,transcriber's ,notes3 ,greek words in  
this text have been transliterated and  
placed between plus signs4 ,words in    
italics in the original are surrounded  
by underscores4 ,a row of asterisks     
represents a thought break4  ,variations
 in spelling and hyphenation have been  
left as in the original4 ,words with and
 without accents appear as in the       
original4 ,in this text1 semi-colons and
 colons are used indiscriminately4 ,they
 appear as in the original4 ,ellipses   
match the original4  ,a few             
typographical errors have been          
corrected4 ,a complete list follows the 
text4                                   
,,an ,,essay                            
,,on ,,the                              
,,development ,,of ,,christian          
,,doctrine4                             
,,by                       ,,john       
,,henry ,,cardinal ,,newman4            
,,sixth ,,edition                       
,,university ,,of ,,notre ,,dame ,,press
                          ,,notre       

,,dame1 ,,indiana     ,,to ,,the  ,,rev4
 ,,samuel ,,william ,,wayte1 ,b4,d4     
,,president ,,of ,,trinity ,,college1   
,,oxford4   ,,my ,,dear ,,president1    
,not from any special interest which ,i 
anticipate you will take in this        
,volume1 or any sympathy you will feel  
in its argument1 or intrinsic fitness of
 any kind in my associating you and your
 ,fellows with it1--  ,but1 because ,i  
have nothing besides it to offer you1 in
 token of my sense of the gracious      
compliment which you and they have paid 
me in making me once more a ,member of a
 ,college dear to me from ,undergraduate
 memories2--  ,also1 because of the     
happy coincidence1 that whereas its     
first publication was contemporaneous   
with my leaving ,oxford1 its second     
becomes1 by virtue of your act1         
contemporaneous with a recovery of my   
position there3--  ,therefore it is     
that1 without your leave or your        
responsibility1 ,i take the bold step of
 placing your name in the first pages of

 what1 at my age1 ,i must consider the  
last print or reprint on which ,i shall 
ever be engaged4                        
,i am1 my dear ,president1              
,most sincerely yours1                  
,,john ,h4 ,,newman4  ,february #bc1    
#ahgh4     ,,preface ,,to ,,the         
,,edition ,,of #ahgh4   ,the following  
pages were not in the first instance    
written to prove the divinity of the    
,catholic ,religion1 though ultimately  
they furnish a positive argument in its 
behalf1 but to explain certain          
difficulties in its history1 felt before
 now by the author himself1 and commonly
 insisted on by ,protestants in         
controversy1 as serving to blunt the    
force of its prim facie and general     
claims on our recognition4  ,however    
beautiful and promising that ,religion  
is in theory1 its history1 we are told1 
is its best refutation2 the             
inconsistencies1 found age after age in 
its teaching1 being as patent as the    
simultaneous contrarieties of religious 

opinion manifest in the ,high1 ,low1 and
 ,broad branches of the ,church of      
,england4  ,in reply to this specious   
objection1 it is maintained in this     
,essay that1 granting that some large   
variations of teaching in its long      
course of #ahjj years exist1            
nevertheless1 these1 on examination1    
will be found to arise from the nature  
of the case1 and to proceed on a law1   
and with a harmony and a definite drift1
 and with an analogy to ,scripture      
revelations1 which1 instead of telling  
to their disadvantage1 actually         
constitute an argument in their favour1 
as witnessing to a superintending       
,providence and a great ,design in the  
mode and in the circumstances of their  
occurrence4  ,perhaps his confidence in 
the truth and availableness of this view
 has sometimes led the author to be     
careless and over-liberal in his        
concessions to ,protestants of          
historical fact4  ,if this be so        
anywhere1 he begs the reader in such    

cases to understand him as speaking     
hypothetically1 and in the sense of an  
argumentum ad hominem and  fortiori4    
,nor is such hypothetical reasoning out 
of place in a publication which is      
addressed1 not to theologians1 but to   
those who as yet are not even           
,catholics1 and who1 as they read       
history1 would scoff at any defence of  
,catholic doctrine which did not go the 
length of covering admissions in matters
 of fact as broad as those which are    
here ventured on4  ,in this new ,edition
 of the ,essay various important        
alterations have been made in the       
arrangement of its separate parts1 and  
some1 not indeed in its matter1 but in  
its text4  ,february #b1 #ahgh4         
,,advertisement ,,to ,,the ,,first      
,,edition4  ,,oculi ,,mei ,,defecerunt  
,,in ,,salutare ,,tuum4   ,it is now    
above eleven years since the writer of  
the following pages1 in one of the early
 ,numbers of the ,tracts for the ,times1
 expressed himself thus3--              

,considering the high gifts1 and the    
strong claims of the      ,church of    
,rome and her dependencies on our       
admiration1      reverence1 love1 and   
gratitude1 how could we withstand her1  
as      we do2 how could we refrain from
 being melted into tenderness1      and 
rushing into communion with her1 but for
 the words of      ,truth1 which bid us 
prefer ,itself to the whole world8 ',he 
that      loveth father or mother more  
than ,me1 is not worthy of ,me4'        
,how could we learn to be severe1 and   
execute judgment1 but for      the      
warning of ,moses against even a        
divinely-gifted teacher      who should 
preach new gods1 and the anathema of    
,st4 ,paul even      against ,angels and
 ,apostles who should bring in a new    
doctrine8ix-#a  ,he little thought1 when
 he so wrote1 that the time would ever  
come when he should feel the obstacle1  
which he spoke of as lying in the way of
 communion with the ,church of ,rome1 to
 be destitute of solid foundation4  ,the

 following work is directed towards its 
removal4  ,having1 in former            
publications1 called attention to the   
supposed difficulty1 he considers       
himself bound to avow his present belief
 that it is imaginary4  ,he has neither 
the ability to put out of hand a        
finished composition1 nor the wish to   
make a powerful and moving              
representation1 on the great subject of 
which he treats4 ,his aim will be       
answered1 if he succeeds in suggesting  
thoughts1 which in ,god's good time may 
quietly bear fruit1 in the minds of     
those to whom that subject is new2 and  
which may carry forward inquirers1 who  
have already put themselves on the      
course4  ,if at times his tone appears  
positive or peremptory1 he hopes this   
will be imputed to the scientific       
character of the ,work1 which requires a
 distinct statement of principles1 and  
of the arguments which recommend them4  
,he hopes too he shall be excused for   
his frequent quotations from himself2   

which are necessary in order to show how
 he stands at present in relation to    
various of his former ,publications4 99 
99 99    ,,littlemore1       ,october   
#f1 #ahde4   ,,postscript4  ,since the  
above was written1 the ,author has      
joined the ,catholic ,church4 ,it was   
his intention and wish to have carried  
his ,volume through the ,press before   
deciding finally on this step4 ,but when
 he had got some way in the printing1 he
 recognized in himself a conviction of  
the truth of the conclusion to which the
 discussion leads1 so clear as to       
supersede further deliberation4 ,shortly
 afterwards circumstances gave him the  
opportunity of acting upon it1 and he   
felt that he had no warrant for refusing
 to do so4  ,his first act on his       
conversion was to offer his ,work for   
revision to the proper authorities2 but 
the offer was declined on the ground    
that it was written and partly printed  
before he was a ,catholic1 and that it  
would come before the reader in a more  

persuasive form1 if he read it as the   
author wrote it4  ,it is scarcely       
necessary to add that he now submits    
every part of the book to the judgment  
of the ,church1 with whose doctrine1 on 
the subjects of which he treats1 he     
wishes all his thoughts to be           
coincident4   ,,footnotes3  ix-#a       
,records of the ,church1 xxiv4 p4 #g4   
,,contents4     ,,part ,i4              
,,doctrinal ,,developments ,,viewed ,,in
 ,,themselves4                          
,,page   ,,introduction                 
#c    ,,chapter ,i4    ,the ,development
 of ,ideas                              
#cc       ,section #a4 ,the ,process of 
,development in ,ideas                  
#cc       ,section #b4 ,the ,kinds of   
,development in ,ideas                  
#da    ,,chapter ,,ii4    ,the          
,antecedent ,argument in behalf of      
,developments in ,christian             
,doctrine                               
#ee       ,section #a4 ,developments to 
be expected                          #ee

       ,section #b4 ,an infallible      
,developing ,authority to be expected   
#ge       ,section #c4 ,the existing    
,developments of ,doctrine the probable 
,fulfilment of that ,expectation        
#ib    ,,chapter ,,iii4    ,the         
,historical ,argument in behalf of the  
existing ,developments      #ii         
,section #a4 ,method of ,proof          
#ii       ,section #b4 ,state of the    
,evidence                               
#aaj    ,,chapter ,,iv4    ,instances in
 ,illustration                          
#abb       ,section #a4 ,instances      
cursorily noticed                       
#abc              #a4 ,canon of the ,new
 ,testament                             
#abc              #b4 ,original ,sin    
#abf              #c4 ,infant ,baptism  
#abg              #d4 ,communion in one 
kind                               #abi 
#e4 ,the ,homosion                      
#acc       ,section #b4 ,our ,lord's    
,incarnation1 and the dignity of ,his   
,mother and of all ,saints              

#ace       ,section #c4 ,papal          
,supremacy                              
#adh     ,,part ,,ii4    ,,doctrinal    
,,developments ,,viewed ,,relatively    
,,to ,,doctrinal ,,corruptions4         
,,chapter ,v4    ,genuine ,developments 
contrasted with ,corruptions            
#afi       ,section #a4 ,first ,note of 
a genuine ,development of an ,idea3     
,preservation of its ,type              
#aga       ,section #b4 ,second ,note3  
,continuity of its ,principles          
#agh       ,section #c4 ,third ,note3   
,its ,power of ,assimilation            
#ahe       ,section #d4 ,fourth ,note3  
,its ,logical ,sequence                 
#ahi       ,section #e4 ,fifth ,note3   
,anticipation of its ,future            
#aie       ,section #f4 ,sixth ,note3   
,conservative ,action upon its ,past    
#aii       ,section #g4 ,seventh ,note3 
,its ,chronic ,vigour                   
#bjc    ,,chapter ,,vi4    ,application 
of the ,first ,note of a true           
,development to the         ,existing   

,developments of ,christian ,doctrine3  
,preservation         of its ,type      
#bjg       ,section #a4 ,the ,church of 
the ,first ,centuries                   
#bjh       ,section #b4 ,the ,church of 
the ,fourth ,century                    
#bdh       ,section #c4 ,the ,church of 
the ,fifth and ,sixth ,centuries        
#bgc    ,,chapter ,,vii4    ,application
 of the ,second3 ,continuity of its     
,principles            #cbc             
#a4 ,principles of ,christianity        
#cbc              #b4 ,supremacy of     
,faith                                  
#cbf              #c4 ,theology         
#ccf              #d4 ,scripture and its
 ,mystical ,interpretation              
#cch              #e4 ,dogma            
#cdf              #f4 ,additional       
,remarks                                
#cec    ,,chapter ,,viii4               
,application of the ,third3 its         
,assimilative ,power                    
#cee              #a4 ,the ,assimilating
 ,power of ,dogmatic ,truth             

#ceg              #b4 ,the ,assimilating
 ,power of ,sacramental ,grace          
#cfh    ,,chapter ,,ix4    ,application 
of the ,fourth3 its ,logical ,sequence  
#chc              #a4 ,pardons          
#chd              #b4 ,penances         
#che              #c4 ,satisfactions    
#chf              #d4 ,purgatory        
#chh              #e4 ,meritorious      
,works                                  
#cic              #f4 ,the ,monastic    
,rule                                   
#cie    ,,chapter ,x4    ,application of
 the ,fifth3 ,anticipation of its       
,future               #djj              
#a4 ,resurrection and ,relics           
#dja              #b4 ,the ,virgin ,life
                                        
#djg              #c4 ,cultus of ,saints
 and ,angels                            
#daj              #d4 ,office of the    
,blessed ,virgin                        
#dae    ,,chapter ,,xi4    ,application 
of the ,sixth3 ,conservative ,action on 
its ,past          #dai       ,section  

#a4 ,instances cursorily noticed        
#dbj       ,section #b4 ,devotion to the
 ,blessed ,virgin                       
#dbe    ,,chapter ,,xii4    ,application
 of the ,seventh3 its ,chronic ,vigour  
#dcg    ,,conclusion                    
#dde     ,,part ,i4  ,,doctrinal        
,,developments ,,viewed ,,in            
,,themselves4     ,,introduction4       
,christianity has been long enough in   
the world to justify us in dealing with 
it as a fact in the world's history4    
,its genius and character1 its          
doctrines1 precepts1 and objects cannot 
be treated as matters of private opinion
 or deduction1 unless we may reasonably 
so regard the ,spartan institutions or  
the religion of ,mahomet4 ,it may indeed
 legitimately be made the subject-matter
 of theories2 what is its moral and     
political excellence1 what its due      
location in the range of ideas or of    
facts which we possess1 whether it be   
divine or human1 whether original or    
eclectic1 or both at once1 how far      

favourable to civilization or to        
literature1 whether a religion for all  
ages or for a particular state of       
society1 these are questions upon the   
fact1 or professed solutions of the     
fact1 and belong to the province of     
opinion2 but to a fact do they relate1  
on an admitted fact do they turn1 which 
must be ascertained as other facts1 and 
surely has on the whole been so         
ascertained1 unless the testimony of so 
many centuries is to go for nothing4    
,christianity is no theory of the study 
or the cloister4 ,it has long since     
passed beyond the letter of documents   
and the reasonings of individual minds1 
and has become public property4 ,its    
sound has gone out into all lands1 and  
its words unto the ends of the world4   
,it has from the first had an objective 
existence1 and has thrown itself upon   
the great concourse of men4 ,its home is
 in the world2 and to know what it is1  
we must seek it in the world1 and hear  
the world's witness of it4   #b4  ,the  

hypothesis1 indeed1 has met with wide   
reception in these latter times1 that   
,christianity does not fall within the  
province of history1--that it is to each
 man what each man thinks it to be1 and 
nothing else2 and thus in fact is a mere
 name for a cluster or family of rival  
religions all together1 religions at    
variance one with another1 and claiming 
the same appellation1 not because there 
can be assigned any one and the same    
doctrine as the common foundation of    
all1 but because certain points of      
agreement may be found here and there of
 some sort or other1 by which each in   
its turn is connected with one or other 
of the rest4 ,or again1 it has been     
maintained1 or implied1 that all        
existing denominations of ,christianity 
are wrong1 none representing it as      
taught by ,christ and ,his ,apostles2   
that the original religion has gradually
 decayed or become hopelessly corrupt2  
nay that it died out of the world at its
 birth1 and was forthwith succeeded by a

 counterfeit or counterfeits which      
assumed its name1 though they inherited 
at best but some fragments of its       
teaching2 or rather that it cannot even 
be said either to have decayed or to    
have died1 because historically it has  
no substance of its own1 but from the   
first and onwards it has1 on the stage  
of the world1 been nothing more than a  
mere assemblage of doctrines and        
practices derived from without1 from    
,oriental1 ,platonic1 ,polytheistic     
sources1 from ,buddhism1 ,essenism1     
,manicheeism2 or that1 allowing true    
,christianity still to exist1 it has but
 a hidden and isolated life1 in the     
hearts of the elect1 or again as a      
literature or philosophy1 not certified 
in any way1 much less guaranteed1 to    
come from above1 but one out of the     
various separate informations about the 
,supreme ,being and human duty1 with    
which an unknown ,providence had        
furnished us1 whether in nature or in   
the world4   #c4  ,all such views of    

,christianity imply that there is no    
sufficient body of historical proof to  
interfere with1 or at least to prevail  
against1 any number whatever of free and
 independent hypotheses concerning it4  
,but this surely is not self-evident1   
and has itself to be proved4 ,till      
positive reasons grounded on facts are  
adduced to the contrary1 the most       
natural hypotheses1 the most agreeable  
to our mode of proceeding in parallel   
cases1 and that which takes precedence  
of all others1 is to consider that the  
society of ,christians1 which the       
,apostles left on earth1 were of that   
religion to which the ,apostles had     
converted them2 that the external       
continuity of name1 profession1 and     
communion1 argues a real continuity of  
doctrine2 that1 as ,christianity began  
by manifesting itself as of a certain   
shape and bearing to all mankind1       
therefore it went on so to manifest     
itself2 and that the more1 considering  
that prophecy had already determined    

that it was to be a power visible in the
 world and sovereign over it1 characters
 which are accurately fulfilled in that 
historical ,christianity to which we    
commonly give the name4 ,it is not a    
violent assumption1 then1 but rather    
mere abstinence from the wanton         
admission of a principle which would    
necessarily lead to the most vexatious  
and preposterous scepticism1 to take it 
for granted1 before proof to the        
contrary1 that the ,christianity of the 
second1 fourth1 seventh1 twelfth1       
sixteenth1 and intermediate centuries is
 in its substance the very religion     
which ,christ and ,his ,apostles taught 
in the first1 whatever may be the       
modifications for good or for evil which
 lapse of years1 or the vicissitudes of 
human affairs1 have impressed upon it4  
,of course ,i do not deny the abstract  
possibility of extreme changes4 ,the    
substitution is certainly1 in idea1     
supposable of a counterfeit             
,christianity1--superseding the         

original1 by means of the adroit        
innovations of seasons1 places1 and     
persons1 till1 according to the familiar
 illustration1 the blade and the handle 
are alternately renewed1 and identity is
 lost without the loss of continuity4   
,it is possible2 but it must not be     
assumed4 ,the onus probandi is with     
those who assert what it is unnatural to
 expect2 to be just able to doubt is no 
warrant for disbelieving4   #d4         
,accordingly1 some writers have gone on 
to give reasons from history for their  
refusing to appeal to history4 ,they    
aver that1 when they come to look into  
the documents and literature of         
,christianity in times past1 they find  
its doctrines so variously represented1 
and so inconsistently maintained by its 
professors1 that1 however natural it be 
priori1 it is useless1 in fact1 to seek 
in history the matter of that           
,revelation which has been vouchsafed to
 mankind2 that they cannot be historical
 ,christians if they would4 ,they say1  

in the words of ,chillingworth1 ,there  
are popes against popes1 councils       
against councils1 some fathers against  
others1 the same fathers against        
themselves1 a consent of fathers of one 
age against a consent of fathers of     
another age1 the ,church of one age     
against the ,church of another          
age3--,hence they are forced1 whether   
they will or not1 to fall back upon the 
,bible as the sole source of            
,revelation1 and upon their own personal
 private judgment as the sole expounder 
of its doctrine4 ,this is a fair        
argument1 if it can be maintained1 and  
it brings me at once to the subject of  
this ,essay4 ,not that it enters into my
 purpose to convict of misstatement1 as 
might be done1 each separate clause of  
this sweeping accusation of a smart but 
superficial writer2 but neither on the  
other hand do ,i mean to deny everything
 that he says to the disadvantage of    
historical ,christianity4 ,on the       
contrary1 ,i shall admit that there are 

in fact certain apparent variations in  
its teaching1 which have to be          
explained2 thus ,i shall begin1 but then
 ,i shall attempt to explain them to the
 exculpation of that teaching in point  
of unity1 directness1 and consistency4  
#e4  ,meanwhile1 before setting about   
this work1 ,i will address one remark to
 ,chillingworth and his friends3--,let  
them consider1 that if they can         
criticize history1 the facts of history 
certainly can retort upon them4 ,it     
might1 ,i grant1 be clearer on this     
great subject than it is4 ,this is no   
great concession4 ,history is not a     
creed or a catechism1 it gives lessons  
rather than rules2 still no one can     
mistake its general teaching in this    
matter1 whether he accept it or stumble 
at it4 ,bold outlines and broad masses  
of colour rise out of the records of the
 past4 ,they may be dim1 they may be    
incomplete2 but they are definite4 ,and 
this one thing at least is certain2     
whatever history teaches1 whatever it   

omits1 whatever it exaggerates or       
extenuates1 whatever it says and unsays1
 at least the ,christianity of history  
is not ,protestantism4 ,if ever there   
were a safe truth1 it is this4  ,and    
,protestantism has ever felt it so4 ,i  
do not mean that every writer on the    
,protestant side has felt it2 for it was
 the fashion at first1 at least as a    
rhetorical argument against ,rome1 to   
appeal to past ages1 or to some of them2
 but ,protestantism1 as a whole1 feels  
it1 and has felt it4 ,this is shown in  
the determination already referred to of
 dispensing with historical             
,christianity altogether1 and of forming
 a ,christianity from the ,bible alone3 
men never would have put it aside1      
unless they had despaired of it4 ,it is 
shown by the long neglect of            
ecclesiastical history in ,england1     
which prevails even in the ,english     
,church4 ,our popular religion scarcely 
recognizes the fact of the twelve long  
ages which lie between the ,councils of 

,nica and ,trent1 except as affording   
one or two passages to illustrate its   
wild interpretations of certain         
prophesies of ,st4 ,paul and ,st4 ,john4
 ,it is melancholy to say it1 but the   
chief1 perhaps the only ,english writer 
who has any claim to be considered an   
ecclesiastical historian1 is the        
unbeliever ,gibbon4 ,to be deep in      
history is to cease to be a ,protestant4
   #f4  ,and this utter incongruity     
between ,protestantism and historical   
,christianity is a plain fact1 whether  
the latter be regarded in its earlier or
 in its later centuries4 ,protestants   
can as little bear its ,ante-nicene as  
its ,post-tridentine period4 ,i have    
elsewhere observed on this circumstance3
 ,so much must the ,protestant grant    
that1 if such a system of doctrine as he
 would now introduce ever existed in    
early times1 it has been clean swept    
away as if by a deluge1 suddenly1       
silently1 and without memorial2 by a    
deluge coming in a night1 and utterly   

soaking1 rotting1 heaving up1 and       
hurrying off every vestige of what it   
found in the ,church1 before            
cock-crowing3 so that 'when they rose in
 the morning' her true seed 'were all   
dead corpses'--,nay dead and buried--and
 without gravestone4 ',the waters went  
over them2 there was not one of them    
left2 they sunk like lead in the mighty 
waters4' ,strange antitype1 indeed1 to  
the early fortunes of ,israel6--then the
 enemy was drowned1 and ',israel saw    
them dead upon the sea-shore4' ,but now1
 it would seem1 water proceeded as a    
flood 'out of the serpent's mouth1' and 
covered all the witnesses1 so that not  
even their dead bodies lay in the       
streets of the great city4' ,let him    
take which of his doctrines he will1 his
 peculiar view of self-righteousness1 of
 formality1 of superstition2 his notion 
of faith1 or of spirituality in         
religious worship2 his denial of the    
virtue of the sacraments1 or of the     
ministerial commission1 or of the       

visible ,church2 or his doctrine of the 
divine efficacy of the ,scriptures as   
the one appointed instrument of         
religious teaching2 and let him consider
 how far ,antiquity1 as it has come down
 to us1 will countenance him in it4 ,no2
 he must allow that the alleged deluge  
has done its work2 yes1 and has in turn 
disappeared itself2 it has been         
swallowed up by the earth1 mercilessly  
as itself was merciless4#i3a  ,that     
,protestantism1 then1 is not the        
,christianity of history1 it is easy to 
determine1 but to retort is a poor reply
 in controversy to a question of fact1  
and whatever be the violence or the     
exaggeration of writers like            
,chillingworth1 if they have raised a   
real difficulty1 it may claim a real    
answer1 and we must determine whether on
 the one hand ,christianity is still to 
represent to us a definite teaching from
 above1 or whether on the other its     
utterances have been from time to time  
so strangely at variance1 that we are   

necessarily thrown back on our own      
judgment individually to determine1 what
 the revelation of ,god is1 or rather if
 in fact there is1 or has been1 any     
revelation at all4   #g4  ,here then ,i 
concede to the opponents of historical  
,christianity1 that there are to be     
found1 during the #ahjj years through   
which it has lasted1 certain apparent   
inconsistencies and alterations in its  
doctrine and its worship1 such as       
irresistibly attract the attention of   
all who inquire into it4 ,they are not  
sufficient to interfere with the general
 character and course of the religion1  
but they raise the question how they    
came about1 and what they mean1 and have
 in consequence supplied matter for     
several hypotheses4  ,of these one is to
 the effect that ,christianity has even 
changed from the first and ever         
accommodates itself to the circumstances
 of times and seasons2 but it is        
difficult to understand how such a view 
is compatible with the special idea of  

revealed truth1 and in fact its         
advocates more or less abandon1 or tend 
to abandon the supernatural claims of   
,christianity2 so it need not detain us 
here4  ,a second and more plausible     
hypothesis is that of the ,anglican     
divines1 who reconcile and bring into   
shape the exuberant phenomena under     
consideration1 by cutting off and       
casting away as corruptions all usages1 
ways1 opinions1 and tenets1 which have  
not the sanction of primitive times4    
,they maintain that history first       
presents to us a pure ,christianity in  
,east and ,west1 and then a corrupt2 and
 then of course their duty is to draw   
the line between what is corrupt and    
what is pure1 and to determine the dates
 at which the various changes from good 
to bad were introduced4 ,such a         
principle of demarcation1 available for 
the purpose1 they consider they have    
found in the dictum of ,vincent of      
,lerins1 that revealed and ,apostolic   
doctrine is quod semper1 quod ubique1   

quod ab omnibus1 a principle infallibly 
separating1 on the whole field of       
history1 authoritative doctrine from    
opinion1 rejecting what is faulty1 and  
combining and forming a theology4 ,that 
,christianity is what has been held     
always1 everywhere1 and by all1         
certainly promises a solution of the    
perplexities1 an interpretation of the  
meaning1 of history4 ,what can be more  
natural than that divines and bodies of 
men should speak1 sometimes from        
themselves1 sometimes from tradition8   
what more natural than that individually
 they should say many things on impulse1
 or under excitement1 or as conjectures1
 or in ignorance8 what more certain than
 that they must all have been instructed
 and catechized in the ,creed of the    
,apostles8 what more evident than that  
what was their own would in its degree  
be peculiar1 and differ from what was   
similarly private and personal in their 
brethren8 what more conclusive than that
 the doctrine that was common to all at 

once was not really their own1 but      
public property in which they had a     
joint interest1 and was proved by the   
concurrence of so many witnesses to have
 come from an ,apostolical source8      
,here1 then1 we have a short and easy   
method for bringing the various         
informations of ecclesiastical history  
under that antecedent probability in its
 favour1 which nothing but its actual   
variations would lead us to neglect4    
,here we have a precise and satisfactory
 reason why we should make much of the  
earlier centuries1 yet pay no regard to 
the later1 why we should admit some     
doctrines and not others1 why we refuse 
the ,creed of ,pius ,,iv4 and accept the
 ,thirty-nine ,articles4   #h4  ,such is
 the rule of historical interpretation  
which has been professed in the ,english
 school of divines2 and it contains a   
majestic truth1 and offers an           
intelligible principle1 and wears a     
reasonable air4 ,it is congenial1 or1 as
 it may be said1 native to the ,anglican

 mind1 which takes up a middle position1
 neither discarding the ,fathers nor    
acknowledging the ,pope4 ,it lays down a
 simple rule by which to measure the    
value of every historical fact1 as it   
comes1 and thereby it provides a bulwark
 against ,rome1 while it opens an       
assault upon ,protestantism4 ,such is   
its promise2 but its difficulty lies in 
applying it in particular cases4 ,the   
rule is more serviceable in determining 
what is not1 than what is ,christianity2
 it is irresistible against             
,protestantism1 and in one sense indeed 
it is irresistible against ,rome also1  
but in the same sense it is irresistible
 against ,england4 ,it strikes at ,rome 
through ,england4 ,it admits of being   
interpreted in one of two ways3 if it be
 narrowed for the purpose of disproving 
the catholicity of the ,creed of ,pope  
,pius1 it becomes also an objection to  
the ,athanasian2 and if it be relaxed to
 admit the doctrines retained by the    
,english ,church1 it no longer excludes 

certain doctrines of ,rome which that   
,church denies4 ,it cannot at once      
condemn ,st4 ,thomas and ,st4 ,bernard1 
and defend ,st4 ,athanasius and ,st4    
,gregory ,nazianzen4  ,this general     
defect in its serviceableness has been  
heretofore felt by those who appealed to
 it4 ,it was said by one writer2 ,the   
,rule of ,vincent is not of a           
mathematical or demonstrative character1
 but moral1 and requires practical      
judgment and good sense to apply it4    
,for instance1 what is meant by being   
'taught always'8 does it mean in every  
century1 or every year1 or every month8 
,does 'everywhere' mean in every        
country1 or in every diocese8 and does  
'the ,consent of ,fathers' require us to
 produce the direct testimony of every  
one of them8 ,how many ,fathers1 how    
many places1 how many instances1        
constitute a fulfilment of the test     
proposed8 ,it is1 then1 from the nature 
of the case1 a condition which never can
 be satisfied as fully as it might have 

been4 ,it admits of various and unequal 
application in various instances2 and   
what degree of application is enough1   
must be decided by the same principles  
which guide us in the conduct of life1  
which determine us in politics1 or      
trade1 or war1 which lead us to accept  
,revelation at all1 7for which we have  
but probability to show at most17 nay1  
to believe in the existence of an       
intelligent ,creator4#ab3a   #i4  ,so   
much was allowed by this writer2 but    
then he added3--  ,this character1      
indeed1 of ,vincent's ,canon1 will but  
recommend it to the disciples of the    
school of ,butler1 from its agreement   
with the analogy of nature2 but it      
affords a ready loophole for such as do 
not wish to be persuaded1 of which both 
,protestants and ,romanists are not slow
 to avail themselves4  ,this surely is  
the language of disputants who are more 
intent on assailing others than on      
defending themselves2 as if similar     
loopholes were not necessary for        

,anglican theology4  ,he elsewhere says3
 ,what there is not the shadow of a     
reason for saying that the ,fathers     
held1 what has not the faintest         
pretensions of being a ,catholic truth1 
is this1 that ,st4 ,peter or his        
successors were and are universal       
,bishops1 that they have the whole of   
,christendom for their one diocese in a 
way in which other ,apostles and        
,bishops had and have not4#ac3a ,most   
true1 if1 in order that a doctrine be   
considered ,catholic1 it must be        
formally stated by the ,fathers         
generally from the very first2 but1 on  
the same understanding1 the doctrine    
also of the apostolical succession in   
the episcopal order has not the faintest
 pretensions of being a ,catholic truth4
  ,nor was this writer without a feeling
 of the special difficulty of his       
school2 and he attempted to meet it by  
denying it4 ,he wished to maintain that 
the sacred doctrines admitted by the    
,church of ,england into her ,articles  

were taught in primitive times with a   
distinctness which no one could fancy to
 attach to the characteristic tenets of 
,rome4  ,we confidently affirm1 he said 
in another publication1 that there is   
not an article in the ,athanasian ,creed
 concerning the ,incarnation which is   
not anticipated in the controversy with 
the ,gnostics4 ,there is no question    
which the ,apollinarian or the          
,nestorian heresy raised1 which may not 
be decided in the words of ,ignatius1   
,irenus and ,tertullian4#ac3b   #aj4    
,this may be considered as true4 ,it may
 be true also1 or at least shall here be
 granted as true1 that there is also a  
consensus in the ,ante-nicene ,church   
for the doctrines of our ,lord's        
,consubstantiality and ,coeternity with 
the ,almighty ,father4 ,let us allow    
that the whole circle of doctrines1 of  
which our ,lord is the subject1 was     
consistently and uniformly confessed by 
the ,primitive ,church1 though not      
ratified formally in ,council4 ,but it  

surely is otherwise with the ,catholic  
doctrine of the ,trinity4 ,i do not see 
in what sense it can be said that there 
is a consensus of primitive divines in  
its favour1 which will not avail also   
for certain doctrines of the ,roman     
,church which will presently come into  
mention4 ,and this is a point which the 
writer of the above passages ought to   
have more distinctly brought before his 
mind and more carefully weighed2 but he 
seems to have fancied that ,bishop ,bull
 proved the primitiveness of the        
,catholic doctrine concerning the ,holy 
,trinity as well as that concerning our 
,lord4  ,now it should be clearly       
understood what it is which must be     
shown by those who would prove it4 ,of  
course the doctrine of our ,lord's      
divinity itself partly implies and      
partly recommends the doctrine of the   
,trinity2 but implication and suggestion
 belong to another class of arguments   
which has not yet come into             
consideration4 ,moreover the statements 

of a particular father or doctor may    
certainly be of a most important        
character2 but one divine is not equal  
to a ,catena4 ,we must have a whole     
doctrine stated by a whole ,church4 ,the
 ,catholic ,truth in question is made up
 of a number of separate propositions1  
each of which1 if maintained to the     
exclusion of the rest1 is a heresy4 ,in 
order then to prove that all the        
,ante-nicene writers taught the dogma of
 the ,holy ,trinity1 it is not enough to
 prove that each still has gone far     
enough to be only a heretic--not enough 
to prove that one has held that the ,son
 is ,god1 7for so did the ,sabellian1 so
 did the ,macedonian71 and another that 
the ,father is not the ,son1 7for so did
 the ,arian71 and another that the ,son 
is equal to the ,father1 7for so did the
 ,tritheist71 and another that there is 
but ,one ,god1 7for so did the          
,unitarian71--not enough that many      
attached in some sense a ,threefold     
,power to the idea of the ,almighty1    

7for so did almost all the heresies that
 ever existed1 and could not but do so1 
if they accepted the ,new ,testament at 
all72 but we must show that all these   
statements at once1 and others too1 are 
laid down by as many separate           
testimonies as may fairly be taken to   
constitute a consensus of doctors4 ,it  
is true indeed that the subsequent      
profession of the doctrine in the       
,universal ,church creates a presumption
 that it was held even before it was    
professed2 and it is fair to interpret  
the early ,fathers by the later4 ,this  
is true1 and admits of application to   
certain other doctrines besides that of 
the ,blessed ,trinity in ,unity2 but    
there is as little room for such        
antecedent probabilities as for the     
argument from suggestions and           
intimations in the precise and          
imperative ,quod semper1 quod ubique1   
quod ab omnibus1 as it is commonly      
understood by ,english divines1 and is  
by them used against the later ,church  

and the see of ,rome4 ,what we have a   
right to ask1 if we are bound to act    
upon ,vincent's rule in regard to the   
,trinitarian dogma1 is a sufficient     
number of ,ante-nicene statements1 each 
distinctly anticipating the ,athanasian 
,creed4   #aa4  ,now let us look at the 
leading facts of the case1 in appealing 
to which ,i must not be supposed to be  
ascribing any heresy to the holy men    
whose words have not always been        
sufficiently full or exact to preclude  
the imputation4 ,first1 the ,creeds of  
that early day make no mention in their 
letter of the ,catholic doctrine at all4
 ,they make mention indeed of a ,three2 
but that there is any mystery in the    
doctrine1 that the ,three are ,one1 that
 ,they are coequal1 coeternal1 all      
increate1 all omnipotent1 all           
incomprehensible1 is not stated1 and    
never could be gathered from them4 ,of  
course we believe that they imply it1 or
 rather intend it4 ,god forbid we should
 do otherwise6 ,but nothing in the mere 

letter of those documents leads to that 
belief4 ,to give a deeper meaning to    
their letter1 we must interpret them by 
the times which came after4  ,again1    
there is one and one only great         
doctrinal ,council in ,ante-nicene      
times4 ,it was held at ,antioch1 in the 
middle of the third century1 on occasion
 of the incipient innovations of the    
,syrian heretical school4 ,now the      
,fathers there assembled1 for whatever  
reason1 condemned1 or at least withdrew1
 when it came into the dispute1 the word
 ,homosion1 which was afterwards        
received at ,nica as the special symbol 
of ,catholicism against ,arius4#af3a    
,again1 the six great ,bishops and      
,saints of the ,ante-nicene ,church were
 ,st4 ,irenus1 ,st4 ,hippolytus1 ,st4   
,cyprian1 ,st4 ,gregory ,thaumaturgus1  
,st4 ,dionysius of ,alexandria1 and ,st4
 ,methodius4 ,of these1 ,st4 ,dionysius 
is accused by ,st4 ,basil of having sown
 the first seeds of ,arianism2#af3b and 
,st4 ,gregory is allowed by the same    

learned ,father to have used language   
concerning our ,lord1 which he only     
defends on the plea of an economical    
object in the writer4#af3c ,st4         
,hippolytus speaks as if he were        
ignorant of our ,lord's ,eternal        
,sonship2#ag3a ,st4 ,methodius speaks   
incorrectly at least upon the           
,incarnation2#ag3b and ,st4 ,cyprian    
does not treat of theology at all4 ,such
 is the incompleteness of the extant    
teaching of these true saints1 and1 in  
their day1 faithful witnesses of the    
,eternal ,son4  ,again1 ,athenagoras1   
,st4 ,clement1 ,tertullian1 and the two 
,,ss4 ,dionysii would appear to be the  
only writers whose language is at any   
time exact and systematic enough to     
remind us of the ,athanasian ,creed4 ,if
 we limit our view of the teaching of   
the ,fathers by what they expressly     
state1 ,st4 ,ignatius may be considered 
as a ,patripassian1 ,st4 ,justin        
arianizes1 and ,st4 ,hippolytus is a    
,photinian4  ,again1 there are three    

great theological authors of the        
,ante-nicene centuries1 ,tertullian1    
,origen1 and1 we may add1 ,eusebius1    
though he lived some way into the       
fourth4 ,tertullian is heterodox on the 
doctrine of our ,lord's divinity1#ag3c  
and1 indeed1 ultimately fell altogether 
into heresy or schism2 ,origen is1 at   
the very least1 suspected1 and must be  
defended and explained rather than cited
 as a witness of orthodoxy2 and         
,eusebius was a ,semi-,arian4   #ab4    
,moreover1 it may be questioned whether 
any ,ante-nicene father distinctly      
affirms either the numerical ,unity or  
the ,coequality of the ,three ,persons2 
except perhaps the heterodox            
,tertullian1 and that chiefly in a work 
written after he had become a           
,montanist3#ah3a yet to satisfy the     
,anti-roman use of ,quod semper1 c41    
surely we ought not to be left for these
 great articles of doctrine to the      
testimony of a later age4  ,further1    
,bishop ,bull allows that nearly all the

 ancient ,catholics who preceded ,arius 
have the appearance of being ignorant of
 the invisible and incomprehensible     
7immensam7 nature of the ,son of        
,god2#ah3b an article expressly taught  
in the ,athanasian ,creed under the     
sanction of its anathema4  ,it must be  
asked1 moreover1 how much direct and    
literal testimony the ,ante-nicene      
,fathers give1 one by one1 to the       
divinity of the ,holy ,spirit8 ,this    
alone shall be observed1 that ,st4      
,basil1 in the fourth century1 finding  
that1 if he distinctly called the ,third
 ,person in the ,blessed ,trinity by the
 ,name of ,god1 he should be put out of 
the ,church by the ,arians1 pointedly   
refrained from doing so on an occasion  
on which his enemies were on the watch2 
and that1 when some ,catholics found    
fault with him1 ,st4 ,athanasius took   
his part4#ah3c ,could this possibly have
 been the conduct of any true           
,christian1 not to say ,saint1 of a     
later age8 that is1 whatever be the true

 account of it1 does it not suggest to  
us that the testimony of those early    
times lies very unfavourably for the    
application of the rule of ,vincentius8 
#ac4  ,let it not be for a moment       
supposed that ,i impugn the orthodoxy of
 the early divines1 or the cogency of   
their testimony among fair inquirers2   
but ,i am trying them by that unfair    
interpretation of ,vincentius1 which is 
necessary in order to make him available
 against the ,church of ,rome4 ,and now1
 as to the positive evidence which those
 ,fathers offer in behalf of the        
,catholic doctrine of the ,trinity1 it  
has been drawn out by ,dr4 ,burton and  
seems to fall under two heads4 ,one is  
the general ascription of glory to the  
,three ,persons together1 both by       
fathers and churches1 and that on       
continuous tradition and from the       
earliest times4 ,under the second fall  
certain distinct statements of          
particular fathers2 thus we find the    
word ,trinity used by ,st4 ,theophilus1 

,st4 ,clement1 ,st4 ,hippolytus1        
,tertullian1 ,st4 ,cyprian1 ,origen1    
,st4 ,methodius2 and the ,divine        
,circumincessio1 the most distinctive   
portion of the ,catholic doctrine1 and  
the unity of power1 or again1 of        
substance1 are declared with more or    
less distinctness by ,athenagoras1 ,st4 
,irenus1 ,st4 ,clement1 ,tertullian1    
,st4 ,hippolytus1 ,origen1 and the two  
,,ss4 ,dionysii4 ,this is pretty much   
the whole of the evidence4   #ad4       
,perhaps it will be said we ought to    
take the ,ante-nicene ,fathers as a     
whole1 and interpret one of them by     
another4 ,this is to assume that they   
are all of one school1 which of course  
they are1 but which in controversy is a 
point to be proved2 but it is even      
doubtful whether1 on the whole1 such a  
procedure would strengthen the argument4
 ,for instance1 as to the second head of
 the positive evidence noted by ,dr4    
,burton1 ,tertullian is the most formal 
and elaborate of these ,fathers in his  

statements of the ,catholic doctrine4   
,it would hardly be possible1 says ,dr4 
,burton1 after quoting a passage1 for   
,athanasius himself1 or the compiler of 
the ,athanasian ,creed1 to have         
delivered the doctrine of the ,trinity  
in stronger terms than these4#ai3a ,yet 
,tertullian must be considered heterodox
 on the doctrine of our ,lord's eternal 
generation4#bj3a ,if then we are to     
argue from his instance to that of the  
other ,fathers1 we shall be driven to   
the conclusion that even the most exact 
statements are worth nothing more than  
their letter1 are a warrant for nothing 
beyond themselves1 and are consistent   
with heterodoxy where they do not       
expressly protest against it4  ,and     
again1 as to the argument derivable from
 the ,doxologies1 it must not be        
forgotten that one of the passages in   
,st4 ,justin ,martyr includes the       
worship of the ,angels4 ,we worship and 
adore1 he says1 ,him1 and the ,son who  
came from ,him and taught us these      

things1 and the host of those other good
 ,angels1 who follow and are like ,him1 
and the ,prophetic ,spirit4#bj3b ,a     
,unitarian might argue from this passage
 that the glory and worship which the   
early ,church ascribed to our ,lord was 
not more definite than that which ,st4  
,justin was ready to concede to         
creatures4   #ae4  ,thus much on the    
doctrine of the ,holy ,trinity4 ,let us 
proceed to another example4 ,there are  
two doctrines which are generally       
associated with the name of a ,father of
 the fourth and fifth centuries1 and    
which can show little definite1 or at   
least but partial1 testimony in their   
behalf before his time1--,purgatory and 
,original ,sin4 ,the dictum of ,vincent 
admits both or excludes both1 according 
as it is or is not rigidly taken2 but1  
if used by ,aristotle's ,lesbian ,rule1 
then1 as ,anglicans would wish1 it can  
be made to admit ,original ,sin and     
exclude ,purgatory4  ,on the one hand1  
some notion of suffering1 or            

disadvantage1 or punishment after this  
life1 in the case of the faithful       
departed1 or other vague forms of the   
doctrine of ,purgatory1 has in its      
favour almost a consensus of the four   
first ages of the ,church1 though some  
,fathers state it with far greater      
openness and decision than others4 ,it  
is1 as far as words go1 the confession  
of ,st4 ,clement of ,alexandria1        
,tertullian1 ,st4 ,perpetua1 ,st4       
,cyprian1 ,origen1 ,lactantius1 ,st4    
,hilary1 ,st4 ,cyril of ,jerusalem1 ,st4
 ,ambrose1 ,st4 ,basil1 ,st4 ,gregory of
 ,nazianzus1 and of ,nyssa1 ,st4        
,chrysostom1 ,st4 ,jerome1 ,st4         
,paulinus1 and ,st4 ,augustine4 ,and so1
 on the other hand1 there is a certain  
agreement of ,fathers from the first    
that mankind has derived some           
disadvantage from the sin of ,adam4     
#af4  ,next1 when we consider the two   
doctrines more distinctly1--the doctrine
 that between death and judgment there  
is a time or state of punishment2 and   

the doctrine that all men1 naturally    
propagated from fallen ,adam1 are in    
consequence born destitute of original  
righteousness1--we find1 on the one     
hand1 several1 such as ,tertullian1 ,st4
 ,perpetua1 ,st4 ,cyril1 ,st4 ,hilary1  
,st4 ,jerome1 ,st4 ,gregory ,nyssen1 as 
far as their words go1 definitely       
declaring a doctrine of ,purgatory3     
whereas no one will say that there is a 
testimony of the ,fathers1 equally      
strong1 for the doctrine of ,original   
,sin1 though it is difficult here to    
make any definite statement about their 
teaching without going into a discussion
 of the subject4  ,on the subject of    
,purgatory there were1 to speak         
generally1 two schools of opinion2 the  
,greek1 which contemplated a trial of   
fire at the last day through which all  
were to pass2 and the ,african1         
resembling more nearly the present      
doctrine of the ,roman ,church4 ,and so 
there were two principal views of       
,original ,sin1 the ,greek and the      

,african or ,latin4 ,of the ,greek1 the 
judgment of ,hooker is well known1      
though it must not be taken in the      
letter3 ,the heresy of freewill was a   
millstone about those ,pelagians' neck2 
shall we therefore give sentence of     
death inevitable against all those      
,fathers in the ,greek ,church which1   
being mispersuaded1 died in the error of
 freewill8#bb3a ,bishop ,taylor1 arguing
 for an opposite doctrine1 bears a like 
testimony3 ,original ,sin1 he says1 as  
it is at this day commonly explicated1  
was not the doctrine of the primitive   
,church2 but when ,pelagius had puddled 
the stream1 ,st4 ,austin was so angry   
that he stamped and disturbed it more4  
,and truly 4 4 ,i do not think that the 
gentlemen that urged against me ,st4    
,austin's opinion do well consider that 
,i profess myself to follow those       
,fathers who were before him2 and whom  
,st4 ,austin did forsake1 as ,i do him1 
in the question4#bb3b ,the same is      
asserted or allowed by ,jansenius1      

,petavius1 and ,walch1#bb3c men of such 
different schools that we may surely    
take their agreement as a proof of the  
fact4 ,a late writer1 after going       
through the testimonies of the ,fathers 
one by one1 comes to the conclusion1    
first1 that the ,greek ,church in no    
point favoured ,augustine1 except in    
teaching that from ,adam's sin came     
death1 and1 7after the time of          
,methodius17 an extraordinary and       
unnatural sensuality also2 next1 that   
the ,latin ,church affirmed1 in         
addition1 that a corrupt and            
contaminated soul1 and that1 by         
generation1 was carried on to his       
posterity2#bb3d and1 lastly1 that       
neither ,greeks nor ,latins held the    
doctrine of imputation4 ,it may be      
observed1 in addition1 that1 in spite of
 the forcible teaching of ,st4 ,paul on 
the subject1 the doctrine of ,original  
,sin appears neither in the ,apostles'  
nor the ,nicene ,creed4   #ag4  ,one    
additional specimen shall be given as a 

sample of many others3--,i betake myself
 to one of our altars to receive the    
,blessed ,eucharist2 ,i have no doubt   
whatever on my mind about the ,gift     
which that ,sacrament contains2 ,i      
confess to myself my belief1 and ,i go  
through the steps on which it is assured
 to me4 ,the ,presence of ,christ is    
here1 for ,it follows upon              
,consecration2 and ,consecration is the 
prerogative of ,priests2 and ,priests   
are made by ,ordination2 and ,ordination
 comes in direct line from the          
,apostles4 ,whatever be our other       
misfortunes1 every link in our chain is 
safe2 we have the ,apostolic            
,succession1 we have a right form of    
consecration3 therefore we are blessed  
with the great ,gift4 ,here the question
 rises in me1 ,who told you about that  
,gift8 ,i answer1 ,i have learned it    
from the ,fathers3 ,i believe the ,real 
,presence because they bear witness to  
it4 ,st4 ,ignatius calls it 'the        
medicine of immortality3' ,st4 ,irenus  

says that 'our flesh becomes incorrupt1 
and partakes of life1 and has the hope  
of the resurrection1' as 'being         
nourished from the ,lord's ,body and    
,blood2' that the ,eucharist 'is made up
 of two things1 an earthly and an       
heavenly3'#bc3a perhaps ,origen1 and    
perhaps ,magnes1 after him1 say that ,it
 is not a type of our ,lord's ,body1 but
 ,his ,body3 and ,st4 ,cyprian uses     
language as fearful as can be spoken1 of
 those who profane it4 ,i cast my lot   
with them1 ,i believe as they4 ,thus ,i 
reply1 and then the thought comes upon  
me a second time1 ,and do not the same  
ancient ,fathers bear witness to another
 doctrine1 which you disown8 ,are you   
not as a hypocrite1 listening to them   
when you will1 and deaf when you will   
not8 ,how are you casting your lot with 
the ,saints1 when you go but half-way   
with them8 ,for of whether of the two do
 they speak the more frequently1 of the 
,real ,presence in the ,eucharist1 or of
 the ,pope's supremacy8 ,you accept the 

lesser evidence1 you reject the greater4
   #ah4  ,in truth1 scanty as the       
,ante-nicene notices may be of the      
,papal ,supremacy1 they are both more   
numerous and more definite than the     
adducible testimonies in favour of the  
,real ,presence4 ,the testimonies to the
 latter are confined to a few passages  
such as those just quoted4 ,on the other
 hand1 of a passage in ,st4 ,justin1    
,bishop ,kaye remarks1 ,le ,nourry      
infers that ,justin maintained the      
doctrine of ,transubstantiation2 it     
might in my opinion be more plausibly   
urged in favour of ,consubstantiation1  
since ,justin calls the consecrated     
elements ,bread and ,wine1 though not   
common bread and wine4#bd3a 4 4 4 ,we   
may therefore conclude that1 when he    
calls them the ,body and ,blood of      
,christ1 he speaks figuratively4        
,clement1 observes the same author1 says
 that the ,scripture calls wine a mystic
 symbol of the holy blood4 4 4 4        
,clement gives various interpretations  

of ,christ's expressions in ,john vi4   
respecting ,his flesh and blood2 but in 
no instance does he interpret them      
literally4 4 4 4 ,his notion seems to   
have been that1 by partaking of the     
bread and wine in the ,eucharist1 the   
soul of the believer is united to the   
,spirit1 and that by this union the     
principle of immortality is imparted to 
the flesh4#bd3b ,it has been suggested  
by some1 says ,waterland1 that          
,tertullian understood ,john vi4 merely 
of faith1 or doctrine1 or spiritual     
actions2 and it is strenuously denied by
 others4 ,after quoting the passage1 he 
adds1 ,all that one can justly gather   
from this confused passage is that      
,tertullian interpreted the bread of    
life in ,john vi4 of the ,word1 which he
 sometimes makes to be vocal1 and       
sometimes substantial1 blending the     
ideas in a very perplexed manner2 so    
that he is no clear authority for       
construing ,john vi4 of doctrines1 c4   
,all that is certain is that he supposes

 the ,word made flesh1 the ,word        
incarnate to be the heavenly bread      
spoken of in that chapter4#be3a         
,origen's general observation relating  
to that chapter is1 that it must not be 
literally1 but figuratively             
understood4#be3b ,again1 ,it is plain   
enough that ,eusebius followed ,origen  
in this matter1 and that both of them   
favoured the same mystical or           
allegorical construction2 whether       
constantly and uniformly ,i need not    
say4#be3c ,i will but add the incidental
 testimony afforded on a late           
occasion3--how far the ,anglican        
doctrine of the ,eucharist depends on   
the times before the ,nicene ,council1  
how far on the times after it1 may be   
gathered from the circumstance that1    
when a memorable ,sermon#be3d was       
published on the subject1 out of about  
one hundred and forty passages from the 
,fathers appended in the notes1 not in  
formal proof1 but in general            
illustration1 only fifteen were taken   

from ,ante-nicene writers4  ,with such  
evidence1 the ,ante-nicene testimonies  
which may be cited in behalf of the     
authority of the ,holy ,see1 need not   
fear a comparison4 ,faint they may be   
one by one1 but at least we may count   
seventeen of them1 and they are various1
 and are drawn from many times and      
countries1 and thereby serve to         
illustrate each other1 and form a body  
of proof4 ,whatever objections may be   
made to this or that particular fact1   
and ,i do not think any valid ones can  
be raised1 still1 on the whole1 ,i      
consider that a cumulative argument     
rises from them in favour of the        
ecumenical and the doctrinal authority  
of ,rome1 stronger than any argument    
which can be drawn from the same period 
for the doctrine of the ,real ,presence4
 ,i shall have occasion to enumerate    
them in the fourth chapter of this      
,essay4   #ai4  ,if it be said that the 
,real ,presence appears1 by the         
,liturgies of the fourth or fifth       

century1 to have been the doctrine of   
the earlier1 since those very forms     
probably existed from the first in      
,divine worship1 this is doubtless an   
important truth2 but then it is true    
also that the writers of the fourth and 
fifth centuries fearlessly assert1 or   
frankly allow that the prerogatives of  
,rome were derived from apostolic times1
 and that because it was the ,see of    
,st4 ,peter4  ,moreover1 if the         
resistance of ,st4 ,cyprian and         
,firmilian to the ,church of ,rome1 in  
the question of baptism by heretics1 be 
urged as an argument against her        
primitive authority1 or the earlier     
resistance of ,polycrates of ,ephesus1  
let it be considered1 first1 whether all
 authority does not necessarily lead to 
resistance2 next1 whether ,st4          
,cyprian's own doctrine1 which is in    
favour of ,rome1 is not more weighty    
than his act1 which is against her2     
thirdly1 whether he was not already in  
error in the main question under        

discussion1 and ,firmilian also2 and    
lastly1 which is the chief point here1  
whether1 in like manner1 we may not     
object on the other hand against the    
,real ,presence the words of            
,tertullian1 who explains1 ,this is my  
,body1 by a figure of my ,body1 and of  
,origen1 who speaks of our drinking     
,christ's ,blood not only in the rite of
 the ,sacraments1 but also when we      
receive ,his discourses1#bf3a and says  
that that ,bread which ,god the ,word   
acknowledges as ,his ,body is the ,word 
which nourishes souls1#bf3b--passages   
which admit of a ,catholic              
interpretation when the ,catholic       
doctrine is once proved1 but which prim 
facie run counter to that doctrine4  ,it
 does not seem possible1 then1 to avoid 
the conclusion that1 whatever be the    
proper key for harmonizing the records  
and documents of the early and later    
,church1 and true as the dictum of      
,vincentius must be considered in the   
abstract1 and possible as its           

application might be in his own age1    
when he might almost ask the primitive  
centuries for their testimony1 it is    
hardly available now1 or effective of   
any satisfactory result4 ,the solution  
it offers is as difficult as the        
original problem4   #bj4  ,another      
hypothesis for accounting for a want of 
accord between the early and the late   
aspects of ,christianity is that of the 
,disciplina ,arcani1 put forward on the 
assumption that there has been no       
variation in the teaching of the ,church
 from first to last4 ,it is maintained  
that doctrines which are associated with
 the later ages of the ,church were     
really in the ,church from the first1   
but not publicly taught1 and that for   
various reasons3 as1 for the sake of    
reverence1 that sacred subjects might   
not be profaned by the heathen2 and for 
the sake of catechumens1 that they might
 not be oppressed or carried away by a  
sudden communication of the whole circle
 of revealed truth4 ,and indeed the fact

 of this concealment can hardly be      
denied1 in whatever degree it took the  
shape of a definite rule1 which might   
vary with persons and places4 ,that it  
existed even as a rule1 as regards the  
,sacraments1 seems to be confessed on   
all hands4 ,that it existed in other    
respects1 as a practice1 is plain from  
the nature of the case1 and from the    
writings of the ,apologists4 ,minucius  
,felix and ,arnobius1 in controversy    
with ,pagans1 imply a denial that then  
the ,christians used altars2 yet        
,tertullian speaks expressly of the ,ara
 ,dei in the ,church4 ,what can we say1 
but that the ,apologists deny altars in 
the sense in which they ridicule them2  
or1 that they deny that altars such as  
the ,pagan altars were tolerated by     
,christians8 ,and1 in like manner1      
,minucius allows that there were no     
temples among ,christians2 yet they are 
distinctly recognized in the edicts of  
the ,dioclesian era1 and are known to   
have existed at a still earlier date4   

,it is the tendency of every dominant   
system1 such as the ,paganism of the    
,ante-nicene centuries1 to force its    
opponents into the most hostile and     
jealous attitude1 from the apprehension 
which they naturally feel1 lest if they 
acted otherwise1 in those points in     
which they approximate towards it1 they 
should be misinterpreted and overborne  
by its authority4 ,the very fault now   
found with clergymen of the ,anglican   
,church1 who wish to conform their      
practices to her rubrics1 and their     
doctrines to her divines of the         
seventeenth century1 is1 that1 whether  
they mean it or no1 whether legitimately
 or no1 still1 in matter of fact1 they  
will be sanctioning and encouraging the 
religion of ,rome1 in which there are   
similar doctrines and practices1 more   
definite and more influential2 so that1 
at any rate1 it is inexpedient at the   
moment to attempt what is sure to be    
mistaken4 ,that is1 they are required to
 exercise a disciplina arcani2 and a    

similar reserve was inevitable on the   
part of the ,catholic ,church1 at a time
 when priests and altars and rites all  
around it were devoted to malignant and 
incurable superstitions4 ,it would be   
wrong indeed to deny1 but it was a duty 
to withhold1 the ceremonial of          
,christianity2 and ,apologists might be 
sometimes tempted to deny absolutely    
what at furthest could only be denied   
under conditions4 ,an idolatrous        
,paganism tended to repress the         
externals of ,christianity1 as1 at this 
day1 the presence of ,protestantism is  
said to repress1 though for another     
reason1 the exhibition of the ,roman    
,catholic religion4  ,on various        
grounds1 then1 it is certain that       
portions of the ,church system were held
 back in primitive times1 and of course 
this fact goes some way to account for  
that apparent variation and growth of   
doctrine1 which embarrasses us when we  
would consult history for the true idea 
of ,christianity2 yet it is no key to   

the whole difficulty1 as we find it1 for
 obvious reasons3--because the          
variations continue beyond the time when
 it is conceivable that the discipline  
was in force1 and because they manifest 
themselves on a law1 not abruptly1 but  
by a visible growth which has persevered
 up to this time without any sign of its
 coming to an end4#bi3a   #ba4  ,the    
following ,essay is directed towards a  
solution of the difficulty which has    
been stated1--the difficulty1 as far as 
it exists1 which lies in the way of our 
using in controversy the testimony of   
our most natural informant concerning   
the doctrine and worship of             
,christianity1 viz4 the history of      
eighteen hundred years4 ,the view on    
which it is written has at all times1   
perhaps1 been implicitly adopted by     
theologians1 and1 ,i believe1 has       
recently been illustrated by several    
distinguished writers of the continent1 
such as ,de ,maistre and ,mhler3 viz4   
that the increase and expansion of the  

,christian ,creed and ,ritual1 and the  
variations which have attended the      
process in the case of individual       
writers and ,churches1 are the necessary
 attendants on any philosophy or polity 
which takes possession of the intellect 
and heart1 and has had any wide or      
extended dominion2 that1 from the nature
 of the human mind1 time is necessary   
for the full comprehension and          
perfection of great ideas2 and that the 
highest and most wonderful truths1      
though communicated to the world once   
for all by inspired teachers1 could not 
be comprehended all at once by the      
recipients1 but1 as being received and  
transmitted by minds not inspired and   
through media which were human1 have    
required only the longer time and deeper
 thought for their full elucidation4    
,this may be called the ,theory of      
,development of ,doctrine2 and1 before  
proceeding to treat of it1 one remark   
may be in place4  ,it is undoubtedly an 
hypothesis to account for a difficulty2 

but such too are the various            
explanations given by astronomers from  
,ptolemy to ,newton of the apparent     
motions of the heavenly bodies1 and it  
is as unphilosophical on that account to
 object to the one as to object to the  
other4 ,nor is it more reasonable to    
express surprise1 that at this time of  
day a theory is necessary1 granting for 
argument's sake that the theory is      
novel1 than to have directed a similar  
wonder in disparagement of the theory of
 gravitation1 or the ,plutonian theory  
in geology4 ,doubtless1 the theory of   
the ,secret and the theory of doctrinal 
,developments are expedients1 and so is 
the dictum of ,vincentius2 so is the art
 of grammar or the use of the quadrant2 
it is an expedient to enable us to solve
 what has now become a necessary and an 
anxious problem4 ,for three hundred     
years the documents and the facts of    
,christianity have been exposed to a    
jealous scrutiny2 works have been judged
 spurious which once were received      

without a question2 facts have been     
discarded or modified which were once   
first principles in argument2 new facts 
and new principles have been brought to 
light2 philosophical views and polemical
 discussions of various tendencies have 
been maintained with more or less       
success4 ,not only has the relative     
situation of controversies and          
theologies altered1 but infidelity      
itself is in a different1--,i am obliged
 to say in a more hopeful position1--as 
regards ,christianity4 ,the facts of    
,revealed ,religion1 though in their    
substance unaltered1 present a less     
compact and orderly front to the attacks
 of its enemies now than formerly1 and  
allow of the introduction of new        
inquiries and theories concerning its   
sources and its rise4 ,the state of     
things is not as it was1 when an appeal 
lay to the supposed works of the        
,areopagite1 or to the primitive        
,decretals1 or to ,st4 ,dionysius's     
answers to ,paul1 or to the ,coena      

,domini of ,st4 ,cyprian4 ,the          
assailants of dogmatic truth have got   
the start of its adherents of whatever  
,creed2 philosophy is completing what   
criticism has begun2 and apprehensions  
are not unreasonably excited lest we    
should have a new world to conquer      
before we have weapons for the warfare4 
,already infidelity has its views and   
conjectures1 on which it arranges the   
facts of ecclesiastical history2 and it 
is sure to consider the absence of any  
antagonist theory as an evidence of the 
reality of its own4 ,that the           
hypothesis1 here to be adopted1 accounts
 not only for the ,athanasian ,creed1   
but for the ,creed of ,pope ,pius1 is no
 fault of those who adopt it4 ,no one   
has power over the issues of his        
principles2 we cannot manage our        
argument1 and have as much of it as we  
please and no more4 ,an argument is     
needed1 unless ,christianity is to      
abandon the province of argument2 and   
those who find fault with the           

explanation here offered of its         
historical phenomena will find it their 
duty to provide one for themselves4     
,and as no special aim at ,roman        
,catholic doctrine need be supposed to  
have given a direction to the inquiry1  
so neither can a reception of that      
doctrine be immediately based on its    
results4 ,it would be the work of a life
 to apply the ,theory of ,developments  
so carefully to the writings of the     
,fathers1 and to the history of         
controversies and councils1 as thereby  
to vindicate the reasonableness of every
 decision of ,rome2 much less can such  
an undertaking be imagined by one who1  
in the middle of his days1 is beginning 
life again4 ,thus much1 however1 might  
be gained even from an ,essay like the  
present1 an explanation of so many of   
the reputed corruptions1 doctrinal and  
practical1 of ,rome1 as might serve as a
 fair ground for trusting her in        
parallel cases where the investigation  
had not been pursued4   ,,footnotes3    

#i3a ,church of the ,fathers ,hist4     
,sketches1 vol4 i4 p4 #dah4  #ab3a      
,proph4 ,office ,via ,media1 vol4 i4 pp4
 #ee1 #ef4  #ac3a ,ibid4 p4 #aha4  #ac3b
 ,british ,critic1 ,july1 #ahcf1 p4     
#aic4 ,vid4 supr4 vol4 i4 p4 #acj4      
#af3a ,this of course has been disputed1
 as is the case with almost all facts   
which bear upon the decision of         
controversies4 ,i shall not think it    
necessary to notice the possibility or  
the fact of objections on questions upon
 which the world may now be said to be  
agreed2 e4 g4 the arianizing tone of    
,eusebius4  #af3b schedon tautsi ts nyn 
perithylloumens asebeias1 ts kata to    
,anomoion leg1 outos hestin1 hosa ge    
hmeis hismen1 ho prtos anthrpois ta     
spermata paraschn4 ,ep4 ix4 #b4  #af3c  
,bull1 ,defens4 ,f4 ,n4 ii4 #ab1  #f4   
#ag3a ,the authors who make the         
generation temporary1 and speak not     
expressly of any other1 are these       
following3 ,justin1 ,athenagoras1       
,theophilus1 ,tatian1 ,tertullian1 and  

,hippolytus4--,waterland1 vol4 i4 part  
#b1 p4 #ajd4  #ag3b ,levia sunt1 says   
,maran in his defence1 qu in            
,sanctissimam ,trinitatem hic liber     
peccare dicitur1 paulo graviora qu in   
mysterium ,incarnationis4--,div4 ,jes4  
,christ4 p4 #ebg4 ,shortly after1 p4    
#ecj1 ,in terti oratione nonnulla       
legimus ,incarnationem ,domini          
spectantia1 qu subabsurd dicta fateor1  
nego impi cogitata4  #ag3c ,bishop      
,bull1 who is tender towards him1       
allows1 ,ut quod res est dicam1 cum     
,valentinianis hic et reliquo           
gnosticorum grege aliquatenus locutus   
est ,tertullianus2 in re ips tamen cum  
,catholicis omnin sensit4--,defens4 ,f4 
,n4 iii4 #aj1  #ae4  #ah3a ,adv4        
,praxeam4  #ah3b ,defens4 ,f4 ,n4 iv4   
#c1  #a4  #ah3c ,basil1 ed4 ,ben4 vol4  
#c1 p4 xcvi4  #ai3a ,ante-nicene ,test1 
to the ,trinity1 p4 #fi4  #bj3a ,quia et
 ,pater ,deus est1 et judex ,deus est1  
non tamen ideo ,pater et judex semper1  
quia ,deus semper4 ,nam nec ,pater      

potuit esse ante ,filium1 nec judex ante
 delictum4 ,fuit autem tempus1 cum et   
delictum et ,filius non fuit1 quod      
judicem1 et qui ,patrem ,dominum        
faceret4--,contr4 ,herm4 #c4  #bj3b     
,vid4 infra1 towards the end of the     
,essay1 ch4 x41 where more will be said 
on the passage4  #bb3a ,of              
,justification1 #bf4  #bb3b ,works1 vol4
 ix4 p4 #cif4  #bb3c ,quamvis igitur    
quam maxim fallantur ,pelagiani1 quum   
asserant1 peccatum originale ex         
,augustini profluxisse ingenio1 antiquam
 vero ecclesiam illud plane nescivisse2 
diffiteri tamen nemo potest1 apud ,grcos
 patres imprimis inveniri loca1 qu      
,pelagianismo favere videntur4 ,hinc et 
,c4 ,jansenius1 ',grci1' inquit1 'nisi  
caute legantur et intelligantur1 prbere 
possunt occasionem errori ,pelagiano2'  
et ,d4 ,petavius dicit1 ',grci          
originalis fere criminis raram1 nec     
disertam1 mentionem scriptis suis       
attigerunt4'--,walch1 ,miscell4 ,sacr4  
p4 #fjg4  #bb3d ,horn1 ,comment4 de     

,pecc4 ,orig4 #ahja1 p4 #ih4  #bc3a ,hr4
 iv4 #ah1  #e4  #bd3a ,justin ,martyr1  
ch4 #d4  #bd3b ,clem4 ,alex4 ch4 #aa4   
#be3a ,works1 vol4 vii4 p4 #aah-abj4    
#be3b ,ibid4 p4 #aba4  #be3c ,ibid4 p4  
#abg4  #be3d ,dr4 ,pusey's ,university  
,sermon of #ahdc4  #bf3a ,numer4 ,hom4  
xvi4 #i4  #bf3b ,interp4 ,com4 in ,matt4
 #he4  #bi3a ,vid4 ,apolog41 p4 #aih1   
and ,difficulties of ,angl4 vol4 i4 xii4
 #g4     ,,chapter ,i4  ,,on ,,the      
,,development ,,of ,,ideas4   ,,section 
,i4  ,,on ,,the ,,process ,,of          
,,development ,,in ,,ideas4  ,it is the 
characteristic of our minds to be ever  
engaged in passing judgment on the      
things which come before us4 ,no sooner 
do we apprehend than we judge3 we allow 
nothing to stand by itself3 we compare1 
contrast1 abstract1 generalize1 connect1
 adjust1 classify3 and we view all our  
knowledge in the associations with which
 these processes have invested it4  ,of 
the judgments thus made1 which become   
aspects in our minds of the things which

 meet us1 some are mere opinions which  
come and go1 or which remain with us    
only till an accident displaces them1   
whatever be the influence which they    
exercise meanwhile4 ,others are firmly  
fixed in our minds1 with or without good
 reason1 and have a hold upon us1       
whether they relate to matters of fact1 
or to principles of conduct1 or are     
views of life and the world1 or are     
prejudices1 imaginations1 or            
convictions4 ,many of them attach to one
 and the same object1 which is thus     
variously viewed1 not only by various   
minds1 but by the same4 ,they sometimes 
lie in such near relation1 that each    
implies the others2 some are only not   
inconsistent with each other1 in that   
they have a common origin3 some1 as     
being actually incompatible with each   
other1 are1 one or other1 falsely       
associated in our minds with their      
object1 and in any case they may be     
nothing more than ideas1 which we       
mistake for things4  ,thus ,judaism is  

an idea which once was objective1 and   
,gnosticism is an idea which was never  
so4 ,both of them have various aspects3 
those of ,judaism were such as          
monotheism1 a certain ethical           
discipline1 a ministration of divine    
vengeance1 a preparation for            
,christianity3 those of the ,gnostic    
idea are such as the doctrine of two    
principles1 that of emanation1 the      
intrinsic malignity of matter1 the      
inculpability of sensual indulgence1 or 
the guilt of every pleasure of sense1 of
 which last two one or other must be in 
the ,gnostic a false aspect and         
subjective only4   #b4  ,the idea which 
represents an object or supposed object 
is commensurate with the sum total of   
its possible aspects1 however they may  
vary in the separate consciousness of   
individuals2 and in proportion to the   
variety of aspects under which it       
presents itself to various minds is its 
force and depth1 and the argument for   
its reality4 ,ordinarily an idea is not 

brought home to the intellect as        
objective except through this variety2  
like bodily substances1 which are not   
apprehended except under the clothing of
 their properties and results1 and which
 admit of being walked round1 and       
surveyed on opposite sides1 and in      
different perspectives1 and in contrary 
lights1 in evidence of their reality4   
,and1 as views of a material object may 
be taken from points so remote or so    
opposed1 that they seem at first sight  
incompatible1 and especially as their   
shadows will be disproportionate1 or    
even monstrous1 and yet all these       
anomalies will disappear and all these  
contrarieties be adjusted1 on           
ascertaining the point of vision or the 
surface of projection in each case2 so  
also all the aspects of an idea are     
capable of coalition1 and of a          
resolution into the object to which it  
belongs2 and the prim facie             
dissimilitude of its aspects becomes1   
when explained1 an argument for its     

substantiveness and integrity1 and their
 multiplicity for its originality and   
power4   #c4  ,there is no one aspect   
deep enough to exhaust the contents of a
 real idea1 no one term or proposition  
which will serve to define it2 though of
 course one representation of it is more
 just and exact than another1 and though
 when an idea is very complex1 it is    
allowable1 for the sake of convenience1 
to consider its distinct aspects as if  
separate ideas4 ,thus1 with all our     
intimate knowledge of animal life and of
 the structure of particular animals1 we
 have not arrived at a true definition  
of any one of them1 but are forced to   
enumerate properties and accidents by   
way of description4 ,nor can we inclose 
in a formula that intellectual fact1 or 
system of thought1 which we call the    
,platonic philosophy1 or that historical
 phenomenon of doctrine and conduct1    
which we call the heresy of ,montanus or
 of ,manes4 ,again1 if ,protestantism   
were said to lie in its theory of       

private judgment1 and ,lutheranism in   
its doctrine of justification1 this     
indeed would be an approximation to the 
truth2 but it is plain that to argue or 
to act as if the one or the other aspect
 were a sufficient account of those     
forms of religion severally1 would be a 
serious mistake4 ,sometimes an attempt  
is made to determine the leading idea1  
as it has been called1 of ,christianity1
 an ambitious essay as employed on a    
supernatural work1 when1 even as regards
 the visible creation and the inventions
 of man1 such a task is beyond us4 ,thus
 its one idea has been said by some to  
be the restoration of our fallen race1  
by others philanthropy1 by others the   
tidings of immortality1 or the          
spirituality of true religious service1 
or the salvation of the elect1 or mental
 liberty1 or the union of the soul with 
,god4 ,if1 indeed1 it is only thereby   
meant to use one or other of these as a 
central idea for convenience1 in order  
to group others around it1 no fault can 

be found with such a proceeding3 and in 
this sense ,i should myself call the    
,incarnation the central aspect of      
,christianity1 out of which the three   
main aspects of its teaching take their 
rise1 the sacramental1 the hierarchical1
 and the ascetic4 ,but one aspect of    
,revelation must not be allowed to      
exclude or to obscure another2 and      
,christianity is dogmatical1 devotional1
 practical all at once2 it is esoteric  
and exoteric2 it is indulgent and       
strict2 it is light and dark2 it is     
love1 and it is fear4   #d4  ,when an   
idea1 whether real or not1 is of a      
nature to arrest and possess the mind1  
it may be said to have life1 that is1 to
 live in the mind which is its          
recipient4 ,thus mathematical ideas1    
real as they are1 can hardly properly be
 called living1 at least ordinarily4    
,but1 when some great enunciation1      
whether true or false1 about human      
nature1 or present good1 or government1 
or duty1 or religion1 is carried forward

 into the public throng of men and draws
 attention1 then it is not merely       
received passively in this or that form 
into many minds1 but it becomes an      
active principle within them1 leading   
them to an ever-new contemplation of    
itself1 to an application of it in      
various directions1 and a propagation of
 it on every side4 ,such is the doctrine
 of the divine right of kings1 or of the
 rights of man1 or of the anti-social   
bearings of a priesthood1 or            
utilitarianism1 or free trade1 or the   
duty of benevolent enterprises1 or the  
philosophy of ,zeno or ,epicurus1       
doctrines which are of a nature to      
attract and influence1 and have so far a
 prim facie reality1 that they may be   
looked at on many sides and strike      
various minds very variously4 ,let one  
such idea get possession of the popular 
mind1 or the mind of any portion of the 
community1 and it is not difficult to   
understand what will be the result4 ,at 
first men will not fully realize what it

 is that moves them1 and will express   
and explain themselves inadequately4    
,there will be a general agitation of   
thought1 and an action of mind upon     
mind4 ,there will be a time of          
confusion1 when conceptions and         
misconceptions are in conflict1 and it  
is uncertain whether anything is to come
 of the idea at all1 or which view of it
 is to get the start of the others4 ,new
 lights will be brought to bear upon the
 original statements of the doctrine put
 forward2 judgments and aspects will    
accumulate4 ,after a while some definite
 teaching emerges2 and1 as time         
proceeds1 one view will be modified or  
expanded by another1 and then combined  
with a third2 till the idea to which    
these various aspects belong1 will be to
 each mind separately what at first it  
was only to all together4 ,it will be   
surveyed too in its relation to other   
doctrines or facts1 to other natural    
laws or established customs1 to the     
varying circumstances of times and      

places1 to other religions1 polities1   
philosophies1 as the case may be4 ,how  
it stands affected towards other        
systems1 how it affects them1 how far it
 may be made to combine with them1 how  
far it tolerates them1 when it          
interferes with them1 will be gradually 
wrought out4 ,it will be interrogated   
and criticized by enemies1 and defended 
by well-wishers4 ,the multitude of      
opinions formed concerning it in these  
respects and many others will be        
collected1 compared1 sorted1 sifted1    
selected1 rejected1 gradually attached  
to it1 separated from it1 in the minds  
of individuals and of the community4 ,it
 will1 in proportion to its native      
vigour and subtlety1 introduce itself   
into the framework and details of social
 life1 changing public opinion1 and     
strengthening or undermining the        
foundations of established order4 ,thus 
in time it will have grown into an      
ethical code1 or into a system of       
government1 or into a theology1 or into 

a ritual1 according to its capabilities3
 and this body of thought1 thus         
laboriously gained1 will after all be   
little more than the proper             
representative of one idea1 being in    
substance what that idea meant from the 
first1 its complete image as seen in a  
combination of diversified aspects1 with
 the suggestions and corrections of many
 minds1 and the illustration of many    
experiences4   #e4  ,this process1      
whether it be longer or shorter in point
 of time1 by which the aspects of an    
idea are brought into consistency and   
form1 ,i call its development1 being the
 germination and maturation of some     
truth or apparent truth on a large      
mental field4 ,on the other hand this   
process will not be a development1      
unless the assemblage of aspects1 which 
constitute its ultimate shape1 really   
belongs to the idea from which they     
start4 ,a republic1 for instance1 is not
 a development from a pure monarchy1    
though it may follow upon it2 whereas   

the ,greek tyrant may be considered as  
included in the idea of a democracy4    
,moreover a development will have this  
characteristic1 that1 its action being  
in the busy scene of human life1 it     
cannot progress at all without cutting  
across1 and thereby destroying or       
modifying and incorporating with itself 
existing modes of thinking and          
operating4 ,the development then of an  
idea is not like an investigation worked
 out on paper1 in which each successive 
advance is a pure evolution from a      
foregoing1 but it is carried on through 
and by means of communities of men and  
their leaders and guides2 and it employs
 their minds as its instruments1 and    
depends upon them1 while it uses them4  
,and so1 as regards existing opinions1  
principles1 measures1 and institutions  
of the community which it has invaded2  
it developes by establishing relations  
between itself and them2 it employs     
itself1 in giving them a new meaning and
 direction1 in creating what may be     

called a jurisdiction over them1 in     
throwing off whatever in them it cannot 
assimilate4 ,it grows when it           
incorporates1 and its identity is found1
 not in isolation1 but in continuity and
 sovereignty4 ,this it is that imparts  
to the history both of states and of    
religions1 its specially turbulent and  
polemical character4 ,such is the       
explanation of the wranglings1 whether  
of schools or of parliaments4 ,it is the
 warfare of ideas under their various   
aspects striving for the mastery1 each  
of them enterprising1 engrossing1       
imperious1 more or less incompatible    
with the rest1 and rallying followers or
 rousing foes1 according as it acts upon
 the faith1 the prejudices1 or the      
interest of parties or classes4   #f4   
,moreover1 an idea not only modifies1   
but is modified1 or at least influenced1
 by the state of things in which it is  
carried out1 and is dependent in various
 ways on the circumstances which        
surround it4 ,its development proceeds  

quickly or slowly1 as it may be2 the    
order of succession in its separate     
stages is variable2 it shows differently
 in a small sphere of action and in an  
extended2 it may be interrupted1        
retarded1 mutilated1 distorted1 by      
external violence2 it may be enfeebled  
by the effort of ridding itself of      
domestic foes2 it may be impeded and    
swayed or even absorbed by counter      
energetic ideas2 it may be coloured by  
the received tone of thought into which 
it comes1 or depraved by the intrusion  
of foreign principles1 or at length     
shattered by the development of some    
original fault within it4   #g4  ,but   
whatever be the risk of corruption from 
intercourse with the world around1 such 
a risk must be encountered if a great   
idea is duly to be understood1 and much 
more if it is to be fully exhibited4 ,it
 is elicited and expanded by trial1 and 
battles into perfection and supremacy4  
,nor does it escape the collision of    
opinion even in its earlier years1 nor  

does it remain truer to itself1 and with
 a better claim to be considered one and
 the same1 though externally protected  
from vicissitude and change4 ,it is     
indeed sometimes said that the stream is
 clearest near the spring4 ,whatever use
 may fairly be made of this image1 it   
does not apply to the history of a      
philosophy or belief1 which on the      
contrary is more equable1 and purer1 and
 stronger1 when its bed has become deep1
 and broad1 and full4 ,it necessarily   
rises out of an existing state of       
things1 and for a time savours of the   
soil4 ,its vital element needs          
disengaging from what is foreign and    
temporary1 and is employed in efforts   
after freedom which become more vigorous
 and hopeful as its years increase4 ,its
 beginnings are no measure of its       
capabilities1 nor of its scope4 ,at     
first no one knows what it is1 or what  
it is worth4 ,it remains perhaps for a  
time quiescent2 it tries1 as it were1   
its limbs1 and proves the ground under  

it1 and feels its way4 ,from time to    
time it makes essays which fail1 and are
 in consequence abandoned4 ,it seems in 
suspense which way to go2 it wavers1 and
 at length strikes out in one definite  
direction4 ,in time it enters upon      
strange territory2 points of controversy
 alter their bearing2 parties rise and  
fall around it2 dangers and hopes appear
 in new relations2 and old principles   
reappear under new forms4 ,it changes   
with them in order to remain the same4  
,in a higher world it is otherwise1 but 
here below to live is to change1 and to 
be perfect is to have changed often4    
,,section ,,ii4  ,,on ,,the ,,kinds ,,of
 ,,development ,,in ,,ideas4  ,to       
attempt an accurate analysis or complete
 enumeration of the processes of        
thought1 whether speculative or         
practical1 which come under the notion  
of development1 exceeds the pretensions 
of an ,essay like the present2 but1     
without some general view of the various
 mental exercises which go by the name  

we shall have no security against       
confusion in our reasoning and necessary
 exposure to criticism4  #a4 ,first1    
then1 it must be borne in mind that the 
word is commonly used1 and is used here1
 in three senses indiscriminately1 from 
defect of our language2 on the one hand 
for the process of development1 on the  
other for the result2 and again either  
generally for a development1 true or not
 true1 7that is1 faithful or unfaithful 
to the idea from which it started17 or  
exclusively for a development deserving 
the name4 ,a false or unfaithful        
development is more properly to be      
called a corruption4  #b4 ,next1 it is  
plain that mathematical developments1   
that is1 the system of truths drawn out 
from mathematical definitions or        
equations1 do not fall under our present
 subject1 though altogether analogous to
 it4 ,there can be no corruption in such
 developments1 because they are         
conducted on strict demonstration2 and  
the conclusions in which they terminate1

 being necessary1 cannot be declensions 
from the original idea4  #c4 ,nor1 of   
course1 do physical developments1 as the
 growth of animal or vegetable nature1  
come into consideration here2 excepting 
that1 together with mathematical1 they  
may be taken as illustrations of the    
general subject to which we have to     
direct our attention4  #d4 ,nor have we 
to consider material developments1      
which1 though effected by human         
contrivance1 are still physical2 as the 
development1 as it is called1 of the    
national resources4 ,we speak1 for      
instance1 of ,ireland1 the ,united      
,states1 or the valley of the ,indus1 as
 admitting of a great development2 by   
which we mean1 that those countries have
 fertile tracts1 or abundant products1  
or broad and deep rivers1 or central    
positions for commerce1 or capacious and
 commodious harbours1 the materials and 
instruments of wealth1 and these at     
present turned to insufficient account4 
,development in this case will proceed  

by establishing marts1 cutting canals1  
laying down railroads1 erecting         
factories1 forming docks1 and similar   
works1 by which the natural riches of   
the country may be made to yield the    
largest return and to exert the greatest
 influence4 ,in this sense1 art is the  
development of nature1 that is1 its     
adaptation to the purposes of utility   
and beauty1 the human intellect being   
the developing power4   #b4  #e4 ,when  
society and its various classes and     
interests are the subject-matter of the 
ideas which are in operation1 the       
development may be called political2 as 
we see it in the growth of ,states or   
the changes of a ,constitution4         
,barbarians descend into southern       
regions from cupidity1 and their warrant
 is the sword3 this is no intellectual  
process1 nor is it the mode of          
development exhibited in civilized      
communities4 ,where civilization exists1
 reason1 in some shape or other1 is the 
incentive or the pretence of            

development4 ,when an empire enlarges1  
it is on the call of its allies1 or for 
the balance of power1 or from the       
necessity of a demonstration of         
strength1 or from a fear for its        
frontiers4 ,it lies uneasily in its     
territory1 it is ill-shaped1 it has     
unreal boundary-lines1 deficient        
communication between its principal     
points1 or defenceless or turbulent     
neighbours4 ,thus1 of old time1 ,euboea 
was necessary for ,athens1 and ,cythera 
for ,sparta2 and ,augustus left his     
advice1 as a legacy1 to confine the     
,empire between the ,atlantic1 the      
,rhine and ,danube1 the ,euphrates1 and 
the ,arabian and ,african deserts4 ,in  
this day1 we hear of the ,rhine being   
the natural boundary of ,france1 and the
 ,indus of our ,eastern empire2 and we  
predict that1 in the event of a war1    
,prussia will change her outlines in the
 map of ,europe4 ,the development is    
material2 but an idea gives unity and   
force to its movement4  ,and so to take 

a case of national politics1 a late     
writer remarks of the ,parliament of    
#afbh-bi1 in its contest with ,charles1 
that1 so far from encroaching on the    
just powers of a limited monarch1 it    
never hinted at the securities which    
were necessary for its measures4        
,however1 twelve years more of repeated 
aggressions1 he adds1 taught the ,long  
,parliament what a few sagacious men    
might perhaps have already suspected2   
that they must recover more of their    
ancient constitution1 from oblivion2    
that they must sustain its partial      
weakness by new securities2 that1 in    
order to render the existence of        
monarchy compatible with that of        
freedom1 they must not only strip it of 
all it had usurped1 but of something    
that was its own4#dc3a ,whatever be the 
worth of this author's theory1 his facts
 or representations are an illustration 
of a political development4  ,again1 at 
the present day1 that ,ireland should   
have a population of one creed1 and a   

