      
,dodona1 ,delphi1 the ancient shrine of 
,apollo at ,ab in ,phocis1 the caves of 

,amphiaraus#aje and ,trophonius1 and the
 temple of the ,muses on ,helicon4      
,when he entered the adyta of these     
temples for the purpose of restoring the
 rites1 he was accompanied only by the  
priests1 and certain of his immediate   
disciples 7,greek3 gnrimoi74 ,this      
suggests an extension to the meaning of 
the word restoring or reforming1 and    
when we read elsewhere of the many spots
 consecrated by ,apollonius1 we cannot  
but think that part of his work was the 
reconsecration1 and hence psychic       
purification1 of many of these ancient  
centres4 ,his main external work1       
however1 was the giving of instruction1 
and1 as ,philostratus rhetorically      
phrases it1 bowls of his words were set 
up everywhere for the thirsty to drink  
from 7iv4 #bd74  ,but not only did our  
philosopher restore the ancient rites of
 religion1 he also paid much attention  
to the ancient polities and             
institutions4 ,thus we find him urging  
with success the ,spartans to return to 

their ancient mode of life1 their       
athletic exercises1 frugal living1 and  
the discipline of the old ,dorian       
tradition 7iv4 #bg1 #ca-cd72 he1        
moreover1 specially praised the         
institution of the ,olympic ,games1 the 
high standard of which was still        
maintained 7iv4 #bi71 while he recalled 
the ancient ,amphictionic ,council to   
its duty 7iv4 #bc71 and corrected the   
abuses of the ,panionian assembly 7iv4  
#e74  ,in the spring of #ff ,a4,d4 he   
left ,greece for ,crete1 where he seems 
to have bestowed most of his time on the
 sanctuaries of ,mount ,ida and the     
temple of sculapius at ,lebene 7for as  
all ,asia visits ,pergamus so does all  
,crete visit ,lebene72 but curiously    
enough he refused to visit the famous   
,labyrinth at ,gnossus1 the ruins of    
which have just been uncovered for a    
sceptical generation1 most probably 7if 
it is lawful to speculate7 because it   
had once been a centre of human         
sacrifice1 and thus pertained to one of 

the ancient cults of the left hand4  ,in
 ,rome ,apollonius continued his work of
 reforming the temples1 and this with   
the full sanction of the ,pontifex      
,maximus ,telesinus1 one of the consuls 
for the year #ff ,a4,d41 who was also a 
philosopher and a deep student of       
religion 7iv4 #dj74 ,but his stay in the
 imperial city was speedily cut short1  
for in ,october ,nero crowned his       
persecution of the philosophers by      
publishing a decree of banishment       
against them from ,rome1 and both       
,telesinus 7vii4 #aa7 and ,apollonius   
had to leave ,italy4  ,we next find him 
in ,spain1 making his headquarters in   
the temple of ,hercules at ,cadiz4  ,on 
his return to ,greece by way of ,africa 
and ,sicily 7where he spent some time   
and visited tna71 he passed the winter  
78 of #fg ,a4,d47 at ,eleusis1 living in
 the temple1 and in the spring of the   
following year sailed for ,alexandria1  
spending some time on the way at        
,rhodes4 ,the city of philosophy and    

eclecticism par excellence received him 
with open arms as an old friend4 ,but to
 reform the public cults of ,egypt was a
 far more difficult task than any he had
 previously attempted4 ,his presence in 
the temple 78 the temple of ,serapis7   
commanded universal respect1 everything 
about him and every word he uttered     
seemed to breathe an atmosphere of      
wisdom and of something divine4 ,the    
high priest of the temple looked on in  
proud disdain4 ,who is wise enough1 he  
mockingly asked1 to reform the religion 
of the ,egyptians8--only to be met with 
the confident retort of ,apollonius3    
,any sage who comes from the ,indians4  
,here as elsewhere ,apollonius set his  
face against blood-sacrifice1 and tried 
to substitute instead1 as he had        
attempted elsewhere1 the offering of    
frankincense modelled in the form of the
 victim 7v4 #be74 ,many abuses he tried 
to reform in the manners of the         
,alexandrians1 but upon none was he more
 severe than on their wild excitement   

over horse-racing1 which frequently led 
to bloodshed 7v4 #bf74  ,apollonius     
seems to have spent most of the         
remaining twenty years of his life in   
,egypt1 but of what he did in the secret
 shrines of that land of mystery we can 
learn nothing from ,philostratus1 except
 that on the protracted journey to      
,ethiopia up the ,nile no city or temple
 or community was unvisited1 and        
everywhere there was an interchange of  
advice and instruction in sacred things 
7v4 #dc74     ,,section ,x4  ,,the      
,,gymnosophists ,,of ,,upper ,,egypt4   
,we now come to ,apollonius' visit to   
the ,gymnosophists in ,ethiopia1 which1 
though the artistic and literary goal of
 ,apollonius' journey in ,egypt as      
elaborated by ,philostratus1 is only a  
single incident in the real history of  
the unrecorded life of our mysterious   
philosopher in that ancient land4  ,had 
,philostratus devoted a chapter or two  
to the nature of the practices1         
discipline1 and doctrines of the        

innumerable ascetic and mystic          
communities that honeycombed ,egypt and 
adjacent lands in those days1 he would  
have earned the boundless gratitude of  
students of the origins4 ,but of all    
this he has no word2 and yet he would   
have us believe that ,damis'            
reminiscences were an orderly series of 
notes of what actually happened4 ,but in
 all things it is very apparent that    
,damis was rather a compagnon de voyage 
than an initiated pupil4  ,who then were
 these mysterious ,gymnosophists1 as    
they are usually called1 and whence     
their name8 ,damis calls them simply the
 ,naked 7,greek3 gymnoi71 and it is very
 clear that the term is not to be       
understood as merely physically naked2  
indeed1 neither to the ,indians nor to  
these ascetics of uppermost ,egypt can  
the term be applied with appropriateness
 in its purely physical meaning1 as is  
apparent from the descriptions of ,damis
 and ,philostratus4 ,a chance sentence  
that falls from the lips of one of these

 ascetics1 in giving the story of his   
life1 affords us a clue to the real     
meaning of the term4 ,at the age of     
fourteen1 he tells ,apollonius1 ,i      
resigned my patrimony to those who      
desired such things1 and naked ,i sought
 the ,naked 7vi4 #af74ajf  ,this is the 
very same diction that ,philo uses about
 the ,therapeut communities1 which he   
declares were very numerous in every    
province of ,egypt and scattered in all 
lands4 ,we are not1 however1 to suppose 
that these communities were all of the  
same nature4 ,it is true that ,philo    
tries to make out that the most pious   
and the chief of all of them was his    
particular community on the southern    
shore of ,lake ,moeris1 which was       
strongly ,semitic if not orthodoxly     
,jewish2 and for ,philo any community   
with a ,jewish atmosphere must naturally
 have been the best4 ,the peculiarity   
and main interest of our community1     
which was at the other end of the land  
above the cataracts1 was that it had had

 some remote connection with ,india4    
,the community is called a ,greek3      
phrontistrion1 in the sense of a place  
for meditation1 a term used by          
ecclesiastical writers for a monastery1 
but best known to classical students    
from the humorous use made of it by     
,aristophanes1 who in ,the ,clouds calls
 the school of ,socrates1 a             
phrontisterion or thinking shop4 ,the   
collection of monasteria 7,greek3       
hiera71 presumably caves1 shrines1 or   
cells1#ajg was situated on a hill or    
rising ground not far from the ,nile4   
,they were all separated from one       
another1 dotted about the hill1 and     
ingeniously arranged4 ,there was hardly 
a tree in the place1 with the exception 
of a single group of palms1 under whose 
shade they held their general meetings  
7vi4 #f74  ,it is difficult to gather   
from the set speeches1 put into the     
mouths of the head of the community and 
,apollonius 7vi4 #aj-ac1 #ah-bb71 any   
precise details as to the mode of life  

of these ascetics1 beyond the general   
indications of an existence of great    
toil and physical hardship1 which they  
considered the only means of gaining    
wisdom4 ,what the nature of their cult  
was1 if they had one1 we are not told1  
except that at mid-day the ,naked       
retired to their monasteria 7vi4 #ad74  
,the whole tendency of ,apollonius'     
arguments1 however1 is to remind the    
community of its ,eastern origin and its
 former connection with ,india1 which it
 seems to have forgotten4 ,the          
communities of this particular kind in  
southern ,egypt and northern ,ethiopia  
dated back presumably some centuries1   
and some of them may have been remotely 
,buddhist1 for one of the younger       
members of our community who left it to 
follow ,apollonius1 says that he came to
 join it from the enthusiastic account  
of the wisdom of the ,indians brought   
back by his father1 who had been captain
 of a vessel trading to the ,east4 ,it  
was his father who told him that these  

,ethiopians were from ,india1 and so he 
had joined them instead of making the   
long and perilous journey to the ,indus 
itself 7vi4 #af74  ,if there be any     
truth in this story it follows that the 
founders of this way of life had been   
,indian ascetics1 and if so they must   
have belonged to the only propagandising
 form of ,indian religion1 namely1 the  
,buddhist4  ,after the impulse had been 
given1 the communities1 which were      
presumably recruited from generations of
 ,egyptians1 ,arabs1 and ,ethiopians1   
were probably left entirely to          
themselves1 and so in course of time    
forgot their origin1 and even perhaps   
their original rule4 ,such speculations 
are permissible1 owing to the repeated  
assertion of the original connection    
between these ,gymnosophists and ,india4
 ,the whole burden of the story is that 
they were ,indians who had forgotten    
their origin and fallen away from the   
wisdom4  ,the last incident that        
,philostratus records with regard to    

,apollonius among the shrines and       
temples is a visit to the famous and    
very ancient oracle of ,trophonius1 near
 ,lebadea1 in ,boeotia4 ,apollonius is  
said to have spent seven days alone in  
this mysterious cave1 and to have       
returned with a book full of questions  
and answers on the subject of philosophy
 7viii4 #ai74 ,this book was still1 in  
the time of ,philostratus1 in the palace
 of ,hadrian at ,antium1 together with a
 number of letters of ,apollonius1 and  
many people used to visit ,antium for   
the special purpose of seeing it 7viii4 
#ai1 #bj74  ,in the hay-bundle of       
legendary rigmarole solemnly set down by
 ,philostratus concerning the cave of   
,trophonius1 a small needle of truth may
 perhaps be discovered4 ,the cave seems 
to have been a very ancient temple or   
shrine1 cut in the heart of a hill1 to  
which a number of underground passages  
of considerable length led4 ,it had     
probably been in ancient times one of   
the most holy centres of the archaic    

cult of ,hellas1 perhaps even a relic of
 that ,greece of thousands of years     
,b4,c41 the only tradition of which1 as 
,plato tells us1 was obtained by ,solon 
from the priests of ,sas4 ,or it may    
have been a subterranean shrine of the  
same nature as the famous ,dictan cave  
in ,crete which only last year was      
brought back to light by the            
indefatigable labours of ,messrs4 ,evans
 and ,hogarth4  ,as in the case of the  
travels of ,apollonius1 so with regard  
to the temples and communities which he 
visited1 ,philostratus is a most        
disappointing cicerone4 ,but perhaps he 
is not to be blamed on this account1 for
 the most important and most interesting
 part of ,apollonius' work was of so    
intimate a nature1 prosecuted as it was 
among associations of such              
jealously-guarded secrecy1 that no one  
outside their ranks could know anything 
of it1 and those who shared in their    
initiation would say nothing4  ,it is1  
therefore1 only when ,apollonius comes  

forward to do some public act that we   
can get any precise historical trace of 
him2 in every other case he passes into 
the sanctuary of a temple or enters the 
privacy of a community and is lost to   
view4  ,it may perhaps surprise us that 
,apollonius1 after sacrificing his      
private fortune1 could nevertheless     
undertake such long and expensive       
travels1 but it would seem that he was  
occasionally supplied with the necessary
 monies from the treasuries of the      
temples 7cf4 viii4 #ag71 and that       
everywhere he was freely offered the    
hospitality of the temple or community  
in the place where he happened to be    
staying4  ,in conclusion of the present 
part of our subject1 we may mention the 
good service done by ,apollonius in     
driving away certain ,chaldan and       
,egyptian charlatans who were making    
capital out of the fears of the cities  
on the left shores of the ,hellespont4  
,these cities had suffered severely from
 shocks of earthquake1 and in their     

panic placed large sums of money in the 
hands of these adventurers 7who         
trafficked in the misfortunes of        
others71 in order that they might       
perform propitiatory rites 7vi4 #da74   
,this taking money for the giving       
instruction in the sacred science or for
 the performance of sacred rites was the
 most detestable of crimes to all the   
true philosophers4     ,,section ,,xi4  
,,apollonius ,,and ,,the ,,rulers ,,of  
,,the ,,empire4   ,but not only did     
,apollonius vivify and reconsecrate the 
old centres of religion for some        
inscrutable reason1 and do what he could
 to help on the religious life of the   
time in its multiplex phases1 but he    
took a decided1 though indirect1 part in
 influencing the destinies of the       
,empire through the persons of its      
supreme rulers4  ,this influence1       
however1 was invariably of a moral and  
not of a political nature4 ,it was      
brought to bear by means of             
philosophical converse and instruction1 

by word of mouth or letter4 ,just as    
,apollonius on his travels conversed on 
philosophy1 and discoursed on the life  
of a wise man and the duties of a wise  
ruler1 with kings1#ajh rulers1 and      
magistrates1 so he endeavoured to advise
 for their good those of the emperors   
who would listen to him4  ,vespasian1   
,titus1 and ,nerva were all1 prior to   
their elevation to the purple1 friends  
and admirers of ,apollonius1 while ,nero
 and ,domitian regarded the philosopher 
with dismay4  ,during ,apollonius' short
 stay in ,rome1 in #ff ,a4,d41 although 
he never let the slightest word escape  
him that could be construed by the      
numerous informers into a treasonable   
utterance1 he was nevertheless brought  
before ,tigellinus1 the infamous        
favourite of ,nero1 and subjected to a  
severe cross-examination4 ,apparently up
 to this time ,apollonius1 working for  
the future1 had confined his attention  
entirely to the reformation of religion 
and the restoration of the ancient      

institutions of the nations1 but the    
tyrannical conduct of ,nero1 which gave 
peace not even to the most blameless    
philosophers1 at length opened his eyes 
to a more immediate evil1 which seemed  
no less than the abrogation of the      
liberty of conscience by an             
irresponsible tyranny4 ,from this time  
onwards1 therefore1 we find him keenly  
interested in the persons of the        
successive emperors4  ,indeed ,damis1   
although he confesses his entire        
ignorance of the purpose of ,apollonius'
 journey to ,spain after his expulsion  
from ,rome1 would have it that it was to
 aid the forthcoming revolt against     
,nero4 ,he conjectures this from a three
 days' secret interview that ,apollonius
 had with the ,governor of the ,province
 of ,btica1 who came to ,cadiz          
especially to see him1 and declares that
 the last words of ,apollonius' visitor 
were3 ,farewell1 and remember ,vindex   
7v4 #aj74  ,it is true that almost      
immediately afterwards the revolt of    

