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omthroughdi#jj;dascuoft      ,,freedom  
,,through ,,disobedience  by  ,c4 ,r4   
,,das ,president of the #cgth ,indian   
,national ,congress1 ,gaya1 #aibb4      
,arka ,publishing ,house1 ,george ,town1
 ,madras4 #aibb  ,imperial ,book ,depot1
 ,delhi4  ,printed at the ,manoranjini  
,press1 ,sowcarpet1 ,madras4            
,,freedom ,,through ,,disobedience  ,the
 following is the full text of the      
,presidential ,address of ,desabhandhu  
,c4 ,r4 ,das at the thirty-seventh      
session of the ,indian ,national        
,congress held at ,gaya on #bfth        

,december #aibb3--  ,,sisters ,,and     
,,brothers1--  ,as ,i stand before you  
to-day1 a sense of overwhelming loss    
overtakes me1 and ,i can scarce give    
expression to what is uppermost in the  
minds of all and everyone of us4 ,after 
a memorable battle which he gave to the 
,bureaucracy1 ,mahatma ,gandhi has been 
seized and cast into prison2 and we     
shall not have his guidance in the      
proceedings of the ,congress this year4 
,but there is inspiration for all of us 
in the last stand which he made in the  
citadel of the enemy1 in the last       
defiance which he hurled at the agents  
of the ,bureaucracy4 ,to read a story   
equal in pathos1 in dignity1 and in     
sublimity you have to go back over two  
thousand years1 when ,jesus of          
,nazareth1 as one that perverted the    
people stood to take his trial before a 
foreign tribunal4  ,and ,jesus stood    
before the ,governor3 and the ,governor 
asked him saying1 ,art thou the king of 
the ,jews8 ,and ,jesus said unto him1   

,thou sayest4  ,and when he has accused 
of the chief priests and elders1 he     
answered nothing4  ,then said ,pilate   
unto him1 ,hearest thou not how many    
things they witness against thee8  ,and 
he answered him too never a word2       
insomuch that the ,governor marvelled   
greatly4  ,mahatma ,gandhi took a       
different course4 ,he admitted that he  
was guilty1 and he pointed out to the   
public ,prosecutor1 that his guilt was  
greater than he1 the ,prosecutor1 had   
alleged2 but he maintained that if he   
had offended against the law of         
,bureaucracy in so offending1 he had    
obeyed the law of ,god4 ,if ,i may      
hazard a guess1 the ,judge who tried him
 and who passed a sentence of           
imprisonment on him was filled with the 
same feeling of marvel as ,pontius      
,pilate had been4  ,great in taking     
decisions1 great in executing them1     
,mahatma ,gandhi was incomparably great 
in the last stand which he made on      
behalf of his country4 ,he is           

undoubtedly one of the greatest men that
 the world has ever seen4 ,the world    
hath need of him and if he is mocked and
 jeered at by the people of importance1 
the people with a stake in the          
country--,scribes and ,pharisees of the 
days of ,christ he will be gratefully   
remembered now and always by a nation   
which he led from victory to victory4   
,,law ,,and ,,order  ,gentlemen1 the    
time is a critical one and it is        
important to seize upon the real issue  
which divides the people from the       
,bureaucracy and its ,indian allies4    
,during the period of repression which  
began about this time last year1 it was 
this issue which pressed itself on our  
attention4 ,this policy of repression   
was supported and in some cases         
instigated by the ,moderate ,leaders who
 are in the ,executive ,government4 ,i  
do not charge those who supported the   
,government with dishonesty or want of  
patriotism4 ,i say they were led away by
 the battle cry of ,law and ,order4 ,and

 it is because ,i believe that there is 
a fundamental confusion of thought      
behind this attitude of mind that ,i    
propose to discuss this plea of ,law and
 ,order4 ,law and ,order has indeed been
 the last refuge of ,bureaucracies all  
over the world4  ,it has been gravely   
asserted not only by the ,bureaucracy   
but also by its apologists1 the         
,moderate ,party1 that a settled        
,government is the first necessity of   
any people and that the subject has no  
right to present his grievances except  
in a constitutional way1 by which ,i    
understand in some way recognised by the
 constitution4 ,if you cannot actively  
co-operate in the maintenance of the law
 of the land they say1 it is your duty  
as a responsible citizen to obey it     
passively4 ,non-resistance is the least 
that the ,government is entitled to     
expect from you4  ,this is the whole    
political philosophy of the             
,bureaucracy--the maintenance of law and
 order on the part of the ,government1  

and an attitude of passive obedience and
 non-resistance on the part of the      
subject4 ,but was not that the political
 philosophy of every ,english ,king from
 ,william the ,conqueror to ,james ,,ii8
 ,and was not that the political        
philosophy of the ,romanoffs1 the       
,hohenzollerns and of the ,bourbons8    
,and yet freedom has come1 where it has 
come1 by disobedience of the very laws  
which were proclaimed in the name of law
 and order4 ,where the ,government is   
arbitrary and despotic and the          
fundamental rights of the people are not
 recognised1 it is idle to talk of law  
and order4  ,the doctrine has apparently
 made its way to this country from      
,england4 ,i shall1 therefore1 refer to 
,english history to find out the truth  
about this doctrine4 ,that history has  
recorded that most of the despots in    
,england who exercised arbitrary sway   
over the people proposed to act for the 
good of the people and for the          
maintenance of law and order4 ,english  

absolutism from the ,normans down to the
 ,stuarts tried to put itself on a      
constitutional basis through the process
 of this very law and order4 ,the       
pathetic speech delivered by ,charles   
,i4 just before his execution puts the  
whole doctrine in a nutshell4 ,for the  
people1 he said1 truly ,i desire their  
liberty and freedom as much as anybody  
whatsoever1 but ,i must tell you that   
their liberty and freedom consist in    
having ,government1 those laws by which 
their lives and their goods may be their
 own4 ,it is not their having a share in
 the ,government1 that is nothing       
appertaining to them4 ,a subject and a  
sovereign are clear different things4   
,the doctrine of law and order could not
 be stated with more admirable          
clearness4 ,but though the ,english     
kings acted constitutionally in the     
sense that their acts were in accordance
 with the letter of law and were covered
 by precedents1 the subjects always     
claimed that they were free to assert   

their fundamental rights and to wrest   
them from the king by force or          
insurrections4 ,the doctrine of law and 
order received a rude shock when ,king  
,john was obliged to put his signature  
to the ,magna ,charta on the #aeth of   
,june1 #abae4 ,the #fast clause of the  
,charter is important for our purpose   
securing as it did to the subject the   
liberty of rebellion as a means for     
enforcing the due observance of the     
,charter by the ,crown4 ,adams1 a       
celebrated writer of ,english           
,constitutional ,history1 says that the 
conditional right to rebel is as much at
 the foundation of the ,english         
,constitution to-day as it was in #abae4
 ,but though the doctrine of law and    
order had received a rude shock it did  
not altogether die2 for in the          
intervening period the ,crown claimed   
and asserted the right to raise money1  
not only by indirect taxes but also by  
forced loans and benevolences2 and      
frequently exercised large legislative  

functions not only by applying what are 
known as suspending and dispensing      
powers but also by issuing              
proclamations4 ,the ,crown claimed1 as  
,hallam says1 not only a kind of        
supplemental right of legislation to    
perfect and carry out what the spirit of
 existing laws might require but also a 
paramount supremacy1 called sometimes   
the king's absolute or sovereign power  
which sanctioned commands beyond the    
legal prerogative1 for the sake of      
public safety whenever the ,council     
might judge that to be in hazard4 ,by   
the time of the ,stuarts the powers     
claimed by the ,crown were recognised by
 the courts of law as well founded1 and1
 to quote the words of ,adams1 the forms
 of law became the engines for the      
perpetration of judicial murders4 ,it is
 necessary to remember that it was the  
process of law and order that helped to 
consolidate the powers of the ,crown2   
for it was again and again laid down by 
the ,court of ,exchequer that the power 

of taxation was vested in the ,crown1   
where it was for the general benefit of 
the people4 ,as ,adams says1 the        
,stuarts asserted a legal justification 
for everything done by them1 and1 on the
 whole1 history was with the king4  ,but
 how did the ,commons meet this         
assertion of law and order8 ,they were  
strict non-co-operators both within and 
outside the ,parliament4 ,within the    
,parliament they again and again refused
 to vote supplies unless their          
grievances were redressed4 ,the ,king   
retorted by raising ,customs duties on  
his own initiative and the courts of law
 supported him4 ,the ,commons passed a  
resolution to the effect that persons   
paying them should be reputed betrayers 
of the liberties of ,england and enemies
 to the same4 ,there was little doubt   
that revolution was on the land2 and    
,king ,charles finding himself in       
difficulty gave his ,royal ,assent to   
the ,bill of ,rights on the #agth of    
,june #afbf4 ,the ,bill of ,rights      

constitutes a triumph for ,n4 ,c4 ,o's2 
for it was by their refusal to have any 
part or share in the administration of  
the country that the ,commons compelled 
the ,king to acknowledge their ,rights4 
,the events that followed between #afbi 
and #afdj made the history of ,england4 
,in spite of the ,bill of ,rights the   
,king continued to raise customs duties 
and ,elliot and his friends were put on 
their trial4 ,they refused to plead and 
the result was disastrous for the       
arbitrary power of the ,king4 ,the ,king
 levied ship money on the nation4 ,the  
chief constables of various places      
replied that the sherrifs had no        
authority to assess or tax any man      
without the consent of the ,parliament4 
,on the refusal on the part of the      
people to pay the taxes1 their cattle   
was destrained and no purchaser could be
 found for them4 ,the ,king took the    
opinion of the ,exchequer ,court on the 
question when the good and the safety of
 the kingdom is concerned and the whole 

kingdom is in danger4 ,mark how the     
formula has been copied verbatim in the 
,government of ,india ,act4 ,may not the
 king command all the subjects of his   
kingdom1 to provide and furnish such a  
number of ships with men1 victuals and  
munitions and for such time as he shall 
think fit for the defence and safeguard 
of the ,kingdom from such peril--again  
the formula and by law compel the doing 
thereof in case of refusal any          
refractoriness8 ,and whether in such    
case is not the ,king the sole judge1   
both of the danger and when and how the 
same is to be prevented8 ,the ,judges   
answered in the affirmative and         
maintained the answer in the celebrated 
case which ,hampden brought before them4
  ,i desire to emphasise one point and  
that is that throughout the long and    
bitter struggle between the ,stuarts and
 ,parliament1 the ,stuarts acted for the
 maintenance of ,law and ,order1 and    
there is no doubt that both law and     
history were on their side4 ,on the eve 

of the ,civil ,war1 the question that   
divided the parties was this3 could the 
,crown1 in the maintenance of ,law and  
,order1 claim the passive obedience of  
the subject or was there any power of   
resistance in the subject1 though that  
resistance might result in disorder and 
in breaches of law8 ,the adherents of   
the ,parliament stood for power and the 
majesty of the people1 the authority and
 independence of ,parliament1 individual
 liberty1 the right to resist and the   
right to compel abdication and          
deposition of the ,crown1 in a word1    
they stood by them against the coercive 
power of the ,state4 ,the adherence of  
the ,crown stood for indefeasible       
rights--a right to claim passive        
obedience and secure non-resistance on  
the part of the subject through the     
process of ,law and ,order2 in a word1  
they stood for ,state coercion and      
compulsory co-operation against         
individual liability4  ,the issue was   
decided in favour of ,parliament but as 

it must happen in every war of arms1 the
 victory for individual liberty was only
 temporary4 ,though the result of ,civil
 ,war was disastrous from the point of  
view of individual liberty1 and though  
it required another revolution--this    
time1 a non-violent revolution--to put  
individual liberty on a sure foundation 
the knowledge that the subject had sat  
in rude judgment on their ,king1 man to 
man1 speeded the slow emancipation of   
the mind from the shackles of custom and
 ancient reverence4  ,the ,revolution of
 #afhh--;a bloodless revolution--secured
 for ,england that ,rule of ,law which  
is the only sure foundation for the     
maintenance of ,law and ,order4 ,it     
completed the work which the ,long      
,parliament had begun and which the     
execution of ,charles ,i4 had           
interrupted4 ,but how was the peaceful  
revolution of #afhh brought about8 ,by  
defiance of authority and by rigid      
adherence to the principle that it is   
the inalienable right of the subject to 

resist the exercise by the executive of 
wide1 arbitrary or discretionary powers 
of constraint4  ,the principle for which
 the revolution of #afhh stood was      
triumphantly vindicated in the          
celebrated case of ,dr4 ,sacheverell4   
,in the course of a sermon which he had 
preached1 he gave expression to the     
following sentiment4 ,the grand security
 of our ,government and the very pillar 
upon which it stands is founded upon the
 steady belief of the subjects'         
obligation to an absolute and           
unconditional obedience to the supreme  
power in all things lawful and the utter
 illegality of resistance on any        
pretence whatsoever4 ,this is the       
doctrine of passive obedience and       
non-resistance the doctrine of law and  
order1 which is proclaimed to-day by    
every bureaucrat in the country1 foreign
 or domestic and which is supposed to be
 the last word on the subjects' duty and
 ,government's rights4 ,but mark how    
they solved the problem in ,england in  