,church of another1 is felt to be a     
political arrangement so unsatisfactory1
 that all parties seem to agree that    
either the population will develope in  
power or the ,establishment in          
influence4  ,political developments1    
though really the growth of ideas1 are  
often capricious and irregular from the 
nature of their subject-matter4 ,they   
are influenced by the character of      
sovereigns1 the rise and fall of        
statesmen1 the fate of battles1 and the 
numberless vicissitudes of the world4   
,perhaps the ,greeks would be still     
involved in the heresy of the           
,monophysites1 says ,gibbon1 if the     
,emperor's horse had not fortunately    
stumbled4 ,theodosius expired1 his      
orthodox sister succeeded to the        
throne4#dd3a   #c4  ,again1 it often    
happens1 or generally1 that various     
distinct and incompatible elements are  
found in the origin or infancy of       
politics1 or indeed of philosophies1    
some of which must be ejected before any

 satisfactory developments1 if any1 can 
take place4 ,and they are commonly      
ejected by the gradual growth of the    
stronger4 ,the reign of ,charles the    
,first1 just referred to1 supplies an   
instance in point4  ,sometimes          
discordant ideas are for a time         
connected and concealed by a common     
profession or name4 ,such is the case of
 coalitions in politics and             
comprehensions in religion1 of which    
commonly no good is to be expected4     
,such is an ordinary function of        
committees and boards1 and the sole aim 
of conciliations and concessions1 to    
make contraries look the same1 and to   
secure an outward agreement where there 
is no other unity4  ,again1             
developments1 reactions1 reforms1       
revolutions1 and changes of various     
kinds are mixed together in the actual  
history of states1 as of philosophical  
sects1 so as to make it very difficult  
to exhibit them in any scientific       
analysis4  ,often the intellectual      

process is detached from the practical1 
and posterior to it4 ,thus it was after 
,elizabeth had established the          
,reformation that ,hooker laid down his 
theory of ,church and ,state as one and 
the same1 differing only in idea2 and1  
after the ,revolution and its political 
consequences1 that ,warburton wrote his 
,alliance4 ,and now again a new theory  
is needed for the constitutional lawyer1
 in order to reconcile the existing     
political state of things with the just 
claims of religion4 ,and so1 again1 in  
,parliamentary conflicts1 men first come
 to their conclusions by the external   
pressure of events or the force of      
principles1 they do not know how2 then  
they have to speak1 and they look about 
for arguments3 and a pamphlet is        
published on the subject in debate1 or  
an article appears in a ,review1 to     
furnish common-places for the many4     
,other developments1 though political1  
are strictly subjected and consequent to
 the ideas of which they are the        

exhibitions4 ,thus ,locke's philosophy  
was a real guide1 not a mere defence of 
the ,revolution era1 operating forcibly 
upon ,church and ,government in and     
after his day4 ,such too were the       
theories which preceded the overthrow of
 the old regime in ,france and other    
countries at the end of the last        
century4  ,again1 perhaps there are     
polities founded on no ideas at all1 but
 on mere custom1 as among the ,asiatics4
   #d4  #f4 ,in other developments the  
intellectual character is so prominent  
that they may even be called logical1 as
 in the ,anglican doctrine of the ,royal
 ,supremacy1 which has been created in  
the courts of law1 not in the cabinet or
 on the field4 ,hence it is carried out 
with a consistency and minute           
application which the history of        
constitutions cannot exhibit4 ,it does  
not only exist in statutes1 or in       
articles1 or in oaths1 it is realized in
 details3 as in the cong d'lire and     
letter-missive on appointment of a      

,bishop2--in the forms observed in      
,privy ,council on the issuing of ,state
 ,prayers2--in certain arrangements     
observed in the ,prayer-book1 where the 
universal or abstract ,church precedes  
the ,king1 but the national or really   
existing body follows him2 in printing  
his name in large capitals1 while the   
,holiest ,names are in ordinary type1   
and in fixing his arms in churches      
instead of the ,crucifix2 moreover1     
perhaps1 in placing sedition1 privy     
conspiracy1 and rebellion1 before false 
doctrine1 heresy1 and schism in the     
,litany4  ,again1 when some new         
philosophy or its instalments are       
introduced into the measures of the     
,legislature1 or into the concessions   
made to a political party1 or into      
commercial or agricultural policy1 it is
 often said1 ,we have not seen the end  
of this2 ,it is an earnest of future    
concessions2 ,our children will see4 ,we
 feel that it has unknown bearings and  
issues4  ,the admission of ,jews to     

municipal offices has lately been       
defended#df3a on the ground that it is  
the introduction of no new principle1   
but a development of one already        
received2 that its great premisses have 
been decided long since2 and that the   
present age has but to draw the         
conclusion2 that it is not open to us to
 inquire what ought to be done in the   
abstract1 since there is no ideal model 
for the infallible guidance of nations2 
that change is only a question of time1 
and that there is a time for all things2
 that the application of principles     
ought not to go beyond the actual case1 
neither preceding nor coming after an   
imperative demand2 that in point of fact
 ,jews have lately been chosen for      
offices1 and that in point of principle 
the law cannot refuse to legitimate such
 elections4   #e4  #g4 ,another class of
 developments may be called historical2 
being the gradual formation of opinion  
concerning persons1 facts1 and events4  
,judgments1 which were at one time      

confined to a few1 at length spread     
through a community1 and attain general 
reception by the accumulation and       
concurrence of testimony4 ,thus some    
authoritative accounts die away2 others 
gain a footing1 and are ultimately      
received as truths4 ,courts of law1     
,parliamentary proceedings1 newspapers1 
letters and other posthumous documents1 
the industry of historians and          
biographers1 and the lapse of years     
which dissipates parties and prejudices1
 are in this day the instruments of such
 development4 ,accordingly the ,poet    
makes ,truth the daughter of ,time4#dg3a
 ,thus at length approximations are made
 to a right appreciation of transactions
 and characters4 ,history cannot be     
written except in an after-age4 ,thus by
 development the ,canon of the ,new     
,testament has been formed4 ,thus public
 men are content to leave their         
reputation to posterity2 great reactions
 take place in opinion2 nay1 sometimes  
men outlive opposition and obloquy4     

,thus ,saints are canonized in the      
,church1 long after they have entered   
into their rest4   #f4  #h4 ,ethical    
developments are not properly matter for
 argument and controversy1 but are      
natural and personal1 substituting what 
is congruous1 desirable1 pious1         
appropriate1 generous1 for strictly     
logical inference4 ,bishop ,butler      
supplies us with a remarkable instance  
in the beginning of the ,second ,part of
 his ,analogy4 ,as principles imply     
applications1 and general propositions  
include particulars1 so1 he tells us1 do
 certain relations imply correlative    
duties1 and certain objects demand      
certain acts and feelings4 ,he observes 
that1 even though we were not enjoined  
to pay divine honours to the ,second and
 ,third ,persons of the ,holy ,trinity1 
what is predicated of ,them in          
,scripture would be an abundant warrant1
 an indirect command1 nay1 a ground in  
reason1 for doing so4 ,does not1 he     
asks1 the duty of religious regards to  

both these ,divine ,persons as          
immediately arise1 to the view of       
reason1 out of the very nature of these 
offices and relations1 as the inward    
good-will and kind intention which we   
owe to our fellow-creatures arises out  
of the common relations between us and  
them8 ,he proceeds to say that he is    
speaking of the inward religious regards
 of reverence1 honour1 love1 trust1     
gratitude1 fear1 hope4 ,in what external
 manner this inward worship is to be    
expressed1 is a matter of pure revealed 
command2 4 4 but the worship1 the       
internal worship itself1 to the ,son and
 ,holy ,ghost1 is no further matter of  
pure revealed command than as the       
relations they stand in to us are matter
 of pure revelation2 for1 the relations 
being known1 the obligations to such    
internal worship are obligations of     
reason1 arising out of those relations  
themselves4 ,here is a development of   
doctrine into worship1 of which parallel
 instances are obviously to be found in 

the ,church of ,rome4   #g4  ,a         
development1 converse to that which     
,butler speaks of1 must next be         
mentioned4 ,as certain objects excite   
certain emotions and sentiments1 so do  
sentiments imply objects and duties4    
,thus conscience1 the existence of which
 we cannot deny1 is a proof of the      
doctrine of a ,moral ,governor1 which   
alone gives it a meaning and a scope2   
that is1 the doctrine of a ,judge and   
,judgment to come is a development of   
the phenomenon of conscience4 ,again1 it
 is plain that passions and affections  
are in action in our minds before the   
presence of their proper objects2 and   
their activity would of course be an    
antecedent argument of extreme cogency  
in behalf of the real existence of those
 legitimate objects1 supposing them     
unknown4 ,and so again1 the social      
principle1 which is innate in us1 gives 
a divine sanction to society and to     
civil government4 ,and the usage of     
prayers for the dead implies certain    

circumstances of their state upon which 
such devotions bear4 ,and rites and     
ceremonies are natural means through    
which the mind relieves itself of       
devotional and penitential emotions4    
,and sometimes the cultivation of awe   
and love towards what is great1 high1   
and unseen1 has led a man to the        
abandonment of his sect for some more   
,catholic form of doctrine4  ,aristotle 
furnishes us with an instance of this   
kind of development in his account of   
the happy man4 ,after showing that his  
definition of happiness includes in     
itself the pleasurable1 which is the    
most obvious and popular idea of        
happiness1 he goes on to say that still 
external goods are necessary to it1     
about which1 however1 the definition    
said nothing2 that is1 a certain        
prosperity is by moral fitness1 not by  
logical necessity1 attached to the happy
 man4 ,for it is impossible1 he         
observes1 or not easy1 to practise high 
virtue without abundant means4 ,many    

deeds are done by the instrumentality of
 friends1 wealth and political power2   
and of some things the absence is a     
cloud upon happiness1 as of noble birth1
 of hopeful children1 and of personal   
appearance3 for a person utterly        
deformed1 or low-born1 or bereaved and  
childless1 cannot quite be happy3 and   
still less if he have very worthless    
children or friends1 or they were good  
and died4#di3a   #h4  ,this process of  
development has been well delineated by 
a living ,french writer1 in his         
,lectures on ,european civilization1 who
 shall be quoted at some length4 ,if we 
reduce religion1 he says1 to a purely   
religious sentiment 4 4 4 it appears    
evident that it must and ought to remain
 a purely personal concern4 ,but ,i am  
either strangely mistaken1 or this      
religious sentiment is not the complete 
expression of the religious nature of   
man4 ,religion is1 ,i believe1 very     
different from this1 and much more      
extended4 ,there are problems in human  

nature1 in human destinies1 which cannot
 be solved in this life1 which depend on
 an order of things unconnected with the
 visible world1 but which unceasingly   
agitate the human mind with a desire to 
comprehend them4 ,the solution of these 
problems is the origin of all religion2 
her primary object is to discover the   
creeds and doctrines which contain1 or  
are supposed to contain it4  ,another   
cause also impels mankind to embrace    
religion 4 4 4 ,from whence do morals   
originate8 whither do they lead8 is this
 self-existing obligation to do good1 an
 isolated fact1 without an author1      
without an end8 does it not conceal1 or 
rather does it not reveal to man1 an    
origin1 a destiny1 beyond this world8   
,the science of morals1 by these        
spontaneous and inevitable questions1   
conducts man to the threshold of        
religion1 and displays to him a sphere  
from whence he has not derived it4 ,thus
 the certain and never-failing sources  
of religion are1 on the one hand1 the   

problems of our nature2 on the other1   
the necessity of seeking for morals a   
sanction1 an origin1 and an aim4 ,it    
therefore assumes many other forms      
beside that of a pure sentiment2 it     
appears a union of doctrines1 of        
precepts1 of promises4 ,this is what    
truly constitutes religion2 this is its 
fundamental character2 it is not merely 
a form of sensibility1 an impulse of the
 imagination1 a variety of poetry4      
,when thus brought back to its true     
elements1 to its essential nature1      
religion appears no longer a purely     
personal concern1 but a powerful and    
fruitful principle of association4 ,is  
it considered in the light of a system  
of belief1 a system of dogmas8 ,truth is
 not the heritage of any individual1 it 
is absolute and universal2 mankind ought
 to seek and profess it in common4 ,is  
it considered with reference to the     
precepts that are associated with its   
doctrines8 ,a law which is obligatory on
 a single individual1 is so on all2 it  

ought to be promulgated1 and it is our  
duty to endeavour to bring all mankind  
under its dominion4 ,it is the same with
 respect to the promises that religion  
makes1 in the name of its creeds and    
precepts2 they ought to be diffused2 all
 men should be incited to partake of    
their benefits4 ,a religious society1   
therefore1 naturally results from the   
essential elements of religion1 and is  
such a necessary consequence of it that 
the term which expresses the most       
energetic social sentiment1 the most    
intense desire to propagate ideas and   
extend society1 is the word proselytism1
 a term which is especially applied to  
religious belief1 and in fact           
consecrated to it4  ,when a religious   
society has ever been formed1 when a    
certain number of men are united by a   
common religious creed1 are governed by 
the same religious precepts1 and enjoy  
the same religious hopes1 some form of  
government is necessary4 ,no society can
 endure a week1 nay more1 no society can

 endure a single hour1 without a        
government4 ,the moment1 indeed1 a      
society is formed1 by the very fact of  
its formation1 it calls forth a         
government1--a government which shall   
proclaim the common truth which is the  
bond of the society1 and promulgate and 
maintain the precepts that this truth   
ought to produce4 ,the necessity of a   
superior power1 of a form of government1
 is involved in the fact of the         
existence of a religious1 as it is in   
that of any other society4  ,and not    
only is a government necessary1 but it  
naturally forms itself4 4 4 4 ,when     
events are suffered to follow their     
natural laws1 when force does not       
interfere1 power falls into the hands of
 the most able1 the most worthy1 those  
who are most capable of carrying out the
 principles on which the society was    
founded4 ,is a warlike expedition in    
agitation8 ,the bravest take the        
command4 ,is the object of the          
association learned research1 or a      

scientific undertaking8 ,the best       
informed will be the leader4 4 4 4 ,the 
inequality of faculties and influence1  
which is the foundation of power in     
civil life1 has the same effect in a    
religious society4 4 4 ,religion has no 
sooner arisen in the human mind than a  
religious society appears2 and          
immediately a religious society is      
formed1 it produces its government4#eb3a
   #i4  #i4 ,it remains to allude to    
what1 unless the word were often so     
vaguely and variously used1 ,i should be
 led to call metaphysical developments2 
,i mean such as are a mere analysis of  
the idea contemplated1 and terminate in 
its exact and complete delineation4     
,thus ,aristotle draws the character of 
a magnanimous or of a munificent man2   
thus ,shakspeare might conceive and     
bring out his ,hamlet or ,ariel2 thus   
,walter ,scott gradually enucleates his 
,james1 or ,dalgetty1 as the action of  
his story proceeds2 and thus1 in the    
sacred province of theology1 the mind   

may be employed in developing the solemn
 ideas1 which it has hitherto held      
implicitly and without subjecting them  
to its reflecting and reasoning powers4 
,i have already treated of this subject 
at length1 with a reference to the      
highest theological subject1 in a former
 work1 from which it will be sufficient 
here to quote some sentences in         
explanation3--  ,the mind which is      
habituated to the thought of ,god1 of   
,christ1 of the ,holy ,spirit1 naturally
 turns with a devout curiosity to the   
contemplation of the object of its      
adoration1 and begins to form statements
 concerning it1 before it knows whither1
 or how far1 it will be carried4 ,one   
proposition necessarily leads to        
another1 and a second to a third2 then  
some limitation is required2 and the    
combination of these opposites occasions
 some fresh evolutions from the original
 idea1 which indeed can never be said to
 be entirely exhausted4 ,this process is
 its development1 and results in a      

series1 or rather body1 of dogmatic     
statements1 till what was an impression 
on the ,imagination has become a system 
or creed in the ,reason4  ,now such     
impressions are obviously individual and
 complete above other theological ideas1
 because they are the impressions of    
,objects4 ,ideas and their developments 
are commonly not identical1 the         
development being but the carrying out  
of the idea into its consequences4 ,thus
 the doctrine of ,penance may be called 
a development of the doctrine of        
,baptism1 yet still is a distinct       
doctrine2 whereas the developments in   
the doctrines of the ,holy ,trinity and 
the ,incarnation are mere portions of   
the original impression1 and modes of   
representing it4 ,as ,god is one1 so the
 impression which ,he gives us of       
,himself is one2 it is not a thing of   
parts2 it is not a system2 nor is it    
anything imperfect and needing a        
counterpart4 ,it is the vision of an    
object4 ,when we pray1 we pray1 not to  

an assemblage of notions or to a creed1 
but to ,one ,individual ,being2 and when
 we speak of ,him1 we speak of a        
,person1 not of a ,law or ,manifestation
 4 4 4 ,religious men1 according to     
their measure1 have an idea or vision of
 the ,blessed ,trinity in ,unity1 of the
 ,son ,incarnate1 and of ,his ,presence1
 not as a number of qualities1          
attributes1 and actions1 not as the     
subject of a number of propositions1 but
 as one and individual1 and independent 
of words1 like an impression conveyed   
through the senses4 4 4 4 ,creeds and   
dogmas live in the one idea which they  
are designed to express1 and which alone
 is substantive2 and are necessary1     
because the human mind cannot reflect   
upon that idea except piecemeal1 cannot 
use it in its oneness and entireness1 or
 without resolving it into a series of  
aspects and relations4#ec3a   #aj4  ,so 
much on the development of ideas in     
various subject matters3 it may be      
necessary to add that1 in many cases1   

development simply stands for           
exhibition1 as in some of the instances 
adduced above4 ,thus both ,calvinism and
 ,unitarianism may be called            
developments1 that is1 exhibitions1 of  
the principle of ,private ,judgment1    
though they have nothing in common1     
viewed as doctrines4  ,as to            
,christianity1 supposing the truths of  
which it consists to admit of           
development1 that development will be   
one or other of the last five kinds4    
,taking the ,incarnation as its central 
doctrine1 the ,episcopate1 as taught by 
,st4 ,ignatius1 will be an instance of  
political development1 the ,theotokos of
 logical1 the determination of the date 
of our ,lord's birth of historical1 the 
,holy ,eucharist of moral1 and the      
,athanasian ,creed of metaphysical4     
,,footnotes3  #dc3a ,hallam's ,constit4 
,hist4 ch4 vii4 p4 #egb4  #dd3a ch4     
xlvii4  #df3a ,times newspaper of       
,march1 #ahde4  #dg3a ,crabbe's ,tales4 
#di3a ,eth4 ,nic4 i4 #h4  #eb3a ,guizot1

 ,europ4 ,civil41 ,lect4 v41 ,beckwith's
 ,translation4  #ec3a ,univ4 ,serm4 xv4 
#bj-bc1 pp4 #cbi-ccb1 ed4 #c4           
,,chapter ,,ii4  ,,on ,,the ,,antecedent
 ,,argument ,,in ,,behalf ,,of          
,,developments ,,in ,,christian         
,,doctrine4   ,,section ,i4             
,,developments ,,of ,,doctrine ,,to ,,be
 ,,expected4  #a4 ,if ,christianity is a
 fact1 and impresses an idea of itself  
on our minds and is a subject-matter of 
exercises of the reason1 that idea will 
in course of time expand into a         
multitude of ideas1 and aspects of      
ideas1 connected and harmonious with one
 another1 and in themselves determinate 
and immutable1 as is the objective fact 
itself which is thus represented4 ,it is
 a characteristic of our minds1 that    
they cannot take an object in1 which is 
submitted to them simply and integrally4
 ,we conceive by means of definition or 
description2 whole objects do not create
 in the intellect whole ideas1 but are1 
to use a mathematical phrase1 thrown    

into series1 into a number of           
statements1 strengthening1 interpreting1
 correcting each other1 and with more or
 less exactness approximating1 as they  
accumulate1 to a perfect image4 ,there  
is no other way of learning or of       
teaching4 ,we cannot teach except by    
aspects or views1 which are not         
identical with the thing itself which we
 are teaching4 ,two persons may each    
convey the same truth to a third1 yet by
 methods and through representations    
altogether different4 ,the same person  
will treat the same argument differently
 in an essay or speech1 according to the
 accident of the day of writing1 or of  
the audience1 yet it will be            
substantially the same4  ,and the more  
claim an idea has to be considered      
living1 the more various will be its    
aspects2 and the more social and        
political is its nature1 the more       
complicated and subtle will be its      
issues1 and the longer and more eventful
 will be its course4 ,and in the number 

of these special ideas1 which from their
 very depth and richness cannot be fully
 understood at once1 but are more and   
more clearly expressed and taught the   
longer they last1--having aspects many  
and bearings many1 mutually connected   
and growing one out of another1 and all 
parts of a whole1 with a sympathy and   
correspondence keeping pace with the    
ever-changing necessities of the world1 
multiform1 prolific1 and ever           
resourceful1--among these great         
doctrines surely we ,christians shall   
not refuse a foremost place to          
,christianity4 ,such previously to the  
determination of the fact1 must be our  
anticipation concerning it from a       
contemplation of its initial            
achievements4   #b4  ,it may be objected
 that its inspired documents at once    
determine the limits of its mission     
without further trouble2 but ideas are  
in the writer and reader of the         
revelation1 not the inspired text       
itself3 and the question is whether     

those ideas which the letter conveys    
from writer to reader1 reach the reader 
at once in their completeness and       
accuracy on his first perception of     
them1 or whether they open out in his   
intellect and grow to perfection in the 
course of time4 ,nor could it surely be 
maintained without extravagance that the
 letter of the ,new ,testament1 or of   
any assignable number of books1         
comprises a delineation of all possible 
forms which a divine message will assume
 when submitted to a multitude of minds4
  ,nor is the case altered by supposing 
that inspiration provided in behalf of  
the first recipients of the ,revelation1
 what the ,divine ,fiat effected for    
herbs and plants in the beginning1 which
 were created in maturity4 ,still1 the  
time at length came1 when its recipients
 ceased to be inspired2 and on these    
recipients the revealed truths would    
fall1 as in other cases1 at first       
vaguely and generally1 though in spirit 
and in truth1 and would afterwards be   

completed by developments4  ,nor can it 
fairly be made a difficulty that thus to
 treat of ,christianity is to level it  
in some sort to sects and doctrines of  
the world1 and to impute to it the      
imperfections which characterize the    
productions of man4 ,certainly it is a  
sort of degradation of a divine work to 
consider it under an earthly form2 but  
it is no irreverence1 since our ,lord   
,himself1 its ,author and ,guardian1    
bore one also4 ,christianity differs    
from other religions and philosophies1  
in what is superadded to earth from     
heaven2 not in kind1 but in origin2 not 
in its nature1 but in its personal      
characteristics2 being informed and     
quickened by what is more than          
intellect1 by a divine spirit4 ,it is   
externally what the ,apostle calls an   
earthen vessel1 being the religion of   
men4 ,and1 considered as such1 it grows 
in wisdom and stature2 but the powers   
which it wields1 and the words which    
proceed out of its mouth1 attest its    

miraculous nativity4  ,unless then some 
special ground of exception can be      
assigned1 it is as evident that         
,christianity1 as a doctrine and        
worship1 will develope in the minds of  
recipients1 as that it conforms in other
 respects1 in its external propagation  
or its political framework1 to the      
general methods by which the course of  
things is carried forward4   #c4  #b4   
,again1 if ,christianity be an universal
 religion1 suited not simply to one     
locality or period1 but to all times and
 places1 it cannot but vary in its      
relations and dealings towards the world
 around it1 that is1 it will develope4  
,principles require a very various      
application according as persons and    
circumstances vary1 and must be thrown  
into new shapes according to the form of
 society which they are to influence4   
,hence all bodies of ,christians1       
orthodox or not1 develope the doctrines 
of ,scripture4 ,few but will grant that 
,luther's view of justification had     

never been stated in words before his   
time3 that his phraseology and his      
positions were novel1 whether called for
 by circumstances or not4 ,it is equally
 certain that the doctrine of           
justification defined at ,trent was1 in 
some sense1 new also4 ,the refutation   
and remedy of errors cannot precede     
their rise2 and thus the fact of false  
developments or corruptions involves the
 correspondent manifestation of true    
ones4 ,moreover1 all parties appeal to  
,scripture1 that is1 argue from         
,scripture2 but argument implies        
deduction1 that is1 development4 ,here  
there is no difference between early    
times and late1 between a ,pope ex      
cathedr and an individual ,protestant1  
except that their authority is not on a 
par4 ,on either side the claim of       
authority is the same1 and the process  
of development4  ,accordingly1 the      
common complaint of ,protestants against
 the ,church of ,rome is1 not simply    
that she has added to the primitive or  

the ,scriptural doctrine1 7for this they
 do themselves17 but that she           
contradicts it1 and moreover imposes her
 additions as fundamental truths under  
sanction of an anathema4 ,for themselves
 they deduce by quite as subtle a       
method1 and act upon doctrines as       
implicit and on reasons as little       
analyzed in time past1 as ,catholic     
schoolmen4 ,what prominence has the     
,royal ,supremacy in the ,new           
,testament1 or the lawfulness of bearing
 arms1 or the duty of public worship1 or
 the substitution of the first day of   
the week for the seventh1 or infant     
baptism1 to say nothing of the          
fundamental principle that the ,bible   
and the ,bible only is the religion of  
,protestants8 ,these doctrines and      
usages1 true or not1 which is not the   
question here1 are surely not gained by 
the direct use and immediate application
 of ,scripture1 nor by a mere exercise  
of argument upon words and sentences    
placed before the eyes1 but by the      

unconscious growth of ideas suggested by
 the letter and habitual to the mind4   
#d4  #c4 ,and1 indeed1 when we turn to  
the consideration of particular         
doctrines on which ,scripture lays the  
greatest stress1 we shall see that it is
 absolutely impossible for them to      
remain in the mere letter of ,scripture1
 if they are to be more than mere words1
 and to convey a definite idea to the   
recipient4 ,when it is declared that the
 ,word became flesh1 three wide         
questions open upon us on the very      
announcement4 ,what is meant by the     
,word1 what by flesh1 what by became8   
,the answers to these involve a process 
of investigation1 and are developments4 
,moreover1 when they have been made1    
they will suggest a series of secondary 
questions2 and thus at length a         
multitude of propositions is the result1
 which gather round the inspired        
sentence of which they come1 giving it  
externally the form of a doctrine1 and  
creating or deepening the idea of it in 

the mind4  ,it is true that1 so far as  
such statements of ,scripture are       
mysteries1 they are relatively to us but
 words1 and cannot be developed4 ,but as
 a mystery implies in part what is      
incomprehensible or at least unknown1 so
 does it in part imply what is not so2  
it implies a partial manifestation1 or a
 representation by economy4 ,because    
then it is in a measure understood1 it  
can so far be developed1 though each    
result in the process will partake of   
the dimness and confusion of the        
original impression4   #e4  #d4 ,this   
moreover should be considered1--that    
great questions exist in the            
subject-matter of which ,scripture      
treats1 which ,scripture does not solve2
 questions too so real1 so practical1   
that they must be answered1 and1 unless 
we suppose a new revelation1 answered by
 means of the revelation which we have1 
that is1 by development4 ,such is the   
question of the ,canon of ,scripture and
 its inspiration3 that is1 whether      

,christianity depends upon a written    
document as ,judaism2--if so1 on what   
writings and how many2--whether that    
document is self-interpreting1 or       
requires a comment1 and whether any     
authoritative comment or commentator is 
provided2--whether the revelation and   
the document are commensurate1 or the   
one outruns the other2--all these       
questions surely find no solution on the
 surface of ,scripture1 nor indeed under
 the surface in the case of most men1   
however long and diligent might be their
 study of it4 ,nor were these           
difficulties settled by authority1 as   
far as we know1 at the commencement of  
the religion2 yet surely it is quite    
conceivable that an ,apostle might have 
dissipated them all in a few words1 had 
,divine ,wisdom thought fit4 ,but in    
matter of fact the decision has been    
left to time1 to the slow process of    
thought1 to the influence of mind upon  
mind1 the issues of controversy1 and the
 growth of opinion4   #f4  ,to take     

another instance just now referred      
to3--if there was a point on which a    
rule was desirable from the first1 it   
was concerning the religious duties     
under which ,christian parents lay as   
regards their children4 ,it would be    
natural indeed in any ,christian father1
 in the absence of a rule1 to bring his 
children for baptism2 such in this      
instance would be the practical         
development of his faith in ,christ and 
love for his offspring2 still a         
development it is1--necessarily         
required1 yet1 as far as we know1 not   
provided for his need by direct precept 
in the ,revelation as originally given4 
,another very large field of thought1   
full of practical considerations1 yet1  
as far as our knowledge goes1 but only  
partially occupied by any ,apostolical  
judgment1 is that which the question of 
the effects of ,baptism opens upon us4  
,that they who came in repentance and   
faith to that ,holy ,sacrament received 
remission of sins1 is undoubtedly the   

doctrine of the ,apostles2 but is there 
any means of a second remission for sins
 committed after it8 ,st4 ,paul's       
,epistles1 where we might expect an     
answer to our inquiry1 contain no       
explicit statement on the subject2 what 
they do plainly say does not diminish   
the difficulty3--viz41 first1 that      
baptism is intended for the pardon of   
sins before it1 not in prospect2 next1  
that those who have received the gift of
 ,baptism in fact live in a state of    
holiness1 not of sin4 ,how do statements
 such as these meet the actual state of 
the ,church as we see it at this day8   
,considering that it was expressly      
predicted that the ,kingdom of ,heaven1 
like the fisher's net1 should gather of 
every kind1 and that the tares should   
grow with the wheat until the harvest1 a
 graver and more practical question     
cannot be imagined than that which it   
has pleased the ,divine ,author of the  
,revelation to leave undecided1 unless  
indeed there be means given in that     

,revelation of its own growth or        
development4 ,as far as the letter goes 
of the inspired message1 every one who  
holds that ,scripture is the rule of    
faith1 as all ,protestants do1 must     
allow that there is not one of us but   
has exceeded by transgression its       
revealed ,ritual1 and finds himself in  
consequence thrown upon those infinite  
resources of ,divine ,love which are    
stored in ,christ1 but have not been    
drawn out into form in the appointments 
of the ,gospel4#fb3a ,since then        
,scripture needs completion1 the        
question is brought to this issue1      
whether defect or inchoateness in its   
doctrines be or be not an antecedent    
probability in favour of a development  
of them4   #g4  ,there is another       
subject1 though not so immediately      
practical1 on which ,scripture does not1
 strictly speaking1 keep silence1 but   
says so little as to require1 and so    
much as to suggest1 information beyond  
its letter1--the intermediate state     

between death and the ,resurrection4    
,considering the long interval which    
separates ,christ's first and second    
coming1 the millions of faithful souls  
who are waiting it out1 and the intimate
 concern which every ,christian has in  
the determination of its character1 it  
might have been expected that ,scripture
 would have spoken explicitly concerning
 it1 whereas in fact its notices are but
 brief and obscure4 ,we might indeed    
have argued that this silence of        
,scripture was intentional1 with a view 
of discouraging speculations upon the   
subject1 except for the circumstance    
that1 as in the question of our         
post-baptismal state1 its teaching seems
 to proceed upon an hypothesis          
inapplicable to the state of the ,church
 after the time when it was delivered4  
,as ,scripture contemplates ,christians1
 not as backsliders1 but as saints1 so  
does it apparently represent the ,day of
 ,judgment as immediate1 and the        
interval of expectation as evanescent4  

,it leaves on our minds the general     
impression that ,christ was returning on
 earth at once1 the time short1 worldly 
engagements superseded by the present   
distress1 persecutors urgent1           
,christians1 as a body1 sinless and     
expectant1 without home1 without plan   
for the future1 looking up to heaven4   
,but outward circumstances have changed1
 and with the change1 a different       
application of the revealed word has of 
necessity been demanded1 that is1 a     
development4 ,when the nations were     
converted and offences abounded1 then   
the ,church came out to view1 on the one
 hand as a temporal establishment1 on   
the other as a remedial system1 and     
passages of ,scripture aided and        
directed the development which before   
were of inferior account4 ,hence the    
doctrine of ,penance as the complement  
of ,baptism1 and of ,purgatory as the   
explanation of the ,intermediate ,state4
 ,so reasonable is this expansion of the
 original creed1 that1 when some ten    

years since the true doctrine of        
,baptism was expounded among us without 
any mention of ,penance1 our teacher was
 accused by many of us of ,novatianism2 
while1 on the other hand1 heterodox     
divines have before now advocated the   
doctrine of the sleep of the soul       
because they said it was the only       
successful preventive of belief in      
,purgatory4   #h4  ,thus developments of
 ,christianity are proved to have been  
in the contemplation of its ,divine     
,author1 by an argument parallel to that
 by which we infer intelligence in the  
system of the physical world4 ,in       
whatever sense the need and its supply  
are a proof of design in the visible    
creation1 in the same do the gaps1 if   
the word may be used1 which occur in the
 structure of the original creed of the 
,church1 make it probable that those    
developments1 which grow out of the     
truths which lie around it1 were        
intended to fill them up4  ,nor can it  
be fairly objected that in thus arguing 

we are contradicting the great          
philosopher1 who tells us1 that upon    
supposition of ,god affording us light  
and instruction by revelation1          
additional to what ,he has afforded us  
by reason and experience1 we are in no  
sort judges by what methods1 and in what
 proportion1 it were to be expected that
 this supernatural light and instruction
 would be afforded us1#fd3a because he  
is speaking of our judging before a     
revelation is given4 ,he observes that  
we have no principles of reason upon    
which to judge beforehand1 how it were  
to be expected ,revelation should have  
been left1 or what was most suitable to 
the divine plan of government1 in       
various respects2 but the case is       
altogether altered when a ,revelation is
 vouchsafed1 for then a new precedent1  
or what he calls principle of reason1 is
 introduced1 and from what is actually  
put into our hands we can form a        
judgment whether more is to be expected4
 ,butler1 indeed1 as a well-known       

passage of his work shows1 is far from  
denying the principle of progressive    
development4   #i4  #e4 ,the method of  
revelation observed in ,scripture       
abundantly confirms this anticipation4  
,for instance1 ,prophecy1 if it had so  
happened1 need not have afforded a      
specimen of development2 separate       
predictions might have been made to     
accumulate as time went on1 prospects   
might have opened1 definite knowledge   
might have been given1 by communications
 independent of each other1 as ,st4     
,john's ,gospel or the ,epistles of ,st4
 ,paul are unconnected with the first   
three ,gospels1 though the doctrine of  
each ,apostle is a development of their 
matter4 ,but the prophetic ,revelation  
is1 in matter of fact1 not of this      
nature1 but a process of development3   
the earlier prophecies are pregnant     
texts out of which the succeeding       
announcements grow2 they are types4 ,it 
is not that first one truth is told1    
then another2 but the whole truth or    

large portions of it are told at once1  
yet only in their rudiments1 or in      
miniature1 and they are expanded and    
finished in their parts1 as the course  
of revelation proceeds4  ,the ,seed of  
the woman was to bruise the serpent's   
head2 the sceptre was not to depart from
 ,judah till ,shiloh came1 to whom was  
to be the gathering of the people4 ,he  
was to be ,wonderful1 ,counsellor1 the  
,prince of ,peace4 ,the question of the 
,ethiopian rises in the reader's mind1  
,of whom speaketh the ,prophet this8    
,every word requires a comment4         
,accordingly1 it is no uncommon theory  
with unbelievers1 that the ,messianic   
idea1 as they call it1 was gradually    
developed in the minds of the ,jews by a
 continuous and traditional habit of    
contemplating it1 and grew into its full
 proportions by a mere human process2   
and so far seems certain1 without       
trenching on the doctrine of            
inspiration1 that the books of ,wisdom  
and ,ecclesiasticus are developments of 

the writings of the ,prophets1 expressed
 or elicited by means of current ideas  
in the ,greek philosophy1 and ultimately
 adopted and ratified by the ,apostle in
 his ,epistle to the ,hebrews4   #aj4   
,but the whole ,bible1 not its          
prophetical portions only1 is written on
 the principle of development4 ,as the  
,revelation proceeds1 it is ever new1   
yet ever old4 ,st4 ,john1 who completes 
it1 declares that he writes no new      
commandment unto his brethren1 but an   
old commandment which they had from the 
beginning4 ,and then he adds1 ,a new    
commandment ,i write unto you4 ,the same
 test of development is suggested in our
 ,lord's words on the ,mount1 as has    
already been noticed1 ,think not that ,i
 am come to destroy the ,law and the    
,prophets2 ,i am not come to destroy1   
but to fulfil4 ,he does not reverse1 but
 perfect1 what has gone before4 ,thus   
with respect to the evangelical view of 
the rite of sacrifice1 first the rite is
 enjoined by ,moses2 next ,samuel says1 

to obey is better than sacrifice2 then  
,hosea1 ,i will have mercy and not      
sacrifice2 ,isaiah1 ,incense is an      
abomination onto me2 then ,malachi1     
describing the times of the ,gospel1    
speaks of the pure offering of          
wheatflour2 and our ,lord completes the 
development1 when ,he speaks of         
worshipping in spirit and in truth4 ,if 
there is anything here left to explain1 
it will be found in the usage of the    
,christian ,church immediately          
afterwards1 which shows that sacrifice  
was not removed1 but truth and spirit   
added4  ,nay1 the effata of our ,lord   
and ,his ,apostles are of a typical     
structure1 parallel to the prophetic    
announcements above mentioned1 and      
predictions as well as injunctions of   
doctrine4 ,if then the prophetic        
sentences have had that development     
which has really been given them1 first 
by succeeding revelations1 and then by  
the event1 it is probable antecedently  
that those doctrinal1 political1 ritual1

 and ethical sentences1 which have the  
same structure1 should admit the same   
expansion4 ,such are1 ,this is ,my      
,body1 or ,thou art ,peter1 and upon    
this ,rock ,i will build ,my ,church1 or
 ,the meek shall inherit the earth1 or  
,suffer little children to come unto    
,me1 or ,the pure in heart shall see    
,god4   #aa4  ,on this character of our 
,lord's teaching1 the following passage 
may suitably be quoted from a writer    
already used4 ,his recorded words and   
works when on earth 4 4 4 come to us as 
the declarations of a ,lawgiver4 ,in the
 ,old ,covenant1 ,almighty ,god first of
 all spoke the ,ten ,commandments from  
,mount ,sinai1 and afterwards wrote     
them4 ,so our ,lord first spoke ,his own
 ,gospel1 both of promise and of        
precept1 on the ,mount1 and ,his        
,evangelists have recorded it4 ,further1
 when ,he delivered it1 ,he spoke by way
 of parallel to the ,ten ,commandments4 
,and ,his style1 moreover1 corresponds  
to the authority which ,he assumes4 ,it 

is of that solemn1 measured1 and severe 
character1 which bears on the face of it
 tokens of its belonging to ,one who    
spake as none other man could speak4    
,the ,beatitudes1 with which ,his       
,sermon opens1 are an instance of this  
incommunicable style1 which befitted1 as
 far as human words could befit1 ,god   
,incarnate4  ,nor is this style peculiar
 to the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,all     
through the ,gospels it is discernible1 
distinct from any other part of         
,scripture1 showing itself in solemn    
declarations1 canons1 sentences1 or     
sayings1 such as legislators propound1  
and scribes and lawyers comment on4     
,surely everything our ,saviour did and 
said is characterized by mingled        
simplicity and mystery4 ,his            
emblematical actions1 ,his typical      
miracles1 ,his parables1 ,his replies1  
,his censures1 all are evidences of a   
legislature in germ1 afterwards to be   
developed1 a code of divine truth which 
was ever to be before men's eyes1 to be 

the subject of investigation and        
interpretation1 and the guide in        
controversy4 ',verily1 verily1 ,i say   
unto you1'--',but1 ,i say unto          
you1'--are the tokens of a supreme      
,teacher and ,prophet4  ,and thus the   
,fathers speak of ,his teaching4 ',his  
sayings1' observes ,st4 ,justin1 'were  
short and concise2 for ,he was no       
rhetorician1 but ,his word was the power
 of ,god4' ,and ,st4 ,basil1 in like    
manner1 ',every deed and every word of  
our ,saviour ,jesus ,christ is a canon  
of piety and virtue4 ,when then thou    
hearest word or deed of ,his1 do not    
hear it as by the way1 or after a simple
 and carnal manner1 but enter into the  
depth of ,his contemplations1 become a  
communicant in truths mystically        
delivered to thee4'#fg3a   #ab4         
,moreover1 while it is certain that     
developments of ,revelation proceeded   
all through the ,old ,dispensation down 
to the very end of our ,lord's ministry1
 on the other hand1 if we turn our      

attention to the beginnings of          
,apostolical teaching after ,his        
ascension1 we shall find ourselves      
unable to fix an historical point at    
which the growth of doctrine ceased1 and
 the rule of faith was once for all     
settled4 ,not on the day of ,pentecost1 
for ,st4 ,peter had still to learn at   
,joppa that he was to baptize           
,cornelius2 not at ,joppa and ,csarea1  
for ,st4 ,paul had to write his         
,epistles2 not on the death of the last 
,apostle1 for ,st4 ,ignatius had to     
establish the doctrine of ,episcopacy2  
not then1 nor for centuries after1 for  
the ,canon of the ,new ,testament was   
still undetermined4 ,not in the ,creed1 
which is no collection of definitions1  
but a summary of certain credenda1 an   
incomplete summary1 and1 like the       
,lord's ,prayer or the ,decalogue1 a    
mere sample of divine truths1 especially
 of the more elementary4 ,no one        
doctrine can be named which starts      
complete at first1 and gains nothing    

afterwards from the investigations of   
faith and the attacks of heresy4 ,the   
,church went forth from the old world in
 haste1 as the ,israelites from ,egypt  
with their dough before it was leavened1
 their kneading troughs being bound up  
in their clothes upon their shoulders4  
#ac4  ,further1 the political           
developments contained in the historical
 parts of ,scripture are as striking as 
the prophetical and the doctrinal4 ,can 
any history wear a more human appearance
 than that of the rise and growth of the
 chosen people to whom ,i have just     
referred8 ,what had been determined in  
the counsels of the ,lord of heaven and 
earth from the beginning1 what was      
immutable1 what was announced to ,moses 
in the burning bush1 is afterwards      
represented as the growth of an idea    
under successive emergencies4 ,the      
,divine ,voice in the bush had announced
 the ,exodus of the children of ,israel 
from ,egypt and their entrance into     
,canaan2 and added1 as a token of the   

certainty of ,his purpose1 ,when thou   
hast brought forth the people out of    
,egypt1 ye shall serve ,god upon this   
mountain4 ,now this sacrifice or        
festival1 which was but incidental and  
secondary in the great deliverance1 is  
for a while the ultimate scope of the   
demands which ,moses makes upon         
,pharaoh4 ,thou shalt come1 thou and the
 elders of ,israel unto the ,king of    
,egypt1 and ye shall say unto him1 ,the 
,lord ,god of the ,hebrews hath met with
 us1 and now let us go1 we beseech thee1
 three days' journey into the           
wilderness1 that we may sacrifice to the
 ,lord our ,god4 ,it had been added that
 ,pharaoh would first refuse their      
request1 but that after miracles he     
would let them go altogether1 nay with  
jewels of silver and gold1 and raiment4 
,accordingly the first request of ,moses
 was1 ,let us go1 we pray thee1 three   
days' journey into the desert1 and      
sacrifice unto the ,lord our ,god4      
,before the plague of frogs the warning 

is repeated1 ,let ,my people go that    
they may serve ,me2 and after it        
,pharaoh says1 ,i will let the people   
go1 that they may do sacrifice unto the 
,lord4 ,it occurs again before the      
plague of flies2 and after it ,pharaoh  
offers to let the ,israelites sacrifice 
in ,egypt1 which ,moses refuses on the  
ground that they will have to sacrifice 
the abomination of the ,egyptians before
 their eyes4 ,we will go three days'    
journey into the wilderness1 he         
proceeds1 and sacrifice to the ,lord our
 ,god2 and ,pharaoh then concedes their 
sacrificing in the wilderness1 only1 he 
says1 you shall not go very far away4   
,the demand is repeated separately      
before the plagues of murrain1 hail1 and
 locusts1 no mention being yet made of  
anything beyond a service or sacrifice  
in the wilderness4 ,on the last of these
 interviews1 ,pharaoh asks an           
explanation1 and ,moses extends his     
claim3 ,we will go with our young and   
with our old1 with our sons and with our

 daughters1 with our flocks and with our
 herds will we go1 for we must hold a   
feast unto the ,lord4 ,that it was an   
extension seems plain from ,pharaoh's   
reply3 ,go now ye that are men1 and     
serve the ,lord1 for that ye did desire4
 ,upon the plague of darkness ,pharaoh  
concedes the extended demand1 excepting 
the flocks and herds2 but ,moses reminds
 him that they were implied1 though not 
expressed in the original wording3 ,thou
 must give us also sacrifices and burnt 
offerings1 that we may sacrifice unto   
the ,lord our ,god4 ,even to the last1  
there was no intimation of their leaving
 ,egypt for good2 the issue was left to 
be wrought out by the ,egyptians4 ,all  
these thy servants1 says ,moses1 shall  
come down unto me1 and bow down         
themselves unto me1 saying1 ,get thee   
out and all the people that follow thee1
 and after that ,i will go out2 and1    
accordingly1 after the judgment on the  
first-born1 they were thrust out at     
midnight1 with their flocks and herds1  

their kneading troughs and their dough1 
laden1 too1 with the spoils of ,egypt1  
as had been fore-ordained1 yet          
apparently by a combination of          
circumstances1 or the complication of a 
crisis4 ,yet ,moses knew that their     
departure from ,egypt was final1 for he 
took the bones of ,joseph with him2 and 
that conviction broke on ,pharaoh soon1 
when he and his asked themselves1 ,why  
have we done this1 that we have let     
,israel go from serving us8 ,but this   
progress of events1 vague and uncertain 
as it seemed to be1 notwithstanding the 
miracles which attended it1 had been    
directed by ,him who works out gradually
 what ,he has determined absolutely2 and
 it ended in the parting of the ,red    
,sea1 and the destruction of ,pharaoh's 
host1 on his pursuing them4  ,moreover1 
from what occurred forty years          
afterwards1 when they were advancing    
upon the promised land1 it would seem   
that the original grant of territory did
 not include the country east of        

,jordan1 held in the event by ,reuben1  
,gad1 and half the tribe of ,manasseh2  
at least they undertook at first to     
leave ,sihon in undisturbed possession  
of his country1 if he would let them    
pass through it1 and only on his        
refusing his permission did they invade 
and appropriate it4   #ad4  #f4 ,it is  
in point to notice also the structure   
and style of ,scripture1 a structure so 
unsystematic and various1 and a style so
 figurative and indirect1 that no one   
would presume at first sight to say what
 is in it and what is not4 ,it cannot1  
as it were1 be mapped1 or its contents  
catalogued2 but after all our diligence1
 to the end of our lives and to the end 
of the ,church1 it must be an unexplored
 and unsubdued land1 with heights and   
valleys1 forests and streams1 on the    
right and left of our path and close    
about us1 full of concealed wonders and 
choice treasures4 ,of no doctrine       
whatever1 which does not actually       
contradict what has been delivered1 can 

it be peremptorily asserted that it is  
not in ,scripture2 of no reader1        
whatever be his study of it1 can it be  
said that he has mastered every doctrine
 which it contains4 ,butler's remarks on
 this subject were just now referred to4
 ,the more distinct and particular      
knowledge1 he says1 of those things1 the
 study of which the ,apostle calls      
'going on unto perfection1' that is1 of 
the more recondite doctrines of the     
,gospel1 and of the prophetic parts of  
revelation1 like many parts of natural  
and even civil knowledge1 may require   
very exact thought and careful          
consideration4 ,the hindrances too of   
natural and of supernatural light and   
knowledge have been of the same kind4   
,and as it is owned the whole scheme of 
,scripture is not yet understood1 so1 if
 it ever comes to be understood1 before 
the 'restitution of all things1' and    
without miraculous interpositions1 it   
must be in the same way as natural      
knowledge is come at1 by the continuance

 and progress of learning and of        
liberty1 and by particular persons      
attending to1 comparing1 and pursuing   
intimations scattered up and down it1   
which are overlooked and disregarded by 
the generality of the world4 ,for this  
is the way in which all improvements are
 made1 by thoughtful men tracing on     
obscure hints1 as it were1 dropped us by
 nature accidentally1 or which seem to  
come into our minds by chance4 ,nor is  
it at all incredible that a book1 which 
has been so long in the possession of   
mankind1 should contain many truths as  
yet undiscovered4 ,for all the same     
phenomena1 and the same faculties of    
investigation1 from which such great    
discoveries in natural knowledge have   
been made in the present and last age1  
were equally in the possession of       
mankind several thousand years before4  
,and possibly it might be intended that 
events1 as they come to pass1 should    
open and ascertain the meaning of       
several parts of ,scripture4#gb3a       

,butler of course was not contemplating 
the case of new articles of faith1 or   
developments imperative on our          
acceptance1 but he surely bears witness 
to the probability of developments      
taking place in ,christian doctrine     
considered in themselves1 which is the  
point at present in question4   #ae4    
,it may be added that1 in matter of     
fact1 all the definitions or received   
judgments of the early and medieval     
,church rest upon definite1 even though 
sometimes obscure sentences of          
,scripture4 ,thus ,purgatory may appeal 
to the saving by fire1 and entering     
through much tribulation into the       
kingdom of ,god2 the communication of   
the merits of the ,saints to our        
receiving a prophet's reward for        
receiving a prophet in the name of a    
prophet1 and a righteous man's reward   
for receiving a righteous man in the    
name of a righteous man2 the ,real      
,presence to ,this is ,my ,body2        
,absolution to ,whosesoever sins ye     

remit1 they are remitted2 ,extreme      
,unction to ,anointing him with oil in  
the ,name of the ,lord2 ,voluntary      
poverty to ,sell all that thou hast2    
obedience to ,he was in subjection to   
,his parents2 the honour paid to        
creatures1 animate or inanimate1 to     
,laudate ,dominum in sanctis ,ejus1 and 
,adorate scabellum pedum ,ejus2 and so  
of the rest4   #af4  #g4 ,lastly1 while 
,scripture nowhere recognizes itself or 
asserts the inspiration of those        
passages which are most essential1 it   
distinctly anticipates the development  
of ,christianity1 both as a polity and  
as a doctrine4 ,in one of our ,lord's   
parables the ,kingdom of ,heaven is even
 compared to a grain of mustard-seed1   
which a man took and hid in his field2  
which indeed is the least of all seeds1 
but when it is grown it is the greatest 
among herbs1 and becometh a tree1 and1  
as ,st4 ,mark words it1 shooteth out    
great branches1 so that the birds of the
 air come and lodge in the branches     

thereof4 ,and again1 in the same chapter
 of ,st4 ,mark1 ,so is the kingdom of   
,god1 as if a man should cast seed into 
the ground1 and should sleep1 and rise  
night and day1 and the seed should      
spring and grow up1 he knoweth not how2 
for the earth bringeth forth fruit of   
herself4 ,here an internal element of   
life1 whether principle or doctrine1 is 
spoken of rather than any mere external 
manifestation2 and it is observable that
 the spontaneous1 as well as the        
gradual1 character of the growth is     
intimated4 ,this description of the     
process corresponds to what has been    
above observed respecting development1  
viz4 that it is not an effect of wishing
 and resolving1 or of forced enthusiasm1
 or of any mechanism of reasoning1 or of
 any mere subtlety of intellect2 but    
comes of its own innate power of        
expansion within the mind in its season1
 though with the use of reflection and  
argument and original thought1 more or  
less as it may happen1 with a dependence

 on the ethical growth of the mind      
itself1 and with a reflex influence upon
 it4 ,again1 the ,parable of the ,leaven
 describes the development of doctrine  
in another respect1 in its active1      
engrossing1 and interpenetrating power4 
#ag4  ,from the necessity1 then1 of the 
case1 from the history of all sects and 
parties in religion1 and from the       
analogy and example of ,scripture1 we   
may fairly conclude that ,christian     
doctrine admits of formal1 legitimate1  
and true developments1 that is1 of      
developments contemplated by its ,divine
 ,author4  ,the general analogy of the  
world1 physical and moral1 confirms this
 conclusion1 as we are reminded by the  
great authority who has already been    
quoted in the course of this ,section4  
,the whole natural world and government 
of it1 says ,butler1 is a scheme or     
system2 not a fixed1 but a progressive  
one2 a scheme in which the operation of 
various means takes up a great length of
 time before the ends they tend to can  

be attained4 ,the change of seasons1 the
 ripening of the fruits of the earth1   
the very history of a flower is an      
instance of this2 and so is human life4 
,thus vegetable bodies1 and those of    
animals1 though possibly formed at once1
 yet grow up by degrees to a mature     
state4 ,and thus rational agents1 who   
animate these latter bodies1 are        
naturally directed to form each his own 
manners and character by the gradual    
gaining of knowledge and experience1 and
 by a long course of action4 ,our       
existence is not only successive1 as it 
must be of necessity1 but one state of  
our life and being is appointed by ,god 
to be a preparation for another2 and    
that to be the means of attaining to    
another succeeding one3 infancy to      
childhood1 childhood to youth1 youth to 
mature age4 ,men are impatient1 and for 
precipitating things2 but the ,author of
 ,nature appears deliberate throughout  
,his operations1 accomplishing ,his     
natural ends by slow successive steps4  

,and there is a plan of things          
beforehand laid out1 which1 from the    
nature of it1 requires various systems  
of means1 as well as length of time1 in 
order to the carrying on its several    
parts into execution4 ,thus1 in the     
daily course of natural providence1 ,god
 operates in the very same manner as in 
the dispensation of ,christianity1      
making one thing subservient to another2
 this1 to somewhat farther2 and so on1  
through a progressive series of means1  
which extend1 both backward and forward1
 beyond our utmost view4 ,of this manner
 of operation1 everything we see in the 
course of nature is as much an instance 
as any part of the ,christian           
dispensation4#ge3a   ,,section ,,ii4    
,,an ,,infallible ,,developing          
,,authority ,,to ,,be ,,expected4  ,it  
has now been made probable that         
developments of ,christianity were but  
natural1 as time went on1 and were to be
 expected2 and that these natural and   
true developments1 as being natural and 

true1 were of course contemplated and   
taken into account by its ,author1 who  
in designing the work designed its      
legitimate results4 ,these1 whatever    
they turn out to be1 may be called      
absolutely the developments of          
,christianity4 ,that1 beyond reasonable 
doubt1 there are such is surely a great 
step gained in the inquiry2 it is a     
momentous fact4 ,the next question is1  
,what are they8 and to a theologian1 who
 could take a general view1 and also    
possessed an intimate and minute        
knowledge1 of its history1 they would   
doubtless on the whole be easily        
distinguishable by their own characters1
 and require no foreign aid to point    
them out1 no external authority to      
ratify them4 ,but it is difficult to say
 who is exactly in this position4       
,considering that ,christians1 from the 
nature of the case1 live under the bias 
of the doctrines1 and in the very midst 
of the facts1 and during the process of 
the controversies1 which are to be the  

subject of criticism1 since they are    
exposed to the prejudices of birth1     
education1 place1 personal attachment1  
engagements1 and party1 it can hardly be
 maintained that in matter of fact a    
true development carries with it always 
its own certainty even to the learned1  
or that history1 past or present1 is    
secure from the possibility of a variety
 of interpretations4   #b4  ,i have     
already spoken on this subject1 and from
 a very different point of view from    
that which ,i am taking at present3--   
,prophets or ,doctors are the           
interpreters of the revelation2 they    
unfold and define its mysteries1 they   
illuminate its documents1 they harmonize
 its contents1 they apply its promises4 
,their teaching is a vast system1 not to
 be comprised in a few sentences1 not to
 be embodied in one code or treatise1   
but consisting of a certain body of     
,truth1 pervading the ,church like an   
atmosphere1 irregular in its shape from 
its very profusion and exuberance2 at   

times separable only in idea from       
,episcopal ,tradition1 yet at times     
melting away into legend and fable2     
partly written1 partly unwritten1 partly
 the interpretation1 partly the         
supplement of ,scripture1 partly        
preserved in intellectual expressions1  
partly latent in the spirit and temper  
of ,christians2 poured to and fro in    
closets and upon the housetops1 in      
liturgies1 in controversial works1 in   
obscure fragments1 in sermons1 in       
popular prejudices1 in local customs4   
,this ,i call ,prophetical ,tradition1  
existing primarily in the bosom of the  
,church itself1 and recorded in such    
measure as ,providence has determined in
 the writings of eminent men4 ,keep that
 which is committed to thy charge1 is   
,st4 ,paul's injunction to ,timothy2 and
 for this reason1 because from its      
vastness and indefiniteness it is       
especially exposed to corruption1 if the
 ,church fails in vigilance4 ,this is   
that body of teaching which is offered  

to all ,christians even at the present  
day1 though in various forms and        
measures of truth1 in different parts of
 ,christendom1 partly being a comment1  
partly an addition upon the articles of 
the ,creed4#gg3a  ,if this be true1     
certainly some rule is necessary for    
arranging and authenticating these      
various expressions and results of      
,christian doctrine4 ,no one will       
maintain that all points of belief are  
of equal importance4 ,there are what may
 be called minor points1 which we may   
hold to be true without imposing them as
 necessary2 there are greater truths and
 lesser truths1 points which it is      
necessary1 and points which it is pious 
to believe4#gg3b ,the simple question   
is1 ,how are we to discriminate the     
greater from the less1 the true from the
 false4   #c4  ,this need of an         
authoritative sanction is increased by  
considering1 after ,m4 ,guizot's        
suggestion1 that ,christianity1 though  
represented in prophecy as a kingdom1   

came into the world as an idea rather   
than an institution1 and has had to wrap
 itself in clothing and fit itself with 
armour of its own providing1 and to form
 the instruments and methods of its     
prosperity and warfare4 ,if the         
developments1 which have above been     
called moral1 are to take place to any  
great extent1 and without them it is    
difficult to see how ,christianity can  
exist at all1 if only its relations     
towards civil government have to be     
ascertained1 or the qualifications for  
the profession of it have to be defined1
 surely an authority is necessary to    
impart decision to what is vague1 and   
confidence to what is empirical1 to     
ratify the successive steps of so       
elaborate a process1 and to secure the  
validity of inferences which are to be  
made the premisses of more remote       
investigations4  ,tests1 it is true1 for
 ascertaining the correctness of        
developments in general may be drawn    
out1 as ,i shall show in the sequel2 but

 they are insufficient for the guidance 
of individuals in the case of so large  
and complicated a problem as            
,christianity1 though they may aid our  
inquiries and support our conclusions in
 particular points4 ,they are of a      
scientific and controversial1 not of a  
practical character1 and are instruments
 rather than warrants of right          
decisions4 ,moreover1 they rather serve 
as answers to objections brought against
 the actual decisions of authority1 than
 are proofs of the correctness of those 
decisions4 ,while1 then1 on the one     
hand1 it is probable that some means    
will be granted for ascertaining the    
legitimate and true developments of     
,revelation1 it appears1 on the other1  
that these means must of necessity be   
external to the developments themselves4
   #d4  ,reasons shall be given in this 
,section for concluding that1 in        
proportion to the probability of true   
developments of doctrine and practice in
 the ,divine ,scheme1 so is the         

probability also of the appointment in  
that scheme of an external authority to 
decide upon them1 thereby separating    
them from the mass of mere human        
speculation1 extravagance1 corruption1  
and error1 in and out of which they     
grow4 ,this is the doctrine of the      
infallibility of the ,church2 for by    
infallibility ,i suppose is meant the   
power of deciding whether this1 that1   
and a third1 and any number of          
theological or ethical statements are   
true4   #e4  #a4 ,let the state of the  
case be carefully considered4 ,if the   
,christian doctrine1 as originally      
taught1 admits of true and important    
developments1 as was argued in the      
foregoing ,section1 this is a strong    
antecedent argument in favour of a      
provision in the ,dispensation for      
putting a seal of authority upon those  
developments4 ,the probability of their 
being known to be true varies with that 
of their truth4 ,the two ideas indeed   
are quite distinct1 ,i grant1 of        

revealing and of guaranteeing a truth1  
and they are often distinct in fact4    
,there are various revelations all over 
the earth which do not carry with them  
the evidence of their divinity4 ,such   
are the inward suggestions and secret   
illuminations granted to so many        
individuals2 such are the traditionary  
doctrines which are found among the     
heathen1 that vague and unconnected     
family of religious truths1 originally  
from ,god1 but sojourning1 without the  
sanction of miracle or a definite home1 
as pilgrims up and down the world1 and  
discernible and separable from the      
corrupt legends with which they are     
mixed1 by the spiritual mind alone4#gi3a
 ,there is nothing impossible in the    
notion of a revelation occurring without
 evidences that it is a revelation2 just
 as human sciences are a divine gift1   
yet are reached by our ordinary powers  
and have no claim on our faith4 ,but    
,christianity is not of this nature3 it 
is a revelation which comes to us as a  

revelation1 as a whole1 objectively1 and
 with a profession of infallibility2 and
 the only question to be determined     
relates to the matter of the revelation4
 ,if then there are certain great       
truths1 or duties1 or observances1      
naturally and legitimately resulting    
from the doctrines originally professed1
 it is but reasonable to include these  
true results in the idea of the         
revelation itself1 to consider them     
parts of it1 and if the revelation be   
not only true1 but guaranteed as true1  
to anticipate that they too will come   
under the privilege of that guarantee4  
,christianity1 unlike other revelations 
of ,god's will1 except the ,jewish1 of  
which it is a continuation1 is an       
objective religion1 or a revelation with
 credentials2 it is natural1 ,i say1 to 
view it wholly as such1 and not partly  
sui generis1 partly like others4 ,such  
as it begins1 such let it be considered 
to continue2 granting that certain large
 developments of it are true1 they must 

surely be accredited as true4   #f4  #b4
 ,an objection1 however1 is often made  
to the doctrine of infallibility in     
limine1 which is too important not to be
 taken into consideration4 ,it is urged 
that1 as all religious knowledge rests  
on moral evidence1 not on demonstration1
 our belief in the ,church's            
infallibility must be of this character2
 but what can be more absurd than a     
probable infallibility1 or a certainty  
resting on doubt8--,i believe1 because  
,i am sure2 and ,i am sure1 because ,i  
suppose4 ,granting then that the gift of
 infallibility be adapted1 when         
believed1 to unite all intellects in one
 common confession1 the fact that it is 
given is as difficult of proof as the   
developments which it is to prove1 and  
nugatory therefore1 and in consequence  
improbable in a ,divine ,scheme4 ,the   
advocates of ,rome1 it has been urged1  
insist on the necessity of an infallible
 guide in religious matters1 as an      
argument that such a guide has really   

been accorded4 ,now it is obvious to    
inquire how individuals are to know with
 certainty that ,rome is infallible 4 4 
4 how any ground can be such as to bring
 home to the mind infallibly that she is
 infallible2 what conceivable proof     
amounts to more than a probability of   
the fact2 and what advantage is an      
infallible guide1 if those who are to be
 guided have1 after all1 no more than an
 opinion1 as the ,romanists call it1    
that she is infallible8#ha3a   #g4      
,this argument1 however1 except when    
used1 as is intended in this passage1   
against such persons as would remove all
 imperfection in the proof of ,religion1
 is certainly a fallacious one4 ,for    
since1 as all allow1 the ,apostles were 
infallible1 it tells against their      
infallibility1 or the infallibility of  
,scripture1 as truly as against the     
infallibility of the ,church2 for no one
 will say that the ,apostles were made  
infallible for nothing1 yet we are only 
morally certain that they were          

infallible4 ,further1 if we have but    
probable grounds for the ,church's      
infallibility1 we have but the like for 
the impossibility of certain things1 the
 necessity of others1 the truth1 the    
certainty of others2 and therefore the  
words infallibility1 necessity1 truth1  
and certainty ought all of them to be   
banished from the language4 ,but why is 
it more inconsistent to speak of an     
uncertain infallibility than of a       
doubtful truth or a contingent          
necessity1 phrases which present ideas  
clear and undeniable8 ,in sooth we are  
playing with words when we use arguments
 of this sort4 ,when we say that a      
person is infallible1 we mean no more   
than that what he says is always true1  
always to be believed1 always to be     
done4 ,the term is resolvable into these
 phrases as its equivalents2 either then
 the phrases are inadmissible1 or the   
idea of infallibility must be allowed4  
,a probable infallibility is a probable 
gift of never erring2 a reception of the

 doctrine of a probable infallibility is
 faith and obedience towards a person   
founded on the probability of his never 
erring in his declarations or commands4 
,what is inconsistent in this idea8     
,whatever then be the particular means  
of determining infallibility1 the       
abstract objection may be put           
aside4#ha3b   #h4  #c4 ,again1 it is    
sometimes argued that such a            
dispensation would destroy our          
probation1 as dissipating doubt1        
precluding the exercise of faith1 and   
obliging us to obey whether we wish it  
or no2 and it is urged that a ,divine   
,voice spoke in the first age1 and      
difficulty and darkness rest upon all   
subsequent ones2 as if infallibility and
 personal judgment were incompatible2   
but this is to confuse the subject4 ,we 
must distinguish between a revelation   
and a reception of it1 not between its  
earlier and later stages4 ,a revelation1
 in itself divine1 and guaranteed as    
such1 may from first to last be         

received1 doubted1 argued against1      
perverted1 rejected1 by individuals     
according to the state of mind of each4 
,ignorance1 misapprehension1 unbelief1  
and other causes1 do not at once cease  
to operate because the revelation is in 
itself true and in its proofs           
irrefragable4 ,we have then no warrant  
at all for saying that an accredited    
revelation will exclude the existence of
 doubts and difficulties on the part of 
those whom it addresses1 or dispense    
with anxious diligence on their part1   
though it may in its own nature tend to 
do so4 ,infallibility does not interfere
 with moral probation2 the two notions  
are absolutely distinct4 ,it is no      
objection then to the idea of a         
peremptory authority1 such as ,i am     
supposing1 that it lessens the task of  
personal inquiry1 unless it be an       
objection to the authority of           
,revelation altogether4 ,a ,church1 or a
 ,council1 or a ,pope1 or a ,consent of 
,doctors1 or a ,consent of ,christendom1

 limits the inquiries of the individual 
in no other way than ,scripture limits  
them3 it does limit them2 but1 while it 
limits their range1 it preserves intact 
their probationary character2 we are    
tried as really1 though not on so large 
a field4 ,to suppose that the doctrine  
of a permanent authority in matters of  
faith interferes with our free-will and 
responsibility is1 as before1 to forget 
that there were infallible teachers in  
the first age1 and heretics and         
schismatics in the ages subsequent4     
,there may have been at once a supreme  
authority from first to last1 and a     
moral judgment from first to last4      
,moreover1 those who maintain that      
,christian truth must be gained solely  
by personal efforts are bound to show   
that methods1 ethical and intellectual1 
are granted to individuals sufficient   
for gaining it2 else the mode of        
probation they advocate is less1 not    
more1 perfect than that which proceeds  
upon external authority4 ,on the whole1 

then1 no argument against continuing the
 principle of objectiveness into the    
developments of ,revelation arises out  
of the conditions of our moral          
responsibility4   #i4  #d4 ,perhaps it  
will be urged that the ,analogy of      
,nature is against our anticipating the 
continuance of an external authority    
which has once been given2 because in   
the words of the profound thinker who   
has already been cited1 ,we are wholly  
ignorant what degree of new knowledge it
 were to be expected ,god would give    
mankind by revelation1 upon supposition 
of ,his affording one2 or how far1 and  
in what way1 ,he would interpose        
miraculously to qualify them to whom ,he
 should originally make the revelation  
for communicating the knowledge given by
 it1 and to secure their doing it to the
 age in which they should live1 and to  
secure its being transmitted to         
posterity2 and because we are not in any
 sort able to judge whether it were to  
be expected that the revelation should  

have been committed to writing1 or left 
to be handed down1 and consequently     
corrupted1 by verbal tradition1 and at  
length sunk under it4#hd3a ,but this    
reasoning does not apply here1 as has   
already been observed2 it contemplates  
only the abstract hypothesis of a       
revelation1 not the fact of an existing 
revelation of a particular kind1 which  
may of course in various ways modify our
 state of knowledge1 by settling some of
 those very points which1 before it was 
given1 we had no means of deciding4 ,nor
 can it1 as ,i think1 be fairly denied  
that the argument from analogy in one   
point of view tells against anticipating
 a revelation at all1 for an innovation 
upon the physical order of the world is 
by the very force of the terms          
inconsistent with its ordinary course4  
,we cannot then regulate our antecedent 
view of the character of a revelation by
 a test which1 applied simply1          
overthrows the very notion of a         
revelation altogether4 ,any how1        

,analogy is in some sort violated by the
 fact of a revelation1 and the question 
before us only relates to the extent of 
that violation4   #aj4  ,i will hazard a
 distinction here between the facts of  
revelation and its principles3--the     
argument from ,analogy is more concerned
 with its principles than with its      
facts4 ,the revealed facts are special  
and singular1 not analogous1 from the   
nature of the case3 but it is otherwise 
with the revealed principles2 these are 
common to all the works of ,god3 and if 
the ,author of ,nature be the ,author of
 ,grace1 it may be expected that1 while 
the two systems of facts are distinct   
and independent1 the principles         
displayed in them will be the same1 and 
form a connecting link between them4 ,in
 this identity of principle lies the    
,analogy of ,natural and ,revealed      
,religion1 in ,butler's sense of the    
word4 ,the doctrine of the ,incarnation 
is a fact1 and cannot be paralleled by  
anything in nature2 the doctrine of     

,mediation is a principle1 and is       
abundantly exemplified in its           
provisions4 ,miracles are facts2        
inspiration is a fact2 divine teaching  
once for all1 and a continual teaching1 
are each a fact2 probation by means of  
intellectual difficulties is a principle
 both in nature and in grace1 and may be
 carried on in the system of grace      
either by a standing ordinance of       
teaching or by one definite act of      
teaching1 and that with an analogy      
equally perfect in either case to the   
order of nature2 nor can we succeed in  
arguing from the analogy of that order  
against a standing guardianship of      
revelation without arguing also against 
its original bestowal4 ,supposing the   
order of nature once broken by the      
introduction of a revelation1 the       
continuance of that revelation is but a 
question of degree2 and the circumstance
 that a work has begun makes it more    
probable than not that it will proceed4 
,we have no reason to suppose that there

 is so great a distinction of           
dispensation between ourselves and the  
first generation of ,christians1 as that
 they had a living infallible guidance1 
and we have not4  ,the case then stands 
thus3--,revelation has introduced a new 
law of divine governance over and above 
those laws which appear in the natural  
course of the world2 and in consequence 
we are able to argue for the existence  
of a standing authority in matters of   
faith on the analogy of ,nature1 and    
from the fact of ,christianity4         
,preservation is involved in the idea of
 creation4 ,as the ,creator rested on   
the seventh day from the work which ,he 
had made1 yet ,he worketh hitherto2 so  
,he gave the ,creed once for all in the 
beginning1 yet blesses its growth still1
 and provides for its increase4 ,his    
word shall not return unto ,him void1   
but accomplish ,his pleasure4 ,as       
creation argues continual governance1 so
 are ,apostles harbingers of ,popes4    
#aa4  #e4 ,moreover1 it must be borne in

 mind that1 as the essence of all       
religion is authority and obedience1 so 
the distinction between natural religion
 and revealed lies in this1 that the one
 has a subjective authority1 and the    
other an objective4 ,revelation consists
 in the manifestation of the ,invisible 
,divine ,power1 or in the substitution  
of the voice of a ,lawgiver for the     
voice of conscience4 ,the supremacy of  
conscience is the essence of natural    
religion2 the supremacy of ,apostle1 or 
,pope1 or ,church1 or ,bishop1 is the   
essence of revealed2 and when such      
external authority is taken away1 the   
mind falls back again of necessity upon 
that inward guide which it possessed    
even before ,revelation was vouchsafed4 
,thus1 what conscience is in the system 
of nature1 such is the voice of         
,scripture1 or of the ,church1 or of the
 ,holy ,see1 as we may determine it1 in 
the system of ,revelation4 ,it may be   
objected1 indeed1 that conscience is not
 infallible2 it is true1 but still it is

 ever to be obeyed4 ,and this is just   
the prerogative which controversialists 
assign to the ,see of ,st4 ,peter2 it is
 not in all cases infallible1 it may err
 beyond its special province1 but it has
 in all cases a claim on our obedience4 
,all ,catholics and heretics1 says      
,bellarmine1 agree in two things3 first1
 that it is possible for the ,pope1 even
 as pope1 and with his own assembly of  
councillors1 or with ,general ,council1 
to err in particular controversies of   
fact1 which chiefly depend on human     
information and testimony2 secondly1    
that it is possible for him to err as a 
private ,doctor1 even in universal      
questions of right1 whether of faith or 
of morals1 and that from ignorance1 as  
sometimes happens to other doctors4     
,next1 all ,catholics agree in other two
 points1 not1 however1 with heretics1   
but solely with each other3 first1 that 
the ,pope with ,general ,council cannot 
err1 either in framing decrees of faith 
or general precepts of morality2        

secondly1 that the ,pope when           
determining anything in a doubtful      
matter1 whether by himself or with his  
own particular ,council1 whether it is  
possible for him to err or not1 is to be
 obeyed by all the faithful4#hg3a ,and  
as obedience to conscience1 even        
supposing conscience ill-informed1 tends
 to the improvement of our moral nature1
 and ultimately of our knowledge1 so    
obedience to our ecclesiastical superior
 may subserve our growth in illumination
 and sanctity1 even though he should    
command what is extreme or inexpedient1 
or teach what is external to his        
legitimate province4   #ab4  #f4 ,the   
common sense of mankind does but support
 a conclusion thus forced upon us by    
analogical considerations4 ,it feels    
that the very idea of revelation implies
 a present informant and guide1 and that
 an infallible one2 not a mere abstract 
declaration of ,truths unknown before to
 man1 or a record of history1 or the    
result of an antiquarian research1 but a

 message and a lesson speaking to this  
man and that4 ,this is shown by the     
popular notion which has prevailed among
 us since the ,reformation1 that the    
,bible itself is such a guide2 and which
 succeeded in overthrowing the supremacy
 of ,church and ,pope1 for the very     
reason that it was a rival authority1   
not resisting merely1 but supplanting   
it4 ,in proportion1 then1 as we find1 in
 matter of fact1 that the inspired      
,volume is not adapted or intended to   
subserve that purpose1 are we forced to 
revert to that living and present       
,guide1 who1 at the era of our rejection
 of her1 had been so long recognized as 
the dispenser of ,scripture1 according  
to times and circumstances1 and the     
arbiter of all true doctrine and holy   
practice to her children4 ,we feel a    
need1 and she alone of all things under 
heaven supplies it4 ,we are told that   
,god has spoken4 ,where8 ,in a book8 ,we
 have tried it and it disappoints2 it   
disappoints us1 that most holy and      

blessed gift1 not from fault of its own1
 but because it is used for a purpose   
for which it was not given4 ,the        
,ethiopian's reply1 when ,st4 ,philip   
asked him if he understood what he was  
reading1 is the voice of nature3 ,how   
can ,i1 unless some man shall guide me8 
,the ,church undertakes that office2 she
 does what none else can do1 and this is
 the secret of her power4 ,the human    
mind1 it has been said1 wishes to be rid
 of doubt in religion2 and a teacher who
 claims infallibility is readily        
believed on his simple word4 ,we see    
this constantly exemplified in the case 
of individual pretenders among          
ourselves4 ,in ,romanism the ,church    
pretends to it2 she rids herself of     
competitors by forestalling them4 ,and  
probably1 in the eyes of her children1  
this is not the least persuasive        
argument for her infallibility1 that she
 alone of all ,churches dares claim it1 
as if a secret instinct and involuntary 
misgivings restrained those rival       

communions which go so far towards      
affecting it4#hh3a ,these sentences1    
whatever be the errors of their wording1
 surely express a great truth4 ,the most
 obvious answer1 then1 to the question1 
why we yield to the authority of the    
,church in the questions and            
developments of faith1 is1 that some    
authority there must be if there is a   
revelation given1 and other authority   
there is none but she4 ,a revelation is 
not given1 if there be no authority to  
decide what it is that is given4 ,in the
 words of ,st4 ,peter to her ,divine    
,master and ,lord1 ,to whom shall we go8
 ,nor must it be forgotten in           
confirmation1 that ,scripture expressly 
calls the ,church the pillar and ground 
of the ,truth1 and promises her as by   
covenant that the ,spirit of the ,lord  
that is upon her1 and ,his words which  
,he has put in her mouth shall not      
depart out of her mouth1 nor out of the 
mouth of her seed1 nor out of the mouth 
of her seed's seed1 from henceforth and 

for ever4#hi3a   #ac4  #g4 ,and if the  
very claim to infallible arbitration in 
religious disputes is of so weighty     
importance and interest in all ages of  
the world1 much more is it welcome at a 
time like the present1 when the human   
intellect is so busy1 and thought so    
fertile1 and opinion so manifold4 ,the  
absolute need of a spiritual supremacy  
is at present the strongest of arguments
 in favour of the fact of its supply4   
,surely1 either an objective revelation 
has not been given1 or it has been      
provided with means for impressing its  
objectiveness on the world4 ,if         
,christianity be a social religion1 as  
it certainly is1 and if it be based on  
certain ideas acknowledged as divine1 or
 a creed1 7which shall here be assumed17
 and if these ideas have various        
aspects1 and make distinct impressions  
on different minds1 and issue in        
consequence in a multiplicity of        
developments1 true1 or false1 or mixed1 
as has been shown1 what power will      

suffice to meet and to do justice to    
these conflicting conditions1 but a     
supreme authority ruling and reconciling
 individual judgments by a divine right 
and a recognized wisdom8 ,in barbarous  
times the will is reached through the   
senses2 but in an age in which reason1  
as it is called1 is the standard of     
truth and right1 it is abundantly       
evident to any one1 who mixes ever so   
little with the world1 that1 if things  
are left to themselves1 every individual
 will have his own view of them1 and    
take his own course2 that two or three  
will agree to-day to part company       
to-morrow2 that ,scripture will be read 
in contrary ways1 and history1 according
 to the apologue1 will have to different
 comers its silver shield and its       
golden2 that philosophy1 taste1         
prejudice1 passion1 party1 caprice1 will
 find no common measure1 unless there be
 some supreme power to control the mind 
and to compel agreement4  ,there can be 
no combination on the basis of truth    

without an organ of truth4 ,as          
cultivation brings out the colours of   
flowers1 and domestication changes the  
character of animals1 so does education 
of necessity develope differences of    
opinion2 and while it is impossible to  
lay down first principles in which all  
will unite1 it is utterly unreasonable  
to expect that this man should yield to 
that1 or all to one4 ,i do not say there
 are no eternal truths1 such as the poet
 proclaims1#ij3a which all acknowledge  
in private1 but that there are none     
sufficiently commanding to be the basis 
of public union and action4 ,the only   
general persuasive in matters of conduct
 is authority2 that is1 7when truth is  
in question17 a judgment which we feel  
to be superior to our own4 ,if          
,christianity is both social and        
dogmatic1 and intended for all ages1 it 
must humanly speaking have an infallible
 expounder4 ,else you will secure unity 
of form at the loss of unity of         
doctrine1 or unity of doctrine at the   

loss of unity of form2 you will have to 
choose between a comprehension of       
opinions and a resolution into parties1 
between latitudinarian and sectarian    
error4 ,you may be tolerant or          
intolerant of contrarieties of thought1 
but contrarieties you will have4 ,by the
 ,church of ,england a hollow uniformity
 is preferred to an infallible chair2   
and by the sects of ,england1 an        
interminable division4 ,germany and     
,geneva began with persecution1 and have
 ended in scepticism4 ,the doctrine of  
infallibility is a less violent         
hypothesis than this sacrifice either of
 faith or of charity4 ,it secures the   
object1 while it gives definiteness and 
force to the matter1 of the ,revelation4
   #ad4  #h4 ,i have called the doctrine
 of ,infallibility an hypothesis3 let it
 be so considered for the sake of       
argument1 that is1 let it be considered 
to be a mere position1 supported by no  
direct evidence1 but required by the    
facts of the case1 and reconciling them 

with each other4 ,that hypothesis is    
indeed1 in matter of fact1 maintained   
and acted on in the largest portion of  
,christendom1 and from time immemorial2 
but let this coincidence be accounted   
for by the need4 ,moreover1 it is not a 
naked or isolated fact1 but the         
animating principle of a large scheme of
 doctrine which the need itself could   
not simply create2 but again1 let this  
system be merely called its development4
 ,yet even as an hypothesis1 which has  
been held by one out of various         
communions1 it may not be lightly put   
aside4 ,some hypothesis1 this or that1  
all parties1 all controversialists1 all 
historians must adopt1 if they would    
treat of ,christianity at all4          
,gieseler's ,text ,book bears the       
profession of being a dry analysis of   
,christian history2 yet on inspection it
 will be found to be written on a       
positive and definite theory1 and to    
bend facts to meet it4 ,an unbeliever1  
as ,gibbon1 assumes one hypothesis1 and 

an ,ultra-montane1 as ,baronius1 adopts 
another4 ,the ,school of ,hurd and      
,newton hold1 as the only true view of  
history1 that ,christianity slept for   
centuries upon centuries1 except among  
those whom historians call heretics4    
,others speak as if the oath of         
supremacy or the cong d'lire could be   
made the measure of ,st4 ,ambrose1 and  
they fit the ,thirty-nine ,articles on  
the fervid ,tertullian4 ,the question   
is1 which of all these theories is the  
simplest1 the most natural1 the most    
persuasive4 ,certainly the notion of    
development under infallible authority  
is not a less grave1 a less winning     
hypothesis1 than the chance and         
coincidence of events1 or the ,oriental 
,philosophy1 or the working of          
,antichrist1 to account for the rise of 
,christianity and the formation of its  
theology4   ,,section ,,iii4  ,,the     
,,existing ,,developments ,,of          
,,doctrine ,,the ,,probable ,,fulfilment
 ,,of ,,that ,,expectation4  ,i have    

been arguing1 in respect to the revealed
 doctrine1 given to us from above in    
,christianity1 first1 that1 in          
consequence of its intellectual         
character1 and as passing through the   
minds of so many generations of men1 and
 as applied by them to so many purposes1
 and as investigated so curiously as to 
its capabilities1 implications1 and     
bearings1 it could not but grow or      
develope1 as time went on1 into a large 
theological system2--next1 that1 if     
development must be1 then1 whereas      
,revelation is a heavenly gift1 ,he who 
gave it virtually has not given it1     
unless ,he has also secured it from     
perversion and corruption1 in all such  
development as comes upon it by the     
necessity of its nature1 or1 in other   
words1 that that intellectual action    
through successive generations1 which is
 the organ of development1 must1 so far 
forth as it can claim to have been put  
in charge of the ,revelation1 be in its 
determinations infallible4  ,passing    

from these two points1 ,i come next to  
the question whether in the history of  
,christianity there is any fulfilment of
 such anticipation as ,i have insisted  
on1 whether in matter-of-fact doctrines1
 rites1 and usages have grown up round  
the ,apostolic ,creed and have          
interpenetrated its ,articles1 claiming 
to be part of ,christianity and looking 
like those additions which we are in    
search of4 ,the answer is1 that such    
additions there are1 and that they are  
found just where they might be expected1
 in the authoritative seats and homes of
 old tradition1 the ,latin and ,greek   
,churches4 ,let me enlarge on this      
point4   #b4  ,i observe1 then1 that1 if
 the idea of ,christianity1 as          
originally given to us from heaven1     
cannot but contain much which will be   
only partially recognized by us as      
included in it and only held by us      
unconsciously2 and if again1            
,christianity being from heaven1 all    
that is necessarily involved in it1 and 

is evolved from it1 is from heaven1 and 
if1 on the other hand1 large accretions 
actually do exist1 professing to be its 
true and legitimate results1 our first  
impression naturally is1 that these must
 be the very developments which they    
profess to be4 ,moreover1 the very scale
 on which they have been made1 their    
high antiquity yet present promise1     
their gradual formation yet precision1  
their harmonious order1 dispose the     
imagination most forcibly towards the   
belief that a teaching so consistent    
with itself1 so well balanced1 so young 
and so old1 not obsolete after so many  
centuries1 but vigorous and progressive 
still1 is the very development          
contemplated in the ,divine ,scheme4    
,these doctrines are members of one     
family1 and suggestive1 or correlative1 
or confirmatory1 or illustrative of each
 other4 ,one furnishes evidence to      
another1 and all to each of them2 if    
this is proved1 that becomes probable2  
if this and that are both probable1 but 

for different reasons1 each adds to the 
other its own probability4 ,the         
,incarnation is the antecedent of the   
doctrine of ,mediation1 and the         
archetype both of the ,sacramental      
principle and of the merits of ,saints4 
,from the doctrine of ,mediation follow 
the ,atonement1 the ,mass1 the merits of
 ,martyrs and ,saints1 their invocation 
and cultus4 ,from the ,sacramental      
principle come the ,sacraments properly 
so called2 the unity of the ,church1 and
 the ,holy ,see as its type and centre2 
the authority of ,councils2 the sanctity
 of rites2 the veneration of holy       
places1 shrines1 images1 vessels1       
furniture1 and vestments4 ,of the       
,sacraments1 ,baptism is developed into 
,confirmation on the one hand2 into     
,penance1 ,purgatory1 and ,indulgences  
on the other2 and the ,eucharist into   
the ,real ,presence1 adoration of the   
,host1 ,resurrection of the body1 and   
the virtue of relics4 ,again1 the       
doctrine of the ,sacraments leads to the

 doctrine of ,justification2            
,justification to that of ,original     
,sin2 ,original ,sin to the merit of    
,celibacy4 ,nor do these separate       
developments stand independent of each  
other1 but by cross relations they are  
connected1 and grow together while they 
grow from one4 ,the ,mass and ,real     
,presence are parts of one2 the         
veneration of ,saints and their relics  
are parts of one2 their intercessory    
power and the ,purgatorial ,state1 and  
again the ,mass and that ,state are     
correlative2 ,celibacy is the           
characteristic mark of ,monachism and of
 the ,priesthood4 ,you must accept the  
whole or reject the whole2 attenuation  
does but enfeeble1 and amputation       
mutilate4 ,it is trifling to receive all
 but something which is as integral as  
any other portion2 and1 on the other    
hand1 it is a solemn thing to accept any
 part1 for1 before you know where you   
are1 you may be carried on by a stern   
logical necessity to accept the whole4  