,vindex1 the ,governor of ,gaul1 broke  
out1 but the whole life and character of
 ,apollonius is opposed to any idea of  
political intrigue2 on the contrary1 he 
bravely withstood tyranny and injustice 
to the face4 ,he was opposed to the idea
 of ,euphrates1 a philosopher of quite a
 different stamp1 who would have put an 
end to the monarchy and restored the    
republic 7v4 #cc72 he believed that     
government by a monarch was the best for
 the ,empire1 but he desired above all  
other things to see the flock of mankind
 led by a wise and faithful shepherd 7v4
 #ce74  ,so that though ,apollonius     
supported ,vespasian as long as he      
worthily tried to follow out this ideal1
 he immediately rebuked him to his face 
when he deprived the ,greek cities of   
their privileges4 ,you have enslaved    
,greece1 he wrote4 ,you have reduced a  
free people to slavery 7v4 #da74        
,nevertheless1 in spite of this rebuke1 
,vespasian in his last letter to his son
 ,titus1 confesses that they are what   

they are solely owing to the good advice
 of ,apollonius 7v4 #cj74  ,equally so  
he journeyed to ,rome to meet ,domitian 
face to face1 and though he was put on  
trial and every effort made to prove him
 guilty of treasonable plotting with    
,nerva1 he could not be convicted of    
anything of a political nature4 ,nerva  
was a good man1 he told the emperor1 and
 no traitor4 ,not that ,domitian had    
really any suspicion that ,apollonius   
was personally plotting against him2 he 
cast him into prison solely in the hope 
that he might induce the philosopher to 
disclose the confidences of ,nerva and  
other prominent men who were objects of 
suspicion to him1 and who he imagined   
had consulted ,apollonius on their      
chances of success4 ,apollonius'        
business was not with politics1 but with
 the princes who asked him for his      
advice on the subject of virtue 7vi4    
#dc74     ,,section ,,xii4  ,,apollonius
 ,,the ,,prophet ,,and                  
,,wonder-,,worker4   ,we will now turn  

our attention for a brief space to that 
side of ,apollonius' life which has made
 him the subject of invincible          
prejudice4 ,apollonius was not only a   
philosopher1 in the sense of being a    
theoretical speculator or of being the  
follower of an ordered mode of life     
schooled in the discipline of           
resignation2 he was also a philosopher  
in the original ,pythagorean meaning of 
the term--a knower of ,nature's secrets1
 who thus could speak as one having     
authority4  ,he knew the hidden things  
of ,nature by sight and not by hearing2 
for him the path of philosophy was a    
life whereby the man himself became an  
instrument of knowing4 ,religion1 for   
,apollonius1 was not a faith only1 it   
was a science4 ,for him the shows of    
things were but ever-changing           
appearances2 cults and rites1 religions 
and faiths1 were all one to him1        
provided the right spirit were behind   
them4 ,the ,tyanean knew no differences 
of race or creed2 such narrow           

limitations were not for the            
philosopher4  ,beyond all others would  
he have laughed to hear the word miracle
 applied to his doings4 ,miracle1 in its
 ,christian theological sense1 was an   
unknown term in antiquity1 and is a     
vestige of superstition to-day4 ,for    
though many believe that it is possible 
by means of the soul to effect a        
multitude of things beyond the          
possibilities of a science which is     
confined entirely to the investigation  
of physical forces1 none but the        
unthinking believe that there can be any
 interference in the working of the laws
 which ,deity has impressed upon        
,nature--the credo of ,miraculists4     
,most of the recorded wonder-doings of  
,apollonius are cases of prophecy or    
foreseeing2 of seeing at a distance and 
seeing the past2 of seeing or hearing in
 vision2 of healing the sick or curing  
cases of obsession or possession4       
,already as a youth1 in the temple at g1
 ,apollonius gave signs of the          

possession of the rudiments of this     
psychic insight2 not only did he sense  
correctly the nature of the dark past of
 a rich but unworthy suppliant who      
desired the restoration of his eyesight1
 but he foretold1 though unclearly1 the 
evil end of one who made an attempt upon
 his innocence 7i4 #ab74  ,on meeting   
with ,damis1 his future faithful        
henchman volunteered his services for   
the long journey to ,india on the ground
 that he knew the languages of several  
of the countries through which they had 
to pass4 ,but ,i understand them all1   
though ,i have learned none of them1    
answered ,apollonius1 in his usual      
enigmatical fashion1 and added3 ,marvel 
not that ,i know all the tongues of men1
 for ,i know even what they never say   
7i4 #ai74 ,and by this he meant simply  
that he could read men's thoughts1 not  
that he could speak all languages4 ,but 
,damis and ,philostratus cannot         
understand so simple a fact of psychic  
experience2 they will have it that he   

knew not only the language of all men1  
but also of birds and beasts 7i4 #bj74  
,in his conversation with the           
,babylonian monarch ,vardan1 ,apollonius
 distinctly claims foreknowledge4 ,he   
says that he is a physician of the soul 
and can free the king from the diseases 
of the mind1 not only because he knows  
what ought to be done1 that is to say   
the proper discipline taught in the     
,pythagorean and similar schools1 but   
also because he foreknows the nature of 
the king 7i4 #cb74 ,indeed we are told  
that the subject of foreknowledge       
7,greek3 prognses71 of which science    
7,greek3 sophia7 ,apollonius was a deep 
student1 was one of the principal topics
 discussed by our philosopher and his   
,indian hosts 7iii4 #db74  ,in fact1 as 
,apollonius tells his philosophical and 
studious friend the ,roman ,consul      
,telesinus1 for him wisdom was a kind of
 divinizing or making divine of the     
whole nature1 a sort of perpetual state 
of inspiration 7,greek3 theiasmos7 7iv4 

#dj74 ,and so we are told that          
,apollonius was apprised of all things  
of this nature by the energy of his     
dmonial nature 7,greek3 daimonis7 7vii4 
#aj74 ,now for the student of the       
,pythagorean and ,platonic schools the  
dmon of a man was what may be called the
 higher self1 the spiritual side of the 
soul as distinguished from the purely   
human4 ,it is the better part of the    
man1 and when his physical consciousness
 is at-oned with this dweller in heaven1
 he has 7according to the highest mystic
 philosophy of ancient ,greece7 while   
still on earth the powers of those      
incorporeal intermediate beings between 
,gods and men called dmons2 a stage     
higher still1 the living man becomes    
at-oned with his divine soul1 he becomes
 a ,god on earth2 and yet a stage higher
 he becomes at one with the ,good and so
 becomes ,god4  ,hence we find          
,apollonius indignantly rejecting the   
accusation of magic ignorantly brought  
against him1 an art which achieved its  

results by means of compacts with those 
low entities with which the outermost   
realm of inner ,nature swarms4 ,our     
philosopher repudiated equally the idea 
of his being a soothsayer or diviner4   
,with such arts he would have nothing to
 do2 if ever he uttered anything which  
savoured of foreknowledge1 let them know
 it was not by divination in the vulgar 
sense1 but owing to that wisdom which   
,god reveals to the wise 7iv4 #dd74     
,the most numerous wonder-doings        
ascribed to ,apollonius are instances   
precisely of such foreknowledge or      
prophecy4#aji ,it must be confessed that
 the utterances recorded are often      
obscure and enigmatical1 but this is the
 usual case with such prophecy2 for     
future events are most frequently either
 seen in symbolic representations1 the  
meaning of which is not clear until     
after the event1 or heard in equally    
enigmatical sentences4 ,at times1       
however1 we have instances of very      
precise foreknowledge1 such as the      

refusal of ,apollonius to go on board a 
vessel which foundered on the voyage 7v4
 #ah74  ,the instances of seeing present
 events at a distance1 however--such as 
the burning of a temple at ,rome1 which 
,apollonius saw while at                
,alexandria--are clear enough4 ,indeed1 
if people know nothing else of the      
,tyanean1 they have at least heard how  
he saw at ,ephesus the assassination of 
,domitian at ,rome at the very moment of
 its occurrence4  ,it was mid-day1 to   
quote from the graphic account of       
,philostratus1 and ,apollonius was in   
one of the small parks or groves in the 
suburbs1 engaged in delivering an       
address on some absorbing topic of      
philosophy4 ,at first he sank his voice 
as though in some apprehension2 he1     
however1 continued his exposition1 but  
haltingly1 and with far less force than 
usual1 as a man who had some other      
subject in his mind than that on which  
he is speaking2 finally he ceased       
speaking altogether as though he could  

not find his words4 ,then staring       
fixedly on the ground1 he started       
forward three or four paces1 crying out3
 ',strike the tyrant2 strike6' ,and     
this1 not like a man who sees an image  
in a mirror1 but as one with the actual 
scene before his eyes1 as though he were
 himself taking part in it4  ,turning to
 his astonished audience he told them   
what he had seen4 ,but though they hoped
 it were true1 they refused to believe  
it1 and thought that ,apollonius had    
taken leave of his senses4 ,but the     
philosopher gently answered3 ,you1 on   
your part1 are right to suspend your    
rejoicings till the news is brought you 
in the usual fashion2 as for me1 ,i go  
to return thanks to the ,gods for what  
,i have myself seen 7viii4 #bf74        
,little wonder1 then1 if we read1 not   
only of a number of symbolic dreams1 but
 of their proper interpretation1 one of 
the most important branches of the      
esoteric discipline of the school4 7,see
 especially i4 #bc and iv4 #cd47 ,nor   

are we surprised to hear that           
,apollonius1 relying entirely on his    
inner knowledge1 was instrumental in    
obtaining the reprieve of an innocent   
man at ,alexandria1 who was on the point
 of being executed with a batch of      
criminals 7v4 #bd74 ,indeed1 he seems to
 have known the secret past of many with
 whom he came in contact 7vi4 #c1 #e74  
,the possession of such powers can put  
but little strain on the belief of a    
generation like our own1 to which such  
facts of psychic science are becoming   
with every day more familiar4 ,nor      
should instances of curing disease by   
mesmeric processes astonish us1 or even 
the so-called casting out of evil       
spirits1 if we give credence to the     
,gospel narrative and are familiar with 
the general history of the times in     
which such healing of possession and    
obsession was a commonplace4 ,this1     
however1 does not condemn us to any     
endorsement of the fantastic            
descriptions of such happenings in which

 ,philostratus indulges4 ,if it be      
credible that ,apollonius was successful
 in dealing with obscure mental         
cases--cases of obsession and           
possession--with which our hospitals and
 asylums are filled to-day1 and which   
are for the most part beyond the skill  
of official science owing to its        
ignorance of the real agencies at work1 
it is equally evident that ,damis and   
,philostratus had little understanding  
of the matter1 and have given full rein 
to their imagination in their           
narratives4 7,see ii4 #d2 iv4 #bj1 #be2 
v4 #db2 vi4 #bg1 #dc47 ,perhaps1        
however1 ,philostratus in some instances
 is only repeating popular legend1 the  
best case of which is the curing of the 
plague at ,ephesus which the ,tyanean   
had foretold on so many occasions4      
,popular legend would have it that the  
cause of the plague was traced to an old
 beggar man1 who was buried under a heap
 of stones by the infuriated populace4  
,on ,apollonius ordering the stones to  

be removed1 it was found that what had  
been a beggar man was now a mad dog     
foaming at the mouth 7iv4 #aj76  ,on the
 contrary1 the account of ,apollonius'  
restoring to life a young girl of noble 
birth at ,rome1 is told with great      
moderation4 ,our philosopher seems to   
have met the funeral procession by      
chance2 whereupon he suddenly went up to
 the bier1 and1 after making some passes
 over the maiden1 and saying some       
inaudible words1 waked her out of her   
seeming death4 ,but1 says ,damis1       
whether ,apollonius noticed that the    
spark of the soul was still alive which 
her friends had failed to perceive--they
 say it was raining lightly and a slight
 vapour showed on her face--or whether  
he made the life in her warm again and  
so restored her1 neither himself nor any
 who were present could say 7iv4 #de74  
,of a distinctly more phenomenal nature 
are the stories of ,apollonius causing  
the writing to disappear from the       
tablets of one of his accusers before   

,tigellinus 7iv4 #dd72 of his drawing   
his leg out of the fetters to show      
,damis that he was not really a prisoner
 though chained in the dungeons of      
,domitian 7vii4 #ch72 and of his        
disappearing 7,greek3 phanisth7 from the
 tribunal 7viii4 #e74aaj  ,we are not1  
however1 to suppose that ,apollonius    
despised or neglected the study of      
physical phenomena in his devotion to   
the inner science of things4 ,on the    
contrary1 we have several instances of  
his rejection of mythology in favour of 
a physical explanation of natural       
phenomena4 ,such1 for instance1 are his 
explanations of the volcanic activity of
 tna 7v4 #ad1 #ag71 and of a tidal wave 
in ,crete1 the latter being accompanied 
with a correct indication of the more   
immediate result of the occurrence4 ,in 
fact an island had been thrown up far   
out to sea by a submarine disturbance as
 was subsequently ascertained 7iv4 #cd74
 ,the explanation of the tides at ,cadiz
 may also be placed in the same category