#agaj4 ,the ,commons impeached ,dr4     
,sacheverell giving expression to a view
 so destructive of individual liberty   
and the ,lords by a majority of votes   
found him guilty4 ,the speeches         
delivered in the course of the trial are
 interesting4 ,i desire to quote a few  
sentences from some of those speeches4  
,sir ,joseph ,jekyll in the course of   
his speech said1 that as the ,law is the
 only measure of the ,princes' authority
 and the peoples' subjection1 so the law
 derives its being and efficacy from    
common consent2 and to place it on any  
other foundation than common consent is 
to take away the obligation4 ,this      
notion of common consent puts both      
prince and people under1 to observe the 
laws4  ,my ,lords1 as the doctrine of   
unlimited non-resistance was impliedly  
renounced by the whole nation in the    
resolution1 so diverse ,acts of         
,parliament afterwards passed expressing
 their renunciation1 444 and1 therefore 
,i shall only say that it can never be  

supposed that the laws were made to set 
up a despotic power to destroy          
themselves and to warrant subversion of 
a constitution of a ,government which   
they were designed to establish and     
defend4 ,mr4 ,walpole put the whole     
argument in a nutshell when he said1 the
 doctrine of unlimited1 unconditional   
passive obedience was first invented to 
support arbitrary and despotic power and
 was never promoted or countenanced by  
any ,government that had not designs    
sometime or other of making use of it4  
,the argument against the doctrine of   
,law and ,order could not be put more   
clearly or forcibly1 for his argument   
comes to this3 that the doctrine is not 
an honest one if law and order is the   
process by which absolution consolidates
 its powers and strengthens its hand4 ,i
 will make one more quotation and that  
is from the speech of ,major-,gen4      
,stanhope4 ,as to the doctrine itself of
 absolute non-resistance1 it should seem
 needless to prove by argument that it  

is inconsistent with the law of reason1 
with the law of ,nature and with the    
practice of all ages and countries4444  
,and indeed one may appeal to the       
practice of all ,churches and of all    
states and of all nations in the world1 
how they behaved themselves when they   
found their civil and religious         
constitutions invaded and oppressed by  
tyranny4  ,this then is the history of  
the freedom movement in ,england4 ,the  
conclusion is irresistible that it is   
not by acquiescence in the doctrine of  
,law and ,order that the ,english people
 have obtained the recognition of their 
fundamental rights4 ,it follows from the
 survey that ,i have made firstly that  
no regulation is law unless it is based 
on the consent of the people2 secondly  
where such consent is wanting the people
 are under no obligation to obey2       
thirdly1 where such laws are not only   
not based on the consent of the people  
but profess to attack their fundamental 
rights the subjects are entitled to     

compel their withdrawal by force or     
insurrections2 fourthly1 that ,law and  
,order is and has always been a plea for
 absolutism and lastly there can be     
neither law nor order before the real   
reign of ,law begins4  ,i have dealt    
with the question at some length as the 
question is a vital one and there are   
many ,moderates who still think that it 
is the duty of every loyal subject to   
assist the ,government in the           
maintenance of ,law and ,order4 ,the    
personal liberty of every ,indian to-day
 depends to a great extent on the       
exercise by persons in authority of     
wide1 arbitrary or discretionary powers4
 ,where such powers are allowed the rule
 of law is denied4 ,to find out the     
extent to which this exploded doctrine  
of ,law and ,order influences the minds 
of sober and learned men we have only to
 read the report of the ,committee      
appointed to examine the repressive     
laws4 ,you will find in the report      
neither the vision of the patriot nor   

the wisdom of the statesman2 but you    
will find an excessive worship of that  
much advertised but much misunderstood  
phrase ,law and ,order4 ,why is         
,regulation ,,iii of #ahah to be amended
 and kept on the ,statute ,book8        
,because for the protection of the      
frontiers of ,india and the fulfilment  
of the responsibility of the ,government
 of ,india in relation to ,indian       
,states there must be some enactment to 
arm the executive with powers to        
restrict the movements and activities of
 certain persons1 who though not coming 
within the scope of any criminal law    
have to be put under some measure of    
restraint4 ,why are the ,indian         
,criminal ,law ,amendment ,act #aijh and
 the ,prevention of ,seditious ,meetings
 ,act #aiaa to be retained on the       
,statute ,book8 ,for the preservation of
 law and order8 ,they little think these
 learned gentlemen responsible for the  
report that these ,statutes1 giving as  
they do to the ,executive wide1         

arbitrary and discretionary powers of   
constraint1 constitute a state of things
 wherein it is the duty of every        
individual to resist and to defy the    
tyranny of such lawless laws4 ,these    
,statutes in themselves constitute a    
breach of law and order1 for1 law and   
order is the result of the rule of law2 
and where you deny the existence of the 
rule of law1 you cannot turn round and  
say it is your duty as law-abiding      
citizens to obey the law4  ,we have had 
abundance of this law and order during  
the last few years of our ,national     
,history4 ,the last affront delivered to
 the nation1 was the promulgation of an 
executive order under the authority of  
the ,criminal ,law ,amendment ,act      
making the legitimate work of ,congress 
,volunteers illegal and criminal4 ,this 
was supported by our ,moderate friends  
on the ground that it is the duty of the
 law-abiding subject to support the     
maintenance of law and order4 ,the      
doctrine1 as ,i said before1 has        

travelled all the way from the shores of
 ,england4 ,but may ,i ask--is there one
 argument advanced to-day by the        
,bureaucracy and its friends which was  
not advanced with equal clearness by the
 ,stuarts8 ,when the ,stuarts arrogated 
to themselves a discretionary power of  
committing to prison all persons who    
were on any account obnoxious to the    
,court1 they made the excuse that the   
power was necessary for the safety of   
the nation4 ,and the power was resisted 
in ,england1 not because it was never   
exercised for the safety of the nation1 
but because the existence of the power  
was inconsistent with the existence1 at 
the same time of individual liberty4    
,when the ,stuarts claimed the right to 
legislate by proclamation and by the    
wide exercise of suspending and         
dispensing powers they did so on the    
express ground that such legislation was
 necessary for public safety4 ,that     
right was denied by the ,english nation1
 not because such legislation was not   

necessary for public safety but because 
such right could not co-exist with the  
fundamental right of the nation to      
legislate for itself4 ,is the power of  
the ,governor-,general to certify that  
the passage of a ,bill is essential for 
safety or tranquility or interest of    
,british ,india1 any different from the 
power claimed by the ,stuarts8 ,there is
 indeed a striking resemblance between  
the power conferred on the              
,governor-,general and the ,governors of
 the provinces and the powers claimed by
 the ,tudors and the ,stuarts4 ,when the
 ,stuarts claimed the right to raise    
revenue on their own initiative1 they   
disclaimed any intention to exercise    
such right except when the good and     
safety of the kingdom in general is     
concerned and the whole kingdom is in   
danger4 ,that right was resisted in     
,england1 not because the revenues      
raised by them were not necessary for   
the good and safety of the kingdom1 but 
because that right was inconsistent with

 the fundamental right of the people to 
pay such taxes only as were determined  
by the representatives of the people for
 the people4 ,is the power conferred on 
the ,governor to certify that the       
expenditure provided for by a particular
 demand not assented to by the          
legislature is essential to the         
discharge of his responsibility for the 
subjects1 any different from the power  
claimed by the ,stuarts8 ,it should be  
patent to everybody that we do not live 
under any history of ,england as        
proclaimed that it is idle to talk of   
the maintenance of law and order when   
large discretionary powers of constraint
 are vested in the executive4 ,the      
manhood of ,england triumphantly        
resisted the pretensions of ,law and    
,order4 ,if there is manhood in ,india  
to-day1 ,india will successfully resist 
the same pretensions1 advanced by the   
,indian ,bureaucracy4  ,i have quoted   
from ,english ,history at length1       
because the argument furnished by that  

history appeals to people who are       
frightened by popular movement into     
raising the cry of law and order4       
,follow the lines laid down in that     
,history4 ,for myself1 ,i oppose the    
pretensions of law and order not on     
historical precedent1 but on the ground 
that it is the inalienable right of     
every individual and of every nation to 
stand on truth and to offer a stubborn  
resistance to the promulgation of       
lawless laws4 ,there was a law in the   
time of ,christ which forbade the people
 from eating on the ,sabbath1 but       
allowed the priests to profane ,sabbath4
 ,and how ,christs dealt with the law is
 narrated in the ,new ,testament4  ,at  
that time ,jesus went on the ,sabbath   
day through the corn2 and his disciples 
were an hungered1 and began to pluck the
 ear of corn and to eat4  ,but when the 
,pharisses saw it1 they said unto him1  
,behold1 thy disciples do that which is 
not lawful to do upon the ,sabbath day4 
,but he said unto them1 have we not read

 what ,david did1 when he was an        
hungered and they that were with him2   
,how he entered into the ,house of ,god 
and did eat the shew bread1 which was   
not lawful for him to eat1 neither for  
them which were with him1 but only for  
the priests8  ,or have we not read in   
the law1 how that on the ,sabbath days  
the priests in the temple profaned the  
,sabbath and are blameless8  ,the truth 
is that law and order is for man1 and   
not man for law and order4 ,the         
development of nationality is a sacred  
task and anything which impedes that    
task is an obstacle which the very force
 and power of nationality must overcome4
 ,if therefore you interpose a doctrine 
to impede the task why1 the doctrine    
must go4 ,if you have recourse to law   
and order to establish and defend the   
rule of law1 then your law and order is 
entitled to claim the respect of all    
law-abiding citizens1 but1 as soon as   
you have recourse to it not to establish
 and defend the rule of law1 but to     

destroy and attack it1 there is no      
longer any obligation on us to respect  
it1 for a ,higher ,law1 the virtual law1
 the ,law of ,god compels to offer our  
stubborn resistance to it4 ,when ,i find
 something put forward in the sacred    
name of law and order that it is        
deliberately intended to hinder the     
growth1 the development1 and the        
self-realization of the nation1 ,i have 
no hesitation whatever in proclaiming   
that such law and order is an outrage on
 man and an insult to ,god4  ,but though
 our ,moderate friends are often deluded
 by the battle cry of law and order1 ,i 
rejoice when ,i hear that cry4 ,it means
 that the ,bureaucracy is in danger and 
that the ,bureaucracy has realised its  
danger4 ,it is not without reason that  
the false issue is raised and the fact a
 false issue has been raised fills me   
with hope and courage4 ,i ask my        
countrymen to be patient and to press   
the charge4 ,freedom has already        
advanced when the alarm of law and order

 is sounded2 that is the history of     
,bureaucracies all over the world4  ,in 
the meantime it is our duty to keep our 
ideal steadfast4 ,we must not forget    
that we are on the eve of great changes1
 that world forces are working all      
around us and that the battle of freedom
 has yet to be won4   ,,nationalism3    
,,the ,,ideal  ,what is the ideal which 
we must set before us8 ,the first and   
foremost is the ideal of nationalism4   
,now what is ,nationalism8 ,it is1 ,i   
conceive1 a process through which a     
nation expresses itself and finds       
itself1 not in isolation from other     
nations but1 as part of a great scheme  
by which1 in seeking its own expression 
and therefore its own identity1 it      
materially assists the self-expression  
and self-realization of other nations as
 well4 ,diversity is as real as ,unity4 
,and in order that the unity of the     
world may be established it is essential
 that each nationality should proceed on
 its own lines and find fulfilment in   

self-expression and self-realisation4   
,the ,nationality of which ,i am        
speaking must not be confused with the  
conception of nationality as it exists  
in ,europe to-day4 ,nationalism in      
,europe is an aggressive nationalism1 a 
selfish nationalism1 a commercial       
nationalism of gain and loss4 ,the gain 
of ,france is a loss of ,germany1 and   
the gain of ,germany is a loss of       
,france4 ,therefore ,french nationalism 
is nurtured on the hatred of ,germany   
and ,german nationalism is nurtured in  
the hatred of ,france4 ,it is not yet   
realised that you cannot hurt ,germany  
without hurting ,humanity and in        
consequence hurting ,france2 and that   
you cannot hurt ,france without hurting 
,humanity1 and in consequence hurting   
,germany4 ,that is ,european            
nationalism2 that is not the nationalism
 of which ,i am speaking to you to-day4 
,i contend that each nationality        
constitutes a particular stream of the  
great unity1 but no nation can fulfil   

itself until it becomes itself and at   
the same time realises its identity with
 ,humanity4 ,the whole problem of       
nationalism is therefore to find that   
stream and to face the destiny4 ,if you 
find the current and establish a        
continuity with the past1 then the      
process of self-expression has begun1   
and nothing can stop the growth of      
nationality4  ,throughout the pages of  
,indian history1 ,i find a great purpose
 unfolding itself4 ,movement after      
movement has swept over this vast       
country1 apparently creating hostile    
forces1 but in reality stimulating the  
vitality and moulding the life of the   
people into one great nationality4 ,if  
the ,aryans and the non-,aryans met1 it 
was for the purpose of making one people
 out of them4 ,brahmanism with its great
 culture succeeded in binding the whole 
of ,india and was indeed a mighty       
unifying force4 ,buddhism with its      
protests against ,brahmanism served the 
same great historical purposes and from 