#c4  ,next1 we have to consider that    
from first to last other developments   
there are none1 except those which have 
possession of ,christendom2 none1 that  
is1 of prominence and permanence        
sufficient to deserve the name4 ,in     
early times the heretical doctrines were
 confessedly barren and short-lived1 and
 could not stand their ground against   
,catholicism4 ,as to the medieval period
 ,i am not aware that the ,greeks       
present more than a negative opposition 
to the ,latins4 ,and now in like manner 
the ,tridentine ,creed is met by no     
rival developments2 there is no         
antagonist system4 ,criticisms1         
objections1 protests1 there are in      
plenty1 but little of positive teaching 
anywhere2 seldom an attempt on the part 
of any opposing school to master its own
 doctrines1 to investigate their sense  
and bearing1 to determine their relation
 to the decrees of ,trent and their     
distance from them4 ,and when at any    
time this attempt is by chance in any   

measure made1 then an incurable         
contrariety does but come to view       
between portions of the theology thus   
developed1 and a war of principles2 an  
impossibility moreover of reconciling   
that theology with the general drift of 
the formularies in which its elements   
occur1 and a consequent appearance of   
unfairness and sophistry in adventurous 
persons who aim at forcing them into    
consistency2#ie3a and1 further1 a       
prevalent understanding of the truth of 
this representation1 authorities keeping
 silence1 eschewing a hopeless          
enterprise and discouraging it in       
others1 and the people plainly          
intimating that they think both doctrine
 and usage1 antiquity and development1  
of very little matter at all2 and1      
lastly1 the evident despair of even the 
better sort of men1 who1 in consequence1
 when they set great schemes on foot1 as
 for the conversion of the heathen      
world1 are afraid to agitate the        
question of the doctrines to which it is

 to be converted1 lest through the      
opened door they should lose what they  
have1 instead of gaining what they have 
not4 ,to the weight of recommendation   
which this contrast throws upon the     
developments commonly called ,catholic1 
must be added the argument which arises 
from the coincidence of their           
consistency and permanence1 with their  
claim of an infallible sanction1--a     
claim1 the existence of which1 in some  
quarter or other of the ,divine         
,dispensation1 is1 as we have already   
seen1 antecedently probable4 ,all these 
things being considered1 ,i think few   
persons will deny the very strong       
presumption which exists1 that1 if there
 must be and are in fact developments in
 ,christianity1 the doctrines propounded
 by successive ,popes and ,councils1    
through so many ages1 are they4   #d4   
,a further presumption in behalf of     
these doctrines arises from the general 
opinion of the world about them4        
,christianity being one1 all its        

doctrines are necessarily developments  
of one1 and1 if so1 are of necessity    
consistent with each other1 or form a   
whole4 ,now the world fully enters into 
this view of those well-known           
developments which claim the name of    
,catholic4 ,it allows them that title1  
it considers them to belong to one      
family1 and refers them to one          
theological system4 ,it is scarcely     
necessary to set about proving what is  
urged by their opponents even more      
strenuously than by their champions4    
,their opponents avow that they protest1
 not against this doctrine or that1 but 
against one and all2 and they seem      
struck with wonder and perplexity1 not  
to say with awe1 at a consistency which 
they feel to be superhuman1 though they 
would not allow it to be divine4 ,the   
system is confessed on all hands to bear
 a character of integrity and           
indivisibility upon it1 both at first   
view and on inspection4 ,hence such     
sayings as the ,tota jacet ,babylon of  

the distich4 ,luther did but a part of  
the work1 ,calvin another portion1      
,socinus finished it4 ,to take up with  
,luther1 and to reject ,calvin and      
,socinus1 would be1 according to that   
epigram1 like living in a house without 
a roof to it4 ,this1 ,i say1 is no      
private judgment of this man or that1   
but the common opinion and experience of
 all countries4 ,the two great divisions
 of religion feel it1 ,roman ,catholic  
and ,protestant1 between whom the       
controversy lies2 sceptics and liberals1
 who are spectators of the conflict1    
feel it2 philosophers feel it4 ,a school
 of divines there is1 ,i grant1 dear to 
memory1 who have not felt it2 and their 
exception will have its weight1--till we
 reflect that the particular theology   
which they advocate has not the         
prescription of success1 never has been 
realized in fact1 or1 if realized for a 
moment1 had no stay2 moreover1 that1    
when it has been enacted by human       
authority1 it has scarcely travelled    

beyond the paper on which it was        
printed1 or out of the legal forms in   
which it was embodied4 ,but1 putting the
 weight of these revered names at the   
highest1 they do not constitute more    
than an exception to the general rule1  
such as is found in every subject that  
comes into discussion4   #e4  ,and this 
general testimony to the oneness of     
,catholicism extends to its past        
teaching relatively to its present1 as  
well as to the portions of its present  
teaching one with another4 ,no one      
doubts1 with such exception as has just 
been allowed1 that the ,roman ,catholic 
communion of this day is the successor  
and representative of the ,medieval     
,church1 or that the ,medieval ,church  
is the legitimate heir of the ,nicene2  
even allowing that it is a question     
whether a line cannot be drawn between  
the ,nicene ,church and the ,church     
which preceded it4 ,on the whole1 all   
parties will agree that1 of all existing
 systems1 the present communion of ,rome

 is the nearest approximation in fact to
 the ,church of the ,fathers1 possible  
though some may think it1 to be nearer  
still to that ,church on paper4 ,did    
,st4 ,athanasius or ,st4 ,ambrose come  
suddenly to life1 it cannot be doubted  
what communion he would take to be his  
own4 ,all surely will agree that these  
,fathers1 with whatever opinions of     
their own1 whatever protests1 if we     
will1 would find themselves more at home
 with such men as ,st4 ,bernard or ,st4 
,ignatius ,loyola1 or with the lonely   
priest in his lodging1 or the holy      
sisterhood of mercy1 or the unlettered  
crowd before the altar1 than with the   
teachers or with the members of any     
other creed4 ,and may we not add1 that  
were those same ,saints1 who once       
sojourned1 one in exile1 one on embassy1
 at ,treves1 to come more northward     
still1 and to travel until they reached 
another fair city1 seated among groves1 
green meadows1 and calm streams1 the    
holy brothers would turn from many a    

high aisle and solemn cloister which    
they found there1 and ask the way to    
some small chapel where mass was said in
 the populous alley or forlorn suburb8  
,and1 on the other hand1 can any one who
 has but heard his name1 and cursorily  
read his history1 doubt for one instant 
how1 in turn1 the people of ,england1   
we1 our princes1 our priests1 and our   
prophets1 ,lords and ,commons1          
,universities1 ,ecclesiastical ,courts1 
marts of commerce1 great towns1 country 
parishes1 would deal with               
,athanasius1--,athanasius1 who spent his
 long years in fighting against         
sovereigns for a theological term8      
,,footnotes3  #fb3a ,doctrine of        
,justification1 ,lect4 xiii4  #fd3a     
,butler's ,anal4 ii4 #c4  #fg3a ,proph4 
,office1 ,lect4 xii4 ,via ,med4 vol4 i4 
pp4 #bib-c4  #gb3a ii4 #c2 vide also ii4
 #d1 fin4  #ge3a ,analogy1 ii4 #d1 ad   
fin4  #gg3a ,proph4 ,office1 x4 ,via    
,med4 p4 #bej4  #gg3b ,ibid4 pp4 #bdg1  
#bed4  #gi3a ,arians1 ch4 i4 sect4 #c p4

 #hb1 ed4 #c4  #ha3a ,proph4 ,office    
,via ,med4 vol4 i4 p4 #abb4  #ha3b ,it  
is very common to confuse infallibility 
with certitude1 but the two words stand 
for things quite distinct from each     
other4 ,i remember for certain what ,i  
did yesterday1 but still my memory is   
not infallible4 ,i am quite clear that  
two and two makes four1 but ,i often    
make mistakes in long addition sums4 ,i 
have no doubt whatever that ,john or    
,richard is my true friend2 but ,i have 
before now trusted those who failed me1 
and ,i may do so again before ,i die4 ,i
 am quite certain that ,victoria is our 
sovereign1 and not her father1 the ,duke
 of ,kent1 without any claim myself to  
the gift of infallibility1 as ,i may do 
a virtuous action1 without being        
impeccable4 ,i may be certain that the  
,church is infallible1 while ,i am      
myself a fallible mortal2 otherwise ,i  
cannot be certain that the ,supreme     
,being is infallible1 unless ,i am      
infallible myself4 ,certitude is        

directed to one or other definite       
concrete proposition4 ,i am certain of  
propositions one1 two1 three1 four1 or  
five1 one by one1 each by itself4 ,i can
 be certain of one of them1 without     
being certain of the rest3 that ,i am   
certain of the first makes it neither   
likely nor unlikely that ,i am certain  
of the second3 but1 were ,i infallible1 
then ,i should be certain1 not only of  
one of them1 but of all4--,essay on     
,assent1 ch4 vii4 sect4 #b4  #hd3a      
,anal4 ii4 #c4  #hg3a ,de ,rom4 ,pont4  
iv4 #b4 ,seven years ago1 it is scarcely
 necessary to say1 the ,vatican ,council
 determined that the ,pope1 ex cathedr1 
has the same infallibility as the       
,church4 ,this does not affect the      
argument in the text4  #hh3a ,proph4    
,office ,via ,med4 vol4 i4 p4 #aag4     
#hi3a #a ,tim4 iii4 #af2 ,isa4 lix4 #ba4
  #ij3a ,ou gar ti nyn ge kachthes1     
k4t4l4  #ie3a ,vid4 ,via ,media1 vol4   
ii4 pp4 #bca-cda4     ,,chapter ,,iii4  
,,on ,,the ,,historical ,,argument ,,in 

,,behalf ,,of ,,the ,,existing          
,,developments4   ,,section ,i4         
,,method ,,of ,,proof4  ,it seems1 then1
 that we have to deal with a case       
something like the following3 ,certain  
doctrines come to us1 professing to be  
,apostolic1 and possessed of such high  
antiquity that1 though we are only able 
to assign the date of their formal      
establishment to the fourth1 or the     
fifth1 or the eighth1 or the thirteenth 
century1 as it may happen1 yet their    
substance may1 for what appears1 be     
coeval with the ,apostles1 and be       
expressed or implied in texts of        
,scripture4 ,further1 these existing    
doctrines are universally considered1   
without any question1 in each age to be 
the echo of the doctrines of the times  
immediately preceding them1 and thus are
 continually thrown back to a date      
indefinitely early1 even though their   
ultimate junction with the ,apostolic   
,creed be out of sight and              
unascertainable4 ,moreover1 they are    

confessed to form one body one with     
another1 so that to reject one is to    
disparage the rest2 and they include    
within the range of their system even   
those primary articles of faith1 as the 
,incarnation1 which many an impugner of 
the said doctrinal system1 as a system1 
professes to accept1 and which1 do what 
he will1 he cannot intelligibly         
separate1 whether in point of evidence  
or of internal character1 from others   
which he disavows4 ,further1 these      
doctrines occupy the whole field of     
theology1 and leave nothing to be       
supplied1 except in detail1 by any other
 system2 while1 in matter of fact1 no   
rival system is forthcoming1 so that we 
have to choose between this theology and
 none at all4 ,moreover1 this theology  
alone makes provision for that guidance 
of opinion and conduct1 which seems     
externally to be the special aim of     
,revelation2 and fulfils the promises of
 ,scripture1 by adapting itself to the  
various problems of thought and practice

 which meet us in life4 ,and1 further1  
it is the nearest approach1 to say the  
least1 to the religious sentiment1 and  
what is called ethos1 of the early      
,church1 nay1 to that of the ,apostles  
and ,prophets2 for all will agree so far
 as this1 that ,elijah1 ,jeremiah1 the  
,baptist1 and ,st4 ,paul are in their   
history and mode of life 7,i do not     
speak of measures of grace1 no1 nor of  
doctrine and conduct1 for these are the 
points in dispute1 but7 in what is      
external and meets the eye 7and this is 
no slight resemblance when things are   
viewed as a whole and from a            
distance71--these saintly and heroic    
men1 ,i say1 are more like a ,dominican 
preacher1 or a ,jesuit missionary1 or a 
,carmelite friar1 more like ,st4        
,toribio1 or ,st4 ,vincent ,ferrer1 or  
,st4 ,francis ,xavier1 or ,st4 ,alphonso
 ,liguori1 than to any individuals1 or  
to any classes of men1 that can be found
 in other communions4 ,and then1 in     
addition1 there is the high antecedent  

probability that ,providence would watch
 over ,his own work1 and would direct   
and ratify those developments of        
doctrine which were inevitable4   #b4   
,if this is1 on the whole1 a true view  
of the general shape under which the    
existing body of developments1 commonly 
called ,catholic1 present themselves    
before us1 antecedently to our looking  
into the particular evidence on which   
they stand1 ,i think we shall be at no  
loss to determine what both logical     
truth and duty prescribe to us as to our
 reception of them4 ,it is very little  
to say that we should treat them as we  
are accustomed to treat other alleged   
facts and truths and the evidence for   
them1 such as come to us with a fair    
presumption in their favour4 ,such are  
of every day's occurrence2 and what is  
our behaviour towards them8 ,we meet    
them1 not with suspicion and criticism1 
but with a frank confidence4 ,we do not 
in the first instance exercise our      
reason upon opinions which are received1

 but our faith4 ,we do not begin with   
doubting2 we take them on trust1 and we 
put them on trial1 and that1 not of set 
purpose1 but spontaneously4 ,we prove   
them by using them1 by applying them to 
the subject-matter1 or the evidence1 or 
the body of circumstances1 to which they
 belong1 as if they gave it its         
interpretation or its colour as a matter
 of course2 and only when they fail1 in 
the event1 in illustrating phenomena or 
harmonizing facts1 do we discover that  
we must reject the doctrines or the     
statements which we had in the first    
instance taken for granted4 ,again1 we  
take the evidence for them1 whatever it 
be1 as a whole1 as forming a combined   
proof2 and we interpret what is obscure 
in separate portions by such portions as
 are clear4 ,moreover1 we bear with     
these in proportion to the strength of  
the antecedent probability in their     
favour1 we are patient with difficulties
 in their application1 with apparent    
objections to them drawn from other     

matters of fact1 deficiency in their    
comprehensiveness1 or want of neatness  
in their working1 provided their claims 
on our attention are considerable4   #c4
  ,thus most men take ,newton's theory  
of gravitation for granted1 because it  
is generally received1 and use it       
without rigidly testing it first1 each  
for himself1 7as it can be tested17 by  
phenomena2 and if phenomena are found   
which it does not satisfactorily solve1 
this does not trouble us1 for a way     
there must be of explaining them1       
consistently with that theory1 though it
 does not occur to ourselves4 ,again1 if
 we found a concise or obscure passage  
in one of ,cicero's letters to ,atticus1
 we should not scruple to admit as its  
true explanation a more explicit        
statement in his ,ad ,familiares4       
schylus is illustrated by ,sophocles in 
point of language1 and ,thucydides by   
,aristophanes1 in point of history4     
,horace1 ,persius1 ,suetonius1 ,tacitus1
 and ,juvenal may be made to throw light

 upon each other4 ,even ,plato may gain 
a commentator in ,plotinus1 and ,st4    
,anselm is interpreted by ,st4 ,thomas4 
,two writers1 indeed1 may be already    
known to differ1 and then we do not join
 them together as fellow-witnesses to   
common truths2 ,luther has taken on     
himself to explain ,st4 ,augustine1 and 
,voltaire1 ,pascal1 without persuading  
the world that they have a claim to do  
so2 but in no case do we begin with     
asking whether a comment does not       
disagree with its text1 when there is a 
prim facie congruity between them4 ,we  
elucidate the text by the comment1      
though1 or rather because1 the comment  
is fuller and more explicit than the    
text4   #d4  ,thus too we deal with     
,scripture1 when we have to interpret   
the prophetical text and the types of   
the ,old ,testament4 ,the event which is
 the development is also the            
interpretation of the prediction2 it    
provides a fulfilment by imposing a     
meaning4 ,and we accept certain events  

as the fulfilment of prophecy from the  
broad correspondence of the one with the
 other1 in spite of many incidental     
difficulties4 ,the difficulty1 for      
instance1 in accounting for the fact    
that the dispersion of the ,jews        
followed upon their keeping1 not their  
departing from their ,law1 does not     
hinder us from insisting on their       
present state as an argument against the
 infidel4 ,again1 we readily submit our 
reason on competent authority1 and      
accept certain events as an             
accomplishment of predictions1 which    
seem very far removed from them2 as in  
the passage1 ,out of ,egypt have ,i     
called ,my ,son4 ,nor do we find a      
difficulty1 when ,st4 ,paul appeals to a
 text of the ,old ,testament1 which     
stands otherwise in our ,hebrew copies2 
as the words1 ,a body hast ,thou        
prepared ,me4 ,we receive such          
difficulties on faith1 and leave them to
 take care of themselves4 ,much less do 
we consider mere fulness in the         

interpretation1 or definiteness1 or     
again strangeness1 as a sufficient      
reason for depriving the text1 or the   
action to which it is applied1 of the   
advantage of such interpretation4 ,we   
make it no objection that the words     
themselves come short of it1 or that the
 sacred writer did not contemplate it1  
or that a previous fulfilment satisfies 
it4 ,a reader who came to the inspired  
text by himself1 beyond the influence of
 that traditional acceptation which     
happily encompasses it1 would be        
surprised to be told that the ,prophet's
 words1 ,a virgin shall conceive1 c41 or
 ,let all the ,angels of ,god worship   
,him1 refer to our ,lord2 but assuming  
the intimate connexion between ,judaism 
and ,christianity1 and the inspiration  
of the ,new ,testament1 we do not       
scruple to believe it4 ,we rightly feel 
that it is no prejudice to our receiving
 the prophecy of ,balaam in its         
,christian meaning1 that it is          
adequately fulfilled in ,david2 or the  

history of ,jonah1 that it is poetical  
in character and has a moral in itself  
like an apologue2 or the meeting of     
,abraham and ,melchizedek1 that it is   
too brief and simple to mean any great  
thing1 as ,st4 ,paul interprets it4     
#e4  ,butler corroborates these remarks1
 when speaking of the particular        
evidence for ,christianity4 ,the        
obscurity or unintelligibleness1 he     
says1 of one part of a prophecy does not
 in any degree invalidate the proof of  
foresight1 arising from the appearing   
completion of those other parts which   
are understood4 ,for the case is        
evidently the same as if those parts1   
which are not understood1 were lost1 or 
not written at all1 or written in an    
unknown tongue4 ,whether this           
observation be commonly attended to or  
not1 it is so evident that one can      
scarce bring one's self to set down an  
instance in common matters to exemplify 
it4#ajd3a ,he continues1 ,though a man  
should be incapable1 for want of        

learning1 or opportunities of inquiry1  
or from not having turned his studies   
this way1 even so much as to judge      
whether particular prophecies have been 
throughout completely fulfilled2 yet he 
may see1 in general1 that they have been
 fulfilled to such a degree1 as1 upon   
very good ground1 to be convinced of    
foresight more than human in such       
prophecies1 and of such events being    
intended by them4 ,for the same reason  
also1 though1 by means of the           
deficiencies in civil history1 and the  
different accounts of historians1 the   
most learned should not be able to make 
out to satisfaction that such parts of  
the prophetic history have been minutely
 and throughout fulfilled2 yet a very   
strong proof of foresight may arise from
 that general completion of them which  
is made out2 as much proof of foresight1
 perhaps1 as the ,giver of prophecy     
intended should ever be afforded by such
 parts of prophecy4   #f4  ,he          
illustrates this by the parallel        

instance of fable and concealed satire4 
,a man might be assured that he         
understood what an author intended by a 
fable or parable1 related without any   
application or moral1 merely from seeing
 it to be easily capable of such        
application1 and that such a moral might
 naturally be deduced from it4 ,and he  
might be fully assured that such persons
 and events were intended in a satirical
 writing1 merely from its being         
applicable to them4 ,and1 agreeably to  
the last observation1 he might be in a  
good measure satisfied of it1 though he 
were not enough informed in affairs1 or 
in the story of such persons1 to        
understand half the satire4 ,for his    
satisfaction1 that he understood the    
meaning1 the intended meaning1 of these 
writings1 would be greater or less1 in  
proportion as he saw the general turn of
 them to be capable of such application1
 and in proportion to the number of     
particular things capable of it4 ,and he
 infers hence1 that if a known course of

 events1 or the history of a person as  
our ,lord1 is found to answer on the    
whole to the prophetical text1 it       
becomes fairly the right interpretation 
of that text1 in spite of difficulties  
in detail4 ,and this rule of            
interpretation admits of an obvious     
application to the parallel case of     
doctrinal passages1 when a certain      
creed1 which professes to have been     
derived from ,revelation1 comes         
recommended to us on strong antecedent  
grounds1 and presents no strong         
opposition to the sacred text4  ,the    
same author observes that the first     
fulfilment of a prophecy is no valid    
objection to a second1 when what seems  
like a second has once taken place2 and1
 in like manner1 an interpretation of   
doctrinal texts may be literal1 exact1  
and sufficient1 yet in spite of all this
 may not embrace what is really the full
 scope of their meaning2 and that fuller
 scope1 if it so happen1 may be less    
satisfactory and precise1 as an         

interpretation1 than their primary and  
narrow sense4 ,thus1 if the ,protestant 
interpretation of the sixth chapter of  
,st4 ,john were true and sufficient for 
its letter1 7which of course ,i do not  
grant17 that would not hinder the       
,roman1 which at least is quite         
compatible with the text1 being the     
higher sense and the only rightful4 ,in 
such cases the justification of the     
larger and higher interpretation lies in
 some antecedent probability1 such as   
,catholic consent2 and the ground of the
 narrow is the context1 and the rules of
 grammar2 and1 whereas the argument of  
the critical commentator is that the    
sacred text need not mean more than the 
letter1 those who adopt a deeper view of
 it maintain1 as ,butler in the case of 
prophecy1 that we have no warrant for   
putting a limit to the sense of words   
which are not human but divine4   #g4   
,now it is but a parallel exercise of   
reasoning to interpret the previous     
history of a doctrine by its later      

development1 and to consider that it    
contains the later in posse and in the  
divine intention2 and the grudging and  
jealous temper1 which refuses to enlarge
 the sacred text for the fulfilment of  
prophecy1 is the very same that will    
occupy itself in carping at the         
,ante-nicene testimonies for ,nicene or 
,medieval doctrines and usages4 ,when ,i
 and ,my ,father are ,one is urged in   
proof of our ,lord's unity with the     
,father1 heretical disputants do not see
 why the words must be taken to denote  
more than a unity of will4 ,when ,this  
is ,my ,body is alleged as a warrant for
 the change of the ,bread into the ,body
 of ,christ1 they explain away the words
 into a figure1 because such is their   
most obvious interpretation4 ,and1 in   
like manner1 when ,roman ,catholics urge
 ,st4 ,gregory's invocations1 they are  
told that these are but rhetorical2 or  
,st4 ,clement's allusion to ,purgatory1 
that perhaps it was ,platonism2 or      
,origen's language about praying to     

,angels and the merits of ,martyrs1 that
 it is but an instance of his           
heterodoxy2 or ,st4 ,cyprian's          
exaltation of the ,cathedra ,petri1 that
 he need not be contemplating more than 
a figurative or abstract see2 or the    
general testimony to the spiritual      
authority of ,rome in primitive times1  
that it arose from her temporal         
greatness2 or ,tertullian's language    
about ,tradition and the ,church1 that  
he took a lawyer's view of those        
subjects2 whereas the early condition1  
and the evidence1 of each doctrine      
respectively1 ought consistently to be  
interpreted by means of that development
 which was ultimately attained4   #h4   
,moreover1 since1 as above shown1 the   
doctrines all together make up one      
integral religion1 it follows that the  
several evidences which respectively    
support those doctrines belong to a     
whole1 and must be thrown into a common 
stock1 and all are available in the     
defence of any4 ,a collection of weak   

evidences makes up a strong evidence2   
again1 one strong argument imparts      
cogency to collateral arguments which   
are in themselves weak4 ,for instance1  
as to the miracles1 whether of          
,scripture or the ,church1 the number of
 those which carry with them their own  
proof now1 and are believed for their   
own sake1 is small1 and they furnish the
 grounds on which we receive the        
rest4#ajg3a ,again1 no one would fancy  
it necessary1 before receiving ,st4     
,matthew's ,gospel1 to find primitive   
testimony in behalf of every chapter and
 verse3 when only part is proved to have
 been in existence in ancient times1 the
 whole is proved1 because that part is  
but part of a whole2 and when the whole 
is proved1 it may shelter such parts as 
for some incidental reason have less    
evidence of their antiquity4 ,again1 it 
would be enough to show that ,st4       
,augustine knew the ,italic version of  
the ,scriptures1 if he quoted it once or
 twice4 ,and1 in like manner1 it will be

 generally admitted that the proof of a 
,second ,person in the ,godhead lightens
 greatly the burden of proof necessary  
for belief in a ,third ,person2 and     
that1 the ,atonement being in some sort 
a correlative of eternal punishment1 the
 evidence for the former doctrine       
virtually increases the evidence for the
 latter4 ,and so1 a ,protestant         
controversialist would feel that it told
 little1 except as an omen of victory1  
to reduce an opponent to a denial of    
,transubstantiation1 if he still adhered
 firmly to the ,invocation of ,saints1  
,purgatory1 the ,seven ,sacraments1 and 
the doctrine of merit2 and little too   
for one of his own party to condemn the 
adoration of the ,host1 the supremacy of
 ,rome1 the acceptableness of celibacy1 
auricular confession1 communion under   
one kind1 and tradition1 if he was      
zealous for the doctrine of the         
,immaculate ,conception4   #i4  ,the    
principle on which these remarks are    
made has the sanction of some of the    

deepest of ,english ,divines4 ,bishop   
,butler1 for instance1 who has so often 
been quoted here1 thus argues in behalf 
of ,christianity itself1 though         
confessing at the same time the         
disadvantage which in consequence the   
revealed system lies under4 ,probable   
proofs1 he observes1 by being added1 not
 only increase the evidence1 but        
multiply it4 ,nor should ,i dissuade any
 one from setting down what he thought  
made for the contrary side4 4 4 4 ,the  
truth of our religion1 like the truth of
 common matters1 is to be judged by all 
the evidence taken together4 ,and unless
 the whole series of things which may be
 alleged in this argument1 and every    
particular thing in it1 can reasonably  
be supposed to have been by accident    
7for here the stress of the argument for
 ,christianity lies71 then is the truth 
of it proved2 in like manner1 as if1 in 
any common case1 numerous events        
acknowledged were to be alleged in proof
 of any other event disputed1 the truth 

of the disputed event would be proved1  
not only if any one of the acknowledged 
ones did of itself clearly imply it1 but
 though no one of them singly did so1 if
 the whole of the acknowledged events1  
taken together1 could not in reason be  
supposed to have happened1 unless the   
disputed one were true4  ,it is obvious 
how much advantage the nature of this   
evidence gives to those persons who     
attack ,christianity1 especially in     
conversation4 ,for it is easy to show1  
in a short and lively manner1 that such 
and such things are liable to objection1
 that this and another thing is of      
little weight in itself2 but impossible 
to show1 in like manner1 the united     
force of the whole argument in one      
view4#aji3a  ,in like manner1 ,mr4      
,davison condemns that vicious manner of
 reasoning1 which represents any        
insufficiency of the proof1 in its      
several branches1 as so much objection2 
which manages the inquiry so as to make 
it appear that1 if the divided arguments

 be inconclusive one by one1 we have a  
series of exceptions to the truths of   
religion instead of a train of          
favourable presumptions1 growing        
stronger at every step4 ,the disciple of
 ,scepticism is taught that he cannot   
fully rely on this or that motive of    
belief1 that each of them is insecure1  
and the conclusion is put upon him that 
they ought to be discarded one after    
another1 instead of being connected and 
combined4#aji3b ,no work perhaps affords
 more specimens in a short compass of   
the breach of the principle of reasoning
 inculcated in these passages1 than     
,barrow's ,treatise on the ,pope's      
,supremacy4   #aj4  ,the remarks of     
these two writers relate to the duty of 
combining doctrines which belong to one 
body1 and evidences which relate to one 
subject2 and few persons would dispute  
it in the abstract4 ,the application    
which has been here made of the         
principle is this1--that where a        
doctrine comes recommended to us by     

strong presumptions of its truth1 we are
 bound to receive it unsuspiciously1 and
 use it as a key to the evidences to    
which it appeals1 or the facts which it 
professes to systematize1 whatever may  
be our eventual judgment about it4 ,nor 
is it enough to answer1 that the voice  
of our particular ,church1 denying this 
so-called ,catholicism1 is an antecedent
 probability which outweighs all others 
and claims our prior obedience1 loyally 
and without reasoning1 to its own       
interpretation4 ,this may excuse        
individuals certainly1 in beginning with
 doubt and distrust of the ,catholic    
developments1 but it only shifts the    
blame to the particular ,church1        
,anglican or other1 which thinks itself 
qualified to enforce so peremptory a    
judgment against the one and only       
successor1 heir and representative of   
the ,apostolic college4   ,,section     
,,ii4  ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,evidence4   
,bacon is celebrated for destroying the 
credit of a method of reasoning much    

resembling that which it has been the   
object of this ,chapter to recommend4   
,he who is not practised in doubting1 he
 says1 but forward in asserting and     
laying down such principles as he takes 
to be approved1 granted and manifest1   
and1 according to the established truth 
thereof1 receives or rejects everything1
 as squaring with or proving contrary to
 them1 is only fitted to mix and        
confound things with words1 reason with 
madness1 and the world with fable and   
fiction1 but not to interpret the works 
of nature4#aaj3a ,but he was aiming at  
the application of these modes of       
reasoning to what should be strict      
investigation1 and that in the province 
of physics2 and this he might well      
censure1 without attempting1 7what is   
impossible17 to banish them from        
history1 ethics1 and religion4          
,physical facts are present2 they are   
submitted to the senses1 and the senses 
may be satisfactorily tested1 corrected1
 and verified4 ,to trust to anything but

 sense in a matter of sense is          
irrational2 why are the senses given us 
but to supersede less certain1 less     
immediate informants8 ,we have recourse 
to reason or authority to determine     
facts1 when the senses fail us2 but with
 the senses we begin4 ,we deduce1 we    
form inductions1 we abstract1 we        
theorize from facts2 we do not begin    
with surmise and conjecture1 much less  
do we look to the tradition of past     
ages1 or the decree of foreign teachers1
 to determine matters which are in our  
hands and under our eyes4  ,but it is   
otherwise with history1 the facts of    
which are not present2 it is otherwise  
with ethics1 in which phenomena are more
 subtle1 closer1 and more personal to   
individuals than other facts1 and not   
referable to any common standard by     
which all men can decide upon them4 ,in 
such sciences1 we cannot rest upon mere 
facts1 if we would1 because we have not 
got them4 ,we must do our best with what
 is given us1 and look about for aid    

from any quarter2 and in such           
circumstances the opinions of others1   
the traditions of ages1 the             
prescriptions of authority1 antecedent  
auguries1 analogies1 parallel cases1    
these and the like1 not indeed taken at 
random1 but1 like the evidence from the 
senses1 sifted and scrutinized1         
obviously become of great importance4   
#b4  ,and1 further1 if we proceed on the
 hypothesis that a merciful ,providence 
has supplied us with means of gaining   
such truth as concerns us1 in different 
subject-matters1 though with different  
instruments1 then the simple question   
is1 what those instruments are which are
 proper to a particular case4 ,if they  
are of the appointment of a ,divine     
,protector1 we may be sure that they    
will lead to the truth1 whatever they   
are4 ,the less exact methods of         
reasoning may do ,his work as well as   
the more perfect1 if ,he blesses them4  
,he may bless antecedent probabilities  
in ethical inquiries1 who blesses       

experience and induction in the art of  
medicine4  ,and if it is reasonable to  
consider medicine1 or architecture1 or  
engineering1 in a certain sense1 divine 
arts1 as being divinely ordained means  
of our receiving divine benefits1 much  
more may ethics be called divine2 while 
as to religion1 it directly professes to
 be the method of recommending ourselves
 to ,him and learning ,his will4 ,if    
then it be ,his gracious purpose that we
 should learn it1 the means ,he gives   
for learning it1 be they promising or   
not to human eyes1 are sufficient1      
because they are ,his4 ,and what they   
are at this particular time1 or to this 
person1 depends on ,his disposition4 ,he
 may have imposed simple prayer and     
obedience on some men as the instrument 
of their attaining to the mysteries and 
precepts of ,christianity4 ,he may lead 
others through the written word1 at     
least for some stages of their course2  
and if the formal basis on which ,he has
 rested ,his revelations be1 as it is1  

of an historical and philosophical      
character1 then antecedent              
probabilities1 subsequently corroborated
 by facts1 will be sufficient1 as in the
 parallel case of other history1 to     
bring us safely to the matter1 or at    
least to the organ1 of those            
revelations4   #c4  ,moreover1 in       
subjects which belong to moral proof1   
such1 ,i mean1 as history1 antiquities1 
political science1 ethics1 metaphysics1 
and theology1 which are pre-eminently   
such1 and especially in theology and    
ethics1 antecedent probability may have 
a real weight and cogency which it      
cannot have in experimental science2 and
 a mature politician or divine may have 
a power of reaching matters of fact in  
consequence of his peculiar habits of   
mind1 which is seldom given in the same 
degree to physical inquirers1 who1 for  
the purposes of this particular pursuit1
 are very much on a level4 ,and this    
last remark at least is confirmed by    
,lord ,bacon1 who confesses ,our method 

of discovering the sciences does not    
much depend upon subtlety and strength  
of genius1 but lies level to almost     
every capacity and understanding2#aac3a 
though surely sciences there are1 in    
which genius is everything1 and rules   
all but nothing4   #d4  ,it will be a   
great mistake then to suppose that1     
because this eminent philosopher        
condemned presumption and prescription  
in inquiries into facts which are       
external to us1 present with us1 and    
common to us all1 therefore authority1  
tradition1 verisimilitude1 analogy1 and 
the like1 are mere idols of the den or  
of the theatre in history or ethics4    
,here we may oppose to him an author in 
his own line as great as he is3         
,experience1 says ,bacon1 is by far the 
best demonstration1 provided it dwell in
 the experiment2 for the transferring of
 it to other things judged alike is very
 fallacious1 unless done with great     
exactness and regularity4#aac3b ,niebuhr
 explains or corrects him3 ,instances   

are not arguments1 he grants1 when      
investigating an obscure question of    
,roman history1--instances are not      
arguments1 but in history are scarcely  
of less force2 above all1 where the     
parallel they exhibit is in the         
progressive development of              
institutions4#aac3c ,here this sagacious
 writer recognizes the true principle of
 historical logic1 while he exemplifies 
it4  ,the same principle is involved in 
the well-known maxim of ,aristotle1 that
 it is much the same to admit the       
probabilities of a mathematician1 and to
 look for demonstration from an orator4 
,in all matters of human life1          
presumption verified by instances1 is   
our ordinary instrument of proof1 and1  
if the antecedent probability is great1 
it almost supersedes instances4 ,of     
course1 as is plain1 we may err         
grievously in the antecedent view which 
we start with1 and in that case1 our    
conclusions may be wide of the truth2   
but that only shows that we had no right

 to assume a premiss which was          
untrustworthy1 not that our reasoning   
was faulty4   #e4  ,i am speaking of the
 process itself1 and its correctness is 
shown by its general adoption4 ,in      
religious questions a single text of    
,scripture is all-sufficient with most  
people1 whether the well disposed or the
 prejudiced1 to prove a doctrine or a   
duty in cases when a custom is          
established or a tradition is strong4   
,not forsaking the assembling of        
ourselves together is sufficient for    
establishing social1 public1 nay1       
,sunday worship4 ,where the tree        
falleth1 there shall it lie1 shows that 
our probation ends with life4           
,forbidding to marry determines the     
,pope to be the man of sin4 ,again1 it  
is plain that a man's after course for  
good or bad brings out the passing words
 or obscure actions of previous years4  
,then1 on a retrospect1 we use the event
 as a presumptive interpretation of the 
past1 of those past indications of his  

character which1 considered as evidence1
 were too few and doubtful to bear      
insisting on at the time1 and would have
 seemed ridiculous1 had we attempted to 
do so4 ,and the antecedent probability  
is even found to triumph over contrary  
evidence1 as well as to sustain what    
agrees with it4 ,every one may know of  
cases in which a plausible charge       
against an individual was borne down at 
once by weight of character1 though that
 character was incommensurate of course 
with the circumstances which gave rise  
to suspicion1 and had no direct         
neutralizing force to destroy it4 ,on   
the other hand1 it is sometimes said1   
and even if not literally true will     
serve in illustration1 that not a few of
 those who are put on trial in our      
criminal courts are not legally guilty  
of the particular crime on which a      
verdict is found against them1 being    
convicted not so much upon the          
particular evidence1 as on the          
presumption arising from their want of  

character and the memory of their former
 offences4 ,nor is it in slight matters 
only or unimportant that we thus act4   
,our dearest interests1 our personal    
welfare1 our property1 our health1 our  
reputation1 we freely hazard1 not on    
proof1 but on a simple probability1     
which is sufficient for our conviction1 
because prudence dictates to us so to   
take it4 ,we must be content to follow  
the law of our being in religious       
matters as well as in secular4   #f4    
,but there is more to say on the        
subordinate position which direct       
evidence holds among the motiva of      
conviction in most matters4 ,it is no   
paradox to say that there is a certain  
scantiness1 nay an absence of evidence1 
which may even tell in favour of        
statements which require to be made     
good4 ,there are indeed cases in which  
we cannot discover the law of silence or
 deficiency1 which are then simply      
unaccountable4 ,thus ,lucian1 for       
whatever reason1 hardly notices ,roman  

authors or affairs4#aae3a ,maximus      
,tyrius1 who wrote several of his works 
at ,rome1 nevertheless makes no         
reference to ,roman history4            
,paterculus1 the historian1 is mentioned
 by no ancient writer except ,priscian4 
,what is more to our present purpose1   
,seneca1 ,pliny the elder1 and ,plutarch
 are altogether silent about            
,christianity2 and perhaps ,epictetus   
also1 and the ,emperor ,marcus4 ,the    
,jewish ,mishna1 too1 compiled about    
,a4,d4 #ahj1 is silent about            
,christianity2 and the ,jerusalem and   
,babylonish ,talmuds almost so1 though  
the one was compiled about ,a4,d4 #cjj1 
and the other ,a4,d4 #ejj4aae3b         
,eusebius again1 is very uncertain in   
his notice of facts3 he does not speak  
of ,st4 ,methodius1 nor of ,st4         
,anthony1 nor of the martyrdom of ,st4  
,perpetua1 nor of the miraculous powers 
of ,st4 ,gregory ,thaumaturgus2 and he  
mentions ,constantine's luminous cross1 
not in his ,ecclesiastical ,history1    

where it would naturally find a place1  
but in his ,life of the ,emperor4       
,moreover1 those who receive that       
wonderful occurrence1 which is1 as one  
who rejects it allows1#aaf3a so         
inexplicable to the historical inquirer1
 have to explain the difficulty of the  
universal silence on the subject of all 
the ,fathers of the fourth and fifth    
centuries1 excepting ,eusebius4  ,in    
like manner1 ,scripture has its         
unexplained omissions4 ,no religious    
school finds its own tenets and usages  
on the surface of it4 ,the remark       
applies also to the very context of     
,scripture1 as in the obscurity which   
hangs over ,nathanael or the ,magdalen4 
,it is a remarkable circumstance that   
there is no direct intimation all       
through ,scripture that the ,serpent    
mentioned in the temptation of ,eve was 
the evil spirit1 till we come to the    
vision of the ,woman and ,child1 and    
their adversary1 the ,dragon1 in the    
twelfth chapter of the ,apocalypse4     

#g4  ,omissions1 thus absolute and      
singular1 when they occur in the        
evidence of facts or doctrines1 are of  
course difficulties2 on the other hand1 
not unfrequently they admit of          
explanation4 ,silence may arise from the
 very notoriety of the facts in         
question1 as in the case of the seasons1
 the weather1 or other natural          
phenomena2 or from their sacredness1 as 
the ,athenians would not mention the    
mythological ,furies2 or from external  
constraint1 as the omission of the      
statues of ,brutus and ,cassius in the  
procession4 ,or it may proceed from fear
 or disgust1 as on the arrival of       
unwelcome news2 or from indignation1 or 
hatred1 or contempt1 or perplexity1 as  
,josephus is silent about ,christianity1
 and ,eusebius passes over the death of 
,crispus in his life of ,constantine2 or
 from other strong feeling1 as implied  
in the poet's sentiment1 ,give sorrow   
words2 or from policy or other          
prudential motive1 or propriety1 as     

,queen's ,speeches do not mention       
individuals1 however influential in the 
political world1 and newspapers after a 
time were silent about the cholera4 ,or1
 again1 from the natural and gradual    
course which the fact took1 as in the   
instance of inventions and discoveries1 
the history of which is on this account 
often obscure2 or from loss of documents
 or other direct testimonies1 as we     
should not look for theological         
information in a treatise on geology4   
#h4  ,again1 it frequently happens that 
omissions proceed on some law1 as the   
varying influence of an external cause2 
and then1 so far from being a           
perplexity1 they may even confirm such  
evidence as occurs1 by becoming1 as it  
were1 its correlative4 ,for instance1 an
 obstacle may be assignable1 person1 or 
principle1 or accident1 which ought1 if 
it exists1 to reduce or distort the     
indications of a fact to that very      
point1 or in that very direction1 or    
with the variations1 or in the order and

 succession1 which do occur in its      
actual history4 ,at first sight it might
 be a suspicious circumstance that but  
one or two manuscripts of some          
celebrated document were forthcoming2   
but if it were known that the sovereign 
power had exerted itself to suppress and
 destroy it at the time of its          
publication1 and that the extant        
manuscripts were found just in those    
places where history witnessed to the   
failure of the attempt1 the coincidence 
would be highly corroborative of that   
evidence which alone remained4  ,thus it
 is possible to have too much evidence2 
that is1 evidence so full or exact as to
 throw suspicion over the case for which
 it is adduced4 ,the genuine ,epistles  
of ,st4 ,ignatius contain none of those 
ecclesiastical terms1 such as ,priest or
 ,see1 which are so frequent afterwards2
 and they quote ,scripture sparingly4   
,the interpolated ,epistles quote it    
largely2 that is1 they are too          
,scriptural to be ,apostolic4 ,few      

persons1 again1 who are acquainted with 
the primitive theology1 but will be     
sceptical at first reading of the       
authenticity of such works as the longer
 ,creed of ,st4 ,gregory ,thaumaturgus1 
or ,st4 ,hippolytus contra ,beronem1    
from the precision of the theological   
language1 which is unsuitable to the    
,ante-nicene period4   #i4  ,the        
influence of circumstances upon the     
expression of opinion or testimony      
supplies another form of the same law of
 omission4 ,i am ready to admit1 says   
,paley1 that the ancient ,christian     
advocates did not insist upon the       
miracles in argument so frequently as ,i
 should have done4 ,it was their lot to 
contend with notions of magical agency1 
against which the mere production of the
 facts was not sufficient for the       
convincing of their adversaries2 ,i do  
not know whether they themselves thought
 it quite decisive of the controversy4  
,but since it is proved1 ,i conceive    
with certainty1 that the sparingness    

with which they appealed to miracles was
 owing neither to their ignorance nor   
their doubt of the facts1 it is at any  
rate an objection1 not to the truth of  
the history1 but to the judgment of its 
defenders4#aah3a ,and1 in like manner1  
,christians were not likely to entertain
 the question of the abstract           
allowableness of images in the ,catholic
 ritual1 with the actual superstitions  
and immoralities of paganism before     
their eyes4 ,nor were they likely to    
determine the place of the ,blessed     
,mary in our reverence1 before they had 
duly secured1 in the affections of the  
faithful1 the supreme glory and worship 
of ,god ,incarnate1 her ,eternal ,lord  
and ,son4 ,nor would they recognize     
,purgatory as a part of the             
,dispensation1 till the world had flowed
 into the ,church1 and a habit of       
corruption had been largely             
superinduced4 ,nor could ecclesiastical 
liberty be asserted1 till it had been   
assailed4 ,nor would a ,pope arise1 but 

in proportion as the ,church was        
consolidated4 ,nor would monachism be   
needed1 while martyrdoms were in        
progress4 ,nor could ,st4 ,clement give 
judgment on the doctrine of             
,berengarius1 nor ,st4 ,dionysius refute
 the ,ubiquists1 nor ,st4 ,irenus       
denounce the ,protestant view of        
,justification1 nor ,st4 ,cyprian draw  
up a theory of toleration4 ,there is a  
time for every purpose under the heaven2
 a time to keep silence and a time to   
speak4   #aj4  ,sometimes when the want 
of evidence for a series of facts or    
doctrines is unaccountable1 an          
unexpected explanation or addition in   
the course of time is found as regards a
 portion of them1 which suggests a      
ground of patience as regards the       
historical obscurity of the rest4 ,two  
instances are obvious to mention1 of an 
accidental silence of clear primitive   
testimony as to important doctrines1 and
 its removal4 ,in the number of the     
articles of ,catholic belief which the  

,reformation especially resisted1 were  
the ,mass and the sacramental virtue of 
,ecclesiastical ,unity4 ,since the date 
of that movement1 the shorter ,epistles 
of ,st4 ,ignatius have been discovered1 
and the early ,liturgies verified2 and  
this with most men has put an end to the
 controversy about those doctrines4 ,the
 good fortune which has happened to     
them1 may happen to others2 and though  
it does not1 yet that it has happened to
 them1 is to those others a sort of     
compensation for the obscurity in which 
their early history continues to be     
involved4   #aa4  ,i may seem in these  
remarks to be preparing the way for a   
broad admission of the absence of any   
sanction in primitive ,christianity in  
behalf of its medieval form1 but ,i do  
not make them with this intention4 ,not 
from misgivings of this kind1 but from  
the claims of a sound logic1 ,i think it
 right to insist1 that1 whatever early  
testimonies ,i may bring in support of  
later developments of doctrine1 are in  

great measure brought ex abundante1 a   
matter of grace1 not of compulsion4 ,the
 onus probandi is with those who assail 
a teaching which is1 and has long been1 
in possession4 ,as for positive evidence
 in our behalf1 they must take what they
 can get1 if they cannot get as much as 
they might wish1 inasmuch as antecedent 
probabilities1 as ,i have said1 go so   
very far towards dispensing with it4 ,it
 is a first strong point that1 in an    
idea such as ,christianity1 developments
 cannot but be1 and those surely divine1
 because it is divine2 a second that1 if
 so1 they are those very ones which     
exist1 because there are no others2 and 
a third point is the fact that they are 
found just there1 where true            
developments ought to be found1--namely1
 in the historic seats of ,apostolical  
teaching and in the authoritative homes 
of immemorial tradition4   #ab4  ,and1  
if it be said in reply that the         
difficulty of admitting these           
developments of doctrine lies1 not      

merely in the absence of early testimony
 for them1 but in the actual existence  
of distinct testimony against them1--or1
 as ,chillingworth says1 in ,popes      
against ,popes1 ,councils against       
,councils1--,i answer1 of course this   
will be said2 but let the fact of this  
objection be carefully examined1 and its
 value reduced to its true measure1     
before it is used in argument4 ,i grant 
that there are ,bishops against ,bishops
 in ,church history1 ,fathers against   
,fathers1 ,fathers against themselves1  
for such differences in individual      
writers are consistent with1 or rather  
are involved in the very idea of        
doctrinal development1 and consequently 
are no real objection to it2 the one    
essential question is whether the       
recognized organ of teaching1 the       
,church herself1 acting through ,pope or
 ,council as the oracle of heaven1 has  
ever contradicted her own enunciations4 
,if so1 the hypothesis which ,i am      
advocating is at once shattered2 but1   

till ,i have positive and distinct      
evidence of the fact1 ,i am slow to give
 credence to the existence of so great  
an improbability4   ,,footnotes3  #ajd3a
 ,anal4 ii4 #g4  #ajg3a ,on ,miracles1  
,essay ii4 #aaa4  #aji3a ,anal4 ii4 #g4 
#aji3b ,on ,prophecy1 i4 p4 #bh4  #aaj3a
 ,aphor4 #e1 vol4 iv4 p4 xi4 ed4 #ahae4 
#aac3a ,nov4 ,org4 i4 #b1  #bf1 vol4 iv4
 p4 #bi4  #aac3b ,nov4 ,org4  #gj1 p4   
#dd4  #aac3c ,hist4 of ,rome1 vol4 i4 p4
 #cde1 ed4 #ahbh4  #aae3a ,lardner's    
,heath4 ,test4 p4 #bb4  #aae3b ,paley's 
,evid4 p4 i4 prop4 #a1 #g4  #aaf3a      
,milman1 ,christ4 vol4 ii4 p4 #ceb4     
#aah3a ,evidences1 iii4 #e4             
,,chapter ,,iv4  ,,instances ,,in       
,,illustration4   ,it follows now to    
inquire how much evidence is actually   
producible for those large portions of  
the present ,creed of ,christendom1     
which have not a recognized place in the
 primordial idea and the historical     
outline of the ,religion1 yet which come
 to us with certain antecedent          

considerations strong enough in reason  
to raise the effectiveness of that      
evidence to a point disproportionate1 as
 ,i have allowed1 to its intrinsic      
value4 ,in urging these considerations  
here1 of course ,i exclude for the time 
the force of the ,church's claim of     
infallibility in her acts1 for which so 
much can be said1 but ,i do not exclude 
the logical cogency of those acts1      
considered as testimonies to the faith  
of the times before them4  ,my argument 
then is this3--that1 from the first age 
of ,christianity1 its teaching looked   
towards those ecclesiastical dogmas1    
afterwards recognized and defined1 with 
7as time went on7 more or less          
determinate advance in the direction of 
them2 till at length that advance became
 so pronounced1 as to justify their     
definition and to bring it about1 and to
 place them in the position of rightful 
interpretations and keys of the remains 
and the records in history of the       
teaching which had so terminated4   #b4 

,this line of argument is not unlike    
that which is considered to constitute a
 sufficient proof of truths in physical 
science4 ,an instance of this is        
furnished us in a work on ,mechanics of 
the past generation1 by a writer of     
name1 and his explanation of it will    
serve as an introduction to our         
immediate subject4 ,after treating of   
the laws of motion1 he goes on to       
observe1 ,these laws are the simplest   
principles to which motion can be       
reduced1 and upon them the whole theory 
depends4 ,they are not indeed           
self-evident1 nor do they admit of      
accurate proof by experiment1 on account
 of the great nicety required in        
adjusting the instruments and making the
 experiments2 and on account of the     
effects of friction1 and the air's      
resistance1 which cannot entirely be    
removed4 ,they are1 however1 constantly1
 and invariably1 suggested to our       
senses1 and they agree with experiment  
as far as experiment can go2 and the    

more accurately the experiments are     
made1 and the greater care we take to   
remove all those impediments which tend 
to render the conclusions erroneous1 the
 more nearly do the experiments coincide
 with these laws4#abc3a ,and thus a     
converging evidence in favour of certain
 doctrines may1 under circumstances1 be 
as clear a proof of their ,apostolical  
origin as can be reached practically    
from the ,quod semper1 quod ubique1 quod
 ab omnibus4  ,in such a method of proof
 there is1 first1 an imperfect1         
secondly1 a growing evidence1 thirdly1  
in consequence a delayed inference and  
judgment1 fourthly1 reasons producible  
to account for the delay4   ,,section   
,i4  ,,instances ,,cursorily ,,noticed4 
#a4  7#a47 ,canon of the ,new           
,testament4  ,as regards the ,new       
,testament1 ,catholics and ,protestants 
receive the same books as canonical and 
inspired2 yet among those books some are
 to be found1 which certainly have no   
right there if1 following the rule of   

,vincentius1 we receive nothing as of   
divine authority but what has been      
received always and everywhere4 ,the    
degrees of evidence are very various for
 one book and another4 ,it is confessed1
 says ,less1 that not all the           
,scriptures of our ,new ,testament have 
been received with universal consent as 
genuine works of the ,evangelists and   
,apostles4 ,but that man must have      
predetermined to oppose the most        
palpable truths1 and must reject all    
history1 who will not confess that the  
greater part of the ,new ,testament has 
been universally received as authentic1 
and that the remaining books have been  
acknowledged as such by the majority of 
the ancients4#abd3a   #b4  ,for         
instance1 as to the ,epistle of ,st4    
,james4 ,it is true1 it is contained in 
the old ,syriac version in the second   
century2 but ,origen1 in the third      
century1 is the first writer who        
distinctly mentions it among the        
,greeks2 and it is not quoted by name by

 any ,latin till the fourth4 ,st4       
,jerome speaks of its gaining credit by 
degrees1 in process of time4 ,eusebius  
says no more than that it had been1 up  
to his time1 acknowledged by the        
majority2 and he classes it with the    
,shepherd of ,st4 ,hermas and the       
,epistle of ,st4 ,barnabas4#abd3b       
,again3 ,the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1  
though received in the ,east1 was not   
received in the ,latin ,churches till   
,st4 ,jerome's time4 ,st4 ,irenus either
 does not affirm1 or denies that it is  
,st4 ,paul's4 ,tertullian ascribes it to
 ,st4 ,barnabas4 ,caius excludes it from
 his list4 ,st4 ,hippolytus does not    
receive it4 ,st4 ,cyprian is silent     
about it4 ,it is doubtful whether ,st4  
,optatus received it4#abd3c  ,again1    
,st4 ,jerome tells us1 that in his day1 
towards ,a4,d4 #djj1 the ,greek ,church 
rejected the ,apocalypse1 but the ,latin
 received it4  ,again3 ,the ,new        
,testament consists of twenty-seven     
books in all1 though of varying         

importance4 ,of these1 fourteen are not 
mentioned at all till from eighty to one
 hundred years after ,st4 ,john's death1
 in which number are the ,acts1 the     
,second to the ,corinthians1 the        
,galatians1 the ,colossians1 the ,two to
 the ,thessalonians1 and ,st4 ,james4   
,of the other thirteen1 five1 viz4 ,st4 
,john's ,gospel1 the ,philippians1 the  
,first to ,timothy1 the ,hebrews1 and   
the ,first of ,st4 ,john are quoted but 
by one writer during the same           
period4#abe3a   #c4  ,on what ground1   
then1 do we receive the ,canon as it    
comes to us1 but on the authority of the
 ,church of the fourth and fifth        
centuries8 ,the ,church at that era     
decided--not merely bore testimony1 but 
passed a judgment on former             
testimony1--decided1 that certain books 
were of authority4 ,and on what ground  
did she so decide8 on the ground that   
hitherto a decision had been impossible1
 in an age of persecution1 from want of 
opportunities for research1 discussion1 

and testimony1 from the private or the  
local character of some of the books1   
and from misapprehension of the doctrine
 contained in others4 ,now1 however1    
facilities were at length given for     
deciding once for all on what had been  
in suspense and doubt for three         
centuries4 ,on this subject ,i will     
quote another passage from the same     
,tract3 ,we depend upon the fourth and  
fifth centuries thus3--,as to           
,scripture1 former centuries do not     
speak distinctly1 frequently1 or        
unanimously1 except of some chief books1
 as the ,gospels2 but we see in them1 as
 we believe1 an ever-growing tendency   
and approximation to that full agreement
 which we find in the fifth4 ,the       
testimony given at the latter date is   
the limit to which all that has been    
before said converges4 ,for instance1 it
 is commonly said1 ,exceptio probat     
regulam2 when we have reason to think   
that a writer or an age would have      
witnessed so and so1 but for this or    

that1 and that this or that were mere   
accidents of his position1 then he or it
 may be said to tend towards such       
testimony4 ,in this way the first       
centuries tend towards the fifth4       
,viewing the matter as one of moral     
evidence1 we seem to see in the         
testimony of the fifth the very         
testimony which every preceding century 
gave1 accidents excepted1 such as the   
present loss of documents once extant1  
or the then existing misconceptions     
which want of intercourse between the   
,churches occasioned4 ,the fifth century
 acts as a comment on the obscure text  
of the centuries before it1 and brings  
out a meaning1 which with the help of   
the comment any candid person sees      
really to be theirs4#abf3a   #d4  7#b47 
,original ,sin4  ,i have already        
remarked upon the historical fact1 that 
the recognition of ,original ,sin1      
considered as the consequence of ,adam's
 fall1 was1 both as regards general     
acceptance and accurate understanding1 a

 gradual process1 not completed till the
 time of ,augustine and ,pelagius4 ,st4 
,chrysostom lived close up to that date1
 but there are passages in his works1   
often quoted1 which we should not expect
 to find worded as they stand1 if they  
had been written fifty years later4 ,it 
is commonly1 and reasonably1 said in    
explanation1 that the fatalism1 so      
prevalent in various shapes pagan and   
heretical1 in the first centuries1 was  
an obstacle to an accurate apprehension 
of the consequences of the fall1 as the 
presence of the existing idolatry was to
 the use of images4 ,if this be so1 we  
have here an instance of a doctrine held
 back for a time by circumstances1 yet  
in the event forcing its way into its   
normal shape1 and at length             
authoritatively fixed in it1 that is1 of
 a doctrine held implicitly1 then       
asserting itself1 and at length fully   
developed4   #e4  7#c47 ,infant         
,baptism4  ,one of the passages of ,st4 
,chrysostom to which ,i might refer is  

this1 ,we baptize infants1 though they  
are not defiled with sin1 that they may 
receive sanctity1 righteousness1        
adoption1 heirship1 brotherhood with    
,christ1 and may become ,his members4   
7,aug4 contr4 ,jul4 i4 #ba47 ,this at   
least shows that he had a clear view of 
the importance and duty of infant       
baptism1 but such was not the case even 
with saints in the generation           
immediately before him4 ,as is well     
known1 it was not unusual in that age of
 the ,church for those1 who might be    
considered catechumens1 to delay their  
baptism1 as ,protestants now delay      
reception of the ,holy ,eucharist4 ,it  
is difficult for us at this day to enter
 into the assemblage of motives which   
led to this postponement2 to a keen     
sense and awe of the special privileges 
of baptism which could only once be     
received1 other reasons would be        
added1--reluctance to being committed to
 a strict rule of life1 and to making a 
public profession of religion1 and to   

joining in a specially intimate         
fellowship or solidarity with strangers4
 ,but so it was in matter of fact1 for  
reasons good or bad1 that infant        
baptism1 which is a fundamental rule of 
,christian duty with us1 was less       
earnestly insisted on in early times4   
#f4  ,even in the fourth century ,st4   
,gregory ,nazianzen1 ,st4 ,basil1 and   
,st4 ,augustine1 having ,christian      
mothers1 still were not baptized till   
they were adults4 ,st4 ,gregory's mother
 dedicated him to ,god immediately on   
his birth2 and again when he had come to
 years of discretion1 with the rite of  
taking the gospels into his hands by way
 of consecration4 ,he was               
religiously-minded from his youth1 and  
had devoted himself to a single life4   
,yet his baptism did not take place till
 after he had attended the schools of   
,csarea1 ,palestine1 and ,alexandria1   
and was on his voyage to ,athens4 ,he   
had embarked during the ,november gales1
 and for twenty days his life was in    

danger4 ,he presented himself for       
baptism as soon as he got to land4 ,st4 
,basil was the son of ,christian        
confessors on both father's and mother's
 side4 ,his grandmother ,macrina1 who   
brought him up1 had for seven years     
lived with her husband in the woods of  
,pontus during the ,decian persecution4 
,his father was said to have wrought    
miracles2 his mother1 an orphan of great
 beauty of person1 was forced from her  
unprotected state to abandon the hope of
 a single life1 and was conspicuous in  
matrimony for her care of strangers and 
the poor1 and for her offerings to the  
churches4 ,how religiously she brought  
up her children is shown by the singular
 blessing1 that four out of ten have    
since been canonized as ,saints4 ,st4   
,basil was one of these2 yet the child  
of such parents was not baptized till he
 had come to man's estate1--till1       
according to the ,benedictine ,editor1  
his twenty-first1 and perhaps his       
twenty-ninth1 year4 ,st4 ,augustine's   

mother1 who is herself a ,saint1 was a  
,christian when he was born1 though his 
father was not4 ,immediately on his     
birth1 he was made a catechumen2 in his 
childhood he fell ill1 and asked for    
baptism4 ,his mother was alarmed1 and   
was taking measures for his reception   
into the ,church1 when he suddenly got  
better1 and it was deferred4 ,he did not
 receive baptism till the age of        
thirty-three1 after he had been for nine
 years a victim of ,manichan error4 ,in 
like manner1 ,st4 ,ambrose1 though      
brought up by his mother and holy nuns1 
one of them his own sister ,st4         
,marcellina1 was not baptized till he   
was chosen bishop at the age of about   
thirty-four1 nor his brother ,st4       
,satyrus till about the same age1 after 
the serious warning of a shipwreck4 ,st4
 ,jerome too1 though educated at ,rome1 
and so far under religious influences1  
as1 with other boys1 to be in the       
observance of ,sunday1 and of devotions 
in the catacombs1 had no friend to bring

 him to baptism1 till he had reached    
man's estate and had travelled4   #g4   
,now how are the modern sects1 which    
protest against infant baptism1 to be   
answered by ,anglicans with this array  
of great names in their favour8 ,by the 
later rule of the ,church surely2 by the
 dicta of some later ,saints1 as by ,st4
 ,chrysostom2 by one or two inferences  
from ,scripture2 by an argument founded 
on the absolute necessity of ,baptism   
for salvation1--sufficient reasons      
certainly1 but impotent to reverse the  
fact that neither in ,dalmatia nor in   
,cappadocia1 neither in ,rome1 nor in   
,africa1 was it then imperative on      
,christian parents1 as it is now1 to    
give baptism to their young children4   
,it was on retrospect and after the     
truths of the ,creed had sunk into the  
,christian mind1 that the authority of  
such men as ,st4 ,cyprian1 ,st4         
,chrysostom1 and ,st4 ,augustine brought
 round the orbis terrarum to the        
conclusion1 which the infallible ,church

 confirmed1 that observance of the rite 
was the rule1 and the non-observance the
 exception4   #h4  7#d47 ,communion in  
one kind4  ,in the beginning of the     
fifteenth century1 the ,council of      
,constance pronounced that1 though in   
the primitive ,church the ,sacrament of 
the ,eucharist was received by the      
faithful under each kind1 yet the custom
 has been reasonably introduced1 for the
 avoiding of certain dangers and        
scandals1 that it should be received by 
the consecrators under each kind1 and by
 the laity only under the kind of       
,bread2 since it is most firmly to be   
believed1 and in no wise doubted1 that  
the whole ,body and ,blood of ,christ is
 truly contained as well under the kind 
of ,bread as under the kind of ,wine4   
,now the question is1 whether the       
doctrine here laid down1 and carried    
into effect in the usage here           
sanctioned1 was entertained by the early
 ,church1 and may be considered a just  
development of its principles and       

practices4 ,i answer that1 starting with
 the presumption that the ,council has  
ecclesiastical authority1 which is the  
point here to be assumed1 we shall find 
quite enough for its defence1 and shall 
be satisfied to decide in the           
affirmative2 we shall readily come to   
the conclusion that ,communion under    
either kind is lawful1 each kind        
conveying the full gift of the          
,sacrament4  ,for instance1 ,scripture  
affords us two instances of what may    
reasonably be considered the            
administration of the form of ,bread    
without that of ,wine2 viz4 our ,lord's 
own example towards the two disciples at
 ,emmaus1 and ,st4 ,paul's action at sea
 during the tempest4 ,moreover1 ,st4    
,luke speaks of the first ,christians as
 continuing in the breaking of bread1   
and in prayer1 and of the first day of  
the week when they came together to     
break bread4  ,and again1 in the sixth  
chapter of ,st4 ,john1 our ,lord says   
absolutely1 ,he that eateth ,me1 even he

 shall live by ,me4 ,and1 though ,he    
distinctly promises that we shall have  
it granted to us to drink ,his blood1 as
 well as to eat ,his flesh2             
nevertheless1 not a word does ,he say to
 signify that1 as ,he is the ,bread from
 heaven and the living ,bread1 so ,he is
 the heavenly1 living ,wine also4       
,again1 ,st4 ,paul says that whosoever  
shall eat this ,bread or drink this ,cup
 of the ,lord unworthily1 shall be      
guilty of the ,body and ,blood of the   
,lord4  ,many of the types of the ,holy 
,eucharist1 as far as they go1 tend to  
the same conclusion2 as the ,manna1 to  
which our ,lord referred1 the ,paschal  
,lamb1 the ,shewbread1 the sacrifices   
from which the blood was poured out1 and
 the miracle of the loaves1 which are   
figures of the bread alone2 while the   
water from the rock1 and the ,blood from
 our ,lord's side correspond to the wine
 without the bread4 ,others are         
representations of both kinds2 as       
,melchizedek's feast1 and ,elijah's     

miracle of the meal and oil4   #i4      
,and1 further1 it certainly was the     
custom in the early ,church1 under      
circumstances1 to communicate in one    
kind1 as we learn from ,st4 ,cyprian1   
,st4 ,dionysius1 ,st4 ,basil1 ,st4      
,jerome1 and others4 ,for instance1 ,st4
 ,cyprian speaks of the communion of an 
infant under ,wine1 and of a woman under
 ,bread2 and ,st4 ,ambrose speaks of his
 brother in shipwreck folding the       
consecrated ,bread in a handkerchief1   
and placing it round his neck2 and the  
monks and hermits in the desert can     
hardly be supposed to have been         
ordinarily in possession of consecrated 
,wine as well as ,bread4 ,from the      
following ,letter of ,st4 ,basil1 it    
appears that1 not only the monks1 but   
the whole laity of ,egypt ordinarily    
communicated in ,bread only4 ,he seems  
to have been asked by his correspondent1
 whether in time of persecution it was  
lawful1 in the absence of priest or     
deacon1 to take the communion in one's  

own hand1 that is1 of course1 the       
,bread2 he answers that it may be       
justified by the following parallel     
cases1 in mentioning which he is        
altogether silent about the ,cup4 ,it is
 plainly no fault1 he says1 for long    
custom supplies instances enough to     
sanction it4 ,for all the monks in the  
desert1 where there is no priest1 keep  
the communion at home1 and partake it   
from themselves4 ,in ,alexandria too1   
and in ,egypt1 each of the laity1 for   
the most part1 has the ,communion in his
 house1 and1 when he will1 he partakes  
it by means of himself4 ,for when once  
the priest has celebrated the ,sacrifice
 and given it1 he who takes it as a     
whole together1 and then partakes of it 
daily1 reasonably ought to think that he
 partakes and receives from him who has 
given it4#acb3a ,it should be added1    
that in the beginning of the ,letter he 
may be interpreted to speak of communion
 in both kinds1 and to say that it is   
good and profitable4  ,here we have the 

usage of ,pontus1 ,egypt1 ,africa1 and  
,milan4 ,spain may be added1 if a late  
author is right in his view of the      
meaning of a ,spanish ,canon2#acb3b and 
,syria1 as well as ,egypt1 at least at a
 later date1 since ,nicephorus#acb3c    
tells us that the ,acephali1 having no  
,bishops1 kept the ,bread which their   
last priests had consecrated1 and       
dispensed crumbs of it every year at    
,easter for the purposes of ,communion4 
#aj4  ,but it may be said1 that after   
all it is so very hazardous and fearful 
a measure actually to withdraw from     
,christians one-half of the ,sacrament1 
that1 in spite of these precedents1 some
 direct warrant is needed to reconcile  
the mind to it4 ,there might have been  
circumstances which led ,st4 ,cyprian1  
or ,st4 ,basil1 or the ,apostolical     
,christians before them to curtail it1  
about which we know nothing4 ,it is not 
therefore safe in us1 because it was    
safe in them4 ,certainly a warrant is   
necessary2 and just such a warrant is   

the authority of the ,church4 ,if we can
 trust her implicitly1 there is nothing 
in the state of the evidence to form an 
objection to her decision in this       
instance1 and in proportion as we find  
we can trust her does our difficulty    
lessen4 ,moreover1 children1 not to say 
infants1 were at one time admitted to   
the ,eucharist1 at least to the ,cup2 on
 what authority are they now excluded   
from ,cup and ,bread also8 ,st4         
,augustine considered the usage to be of
 ,apostolical origin2 and it continued  
in the ,west down to the twelfth        
century2 it continues in the ,east among
 ,greeks1 ,russo-,greeks1 and the       
various ,monophysite ,churches to this  
day1 and that on the ground of its      
almost universality in the primitive    
,church4#acc3a ,is it a greater         
innovation to suspend the ,cup1 than to 
cut off children from ,communion        
altogether8 ,yet we acquiesce in the    
latter deprivation without a scruple4   
,it is safer to acquiesce with1 than    

without1 an authority2 safer with the   
belief that the ,church is the pillar   
and ground of the truth1 than with the  
belief that in so great a matter she is 
likely to err4   #aa4  7#e47 ,the       
,homosion4  ,the next instance ,i shall 
take is from the early teaching on the  
subject of our ,lord's                  
,consubstantiality and ,co-eternity4    
,in the controversy carried on by       
various learned men in the seventeenth  
and following century1 concerning the   
statements of the early ,fathers on this
 subject1 the one party determined the  
patristic theology by the literal force 
of the separate expressions or phrases  
used in it1 or by the philosophical     
opinions of the day2 the other1 by the  
doctrine of the ,catholic ,church1 as   
afterwards authoritatively declared4    
,the one party argued that those        
,fathers need not have meant more than  
what was afterwards considered heresy2  
the other answered that there is nothing
 to prevent their meaning more4 ,thus   

the position which ,bull maintains seems
 to be nothing beyond this1 that the    
,nicene ,creed is a natural key for     
interpreting the body of ,ante-nicene   
theology4 ,his very aim is to explain   
difficulties2 now the notion of         
difficulties and their explanation      
implies a rule to which they are        
apparent exceptions1 and in accordance  
with which they are to be explained4    
,nay1 the title of his work1 which is a 
,defence of the ,creed of ,nica1 shows  
that he is not investigating what is    
true and what false1 but explaining and 
justifying a foregone conclusion1 as    
sanctioned by the testimony of the great
 ,council4 ,unless the statements of the
 ,fathers had suggested difficulties1   
his work would have had no object4 ,he  
allows that their language is not such  
as they would have used after the ,creed
 had been imposed2 but he says in effect
 that1 if we will but take it in our    
hands and apply it equitably to their   
writings1 we shall bring out and        

harmonize their teaching1 clear their   
ambiguities1 and discover their         
anomalous statements to be few and      
insignificant4 ,in other words1 he      
begins with a presumption1 and shows how
 naturally facts close round it and fall
 in with it1 if we will but let them4   
,he does this triumphantly1 yet he has  
an arduous work2 out of about thirty    
writers whom he reviews1 he has1 for one
 cause or other1 to explain piously     
nearly twenty4   ,,section ,,ii4  ,,our 
,,lord',s ,,incarnation ,,and ,,the     
,,dignity ,,of ,,his ,,blessed ,,mother 
,,and ,,of ,,all ,,saints4  ,bishop     
,bull's controversy had regard to       
,ante-nicene writers only1 and to little
 more than to the doctrine of the       
,divine ,son's consubstantiality and    
co-eternity2 and1 as being controversy1 
it necessarily narrows and dries up a   
large and fertile subject4 ,let us see  
whether1 treated historically1 it will  
not present itself to us in various     
aspects which may rightly be called     

developments1 as coming into view1 one  
out of another1 and following one after 
another by a natural order of           
succession4   #b4  ,first then1 that the
 language of the ,ante-nicene ,fathers1 
on the subject of our ,lord's ,divinity1
 may be far more easily accommodated to 
the ,arian hypothesis than can the      
language of the ,post-nicene1 is agreed 
on all hands4 ,thus ,st4 ,justin speaks 
of the ,son as subservient to the       
,father in the creation of the world1 as
 seen by ,abraham1 as speaking to ,moses
 from the bush1 as appearing to ,joshua 
before the fall of ,jericho1#ace3a as   
,minister and ,angel1 and as numerically
 distinct from the ,father4 ,clement1   
again1 speaks of the ,word#ace3b as the 
,instrument of ,god1 close to the ,sole 
,almighty2 ministering to the           
,omnipotent ,father's will2#ace3c an    
energy1 so to say1 or operation of the  
,father1 and constituted by ,his will as
 the cause of all good4#ace3d ,again1   
the ,council of ,antioch1 which         

condemned ,paul of ,samosata1 says that 
,he appears to the ,patriarchs and      
converses with them1 being testified    
sometimes to be an ,angel1 at other     
times ,lord1 at others ,god2 that1 while
 it is impious to think that the ,god of
 all is called an ,angel1 the ,son is   
the ,angel of the ,father4#acf3a ,formal
 proof1 however1 is unnecessary2 had not
 the fact been as ,i have stated it1    
neither ,sandius would have professed to
 differ from the ,post-nicene ,fathers1 
nor would ,bull have had to defend the  
,ante-nicene4   #c4  ,one principal     
change which took place1 as time went   
on1 was the following3 the ,ante-nicene 
,fathers1 as in some of the foregoing   
extracts1 speak of the ,angelic visions 
in the ,old ,testament as if they were  
appearances of the ,son2 but ,st4       
,augustine introduced the explicit      
doctrine1 which has been received since 
his date1 that they were simply ,angels1
 through whom the ,omnipresent ,son     
manifested ,himself4 ,this indeed is the

 only interpretation which the          
,ante-nicene statements admitted1 as    
soon as reason began to examine what    
they did mean4 ,they could not mean that
 the ,eternal ,god could really be seen 
by bodily eyes2 if anything was seen1   
that must have been some created glory  
or other symbol1 by which it pleased the
 ,almighty to signify ,his ,presence4   
,what was heard was a sound1 as external
 to ,his ,essence1 and as distinct from 
,his ,nature1 as the thunder or the     
voice of the trumpet1 which pealed along
 ,mount ,sinai2 what it was had not come
 under discussion till ,st4 ,augustine2 
both question and answer were alike     
undeveloped4 ,the earlier ,fathers spoke
 as if there were no medium interposed  
between the ,creator and the creature1  
and so they seemed to make the ,eternal 
,son the medium2 what it really was1    
they had not determined4 ,st4 ,augustine
 ruled1 and his ruling has been accepted
 in later times1 that it was not a mere 
atmospheric phenomenon1 or an impression

 on the senses1 but the material form   
proper to an ,angelic presence1 or the  
presence of an ,angel in that material  
garb in which blessed ,spirits do       
ordinarily appear to men4 ,henceforth   
the ,angel in the bush1 the voice which 
spoke with ,abraham1 and the man who    
wrestled with ,jacob1 were not regarded 
as the ,son of ,god1 but as ,angelic    
ministers1 whom ,he employed1 and       
through whom ,he signified ,his presence
 and ,his will4 ,thus the tendency of   
the controversy with the ,arians was to 
raise our view of our ,lord's           
,mediatorial acts1 to impress them on us
 in their divine rather than their human
 aspect1 and to associate them more     
intimately with the ineffable glories   
which surround the ,throne of ,god4 ,the
 ,mediatorship was no longer regarded in
 itself1 in that prominently subordinate
 place which it had once occupied in the
 thoughts of ,christians1 but as an     
office assumed by ,one1 who though      
having become man in order to bear it1  

was still ,god4#acg3a ,works and        
attributes1 which had hitherto been     
assigned to the ,economy or to the      
,sonship1 were now simply assigned to   
the ,manhood4 ,a tendency was also      
elicited1 as the controversy proceeded1 
to contemplate our ,lord more distinctly
 in ,his absolute perfections1 than in  
,his relation to the ,first ,person of  
the ,blessed ,trinity4 ,thus1 whereas   
the ,nicene ,creed speaks of the ,father
 ,almighty1 and ,his ,only-begotten     
,son1 our ,lord1 ,god from ,god1 ,light 
from ,light1 ,very ,god from ,very ,god1
 and of the ,holy ,ghost1 the ,lord and 
,giver of ,life1 we are told in the     
,athanasian of the ,father ,eternal1 the
 ,son ,eternal1 and the ,holy ,ghost    
,eternal1 and that none is afore or     
after other1 none is greater or less    
than another4   #d4  ,the ,apollinarian 
and ,monophysite controversy1 which     
followed in the course of the next      
century1 tended towards a development in
 the same direction4 ,since the         

heresies1 which were in question1       
maintained1 at least virtually1 that our
 ,lord was not man1 it was obvious to   
insist on the passages of ,scripture    
which describe ,his created and         
subservient nature1 and this had the    
immediate effect of interpreting of ,his
 manhood texts which had hitherto been  
understood more commonly of ,his ,divine
 ,sonship4 ,thus1 for instance1 ,my     
,father is greater than ,i1 which had   
been understood even by ,st4 ,athanasius
 of our ,lord as ,god1 is applied by    
later writers more commonly to ,his     
humanity2 and in this way the doctrine  
of ,his subordination to the ,eternal   
,father1 which formed so prominent a    
feature in ,ante-nicene theology1       
comparatively fell into the shade4   #e4
  ,and coincident with these changes1 a 
most remarkable result is discovered4   
,the ,catholic polemic1 in view of the  
,arian and ,monophysite errors1 being of
 this character1 became the natural     
introduction to the cultus ,sanctorum2  

for in proportion as texts descriptive  
of created mediation ceased to belong to
 our ,lord1 so was a room opened for    
created mediators4 ,nay1 as regards the 
instance of ,angelic appearances itself1
 as ,st4 ,augustine explained them1 if  
those appearances were creatures1       
certainly creatures were worshipped by  
the ,patriarchs1 not indeed in          
themselves1#ach3a but as the token of a 
,presence greater than themselves4 ,when
 ,moses hid his face1 for he was afraid 
to look upon ,god1 he hid his face      
before a creature2 when ,jacob said1 ,i 
have seen ,god face to face and my life 
is preserved1 the ,son of ,god was      
there1 but what he saw1 what he wrestled
 with1 was an ,angel4 ,when ,joshua fell
 on his face to the earth and did       
worship before the captain of the       
,lord's host1 and said unto him1 ,what  
saith my ,lord unto his servant8 what   
was seen and heard was a glorified      
creature1 if ,st4 ,augustine is to be   
followed2 and the ,son of ,god was in   

him4  ,and there were plain precedents  
in the ,old ,testament for the          
lawfulness of such adoration4 ,when the 
people saw the cloudy pillar stand at   
the tabernacle-door1 all the people rose
 up and worshipped1 every man in his    
tent-door4#aci3a ,when ,daniel too saw a
 certain man clothed in linen there     
remained no strength in him1 for his    
comeliness was turned in him into       
corruption4 ,he fell down on his face1  
and next remained on his knees and      
hands1 and at length stood trembling1   
and said ,o my ,lord1 by the vision my  
sorrows are turned upon me1 and ,i have 
retained no strength4 ,for how can the  
servant of this my ,lord talk with this 
my ,lord8#aci3b ,it might be objected   
perhaps to this argument1 that a worship
 which was allowable in an elementary   
system might be unlawful when grace and 
truth had come through ,jesus ,christ2  
but then it might be retorted surely1   
that that elementary system had been    
emphatically opposed to all idolatry1   

and had been minutely jealous of        
everything which might approach to      
favouring it4 ,nay1 the very prominence 
given in the ,pentateuch to the doctrine
 of a ,creator1 and the comparative     
silence concerning the ,angelic         
creation1 and the prominence given to   
the ,angelic creation in the later      
,prophets1 taken together1 were a token 
both of that jealousy1 and of its       
cessation1 as time went on4 ,nor can    
anything be concluded from ,st4 ,paul's 
censure of ,angel worship1 since the sin
 which he is denouncing was that of not 
holding the ,head1 and of worshipping   
creatures instead of the ,creator as the
 source of good4 ,the same explanation  
avails for passages like those in ,st4  
,athanasius and ,theodoret1 in which the
 worship of ,angels is discountenanced4 
#f4  ,the ,arian controversy had led to 
another development1 which confirmed by 
anticipation the cultus to which ,st4   
,augustine's doctrine pointed4 ,in      
answer to the objection urged against   

our ,lord's supreme ,divinity from texts
 which speak of ,his exaltation1 ,st4   
,athanasius is led to insist forcibly on
 the benefits which have accrued to man 
through it4 ,he says that1 in truth1 not
 ,christ1 but that human nature which   
,he had assumed1 was raised and         
glorified in ,him4 ,the more plausible  
was the heretical argument against ,his 
,divinity from those texts1 the more    
emphatic is ,st4 ,athanasius's          
exaltation of our regenerate nature by  
way of explaining them4 ,but intimate   
indeed must be the connexion between    
,christ and ,his brethren1 and high     
their glory1 if the language which      
seemed to belong to the ,incarnate ,word
 really belonged to them4 ,thus the     
pressure of the controversy elicited and
 developed a truth1 which till then was 
held indeed by ,christians1 but less    
perfectly realized and not publicly     
recognized4 ,the sanctification1 or     
rather the deification of the nature of 
man1 is one main subject of ,st4        