 7v4 #b74     ,,section ,,xiii4  ,,his  
,,mode ,,of ,,life4   ,we will now      
present the reader with some general    
indications of the mode of life of      
,apollonius1 and the manner of his      
teaching1 of which already something has
 been said under the heading ,early     
,life4  ,our philosopher was an         
enthusiastic follower of the            
,pythagorean discipline2 nay1           
,philostratus would have us believe that
 he made more superhuman efforts to     
reach wisdom than even the great ,samian
 7i4 #b74 ,the outer forms of this      
discipline as exemplified in ,pythagoras
 are thus summed up by our author4      
,naught would he wear that came from a  
dead beast1 nor touch a morsel of a     
thing that once had life1 nor offer it  
in sacrifice2 not for him to stain with 
blood the altars2 but honey-cakes and   
incense1 and the service of his song    
went upward from the man unto the ,gods1
 for well he knew that they would take  
such gifts far rather than the oxen in  

their hundreds with the knife4 ,for he1 
in sooth1 held converse with the ,gods  
and learned from them how they were     
pleased with men and how displeased1 and
 thence as well he drew his nature-lore4
 ,as for the rest1 he said1 they guessed
 at the divine1 and held opinions on the
 ,gods which proved each other false2   
but unto him ,apollo's self did come1   
confessed1 without disguise1#aaa and    
there did come as well1 though          
unconfessed1 ,athena and the ,muses1 and
 other ,gods whose forms and names      
mankind did not yet know4  ,hence his   
disciples regarded ,pythagoras as an    
inspired teacher1 and received his rules
 as laws4 ,in particular did they keep  
the rule of silence regarding the divine
 science4 ,for they heard within them   
many divine and unspeakable things on   
which it would have been difficult for  
them to keep silence1 had they not first
 learned that it was just this silence  
which spoke to them 7i4 #a74  ,such was 
the general declaration of the nature of

 the ,pythagorean discipline by its     
disciples4 ,but1 says ,apollonius in his
 address to the ,gymnosophists1         
,pythagoras was not the inventor of it4 
,it was the immemorial wisdom1 and      
,pythagoras himself had learnt it from  
the ,indians4#aab ,this wisdom1 he      
continued1 had spoken to him in his     
youth2 she had said3  ,for sense1 young 
sir1 ,i have no charms2 my cup is filled
 with toils unto the brim4 ,would anyone
 embrace my way of life1 he must resolve
 to banish from his board all food that 
once bore life1 to lose the memory of   
wine1 and thus no more to wisdom's cup  
befoul--the cup that doth consist of    
wine-untainted souls4 ,nor shall wool   
warm him1 nor aught that's made from any
 beast4 ,i give my servants shoes of    
bast and as they can to sleep4 ,and if  
,i find them overcome with love's       
delights1 ,i've ready pits down into    
which that justice which doth follow    
hard on wisdom's foot1 doth drag and    
thrust them2 indeed1 so stern am ,i to  

those who choose my way1 that e'en upon 
their tongues ,i bind a chain4 ,now hear
 from me what things thou'lt gain1 if   
thou endure4 ,an innate sense of fitness
 and of right1 and ne'er to feel that   
any's lot is better than thy own2       
tyrants to strike with fear instead of  
being a fearsome slave to tyranny2 to   
have the ,gods more greatly bless thy   
scanty gifts than those who pour before 
them blood of bulls4 ,if thou art pure1 
,i'll give thee how to know what things 
will be as well1 and fill thy eyes so   
full of light1 that thou may'st         
recognise the ,gods1 the heroes know1   
and prove and try the shadowy forms that
 feign the shapes of men 7vi4 #aa74     
,the whole life of ,apollonius shows    
that he tried to carry out consistently 
this rule of life1 and the repeated     
statements that he would never join in  
the blood-sacrifices of the popular     
cults 7see especially i4 #bd1 #ca2 iv4  
#aa2 v4 #be71 but openly condemned them1
 show not only that the ,pythagorean    

school had ever set the example of the  
higher way of purer offerings1 but that 
they were not only not condemned and    
persecuted as heretics on this account1 
but were rather regarded as being of    
peculiar sanctity1 and as following a   
life superior to that of ordinary       
mortals4  ,the refraining from the flesh
 of animals1 however1 was not simply    
based upon ideas of purity1 it found    
additional sanction in the positive love
 of the lower kingdoms and the horror of
 inflicting pain on any living creature4
 ,thus ,apollonius bluntly refused to   
take any part in the chase1 when invited
 to do so by his royal host at ,babylon4
 ,sire1 he replied1 have you forgotten  
that even when you sacrifice ,i will not
 be present8 ,much less then would ,i do
 these beasts to death1 and all the more
 when their spirit is broken and they   
are penned in contrary to their nature  
7i4 #ch74aac  ,but though ,apollonius   
was an unflinching task-master unto     
himself1 he did not wish to impose his  

mode of life on others1 even on his     
personal friends and companions         
7provided of course they did not adopt  
it of their own free will74 ,thus he    
tells ,damis that he has no wish to     
prohibit him from eating flesh and      
drinking wine1 he simply demands the    
right of refraining himself and of      
defending his conduct if called on to do
 so 7ii4 #g74 ,this is an additional    
indication that ,damis was not a member 
of the inner circle of discipline1 and  
the latter fact explains why so faithful
 a follower of the person of ,apollonius
 was nevertheless so much in the dark4  
,not only so1 but ,apollonius even      
dissuades the ,rajah ,phraotes1 his     
first host in ,india1 who desired to    
adopt his strict rule1 from doing so1 on
 the ground that it would estrange him  
too much from his subjects 7ii4 #cg74   
,three times a day ,apollonius prayed   
and meditated2 at daybreak 7vi4 #aj1    
#ah2 vii4 #ca71 at mid-day 7vii4 #aj71  
and at sun-down 7viii4 #ac74 ,this seems

 to have been his invariable custom2 no 
matter where he was he seems to have    
devoted at least a few moments to silent
 meditation at these times4 ,the object 
of his worship is always said to have   
been the ,sun1 that is to say the ,lord 
of our world and its sister worlds1     
whose glorious symbol is the orb of day4
  ,we have already seen in the short    
sketch devoted to his ,early ,life how  
he divided the day and portioned out his
 time among his different classes of    
hearers and inquirers4 ,his style of    
teaching and speaking was the opposite  
of that of a rhetorician or professional
 orator4 ,there was no art in his       
sentences1 no striving after effect1 no 
affectation4 ,but he spoke as from a    
tripod1 with such words as ,i know1     
,methinks1 ,why do ye1 ,ye should know4 
,his sentences were short and compact1  
and his words carried conviction with   
them and fitted the facts4 ,his task1 he
 declared1 was no longer to seek and to 
question as he had done in his youth1   

but to teach what he knew 7i4 #ag74 ,he 
did not use the dialectic of the        
,socratic school1 but would have his    
hearers turn from all else and give ear 
to the inner voice of philosophy alone  
7iv4 #b74 ,he drew his illustrations    
from any chance occurrence or homely    
happening 7iv4 #c2 vi4 #c1 #ch71 and    
pressed all into service for the        
improvement of his listeners4  ,when put
 on his trial1 he would make no         
preparation for his defence4 ,he had    
lived his life as it came from day to   
day1 prepared for death1 and would      
continue to do so 7viii4 #cj74 ,moreover
 it was now his deliberate choice to    
challenge death in the cause of         
philosophy4 ,and so to his old friend's 
repeated solicitations to prepare his   
defence1 he replied3  ,damis1 you seem  
to lose your wits in face of death1     
though you have been so long with me and
 ,i have loved philosophy e'en from my  
youth2#aad ,i thought that you were both
 yourself prepared for death and knew   

full well my generalship in this4 ,for  
just as warriors in the field have need 
not only of good courage but also of    
that generalship which tells them when  
to fight1 so too must they who wisdom   
love make careful study of good times to
 die1 that they may choose the best and 
not be done to death all unprepared4    
,that ,i have chosen best and picked the
 moment which suits wisdom best to give 
death battle--if so it be that any one  
should wish to slay me--,i've proved to 
other friends when you were by1 nor ever
 ceased to teach you it alone 7vii4     
#ca74  ,the above are some few          
indications of how our philosopher      
lived1 in fear of nothing but disloyalty
 to his high ideal4 ,we will now make   
mention of some of his more personal    
traits1 and of some of the names of his 
followers4     ,,section ,,xiv4         
,,himself ,,and ,,his ,,circle4         
,apollonius is said to have been very   
beautiful to look upon 7i4 #g1 #ab2 iv4 
#a72aae but beyond this we have no very 

definite description of his person4 ,his
 manner was ever mild and gentle 7i4    
#cf2 ii4 #bb7 and modest 7iv4 #ca2 viii4
 #ae71 and in this1 says ,damis1 he was 
more like an ,indian than a ,greek 7iii4
 #cf72 yet occasionally he burst out    
indignantly against some special        
enormity 7iv4 #cj74 ,his mood was often 
pensive 7i4 #cd71 and when not speaking 
he would remain for long plunged in deep
 thought1 during which his eyes were    
steadfastly fixed on the ground 7i4 #aj 
et al474  ,though1 as we have seen1 he  
was inflexibly stern with himself1 he   
was ever ready to make excuses for      
others2 if1 on the one hand1 he praised 
the courage of those few who remained   
with him at ,rome1 on the other he      
refused to blame for their cowardice the
 many who had fled 7iv4 #ch74 ,nor was  
his gentleness shown simply by          
abstention from blame1 he was ever      
active in positive deeds of compassion  
7cf4 vi4 #ci74  ,one of his little      
peculiarities was a liking to be        

addressed as ,tyanean 7vii4 #ch71 but   
why this was so we are not told4 ,it can
 hardly have been that ,apollonius was  
particularly proud of his birth-place1  
for even though he was a great lover of 
,greece1 so that at times you would call
 him an enthusiastic patriot1 his love  
for other countries was quite as        
pronounced4 ,apollonius was a citizen of
 the world1 if there has ever been one1 
into whose speech the word native-land  
did not enter1 and a priest of universal
 religion in whose vocabulary the word  
sect did not exist4  ,in spite of his   
extremely ascetic life he was a man of  
strong physique1 so that even when he   
had reached the ripe age of four-score  
years1 we are told1 he was sound and    
healthy in every limb and organ1 upright
 and perfectly formed4 ,there was also a
 certain indefinite charm about him that
 made him more pleasant to look upon    
than even the freshness of youth1 and   
this even though his face was furrowed  
with wrinkles1 just as the statues in   

the temple at ,tyana represented him in 
the time of ,philostratus4 ,in fact1    
says his rhetorical biographer1 report  
sang higher praises over the charm of   
,apollonius in his old age than over the
 beauty of ,alcibiades in his youth     
7viii4 #bi74  ,in brief1 our philosopher
 seems to have been of a most charming  
presence and lovable disposition2 nor   
was his absolute devotion to philosophy 
of the nature of the hermit ideal1 for  
he passed his life among men4 ,what     
wonder then that he attracted to himself
 many followers and disciples6 ,it would
 have been interesting if ,philostratus 
had told us more about these            
,apollonians1 as they were called 7viii4
 #ba71 and whether they constituted a   
distinct school1 or whether they were   
grouped together in communities on the  
,pythagorean model1 or whether they were
 simply independent students attracted  
to the most commanding personality of   
the times in the domain of philosophy4  
,it is1 however1 certain that many of   

them wore the same dress as himself and 
followed his mode of life 7iv4 #ci74    
,repeated mention is also made of their 
accompanying ,apollonius on his travels 
7iv4 #dg2 v4 #ba2 viii4 #ai1 #ba1 #bd71 
sometimes as many as ten of them at the 
same time1 but none of them were allowed
 to address others until they had       
fulfilled the vow of silence 7v4 #dc74  
,the most distinguished of his followers
 were ,musonius1 who was considered the 
greatest philosopher of the time after  
the ,tyanean1 and who was the special   
victim of ,nero's tyranny 7iv4 #dd2 v4  
#ai2 vii4 #af71 and ,demetrius1 who     
loved ,apollonius 7iv4 #be1 #db2 v4 #ai2
 vi4 #ca2 vii4 #aj2 viii4 #aj74 ,these  
names are well known to history2 of     
names otherwise unknown are the         
,egyptian ,dioscorides1 who was left    
behind owing to weak health on the long 
journey to ,ethiopia 7iv4 #aa1 #ch2 v4  
#dc71 ,menippus1 whom he had freed from 
an obsession 7iv4 #be1 #ch2 v4 #dc71    
,phdimus 7iv4 #aa71 and ,nilus1 who     

joined him from ,gymnosophists 7v4 #aj  
sqq41 #bh71 and of course ,damis1 who   
would have us think that he was always  
with him from the time of their meeting 
at ,ninus4  ,on the whole we are        
inclined to think that ,apollonius did  
not establish any fresh organisation2 he
 made use of those already existing1 and
 his disciples were those who were      
attracted to him personally by an       
overmastering affection which could only
 be satisfied by being continually near 
him4 ,this much seems certain1 that he  
trained no one to carry on his task2 he 
came and went1 helping and illuminating1
 but he handed on no tradition of a     
definite line1 and founded no school to 
be continued by successors4 ,even to his
 ever faithful companion1 when bidding  
him farewell for what he knew would be  
the last time for ,damis on earth1 he   
had no word to say about the work to    
which he had devoted his life1 but which
 ,damis had never understood4 ,his last 
words were for ,damis alone1 for the man

 who had loved him1 but who had never   
known him4 ,it was a promise to come to 
him if he needed help4 ,damis1 whenever 
you think on high matters in solitary   
meditation1 you shall see me 7viii4     
#bh74  ,we will next turn our attention 
to a consideration of some of the       
sayings ascribed to ,apollonius and the 
speeches put into his mouth by          
,philostratus4 ,the shorter sayings are 
in all probability authentically        
traditional1 but the speeches are for   
the most part manifestly the artistic   
working-up of the rough notes of ,damis4
 ,in fact1 they are definitely declared 
to be so2 but they are none the less    
interesting on this account1 and for two
 reasons4  ,in the first place1 they    
honestly avow their nature1 and make no 
claim of inspiration2 they are          
confessedly human documents which       
endeavour to give a literary dress to   
the traditional body of thought and     
endeavour which the life of the         
philosopher built into the minds of his 

hearers4 ,the method was common to      
antiquity1 and the ancient compilers of 
certain other series of famous documents
 would have been struck with amazement  
had they been able to see how posterity 
would divinise their efforts and regard 
them as immediately inspired by the     
source of all wisdom4  ,in the second   
place1 although we are not to suppose   
that we are reading the actual words of 
,apollonius1 we are nevertheless        
conscious of being in immediate contact 
with the inner atmosphere of the best   
religious thought of the ,greek mind1   
and have before our eyes the picture of 
a mystic and spiritual fermentation     
which leavened all strata of society in 
the first century of our era4           
,,section ,,xv4  ,,from ,,his ,,sayings 
,,and ,,sermons4   ,apollonius believed 
in prayer1 but how differently from the 
vulgar4 ,for him the idea that the ,gods
 could be swayed from the path of rigid 
justice by the entreaties of men1 was a 
blasphemy2 that the ,gods could be made 

parties to our selfish hopes and fears  
was to our philosopher unthinkable4 ,one
 thing alone he knew1 that the ,gods    
were the ministers of right and the     
rigid dispensers of just desert4 ,the   
common belief1 which has persisted to   
our own day1 that ,god can be swayed    
from ,his purpose1 that compacts could  
be made with ,him or with ,his          
ministers1 was entirely abhorrent to    
,apollonius4 ,beings with whom such     
pacts could be made1 who could be swayed
 and turned1 were not ,gods but less    
than men4 ,and so we find ,apollonius as
 a youth conversing with one of the     
priests of sculapius as follows3  ,since
 then the ,gods know all things1 ,i     
think that one who enters the temple    
with a right conscience within him      
should pray thus3 ',give me1 ye ,gods1  
what is my due6' 7i4 #aa74  ,and thus   
again on his long journey to ,india he  
prayed at ,babylon3 ,god of the sun1    
send thou me o'er the earth so far as   
e'er 'tis good for ,thee and me2 and may