,magadha to ,taxila was one great       
,buddhistic empire which succeeded not  
only in broadening the basis of ,indian 
unity1 but in creating what is perhaps  
more important1 the greater ,india      
beyond the ,himalayas and beyond the    
seas1 so much so that the sacred city   
where we have met may be regarded as a  
place of pilgrimage of millions and     
millions of people of ,asiatic races4   
,then came the ,mahomedans of divers    
races1 but with one culture which was   
their common heritage4 ,for a time it   
looked as if there was a disintegrating 
force1 an enemy to the growth of ,indian
 nationalism1 but the ,mahomedans made  
their home in ,india1 and1 while they   
brought a new outlook and a wonderful   
vitality to the ,indian life1 with      
infinite wisdom1 they did as little as  
possible to disturb the growth of life  
in the villages where ,india really     
lives4 ,this new outlook was necessary  
for ,india3 and if the two sister       
streams met1 it was only to fulfil      

themselves and face the destiny of      
,indian history4 ,then came the ,english
 with their alien culture1 their foreign
 methods1 delivering a rude shock to    
this growing nationality2 but the shock 
has only completed the unifying process 
so that the purpose of history is       
practically fulfilled4 ,the great       
,indian nationality is in sight4 ,it    
already stretches its hands across the  
,himalayas not only to ,asia but to the 
whole of the world1 not aggressively1   
but to demand its recognition1 and to   
offer its contribution1 ,i desire to    
emphasise that there is no hostility    
between the ideal of nationality and    
that of world-peace4 ,nationalism is the
 process through which alone will       
world-peace come4 ,a full and unfettered
 growth of nationalism is necessary for 
world-peace just as a full and          
unfettered growth of individuals is     
necessary for nationality4 ,it is the   
conception of aggressive nationality in 
,europe that stands in the way of peace2

 but once the truth is grasped that it  
is not possible for a nation to inflict 
a loss on another nation without at the 
same time inflicting a loss on itself1  
the problem of ,humanity is solved4 ,the
 essential truth of nationality lies in 
this1 that it is necessary for each     
nation to develop itself1 express itself
 and realise itself1 so that ,humanity  
itself may develop itself1 express      
itself and realise itself4 ,it is my    
belief that this truth of nationality   
will endure1 although1 for the moment1  
unmindful of the real issue1 the nations
 are fighting amongst themselves and1 if
 ,i am not mistaken1 it is the very     
instinct of selfishness and             
self-preservation which will ultimately 
solve the problem1 not the narrow and   
the mistaken selfishness of the present1
 but a selfishness universalized by     
intellect and transfigured by spirit1 a 
selfishness that will bring home to the 
nations of the world that in the efforts
 to put down their neighbours lies their

 own ruin and suppression4  ,we have1   
therefore1 to foster the spirit of      
,nationality4 ,true development of the  
,indian nation must necessarily lie in  
the path of ,swaraj4 ,a question has    
often been asked as to what is ,swaraj4 
,swaraj is indefinable and is not to be 
confused with any particular system of  
,government4 ,there is also the         
difference in the world between         
,swarajya and ,samrajya4 ,swaraj is the 
natural expression of the national mind4
 ,the full outward expression of that   
mind covers1 and must necessarily cover1
 the whole life history of a nation4    
,yet it is true that ,swaraj begins when
 the true development of a nation       
begins1 because1 as ,i have said1       
,swaraj is the expression of the        
national mind4  ,the question of        
nationalism1 therefore1 looked at from  
another point of view1 is the same      
question as that of ,swaraj4 ,the       
question of all questions in ,india     
to-day is the attainment of ,swaraj4    

,,non-,,violent ,,non-,,co-,,operation  
,i now come to the question of method4  
,i have to repeat that it has been      
proved beyond any doubt that the method 
of non-violent non-co-operation is the  
only method which we must follow to     
secure a system of ,government which may
 in reality be the foundation of        
,swaraj4 ,it is hardly necessary to     
discuss the philosophy of               
non-co-operation4 ,i shall simply state 
the different view-points from which    
this question may be discussed4 ,from   
the national point of view the method of
 non-co-operation means the attempt of  
the nation to concentrate upon its own  
energy and to stand on its own strength4
 ,from the ethical point of view1       
non-co-operation means the method of    
self-purification1 the withdrawal from  
that which is injurious to the          
development of the nation1 and therefore
 to the good of humanity4 ,from the     
spiritual point of view ,swaraj means   
that isolation which in the language of 

,sadhana is called protyahar--that      
withdrawal from the forces which are    
foreign to our nature--an isolation and 
withdrawal which is necessary in order  
to bring out from our hidden depths the 
soul of the nation in all her glory4 ,i 
do not desire to labour the point1 but  
from every conceivable point of view1   
the method of non-violent               
non-co-operation must be regarded as the
 true method of following in the path of
 ,swaraj4   ,,force ,,and ,,violence    
,doubt has1 however1 been expressed in  
some quarters about the soundness of the
 principle of non-violence4 ,i cannot   
refuse to acknowledge that there is a   
body of ,indian opinion within the      
country as well as outside according to 
which non-violence is an ideal          
abstraction incapable of realisation1   
and that the only way in which ,swaraj  
can ever be attained is by the          
application of force and violence4 ,i do
 not for a moment question the sacrifice
 and patriotism of those who hold this  

view4 ,i know that some of them have    
suffered for the cause which they       
believe to be true4 ,but may ,i be      
permitted to point out that apart from  
any question of principle1 history has  
proved over and over again the utter    
futility of revolutions brought about by
 force and violence4 ,i am one of those 
who hold to non-violence on principle4  
,but let us consider the question of    
expediency4 ,is it possible to attain   
,swaraj by violent means8 ,the answer   
which history gives is an emphatic ,no4 
,take all the formidable revolutions of 
the world4   ,,the ,,french ,,revolution
  ,the history of the ,french           
,revolution is the history of a struggle
 at the first instance between the      
,crown and the nobility on one side and 
the ,representative ,assemblies with    
armed ,paris on the other4 ,both took to
 violence1 one to the bayonet and the   
other to the pike4 ,the pike succeeded  
because the bayonet was held with       
uncertain hands4 ,and then1 as is usual 

after the victory gained with violence1 
the popular party was sharply divided   
between two sections--the ,girondins and
 the ,jacobins4 ,again there was an     
appeal to force4 ,the ,girondins asked  
the provinces to rise in arms1 the      
,jacobins asked ,paris to rise in arms4 
,paris being nearer and stronger1 the   
,girondins were defeated and sent to the
 guillotine--the ,jacobins seized the   
power4 ,but it did not take them many   
months to fall out among themselves4    
,first ,robespierre and ,danton sent    
,hebert and ,chanmette to the           
guillotine1 then ,robespierre sent      
,danton to the guillotine4 ,robespierre 
in his turn was guillotined by ,collot1 
,billand and ,tallien4 ,these men again 
were banished by others to the far-off  
,south ,america4 ,if there was a slight 
difference of views between the         
,girondins and the ,jacobins there was  
practically none between the different  
sections of the ,jacobins4 ,the whole   
question was which of the various       

sections was to rule ,france4 ,force    
gave way to stronger force and at last  
under ,napoleon1 ,france experienced a  
despotism similar to if not worse than  
the despotism of ,louis ,,xiv4 ,as      
regards liberty there was not more      
liberty in ,france under the terrible   
,committee of ,public ,safety1 and      
,napoleon than under ,louis ,,xiv or    
,louis ,,xv4 ,the law of ,prairial was  
certainly much worse than ,lettres de   
,cachet4 ,and the people--8 ,on the     
,pont au ,change1 on the ,place de      
,greve1 in long sheds1 ,mercier1 at the 
end of the ,revolution1 saw working men 
at their repast4 ,one's allotment of    
daily bread had sunk to an ounce and a  
half4 ,plates containing each three     
grilled herrings1 sprinkled with shorn  
onions1 wetted with a little vinegar2 to
 this add some morsel of boiled prunes1 
and lentils swimming in a clear sauce2  
at these frogal tables ,i have seen them
 ranged by the hundred2 consuming1      
without bread1 their scant messes1 far  

too moderate for the keenness of their  
appetite1 and the extent of their       
stomach4 ,seine water1 remarks ,carlyle 
grimly--rushing plenteous by1 will      
supply the deficiency4 ,one cannot      
forget the exclamation of ,carlyle in   
this connection3  ,o ,man of ,toil6 ,thy
 struggling and thy daring1 these six   
long years of insurrection and          
tribulation1 thou hast profited nothing 
by it1 then8 ,thou consumest thy herring
 and water1 in the blessed gold-red of  
evening4 ,o why was the ,earth so       
beautiful1 becrimsoned with dawn and    
twilight1 if man's dealings with man    
were to make it a vale of scarcity1 of  
tears1 not even soft tears8 ,destroying 
of ,bastilles1 discomfiting of          
,brunswicks1 fronting of ,principalities
 and ,powers1 of ,earth and ,tophet1 all
 that thou hast dared and endured1--it  
was for a ,republic of the ,saloons8    
,aristocracy of ,feudal ,parchment has  
passed away with a mighty rushing2 and  
now1 by a natural course1 we arrive at  

,aristocracy of the ,moneybag4 ,it is   
the course through which all ,european  
,societies are1 at this hour1           
travelling4 ,apparently a still baser   
sort of ,aristocracy8 ,an infinitely    
baser the basest yet known4  ,even      
to-day ,france is plodding her weary way
 towards ,swaraj4   ,,revolutions ,,in  
,,england  ,the history of ,england     
proves the same truth4 ,the revolution  
of the ,barons in #abae took away or    
purported to take away the power from   
the ,king but the power fell into the   
hands of the aristocracy1 and democracy 
did not share in the triumph of the     
,barons4 ,thus the great ,charter1 as a 
great historian has observed1 was thus  
not a ,charter of ,liberty but of       
liberties4 ,the revolution in the reign 
of ,charles ,i4 produced a new dictator 
who suppressed freedom4 ,the work which 
the ,long ,parliament began was         
interrupted by the ,revolution which    
followed the execution of the ,king1 and
 it required another ,revolution1 this  

time a bloodless ,revolution1 to        
complete the work4 ,i deny that the work
 is yet complete4 ,the continual class  
war and the obvious economic injustice  
do not proclaim that freedom which      
,england claimed for herself4 ,i        
maintain that no people has yet         
succeeded in winning freedom by force   
and violence4 ,the truth is that love of
 power is a formidable factor to be     
reckoned with1 and those who secure that
 power by violence will retain that     
power by violence4 ,the use of violence 
degenerates them who use it and it is   
not easy for them1 having seized the    
power1 to surrender it4 ,and they find  
it easier to carry on the work of their 
predecessor1 retaining their power in   
their own hands4 ,non-violence does not 
carry with it that degeneration which is
 inherent in the use of violence4       
,,revolutions ,,in ,,italy ,,and        
,,russia  ,the ,revolutions in ,italy   
and ,russia illustrate the same         
principle4 ,the ,italian ,revolution    

inspired by ,mazzini and worked out by  
,garibaldi and ,cavour1 did not result  
in the attainment of ,swaraj4 ,the      
freedom of ,italy is yet in the making1 
and the men and women of ,italy are     
to-day looking forward to another       
revolution4 ,if it results in a war of  
violence it will again defeat its       
purpose1 but only to allow ,freedom and 
,non-violence to triumph in the end4    
,the recent revolution in ,russia is a  
very interesting study4 ,the shape which
 it has now assumed is due to the       
attempt to force ,marxian doctrines and 
dogmas on the unwilling genius of       
,russia4 ,violence will again fail4 ,if 
,i have read the situation accurately ,i
 expect a counter-revolution4 ,the soul 
of ,russia must struggle to free herself
 from the socialism of ,carl ,marx4 ,it 
may be an independent movement or it may
 be that the present movement contains  
within itself the power of working out  
that freedom4 ,in the meantime the fate 
of ,russia is trembling in the balance4 