,athanasius's theology4 ,christ1 in     
rising1 raises ,his ,saints with ,him to
 the right hand of power4 ,they become  
instinct with ,his life1 of one body    
with ,his flesh1 divine sons1 immortal  
kings1 gods4 ,he is in them1 because ,he
 is in human nature2 and ,he            
communicates to them that nature1       
deified by becoming ,his1 that them ,it 
may deify4 ,he is in them by the        
,presence of ,his ,spirit1 and in them  
,he is seen4 ,they have those titles of 
honour by participation1 which are      
properly ,his4 ,without misgiving we may
 apply to them the most sacred language 
of ,psalmists and ,prophets4 ,thou art a
 ,priest for ever may be said of ,st4   
,polycarp or ,st4 ,martin as well as of 
their ,lord4 ,he hath dispersed abroad1 
he hath given to the poor1 was fulfilled
 in ,st4 ,laurence4 ,i have found ,david
 ,my servant1 first said typically of   
the ,king of ,israel1 and belonging     
really to ,christ1 is transferred back  
again by grace to ,his ,vicegerents upon

 earth4 ,i have given thee the nations  
for thine inheritance is the prerogative
 of ,popes2 ,thou hast given him his    
heart's desire1 the record of a martyr2 
thou hast loved righteousness and hated 
iniquity1 the praise of ,virgins4   #g4 
,as ,christ1 says ,st4 ,athanasius1     
died1 and was exalted as man1 so1 as    
man1 is ,he said to take what1 as ,god1 
,he ever had1 in order that even this so
 high a grant of grace might reach to   
us4 ,for the ,word did not suffer loss  
in receiving a body1 that ,he should    
seek to receive a grace1 but rather ,he 
deified that which ,he put on1 nay1 gave
 it graciously to the race of man4 4 4 4
 ,for it is the ,father's glory1 that   
man1 made and then lost1 should be found
 again2 and1 when done to death1 that he
 should be made alive1 and should become
 ,god's temple4 ,for whereas the powers 
in heaven1 both ,angels and ,archangels1
 were ever worshipping the ,lord1 as    
they are now too worshipping ,him in the
 ,name of ,jesus1 this is our grace and 

high exaltation1 that1 even when ,he    
became man1 the ,son of ,god is         
worshipped1 and the heavenly powers are 
not startled at seeing all of us1 who   
are of one body with ,him1 introduced   
into their realms4#ada3a ,in this       
passage it is almost said that the      
glorified ,saints will partake in the   
homage paid by ,angels to ,christ1 the  
,true ,object of all worship2 and at    
least a reason is suggested to us by it 
for the ,angel's shrinking in the       
,apocalypse from the homage of ,st4     
,john1 the ,theologian and ,prophet of  
the ,church4#ada3b ,but ,st4 ,athanasius
 proceeds still more explicitly1 ,in    
that the ,lord1 even when come in human 
body and called ,jesus1 was worshipped  
and believed to be ,god's ,son1 and that
 through ,him the ,father is known1 it  
is plain1 as has been said1 that1 not   
the ,word1 considered as the ,word1     
received this so great grace1 but we4   
,for1 because of our relationship to    
,his ,body1 we too have become ,god's   

temple1 and in consequence have been    
made ,god's sons1 so that even in us the
 ,lord is now worshipped1 and beholders 
report1 as the ,apostle says1 that ',god
 is in them of a truth4'#adb3a ,it      
appears to be distinctly stated in this 
passage1 that those who are formally    
recognized as ,god's adopted sons in    
,christ1 are fit objects of worship on  
account of ,him who is in them2 a       
doctrine which both interprets and      
accounts for the invocation of ,saints1 
the cultus of relics1 and the religious 
veneration in which even the living have
 sometimes been held1 who1 being        
saintly1 were distinguished by          
miraculous gifts4#adb3b ,worship then is
 the necessary correlative of glory2 and
 in the same sense in which created     
natures can share in the ,creator's     
incommunicable glory1 are they also     
allowed a share of that worship which is
 ,his property alone4   #h4  ,there was 
one other subject on which the ,arian   
controversy had a more intimate1 though 

not an immediate influence4 ,its        
tendency to give a new interpretation to
 the texts which speak of our ,lord's   
subordination1 has already been noticed2
 such as admitted of it were henceforth 
explained more prominently of ,his      
manhood than of ,his ,mediatorship or   
,his ,sonship4 ,but there were other    
texts which did not admit of this       
interpretation1 and which1 without      
ceasing to belong to ,him1 might seem   
more directly applicable to a creature  
than to the ,creator4 ,he indeed was    
really the ,wisdom in whom the ,father  
eternally delighted1 yet it would be but
 natural1 if1 under the circumstances of
 ,arian misbelief1 theologians looked   
out for other than the ,eternal ,son to 
be the immediate object of such         
descriptions4 ,and thus the controversy 
opened a question which it did not      
settle4 ,it discovered a new sphere1 if 
we may so speak1 in the realms of light1
 to which the ,church had not yet       
assigned its inhabitant4 ,arianism had  

admitted that our ,lord was both the    
,god of the ,evangelical ,covenant1 and 
the actual ,creator of the ,universe2   
but even this was not enough1 because it
 did not confess ,him to be the ,one1   
,everlasting1 ,infinite1 ,supreme       
,being1 but as one who was made by the  
,supreme4 ,it was not enough in         
accordance with that heresy to proclaim 
,him as having an ineffable origin      
before all worlds2 not enough to place  
him high above all creatures as the type
 of all the works of ,god's ,hands2 not 
enough to make ,him the ,king of all    
,saints1 the ,intercessor for man with  
,god1 the ,object of worship1 the ,image
 of the ,father2 not enough1 because it 
was not all1 and between all and        
anything short of all1 there was an     
infinite interval4 ,the highest of      
creatures is levelled with the lowest in
 comparison of the ,one ,creator        
,himself4 ,that is1 the ,nicene ,council
 recognized the eventful principle1     
that1 while we believe and profess any  

being to be made of a created nature1   
such a being is really no ,god to us1   
though honoured by us with whatever high
 titles and with whatever homage4 ,arius
 or ,asterius did all but confess that  
,christ was the ,almighty2 they said    
much more than ,st4 ,bernard or ,st4    
,alphonso have since said of the        
,blessed ,mary2 yet they left ,him a    
creature and were found wanting4 ,thus  
there was a wonder in heaven3 a throne  
was seen1 far above all other created   
powers1 mediatorial1 intercessory2 a    
title archetypal2 a crown bright as the 
morning star2 a glory issuing from the  
,eternal ,throne2 robes pure as the     
heavens2 and a sceptre over all2 and who
 was the predestined heir of that       
,majesty8 ,since it was not high enough 
for the ,highest1 who was that ,wisdom1 
and what was her name1 the ,mother of   
fair love1 and fear1 and holy hope1     
exalted like a palm-tree in ,engaddi1   
and a rose-plant in ,jericho1 created   
from the beginning before the world in  

,god's everlasting counsels1 and in     
,jerusalem her power8 ,the vision is    
found in the ,apocalypse1 a ,woman      
clothed with the sun1 and the moon under
 her feet1 and upon her head a crown of 
twelve stars4 ,the votaries of ,mary do 
not exceed the true faith1 unless the   
blasphemers of her ,son came up to it4  
,the ,church of ,rome is not idolatrous1
 unless ,arianism is orthodoxy4   #i4   
,i am not stating conclusions which were
 drawn out in the controversy1 but of   
premisses which were laid1 broad and    
deep4 ,it was then shown1 it was then   
determined1 that to exalt a creature was
 no recognition of its divinity4 ,nor am
 ,i speaking of the ,semi-,arians1 who1 
holding our ,lord's derivation from the 
,substance of the ,father1 yet denying  
,his ,consubstantiality1 really did lie 
open to the charge of maintaining two   
,gods1 and present no parallel to the   
defenders of the prerogatives of ,st4   
,mary4 ,but ,i speak of the ,arians who 
taught that the ,son's ,substance was   

created2 and concerning them it is true 
that ,st4 ,athanasius's condemnation of 
their theology is a vindication of the  
,medieval4 ,yet it is not wonderful1    
considering how ,socinians1 ,sabellians1
 ,nestorians1 and the like1 abound in   
these days1 without their even knowing  
it themselves1 if those who never rise  
higher in their notions of our ,lord's  
,divinity1 than to consider ,him a man  
singularly inhabited by a ,divine       
,presence1 that is1 a ,catholic         
,saint1--if such men should mistake the 
honour paid by the ,church to the human 
,mother for that very honour which1 and 
which alone1 is worthy of her ,eternal  
,son4   #aj4  ,i have said that there   
was in the first ages no public and     
ecclesiastical recognition of the place 
which ,st4 ,mary holds in the ,economy  
of grace2 this was reserved for the     
fifth century1 as the definition of our 
,lord's proper ,divinity had been the   
work of the fourth4 ,there was a        
controversy contemporary with those     

already mentioned1 ,i mean the          
,nestorian1 which brought out the       
complement of the development1 to which 
they had been subservient2 and which1 if
 ,i may so speak1 supplied the subject  
of that august proposition of which     
,arianism had provided the predicate4   
,in order to do honour to ,christ1 in   
order to defend the true doctrine of the
 ,incarnation1 in order to secure a     
right faith in the manhood of the       
,eternal ,son1 the ,council of ,ephesus 
determined the ,blessed ,virgin to be   
the ,mother of ,god4 ,thus all heresies 
of that day1 though opposite to each    
other1 tended in a most wonderful way to
 her exaltation2 and the ,school of     
,antioch1 the fountain of primitive     
rationalism1 led the ,church to         
determine first the conceivable         
greatness of a creature1 and then the   
incommunicable dignity of the ,blessed  
,virgin4   #aa4  ,but the spontaneous or
 traditional feeling of ,christians had 
in great measure anticipated the formal 

ecclesiastical decision4 ,thus the title
 ,theotocos1 or ,mother of ,god1 was    
familiar to ,christians from primitive  
times1 and had been used1 among other   
writers1 by ,origen1 ,eusebius1 ,st4    
,alexander1 ,st4 ,athanasius1 ,st4      
,ambrose1 ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen1 ,st4
 ,gregory ,nyssen1 and ,st4 ,nilus4 ,she
 had been called ,ever-,virgin by       
others1 as by ,st4 ,epiphanius1 ,st4    
,jerome1 and ,didymus4 ,by others1 the  
,mother of all living1 as being the     
antitype of ,eve2 for1 as ,st4          
,epiphanius observes1 in truth1 not in  
shadow1 from ,mary was ,life itself     
brought into the world1 that ,mary might
 bear things living1 and might become   
,mother of living things4#adf3a ,st4    
,augustine says that all have sinned    
except the ,holy ,virgin ,mary1         
concerning whom1 for the honour of the  
,lord1 ,i wish no question to be raised 
at all1 when we are treating of sins4   
,she was alone and wrought the world's  
salvation1 says ,st4 ,ambrose1 alluding 

to her conception of the ,redeemer4 ,she
 is signified by the ,pillar of the     
cloud which guided the ,israelites1     
according to the same ,father2 and she  
had so great grace1 as not only to have 
virginity herself1 but to impart it to  
those to whom she came2--the ,rod out of
 the stem of ,jesse1 says ,st4 ,jerome1 
and the ,eastern gate through which the 
,high ,priest alone goes in and out1 yet
 is ever shut2--the wise woman1 says    
,st4 ,nilus1 who hath clad all          
believers1 from the fleece of the ,lamb 
born of her1 with the clothing of       
incorruption1 and delivered them from   
their spiritual nakedness2--the ,mother 
of ,life1 of beauty1 of majesty1 the    
,morning ,star1 according to            
,antiochus2--the mystical new heavens1  
the heavens carrying the ,divinity1 the 
fruitful vine by whom we are translated 
from death unto life1 according to ,st4 
,ephraim2--the manna which is delicate1 
bright1 sweet1 and virgin1 which1 as    
though coming from heaven1 has poured   

down on all the people of the ,churches 
a food pleasanter than honey1 according 
to ,st4 ,maximus4  ,st4 ,proclus calls  
her the unsullied shell which contains  
the pearl of price1 the sacred shrine of
 sinlessness1 the golden altar of       
holocaust1 the holy oil of anointing1   
the costly alabaster box of spikenard1  
the ark gilt within and without1 the    
heifer whose ashes1 that is1 the ,lord's
 ,body taken from her1 cleanses those   
who are defiled by the pollution of sin1
 the fair bride of the ,canticles1 the  
stay 7strigma7 of believers1 the        
,church's diadem1 the expression of     
orthodoxy4 ,these are oratorical        
expressions2 but we use oratory on great
 subjects1 not on small4 ,elsewhere he  
calls her ,god's only bridge to man2 and
 elsewhere he breaks forth1 ,run through
 all creation in your thoughts1 and see 
if there be equal to1 or greater than1  
the ,holy ,virgin ,mother of ,god4      
#ab4  ,theodotus too1 one of the        
,fathers of ,ephesus1 or whoever it is  

whose ,homilies are given to ,st4       
,amphilochius3--,as debtors and ,god's  
well-affected servants1 let us make     
confession to ,god the ,word and to ,his
 ,mother1 of the gift of words1 as far  
as we are able4 4 4 ,hail1 ,mother1 clad
 in light1 of the light which sets not2 
hail all-undefiled mother of holiness2  
hail most pellucid fountain of the      
life-giving stream6 ,after speaking of  
the ,incarnation1 he continues1 ,such   
paradoxes doth the ,divine ,virgin      
,mother ever bring to us in her holy    
irradiations1 for with her is the ,fount
 of ,life1 and breasts of the spiritual 
and guileless milk2 from which to suck  
the sweetness1 we have even now         
earnestly run to her1 not as in         
forgetfulness of what has gone before1  
but in desire of what is to come4  ,to  
,st4 ,fulgentius is ascribed the        
following3 ,mary became the window of   
heaven1 for ,god through her poured the 
,true ,light upon the world2 the        
heavenly ladder1 for through her did    

,god descend upon earth4 4 4 4 4 ,come1 
ye virgins1 to a ,virgin1 come ye who   
conceive to one who did conceive1 ye who
 bear to one who bore1 mothers to a     
,mother1 ye who give suck to one who    
suckled1 young women to the ,young4     
,lastly1 ,thou hast found grace1 says   
,st4 ,peter ,chrysologus1 how much8 he  
had said above1 ,full4 ,and full indeed1
 which with full shower might pour upon 
and into the whole creation4#adh3a      
99       99       99       99       99  
,such was the state of sentiment on the 
subject of the ,blessed ,virgin1 which  
the ,arian1 ,nestorian1 and ,monophysite
 heresies found in the ,church2 and on  
which the doctrinal decisions consequent
 upon them impressed a form and a       
consistency which has been handed on in 
the ,east and ,west to this day4        
,,section ,,iii4  ,,the ,,papal         
,,supremacy4  ,i will take one instance 
more4 ,let us see how1 on the principles
 which ,i have been laying down and     
defending1 the evidence lies for the    

,pope's ,supremacy4  ,as to this        
doctrine the question is this1 whether  
there was not from the first a certain  
element at work1 or in existence1       
divinely sanctioned1 which1 for certain 
reasons1 did not at once show itself    
upon the surface of ecclesiastical      
affairs1 and of which events in the     
fourth century are the development2 and 
whether the evidence of its existence   
and operation1 which does occur in the  
earlier centuries1 be it much or little1
 is not just such as ought to occur upon
 such an hypothesis4   #b4  ,for        
instance1 it is true1 ,st4 ,ignatius is 
silent in his ,epistles on the subject  
of the ,pope's authority2 but if in fact
 that authority could not be in active  
operation then1 such silence is not so  
difficult to account for as the silence 
of ,seneca or ,plutarch about           
,christianity itself1 or of ,lucian     
about the ,roman people4 ,st4 ,ignatius 
directed his doctrine according to the  
need4 ,while ,apostles were on earth1   

there was the display neither of ,bishop
 nor ,pope2 their power had no          
prominence1 as being exercised by       
,apostles4 ,in course of time1 first the
 power of the ,bishop displayed itself1 
and then the power of the ,pope4 ,when  
the ,apostles were taken away1          
,christianity did not at once break into
 portions2 yet separate localities might
 begin to be the scene of internal      
dissensions1 and a local arbiter in     
consequence would be wanted4 ,christians
 at home did not yet quarrel with       
,christians abroad2 they quarrelled at  
home among themselves4 ,st4 ,ignatius   
applied the fitting remedy4 ,the        
,sacramentum ,unitatis was acknowledged 
on all hands2 the mode of fulfilling and
 the means of securing it would vary    
with the occasion2 and the determination
 of its essence1 its seat1 and its laws 
would be a gradual supply for a gradual 
necessity4   #c4  ,this is but natural1 
and is parallel to instances which      
happen daily1 and may be so considered  

without prejudice to the divine right   
whether of the ,episcopate or of the    
,papacy4 ,it is a common occurrence for 
a quarrel and a lawsuit to bring out the
 state of the law1 and then the most    
unexpected results often follow4 ,st4   
,peter's prerogative would remain a mere
 letter1 till the complication of       
ecclesiastical matters became the cause 
of ascertaining it4 ,while ,christians  
were of one heart and one soul1 it would
 be suspended2 love dispenses with laws4
 ,christians knew that they must live in
 unity1 and they were in unity2 in what 
that unity consisted1 how far they could
 proceed1 as it were1 in bending it1 and
 what at length was the point at which  
it broke1 was an irrelevant as well as  
unwelcome inquiry4 ,relatives often live
 together in happy ignorance of their   
respective rights and properties1 till a
 father or a husband dies2 and then they
 find themselves against their will in  
separate interests1 and on divergent    
courses1 and dare not move without legal

 advisers4 ,again1 the case is          
conceivable of a corporation or an      
,academical body1 going on for centuries
 in the performance of the              
routine-business which came in its way1 
and preserving a good understanding     
between its members1 with statutes      
almost a dead letter and no precedents  
to explain them1 and the rights of its  
various classes and functions           
undefined1--then of its being suddenly  
thrown back by the force of             
circumstances upon the question of its  
formal character as a body politic1 and 
in consequence developing in the        
relation of governors and governed4 ,the
 regalia ,petri might sleep1 as the     
power of a ,chancellor has slept2 not as
 an obsolete1 for they never had been   
carried into effect1 but as a mysterious
 privilege1 which was not understood2 as
 an unfulfilled prophecy4 ,for ,st4     
,ignatius to speak of ,popes1 when it   
was a matter of ,bishops1 would have    
been like sending an army to arrest a   

housebreaker4 ,the ,bishop's power      
indeed was from ,god1 and the ,pope's   
could be no more2 he1 as well as the    
,pope1 was our ,lord's representative1  
and had a sacramental office3 but ,i am 
speaking1 not of the intrinsic sanctity 
or divinity of such an office1 but of   
its duties4   #d4  ,when the ,church1   
then1 was thrown upon her own resources1
 first local disturbances gave exercise 
to ,bishops1 and next ecumenical        
disturbances gave exercise to ,popes2   
and whether communion with the ,pope was
 necessary for ,catholicity would not   
and could not be debated till a         
suspension of that communion had        
actually occurred4 ,it is not a greater 
difficulty that ,st4 ,ignatius does not 
write to the ,asian ,greeks about       
,popes1 than that ,st4 ,paul does not   
write to the ,corinthians about         
,bishops4 ,and it is a less difficulty  
that the ,papal supremacy was not       
formally acknowledged in the second     
century1 than that there was no formal  

acknowledgment on the part of the       
,church of the doctrine of the ,holy    
,trinity till the fourth4 ,no doctrine  
is defined till it is violated4  ,and1  
in like manner1 it was natural for      
,christians to direct their course in   
matters of doctrine by the guidance of  
mere floating1 and1 as it were1 endemic 
tradition1 while it was fresh and       
strong2 but in proportion as it         
languished1 or was broken in particular 
places1 did it become necessary to fall 
back upon its special homes1 first the  
,apostolic ,sees1 and then the ,see of  
,st4 ,peter4   #e4  ,moreover1 an       
international bond and a common         
authority could not be consolidated1    
were it ever so certainly provided1     
while persecutions lasted4 ,if the      
,imperial ,power checked the development
 of ,councils1 it availed also for      
keeping back the power of the ,papacy4  
,the ,creed1 the ,canon1 in like manner1
 both remained undefined4 ,the ,creed1  
the ,canon1 the ,papacy1 ,ecumenical    

,councils1 all began to form1 as soon as
 the ,empire relaxed its tyrannous      
oppression of the ,church4 ,and as it   
was natural that her monarchical power  
should display itself when the ,empire  
became ,christian1 so was it natural    
also that further developments of that  
power should take place when that       
,empire fell4 ,moreover1 when the power 
of the ,holy ,see began to exert itself1
 disturbance and collision would be the 
necessary consequence4 ,of the ,temple  
of ,solomon1 it was said that neither   
hammer1 nor axe1 nor any tool of iron   
was heard in the house1 while it was in 
building4 ,this is a type of the ,church
 above2 it was otherwise with the       
,church below1 whether in the instance  
of ,popes or ,apostles4 ,in either case1
 a new power had to be defined2 as ,st4 
,paul had to plead1 nay1 to strive for  
his apostolic authority1 and enjoined   
,st4 ,timothy1 as ,bishop of ,ephesus1  
to let no man despise him3 so ,popes too
 have not therefore been ambitious      

because they did not establish their    
authority without a struggle4 ,it was   
natural that ,polycrates should oppose  
,st4 ,victor2 and natural too that ,st4 
,cyprian should both extol the ,see of  
,st4 ,peter1 yet resist it when he      
thought it went beyond its province4    
,and at a later day it was natural that 
,emperors should rise in indignation    
against it2 and natural1 on the other   
hand1 that it should take higher ground 
with a younger power than it had taken  
with an elder and time-honoured4   #f4  
,we may follow ,barrow here without     
reluctance1 except in his imputation of 
motives4  ,in the first times1 he says1 
while the ,emperors were pagans1 their  
the ,popes' pretences were suited to    
their condition1 and could not soar     
high2 they were not then so mad as to   
pretend to any temporal power1 and a    
pittance of spiritual eminency did      
content them4  ,again3 ,the state of the
 most primitive ,church did not well    
admit such an universal sovereignty4    

,for that did consist of small bodies   
incoherently situated1 and scattered    
about in very distant places1 and       
consequently unfit to be modelled into  
one political society1 or to be governed
 by one head1 especially considering    
their condition under persecution and   
poverty4 ,what convenient resort for    
direction or justice could a few        
distressed ,christians in ,egypt1       
,ethiopia1 ,parthia1 ,india1            
,mesopotamia1 ,syria1 ,armenia1         
,cappadocia1 and other parts1 have to   
,rome6  ,again3 ,whereas no point avowed
 by ,christians could be so apt to raise
 offence and jealousy in pagans against 
our religion as this1 which setteth up a
 power of so vast extent and huge       
influence2 whereas no novelty could be  
more surprising or startling than the   
creation of an universal empire over the
 consciences and religious practices of 
men2 whereas also this doctrine could   
not be but very conspicuous and glaring 
in ordinary practice1 it is prodigious  

that all pagans should not loudly       
exclaim against it1 that is1 on the     
supposition that the ,papal power really
 was then in actual exercise4  ,and     
again3 ,it is most prodigious that1 in  
the disputes managed by the ,fathers    
against heretics1 the ,gnostics1        
,valentinians1 c41 they should not1 even
 in the first place1 allege and urge the
 sentence of the universal pastor and   
judge1 as a most evidently conclusive   
argument1 as the most efficacious and   
compendious method of convincing and    
silencing them4  ,once more3 ,even      
,popes themselves have shifted their    
pretences1 and varied in style1         
according to the different circumstances
 of time1 and their variety of humours1 
designs1 interests4 ,in time of         
prosperity1 and upon advantage1 when    
they might safely do it1 any ,pope      
almost would talk high and assume much  
to himself2 but when they were low1 or  
stood in fear of powerful contradiction1
 even the boldest ,popes would speak    

submissively or moderately4#aec3a  ,on  
the whole1 supposing the power to be    
divinely bestowed1 yet in the first     
instance more or less dormant1 a history
 could not be traced out more probable1 
more suitable to that hypothesis1 than  
the actual course of the controversy    
which took place age after age upon the 
,papal supremacy4   #g4  ,it will be    
said that all this is a theory4         
,certainly it is3 it is a theory to     
account for facts as they lie in the    
history1 to account for so much being   
told us about the ,papal authority in   
early times1 and not more2 a theory to  
reconcile what is and what is not       
recorded about it2 and1 which is the    
principal point1 a theory to connect the
 words and acts of the ,ante-nicene     
,church with that antecedent probability
 of a monarchical principle in the      
,divine ,scheme1 and that actual        
exemplification of it in the fourth     
century1 which forms their presumptive  
interpretation4 ,all depends on the     

strength of that presumption4 ,supposing
 there be otherwise good reason for     
saying that the ,papal ,supremacy is    
part of ,christianity1 there is nothing 
in the early history of the ,church to  
contradict it4   #h4  ,it follows to    
inquire in what this presumption        
consists8 ,it has1 as ,i have said1 two 
parts1 the antecedent probability of a  
,popedom1 and the actual state of the   
,post-nicene ,church4 ,the former of    
these reasons has unavoidably been      
touched upon in what has preceded4 ,it  
is the absolute need of a monarchical   
power in the ,church which is our ground
 for anticipating it4 ,a political body 
cannot exist without government1 and the
 larger is the body the more            
concentrated must the government be4 ,if
 the whole of ,christendom is to form   
one ,kingdom1 one head is essential2 at 
least this is the experience of eighteen
 hundred years4 ,as the ,church grew    
into form1 so did the power of the ,pope
 develope2 and wherever the ,pope has   

been renounced1 decay and division have 
been the consequence4 ,we know of no    
other way of preserving the ,sacramentum
 ,unitatis1 but a centre of unity4 ,the 
,nestorians have had their ,catholicus2 
the ,lutherans of ,prussia have their   
general superintendent2 even the        
,independents1 ,i believe1 have had an  
overseer in their ,missions4 ,the       
,anglican ,church affords an observable 
illustration of this doctrine4 ,as her  
prospects have opened and her communion 
extended1 the ,see of ,canterbury has   
become the natural centre of her        
operations4 ,it has at the present time 
jurisdiction in the ,mediterranean1 at  
,jerusalem1 in ,hindostan1 in ,north    
,america1 at the ,antipodes4 ,it has    
been the organ of communication1 when a 
,prime ,minister would force the ,church
 to a redistribution of her property1 or
 a ,protestant ,sovereign abroad would  
bring her into friendly relations with  
his own communion4 ,eyes have been      
lifted up thither in times of           

perplexity2 thither have addresses been 
directed and deputations sent4 ,thence  
issue the legal decisions1 or the       
declarations in ,parliament1 or the     
letters1 or the private interpositions1 
which shape the fortunes of the ,church1
 and are the moving influence within her
 separate dioceses4 ,it must be so2 no  
,church can do without its ,pope4 ,we   
see before our eyes the centralizing    
process by which the ,see of ,st4 ,peter
 became the ,sovereign ,head of         
,christendom4  ,if such be the nature of
 the case1 it is impossible1 if we may  
so speak reverently1 that an ,infinite  
,wisdom1 which sees the end from the    
beginning1 in decreeing the rise of an  
universal ,empire1 should not have      
decreed the development of a sovereign  
ruler4  ,moreover1 all this must be     
viewed in the light of the general      
probability1 so much insisted on above1 
that doctrine cannot but develope as    
time proceeds and need arises1 and that 
its developments are parts of the       

,divine system1 and that therefore it is
 lawful1 or rather necessary1 to        
interpret the words and deeds of the    
earlier ,church by the determinate      
teaching of the later4   #i4  ,and1 on  
the other hand1 as the counterpart of   
these anticipations1 we are met by      
certain announcements in ,scripture1    
more or less obscure and needing a      
comment1 and claimed by the ,papal ,see 
as having their fulfilment in itself4   
,such are the words1 ,thou art ,peter1  
and upon this rock ,i will build ,my    
,church2 and the gates of hell shall not
 prevail against it1 and ,i will give   
unto ,thee the ,keys of the ,kingdom of 
,heaven4 ,again3 ,feed ,my lambs1 feed  
,my sheep4 ,and ,satan hath desired to  
have you2 ,i have prayed for thee1 and  
when thou art converted1 strengthen thy 
brethren4 ,such1 too1 are various other 
indications of the ,divine purpose as   
regards ,st4 ,peter1 too weak in        
themselves to be insisted on separately1
 but not without a confirmatory power2  

such as his new name1 his walking on the
 sea1 his miraculous draught of fishes  
on two occasions1 our ,lord's preaching 
out of his boat1 and ,his appearing     
first to him after ,his resurrection4   
,it should be observed1 moreover1 that a
 similar promise was made by the        
patriarch ,jacob to ,judah3 ,thou art he
 whom thy brethren shall praise3 the    
sceptre shall not depart from ,judah    
till ,shiloh come2 yet this promise was 
not fulfilled for perhaps eight hundred 
years1 during which long period we hear 
little or nothing of the tribe descended
 from him4 ,in like manner1 ,on this    
rock ,i will build ,my ,church1 ,i give 
unto thee the ,keys1 ,feed ,my sheep1   
are not precepts merely1 but prophecies 
and promises1 promises to be            
accomplished by ,him who made them1     
prophecies to be fulfilled according to 
the need1 and to be interpreted by the  
event1--by the history1 that is1 of the 
fourth and fifth centuries1 though they 
had a partial fulfilment even in the    

preceding period1 and a still more noble
 development in the middle ages4   #aj4 
,a partial fulfilment1 or at least      
indications of what was to be1 there    
certainly were in the first age4 ,faint 
one by one1 at least they are various1  
and are found in writers of many times  
and countries1 and thereby illustrative 
of each other1 and forming a body of    
proof4 ,thus ,st4 ,clement1 in the name 
of the ,church of ,rome1 writes to the  
,corinthians1 when they were without a  
bishop2 ,st4 ,ignatius of ,antioch      
addresses the ,roman ,church1 out of the
 ,churches to which he writes1 as the   
,church1 which has in dignity the first 
seat1 of the city of the ,romans1#aeg3a 
and implies that it was too high for his
 directing as being the ,church of ,st4 
,peter and ,st4 ,paul4 ,st4 ,polycarp of
 ,smyrna has recourse to the ,bishop of 
,rome on the question of ,easter2 the   
heretic ,marcion1 excommunicated in     
,pontus1 betakes himself to ,rome2      
,soter1 ,bishop of ,rome1 sends alms1   

according to the custom of his ,church1 
to the ,churches throughout the empire1 
and1 in the words of ,eusebius1         
affectionately exhorted those who came  
to ,rome1 as a father his children2 the 
,montanists from ,phrygia come to ,rome 
to gain the countenance of its ,bishop2 
,praxeas1 from ,asia1 attempts the like1
 and for a while is successful2 ,st4    
,victor1 ,bishop of ,rome1 threatens to 
excommunicate the ,asian ,churches2 ,st4
 ,irenus speaks of ,rome as the greatest
 ,church1 the most ancient1 the most    
conspicuous1 and founded and established
 by ,peter and ,paul1 appeals to its    
tradition1 not in contrast indeed1 but  
in preference to that of other          
,churches1 and declares that to this    
,church1 every ,church1 that is1 the    
faithful from every side must resort or 
must agree with it1 propter potiorem    
principalitatem4 ,o ,church1 happy in   
its position1 says ,tertullian1 into    
which the ,apostles poured out1 together
 with their blood1 their whole doctrine2

 and elsewhere1 though in indignation   
and bitter mockery1 he calls the ,pope  
the ,pontifex ,maximus1 the ,bishop of  
,bishops4 ,the presbyters of ,st4       
,dionysius1 ,bishop of ,alexandria1     
complain of his doctrine to ,st4        
,dionysius of ,rome2 the latter         
expostulates with him1 and he explains4 
,the ,emperor ,aurelian leaves to the   
,bishops of ,italy and of ,rome the     
decision1 whether or not ,paul of       
,samosata shall be dispossessed of the  
see-house at ,antioch2 ,st4 ,cyprian    
speaks of ,rome as the ,see of ,peter   
and the principal ,church1 whence the   
unity of the priesthood took its rise1 4
 4 whose faith has been commended by the
 ,apostles1 to whom faithlessness can   
have no access2 ,st4 ,stephen refuses to
 receive ,st4 ,cyprian's deputation1 and
 separates himself from various         
,churches of the ,east2 ,fortunatus and 
,felix1 deposed by ,st4 ,cyprian1 have  
recourse to ,rome2 ,basilides1 deposed  
in ,spain1 betakes himself to ,rome1 and

 gains the ear of ,st4 ,stephen4   #aa4 
,st4 ,cyprian had his quarrel with the  
,roman ,see1 but it appears he allows to
 it the title of the ,cathedra ,petri1  
and even ,firmilian is a witness that   
,rome claimed it4 ,in the fourth and    
fifth centuries this title and its      
logical results became prominent4 ,thus 
,st4 ,julius 7,a4,d4 #cdb7 remonstrated 
by letter with the ,eusebian party for  
proceeding on their own authority as    
they pleased1 and then1 as he says1     
desiring to obtain our concurrence in   
their decisions1 though we never        
condemned ,athanasius4 ,not so have the 
constitutions of ,paul1 not so have the 
traditions of the ,fathers directed2    
this is another form of procedure1 a    
novel practice4 4 4 4 ,for what we have 
received from the blessed ,apostle      
,peter1 that ,i signify to you2 and ,i  
should not have written this1 as deeming
 that these things are manifest unto all
 men1 had not these proceedings so      
disturbed us4#aeh3a ,st4 ,athanasius1 by

 preserving this protest1 has given it  
his sanction4 ,moreover1 it is referred 
to by ,socrates2 and his account of it  
has the more force1 because he happens  
to be incorrect in the details1 and     
therefore did not borrow it from ,st4   
,athanasius3 ,julius wrote back1 he     
says1 that they acted against the       
,canons1 because they had not called him
 to the ,council1 the ,ecclesiastical   
,canon commanding that the ,churches    
ought not to make ,canons beside the    
will of the ,bishop of ,rome4#aei3a ,and
 ,sozomen3 ,it was a sacerdotal law1 to 
declare invalid whatever was transacted 
beside the will of the ,bishop of the   
,romans4#aei3b ,on the other hand1 the  
heretics themselves1 whom ,st4 ,julius  
withstands1 are obliged to acknowledge  
that ,rome was the ,school of the       
,apostles and the ,metropolis of        
orthodoxy from the beginning2 and two of
 their leaders 7,western ,bishops       
indeed7 some years afterwards recanted  
their heresy before the ,pope in terms  

of humble confession4   #ab4  ,another  
,pope1 ,st4 ,damasus1 in his letter     
addressed to the ,eastern ,bishops      
against ,apollinaris 7,a4,d4 #chb71     
calls those ,bishops his sons4 ,in that 
your charity pays the due reverence to  
the ,apostolical ,see1 ye profit        
yourselves the most1 most honoured sons4
 ,for if1 placed as we are in that ,holy
 ,church1 in which the ,holy ,apostle   
sat and taught1 how it becometh us to   
direct the helm to which we have        
succeeded1 we nevertheless confess      
ourselves unequal to that honour2 yet do
 we therefore study as we may1 if so be 
we may be able to attain to the glory of
 his blessedness4#aei3c ,i speak1 says  
,st4 ,jerome to the same ,st4 ,damasus1 
with the successor of the fisherman and 
the disciple of the ,cross4 ,i1         
following no one as my chief but        
,christ1 am associated in communion with
 thy blessedness1 that is1 with the ,see
 of ,peter4 ,i know that on that rock   
the ,church is built4 ,whosoever shall  

eat the ,lamb outside this ,house is    
profane2 if a man be not in the ,ark of 
,noe1 he shall perish when the flood    
comes in its power4#afj3a ,st4 ,basil   
entreats ,st4 ,damasus to send persons  
to arbitrate between the ,churches of   
,asia ,minor1 or at least to make a     
report on the authors of their troubles1
 and name the party with which the ,pope
 should hold communion4 ,we are in no   
wise asking anything new1 he proceeds1  
but what was customary with blessed and 
religious men of former times1 and      
especially with yourself4 ,for we know1 
by tradition of our fathers of whom we  
have inquired1 and from the information 
of writings still preserved among us1   
that ,dionysius1 that most blessed      
,bishop1 while he was eminent among you 
for orthodoxy and other virtues1 sent   
letters of visitation to our ,church at 
,csarea1 and of consolation to our      
fathers1 with ransomers of our brethren 
from captivity4 ,in like manner1        
,ambrosiaster1 a ,pelagian in his       

doctrine1 which here is not to the      
purpose1 speaks of the ,church being    
,god's house1 whose ruler at this time  
is ,damasus4#afj3b   #ac4  ,we bear1    
says ,st4 ,siricius1 another ,pope      
7,a4,d4 #che71 the burden of all who are
 laden2 yea1 rather the blessed ,apostle
 ,peter beareth them in us1 who1 as we  
trust1 in all things protects and       
defends us the heirs of his             
government4#afj3c ,and he in turn is    
confirmed by ,st4 ,optatus4 ,you cannot 
deny your knowledge1 says the latter to 
,parmenian1 the ,donatist1 that1 in the 
city ,rome1 on ,peter first hath an     
,episcopal ,see been conferred1 in which
 ,peter sat1 the head of all the        
,apostles1 4 4 4 in which one ,see unity
 might be preserved by all1 lest the    
other ,apostles should support their    
respective ,sees2 in order that he might
 be at once a schismatic and a sinner1  
who against that one ,see 7singularem7  
placed a second4 ,therefore that one    
,see 7unicam71 which is the first of the

 ,church's prerogatives1 ,peter filled  
first2 to whom succeeded ,linus2 to     
,linus1 ,clement2 to ,clement1 c41 c4 4 
4 4 to ,damasus1 ,siricius1 who at this 
day is associated with us 7socius71     
together with whom the whole world is in
 accordance with us1 in the one bond of 
communion1 by the intercourse of letters
 of peace4#afa3a  ,another ,pope3       
,diligently and congruously do ye       
consult the arcana of the ,apostolical  
dignity1 says ,st4 ,innocent to the     
,council of ,milevis 7,a4,d4 #dag71 the 
dignity of him on whom1 beside those    
things which are without1 falls the care
 of all the ,churches2 following the    
form of the ancient rule1 which you     
know1 as well as ,i1 has been preserved 
always by the whole world4#afa3b ,here  
the ,pope appeals1 as it were1 to the   
,rule of ,vincentius2 while ,st4        
,augustine bears witness that he did not
 outstep his ,prerogative1 for1 giving  
an account of this and another letter1  
he says1 ,he the ,pope answered us as to

 all these matters as it was religious  
and becoming in the ,bishop of the      
,apostolic ,see4#afa3c  ,another ,pope3 
,we have especial anxiety about all     
persons1 says ,st4 ,celestine 7,a4,d4   
#dbe71 to the ,illyrian ,bishops1 on    
whom1 in the holy ,apostle ,peter1      
,christ conferred the necessity of      
making all men our care1 when ,he gave  
him the ,keys of opening and shutting4  
,and ,st4 ,prosper1 his contemporary1   
confirms him1 when he calls ,rome the   
seat of ,peter1 which1 being made to the
 world the head of pastoral honour1     
possesses by religion what it does not  
possess by arms2 and ,vincent of        
,lerins1 when he calls the ,pope the    
head of the world4#afa3d   #ad4         
,another ,pope3 ,blessed ,peter1 says   
,st4 ,leo 7,a4,d4 #ddj1 c471 hath not   
deserted the helm of the ,church which  
he had assumed4 4 4 ,his power lives and
 his authority is pre-eminent in his    
,see4#afb3a ,that immoveableness1 which1
 from the ,rock ,christ1 he1 when made a

 rock1 received1 has been communicated  
also to his heirs4#afb3b ,and as ,st4   
,athanasius and the ,eusebians1 by their
 contemporary testimonies1 confirm ,st4 
,julius2 and ,st4 ,jerome1 ,st4 ,basil2 
and ,ambrosiaster1 ,st4 ,damasus2 and   
,st4 ,optatus1 ,st4 ,siricius2 and ,st4 
,augustine1 ,st4 ,innocent2 and ,st4    
,prosper and ,vincent1 ,st4 ,celestine2 
so do ,st4 ,peter ,chrysologus1 and the 
,council of ,chalcedon confirm ,st4     
,leo4 ,blessed ,peter1 says             
,chrysologus1 who lives and presides in 
his own ,see1 supplies truth of faith to
 those who seek it4#afb3c ,and the      
,ecumenical ,council of ,chalcedon1     
addressing ,st4 ,leo respecting         
,dioscorus1 ,bishop of ,alexandria3 ,he 
extends his madness even against him to 
whom the custody of the vineyard has    
been committed by the ,saviour1 that is1
 against thy ,apostolical               
holiness4#afb3d ,but the instance of    
,st4 ,leo will occur again in a later   
,chapter4   #ae4  ,the acts of the      

fourth century speak as strongly as its 
words4 ,we may content ourselves here   
with ,barrow's admissions3--  ,the      
,pope's power1 he says1 was much        
amplified by the importunity of persons 
condemned or extruded from their places1
 whether upon just accounts1 or         
wrongfully1 and by faction2 for they1   
finding no other more hopeful place of  
refuge and redress1 did often apply to  
him3 for what will not men do1 whither  
will not they go in straits8 ,thus did  
,marcion go to ,rome1 and sue for       
admission to communion there4 ,so       
,fortunatus and ,felicissimus in ,st4   
,cyprian1 being condemned in ,afric1 did
 fly to ,rome for shelter2 of which     
absurdity ,st4 ,cyprian doth so         
complain4 ,so likewise ,martianus and   
,basilides in ,st4 ,cyprian1 being outed
 of their ,sees for having lapsed from  
the ,christian profession1 did fly to   
,stephen for succour1 to be restored4   
,so ,maximus1 the ,cynic1 went to ,rome1
 to get a confirmation of his election  

at ,constantinople4 ,so ,marcellus1     
being rejected for heterodoxy1 went     
thither to get attestation to his       
orthodoxy1 of which ,st4 ,basil         
complaineth4 ,so ,apiarus1 being        
condemned in ,afric for his crimes1 did 
appeal to ,rome4 ,and1 on the other     
side1 ,athanasius being with great      
partiality condemned by the ,synod of   
,tyre2 ,paulus and other bishops being  
extruded from their sees for orthodoxy2 
,st4 ,chrysostom being condemned and    
expelled by ,theophilus and his         
complices2 ,flavianus being deposed by  
,dioscorus and the ,ephesine synod2     
,theodoret being condemned by the same2 
did cry out for help to ,rome4          
,chelidonius1 ,bishop of ,besanon1 being
 deposed by ,hilarius of ,arles for     
crime1 did fly to ,pope ,leo4  ,again3  
,our adversaries do oppose some         
instances of popes meddling in the      
constitution of bishops2 as1 ,pope ,leo 
,i4 saith1 that ,anatolius did 'by the  
favour of his assent obtain the         

bishopric of ,constantinople4' ,the same
 ,pope is alleged as having confirmed   
,maximus of ,antioch4 ,the same doth    
write to the ,bishop of ,thessalonica1  
his vicar1 that he should 'confirm the  
elections of bishops by his authority4' 
,he also confirmed ,donatus1 an ,african
 bishop3--',we will that ,donatus       
preside over the ,lord's flock1 upon    
condition that he remember to send us an
 account of his faith4' 4 4 ,pope       
,damasus did confirm the ordination of  
,peter ,alexandrinus4   #af4  ,and      
again3 ,the ,popes indeed in the fourth 
century began to practise a fine trick1 
very serviceable to the enlargement of  
their power2 which was to confer on     
certain bishops1 as occasion served1 or 
for continuance1 the title of their     
vicar or lieutenant1 thereby pretending 
to impart authority to them2 whereby    
they were enabled for performance of    
divers things1 which otherwise by their 
own episcopal or metropolitical power   
they could not perform4 ,by which device

 they did engage such bishops to such a 
dependence on them1 whereby they did    
promote the papal authority in          
provinces1 to the oppression of the     
ancient rights and liberties of bishops 
and synods1 doing what they pleased     
under pretence of this vast power       
communicated to them2 and for fear of   
being displaced1 or out of affection to 
their favourer1 doing what might serve  
to advance the papacy4 ,thus did ,pope  
,celestine constitute ,cyril in his     
room4 ,pope ,leo appointed ,anatolius of
 ,constantinople2 ,pope ,felix1 ,acacius
 of ,constantinople4 4 4 4 4 ,pope      
,simplicius to ,zeno1 ,bishop of        
,seville3 ',we thought it convenient    
that you should be held up by the       
vicariat authority of our see4' ,so did 
,siricius and his successors constitute 
the bishops of ,thessalonica to be their
 vicars in the diocese of ,illyricum1   
wherein being then a member of the      
western empire they had caught a special
 jurisdiction2 to which ,pope ,leo did  

refer in those words1 which sometimes   
are impertinently alleged with reference
 to all bishops1 but concern only       
,anastasius1 ,bishop of ,thessalonica3  
',we have entrusted thy charity to be in
 our stead2 so that thou art called into
 part of the solicitude1 not into       
plenitude of the authority4' ,so did    
,pope ,zosimus bestow a like pretence of
 vicarious power upon the ,bishop of    
,arles1 which city was the seat of the  
temporal exarch in ,gaul4#afd3a   #ag4  
,more ample testimony for the ,papal    
,supremacy1 as now professed by ,roman  
,catholics1 is scarcely necessary than  
what is contained in these passages2 the
 simple question is1 whether the clear  
light of the fourth and fifth centuries 
may be fairly taken to interpret to us  
the dim1 though definite1 outlines      
traced in the preceding4   ,,footnotes3 
#abc3a ,wood's ,mechanics1 p4 #ca4      
#abd3a ,authent4 ,n4 ,t4 ,tr4 p4 #bcg4  
#abd3b ,according to ,less4  #abd3c     
,tracts for the ,times1 ,no4 #he1 p4 #gh

 ,discuss4 iii4 #f1 p4 #bjg4  #abe3a    
,ibid4 p4 #bji4 ,these results are taken
 from ,less1 and are practically        
accurate4  #abf3a ,no4 #he ,discuss4 p4 
#bcf4  #acb3a ,ep4 #ic4 ,i have thought 
it best to give an over-literal         
translation4  #acb3b ,vid4 ,concil4     
,bracar4 ap4 ,aguirr4 ,conc4 ,hisp4 t4  
ii4 p4 #fgf4 ,that the cup was not      
administered at the same time is not so 
clear2 but from the tenor of this first 
,canon in the ,acts of the ,third       
,council of ,braga1 which condemns the  
notion that the ,host should be steeped 
in the chalice1 we have no doubt that   
the wine was withheld from the laity4   
,whether certain points of doctrine are 
or are not found in the ,scriptures is  
no concern of the historian2 all that he
 has to do is religiously to follow his 
guides1 to suppress or distrust nothing 
through partiality4--,dunham1 ,hist4 of 
,spain and ,port4 vol4 i4 p4 #bjd4 ,if  
pro complemento communionis in the      
,canon merely means for the ,cup1 at    

least the ,cup is spoken of as a        
complement2 the same view is contained  
in the confirmation of the ,eucharist1  
as spoken of in ,st4 ,german's life4    
,vid4 ,lives of ,saints1 ,no4 #i1 p4    
#bh4  #acb3c ,niceph4 ,hist4 xviii4 #de4
 ,renaudot1 however1 tells us of two    
,bishops at the time when the schism was
 at length healed4 ,patr4 ,al4 ,jac4 p4 
#bdh4 ,however1 these had been          
consecrated by priests1 p4 #ade4  #acc3a
 ,vid4 ,bing4 ,ant4 xv4 #d1  #g2 and    
,fleury1 ,hist4 xxvi4 #ej1 note g4      
#ace3a ,kaye's ,justin1 p4 #ei1 c4      
#ace3b ,kaye's ,clement1 p4 #cce4       
#ace3c p4 #cda4  #ace3d ,ib4 #cdb4      
#acf3a ,reliqu4 ,sacr4 t4 ii4 p4 #dfi1  
#dgj4  #acg3a ,this subject is more     
exactly and carefully treated in ,tracts
 ,theol4 and ,eccles4 pp4 #aib-bbf4     
#ach3a ,they also had a cultus in       
themselves1 and specially when a greater
 ,presence did not overshadow them4     
,vid4 ,via ,media1 vol4 ii4 art4 iv4 #h1
 note #a4  #aci3a ,exod4 xxxiii4 #aj4   

#aci3b ,dan4 x4 #e-ag4  #ada3a ,athan4  
,orat4 i4 #db1 ,oxf4 tr4  #ada3b ,vid4  
supr4 p4 #ach1 note #h4  #adb3a ,athan4 
ibid4  #adb3b ,and so ,eusebius1 in his 
,life of ,constantine3 ,the all-holy    
choir of ,god's perpetual virgins1 he   
was used almost to worship 7sebn71      
believing that that ,god1 to whom they  
had consecrated themselves1 was an      
inhabitant in the souls of such4 ,vit4  
,const4 iv4 #bh4  #adf3a ,hr4 #gh1 #ah4 
#adh3a ,aug4 de ,nat4 et ,grat4 #db4    
,ambros4 ,ep4 #a1 #di1  #b4 ,in ,psalm  
#aah1 v4 #c1 de ,instit4 ,virg4 #ej4    
,hier4 in ,is4 xi4 #a1 contr4 ,pelag4   
ii4 #d4 ,nil4 ,ep4 i4 p4 #bfg4 ,antioch4
 ap4 ,cyr4 de ,rect4 ,fid4 p4 #di4      
,ephr4 ,opp4 ,syr4 t4 #c1 p4 #fjg4 ,max4
 ,hom4 #de4 ,procl4 ,orat4 vi4 pp4      
#bbe-bbh1 p4 #fj1 p4 #agi1 #ahj1 ed4    
#afcj4 ,theodot4 ap4 ,amphiloch4 pp4    
#ci1 c4 ,fulgent4 ,serm4 #c1 p4 #abe4   
,chrysol4 ,serm4 #adb4 ,a striking      
passage from another ,sermon of the     
last-mentioned author1 on the words ,she

 cast in her mind what manner of        
salutation1 c41 may be added3 ,quantus  
sit ,deus satis ignorat ille1 qui hujus 
,virginis mentem non stupet1 animum non 
miratur4 ,pavet coelum1 tremunt ,angeli1
 creatura non sustinet1 natura non      
sufficit2 et una puella sic ,deum in sui
 pectoris capit1 recipit1 oblectat      
hospitio1 ut pacem terris1 coelis       
gloriam1 salutem perditis1 vitam        
mortuis1 terrenis cum coelestibus       
parentelam1 ipsius ,dei cum carne       
commercium1 pro ips doms exigat         
pensione1 pro ipsius uteri mercede      
conquirat1 c4 ,serm4 #adj4 ,st4 ,basil1 
,st4 ,chrysostom1 and ,st4 ,cyril of    
,alexandria sometimes speak1 it is true1
 in a different tone2 on this subject   
vid4 ,letter to ,dr4 ,pusey1 ,note iii41
 ,diff4 of ,angl4 vol4 #b4  #aec3a      
,pope's ,suprem4 ed4 #ahcf1 pp4 #bf1    
#bg1 #aeg1 #aga1 #bbb4  #aeg3a htis kai 
prokathtai en top chriou ,rhmain4       
#aeh3a ,athan4 ,hist4 ,tracts4 ,oxf4 tr4
 p4 #ef4  #aei3a ,hist4 ii4 #ag4  #aei3b

 ,hist4 iii4 #aj4  #aei3c ,theod4 ,hist4
 v4 #aj4  #afj3a ,coustant1 ,epp4 ,pont4
 p4 #edf4  #afj3b ,in #a ,tim4 iii4 #ad1
 #ae4  #afj3c ,coustant1 p4 #fbd4       
#afa3a ii4 #c4  #afa3b ,coustant1 pp4   
#hif1 #ajfd4  #afa3c ,ep4 #ahf1 #b4     
#afa3d ,de ,ingrat4 #b4 ,common4 #da4   
#afb3a ,serm4 ,de ,natal4 iii4 #c4      
#afb3b ,ibid4 v4 #d4  #afb3c ,ep4 ad    
,eutych4 fin4  #afb3d ,concil4 ,hard4 t4
 ii4 p4 #fef4  #afd3a ,barrow on the    
,supremacy1 ed4 #ahcf1 pp4 #bfc1 #cca1  
#chd4     ,,part ,,ii4  ,,doctrinal     
,,developments  ,,viewed ,,relatively   
,,to ,,doctrinal  ,,corruptions4        
,,chapter ,v4  ,,genuine ,,developments 
,,contrasted ,,with ,,corruptions4   ,i 
have been engaged in drawing out the    
positive and direct argument in proof of
 the intimate connexion1 or rather      
oneness1 with primitive ,apostolic      
teaching1 of the body of doctrine known 
at this day by the name of ,catholic1   
and professed substantially both by     
,eastern and ,western ,christendom4     

,that faith is undeniably the historical
 continuation of the religious system1  
which bore the name of ,catholic in the 
eighteenth century1 in the seventeenth1 
in the sixteenth1 and so back in every  
preceding century1 till we arrive at the
 first2--undeniably the successor1 the  
representative1 the heir of the religion
 of ,cyprian1 ,basil1 ,ambrose and      
,augustine4 ,the only question that can 
be raised is whether the said ,catholic 
faith1 as now held1 is logically1 as    
well as historically1 the representative
 of the ancient faith4 ,this then is the
 subject1 to which ,i have as yet       
addressed myself1 and ,i have maintained
 that modern ,catholicism is nothing    
else but simply the legitimate growth   
and complement1 that is1 the natural and
 necessary development1 of the doctrine 
of the early church1 and that its divine
 authority is included in the divinity  
of ,christianity4   #b4  ,so far ,i have
 gone1 but an important objection       
presents itself for distinct            

consideration4 ,it may be said in answer
 to me that it is not enough that a     
certain large system of doctrine1 such  
as that which goes by the name of       
,catholic1 should admit of being        
referred to beliefs1 opinions1 and      
usages which prevailed among the first  
,christians1 in order to my having a    
logical right to include a reception of 
the later teaching in the reception of  
the earlier2 that an intellectual       
development may be in one sense natural1
 and yet untrue to its original1 as     
diseases come of nature1 yet are the    
destruction1 or rather the negation of  
health2 that the causes which stimulate 
the growth of ideas may also disturb and
 deform them2 and that ,christianity    
might indeed have been intended by its  
,divine ,author for a wide expansion of 
the ideas proper to it1 and yet this    
great benefit hindered by the evil birth
 of cognate errors which acted as its   
counterfeit2 in a word1 that what ,i    
have called developments in the ,roman  

,church are nothing more or less than   
what used to be called her corruptions2 
and that new names do not destroy old   
grievances4  ,this is what may be said1 
and ,i acknowledge its force3 it becomes
 necessary in consequence to assign     
certain characteristics of faithful     
developments1 which none but faithful   
developments have1 and the presence of  
which serves as a test to discriminate  
between them and corruptions4 ,this ,i  
at once proceed to do1 and ,i shall     
begin by determining what a corruption  
is1 and why it cannot rightly be called1
 and how it differs from1 a development4
   #c4  ,to find then what a corruption 
or perversion of the truth is1 let us   
inquire what the word means1 when used  
literally of material substances4 ,now  
it is plain1 first of all1 that a       
corruption is a word attaching to       
organized matters only2 a stone may be  
crushed to powder1 but it cannot be     
corrupted4 ,corruption1 on the contrary1
 is the breaking up of life1 preparatory

 to its termination4 ,this resolution of
 a body into its component parts is the 
stage before its dissolution2 it begins 
when life has reached its perfection1   
and it is the sequel1 or rather the     
continuation1 of that process towards   
perfection1 being at the same time the  
reversal and undoing of what went       
before4 ,till this point of regression  
is reached1 the body has a function of  
its own1 and a direction and aim in its 
action1 and a nature with laws2 these it
 is now losing1 and the traits and      
tokens of former years2 and with them   
its vigour and powers of nutrition1 of  
assimilation1 and of self-reparation4   
#d4  ,taking this analogy as a guide1 ,i
 venture to set down seven ,notes of    
varying cogency1 independence and       
applicability1 to discriminate healthy  
developments of an idea from its state  
of corruption and decay1 as             
follows3--,there is no corruption if it 
retains one and the same type1 the same 
principles1 the same organization2 if   

its beginnings anticipate its subsequent
 phases1 and its later phenomena protect
 and subserve its earlier2 if it has a  
power of assimilation and revival1 and a
 vigorous action from first to last4 ,on
 these tests ,i shall now enlarge1      
nearly in the order in which ,i have    
enumerated them4   ,,section ,i4        
,,first ,,note ,,of ,a ,,genuine        
,,development4  ,,preservation ,,of     
,,type4  ,this is readily suggested by  
the analogy of physical growth1 which is
 such that the parts and proportions of 
the developed form1 however altered1    
correspond to those which belong to its 
rudiments4 ,the adult animal has the    
same make1 as it had on its birth2 young
 birds do not grow into fishes1 nor does
 the child degenerate into the brute1   
wild or domestic1 of which he is by     
inheritance lord4 ,vincentius of ,lerins
 adopts this illustration in distinct   
reference to ,christian doctrine4 ,let  
the soul's religion1 he says imitate the
 law of the body1 which1 as years go on 

developes indeed and opens out its due  
proportions1 and yet remains identically
 what it was4 ,small are a baby's limbs1
 a youth's are larger1 yet they are the 
same4#agb3a   #b4  ,in like manner every
 calling or office has its own type1    
which those who fill it are bound to    
maintain2 and to deviate from the type  
in any material point is to relinquish  
the calling4 ,thus both ,chaucer and    
,goldsmith have drawn pictures of a true
 parish priest2 these differ in details1
 but on the whole they agree together1  
and are one in such sense1 that         
sensuality1 or ambition1 must be        
considered a forfeiture of that high    
title4 ,those magistrates1 again1 are   
called corrupt1 who are guided in their 
judgments by love of lucre or respect of
 persons1 for the administration of     
justice is their essential function4    
,thus collegiate or monastic bodies lose
 their claim to their endowments or     
their buildings1 as being relaxed and   
degenerate1 if they neglect their       

statutes or their ,rule4 ,thus1 too1 in 
political history1 a mayor of the       
palace1 such as he became in the person 
of ,pepin1 was no faithful development  
of the office he filled1 as originally  
intended and established4   #c4  ,in    
like manner1 it has been argued by a    
late writer1 whether fairly or not does 
not interfere with the illustration1    
that the miraculous vision and dream of 
the ,labarum could not have really taken
 place1 as reported by ,eusebius1       
because it is counter to the original   
type of ,christianity4 ,for the first   
time1 he says1 on occasion of           
,constantine's introduction of the      
standard into his armies1 the meek and  
peaceful ,jesus became a ,god of battle1
 and the ,cross1 the holy sign of       
,christian ,redemption1 a banner of     
bloody strife4 4 4 4 4 ,this was the    
first advance to the military           
,christianity of the middle ages1 a     
modification of the pure religion of the
 ,gospel1 if directly opposed to its    

genuine principles1 still apparently    
indispensable to the social progress of 
men4#agc3a  ,on the other hand1 a       
popular leader may go through a variety 
of professions1 he may court parties and
 break with them1 he may contradict     
himself in words1 and undo his own      
measures1 yet there may be a steady     
fulfilment of certain objects1 or       
adherence to certain plain doctrines1   
which gives a unity to his career1 and  
impresses on beholders an image of      
directness and large consistency which  
shows a fidelity to his type from first 
to last4   #d4  ,however1 as the last   
instances suggest to us1 this unity of  
type1 characteristic as it is of        
faithful developments1 must not be      
pressed to the extent of denying all    
variation1 nay1 considerable alteration 
of proportion and relation1 as time goes
 on1 in the parts or aspects of an idea4
 ,great changes in outward appearance   
and internal harmony occur in the       
instance of the animal creation itself4 

,the fledged bird differs much from its 
rudimental form in the egg4 ,the        
butterfly is the development1 but not in
 any sense the image1 of the grub4 ,the 
whale claims a place among mammalia1    
though we might fancy that1 as in the   
child's game of catscradle1 some strange
 introsusception had been permitted1 to 
make it so like1 yet so contrary1 to the
 animals with which it is itself        
classed4 ,and1 in like manner1 if beasts
 of prey were once in paradise1 and fed 
upon grass1 they must have presented    
bodily phenomena very different from the
 structure of muscles1 claws1 teeth1 and
 viscera which now fit them for a       
carnivorous existence4 ,eutychius1      
,patriarch of ,constantinople1 on his   
death-bed1 grasped his own hand and     
said1 ,i confess that in this flesh we  
shall all rise again2 yet flesh and     
blood cannot inherit the kingdom of     
,god1 and a glorified body has          
attributes incompatible with its present
 condition on earth4   #e4  ,more subtle

 still and mysterious are the variations
 which are consistent or not            
inconsistent with identity in political 
and religious developments4 ,the        
,catholic doctrine of the ,holy ,trinity
 has ever been accused by heretics of   
interfering with that of the ,divine    
,unity out of which it grew1 and even   
believers will at first sight consider  
that it tends to obscure it4 ,yet       
,petavius says1 ,i will affirm1 what    
perhaps will surprise the reader1 that  
that distinction of ,persons which1 in  
regard to proprietates is in reality    
most great1 is so far from disparaging  
the ,unity and ,simplicity of ,god that 
this very real distinction especially   
avails for the doctrine that ,god is    
,one and most ,simple4#agd3a  ,again1   
,arius asserted that the ,second ,person
 of the ,blessed ,trinity was not able  
to comprehend the ,first1 whereas       
,eunomius's characteristic tenet was in 
an opposite direction1 viz41 that not   
only the ,son1 but that all men could   

comprehend ,god2 yet no one can doubt   
that ,eunomianism was a true            
development1 not a corruption of        
,arianism4  ,the same man may run       
through various philosophies or beliefs1
 which are in themselves irreconcilable1
 without inconsistency1 since in him    
they may be nothing more than accidental
 instruments or expressions of what he  
is inwardly from first to last4 ,the    
political doctrines of the modern ,tory 
resemble those of the primitive ,whig2  
yet few will deny that the ,whig and    
,tory characters have each a            
discriminating type4 ,calvinism has     
changed into ,unitarianism3 yet this    
need not be called a corruption1 even if
 it be not1 strictly speaking1 a        
development2 for ,harding1 in           
controversy with ,jewell1 surmised the  
coming change three centuries since1 and
 it has occurred not in one country1 but
 in many4   #f4  ,the history of        
national character supplies an analogy1 
rather than an instance strictly in     

point2 yet there is so close a connexion
 between the development of minds and of
 ideas that it is allowable to refer to 
it here4 ,thus we find ,england of old  
the most loyal supporter1 and ,england  
of late the most jealous enemy1 of the  
,holy ,see4 ,as great a change is       
exhibited in ,france1 once the eldest   
born of the ,church and the flower of   
her knighthood1 now democratic and      
lately infidel4 ,yet1 in neither nation1
 can these great changes be well called 
corruptions4  ,or again1 let us reflect 
on the ethical vicissitudes of the      
chosen people4 ,how different is their  
grovelling and cowardly temper on       
leaving ,egypt from the chivalrous      
spirit1 as it may be called1 of the age 
of ,david1 or1 again1 from the bloody   
fanaticism which braved ,titus and      
,hadrian6 ,in what contrast is that     
impotence of mind which gave way at     
once1 and bowed the knee1 at the very   
sight of a pagan idol1 with the stern   
iconoclasm and bigoted nationality of   

later ,judaism6 ,how startling the      
apparent absence of what would be called
 talent in this people during their     
supernatural ,dispensation1 compared    
with the gifts of mind which various    
witnesses assign to them now6   #g4     
,and1 in like manner1 ideas may remain1 
when the expression of them is          
indefinitely varied2 and we cannot      
determine whether a professed           
development is truly such or not1       
without further knowledge than an       
experience of the mere fact of this     
variation4 ,nor will our instinctive    
feelings serve as a criterion4 ,it must 
have been an extreme shock to ,st4      
,peter to be told he must slay and eat  
beasts1 unclean as well as clean1 though
 such a command was implied already in  
that faith which he held and taught2 a  
shock1 which a single effort1 or a short
 period1 or the force of reason would   
not suffice to overcome4 ,nay1 it may   
happen that a representation which      
varies from its original may be felt as 

more true and faithful than one which   
has more pretensions to be exact4 ,so it
 is with many a portrait which is not   
striking3 at first look1 of course1 it  
disappoints us2 but when we are familiar
 with it1 we see in it what we could not
 see at first1 and prefer it1 not to a  
perfect likeness1 but to many a sketch  
which is so precise as to be a          
caricature4   #h4  ,on the other hand1  
real perversions and corruptions are    
often not so unlike externally to the   
doctrine from which they come1 as are   
changes which are consistent with it and
 true developments4 ,when ,rome changed 
from a ,republic to an ,empire1 it was a
 real alteration of polity1 or what may 
be called a corruption2 yet in          
appearance the change was small4 ,the   
old offices or functions of government  
remained3 it was only that the          
,imperator1 or ,commander in ,chief1    
concentrated them in his own person4    
,augustus was ,consul and ,tribune1     
,supreme ,pontiff and ,censor1 and the  

,imperial rule was1 in the words of     
,gibbon1 an absolute monarchy disguised 
by the forms of a commonwealth4 ,on the 
other hand1 when the dissimulation of   
,augustus was exchanged for the         
ostentation of ,dioclesian1 the real    
alteration of constitution was trivial1 
but the appearance of change was great4 
,instead of plain ,consul1 ,censor1 and 
,tribune1 ,dioclesian became ,dominus or
 ,king1 assumed the diadem1 and threw   
around him the forms of a court4  ,nay1 
one cause of corruption in religion is  
the refusal to follow the course of     
doctrine as it moves on1 and an         
obstinacy in the notions of the past4   
,certainly3 as we see conspicuously in  
the history of the chosen race4 ,the    
,samaritans who refused to add the      
,prophets to the ,law1 and the          
,sadducees who denied a truth which was 
covertly taught in the ,book of ,exodus1
 were in appearance only faithful       
adherents to the primitive doctrine4    
,our ,lord found ,his people precisians 

in their obedience to the letter2 ,he   
condemned them for not being led on to  
its spirit1 that is1 to its             
developments4 ,the ,gospel is the       
development of the ,law2 yet what       
difference seems wider than that which  
separates the unbending rule of ,moses  
from the grace and truth which came by  
,jesus ,christ8 ,samuel had of old time 
fancied that the tall ,eliab was the    
,lord's anointed2 and ,jesse had thought
 ,david only fit for the sheepcote2 and 
when the ,great ,king came1 ,he was as a
 root out of a dry ground2 but strength 
came out of weakness1 and out of the    
strong sweetness4  ,so it is in the case
 of our friends2 the most obsequious are
 not always the truest1 and seeming     
cruelty is often genuine affection4 ,we 
know the conduct of the three daughters 
in the drama towards the old king4 ,she 
who had found her love more richer than 
her tongue1 and could not heave her     
heart into her mouth1 was in the event  
alone true to her father4   #i4  ,an    

idea then does not always bear about it 
the same external image2 this           
circumstance1 however1 has no force to  
weaken the argument for its substantial 
identity1 as drawn from its external    
sameness1 when such sameness remains4   
,on the contrary1 for that very reason1 
unity of type becomes so much the surer 
guarantee of the healthiness and        
soundness of developments1 when it is   
persistently preserved in spite of their
 number or importance4   ,,section ,,ii4
  ,,second ,,note4 ,,continuity ,,of    
,,principles4  ,as in mathematical      
creations figures are formed on distinct
 formul1 which are the laws under which 
they are developed1 so it is in ethical 
and political subjects4 ,doctrines      
expand variously according to the mind1 
individual or social1 into which they   
are received2 and the peculiarities of  
the recipient are the regulating power1 
the law1 the organization1 or1 as it may
 be called1 the form of the development4
 ,the life of doctrines may be said to  

consist in the law or principle which   
they embody4  ,principles are abstract  
and general1 doctrines relate to facts2 
doctrines develope1 and principles at   
first sight do not2 doctrines grow and  
are enlarged1 principles are permanent2 
doctrines are intellectual1 and         
principles are more immediately ethical 
and practical4 ,systems live in         
principles and represent doctrines4     
,personal responsibility is a principle1
 the ,being of a ,god is a doctrine2    
from that doctrine all theology has come
 in due course1 whereas that principle  
is not clearer under the ,gospel than in
 paradise1 and depends1 not on belief in
 an ,almighty ,governor1 but on         
conscience4  ,yet the difference between
 the two sometimes merely exists in our 
mode of viewing them2 and what is a     
doctrine in one philosophy is a         
principle in another4 ,personal         
responsibility may be made a doctrinal  
basis1 and develope into ,arminianism or
 ,pelagianism4 ,again1 it may be        

discussed whether infallibility is a    
principle or a doctrine of the ,church  
of ,rome1 and dogmatism a principle or  
doctrine of ,christianity4 ,again1      
consideration for the poor is a doctrine
 of the ,church considered as a         
religious body1 and a principle when she
 is viewed as a political power4        
,doctrines stand to principles1 as the  
definitions to the axioms and postulates
 of mathematics4 ,thus the #aeth and    
#agth propositions of ,euclid's book ,i4
 are developments1 not of the three     
first axioms1 which are required in the 
proof1 but of the definition of a right 
angle4 ,perhaps the perplexity1 which   
arises in the mind of a beginner1 on    
learning the early propositions of the  
second book1 arises from these being    
more prominently exemplifications of    
axioms than developments of definitions4
 ,he looks for developments from the    
definition of the rectangle1 and finds  
but various particular cases of the     
general truth1 that the whole is equal  

to its parts4   #b4  ,it might be       
expected that the ,catholic principles  
would be later in development than the  
,catholic doctrines1 inasmuch as they   
lie deeper in the mind1 and are         
assumptions rather than objective       
professions4 ,this has been the case4   
,the ,protestant controversy has mainly 
turned1 or is turning1 on one or other  
of the principles of ,catholicity2 and  
to this day the rule of ,scripture      
,interpretation1 the doctrine of        
,inspiration1 the relation of ,faith to 
,reason1 moral responsibility1 private  
judgment1 inherent grace1 the seat of   
infallibility1 remain1 ,i suppose1 more 
or less undeveloped1 or1 at least1      
undefined1 by the ,church4  ,doctrines  
stand to principles1 if it may be said  
without fancifulness1 as fecundity      
viewed relatively to generation1 though 
this analogy must not be strained4      
,doctrines are developed by the         
operation of principles1 and develope   
variously according to those principles4

 ,thus a belief in the transitiveness of
 worldly goods leads the ,epicurean to  
enjoyment1 and the ascetic to           
mortification2 and1 from their common   
doctrine of the sinfulness of matter1   
the ,alexandrian ,gnostics became       
sensualists1 and the ,syrian devotees4  
,the same philosophical elements1       
received into a certain sensibility or  
insensibility to sin and its            
consequences1 leads one mind to the     
,church of ,rome2 another to what1 for  
want of a better word1 may be called    
,germanism4  ,again1 religious          
investigation sometimes is conducted on 
the principle that it is a duty to      
follow and speak the truth1 which really
 means that it is no duty to fear error1
 or to consider what is safest1 or to   
shrink from scattering doubts1 or to    
regard the responsibility of misleading2
 and thus it terminates in heresy or    
infidelity1 without any blame to        
religious investigation in itself4      
,again1 to take a different subject1    

what constitutes a chief interest of    
dramatic compositions and tales1 is to  
use external circumstances1 which may be
 considered their law of development1 as
 a means of bringing out into different 
shapes1 and showing under new aspects1  
the personal peculiarities of character1
 according as either those circumstances
 or those peculiarities vary in the case
 of the personages introduced4   #c4    
,principles are popularly said to       
develope when they are but exemplified2 
thus the various sects of               
,protestantism1 unconnected as they are 
with each other1 are called developments
 of the principle of ,private ,judgment1
 of which really they are but           
applications and results4  ,a           
development1 to be faithful1 must retain
 both the doctrine and the principle    
with which it started4 ,doctrine without
 its correspondent principle remains    
barren1 if not lifeless1 of which the   
,greek ,church seems an instance2 or it 
forms those hollow professions which are

 familiarly called shams1 as a zeal for 
an established ,church and its creed on 
merely conservative or temporal motives4
 ,such1 too1 was the ,roman             
,constitution between the reigns of     
,augustus and ,dioclesian4  ,on the     
other hand1 principle without its       
corresponding doctrine may be considered
 as the state of religious minds in the 
heathen world1 viewed relatively to     
,revelation2 that is1 of the children of
 ,god who are scattered abroad4  ,pagans
 may have1 heretics cannot have1 the    
same principles as ,catholics2 if the   
latter have the same1 they are not real 
heretics1 but in ignorance4 ,principle  
is a better test of heresy than         
doctrine4 ,heretics are true to their   
principles1 but change to and fro1      
backwards and forwards1 in opinion2 for 
very opposite doctrines may be          
exemplifications of the same principle4 
,thus the ,antiochenes and other        
heretics sometimes were ,arians1        
sometimes ,sabellians1 sometimes        

,nestorians1 sometimes ,monophysites1 as
 if at random1 from fidelity to their   
common principle1 that there is no      
mystery in theology4 ,thus ,calvinists  
become ,unitarians from the principle of
 private judgment4 ,the doctrines of    
heresy are accidents and soon run to an 
end2 its principles are everlasting4    
,this1 too1 is often the solution of the
 paradox ,extremes meet1 and of the     
startling reactions which take place in 
individuals2 viz41 the presence of some 
one principle or condition1 which is    
dominant in their minds from first to   
last4 ,if one of two contradictory      
alternatives be necessarily true on a   
certain hypothesis1 then the denial of  
the one leads1 by mere logical          
consistency and without direct reasons1 
to a reception of the other4 ,thus the  
question between the ,church of ,rome   
and ,protestantism falls in some minds  
into the proposition1 ,rome is either   
the pillar and ground of the ,truth1 or 
she is ,antichrist2 in proportion1 then1

 as they revolt from considering her the
 latter are they compelled to receive   
her as the former4 ,hence1 too1 men may 
pass from infidelity to ,rome1 and from 
,rome to infidelity1 from a conviction  
in both courses that there is no        
tangible intellectual position between  
the two4  ,protestantism1 viewed in its 
more ,catholic aspect1 is doctrine      
without active principle2 viewed in its 
heretical1 it is active principle       
without doctrine4 ,many of its speakers1
 for instance1 use eloquent and glowing 
language about the ,church and its      
characteristics3 some of them do not    
realize what they say1 but use high     
words and general statements about the  
faith1 and primitive truth1 and schism1 
and heresy1 to which they attach no     
definite meaning2 while others speak of 
unity1 universality1 and ,catholicity1  
and use the words in their own sense and
 for their own ideas4   #d4  ,the       
science of grammar affords another      
instance of the existence of special    

laws in the formation of systems4 ,some 
languages have more elasticity than     
others1 and greater capabilities2 and   
the difficulty of explaining the fact   
cannot lead us to doubt it4 ,there are  
languages1 for instance1 which have a   
capacity for compound words1 which1 we  
cannot tell why1 is in matter of fact   
denied to others4 ,we feel the presence 
of a certain character or genius in     
each1 which determines its path and its 
range2 and to discover and enter into it
 is one part of refined scholarship4    
,and when particular writers1 in        
consequence perhaps of some theory1 tax 
a language beyond its powers1 the       
failure is conspicuous4 ,very subtle1   
too1 and difficult to draw out1 are the 
principles on which depends the         
formation of proper names in a          
particular people4 ,in works of fiction1
 names or titles1 significant or        
ludicrous1 must be invented for the     
characters introduced2 and some authors 
excel in their fabrication1 while others

 are equally unfortunate4 ,foreign      
novels1 perhaps1 attempt to frame       
,english surnames1 and signally fail2   
yet what every one feels to be the case1
 no one can analyze3 that is1 our       
surnames are constructed on a law which 
is only exhibited in particular         
instances1 and which rules their        
formation on certain1 though subtle1    
determinations4  ,and so in philosophy1 
the systems of physics or morals1 which 
go by celebrated names1 proceed upon the
 assumption of certain conditions which 
are necessary for every stage of their  
development4 ,the ,newtonian theory of  
gravitation is based on certain axioms2 
for instance1 that the fewest causes    
assignable for phenomena are the true   
ones3 and the application of science to 
practical purposes depends upon the     
hypothesis that what happens to-day will
 happen to-morrow4  ,and so in military 
matters1 the discovery of gunpowder     
developed the science of attack and     
defence in a new instrumentality4       

,again1 it is said that when ,napoleon  
began his career of victories1 the      
enemy's generals pronounced that his    
battles were fought against rule1 and   
that he ought not to be victorious4     
#e4  ,so states have their respective   
policies1 on which they move forward1   
and which are the conditions of their   
well-being4 ,thus it is sometimes said  
that the true policy of the ,american   
,union1 or the law of its prosperity1 is
 not the enlargement of its territory1  
but the cultivation of its internal     
resources4 ,thus ,russia is said to be  
weak in attack1 strong in defence1 and  
to grow1 not by the sword1 but by       
diplomacy4 ,thus ,islamism is said to be
 the form or life of the ,ottoman1 and  
,protestantism of the ,british ,empire1 
and the admission of ,european ideas    
into the one1 or of ,catholic ideas into
 the other1 to be the destruction of the
 respective conditions of their power4  
,thus ,augustus and ,tiberius governed  
by dissimulation2 thus ,pericles in his 