 ,i come to know the good1 and never    
know the bad nor they know me 7i4 #ca74 
,one of his most general prayers1 ,damis
 tells us1 was to this effect3 ,grant   
me1 ye ,gods1 to have little and need   
naught 7i4 #cd74  ,when you enter the   
temples1 for what do you pray8 asked the
 ,pontifex ,maximus ,telesinus of our   
philosopher4 ,i pray1 said ,apollonius1 
that righteousness may rule1 the laws   
remain unbroken1 the wise be poor and   
others rich1 but honestly 7iv4 #dj74    
,the belief of the philosopher in the   
grand ideal of having nothing and yet   
possessing all things1 is exemplified by
 his reply to the officer who asked him 
how he dared enter the dominions of     
,babylon without permission4 ,the whole 
earth1 said ,apollonius1 is mine2 and it
 is given me to journey through it 7i4  
#ba74  ,there are many instances of sums
 of money being offered to ,apollonius  
for his services1 but he invariably     
refused them2 not only so but his       
followers also refused all presents4 ,on

 the occasion when ,king ,vardan1 with  
true ,oriental generosity1 offered them 
gifts1 they turned away2 whereupon      
,apollonius said3 ,you see1 my hands1   
though many1 are all like each other4   
,and when the king asked ,apollonius    
what present he would bring him back    
from ,india1 our philosopher replied3 ,a
 gift that will please you1 sire4 ,for  
if my stay there should make me wiser1  
,i shall come back to you better than ,i
 am 7i4 #da74  ,when they were crossing 
the great mountains into ,india a       
conversation is said to have taken place
 between ,apollonius and ,damis1 which  
presents us with a good instance of how 
our philosopher ever used the incidents 
of the day to inculcate the higher      
lessons of life4 ,the question was      
concerning the below and above4         
,yesterday1 said ,damis1 we were below  
in the valley2 to-day we are above1 high
 on the mountains1 not far distant from 
heaven4 ,so this is what you mean by    
below and above1 said ,apollonius       

gently4 ,why1 of course1 impatiently    
retorted ,damis1 if ,i am in my right   
mind2 what need of such useless         
questions8 ,and have you acquired a     
greater knowledge of the divine nature  
by being nearer heaven on the tops of   
the mountains8 continued his master4 ,do
 you think that those who observe the   
heaven from the mountain heights are any
 nearer the understanding of things8    
,truth to tell1 replied ,damis1 somewhat
 crestfallen1 ,i did think ,i should    
come down wiser1 for ,i've been up a    
higher mountain than any of them1 but ,i
 fear ,i know no more than before ,i    
ascended it4 ,nor do other men1 replied 
,apollonius2 such observations make them
 see the heavens more blue1 the stars   
more large1 and the sun rise from the   
night1 things known to those who tend   
the sheep and goats2 but how ,god doth  
take thought for human kind1 and how ,he
 doth find pleasure in their service1   
and what is virtue1 righteousness1 and  
common-sense1 that neither ,athos will  

reveal to those who scale his summit nor
 yet ,olympus who stirs the poet's      
wonder1 unless it be the soul perceive  
them2 for should the soul when pure and 
unalloyed essay such heights1 ,i swear  
to thee1 she wings her flight far far   
beyond this lofty ,caucasus 7ii4 #f74   
,so again1 when at ,thermopyl his       
followers were disputing as to which was
 the highest ground in ,greece1 ,mt4    
,oeta being then in view4 ,they happened
 to be just at the foot of the hill on  
which the ,spartans fell overwhelmed    
with arrows4 ,climbing to the top of it 
,apollonius cried out3 ,and ,i think    
this the highest ground1 for those who  
fell here for freedom's sake have made  
it high as ,oeta and raised it far above
 a thousand of ,olympuses 7iv4 #bc74    
,another instance of how ,apollonius    
turned chance happenings to good account
 is the following4 ,once at ,ephesus1 in
 one of the covered walks near the city1
 he was speaking of sharing our goods   
with others1 and how we ought mutually  

to help one another4 ,it chanced that a 
number of sparrows were sitting on a    
tree hard by in perfect silence4        
,suddenly another sparrow flew up and   
began chirping1 as though it wanted to  
tell the others something4 ,whereupon   
the little fellows all set to a-chirping
 also1 and flew away after the          
new-comer4 ,apollonius' superstitious   
audience were greatly struck by this    
conduct of the sparrows1 and thought it 
was an augury of some important matter4 
,but the philosopher continued with his 
sermon4 ,the sparrow1 he said1 has      
invited his friends to a banquet4 ,a boy
 slipped down in a lane hard by and     
spilt some corn he was carrying in a    
bowl2 he picked up most of it and went  
away4 ,the little sparrow1 chancing on  
the scattered grains1 immediately flew  
off to invite his friends to the feast4 
,thereon most of the crowd went off at a
 run to see if it were true1 and when   
they came back shouting and all agog    
with wonderment1 the philosopher        

continued3 ,ye see what care the        
sparrows take of one another1 and how   
happy they are to share with all their  
goods4 ,and yet we men do not approve2  
nay1 if we see a man sharing his goods  
with other men1 we call it wastefulness1
 extravagance1 and by such names1 and   
dub the men to whom he gives a share1   
fawners and parasites4 ,what then is    
left to us except to shut us up at home 
like fattening birds1 and gorge our     
bellies in the dark until we burst with 
fat8 7iv4 #c74  ,on another occasion1 at
 ,smyrna1 ,apollonius1 seeing a ship    
getting under weigh1 used the occasion  
for teaching the people the lesson of   
co-operation4 ,behold the vessel's crew6
 he said4 ,how some have manned the     
boats1 some raise the anchors up and    
make them fast1 some set the sails to   
catch the wind1 how others yet again    
look out at bow and stern4 ,but if a    
single man should fail to do a single   
one of these his duties1 or bungle in   
his seamanship1 their sailing will be   

bad1 and they will have the storm among 
them4 ,but if they strive in rivalry    
each with the other1 their only strife  
being that no man shall seem worse than 
his mates1 fair havens shall there be   
for such a ship1 and all good weather   
and fair voyage crowd in upon it 7iv4   
#i74  ,again1 on another occasion1 at   
,rhodes1 ,damis asked him if he thought 
anything greater than the famous        
,colossus4 ,i do1 replied ,apollonius2  
the man who walks in wisdom's guileless 
paths that give us health 7v4 #ba74     
,there is also a number of instances of 
witty or sarcastic answers reported of  
our philosopher1 and indeed1 in spite of
 his generally grave mood1 he not       
unfrequently rallied his hearers1 and   
sometimes1 if we may say so1 chaffed the
 foolishness out of them 7see especially
 iv4 #cj74  ,even in times of great     
danger this characteristic shows itself4
 ,a good instance is his answer to the  
dangerous question of ,tigellinus1 ,what
 think you of ,nero8 ,i think better of 

him than you do1 retorted ,apollonius1  
for you think he ought to sing1 and ,i  
think he ought to keep silence 7iv4     
#dd74  ,so again his reproof to a young 
,croesus of the period is as witty as it
 is wise4 ,young sir1 he said1 methinks 
it is not you who own your house1 but   
your house you 7v4 #bb74  ,of the same  
style also is his answer to a glutton   
who boasted of his gluttony4 ,he copied 
,hercules1 he said1 who was as famous   
for the food he ate as for his labours4 
,yes1 said ,apollonius1 for he was      
,hercules4 ,but you1 what virtue have   
you1 midden-heap8 ,your only claim to   
notice is your chance of being burst    
7iv4 #bc74  ,but to turn to more serious
 occasions4 ,in answer to ,vespasian's  
earnest prayer1 ,teach me what should a 
good king do1 ,apollonius is said to    
have replied somewhat in the following  
words3  ,you ask me what can not be     
taught4 ,for kingship is the greatest   
thing within a mortal's reach2 it is not
 taught4 ,yet will ,i tell you what if  

you will do1 you will do well4 ,count   
not that wealth which is stored up--in  
what is this superior to the sand       
haphazard heaped8 nor that which comes  
from men who groan beneath taxation's   
heavy weight--for gold that comes from  
tears is base and black4 ,you'll use    
wealth best of any king1 if you supply  
the needs of those in want and make     
their wealth secure for those with many 
goods4 ,be fearful of the power to do   
whate'er you please1 so will you use it 
with more prudence4 ,do not lop off the 
ears of corn that show beyond the rest  
and raise their heads--for ,aristotle is
 not just in this#aaf--;but rather weed 
their disaffection out like tares from  
corn1 and show yourself a fear to       
stirrers up of strife not in ',i punish 
you' but in ',i will do so4' ,submit    
yourself to law1 ,o prince1 for you will
 make the laws with greater wisdom if   
you do not despise the law yourself4    
,pay reverence more than ever to the    
,gods2 great are the gifts you have     

received from them1 and for great things
 you pray4#aag ,in what concerns the    
state act as a king2 in what concerns   
yourself1 act as a private man 7v4 #cf74
 ,and so on much in the same strain1 all
 good advice and showing a deep         
knowledge of human affairs4 ,and if we  
are to suppose that this is merely a    
rhetorical exercise of ,philostratus and
 not based on the substance of what     
,apollonius said1 then we must have a   
higher opinion of the rhetorician than  
the rest of his writings warrant4       
,there is an exceedingly interesting    
,socratic dialogue between ,thespesion1 
the abbot of the ,gymnosophist          
community1 and ,apollonius on the       
comparative merits of the ,greek and    
,egyptian ways of representing the      
,gods4 ,it runs somewhat as follows3    
,what6 ,are we to think1 said           
,thespesion1 that the ,pheidiases and   
,praxiteleses went up to heaven and took
 impressions of the forms of the ,gods1 
and so made an art of them1 or was it   

something else that set them            
a-modelling8  ,yes1 something else1 said
 ,apollonius1 something pregnant with   
wisdom4  ,what was that8 ,surely you    
cannot say it was anything else but     
imitation8  ,imagination wrought them--a
 workman wiser far than imitation2 for  
imitation only makes what it has seen1  
whereas imagination makes what it has   
never seen1 conceiving it with reference
 to the thing it really is4             
,imagination1 says ,apollonius1 is one  
of the most potent faculties1 for it    
enables us to reach nearer to realities4
 ,it is generally supposed that ,greek  
sculpture was merely a glorification of 
physical beauty1 in itself quite        
unspiritual4 ,it was an idealisation of 
form and features1 limbs and muscles1 an
 empty glorification of the physical    
with nothing of course really           
corresponding to it in the nature of    
things4 ,but ,apollonius declared it    
brings us nearer to the real1 as        
,pythagoras and ,plato declared before  

him1 and as all the wiser teach4 ,he    
meant this literally1 not vaguely and   
fantastically4 ,he asserted that the    
types and ideas of things are the only  
realities4 ,he meant that between the   
imperfection of the earth and the       
highest divine type of all things1 were 
grades of increasing perfection4 ,he    
meant that within each man was a form of
 perfection1 though of course not yet   
absolutely perfect4 ,that the angel in  
man1 his dmon1 was of ,god-like beauty1 
the summation of all the finest features
 he had ever worn in his many lives on  
earth4 ,the ,gods1 too1 belonged to the 
world of types1 of models1 of           
perfections1 the heaven-world4 ,the     
,greek sculptors had succeeded in       
getting in contact with this world1 and 
the faculty they used was imagination4  
,this idealisation of form was a worthy 
way to represent the ,gods2 but1 says   
,apollonius1 if you set up a hawk or owl
 or dog in your temples1 to represent   
,hermes or ,athena or ,apollo1 you may  

dignify the animals1 but you make the   
,gods lose dignity4  ,to this           
,thespesion replies that the ,egyptians 
dare not give any precise form to the   
,gods2 they give them merely symbols to 
which an occult meaning is attached4    
,yes1 answers ,apollonius1 but the      
danger is that the common people worship
 these symbols and get unbeautiful ideas
 of the ,gods4 ,the best thing would be 
to have no representations at all4 ,for 
the mind of the worshipper can form and 
fashion for himself an image of the     
object of his worship better than any   
art4  ,quite so1 retorted ,thespesion1  
and then added mischievously3 ,there was
 an old ,athenian1 by-the-by--no        
fool--called ,socrates1 who swore by the
 dog and goose as though they were      
,gods4  ,yes1 replied ,apollonius1 he   
was no fool4 ,he swore by them not as   
being ,gods1 but in order that he might 
not swear by the ,gods 7iv4 #ai74  ,this
 is a pleasant passage of wit1 of       
,egyptian against ,greek1 but all such  

set arguments must be set down to the   
rhetorical exercises of ,philostratus   
rather than to ,apollonius1 who taught  
as one having authority1 as from a      
tripod4 ,apollonius1 a priest of        
universal religion1 might have pointed  
out the good side and the bad side of   
both ,greek and ,egyptian religious art1
 and certainly taught the higher way of 
symbolless worship1 but he would not    
champion one popular cult against       
another4 ,in the above speech there is a
 distinct prejudice against ,egypt and a
 glorification of ,greece1 and this     
occurs in a very marked fashion in      
several other speeches4 ,philostratus   
was a champion of ,greece against all   
comers2 but ,apollonius1 we believe1 was
 wiser than his biographer4  ,in spite  
of the artificial literary dress that is
 given to the longer discourses of      
,apollonius1 they contain many noble    
thoughts1 as we may see from the        
following quotations from the           
conversations of our philosopher with   

his friend ,demetrius1 who was          
endeavouring to dissuade him from       
braving ,domitian at ,rome4  ,the law1  
said ,apollonius1 obliges us to die for 
liberty1 and nature ordains that we     
should die for our parents1 our friends1
 or our children4 ,all men are bound by 
these duties4 ,but a higher duty is laid
 upon the sage2 he must die for his     
principles and the truth he holds dearer
 than life4 ,it is not the law that lays
 this choice upon him1 it is not nature2
 it is the strength and courage of his  
own soul4 ,though fire or sword threaten
 him1 it will not overcome his          
resolution or force from him the        
slightest falsehood2 but he will guard  
the secrets of others' lives and all    
that has been entrusted to his honour as
 religiously as the secrets of          
initiation4 ,and ,i know more than other
 men1 for ,i know that of all that ,i   
know1 ,i know some things for the good1 
some for the wise1 some for myself1 some
 for the ,gods1 but naught for tyrants4 