,,non-,,violent ,,non-,,co-,,operation3 
,,the ,,only ,,method  ,i believe in    
revolutions1 but ,i repeat1 violence    
defeats freedom4 ,the revolution of     
non-violence is slower but surer4 ,step 
by step the soul of the nation emerges  
and step by step the nation marches on  
in the path of ,swaraj4 ,the only method
 by which ,freedom can be attained in   
,india at any rate1 is the method of    
non-violent non-co-operation4 ,those who
 believe this method to be impracticable
 would do well to ponder over the ,akali
 movement4 ,when ,i saw the injuries of 
the wounded at ,amritsar and heard from 
their lips that not one of them had even
 wished to meet violence by violence1 in
 spite of such grave provocation1 ,i    
said to myself1 here was the triumph of 
non-violence4  ,non-violence is not an  
idle dream4 ,it was not in vain that    
,mahatma declared1 put up thy sword into
 the sheath4 ,let those who are of the  
truth hear his voice as those others    
heard a mightier voice two thousand     

years ago4  ,the attempt of the ,indian 
nation to attain ,swaraj by this method 
was1 however1 met by severe repression4 
,the time has come for us to estimate   
our success as well as our failure4 ,so 
far as repression is concerned1 it is   
easy to answer the question4 ,i have not
 the least doubt in my mind that the    
nation has triumphed over the repression
 which was started and continued to kill
 the soul of the movement4   ,,success  
,,of ,,non-,,violent                    
,,non-,,co-,,operation  ,but the        
question1 which agitates most minds1 is 
as to whether we have succeeded in our  
work of non-violent non-co-operation4   
,there is1 ,i am sorry to say1 a great  
deal of confusion of thought behind the 
question4 ,it is assumed that a movement
 must either succeed or fail1 whereas   
the truth is that human movements1 ,i am
 speaking of genuine movements1 neither 
altogether succeed nor altogether fail4 
,every genuine movement proceeds from an
 ideal1 and the ideal is always higher  

than the achievement4 ,take the ,french 
revolution4 ,was it a success8 ,was it a
 failure8 ,to predicate either would be 
a gross historical blunder4 ,was the    
non-co-operation movement in ,india a   
success8 ,yes1 a mighty success when we 
think of the desire for ,swaraj which it
 has succeeded in awakening throughout  
the length and breadth of this vast     
country4 ,it is a great success when we 
think of the practical result of such   
awakening1 in the money which the nation
 contributed1 in the enrolment of       
members of the ,indian ,national        
,congress and in the boycott of foreign 
cloth4 ,i go further and say that the   
practical achievement also consists of  
the loss of prestige suffered by        
,educational ,institutions and the      
,courts of ,law and the ,reformed       
,councils throughout the country4 ,if   
they are still resorted to1 it is       
because of the weakness of our          
countrymen4 ,the country has already    
expressed its strong desire to end these

 institutions4 ,yet it must be admitted 
that from another point of view1 when we
 assess the measure of our success in   
the spirit of ,arithmetic1 we are face  
to face with the petty done and the     
undone vast4 ,there is much which       
remains to be accomplished4             
,non-violence has to be more firmly     
established4 ,the work of               
non-co-operation has to be strengthened1
 and the field of non-co-operation has  
to be extended4 ,we must be firm but    
reasonable4 ,the spirit of sacrifice has
 got to be further strengthened1 and we 
must proceed with the work of           
destruction and creation more vigorously
 than before ,i say to our critics4 ,i  
admit we have failed in many directions1
 but will you also not admit our success
 where we have succeeded8   ,,charge    
,,of ,,corrupting ,,the ,,youths  ,we   
have been denounced by the ,moderates   
for having corrupted the youth of this  
country4 ,it has been asserted that we  
have taught sons to disobey their       

fathers1 the pupils1 their teachers and 
the subjects the ,government4 ,we plead 
guilty to the charge and we rely on     
every spiritual movement as argument in 
our support4 ,christ himself was tried  
for having corrupted the people1 and the
 answers which he gave in anticipation  
is as emphatic as it is instructive4    
,think not that ,i am come to send peace
 on earth4 ,i come not to send peace1   
but a sword4  ,for ,i am come to set a  
man at variance against his father and  
the daughter-in-law against her         
mother-in-law4   ,,charge ,,of          
,,hypocrisy  ,it has been said that with
 love on our lips we have been preaching
 the ,gospel of hatred4 ,never was such 
a vile slander uttered4 ,it may be we   
have failed to love1 it may be we lost  
ourselves some of us in hatred1 but that
 only shows our weakness and            
imperfectness4 ,judge us by our ideals1 
not by what we have achieved4 ,wherever 
we have fallen short of our ideal1 put  
it down to our weakness4 ,on behalf of  

the ,indian ,national ,congress ,i deny 
the charge of hypocrisy4 ,to those who  
are anxious to point out our defects1 ,i
 say with all humility4 ,my friends1 if 
you are weak1 come and join us and make 
us stronger4 ,if the ,leaders are       
worthless1 come and join us to lead1 and
 the leaders will stand aside4 ,if you  
do not believe in the ideal what is the 
use of always criticising us in the     
light of that ideal8 ,we need no critic 
to tell us how far we have fallen short 
of that ideal4 ,evidence of weakness has
 met me from every direction which ,i   
have looked4 ,but in spite of our       
defects of human weakness1 of human     
imperfection ,i feel bold enough to say 
that our victory is assured and that the
 ,bureaucracy knows that our victory is 
assured4   ,,how ,,to ,,apply ,,the     
,,non-,,violent ,n4 ,c4 ,o4 ,,method    
,but though the method of non-violent   
non-co-operation is sure and certain1 we
 have now to consider how best to apply 
that method to the existing             

circumstances of the country4 ,i do not 
agree with those who think that the     
spirit of the nation is so dead that    
non-violent non-co-operation is no      
longer possible4 ,i have given the      
matter my earnest thought and ,i desire 
to make it perfectly clear that there is
 absolutely no reason for entertaining  
any feelings of doubt or despair4 ,the  
outward appearance of the people to-day 
is somewhat deceptive4 ,they appear to  
be in a tired condition and a sense of  
fatigue has partially overcome them4    
,but beneath all this exterior of       
quietude1 the pulse of the nation beats 
as strongly as before and as hopefully  
as at the beginning of this movement4   
,we have to consolidate the strength of 
the nation4 ,we have to devise a plan of
 work which will stimulate their energy1
 so that we can accelerate our journey  
towards ,swaraj4 ,i shall place before  
you one by one the items of work which  
in my opinion the ,indian ,national     
,congress should prescribe for the      

nation4   ,,declaration ,,of ,,rights   
,it should commence its work for the    
year1 by a clearer declaration of rights
 of the different communities in ,india 
under the ,swaraj ,government4 ,so far  
as the ,hindus and ,mahomedans are      
concerned1 there should be a clear and  
emphatic confirmation of what is known  
as the ,lucknow pact and along with that
 there should be an emphatic insistence 
of each others' rights4 ,and each should
 be prepared to undergo some kind of    
sacrifice in favour of the other4 ,let  
me give an instant to make my meaning   
clear4 ,every devout ,mussalman objects 
to any music in front of a mosque and   
every devout and orthodox ,hindu objects
 to cows being slaughtered4 ,may not the
 ,hindus and ,mussalmans of ,india enter
 into a solemn pact so that there may   
not be any music before any mosque and  
that no cows may he slaughtered8 ,other 
instances may be quoted4 ,there should  
be a scheme of a series of sacrifices to
 be suffered by each community so that  

they may advance shoulder to shoulder in
 the path of ,swaraj4 ,as regards the   
other communities such as ,sikhs1       
,christians and ,parsees1 the ,hindus   
and ,mohamedans who constitute the bulk 
of the people should be prepared to give
 them even more than their proportional 
share in the ,swaraj administration1 ,i 
suggest that the ,congress should bring 
about real agreement between all these  
communities1 by which the rights of     
every minority should be clearly        
recognised in order to remove all doubts
 which may arise and all apprehensions  
which probably exist4 ,i need hardly add
 that ,i include among ,christians not  
only pure ,indians but also             
,anglo-,indians and other people who    
have chosen to make ,india their home4  
,such an agreement as ,i have indicated 
was always necessary but such an        
agreement is specially necessary in view
 of the work which faces us to-day4     
,,foreign ,,propaganda  ,i further think
 that the policy of exclusiveness which 

we have been following during the last  
two years be now abandoned4 ,there is in
 every country a number of people who   
are selfless followers of liberty and   
who desire to see every country free4   
,we can no longer afford to lose their  
sympathy and co-operation4 ,in my       
opinion there should be established     
,congress agencies in ,america and in   
every ,european country4 ,we must keep  
ourselves in touch with the world's     
movements and be in constant            
communication with the lovers of freedom
 all over the world4   ,,the ,,great    
,,asiatic ,,federation  ,even more      
important than this is the participation
 of ,india in the great ,asiatic        
,federation which ,i see in the course  
of formation4 ,i have hardly any doubt  
that the ,pan-,islamic movement which   
was started on a somewhat narrow basis  
has given way or is about to give way to
 the great ,federation of all ,asiatic  
people4 ,it is the union of the         
oppressed nationalities of ,asia4 ,is   

,india to remain outside the union8 ,i  
admit that our freedom must be won by   
ourselves1 but such a bond of friendship
 and love of sympathy and co-operation  
between ,india and the rest of ,asia1   
nay between ,india and all the          
liberty-loving people of the world is   
destined to bring about ,world ,peace4  
,world ,peace1 to my mind1 means the    
freedom of every nationality and ,i go  
further and say that no nation in the   
face of the earth can be really free    
when other nations are in bondage4 ,the 
policy which we have hitherto pursued1  
was absolutely necessary for the        
concentration of the work which we took 
upon ourselves to perform and ,i agreed 
to that policy whole-heartedly4 ,the    
hope of the attainment of ,swaraj or a  
substantial basis of ,swaraj in the     
course of the year made such            
concentration absolutely necessary4     
,to-day that very work demands broader  
sympathy and a wider outlook4           
,,demands ,,for ,,punjab ,,wrongs1      

,,khilafat ,,and ,,swaraj  ,we are on   
the eve of great changes1 and the       
world-forces are upon us4 ,the victory  
of ,kemal ,pasha has broken the bonds of
 ,asia and she is all astir with life4  
,it is ,prometheus who spoke within her1
 and 'her thoughts' are like the many   
forests of vale through which the might 
of whirlwind and rain had passed4 ,the  
stir within every ,european country for 
the real freedom of the people has also 
worked a marvellous transformation in   
the mentality of subject races4 ,that   
which was more or less a matter of      
,ideal has now come within the range of 
practical politics4 ,the ,indian nation 
has found out its bearings4 ,at such a  
time as this it is necessary for us to  
reconsider and to restate our demands4  
,our demands regarding the ,punjab      
wrongs have got to be restated because  
many of them have already been realised4
 ,our demands regarding ,khilafat have  
got to be reconsidered1 because some of 
them have already been worked out and we

 hope that before ,lausanne ,commission 
has finished their work very little of  
it will remain unrealised4 ,our demand  
for ,swaraj must now be presented in a  
more practical shape4 ,the ,congress    
should frame a clear scheme of what we  
mean by a system of government which may
 serve as a real foundation for ,swaraj4
 ,hitherto1 we have not defined any such
 system of ,government4 ,we have not    
done so advisedly as it was on the      
psychological aspect of ,swaraj that we 
concentrated our attention4 ,but        
circumstances to-day have changed4 ,the 
desire is making us impatient4 ,it is   
therefore the duty of the ,congress to  
place before the ,country a clear scheme
 of the system of ,government which we  
demand4 ,swaraj1 as ,i have said1 is    
indefinable and is not to be confused   
with any particular system of           
,government4 ,yet the national mind must
 express itself1 and although the full  
outward expression of ,swaraj covers the
 whole life history of a nation1 the    

formulation of such a demand cannot be  
any further delayed4   ,,scheme ,,of ,a 
,,government  ,it is hardly within the  
province of this address to deal with   
any detail scheme of any such           
,government4 ,i cannot1 however1 allow  
this opportunity to pass without giving 
you an expression of my opinion as to   
the character of that system of         
,government4 ,no system of ,government  
which is not for the people and by the  
people can even be regarded as the true 
foundation of ,swaraj4 ,i am firmly     
convinced that a parliamentary          
,government is not a government by the  
people and for the people4 ,many of us  
believe that the middle class must win  
,swaraj for the masses4 ,i do not       
believe in the possibility of any class 
movement being ever converted into a    
movement for ,swaraj4 ,if to-day the    
,british ,parliament grants ,provincial 
autonomy in the provinces with          
responsibility in the ,central          
,government1 ,i for one1 will protest   