,funeral ,oration draws out the         
principles of the ,athenian             
commonwealth1 viz41 that it is carried  
on1 not by formal and severe enactments1
 but by the ethical character and       
spontaneous energy of the people4  ,the 
political principles of ,christianity1  
if it be right to use such words of a   
divine polity1 are laid down for us in  
the ,sermon on the ,mount4 ,contrariwise
 to other empires1 ,christians conquer  
by yielding2 they gain influence by     
shrinking from it2 they possess the     
earth by renouncing it4 ,gibbon speaks  
of the vices of the clergy as being to a
 philosophic eye far less dangerous than
 their virtues4#ahd3a  ,again1 as to    
,judaism1 it may be asked on what law it
 developed2 that is1 whether            
,mahometanism may not be considered as a
 sort of ,judaism1 as formed by the     
presence of a different class of        
influences4 ,in this contrast between   
them1 perhaps it may be said that the   
expectation of a ,messiah was the       

principle or law which expanded the     
elements1 almost common to ,judaism with
 ,mahometanism1 into their respective   
characteristic shapes4  ,one of the     
points of discipline to which ,wesley   
attached most importance was that of    
preaching early in the morning4 ,this   
was his principle4 ,in ,georgia1 he     
began preaching at five o'clock every   
day1 winter and summer4 ,early          
preaching1 he said1 is the glory of the 
,methodists2 whenever this is dropt1    
they will dwindle away into nothing1    
they have lost their first love1 they   
are a fallen people4   #f4  ,now1 these 
instances show1 as has been incidentally
 observed of some of them1 that the     
destruction of the special laws or      
principles of a development is its      
corruption4 ,thus1 as to nations1 when  
we talk of the spirit of a people being 
lost1 we do not mean that this or that  
act has been committed1 or measure      
carried1 but that certain lines of      
thought or conduct by which it has grown

 great are abandoned4 ,thus the ,roman  
,poets consider their ,state in course  
of ruin because its prisci mores and    
pietas were failing4 ,and so we speak of
 countries or persons as being in a     
false position1 when they take up a     
course of policy1 or assume a           
profession1 inconsistent with their     
natural interests or real character4    
,judaism1 again1 was rejected when it   
rejected the ,messiah4  ,thus the       
continuity or the alteration of the     
principles on which an idea has         
developed is a second mark of           
discrimination between a true           
development and a corruption4           
,,section ,,iii4  ,,third ,,note4       
,,power ,,of ,,assimilation4  ,in the   
physical world1 whatever has life is    
characterized by growth1 so that in no  
respect to grow is to cease to live4 ,it
 grows by taking into its own substance 
external materials2 and this absorption 
or assimilation is completed when the   
materials appropriated come to belong to

 it or enter into its unity4 ,two things
 cannot become one1 except there be a   
power of assimilation in one or the     
other4 ,sometimes assimilation is       
effected only with an effort2 it is     
possible to die of repletion1 and there 
are animals who lie torpid for a time   
under the contest between the foreign   
substance and the assimilating power4   
,and different food is proper for       
different recipients4  ,this analogy may
 be taken to illustrate certain         
peculiarities in the growth or          
development in ideas1 which were noticed
 in the first ,chapter4 ,it is otherwise
 with mathematical and other abstract   
creations1 which1 like the soul itself1 
are solitary and self-dependent2 but    
doctrines and views which relate to man 
are not placed in a void1 but in the    
crowded world1 and make way for         
themselves by interpenetration1 and     
develope by absorption4 ,facts and      
opinions1 which have hitherto been      
regarded in other relations and grouped 

round other centres1 henceforth are     
gradually attracted to a new influence  
and subjected to a new sovereign4 ,they 
are modified1 laid down afresh1 thrust  
aside1 as the case may be4 ,a new       
element of order and composition has    
come among them2 and its life is proved 
by this capacity of expansion1 without  
disarrangement or dissolution4 ,an      
eclectic1 conservative1 assimilating1   
healing1 moulding process1 a unitive    
power1 is of the essence1 and a third   
test1 of a faithful development4   #b4  
,thus1 a power of development is a proof
 of life1 not only in its essay1 but    
especially in its success2 for a mere   
formula either does not expand or is    
shattered in expanding4 ,a living idea  
becomes many1 yet remains one4  ,the    
attempt at development shows the        
presence of a principle1 and its success
 the presence of an idea4 ,principles   
stimulate thought1 and an idea          
concentrates it4  ,the idea never was   
that throve and lasted1 yet1 like       

mathematical truth1 incorporated nothing
 from external sources4 ,so far from the
 fact of such incorporation implying    
corruption1 as is sometimes supposed1   
development is a process of             
incorporation4 ,mahometanism may be in  
external developments scarcely more than
 a compound of other theologies1 yet no 
one would deny that there has been a    
living idea somewhere in a religion1    
which has been so strong1 so wide1 so   
lasting a bond of union in the history  
of the world4 ,why it has not continued 
to develope after its first preaching1  
if this be the case1 as it seems to be1 
cannot be determined without a greater  
knowledge of that religion1 and how far 
it is merely political1 how far         
theological1 than we commonly possess4  
#c4  ,in ,christianity1 opinion1 while a
 raw material1 is called philosophy or  
scholasticism2 when a rejected refuse1  
it is called heresy4  ,ideas are more   
open to an external bias in their       
commencement than afterwards2 hence the 

great majority of writers who consider  
the ,medieval ,church corrupt1 trace its
 corruption to the first four centuries1
 not to what are called the dark ages4  
,that an idea more readily coalesces    
with these ideas than with those does   
not show that it has been unduly        
influenced1 that is1 corrupted by them1 
but that it has an antecedent affinity  
to them4 ,at least it shall be assumed  
here that1 when the ,gospels speak of   
virtue going out of our ,lord1 and of   
,his healing with the clay which ,his   
lips had moistened1 they afford         
instances1 not of a perversion of       
,christianity1 but of affinity to       
notions which were external to it2 and  
that ,st4 ,paul was not biassed by      
,orientalism1 though he said1 after the 
manner of some ,eastern sects1 that it  
was excellent not to touch a woman4     
#d4  ,thus in politics1 too1 ideas are  
sometimes proposed1 discussed1 rejected1
 or adopted1 as it may happen1 and      
sometimes they are shown to be unmeaning

 and impossible2 sometimes they are     
true1 but partially so1 or in           
subordination to other ideas1 with      
which1 in consequence1 they are as      
wholes or in part incorporated1 as far  
as these have affinities to them1 the   
power to incorporate being thus         
recognized as a property of life4 ,mr4  
,bentham's system was an attempt to make
 the circle of legal and moral truths   
developments of certain principles of   
his own2--those principles of his may1  
if it so happen1 prove unequal to the   
weight of truths which are eternal1 and 
the system founded on them may break    
into pieces2 or again1 a ,state may     
absorb certain of them1 for which it has
 affinity1 that is1 it may develope in  
,benthamism1 yet remain in substance    
what it was before4 ,in the history of  
the ,french ,revolution we read of many 
middle parties1 who attempted to form   
theories of constitutions short of those
 which they would call extreme1 and     
successively failed from the want of    

power or reality in their characteristic
 ideas4 ,the ,semi-arians attempted a   
middle way between orthodoxy and heresy1
 but could not stand their ground2 at   
length part fell into ,macedonianism1   
and part joined the ,church4   #e4  ,the
 stronger and more living is an idea1   
that is1 the more powerful hold it      
exercises on the minds of men1 the more 
able is it to dispense with safeguards1 
and trust to itself against the danger  
of corruption4 ,as strong frames exult  
in their agility1 and healthy           
constitutions throw off ailments1 so    
parties or schools that live can afford 
to be rash1 and will sometimes be       
betrayed into extravagances1 yet are    
brought right by their inherent vigour4 
,on the other hand1 unreal systems are  
commonly decent externally4 ,forms1     
subscriptions1 or ,articles of religion 
are indispensable when the principle of 
life is weakly4 ,thus ,presbyterianism  
has maintained its original theology in 
,scotland where legal subscriptions are 

enforced1 while it has run into         
,arianism or ,unitarianism where that   
protection is away4 ,we have yet to see 
whether the ,free ,kirk can keep its    
present theological ground4 ,the ,church
 of ,rome can consult expedience more   
freely than other bodies1 as trusting to
 her living tradition1 and is sometimes 
thought to disregard principle and      
scruple1 when she is but dispensing with
 forms4 ,thus ,saints are often         
characterized by acts which are no      
pattern for others2 and the most gifted 
men are1 by reason of their very gifts1 
sometimes led into fatal inadvertences4 
,hence vows are the wise defence of     
unstable virtue1 and general rules the  
refuge of feeble authority4  ,and so    
much may suffice on the unitive power of
 faithful developments1 which           
constitutes their third characteristic4 
,,section ,,iv4  ,,fourth ,,note4       
,,logical ,,sequence4  ,logic is the    
organization of thought1 and1 as being  
such1 is a security for the faithfulness

 of intellectual developments2 and the  
necessity of using it is undeniable as  
far as this1 that its rules must not be 
transgressed4 ,that it is not brought   
into exercise in every instance of      
doctrinal development is owing to the   
varieties of mental constitution1       
whether in communities or in            
individuals1 with whom great truths or  
seeming truths are lodged4 ,the question
 indeed may be asked whether a          
development can be other in any case    
than a logical operation2 but1 if by    
this is meant a conscious reasoning from
 premisses to conclusion1 of course the 
answer must be in the negative4 ,an idea
 under one or other of its aspects grows
 in the mind by remaining there2 it     
becomes familiar and distinct1 and is   
viewed in its relations2 it leads to    
other aspects1 and these again to       
others1 subtle1 recondite1 original1    
according to the character1 intellectual
 and moral1 of the recipient2 and thus a
 body of thought is gradually formed    

without his recognizing what is going on
 within him4 ,and all this while1 or at 
least from time to time1 external       
circumstances elicit into formal        
statement the thoughts which are coming 
into being in the depths of his mind2   
and soon he has to begin to defend them2
 and then again a further process must  
take place1 of analyzing his statements 
and ascertaining their dependence one on
 another4 ,and thus he is led to regard 
as consequences1 and to trace to        
principles1 what hitherto he has        
discerned by a moral perception1 and    
adopted on sympathy2 and logic is       
brought in to arrange and inculcate what
 no science was employed in gaining4    
,and so in the same way1 such           
intellectual processes1 as are carried  
on silently and spontaneously in the    
mind of a party or school1 of necessity 
come to light at a later date1 and are  
recognized1 and their issues are        
scientifically arranged4 ,and then logic
 has the further function of            

propagation2 analogy1 the nature of the 
case1 antecedent probability1           
application of principles1 congruity1   
expedience1 being some of the methods of
 proof by which the development is      
continued from mind to mind and         
established in the faith of the         
community4  ,yet even then the analysis 
is not made on a principle1 or with any 
view to its whole course and finished   
results4 ,each argument is brought for  
an immediate purpose2 minds develope    
step by step1 without looking behind    
them or anticipating their goal1 and    
without either intention or promise of  
forming a system4 ,afterwards1 however1 
this logical character which the whole  
wears becomes a test that the process   
has been a true development1 not a      
perversion or corruption1 from its      
evident naturalness2 and in some cases  
from the gravity1 distinctness1         
precision1 and majesty of its advance1  
and the harmony of its proportions1 like
 the tall growth1 and graceful          

branching1 and rich foliage1 of some    
vegetable production4   #b4  ,the       
process of development1 thus capable of 
a logical expression1 has sometimes been
 invidiously spoken of as rationalism   
and contrasted with faith4 ,but1 though 
a particular doctrine or opinion which  
is subjected to development may happen  
to be rationalistic1 and1 as is the     
original1 such are its results3 and     
though we may develope erroneously1 that
 is1 reason incorrectly1 yet the        
developing itself as little deserves    
that imputation in any case1 as an      
inquiry into an historical fact1 which  
we do not thereby make but              
ascertain1--for instance1 whether or not
 ,st4 ,mark wrote his ,gospel with ,st4 
,matthew before him1 or whether ,solomon
 brought his merchandise from ,tartessus
 or some ,indian port4 ,rationalism is  
the exercise of reason instead of faith 
in matters of faith2 but one does not   
see how it can be faith to adopt the    
premisses1 and unbelief to accept the   

conclusion4  ,at the same time it may be
 granted that the spontaneous process   
which goes on within the mind itself is 
higher and choicer than that which is   
logical2 for the latter1 being          
scientific1 is common property1 and can 
be taken and made use of by minds who   
are personally strangers1 in any true   
sense1 both to the ideas in question and
 to their development4   #c4  ,thus1 the
 holy ,apostles would without words know
 all the truths concerning the high     
doctrines of theology1 which            
controversialists after them have       
piously and charitably reduced to       
formul1 and developed through argument4 
,thus1 ,st4 ,justin or ,st4 ,irenus     
might be without any digested ideas of  
,purgatory or ,original ,sin1 yet have  
an intense feeling1 which they had not  
defined or located1 both of the fault of
 our first nature and the               
responsibilities of our nature          
regenerate4 ,thus ,st4 ,antony said to  
the philosophers who came to mock him1  

,he whose mind is in health does not    
need letters2 and ,st4 ,ignatius        
,loyola1 while yet an unlearned         
neophyte1 was favoured with transcendent
 perceptions of the ,holy ,trinity      
during his penance at ,manresa4 ,thus   
,st4 ,athanasius himself is more        
powerful in statement and exposition    
than in proof2 while in ,bellarmine we  
find the whole series of doctrines      
carefully drawn out1 duly adjusted with 
one another1 and exactly analyzed one by
 one4  ,the history of empires and of   
public men supplies so many instances of
 logical development in the field of    
politics1 that it is needless to do more
 than to refer to one of them4 ,it is   
illustrated by the words of ,jeroboam1  
,now shall this kingdom return to the   
house of ,david1 if this people go up to
 do sacrifice in the house of the ,lord 
at ,jerusalem4 4 4 ,wherefore the king  
took counsel and made two calves of     
gold1 and said unto them1 ,behold thy   
gods1 ,o ,israel4 ,idolatry was a duty  

of kingcraft with the schismatical      
kingdom4   #d4  ,a specimen of logical  
development is afforded us in the       
history of ,lutheranism as it has of    
late years been drawn out by various    
,english writers4 ,luther started on a  
double basis1 his dogmatic principle    
being contradicted by his right of      
private judgment1 and his sacramental by
 his theory of justification4 ,the      
sacramental element never showed signs  
of life2 but on his death1 that which he
 represented in his own person as a     
teacher1 the dogmatic1 gained the       
ascendancy2 and every expression of his 
upon controverted points became a norm  
for the party1 which1 at all times the  
largest1 was at last coextensive with   
the ,church itself4 ,this almost        
idolatrous veneration was perhaps       
increased by the selection of           
declarations of faith1 of which the     
substance on the whole was his1 for the 
symbolical books of his ,church4#aic3a  
,next a reaction took place2 private    

judgment was restored to the supremacy4 
,calixtus put reason1 and ,spener the   
so-called religion of the heart1 in the 
place of dogmatic correctness4 ,pietism 
for the time died away2 but rationalism 
developed in ,wolf1 who professed to    
prove all the orthodox doctrines1 by a  
process of reasoning1 from premisses    
level with the reason4 ,it was soon     
found that the instrument which ,wolf   
had used for orthodoxy1 could as        
plausibly be used against it2--in his   
hands it had proved the ,creed2 in the  
hands of ,semler1 ,ernesti1 and others1 
it disproved the authority of           
,scripture4 ,what was religion to be    
made to consist in now8 ,a sort of      
philosophical ,pietism followed2 or     
rather ,spener's pietism and the        
original theory of justification were   
analyzed more thoroughly1 and issued in 
various theories of ,pantheism1 which   
from the first was at the bottom of     
,luther's doctrine and personal         
character4 ,and this appears to be the  

state of ,lutheranism at present1       
whether we view it in the philosophy of 
,kant1 in the open infidelity of        
,strauss1 or in the religious           
professions of the new ,evangelical     
,church of ,prussia4 ,applying this     
instance to the subject which it has    
been here brought to illustrate1 ,i     
should say that the equable and orderly 
march and natural succession of views1  
by which the creed of ,luther has been  
changed into the infidel or heretical   
philosophy of his present               
representatives1 is a proof that that   
change is no perversion or corruption1  
but a faithful development of the       
original idea4   #e4  ,this is but one  
out of many instances with which the    
history of the ,church supplies us4 ,the
 fortunes of a theological school are   
made1 in a later generation1 the measure
 of the teaching of its founder4 ,the   
great ,origen after his many labours    
died in peace2 his immediate pupils were
 saints and rulers in the ,church2 he   

has the praise of ,st4 ,athanasius1 ,st4
 ,basil1 and ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen1  
and furnishes materials to ,st4 ,ambrose
 and ,st4 ,hilary2 yet1 as time         
proceeded1 a definite heterodoxy was the
 growing result of his theology1 and at 
length1 three hundred years after his   
death1 he was condemned1 and1 as has    
generally been considered1 in an        
,ecumenical ,council4#aid3a ,diodorus of
 ,tarsus1 says ,tillemont1 died at an   
advanced age1 in the peace of the       
,church1 honoured by the praises of the 
greatest saints1 and crowned with a     
glory1 which1 having ever attended him  
through life1 followed him after his    
death2#aid3b yet ,st4 ,cyril of         
,alexandria considers him and ,theodore 
of ,mopsuestia the true authors of      
,nestorianism1 and he was placed in the 
event by the ,nestorians among their    
saints4 ,theodore himself was condemned 
after his death by the same ,council    
which is said to have condemned ,origen1
 and is justly considered the chief     

rationalizing doctor of ,antiquity2 yet 
he was in the highest repute in his day1
 and the ,eastern ,synod complains1 as  
quoted by ,facundus1 that ,blessed      
,theodore1 who died so happily1 who was 
so eminent a teacher for five and forty 
years1 and overthrew every heresy1 and  
in his lifetime experienced no          
imputation from the orthodox1 now after 
his death so long ago1 after his many   
conflicts1 after his ten thousand books 
composed in refutation of errors1 after 
his approval in the sight of priests1   
emperors1 and people1 runs the risk of  
receiving the reward of heretics1 and of
 being called their chief4#aie3a ,there 
is a certain continuous advance and     
determinate path which belong to the    
history of a doctrine1 policy1 or       
institution1 and which impress upon the 
common sense of mankind1 that what it   
ultimately becomes is the issue of what 
it was at first4 ,this sentiment is     
expressed in the proverb1 not limited to
 ,latin1 ,exitus acta probat2 and is    

sanctioned by ,divine wisdom1 when1     
warning us against false prophets1 it   
says1 ,ye shall know them by their      
fruits4  ,a doctrine1 then1 professed in
 its mature years by a philosophy or    
religion1 is likely to be a true        
development1 not a corruption1 in       
proportion as it seems to be the logical
 issue of its original teaching4        
,,section ,v4  ,,fifth ,,note4          
,,anticipation ,,of ,,its ,,future4     
,since1 when an idea is living1 that is1
 influential and effective1 it is sure  
to develope according to its own nature1
 and the tendencies1 which are carried  
out on the long run1 may under          
favourable circumstances show themselves
 early as well as late1 and logic is the
 same in all ages1 instances of a       
development which is to come1 though    
vague and isolated1 may occur from the  
very first1 though a lapse of time be   
necessary to bring them to perfection4  
,and since developments are in great    
measure only aspects of the idea from   

which they proceed1 and all of them are 
natural consequences of it1 it is often 
a matter of accident in what order they 
are carried out in individual minds2 and
 it is in no wise strange that here and 
there definite specimens of advanced    
teaching should very early occur1 which 
in the historical course are not found  
till a late day4 ,the fact1 then1 of    
such early or recurring intimations of  
tendencies which afterwards are fully   
realized1 is a sort of evidence that    
those later and more systematic         
fulfilments are only in accordance with 
the original idea4   #b4  ,nothing is   
more common1 for instance1 than accounts
 or legends of the anticipations1 which 
great men have given in boyhood of the  
bent of their minds1 as afterwards      
displayed in their history2 so much so  
that the popular expectation has        
sometimes led to the invention of them4 
,the child ,cyrus mimics a despot's     
power1 and ,st4 ,athanasius is elected  
,bishop by his playfellows4  ,it is     

noticeable that in the eleventh century1
 when the ,russians were but pirates    
upon the ,black ,sea1 ,constantinople   
was their aim2 and that a prophesy was  
in circulation in that city that they   
should one day gain possession of it4   
,in the reign of ,james the ,first1 we  
have an observable anticipation of the  
system of influence in the management of
 political parties1 which was developed 
by ,sir ,r4 ,walpole a century          
afterwards4 ,this attempt is traced by a
 living writer to the ingenuity of ,lord
 ,bacon4 ,he submitted to the ,king that
 there were expedients for more         
judiciously managing a ,house of        
,commons2 4 4 that much might be done by
 forethought towards filling the ,house 
with well-affected persons1 winning or  
blinding the lawyers 4 4 and drawing the
 chief constituent bodies of the        
assembly1 the country gentlemen1 the    
merchants1 the courtiers1 to act for the
 ,king's advantage2 that it would be    
expedient to tender voluntarily certain 

graces and modifications of the ,king's 
prerogative1 c4#aig3a ,the writer adds1 
,this circumstance1 like several others 
in the present reign1 is curious1 as it 
shows the rise of a systematic          
parliamentary influence1 which was one  
day to become the mainspring of         
government4   #c4  ,arcesilas and       
,carneades1 the founders of the later   
,academy1 are known to have innovated on
 the ,platonic doctrine by inculcating a
 universal scepticism2 and they did     
this1 as if on the authority of         
,socrates1 who had adopted the method of
 ironia against the ,sophists1 on their 
professing to know everything4 ,this1 of
 course1 was an insufficient plea4      
,however1 could it be shown that        
,socrates did on one or two occasions   
evidence deliberate doubts on the great 
principles of theism or morals1 would   
any one deny that the innovation in     
question had grounds for being          
considered a true development1 not a    
corruption8  ,it is certain that1 in the

 idea of ,monachism1 prevalent in       
ancient times1 manual labour had a more 
prominent place than study2 so much so  
that ,de ,ranc1 the celebrated ,abbot of
 ,la ,trappe1 in controversy with       
,mabillon1 maintained his ground with   
great plausibility against the latter's 
apology for the literary occupations for
 which the ,benedictines of ,france are 
so famous4 ,nor can it be denied that   
the labours of such as ,mabillon and    
,montfaucon are at least a development  
upon the simplicity of the primitive    
institution4 ,and yet it is remarkable  
that ,st4 ,pachomius1 the first author  
of a monastic rule1 enjoined a library  
in each of his houses1 and appointed    
conferences and disputations three times
 a week on religious subjects1          
interpretation of ,scripture1 or points 
of theology4 ,st4 ,basil1 the founder of
 ,monachism in ,pontus1 one of the most 
learned of the ,greek ,fathers1 wrote   
his theological treatises in the        
intervals of agricultural labour4 ,st4  

,jerome1 the author of the ,latin       
versions of ,scripture1 lived as a poor 
monk in a cell at ,bethlehem4 ,these1   
indeed1 were but exceptions in the      
character of early ,monachism2 but they 
suggest its capabilities and anticipate 
its history4 ,literature is certainly   
not inconsistent with its idea4   #d4   
,in the controversies with the          
,gnostics1 in the second century1       
striking anticipations occasionally     
occur1 in the works of their ,catholic  
opponents1 of the formal dogmatic       
teaching developed in the ,church in the
 course of the ,nestorian and           
,monophysite controversies in the fifth4
 ,on the other hand1 ,paul of ,samosata1
 one of the first disciples of the      
,syrian school of theology1 taught a    
heresy sufficiently like ,nestorianism1 
in which that school terminated1 to be  
mistaken for it in later times2 yet for 
a long while after him the              
characteristic of the school was        
,arianism1 an opposite heresy4          

,lutheranism has by this time become in 
most places almost simple heresy or     
infidelity2 it has terminated1 if it has
 even yet reached its limit1 in a denial
 both of the ,canon and the ,creed1 nay1
 of many principles of morals4          
,accordingly the question arises1       
whether these conclusions are in        
fairness to be connected with its       
original teaching or are a corruption4  
,and it is no little aid towards its    
resolution to find that ,luther himself 
at one time rejected the ,apocalypse1   
called the ,epistle of ,st4 ,james      
straminea1 condemned the word ,trinity1 
fell into a kind of ,eutychianism in his
 view of the ,holy ,eucharist1 and in a 
particular case sanctioned bigamy4      
,calvinism1 again1 in various distinct  
countries1 has become ,socinianism1 and 
,calvin himself seems to have denied our
 ,lord's ,eternal ,sonship and ridiculed
 the ,nicene ,creed4  ,another evidence1
 then1 of the faithfulness of an        
ultimate development is its definite    

anticipation at an early period in the  
history of the idea to which it belongs4
   ,,section ,,vi4  ,,sixth ,,note4     
,,conservative ,,action ,,upon ,,its    
,,past4  ,as developments which are     
preceded by definite indications have a 
fair presumption in their favour1 so    
those which do but contradict and       
reverse the course of doctrine which has
 been developed before them1 and out of 
which they spring1 are certainly        
corrupt2 for a corruption is a          
development in that very stage in which 
it ceases to illustrate1 and begins to  
disturb1 the acquisitions gained in its 
previous history4  ,it is the rule of   
creation1 or rather of the phenomena    
which it presents1 that life passes on  
to its termination by a gradual1        
imperceptible course of change4 ,there  
is ever a maximum in earthly excellence1
 and the operation of the same causes   
which made things great makes them small
 again4 ,weakness is but the resulting  
product of power4 ,events move in       

cycles2 all things come round1 the sun  
ariseth and goeth down1 and hasteth to  
his place where he arose4 ,flowers first
 bloom1 and then fade2 fruit ripens and 
decays4 ,the fermenting process1 unless 
stopped at the due point1 corrupts the  
liquor which it has created4 ,the grace 
of spring1 the richness of autumn are   
but for a moment1 and worldly moralists 
bid us ,carpe diem1 for we shall have no
 second opportunity4 ,virtue seems to   
lie in a mean1 between vice and vice2   
and as it grew out of imperfection1 so  
to grow into enormity4 ,there is a limit
 to human knowledge1 and both sacred and
 profane writers witness that overwisdom
 is folly4 ,and in the political world  
states rise and fall1 the instruments of
 their aggrandizement becoming the      
weapons of their destruction4 ,and hence
 the frequent ethical maxims1 such as1  
,ne quid nimis1 ,medio tutissimus1      
,vaulting ambition1 which seem to imply 
that too much of what is good is evil4  
,so great a paradox of course cannot be 

maintained as that truth literally leads
 to falsehood1 or that there can be an  
excess of virtue2 but the appearance of 
things and the popular language about   
them will at least serve us in obtaining
 an additional test for the             
discrimination of a bon fide development
 of an idea from its corruption4  ,a    
true development1 then1 may be described
 as one which is conservative of the    
course of antecedent developments being 
really those antecedents and something  
besides them3 it is an addition which   
illustrates1 not obscures1 corroborates1
 not corrects1 the body of thought from 
which it proceeds2 and this is its      
characteristic as contrasted with a     
corruption4   #b4  ,for instance1 a     
gradual conversion from a false to a    
true religion1 plainly1 has much of the 
character of a continuous process1 or a 
development1 in the mind itself1 even   
when the two religions1 which are the   
limits of its course1 are antagonists4  
,now let it be observed1 that such a    

change consists in addition and increase
 chiefly1 not in destruction4 ,true     
religion is the summit and perfection of
 false religions2 it combines in one    
whatever there is of good and true      
separately remaining in each4 ,and in   
like manner the ,catholic ,creed is for 
the most part the combination of        
separate truths1 which heretics have    
divided among themselves1 and err in    
dividing4 ,so that1 in matter of fact1  
if a religious mind were educated in and
 sincerely attached to some form of     
heathenism or heresy1 and then were     
brought under the light of truth1 it    
would be drawn off from error into the  
truth1 not by losing what it had1 but by
 gaining what it had not1 not by being  
unclothed1 but by being 'clothed upon1' 
'that mortality may be swallowed up of  
life4' ,that same principle of faith    
which attaches it at first to the wrong 
doctrine would attach it to the truth2  
and that portion of its original        
doctrine1 which was to be cast off as   

absolutely false1 would not be directly 
rejected1 but indirectly1 in the        
reception of the truth which is its     
opposite4 ,true conversion is ever of a 
positive1 not a negative                
character4#bja3a  ,such too is the      
theory of the ,fathers as regards the   
doctrines fixed by ,councils1 as is     
instanced in the language of ,st4 ,leo4 
,to be seeking for what has been        
disclosed1 to reconsider what has been  
finished1 to tear up what has been laid 
down1 what is this but to be unthankful 
for what is gained8#bja3b ,vincentius of
 ,lerins1 in like manner1 speaks of the 
development of ,christian doctrine1 as  
profectus fidei non permutatio4#bja3c   
,and so as regards the ,jewish ,law1 our
 ,lord said that ,he came not to        
destroy1 but to fulfil4   #c4  ,mahomet 
is accused of contradicting his earlier 
revelations by his later1 which is a    
thing so well known to those of his sect
 that they all acknowledge it2 and      
therefore when the contradictions are   

such as they cannot solve them1 then    
they will have one of the contradictory 
places to be revoked4 ,and they reckon  
in the whole ,alcoran about a hundred   
and fifty verses which are thus         
revoked4#bja3d  ,schelling1 says ,mr4   
,dewar1 considers that the time has     
arrived when an esoteric speculative    
,christianity ought to take the place of
 the exoteric empiricism which has      
hitherto prevailed4 ,this ,german       
philosopher acknowledges that such a    
project is opposed to the evident design
 of the ,church1 and of her earliest    
teachers4#bjb3a   #d4  ,when ,roman     
,catholics are accused of substituting  
another ,gospel for the primitive       
,creed1 they answer that they hold1 and 
can show that they hold1 the doctrines  
of the ,incarnation and ,atonement1 as  
firmly as any ,protestant can state     
them4 ,to this it is replied that they  
do certainly profess them1 but that they
 obscure and virtually annul them by    
their additions2 that the cultus of ,st4

 ,mary and the ,saints is no development
 of the truth1 but a corruption and a   
religious mischief to those doctrines of
 which it is the corruption1 because it 
draws away the mind and heart from      
,christ4 ,but they answer that1 so far  
from this1 it subserves1 illustrates1   
protects the doctrine of our ,lord's    
loving kindness and mediation4 ,thus the
 parties in controversy join issue on   
the common ground1 that a developed     
doctrine which reverses the course of   
development which has preceded it1 is no
 true development but a corruption2     
also1 that what is corrupt acts as an   
element of unhealthiness towards what is
 sound4 ,this subject1 however1 will    
come before us in its proper place by   
and by4   #e4  ,blackstone supplies us  
with an instance in another             
subject-matter1 of a development which  
is justified by its utility1 when he    
observes that when society is once      
formed1 government results of course1 as
 necessary to preserve and to keep that 

society in order4#bjb3b  ,on the        
contrary1 when the ,long ,parliament    
proceeded to usurp the executive1 they  
impaired the popular liberties which    
they seemed to be advancing2 for the    
security of those liberties depends on  
the separation of the executive and     
legislative powers1 or on the enactors  
being subjects1 not executors of the    
laws4  ,and in the history of ancient   
,rome1 from the time that the privileges
 gained by the tribunes in behalf of the
 people became an object of ambition to 
themselves1 the development had changed 
into a corruption4  ,and thus a sixth   
test of a true development is that it is
 of a tendency conservative of what has 
gone before it4   ,,section ,,vii4      
,,seventh ,,note4 ,,chronic ,,vigour4   
,since the corruption of an idea1 as far
 as the appearance goes1 is a sort of   
accident or affection of its            
development1 being the end of a course1 
and a transition-state leading to a     
crisis1 it is1 as has been observed     

above1 a brief and rapid process4 ,while
 ideas live in men's minds1 they are    
ever enlarging into fuller development3 
they will not be stationary in their    
corruption any more than before it2 and 
dissolution is that further state to    
which corruption tends4 ,corruption     
cannot1 therefore1 be of long standing2 
and thus duration is another test of a  
faithful development4  ,si gravis1      
brevis2 si longus1 levis2 is the        
,stoical topic of consolation under     
pain2 and of a number of disorders it   
can even be said1 ,the worse1 the       
shorter4  ,sober men are indisposed to  
change in civil matters1 and fear       
reforms and innovations1 lest1 if they  
go a little too far1 they should at once
 run on to some great calamities before 
a remedy can be applied4 ,the chance of 
a slow corruption does not strike them4 
,revolutions are generally violent and  
swift2 now1 in fact1 they are the course
 of a corruption4   #b4  ,the course of 
heresies is always short2 it is an      

intermediate state between life and     
death1 or what is like death2 or1 if it 
does not result in death1 it is resolved
 into some new1 perhaps opposite1 course
 of error1 which lays no claim to be    
connected with it4 ,and in this way     
indeed1 but in this way only1 an        
heretical principle will continue in    
life many years1 first running one way1 
then another4  ,the abounding of        
iniquity is the token of the end        
approaching2 the faithful in consequence
 cry out1 ,how long8 as if delay opposed
 reason as well as patience4 ,three     
years and a half are to complete the    
reign of ,antichrist4  ,nor is it any   
real objection that the world is ever   
corrupt1 and yet1 in spite of this1 evil
 does not fill up its measure and       
overflow2 for this arises from the      
external counteractions of truth and    
virtue1 which bear it back2 let the     
,church be removed1 and the world will  
soon come to its end4  ,and so again1 if
 the chosen people age after age became 

worse and worse1 till there was no      
recovery1 still their course of evil was
 continually broken by reformations1 and
 was thrown back upon a less advanced   
stage of declension4   #c4  ,it is true 
that decay1 which is one form of        
corruption1 is slow2 but decay is a     
state in which there is no violent or   
vigorous action at all1 whether of a    
conservative or a destructive character1
 the hostile influence being powerful   
enough to enfeeble the functions of     
life1 but not to quicken its own        
process4 ,and thus we see opinions1     
usages1 and systems1 which are of       
venerable and imposing aspect1 but which
 have no soundness within them1 and keep
 together from a habit of consistence1  
or from dependence on political         
institutions2 or they become almost     
peculiarities of a country1 or the      
habits of a race1 or the fashions of    
society4 ,and then1 at length1 perhaps1 
they go off suddenly and die out under  
the first rough influence from without4 

,such are the superstitions which       
pervade a population1 like some         
ingrained dye or inveterate odour1 and  
which at length come to an end1 because 
nothing lasts for ever1 but which run no
 course1 and have no history2 such was  
the established paganism of classical   
times1 which was the fit subject of     
persecution1 for its first breath made  
it crumble and disappear4 ,such         
apparently is the state of the          
,nestorian and ,monophysite communions2 
such might have been the condition of   
,christianity had it been absorbed by   
the feudalism of the middle ages2 such  
too is that ,protestantism1 or 7as it   
sometimes calls itself7 attachment to   
the ,establishment1 which is not        
unfrequently the boast of the           
respectable and wealthy among ourselves4
  ,whether ,mahometanism external to    
,christendom1 and the ,greek ,church    
within it1 fall under this description  
is yet to be seen4 ,circumstances can be
 imagined which would even now rouse the

 fanaticism of the ,moslem2 and the     
,russian despotism does not meddle with 
the usages1 though it may domineer over 
the priesthood1 of the national         
religion4         99       99       99  
99       99  ,thus1 while a corruption  
is distinguished from decay by its      
energetic action1 it is distinguished   
from a development by its transitory    
character4   #d4  ,such are seven out of
 various ,notes1 which may be assigned1 
of fidelity in the development of an    
idea4 ,the point to be ascertained is   
the unity and identity of the idea with 
itself through all stages of its        
development from first to last1 and     
these are seven tokens that it may      
rightly be accounted one and the same   
all along4 ,to guarantee its own        
substantial unity1 it must be seen to be
 one in type1 one in its system of      
principles1 one in its unitive power    
towards externals1 one in its logical   
consecutiveness1 one in the witness of  
its early phases to its later1 one in   

the protection which its later extend to
 its earlier1 and one in its union of   
vigour with continuance1 that is1 in its
 tenacity4   ,,footnotes3  #agb3a       
,commonit4 #bi4  #agc3a ,milman1        
,christ4  #agd3a ,de ,deo1 ii4 #d1  #h4 
#ahd3a ,ch4 xlix4  #aic3a ,pusey on     
,german ,rationalism1 p4 #ba1 note4     
#aid3a ,halloix1 ,valesius1 ,lequien1   
,gieseler1 ,dllinger1 c41 say that he   
was condemned1 not in the fifth         
,council1 but in the ,council under     
,mennas4  #aid3b ,mem4 ,eccl4 tom4 viii4
 p4 #efb4  #aie3a ,def4 ,tr4 ,cap4 viii4
 init4  #aig3a ,hallam's ,const4 ,hist4 
ch4 vi4 p4 #dfa4  #bja3a ,tracts for the
 ,times1 ,no4 #he1 p4 #gc4 ,discuss4 p4 
#bjj2 vide also ,essay on ,assent1 pp4  
#bdi-bea4  #bja3b ,ep4 #afb4  #bja3c    
,ib4 p4 #cji4  #bja3d ,prideaux1 ,life  
of ,mahomet1 p4 #ij4  #bjb3a ,german    
,protestantism1 p4 #agf4  #bjb3b ,vol4  
i4 p4 #aah4     ,,chapter ,,vi4         
,,application ,,of ,,the ,,seven ,,notes
 ,,to ,,the ,,existing ,,developments   

,,of ,,christian ,,doctrine4            
,,application ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,note 
,,of ,a ,,true ,,development4           
,,preservation ,,of ,,type4  ,now let me
 attempt to apply the foregoing seven   
,notes of fidelity in intellectual      
developments to the instance of         
,christian ,doctrine4 ,and first as to  
the ,note of identity of type4  ,i have 
said above1 that1 whereas all great     
ideas are found1 as time goes on1 to    
involve much which was not seen at first
 to belong to them1 and have            
developments1 that is enlargements1     
applications1 uses and fortunes1 very   
various1 one security against error and 
perversion in the process is the        
maintenance of the original type1 which 
the idea presented to the world at its  
origin1 amid and through all its        
apparent changes and vicissitudes from  
first to last4  ,how does this apply to 
,christianity8 ,what is its original    
type8 and has that type been preserved  
in the developments commonly called     

,catholic1 which have followed1 and in  
the ,church which embodies and teaches  
them8 ,let us take it as the world now  
views it in its age2 and let us take it 
as the world once viewed it in its      
youth1 and let us see whether there be  
any great difference between the early  
and the later description of it4 ,the   
following statement will show my        
meaning3--  ,there is a religious       
communion claiming a divine commission1 
and holding all other religious bodies  
around it heretical or infidel2 it is a 
well-organized1 well-disciplined body2  
it is a sort of secret society1 binding 
together its members by influences and  
by engagements which it is difficult for
 strangers to ascertain4 ,it is spread  
over the known world2 it may be weak or 
insignificant locally1 but it is strong 
on the whole from its continuity2 it may
 be smaller than all other religious    
bodies together1 but is larger than each
 separately4 ,it is a natural enemy to  
governments external to itself2 it is   

intolerant and engrossing1 and tends to 
a new modelling of society2 it breaks   
laws1 it divides families4 ,it is a     
gross superstition2 it is charged with  
the foulest crimes2 it is despised by   
the intellect of the day2 it is         
frightful to the imagination of the     
many4 ,and there is but one communion   
such4  ,place this description before   
,pliny or ,julian2 place it before      
,frederick the ,second or ,guizot4#bjh3a
 ,apparent dir facies4 ,each knows at   
once1 without asking a question1 who is 
meant by it4 ,one object1 and only one1 
absorbs each item of the detail of the  
delineation4   ,,section ,i4  ,,the     
,,church ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,centuries4
  ,the prim facie view of early         
,christianity1 in the eyes of witnesses 
external to it1 is presented to us in   
the brief but vivid descriptions given  
by ,tacitus1 ,suetonius1 and ,pliny1 the
 only heathen writers who distinctly    
mention it for the first hundred and    
fifty years4  ,tacitus is led to speak  

of the ,religion1 on occasion of the    
conflagration of ,rome1 which was       
popularly imputed to ,nero4 ,to put an  
end to the report1 he says1 he laid the 
guilt on others1 and visited them with  
the most exquisite punishment1 those1   
namely1 who1 held in abhorrence for     
their crimes 7per flagitia invisos71    
were popularly called ,christians4 ,the 
author of that profession 7nominis7 was 
,christ1 who1 in the reign of ,tiberius1
 was capitally punished by the          
,procurator1 ,pontius ,pilate4 ,the     
deadly superstition 7exitiabilis        
superstitio71 though checked for a      
while1 broke out afresh2 and that1 not  
only throughout ,juda1 the original seat
 of the evil1 but through the ,city     
also1 whither all things atrocious or   
shocking 7atrocia aut pudenda7 flow     
together from every quarter and thrive4 
,at first1 certain were seized who      
avowed it2 then1 on their report1 a vast
 multitude were convicted1 not so much  
of firing the ,city1 as of hatred of    

mankind 7odio humani generis74 ,after   
describing their tortures1 he continues 
,in consequence1 though they were       
guilty1 and deserved most signal        
punishment1 they began to be pitied1 as 
if destroyed not for any public object1 
but from the barbarity of one man4      
,suetonius relates the same transactions
 thus3 ,capital punishments were        
inflicted on the ,christians1 a class of
 men of a new and magical superstition  
7superstitionis nov et malefic74 ,what  
gives additional character to this      
statement is its context2 for it occurs 
as one out of various police or         
sumptuary or domestic regulations1 which
 ,nero made2 such as controlling private
 expenses1 forbidding taverns to serve  
meat1 repressing the contests of        
theatrical parties1 and securing the    
integrity of wills4 ,when ,pliny was    
,governor of ,pontus1 he wrote his      
celebrated letter to the ,emperor       
,trajan1 to ask advice how he was to    
deal with the ,christians1 whom he found

 there in great numbers4 ,one of his    
points of hesitation was1 whether the   
very profession of ,christianity was not
 by itself sufficient to justify        
punishment2 whether the name itself     
should be visited1 though clear of      
flagitious acts 7flagitia71 or only when
 connected with them4 ,he says1 he had  
ordered for execution such as persevered
 in their profession1 after repeated    
warnings1 as not doubting1 whatever it  
was they professed1 that at any rate    
contumacy and inflexible obstinacy ought
 to be punished4 ,he required them to   
invoke the gods1 to sacrifice wine and  
frankincense to the images of the       
,emperor1 and to blaspheme ,christ2 to  
which1 he adds1 it is said no real      
,christian can be compelled4 ,renegades 
informed him that the sum total of their
 offence or fault was meeting before    
light on an appointed day1 and saying   
with one another a form of words        
7carmen7 to ,christ1 as if to a god1 and
 binding themselves by oath1 7not to the

 commission of any wickedness1 but7     
against the commission of theft1        
robbery1 adultery1 breach of trust1     
denial of deposits2 that1 after this    
they were accustomed to separate1 and   
then to meet again for a meal1 but eaten
 all together and harmless2 however1    
that they had even left this off after  
his edicts enforcing the ,imperial      
prohibition of ,hetri or ,associations4 
,he proceeded to put two women to the   
torture1 but discovered nothing beyond a
 bad and excessive superstition         
7superstitionem pravam et immodicam71   
the contagion of which1 he continues1   
had spread through villages and country1
 till the temples were emptied of       
worshippers4   #b4  ,in these           
testimonies1 which will form a natural  
and convenient text for what is to      
follow1 we have various characteristics 
brought before us of the religion to    
which they relate4 ,it was a            
superstition1 as all three writers      
agree2 a bad and excessive superstition1

 according to ,pliny2 a magical         
superstition1 according to ,suetonius2 a
 deadly superstition1 according to      
,tacitus4 ,next1 it was embodied in a   
society1 and moreover a secret and      
unlawful society or hetria2 and it was a
 proselytizing society2 and its very    
name was connected with flagitious1     
atrocious1 and shocking acts4   #c4     
,now these few points1 which are not all
 which might be set down1 contain in    
themselves a distinct and significant   
description of ,christianity2 but they  
have far greater meaning when           
illustrated by the history of the times1
 the testimony of later writers1 and the
 acts of the ,roman government towards  
its professors4 ,it is impossible to    
mistake the judgment passed on the      
religion by these three writers1 and    
still more clearly by other writers and 
,imperial functionaries4 ,they evidently
 associated ,christianity with the      
oriental superstitions1 whether         
propagated by individuals or embodied in

 a rite1 which were in that day         
traversing the ,empire1 and which in the
 event acted so remarkable a part in    
breaking up the national forms of       
worship1 and so in preparing the way for
 ,christianity4 ,this1 then1 is the     
broad view which the educated heathen   
took of ,christianity2 and1 if it had   
been very unlike those rites and curious
 arts in external appearance1 they would
 not have confused it with them4        
,changes in society are1 by a           
providential appointment1 commonly      
preceded and facilitated by the setting 
in of a certain current in men's        
thoughts and feelings in that direction 
towards which a change is to be made4   
,and1 as lighter substances whirl about 
before the tempest and presage it1 so   
words and deeds1 ominous but not        
effective of the coming revolution1 are 
circulated beforehand through the       
multitude1 or pass across the field of  
events4 ,this was specially the case    
with ,christianity1 as became its high  

dignity2 it came heralded and attended  
by a crowd of shadows1 shadows of       
itself1 impotent and monstrous as       
shadows are1 but not at first sight     
distinguishable from it by common       
spectators4 ,before the mission of the  
,apostles1 a movement1 of which there   
had been earlier parallels1 had begun in
 ,egypt1 ,syria1 and the neighbouring   
countries1 tending to the propagation of
 new and peculiar forms of worship      
throughout the ,empire4 ,prophecies were
 afloat that some new order of things   
was coming in from the ,east1 which     
increased the existing unsettlement of  
the popular mind2 pretenders made       
attempts to satisfy its wants1 and old  
,traditions of the ,truth1 embodied for 
ages in local or in national religions1 
gave to these attempts a doctrinal and  
ritual shape1 which became an additional
 point of resemblance to that ,truth    
which was soon visibly to appear4   #d4 
,the distinctive character of the rites 
in question lay in their appealing to   

the gloomy rather than to the cheerful  
and hopeful feelings1 and in their      
influencing the mind through fear4 ,the 
notions of guilt and expiation1 of evil 
and good to come1 and of dealings with  
the invisible world1 were in some shape 
or other pre-eminent in them1 and formed
 a striking contrast to the classical   
polytheism1 which was gay and graceful1 
as was natural in a civilized age4 ,the 
new rites1 on the other hand1 were      
secret2 their doctrine was mysterious2  
their profession was a discipline1      
beginning in a formal initiation1       
manifested in an association1 and       
exercised in privation and pain4 ,they  
were from the nature of the case        
proselytizing societies1 for they were  
rising into power2 nor were they local1 
but vagrant1 restless1 intrusive1 and   
encroaching4 ,their pretensions to      
supernatural knowledge brought them into
 easy connexion with magic and          
astrology1 which are as attractive to   
the wealthy and luxurious as the more   

vulgar superstitions to the populace4   
#e4  ,such were the rites of ,cybele1   
,isis1 and ,mithras2 such the           
,chaldeans1 as they were commonly       
called1 and the ,magi2 they came from   
one part of the world1 and during the   
first and second century spread with    
busy perseverance to the northern and   
western extremities of the empire4#bac3a
 ,traces of the mysteries of ,cybele1 a 
,syrian deity1 if the famous temple at  
,hierapolis was hers1 have been found in
 ,spain1 in ,gaul1 and in ,britain1 as  
high up as the wall of ,severus4 ,the   
worship of ,isis was the most widely    
spread of all the pagan deities2 it was 
received in ,ethiopia and in ,germany1  
and even the name of ,paris has been    
fancifully traced to it4 ,both worships1
 as well as the ,science of ,magic1 had 
their colleges of priests and devotees1 
which were governed by a president1 and 
in some places were supported by farms4 
,their processions passed from town to  
town1 begging as they went and          

attracting proselytes4 ,apuleius        
describes one of them as seizing a whip1
 accusing himself of some offence1 and  
scourging himself in public4 ,these     
strollers1 circulatores or agyrt in     
classical language1 told fortunes1 and  
distributed prophetical tickets to the  
ignorant people who consulted them4     
,also1 they were learned in the doctrine
 of omens1 of lucky and unlucky days1 of
 the rites of expiation and of          
sacrifices4 ,such an agyrtes or         
itinerant was the notorious ,alexander  
of ,abonotichus1 till he managed to     
establish himself in ,pontus1 where he  
carried on so successful an imposition  
that his fame reached ,rome1 and men in 
office and station entrusted him with   
their dearest political secrets4 ,such a
 wanderer1 with a far more religious    
bearing and a high reputation for       
virtue1 was ,apollonius of ,tyana1 who  
professed the ,pythagorean philosophy1  
claimed the gift of miracles1 and roamed
 about preaching1 teaching1 healing1 and

 prophesying from ,india and ,alexandria
 to ,athens and ,rome4 ,another solitary
 proselytizer1 though of an earlier time
 and of an avowed profligacy1 had been  
the ,sacrificulus1 viewed with such     
horror by the ,roman ,senate1 as        
introducing the infamous ,bacchic rites 
into ,rome4 ,such1 again1 were those    
degenerate children of a divine         
religion1 who1 in the words of their    
,creator and ,judge1 compassed sea and  
land to make one proselyte1 and made him
 twofold more the child of hell than    
themselves4   #f4  ,these vagrant       
religionists for the most part professed
 a severe rule of life1 and sometimes   
one of fanatical mortification4 ,in the 
mysteries of ,mithras1 the              
initiation#bad3a was preceded by fasting
 and abstinence1 and a variety of       
painful trials2 it was made by means of 
a baptism as a spiritual washing2 and it
 included an offering of bread1 and some
 emblem of a resurrection4 ,in the      
,samothracian rites it had been a custom

 to initiate children2 confession too of
 greater crimes seems to have been      
required1 and would naturally be        
involved in others in the inquisition   
prosecuted into the past lives of the   
candidates for initiation4 ,the garments
 of the converts were white2 their      
calling was considered as a warfare     
7militia71 and was undertaken with a    
sacramentum1 or military oath4 ,the     
priests shaved their heads and wore     
linen1 and when they were dead were     
buried in a sacerdotal garment4 ,it is  
scarcely necessary to refer to the      
mutilation inflicted on the priests of  
,cybele2 one instance of their          
scourgings has been already mentioned2  
and ,tertullian speaks of their high    
priest cutting his arms for the life of 
the ,emperor ,marcus4#bae3a ,the priests
 of ,isis1 in lamentation for ,osiris1  
tore their breasts with pine cones4     
,this lamentation was a ritual          
observance1 founded on some religious   
mystery3 ,isis lost ,osiris1 and the    

initiated wept in memory of her sorrow2 
the ,syrian goddess had wept over dead  
,thammuz1 and her mystics commemorated  
it by a ceremonial woe2 in the rites of 
,bacchus1 an image was laid on a bier at
 midnight1#bae3b which was bewailed in  
metrical hymns2 the god was supposed to 
die1 and then to revive4 ,nor was this  
the only worship which was continued    
through the night2 while some of the    
rites were performed in caves4   #g4    
,only a heavenly light can give purity  
to nocturnal and subterraneous worship4 
,caves were at that time appropriated to
 the worship of the infernal gods4 ,it  
was but natural that these wild         
religions should be connected with magic
 and its kindred arts2 magic has at all 
times led to cruelty1 and licentiousness
 would be the inevitable reaction from a
 temporary strictness4 ,an extraordinary
 profession1 when men are in a state of 
mere nature1 makes hypocrites or madmen1
 and will in no long time be discarded  
except by the few4 ,the world of that   

day associated together in one company1 
,isiac1 ,phrygian1 ,mithriac1 ,chaldean1
 wizard1 astrologer1 fortune-teller1    
itinerant1 and1 as was not unnatural1   
,jew4 ,magic was professed by the       
profligate ,alexander1 and was imputed  
to the grave ,apollonius4 ,the rites of 
,mithras came from the ,magi of ,persia2
 and it is obviously difficult to       
distinguish in principle the ceremonies 
of the ,syrian ,taurobolium from those  
of the ,necyomantia in the ,odyssey1 or 
of ,canidia in ,horace4  ,the           
,theodosian ,code calls magic generally 
a superstition2 and magic1 orgies1      
mysteries1 and sabbathizings1 were      
referred to the same barbarous origin4  
,magical superstitions1 the rites of the
 ,magi1 the promises of the ,chaldeans1 
and the ,mathematici1 are familiar to   
the readers of ,tacitus4 ,the ,emperor  
,otho1 an avowed patron of oriental     
fashions1 took part in the rites of     
,isis1 and consulted the ,mathematici4  
,vespasian1 who also consulted them1 is 

heard of in ,egypt as performing        
miracles at the suggestion of ,serapis4 
,tiberius1 in an edict1 classes together
 ,egyptian and ,jewish rites2 and       
,tacitus and ,suetonius1 in recording   
it1 speak of the two religions together 
as ea superstitio4#baf3a ,augustus had  
already associated them together as     
superstitions1 and as unlawful1 and that
 in contrast to others of a like foreign
 origin4 ,as to foreign rites 7peregrin 
ceremoni71 says ,suetonius1 as he paid  
more reverence to those which were old  
and enjoined1 so did he hold the rest in
 contempt4#baf3b ,he goes on to say     
that1 even on the judgment-seat1 he had 
recognized the ,eleusinian priests1 into
 whose mysteries he had been initiated  
at ,athens2 whereas1 when travelling in 
,egypt1 he had refused to see ,apis1 and
 had approved of his grandson           
,caligula's passing by ,juda without    
sacrificing at ,jerusalem4 ,plutarch    
speaks of magic as connected with the   
mournful mysteries of ,orpheus and      

,zoroaster1 with the ,egyptian and the  
,phrygian2 and1 in his ,treatise on     
,superstition1 he puts together in one  
clause1 as specimens of that disease of 
mind1 covering oneself with mud1        
wallowing in the mire1 sabbathizings1   
fallings on the face1 unseemly postures1
 foreign adorations4#baf3c ,ovid        
mentions in consecutive verses the rites
 of ,adonis lamented by ,venus1 ,the    
,sabbath of the ,syrian ,jew1 and the   
,memphitic ,temple of ,io in her linen  
dress4#baf3d ,juvenal speaks of the     
rites1 as well as the language and the  
music1 of the ,syrian ,orontes having   
flooded ,rome2 and1 in his description  
of the superstition of the ,roman women1
 he places the low ,jewish              
fortune-teller between the pompous      
priests of ,cybele and ,isis1 and the   
bloody witchcraft of the ,armenian      
haruspex and the astrology of the       
,chaldeans4#bag3a   #h4  ,the           
,christian1 being at first accounted a  
kind of ,jew1 was even on that score    

included in whatever odium1 and whatever
 bad associations1 attended on the      
,jewish name4 ,but in a little time his 
independence of the rejected people was 
clearly understood1 as even the         
persecutions show2 and he stood upon his
 own ground4 ,still his character did   
not change in the eyes of the world2 for
 favour or for reproach1 he was still   
associated with the votaries of secret  
and magical rites4 ,the ,emperor        
,hadrian1 noted as he is for his        
inquisitive temper1 and a partaker in so
 many mysteries1#bag3b still believed   
that the ,christians of ,egypt allowed  
themselves in the worship of ,serapis4  
,they are brought into connexion with   
the magic of ,egypt in the history of   
what is commonly called the ,thundering 
,legion1 so far as this1 that the rain  
which relieved the ,emperor's army in   
the field1 and which the ,church        
ascribed to the prayers of the          
,christian soldiers1 is by ,dio ,cassius
 attributed to an ,egyptian magician1   

who obtained it by invoking ,mercury and
 other spirits4 ,this war had been the  
occasion of one of the first            
recognitions which the state had        
conceded to the ,oriental rites1 though 
statesmen and emperors1 as private men1 
had long taken part in them4 ,the       
,emperor ,marcus had been urged by his  
fears of the ,marcomanni to resort to   
these foreign introductions1 and is said
 to have employed ,magi and ,chaldeans  
in averting an unsuccessful issue of the
 war4 ,it is observable that1 in the    
growing countenance which was extended  
to these rites in the third century1    
,christianity came in for a share4 ,the 
chapel of ,alexander ,severus contained 
statues of ,abraham1 ,orpheus1          
,apollonius1 ,pythagoras1 and our ,lord4
 ,here indeed1 as in the case of        
,zenobia's ,judaism1 an eclectic        
philosophy aided the comprehension of   
religions4 ,but1 immediately before     
,alexander1 ,heliogabalus1 who was no   
philosopher1 while he formally seated   

his ,syrian idol in the ,palatine1 while
 he observed the mysteries of ,cybele   
and ,adonis1 and celebrated his magic   
rites with human victims1 intended also1
 according to ,lampridius1 to unite with
 his horrible superstition the ,jewish  
and ,samaritan religions and the        
,christian rite1 that so the priesthood 
of ,heliogabalus might comprise the     
mystery of every worship4#bah3a ,hence1 
more or less1 the stories which occur in
 ecclesiastical history of the          
conversion or good-will of the emperors 
to the ,christian faith1 of ,hadrian1   
,mamma1 and others1 besides             
,heliogabalus and ,alexander4 ,such     
stories might often mean little more    
than that they favoured it among other  
forms of ,oriental superstition4   #i4  
,what has been said is sufficient to    
bring before the mind an historical     
fact1 which indeed does not need        
evidence4 ,upon the established         
religions of ,europe the ,east had      
renewed her encroachments1 and was      

pouring forth a family of rites which in
 various ways attracted the attention of
 the luxurious1 the political1 the      
ignorant1 the restless1 and the         
remorseful4 ,armenian1 ,chaldee1        
,egyptian1 ,jew1 ,syrian1 ,phrygian1 as 
the case might be1 was the designation  
of the new hierophant2 and magic1       
superstition1 barbarism1 jugglery1 were 
the names given to his rite by the      
world4 ,in this company appeared        
,christianity4 ,when then three         
well-informed writers call ,christianity
 a superstition and a magical           
superstition1 they were not using words 
at random1 or the language of abuse1 but
 they were describing it in distinct and
 recognized terms as cognate to those   
gloomy1 secret1 odious1 disreputable    
religions which were making so much     
disturbance up and down the empire4     
#aj4  ,the impression made on the world 
by circumstances immediately before the 
rise of ,christianity received a sort of
 confirmation upon its rise1 in the     

appearance of the ,gnostic and kindred  
heresies1 which issued from the ,church 
during the second and third centuries4  
,their resemblance in ritual and        
constitution to the ,oriental religions1
 sometimes their historical             
relationship1 is undeniable2 and        
certainly it is a singular coincidence1 
that ,christianity should be first      
called a magical superstition by        
,suetonius1 and then should be found in 
the intimate company1 and seemingly the 
parent1 of a multitude of magical       
superstitions1 if there was nothing in  
the ,religion itself to give rise to    
such a charge4   #aa4  ,the ,gnostic    
family#bai3a suitably traces its origin 
to a mixed race1 which had commenced its
 national history by associating        
,orientalism with ,revelation4 ,after   
the captivity of the ten tribes1        
,samaria was colonized by men from      
,babylon and ,cushan1 and from ,ava1 and
 from ,hamath1 and from ,sepharvaim1 who
 were instructed at their own instance  

in the manner of the ,god of the land1  
by one of the priests of the ,church of 
,jeroboam4 ,the consequence was1 that   
they feared the ,lord and served their  
own gods4 ,of this country was ,simon1  
the reputed patriarch of the ,gnostics2 
and he is introduced in the ,acts of the
 ,apostles as professing those magical  
powers which were so principal a        
characteristic of the ,oriental         
mysteries4 ,his heresy1 though broken   
into a multitude of sects1 was poured   
over the world with a ,catholicity not  
inferior in its day to that of          
,christianity4 ,st4 ,peter1 who fell in 
with him originally in ,samaria1 seems  
to have encountered him again at ,rome4 
,at ,rome1 ,st4 ,polycarp met ,marcion  
of ,pontus1 whose followers spread      
through ,italy1 ,egypt1 ,syria1 ,arabia1
 and ,persia2 ,valentinus preached his  
doctrines in ,alexandria1 ,rome1 and    
,cyprus2 and we read of his disciples in
 ,crete1 ,csarea1 ,antioch1 and other   
parts of the ,east4 ,bardesanes and his 

followers were found in ,mesopotamia4   
,the ,carpocratians are spoken of at    
,alexandria1 at ,rome1 and in           
,cephallenia2 the ,basilidians spread   
through the greater part of ,egypt2 the 
,ophites were apparently in ,bithynia   
and ,galatia2 the ,cainites or ,caians  
in ,africa1 and the ,marcosians in      
,gaul4 ,to these must be added several  
sects1 which1 though not strictly of the
 ,gnostic stock1 are associated with    
them in date1 character1 and            
origin2--the ,ebionites of ,palestine1  
the ,cerinthians1 who rose in some part 
of ,asia ,minor1 the ,encratites and    
kindred sects1 who spread from          
,mesopotamia to ,syria1 to ,cilicia and 
other provinces of ,asia ,minor1 and    
thence to ,rome1 ,gaul1 ,aquitaine1 and 
,spain2 and the ,montanists1 who1 with a
 town in ,phrygia for their metropolis1 
reached at length from ,constantinople  
to ,carthage4  ,when the reader of      
,christian history comes to the second  
century1 says ,dr4 ,burton1 he finds    

that ,gnosticism1 under some form or    
other1 was professed in every part of   
the then civilized world4 ,he finds it  
divided into schools1 as numerously and 
as zealously attended as any which      
,greece or ,asia could boast in their   
happiest days4 ,he meets with names     
totally unknown to him before1 which    
excited as much sensation as those of   
,aristotle or ,plato4 ,he hears of      
volumes having been written in support  
of this new philosophy1 not one of which
 has survived to our own day4#bba3a     
,many of the founders of these sects had
 been ,christians2 others were of       
,jewish parentage2 others were more or  
less connected in fact with the ,pagan  
rites to which their own bore so great a
 resemblance4 ,montanus seems even to   
have been a mutilated priest of ,cybele2
 the followers of ,prodicus professed to
 possess the secret books of ,zoroaster2
 and the doctrine of dualism1 which so  
many of the sects held1 is to be traced 
to the same source4 ,basilides seems to 

have recognized ,mithras as the ,supreme
 ,being1 or the ,prince of ,angels1 or  
the ,sun1 if ,mithras is equivalent to  
,abraxas1 which was inscribed upon his  
amulets3 on the other hand1 he is said  
to have been taught by an immediate     
disciple of ,st4 ,peter1 and ,valentinus
 by an immediate disciple of ,st4 ,paul4
 ,marcion was the son of a ,bishop of   
,pontus2 ,tatian1 a disciple of ,st4    
,justin ,martyr4   #ab4  ,whatever might
 be the history of these sects1 and     
though it may be a question whether they
 can be properly called superstitions1  
and though many of them numbered        
educated men among their teachers and   
followers1 they closely resembled1 at   
least in ritual and profession1 the     
vagrant ,pagan mysteries which have been
 above described4 ,their very name of   
,gnostic implied the possession of a    
secret1 which was to be communicated to 
their disciples4 ,ceremonial observances
 were the preparation1 and symbolical   
rites the instrument1 of initiation4    

,tatian and ,montanus1 the              
representatives of very distinct        
schools1 agreed in making asceticism a  
rule of life4 ,the followers of each of 
these sectaries abstained from wine2 the
 ,tatianites and ,marcionites1 from     
flesh2 the ,montanists kept three ,lents
 in the year4 ,all the ,gnostic sects   
seem to have condemned marriage on one  
or other reason4#bbb3a ,the ,marcionites
 had three baptisms or more2 the        
,marcosians had two rites of what they  
called redemption2 the latter of these  
was celebrated as a marriage1 and the   
room adorned as a marriage-chamber4 ,a  
consecration to a priesthood then       
followed with anointing4 ,an extreme    
unction was another of their rites1 and 
prayers for the dead one of their       
observances4 ,bardesanes and ,harmonius 
were famous for the beauty of their     
chants4 ,the prophecies of ,montanus    
were delivered1 like the oracles of the 
heathen1 in a state of enthusiasm or    
ecstasy4 ,to ,epiphanes1 the son of     

,carpocrates1 who died at the age of    
seventeen1 a temple was erected in the  
island of ,cephallenia1 his mother's    
birthplace1 where he was celebrated with
 hymns and sacrifices4 ,a similar honour
 was paid by the ,carpocratians to      
,homer1 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 ,aristotle1
 as well as to the ,apostles2 crowns    
were placed upon their images1 and      
incense burned before them4 ,in one of  
the inscriptions found at ,cyrene1 about
 twenty years since1 ,zoroaster1        
,pythagoras1 ,epicurus1 and others1 are 
put together with our ,lord1 as guides  
of conduct4 ,these inscriptions also    
contain the ,carpocratian tenet of a    
community of women4 ,i am unwilling to  
allude to the ,agap and ,communions of  
certain of these sects1 which were not  
surpassed in profligacy by the ,pagan   
rites of which they were an imitation4  
,the very name of ,gnostic became an    
expression for the worst impurities1 and
 no one dared eat bread with them1 or   
use their culinary instruments or       

plates4   #ac4  ,these profligate       
excesses are found in connexion with the
 exercise of magic and astrology4#bbc3a 
,the amulets of the ,basilidians are    
still extant in great numbers1 inscribed
 with symbols1 some ,christian1 some    
with figures of ,isis1 ,serapis1 and    
,anubis1 represented according to the   
gross indecencies of the ,egyptian      
mythology4#bbc3b ,st4 ,irenus had       
already connected together the two      
crimes in speaking of the ,simonians3   
,their mystical priests1 he says1 live  
in lewdness1 and practise magic1        
according to the ability of each4 ,they 
use exorcisms and incantations2         
love-potions too1 and seductive spells2 
the virtue of spirits1 and dreams1 and  
all other curious arts1 they diligently 
observe4#bbc3c ,the ,marcosians were    
especially devoted to these curious     
arts1 which are also ascribed to        
,carpocrates and ,apelles4 ,marcion and 
others are reported to have used        
astrology4 ,tertullian speaks generally 

of the sects of his day3 ,infamous are  
the dealings of the heretics with       
sorcerers very many1 with mountebanks1  
with astrologers1 with philosophers1 to 
wit1 such as are given to curious       
questions4 ,they everywhere remember1   
',seek1 and ye shall find4'#bbc3d  ,such
 were the ,gnostics2 and to external and
 prejudiced spectators1 whether         
philosophers1 as ,celsus and ,porphyry1 
or the multitude1 they wore an          
appearance sufficiently like the ,church
 to be mistaken for her in the latter   
part of the ,ante-nicene period1 as she 
was confused with the ,pagan mysteries  
in the earlier4   #ad4  ,of course it   
may happen that the common estimate     
concerning a person or a body is purely 
accidental and unfounded2 but in such   
cases it is not lasting4 ,such were the 
calumnies of child-eating and impurity  
in the ,christian meetings1 which were  
almost extinct by the time of ,origen1  
and which might arise from the world's  
confusing them with the pagan and       

heretical rites4 ,but when it continues 
from age to age1 it is certainly an     
index of a fact1 and corresponds to     
definite qualities in the object to     
which it relates4 ,in that case1 even   
mistakes carry information2 for they are
 cognate to the truth1 and we can allow 
for them4 ,often what seems like a      
mistake is merely the mode in which the 
informant conveys his testimony1 or the 
impression which a fact makes on him4   
,censure is the natural tone of one man 
in a case where praise is the natural   
tone of another2 the very same character
 or action inspires one mind with       
enthusiasm1 and another with contempt4  
,what to one man is magnanimity1 to     
another is romance1 and pride to a      
third1 and pretence to a fourth1 while  
to a fifth it is simply unintelligible2 
and yet there is a certain analogy in   
their separate testimonies1 which       
conveys to us what the thing is like and
 what it is not like4 ,when a man's     
acknowledged note is superstition1 we   

may be pretty sure we shall not find him
 an ,academic or an ,epicurean2 and even
 words which are ambiguous1 as atheist1 
or reformer1 admit of a sure            
interpretation when we are informed of  
the speaker4 ,in like manner1 there is a
 certain general correspondence between 
magic and miracle1 obstinacy and faith1 
insubordination and zeal for religion1  
sophistry and argumentative talent1     
craft and meekness1 as is obvious4 ,let 
us proceed then in our contemplation of 
this reflection1 as it may be called of 
primitive ,christianity in the mirror of
 the world4   #ae4  ,all three writers1 
,tacitus1 ,suetonius1 and ,pliny1 call  
it a superstition2 this is no accidental
 imputation1 but is repeated by a       
variety of subsequent writers and       
speakers4 ,the charge of ,thyestean     
banquets scarcely lasts a hundred years2
 but1 while pagan witnesses are to be   
found1 the ,church is accused of        
superstition4 ,the heathen disputant in 
,minucius calls ,christianity1 ,vana et 

demens superstitio4 ,the lawyer         
,modestinus speaks1 with an apparent    
allusion to ,christianity1 of weak minds
 being terrified superstitione numinis4 
,the heathen magistrate asks ,st4       
,marcellus1 whether he and others have  
put away vain superstitions1 and worship
 the gods whom the emperors worship4    
,the ,pagans in ,arnobius speak of      
,christianity as an execrable and       
unlucky religion1 full of impiety and   
sacrilege1 contaminating the rites      
instituted from of old with the         
superstition of its novelty4 ,the       
anonymous opponent of ,lactantius calls 
it1 ,impia et anilis superstitio4       
,diocletian's inscription at ,clunia    
was1 as it declared1 on occasion of the 
total extinction of the superstition of 
the ,christians1 and the extension of   
the worship of the gods4 ,maximin1 in   
his ,letter upon ,constantine's ,edict1 
still calls it a superstition4#bbe3a    
#af4  ,now what is meant by the word    
thus attached by a consensus of heathen 

authorities to ,christianity8 ,at least1
 it cannot mean a religion in which a   
man might think what he pleased1 and was
 set free from all yokes1 whether of    
ignorance1 fear1 authority1 or          
priestcraft4 ,when heathen writers call 
the ,oriental rites superstitions1 they 
evidently use the word in its modern    
sense2 it cannot surely be doubted that 
they apply it in the same sense to      
,christianity4 ,but ,plutarch explains  
for us the word at length1 in his       
,treatise which bears the name3 ,of all 
kinds of fear1 he says1 superstition is 
the most fatal to action and resource4  
,he does not fear the sea who does not  
sail1 nor war who does not serve1 nor   
robbers who keeps at home1 nor the      
sycophant who is poor1 nor the envious  
if he is a private man1 nor an          
earthquake if he lives in ,gaul1 nor    
thunder if he lives in ,ethiopia2 but he
 who fears the gods fears everything1   
earth1 seas1 air1 sky1 darkness1 light1 
noises1 silence1 sleep4 ,slaves sleep   

and forget their masters2 of the        
fettered doth sleep lighten the chain2  
inflamed wounds1 ulcers cruel and       
agonizing1 are not felt by the sleeping4
 ,superstition alone has come to no     
terms with sleep2 but in the very sleep 
of her victims1 as though they were in  
the realms of the impious1 she raises   
horrible spectres1 and monstrous        
phantoms1 and various pains1 and whirls 
the miserable soul about1 and persecutes
 it4 ,they rise1 and1 instead of making 
light of what is unreal1 they fall into 
the hands of quacks and conjurers1 who  
say1 ',call the crone to expiate1 bathe 
in the sea1 and sit all day on the      
ground4' ,he goes on to speak of the    
introduction of uncouth names and       
barbarous terms into the divine and     
national authority of religion2 observes
 that1 whereas slaves1 when they despair
 of freedom1 may demand to be sold to   
another master1 superstition admits of  
no change of gods1 since the god cannot 
be found whom he will not fear1 who     

fears the gods of his family and his    
birth1 who shudders at the ,saving and  
the ,benignant1 who has a trembling and 
dread at those from whom we ask riches  
and wealth1 concord1 peace1 success of  
all good words and deeds4 ,he says1     
moreover1 that1 while death is to all   
men an end of life1 it is not so to the 
superstitious2 for then there are deep  
gates of hell to yawn1 and headlong     
streams of at once fire and gloom are   
opened1 and darkness with its many      
phantoms encompasses1 ghosts presenting 
horrid visages and wretched voices1 and 
judges and executioners1 and chasms and 
dens full of innumerable miseries4      
,presently1 he says1 that in misfortune 
or sickness the superstitious man       
refuses to see physician or philosopher1
 and cries1 ,suffer me1 ,o man1 to      
undergo punishment1 the impious1 the    
cursed1 the hated of gods and spirits4  
,the ,atheist1 with whom all along he is
 contrasting the superstitious          
disadvantageously1 wipes his tears1     

trims his hair1 doffs his mourning2 but 
how can you address1 how help the       
superstitious8 ,he sits apart in        
sackcloth or filthy rags2 and often he  
strips himself and rolls in the mud1 and
 tells out his sins and offences1 as    
having eaten and drunken something1 or  
walked some way which the divinity did  
not allow4 4 4 4 ,and in his best mood1 
and under the influence of a            
good-humoured superstition1 he sits at  
home1 with sacrifice and slaughter all  
round him1 while the old crones hang on 
him as on a peg1 as ,bion says1 any     
charm they fall in with4 ,he continues1 
,what men like best are festivals1      
banquets at the temples1 initiations1   
orgies1 votive prayers1 and adorations4 
,but the superstitious wishes indeed1   
but is unable to rejoice4 ,he is crowned
 and turns pale2 he sacrifices and is in
 fear2 he prays with a quivering voice1 
and burns incense with trembling hands1 
and altogether belies the saying of     
,pythagoras1 that we are then in best   

case when we go to the gods2 for        
superstitious men are in most wretched  
and evil case1 approaching the houses or
 shrines of the gods as if they were the
 dens of bears1 or the holes of snakes1 
or the caves of whales4   #ag4  ,here we
 have a vivid picture of ,plutarch's    
idea of the essence of ,superstition2 it
 was the imagination of the existence of
 an unseen ever-present ,master2 the    
bondage of a rule of life1 of a         
continual responsibility2 obligation to 
attend to little things1 the            
impossibility of escaping from duty1 the
 inability to choose or change one's    
religion1 an interference with the      
enjoyment of life1 a melancholy view of 
the world1 sense of sin1 horror at      
guilt1 apprehension of punishment1      
dread1 self-abasement1 depression1      
anxiety and endeavour to be at peace    
with heaven1 and error and absurdity in 
the methods chosen for the purpose4     
,such too had been the idea of the      
,epicurean ,velleius1 when he shrunk    

with horror from the sempiternus dominus
 and curiosus ,deus of the              
,stoics4#bbh3a ,such1 surely1 was the   
meaning of ,tacitus1 ,suetonius1 and    
,pliny4 ,and hence of course the        
frequent reproach cast on ,christians as
 credulous1 weak-minded1 and            
poor-spirited4 ,the heathen objectors in
 ,minucius and ,lactantius speak of     
their old-woman's tales4#bbh3b ,celsus  
accuses them of assenting at random and 
without reason1 saying1 ,do not inquire1
 but believe4 ,they lay it down1 he says
 elsewhere1 ,let no educated man        
approach1 no man of wisdom1 no man of   
sense2 but if a man be unlearned1 weak  
in intellect1 an infant1 let him come   
with confidence4 ,confessing that these 
are worthy of their ,god1 they evidently
 desire1 as they are able1 to convert   
none but fools1 and vulgar1 and stupid1 
and slavish1 women and boys4 ,they take 
in the simple1 and lead him where they  
will4 ,they address themselves to       
youths1 house-servants1 and the weak in 

intellect4 ,they hurry away from the    
educated1 as not fit subjects of their  
imposition1 and inveigle the            
rustic4#bbh3c ,thou1 says the heathen   
magistrate to the ,martyr ,fructuosus1  
who as a teacher dost disseminate a new 
fable1 that fickle girls may desert the 
groves and abandon ,jupiter1 condemn1 if
 thou art wise1 the anile creed4#bbi3a  
#ah4  ,hence the epithets of itinerant1 
mountebank1 conjurer1 cheat1 sophist1   
sorcerer1 heaped upon the teachers of   
,christianity2 sometimes to account for 
the report or apparent truth of their   
miracles1 sometimes to explain their    
success4 ,our ,lord was said to have    
learned ,his miraculous power in ,egypt2
 wizard1 mediciner1 cheat1 rogue1       
conjurer1 were the epithets applied to  
,him by the opponents of                
,eusebius2#bbi3b they worship that      
crucified sophist1 says ,lucian2#bbi3c  
,paul1 who surpasses all the conjurers  
and impostors who ever lived1 is        
,julian's account of the ,apostle4 ,you 

have sent through the whole world1 says 
,st4 ,justin to ,trypho1 to preach that 
a certain atheistic and lawless sect has
 sprung from one ,jesus1 a ,galilean    
cheat4#bbi3d ,we know1 says ,lucian1    
speaking of ,chaldeans and ,magicians1  
the ,syrian from ,palestine1 who is the 
sophist in these matters1 how many      
lunatics1 with eyes distorted and mouth 
in foam1 he raises and sends away       
restored1 ridding them from the evil at 
a great price4#bbi3e ,if any conjurer   
came to them1 a man of skill and knowing
 how to manage matters1 says the same   
writer1 he made money in no time1 with a
 broad grin at the simple fellows4#bbi3f
 ,the officer who had custody of ,st4   
,perpetua feared her escape from prison 
by magical incantations4#bbi3g ,when    
,st4 ,tiburtius had walked barefoot on  
hot coals1 his judge cried out that     
,christ had taught him magic4 ,st4      
,anastasia was thrown into prison as a  
mediciner2 the populace called out      
against ,st4 ,agnes1 ,away with the     

witch1 ,tolle magam1 tolle maleficam4   
,when ,st4 ,bonosus and ,st4 ,maximilian
 bore the burning pitch without         
shrinking1 ,jews and ,gentiles cried    
out1 ,isti magi et malefici4 ,what new  
delusion1 says the heathen magistrate   
concerning ,st4 ,romanus1 has brought in
 these sophists to deny the worship of  
the gods8 ,how doth this chief sorcerer 
mock us1 skilled by his ,thessalian     
charm 7carmine7 to laugh at             
punishment4#bcj3a  ,hence we gather the 
meaning of the word carmen as used by   
,pliny2 when he speaks of the           
,christians saying with one another a   
carmen to ,christ as to a god1 he meant 
pretty much what ,suetonius expresses by
 the malefica superstitio4#bcj3b ,and   
the words of the last-mentioned writer  
and ,tacitus are still more exactly1    
and1 ,i may say1 singularly illustrated 
by clauses which occur in the           
,theodosian code2 which seem to show    
that these historians were using formal 
terms and phrases to express their      

notion of ,christianity4 ,for instance1 
,tacitus says1 ,quos per flagitia       
invisos1 vulgus ,christianos appellabat2
 and the ,law against the ,malefici and 
,mathematici in the ,code speaks of     
those1 ,quos ob facinorum magnitudinem  
vulgus maleficos appellat4#bcj3c ,again1
 ,tacitus charges ,christians with the  
odium humani generis3 this is the very  
characteristic of a practiser in magic2 
the ,laws call the ,malefici1 humani    
generis hostes1 humani generis inimici1 
natur peregrini1 communis salutis       
hostes4#bcj3d   #ai4  ,this also        
explains the phenomenon1 which has      
created so much surprise to certain     
moderns2--that a grave1 well-informed   
historian like ,tacitus should apply to 
,christians what sounds like abuse4 ,yet
 what is the difficulty1 supposing that 
,christians were considered mathematici 
and magi1 and these were the secret     
intriguers against established          
government1 the allies of desperate     
politicians1 the enemies of the         

established religion1 the disseminators 
of lying rumours1 the perpetrators of   
poisonings and other crimes8 ,read this1
 says ,paley1 after quoting some of the 
most beautiful and subduing passages of 
,st4 ,paul1 read this1 and then think of
 exitiabilis superstitio2 and he goes on
 to express a wish in contending with   
heathen authorities1 to produce our     
books against theirs1#bca3a as if it    
were a matter of books4 ,public men care
 very little for books2 the finest      
sentiments1 the most luminous           
philosophy1 the deepest theology1       
inspiration itself1 moves them but      
little2 they look at facts1 and care    
only for facts4 ,the question was1 ,what
 was the worth1 what the tendency of the
 ,christian body in the state8 what     
,christians said1 what they thought1 was
 little to the purpose4 ,they might     
exhort to peaceableness and passive     
obedience as strongly as words could    
speak2 but what did they do1 what was   
their political position8 ,this is what 

statesmen thought of then1 as they do   
now4 ,what had men of the world to do   
with abstract proofs or first           
principles8 a statesman measures        
parties1 and sects1 and writers by their
 bearing upon him2 and he has a         
practised eye in this sort of judgment1 
and is not likely to be mistaken4 ',what
 is ,truth8' said jesting ,pilate4      
,apologies1 however eloquent or true1   
availed nothing with the ,roman         
magistrate against the sure instinct    
which taught him to dread ,christianity4
 ,it was a dangerous enemy to any power 
not built upon itself2 he felt it1 and  
the event justified his apprehension4   
#bj4  ,we must not forget the well-known
 character of the ,roman state in its   
dealings with its subjects4 ,it had had 
from the first an extreme jealousy of   
secret societies2 it was prepared to    
grant a large toleration and a broad    
comprehension1 but1 as is the case with 
modern governments1 it wished to have   
jurisdiction and the ultimate authority 

in every movement of the body politic   
and social1 and its civil institutions  
were based1 or essentially depended1 on 
its religion4 ,accordingly1 every       
innovation upon the established         
paganism1 except it was allowed by the  
law1 was rigidly repressed4 ,hence the  
professors of low superstitions1 of     
mysteries1 of magic1 of astrology1 were 
the outlaws of society1 and were in a   
condition analogous1 if the comparison  
may be allowed1 to smugglers or poachers
 among ourselves1 or perhaps to burglars
 and highwaymen4 ,the modern robber is  
sometimes made to ask in novels or      
essays1 why the majority of a people    
should bind the minority1 and why he is 
amenable to laws which he does not      
enact2 but the magistrate1 relying on   
the power of the sword1 wishes all men  
to gain a living indeed1 and to prosper1
 but only in his own legally sanctioned 
ways1 and he hangs or transports        
dissenters from his authority4 ,the     
,romans applied this rule to religion4  