,again1 ,i think that a wise man does   
nothing alone or by himself2 no thought 
of his so secret but that he has himself
 as witness to it4 ,and whether the     
famous saying know thyself be from      
,apollo or from some sage who learnt to 
know himself and proclaimed it as a good
 for all1 ,i think the wise man who     
knows himself and has his own spirit in 
constant comradeship1 to fight at his   
right hand1 will neither cringe at what 
the vulgar fear1 nor dare to do what    
most men do without the slightest shame 
7vii4 #ae74  ,in the above we have the  
true philosopher's contempt for death1  
and also the calm knowledge of the      
initiate1 of the comforter and adviser  
of others to whom the secrets of their  
lives have been confessed1 that no      
tortures can ever unseal his lips4      
,here1 too1 we have the full knowledge  
of what consciousness is1 of the        
impossibility of hiding the smallest    
trace of evil in the inner world2 and   
also the dazzling brilliancy of a higher

 ethic which makes the habitual conduct 
of the crowd appear surprising--the that
 which they do--not with shame4         
,,section ,,xvi4  ,,from ,,his          
,,letters4   ,apollonius seems to have  
written many letters to emperors1 kings1
 philosophers1 communities and states1  
although he was by no means a voluminous
 correspondent2 in fact1 the style of   
his short notes is exceedingly concise1 
and they were composed1 as ,philostratus
 says1 after the manner of the          
,lacedmonian scytale#aah 7iv4 #bg and   
vii4 #ce74  ,it is evident that         
,philostratus had access to letters     
attributed to ,apollonius1 for he quotes
 a number of them1#aai and there seems  
no reason to doubt their authenticity4  
,whence he obtained them he does not    
inform us1 unless it be that they were  
the collection made by ,hadrian at      
,antium 7viii4 #bj74  ,that the reader  
may be able to judge of the style of    
,apollonius we append one or two        
specimens of these letters1 or rather   

notes1 for they are too short to deserve
 the title of epistles4 ,here is one to 
the magistrates of ,sparta3  ,apollonius
 to the ,ephors1 greeting6  ,it is      
possible for men not to make mistakes1  
but it requires noble men to acknowledge
 they have made them4  ,all of which    
,apollonius gets into just half as many 
words in ,greek4 ,here1 again1 is an    
interchange of notes between the two    
greatest philosophers of the time1 both 
of whom suffered imprisonment and were  
in constant danger of death4            
,apollonius to ,musonius1 the           
philosopher1 greeting6  ,i want to go to
 you1 to share speech and roof with you1
 to be of some service to you4 ,if you  
still believe that ,hercules once       
rescued ,theseus from ,hades1 write what
 you would have4 ,farewell6  ,musonius  
to ,apollonius1 the philosopher1        
greeting6  ,good merit shall be stored  
for you for your good thoughts2 what is 
in store for me is one who waits his    
trial and proves his innocence4         

,farewell4  ,apollonius to ,musonius1   
greeting6  ,socrates refused to be got  
out of prison by his friends and went   
before the judges4 ,he was put to death4
 ,farewell4  ,musonius to ,apollonius1  
the philosopher1 greeting6  ,socrates   
was put to death because he made no     
preparation for his defence4 ,i shall do
 so4 ,farewell6  ,however1 ,musonius1   
the ,stoic1 was sent to penal servitude 
by ,nero4  ,here is a note to the ,cynic
 ,demetrius1 another of our             
philosopher's most devoted friends4     
,apollonius1 the philosopher1 to        
,demetrius1 the ,dog1#abj greeting6  ,i 
give thee to ,titus1 the emperor1 to    
teach him the way of kingship1 and do   
you in turn give me to speak him true2  
and be to him all things but anger4     
,farewell6  ,in addition to the notes   
quoted in the text of ,philostratus1    
there is a collection of ninety-five    
letters1 mostly brief notes1 the text of
 which is printed in most editions4#aba 
,nearly all the critics are of opinion  

that they are not genuine1 but          
,jowett#abb and others think that some  
of them may very well be genuine4  ,here
 is a specimen or two of these letters4 
,writing to ,euphrates1 his great enemy1
 that is to say the champion of pure    
rationalistic ethic against the science 
of sacred things1 he says3  #ag4 ,the   
,persians call those who have the divine
 faculty 7or are god-like7 ,magi4 ,a    
,magus1 then1 is one who is a minister  
of the ,gods1 or one who has by nature  
the god-like faculty4 ,you are no ,magus
 but reject the ,gods 7i4e41 are an     
atheist74  ,again1 in a letter addressed
 to ,criton1 we read3  #bc4 ,pythagoras 
said that the most divine art was that  
of healing4 ,and if the healing art is  
most divine1 it must occupy itself with 
the soul as well as with the body2 for  
no creature can be sound so long as the 
higher part in it is sickly4  ,writing  
to the priests of ,delphi against the   
practice of blood-sacrifice1 he says3   
#bg4 ,heraclitus was a sage1 but even   

he#abc never advised the people of      
,ephesus to wash out mud with mud4#abd  
,again1 to some who claimed to be his   
followers1 those who think themselves   
wise1 he writes the reproof3  #dc4 ,if  
any say he is my disciple1 then let him 
add he keeps himself apart out of the   
,baths1 he slays no living thing1 eats  
of no flesh1 is free from envy1 malice1 
hatred1 calumny1 and hostile feelings1  
but has his name inscribed among the    
race of those who've won their freedom4 
,among these letters is found one of    
some length addressed to ,valerius1     
probably ,p4 ,valerius ,asiaticus1      
consul in ,a4,d4 #gj4 ,it is a wise     
letter of philosophic consolation to    
enable ,valerius to bear the loss of his
 son1 and runs as follows3#abe  ,there  
is no death of anyone1 but only in      
appearance1 even as there is no birth of
 any1 save only in seeming4 ,the change 
from being to becoming seems to be      
birth1 and the change from becoming to  
being seems to be death1 but in reality 

no one is ever born1 nor does one ever  
die4 ,it is simply a being visible and  
then invisible2 the former through the  
density of matter1 and the latter       
because of the subtlety of being--being 
which is ever the same1 its only change 
being motion and rest4 ,for being has   
this necessary peculiarity1 that its    
change is brought about by nothing      
external to itself2 but whole becomes   
parts and parts become whole in the     
oneness of the all4 ,and if it be asked3
 ,what is this which sometimes is seen  
and sometimes not seen1 now in the same1
 now in the different8--it might be     
answered3 ,it is the way of everything  
here in the world below that when it is 
filled out with matter it is visible1   
owing to the resistance of its density1 
but is invisible1 owing to its subtlety1
 when it is rid of matter1 though matter
 still surround it and flow through it  
in that immensity of space which hems it
 in but knows no birth or death4  ,but  
why has this false notion of birth and  

death remained so long without a        
refutation8 ,some think that what has   
happened through them1 they have        
themselves brought about4 ,they are     
ignorant that the individual is brought 
to birth through parents1 not by        
parents1 just as a thing produced       
through the earth is not produced from  
it4 ,the change which comes to the      
individual is nothing that is caused by 
his visible surroundings1 but rather a  
change in the one thing which is in     
every individual4  ,and what other name 
can we give to it but primal being8     
',tis it alone that acts and suffers    
becoming all for all through all1       
eternal deity1 deprived and wronged of  
its own self by names and forms4 ,but   
this is a less serious thing than that a
 man should be bewailed1 when he has    
passed from man to ,god by change of    
state and not by the destruction of his 
nature4 ,the fact is that so far from   
mourning death you ought to honour it   
and reverence it4 ,the best and fittest 

way for you to honour death is now to   
leave the one who's gone to ,god1 and   
set to work to play the ruler over those
 left in your charge as you were wont to
 do4 ,it would be a disgrace for such a 
man as you to owe your cure to time and 
not to reason1 for time makes even      
common people cease from grief4 ,the    
greatest thing is a strong rule1 and of 
the greatest rulers he is best who first
 can rule himself4 ,and how is it       
permissible to wish to change what has  
been brought to pass by will of ,god8   
,if there's a law in things1 and there  
is one1 and it is ,god who has appointed
 it1 the righteous man will have no wish
 to try to change good things1 for such 
a wish is selfishness1 and counter to   
the law1 but he will think that all that
 comes to pass is a good thing4 ,on6    
heal yourself1 give justice to the      
wretched and console them2 so shall you 
dry your tears4 ,you should not set your
 private woes above your public cares1  
but rather set your public cares before 

your private woes4 ,and see as well what
 consolation you already have6 ,the     
nation sorrows with you for your son4   
,make some return to those who weep with
 you2 and this you will more quickly do 
if you will cease from tears than if you
 still persist4 ,have you not friends8  
,why6 you have yet another son4 ,have   
you not even still the one that's gone8 
,you have6--will answer anyone who      
really thinks4 ,for 'that which is' doth
 cease not--nay is just for the very    
fact that it will be for aye2 or else   
the 'is not' is1 and how could that be  
when the 'is' doth never cease to be8   
,again it will be said you fail in piety
 to ,god and are unjust4 ',tis true4    
,you fail in piety to ,god1 you fail in 
justice to your boy2 nay more1 you fail 
in piety to him as well4 ,would'st know 
what death is8 ,then make me dead and   
send me off to company with death1 and  
if you will not change the dress you've 
put on it1#abf you will have straightway
 made me better than yourself4#abg      

,,section ,,xvii4  ,,the ,,writings ,,of
 ,,apollonius4   ,but besides these     
letters ,apollonius also wrote a number 
of treatises1 of which1 however1 only   
one or two fragments have been          
preserved4 ,these treatises are as      
follows3  a4 ,the ,mystic ,rites or     
,concerning ,sacrifices4#abh ,this      
treatise is mentioned by ,philostratus  
7iii4 #da2 iv4 #ai71 who tells us that  
it set down the proper method of        
sacrifice to every ,god1 the proper     
hours of prayer and offering4 ,it was in
 wide circulation1 and ,philostratus had
 come across copies of it in many       
temples and cities1 and in the libraries
 of philosophers4 ,several fragments of 
it have been preserved1#abi the most    
important of which is to be found in    
,eusebius1#acj and is to this effect3   
',tis best to make no sacrifice to ,god 
at all1 no lighting of a fire1 no       
calling ,him by any name that men employ
 for things of sense4 ,for ,god is over 
all1 the first2 and only after ,him do  

come the other ,gods4 ,for ,he doth     
stand in need of naught e'en from the   
,gods1 much less from us small          
men--naught that the earth brings forth1
 nor any life she nurseth1 or even any  
thing the stainless air contains4 ,the  
only fitting sacrifice to ,god is man's 
best reason1 and not the word#aca that  
comes from out his mouth4  ,we men      
should ask the best of beings through   
the best thing in us1 for what is       
good--,i mean by means of mind1 for mind
 needs no material things to make its   
prayer4 ,so then1 to ,god1 the mighty   
,one1 who's over all1 no sacrifice      
should ever be lit up4  ,noack#acb tells
 us that scholarship is convinced of the
 genuineness of this fragment4 ,this    
book1 as we have seen1 was widely       
circulated and held in the highest      
respect1 and it said that its rules were
 engraved on brazen pillars at          
,byzantium4#acc  b4 ,the ,oracles or    
,concerning ,divination1 #d books4      
,philostratus 7iii4 #da7 seems to think 

that the full title was ,divination of  
the ,stars1 and says that it was based  
on what ,apollonius had learned in      
,india2 but the kind of divination      
,apollonius wrote about was not the     
ordinary astrology1 but something which 
,philostratus considers superior to     
ordinary human art in such matters4 ,he 
had1 however1 never heard of anyone     
possessing a copy of this rare work4  c4
 ,the ,life of ,pythagoras4 ,porphyry   
refers to this work1#acd and ,iamblichus
 quotes a long passage from it4#ace  d4 
,the ,will of ,apollonius1 to which     
reference has already been made1 in     
treating of the sources of ,philostratus
 7i4 #c74 ,this was written in the      
,ionic dialect1 and contained a summary 
of his doctrines4  ,a ,hymn to ,memory  
is also ascribed to him1 and ,eudocia   
speaks of many other 7,greek3 kai alla  
polla7 works4  ,we have now indicated   
for the reader all the information which
 exists concerning our philosopher4 ,was
 ,apollonius1 then1 a rogue1 a          

trickster1 a charlatan1 a fanatic1 a    
misguided enthusiast1 or a philosopher1 
a reformer1 a conscious worker1 a true  
initiate1 one of the earth's great ones8
 ,this each must decide for himself1    
according to his knowledge or his       
ignorance4  ,i for my part bless his    
memory1 and would gladly learn from him1
 as now he is4     ,,section ,,xviii4   
,,bibliographical ,,notes4              
,,nineteenth ,,century ,,literature ,,on
 ,,apollonius4    ,jacobs 7,f471        
,observationes in 444 ,philostrati      
,vitam ,apollonii   7,jena2 #ahjd71     
purely philological1 for the correction 
of the   text4    ,legrand d',aussy 7,p4
 ,j4 ,b471 ,vie d',apollonius de ,tyane 
7,paris2   #ahjg1 #b vols474    ,bekker 
7,g4 ,j471 ,specimen ,variarum          
,lectionum 444 in ,philost4   ,vit ,app4
 ,librum primum 7#ahjh72 purely         
philological4    ,berwick 7,e471 ,the   
,life of ,apollonius of ,tyana1         
translated from   the ,greek of         
,philostratus1 with ,notes and          

,illustrations   7,london2 #ahji74      
,lancetti 7,v471 ,le ,opere dei due     
,filostrati1 ,italian trs4   7,milano2  
#ahbh-ca72 in ,coll4 degli ,ant4        
,storici ,greci   volgarizzati4         
,jacobs 7,f471 ,philostratus3 ,leben des
 ,apollonius von ,tyana1 in   the series
 ,griechische ,prosaiker1 ,german trs4  
7,stuttgart2   #ahbi-cb71 vols4 xlviii41
 lxvi41 cvi41 cxi41 each containing two 
books2 a very clumsy arrangement4       
,baur 7,f4 ,c471 ,apollonius von ,tyana 
und ,christus oder das   ,verhltniss des
 ,pythagoreismus zum ,christenthum      
7,tbingen2   #ahcb72 reprinted from     
,tbinger ,zeitschrift fr ,theologie4    
,second edition by ,e4 ,zeller          
7,leipzig2 #ahgf71 in ,drei             
,abhandlungen zur ,geschichte der alten 
,philosophie und ihres   ,verhltnisses  
zum ,christenthum4    ,kayser and       
,westermann's editions as above referred
 to in   section v4    ,newman 7,j4     
,h471 ,apollonius ,tyanus--,miracles1 in
 ,smedley's   ,encyclopdia              