against1 because that will inevitably   
lead to the concentration of the power  
in the hands of the middle class4 ,i do 
not believe that the middle class will  
then part with their power4 ,how will it
 profit ,india1 if in place of the      
,white ,bureaucracy that now rules over 
her1 there is substituted an ,indian    
,bureaucracy of the middle classes4     
,bureaucracy is ,bureaucracy and ,i     
believe that the very idea of ,swaraj is
 inconsistent with the existence of a   
,bureaucracy4 ,my ideal of ,swaraj will 
never be satisfied unless the people    
co-operate with us in its attainment4   
,any other attempt will inevitably lead 
to what ,european ,socialists call the  
,bourgeoise ,government4 ,in ,france and
 in other ,european countries it is the 
middle class who fought the battle of   
freedom and the result is that power is 
still in the hands of this class4       
,having usurped the power they are      
unwilling to face with it4 ,if to-day   
the whole ,europe is engaged in a battle

 of real freedom it is because the      
nations of ,europe are gathering their  
strength to wrest this power from the   
hands of the middle classes4 ,i desire  
to avoid repetition of that chapter of  
,european history4 ,it is for ,india to 
show the light to the world1 ,swaraj by 
,non-violence and ,swaraj by the people4
  ,to me the organisation of village    
life and the practical autonomy of small
 local centres are more important than  
either provincial autonomy or central   
responsibility2 and if the choice lay   
between the two1 ,i would unhesitatingly
 accept the autonomy of the local       
centres4 ,i must not be understood as   
implying that the village centres will  
he disconnected units4 ,they must be    
held together by a system of            
co-operation and integration4 ,for the  
present1 there must be power in the     
hands of the provincial and the ,indian 
,government2 but the ideal should be    
accepted once for all1 that the proper  
function of the central authority1      

whether in the provincial or in the     
,indian ,government is to advise1 having
 a residuary power of control only in   
case of need and to be exercised under  
proper safeguard4 ,i maintain that real 
,swaraj can only be attained by vesting 
the power of ,government in these local 
centres1 and ,i suggest that the        
,congress should appoint a ,committee to
 draw up a scheme of ,government which  
would be acceptable to the ,nation4     
,the most advanced thought of ,europe is
 turning from the false individualism on
 which ,european culture and            
institutions are based to what ,i know  
to be the ideal of the ancient village  
organisation of ,india4 ,according to   
this thought modern democracy of the    
ballot box and large crowds has failed1 
but real democracy has not yet been     
tried4 ,what is the real democracy of   
modern ,european thought8  ,the         
foundation of real democracy must be    
laid in small centres--not gradual      
decentralisation which implies a        

previous centralisation--but a gradual  
integration of the practically          
autonomous small centres into one living
 harmonious whole4 ,what is wanted is a 
human state1 not a mechanical           
contrivance4 ,we want the growth of     
institutions and organisations which are
 really dynamic in their nature and not 
the mere static stability of a          
centralised state4  ,this strain of     
,european thought found some expression 
in the philosophy of ,hegel according to
 whom human institutions belong to the  
region not of inert externality1 but of 
mind and purpose and are therefore      
dynamic and self-developing4  ,modern   
,european thought has made it clear that
 from the individual to the unified     
state1 it is one continuous process of  
real and natural growth4 ,sovereignity  
7,swaraj7 is a relative notion4 ,the    
individual is sovereign over            
himself--attains his ,swaraj in so far  
as he can develop control and unify his 
manifold nature4 ,from the individual we

 come to the integrated neighbourhood   
which is the real foundation of the     
unified ,state1 which again in its turn 
gives us the true ideal of the          
world-state4 ,this integrated           
neighbourhood is a great deal more than 
the mere physical contiguity of the     
people who live in the neighbourhood    
area4 ,it requires the coalition of what
 has been called neighbourhood          
consciousness4 ,in other words1 the     
question is how can the force generated 
by the neighbourhood life become part of
 our whole critic and national life8 ,it
 is this question which now democracy   
takes upon itself to solve4  ,the       
process prescribed is the generation of 
the collective will4 ,the democracy     
which obtains to-day rests on an attempt
 of securing a common will by a process 
of addition4 ,this really means a war of
 wills1 the issue being left to be      
decided by a mere superiority of        
numbers4 ,new democracy discountenances 
this process of addition1 and insists on

 the discovery of detailed means and    
methods by which the different wills of 
a neighbourhood entity may grow into one
 common collective will4 ,this process  
is not a process addition but of        
integration and the consciousness of the
 neighbourhood thus awakened must       
express the common collective will of   
that neighbourhood entity4 ,the         
collective will of several neighbourhood
 centres1 must by a similar process of  
integration be allowed to evolve the    
,common collective will of the whole    
nation4 ,it is only thus1 by a similar  
process of integration that any league  
of nations may be real and the vision of
 a world state may be realized4 ,the    
whole of this philosophy is based on the
 idea of the evolution of the           
individual4 ,the idea is to release the 
powers of the individual4 ,ordinary     
notions of state have little to do with 
true individualism1 7i4 e47 with the    
individual as consciously responsible   
for the life from which he draws his    

breath and to which he contributes his  
all4 ,according to this school of       
thought ',representative government1    
party organisation1 majority rule1 with 
all their excrescences in their stead   
must appear the organisation of         
non-partisan groups for the begetting1  
the bringing into being of common ideas1
 a common purpose and the collective    
will4' ,this means the true development 
and extension of the individual self4   
,the institutions that exist to-day have
 made machines of men4 ,no ,government  
will be successful1 no true ,government 
is possible which does not rest on the  
individual4 ,up to the present moment1  
says the gifted authoress of the ,new   
,state1 we have never seen the          
individual yet4 ,the search for him has 
been the whole long striving of our     
,anglo-,saxon history4 ,we sought to    
improve the method of representation and
 failed to find him4 ,we sought to reach
 him by extending the suffrage to every 
man and then to every woman and yet he  

eludes us4 ,direct ,government now seeks
 the individual4 ,in another place the  
same writer says2 ,thus group           
organisation releases us from the       
domination of mere numbers1 thus        
democracy transcends time and space4 ,it
 can never be understood except as a    
spiritual force4 ,majority rule rests on
 numbers2 democracy rests on the        
well-grounded assumption that society is
 not a collection of units1 but a       
network of human relations4 ,democracy  
is not worked out at the polling booths1
 it is the bringing forth of a genuine  
collective will1 one to which every     
single being must contribute the whole  
of his complex life1 as one which every 
single being must express the whole of  
it at one point4 ,thus the essence of   
democracy is creating4 ,the technique of
 democracy is group organization4       
,according to this school of thought no 
living state is possible without the    
development and the extension of the    
individual self4 ,the ,state itself is  

no static unit4 ,nor is it an arbitrary 
creation4 ,it is a process2 a continual 
self-modification to express its        
different stages of growth in which each
 and all must be so flexible that       
continual change of form is twin fellow 
of continual growth4 ,this can only be  
realised when there is a clear          
perception that individuals and groups  
and the nation stand in no antithesis4  
,the integration of all these into one  
conscious whole means and must          
necessarily mean the integration of the 
wills of individuals into the common and
 collective will of the entire nation4  
,the general trend of ,european thought 
has not accepted the ideal of this new  
democracy4 ,but the present problems    
which are agitating ,europe seem to     
offer no other solution4 ,i have very   
little doubt that this ideal which      
appears to many practical politicians as
 impracticable will be accepted as the  
real ideal at no distant future4 ,there 
is little yet1 ,i again quote from the  

same author1 that is practical in       
practical politics4  ,the fact is that  
all the progressive movements in ,europe
 have suffered because of the want of a 
really spiritual basis and it is        
refreshing to find that this writer has 
seized upon it4 ,so to those who think  
that the neighbourhood group is puny to 
serve as a real foundation of           
self-,government1 she says1 is our daily
 life profane and only so far as we rise
 out of it do we approach the sacred    
life8 ,then no wonder politics are what 
they have become4 ,but this is not the  
creed of men to-day2 we believe in the  
sacredness of life2 we believe that     
divinity is for ever incarnating in     
humanity1 and so we believe in ,humanity
 and the common daily life of all men4  
,there is thus a great deal of          
correspondence between this view of life
 and the view which ,i have been        
endeavouring to place before my         
countrymen for the last #ae years4 ,for 
the truth of all truths1 is that the    

outer ,leela of ,god reveals itself in  
history4 ,individual ,society1 ,nation1 
and ,humanity are the different aspects 
of that very ,leela and no scheme of    
self-,government which is practically   
true and which is really practical can  
be based on any other philosophy of     
life4 ,it is the realisation of this    
truth which is the supreme necessity of 
the hour4 ,this is the soul of ,indian  
thought1 and this is the ideal towards  
which the recent thought of ,europe is  
slowly1 but surely1 advancing4  ,to     
frame such a scheme of ,government      
regard must therefore be had3--  #a4 ,to
 the formation of local centres more or 
less on the lines of the ancient village
 system of ,india4  #b4 ,the growth of  
larger and larger groups out of the     
integration of these village centres4   
#c4 ,the unifying state should be the   
result of minor growth4  #d4 ,the       
village centres and the larger groups   
must be practically autonomous4  #e4    
,the residuary power of control must    

remain in the ,central ,government1 but 
the exercise of such power should be    
exceptional and for that purpose proper 
safeguards should be provided1 so that  
the practical autonomy of the local     
centres may be maintained and at the    
same time the growth of the ,central    
,government into a really unifying state
 may be possible4 ,the ordinary work of 
such ,central ,government should be     
mainly advisory4  ,as a necessary       
corollary to what ,i have ventured to   
suggest as the form of ,government which
 we should accept1 ,i think that the    
work of organising these local centres  
should be forthwith commenced4 ,the     
modern sub-divisions or even smaller    
units may be conveniently taken as the  
local centres1 and larger centres may be
 conveniently formed4 ,once we have our 
local areas--the neighbourhood group--we
 should foster the habit of corporate   
thinking1 and leave all local problems  
to be worked out by them4 ,there is no  
reason why we should not start the      

,government by these local centres      
to-day4 ,they would depend for their    
authority on the voluntary co-operation 
of the people1 and voluntary            
co-operation is much better than the    
compulsory co-operation which is at the 
bottom of the ,bureaucratic rule in     
,india4 ,this is not the place to       
elaborate the scheme which ,i have in   
mind2 but ,i think that it is           
essentially necessary to appoint a      
,committee with power1 not only to draw 
up a scheme of ,government but to       
suggest means by which the scheme can be
 put in operation at once4   ,,boycott  
,,of ,,councils  ,the next item of work 
to which ,i desire to refer is the      
,boycott of ,councils4 ,unhappily the   
question has become part of the         
controversy of ,change or ,no change4   
,to my mind the whole controversy       
proceeds on a somewhat erroneous        
assumption4 ,the question is not so much
 as to whether there should be a change 
in the programme of the work2 the real  

question is1 whether it is not necessary
 now to change the direction of our     
activities in certain respects for the  
success of the very movement which we   
hold so dear4 ,let me illustrate what ,i
 mean4 ,take the ,bardoli ,resolution4  
,in the matter of boycott of schools and
 colleges the ,bardoli ,resolution      
alters the direction of our activity1   
which does not in any way involve the   
abandonment of the boycott4 ,during the 
,swaraj year the idea was to bring the  
students out of ,government schools and 
colleges1 and if ,national schools were 
started they were regarded as           
concessions to the weakness of those    
students4 ,the idea was1 to quote the   
words of ,mahatma ,gandhi1 political and
 not educational4 ,under the ,bardoli   
,resolution1 however1 it is the         
establishment of schools and colleges   
which must be the main activity of      
national education4 ,the idea is        
educational and if it still be the      
desire of the ,congress to bring        

students out of ,government schools and 
colleges1 it is by offering them        
educational advantages4 ,here the       
boycott of schools and colleges is still
 upheld1 but the direction of our       
activities is changed4 ,in fact1 such   
changes must occur in every revolution1 
violent or non-violent1 as it is only by
 such changes that the ideal is truly   
served4  ,in the next place1 we must    
keep in view the fact that according to 
the unanimous opinion of the members of 
the ,enquiry ,committee1 ,civil         
,disobedience on a large scale is out of
 question because the people are not    
prepared for it4  ,i confess that ,i am 
not in favour of the restrictions which 
have been put upon the practical        
adoption of any system of civil         
disobedience1 and in my opinion1 the    
,congress should abolish those          
restrictions4 ,i have not yet been able 
to understand why to enable a people to 
civilly disobey particular laws1 it     
should be necessary that at least #hj   

per cent4 of them should be clad in pure
 ,khadi4 ,i am not much in favour of    
general ,mass ,civil ,disobedience4 ,to 
my mind1 the idea is impracticable4 ,but
 the disobedience of particular laws    
which are eminently unlawful1 laws which
 are the creatures of ,law and ,order1  
laws which are like an outrage on       
humanity and an insult to ,god 444      
disobedience of such laws is within the 
range of practical politics1 and1 in my 
opinion1 every attempt should be made to
 offer disobedience to such laws4 ,it is
 only by standing on truth that the     
cause of ,swaraj may prevail4 ,when we  
submit to such laws1 we abandon the     
plank of truth4 ,what hope is there for 
a nation so dead to the sense of truth  
as not to rebel against lawless laws1   
against regulations which insult their  
national being and hamper their national
 development8  ,i am of opinion that the
 question of the boycott of ,councils   
which is agitating the country so much  
must be considered and decided in the   