,lardner protests against ,pliny's      
application of the words contumacy and  
inflexible obstinacy to the ,christians 
of ,pontus4 ,indeed1 these are hard     
words1 he says1 very improperly applied 
to men who were open to conviction1 and 
willing to satisfy others1 if they might
 have leave to speak4#bcb3a ,and he     
says1 ,it seems to me that ,pliny acted 
very arbitrarily and unrighteously1 in  
his treatment of the ,christians in his 
province4 ,what right had ,pliny to act 
in this manner8 by what law or laws did 
he punish them with death8--but the     
,romans had ever burnt the sorcerer1 and
 banished his consulters for life4#bcc3a
 ,it was an ancient custom4 ,and at     
mysteries they looked with especial     
suspicion1 because1 since the           
established religion did not include    
them in its provisions1 they really did 
supply what may be called a demand of   
the age4 ,the ,greeks of an earlier day 
had naturalized among themselves the    
,eleusinian and other mysteries1 which  

had come from ,egypt and ,syria1 and had
 little to fear from a fresh invasion   
from the same quarter2 yet even in      
,greece1 as ,plutarch tells us1 the     
carmina of the itinerants of ,cybele and
 ,serapis threw the ,pythian verses out 
of fashion1 and henceforth the responses
 from the temple were given in prose4   
,soon the oracles altogether ceased4    
,what would cause in the ,roman mind    
still greater jealousy of ,christianity 
was the general infidelity which        
prevailed among all classes as regards  
the mythological fables of ,charon1     
,cerberus1 and the realms of            
punishment4#bcc3b   #ba4  ,we know what 
opposition had been made in ,rome even  
to the philosophy of ,greece2 much      
greater would be the aversion of        
constitutional statesmen and lawyers to 
the ritual of barbarians4 ,religion was 
the ,roman point of honour4 ,spaniards  
might rival them in numbers1 says       
,cicero1 ,gauls in bodily strength1     
,carthaginians in address1 ,greeks in   

the arts1 ,italians and ,latins in      
native talent1 but the ,romans surpassed
 all nations in piety and               
devotion4#bcd3a ,it was one of their    
laws1 ,let no one have gods by himself1 
nor worship in private new gods nor     
adventitious1 unless added on public    
authority4#bcd3b ,lutatius1#bcd3c at the
 end of the first ,punic war1 was       
forbidden by the senate to consult the  
,sortes ,prnestin as being auspicia     
alienigena4 ,some years afterwards the  
,consul took axe in hand1 and commenced 
the destruction of the temples of ,isis 
and ,serapis4 ,in the second ,punic war1
 the senate had commanded the surrender 
of the libri vaticini or precationes1   
and any written art of sacrificing4     
,when a secret confraternity was        
discovered1 at a later date1 the ,consul
 spoke of the rule of their ancestors   
which forbade the forum1 circus1 and    
city to ,sacrificuli and prophets1 and  
burnt their books4 ,in the next age     
banishment was inflicted on individuals 

who were introducing the worship of the 
,syrian ,sabazius2 and in the next the  
,iseion and ,serapeion were destroyed a 
second time4 ,mcenas in ,dio advises    
,augustus to honour the gods according  
to the national custom1 because the     
contempt of the country's deities leads 
to civil insubordination1 reception of  
foreign laws1 conspiracies1 and secret  
meetings4#bcd3d ,suffer no one1 he adds1
 to deny the gods or to practise        
sorcery4 ,the civilian ,julius ,paulus  
lays it down as one of the leading      
principles of ,roman ,law1 that those   
who introduce new or untried religions  
should be degraded1 and if in the lower 
orders put to death4#bcd3e ,in like     
manner1 it is enacted in one of         
,constantine's ,laws that the           
,haruspices should not exercise their   
art in private2 and there is a law of   
,valentinian's against nocturnal        
sacrifices or magic4 ,it is more        
immediately to our purpose that ,trajan 
had been so earnest in his resistance to

 ,hetri or secret societies1 that1 when 
a fire had laid waste ,nicomedia1 and   
,pliny proposed to him to incorporate a 
body of a hundred and fifty firemen in  
consequence1#bce3a he was afraid of the 
precedent and forbade it4   #bb4  ,what 
has been said will suggest another point
 of view in which the ,oriental rites   
were obnoxious to the government1 viz41 
as being vagrant and proselytizing      
religions4 ,if it tolerated foreign     
superstitions1 this would be on the     
ground that districts or countries      
within its jurisdiction held them2 to   
proselytize to a rite hitherto unknown1 
to form a new party1 and to propagate it
 through the ,empire1--a religion not   
local but ,catholic1--was an offence    
against both order and reason4 ,the     
state desired peace everywhere1 and no  
change2 considering1 according to       
,lactantius1 that they were rightly and 
deservedly punished who execrated the   
public religion handed down to them by  
their ancestors4#bce3b  ,it is          

impossible surely to deny that1 in      
assembling for religious purposes1 the  
,christians were breaking a solemn law1 
a vital principle of the ,roman         
constitution2 and this is the light in  
which their conduct was regarded by the 
historians and philosophers of the      
,empire4 ,this was a very strong act on 
the part of the disciples of the great  
,apostle1 who had enjoined obedience to 
the powers that be4 ,time after time    
they resisted the authority of the      
magistrate2 and this is a phenomenon    
inexplicable on the theory of ,private  
,judgment or of the ,voluntary          
,principle4 ,the justification of such  
disobedience lies simply in the         
necessity of obeying the higher         
authority of some divine law2 but if    
,christianity were in its essence only  
private and personal1 as so many now    
think1 there was no necessity of their  
meeting together at all4 ,if1 on the    
other hand1 in assembling for worship   
and holy communion1 they were fulfilling

 an indispensable observance1           
,christianity has imposed a social law  
on the world1 and formally enters the   
field of politics4 ,gibbon says that1 in
 consequence of ,pliny's edict1 the     
prudence of the ,christians suspended   
their ,agap2 but it was impossible for  
them to omit the exercise of public     
worship4#bcf3a ,we can draw no other    
conclusion4   #bc4  ,at the end of three
 hundred years1 a more remarkable       
violation of law seems to have been     
admitted by the ,christian body4 ,it    
shall be given in the words of ,dr4     
,burton2 he has been speaking of        
,maximin's edict1 which provided for the
 restitution of any of their lands or   
buildings which had been alienated from 
them4 ,it is plain1 he says1 from the   
terms of this edict1 that the           
,christians had for some time been in   
possession of property4 ,it speaks of   
houses and lands which did not belong to
 individuals1 but to the whole body4    
,their possession of such property could

 hardly have escaped the notice of the  
government2 but it seems to have been   
held in direct violation of a law of    
,diocletian1 which prohibited corporate 
bodies1 or associations which were not  
legally recognized1 from acquiring      
property4 ,the ,christians were         
certainly not a body recognized by law  
at the beginning of the reign of        
,diocletian1 and it might almost be     
thought that this enactment was         
specially directed against them4 ,but1  
like other laws which are founded upon  
tyranny1 and are at variance with the   
first principles of justice1 it is      
probable that this law about corporate  
property was evaded4 ,we must suppose   
that the ,christians had purchased lands
 and houses before the law was passed2  
and their disregard of the prohibition  
may be taken as another proof that their
 religion had now taken so firm a       
footing that the executors of the laws  
were obliged to connive at their being  
broken by so numerous a body4#bcg3a     

#bd4  ,no wonder that the magistrate who
 presided at the martyrdom of ,st4      
,romanus calls them in ,prudentius a    
rebel people2#bcg3b that ,galerius      
speaks of them as a nefarious           
conspiracy2 the heathen in ,minucius1 as
 men of a desperate faction2 that others
 make them guilty of sacrilege and      
treason1 and call them by those other   
titles which1 more closely resembling   
the language of ,tacitus1 have been     
noticed above4 ,hence the violent       
accusations against them as the         
destruction of the ,empire1 the authors 
of physical evils1 and the cause of the 
anger of the gods4  ,men cry out1 says  
,tertullian1 that the state is beset1   
that the ,christians are in their       
fields1 in their forts1 in their        
islands4 ,they mourn as for a loss that 
every sex1 condition1 and now even rank1
 is going over to this sect4 ,and yet   
they do not by this very means advance  
their minds to the idea of some good    
therein hidden2 they allow not          

themselves to conjecture more rightly1  
they choose not to examine more closely4
 ,the generality run upon a hatred of   
this name1 with eyes so closed that in  
bearing favourable testimony to any one 
they mingle with it the reproach of the 
name4 ',a good man ,caius ,seius1 only  
he is a ,christian4' ,so another1 ',i   
marvel that that wise man ,lucius       
,titius hath suddenly become a          
,christian4' ,no one reflecteth whether 
,caius be not therefore good and ,lucius
 wise because a ,christian1 or therefore
 a ,christian because wise and good4    
,they praise that which they know1 they 
revile that which they know not4 ,virtue
 is not in such account as hatred of the
 ,christians4 ,now1 then1 if the hatred 
be of the name1 what guilt is there in  
names8 ,what charge against words8      
,unless it be that any word which is a  
name have either a barbarous or         
ill-omened1 or a scurrilous or an       
immodest sound4 ,if the ,tiber cometh up
 to the walls1 if the ,nile cometh not  

up to the fields1 if the heaven hath    
stood still1 if the earth hath been     
moved1 if there be any famine1 if any   
pestilence1 ',the ,christians to the    
lions' is forthwith the word4#bch3a     
#be4  ,men of a desperate1 lawless1     
reckless faction1 says the heathen      
,ccilius1 in the passage above referred 
to1 who collect together out of the     
lowest rabble the thoughtless portion1  
and credulous women seduced by the      
weakness of their sex1 and form a mob of
 impure conspirators1 of whom nocturnal 
assemblies1 and solemn fastings1 and    
unnatural food1 no sacred rite but      
pollution1 is the bond4 ,a tribe lurking
 and light-hating1 dumb for the public1 
talkative in corners1 they despise our  
temples as if graves1 spit at our gods1 
deride our religious forms2 pitiable    
themselves1 they pity1 forsooth1 our    
priests2 half-naked themselves1 they    
despise our honours and purple2         
monstrous folly and incredible          
impudence6 4 4 4 ,day after day1 their  

abandoned morals wind their serpentine  
course2 over the whole world are those  
most hideous rites of an impious        
association growing into shape3 4 4 4   
they recognize each other by marks and  
signs1 and love each other almost before
 they recognize2 promiscuous lust is    
their religion4 ,thus does their vain   
and mad superstition glory in crimes4 4 
4 ,the writer who tells the story of a  
criminal capitally punished1 and of the 
gibbet 7ligna feralia7 of the cross     
being their observance 7ceremonias71    
assigns to them thereby an altar in     
keeping with the abandoned and wicked1  
that they may worship 7colant7 what they
 merit4 4 4 4 ,why their mighty effort  
to hide and shroud whatever it is they  
worship 7colunt71 since things honest   
ever like the open day1 and crimes are  
secret8 ,why have they no altars1 no    
temples1 no images known to us1 never   
speak abroad1 never assemble freely1    
were it not that what they worship and  
suppress is subject either of punishment

 or of shame8 4 4 ,what monstrous1 what 
portentous notions do they fabricate6   
that that ,god of theirs1 whom they can 
neither show nor see1 should be         
inquiring diligently into the           
characters1 the acts1 nay the words and 
secret thoughts of all men2 running to  
and fro1 forsooth1 and present          
everywhere1 troublesome1 restless1 nay  
impudently curious they would have him2 
that is1 if he is close at every deed1  
interferes in all places1 while he can  
neither attend to each as being         
distracted through the whole1 nor       
suffice for the whole as being engaged  
about each4 ,think too of their         
threatening fire1 meditating destruction
 to the whole earth1 nay the world      
itself with its stars6 4 4 4 ,nor       
content with this mad opinion1 they add 
and append their old wives' tales about 
a new birth after death1 ashes and      
cinders1 and by some strange confidence 
believe each other's lies4 ,poor        
creatures6 consider what hangs over you 

after death1 while you are still alive4 
,lo1 the greater part of you1 the       
better1 as you say1 are in want1 cold1  
toil1 hunger1 and your ,god suffers it2 
but ,i omit common trials4 ,lo1 threats 
are offered to you1 punishments1        
torments2 crosses to be undergone now1  
not worshipped 7adorand72 fires too     
which ye predict and fear2 where is that
 ,god who can recover1 but cannot       
preserve your life8 ,the answer of      
,socrates1 when he was asked about      
heavenly matters1 is well known1 ',what 
is above us does not concern us4' ,my   
opinion also is1 that points which are  
doubtful1 as are the points in question1
 must be left2 nor1 when so many and    
such great men are in controversy on the
 subject1 must judgment be rashly and   
audaciously given on either side1 lest  
the consequence be either anile         
superstition or the overthrow of all    
religion4   #bf4  ,such was             
,christianity in the eyes of those who  
witnessed its rise and propagation2--one

 of a number of wild and barbarous rites
 which were pouring in upon the ,empire 
from the ancient realms of superstition1
 and the mother of a progeny of sects   
which were faithful to the original they
 had derived from ,egypt or ,syria2 a   
religion unworthy of an educated person1
 as appealing1 not to the intellect1 but
 to the fears and weaknesses of human   
nature1 and consisting1 not in the      
rational and cheerful enjoyment1 but in 
a morose rejection of the gifts of      
,providence2 a horrible religion1 as    
inflicting or enjoining cruel           
sufferings1 and monstrous and loathsome 
in its very indulgence of the passions2 
a religion leading by reaction to       
infidelity2 a religion of magic1 and of 
the vulgar arts1 real and pretended1    
with which magic was accompanied2 a     
secret religion which dared not face the
 day2 an itinerant1 busy1 proselytizing 
religion1 forming an extended           
confederacy against the state1 resisting
 its authority and breaking its laws4   

,there may be some exceptions to this   
general impression1 such as ,pliny's    
discovery of the innocent and virtuous  
rule of life adopted by the ,christians 
of ,pontus2 but this only proves that   
,christianity was not in fact the       
infamous religion which the heathen     
thought it2 it did not reverse their    
general belief to that effect4   #bg4   
,now it must be granted that1 in some   
respects1 this view of ,christianity    
depended on the times1 and would alter  
with their alteration4 ,when there was  
no persecution1 ,martyrs could not be   
obstinate2 and when the ,church was     
raised aloft in high places1 it was no  
longer in caves4 ,still1 ,i believe1 it 
continued substantially the same in the 
judgment of the world external to it1   
while there was an external world to    
judge of it4 ,they thought it enough1   
says ,julian in the fourth century1 of  
our ,lord and ,his ,apostles1 to deceive
 women1 servants1 and slaves1 and by    
their means wives and husbands4 ,a human

 fabrication1 says he elsewhere1 put    
together by wickedness1 having nothing  
divine in it1 but making a perverted use
 of the fable-loving1 childish1         
irrational part of the soul1 and        
offering a set of wonders to create     
belief4 ,miserable men1 he says         
elsewhere1 you refuse to worship the    
ancile1 yet you worship the wood of the 
cross1 and sign it on your foreheads1   
and fix it on your doors4 ,shall one for
 this hate the intelligent among you1 or
 pity the less understanding1 who in    
following you have gone to such an      
excess of perdition as to leave the     
everlasting gods and go over to a dead  
,jew8 ,he speaks of their adding other  
dead men to ,him who died so long ago4  
,you have filled all places with        
sepulchres and monuments1 though it is  
nowhere told you in your religion to    
haunt the tombs and to attend upon them4
 ,elsewhere he speaks of their leaving  
the gods for corpses and relics4 ,on the
 other hand1 he attributes the growth of

 ,christianity to its humanity towards  
strangers1 care in burying the dead1 and
 pretended religiousness of life4 ,in   
another place he speaks of their care of
 the poor4#bda3a  ,libanius1 ,julian's  
preceptor in rhetoric1 delivers the same
 testimony1 as far as it goes4 ,he      
addressed his ,oration for the ,temples 
to a ,christian ,emperor1 and would in  
consequence be guarded in his language2 
however it runs in one direction4 ,he   
speaks of those black-habited men1      
meaning the monks1 who eat more than    
elephants1 and by the number of their   
potations trouble those who send them   
drink in their chantings1 and conceal   
this by paleness artificially acquired4 
,they are in good condition out of the  
misfortunes of others1 while they       
pretend to serve ,god by hunger4 ,those 
whom they attack are like bees1 they    
like drones4 ,i do not quote this       
passage to prove that there were monks  
in ,libanius's days1 which no one       
doubts1 but to show his impression of   

,christianity1 as far as his works      
betray it4  ,numantian1 in the same     
century1 describes in verse his voyage  
from ,rome to ,gaul3 one book of the    
poem is extant2 he falls in with        
,christianity on two of the islands     
which lie in his course4 ,he thus       
describes them as found on one of these3
 ,the island is in a squalid state1     
being full of light-haters4 ,they call  
themselves monks1 because they wish to  
live alone without witness4 ,they dread 
the gifts1 from fearing the reverses1 of
 fortune4 ,thus ,homer says that        
melancholy was the cause of             
,bellerophon's anxiety2 for it is said  
that after the wounds of grief mankind  
displeased the offended youth4 ,he meets
 on the other island a ,christian1 whom 
he had known1 of good family and        
fortune1 and happy in his marriage1 who 
impelled by the ,furies had left men and
 gods1 and1 credulous exile1 was living 
in base concealment4 ,is not this herd1 
he continues1 worse than ,circean       

poison8 then bodies were changed1 now   
minds4   #bh4  ,in the ,philopatris1    
which is the work of an ,author of the  
fourth century1#bdb3a ,critias is       
introduced pale and wild4 ,his friend   
asks him if he has seen ,cerberus or    
,hecate2 and he answers that he has     
heard a rigmarole from certain          
thrice-cursed sophists2 which he thinks 
would drive him mad1 if he heard it     
again1 and was nearly sending him       
headlong over some cliff as it was4 ,he 
retires for relief with his inquirer to 
a pleasant place1 shadowed by planes1   
where swallows and nightingales are     
singing1 and a quiet brook is purling4  
,triephon1 his friend1 expresses a fear 
lest he has heard some incantation1 and 
is led by the course of the dialogue1   
before his friend tells his tale1 to    
give some account of ,christianity1     
being himself a ,christian4 ,after      
speaking of the creation1 as described  
by ,moses1 he falls at once upon that   
doctrine of a particular providence     

which is so distasteful to ,plutarch1   
,velleius in ,cicero1 and ,ccilius1 and 
generally to unbelievers4 ,he is in     
heaven1 he says1 looking at just and    
unjust1 and causing actions to be       
entered in books2 and ,he will          
recompense all on a day which ,he has   
appointed4 ,critias objects that he     
cannot make this consistent with the    
received doctrine about the ,fates1 even
 though he has perhaps been carried     
aloft with his master1 and initiated in 
unspeakable mysteries4 ,he also asks if 
the deeds of the ,scythians are written 
in heaven2 for if so1 there must be many
 scribes there4 ,after some more words1 
in course of which1 as in the earlier   
part of the dialogue1 the doctrine of   
the ,holy ,trinity is introduced1       
,critias gives an account of what befell
 him4 ,he says1 he fell in with a crowd 
in the streets2 and1 while asking a     
friend the cause of it1 others joined   
them 7,christians or monks71 and a      
conversation ensues1 part of it corrupt 

or obscure1 on the subject1 as ,gesner  
supposes1 of ,julian's oppression of the
 ,christians1 especially of the clergy4 
,one of these interlocutors is a        
wretched old man1 whose phlegm is paler 
than death2 another has a rotten cloke  
on1 and no covering on head or feet1 who
 says he has been told by some ill-clad 
person from the mountains1 with a shorn 
crown1 that in the theatre was a name   
hieroglyphically written of one who     
would flood the highway with gold4 ,on  
his laughing at the story1 his friend   
,crato1 whom he had joined1 bids him be 
silent1 using a ,pythagorean word2 for  
he has most excellent matters to        
initiate him into1 and that the         
prediction is no dream but true1 and    
will be fulfilled in ,august1 using the 
,egyptian name of the month4 ,he        
attempts to leave them in disgust1 but  
,crato pulls him back at the instigation
 of that old demon4 ,he is in           
consequence persuaded to go to those    
conjurers1 who1 says ,crato1 would      

initiate in all mysteries4 ,he finds1 in
 a building which is described in the   
language used by ,homer of the ,palace  
of ,menelaus1 not ,helen1 no1 but men   
pale and downcast1 who ask1 whether     
there was any bad news2 for they seemed1
 he says1 wishing the worst2 and        
rejoicing in misfortune1 as the ,furies 
in the theatres4 ,on their asking him   
how the city and the world went on1 and 
his answering that things went on       
smoothly and seemed likely to do so     
still1 they frown1 and say that the city
 is in travail with a bad birth4 ,you1  
who dwell aloft1 he answers1 and see    
everything from on high1 doubtless have 
a keen perception in this matter2 but   
tell me1 how is the sky8 will the ,sun  
be eclipsed8 will ,mars be in quadrature
 with ,jupiter8 c42 and he goes on to   
jest upon their celibacy4 ,on their     
persisting in prophesying evil to the   
state1 he says1 ,this evil will fall on 
your own head1 since you are so hard    
upon your country2 for not as           

high-flyers have ye heard this1 nor are 
ye adepts in the restless astrological  
art1 but if divinations and conjurings  
have seduced you1 double is your        
stupidity2 for they are the discoveries 
of old women and things to laugh at4    
,the interview then draws to an end2 but
 more than enough has been quoted       
already to show the author's notion of  
,christianity4   #bi4  ,such was the    
language of paganism after ,christianity
 had for fifty years been exposed to the
 public gaze2 after it had been before  
the world for fifty more1 ,st4          
,augustine had still to defend it       
against the charge of being the cause of
 the calamities of the ,empire4 ,and for
 the charge of magic1 when the ,arian   
bishops were in formal disputations with
 the ,catholic1 before ,gungebald1      
,burgundian ,king of ,france1 at the end
 of the fifth century1 we find still    
that they charged the ,catholics with   
being prstigiatores1 and worshipping a  
number of gods2 and when the ,catholics 

proposed that the king should repair to 
the shrine of ,st4 ,justus1 where both  
parties might ask him concerning their  
respective faiths1 the ,arians cried out
 that they would not seek enchantments  
like ,saul1 for ,scripture was enough   
for them1 which was more powerful than  
all bewitchments4#bde3a ,this was said1 
not against strangers of whom they knew 
nothing1 as ,ethelbert might be         
suspicious of ,st4 ,augustine and his   
brother missionaries1 but against a body
 of men who lived among them4  ,i do not
 think it can be doubted then that1 had 
,tacitus1 ,suetonius1 and ,pliny1       
,celsus1 ,porphyry1 and the other       
opponents of ,christianity1 lived in the
 fourth century1 their evidence         
concerning ,christianity would be very  
much the same as it has come down to us 
from the centuries before it4 ,in either
 case1 a man of the world and a         
philosopher would have been disgusted at
 the gloom and sadness of its           
profession1 its mysteriousness1 its     

claim of miracles1 the want of good     
sense imputable to its rule of life1 and
 the unsettlement and discord it was    
introducing into the social and         
political world4   #cj4  ,on the whole  
then ,i conclude as follows3--if there  
is a form of ,christianity now in the   
world which is accused of gross         
superstition1 of borrowing its rites and
 customs from the heathen1 and of       
ascribing to forms and ceremonies an    
occult virtue2--a religion which is     
considered to burden and enslave the    
mind by its requisitions1 to address    
itself to the weak-minded and ignorant1 
to be supported by sophistry and        
imposture1 and to contradict reason and 
exalt mere irrational faith2--a religion
 which impresses on the serious mind    
very distressing views of the guilt and 
consequences of sin1 sets upon the      
minute acts of the day1 one by one1     
their definite value for praise or      
blame1 and thus casts a grave shadow    
over the future2--a religion which holds

 up to admiration the surrender of      
wealth1 and disables serious persons    
from enjoying it if they would2--a      
religion1 the doctrines of which1 be    
they good or bad1 are to the generality 
of men unknown2 which is considered to  
bear on its very surface signs of folly 
and falsehood so distinct that a glance 
suffices to judge of it1 and that       
careful examination is preposterous2    
which is felt to be so simply bad1 that 
it may be calumniated at hazard and at  
pleasure1 it being nothing but absurdity
 to stand upon the accurate distribution
 of its guilt among its particular acts1
 or painfully to determine how far this 
or that story concerning it is literally
 true1 or what has to be allowed in     
candour1 or what is improbable1 or what 
cuts two ways1 or what is not proved1 or
 what may be plausibly defended2--a     
religion such1 that men look at a       
convert to it with a feeling which no   
other denomination raises except        
,judaism1 ,socialism1 or ,mormonism1    

viz4 with curiosity1 suspicion1 fear1   
disgust1 as the case may be1 as if      
something strange had befallen him1 as  
if he had had an initiation into a      
mystery1 and had come into communion    
with dreadful influences1 as if he were 
now one of a confederacy which claimed  
him1 absorbed him1 stripped him of his  
personality1 reduced him to a mere organ
 or instrument of a whole2--a religion  
which men hate as proselytizing1        
anti-social1 revolutionary1 as dividing 
families1 separating chief friends1     
corrupting the maxims of government1    
making a mock at law1 dissolving the    
empire1 the enemy of human nature1 and a
 conspirator against its rights and     
privileges2#bdg3a--;a religion which    
they consider the champion and          
instrument of darkness1 and a pollution 
calling down upon the land the anger of 
heaven2--a religion which they associate
 with intrigue and conspiracy1 which    
they speak about in whispers1 which they
 detect by anticipation in whatever goes

 wrong1 and to which they impute        
whatever is unaccountable2--a religion1 
the very name of which they cast out as 
evil1 and use simply as a bad epithet1  
and which from the impulse of           
self-preservation they would persecute  
if they could2--if there be such a      
religion now in the world1 it is not    
unlike ,christianity as that same world 
viewed it1 when first it came forth from
 its ,divine ,author4#bdg3b   ,,section 
,,ii4  ,,the ,,church ,,of ,,the        
,,fourth ,,century4  ,till the ,imperial
 ,government had become ,christian1 and 
heresies were put down by the arm of    
power1 the face of ,christendom         
presented much the same appearance all  
along as on the first propagation of the
 religion4 ,what ,gnosticism1           
,montanism1 ,judaism and1 ,i may add1   
the ,oriental mysteries were to the     
nascent ,church1 as described in the    
foregoing ,section1 such were the       
,manichean1 ,donatist1 ,apollinarian and
 contemporary sects afterwards4 ,the    

,church in each place looked at first   
sight as but one out of a number of     
religious communions1 with little of a  
very distinctive character except to the
 careful inquirer4 ,still there were    
external indications of essential       
differences within2 and1 as we have     
already compared it in the first        
centuries1 we may now contrast it in the
 fourth1 with the rival religious bodies
 with which it was encompassed4   #b4   
,how was the man to guide his course who
 wished to join himself to the doctrine 
and fellowship of the ,apostles in the  
times of ,st4 ,athanasius1 ,st4 ,basil1 
and ,st4 ,augustine8 ,few indeed were   
the districts in the orbis terrarum1    
which did not then1 as in the           
,ante-nicene era1 present a number of   
creeds and communions for his choice4   
,gaul indeed is said at that era to have
 been perfectly free from heresies2 at  
least none are mentioned as belonging to
 that country in the ,theodosian ,code4 
,but in ,egypt1 in the early part of the

 fourth century1 the ,meletian schism   
numbered one-third as many bishops as   
were contained in the whole             
,patriarchate4 ,in ,africa1 towards the 
end of it1 while the ,catholic ,bishops 
amounted in all to #dff1 the ,donatists 
rivalled them with as many as #djj4 ,in 
,spain ,priscillianism was spread from  
the ,pyrenees to the ,ocean4 ,it seems  
to have been the religion of the        
population in the province of ,gallicia1
 while its author ,priscillian1 whose   
death had been contrived by the         
,ithacians1 was honoured as a ,martyr4  
,the ,manichees1 hiding themselves under
 a variety of names in different        
localities1 were not in the least       
flourishing condition at ,rome4 ,rome   
and ,italy were the seat of the         
,marcionites4 ,the ,origenists1 too1 are
 mentioned by ,st4 ,jerome as bringing a
 cargo of blasphemies into the port of  
,rome4 ,and ,rome was the seat of a     
,novatian1 a ,donatist1 and a           
,luciferian bishop1 in addition to the  

legitimate occupant of the ,see of ,st4 
,peter4 ,the ,luciferians1 as was       
natural under the circumstances of their
 schism1 were sprinkled over            
,christendom from ,spain to ,palestine1 
and from ,treves to ,lybia2 while in its
 parent country ,sardinia1 as a centre  
of that extended range1 ,lucifer seems  
to have received the honours of a       
,saint4  ,when ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen 
began to preach at ,constantinople1 the 
,arians were in possession of its       
hundred churches2 they had the populace 
in their favour1 and1 after their legal 
dislodgment1 edict after edict was      
ineffectually issued against them4 ,the 
,novatians too abounded there2 and the  
,sabbatians1 who had separated from     
them1 had a church1 where they prayed at
 the tomb of their founder4 ,moreover1  
,apollinarians1 ,eunomians1 and         
,semi-arians1 mustered in great numbers 
at ,constantinople4 ,the ,semi-arian    
bishops were as popular in the          
neighbouring provinces1 as the ,arian   

doctrine in the capital4 ,they had      
possession of the coast of the          
,hellespont and ,bithynia2 and were     
found in ,phrygia1 ,isauria1 and the    
neighbouring parts of ,asia ,minor4     
,phrygia was the headquarters of the    
,montanists1 and was overrun by the     
,messalians1 who had advanced thus far  
from ,mesopotamia1 spreading through    
,syria1 ,lycaonia1 ,pamphylia1 and      
,cappadocia in their way4 ,in the lesser
 ,armenia1 the same heretics had        
penetrated into the monasteries4        
,phrygia1 too1 and ,paphlagonia were the
 seat of the ,novatians1 who besides    
were in force at ,nica and ,nicomedia1  
were found in ,alexandria1 ,africa1 and 
,spain1 and had a bishop even in        
,scythia4 ,the whole tract of country   
from the ,hellespont to ,cilicia had    
nearly lapsed into ,eunomianism1 and the
 tract from ,cilicia as far as          
,phoenicia into ,apollinarianism4 ,the  
disorders of the ,church of ,antioch are
 well known3 an ,arian succession1 two  

orthodox claimants1 and a bishop of the 
,apollinarians4 ,palestine abounded in  
,origenists1 if at that time they may   
properly be called a sect2 ,palestine1  
,egypt1 and ,arabia were overrun with   
,marcionites2 ,osrhoene was occupied by 
the followers of ,bardesanes and        
,harmonius1 whose hymns so nearly took  
the place of national tunes that ,st4   
,ephrem found no better way of resisting
 the heresy than setting them to fresh  
words4 ,theodoret in ,comagene speaks in
 the next century of reclaiming eight   
villages of ,marcionites1 one of        
,eunomians1 and one of ,arians4   #c4   
,these sects were of very various       
character4 ,learning1 eloquence1 and    
talent were the characteristics of the  
,apollinarians1 ,manichees1 and         
,pelagians2 ,tichonius the ,donatist was
 distinguished in ,biblical             
interpretation2 the ,semi-arian and     
,apollinarian leaders were men of grave 
and correct behaviour2 the ,novatians   
had sided with the ,orthodox during the 

,arian persecution2 the ,montanists and 
,messalians addressed themselves to an  
almost heathen population2 the atrocious
 fanaticism of the ,priscillianists1 the
 fury of the ,arian women of ,alexandria
 and ,constantinople1 and the savage    
cruelty of the ,circumcellions can      
hardly be exaggerated4 ,these various   
sectaries had their orders of clergy1   
bishops1 priests and deacons2 their     
readers and ministers2 their celebrants 
and altars2 their hymns and litanies4   
,they preached to the crowds in public1 
and their meeting-houses bore the       
semblance of churches4 ,they had their  
sacristies and cemeteries2 their farms2 
their professors and doctors2 their     
schools4 ,miracles were ascribed to the 
,arian ,theophilus1 to the ,luciferian  
,gregory of ,elvira1 to a ,macedonian in
 ,cyzicus1 and to the ,donatists in     
,africa4   #d4  ,how was an individual  
inquirer to find1 or a private          
,christian to keep the ,truth1 amid so  
many rival teachers8 ,the misfortunes or

 perils of holy men and saints show us  
the difficulty2 ,st4 ,augustine was nine
 years a ,manichee2 ,st4 ,basil for a   
time was in admiration of the           
,semi-arians2 ,st4 ,sulpicius gave a    
momentary countenance to the ,pelagians2
 ,st4 ,paula listened1 and ,melania     
assented1 to the ,origenists4 ,yet the  
rule was simple1 which would direct     
every one right2 and in that age1 at    
least1 no one could be wrong for any    
long time without his own fault4 ,the   
,church is everywhere1 but it is one2   
sects are everywhere1 but they are many1
 independent and discordant4            
,catholicity is the attribute of the    
,church1 independency of sectaries4 ,it 
is true that some sects might seem      
almost ,catholic in their diffusion2    
,novatians or ,marcionites were in all  
quarters of the empire2 yet it is hardly
 more than the name1 or the general     
doctrine or philosophy1 that was        
universal3 the different portions which 
professed it seem to have been bound    

together by no strict or definite tie4  
,the ,church might be evanescent or lost
 for a while in particular countries1 or
 it might be levelled and buried among  
sects1 when the eye was confined to one 
spot1 or it might be confronted by the  
one and same heresy in various places2  
but1 on looking round the orbis         
terrarum1 there was no mistaking that   
body which1 and which alone1 had        
possession of it4 ,the ,church is a     
kingdom2 a heresy is a family rather    
than a kingdom2 and as a family         
continually divides and sends out       
branches1 founding new houses1 and      
propagating itself in colonies1 each of 
them as independent as its original     
head1 so was it with heresy4 ,simon     
,magus1 the first heretic1 had been     
,patriarch of ,menandrians1             
,basilidians1 ,valentinians1 and the    
whole family of ,gnostics2 ,tatian of   
,encratites1 ,severians1 ,aquarians1    
,apotactites1 and ,saccophori4 ,the     
,montanists had been propagated into    

,tascodrugites1 ,pepuzians1             
,artotyrites1 and ,quartodecimans4      
,eutyches1 in a later time1 gave birth  
to the ,dioscorians1 ,gaianites1        
,theodosians1 ,agnoet1 ,theopaschites1  
,acephali1 ,semidalit1 ,nagranit1       
,jacobites1 and others4 ,this is the    
uniform history of heresy4 ,the         
patronage of the civil power might for a
 time counteract the law of its nature1 
but it showed it as soon as that        
obstacle was removed4 ,scarcely was     
,arianism deprived of the churches of   
,constantinople1 and left to itself1    
than it split in that very city into the
 ,dorotheans1 the ,psathyrians1 and the 
,curtians2 and the ,eunomians into the  
,theophronians and ,eutychians4 ,one    
fourth part of the ,donatists speedily  
became ,maximinianists2 and besides     
these were the ,rogatians1 the          
,primianists1 the ,urbanists1 and the   
,claudianists4 ,if such was the         
fecundity of the heretical principle in 
one place1 it is not to be supposed that

 ,novatians or ,marcionites in ,africa  
or the ,east would feel themselves bound
 to think or to act with their          
fellow-sectaries of ,rome or            
,constantinople2 and the great varieties
 or inconsistencies of statement1 which 
have come down to us concerning the     
tenets of heresies1 may thus be         
explained4 ,this had been the case with 
the pagan rites1 whether indigenous or  
itinerant1 to which heresy succeeded4   
,the established priesthoods were local 
properties1 as independent theologically
 as they were geographically of each    
other2 the fanatical companies which    
spread over the ,empire dissolved and   
formed again as the circumstances of the
 moment occasioned4 ,so was it with     
heresy3 it was1 by its very nature1 its 
own master1 free to change1             
self-sufficient2 and1 having thrown off 
the yoke of the ,church1 it was little  
likely to submit to any usurped and     
spurious authority4 ,montanism and      
,manicheeism might perhaps in some sort 

furnish an exception to this remark4    
#e4  ,in one point alone the heresies   
seem universally to have agreed1--in    
hatred to the ,church4 ,this might at   
that time be considered one of her      
surest and most obvious ,notes4 ,she was
 that body of which all sects1 however  
divided among themselves1 spoke ill2    
according to the prophecy1 ,if they have
 called the ,master of the house        
,beelzebub1 how much more them of ,his  
household4 ,they disliked and they      
feared her2 they did their utmost to    
overcome their mutual differences1 in   
order to unite against her4 ,their      
utmost indeed was little1 for           
independency was the law of their being2
 they could not exert themselves without
 fresh quarrels1 both in the bosom of   
each1 and one with another4 ,bellum     
hreticorum pax est ecclesi had become a 
proverb2 but they felt the great        
desirableness of union against the only 
body which was the natural antagonist of
 all1 and various are the instances     

which occur in ecclesiastical history of
 attempted coalitions4 ,the ,meletians  
of ,africa united with the ,arians      
against ,st4 ,athanasius2 the           
,semi-,arians of the ,council of        
,sardica corresponded with the          
,donatists of ,africa2 ,nestorius       
received and protected the ,pelagians2  
,aspar1 the ,arian minister of ,leo the 
,emperor1 favoured the ,monophysites of 
,egypt2 the ,jacobites of ,egypt sided  
with the ,moslem1 who are charged with  
holding a ,nestorian doctrine4 ,it had  
been so from the beginning3 ,they huddle
 up a peace with all everywhere1 says   
,tertullian1 for it maketh no matter to 
them1 although they hold different      
doctrines1 so long as they conspire     
together in their siege against the one 
thing1 ,truth4#bed3a ,and even though   
active co-operation was impracticable1  
at least hard words cost nothing1 and   
could express that common hatred at all 
seasons4 ,accordingly1 by ,montanists1  
,catholics were called the carnal2 by   

,novatians1 the apostates2 by           
,valentinians1 the worldly2 by          
,manichees1 the simple2 by ,arians1 the 
ancient2#bed3b by ,apollinarians1 the   
man-worshippers2 by ,origenists1 the    
flesh-lovers1 and the slimy2 by the     
,nestorians1 ,egyptians2 by             
,monophysites1 the ,chalcedonians3 by   
,donatists1 the traitors1 and the       
sinners1 and servants of ,antichrist2   
and ,st4 ,peter's chair1 the seat of    
pestilence2 and by the ,luciferians1 the
 ,church was called a brothel1 the      
devil's harlot1 and synagogue of ,satan3
 so that it might be called a ,note of  
the ,church1 as ,i have said1 for the   
use of the most busy and the most       
ignorant1 that she was on one side and  
all other bodies on the other4   #f4    
,yet1 strange as it may appear1 there   
was one title of the ,church of a very  
different nature from those which have  
been enumerated1--a title of honour1    
which all men agreed to give her1--and  
one which furnished a still more simple 

direction than such epithets of abuse to
 aid the busy and the ignorant in       
finding her1 and which was used by the  
,fathers for that purpose4 ,it was one  
which the sects could neither claim for 
themselves1 nor hinder being enjoyed by 
its rightful owner1 though1 since it was
 the characteristic designation of the  
,church in the ,creed1 it seemed to     
surrender the whole controversy between 
the two parties engaged in it4 ,balaam  
could not keep from blessing the ancient
 people of ,god2 and the whole world1   
heresies inclusive1 were irresistibly   
constrained to call ,god's second       
election by its prophetical title of the
 ,catholic ,church4 ,st4 ,paul tells us 
that the heretic is condemned by        
himself2 and no clearer witness against 
the sects of the earlier centuries was  
needed by the ,church1 than their own   
testimony to this contrast between her  
actual position and their own4 ,sects1  
say the ,fathers1 are called after the  
name of their founders1 or from their   

locality1 or from their doctrine4 ,so   
was it from the beginning3 ,i am of     
,paul1 and ,i of ,apollos1 and ,i of    
,cephas2 but it was promised to the     
,church that she should have no master  
upon earth1 and that she should gather  
together in one the children of ,god    
that were scattered abroad4 ,her        
every-day name1 which was understood in 
the marketplace and used in the palace1 
which every chance comer knew1 and which
 state-edicts recognized1 was the       
,catholic ,church4 ,this was that very  
description of ,christianity in those   
times which we are all along engaged in 
determining4 ,and it had been recognized
 as such from the first2 the name or the
 fact is put forth by ,st4 ,ignatius1   
,st4 ,justin1 ,st4 ,clement2 by the     
,church of ,smyrna1 ,st4 ,irenus1       
,rhodon or another1 ,tertullian1        
,origen1 ,st4 ,cyprian1 ,st4 ,cornelius2
 by the ,martyrs1 ,pionius1 ,sabina1 and
 ,asclepiades2 by ,lactantius1          
,eusebius1 ,adimantius1 ,st4            

,athanasius1 ,st4 ,pacian1 ,st4         
,optatus1 ,st4 ,epiphanius1 ,st4 ,cyril1
 ,st4 ,basil1 ,st4 ,ambrose1 ,st4       
,chrysostom1 ,st4 ,jerome1 ,st4         
,augustine1 and ,facundus4 ,st4 ,clement
 uses it as an argument against the     
,gnostics1 ,st4 ,augustine against the  
,donatists and ,manichees1 ,st4 ,jerome 
against the ,luciferians1 and ,st4      
,pacian against the ,novatians4   #g4   
,it was an argument for educated and    
simple4 ,when ,st4 ,ambrose would       
convert the cultivated reason of        
,augustine1 he bade him study the book  
of ,isaiah1 who is the prophet1 as of   
the ,messiah1 so of the calling of the  
,gentiles and of the ,imperial power of 
the ,church4 ,and when ,st4 ,cyril would
 give a rule to his crowd of            
,catechumens1 ,if ever thou art         
sojourning in any city1 he says1 inquire
 not simply where the ,lord's house is1 
7for the sects of the profane also make 
an attempt to call their own dens houses
 of the ,lord17 nor merely where the    

,church is1 but where is the ,catholic  
,church4 ,for this is the peculiar name 
of this ,holy ,body1 the ,mother of us  
all1 which is the ,spouse of our ,lord  
,jesus ,christ4#bef3a ,in the ,catholic 
,church1 says ,st4 ,augustine to the    
,manichees1 not to speak of that most   
pure wisdom1 to the knowledge of which  
few spiritual men attain in this life so
 as to know it even in its least        
measure1--as men1 indeed1 yet1 without  
any doubt1--7for the multitude of       
,christians are safest1 not in          
understanding with quickness1 but in    
believing with simplicity17 not to speak
 of this wisdom1 which ye do not believe
 to be in the ,catholic ,church1 there  
are many other considerations which most
 sufficiently hold me in her bosom4 ,i  
am held by the consent of people and    
nations2 by that authority which began  
in miracles1 was nourished in hope1 was 
increased by charity1 and made steadfast
 by age2 by that succession of priests  
from the chair of the ,apostle ,peter1  

to whose feeding the ,lord after ,his   
resurrection commended ,his sheep1 even 
to the present episcopate2 lastly1 by   
the very title of ,catholic1 which1 not 
without cause1 hath this ,church alone1 
amid so many heresies1 obtained in such 
sort1 that1 whereas all heretics wish to
 be called ,catholics1 nevertheless to  
any stranger1 who asked where to find   
the ',catholic' ,church1 none of them   
would dare to point to his own basilica 
or home4 ,these dearest bonds1 then1 of 
the ,christian ,name1 so many and such1 
rightly hold a man in belief in the     
,catholic ,church1 even though1 by      
reason of the slowness of our           
understanding or our deserts1 truth doth
 not yet show herself in her clearest   
tokens4 ,but among you1 who have none of
 these reasons to invite and detain me1 
,i hear but the loud sound of a promise 
of the truth2 which truth1 verily1 if it
 be so manifestly displayed among you   
that there can be no mistake about it1  
is to be preferred to all those things  

by which ,i am held in the ,catholic    
,church2 but if it is promised alone1   
and not exhibited1 no one shall move me 
from that faith which by so many and    
great ties binds my mind to the         
,christian religion4#beg3a ,when        
,adimantius asked his ,marcionite       
opponent1 how he was a ,christian who   
did not even bear that name1 but was    
called from ,marcion1 he retorts1 ,and  
you are called from the ,catholic       
,church1 therefore ye are not           
,christians either2 ,adimantius answers1
 ,did we profess man's name1 you would  
have spoken to the point2 but if we are 
called from being all over the world1   
what is there bad in this8#beg3b   #h4  
,whereas there is one ,god and one      
,lord1 says ,st4 ,clement1 therefore    
also that which is the highest in esteem
 is praised on the score of being sole1 
as after the pattern of the ,one        
,principle4 ,in the nature then of the  
,one1 the ,church1 which is one1 hath   
its portion1 which they would forcibly  

cut up into many heresies4 ,in substance
 then1 and in idea1 and in first        
principle1 and in pre-eminence1 we call 
the ancient ,catholic ,church sole2 in  
order to the unity of one faith1 the    
faith according to her own covenants1 or
 rather that one covenant in different  
times1 which1 by the will of one ,god   
and through one ,lord1 is gathering     
together those who are already ordained1
 whom ,god hath predestined1 having     
known that they would be just from the  
foundation of the world4 4 4 4 4 ,but of
 heresies1 some are called from a man's 
name1 as ,valentine's heresy1           
,marcion's1 and that of ,basilides      
7though they profess to bring the       
opinion of ,matthias1 for all the       
,apostles had1 as one teaching1 so one  
tradition72 and others from place1 as   
the ,peratici2 and others from nation1  
as that of the ,phrygians2 and others   
from their actions1 as that of the      
,encratites2 and others from their      
peculiar doctrines1 as the ,docet and   

,hematites2 and others from their       
hypotheses1 and what they have honoured1
 as ,cainites and the ,ophites2 and     
others from their wicked conduct and    
enormities1 as those ,simonians who are 
called ,eutychites4#beh3a ,there are1   
and there have been1 says ,st4 ,justin1 
many who have taught atheistic and      
blasphemous words and deeds1 coming in  
the name of ,jesus2 and they are called 
by us from the appellation of the men   
whence each doctrine and opinion began 4
 4 4 ,some are called ,marcians1 others 
,valentinians1 others ,basilidians1     
others ,saturnilians4#beh3b ,when men   
are called ,phrygians1 or ,novatians1 or
 ,valentinians1 or ,marcionites1 or     
,anthropians1 says ,lactantius1 or by   
any other name1 they cease to be        
,christians2 for they have lost         
,christ's ,name1 and clothe themselves  
in human and foreign titles4 ,it is the 
,catholic ,church alone which retains   
the true worship4#beh3c ,we never heard 
of ,petrines1 or ,paulines1 or          

,bartholomeans1 or ,thaddeans1 says ,st4
 ,epiphanius2 but from the first there  
was one preaching of all the ,apostles1 
not preaching themselves1 but ,christ   
,jesus the ,lord4 ,wherefore also all   
gave one name to the ,church1 not their 
own1 but that of their ,lord ,jesus     
,christ1 since they began to be called  
,christians first at ,antioch2 which is 
the ,sole ,catholic ,church1 having     
nought else but ,christ's1 being a      
,church of ,christians2 not of ,christs1
 but of ,christians1 ,he being ,one1    
they from that ,one being called        
,christians4 ,none1 but this ,church and
 her preachers1 are of this character1  
as is shown by their own epithets1      
,manicheans1 and ,simonians1 and        
,valentinians1 and ,ebionites4#bei3a ,if
 you ever hear those who are said to    
belong to ,christ1 says ,st4 ,jerome1   
named1 not from the ,lord ,jesus        
,christ1 but from some other1 say       
,marcionites1 ,valentinians1            
,mountaineers1 ,campestrians1 know that 

it is not ,christ's ,church1 but the    
synagogue of ,antichrist4#bei3b   #i4   
,st4 ,pacian's letters to the ,novatian 
,bishop ,sympronian require a more      
extended notice4 ,the latter had        
required the ,catholic faith to be      
proved to him1 without distinctly       
stating from what portion of it he      
dissented2 and he boasted that he had   
never found any one to convince him of  
its truth4 ,st4 ,pacian observes that   
there is one point which ,sympronian    
cannot dispute1 and which settles the   
question1 the very name ,catholic4 ,he  
then supposes ,sympronian to object     
that1 under the ,apostles no one was    
called ,catholic4 ,he answers1 ,be it   
thus2#bei3c it shall have been so2 allow
 even that4 ,when1 after the ,apostles1 
heresies had burst forth1 and were      
striving under various names to tear    
piecemeal and divide 'the ,dove' and    
'the ,queen' of ,god1 did not the       
,apostolic people require a name of     
their own1 whereby to mark the unity of 

the people that was uncorrupted1 lest   
the error of some should rend limb by   
limb 'the undefiled virgin' of ,god8    
,was it not seemly that the chief head  
should be distinguished by its own      
peculiar appellation8 ,suppose this very
 day ,i entered a populous city4 ,when  
,i had found ,marcionites1              
,apollinarians1 ,cataphrygians1         
,novatians1 and others of the kind1 who 
call themselves ,christians1 by what    
name should ,i recognize the            
congregation of my own people1 unless it
 were named ,catholic8 4 4 4 4 ,whence  
was it delivered to me8 ,certainly that 
which has stood through so many ages was
 not borrowed from man4 ,this name      
',catholic' sounds not of ,marcion1 nor 
of ,apelles1 nor of ,montanus1 nor does 
it take heretics for its authors4  ,in  
his second letter1 he continues1        
,certainly that was no accessory name   
which endured through so many ages4     
,and1 indeed1 ,i am glad for thee1 that1
 although thou mayest have preferred    

others1 yet thou agreest that the name  
attaches to us1 which should you deny   
nature would cry out4 ,but and if you   
still have doubts1 let us hold our      
peace4 ,we will both be that which we   
shall be named4 ,after alluding to      
,sympronian's remark that1 though       
,cyprian was holy1 his people bear the  
name of ,apostaticum1 ,capitolinum1 or  
,synedrium1 which were some of the      
,novatian titles of the ,church1 ,st4   
,pacian replies1 ,ask a century1        
brother1 and all its years in           
succession1 whether this name has       
adhered to us2 whether the people of    
,cyprian have been called other than    
,catholic8 ,no one of these names have  
,i ever heard4 ,it followed that such   
appellations were taunts1 not names1 and
 therefore unmannerly4 ,on the other    
hand it seems that ,sympronian did not  
like to be called a ,novatian1 though he
 could not call himself a ,catholic4    
,tell me yourselves1 says ,st4 ,pacian1 
what ye are called4 ,do ye deny that the

 ,novatians are called from ,novatian8  
,impose on them whatever name you like2 
that will ever adhere to them4 ,search1 
if you please1 whole annals1 and trust  
so many ages4 ,you will answer1         
',christian4' ,but if ,i inquire the    
genus of the sect1 you will not deny    
that it is ,novatian4 4 4 4 ,confess it 
without deceit2 there is no wickedness  
in the name4 ,why1 when so often        
inquired for1 do you hide yourself8 ,why
 ashamed of the origin of your name8    
,when you first wrote1 ,i thought you a 
,cataphrygian4 4 4 4 ,dost thou grudge  
me my name1 and yet shun thine own8     
,think what there is of shame in a cause
 which shrinks from its own name4  ,in a
 third letter3 ',the ,church is the     
,body of ,christ4' ,truly1 the body1 not
 a member2 the body composed of many    
parts and members knit in one1 as saith 
the ,apostle1 ',for the ,body is not one
 member1 but many4' ,therefore1 the     
,church is the full body1 compacted and 
diffused now throughout the whole world2

 like a city1 ,i mean1 all whose parts  
are united1 not as ye are1 ,o           
,novatians1 some small and insolent     
portion1 and a mere swelling that has   
gathered and separated from the rest of 
the body4 4 4 4 ,great is the progeny of
 the ,virgin1 and without number her    
offspring1 wherewith the whole world is 
filled1 wherewith the populous swarms   
ever throng the circumfluous hive4 ,and 
he founds this characteristic of the    
,church upon the prophecies3 ,at length1
 brother ,sympronian1 be not ashamed to 
be with the many2 at length consent to  
despise these festering spots of the    
,novatians1 and these parings of yours2 
and at length1 to look upon the flocks  
of the ,catholics1 and the people of the
 ,church extending so far and wide4 4 4 
4 ,hear what ,david saith1 ',i will sing
 unto ,thy name in the great            
congregation2' and again1 ',i will      
praise ,thee among much people2' and    
'the ,lord1 even the most mighty ,god1  
hath spoken1 and called the world from  

the rising up of the sun unto the going 
down thereof4' ,what6 shall the seed of 
,abraham1 which is as the stars and the 
sand on the seashore for number1 be     
contented with your poverty8 4 4 4      
,recognize now1 brother1 the ,church of 
,god extending her tabernacles and      
fixing the stakes of her curtains on the
 right and on the left2 understand that 
'the ,lord's name is praised from the   
rising up of the sun unto the going down
 thereof4'   #aj4  ,in citing these     
passages1 ,i am not proving what was the
 doctrine of the ,fathers concerning the
 ,church in those early times1 or what  
were the promises made to it in         
,scripture2 but simply ascertaining     
what1 in matter of fact1 was its then   
condition relatively to the various     
,christian bodies among which it was    
found4 ,that the ,fathers were able to  
put forward a certain doctrine1 that    
they were able to appeal to the         
prophecies1 proves that matter of fact2 
for unless the ,church1 and the ,church 

alone1 had been one body everywhere1    
they could not have argued on the       
supposition that it was so4 ,and so as  
to the word ,catholic2 it is enough that
 the ,church was so called2 that title  
was a confirmatory proof and symbol of  
what is even otherwise so plain1 that   
she1 as ,st4 ,pacian explains the word1 
was everywhere one1 while the sects of  
the day were nowhere one1 but everywhere
 divided4 ,sects might1 indeed1 be      
everywhere1 but they were in no two     
places the same2 every spot had its own 
independent communion1 or at least to   
this result they were inevitably and    
continually tending4   #aa4  ,st4       
,pacian writes in ,spain3 the same      
contrast between the ,church and        
sectarianism is presented to us in      
,africa in the instance of the          
,donatists2 and ,st4 ,optatus is a      
witness both to the fact1 and to its    
notoriety1 and to the deep impressions  
which it made on all parties4 ,whether  
or not the ,donatists identified        

themselves with the true ,church1 and   
cut off the rest of ,christendom from   
it1 is not the question here1 nor alters
 the fact which ,i wish distinctly      
brought out and recognized1 that in     
those ancient times the ,church was that
 ,body which was spread over the orbis  
terrarum1 and sects were those bodies   
which were local or transitory4  ,what  
is that one ,church1 says ,st4 ,optatus1
 which ,christ calls ',dove' and        
',spouse'8 4 4 4 ,it cannot be in the   
multitude of heretics and schismatics4  
,if so1 it follows that it is but in one
 place4 ,thou1 brother ,parmenian1 hast 
said that it is with you alone2 unless1 
perhaps1 you aim at claiming for        
yourselves a special sanctity from your 
pride1 so that where you will1 there the
 ,church may be1 and may not be1 where  
you will not4 ,must it then be in a     
small portion of ,africa1 in the corner 
of a small realm1 among you1 but not    
among us in another part of ,africa8    
,and not in ,spain1 in ,gaul1 in ,italy1

 where you are not8 ,and if you will    
have it only among you1 not in the three
 ,pannonian provinces1 in ,dacia1       
,moesia1 ,thrace1 ,achaia1 ,macedonia1  
and in all ,greece1 where you are not8  
,and that you may keep it among         
yourselves1 not in ,pontus1 ,galatia1   
,cappadocia1 ,pamphylia1 ,phrygia1      
,cilicia1 in the three ,syrias1 in the  
two ,armenias1 in all ,egypt1 and in    
,mesopotamia1 where you are not8 ,not   
among such innumerable islands and the  
other provinces1 scarcely numerable1    
where you are not8 ,what will become    
then of the meaning of the word         
,catholic1 which is given to the        
,church1 as being according to          
reason#bfc3a and diffused every where8  
,for if thus at your pleasure you narrow
 the ,church1 if you withdraw from her  
all the nations1 where will be the      
earnings of the ,son of ,god8 where will
 be that which the ,father hath so amply
 accorded to ,him1 saying in the second 
,psalm ',i will give thee the heathen   

for ,thine inheritance and the uttermost
 parts of the earth for ,thy            
possession1' c48 4 4 ,the whole earth is
 given ,him with the nations2 its whole 
circuit 7orbis7 is ,christ's one        
possession4#bfc3b   #ab4  ,an ,african  
writer contemporary with ,st4           
,augustine1 if not ,st4 ,augustine      
himself1 enumerates the small portions  
of the ,donatist ,sect1 in and out of   
,africa1 and asks if they can be        
imagined to be the fulfilment of the    
,scripture promise to the ,church4 ,if  
the holy ,scriptures have assigned the  
,church to ,africa alone1 or to the     
scanty ,cutzupitans or ,mountaineers of 
,rome1 or to the house or patrimony of  
one ,spanish woman1 however the argument
 may stand from other writings1 then    
none but the ,donatists have possession 
of the ,church4 ,if holy ,scripture     
determines it to the few ,moors of the  
,csarean province1 we must go over to   
the ,rogatists3 if to the few           
,tripolitans or ,byzacenes and          

,provincials1 the ,maximianists have    
attained to it2 if in the ,orientals    
only1 it is to be sought for among      
,arians1 ,eunomians1 ,macedonians1 and  
others that may be there2 for who can   
enumerate every heresy of every nation8 
,but if ,christ's ,church1 by the divine
 and most certain testimonies of        
,canonical ,scriptures1 is assigned to  
all nations1 whatever may be adduced1   
and from whatever quarter cited1 by     
those who say1 ',lo1 here is ,christ and
 lo there1' let us rather hear1 if we be
 ,his sheep1 the voice of our ,shepherd 
saying unto us1 ',do not believe4' ,for 
they are not each found in the many     
nations where she is2 but she1 who is   
everywhere1 is found where they         
are4#bfd3a  ,lastly1 let us hear ,st4   
,augustine himself again in the same    
controversy3 ,they do not communicate   
with us1 as you say1 he observes to     
,cresconius1 ,novatians1 ,arians1       
,patripassians1 ,valentinians1          
,patricians1 ,apellites1 ,marcionites1  

,ophites1 and the rest of those         
sacrilegious names1 as you call them1 of
 nefarious pests rather than sects4     
,yet1 wheresoever they are1 there is the
 ,catholic ,church2 as in ,africa it is 
where you are4 ,on the other hand1      
neither you1 nor any one of those       
heresies whatever1 is to be found       
wherever is the ,catholic ,church4      
,whence it appears1 which is that tree  
whose boughs extend over all the earth  
by the richness of its fruitfulness1 and
 which be those broken branches which   
have not the life of the root1 but lie  
and wither1 each in its own place4#bfe3a
   #ac4  ,it may be possibly suggested  
that this universality which the        
,fathers ascribe to the ,catholic       
,church lay in its ,apostolical descent1
 or again in its ,episcopacy2 and that  
it was one1 not as being one kingdom or 
civitas at unity with itself1 with one  
and the same intelligence in every part1
 one sympathy1 one ruling principle1 one
 organization1 one communion1 but       

because1 though consisting of a number  
of independent communities1 at variance 
7if so be7 with each other even to a    
breach of communion1 nevertheless all   
these were possessed of a legitimate    
succession of clergy1 or all governed by
 ,bishops1 ,priests1 and ,deacons4 ,but 
who will in seriousness maintain that   
relationship1 or that sameness of       
structure1 makes two bodies one8        
,england and ,prussia are both of them  
monarchies2 are they therefore one      
kingdom8 ,england and the ,united       
,states are from one stock2 can they    
therefore be called one state8 ,england 
and ,ireland are peopled by different   
races2 yet are they not one kingdom     
still8 ,if unity lies in the            
,apostolical succession1 an act of      
schism is from the nature of the case   
impossible2 for as no one can reverse   
his parentage1 so no ,church can undo   
the fact that its clergy have come by   
lineal descent from the ,apostles4      
,either there is no such sin as schism1 

or unity does not lie in the ,episcopal 
form or in the ,episcopal ordination4   
,and this is felt by the                
controversialists of this day2 who in   
consequence are obliged to invent a sin1
 and to consider1 not division of       
,church from ,church1 but the           
interference of ,church with ,church to 
be the sin of schism1 as if local       
dioceses and bishops with restraint were
 more than ecclesiastical arrangements  
and by-laws of the ,church1 however     
sacred1 while schism is a sin against   
her essence4 ,thus they strain out a    
gnat1 and swallow a camel4 ,division is 
the schism1 if schism there be1 not     
interference4 ,if interference is a sin1
 division which is the cause of it is a 
greater2 but where division is a duty1  
there can be no sin in interference4    
#ad4  ,far different from such a theory 
is the picture which the ancient ,church
 presents to us2 true1 it was governed  
by ,bishops1 and those ,bishops came    
from the ,apostles1 but it was a kingdom

 besides2 and as a kingdom admits of the
 possibility of rebels1 so does such a  
,church involve sectaries and           
schismatics1 but not independent        
portions4 ,it was a vast organized      
association1 co-extensive with the      
,roman ,empire1 or rather overflowing   
it4 ,its ,bishops were not mere local   
officers1 but possessed a               
quasi-ecumenical power1 extending       
wherever a ,christian was to be found4  
,no ,christian1 says ,bingham1 would    
pretend to travel without taking letters
 of credence with him from his own      
bishop1 if he meant to communicate with 
the ,christian ,church in a foreign     
country4 ,such was the admirable unity  
of the ,church ,catholic in those days1 
and the blessed harmony and consent of  
her bishops among one another4#bff3a    
,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen calls ,st4     
,cyprian an universal ,bishop1          
presiding1 as the same author presently 
quotes ,gregory1 not only over the      
,church of ,carthage and ,africa1 but   

over all the regions of the ,west1 and  
over the ,east1 and ,south1 and         
,northern parts of the world also4 ,this
 is evidence of a unity throughout      
,christendom1 not of mere origin or of  
,apostolical succession1 but of         
government4 ,bingham continues ,gregory 
says the same of ,athanasius2 that1 in  
being made ,bishop of ,alexandria1 he   
was made ,bishop of the whole world4    
,chrysostom1 in like manner1 styles     
,timothy1 ,bishop of the universe4 4 4 4
 4 ,the great ,athanasius1 as he        
returned from his exile1 made no scruple
 to ordain in several cities as he went 
along1 though they were not in his own  
diocese4 ,and the famous ,eusebius of   
,samosata did the like1 in the times of 
the ,arian persecution under ,valens4 4 
4 ,epiphanius made use of the same power
 and privilege in a like case1 ordaining
 ,paulinianus1 ,st4 ,jerome's brother1  
first deacon and then presbyter1 in a   
monastery out of his own diocese in     
,palestine4#bfg3a ,and so in respect of 

teaching1 before ,councils met on any   
large scale1 ,st4 ,ignatius of ,antioch 
had addressed letters to the ,churches  
along the coast of ,asia ,minor1 when on
 his way to martyrdom at ,rome4 ,st4    
,irenus1 when a subject of the ,church  
of ,smyrna1 betakes himself to ,gaul1   
and answers in ,lyons the heresies of   
,syria4 ,the see of ,st4 ,hippolytus1 as
 if he belonged to all parts of the     
orbis terrarum1 cannot be located1 and  
is variously placed in the neighbourhood
 of ,rome and in ,arabia4 ,hosius1 a    
,spanish ,bishop1 arbitrates in an      
,alexandrian controversy4 ,st4          
,athanasius1 driven from his ,church1   
makes all ,christendom his home1 from   
,treves to ,ethiopia1 and introduces    
into the ,west the discipline of the    
,egyptian ,antony4 ,st4 ,jerome is born 
in ,dalmatia1 studies at ,constantinople
 and ,alexandria1 is secretary to ,st4  
,damasus at ,rome1 and settles and dies 
in ,palestine4  ,above all the ,see of  
,rome itself is the centre of teaching  

as well as of action1 is visited by     
,fathers and heretics as a tribunal in  
controversy1 and by ancient custom sends
 her alms to the poor ,christians of all
 ,churches1 to ,achaia and ,syria1      
,palestine1 ,arabia1 ,egypt1 and        
,cappadocia4   #ae4  ,moreover1 this    
universal ,church was not only one2 it  
was exclusive also4 ,as to the vehemence
 with which ,christians of the          
,ante-nicene period denounced the       
idolatries and sins of paganism1 and    
proclaimed the judgments which would be 
their consequence1 this is well known1  
and led to their being reputed in the   
heathen world as enemies of mankind4    
,worthily doth ,god exert the lash of   
,his stripes and scourges1 says ,st4    
,cyprian to a heathen magistrate2 and   
since they avail so little1 and convert 
not men to ,god by all this dreadfulness
 of havoc1 there abides beyond the      
prison eternal and the ceaseless flame  
and the everlasting penalty4 4 4 4 ,why 
humble yourself and bend to false gods8 

,why bow your captive body before       
helpless images and moulded earth8 ,why 
grovel in the prostration of death1 like
 the serpent whom ye worship8 ,why rush 
into the downfall of the devil1 his fall
 the cause of yours1 and he your        
companion8 4 4 4 4 ,believe and live2   
you have been our persecutors in time2  
in eternity1 be companions of our       
joy4#bfh3a ,these rigid sentiments1 says
 ,gibbon1 which had been unknown to the 
ancient world1 appear to have infused a 
spirit of bitterness into a system of   
love and harmony4#bfh3b ,such1 however1 
was the judgment passed by the first    
,christians upon all who did not join   
their own society2 and such still more  
was the judgment of their successors on 
those who lived and died in the sects   
and heresies which had issued from it4  
,that very ,father1 whose denunciation  
of the heathen has just been quoted1 had
 already declared it even in the third  
century4 ,he who leaves the ,church of  
,christ1 he says1 attains not to        

,christ's rewards4 ,he is an alien1 an  
outcast1 an enemy4 ,he can no longer    
have ,god for a ,father1 who has not the
 ,church for a ,mother4 ,if any man was 
able to escape who remained without the 
,ark of ,noah1 then will that man escape
 who is out of doors beyond the ,church4
 4 4 ,what sacrifice do they believe    
they celebrate1 who are rivals of the   
,priests8 ,if such men were even killed 
for confession of the ,christian name1  
not even by their blood is this stain   
washed out4 ,inexplicable and heavy is  
the sin of discord1 and is purged by no 
suffering 4 4 4 ,they cannot dwell with 
,god who have refused to be of one mind 
in ,god's ,church2 a man of such sort   
may indeed be killed1 crowned he cannot 
be4#bfi3a ,and so again ,st4            
,chrysostom1 in the following century1  
in harmony with ,st4 ,cyprian's         
sentiment3 ,though we have achieved ten 
thousand glorious acts1 yet shall we1 if
 we cut to pieces the fulness of the    
,church1 suffer punishment no less sore 

than they who mangled ,his body4#bfi3b  
,in like manner ,st ,augustine seems to 
consider that a conversion from idolatry
 to a schismatical communion is no gain4
 ,those whom ,donatists baptize1 they   
heal of the wound of idolatry or        
infidelity1 but inflict a more grievous 
stroke in the wound of schism2 for      
idolaters among ,god's people the sword 
destroyed1 but schismatics the gaping   
earth devoured4#bfi3c ,elsewhere1 he    
speaks of the sacrilege of schism1 which
 surpasses all wickednesses4#bfi3d ,st4 
,optatus1 too1 marvels at the ,donatist 
,parmenian's inconsistency in           
maintaining the true doctrine1 that     
,schismatics are cut off as branches    
from the vine1 are destined for         
punishments1 and reserved1 as dry wood1 
for hell-fire4#bfi3e ,let us hate them  
who are worthy of hatred1 says ,st4     
,cyril1 withdraw we from those whom ,god
 withdraws from2 let us also say unto   
,god with all boldness concerning all   
heretics1 ',do not ,i hate them1 ,o     

,lord1 that hate thee8'#bgj3a ,most     
firmly hold1 and doubt in no wise1 says 
,st4 ,fulgentius1 that every heretic and
 schismatic soever1 baptized in the name
 of ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,ghost1    
unless aggregated to the ,catholic      
,church1 how great soever have been his 
alms1 though for ,christ's ,name he has 
even shed his blood1 can in no wise be  
saved4#bgj3b ,the ,fathers ground this  
doctrine on ,st4 ,paul's words that1    
though we have knowledge1 and give our  
goods to the poor1 and our body to be   
burned1 we are nothing without          
love4#bgj3c   #af4  ,one more remark    
shall be made3 that the ,catholic       
teachers1 far from recognizing any      
ecclesiastical relation as existing     
between the ,sectarian ,bishops and     
,priests and their people1 address the  
latter immediately1 as if those ,bishops
 did not exist1 and call on them to come
 over to the ,church individually       
without respect to any one besides2 and 
that because it is a matter of life and 

death4 ,to take the instance of the     
,donatists3 it was nothing to the       
purpose that their ,churches in ,africa 
were nearly as numerous as those of the 
,catholics1 or that they had a case to  
produce in their controversy with the   
,catholic ,church2 the very fact that   
they were separated from the orbis      
terrarum was a public1 a manifest1 a    
simple1 a sufficient argument against   
them4 ,the question is not about your   
gold and silver1 says ,st4 ,augustine to
 ,glorius and others1 not your lands1 or
 farms1 nor even your bodily health is  
in peril1 but we address your souls     
about obtaining eternal life and fleeing
 eternal death4 ,rouse yourself         
therefore4 4 4 4 4 ,you see it all1 and 
know it1 and groan over it2 yet ,god    
sees that there is nothing to detain you
 in so pestiferous and sacrilegious a   
separation1 if you will but overcome    
your carnal affection1 for the obtaining
 the spiritual kingdom1 and rid         
yourselves of the fear of wounding      

friendships1 which will avail nothing in
 ,god's judgment for escaping eternal   
punishment4 ,go1 think over the matter1 
consider what can be said in answer4 4 4
 4 ,no one blots out from heaven the    
,ordinance of ,god1 no one blots out    
from earth the ,church of ,god3 ,he hath
 promised her1 she hath filled1 the     
whole world4 ,some carnal intimacies1 he
 says to his kinsman ,severinus1 hold   
you where you are4 4 4 4 ,what avails   
temporal health or relationship1 if with
 it we neglect ,christ's eternal        
heritage and our perpetual health8 ,i   
ask1 he says to ,celer1 a person of     
influence1 that you would more earnestly
 urge upon your men ,catholic ,unity in 
the region of ,hippo4 ,why1 he says1 in 
the person of the ,church1 to the whole 
,donatist population1 ,why open your    
ears to the words of men1 who say what  
they never have been able to prove1 and 
close them to the word of ,god1 saying1 
',ask of ,me1 and ,i will give ,thee the
 heathen for ,thine inheritance'8 ,at   

another time he says to them1 ,some of  
the presbyters of your party have sent  
to us to say1 ',retire from our flocks1 
unless you would have us kill you4' ,how
 much more justly do we say to them1    
',nay1 do you1 not retire from1 but come
 in peace1 not to our flocks1 but to the
 flocks of ,him whose we are all2 or if 
you will not1 and are far from peace1   
then do you rather retire from flocks1  
for which ,christ shed ,his ,blood4' ,i 
call on you for ,christ's sake1 he says 
to a late pro-consul1 to write me an    
answer1 and to urge gently and kindly   
all your people in the district of      
,sinis or ,hippo into the communion of  
the ,catholic ,church4 ,he publishes an 
address to the ,donatists at another    
time to inform them of the defeat of    
their ,bishops in a conference3 ,whoso1 
he says1 is separated from the ,catholic
 ,church1 however laudably he thinks he 
is living1 by this crime alone1 that he 
is separated from ,christ's ,unity1 he  
shall not have life1 but the wrath of   

,god abideth on him4 ,let them believe  
of the ,catholic ,church1 he writes to  
some converts about their friends who   
were still in schism1 that is1 to the   
,church diffused over the whole world1  
rather what the ,scriptures say of it   
than what human tongues utter in        
calumny4 ,the idea of acting upon the   
,donatists only as a body and through   
their bishops1 does not appear to have  
occurred to ,st4 ,augustine at          
all4#bgb3a   #ag4  ,on the whole1 then1 
we have reason to say1 that if there be 
a form of ,christianity at this day     
distinguished for its careful           
organization1 and its consequent power2 
if it is spread over the world2 if it is
 conspicuous for zealous maintenance of 
its own creed2 if it is intolerant      
towards what it considers error2 if it  
is engaged in ceaseless war with all    
other bodies called ,christian2 if it1  
and it alone1 is called ,catholic by the
 world1 nay1 by those very bodies1 and  
if it makes much of the title2 if it    

names them heretics1 and warns them of  
coming woe1 and calls on them one by    
one1 to come over to itself1 overlooking
 every other tie2 and if they1 on the   
other hand1 call it seducer1 harlot1    
apostate1 ,antichrist1 devil2 if1       
however much they differ one with       
another1 they consider it their common  
enemy2 if they strive to unite together 
against it1 and cannot2 if they are but 
local2 if they continually subdivide1   
and it remains one2 if they fall one    
after another1 and make way for new     
sects1 and it remains the same2 such a  
religious communion is not unlike       
historical ,christianity1 as it comes   
before us at the ,nicene ,era4          
,,section ,,iii4  ,,the ,,church ,,of   
,,the ,,fifth ,,and ,,sixth ,,centuries4
  ,the patronage extended by the first  
,christian ,emperors to ,arianism1 its  
adoption by the barbarians who succeeded
 to their power1 the subsequent         
expulsion of all heresy beyond the      
limits of the ,empire1 and then again   

the ,monophysite tendencies of ,egypt   
and part of ,syria1 changed in some     
measure the aspect of the ,church1 and  
claim our further attention4 ,it was    
still a body in possession1 or          
approximating to the possession1 of the 
orbis terrarum2 but it was not simply   
intermixed with sectaries1 as we have   
been surveying it in the earlier        
periods1 rather it lay between or over  
against large schisms4 ,that same vast  
,association1 which1 and which only1 had
 existed from the first1 which had been 
identified by all parties with          
,christianity1 which had been ever      
called ,catholic by people and by laws1 
took a different shape2 collected itself
 in far greater strength on some points 
of her extended territory than on       
others2 possessed whole kingdoms with   
scarcely a rival2 lost others partially 
or wholly1 temporarily or for good2 was 
stemmed in its course here or there by  
external obstacles2 and was defied by   
heresy1 in a substantive shape and in   

mass1 from foreign lands1 and with the  
support of the temporal power4 ,thus not
 to mention the ,arianism of the        
,eastern ,empire in the fourth century1 
the whole of the ,west was possessed by 
the same heresy in the fifth2 and nearly
 the whole of ,asia1 east of the        
,euphrates1 as far as it was ,christian1
 by the ,nestorians1 in the centuries   
which followed2 while the ,monophysites 
had almost the possession of ,egypt1 and
 at times of the whole ,eastern ,church4
 ,i think it no assumption to call      
,arianism1 ,nestorianism1 and           
,eutychianism heresies1 or to identify  
the contemporary ,catholic ,church with 
,christianity4 ,now1 then1 let us       
consider the mutual relation of         
,christianity and heresy under these    
circumstances4    #a4 ,the ,arians of   
the ,gothic ,race4  ,no heresy has      
started with greater violence or more   
sudden success than the ,arian2 and it  
presents a still more remarkable        
exhibition of these characteristics     

among the barbarians than in the        
civilized world4 ,even among the ,greeks
 it had shown a missionary spirit4      
,theophilus in the reign of ,constantius
 had introduced the dominant heresy1 not
 without some promising results1 to the 
,sabeans of the ,arabian peninsula2 but 
under ,valens1 ,ulphilas became the     
apostle of a whole race4 ,he taught the 
,arian doctrine1 which he had unhappily 
learned in the ,imperial ,court1 first  
to the pastoral ,moesogoths2 who1 unlike
 the other branches of their family1 had
 multiplied under the ,moesian mountains
 with neither military nor religious    
triumphs4 ,the ,visigoths were next     
corrupted2 by whom does not appear4 ,it 
is one of the singular traits in the    
history of this vast family of heathens 
that they so instinctively caught1 and  
so impetuously communicated1 and so     
fiercely maintained1 a heresy1 which had
 excited in the ,empire1 except at      
,constantinople1 little interest in the 
body of the people4 ,the ,visigoths are 

said to have been converted by the      
influence of ,valens2 but ,valens       
reigned for only fourteen years1 and the
 barbarian population which had been    
admitted to the ,empire amounted to     
nearly a million of persons4 ,it is as  
difficult to trace how the heresy was   
conveyed from them to the other         
barbarian tribes4 ,gibbon seems to      
suppose that the ,visigoths acted the   
part of missionaries in their career of 
predatory warfare from ,thrace to the   
,pyrenees4 ,but such is the fact1       
however it was brought about1 that the  
success in arms and the conversion to   
,arianism1 of ,ostrogoths1 ,alani1      
,suevi1 ,vandals1 and ,burgundians stand
 as concurrent events in the history of 
the times2 and by the end of the fifth  
century the heresy had been established 
by the ,visigoths in ,france and ,spain1
 in ,portugal by the ,suevi1 in ,africa 
by the ,vandals1 and by the ,ostrogoths 
in ,italy4 ,for a while the title of    
,catholic as applied to the ,church     

seemed a misnomer2 for not only was she 
buried beneath these populations of     
heresy1 but that heresy was one1 and    
maintained the same distinctive tenet1  
whether at ,carthage1 ,seville1         
,toulouse1 or ,ravenna4   #b4  ,it      
cannot be supposed that these northern  
warriors had attained to any high degree
 of mental cultivation2 but they        
understood their own religion enough to 
hate the ,catholics1 and their bishops  
were learned enough to hold disputations
 for its propagation4 ,they professed to
 stand upon the faith of ,ariminum1     
administering ,baptism under an altered 
form of words1 and re-baptizing         
,catholics whom they gained over to     
their sect4 ,it must be added that1     
whatever was their cruelty or tyranny1  
both ,goths and ,vandals were a moral   
people1 and put to shame the ,catholics 
whom they dispossessed4 ,what can the   
prerogative of a religious name profit  
us1 says ,salvian1 that we call         
ourselves ,catholic1 boast of being the 

faithful1 taunt ,goths and ,vandals with
 the reproach of an heretical           
appellation1 while we live in heretical 
wickedness8#bgf3a ,the barbarians were  
chaste1 temperate1 just1 and devout2 the
 ,visigoth ,theodoric repaired every    
morning with his domestic officers to   
his chapel1 where service was performed 
by the ,arian priests2 and one singular 
instance is on record of the defeat of a
 ,visigoth force by the ,imperial troops
 on a ,sunday1 when instead of preparing
 for battle they were engaged in the    
religious services of the day4#bgf3b    
,many of their princes were men of great
 ability1 as the two ,theodorics1 ,euric
 and ,leovigild4   #c4  ,successful     
warriors1 animated by a fanatical spirit
 of religion1 were not likely to be     
content with a mere profession of their 
own creed2 they proceeded to place their
 own priests in the religious           
establishments which they found1 and to 
direct a bitter persecution against the 
vanquished ,catholics4 ,the savage      

cruelties of the ,vandal ,hunneric in   
,africa have often been enlarged upon2  
,spain was the scene of repeated        
persecutions2 ,sicily1 too1 had its     
,martyrs4 ,compared with these          
enormities1 it was but a little thing to
 rob the ,catholics of their churches1  
and the shrines of their treasures4     
,lands1 immunities1 and jurisdictions1  
which had been given by the ,emperors to
 the ,african ,church1 were made over to
 the clergy of its conquerors2 and by   
the time of ,belisarius1 the ,catholic  
,bishops had been reduced to less than a
 third of their original number4 ,in    
,spain1 as in ,africa1 bishops were     
driven from their sees1 churches were   
destroyed1 cemeteries profaned1         
martyries rifled4 ,when it was possible1
 the ,catholics concealed the relics in 
caves1 keeping up a perpetual memory of 
these provisional hiding-places4#bgg3a  
,repeated spoliations were exercised    
upon the property of the ,church4       
,leovigild applied#bgg3b its treasures  

partly to increasing the splendour of   
his throne1 partly to national works4   
,at other times1 the ,arian clergy      
themselves must have been the recipients
 of the plunder3 for when ,childebert   
the ,frank had been brought into ,spain 
by the cruelties exercised against the  
,catholic ,queen of the ,goths1 who was 
his sister1 he carried away with him    
from the ,arian churches1 as ,st4       
,gregory of ,tours informs us1 sixty    
chalices1 fifteen patens1 twenty cases  
in which the gospels were kept1 all of  
pure gold and ornamented with           
jewels4#bgg3c   #d4  ,in ,france1 and   
especially in ,italy1 the rule of the   
heretical power was much less           
oppressive2 ,theodoric1 the ,ostrogoth1 
reigned from the ,alps to ,sicily1 and  
till the close of a long reign he gave  
an ample toleration to his ,catholic    
subjects4 ,he respected their property1 
suffered their churches and sacred      
places to remain in their hands1 and had
 about his court some of their eminent  