,metropolitana 7,london2 #ahde71 x4 pp4 
#fai-fdd4    ,noack 7,l471 ,apollonius  
von ,tyana ein ,christusbild des        
,heidenthums1 in his magazine ,psyche3  
,populrwissenschaftliche   ,zeitschrift 
fr die ,kentniss des menschlichen       
,seelen- und   ,geistes-lebens          
7,leipzig2 #aheh71 ,bd4 i41 ,heft ii41  
pp4 #a-bd4    ,mller 7,i4 ,p4 ,e471     
,commentatio qua de ,philostrati in     
componenda   ,memoria ,apoll4 ,tyan4    
fide quritur1 ,i4-,,iii4 7,onoldi et    
,landavii2 #aheh-ahfj74    ,mller 7,e471
 ,war ,apollonius von ,tyana ein ,weiser
 oder ein   ,betrger oder ein ,schwrmer 
und ,fanatiker8 ,ein                    
,culturhistorische ,untersuchung        
7,breslau2 #ahfa1 #dto71 #ef pp4        
,chassang 7,a471 ,apollonius de ,tyane1 
sa ,vie1 ses ,voyages1 ses   ,prodiges1 
par ,philostrate1 et ses ,lettres1 trad4
 du grec4 avec   ,introd41 ,notes et    
,eclaircissements 7,paris2 #ahfb71 with 
the   additional title1 ,le ,merveilleux
 dans l',antiquit4    ,rville 7,a471    

,apollonius the ,pagan ,christ of the   
,third ,century   7,london2 #ahff71 tr4 
from the ,french4 ,the original is not  
in the   ,british ,museum4    ,priaulx  
7,o4 de ,b471 ,the ,indian ,travels of  
,apollonius of ,tyana1   etc4 7,london2 
#ahgc71 pp4 #a-fb4    ,mnckeberg 7,c471 
,apollonius von ,tyana1 ein             
,weihnachtsgabe   7,hamburg2 #ahgg71 #eg
 pp4    ,pettersch 7,c4 ,h471           
,apollonius von ,tyana der ,heiden      
,heiland1 ein   philosophische ,studie  
7,reichenberg2 #ahgi71 #bc pp4          
,nielsen 7,c4 ,l471 ,apollonios fra     
,tyana og ,filostrats ,beskrivelse   af 
hans ,levnet 7,copenhagen2 #ahgi72 the  
,appendix 7pp4 #afg sqq47   contains a  
,danish tr4 of ,eusebius ,contra        
,hieroclem4    ,baltzer 7,e471          
,apollonius von ,tyana1 aus den ,griech4
 bersetzt   u4 erlutert 7,rudolstadt i_/
 ,th42 #ahhc74    ,jessen 7,j471        
,apollonius von ,tyana und sein         
,biograph   ,philostratus 7,hamburg2    
#ahhe1 #dto71 #cf pp4    ,tredwell 7,d4 

,m471 ,a ,sketch of the ,life of        
,apollonius of ,tyana1   or the first   
,ten ,decades of our ,era 7,new ,york2  
#ahhf74    ,sinnett 7,a4 ,p471          
,apollonius of ,tyana1 in the           
,transactions   7,no4 #cb7 of the       
,london ,lodge of the ,theosophical     
,society   7,london2 #ahih71 #cb pp4    
,the student may also consult the       
articles in the usual   ,dictionaries   
and ,encyclopdias1 none of which1       
however1 demand   special mention4 ,p4  
,cassel's learned paper in the          
,vossische   ,zeitung of ,nov4 #bdth1   
#ahgh1 ,i have not been able to see4    
,,some ,,indications ,,of ,,the         
,,literature ,,on ,,the ,,religious     
,,associations ,,among ,,the ,,greeks   
,,and ,,romans4    ,bckh 7,a471 ,die    
,staatshaushaltung der ,athener 7#ast   
ed4 #ahag74   ,for older literature1 see
 i4 #daf1 n4    ,van ,holst1 ,de ,eranis
 ,veterum ,grcorum 7,leyden2 #ahcb74    
,mommsen 7,t471 ,de ,collegiis et       
,sodaliciis ,romanorum 7,kiel2   #ahdc74

    ,mommsen 7,t471 ,rmische ,urkunden1 
iv4--,die ,lex ,julia de ,collegiis     
und die lanuvinische ,lex ,collegii     
,salutaris1 art4 in ,zeitschr4   fr     
geschichtl4 ,rechtswissenschaft 7#ahej71
 vol4 xv4 #cec sqq4    ,wescher 7,c471  
,recherches pigraphiques en ,grce1 dans 
l',archipel et en ,asie ,mineure1 arts4 
in ,le ,moniteur of ,oct4   #bj1 #bc1   
and #bd1 #ahfc4    ,wescher 7,c471      
,inscriptions de l'le de ,rhodes        
relatives  des   ,socits religieuses2   
,notice sur deux ,inscriptions de l'le  
de ,thra relatives  une ,socit          
religieuse2 ,note sur une   ,inscription
 de l'le de ,thra publie par ,m4 ,ross  
et relative    une ,socit religieuse2   
arts4 in ,la ,revue archologique        
7,paris2 new series1 #ahfd71 x4 #dfj    
sqq42 #ahfe1 xii4 #bad sqq42   #ahff1   
xiii4 #bde sqq4    ,foucart 7,p471 ,des 
,associations religieuses chez les      
,grecs1   ,thiases1 ranes1 ,orgons1 avec
 le ,texte des ,inscriptions   relatives
  ces ,associations 7,paris2 #ahgc74    

,lders 7,h4 ,o471 ,die dionyschischen   
,knstler 7,berlin2 #ahgc74    ,cohn     
7,m471 ,zum rmischen ,vereinsrecht3     
,abhandlung aus der   ,rechtsgeschichte 
7,berlin2 #ahgc74 ,also the notice of it
 in   ,bursian's ,philol4 ,jaresbericht 
7#ahgc71 ii4 #bch-cjd4    ,henzen 7,g471
 ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium qu            
supersunt2444 accedunt   ,fragmenta     
,fastorum in ,luco ,arvalium effossa    
7,berlin2 #ahgd74    ,heinrici 7,g471   
,die ,christengemeinde ,korinths und die
   religisen genossenschaften der       
,griechen2 ,zur ,geschichte der         
,anfange paulinischer ,gemeinden2 arts4 
in ,zeitschr4 fr   wissensch4 ,theol4   
7,jena1 etc42 #ahgf71 pp4 #dfe-ebf1     
particularly   pp4 #dgi sqq42 #ahgg1 pp4
 #hi-acj4    ,duruy 7,v471 ,du ,rgime   
municipal dans l',empire romain1 art4 in
   ,la ,revue historique 7,paris2       
#ahgf71 pp4 #cee sqq42 also his         
,histoire des ,romanis 7,paris2 #ahdc1  
#ahdd71 i4 #adi sqq4    ,de ,rossi1     
,roma ,sotteranea 7,rome2 #ahgg71 iii4  

#cg sqq41 and   especially pp4 #ejg sqq4
    ,marquardt 7,j471 ,rmische          
,staatsverwaltung1 iii4 #aca-adb1 in    
vol4 vi4 of ,marquardt and ,mommsen's   
,handbuch der rmischen   ,altherthmer   
7,leipzig2 #ahgh72 an excellent summary 
with   valuable notes1 especially the   
section ,ersatz der ,gentes durch   die 
,sodalitates fr fremde ,culte4          
,boissier 7,g471 ,la ,religion romaine  
d',auguste aux ,antonins   7,paris2 #bnd
 ed4 #ahgh71 ii4 #bch-cjd 7#ast ed4     
#ahgd74    ,hatch 7,e471 ,the           
,organization of the ,early ,christian  
,churches3   ,the ,bampton ,lectures for
 #ahhj 7,london2 #bnd ed4 #ahhb72 see   
especially ,lecture ii41 ,bishops and   
,deacons1 pp4 #bf-cb3   ,german ed4 ,die
 ,gesellschaftsverfassung der           
christlichen ,kirchen   in ,althertum   
7#ahhc71 p4 #bj2 see this for additional
 literature4    ,newmann 7,k4 ,j471     
,greek3 thiastai ,isou1 art4 in ,jahrbb4
   fr prot4 ,theol4 7,leipzig1 etc42    
#ahhe71 pp4 #abc-abe4    ,schrer 7,e471 

,a ,history of the ,jewish ,people in   
the ,time of   ,jesus ,christ1 ,eng4 tr4
 7,edinburgh2 #ahic71 ,div4 ii1 vol4 ii4
 pp4   #bee and #cjj4    ,owen 7,j471   
,on the ,organization of the ,early     
,church1 an   ,introductory ,essay to   
the ,english translation of ,harnack's  
,sources of the ,apostolic ,canons      
7,london2 #ahie74    ,anst 7,e471 ,die  
,religion der ,rmer2 vol4 xiii4         
,darstellungen aus   dem ,gebiete der   
nichtchristlichen ,religionsgeschichte  
7,mnster   i4 ,w42 #ahii74  ,see also   
,whiston and ,wayte's art4 ,arvales     
,fratres1 and ,moyle's arts4 ,collegium 
and ,universitas1 in ,smith1 ,wayte and 
,marindin's ,dict4 of ,greek and ,roman 
,antiquities 7,london2 #crd ed4         
#ahij-ahia72 and also1 of course1 the   
arts4 ,collegium and ,sodalitas in      
,pauly's ,realencyclopdie der classichen
 ,alterthumswissenschaft1 though they   
are now somewhat out of date4           
,,footnotes3    #a ,from a fragment of  
,the ,cretans4 ,see ,lobeck's           

,aglaophamus1   p4 #fbb4    #b          
,pronounced ,t7ana1 with the accent on  
the first syllable   and the first a    
short4    #c ,alexander sive            
,pseudomantis1 vi4    #d ,de ,magia1 xc4
 7ed4 ,hildebrand1 #ahdb1 ii4 #fad74    
#e ,greek3 telesmata4 ,telesma was a    
consecrated object1   turned by the     
,arabs into telsam 7talisman72 see      
,liddell and   ,scott's ,lexicon1 sub   
voc4    #f ,justin ,martyr1 ,opera1 ed4 
,otto 7#bnd ed42 ,jena1 #ahdi71 iii4    
#cb4    #g ,lib4 lxxvii4 #ah4    #h     
,life of ,alexander ,severus1 xxix4     
#i ,life of ,aurelian1 xxiv4    #aj ,qu 
qui velit nosse1 grcos legat libros qui 
de ejus   vita conscripti sunt4 ,these  
accounts were probably the books   of   
,maximus1 ,moeragenes1 and              
,philostratus4    #aa ,an ,egyptian epic
 poet1 who wrote several poetical       
histories in ,greek2 he flourished in   
the last decade of the   third century4 
#ab ,sidonius ,apollinaris1 ,epp41 viii4
 #c4 ,see also ,legrand   d',aussy1 ,vie

 d',apollonius de ,tyane 7,paris2       
#ahjg71 p4 xlvii4    #ac ,porphyry1 ,de 
,vita ,pythagor1 section ii41 ed4       
,kiessling   7,leipzig2 #ahaf74         
,iamblichus ,de ,vita ,pythagorica1     
chap4 xxv41   ed4 ,kiessling 7,leipzig2 
#ahac72 see especially ,k4's note1 pp4  
#aa   sqq4 ,see also ,porphyry1 ,frag41 
,de ,styge1 p4 #bhe1 ed4 ,holst4    #ad 
,see ,duchesne on the recently          
discovered works of ,macarius   ,magnes 
7,paris2 #ahgg74    #ae ,the most       
convenient text is by ,gaisford         
7,oxford2 #aheb71   ,eusebii ,pamphili  
contra ,hieroclem2 it is also printed in
 a   number of editions of              
,philostratus4 ,there are two           
translations   in ,latin1 one in        
,italian1 one in ,danish1 all bound up  
with   ,philostratus' ,vita1 and one in 
,french printed apart 7,discours        
d',eusbe ,evque de ,cesare touchant les 
,miracles attribuez par   les ,payens   
,apollonius de ,tyane1 tr4 by ,cousin4  
,paris2 #aehd1   #abmo1 #ace pp474      

#af ,lactantius1 ,divin ,institutiones1 
v4 #b1 #c2 ed4 ,fritsche   7,leipzig2   
#ahdb71 pp4 #bcc1 #bcf4    #ag          
,arnobius1 ,adversus ,nationes1 i4 #eb2 
ed4 ,hildebrand 7,halle2   #ahdd71 p4   
#hf4 ,the ,church ,father1 however1 with
 that   exclusiveness peculiar to the   
,judo-,christian view1 omits ,moses     
from the list of ,magi4    #ah ,john    
,chrysostom1 ,adversus ,judos1 v4 #c 7p4
 #fca72 ,de   ,laudibus ,sancti ,pauli  
,apost4 ,homil41 iv4 7p4 #dic ,d42 ed4  
,montfauc474    #ai ,hieronymus1 ,ep4 ad
 ,paulinum1 #ec 7text ap4 ,kayser1 prf4 
ix474    #bj ,august41 ,epp41 cxxxviii4 
,text quoted by ,legrand d',aussy1   op4
 cit41 p4 #bid4    #ba ,isidorus        
,pelusiota1 ,epp41 p4 #ach2 ed4 ,j4     
,billius 7,paris2   #aehe74    #bb ,see 
,arnobius1 loc4 cit4    #bc ,sidonius   
,apollinaris1 ,epp41 viii4 #c4 ,also    
,fabricius1   ,bibliotheca ,grca1 pp4   
#edi1 #efe 7ed4 ,harles74 ,the work of  
,sidonius on ,apollonius is             
unfortunately lost4    #bd ,amplissimus 

ille philosophus 7xxiii4 #g74 ,see also 
xxi4   #ad2 xxiii4 #ai4    #be ,greek3  
ti then te kai anthrpou meson1 meaning  
thereby   presumably one who has reached
 the grade of being superior to   man1  
but not yet equal to the gods4 ,this was
 called by the   ,greeks the dmonian    
order4 ,but the word dmon1 owing to     
sectarian bitterness1 has long been     
degraded from its former   high estate1 
and the original idea is now signified  
in popular   language by the term angel4
 ,compare ,plato1 ,symposium1 xxiii41   
,greek3 pan to daimonion metaxy esti    
theou te kai thntou1   all that is      
dmonian is between ,god and man4    #bf 
,eunapius1 ,vit ,philosophorum1         
,prooemium1 vi42 ed4   ,boissonade      
7,amsterdam2 #ahbb71 p4 #c4    #bg      
,rville1 ,apollonius of ,tyana 7tr4 from
 the ,french71 p4 #ef   7,london2       
#ahff74 ,i have1 however1 not been able 
to discover on   what authority this    
statement is made4    #bh ,insignis     
philosophus2 see his ,chronicon1 written

 down to   the year #eai4    #bi ,in his
 ,chronographia4 ,see ,legrand d',aussy1
 op4 cit41 p4   #cac4    #cj ,chiliades1
 ii4 #fj4    #ca ,cited by ,legrand     
d',aussy1 op4 cit41 p4 #bhf4    #cb     
,greek3 philosophos ,pythagoreios       
stoicheimatikos--,cedrenus1             
,compendium ,historiarium1 i4 #cdf2 ed4 
,bekker4 ,the word which   ,i have      
rendered by adept signifies one who has 
power over the   elements4    #cc       
,legrand d',aussy1 op4 cit41 p4 #cjh4   
#cd ,if we except the disputed ,letters 
and a few quotations   from one of      
,apollonius' lost writings4    #ce      
,philostratus de ,vita ,apollonii       
,tyanei ,libri ,octo1 tr4 by   ,a4      
,rinuccinus1 and ,eusebius contra       
,hieroclem1 tr4 by ,z4   ,acciolus      
7,venice2 #aeja-jd1 fol474 ,rinucci's   
translation was   improved by ,beroaldus
 and printed at ,lyons 7#aejd871 and    
again   at ,cologne1 #aecd4    #cf ,f4  
,baldelli1 ,filostrato ,lemnio della    
,vita di ,apollonio   ,tianeo           