light of the circumstances ,i have just 
mentioned4 ,there is no opposition in   
idea between such civil disobedience as 
,i have mentioned and the entry into the
 ,councils for the purpose and with the 
avowed object of either ending or       
mending them4 ,i am not against the     
boycott of ,councils4 ,i am simply of   
opinion that the system of the ,reformed
 ,councils with their steel frame of the
 ,indian ,civil ,service covered over by
 a dyarchy of deadlocks and departments 
is absolutely unsuitable to the nature  
and genius of the ,indian nation4 ,it is
 an attempt of the ,british ,parliament 
to force a foreign system upon the      
,indian people4 ,india has              
unhesitatingly refused to recognise this
 foreign system as real foundation for  
,swaraj4 ,with me1 as ,i have often     
said1 it is not a question of more or   
less2 ,i am always prepared to sacrifice
 much for a real basis of ,swaraj1 nor  
do ,i attach any importance to the      
question as to whether the attainment of

 full and complete independence will be 
a matter of #g years or #aj years or #bj
 years4 ,a few years is nothing in the  
life history of a nation4 ,but ,i       
maintain ,india cannot accept a system  
such as this as a foundation of ,swaraj4
 ,these ,councils must therefore be     
either mended or ended4 ,hitherto we    
have been boycotting the ,councils from 
outside4 ,we have succeeded in doing    
much4 ,the prestige of the councils is  
diminished and the country knows that   
the people who adorn those chambers are 
not the true representatives of the     
people4 ,but though we have succeeded in
 doing much1 these ,councils are still  
there4 ,it shall be the duty of the     
,congress to boycott the councils more  
effectively from within4 ,reformed      
councils are really a mask which the    
,bureaucracy has put on4 ,i conceive it 
to be our clear duty to tear this mask  
from off their face4 ,the very idea of  
boycott implies1 to my mind1 something  
more than mere withdrawal4 ,the boycott 

of foreign goods means that such steps  
must be taken that these councils may   
not be there to impede the progress of  
,swaraj4 ,the only successful boycott of
 these councils is either to mend them  
in a manner suitable to the attainment  
of ,swaraj or to end them completely4   
,that is the way in which ,i advise the 
nation to boycott the councils4  ,a     
great deal of discussion has taken place
 in the country as to whether the       
boycott of councils in the sense in     
which ,i mean it is within the principle
 of non-violent non-co-operation4 ,i am 
emphatically of opinion that it does not
 offend against any principle of        
non-co-operation which has been adopted 
and applied by the ,indian ,national    
,congress4 ,i am not dealing with the   
logical1 or philosophical abstractions4 
,i am only dealing with that which the  
,congress has adopted and called        
non-co-operation4 ,in the first place1  
may ,i point out that we have not up to 
now non-co-operated with the            

,bureaucracy8 ,we have been merely      
preparing the people of this country to 
offer non-co-operation4 ,let me quote   
the ,nagpur ,resolution on              
non-co-operation in support of my       
proposition4 ,i am quoting only the     
portions which are relevant to this     
point4  ,whereas in the opinion of the  
,congress the existing ,government of   
,india has forfeited the confidence of  
the country1 and1 whereas the people of 
,india are now determined to establish  
,swaraj 444 now this ,congress 444      
declares that the entire or any part or 
parts of the scheme of non-violent      
non-co-operation with the renunciation  
of voluntary association with the       
present ,government at one end and the  
refusal to pay taxes at the other1      
should be put into force at a time to be
 determined by either the ,indian       
,national ,congress1 or the ,all-,india 
,congress ,committee and that in the    
meanwhile to prepare the country for it1
 effective steps should continue to be  

taken in that behalf4  ,then follows the
 effective steps such as1 national      
education1 boycott of law courts1       
boycott of foreign goods1 etc41 which   
must be taken in the meanwhile4 ,it is  
clear therefore that the ,congress has  
not yet advocated the application of    
non-co-operation but has merely         
recommended certain steps to be taken so
 that at some time or other to be       
determined by the ,congress1 the ,indian
 ,nation may offer non-co-operation4 ,in
 the second place1 let us judge of the  
character of this principle not by      
thinking of any logical idea or         
philosophical abstraction but by        
gathering principle from the work and   
the activity which the ,congress has    
enjoined4 ,when ,i survey the work it is
 clear to my mind that the ,congress was
 engaged in a two-fold activity4 ,in    
everything that the ,congress has       
commanded there is an aspect of         
destruction as there is an aspect of    
creation4 ,the boycott of ,lawyers and  

,law ,courts means the destruction of   
existing legal institutions2 and the    
formation of ,panchayats means the      
creation of agencies through which      
justice may be administered4 ,the       
boycott of schools and colleges means   
the destruction of the department of    
,education2 and the establishment of    
,national schools and colleges means the
 creation of educational institutions   
for the ,youth of ,india4 ,the boycott  
of foreign goods followed as it was by  
the burning of foreign goods covering   
into the country4 ,but1 on the other    
hand1 the spinning wheel and looms means
 creative activity in supplying the     
people with indigenous cloth4 ,judged by
 this principle what is wrong about the 
desire either to convert the ,councils  
into institutions which may lead us to  
,swaraj1 or to destroy them altogether8 
,the same twofold aspect of creation and
 destruction is to be found in the      
boycott of ,councils in the way ,i want 
them to be boycotted4  ,it has also been

 suggested that it offends against the  
morality and spirituality of this       
movement4 ,let us take the two points   
separately4 ,as regards morality apart  
from the ethics of ,non-co-operation1 it
 has been urged that entering the       
,councils for the purpose of ending the 
,councils is unfair and dishonest4 ,the 
argument implies that the ,reformed     
,councils belong entirely to the        
,bureaucracy1 and the idea is that we   
should not enter into other peoples'    
property with a view to injure it4 ,to  
my mind1 the argument is based on a     
misconception of facts4 ,inadequate as  
the ,reforms undoubtedly are1 ,i do not 
for a moment admit that the ,reform ,act
 was a gift of the ,british ,parliament4
 ,it was1 to quote the words of ,mahatma
 ,gandhi1 a concession to popular       
agitation4 ,the fact is that it is the  
resultant of two contending forces1 the 
desire of the people for freedom and the
 desire of the ,bureaucracy to oppose   
such a desire4 ,the result is that it   

has travelled along lines neither       
entirely popular nor entirely           
bureaucratic4 ,the people of ,india do  
not like these ,reforms1 but let us not 
forget that the ,bureaucracy does not   
like them either because it is the      
result of two contending forces pulling 
in different directions or the ,reforms 
have assumed a tortured state4 ,but so  
far as the rights recognised are        
concerned1 they are our rights--our     
property1 and there is nothing immoral  
or unfair or dishonest in making use of 
the rights which the people have        
extorted from the ,british ,parliament4 
,if the fulfilment of the very forces   
which have succeeded in securing the    
,reforms require that the ,councils     
should either be mended or ended1 if the
 struggle for freedom compels the       
adoption of either course1 what possible
 charge of immorality can be levelled   
against it8 ,i admit if we had proposed 
to enter the ,councils stealthily with  
the avowed object of co-operation       

keeping within our hearts the desire to 
break the ,councils1 such a course would
 undoubtedly have been dishonest4       
,european diplomacy1 let us hope1 has   
been abolished by ,indian ,national     
,congress under the leadership of       
,mahatma ,gandhi4 ,if we play now1 we   
play with all our cards on the table4   
,but some people say that it is immoral 
from the point of view of               
non-co-operation1 because it involves an
 idea of destruction4 ,the work of      
non-co-operation according to these1--,i
 have the highest reverence for         
them1--is only to build our national    
life ignoring altogether the existence  
of the ,bureaucracy4 ,it may be an      
honest ideal1 and1 logically speaking1  
it may be the inner meaning of          
non-co-operation4 ,but the              
non-co-operation which the ,congress has
 followed is not so logical and ,i claim
 that if the principle of               
non-co-operation is to be advanced as a 
test of my programme1 let it be the same

 principle which the ,congress has      
accepted1 adopted and applied4 ,as ,i   
have already said1 that principle       
countenance destruction as well as      
creation4 ,as a matter of fact          
circumstanced as we are with            
,bureaucracy to the right and the       
,bureaucracy to the left ,bureaucracy   
all around us1 it is impossible to      
create without destroying3 nor must it  
be forgotten that if we break1 it is    
only that we may build4  ,it has also   
been suggested that the very entry into 
the ,council is inconsistent with the   
ideal of non-co-operation4 ,i confess ,i
 do not understand the argument4        
,supposing the ,congress had sanctioned 
an armed insurrection could it be argued
 that entry into the fort of the        
,bureaucracy is inconsistent with the   
principle of non-co-operation8 ,surely  
the charge of inconsistency must depend 
on the object of the entry4 ,an         
advancing army does not co-operate with 
the enemy when it marches into the      

enemy's territory4 ,co-operation must   
therefore depend on the object with     
which such entry is made4 ,the argument 
if analysed comes to this1 that whenever
 the phrase entry into ,councils is used
 it calls up the association of         
co-operation1 and then the mere idea of 
this entry is proclaimed to be          
inconsistent with non-co-operation4 ,but
 this is the familiar logical fallacy of
 our terms4 ,entry into the ,councils to
 co-operate with the ,government and    
entry into the ,councils to             
non-co-operate with the ,government are 
two terms and two different             
propositions4 ,the former is            
inconsistent with the idea of           
non-co-operation1 the latter is         
absolutely consistent with that very    
idea4  ,next let us understand the      
opposition from the point of view of the
 spirituality of our movement4 ,the     
question of spirituality is not to be   
confused with the dictates of any       
particular religion4 ,i am not aware of 

the injunctions of any religion against 
entering the ,councils with a view      
either to mend them or end them4 ,i have
 heard from many ,mahomedans that the   
,koran lays down no such injunction4    
,other ,mahomedan friends have told me  
that there may be some difficulty on    
that ground1 but that is a matter with  
regard to which ,i am not competent to  
speak4 ,the ,khilafat must answer that  
question with such assistance as they   
may obtain from the ,ulemas4 ,it is     
needless to point out that should the   
,ulemas come to the conclusion that     
under the present circumstances it would
 be an offence against their religion to
 enter the ,councils1 the ,congress     
should unhesitatingly accept their      
decision because no work in this country
 towards the attainment of ,swaraj is   
possible without the hearty co-operation
 of both ,hindus and ,mussalmans4 ,but  
,i am dealing with that spirituality    
which does not affect any particular    
creed or any particular religion4       

,judged from the standpoint of such     
spirituality what objection there can be
 in removing from our path by all       
legitimate means any obstacle to the    
attainment of ,swaraj8 ,we burned       
foreign cloth without a scruple1 and the
 spirituality of the movement did not   
receive a shock when we burned them4 ,it
 is as well to start with a clear       
conception as to what that spiritually  
is4 ,apart from any creedal or doctrinal
 injunction and apart from any question 
of morality1 the basis of spirituality  
must be the attainment of freedom and of
 ,swaraj4 ,what is the duty which every 
human being owes not only to his race1  
not only to his nation1 not only to     
humanity but also to his ,god8 ,it is   
the right to fulfil oneself4 ,it is the 
duty of living in the light of ,god4    
,shortly after my release from          
imprisonment ,i said in a public speech 
that all our national activities should 
be based on truth4 ,ever since that day 
questions and conundrums have been put  

to me4 ,i have been asked to define what
 is truth4 ,it has also been suggested  
that because ,i dare not tell the truth 
that ,i took refuge under the general   
expression4 ,i still insist that our    
national activities must be based on    
truth4 ,i repeat that ,i do not believe 
in politics1 or in making water-tight   
compartments of our national life which 
is an indivisible organic whole4 ,i     
repeat that as you cannot define life1  
you cannot define truth4 ,the test of   
,truth is not logical definition4 ,the  
test of ,truth lies in its              
all-compelling force1 in making itself  
felt4 ,you know truth when you have felt
 it4 ,god cannot be defined1 nor can    
truth because truth is the revelation of
 ,god4 ,two thousand years ago1 a       
jesting judge asked the same question of
 the ,son of ,god4 ,he made no answer by
 word of mouth2 but he sacrificed       
himself and ,truth was revealed4 ,when  
,i speak of spirituality ,i speak of the
 same truth4 ,i look upon history as the