,bishops1 since known as ,saints1 ,st4  
,csarius of ,arles1 and ,st4 ,epiphanius
 of ,pavia4 ,still he brought into the  
country a new population1 devoted to    
,arianism1 or1 as we now speak1 a new   
,church4 ,his march1 says ,gibbon1#bgg3d
 must be considered as the emigration of
 an entire people2 the wives and        
children of the ,goths1 their aged      
parents1 and most precious effects1 were
 carefully transported2 and some idea   
may be formed of the heavy luggage that 
now followed the camp by the loss of two
 thousand waggons1 which had been       
sustained in a single action in the war 
of ,epirus4 ,to his soldiers he assigned
 a third of the soil of ,italy1 and the 
barbarian families settled down with    
their slaves and cattle4 ,the original  
number of the ,vandal conquerors of     
,africa had only been fifty thousand    
men1 but the military colonists of      
,italy soon amounted to the number of   
two hundred thousand2 which1 according  
to the calculation adopted by the same  

author elsewhere1 involves a population 
of a million4 ,the least that could be  
expected was1 that an ,arian ascendency 
established through the extent of ,italy
 would provide for the sufficient       
celebration of the ,arian worship1 and  
we hear of the ,arians having a ,church 
even in ,rome4#bgh3a ,the rule of the   
,lombards in the north of ,italy        
succeeded to that of the                
,goths1--,arians1 like their            
predecessors1 without their toleration4 
,the clergy whom they brought with them 
seem to have claimed their share in the 
possession of the ,catholic             
churches2#bgh3b and though the ,court   
was converted at the end of thirty      
years1 many cities in ,italy were for   
some time afterwards troubled by the    
presence of heretical bishops4#bgh3c    
,the rule of ,arianism in ,france lasted
 for eighty years2 in ,spain for a      
hundred and eighty2 in ,africa for a    
hundred2 for about a hundred in ,italy4 
,these periods were not contemporaneous2

 but extend altogether from the         
beginning of the fifth to the end of the
 sixth century4   #e4  ,it will be      
anticipated that the duration of this   
ascendency of error had not the faintest
 tendency to deprive the ancient ,church
 of the ,west of the title of ,catholic2
 and it is needless to produce evidence 
of a fact which is on the very face of  
the history4 ,the ,arians seem never to 
have claimed the ,catholic name4 ,it is 
more remarkable that the ,catholics     
during this period were denoted by the  
additional title of ,romans4 ,of this   
there are many proofs in the histories  
of ,st4 ,gregory of ,tours1 ,victor of  
,vite1 and the ,spanish ,councils4      
,thus1 ,st4 ,gregory speaks of          
,theodegisilus1 a king of ,portugal1    
expressing his incredulity at a miracle1
 by saying1 ,it is the temper of the    
,romans1 7for1 interposes the author1   
they call men of our religion ,romans17 
and not the power of ,god4#bgi3a ,heresy
 is everywhere an enemy to ,catholics1  

says the same ,st4 ,gregory in a        
subsequent place1 and he proceeds to    
illustrate it by the story of a         
,catholic woman1 who had a heretic      
husband1 to whom1 he says1 came a       
presbyter of our religion very          
,catholic2 and whom the husband matched 
at table with his own ,arian presbyter1 
that there might be the priests of each 
religion in their house at once4 ,when  
they were eating1 the husband said to   
the ,arian1 ,let us have some sport with
 this presbyter of the ,romans4#bgi3b   
,the ,arian ,count ,gomachar1 seized on 
the lands of the ,church of ,agde in    
,france1 and was attacked with a fever2 
on his recovery1 at the prayers of the  
,bishop1 he repented of having asked for
 them1 observing1 ,what will these      
,romans say now8 that my fever came of  
taking their land4#bgi3c ,when the      
,vandal ,theodoric would have killed the
 ,catholic ,armogastes1 after failing to
 torture him into heresy1 his presbyter 
dissuaded him1 lest the ,romans should  

begin to call him a ,martyr4#bgi3d   #f4
  ,this appellation had two meanings2   
one1 which will readily suggest itself1 
is its use in contrast to the word      
barbarian1 as denoting the faith of the 
,empire1 as ,greek occurs in ,st4       
,paul's ,epistles4 ,in this sense it    
would more naturally be used by the     
,romans themselves than by others4 ,thus
 ,salvian says1 that nearly all the     
,romans are greater sinners than the    
barbarians2#bhj3a and he speaks of      
,roman heretics1 of which there is an   
innumerable multitude1#bhj3b meaning    
heretics within the ,empire4 ,and so    
,st4 ,gregory the ,great complains1 that
 he had become ,bishop of the ,lombards 
rather than of the ,romans4#bhj3c ,and  
,evagrius1 speaking even of the ,east1  
contrasts ,romans and barbarians#bhj3d  
in his account of ,st4 ,simeon2 and at a
 later date1 and even to this day1      
,thrace and portions of ,dacia and of   
,asia ,minor derive their name from     
,rome4 ,in like manner1 we find ,syrian 

writers sometimes speaking of the       
religion of the ,romans1 sometimes of   
the ,greeks1#bhj3e as synonymes4   #g4  
,but the word certainly contains also an
 allusion to the faith and communion of 
the ,roman ,see4 ,in this sense the     
,emperor ,theodosius1 in his letter to  
,acacius of ,beroea1 contrasts it with  
,nestorianism1 which was within the     
,empire as well as ,catholicism2 during 
the controversy raised by that heresy1  
he exhorts him and others to show       
themselves approved priests of the      
,roman religion4#bhj3f ,again when the  
,ligurian nobles were persuading the    
,arian ,ricimer to come to terms with   
,anthemius1 the orthodox representative 
of the ,greek ,emperor1#bhj3g they      
propose to him to send ,st4 ,epiphanius 
as ambassador1 a man whose life is      
venerable to every ,catholic and ,roman1
 and at least amiable in the eyes of a  
,greek 7,grculus7 if he deserves the    
sight of him4#bha3a ,it must be         
recollected1 too1 that the ,spanish and 

,african ,churches actually were in the 
closest union with the ,see of ,rome at 
that time1 and that that intercommunion 
was the visible ecclesiastical          
distinction between them and their      
,arian rivals4 ,the chief ground of the 
,vandal ,hunneric's persecution of the  
,african ,catholics seems to have been  
their connexion with their brethren     
beyond the sea1#bha3b which he looked at
 with jealousy1 as introducing a foreign
 power into his territory4 ,prior to    
this he had published an edict calling  
on the ,homosian ,bishops 7for on this  
occasion he did not call them           
,catholic71 to meet his own bishops at  
,carthage and treat concerning the      
faith1 that their meetings to the       
seduction of ,christian souls might not 
be held in the provinces of the         
,vandals4#bha3c ,upon this invitation1  
,eugenius of ,carthage replied1 that all
 the transmarine ,bishops of the        
orthodox communion ought to be summoned1
 in particular because it is a matter   

for the whole world1 not special to the 
,african provinces1 that they could not 
undertake a point of faith sine         
universitatis assensu4 ,hunneric        
answered that if ,eugenius would make   
him sovereign of the orbis terrarum1 he 
would comply with his request4 ,this led
 ,eugenius to say that the orthodox     
faith was the only true faith2 that the 
king ought to write to his allies       
abroad1 if he wished to know it1 and    
that he himself would write to his      
brethren for foreign bishops1 who1 he   
says1 may assist us in setting before   
you the true faith1 common to them and  
to us1 and especially the ,roman        
,church1 which is the head of all       
,churches4 ,moreover1 the ,african      
,bishops in their banishment in         
,sardinia1 to the number of sixty1 with 
,st4 ,fulgentius at their head1 quote   
with approbation the words of ,pope     
,hormisdas1 to the effect that they     
hold1 on the point of free will and     
divine grace1 what the ,roman1 that is1 

the ,catholic1 ,church follows and      
preserves4#bhb3a ,again1 the ,spanish   
,church was under the superintendence of
 the ,pope's ,vicar#bhb3b during the    
persecutions1 whose duty it was to      
hinder all encroachments upon the       
,apostolical decrees1 or the limits of  
the ,holy ,fathers1 through the whole of
 the country4   #h4  ,nor was the       
association of ,catholicism with the    
,see of ,rome an introduction of that   
age4 ,the ,emperor ,gratian1 in the     
fourth century1 had ordered that the    
,churches which the ,arians had usurped 
should be restored 7not to those who    
held the ,catholic faith1 or the ,nicene
 ,creed1 or were in communion with the  
orbis terrarum17 but who chose the      
communion of ,damasus1#bhb3c the then   
,pope4 ,it was ,st4 ,jerome's rule1     
also1 in some well-known                
passages3--,writing against ,ruffinus1  
who had spoken of our faith1 he says1   
,what does he mean by 'his faith'8 that 
which is the strength of the ,roman     

,church8 or that which is contained in  
the volumes of ,origen8 ,if he answer1  
',the ,roman1' then we are ,catholics   
who have borrowed nothing of ,origen's  
error2 but if ,origen's blasphemy be his
 faith1 then1 while he is charging me   
with inconsistency1 he proves himself to
 be an heretic4#bhb3d ,the other        
passage1 already quoted1 is still more  
exactly to the point1 because it was    
written on occasion of a schism4 ,the   
divisions at ,antioch had thrown the    
,catholic ,church into a remarkable     
position2 there were two ,bishops in the
 ,see1 one in connexion with the ,east1 
the other with ,egypt and the           
,west1--with which then was ,catholic   
,communion8 ,st4 ,jerome has no doubt on
 the subject3--,writing to ,st4         
,damasus1 he says1 ,since the ,east     
tears into pieces the ,lord's coat1 4 4 
4 therefore by me is the chair of ,peter
 to be consulted1 and that faith which  
is praised by the ,apostle's mouth4 4 4 
4 ,though your greatness terrifies me1  

yet your kindness invites me4 ,from the 
,priest ,i ask the salvation of the     
victim1 from the ,shepherd the          
protection of the sheep4 ,let us speak  
without offence2 ,i court not the ,roman
 height3 ,i speak with the successor of 
the ,fisherman and the disciple of the  
,cross4 ,i1 who follow none as my chief 
but ,christ1 am associated in communion 
with thy blessedness1 that is1 with the 
,see of ,peter4 ,on that rock the       
,church is built1 ,i know4 ,whoso shall 
eat the ,lamb outside that ,house is    
profane 4 4 4 4 ,i know not ,vitalis    
7the ,apollinarian71 ,meletius ,i       
reject1 ,i am ignorant of ,paulinus4    
,whoso gathereth not with thee1         
scattereth2 that is1 he who is not of   
,christ is of ,antichrist4#bhc3a ,again1
 ,the ancient authority of the monks1   
dwelling round about1 rises against me2 
,i meanwhile cry out1 ,if any be joined 
to ,peter's chair he is mine4#bhc3b     
#i4  ,here was what may be considered a 
dignus vindice nodus1 the ,church being 

divided1 and an arbiter wanted4 ,such a 
case had also occurred in ,africa in the
 controversy with the ,donatists4 ,four 
hundred bishops1 though but in one      
region1 were a fifth part of the whole  
,episcopate of ,christendom1 and might  
seem too many for a schism1 and in      
themselves too large a body to be cut   
off from ,god's inheritance by a mere   
majority1 even had it been overwhelming4
 ,st4 ,augustine1 then1 who so often    
appeals to the orbis terrarum1 sometimes
 adopts a more prompt criterion4 ,he    
tells certain ,donatists to whom he     
writes1 that the ,catholic ,bishop of   
,carthage was able to make light of the 
thronging multitude of his enemies1 when
 he found himself by letters of credence
 joined both to the ,roman ,church1 in  
which ever had flourished the           
principality of the ,apostolical ,see1  
and to the other lands whence the gospel
 came to ,africa itself4#bhd3a  ,there  
are good reasons then for explaining the
 ,gothic and ,arian use of the word     

,roman1 when applied to the ,catholic   
,church and faith1 of something beyond  
its mere connexion with the ,empire1    
which the barbarians were assaulting2   
nor would ,roman surely be the most     
obvious word to denote the orthodox     
faith1 in the mouths of a people who had
 learned their heresy from a ,roman     
,emperor and ,court1 and who professed  
to direct their belief by the great     
,latin ,council of ,ariminum4   #aj4    
,as then the fourth century presented to
 us in its external aspect the ,catholic
 ,church lying in the midst of a        
multitude of sects1 all enemies to it1  
so in the fifth and sixth we see the    
same ,church lying in the ,west under   
the oppression of a huge1 farspreading1 
and schismatical communion4 ,heresy is  
no longer a domestic enemy intermingled 
with the ,church1 but it occupies its   
own ground and is extended over against 
her1 even though on the same territory1 
and is more or less organized1 and      
cannot be so promptly refuted by the    

simple test of ,catholicity4    #b4 ,the
 ,nestorians4  ,the ,churches of ,syria 
and ,asia ,minor were the most          
intellectual portion of early           
,christendom4 ,alexandria was but one   
metropolis in a large region1 and       
contained the philosophy of the whole   
,patriarchate2 but ,syria abounded in   
wealthy and luxurious cities1 the       
creation of the ,seleucid1 where the    
arts and the schools of ,greece had full
 opportunities of cultivation4 ,for a   
time too1 for the first two hundred     
years1 as some think1 ,alexandria was   
the only ,see as well as the only school
 of ,egypt2 while ,syria was divided    
into smaller dioceses1 each of which had
 at first an authority of its own1 and  
which1 even after the growth of the     
,patriarchal power1 received their      
respective bishops1 not from the ,see of
 ,antioch1 but from their own           
metropolitan4 ,in ,syria too the schools
 were private1 a circumstance which     
would tend both to diversity in         

religious opinion1 and incaution in the 
expression of it2 but the sole          
catechetical school of ,egypt was the   
organ of the ,church1 and its ,bishop   
could banish ,origen for speculations   
which developed and ripened with        
impunity in ,syria4   #b4  ,but the     
immediate source of that fertility in   
heresy1 which is the unhappiness of the 
ancient ,syrian ,church1 was its        
celebrated ,exegetical ,school4 ,the    
history of that ,school is summed up in 
the broad characteristic fact1 on the   
one hand that it devoted itself to the  
literal and critical interpretation of  
,scripture1 and on the other that it    
gave rise first to the ,arian and then  
to the ,nestorian heresy4 ,if additional
 evidence be wanted of the connexion of 
heterodoxy and biblical criticism in    
that age1 it is found in the fact that1 
not long after this coincidence in      
,syria1 they are found combined in the  
person of ,theodore of ,heraclea1 so    
called from the place both of his birth 

and his bishoprick1 an able commentator 
and an active enemy of ,st4 ,athanasius1
 though a ,thracian unconnected except  
by sympathy with the ,patriarchate of   
,antioch4  ,the ,antiochene ,school     
appears to have risen in the middle of  
the third century2 but there is no      
evidence to determine whether it was a  
local institution1 or1 as is more       
probable1 a discipline or method        
characteristic generally of ,syrian     
teaching4 ,dorotheus is one of its      
earliest luminaries2 he is known as a   
,hebrew scholar1 as well as a           
commentator on the sacred text1 and he  
was the master of ,eusebius of ,csarea4 
,lucian1 the friend of the notorious    
,paul of ,samosata1 and for three       
successive ,episcopates after him       
separated from the ,church though       
afterwards a martyr in it1 was the      
author of a new edition of the          
,septuagint1 and master of the chief    
original teachers of ,arianism4         
,eusebius of ,csarea1 ,asterius called  

the ,sophist1 and ,eusebius of ,emesa1  
,arians of the ,nicene period1 and      
,diodorus1 a zealous opponent of        
,arianism1 but the master of ,theodore  
of ,mopsuestia1 have all a place in the 
,exegetical ,school4 ,st4 ,chrysostom   
and ,theodoret1 both ,syrians1 and the  
former the pupil of ,diodorus1 adopted  
the literal interpretation1 though      
preserved from its abuse4 ,but the      
principal doctor of the ,school was that
 ,theodore1 the master of ,nestorius1   
who has just above been mentioned1 and  
who1 with his writings1 and with the    
writings of ,theodoret against ,st4     
,cyril1 and the letter written by ,ibas 
of ,edessa to ,maris1 was condemned by  
the fifth ,ecumenical ,council4 ,ibas   
was the translator into ,syriac1 and    
,maris into ,persian1 of the books of   
,theodore and ,diodorus2#bhf3a and thus 
they became immediate instruments in the
 formation of the great ,nestorian      
school and ,church in farther ,asia4    
,as many as ten thousand tracts of      

,theodore are said in this way to have  
been introduced to the knowledge of the 
,christians of ,mesopotamia1 ,adiabene1 
,babylonia1 and the neighbouring        
countries4 ,he was called by those      
,churches absolutely the ,interpreter1  
and it eventually became the very       
profession of the ,nestorian communion  
to follow him as such4 ,the doctrine of 
all our ,eastern ,churches1 says their  
,council under the ,patriarch ,marabas1 
is founded on the ,creed of ,nica2 but  
in the exposition of the ,scriptures we 
follow ,st4 ,theodore4 ,we must by all  
means remain firm to the commentaries of
 the great ,commentator1 says the       
,council under ,sabarjesus2 whoso shall 
in any manner oppose them1 or think     
otherwise1 be he anathema4#bhg3a ,no one
 since the beginning of ,christianity1  
except ,origen and ,st4 ,augustine1 has 
had so great literary influence on his  
brethren as ,theodore4#bhg3b   #c4  ,the
 original ,syrian ,school had possessed 
very marked characteristics1 which it   

did not lose when it passed into a new  
country and into strange tongues4 ,its  
comments on ,scripture seem to have been
 clear1 natural1 methodical1 apposite1  
and logically exact4 ,in all ,western   
,arama1 says ,lengerke1 that is1 in     
,syria1 there was but one mode of       
treating whether exegetics or doctrine1 
the practical4#bhg3c ,thus ,eusebius of 
,csarea1 whether as a disputant or a    
commentator1 is commonly a writer of    
sense and judgment2 and he is to be     
referred to the ,syrian school1 though  
he does not enter so far into its temper
 as to exclude the mystical             
interpretation or to deny the verbal    
inspiration of ,scripture4 ,again1 we   
see in ,st4 ,chrysostom a direct1       
straightforward treatment of the sacred 
text1 and a pointed application of it to
 things and persons2 and ,theodoret     
abounds in modes of thinking and        
reasoning which without any great       
impropriety may be called ,english4     
,again1 ,st4 ,cyril of ,jerusalem1      

though he does not abstain from         
allegory1 shows the character of his    
school by the great stress he lays upon 
the study of ,scripture1 and1 ,i may    
add1 by the peculiar characteristics of 
his style1 which will be appreciated by 
a modern reader4   #d4  ,it would have  
been well1 had the genius of the ,syrian
 theology been ever in the safe keeping 
of men such as ,st4 ,cyril1 ,st4        
,chrysostom1 and ,theodoret2 but in     
,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 nay in        
,diodorus before him1 it developed into 
those errors1 of which ,paul of         
,samosata had been the omen on its rise4
 ,as its attention was chiefly directed 
to the examination of the ,scriptures1  
in its interpretation of the ,scriptures
 was its heretical temper discovered2   
and though allegory can be made an      
instrument for evading ,scripture       
doctrine1 criticism may more readily be 
turned to the destruction of doctrine   
and ,scripture together4 ,theodore was  
bent on ascertaining the literal sense1 

an object with which no fault could be  
found3 but1 leading him of course to the
 ,hebrew text instead of the            
,septuagint1 it also led him to ,jewish 
commentators4 ,jewish commentators      
naturally suggested events and objects  
short of evangelical as the fulfilment  
of the prophetical announcements1 and1  
when it was possible1 an ethical sense  
instead of a prophetical4 ,the eighth   
chapter of ,proverbs ceased to bear a   
,christian meaning1 because1 as         
,theodore maintained1 the writer of the 
book had received the gift1 not of      
prophecy1 but of wisdom4 ,the ,canticles
 must be interpreted literally2 and then
 it was but an easy1 or rather a        
necessary step1 to exclude the book from
 the ,canon4 ,the book of ,job too      
professed to be historical2 yet what was
 it really but a ,gentile drama8 ,he    
also gave up the books of ,chronicles   
and ,ezra1 and1 strange to say1 the     
,epistle of ,st4 ,james1 though it was  
contained in the ,peschito ,version of  

his ,church4 ,he denied that ,psalms #bb
 and #fi #ba and #fh applied to our     
,lord2 rather he limited the ,messianic 
passages of the whole book to four2 of  
which the eighth ,psalm was one1 and the
 forty-fifth #dd another4 ,the rest he  
explained of ,hezekiah and ,zerubbabel1 
without denying that they might be      
accommodated to an evangelical          
sense4#bhh3a ,he explained ,st4         
,thomas's words1 ,my ,lord and my ,god1 
as an exclamation of joy1 and our       
,lord's ,receive ye the ,holy ,ghost1 as
 an anticipation of the day of          
,pentecost4 ,as may be expected he      
denied the verbal inspiration of        
,scripture4 ,also1 he held that the     
deluge did not cover the earth2 and1 as 
others before him1 he was heterodox on  
the doctrine of original sin1 and denied
 the eternity of punishment4   #e4      
,maintaining that the real sense of     
,scripture was1 not the scope of a      
,divine ,intelligence1 but the intention
 of the mere human organ of inspiration1

 ,theodore was led to hold1 not only    
that that sense was one in each text1   
but that it was continuous and single in
 a context2 that what was the subject of
 the composition in one verse must be   
the subject in the next1 and that if a  
,psalm was historical or prophetical in 
its commencement1 it was the one or the 
other to its termination4 ,even that    
fulness1 of meaning1 refinement of      
thought1 subtle versatility of feeling1 
and delicate reserve or reverent        
suggestiveness1 which poets exemplify1  
seems to have been excluded from his    
idea of a sacred composition4           
,accordingly1 if a ,psalm contained     
passages which could not be applied to  
our ,lord1 it followed that that ,psalm 
did not properly apply to ,him at all1  
except by accommodation4 ,such at least 
is the doctrine of ,cosmas1 a writer of 
,theodore's school1 who on this ground  
passes over the twenty-second1          
sixty-ninth1 and other ,psalms1 and     
limits the ,messianic to the second1 the

 eighth1 the forty-fifth1 and the       
hundred and tenth4 ,david1 he says1 did 
not make common to the servants what    
belongs to the ,lord#bhi3a ,christ1 but 
what was proper to the ,lord he spoke of
 the ,lord1 and what was proper to the  
servants1 of servants4#bhi3b            
,accordingly the twenty-second could not
 properly belong to ,christ1 because in 
the beginning it spoke of the verba     
delictorum meorum4 ,a remarkable        
consequence would follow from this      
doctrine1 that as ,christ was to be     
separated from ,his ,saints1 so the     
,saints were to be separated from       
,christ2 and an opening was made for a  
denial of the doctrine of their cultus1 
though this denial in the event has not 
been developed among the ,nestorians4   
,but a more serious consequence is      
latently contained in it1 and nothing   
else than the ,nestorian heresy1 viz4   
that our ,lord's manhood is not so      
intimately included in ,his ,divine     
,personality that ,his brethren         

according to the flesh may be associated
 with the ,image of the ,one ,christ4   
,here ,st4 ,chrysostom pointedly        
contradicts the doctrine of ,theodore1  
though his fellow-pupil and             
friend2#bij3a as does ,st4 ,ephrem1     
though a ,syrian also2#bij3b and ,st4   
,basil4#bij3c   #f4  ,one other         
peculiarity of the ,syrian school1      
viewed as independent of ,nestorius1    
should be added3--,as it tended to the  
separation of the ,divine ,person of    
,christ from ,his manhood1 so did it    
tend to explain away ,his ,divine       
,presence in the ,sacramental elements4 
,ernesti seems to consider the school1  
in modern language1 ,sacramentarian3 and
 certainly some of the most cogent      
testimonies brought by moderns against  
the ,catholic doctrine of the ,eucharist
 are taken from writers who are         
connected with that school2 as the      
author1 said to be ,st4 ,chrysostom1 of 
the ,epistle to ,csarius1 ,theodoret in 
his ,eranistes1 and ,facundus4 ,some    

countenance too is given to the same    
view of the ,eucharist1 at least in some
 parts of his works1 by ,origen1 whose  
language concerning the ,incarnation    
also leans to what was afterwards       
,nestorianism4 ,to these may be added   
,eusebius1#bia3a who1 far removed1 as he
 was1 from that heresy1 was a disciple  
of the ,syrian school4 ,the language of 
the later ,nestorian writers seems to   
have been of the same character4#bia3b  
,such then on the whole is the character
 of that theology of ,theodore which    
passed from ,cilicia and ,antioch to    
,edessa first1 and then to ,nisibis4    
#g4  ,edessa1 the metropolis of         
,mesopotamia1 had remained an ,oriental 
city till the third century1 when it was
 made a ,roman colony by                
,caracalla4#bia3c ,its position on the  
confines of two empires gave it great   
ecclesiastical importance1 as the       
channel by which the theology of ,rome  
and ,greece was conveyed to a family of 
,christians1 dwelling in contempt and   

persecution amid a still heathen world4 
,it was the seat of various schools2    
apparently of a ,greek school1 where the
 classics were studied as well as       
theology1 where ,eusebius of            
,emesa#bia3d had originally been        
trained1 and where perhaps ,protogenes  
taught4#bia3e ,there were also ,syrian  
schools attended by heathen and         
,christian youths in common4 ,the       
cultivation of the native language had  
been an especial object of its masters  
since the time of ,vespasian1 so that   
the pure and refined dialect went by the
 name of the ,edessene4#bia3f ,at       
,edessa too ,st4 ,ephrem formed his own 
,syrian school1 which lasted long after 
him2 and there too was the celebrated   
,persian ,christian school1 over which  
,maris presided1 who has been already   
mentioned as the translator of ,theodore
 into ,persian4#bia3g ,even in the time 
of the predecessor of ,ibas in the ,see 
7before ,a4,d4 #dce7 the ,nestorianism  
of this ,persian ,school was so         

notorious that ,rabbula the ,bishop had 
expelled its masters and scholars2#bib3a
 and they1 taking refuge in a country   
which might be called their own1 had    
introduced the heresy to the ,churches  
subject to the ,persian ,king4   #h4    
,something ought to be said of these    
,churches2 though little is known except
 what is revealed by the fact1 in itself
 of no slight value1 that they had      
sustained two persecutions at the hands 
of the heathen government in the fourth 
and fifth centuries4 ,one testimony is  
extant as early as the end of the second
 century1 to the effect that in         
,parthia1 ,media1 ,persia1 and ,bactria 
there were ,christians who were not     
overcome by evil laws and customs4#bib3b
 ,in the early part of the fourth       
century1 a bishop of ,persia attended   
the ,nicene ,council1 and about the same
 time ,christianity is said to have     
pervaded nearly the whole of            
,assyria4#bib3c ,monachism had been     
introduced there before the middle of   

the fourth century1 and shortly after   
commenced that fearful persecution in   
which sixteen thousand ,christians are  
said to have suffered4 ,it lasted thirty
 years1 and is said to have recommenced 
at the end of the ,century4 ,the second 
persecution lasted for at least another 
thirty years of the next1 at the very   
time when the ,nestorian troubles were  
in progress in the ,empire4 ,trials such
 as these show the populousness as well 
as the faith of the ,churches in those  
parts1--and the number of the ,sees1 for
 the names of twenty-seven ,bishops are 
preserved who suffered in the former    
persecution4 ,one of them was           
apprehended together with sixteen       
priests1 nine deacons1 besides monks and
 nuns of his diocese2 another with      
twenty-eight companions1 ecclesiastics  
or regulars2 another with one hundred   
ecclesiastics of different orders2      
another with one hundred and            
twenty-eight2 another with his          
chorepiscopus and two hundred and fifty 

of his clergy4 ,such was the ,church1   
consecrated by the blood of so many     
martyrs1 which immediately after its    
glorious confession fell a prey to the  
theology of ,theodore2 and which through
 a succession of ages manifested the    
energy1 when it had lost the pure       
orthodoxy of ,saints4   #i4  ,the       
members of the ,persian school1 who had 
been driven out of ,edessa by ,rabbula1 
found a wide field open for their       
exertions under the pagan government    
with which they had taken refuge4 ,the  
,persian monarchs1 who had often        
prohibited by edict#bic3a the           
intercommunion of the ,church under     
their sway with the countries towards   
the west1 readily extended their        
protection to exiles1 whose very        
profession was the means of destroying  
its ,catholicity4 ,barsumas1 the most   
energetic of them1 was placed in the    
metropolitan ,see of ,nisibis1 where    
also the fugitive school was settled    
under the presidency of another of their

 party2 while ,maris was promoted to the
 ,see of ,ardaschir4 ,the primacy of the
 ,church had from an early period       
belonged to the ,see of ,seleucia in    
,babylonia4 ,catholicus was the title   
appropriated to its occupant1 as well as
 to the ,persian ,primate1 as being     
deputies of the ,patriarch of ,antioch1 
and was derived apparently from the     
,imperial dignity so called1 denoting   
their function as ,procurators-general1 
or officers in chief for the regions in 
which they were placed4 ,acacius1       
another of the ,edessene party1 was put 
into this principal ,see1 and suffered1 
if he did not further1 the innovations  
of ,barsumas4 ,the mode by which the    
latter effected those measures has been 
left on record by an enemy4 ,barsumas   
accused ,babuus1 the ,catholicus1 before
 ,king ,pherozes1 whispering1 ',these   
men hold the faith of the ,romans1 and  
are their spies4 ,give me power against 
them to arrest them4'#bid3a ,it is said 
that in this way he obtained the death  

of ,babuus1 whom ,acacius succeeded4    
,when a minority resisted#bid3b the     
process of schism1 a persecution        
followed4 ,the death of seven thousand  
seven hundred ,catholics is said by     
,monophysite authorities to have been   
the price of the severance of the       
,chaldaic ,churches from                
,christendom4#bid3c ,their loss was     
compensated in the eyes of the          
,government by the multitude of         
,nestorian fugitives1 who flocked into  
,persia from the ,empire1 numbers of    
them industrious artisans1 who sought a 
country where their own religion was in 
the ascendant4   #aj4  ,that religion   
was founded1 as we have already seen1 in
 the literal interpretation of ,holy    
,scripture1 of which ,theodore was the  
principal teacher4 ,the doctrine1 in    
which it formally consisted1 is known by
 the name of ,nestorianism3 it lay in   
the ascription of a human as well as a  
,divine ,personality to our ,lord2 and  
it showed itself in denying the title of

 ,mother of ,god1 or theotokos1 to the  
,blessed ,mary4 ,as to our ,lord's      
,personality1 the question of language  
came into the controversy1 which always 
serves to perplex a subject and make a  
dispute seem a matter of words4 ,the    
native ,syrians made a distinction      
between the word ,person1 and ,prosopon1
 which stands for it in ,greek2 they    
allowed that there was one ,prosopon or 
,parsopa1 as they called it1 and they   
heldthat there were two ,persons4 ,if it
 is asked what they meant by parsopa1   
the answer seems to be1 that they took  
the word merely in the sense of         
character or aspect1 a sense familiar to
 the ,greek prosopon1 and quite         
irrelevant as a guarantee of their      
orthodoxy4 ,it follows moreover that1   
since the aspect of a thing is its      
impression upon the beholder1 the       
personality to which they ascribed unity
 must have laid in our ,lord's manhood1 
and not in ,his ,divine ,nature4 ,but it
 is hardly worth while pursuing the     

heresy to its limits4 ,next1 as to the  
phrase ,mother of ,god1 they rejected it
 as unscriptural2 they maintained that  
,st4 ,mary was ,mother of the humanity  
of ,christ1 not of the ,word1 and they  
fortified themselves by the ,nicene     
,creed1 in which no such title is       
ascribed to her4   #aa4  ,whatever might
 be the obscurity or the plausibility of
 their original dogma1 there is nothing 
obscure or attractive in the            
developments1 whether of doctrine or of 
practice1 in which it issued4 ,the first
 act of the exiles of ,edessa1 on their 
obtaining power in the ,chaldean        
communion1 was to abolish the celibacy  
of the clergy1 or1 in ,gibbon's forcible
 words1 to allow the public and         
reiterated nuptials of the priests1 the 
bishops1 and even the patriarch himself4
 ,barsumas1 the great instrument of the 
change of religion1 was the first to set
 an example of the new usage1 and is    
even said by a ,nestorian writer to have
 married a nun4#bie3a ,he passed a      

,canon at ,councils1 held at ,seleucia  
and elsewhere1 that bishops and priests 
might marry1 and might renew their wives
 as often as they lost them4 ,the       
,catholicus who followed ,acacius went  
so far as to extend the benefit of the  
,canon to ,monks1 that is1 to destroy   
the ,monastic order2 and his two        
successors availed themselves of this   
liberty1 and are recorded to have been  
fathers4 ,a restriction1 however1 was   
afterwards placed upon the ,catholicus1 
and upon the ,episcopal order4   #ab4   
,such were the circumstances1 and such  
the principles1 under which the ,see of 
,seleucia became the ,rome of the ,east4
 ,in the course of time the ,catholicus 
took on himself the loftier and         
independent title of ,patriarch of      
,babylon2 and though ,seleucia was      
changed for ,ctesiphon and for          
,bagdad1#bif3a still the name of        
,babylon was preserved from first to    
last as a formal or ideal ,metropolis4  
,in the time of the ,caliphs1 it was at 

the head of as many as twenty-five      
,archbishops2 its ,communion extended   
from ,china to ,jerusalem2 and its      
numbers1 with those of the              
,monophysites1 are said to have         
surpassed those of the ,greek and ,latin
 ,churches together4 ,the ,nestorians   
seem to have been unwilling1 like the   
,novatians1 to be called by the name of 
their founder1#bif3b though they        
confessed it had adhered to them2 one   
instance may be specified of their      
assuming the name of ,catholic1#bif3c   
but there is nothing to show it was     
given them by others4  ,from the        
conquest of ,persia1 says ,gibbon1 they 
carried their spiritual arms to the     
,north1 the ,east1 and the ,south2 and  
the simplicity of the ,gospel was       
fashioned and painted with the colours  
of the ,syriac theology4 ,in the sixth  
century1 according to the report of a   
,nestorian traveller1 ,christianity was 
successfully preached to the ,bactrians1
 the ,huns1 the ,persians1 the ,indians1

 the ,persarmenians1 the ,medes1 and the
 ,elamites3 the ,barbaric ,churches from
 the gulf of ,persia to the ,caspian    
,sea were almost infinite2 and their    
recent faith was conspicuous in the     
number and sanctity of their monks and  
martyrs4 ,the pepper coast of ,malabar  
and the isles of the ocean1 ,socotra and
 ,ceylon1 were peopled with an          
increasing multitude of ,christians1 and
 the bishops and clergy of those        
sequestered regions derived their       
ordination from the ,catholicus of      
,babylon4 ,in a subsequent age1 the zeal
 of the ,nestorians overleaped the      
limits which had confined the ambition  
and curiosity both of the ,greeks and   
,persians4 ,the missionaries of ,balch  
and ,samarcand pursued without fear the 
footsteps of the roving ,tartar1 and    
insinuated themselves into the camps of 
the valleys of ,imaus and the banks of  
the ,selinga4#big3a    #c4 ,the         
,monophysites4  ,eutyches was           
,archimandrite1 or ,abbot1 of a         

,monastery in the suburbs of            
,constantinople2 he was a man of        
unexceptionable character1 and was of   
the age of seventy years1 and had been  
,abbot for thirty1 at the date of his   
unhappy introduction into ecclesiastical
 history4 ,he had been the friend and   
assistant of ,st4 ,cyril of ,alexandria1
 and had lately taken part against      
,ibas1 ,bishop of ,edessa1 whose name   
has occurred in the above account of the
 ,nestorians4 ,for some time he had been
 engaged in teaching a doctrine         
concerning the ,incarnation1 which he   
maintained indeed to be none other than 
that of ,st4 ,cyril's in his controversy
 with ,nestorius1 but which others      
denounced as a heresy in the opposite   
extreme1 and substantially a reassertion
 of ,apollinarianism4 ,the subject was  
brought before a ,council of            
,constantinople1 under the presidency of
 ,flavian1 the ,patriarch1 in the year  
#ddh2 and ,eutyches was condemned by the
 assembled ,bishops of holding the      

doctrine of ,one1 instead of ,two       
,natures in ,christ4   #b4  ,it is      
scarcely necessary for our present      
purpose to ascertain accurately what he 
held1 and there has been a great deal of
 controversy on the subject2 partly from
 confusion between him and his          
successors1 partly from the indecision  
or the ambiguity which commonly attaches
 to the professions of heretics4 ,if a  
statement must here be made of the      
doctrine of ,eutyches himself1 in whom  
the controversy began1 let it be said to
 consist in these two tenets3--in       
maintaining first1 that before the      
,incarnation there were two natures1    
after their union one1 or that our ,lord
 was of or from two natures1 but not in 
two2--and1 secondly1 that ,his flesh was
 not of one substance with ours1 that   
is1 not of the substance of the ,blessed
 ,virgin4 ,of these two points1 he      
seemed willing to abandon the second1   
but was firm in his maintenance of the  
first4 ,but let us return to the        

,council of ,constantinople4  ,in his   
examination ,eutyches allowed that the  
,holy ,virgin was consubstantial with   
us1 and that our ,god was incarnate of  
her2 but he would not allow that ,he was
 therefore1 as man1 consubstantial with 
us1 his notion apparently being that    
union with the ,divinity had changed    
what otherwise would have been human    
nature4 ,however1 when pressed1 he said1
 that1 though up to that day he had not 
permitted himself to discuss the nature 
of ,christ1 or to affirm that ,god's    
body is man's body though it was human1 
yet he would allow1 if commanded1 our   
,lord's consubstantiality with us4 ,upon
 this ,flavian observed that the        
,council was introducing no innovation1 
but declaring the faith of the ,fathers4
 ,to his other position1 however1 that  
our ,lord had but one nature after the  
,incarnation1 he adhered3 when the      
,catholic doctrine was put before him1  
he answered1 ,let ,st4 ,athanasius be   
read2 you will find nothing of the kind 

in him4  ,his condemnation followed3 it 
was signed by twenty-two ,bishops and   
twenty-three ,abbots2#bih3a among the   
former were ,flavian of ,constantinople1
 ,basil metropolitan of ,seleucia in    
,isauria1 the metropolitans of ,amasea  
in ,pontus1 and ,marcianopolis in       
,moesia1 and the ,bishop of ,cos1 the   
,pope's minister at ,constantinople4    
#c4  ,eutyches appealed to the ,pope of 
the day1 ,st4 ,leo1 who at first hearing
 took his part4 ,he wrote to ,flavian   
that1 judging by the statement of       
,eutyches1 he did not see with what     
justice he had been separated from the  
communion of the ,church4 ,send         
therefore1 he continued1 some suitable  
person to give us a full account of what
 has occurred1 and let us know what the 
new error is4 ,st4 ,flavian1 who had    
behaved with great forbearance          
throughout the proceedings1 had not much
 difficulty in setting the controversy  
before the ,pope in its true light4     
,eutyches was supported by the ,imperial

 ,court1 and by ,dioscorus the          
,patriarch of ,alexandria2 the          
proceedings therefore at ,constantinople
 were not allowed to settle the         
question4 ,a general ,council was       
summoned for the ensuing summer at      
,ephesus1 where the third ,ecumenical   
,council had been held twenty years     
before against ,nestorius4 ,it was      
attended by sixty metropolitans1 ten    
from each of the great divisions of the 
,east2 the whole number of bishops      
assembled amounted to one hundred and   
thirty-five4#bii3a ,dioscorus was       
appointed ,president by the ,emperor1   
and the object of the assembly was said 
to be the settlement of a question of   
faith which had arisen between ,flavian 
and ,eutyches4 ,st4 ,leo1 dissatisfied  
with the measure altogether1            
nevertheless sent his legates1 but with 
the object1 as their commission stated1 
and a letter he addressed to the        
,council1 of condemning the heresy1 and 
reinstating ,eutyches if he retracted4  

,his legates took precedence after      
,dioscorus and before the other         
,patriarchs4 ,he also published at this 
time his celebrated ,tome on the        
,incarnation1 in a letter addressed to  
,flavian4  ,the proceedings which       
followed were of so violent a character1
 that the ,council has gone down to     
posterity under the name of the         
,latrocinium or ,gang of ,robbers4      
,eutyches was honourably acquitted1 and 
his doctrine received2 but the assembled
 ,fathers showed some backwardness to   
depose ,st4 ,flavian4 ,dioscorus had    
been attended by a multitude of monks1  
furious zealots for the ,monophysite    
doctrine from ,syria and ,egypt1 and by 
an armed force4 ,these broke into the   
,church at his call2 ,flavian was thrown
 down and trampled on1 and received     
injuries of which he died the third day 
after4 ,the ,pope's legates escaped as  
they could2 and the ,bishops were       
compelled to sign a blank paper1 which  
was afterwards filled up with the       

condemnation of ,flavian4 ,these        
outrages1 however1 were subsequent to   
the ,synodical acceptance of the ,creed 
of ,eutyches1 which seems to have been  
the spontaneous act of the assembled    
,fathers4 ,the proceedings ended by     
,dioscorus excommunicating the ,pope1   
and the ,emperor issuing an edict in    
approval of the decision of the         
,council4   #d4  ,before continuing the 
narrative1 let us pause awhile to       
consider what it has already brought    
before us4 ,an aged and blameless man1  
the friend of a ,saint1 and him the     
great champion of the faith against the 
heresy of his day1 is found in the      
belief and maintenance of a doctrine1   
which he declares to be the very        
doctrine which that ,saint taught in    
opposition to that heresy4 ,to prove it1
 he and his friends refer to the very   
words of ,st4 ,cyril2 ,eustathius of    
,berytus quoting from him at ,ephesus as
 follows3 ,we must not then conceive two
 natures1 but one nature of the ,word   

incarnate4#cjj3a ,moreover1 it seems    
that ,st4 ,cyril had been called to     
account for this very phrase1 and had   
appealed more than once to a passage1   
which is extant as he quoted it1 in a   
work by ,st4 ,athanasius4#cja3a ,whether
 the passage in question is genuine is  
very doubtful1 but that is not to the   
purpose2 for the phrase which it        
contains is also attributed by ,st4     
,cyril to other ,fathers1 and was       
admitted by ,catholics generally1 as by 
,st4 ,flavian1 who deposed ,eutyches1   
nay was indirectly adopted by the       
,council of ,chalcedon itself4   #e4    
,but ,eutyches did not merely insist    
upon a phrase2 he appealed for his      
doctrine to the ,fathers generally2 ,i  
have read the blessed ,cyril1 and the   
holy ,fathers1 and the holy ,athanasius1
 he says at ,constantinople1 that they  
said1 ',of two natures before the       
union1' but that 'after the union' they 
said 'but one4'#cja3b ,in his letter to 
,st4 ,leo1 he appeals in particular to  

,pope ,julius1 ,pope ,felix1 ,st4       
,gregory ,thaumaturgus1 ,st4 ,gregory   
,nazianzen1 ,st4 ,basil1 ,atticus1 and  
,st4 ,proclus4 ,he did not appeal to    
them unreservedly certainly1 as shall be
 presently noticed2 he allowed that they
 might err1 and perhaps had erred1 in   
their expressions3 but it is plain1 even
 from what has been said1 that there    
could be no consensus against him1 as   
the word is now commonly understood4 ,it
 is also undeniable that1 though the    
word nature is applied to our ,lord's   
manhood by ,st4 ,ambrose1 ,st4 ,gregory 
,nazianzen and others1 yet on the whole 
it is for whatever reason avoided by the
 previous ,fathers2 certainly by ,st4   
,athanasius1 who uses the words manhood1
 flesh1 the man1 economy1 where a later 
writer would have used nature3 and the  
same is true of ,st4 ,hilary4#cja3c ,in 
like manner1 the ,athanasian ,creed1    
written1 as it is supposed1 some twenty 
years before the date of ,eutyches1 does
 not contain the word nature4 ,much     

might be said on the plausibility of the
 defence1 which ,eutyches might have    
made for his doctrine from the history  
and documents of the ,church before his 
time4   #f4  ,further1 ,eutyches        
professed to subscribe heartily the     
decrees of the ,council of ,nica and    
,ephesus1 and his friends appealed to   
the latter of these ,councils and to    
previous ,fathers1 in proof that nothing
 could be added to the ,creed of the    
,church4 ,i1 he says to ,st4 ,leo1 even 
from my elders have so understood1 and  
from my childhood have so been          
instructed1 as the holy and ,ecumenical 
,council at ,nica of the three hundred  
and eighteen most blessed ,bishops      
settled the faith1 and which the holy   
,council held at ,ephesus maintained and
 defined anew as the only faith2 and ,i 
have never understood otherwise than as 
the right or only true orthodox faith   
hath enjoined4 ,he says at the          
,latrocinium1 ,when ,i declared that my 
faith was conformable to the decision of

 ,nica1 confirmed at ,ephesus1 they     
demanded that ,i should add some words  
to it2 and ,i1 fearing to act contrary  
to the decrees of the ,first ,council of
 ,ephesus and of the ,council of ,nica1 
desired that your holy ,council might be
 made acquainted with it1 since ,i was  
ready to submit to whatever you should  
approve4#cjb3a ,dioscorus states the    
matter more strongly3 ,we have heard1 he
 says1 what this ,council of ,ephesus   
decreed1 that if any one affirm or opine
 anything1 or raise any question1 beyond
 the ,creed aforesaid of ,nica1 he is to
 be condemned4#cjb3b ,it is remarkable  
that the ,council of ,ephesus1 which    
laid down this rule1 had itself         
sanctioned the ,theotocos1 an addition1 
greater perhaps than any before or      
since1 to the letter of the primitive   
faith4   #g4  ,further1 ,eutyches       
appealed to ,scripture1 and denied that 
a human nature was there given to our   
,lord2 and this appeal obliged him in   
consequence to refuse an unconditional  

assent to the ,councils and ,fathers1   
though he so confidently spoke about    
them at other times4 ,it was urged      
against him that the ,nicene ,council   
itself had introduced into the ,creed   
extra-scriptural terms4 ',i have never  
found in ,scripture1' he said1 according
 to one of the ,priests who were sent to
 him1 'that there are two natures4' ,i  
replied1 ',neither is the               
,consubstantiality1' 7the ,homosion of  
,nica17 'to be found in the ,scriptures1
 but in the ,holy ,fathers who well     
understood them and faithfully expounded
 them4'#cjc3a ,accordingly1 on another  
occasion1 a report was made of him1 that
 he professed himself ready to assent to
 the ,exposition of ,faith made by the  
,holy ,fathers of the ,nicene and       
,ephesine ,councils and he engaged to   
subscribe their interpretations4        
,however1 if there were any accidental  
fault or error in any expressions which 
they made1 this he would neither blame  
nor accept2 but only search the         

,scriptures1 as being surer than the    
expositions of the ,fathers2 that since 
the time of the ,incarnation of ,god the
 ,word 4 4 he worshipped one ,nature 4 4
 4 that the doctrine that our ,lord     
,jesus ,christ came of ,two ,natures    
personally united1 this it was that he  
had learned from the expositions of the 
,holy ,fathers2 nor did he accept1 if   
ought was read to him from any author to
 another effect1 because the ,holy      
,scriptures1 as he said1 were better    
than the teaching of the ,fathers4#cjd3a
 ,this appeal to the ,scriptures will   
remind us of what has lately been said  
of the school of ,theodore in the       
history of ,nestorianism1 and of the    
challenge of the ,arians to ,st4 ,avitus
 before the ,gothic ,king4#cjd3b ,it had
 also been the characteristic of heresy 
in the antecedent period4 ,st4 ,hilary  
brings together a number of instances in
 point1 from the history of ,marcellus1 
,photinus1 ,sabellius1 ,montanus1 and   
,manes2 then he adds1 ,they all speak   

,scripture without the sense of         
,scripture1 and profess a faith without 
faith4#cjd3c   #h4  ,once more2 the     
,council of the ,latrocinium1 however1  
tyrannized over by ,dioscorus in the    
matter of ,st4 ,flavian1 certainly did  
acquit ,eutyches and accept his doctrine
 canonically1 and1 as it would appear1  
cordially2 though their change at       
,chalcedon1 and the subsequent          
variations of the ,east1 make it a      
matter of little moment how they        
decided4 ,the ,acts of ,constantinople  
were read to the ,fathers of the        
,latrocinium2 when they came to the part
 where ,eusebius of ,dorylum1 the       
accuser of ,eutyches1 asked him1 whether
 he confessed ,two ,natures after the   
,incarnation1 and the ,consubstantiality
 according to the flesh1 the ,fathers   
broke in upon the reading3--,away with  
,eusebius2 burn him2 burn him alive2 cut
 him in two2 as he divided1 so let him  
be divided4#cje3a ,the ,council seems to
 have been unanimous1 with the exception

 of the ,pope's ,legates1 in the        
restoration of ,eutyches2 a more        
complete decision can hardly be         
imagined4  ,it is true the whole number 
of signatures now extant1 one hundred   
and eight1 may seem small out of a      
thousand1 the number of ,sees in the    
,east2 but the attendance of ,councils  
always bore a representative character4 
,the whole number of ,east and ,west was
 about eighteen hundred1 yet the second 
,ecumenical ,council was attended by    
only one hundred and fifty1 which is but
 a twelfth part of the whole number2 the
 ,third ,council by about two hundred1  
or a ninth2 the ,council of ,nica itself
 numbered only three hundred and        
eighteen ,bishops4 ,moreover1 when we   
look through the names subscribed to the
 ,synodal decision1 we find that the    
misbelief1 or misapprehension1 or       
weakness1 to which this great offence   
must be attributed1 was no local        
phenomenon1 but the unanimous sin of    
,bishops in every patriarchate and of   

every school of the ,east4 ,three out of
 the four patriarchs were in favour of  
the heresiarch1 the fourth being on his 
trial4 ,of these ,domnus of ,antioch and
 ,juvenal of ,jerusalem acquitted him1  
on the ground of his confessing the     
faith of ,nica and ,ephesus3 and ,domnus
 was a man of the fairest and purest    
character1 and originally a disciple of 
,st4 ,euthemius1 however inconsistent on
 this occasion1 and ill-advised in      
former steps of his career4 ,dioscorus1 
violent and bad man as he showed        
himself1 had been ,archdeacon to ,st4   
,cyril1 whom he attended at the ,council
 of ,ephesus2 and was on this occasion  
supported by those ,churches which had  
so nobly stood by their patriarch       
,athanasius in the great ,arian         
conflict4 ,these three ,patriarchs were 
supported by the ,exarchs of ,ephesus   
and ,csarea in ,cappadocia2 and both of 
these as well as ,domnus and ,juvenal1  
were supported in turn by their         
subordinate ,metropolitans4 ,even the   

,sees under the influence of            
,constantinople1 which was the remaining
 sixth division of the ,east1 took part 
with ,eutyches4 ,we find among the      
signatures to his acquittal the ,bishops
 of ,dyrrachium1 of ,heraclea in        
,macedonia1 of ,messene in the          
,peloponese1 of ,sebaste in ,armenia1 of
 ,tarsus1 of ,damascus1 of ,berytus1 of 
,bostra in ,arabia1 of ,amida in        
,mesopotamia1 of ,himeria in ,osrhoene1 
of ,babylon1 of ,arsinoe in ,egypt1 and 
of ,cyrene4 ,the ,bishops of ,palestine1
 of ,macedonia1 and of ,achaia1 where   
the keen eye of ,st4 ,athanasius had    
detected the doctrine in its germ1 while
 ,apollinarianism was but growing into  
form1 were his actual partisans4        
,another ,barsumas1 a ,syrian ,abbot1   
ignorant of ,greek1 attended the        
,latrocinium1 as the representative of  
the monks of his nation1 whom he formed 
into a force1 material or moral1 of a   
thousand strong1 and whom at that       
infamous assembly he cheered on to the  

murder of ,st4 ,flavian4   #i4  ,such   
was the state of ,eastern ,christendom  
in the year #ddi2 a heresy1 appealing to
 the ,fathers1 to the ,creed1 and1 above
 all1 to ,scripture1 was by a general   
,council1 professing to be ,ecumenical1 
received as true in the person of its   
promulgator4 ,if the ,east could        
determine a matter of faith             
independently of the ,west1 certainly   
the ,monophysite heresy was established 
as ,apostolic truth in all its provinces
 from ,macedonia to ,egypt4  ,there has 
been a time in the history of           
,christianity1 when it had been         
,athanasius against the world1 and the  
world against ,athanasius4 ,the need and
 straitness of the ,church had been     
great1 and one man was raised up for her
 deliverance4 ,in this second necessity1
 who was the destined champion of her   
who cannot fail8 ,whence did he come1   
and what was his name8 ,he came with an 
augury of victory upon him1 which even  
,athanasius could not show2 it was ,leo1

 ,bishop of ,rome4   #aj4  ,leo's augury
 of success1 which even ,athanasius had 
not1 was this1 that he was seated in the
 chair of ,st4 ,peter and the heir of   
his prerogatives4 ,in the very beginning
 of the controversy1 ,st4 ,peter        
,chrysologus had urged this grave       
consideration upon ,eutyches himself1 in
 words which have already been cited3 ,i
 exhort you1 my venerable brother1 he   
had said1 to submit yourself in         
everything to what has been written by  
the blessed ,pope of ,rome2 for ,st4    
,peter1 who lives and presides in his   
own ,see1 gives the true faith to those 
who seek it4#cjg3a ,this voice had come 
from ,ravenna1 and now after the        
,latrocinium it was echoed back from the
 depths of ,syria by the learned        
,theodoret4 ,that all-holy ,see1 he says
 in a letter to one of the ,pope's      
,legates1 has the office of heading     
7hgemonian7 the whole world's ,churches 
for many reasons2 and above all others1 
because it has remained free of the     

communion of heretical taint1 and no one
 of heterodox sentiments hath sat in it1
 but it hath preserved the ,apostolic   
grace unsullied4#cjg3b ,and a third     
testimony in encouragement of the       
faithful at the same dark moment issued 
from the ,imperial court of the ,west4  
,we are bound1 says ,valentinian to the 
,emperor of the ,east1 to preserve      
inviolate in our times the prerogative  
of particular reverence to the blessed  
,apostle ,peter2 that the most blessed  
,bishop of ,rome1 to whom ,antiquity    
assigned the priesthood over all 7kata  
pantn7 may have place and opportunity of
 judging concerning the faith and the   
priests4#cjg3c ,nor had ,leo himself    
been wanting at the same time in the    
confidence he had obtained from the most
 blessed ,peter and head of the         
,apostles1 that he had authority to     
defend the truth for the peace of the   
,church4#cjh3a ,thus ,leo introduces us 
to the ,council of ,chalcedon1 by which 
he rescued the ,east from a grave       

heresy4   #aa4  ,the ,council met on the
 #hth of ,october1 #dea1 and was        
attended by the largest number of       
,bishops of any ,council before or      
since2 some say by as many as six       
hundred and thirty4 ,of these1 only four
 came from the ,west1 two ,roman        
,legates and two ,africans4#cjh3b  ,its 
proceedings were opened by the ,pope's  
,legates1 who said that they had it in  
charge from the ,bishop of ,rome1 which 
is the head of all the ,churches1 to    
demand that ,dioscorus should not sit1  
on the ground that he had presumed to   
hold a ,council without the authority of
 the ,apostolic ,see1 which had never   
been done nor was lawful to do4#cjh3c   
,this was immediately allowed them4     
,the next act of the ,council was to    
give admission to ,theodoret1 who had   
been deposed at the ,latrocinium4 ,the  
,imperial officers present urged his    
admission1 on the ground that the most  
holy ,archbishop ,leo hath restored him 
to the ,episcopal office1 and the most  

pious ,emperor hath ordered that he     
should assist at the holy               
,council4#cjh3d  ,presently1 a charge   
was brought forward against ,dioscorus1 
that1 though the ,legates had presented 
a letter from the ,pope to the ,council1
 it had not been read4 ,dioscorus       
admitted not only the fact1 but its     
relevancy2 but alleged in excuse that he
 had twice ordered it to be read in     
vain4  ,in the course of the reading of 
the ,acts of the ,latrocinium and       
,constantinople1 a number of ,bishops   
moved from the side of ,dioscorus and   
placed themselves with the opposite     
party4 ,when ,peter1 ,bishop of         
,corinth1 crossed over1 the ,orientals  
whom he joined shouted1 ,peter thinks as
 does ,peter2 orthodox ,bishop1 welcome4
   #ab4  ,in the second ,session it was 
the duty of the ,fathers to draw up a   
confession of faith condemnatory of the 
heresy4 ,a committee was formed for the 
purpose1 and the ,creed of ,nica and    
,constantinople was read2 then some of  

the ,epistles of ,st4 ,cyril2 lastly1   
,st4 ,leo's ,tome1 which had been passed
 over in silence at the ,latrocinium4   
,some discussion followed upon the last 
of these documents1 but at length the   
,bishops cried out1 ,this is the faith  
of the ,fathers2 this is the faith of   
the ,apostles3 we all believe thus2 the 
orthodox believe thus2 anathema to him  
who does not believe thus4 ,peter has   
thus spoken through ,leo2 the ,apostles 
taught thus4 ,readings from the other   
,fathers followed2 and then some days   
were allowed for private discussion1    
before drawing up the confession of     
faith which was to set right the        
heterodoxy of the ,latrocinium4  ,during
 the interval1 ,dioscorus was tried and 
condemned2 sentence was pronounced      
against him by the ,pope's ,legates1 and
 ran thus3 ,the most holy ,archbishop of
 ,rome1 ,leo1 through us and this       
present ,council1 with the ,apostle ,st4
 ,peter1 who is the rock and foundation 
of the ,catholic ,church and of the     

orthodox faith1 deprives him of the     
,episcopal dignity and every sacerdotal 
ministry4  ,in the fourth ,session the  
question of the definition of faith came
 on again1 but the ,council got no      
further than this1 that it received the 
definitions of the three previous       
,ecumenical ,councils2 it would not add 
to them what ,leo required4 ,one hundred
 and sixty ,bishops however subscribed  
his ,tome4   #ac4  ,in the fifth        
,session the question came on once more2
 some sort of definition of faith was   
the result of the labours of the        
committee1 and was accepted by the great
 majority of the ,council4 ,the ,bishops
 cried out1 ,we are all satisfied with  
the definition2 it is the faith of the  
,fathers3 anathema to him who thinks    
otherwise3 drive out the ,nestorians4   
,when objectors appeared1 ,anatolius1   
the new ,patriarch of ,constantinople1  
asked ,did not every one yesterday      
consent to the definition of faith8 on  
which the ,bishops answered1 ,every one 

consented2 we do not believe otherwise2 
it is the ,faith of the ,fathers2 let it
 be set down that ,holy ,mary is the    
,mother of ,god3 let this be added to   
the ,creed2 put out the                 
,nestorians4#caj3a ,the objectors were  
the ,pope's ,legates1 supported by a    
certain number of ,orientals3 those     
clear-sighted1 firm-minded ,latins      
understood full well what and what alone
 was the true expression of orthodox    
doctrine under the emergency of the     
existing heresy4 ,they had been         
instructed to induce the ,council to    
pass a declaration to the effect1 that  
,christ was not only of1 but in two     
natures4 ,however1 they did not enter   
upon disputation on the point1 but they 
used a more intelligible argument3 ,if  
the ,fathers did not consent to the     
letter of the blessed ,bishop ,leo1 they
 would leave the ,council and go home4  
,the ,imperial officers took the part of
 the ,legates4 ,the ,council however    
persisted3 ,every one approved the      

definition2 let it be subscribed3 he who
 refuses to subscribe it is a heretic4  
,they even proceeded to refer it to     
,divine inspiration4 ,the officers asked
 if they received ,st4 ,leo's ,tome2    
they answered that they had subscribed  
it1 but that they would not introduce   
its contents into their definition of   
faith4 ,we are for no other definition1 
they said2 nothing is wanting in this4  
#ad4  ,notwithstanding1 the ,pope's     
,legates gained their point through the 
support of the ,emperor ,marcian1 who   
had succeeded ,theodosius4 ,a fresh     
committee was obtained under the threat 
that1 if they resisted1 the ,council    
should be transferred to the ,west4     
,some voices were raised against this   
measure2 the cries were repeated against
 the ,roman party1 ,they are            
,nestorians2 let them go to ,rome4 ,the 
,imperial officers remonstrated1        
,dioscorus said1 ',of two natures2' ,leo
 says1 ',two natures3' which will you   
follow1 ,leo or ,dioscorus8 ,on their   

answering ,leo1 they continued1 ,well   
then1 add to the definition1 according  
to the judgment of our most holy ,leo4  
,nothing more was to be said4 ,the      
committee immediately proceeded to their
 work1 and in a short time returned to  
the assembly with such a definition as  
the ,pope required4 ,after reciting the 
,creed of ,nica and ,constantinople1 it 
observes1 ,this ,creed were sufficient  
for the perfect knowledge of religion1  
but the enemies of the truth have       
invented novel expressions2 and         
therefore it proceeds to state the faith
 more explicitly4 ,when this was read   
through1 the ,bishops all exclaimed1    
,this is the faith of the ,fathers2 we  
all follow it4 ,and thus ended the      
controversy once for all4  ,the         
,council1 after its termination1        
addressed a letter to ,st4 ,leo2 in it  
the ,fathers acknowledge him as         
constituted interpreter of the voice of 
,blessed ,peter1#caa3a 7with an allusion
 to ,st4 ,peter's ,confession in        

,matthew xvi417 and speak of him as the 
very one commissioned with the          
guardianship of the ,vine by the        
,saviour4   #ae4  ,such is the external 
aspect of those proceedings by which the
 ,catholic faith has been established in
 ,christendom against the ,monophysites4
 ,that the definition passed at         
,chalcedon is the ,apostolic ,truth once
 delivered to the ,saints is most firmly
 to be received1 from faith in that     
overruling ,providence which is by      
special promise extended over the acts  
of the ,church2 moreover1 that it is in 
simple accordance with the faith of ,st4
 ,athanasius1 ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen1 
and all the other ,fathers1 will be     
evident to the theological student in   
proportion as he becomes familiar with  
their works3 but the historical account 
of the ,council is this1 that a formula 
which the ,creed did not contain1 which 
the ,fathers did not unanimously        
witness1 and which some eminent ,saints 
had almost in set terms opposed1 which  

the whole ,east refused as a symbol1 not
 once1 but twice1 patriarch by          
patriarch1 metropolitan by metropolitan1
 first by the mouth of above a hundred1 
then by the mouth of above six hundred  
of its ,bishops1 and refused upon the   
grounds of its being an addition to the 
,creed1 was forced upon the ,council1   
not indeed as being such an addition1   
yet1 on the other hand1 not for         
subscription merely1 but for acceptance 
as a definition of faith under the      
sanction of an anathema1--forced on the 
,council by the resolution of the ,pope 
of the day1 acting through his ,legates 
and supported by the civil power4#cab3a 
#af4  ,it cannot be supposed that such a
 transaction would approve itself to the
 ,churches of ,egypt1 and the event     
showed it3 they disowned the authority  
of the ,council1 and called its         
adherents ,chalcedonians1#cac3a and     
,synodites4#cac3b ,for here was the     
,west tyrannizing over the ,east1       
forcing it into agreement with itself1  

resolved to have one and one only form  
of words1 rejecting the definition of   
faith which the ,east had drawn up in   
,council1 bidding it and making it frame
 another1 dealing peremptorily and      
sternly with the assembled ,bishops1 and
 casting contempt on the most sacred    
traditions of ,egypt6 ,what was         
,eutyches to them8 ,he might be guilty  
or innocent2 they gave him up3          
,dioscorus had given him up at          
,chalcedon2#cac3c they did not agree    
with him3#cac3d he was an extreme man2  
they would not call themselves by human 
titles2 they were not ,eutychians2      
,eutyches was not their master1 but     
,athanasius and ,cyril were their       
doctors4#cac3e ,the two great lights of 
their ,church1 the two greatest and most
 successful polemical ,fathers that     
,christianity had seen1 had both        
pronounced ,one ,nature ,incarnate1     
though allowing ,two before the         
,incarnation2 and though ,leo and his   
,council had not gone so far as to deny 

this phrase1 they had proceeded to say  
what was the contrary to it1 to explain 
away1 to overlay the truth1 by defining 
that the ,incarnate ,saviour was in ,two
 ,natures4 ,at ,ephesus it had been     
declared that the ,creed should not be  
touched2 the ,chalcedonian ,fathers had1
 not literally1 but virtually added to  
it3 by subscribing ,leo's ,tome1 and    
promulgating their definition of faith1 
they had added what might be called1    
,the ,creed of ,pope ,leo4   #ag4  ,it  
is remarkable1 as has been just stated1 
that ,dioscorus1 wicked man as he was in
 act1 was of the moderate or middle     
school in doctrine1 as the violent and  
able ,severus after him2 and from the   
first the great body of the protesting  
party disowned ,eutyches1 whose form of 
the heresy took refuge in ,armenia1     
where it remains to this day4 ,the      
,armenians alone were pure ,eutychians1 
and so zealously such that they         
innovated on the ancient and recognized 
custom of mixing water with the wine in 

the ,holy ,eucharist1 and consecrated   
the wine by itself in token of the one  
nature1 as they considered1 of the      
,christ4 ,elsewhere both name and       
doctrine of ,eutyches were abjured2 the 
heretical bodies in ,egypt and ,syria   
took a title from their special tenet1  
and formed the ,monophysite communion4  
,their theology was at once simple and  
specious4 ,they based it upon the       
illustration which is familiar to us in 
the ,athanasian ,creed1 and which had   
been used by ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen1  
,st4 ,cyril1 ,st4 ,augustine1 ,vincent  
of ,lerins1 not to say ,st4 ,leo        
himself4 ,they argued that as body and  
soul made up one man1 so ,god and man   
made up but one1 though one compound    
,nature1 in ,christ4 ,it might have been
 charitably hoped that their difference 
from the ,catholics had been a simple   
matter of words1 as it is allowed by    
,vigilius of ,thapsus really to have    
been in many cases2 but their refusal to
 obey the voice of the ,church was a    

token of real error in their faith1 and 
their implicit heterodoxy is proved by  
their connexion1 in spite of themselves1
 with the extreme or ultra party whom   
they so vehemently disowned4  ,it is    
very observable that1 ingenious as is   
their theory and sometimes perplexing to
 a disputant1 the ,monophysites never   
could shake themselves free of the      
,eutychians2 and though they could draw 
intelligible lines on paper between the 
two doctrines1 yet in fact by a hidden  
fatality their partisans were ever      
running into or forming alliance with   
the anathematized extreme4 ,thus ,peter 
the ,fuller the ,theopaschite           
7,eutychian71 is at one time in alliance
 with ,peter the ,stammerer1 who        
advocated the ,henoticon 7which was     
,monophysite74 ,the ,acephali1 though   
separating from the latter ,peter for   
that advocacy1 and accused by ,leontius 
of being ,gaianites#cae3a 7,eutychians71
 are considered by ,facundus as         
,monophysites4#cae3b ,timothy the ,cat1 

who is said to have agreed with         
,dioscorus and ,peter the ,stammerer1   
who signed the ,henoticon1 that is1 with
 two ,monophysite ,patriarchs1 is said  
nevertheless1 according to ,anastasius1 
to have maintained the extreme tenet1   
that the ,divinity is the sole nature of
 ,christ4#cae3c ,severus1 according to  
,anastasius1#cae3c symbolized with the  
,phantasiasts 7,eutychians71 yet he is  
more truly1 according to ,leontius1 the 
chief doctor and leader of the          
,monophysites4 ,and at one time there   
was an union1 though temporary1 between 
the ,theodosians 7,monophysites7 and the
 ,gaianites4   #ah4  ,such a division of
 an heretical party1 into the           
maintainers1 of an extreme and a        
moderate view1 perspicuous and plausible
 on paper1 yet in fact unreal1          
impracticable1 and hopeless1 was no new 
phenomenon in the history of the        
,church4 ,as ,eutyches put forward an   
extravagant tenet1 which was first      
corrected into the ,monophysite1 and    

then relapsed hopelessly into the       
doctrine of the ,phantasiasts and the   
,theopaschites1 so had ,arius been      
superseded by the ,eusebians and had    
revived in ,eunomius2 and as the        
moderate ,eusebians had formed the great
 body of the dissentients from the      
,nicene ,council1 so did the            
,monophysites include the mass of those 
who protested against ,chalcedon2 and as
 the ,eusebians had been moderate in    
creed1 yet unscrupulous in act1 so were 
the ,monophysites4 ,and as the          
,eusebians were ever running            
individually into pure ,arianism1 so did
 the ,monophysites run into pure        
,eutychianism4 ,and as the ,monophysites
 set themselves against ,pope ,leo1 so  
had the ,eusebians1 with even less      
provocation1 withstood and complained of
 ,pope ,julius4 ,in like manner1 the    
,apollinarians had divided into two     
sects2 one1 with ,timotheus1 going the  
whole length of the inferences which the
 tenet of their master involved1 and the

 more cautious or timid party making an 
unintelligible stand with ,valentinus4  
,again1 in the history of ,nestorianism1
 though it admitted less opportunity for
 division of opinion1 the ,see of ,rome 
was with ,st4 ,cyril in one extreme1    
,nestorius in the other1 and between    
them the great ,eastern party1 headed by
 ,john of ,antioch and ,theodoret1 not  
heretical1 but for a time dissatisfied  
with the ,council of ,ephesus4   #ai4   
,the ,nestorian heresy1 ,i have said1   
gave less opportunity for doctrinal     
varieties than the heresy of ,eutyches4 
,its spirit was rationalizing1 and had  
the qualities which go with rationalism4
 ,when cast out of the ,roman ,empire1  
it addressed itself1 as we have seen1 to
 a new and rich field of exertion1 got  
possession of an ,established ,church1  
co-operated with the civil government1  
adopted secular fashions1 and1 by       
whatever means1 pushed itself out into  
an ,empire4 ,apparently1 though it      
requires a very intimate knowledge of   

its history to speak except             
conjecturally1 it was a political power 
rather than a dogma1 and despised the   
science of theology4 ,eutychianism1 on  
the other hand1 was mystical1 severe1   
enthusiastic2 with the exception of     
,severus1 and one or two more1 it was   
supported by little polemical skill2 it 
had little hold upon the intellectual   
,greeks of ,syria and ,asia ,minor1 but 
flourished in ,egypt1 which was far     
behind the ,east in civilization1 and   
among the native ,syrians4              
,nestorianism1 like ,arianism#cag3a     
before it1 was a cold religion1 and more
 fitted for the schools than for the    
many2 but the ,monophysites carried the 
people with them4 ,like modern          
,jansenism1 and unlike ,nestorianism1   
the ,monophysites were famous for their 
austerities4 ,they have1 or had1 five   
,lents in the year1 during which laity  
as well as clergy abstain not only from 
flesh and eggs1 but from wine1 oil1 and 
fish4#cag3b ,monachism was a            

characteristic part of their            
ecclesiastical system3 their ,bishops1  
and ,maphrian or ,patriarch1 were always
 taken from the ,monks1 who are even    
said to have worn an iron shirt or      
breastplate as a part of their monastic 
habit4#cag3c   #bj4  ,severus1          
,patriarch of ,antioch at the end of the
 fifth century1 has already been        
mentioned as an exception to the general
 character of the ,monophysites1 and1 by
 his learning and ability1 may be       
accounted the founder of its theology4  
,their cause1 however1 had been         
undertaken by the ,emperors themselves  
before him4 ,for the first thirty years 
after the ,council of ,chalcedon1 the   
protesting ,church of ,egypt had been   
the scene of continued tumult and       
bloodshed4 ,dioscorus had been popular  
with the people for his munificence1 in 
spite of the extreme laxity of his      
morals1 and for a while the ,imperial   
,government failed in obtaining the     
election of a ,catholic successor4 ,at  

length ,proterius1 a man of fair        
character1 and the ,vicar-general of    
,dioscorus on his absence at ,chalcedon1
 was chosen1 consecrated1 and enthroned2
 but the people rose against the civil  
authorities1 and the military1 coming to
 their defence1 were attacked with      
stones1 and pursued into a church1 where
 they were burned alive by the mob4     
,next1 the popular leaders prepared to  
intercept the supplies of grain which   
were destined for ,constantinople2 and1 
a defensive retaliation taking place1   
,alexandria was starved4 ,then a force  
of two thousand men was sent for the    
restoration of order1 who permitted     
themselves in scandalous excesses       
towards the women of ,alexandria4       
,proterius's life was attempted1 and he 
was obliged to be attended by a guard4  
,the ,bishops of ,egypt would not submit
 to him2 two of his own clergy1 who     
afterward succeeded him1 ,timothy and   
,peter1 seceded1 and were joined by four
 or five of the ,bishops and by the mass

 of the population2#cah3a and the       
,catholic ,patriarch was left without a 
communion in ,alexandria4 ,he held a    
council1 and condemned the schismatics2 
and the ,emperor1 seconding his efforts1
 sent them out of the country1 and      
enforced the laws against the           
,eutychians4 ,an external quiet         
succeeded2 then ,marcian died2 and then 
forthwith ,timothy 7the ,cat7 made his  
appearance again1 first in ,egypt1 then 
in ,alexandria4 ,the people rose in his 
favour1 and carried in triumph their    
persecuted champion to the great        
,csarean ,church1 where he was          
consecrated ,patriarch by two deprived  
,bishops1 who had been put out of their 
sees1 whether by a ,council of ,egypt or
 of ,palestine4#cah3b ,timothy1 now     
raised to the ,episcopal rank1 began to 
create a new succession2 he ordained    
,bishops for the ,churches of ,egypt1   
and drove into exile those who were in  
possession4 ,the ,imperial troops1 who  
had been stationed in ,upper ,egypt1    

returned to ,alexandria2 the mob rose   
again1 broke into the ,church1 where    
,st4 ,proterius was in prayer1 and      
murdered him4 ,a general ejectment of   
the ,catholic clergy throughout ,egypt  
followed4 ,on their betaking themselves 
to ,constantinople to the new ,emperor1 
,timothy and his party addressed him    
also4 ,they quoted the ,fathers1 and    
demanded the abrogation of the ,council 
of ,chalcedon4 ,next they demanded a    
conference2 the ,catholics said that    
what was once done could not be undone2 
their opponents agreed to this and urged
 it1 as their very argument against     
,chalcedon1 that it added to the faith1 
and reversed former decisions4#cai3a    
,after a rule of three years1 ,timothy  
was driven out and ,catholicism         
restored2 but then in turn the          
,monophysites rallied1 and this state of
 warfare and alternate success continued
 for thirty years4   #ba4  ,at length   
the ,imperial ,government1 wearied out  
with a dispute which was interminable1  

came to the conclusion that the only way
 of restoring peace to the ,church was  
to abandon the ,council of ,chalcedon4  
,in the year #dhb was published the     
famous ,henoticon or ,pacification of   
,zeno1 in which the ,emperor took upon  
himself to determine a matter of faith4 
,the ,henoticon declared that no symbol 
of faith but that of the ,nicene ,creed1
 commonly so called1 should be received 
in the ,churches2 it anathematized the  
opposite heresies of ,nestorius and     
,eutyches1 and it was silent on the     
question of the ,one or ,two ,natures   
after the ,incarnation4 ,this middle    
measure had the various effects which   
might be anticipated4 ,it united the    
great body of the ,eastern ,bishops1 who
 readily relaxed into the vague         
profession of doctrine from which they  
had been roused by the authority of ,st4
 ,leo4 ,all the ,eastern ,bishops signed
 this ,imperial formulary4 ,but this    
unanimity of the ,east was purchased by 
a breach with the ,west2 for the ,popes 

cut off the communication between       
,greeks and ,latins for thirty-five     
years4 ,on the other hand1 the more     
zealous ,monophysites1 disgusted at     
their leaders for accepting what they   
considered an unjustifiable compromise1 
split off from the ,eastern ,churches1  
and formed a sect by themselves1 which  
remained without ,bishops 7acephali7 for
 three hundred years1 when at length    
they were received back into the        
communion of the ,catholic ,church4     
#bb4  ,dreary and waste was the         
condition of the ,church1 and forlorn   
her prospects1 at the period which we   
have been reviewing4 ,after the brief   
triumph which attended the conversion of
 ,constantine1 trouble and trial had    
returned upon her4 ,her imperial        
protectors were failing in power or in  
faith4 ,strange forms of evil were      
rising in the distance and were         
thronging for the conflict4 ,there was  
but one spot in the whole of            
,christendom1 one voice in the whole    

,episcopate1 to which the faithful      
turned in hope in that miserable day4   
,in the year #dic1 in the ,pontificate  
of ,gelasius1 the whole of the ,east was
 in the hands of traitors to ,chalcedon1
 and the whole of the ,west under the   
tyranny of the open enemies of ,nica4   
,italy was the prey of robbers2         
mercenary bands had overrun its         
territory1 and barbarians were seizing  
on its farms and settling in its villas4
 ,the peasants were thinned by famine   
and pestilence2 ,tuscany might be even  
said1 as ,gelasius words it1 to contain 
scarcely a single inhabitant4#cbj3a     
,odoacer was sinking before ,theodoric1 
and the ,pope was changing one ,arian   
master for another4 ,and as if one      
heresy were not enough1 ,pelagianism was
 spreading with the connivance of the   
,bishops in the territory of ,picenum4  
,in the ,north of the dismembered       
,empire1 the ,britons had first been    
infected by ,pelagianism1 and now were  
dispossessed by the heathen ,saxons4    

,the ,armoricans still preserved a      
witness of ,catholicism in the ,west of 
,gaul2 but ,picardy1 ,champagne1 and the
 neighbouring provinces1 where some     
remnant of its supremacy had been found1
 had lately submitted to the yet heathen
 ,clovis4 ,the ,arian kingdoms of       
,burgundy in ,france1 and of the        
,visigoths in ,aquitaine and ,spain1    
oppressed a zealous and ,catholic       
clergy1 ,africa was in still more       
deplorable condition under the cruel    
sway of the ,vandal ,gundamond3 the     
people indeed uncorrupted by the        
heresy1#cba3a but their clergy in exile 
and their worship suspended4 ,while such
 was the state of the ,latins1 what had 
happened in the ,east8 ,acacius1 the    
,patriarch of ,constantinople1 had      
secretly taken part against the ,council
 of ,chalcedon and was under ,papal     
excommunication4 ,nearly the whole ,east
 had sided with ,acacius1 and a schism  
had begun between ,east and ,west1 which
 lasted1 as ,i have above stated1 for   

thirty-five years4 ,the ,henoticon was  
in force1 and at the ,imperial command  
had been signed by all the ,patriarchs  
and ,bishops throughout the ,eastern    
,empire4#cba3b ,in ,armenia the         
,churches were ripening for the pure    
,eutychianism which they adopted in the 
following century2 and in ,egypt the    
,acephali1 already separated from the   
,monophysite ,patriarch1 were extending 
in the east and west of the country1 and
 preferred the loss of the ,episcopal   
,succession to the reception of the     
,council of ,chalcedon4 ,and while      
,monophysites or their favourers        
occupied the ,churches of the ,eastern  
,empire1 ,nestorianism was making       
progress in the territories beyond it4  
,barsumas had held the ,see of ,nisibis1
 ,theodore was read in the schools of   
,persia1 and the successive ,catholici  
of ,seleucia had abolished ,monachism   
and were secularizing the clergy4   #bc4
  ,if then there is now a form of       
,christianity such1 that it extends     

throughout the world1 though with       
varying measures of prominence or       
prosperity in separate places2--that it 
lies under the power of sovereigns and  
magistrates1 in various ways alien to   
its faith2--that flourishing nations and
 great empires1 professing or tolerating
 the ,christian name1 lie over against  
it as antagonists2--that schools of     
philosophy and learning are supporting  
theories1 and following out conclusions1
 hostile to it1 and establishing an     
exegetical system subversive of its     
,scriptures2--that it has lost whole    
,churches by schism1 and is now opposed 
by powerful communions once part of     
itself2--that it has been altogether or 
almost driven from some countries2--that
 in others its line of teachers is      
overlaid1 its flocks oppressed1 its     
,churches occupied1 its property held by
 what may be called a duplicate         
succession2--that in others its members 
are degenerate and corrupt1 and are     
surpassed in conscientiousness and in   

virtue1 as in gifts of intellect1 by the
 very heretics whom it condemns2--that  
heresies are rife and bishops negligent 
within its own pale2--and that amid its 
disorders and its fears there is but one
 ,voice for whose decisions the peoples 
wait with trust1 one ,name and one ,see 
to which they look with hope1 and that  
name ,peter1 and that see ,rome2--such a
 religion is not unlike the             
,christianity of the fifth and sixth    
,centuries4#cbb3a   ,,footnotes3  #bjh3a
 ,this juxtaposition of names has been  
strangely distorted by critics4 ,in the 
intention of the author1 ,guizot matched
 with ,pliny1 not with ,frederick4      
#bac3a ,vid4 ,muller de ,hierarch4 et   
,ascetic4 ,warburton1 ,div4 ,leg4 ii4   
#d4 ,selden de ,diis ,syr4 ,acad4 des   
,inscript4 t4 #c1 hist4 p4 #bif1 t4 #e1 
mem4 p4 #fc1 t4 #af1 mem4 p4 #bfg4      
,lucian4 ,pseudomant4 ,cod4 ,theod4 ix4 
#af4  #bad3a ,acad4 t4 #af4 mem4 p4     
#bgd4  #bae3a ,apol4 #be4 ,vid4 also    
,prudent4 in hon4 ,romani1 circ4 fin4   

and ,lucian de ,deo ,syr4 #ej4  #bae3b  
,vid4 also the scene in ,jul4 ,firm4 p4 
#ddi4  #baf3a ,tac4 ,ann4 ii4 #he2      
,sueton4 ,tiber4 #cf4  #baf3b ,august4  
#ic4  #baf3c ,de ,superst4 #c4  #baf3d  
,de ,art4 ,am4 i4 init4  #bag3a ,sat4   
iii4 vi4  #bag3b ,tertul4 ,ap4 #e4      
#bah3a ,vit4 ,hel4 #c4  #bai3a ,vid4    
,tillemont1 ,mem4 and ,lardner's ,hist4 
,heretics4  #bba3a ,bampton ,lect4 #b4  
#bbb3a ,burton1 ,bampton ,lect4 note    
#fa4  #bbc3a ,burton1 ,bampton ,lect4   
note #dd4  #bbc3b ,montfaucon1 ,antiq4  
t4 ii4 part #b1 p4 #cec4  #bbc3c ,hr4 i4
 #bj4  #bbc3d ,de ,prscr4 #dc4  #bbe3a  
,vid4 ,kortholt1 in ,plin4 et ,traj4    
,epp4 p4 #aeb4 ,comment4 in ,minuc4 ,f4 
c4  #bbh3a ,itaque imposuistis in       
cervicibus nostris sempiternum dominum1 
quem dies et noctes timeremus2 quis enim
 non timeat omnia providentem et        
cogitantem et animadvertentem1 et omnia 
ad se pertinere putantem1 curiosum1 et  
plenum negotii ,deum8--,cic4 de ,nat4   
,deor4 i4 #bj4  #bbh3b ,min4 c4 #aa4    