7,florence2 #aedi1 #hvo74    #cg ,b4 de 
,vignre1 ,philostrate de la ,vie        
d',apollonius 7,paris2   #aeif1 #aeii1  
#afaa74 ,blaise de ,vignre's translation
 was   subsequently corrected by ,frdric
 ,morel and later by ,thomas   ,artus1  
,sieur d',embry1 with bombastic notes in
 which he bitterly   attacks the        
wonder-workings of ,apollonius4 ,a      
,french translation   was also made by  
,th4 ,sibilet about #aefj1 but never    
published2   the ,,ms4 was in the       
,bibliothque ,imperiale4 ,see ,miller1  
,journal   des ,savants1 #ahdi1 p4 #fbe1
 quoted by ,chassang1 op4 infr4 cit41   
p4 iv4    #ch ,f4 ,morellus1            
,philostrati ,lemnii ,opera1 ,gr4 and   
,lat4   7,paris2 #afjh74    #ci ,g4     
,olearius1 ,philostratorum qu supersunt 
,omnia1 ,gr4 and   ,lat4 7,leipzig2     
#agji74    #dj ,c4 ,l4 ,kayser1 ,flavii 
,philostrati qu supersunt1 etc4         
7,zurich2 #ahdd1 #dto74 ,in #ahdi ,a4   
,westermann also edited a text1         
,philostratorum et ,callistrati ,opera1 

in ,didot's ,scriptorum   ,grcorum      
,bibliotheca 7,paris2 #ahdi1 #hvo74 ,but
 ,kayser brought   out a new edition in 
#ahec 7871 and again a third1 with      
additional information in the ,preface1 
in the ,bibliotheca   ,teubneriana      
7,leipzig2 #ahgj74    #da ,for a general
 summary of opinions prior to #ahjg1 of 
writers who mention ,apollonius         
incidentally1 see ,legrand   d',aussy1  
op4 cit41 ii4 pp4 #cac-cbg4    #db      
,l',histoire d',apollone de ,tyane      
convaincue de ,fausset et   d',imposture
 7,paris2 #agje74    #dc ,an ,account of
 the ,life of ,apollonius ,tyaneus      
7,london2   #agjb71 tr4 out of the      
,french1 from vol4 ii4 of ,lenain de    
,tillemont's ,histoire des ,empereurs   
7#bnd ed41 ,paris2 #agbj73 to   which is
 added ,some ,observations upon         
,apollonius4 ,de   ,tillemont's view is 
that ,apollonius was sent by the ,devil 
to   destroy the work of the ,saviour4  
#dd ,a ,critical and ,historical        
,discourse upon the ,method of the      

,principal ,authors who wrote for and   
against ,christianity from   its        
,beginning 7,london2 #agci71 tr4 from   
the ,french of ,m4 l',abb               
,houtteville2 to which is added a       
,dessertation on the ,life of           
,apollonius ,tyanus1 with some          
,observations on the ,platonists of     
the ,latter ,school1 pp4 #bac-bed4      
#de ,anti-,hierocles oder ,jesus        
,christus und ,apollonius von   ,tyana  
in ihrer grossen ,ungleichheit1         
dargestellt v4 ,j4 ,b4   ,lderwald      
7,halle2 #agic74    #df ,phileleutherus 
,helvetius1 ,de ,miraculis qu ,pythagor1
   ,apollonio ,tyanensi1 ,francisco     
,asisio1 ,dominico1 et ,ignatio   ,lojol
 tribuuntur ,libellus 7,draci2 #agcd74  
#dg ,see ,legrand d',aussy1 op4 cit41   
ii4 p4 #cad1 where the texts   are      
given4    #dh ,the ,two ,first ,books of
 ,philostratus concerning the ,life of  
,apollonius ,tyaneus 7,london2 #afhj1   
fol474 ,blount's notes   7generally     
ascribed to ,lord ,herbert7 raised such 

an outcry that   the book was condemned 
in #afic1 and few copies are in         
existence4 ,blount's notes were1        
however1 translated into ,french   a    
century later1 in the days of           
,encyclopdism1 and appended to   a      
,french version of the ,vita1 under the 
title1 ,vie d',apollonius   de ,tyane   
par ,philostrate avec les ,commentaires 
donns en   ,anglois par ,charles ,blount
 sur les deux ,premiers ,livres de cet  
,ouvrage 7,amsterdam2 #aggi1 #d vols41  
#hvo71 with an ironical   dedication to 
,pope ,clement ,,xiv41 signed           
,philalethes4    #di ,philosophiam      
,practicam ,apollonii ,tyani in         
,sciagraphia1   exponit ,m4 ,io4        
,christianus ,herzog 7,leipzig2 #agji72 
an   academical oration of #bj pp4      
#ej ,philostratus is a difficult author 
to translate1   nevertheless ,chassang  
and ,baltzer have succeeded very well   
with   him2 ,berwick also is readable1  
but in most places gives us a           
paraphrase rather than a translation and

 frequently mistakes   the meaning4     
,chassang's and ,baltzer's are by far   
the best   translations4    #ea ,this   
would have at least restored ,apollonius
 to his   natural environment1 and      
confined the question of the divinity   
of ,jesus to its proper ,judo-,christian
 ground4    #eb ,i am unable to offer   
any opinion on ,nielsen's book1 from    
ignorance of ,danish1 but it has all the
 appearance of a   careful1 scholarly   
treatise with abundance of references4  
#ec ,rville's ,pagan ,christ is quite a 
misrepresentation of the   subject1 and 
,newman's treatment of the matter       
renders his   treatise an anachronism   
for the twentieth century4    #ed       
,consisting of eight books written in   
,greek under the   general title ,greek3
 ,ta es ton ,tyanea ,apollnion4    #ee  
,greek3 h philosophos1 see art4         
,philostratus in   ,smith's ,dict4 of   
,gr4 and ,rom4 ,biog4 7,london2 #ahgj71 
iii4   #cbg;b4    #ef ,the italics are  
,gibbon's4    #eg ,more correctly ,domna

 ,julia2 ,domna being not a shortened   
form of ,domina1 but the ,syrian name of
 the empress4    #eh ,she died ,a4,d4   
#bag4    #ei ,the contrary is held by   
other historians4    #fj ,gibbon's      
,decline and ,fall1 ,i4 vi    #fa ,i use
 the #ahdf and #ahgj editions of        
,kayser's text   throughout4    #fb ,a  
collection of these letters 7but not all
 of them7 had   been in the possession  
of the ,emperor ,hadrian 7,a4,d4        
#aag-ach71   and had been left in his   
palace at ,antium 7viii4 #bj74 ,this    
proves the great fame that ,apollonius  
enjoyed shortly after his               
disappearance from history1 and while he
 was still a living   memory4 ,it is to 
be noticed that ,hadrian was an         
enlightened   ruler1 a great traveller1 
a lover of religion1 and an initiate    
of the ,eleusinian ,mysteries4    #fc   
,nineveh4    #fd ,greek3 tas deltous1   
writing tablets4 ,this suggests that    
the account of ,damis could not have    
been very voluminous1   although        

,philostratus further on asserts its    
detailed nature   7i4 #ai74    #fe ,one 
of the imperial secretaries of the time1
 who was   famous for his eloquence1 and
 tutor to ,apollonius4    #ff ,a town   
not far from ,tarsus4    #fg ,greek3 hs 
hypotheiazn tn philosophian egeneto4    
,the   term ,greek3 hypotheiazn occurs  
only in this passage1 and ,i am         
therefore not quite certain of its      
meaning4    #fh ,this ,life by          
,moeragenes is casually mentioned by    
,origenes1   ,contra ,celsum1 vi4 #da2  
ed4 ,lommatzsch 7,berlin2 #ahda71 ii4   
#cgc4    #fi ,greek3 logois daimoniois4 
#gj ,seldom is it that we have such a   
clear indication1 for   instance1 as in 
i4 #be2 ,the following is what ,i have  
been   able to learn 444 about ,babylon4
    #ga ,see ,e4 ,a4 ,schwanbeck1       
,megasthenis ,indica 7,bonn2 #ahdf71 and
   ,j4 ,w4 ,m',crindle1 ,ancient ,india 
as described by ,megasthenes and        
,arrian 7,calcutta1 ,bombay1 ,london2   
#ahgg71 ,the ,commerce and   ,navigation

 of the ,erythran ,sea 7#ahgi71 ,ancient
 ,india as   described by ,ktesias      
7#ahhb71 ,ancient ,india as described by
   ,ptolemy 7,london2 #ahhe71 and ,the  
,invasion of ,india by ,alexander   the 
,great 7,london2 #ahic1 #ahif74    #gb  
,another good example of this is seen in
 the disquisition   on elephants which  
,philostratus takes from ,juba's        
,history of   ,libya 7ii4 #ac and #af74 
#gc ,perhaps a title1 or the king of the
 ,purus4    #gd ,not that ,philostratus 
makes any disguise of his               
embellishments2 see1 for instance1 ii4  
#ag1 where he says3 ,let   me1 however1 
defer what ,i have to say on the subject
 of   serpents1 of the manner of hunting
 which ,damis gives a   description4    
#ge ,legends of the wonderful happenings
 at his birth were in   circulation1 and
 are of the same nature as all such     
birth-legends of great people4    #gf   
,greek3 arrt tini sophia xynelabe4      
#gg ,sci41 than his tutor2 namely1 the  
memory within him1 or   his dmon4    #gh

 ,this ther was presumably the          
mind-stuff4    #gi ,that is to say      
presumably he was encouraged in his     
efforts   by those unseen helpers of the
 temple by whom the cures were   wrought
 by means of dreams1 and help was given 
psychically and   mesmerically4    #hj  
,where are you hurrying8 ,are you off to
 see the youth8    #ha ,compare         
,odyssey1 xx4 #ah4    #hb ,i am inclined
 to think1 however1 that ,apollonius was
 still   a youngish man when he set out 
on his ,indian travels1 instead   of    
being forty-six1 as some suppose4 ,but  
the difficulties of   most of the       
chronology are insurmountable4    #hc   
,greek3 phsas ouk anthrpn heaut dein1   
all' andrn4    #hd ,greek3 idiotropa4   
#he ,greek3 tous hout philosophountas4  
#hf ,that is to say1 presumably1 spend  
the time in silent   meditation4    #hg 
,that is the ,brahmans and ,buddhists4  
,sarman is the ,greek   corruption of   
the ,sanskrit ,shraman4a and ,pli       
,saman4o1 the   technical term for a    

,buddhist ascetic or monk4 ,the         
ignorance of   the copyists changed     
,sarmanes first into ,germanes and then 
into   ,hyrcanians6    #hh ,this shows  
that ,apollonius was still young1 and   
not   between forty and fifty1 as some  
have asserted4 ,tredwell 7p4   #gg7     
dates the ,indian travels as #da-ed     
,a4,d4    #hi ,see especially iii4 #ae1 
#da2 v4 #e1 #aj2 vii4 #aj1 #ac2 viii4   
#bh4    #ij ,greek3 ekphatnismata4      
#ia ,see especially vii4 #ac1 #ad1 #ae1 
#bb1 #ca4    #ib ,the list is full of   
gaps1 so that we cannot suppose that    
,damis' notes were anything like        
complete records of the   numerous      
itineraries2 not only so1 but one is    
tempted to   believe that whole         
journeys1 in which ,damis had no share1 
are   omitted4    #ic ,here at any rate 
they came in sight of the giant         
mountains1 the ,imaus 7,himavat7 or     
,himalayan ,range1 where was   the great
 mountain ,meros 7,meru74 ,the name of  
the ,hindu ,olympus   being changed into

 ,meros in ,greek had1 ever since       
,alexander's   expedition1 given rise to
 the myth that ,bacchus was born from   
the thigh 7meros7 of ,zeus--presumably  
one of the facts which   led ,professor 
,max ,mller to stigmatise the whole of  
mythology   as a disease of language4   
#id ,referring to his instructors he    
says1 ,i ever remember my   masters and 
journey through the world teaching what 
,i have   learned from them 7vi4 #ah74  
#ie ,according to some1 ,apollonius     
would be now about   sixty-eight years  
of age4 ,but if he were still young 7say
   thirty years old or so7 when he left 
for ,india1 he must either   have spent 
a very long period in that country1 or  
we have a   very imperfect record of his
 doings in ,asia ,minor1 ,greece1       
,italy1 and ,spain1 after his return4   
#if ,for the most recent study in       
,english on the subject of   sculapius  
see ,the ,cult of ,asclepios1 by ,alice 
,walton1 ,ph4,d41   in ,no4 ,,iii4 of   
,the ,cornell ,studies in ,classical    