 revelation of ,god4 ,i look upon human 
individual personality1 nationality and 
humanity1 each contributing to the life 
of the other as the revelation of ,god  
to man4 ,i look upon the attainment of  
freedom and ,swaraj the only way of     
fulfilling oneself as individuals1 as   
nations4 ,i look upon all national      
activities as the real foundation of the
 service of that greater humanity which 
again is the revelation of ,god to man4 
,the ,son of ,god brought to the world  
not peace but a sword--not the peace of 
death and immortality and corruption but
 the separating sword of ,truth4 ,we    
have to fight against all corruptions   
and all immorality4 ,it is only thus    
that freedom can be attained4 ,whatever 
obstacles there may be in the path of   
,swaraj either of the individual or of  
the nation1 or humanity at large1 these 
obstacles must be removed by the        
individual if he desires his freedom by 
the nation1 if that nation desires to   
ruin itself by all the nations of the   

world if the cause of humanity is to    
prosper4 ,that being the spirituality of
 the movement as ,i understand it ,i am 
prepared to put away all obstacles that 
lie between the ,indian nation and the  
attainment of its freedom1 not          
stealthily but openly1 reverently in the
 name of truth and ,god4 ,judged from   
this ideal of spirituality the entry    
into the ,councils for the purpose ,i   
have stated is necessary to advance the 
cause of truth4 ,everything in          
connection with the controversy must be 
judged by that standard4  ,at present   
the question before the country put by  
those members of the ,civil             
,disobedience ,enquiry ,committee who   
are in favour of the ,council ,entry is 
simply that the members of the ,congress
 should stand as candidates4 ,it is     
unnecessary therefore to go into other  
questions raised1 such as in the matter 
of taking oath1 the probability or      
otherwise of securing a majority and so 
on4 ,with regard to the question of oath

 all that ,i need say at present is     
this1 that apart from the dictates of   
any particular religion which ,i do not 
propose to deal with1 the question does 
not present any difficulty at all4 ,the 
oath is a constitutional one4 ,the king 
stands for the constitution4 ,great     
changes in the constitution have taken  
place in ,england under that very oath4 
,now what is the oath8 ,it binds those  
who take it1--first not to make any use 
of powers which are not allowed by the  
,reforms ,act2 secondly to discharge    
their duties faithfully4 ,so far as the 
first point is concerned1 there is      
nothing in my suggestion which militates
 against it4 ,so far as the second point
 is concerned1 ,i am aware that a forced
 interpretation has been sought to be   
put upon it1 namely1 that a member      
taking the oath is bound to discharge   
his duties faithfully to the            
,bureaucracy4 ,all that ,i need say is1 
that there is no constitutional         
authority of any kind to justify that   

interpretation4 ,to my mind the words   
mean a faithful discharge of a member's 
duties to his constituency by the       
exercise of powers recognised under the 
,reforms ,act4 ,i do not therefore      
understand what possible objection there
 may be to take the ,oath4 ,but there   
again the question does not arise at    
present4  ,various other questions have 
been asked as to whether it is possible 
to secure a majority and as to what we  
should do1 supposing we are in a        
majority4 ,i think it possible that     
having regard to the present            
circumstances of the country1 the       
,non-co-operators are likely to get the 
majority4 ,i am aware of the difficulty 
of the franchise4 ,i am aware of the    
rules which prevent many of us from     
entering the ,councils2 but making every
 allowances for all these difficulties1 
,i believe that we shall be in the      
majority4 ,but here also the question   
doesn't arise till we meet in the       
,congress of #aibc when the matter may  

be discussed not on suppositions but on 
actualities4  ,as regards the question  
as to what we should do if we have the  
majority the answer is clear4 ,we should
 begin our proceedings by a solemn      
declaration of the existence of our     
inherent right1 and by formal demand for
 a constitution which would recognise   
and conserve those rights and give      
effect to our claims for the particular 
system of ,government which we may      
choose for ourselves4 ,if our demands   
are accepted1 then the fight is over4   
,but1 as ,i have often said1 if it is   
conceded that we are entitled to have   
that form of ,government which we may   
choose for ourselves1 and the real      
beginning is made with that particular  
form of ,government in view1 then it    
matters nothing to me whether the       
complete surrender of power is made up  
to-day1 or in five years or even in     
twenty years4 ,if1 however1 our demand  
is not given effect to1 we must         
non-co-operate with the ,bureaucracy by 

opposing each and every work of the     
,council4 ,we must disallow the entire  
,budget4 ,we must move the adjournment  
of the ,house on every possible occasion
 and defeat every ,bill that may be     
introduced4 ,in fact we must so proceed 
that the ,council will refuse to do any 
work unless and until our demands are   
satisfied4 ,i am aware of the large     
powers of certification which ,governors
 can exercise under the ,reform ,act4   
,but ,government by certification is    
just as impossible as ,government by    
veto4 ,such procedure may be adopted on 
a few occasions4 ,the time must soon    
come when the ,bureaucracy must yield or
 withdraw the ,reforms ,act4 ,in either 
case it is a distinct triumph for the   
nation1 and either course if adopted by 
the ,bureaucracy will bring us nearer to
 the realisation of our ideal4  ,another
 question is often asked1 suppose we end
 these ,reformed ,councils1--what then8 
,could not the same question be asked   
with regard to every step the ,congress 

has hitherto undertaken in the way of   
breaking1 of destroying institutions4   
,if we had succeeded in destroying the  
,educational ,department1 might not     
somebody ask--what then8 ,if we had     
succeeded in destroying the legal       
institutions1 might not the question be 
put with equal relevance8 ,the fact is  
destruction itself will never bring us  
,swaraj4 ,the fact further is that no   
construction is possible without        
destruction4 ,we must not forget that it
 is not this activity or that activity  
by itself that can bring ,swaraj4 ,it is
 the totality of our national activity  
in the way of destruction and in the way
 of creation1 that will bring ,swaraj4  
,if we succeeded in demolishing these   
,reformed ,councils you will find the   
whole nation astir with life4 ,let them 
put other obstacles in our way2 we shall
 remove them with added strength and    
greater vitality4  ,it has also been    
suggested that the ,bureaucracy will    
never allow the ,non-co-operators to    

enter the ,councils1 they will alter the
 rules to prevent such entry4 ,i cannot 
conceive of anything better calculated  
to strengthen the cause of              
,non-co-operation than this4 ,if any    
such rule is framed ,i should welcome it
 and again change the direction of our  
activity4 ,the infant nation in ,india  
requires constant struggle for its      
growth and development4 ,we must not    
forget that a great non-violent         
revolution is on the land1 and we shall 
change the direction of our activities  
as often as circumstances require it4   
,to-day the ,councils are open and we   
must attack them1--to-morrow if the     
,councils are closed1 we must be        
prepared to deal with the contingency   
when it arises4 ,what do we do when it  
pours with rain8 ,we turn our umbrella  
in the direction from which the water   
comes4 ,it is in the same way that we   
must turn the direction of our          
activities whenever the fulfilment of   
our national life demands it4  ,the work

 of the ,councils for the last two years
 has made it necessary for              
non-co-operators to enter the ,councils4
 ,the ,bureaucracy has received added   
strength from these ,reformed ,councils1
 and those who have entered the         
,councils1 speaking generally1 have     
practically helped the cause of         
,bureaucracy4 ,what is most necessary to
 consider is the fact that taxation has 
increased by leaps and bounds4 ,the     
expenditure of the ,government of ,india
 has grown enormously since the pre-war 
year #aiac-ad4 ,in that year the total  
expenditure of the ,government of ,india
 amounted to #gi crores and #cg lakhs2  
in #aiai-bj1 it rose to #ach crores1 and
 in #aibj-ba1 the first year of the     
reformed system of administration1 it   
stood at #adi crores4 ,the expenses of  
the current year are likely to be even  
higher4 ,to meet the successive         
increases in expenditure1 additional    
taxation was levied in #aiaf-ag1        
#aiag-ah1 #aiai-bj1 #aiba-bb and        

#aibb-bc4 ,we may prepare ourselves for 
proposals for further additional        
taxation in the ensuing year4 ,in spite 
of the levy of additional taxation1     
seven out of the last nine years have   
been years of deficit4  ,the increase in
 military expenditure is chiefly        
responsible for the present financial   
situation4 ,in #aiac-ad1 the expenses of
 this department amounted to about      
#ca-a_/b crores1 in #aiai-bj1 after the 
conclusion of the war they mounted up to
 #hg crores1 and in #aibj-ba they stood 
at #hh crores4 ,as ,sir ,visveswaraya   
remarks the expenses under the head     
,civil ,administration also have shown a
 perpetual tendency to increase4 ,as a  
part and parcel of the ,reform ,scheme1 
the emoluments of the members of the    
,indian ,civil ,service1 the ,indian    
,educational ,service1 the ,indian      
,medical ,service and of all the other  
services recruited in ,england have been
 enormously increased2 and to maintain  
some kind of fairness the salaries of   

the subordinate services which are      
manned by ,indians have also been       
increased4  ,the financial situation in 
the provinces is not much better4 ,under
 the financial arrangements of the      
,reform ,scheme1 the provinces of       
,india1 taken together1 secured an      
accession to their resources of about   
#aa crores of ,rupees4 ,besides1 the    
provinces had between them in #aibj-ba a
 total accumulated balance of #ba crores
 and #fh lakhs4 ,but so great has been  
the increase in provincial expenditure  
during the last two years that even     
those provinces which had hoped to      
realise large surpluses are now on the  
verge of bankruptcy4 ,in the first year 
of the reform era1 most of the provinces
 were faced with deficits and were just 
able to tide over their financial       
difficulties by drawing upon their      
balances4 ,but in the current year1 the 
financial situation in many of the      
provinces has become worse4 ,the ,burma 
budget shows a deficit of #a crore and  

#ij lakhs1 the ,punjab1 #a crore and #cj
 lakhs1 ,bihar and ,orissa1 #ea lakhs1  
,madras1 #da lakhs1 the ,united         
,provinces1 #bg lakhs and the ,central  
,provinces #cg lakhs4 ,the deficit of   
the ,madras ,government would have been 
much higher had it not taken steps to   
increase its revenues by ,rs4 #gg-a_/b  
lakhs from fresh taxation4 ,the ,bengal 
statement shows an estimated surplus    
owing to the remission of the           
,provincial contribution to the ,central
 ,government and expected receipts from 
fresh taxation amounting to #a crore and
 #dj lakhs4 ,but it is very doubtful if 
the expectation will be realised1 and   
early next year1 further fresh taxes are
 likely to be imposed4 ,assam has       
budgeted for a deficit of #ad-a_/b lakhs
 after the imposition of additional     
taxation4 ,proposals for further        
taxation are under consideration in the 
,punjab1 ,bihar and ,orissa1 the        
,central ,provinces and ,assam4 ,in the 
,united ,provinces the proposals brought

 forward by the ,government were        
rejected by the ,legislative ,council4  
,i warn my countrymen against the policy
 of allowing these ,reformed ,councils  
to work their wicked will4 ,there will  
undoubtedly be a further increase of    
taxation and there is an apprehension in
 my mind1 ,i desire to express it with  
all the emphasis that ,i can command1   
that if we allow this policy of drift to
 continue the result will be that we    
shall lose the people who are with us   
to-day4 ,let us break the ,councils if  
the ,bureaucracy does not concede to the
 demands of the people4 ,if there is    
fresh taxation as it is bound to be let 
the responsibility be on the            
,bureaucracy4 ,then you and ,i and the  
people will jointly fight the powers    
that be4   ,,labour ,,organisation  ,i  
am further of opinion that the ,congress
 should take up the work of ,labour and 
,peasant organisation4 ,with regard to  
labour there is a resolution of the     
,nagpur ,congress1 but ,i am sorry to   

say that it has not been acted upon4    
,there is an apprehension in the minds  
of some non-co-operators that the cause 
of non-co-operation will suffer if we   
exploit ,labour for ,congress purposes4 
,i confess again ,i do not understand   
the argument4 ,the word exploitation has
 got an ugly association1 and the       
argument assumes that ,labour and       
,peasants are not with us in this       
struggle of ,swaraj4 ,i deny the        
assumption4 ,my experience has convinced
 me that labour and the ,peasantry of   
,india to-day are1 if anything1 more    
eager to attain ,swaraj than the so     
called middle and educated classes4 ,if 
we are exploiting boys of tender years  
and students of colleges1 if we are     
exploiting the women of ,india1 if we   
are exploiting the whole of the middle  
classes irrespective of their creed and 
caste and occupation1 may ,i ask what   
justification is there for leaving out  
,labourers and the ,peasants8 ,i suppose
 the answer is that they are welcome to 

be the members of the ,congress         
,committees but that there should not be
 a separate organisation of them4 ,but  
,labour has got a separate interest and 
they are often oppressed by foreign     
capitalists and the ,peasantry of ,india
 is often oppressed by a class of men   
who are the standard bearers of the     
,bureaucracy4 ,is the service of this   
special interest in any way antagonistic
 to the service of nationalism8 ,to find
 bread for the poor1 to secure justice  
to a class of people who are engaged in 
a particular trade or avocation--how is 
that work different from the work of    
attaining ,swaraj8 ,anything which      
strengthens the national cause1 anything
 which supports the masses of ,india is 
surely as much a matter of ,swaraj as   
any other items of work which the       
,congress has in hand4 ,my advice is    
that the ,congress should lose no time  
in appointing a ,committee1 a calm      
workable ,committee to organise labour1 
and the peasantry of ,india4 ,we have   

delayed the matter already too long4 ,if
 the ,congress fails to do its duty1 you
 may expect to find organisations set up
 in the country by labour and peasants  
detached from you1 dissociated from the 
cause of ,swaraj which will inevitably  
bring within the arena of a peaceful    
evolution class struggles and the war of
 special interests4 ,if the object of   
the ,congress be to avoid that          
disgraceful issue let us take labour and
 the peasantry in hand1 and let us      
organise them both from the point of    
view of their own special interests and 
also from the point of view of the      
higher ideal which demands the          
satisfaction of their special interests 
and the devotion of such interests to   
the cause of ,swaraj4 ,here again we    
have to make use of very selfishness of 
the labourers and peasants1 as we know  
that the fulfilment of that very        
selfishness requires its just and proper
 contribution to the life of the nation4
   ,,work ,,already ,,taken ,,up  ,i now

 turn to the work which the ,congress   
has already taken up4 ,i may at once    
point out that it is not my desire that 
any work which the ,congress has taken  
up should be surrendered4 ,the change of
 direction which ,i advocate and the    
other practical change which ,i have    
mentioned is not by way of surrendering 
anything that is already on the plank   
but it is simply by way of addition4    
,,boycott ,,of ,,schools ,,and          
,,colleges  ,i am firmly of opinion that
 the boycott of schools and colleges    
should be carried on as effectively as  
before4 ,i defer from the ,civil        
,disobedience ,enquiry ,committee when  
they propose the abandonment of the     
withdrawal of boys from such schools and
 colleges4 ,the question to my mind is  
of vital importance4 ,it is on the youth
 of the country that the cause of       
,swaraj largely depends--and what chance
 is there for a nation which willingly1 
knowingly sends its boys1 its young men 
to schools and colleges to be stamped   

with the stamps of slavery and foreign  
culture8 ,i do not desire to enter into 
the question more minutely4 ,i have     
expressed my views on the subject so    
often that ,i find it unnecessary to    
repeat them4 ,i1 however1 agree with the
 recommendation of the ,enquiry         
,committee that national schools and    
colleges should also be started4        
,,boycott ,,of ,,law ,,courts ,,and     
,,lawyers  ,with regard to the question 
of the boycott of lawyers and the legal 
institutions ,i agree with the main     
recommendations of the ,committee4 ,many
 questions have been raised as to       
whether the right of defence should be  
allowed or not and on what occasions1   
and for what purposes4 ,i have never    
been in love with formal rules1 and ,i  
think it impossible to frame rules which
 will cover all the circumstances which 
may arise in particular cases4 ,all that
 ,i desire to insist on1 is the keeping 
in view of the principle of the boycott 
of courts4   ,,hindu-,,muslim ,,unity   

,with regard to the question of         
,hindu-,muslim ,unity1 untouchability   
and such matters1 ,i agree with the     
recommendations of the ,enquiry         
,committee4 ,i desire to point out      
however the true unity of all sections  
of the ,indian nation can only be based 
on a proper co-operation and the        
recognition by each section of the      
rights of the others--that is why ,i    
proposed that there should be a compact 
between different sections1 between the 
different communities of ,india4 ,we    
will do little good to the section known
 as untouchables if we approach them in 
a spirit of superiority4 ,we must engage
 them in the work before us1 and we must
 work with them side by side and        
shoulder to shoulder4   ,,khaddar  ,i   
now come to the question of khaddar     
which ,i regard as one of the most      
important questions before us4 ,as ,i   
have already said1 ,i am opposed to the 
manufacture of ,khaddar on a commercial 
basis4 ,i said among the other things   

when ,i seconded the ,bezwada resolution
 on the #cast of ,march in #aiba        
proposed by ,mahatma ,gandhi3  ,our     
reason in asking the people to take to  
,charka was not based upon any desire to
 enter into any competition with foreign
 capitalist production either from      
without or from within4 ,our idea is to 
enable the people to understand and     
fashion for themselves1 their economic  
life and utilise the spare time of their
 families and opportunities with a view 
to create more economic goods for       
themselves and improve their own        
condition4 ,the idea is to make the     
people of this country self-reliant and 
self-contained4 ,this work is difficult 
but essential and should be carried on  
with all our strength4 ,i would much    
rather that few families were           
self-contained than that factories were 
started on a large scale4 ,such         
factories represent a short-sighted     
policy1 and there is no doubt that      
though it would satisfy the present need

 it will create an evil which it would  
be difficult to eradicate4 ,i am        
naturally opposed to the creation of a  
new ,manchester in ,india of which we   
have had sufficient experience4 ,let us 
avoid that possibility1 if we can4  ,it 
is often stated that ,khaddar alone will
 bring us ,swaraj4 ,i ask my countrymen 
in what way is it possible for khaddar  
to lead us to ,swaraj8 ,it is in one    
sense only that the statement may be    
true4 ,we must regard khaddar as the    
symbol of ,swaraj4 ,as the khaddar makes
 us self-contained with regard to a very
 large department of our national life1 
so it is hoped that the inspiration of  
khaddar will make the whole of our      
national life self-contained and        
independent4 ,that is the meaning of the
 symbol4 ,to my mind such symbol worship
 requires the spreading out of all      
non-co-operation activities in every    
possible direction4 ,it is only thus and
 only thus that the speedy attainment of
 ,swaraj is possible4   ,,conclusion    

,it remains to me to deliver to you a   
last message of hope and confidence4    
,there is no royal road to freedom1 and 
dark and difficult will be the path     
leading to it4 ,but dauntless is your   
courage1 and firm your resolution2 and  
though there will be reverses1 sometimes
 severe reverses1 they will only have   
the effect of speeding your emancipation
 from the bondage of a ,foreign         
,government4 ,do not make the mistake of
 confusing achievements with success4   
,achievement as in appearances are often
 deceptive4 ,i contend that1 though we  
cannot point to a great deal as solid   
achievement of the movement1 the success
 of it is assured4 ,that success is     
proclaimed by the bureaucracy in the    
repeated attempts which were made1 and  
are still being made1 to crush the      
growth of the movement1 and to arrest   
its progress1 in the refusal to repeal  
some of the most obnoxious of the       
repressive legislation1 in the frequent 
use that has been made of the arbitrary 

or discretionary authority that is      
vested in the executive ,government and 
in sending to prison our beloved leader1
 who offered himself as a sacrifice to  
the wrath of the ,bureaucracy4 ,but     
though the ultimate success of the      
movement is assured1 ,i warn you that   
the issue depends wholly on you and how 
you conduct yourselves in meeting the   
forces that are arrayed against you4    
,christianity rose triumphant when      
,jesus of ,nazareth offered himself as a
 sacrifice to the excessive worship of  
law and order by the ,scribes and the   
,pharisees4 ,the forces that are arrayed
 against you are the forces not only of 
the bureaucracy but of the modern       
,scribes and ,pharisees whose interest  
it is to maintain the ,bureaucracy in   
all its pristine glory4 ,be it yours to 
offer yourself as sacrifice in the      
interest of truth and justice1 so that  
your children and your children's       
children may have the fruit of your     
sufferings4 ,be it yours to wage a      

spiritual warfare so that the victory1  
when it comes does not debase you1 nor  
tempt you to retain the power of        
,government in your own hands4 ,but if  
yours is to be a spiritual warfare1 your
 weapons must be those of the spiritual 
soldier4 ,anger is not for you1 hatred  
is not for you1 nor for you is          
pettiness1 meanness or falsehood4  ,for 
you is the hope of dawn and the         
confidence of the morning1 and for you  
is the song that was sung by ,titan1    
chained and imprisoned1 but the champion
 of man in the ,greek fable3    ,to     
,suffer woes with ,hope1 things         
infinite2   ,to forgive wrongs darker   
than death or night2   ,to defy power   
which seems ,omnipotent3   ,to love1 and
 bear1 to hope till ,hope creates       
,from its own wreck1 the thing it       
contemplates2   ,neither to change1 nor 
falter1 nor repent2   ,this like thy    
glory1 ,titan1 is to be   ,good1 ,great 
and joyous1 beautiful and free2   ,this 
alone ,life1 ,joy1 ,empire and ,victory4

    ,,bande ,,mataram4     ,,imperialism
 ,,in ,,practice ,,and ,,in ,,theory    
,,by ,k4 ,m4 ,panikkar4 ,re4 #a  7,late 
,scholar of ,christ ,church1 ,oxford74  
,press ,opinions4  ,mr4 ,k4 ,m4         
,panikkar1 lately ,chairman of the      
,department of ,history in ,aligarh     
,university2 has done a distinct service
 to the country by his able analysis of 
the processes of aggrandisement with    
which the ,br4 ,empire was built up4 ,in
 his small book he has laid bare the    
selfishness which underlies the         
foundation of the ,british ,empire4     
,what it stands for1 says ,mr4          
,panikkar1 is a white oligarchy         
exploiting coloured nations4 ,it is in  
fact a ,british ,empire ,co41 ,ltd4 ,the
 ,book is a valuable addition to the    
growing ,indian ,political              
,literature4--,bombay ,chronicle4  ,we  
have learnt to associate ,mr4           
,panikkar's name with first class work  
and our expectations have not been      
disappointed in this volume4 ,the vulgar

 pretensions of ,imperialism have been  
shown up with perfect candour1 but the  
days of ,imperialism1 according to the  
author1 are numbered in ,asia though not
 in ,africa4 ,it has done the great     
service of calling forth the mighty     
spirit of ,asia from its decaying       
cell4--,modern ,review1 ,calcutta4      
,your remarkable little book on         
,imperialism which ,i have read three   
times--,i have been anxious to write a  
review on it appreciating it4--,c4 ,f4  
,andrews4  ,,arka ,,publishing ,,house1 
,george ,town1 ,madras4     ,,books     
,,worth ,,reading     ,struggle for     
,swaraj by ,pandit ,motilal ,nehru4     
,as4 #d    ,india and the ,empire by    
,edward ,carpenter4                  #d 
,voice of ,bengal by ,mrs4 ,c4 ,r4 ,das4
                         #d    ,a ,guide
 to ,matrimonial ,alliance by ,aristotle
               #ab    ,non-co-operation 
in ,other ,lands by ,fenner ,brockway   
7cloth bound7                           
,re4 #a-h    ,national ,education by    

,arabinda ,gose                     ,re4
 #a    ,indian ,industrialism by ,k4 ,v4
 ,ganapathy ,aiyar with   introduction  
by ,hon4 ,v4 ,g4 ,kale                  
,indian ,boy ,scouts ,hand ,book by ,f4 
,g4 ,pearce             ,re4 #a-h       
,the ,new ,russia by ,r4 ,u4 ,postgate  
,t4 ,a4 ,jackson        ,as4 #ab        
,amritsar and ,our ,duty to ,india by   
,b4 ,g4 ,horniman        ,rs4 #b-aj     
,my ,childhood and ,boyhood by ,tolstoy 
,re4 #a-ab    ,my ,youth by ,tolstoy    
,re4 #a-ab    ,life and ,writings of    
,bal ,gangadhar ,tilak                  
,rs4 #d    ,tolstoy's ,teachings        
,as4 #f   ,,arka ,,publishing ,,house1  
,george ,town1 ,,madras4     ,the       
,,relations ,,of ,,the ,,sexes  ,,by    
,,count ,,leo ,,tolstoy  ,translated by 
,v4 ,t4 and ,a4 ,c4 ,f41 ,principally   
from private letters1 diaries and       
unpublished ,mss4  ,price ,re4 #a4      
,some ,extracts4  ,women who demand     
masculine work and liberty equal to that
 of man are generally unconsciously     

demanding the liberty of ,license1 and  
in consequence descend to a plane lower 
than the family one1 while imagining    
they are ascending higher4444  ,i think 
that a man who has entered upon physical
 connection with a woman cannot1 and    
must not1 forsake her especially when   
there is or may be a child4444          
,chastity is an ideal after which one   
should always2 under all conditions1    
strive4 ,the nearer you are realising it
 the more you--not to say attain a merit
 before ,god--attain a greater degree of
 your own well being4 ,man may serve    
,god more by being chaste than by giving
 himself up to carnal life4444  ,attacks
 of sexual lust engender confusion of   
thought4 ,the absence of thought        
rather--the whole world darkens4 ,man   
loses his relation to it--chance1       
blackness and failure4444  ,one thing is
 rational3 ,be perfect1 as your ,father1
 and this perfection is in purity and   
then in ,love1 deduction3 first1 purity1
 then preservation of the race4444      

,,arka ,,publishing ,,house1  ,g4 ,t41  
,,madras4