,philology   7,ithaca1 ,n4,y42 #ahid74  
#ig ,he evidently wrote the notes of the
 ,indian travels long   after the time  
at which they were made4    #ih ,this   
shows that ,philostratus came across    
them in some work   or letter of        
,apollonius1 and is therefore           
independent of ,damis'   account for    
this particular4    #ii ,i--ar,greek3   
chas1 ar,greek3 cha7t7s1 arhat4    #ajj 
,tantalus is fabled to have stolen the  
cup of nectar from   the gods2 this was 
the amr4ita1 the ocean of immortality   
and   wisdom1 of the ,indians4    #aja  
,the words ,greek3 ouden kektmenous  ta 
pantn1 which   ,philostratus quotes     
twice in this form1 can certainly not be
   changed into ,greek3 mden kektmenous 
ta pantn echein   without doing         
unwarrantable violence to their meaning4
    #ajb ,see ,tacitus1 ,historia1 ii4  
#c4    #ajc ,berwick1 ,life of          
,apollonius1 p4 #bjj n4    #ajd ,he also
 built a precinct round the tomb of     
,leonidas at   ,thermopyl 7iv4 #bc74    

#aje ,a great centre of divination by   
means of dreams 7see ii4   #cg74    #ajf
 ,the word ,greek3 gymnos 7naked71      
however1 usually means   lightly clad1  
as1 for instance1 when a man is said to 
plough   naked1 that is with only one   
garment1 and this is evident   from the 
comparison made between the costume of  
the   ,gymnosophists and that of people 
in the hot weather at ,athens   7vi4    
#f74    #ajg ,for they had neither huts 
nor houses1 but lived in the   open air4
    #ajh ,he spent1 we are told1 no less
 than a year and eight   months with    
,vardan1 ,king of ,babylon1 and was the 
honoured guest   of the ,indian ,rajah  
,phraotes4    #aji ,see i4 #bb 7cf4     
#dj71 #cd2 iv4 #d1 #f1 #ah 7cf4 v4 #ai71
 #bd1 #dc2   v4 #g1 #aa1 #ac1 #cj1 #cg2 
vi4 #cb2 viii4 #bf4    #aaj ,this       
expression is1 however1 perhaps only to 
be taken as   rhetorical1 for in viii4  
#h1 the incident is referred to in the  
simple words when he departed 7,greek3  
aplthe7 from the   tribunal4    #aaa    

,that is to say not in a form1 but in   
his own nature4    #aab ,see in this    
connection ,l4 v4 ,schroeder1           
,pythagoras und   die ,inder1 eine      
,untersuchung ber ,herkunft und         
,abstammung der   pythagoreischen       
,lehren 7,leipzig2 #ahhd74    #aac ,this
 has reference to the preserved hunting 
parks1 or   paradises1 of the           
,babylonian monarchs4    #aad ,reading  
,greek3 philosoph for ,greek3           
philosophn4    #aae ,rathgeber 7,g47 in 
his ,grossgriechenland und ,pythagoras  
7,gotha2 #ahff71 a work of marvellous   
bibliographical industry1   refers to   
three supposed portraits of ,apollonius 
7p4 #fba74 7i7   ,in the ,campidoglio   
,museum of the ,vatican1 ,indicazione   
delle   ,sculture 7,roma2 #ahdj71 p4    
#fh1 nos4 #ge1 #gf1 #gg2 7ii7 in the    
,muse ,royal ,bourbon1 described by     
,michel ,b4 7,naples2 #ahcg71 p4   #gi1 
no4 #cfc2 7iii7 a contorniate reproduced
 by ,visconti4 ,i   cannot trace his    
first reference1 but in a ,guide pour le

 ,muse   ,royal ,bourbon1 traduit par   
,c4 ,j4 ,j4 7,naples2 #ahca71 ,i find on
   p4 #aeb that no4 #cfc is a bust of   
,apollonius1 #b feet high1   carefully  
executed1 with a ,zeus-like head1 having
 a beard and   long hair descending onto
 the shoulders1 bound with a deep       
fillet4 ,the bust seems to be ancient4  
,i have1 however1 not been   able to    
find a reproduction of it4 ,visconti    
7,e4 ,q47 in the   atlas of his         
,iconographie ,grecque 7,paris2 #ahjh71 
vol4 i4 plate   #ag1 facing p4 #fh1     
gives the reproduction of a contorniate1
 or   medal with a circular border1 on  
one side of which is a head of          
,apollonius and the ,latin legend       
,,apollonivs ,,teanevs4 ,this also      
represents our philosopher with a beard 
and long hair2 the head   is crowned1   
and the upper part of the body covered  
with a tunic   and the philosopher's    
cloak4 ,the medal1 however1 is of very  
inferior workmanship1 and the portrait  
is by no means pleasing4   ,visconti in 

his letterpress devotes an angry and    
contemptuous   paragraph to ,apollonius1
 ce trop clbre imposteur1 as he   calls 
him1 based on ,de ,tillemont4    #aaf   
,see ,chassang1 op4 cit41 p4 #deh1 for a
 criticism on this   statement4    #aag 
,this was before ,vespasian became      
emperor4    #aah ,this was a staff1 or  
baton1 used as a cypher for writing     
dispatches4 ,a strip of leather was     
rolled slantwise round it1   on which   
the dispatches were written lengthwise1 
so that when   unrolled they were       
unintelligible2 commanders abroad had a 
staff of like thickness1 round which    
they rolled their papers1   and so were 
able to read the dispatches4 7,liddell  
and ,scott's   ,lexicon sub voc47 ,hence
 scytale came to mean generally a       
,spartan dispatch1 which was            
characteristically laconic in its       
brevity4    #aai ,see i4 #g1 #ae1 #bd1  
#cb2 iii4 #ea2 iv4 #e1 #bb1 #bf1 #bg1   
#df2 v4   #b1 #aj1 #ci1 #dj1 #da2 vi4   
#ah1 #bg1 #bi1 #ca1 #cc2 viii4 #g1 #bj1 

#bg1 #bh4    #abj ,i4e41 ,cynic4    #aba
 ,chassang 7op4 cit41 pp4 #cie sqq47    
gives a ,french   translation of them4  
#abb ,art4 ,apollonius1 ,smith's ,dict4 
of ,class4 ,biog4    #abc ,that is to   
say1 a philosopher of #fjj years ago4   
#abd ,that is to expiate                
blood-guiltiness with blood-sacrifice4  
#abe ,chaignet 7,a4 471 in his          
,pythagore et la ,philosophie           
pythagoricienne 7,paris2 #ahgc1 #bnd ed4
 #ahgd71 cites this as a   genuine      
example of ,apollonius' philosophy4     
#abf ,that is his idea of death4    #abg
 ,the text of the last sentence is very 
obscure4    #abh ,the full title is     
given by ,eudocia1 ,ionia2 ed4          
,villoison   7,venet42 #agha71 p4 #eg4  
#abi ,see ,zeller1 ,phil4 d4 ,griech1 v4
 #abg4    #acj ,prparat4 ,evangel41 iv4 
#ab-ac2 ed4 ,dindorf 7,leipzig2         
#ahfg71 i4 #agf1 #agg4    #aca ,a play  
on the meanings of ,greek3 logos1 which 
signifies   both reason and word4       
#acb ,psyche1 ,i4 ii4 #e4    #acc       

,noack1 ibid4    #acd ,see ,noack1      
,porphr4 ,vit4 ,pythag41 p4 #ae4    #ace
 ,ed4 ,amstelod41 #agjg1 cc4 #bed-bfd4  
,,works ,,by ,,the ,,same ,,author4     
,,the ,,pistis ,,sophia3 ,a ,gnostic    
,gospel4     7,with ,extracts from the  
,books of the ,saviour appended74       
,originally translated from ,greek into 
,coptic1 and now for the    first time  
,englished from ,schwartze's ,latin     
,version of the    only known ,coptic   
,,ms41 and checked by ,amlineau's       
,french    ,version4 ,with an           
,introduction and ,bibliography4 #cid   
pp41 large    octavo4 ,cloth1 #gs4 #f;d4
 net4   ,,some ,,press ,,opinions4      
,the ,pistis ,sophia has long been      
recognised as one of the most           
important ,gnostic documents we possess1
 and ,mr ,mead deserves the    gratitude
 of students of ,church ,history and of 
the ,history of    ,christian ,thought1 
for his admirable translation and       
edition of    this curious              
,gospel4--,glasgow ,herald4     ,mr     

,mead has done a service to other than  
,theosophists by his    translation of  
the ,pistis ,sophia4 ,this curious work 
has not till    lately received the     
attention which it deserves4444 ,he has 
prefixed    a short ,introduction1 which
 includes an excellent bibliography4    
,thus1 the ,english reader is now in a  
position to judge for himself    of the 
scientific value of the only ,gnostic   
treatise of any    considerable length  
which has come down to us4--,guardian4  
,from a scholar's point of view the work
 is of value as    illustrating the     
philosophico-mystical tendencies of the 
second    century4--,record4     ,mr    
,mead deserves thanks for putting in an 
,english dress this    curious document 
from the early ages of ,christian       
philosophy4--,manchester ,guardian4     
,,the ,,theosophical ,,publishing       
,,society1  ,,london ,,and ,,benares4   
,,fragments ,,of ,a ,,faith ,,forgotten4
  ,some short ,sketches among the       
,gnostics1 mainly of the ,first ,two    

,centuries--a ,contribution to the      
,study of ,christian ,origins based on  
the most ,recently ,discovered          
,materials4     ,i4                     
,introduction4--,outlines of the        
,background of the ,gnosis2             
,literature and ,sources of ,gnosticism4
     ,,ii4 ,the ,gnosis according to its
 ,foes4--,gnostic ,fragments            
recovered from the ,polemical ,writings 
of the ,church ,fathers2    the ,gnosis 
in the ,uncanonical ,acts4     ,,iii4   
,the ,gnosis according to its           
,friends4--,greek ,original    ,works in
 ,coptic ,translation2 the ,askew1      
,bruce1 and ,akhmim    ,codices4        
,classified ,bibliographies are         
appended4 #fcj1 xxviii4 pp41 ,large     
,octavo1 ,cloth4 #ajs4 #f;d4 net4       
,,some ,,press ,,notices4     ,mr ,mead 
has done his work in a scholarly and    
painstaking    fashion4--,the ,guardian4
     ,the ordinary student of ,christian
 evidences1 if he confines    his       
reading to the ',fathers1' learns       

nothing of these opinions    the        
so-called ,gnostic 'heresies' except by 
way of refutation    and angry          
condemnation4 ,in ,mr ,mead's pages1    
however1 they are    treated with       
impartiality and candour4444 ,these     
remarks will    suffice to show the     
unique character of this volume1 and to 
indicate that students may find here    
matter of great service    to the       
rational interpretation of ,christian   
thought4--,bradford ,observer4     ,the 
book1 ,mr ,mead explains1 is not        
intended primarily for the    student1  
but for the general reader1 and it      
certainly should    not be neglected by 
anyone who is interested in the history 
of    early ,christian thought4--,the   
,scotsman4     ,the work is one of great
 labour and learning1 and deserves      
study as a sympathetic estimate of a    
rather severely-judged    class of      
heretics4--,glasgow ,herald4            
,written in a clear and elegant         
style4444 ,the bibliographies    in the 

volume are of world-wide range1 and will
 be most    valuable to students of     
theosophy4--,asiatic ,quarterly4     ,mr
 ,mead writes with a precision and      
clearness on subjects    usually        
associated with bewildering             
technicalities and    mystifications4   
,even the long-suffering 'general       
reader' could    go through this large  
volume with pleasure4 ,that is a great  
deal to say of a book on such a         
subject4--,light4     ,this striking    
work will certainly be read not only    
with the    greatest interest in the    
select circle of the cultured1 but by   
that much larger circle of those longing
 to learn all about    ,truth4444 ,may  
be summed up as an extraordinary clear  
exposition of the ,gnosis of ,saints and
 the ,sages of    philosophic           
,christianity4--,the ,roman ,herald4    
,comprehensive1 interesting1 and        
scholarly4444 ,the chapters    entitled 
',some ,rough ,outlines of the          
,background of the ,gnosis'    are well 

written1 and they tend to focus the     
philosophic and    religious movement of
 the ancient world4 ,there is a very    
excellent bibliography4--,the           
,spectator4     ,mr ,mead does us       
another piece of service by including a 
complete copy of the ,gnostic ,hymn of  
the ,robe of ,glory 444    and a handy  
epitome of the ,pistis ,sophia is       
another item for    which the student   
will be grateful4--,the ,literary       
,guide4     ,the author has naturally   
the interest of a theosophist in        
,gnosticism1 and approaches the subject 
accordingly from a    point of view     
different from our own4 ,but while his  
point of    view emerges in the course  
of the volume1 this does not affect     
the value of his work for those who do  
not share his special    standpoint4444 
,mr ,mead has at any rate rendered us an
    excellent service1 and we shall look
 forward with pleasure to    his future 
studies4--,the ,primitive ,methodist    
,quarterly4  ,this is the ,first        

,attempt that has been made to bring    
together ,all the ,existing ,sources of 
,information on the ,earliest ,christian
 ,philosophers4   ,,simon ,,magus3 ,an  
,essay4     ,the most complete work on  
the subject4 ,quarto4 ,price3 #es4 net4 
,wrappers4  ,,the ,,world ,,mystery3    
,four ,essays4     ,contents3 ,the      
,world-,soul2 ,the ,vestures of the     
,soul2 ,the ,web of    ,destiny2 ,true  
,self-reliance4 ,octavo4 ,price3 cloth1 
#cs4 #f;d4    net4  ,,the ,,theosophy   
,,of ,,the ,,greeks4  ,,plotinus4       
,with an exhaustive ,bibliography4      
,octavo4 ,price3 cloth1 #as4    net4    
,,orpheus4     ,with three ,charts and  
,bibliography4 ,will serve as an        
,introduction to ,hellenic ,theology4   
,octavo4 ,price3 cloth1 #ds4    #f;d4   
net4  ,,the ,,theosophy ,,of ,,the      
,,vedas4  ,,the ,,upani,s4,,hads3 #b    
,volumes4     ,half ,octavo4 ,paper1    
#f;d42 cloth1 #as4 #f;d4 each net4      
,,volume ,i4     ,contains a            
,translation of the 7,isha1 ,kena1      

,kat4ha1    ,prashna1 ,mun4d4aka1 and   
,man4d4ukya    ,upanis4hads1 with a     
,general ,preamble1 ,arguments1 and     
,notes    by ,g4 ,r4 ,s4 ,mead and ,j4  
,c4 ,chat4t4opadhyaya 7,roy             
,choudhuri74     ,,volume ,,ii4         
,contains a ,translation of the         
,taittirya1 ,aitareya1 and              
,shvetashvatara ,upanis4hads1 with      
,arguments and ,notes4