,lact4 v4 #a1 #b1 vid4 ,arnob4 ii4 #h1  
c4  #bbh3c ,origen1 contr4 ,cels4 i4 #i1
 iii4 #dd1 #ej1 vi4 #dd4  #bbi3a        
,prudent4 in hon4 ,fruct4 #cg4  #bbi3b  
,evan4 ,dem4 iii4 #c1 #d4  #bbi3c ,mort4
 ,peregr4 #ac4  #bbi3d c4 #ajh4  #bbi3e 
i4 e4 ,philop4 #af4  #bbi3f ,de ,mort4  
,pereg4 ibid4  #bbi3g ,ruin4 ,mart4 pp4 
#ajj1 #eid1 c4  #bcj3a ,prud4 in hon4   
,rom4 vv4 #djd1 #hfh4  #bcj3b ,we have  
specimens of carmina ascribed to        
,christians in the ,philopatris4  #bcj3c
 ,goth4 in ,cod4 ,th4 t4 #e1 p4 #abj1   
ed4 #affe4 ,again1 ,qui malefici vulgi  
consuetudine nuncupantur4 ,leg4 #f4 ,so 
,lactantius1 ,magi et ii quos ver       
maleficos vulgus appellat4 ,inst4 ii4   
#ag4 ,quos et maleficos vulgus appellat4
 ,august4 ,civ4 ,dei1 x4 #ai4 ,quos     
vulgus mathematicos vocat4 ,hieron4 in  
,dan4 c4 ii4 ,vid4 ,gothof4 in loc4     
,other laws speak of those who were     
maleficiorum labe polluti1 and of the   
maleficiorum scabies4  #bcj3d           
,tertullian too mentions the charge of  

hostes principum ,romanorum1 populi1    
generis humani1 ,deorum1 ,imperatorum1  
legum1 morum1 natur totius inimici4     
,apol4 #b1 #ce1 #ch1 ad4 ,scap4 #d1 ad4 
,nat4 i4 #ag4  #bca3a ,evid4 part ii4   
ch4 #d4  #bcb3a ,heathen ,test4 #i4     
#bcc3a ,gothof4 in ,cod4 ,th4 t4 #e1 p4 
#aba4  #bcc3b ,cic4 pro ,cluent4 #fa4   
,gieseler transl4 vol4 i4 p4 #ba1 note  
#e4 ,acad4 ,inscr4 t4 #cd1 hist4 p4     
#aaj4  #bcd3a ,de ,harusp4 ,resp4 #i4   
#bcd3b ,de ,legg4 ii4 #h4  #bcd3c ,acad4
 ,inscr4 ibid4  #bcd3d ,neander1 ,eccl4 
,hist4 tr4 vol4 i4 p4 #ha4  #bcd3e      
,muller1 p4 #ba1 #bb1 #cj4 ,tertull4    
,ox4 tr4 p4 #ab1 note p4  #bce3a        
,gibbon1 ,hist4 ch4 #af1 note #ad4      
#bce3b ,epit4 ,instit4 #ee4  #bcf3a     
,gibbon1 ibid4 ,origen admits and       
defends the violation of the laws3 ouk  
alogon synthkas para ta nenomismena     
poiein1 tas hyper haltheias4 c4 ,cels4  
i4 #a4  #bcg3a ,hist4 p4 #dah4  #bcg3b  
,in hon4 ,rom4 #fb4 ,in ,act4 ,s4 ,cypr4
 #d1 ,tert4 ,apol4 #aj1 c4  #bch3a      

,apol4 i4 #c1 #ci1 ,oxf4 tr4  #bda3a    
,julian ap4 ,cyril1 pp4 #ci1 #aid1 #bjf1
 #cce4 ,epp4 pp4 #cje1 #dbi1 #dch1 ed4  
,spanh4  #bdb3a ,niebuhr ascribes it to 
the beginning of the tenth4  #bde3a     
,sirm4 ,opp4 ii4 p4 #bbe1 ed4 ,ven4     
#bdg3a ,proph4 ,office1 p4 #acb ,via    
,media1 vol4 i4 p4 #aji4  #bdg3b ,since 
the publication of this volume in #ahde1
 a writer in a ,conservative periodical 
of great name has considered that no    
happier designation could be bestowed   
upon us than that which heathen         
statesmen gave to the first ,christians1
 enemies of the human race4 ,what a     
remarkable witness to our identity with 
the ,church of ,st4 ,paul 7a pestilent  
fellow1 and a mover of sedition         
throughout the world71 of ,st4          
,ignatius1 ,st4 ,polycarp1 and the other
 ,martyrs6 ,in this matter1             
,conservative politicians join with     
,liberals1 and with the movement parties
 in ,great ,britain1 ,france1 ,germany1 
and ,italy1 in their view of our        

religion4  ,the ,catholics1 says the    
,quarterly ,review for ,january1 #ahgc1 
pp4 #aha-b1 wherever they are numerous  
and powerful in a ,protestant nation1   
compel 7sic7 as it were by a law of     
their being1 that nation to treat them  
with stern repression and control4 4 4 4
 ,catholicism1 if it be true to itself1 
and its mission1 cannot 7sic7 4 4 4     
wherever and whenever the opportunity is
 afforded it1 abstain from claiming1    
working for1 and grasping that supremacy
 and paramount influence and control1   
which it conscientiously believes to be 
its inalienable and universal due4 4 4 4
 ,by the force of circumstances1 by the 
inexorable logic of its claims1 it must 
be the intestine foe or the disturbing  
element of every state in which it does 
not bear sway2 and 4 4 4 it must now    
stand out in the estimate of all        
,protestants1 ,patriots and ,thinkers   
7philosophers and historians1 as        
,tacitus87 as the hostis humani generis 
7sic71 c4  #bed3a ,de ,prscr4 ,hr4 #da1 

,oxf4 tr4  #bed3b chronitai4  #bef3a    
,cat4 xviii4 #bf4  #beg3a ,contr4 ,ep4  
,manich4 #e4  #beg3b ,origen1 ,opp4 t4  
i4 p4 #hji4  #beh3a ,strom4 vii4 #ag4   
#beh3b c4 ,tryph4 #ce4  #beh3c ,instit4 
#d4 #cj4  #bei3a ,hr4 #db1 p4 #cff4     
#bei3b ,in ,lucif4 fin4  #bei3c ,the    
,oxford translation is used4  #bfc3a    
,rationabilis2 apparently an allusion to
 the civil officer called ,catholicus or
 ,rationalis1 receiver-general4  #bfc3b 
,ad4 ,parm4 ii4 init4  #bfd3a ,de ,unit4
 ,eccles4 #f4  #bfe3a ,contr4 ,cresc4   
iv4 #ge2 also iii4 #gg4  #bff3a ,antiq4 
ii4 #d1  #e4  #bfg3a ,antiq4 #e1  #c4   
,bingham apparently in this passage is  
indirectly replying to the ,catholic    
argument for the ,pope's ,supremacy     
drawn from the titles and acts ascribed 
to him in antiquity2 but that argument  
is cumulative in character1 being part  
of a whole body of proof2 and there is  
moreover a great difference between a   
rhetorical discourse and a synodal      
enunciation as at ,chalcedon4  #bfh3a   

,ad ,demetr4 #d1 c4 ,oxf4 ,tr4  #bfh3b  
,hist4 ch4 xv4  #bfi3a ,de ,unit4 #e1   
#ab4  #bfi3b ,chrys4 in ,eph4 iv4       
#bfi3c ,de ,baptism4 i4 #aj4  #bfi3d c4 
,ep4 ,parm4 i4 #g4  #bfi3e ,de ,schism4 
,donat4 i4 #aj4  #bgj3a ,cat4 xvi4 #aj4 
#bgj3b ,de ,fid4 ad ,petr4 #ci4 #hb4    
#bgj3c ,of course this solemn truth must
 not be taken apart from the words of   
the present ,pope1 ,pius ,,ix41         
concerning invincible ignorance3 ,notum 
nobis vobisque est1 eos1 qui invincibili
 circa sanctissimam nostram religionem  
ignoranti laborant1 quique naturalem    
legem ejusque prcepta in omnium cordibus
 a ,deo insculpta sedulo servantes1 ac  
,deo obedire parati1 honestam rectamque 
vitam agunt1 posse1 divin lucis et grati
 operante virtute1 ternam consequi      
vitam1 cm ,deus1 qui omnium mentes1     
animos1 cogitationes1 habitusque plan   
intuetur1 scrutatur et noscit1 pro summ 
su bonitate et clementia1 minim patiatur
 quempiam ternis puniri suppliciis1 qui 
voluntari culp reatum non habeat4       

#bgb3a ,epp4 #dc1 #eb1 #eg1 #gf1 #aje1  
#aab1 #ada1 #add4  #bgf3a ,de ,gubern4  
,dei1 vii4 p4 #adb4 ,elsewhere1 ,apud   
,aquitanicos qu civitas in locupletissim
 ac nobilissim sui parte non quasi      
lupanar fuit8 ,quis potentum ac divitum 
non in luto libidinis vixit8 ,haud      
multum matrona abest  vilitate servarum1
 ubi paterfamilias ancillarum maritus   
est8 ,quis autem ,aquitanorum divitum   
non hoc fuit8 7pp4 #acd1 #ace47         
,offenduntur barbari ipsi impuritatibus 
nostris4 ,esse inter ,gothos non licet  
scortatorem ,gothum2 soli inter eos     
prjudicio nationis ac nominis           
permittuntur impuri esse ,romani 7p4    
#acg74 ,quid8 ,hispanias nonne vel eadem
 vel majora forsitan vitia perdiderunt8 
4 4 4 ,accessit hoc ad manifestandam    
illic impudiciti damnationem1 ut        
,wandalis potissimum1 id est1 pudicis   
barbaris traderentur 7p4 #acg74 ,of     
,africa and ,carthage1 ,in urbe         
,christian1 in urbe ecclesiastic1 4 4 4 
viri in semetipsis feminas              

profitebantur1 c4 7p4 #aeb74  #bgf3b    
,dunham1 ,hist4 ,spain1 vol4 i4 p4 #aab4
  #bgg3a ,aguirr4 ,concil4 t4 #b1 p4    
#aia4  #bgg3b ,dunham1 p4 #abe4  #bgg3c 
,hist4 ,franc4 iii4 #aj4  #bgg3d ,ch4   
#ci4  #bgh3a ,greg4 ,dial4 iii4 #cj4    
#bgh3b ,ibid4 #bj4  #bgh3c ,gibbon1     
,hist4 ch4 #cg4  #bgi3a ,de ,glor4      
,mart4 i4 #be4  #bgi3b ,ibid4 #hj4      
#bgi3c ,ibid4 #gi4  #bgi3d ,vict4 ,vit4 
i4 #ad4  #bhj3a ,de ,gub4 ,d4 iv4 p4    
#gc4  #bhj3b ,ibid4 v4 p4 #hh4  #bhj3c  
,epp4 i4 #ca4  #bhj3d ,hist4 vi4 #bc4   
#bhj3e ,cf4 ,assem4 t4 i4 p4 #cea1 not4 
#d1 t4 #c1 p4 #cic4  #bhj3f ,baron4     
,ann4 #dcb1 #dg4  #bhj3g ,gibbon1 ,hist4
 ch4 #cf4  #bha3a ,baron4 ,ann4 #dga1   
#ah4  #bha3b ,vict4 ,vit4 iv4 #d4       
#bha3c ,vict4 ,vit4 ii4 #c-ae4  #bhb3a  
,aguirr4 ,conc4 t4 #b1 p4 #bfb4  #bhb3b 
,aguirr4 ibid4 p4 #bcb4  #bhb3c ,theod4 
,hist4 v4 #b4  #bhb3d c4 ,ruff4 i4 #d4  
#bhc3a ,ep4 #ae4  #bhc3b ,ep4 #af4      
#bhd3a ,aug4 ,epp4 #dc4 #g4  #bhf3a     
,assem4 iii4 p4 #fh4  #bhg3a ,ibid4 t4  

#c1 p4 #hd1 note #c4  #bhg3b ,wegnern1  
,proleg4 in ,theod4 ,opp4 p4 ix4  #bhg3c
 ,de ,ephrem ,syr4 p4 #fa4  #bhh3a      
,lengerke1 de ,ephrem ,syr4 pp4 #gc-ge4 
#bhi3a despotou1 vid4 ,la ,croze1       
,thesaur4 ,ep4 t4 #c1  #ade4  #bhi3b    
,montf4 ,coll4 ,nov4 t4 #b1 p4 #bbg4    
#bij3a ,rosenmuller1 ,hist4 ,interpr4 t4
 #c1 p4 #bgh4  #bij3b ,lengerke1 de     
,ephr4 ,syr4 pp4 #afe-afg4  #bij3c      
,ernest4 de ,proph4 ,mess4 p4 #dfb4     
#bia3a ,eccl4 ,theol4 iii4 #ab4  #bia3b 
,professor ,lee's ,serm4 ,oct4 #ahch1   
pp4 #add-aeb4  #bia3c ,noris4 ,opp4 t4  
#b1 p4 #aab4  #bia3d ,augusti4 ,euseb4  
,em4 ,opp4  #bia3e ,asseman4 ,bibl4 ,or4
 p4 cmxxv4  #bia3f ,hoffman1 ,gram4     
,syr4 ,proleg4  #d4  #bia3g ,the        
educated ,persians were also acquainted 
with ,syriac4 ,assem4 t4 i4 p4 #cea1    
not4  #bib3a ,asseman41 p4 lxx4  #bib3b 
,euseb4 ,prp4 vi4 #aj4  #bib3c          
,tillemont1 ,mem4 t4 #g1 p4 #gg4  #bic3a
 ,gibbon1 ch4 #dg4  #bid3a ,asseman4 p4 
lxxviii4  #bid3b ,gibbon1 ibid4  #bid3c 

,asseman4 t4 #b1 p4 #djc1 t4 #c1 p4     
#cic4  #bie3a ,asseman4 t4 #c1 p4 #fg4  
#bif3a ,gibbon1 ibid4  #bif3b ,assem4 p4
 lxxvi4  #bif3c ,ibid4 t4 #c1 p4 #dda4  
#big3a ,ch4 #dg4  #bih3a ,fleur4 ,hist4 
xxvii4 #bi4  #bii3a ,gibbon1 ch4 #dg4   
#cjj3a ,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #abg4  
#cja3a ,petav4 de ,incarn4 iv4 #f1  #d4 
#cja3b ,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #afh4  
#cja3c ,vid4 the ,author's ,athan4      
trans4 ed4 #ahha1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #cca-ccc1
 #dbf-dbi1 and on the general subject   
his ,theol4 ,tracts1 art4 v4  #cjb3a    
,fleury1 ,oxf4 tr4 xxvii4 #ci4  #cjb3b  
,ibid4 #da4 ,in like manner1 ,st4       
,athanasius in the foregoing age had    
said1 ,the faith confessed at ,nica by  
the ,fathers1 according to the          
,scriptures1 is sufficient for the      
overthrow of all misbelief4 ad ,epict4  
init4 ,elsewhere1 however1 he explains  
his statement1 ,the decrees of ,nica are
 right and sufficient for the overthrow 
of all heresy1 especially the ,arian1   
ad4 ,max4 fin4 ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen1

 in like manner1 appeals to ,nica2 but  
he adds an explanation on the doctrine  
of the ,holy ,spirit which was left     
deficient by the ,fathers1 because the  
question had not then been raised4 ,ep4 
#ajb1 init4 ,this exclusive maintenance1
 and yet extension of the ,creed1       
according to the exigences of the times1
 is instanced in other ,fathers4 ,vid4  
,athan4 tr4 ed4 #ahha1 vol4 ii4 p4 #hb4 
#cjc3a ,fleury1 ibid4 #bg4  #cjd3a      
,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #ada4 ,a      
negative is omitted in the ,greek1 but  
inserted in the ,latin4  #cjd3b ,supr4  
p4 #bde4  #cjd3c ,ad ,const4 ii4 #i4    
,vid4 ,athan4 tr4 ed4 #ahha1 vol4 ii4 p4
 #bfa4  #cje3a ,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4
 #afb4  #cjg3a ,fleury1 ,hist4 ,oxf4 tr4
 xxvii4 #cg4  #cjg3b ,ep4 #aaf4  #cjg3c 
,conc4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #cf4  #cjh3a    
,ep4 #dc4  #cjh3b ,fleury1 ,hist4 ,oxf4 
tr4 xxviii4 #ag1 note l4  #cjh3c        
,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #fh4  #cjh3d  
,fleury1 ,oxf4 tr4 xxviii4 #b1 #c4      
#caj3a ,ibid4 #bj4  #caa3a ,conc4 ,hard4

 t4 #b1 p4 #fef4  #cab3a ,can any so    
grave an ex parte charge as this be     
urged against the recent ,vatican       
,council8  #cac3a ,i cannot find my     
reference for this fact2 the sketch is  
formed from notes made some years since1
 though ,i have now verified them4      
#cac3b ,leont4 de ,sect4 v4 p4 #eab4    
#cac3c ,concil4 ,hard4 t4 #b1 p4 #ii1   
vid4 also p4 #dah4  #cac3d ,renaud4     
,patr4 ,alex4 p4 #aae4  #cac3e ,assem4  
t4 #b1 pp4 #acc-acg4  #cae3a ,leont4 de 
,sect4 vii4 pp4 #eba1 #b4  #cae3b ,fac4 
i4 #e1 circ4 init4  #cae3c ,hodeg4 #bj1 
p4 #cai4  #cag3a i4 e4 ,arianism in the 
,east3 ,sanctiores aures plebis quam    
corda sunt sacerdotum4 ,s4 ,hil4 contr4 
,auxent4 #f4 ,it requires some research 
to account for its hold on the          
barbarians4 ,vid4 supr4 pp4 #bgd1 #e4   
#cag3b ,gibbon1 ch4 #dg4  #cag3c ,assem4
 t4 #b1 de ,monoph4 circ4 fin4  #cah3a  
,leont4 ,sect4 v4 init4  #cah3b         
,tillemont1 t4 #ae1 p4 #ghd4  #cai3a    
,tillemont1 ,mem4 t4 #ae1 pp4 #gij-haa4 

#cbj3a ,gibbon1 ,hist4 ch4 #cf1 fin4    
#cba3a ,gibbon1 ,hist4 ch4 #cf1 fin4    
#cba3b ,gibbon1 ,hist4 ch4 #dg4  #cbb3a 
,the above sketch has run to great      
length1 yet it is only part of what     
might be set down in evidence of the    
wonderful identity of type which        
characterizes the ,catholic ,church from
 first to last4 ,i have confined myself 
for the most part to her political      
aspect2 but a parallel illustration     
might be drawn simply from her          
doctrinal1 or from her devotional4 ,as  
to her devotional aspect1 ,cardinal     
,wiseman has shown its identity in the  
fifth compared with the nineteenth      
century1 in an article of the ,dublin   
,review1 quoted in part in ,via ,media1 
vol4 ii4 p4 #cgh4 ,indeed it is         
confessed on all hands1 as by           
,middleton1 ,gibbon1 c41 that from the  
time of ,constantine to their own1 the  
system and the phenomena of worship in  
,christendom1 from ,moscow to ,spain1   
and from ,ireland to ,chili1 is one and 

the same4 ,i have myself paralleled     
,medieval ,europe with modern ,belgium  
or ,italy1 in point of ethical character
 in ,difficulties of ,anglicans1 vol4 i4
 ,lecture ix41 referring the identity to
 the operation of a principle1 insisted 
on presently1 the ,supremacy of ,faith4 
,and so again1 as to the system of      
,catholic doctrine1 the type of the     
,religion remains the same1 because it  
has developed according to the analogy  
of faith1 as is observed in ,apol41 p4  
#aif1 ,the idea of the ,blessed ,virgin 
was1 as it were1 magnified in the       
,church of ,rome1 as time went on1 but  
so were all the ,christian ideas1 as    
that of the ,blessed ,eucharist1 c4     
,,chapter ,,vii4  ,,application ,,of    
,,the ,,second ,,note ,,of ,a ,,true    
,,development4   ,,continuity ,,of      
,,principles4  ,it appears then that    
there has been a certain general type of
 ,christianity in every age1 by which it
 is known at first sight1 differing from
 itself only as what is young differs   

from what is mature1 or as found in     
,europe or in ,america1 so that it is   
named at once and without hesitation1 as
 forms of nature are recognized by      
experts in physical science2 or as some 
work of literature or art is assigned to
 its right author by the critic1        
difficult as may be the analysis of that
 specific impression by which he is     
enabled to do so4 ,and it appears that  
this type has remained entire from first
 to last1 in spite of that process of   
development which seems to be attributed
 by all parties1 for good or bad1 to the
 doctrines1 rites1 and usages in which  
,christianity consists2 or1 in other    
words1 that the changes which have taken
 place in ,christianity have not been   
such as to destroy that type1--that is1 
that they are not corruptions1 because  
they are consistent with that type4     
,here then1 in the preservation of type1
 we have a first ,note of the fidelity  
of the existing developments of         
,christianity4 ,let us now proceed to a 

second4    #a4 ,the ,principles of      
,christianity4  ,when developments in   
,christianity are spoken of1 it is      
sometimes supposed that they are        
deductions and diversions made at       
random1 according to accident or the    
caprice of individuals2 whereas it is   
because they have been conducted all    
along on definite and continuous        
principles that the type of the         
,religion has remained from first to    
last unalterable4 ,what then are the    
principles under which the developments 
have been made8 ,i will enumerate some  
obvious ones4   #b4  ,they must be many 
and positive1 as well as obvious1 if    
they are to be effective2 thus the      
,society of ,friends seems in the course
 of years to have changed its type in   
consequence of its scarcity of          
principles1 a fanatical spiritualism and
 an intense secularity1 types simply    
contrary to each other1 being alike     
consistent with its main principle1     
,forms of worship are ,antichristian4   

,christianity1 on the other hand1 has   
principles so distinctive1 numerous1    
various1 and operative1 as to be unlike 
any other religious1 ethical1 or        
political system that the world has ever
 seen1 unlike1 not only in character1   
but in persistence in that character4 ,i
 cannot attempt here to enumerate more  
than a few by way of illustration4   #c4
  ,for the convenience of arrangement1  
,i will consider the ,incarnation the   
central truth of the gospel1 and the    
source whence we are to draw out its    
principles4 ,this great doctrine is     
unequivocally announced in numberless   
passages of the ,new ,testament1        
especially by ,st4 ,john and ,st4 ,paul2
 as is familiar to us all3 ,the ,word   
was made flesh and dwelt among us1 full 
of grace and truth4 ,that which was from
 the beginning1 which we have heard1    
which we have seen with our eyes1 which 
we have looked upon1 and our hands have 
handled1 of the ,word of life1 that     
declare we to you4 ,for ye know the     

grace of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 that1
 though ,he was rich1 yet for your sakes
 ,he became poor1 that ye through ,his  
poverty might be rich4 ,not ,i1 but     
,christ liveth in me1 and the life which
 ,i now live in the flesh1 ,i live by   
the faith of the ,son of ,god1 who loved
 me and gave ,himself for me4   #d4  ,in
 such passages as these we have  #a4    
,the principle of dogma1 that is1       
supernatural truths irrevocably         
committed to human language1 imperfect  
because it is human1 but definitive and 
necessary because given from above4  #b4
 ,the principle of faith1 which is the  
correlative of dogma1 being the absolute
 acceptance of the divine ,word with an 
internal assent1 in opposition to the   
informations1 if such1 of sight and     
reason4  #c4 ,faith1 being an act of the
 intellect1 opens a way for inquiry1    
comparison and inference1 that is1 for  
science in religion1 in subservience to 
itself2 this is the principle of        
theology4  #d4 ,the doctrine of the     

,incarnation is the announcement of a   
divine gift conveyed in a material and  
visible medium1 it being thus that      
heaven and earth are in the ,incarnation
 united4 ,that is1 it establishes in the
 very idea of ,christianity the         
sacramental principle as its            
characteristic4  #e4 ,another principle 
involved in the doctrine of the         
,incarnation1 viewed as taught or as    
dogmatic1 is the necessary use of       
language1 e4 g4 of the text of          
,scripture1 in a second or mystical     
sense4 ,words must be made to express   
new ideas1 and are invested with a      
sacramental office4  #f4 ,it is our     
,lord's intention in ,his ,incarnation  
to make us what ,he is ,himself2 this is
 the principle of grace1 which is not   
only holy but sanctifying4  #g4 ,it     
cannot elevate and change us without    
mortifying our lower nature3--here is   
the principle of asceticism4  #h4 ,and1 
involved in this death of the natural   
man1 is necessarily a revelation of the 

malignity of sin1 in corroboration of   
the forebodings of conscience4  #i4     
,also by the fact of an ,incarnation we 
are taught that matter is an essential  
part of us1 and1 as well as mind1 is    
capable of sanctification4   #e4  ,here 
are nine specimens of ,christian        
principles out of the many#cbf3a which  
might be enumerated1 and will any one   
say that they have not been retained in 
vigorous action in the ,church at all   
times amid whatever development of      
doctrine ,christianity has experienced1 
so as even to be the very instruments of
 that development1 and as patent1 and as
 operative1 in the ,latin and ,greek    
,christianity of this day as they were  
in the beginning8  ,this continuous     
identity of principles in ecclesiastical
 action has been seen in part in        
treating of the ,note of ,unity of type1
 and will be seen also in the ,notes    
which follow2 however1 as some direct   
account of them1 in illustration1 may be
 desirable1 ,i will single out four as  

specimens1--,faith1 ,theology1          
,scripture1 and ,dogma4    #b4          
,supremacy of ,faith4  ,this principle  
which1 as we have already seen1 was so  
great a jest to ,celsus and ,julian1 is 
of the following kind3--,that belief in 
,christianity is in itself better than  
unbelief2 that faith1 though an         
intellectual action1 is ethical in its  
origin2 that it is safer to believe2    
that we must begin with believing2 that 
as for the reasons of believing1 they   
are for the most part implicit1 and need
 be but slightly recognized by the mind 
that is under their influence2 that they
 consist moreover rather of presumptions
 and ventures after the truth than of   
accurate and complete proofs2 and that  
probable arguments1 under the scrutiny  
and sanction of a prudent judgment1 are 
sufficient for conclusions which we even
 embrace as most certain1 and turn to   
the most important uses4   #b4          
,antagonistic to this is the principle  
that doctrines are only so far to be    

considered true as they are logically   
demonstrated4 ,this is the assertion of 
,locke1 who says in defence of          
it1--,whatever ,god hath revealed is    
certainly true2 no doubt can be made of 
it4 ,this is the proper object of       
,faith2 but1 whether it be a divine     
revelation or no1 reason must judge4    
,now1 if he merely means that proofs can
 be given for ,revelation1 and that     
,reason comes in logical order before   
,faith1 such a doctrine is in no sense  
uncatholic2 but he certainly holds that 
for an individual to act on ,faith      
without proof1 or to make ,faith a      
personal principle of conduct for       
themselves1 without waiting till they   
have got their reasons accurately drawn 
out and serviceable for controversy1 is 
enthusiastic and absurd4 ,how a man may 
know whether he be a lover of truth for 
truth's sake is worth inquiry2 and ,i   
think there is this one unerring mark of
 it1 viz4 the not entertaining any      
proposition with greater assurance than 

the proofs it is built upon1 will       
warrant4 ,whoever goes beyond this      
measure of assent1 it is plain1 receives
 not truth in the love of it2 loves not 
truth for truth's sake1 but for some    
other by-end4   #c4  ,it does not seem  
to have struck him that our by-end may  
be the desire to please our ,maker1 and 
that the defect of scientific proof may 
be made up to our reason by our love of 
,him4 ,it does not seem to have struck  
him that such a philosophy as his cut   
off from the possibility and the        
privilege of faith all but the educated 
few1 all but the learned1 the           
clear-headed1 the men of practised      
intellects and balanced minds1 men who  
had leisure1 who had opportunities of   
consulting others1 and kind and wise    
friends to whom they deferred4 ,how     
could a religion ever be ,catholic1 if  
it was to be called credulity or        
enthusiasm in the multitude to use those
 ready instruments of belief1 which     
alone ,providence had put into their    

power8 ,on such philosophy as this1 were
 it generally received1 no great work   
ever would have been done for ,god's    
glory and the welfare of man4 ,the      
enthusiasm against which ,locke writes  
may do much harm1 and act at times      
absurdly2 but calculation never made a  
hero4 ,however1 it is not to our present
 purpose to examine this theory1 and ,i 
have done so elsewhere4#cbh3a ,here ,i  
have but to show the unanimity of       
,catholics1 ancient as well as modern1  
in their absolute rejection of it4   #d4
  ,for instance1 it is the very         
objection urged by ,celsus1 that        
,christians were but parallel to the    
credulous victims of jugglers or of     
devotees1 who itinerated through the    
pagan population4 ,he says that some do 
not even wish to give or to receive a   
reason for their faith1 but say1 ',do   
not inquire but believe1' and ',thy     
faith will save thee2' and ',a bad thing
 is the world's wisdom1 and foolishness 
is a good4' ,how does ,origen answer the

 charge8 by denying the fact1 and       
speaking of the reason of each          
individual as demonstrating the divinity
 of the ,scriptures1 and ,faith as      
coming after that argumentative process1
 as it is now popular to maintain8 ,far 
from it2 he grants the fact alleged     
against the ,church and defends it4 ,he 
observes that1 considering the          
engagements and the necessary ignorance 
of the multitude of men1 it is a very   
happy circumstance that a substitute is 
provided for those philosophical        
exercises1 which ,christianity allows   
and encourages1 but does not impose on  
the individual4 ,which1 he asks1 is the 
better1 for them to believe without     
reason1 and thus to reform any how and  
gain a benefit1 from their belief in the
 punishment of sinners and the reward of
 well-doers1 or to refuse to be         
converted on mere belief1 or except they
 devote themselves to an intellectual   
inquiry8#cbi3a ,such a provision then is
 a mark of divine wisdom and mercy4 ,in 

like manner1 ,st4 ,irenus1 after        
observing that the ,jews had the        
evidence of prophecy1 which the         
,gentiles had not1 and that to the      
latter it was a foreign teaching and a  
new doctrine to be told that the gods of
 the ,gentiles were not only not gods1  
but were idols of devils1 and that in   
consequence ,st4 ,paul laboured more    
upon them1 as needing it more1 adds1 ,on
 the other hand1 the faith of the       
,gentiles is thereby shown to be more   
generous1 who followed the word of ,god 
without the assistance of ,scriptures4  
,to believe on less evidence was        
generous faith1 not enthusiasm4 ,and so 
again1 ,eusebius1 while he contends of  
course that ,christians are influenced  
by no irrational faith1 that is1 by a   
faith which is capable of a logical     
basis1 fully allows that in the         
individual believing1 it is not         
necessarily or ordinarily based upon    
argument1 and maintains that it is      
connected with that very hope1 and      

inclusively with that desire of the     
things beloved1 which ,locke in the     
above extract considers incompatible    
with the love of truth4 ,what do we     
find1 he says1 but that the whole life  
of man is suspended on these two1 hope  
and faith8#ccj3a  ,i do not mean of     
course that the ,fathers were opposed to
 inquiries into the intellectual basis  
of ,christianity1 but that they held    
that men were not obliged to wait for   
logical proof before believing3 on the  
contrary1 that the majority were to     
believe first on presumptions and let   
the intellectual proof come as their    
reward4#ccj3b   #e4  ,st4 ,augustine1   
who had tried both ways1 strikingly     
contrasts them in his ,de ,utilitate    
credendi1 though his direct object in   
that work is to decide1 not between     
,reason and ,faith1 but between ,reason 
and ,authority4 ,he addresses in it a   
very dear friend1 who1 like himself1 had
 become a ,manichee1 but who1 with less 
happiness than his own1 was still       

retained in the heresy4 ,the ,manichees1
 he observes1 inveigh against those who1
 following the authority of the         
,catholic faith1 fortify themselves in  
the first instance with believing1 and  
before they are able to set eyes upon   
that truth1 which is discerned by the   
pure soul1 prepare themselves for a ,god
 who shall illuminate4 ,you1 ,honoratus1
 know that nothing else was the cause of
 my falling into their hands1 than their
 professing to put away ,authority which
 was so terrible1 and by absolute and   
simple ,reason to lead their hearers to 
,god's presence1 and to rid them of all 
error4 ,for what was there else that    
forced me1 for nearly nine years1 to    
slight the religion which was sown in me
 when a child by my parents1 and to     
follow them and diligently attend their 
lectures1 but their assertion that ,i   
was terrified by superstition1 and was  
bidden to have ,faith before ,i had     
,reason1 whereas they pressed no one to 
believe before the truth had been       

discussed and unravelled8 ,who would not
 be seduced by these promises1 and      
especially a youth1 such as they found  
me then1 desirous of truth1 nay         
conceited and forward1 by reason of the 
disputations of certain men of school   
learning1 with a contempt of old-wives' 
tales1 and a desire of possessing and   
drinking that clear and unmixed truth   
which they promised me8#cca3a           
,presently he goes on to describe how he
 was reclaimed4 ,he found the ,manichees
 more successful in pulling down than in
 building up2 he was disappointed in    
,faustus1 whom he found eloquent and    
nothing besides4 ,upon this1 he did not 
know what to hold1 and was tempted to a 
general scepticism4 ,at length he found 
he must be guided by ,authority2 then   
came the question1 ,which authority     
among so many teachers8 ,he cried       
earnestly to ,god for help1 and at last 
was led to the ,catholic ,church4 ,he   
then returns to the question urged      
against that ,church1 that she bids     

those who come to her believe1 whereas  
heretics boast that they do not impose a
 yoke of believing1 but open a fountain 
of teaching4 ,on which he observes1     
,true religion cannot in any manner be  
rightly embraced1 without a belief in   
those things which each individual      
afterwards attains and perceives1 if he 
behave himself well and shall deserve   
it1 nor altogether without some weighty 
and imperative ,authority4#cca3b   #f4  
,these are specimens of the teaching of 
the ,ancient ,church on the subject of  
,faith and ,reason2 if1 on the other    
hand1 we would know what has been taught
 on the subject in those modern schools1
 in and through which the subsequent    
developments of ,catholic doctrines have
 proceeded1 we may turn to the extracts 
made from their writings by ,huet1 in   
his ,essay on the ,human ,understanding2
 and1 in so doing1 we need not perplex  
ourselves with the particular theory1   
true or not1 for the sake of which he   
has collected them4 ,speaking of the    

weakness of the ,understanding1 ,huet   
says1--  ,god1 by ,his goodness1 repairs
 this defect of human nature1 by        
granting us the inestimable gift of     
,faith1 which confirms our staggering   
,reason1 and corrects that perplexity of
 doubts which we must bring to the      
knowledge of things4 ,for example3 my   
reason not being able to inform me with 
absolute evidence1 and perfect          
certainty1 whether there are bodies1    
what was the origin of the world1 and   
many other like things1 after ,i had    
received the ,faith1 all those doubts   
vanish1 as darkness at the rising of the
 sun4 ,this made ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas  
say3 ',it is necessary for man to       
receive as articles of ,faith1 not only 
the things which are above ,reason1 but 
even those that for their certainty may 
be known by ,reason4 ,for human ,reason 
is very deficient in things divine2 a   
sign of which we have from philosophers1
 who1 in the search of human things by  
natural methods1 have been deceived1 and

 opposed each other on many heads4 ,to  
the end then that men may have a certain
 and undoubted cognizance of ,god1 it   
was necessary things divine should be   
taught them by way of ,faith1 as being  
revealed of ,god ,himself1 who cannot   
lie4'#ccb3a 4 4 4 4 4  ,then ,st4       
,thomas adds afterwards3 ',no search by 
natural ,reason is sufficient to make   
man know things divine1 nor even those  
which we can prove by ,reason4' ,and in 
another place he speaks thus3 ',things  
which may be proved demonstratively1 as 
the ,being of ,god1 the ,unity of the   
,godhead1 and other points1 are placed  
among articles we are to believe1       
because previous to other things that   
are of ,faith2 and these must be        
presupposed1 at least by such as have no
 demonstration of them4'   #g4  ,what   
,st4 ,thomas says of the cognizance of  
divine things extends also to the       
knowledge of human1 according to the    
doctrine of ,suarez4 ',we often         
correct1' he says1 'the light of ,nature

 by the light of ,faith1 even in things 
which seem to be first principles1 as   
appears in this3 those things that are  
the same to a third1 are the same       
between themselves2 which1 if we have   
respect to the ,trinity1 ought to be    
restrained to finite things4 ,and in    
other mysteries1 especially in those of 
the ,incarnation and the ,eucharist1 we 
use many other limitations1 that nothing
 may be repugnant to the ,faith4 ,this  
is then an indication that the light of 
,faith is most certain1 because founded 
on the first truth1 which is ,god1 to   
whom it's more impossible to deceive or 
be deceived than for the natural science
 of man to be mistaken and              
erroneous4'#ccc3a 4 4 4 4  ,if we       
hearken not to ,reason1 say you1 you    
overthrow that great foundation of      
,religion which ,reason has established 
in our understanding1 viz4 ,god is4 ,to 
answer this objection1 you must be told 
that men know ,god in two manners4 ,by  
,reason1 with entire human certainty2   

and by ,faith1 with absolute and divine 
certainty4 ,although by ,reason we      
cannot acquire any knowledge more       
certain than that of the ,being of ,god2
 insomuch that all the arguments1 which 
the impious oppose to this knowledge are
 of no validity and easily refuted2     
nevertheless this certainty is not      
absolutely perfect#ccc3b 4 4 4 4 4   #h4
  ,now although1 to prove the existence 
of the ,deity1 we can bring arguments   
which1 accumulated and connected        
together1 are not of less power to      
convince men than geometrical           
principles1 and theorems deduced from   
them1 and which are of entire human     
certainty1 notwithstanding1 because     
learned philosophers have openly opposed
 even these principles1 'tis clear we   
cannot1 neither in the natural knowledge
 we have of ,god1 which is acquired by  
,reason1 nor in science founded on      
geometrical principles and theorems1    
find absolute and consummate certainty1 
but only that human certainty ,i have   

spoken of1 to which nevertheless every  
wise man ought to submit his            
understanding4 ,this being not repugnant
 to the testimony of the ,book of       
,wisdom and the ,epistle to the ,romans1
 which declares that men who do not from
 the make of the world acknowledge the  
power and divinity of the ,maker are    
senseless and inexcusable4  ,for to use 
the terms of ,vasquez3 ',by these words 
the ,holy ,scripture means only that    
there has ever been a sufficient        
testimony of the ,being of a ,god in the
 fabrick of the world1 and in ,his other
 works1 to make ,him known unto men3 but
 the ,scripture is not under any concern
 whether this knowledge be evident or of
 greatest probability2 for these terms  
are seen and understood1 in their common
 and usual acceptation1 to signify all  
the knowledge of the mind with a        
determined assent4' ,he adds after3     
',for if any one should at this time    
deny ,christ1 that which would render   
him inexcusable would not be because he 

might have had an evident knowledge and 
reason for believing ,him1 but because  
he might have believed it by ,faith and 
a prudential knowledge4'  ',tis with    
reason then that ,suarez teaches that   
'the natural evidence of this principle1
 ,god is the first truth1 who cannot be 
deceived1 is not necessary1 nor         
sufficient enough to make us believe by 
infused ,faith1 what ,god reveals4' ,he 
proves1 by the testimony of experience1 
that it is not necessary2 for ignorant  
and illiterate ,christians1 though they 
know nothing clearly and certainly of   
,god1 do believe nevertheless that ,god 
is4 ,even ,christians of parts and      
learning1 as ,st4 ,thomas has observed1 
believe that ,god is1 before they know  
it by ,reason4 ,suarez shows afterwards 
that the natural evidence of this       
principle is not sufficient1 because    
divine ,faith1 which is infused into our
 understanding1 cannot be bottomed upon 
human faith alone1 how clear and firm   
soever it is1 as upon a formal object1  

because an assent most firm1 and of an  
order most noble and exalted1 cannot    
derive its certainty from a more infirm 
assent4#cce3a 4 4 4 4   #i4  ,as        
touching the motives of credibility1    
which1 preparing the mind to receive    
,faith1 ought according to you to be not
 only certain by supreme and human      
certainty1 but by supreme and absolute  
certainty1 ,i will oppose ,gabriel ,biel
 to you1 who pronounces that to receive 
,faith 'tis sufficient that the motives 
of credibility be proposed as probable4 
,do you believe that children1          
illiterate1 gross1 ignorant people1 who 
have scarcely the use of ,reason1 and   
notwithstanding have received the gift  
of ,faith1 do most clearly and most     
steadfastly conceive those forementioned
 motives of credibility8 ,no1 without   
doubt2 but the grace of ,god comes in to
 their assistance1 and sustains the     
imbecility of ,nature and ,reason4      
,this is the common opinion of divines4 
,reason has need of divine grace1 not   

only in gross1 illiterate persons1 but  
even in those of parts and learning2 for
 how clear-sighted soever that may be1  
yet it cannot make us have ,faith1 if   
celestial light does not illuminate us  
within1 because1 as ,i have said        
already1 divine ,faith being of a       
superior order cannot derive its        
efficacy from human faith4#ccf3a ,this  
is likewise the doctrine of ,st4 ,thomas
 ,aquinas3 ',the light of ,faith makes  
things seen that are believed4' ,he says
 moreover1 ',believers have knowledge of
 the things of ,faith1 not in a         
demonstrative way1 but so as by the     
light of ,faith it appears to them that 
they ought to be believed4'#ccf3b   #aj4
  ,it is evident what a special         
influence such doctrine as this must    
exert upon the theological method of    
those who hold it4 ,arguments will come 
to be considered as suggestions and     
guides rather than logical proofs2 and  
developments as the slow1 spontaneous1  
ethical growth1 not the scientific and  

compulsory results1 of existing         
opinions4    #c4 ,theology4  ,i have    
spoken and have still to speak of the   
action of logic1 implicit and explicit1 
as a safeguard1 and thereby a note1 of  
legitimate developments of doctrine3 but
 ,i am regarding it here as that        
continuous tradition and habit in the   
,church of a scientific analysis of all 
revealed truth1 which is an             
ecclesiastical principle rather than a  
note of any kind1 as not merely bearing 
upon the process of development1 but    
applying to all religious teaching      
equally1 and which is almost unknown    
beyond the pale of ,christendom4        
,reason1 thus considered1 is subservient
 to faith1 as handling1 examining1      
explaining1 recording1 cataloguing1     
defending1 the truths which faith1 not  
reason1 has gained for us1 as providing 
an intellectual expression of           
supernatural facts1 eliciting what is   
implicit1 comparing1 measuring1         
connecting each with each1 and forming  

one and all into a theological system4  
#b4  ,the first step in theology is     
investigation1 an investigation arising 
out of the lively interest and devout   
welcome which the matters investigated  
claim of us2 and1 if ,scripture teaches 
us the duty of faith1 it teaches quite  
as distinctly that loving               
inquisitiveness which is the life of the
 ,schola4 ,it attributes that temper    
both to the ,blessed ,virgin and to the 
,angels4 ,the ,angels are said to have  
desired to look into the mysteries of   
,revelation1 and it is twice recorded of
 ,mary that she kept these things and   
pondered them in her heart4 ,moreover1  
her words to the ,archangel1 ,how shall 
this be8 show that there is a           
questioning in matters revealed to us   
compatible with the fullest and most    
absolute faith4 ,it has sometimes been  
said in defence and commendation of     
heretics that their misbelief at least  
showed that they had thought upon the   
subject of religion2 this is an unseemly

 paradox1--at the same time there       
certainly is the opposite extreme of a  
readiness to receive any number of      
dogmas at a minute's warning1 which1    
when it is witnessed1 fairly creates a  
suspicion that they are merely professed
 with the tongue1 not intelligently     
held4 ,our ,lord gives no countenance to
 such lightness of mind2 ,he calls on   
,his disciples to use their reason1 and 
to submit it4 ,nathanael's question ,can
 there any good thing come out of       
,nazareth8 did not prevent our ,lord's  
praise of him as an ,israelite without  
guile4 ,nor did ,he blame ,nicodemus1   
except for want of theological          
knowledge1 on his asking ,how can these 
things be8 ,even towards ,st4 ,thomas   
,he was gentle1 as if towards one of    
those who had eyes too tremblingly awake
 to bear with dimness for ,his sake4 ,in
 like manner ,he praised the centurion  
when he argued himself into a confidence
 of divine help and relief from the     
analogy of his own profession2 and left 

his captious enemies to prove for       
themselves from the mission of the      
,baptist ,his own mission2 and asked    
them if ,david called ,him ,lord1 how   
was ,he his ,son8 and1 when ,his        
disciples wished to have a particular   
matter taught them1 chid them for their 
want of understanding4 ,and these are   
but some out of the various instances   
which ,he gives us of the same lesson4  
#c4  ,reason has ever been awake and in 
exercise in the ,church after ,him from 
the first4 ,scarcely were the ,apostles 
withdrawn from the world1 when the      
,martyr ,ignatius1 in his way to the    
,roman ,amphitheatre1 wrote his         
strikingly theological ,epistles2 he was
 followed by ,irenus1 ,hippolytus1 and  
,tertullian2 thus we are brought to the 
age of ,athanasius and his              
contemporaries1 and to ,augustine4 ,then
 we pass on by ,maximus and ,john       
,damascene to the ,middle age1 when     
theology was made still more scientific 
by the ,schoolmen2 nor has it become    

less so1 by passing on from ,st4 ,thomas
 to the great ,jesuit writers ,suarez   
and ,vasquez1 and then to ,lambertini4  
#d4 ,scripture and its ,mystical        
,interpretation4  ,several passages have
 occurred in the foregoing ,chapters1   
which serve to suggest another principle
 on which some words are now to be said4
 ,theodore's exclusive adoption of the  
literal1 and repudiation of the mystical
 interpretation of ,holy ,scripture1    
leads to the consideration of the       
latter1 as one of the characteristic    
conditions or principles on which the   
teaching of the ,church has ever        
proceeded4 ,thus ,christianity          
developed1 as we have incidentally seen1
 into the form1 first1 of a ,catholic1  
then of a ,papal ,church4 ,now it was   
,scripture that was made the rule on    
which this development proceeded in each
 case1 and ,scripture moreover          
interpreted in a mystical sense2 and1   
whereas at first certain texts were     
inconsistently confined to the letter1  

and a ,millennium was in consequence    
expected1 the very course of events1 as 
time went on1 interpreted the prophecies
 about the ,church more truly1 and that 
first in respect of her prerogative as  
occupying the orbis terrarum1 next in   
support of the claims of the ,see of    
,st4 ,peter4 ,this is but one specimen  
of a certain law of ,christian teaching1
 which is this1--a reference to         
,scripture throughout1 and especially in
 its mystical sense4#cci3a   #b4  #a4   
,this is a characteristic which will    
become more and more evident to us1 the 
more we look for it4 ,the divines of the
 ,church are in every age engaged in    
regulating themselves by ,scripture1    
appealing to ,scripture in proof of     
their conclusions1 and exhorting and    
teaching in the thoughts and language of
 ,scripture4 ,scripture may be said to  
be the medium in which the mind of the  
,church has energized and               
developed4#cci3b ,when ,st4 ,methodius  
would enforce the doctrine of vows of   

celibacy1 he refers to the book of      
,numbers2 and if ,st4 ,irenus proclaims 
the dignity of ,st4 ,mary1 it is from a 
comparison of ,st4 ,luke's ,gospel with 
,genesis4 ,and thus ,st4 ,cyprian1 in   
his ,testimonies1 rests the prerogatives
 of martyrdom1 as indeed the whole      
circle of ,christian doctrine1 on the   
declaration of certain texts2 and1 when 
in his letter to ,antonian he seems to  
allude to ,purgatory1 he refers to our  
,lord's words about the prison and      
paying the last farthing4 ,and if ,st4  
,ignatius exhorts to unity1 it is from  
,st4 ,paul2 and he quotes ,st4 ,luke    
against the ,phantasiasts of his day4   
,we have a first instance of this law in
 the ,epistle of ,st4 ,polycarp1 and a  
last in the practical works of ,st4     
,alphonso ,liguori4 ,st4 ,cyprian1 or   
,st4 ,ambrose1 or ,st4 ,bede1 or ,st4   
,bernard1 or ,st4 ,carlo1 or such       
popular books as ,horstius's ,paradisus 
,anim1 are specimens of a rule which is 
too obvious to need formal proof4 ,it is

 exemplified in the theological         
decisions of ,st4 ,athanasius in the    
fourth century1 and of ,st4 ,thomas in  
the thirteenth2 in the structure of the 
,canon ,law1 and in the ,bulls and      
,letters of ,popes4 ,it is instanced in 
the notion so long prevalent in the     
,church1 which philosophers of this day 
do not allow us to forget1 that all     
truth1 all science1 must be derived from
 the inspired volume4 ,and it is        
recognized as well as exemplified2      
recognized as distinctly by writers of  
the ,society of ,jesus1 as it is        
copiously exemplified by the            
,ante-nicene ,fathers4   #c4            
,scriptures are called canonical1 says  
,salmeron1 as having been received and  
set apart by the ,church into the ,canon
 of sacred books1 and because they are  
to us a rule of right belief and good   
living2 also because they ought to rule 
and moderate all other doctrines1 laws1 
writings1 whether ecclesiastical1       
apocryphal1 or human4 ,for as these     

agree with them1 or at least do not     
disagree1 so far are they admitted2 but 
they are repudiated and reprobated so   
far as they differ from them even in the
 least matter4#cdj3a ,again3 ,the main  
subject of ,scripture is nothing else   
than to treat of the ,god-,man1 or the  
,man-,god1 ,christ ,jesus1 not only in  
the ,new ,testament1 which is open1 but 
in the ,old4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,for whereas   
,scripture contains nothing but the     
precepts of belief and conduct1 or faith
 and works1 the end and the means       
towards it1 the ,creator and the        
creature1 love of ,god and our          
neighbour1 creation and redemption1 and 
whereas all these are found in ,christ1 
it follows that ,christ is the proper   
subject of ,canonical ,scripture4 ,for  
all matters of faith1 whether concerning
 ,creator or creatures1 are             
recapitulated in ,jesus1 whom every     
heresy denies1 according to that text1  
',every spirit that divides 7solvit7    
,jesus is not of ,god2' for ,he as man  

is united to the ,godhead1 and as ,god  
to the manhood1 to the ,father from whom
 ,he is born1 to the ,holy ,ghost who   
proceeds at once from ,christ and the   
,father1 to ,mary his most ,holy        
,mother1 to the ,church1 to ,scriptures1
 ,sacraments1 ,saints1 ,angels1 the     
,blessed1 to ,divine ,grace1 to the     
authority and ministers of the ,church1 
so that it is rightly said that every   
heresy divides ,jesus4#cda3a ,and again3
 ,holy ,scripture is so fashioned and   
composed by the ,holy ,ghost as to be   
accommodated to all plans1 times1       
persons1 difficulties1 dangers1         
diseases1 the expulsion of evil1 the    
obtaining of good1 the stifling of      
errors1 the establishment of doctrines1 
the ingrafting of virtues1 the averting 
of vices4 ,hence it is deservedly       
compared by ,st4 ,basil to a dispensary 
which supplies various medicines against
 every complaint4 ,from it did the      
,church in the age of ,martyrs draw her 
firmness and fortitude2 in the age of   

,doctors1 her wisdom and light of       
knowledge2 in the time of heretics1 the 
overthrow of error2 in time of          
prosperity1 humility and moderation2    
fervour and diligence1 in a lukewarm    
time2 and in times of depravity and     
growing abuse1 reformation from corrupt 
living and return to the first          
estate4#cda3b   #d4  ,holy ,scripture1  
says ,cornelius  ,lapide1 contains the  
beginnings of all theology3 for theology
 is nothing but the science of          
conclusions which are drawn from        
principles certain to faith1 and        
therefore is of all sciences most august
 as well as certain2 but the principles 
of faith and faith itself doth          
,scripture contain2 whence it evidently 
follows that ,holy ,scripture lays down 
those principles of theology by which   
the theologian begets of the mind's     
reasoning his demonstrations4 ,he1 then1
 who thinks he can tear away ,scholastic
 ,science from the work of commenting on
 ,holy ,scripture is hoping for         

offspring without a mother4#cdb3a       
,again3 ,what is the subject-matter of  
,scripture8 ,must ,i say it in a word8  
,its aim is de omni scibili2 it embraces
 in its bosom all studies1 all that can 
be known3 and thus it is a certain      
university of sciences containing all   
sciences either 'formally' or           
'eminently4'#cdb3b  ,nor am ,i aware    
that later ,post-tridentine writers deny
 that the whole ,catholic faith may be  
proved from ,scripture1 though they     
would certainly maintain that it is not 
to be found on the surface of it1 nor in
 such sense that it may be gained from  
,scripture without the aid of           
,tradition4   #e4  #b4 ,and this has    
been the doctrine of all ages of the    
,church1 as is shown by the             
disinclination of her teachers to       
confine themselves to the mere literal  
interpretation of ,scripture4 ,her most 
subtle and powerful method of proof1    
whether in ancient or modern times1 is  
the mystical sense1 which is so         

frequently used in doctrinal controversy
 as on many occasions to supersede any  
other4 ,thus the ,council of ,trent     
appeals to the peace-offering spoken of 
in ,malachi in proof of the ,eucharistic
 ,sacrifice2 to the water and blood     
issuing from our ,lord's side1 and to   
the mention of waters in the            
,apocalypse1 in admonishing on the      
subject of the mixture of water with the
 wine in the ,oblation4 ,thus           
,bellarmine defends ,monastic celibacy  
by our ,lord's words in ,matthew xix41  
and refers to ,we went through fire and 
water1 c41 in the ,psalm1 as an argument
 for ,purgatory2 and these1 as is plain1
 are but specimens of a rule4 ,now1 on  
turning to primitive controversy1 we    
find this method of interpretation to be
 the very basis of the proof of the     
,catholic doctrine of the ,holy         
,trinity4 ,whether we betake ourselves  
to the ,ante-nicene writers or the      
,nicene1 certain texts will meet us1    
which do not obviously refer to that    

doctrine1 yet are put forward as palmary
 proofs of it4 ,such are1 in respect of 
our ,lord's divinity1 ,my heart is      
inditing of a good matter1 or has burst 
forth with a good ,word2 ,the ,lord made
 or possessed ,me in the beginning of   
,his ways2 ,i was with ,him1 in whom ,he
 delighted2 ,in ,thy ,light shall we see
 ,light2 ,who shall declare ,his        
generation8 ,she is the ,breath of the  
,power of ,god2 and ,his ,eternal ,power
 and ,godhead4  ,on the other hand1 the 
,school of ,antioch1 which adopted the  
literal interpretation1 was1 as ,i have 
noticed above1 the very metropolis of   
heresy4 ,not to speak of ,lucian1 whose 
history is but imperfectly known1 7one  
of the first masters of this school1 and
 also teacher of ,arius and his         
principal supporters71 ,diodorus and    
,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 who were the  
most eminent masters of literalism in   
the succeeding generation1 were1 as we  
have seen1 the forerunners of           
,nestorianism4 ,the case had been the   

same in a still earlier age2--the ,jews 
clung to the literal sense of the       
,scriptures and hence rejected the      
,gospel2 the ,christian ,apologists     
proved its divinity by means of the     
allegorical4 ,the formal connexion of   
this mode of interpretation with        
,christian theology is noticed by       
,porphyry1 who speaks of ,origen and    
others as borrowing it from heathen     
philosophy1 both in explanation of the  
,old ,testament and in defence of their 
own doctrine4 ,it may be almost laid    
down as an historical fact1 that the    
mystical interpretation and orthodoxy   
will stand or fall together4   #f4      
,this is clearly seen1 as regards the   
primitive theology1 by a recent writer1 
in the course of a ,dissertation upon   
,st4 ,ephrem4 ,after observing that     
,theodore of ,heraclea1 ,eusebius1 and  
,diodorus gave a systematic opposition  
to the mystical interpretation1 which   
had a sort of sanction from ,antiquity  
and the orthodox ,church1 he proceeds2  

,ephrem is not as sober in his          
interpretations1 nor could it be1 since 
he was a zealous disciple of the        
orthodox faith4 ,for all those who are  
most eminent in such sobriety were as   
far as possible removed from the faith  
of the ,councils4 4 4 4 4 ,on the other 
hand1 all who retained the faith of the 
,church never entirely dispensed with   
the spiritual sense of the ,scriptures4 
,for the ,councils watched over the     
orthodox faith2 nor was it safe in those
 ages1 as we learn especially from the  
instance of ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 to
 desert the spiritual for an exclusive  
cultivation of the literal method4      
,moreover1 the allegorical              
interpretation1 even when the literal   
sense was not injured1 was also         
preserved2 because in those times1 when 
both heretics and ,jews in controversy  
were stubborn in their objections to    
,christian doctrine1 maintaining that   
the ,messiah was yet to come1 or denying
 the abrogation of the ,sabbath and     

ceremonial law1 or ridiculing the       
,christian doctrine of the ,trinity1 and
 especially that of ,christ's ,divine   
,nature1 under such circumstances       
ecclesiastical writers found it to their
 purpose1 in answer to such exceptions1 
violently to refer every part of        
,scripture by allegory to ,christ and   
,his ,church4#cde3a   #g4  ,with this   
passage from a learned ,german1         
illustrating the bearing of the         
allegorical method upon the ,judaic and 
,athanasian controversies1 it will be   
well to compare the following passage   
from the latitudinarian ,hale's ,golden 
,remains1 as directed against the       
theology of ,rome4 ,the literal1 plain1 
and uncontroversible meaning of         
,scripture1 he says1 without any        
addition or supply by way of            
interpretation1 is that alone which for 
ground of faith we are necessarily bound
 to accept2 except it be there1 where   
the ,holy ,ghost ,himself treads us out 
another way4 ,i take not this to be any 

particular conceit of mine1 but that    
unto which our ,church stands           
necessarily bound4 ,when we receded from
 the ,church of ,rome1 one motive was1  
because she added unto ,scripture her   
glosses as ,canonical1 to supply what   
the plain text of ,scripture could not  
yield4 ,if1 in place of hers1 we set up 
our own glosses1 thus to do were nothing
 else but to pull down ,baal1 and set up
 an ,ephod1 to run round and meet the   
,church of ,rome again in the same point
 in which at first we left her4 4 4 4   
,this doctrine of the literal sense was 
never grievous or prejudicial to any1   
but only to those who were inwardly     
conscious that their positions were not 
sufficiently grounded4 ,when ,cardinal  
,cajetan1 in the days of our            
grandfathers1 had forsaken that vein of 
postilling and allegorizing on          
,scripture1 which for a long time had   
prevailed in the ,church1 and betaken   
himself unto the literal sense1 it was a
 thing so distasteful unto the ,church  

of ,rome that he was forced to find out 
many shifts and make many apologies for 
himself4 ,the truth is 7as it will      
appear to him that reads his writings71 
this sticking close to the literal sense
 was that alone which made him to shake 
off many of those tenets upon which the 
,church of ,rome and the reformed       
,churches differ4 ,but when the         
importunity of the ,reformers1 and the  
great credit of ,calvin's writings in   
that kind1 had forced the divines of    
,rome to level their interpretations by 
the same line2 when they saw that no    
pains1 no subtlety of wit was strong    
enough to defeat the literal evidence of
 ,scripture1 it drove them on those     
desperate shoals1 on which at this day  
they stick1 to call in question1 as far 
as they durst1 the credit of the ,hebrew
 text1 and countenance against it a     
corrupt translation2 to add traditions  
unto ,scripture1 and to make the        
,church's interpretation1 so pretended1 
to be above exception4#cdf3a   #h4  ,he 

presently adds concerning the           
allegorical sense3 ,if we absolutely    
condemn these interpretations1 then must
 we condemn a great part of ,antiquity1 
who are very much conversant in this    
kind of interpreting4 ,for the most     
partial for ,antiquity cannot choose but
 see and confess thus much1 that for the
 literal sense1 the interpreters of our 
own times1 because of their skill in the
 original languages1 their care of      
pressing the circumstances and coherence
 of the text1 of comparing like places  
of ,scripture with like1 have generally 
surpassed the best of the               
ancients4#cdf3b  ,the use of ,scripture 
then1 especially its spiritual or second
 sense1 as a medium of thought and      
deduction1 is a characteristic principle
 of doctrinal teaching in the ,church4  
#e4 ,dogma4  #a4 ,that opinions in      
religion are not matters of             
indifference1 but have a definite       
bearing on the position of their holders
 in the ,divine ,sight1 is a principle  

on which the ,evangelical ,faith has    
from the first developed1 and on which  
that ,faith has been the first to       
develope4 ,i suppose1 it hardly had any 
exercise under the ,law2 the zeal and   
obedience of the ancient people being   
mainly employed in the maintenance of   
divine worship and the overthrow of     
idolatry1 not in the action of the      
intellect4 ,faith is in this1 as in     
other respects1 a characteristic of the 
,gospel1 except so far as it was        
anticipated1 as its time drew near4     
,elijah and the prophets down to ,ezra  
resisted ,baal or restored the ,temple  
,service2 the ,three ,children refused  
to bow down before the golden image2    
,daniel would turn his face towards     
,jerusalem2 the ,maccabees spurned the  
,grecian paganism4 ,on the other hand1  
the ,greek ,philosophers were           
authoritative indeed in their teaching1 
enforced the ,ipse dixit1 and demanded  
the faith of their disciples2 but they  
did not commonly attach sanctity or     

reality to opinions1 or view them in a  
religious light4 ,our ,saviour was the  
first to bear witness to the ,truth1 and
 to die for it1 when before ,pontius    
,pilate he witnessed a good confession4 
,st4 ,john and ,st4 ,paul1 following his
 example1 both pronounce anathema on    
those who denied the ,truth or brought  
in another ,gospel4 ,tradition tells us 
that the ,apostle of love seconded his  
word with his deed1 and on one occasion 
hastily quitted a bath because an       
heresiarch of the day had entered it4   
,st4 ,ignatius1 his contemporary1       
compares false teachers to raging dogs2 
and ,st4 ,polycarp1 his disciple1       
exercised the same seventy upon ,marcion
 which ,st4 ,john had shown towards     
,cerinthus4   #b4  ,st4 ,irenus after   
,st4 ,polycarp exemplifies the same     
doctrine3 ,i saw thee1 he says to the   
heretic ,florinus1 when ,i was yet a    
boy1 in lower ,asia1 with ,polycarp1    
when thou wast living splendidly in the 
,imperial ,court1 and trying to         

recommend thyself to him4 ,i remember   
indeed what then happened better than   
more recent occurrences1 for the lessons
 of boyhood grow with the mind and      
become one with it4 ,thus ,i can name   
the place where blessed ,polycarp sat   
and conversed1 and his goings out and   
comings in1 and the fashion of his life1
 and the appearance of his person1 and  
his discourses to the people1 and his   
familiarity with ,john1 which he used to
 tell of1 and with the rest who had seen
 the ,lord1 and how he used to repeat   
their words1 and what it was that he had
 learned about the ,lord from them4 4 4 
4 ,and in the sight of ,god1 ,i can     
protest1 that1 if that blessed and      
apostolical ,elder had heard aught of   
this doctrine1 he had cried out and     
stopped his ears1 saying after his wont1
 ',o ,good ,god1 for what times hast    
thou reserved me that ,i should endure  
this8' and he had fled the place where  
he was sitting or standing when he heard
 it4 ,it seems to have been the duty of 

every individual ,christian from the    
first to witness in his place against   
all opinions which were contrary to what
 he had received in his baptismal       
catechizing1 and to shun the society of 
those who maintained them4 ,so          
religious1 says ,irenus after giving his
 account of ,st4 ,polycarp1 were the    
,apostles and their disciples1 in not   
even conversing with those who          
counterfeited the truth4#cdh3a   #c4    
,such a principle1 however1 would but   
have broken up the ,church the sooner1  
resolving it into the individuals of    
which it was composed1 unless the       
,truth1 to which they were to bear      
witness1 had been a something definite1 
and formal1 and independent of          
themselves4 ,christians were bound to   
defend and to transmit the faith which  
they had received1 and they received it 
from the rulers of the ,church2 and1 on 
the other hand1 it was the duty of those
 rulers to watch over and define this   
traditionary faith4 ,it is unnecessary  

to go over ground which has been        
traversed so often of late years4 ,st4  
,irenus brings the subject before us in 
his description of ,st4 ,polycarp1 part 
of which has already been quoted2 and to
 it we may limit ourselves4 ,polycarp1  
he says when writing against the        
,gnostics1 whom we have seen in our     
first youth1 ever taught those lessons  
which he learned from the ,apostles1    
which the ,church also transmits1 which 
alone are true4 ,all the ,churches of   
,asia bear witness to them2 and the     
successors of ,polycarp down to this    
day1 who is a much more trustworthy and 
sure witness of truth than ,valentinus1 
,marcion1 or their perverse companions4 
,the same was in ,rome in the time of   
,anicetus1 and converted many of the    
aforenamed heretics to the ,church of   
,god1 preaching that he had received    
from the ,apostles this one and only    
truth1 which had been transmitted by the
 ,church4#cdi3a   #d4  ,nor was this the
 doctrine and practice of one school    

only1 which might be ignorant of        
philosophy2 the cultivated minds of the 
,alexandrian ,fathers1 who are said to  
owe so much to ,pagan science1 certainly
 showed no gratitude or reverence       
towards their alleged instructors1 but  
maintained the supremacy of ,catholic   
,tradition4 ,clement#cdi3b speaks of    
heretical teachers as perverting        
,scripture1 and essaying the gate of    
heaven with a false key1 not raising the
 veil1 as he and his1 by means of       
tradition from ,christ1 but digging     
through the ,church's wall1 and becoming
 mystagogues of misbelief2 for1 he      
continues1 few words are enough to prove
 that they have formed their human      
assemblies later than the ,catholic     
,church1 and from that previously       
existing and most true ,church it is    
very clear that these later heresies1   
and others which have been since1 are   
counterfeit and novel inventions4#cej3a 
,when the ,marcionites1 ,valentinians1  
and the like1 says ,origen1 appeal to   

apocryphal works1 they are saying1      
',christ is in the desert2' when to     
canonical ,scripture1 ',lo1 ,he is in   
the chambers2' but we must not depart   
from that first and ecclesiastical      
tradition1 nor believe otherwise than as
 the ,churches of ,god by succession    
have transmitted to us4 ,and it is      
recorded of him in his youth1 that he   
never could be brought to attend the    
prayers of a heretic who was in the     
house of his patroness1 from abomination
 of his doctrine1 observing1 adds       
,eusebius1 the rule of the ,church4     
,eusebius too himself1 unsatisfactory as
 is his own theology1 cannot break from 
this fundamental rule2 he ever speaks of
 the ,gnostic teachers1 the chief       
heretics of his period 7at least before 
the rise of ,arianism71 in terms most   
expressive of abhorrence and disgust4   
#e4  ,the ,african1 ,syrian1 and ,asian 
schools are additional witnesses2       
,tertullian at ,carthage was strenuous  
for the dogmatic principle even after he

 had given up the traditional4 ,the     
,fathers of ,asia ,minor1 who           
excommunicated ,notus1 rehearse the     
,creed1 and add1 ,we declare as we have 
learned2 the ,fathers of ,antioch1 who  
depose ,paul of ,samosata1 set down in  
writing the ,creed from ,scripture1     
which1 they say1 we received from the   
beginning1 and have1 by tradition and in
 custody1 in the ,catholic and ,holy    
,church1 until this day1 by succession1 
as preached by the blessed ,apostles1   
who were eye-witnesses and ministers of 
the ,word4#cej3b   #f4  ,moreover1 it is
 as plain1 or even plainer1 that what   
the ,christians of the first ages       
anathematized1 included deductions from 
the ,articles of ,faith1 that is1 false 
developments1 as well as contradictions 
of those ,articles4 ,and1 since the     
reason they commonly gave for using the 
anathema was that the doctrine in       
question was strange and startling1 it  
follows that the truth1 which was its   
contradictory1 was also in some respect 

unknown to them hitherto2 which is also 
shown by their temporary perplexity1 and
 their difficulty of meeting heresy1 in 
particular cases4 ,who ever heard the   
like hitherto8 says ,st4 ,athanasius1 of
 ,apollinarianism2 who was the teacher  
of it1 who the hearer8 ',from ,sion     
shall go forth the ,law of ,god1 and the
 ,word of the ,lord from ,jerusalem2'   
but from whence hath this gone forth8   
,what hell hath burst out with it8 ,the 
,fathers at ,nica stopped their ears2   
and ,st4 ,irenus1 as above quoted1 says 
that ,st4 ,polycarp1 had he heard the   
,gnostic blasphemies1 would have stopped
 his ears1 and deplored the times for   
which he was reserved4 ,they            
anathematized the doctrine1 not because 
it was old1 but because it was new3 the 
anathema would have altogether slept1 if
 it could not have been extended to     
propositions not anathematized in the   
beginning2 for the very characteristic  
of heresy is this novelty and           
originality of manifestation4  ,such was

 the exclusiveness of ,christianity of  
old3 ,i need not insist on the          
steadiness with which that principle has
 been maintained ever since1 for bigotry
 and intolerance is one of the ordinary 
charges brought at this day against both
 the medieval ,church and the modern4   
#g4  ,the ,church's consistency and     
thoroughness in teaching is another     
aspect of the same principle1 as is     
illustrated in the following passage    
from ,m4 ,guizot's ,history of          
,civilization4 ,the adversaries1 he     
says1 of the ,reformation1 knew very    
well what they were about1 and what they
 required2 they could point to their    
first principles1 and boldly admit all  
the consequences that might result from 
them4 ,no government was ever more      
consistent and systematic than that of  
the ,romish ,church4 ,in fact1 the      
,court of ,rome was much more           
accommodating1 yielded much more than   
the ,reformers2 but in principle it much
 more completely adopted its own system1

 and maintained a much more consistent  
conduct4 ,there is an immense power in  
this full confidence of what is done2   
this perfect knowledge of what is       
required2 this complete and rational    
adaptation of a system and a creed4     
,then he goes on to the history of the  
,society of ,jesus in illustration4     
,everything1 he says1 was unfavourable  
to the ,jesuits1 both fortune and       
appearances2 neither practical sense    
which requires success1 nor the         
imagination which looks for splendour1  
were gratified by their destiny4 ,still 
it is certain that they possessed the   
elements of greatness2 a grand idea is  
attached to their name1 to their        
influence1 and to their history4 ,why8  
because they worked from fixed          
principles1 which they fully and clearly
 understood1 and the tendency of which  
they entirely comprehended4 ,in the     
,reformation1 on the contrary1 when the 
event surpassed its conception1         
something incomplete1 inconsequent1 and 

narrow has remained1 which has placed   
the conquerors themselves in a state of 
rational and philosophical inferiority1 
the influence of which has occasionally 
been felt in events4 ,the conflict of   
the new spiritual order of things       
against the old1 is1 ,i think1 the weak 
side of the ,reformation4#ceb3a    #f4  
,additional ,remarks4  ,such are some of
 the intellectual principles which are  
characteristic of ,christianity4 ,i     
observe1--  ,that their continuity down 
to this day1 and the vigour of their    
operation1 are two distinct guarantees  
that the theological conclusions to     
which they are subservient are1 in      
accordance with the ,divine ,promise1   
true developments1 and not corruptions  
of the ,revelation4  ,moreover1 if it be
 true that the principles of the later  
,church are the same as those of the    
earlier1 then1 whatever are the         
variations of belief between the two    
periods1 the later in reality agrees    
more than it differs with the earlier1  

for principles are responsible for      
doctrines4 ,hence they who assert that  
the modern ,roman system is the         
corruption of primitive theology are    
forced to discover some difference of   
principle between the one and the other2
 for instance1 that the right of private
 judgment was secured to the early      
,church and has been lost to the later1 
or1 again1 that the later ,church       
rationalizes and the earlier went by    
faith4   #b4  ,on this point ,i will but
 remark as follows4 ,it cannot be       
doubted that the horror of heresy1 the  
law of absolute obedience to            
ecclesiastical authority1 and the       
doctrine of the mystical virtue of      
unity1 were as strong and active in the 
,church of ,st4 ,ignatius and ,st4      
,cyprian as in that of ,st4 ,carlo and  
,st4 ,pius the ,fifth1 whatever be      
thought of the theology respectively    
taught in the one and in the other4 ,now
 we have before our eyes the effect of  
these principles in the instance of the 

later ,church2 they have entirely       
succeeded in preventing departure from  
the doctrine of ,trent for three hundred
 years4 ,have we any reason for         
doubting1 that from the same strictness 
the same fidelity would follow1 in the  
first three1 or any three1 centuries of 
the ,ante-tridentine period8 ,where then
 was the opportunity of corruption in   
the three hundred years between ,st4    
,ignatius and ,st4 ,augustine8 or       
between ,st4 ,augustine and ,st4 ,bede8 
or between ,st4 ,bede and ,st4 ,peter   
,damiani8 or again1 between ,st4 ,irenus
 and ,st4 ,leo1 ,st4 ,cyprian and ,st4  
,gregory the ,great1 ,st4 ,athanasius   
and ,st4 ,john ,damascene8 ,thus the    
tradition of eighteen centuries becomes 
a collection of indefinitely many caten1
 each commencing from its own point1 and
 each crossing the other2 and each year1
 as it comes1 is guaranteed with various
 degrees of cogency by every year which 
has gone before it4   #c4  ,moreover1   
while the development of doctrine in the

 ,church has been in accordance with1 or
 in consequence of these immemorial     
principles1 the various heresies1 which 
have from time to time arisen1 have in  
one respect or other1 as might be       
expected1 violated those principles with
 which she rose into existence1 and     
which she still retains4 ,thus ,arian   
and ,nestorian schools denied the       
allegorical rule of ,scripture          
interpretation2 the ,gnostics and       
,eunomians for ,faith professed to      
substitute knowledge2 and the ,manichees
 also1 as ,st4 ,augustine so touchingly 
declares in the beginning of his work   
,de ,utilitate credendi4 ,the dogmatic  
,rule1 at least so far as regards its   
traditional character1 was thrown aside 
by all those sects which1 as ,tertullian
 tells us1 claimed to judge for         
themselves from ,scripture2 and the     
,sacramental principle was violated1    
ipso facto1 by all who separated from   
the ,church1--was denied also by        
,faustus the ,manichee when he argued   

against the ,catholic ceremonial1 by    
,vigilantius in his opposition to       
relics1 and by the ,iconoclasts4 ,in    
like manner the contempt of mystery1 of 
reverence1 of devoutness1 of sanctity1  
are other notes of the heretical spirit4
 ,as to ,protestantism it is plain in   
how many ways it has reversed the       
principles of ,catholic theology4       
,,footnotes3  #cbf3a ,e4 g4 development 
itself is such a principle also4 ,and   
thus ,i was led on to a further         
consideration4 ,i saw that the principle
 of development not only accounted for  
certain facts1 but was in itself a      
remarkable philosophical phenomenon1    
giving a character to the whole course  
of ,christian thought4 ,it was          
discernible from the first years of     
,catholic teaching up to the present    
day1 and gave to that teaching a unity  
and individuality4 ,it served as a sort 
of test1 which the ,anglican could not  
stand1 that modern ,rome was in truth   
ancient ,antioch1 ,alexandria1 and      

,constantinople1 just as a mathematical 
curve has its own law and expression4   
,apol4 p4 #aih1 vid4 also ,angl4 ,diff4 
vol4 i4 ,lect4 xii4 #g4  #cbh3a         
,university ,sermons but1 more carefully
 in the ,essay on ,assent4  #cbi3a c4   
,cels4 i4 #i4  #ccj3a ,hr4 iv4 #bd4     
,euseb4 ,prp4 ,ev4 i4 #e4  #ccj3b ,this 
is too large a subject to admit of      
justice being done to it here3 ,i have  
treated of it at length in the ,essay on
 ,assent4  #cca3a ,init4  #cca3b ,vid4  
also supr4 p4 #bef4  #ccb3a pp4 #adb1   
#adc1 ,combe's tr4  #ccc3a pp4 #add1    
#ade4  #ccc3b p4 #bai4  #cce3a pp4 #bba1
 #bbc4  #ccf3a pp4 #bbi1 #bcj4  #ccf3b  
pp4 #bcj1 #bca4  #cci3a ,vid4 ,proph4   
,offic4 ,lect4 xiii4 ,via ,media1 vol4  
i4 p4 #cji1 c4  #cci3b ,a late writer   
goes farther1 and maintains that it is  
not determined by the ,council of       
,trent1 whether the whole of the        
,revelation is in ,scripture or not4    
,the ,synod declares that the ,christian
 'truth and discipline are contained in 

written books and unwritten traditions4'
 ,they were well aware that the         
controversy then was1 whether the       
,christian doctrine was only in part    
contained in ,scripture4 ,but they did  
not dare to frame their decree openly in
 accordance with the modern ,romish     
view2 they did not venture to affirm1 as
 they might easily have done1 that the  
,christian verity 'was contained partly 
in written books1 and partly in         
unwritten traditions4'--,palmer on the  
,church1 vol4 #b1 p4 #ae4 ,vid4         
,difficulties of ,angl4 vol4 ii4 pp4    
#aa1 #ab4  #cdj3a ,opp4 t4 #a1 p4 #d4   
#cda3a ,opp4 t4 i4 pp4 #d1 #e4  #cda3b  
,ibid4 p4 #i4  #cdb3a ,proem4 #e4       
#cdb3b p4 #d4  #cde3a ,lengerke1 de     
,ephr4 ,s4 pp4 #gh-hj4  #cdf3a pp4      
#bd-bf4  #cdf3b p4 #bg4  #cdh3a ,euseb4 
,hist4 iv4 #ad1 v4 #bj4  #cdi3a ,contr4 
,hr4 iii4 #c1  #d4  #cdi3b ,ed4 ,potter1
 p4 #hig4  #cej3a ,ed4 ,potter1 p4 #hii4
  #cej3b ,clem4 ,strom4 vii4 #ag4       
,origen in ,matth4 ,comm4 ,ser4 #df4    

,euseb4 ,hist4 vi4 #b1 fin4 ,epiph4 ,hr4
 #eg1 p4 #dhj4 ,routh1 t4 #b1 p4 #dfe4  
#ceb3a ,eur4 ,civil4 pp4 #cid-cih4      
,,chapter ,,viii4  ,,application ,,of   
,,the ,,third ,,note ,of ,a ,,true      
,,development4   ,,assimilative ,,power4
  ,since religious systems1 true and    
false1 have one and the same great and  
comprehensive subject-matter1 they      
necessarily interfere with one another  
as rivals1 both in those points in which
 they agree together1 and in those in   
which they differ4 ,that ,christianity  
on its rise was in these circumstances  
of competition and controversy1 is      
sufficiently evident even from a        
foregoing ,chapter3 it was surrounded by
 rites1 sects1 and philosophies1 which  
contemplated the same questions1        
sometimes advocated the same truths1 and
 in no slight degree wore the same      
external appearance4 ,it could not stand
 still1 it could not take its own way1  
and let them take theirs3 they came     
across its path1 and a conflict was     

inevitable4 ,the very nature of a true  
philosophy relatively to other systems  
is to be polemical1 eclectic1 unitive3  
,christianity was polemical2 it could   
not but be eclectic2 but was it also    
unitive8 ,had it the power1 while       
keeping its own identity1 of absorbing  
its antagonists1 as ,aaron's rod1       
according to ,st4 ,jerome's             
illustration1 devoured the rods of the  
sorcerers of ,egypt8 ,did it incorporate
 them into itself1 or was it dissolved  
into them8 ,did it assimilate them into 
its own substance1 or1 keeping its name1
 was it simply infected by them8 ,in a  
word1 were its developments faithful or 
corrupt8 ,nor is this a question merely 
of the early centuries4 ,when we        
consider the deep interest of the       
controversies which ,christianity       
raises1 the various characters of mind  
it has swayed1 the range of subjects    
which it embraces1 the many countries it
 has entered1 the deep philosophies it  
has encountered1 the vicissitudes it has

 undergone1 and the length of time      
through which it has lasted1 it requires
 some assignable explanation1 why we    
should not consider it substantially    
modified and changed1 that is1          
corrupted1 from the first1 by the       
numberless influences to which it has   
been exposed4   #b4  ,now there was this
 cardinal distinction between           
,christianity and the religions and     
philosophies by which it was surrounded1
 nay even the ,judaism of the day1 that 
it referred all truth and revelation to 
one source1 and that the ,supreme and   
,only ,god4 ,pagan rites which honoured 
one or other out of ten thousand        
deities2 philosophies which scarcely    
taught any source of revelation at all2 
,gnostic heresies which were based on   
,dualism1 adored angels1 or ascribed the
 two ,testaments to distinct authors1   
could not regard truth as one1          
unalterable1 consistent1 imperative1 and
 saving4 ,but ,christianity started with
 the principle that there was but one   

,god and one ,mediator1 and that ,he1   
who at sundry times and in divers       
manners spake in time past unto the     
fathers by the ,prophets1 had in these  
last days spoken unto us by ,his ,son4  
,he had never left ,himself without     
witness1 and now ,he had come1 not to   
undo the past1 but to fulfil and perfect
 it4 ,his ,apostles1 and they alone1    
possessed1 venerated1 and protected a   
,divine ,message1 as both sacred and    
sanctifying2 and1 in the collision and  
conflict of opinions1 in ancient times  
or modern1 it was that ,message1 and not
 any vague or antagonist teaching1 that 
was to succeed in purifying1            
assimilating1 transmuting1 and taking   
into itself the many-coloured beliefs1  
forms of worship1 codes of duty1 schools
 of thought1 through which it was ever  
moving4 ,it was ,grace1 and it was      
,truth4    #a4 ,the ,assimilating ,power
 of ,dogmatic ,truth4  ,that there is a 
truth then2 that there is one truth2    
that religious error is in itself of an 

immoral nature2 that its maintainers1   
unless involuntarily such1 are guilty in
 maintaining it2 that it is to be       
dreaded2 that the search for truth is   
not the gratification of curiosity2 that
 its attainment has nothing of the      
excitement of a discovery2 that the mind
 is below truth1 not above it1 and is   
bound1 not to descant upon it1 but to   
venerate it2 that truth and falsehood   
are set before us for the trial of our  
hearts2 that our choice is an awful     
giving forth of lots on which salvation 
or rejection is inscribed2 that before  
all things it is necessary to hold the  
,catholic faith2 that he that would be  
saved must thus think1 and not          
otherwise2 that1 if thou criest after   
knowledge1 and liftest up thy voice for 
understanding1 if thou seekest her as   
silver1 and searchest for her as for hid
 treasure1 then shalt thou understand   
the fear of the ,lord1 and find the     
knowledge of ,god1--this is the         
dogmatical principle1 which has         

strength4  ,that truth and falsehood in 
religion are but matter of opinion2 that
 one doctrine is as good as another2    
that the ,governor of the world does not
 intend that we should gain the truth2  
that there is no truth2 that we are not 
more acceptable to ,god by believing    
this than by believing that2 that no one
 is answerable for his opinions2 that   
they are a matter of necessity or       
accident2 that it is enough if we       
sincerely hold what we profess2 that our
 merit lies in seeking1 not in          
possessing2 that it is a duty to follow 
what seems to us true1 without a fear   
lest it should not be true2 that it may 
be a gain to succeed1 and can be no harm
 to fail2 that we may take up and lay   
down opinions at pleasure2 that belief  
belongs to the mere intellect1 not to   
the heart also2 that we may safely trust
 to ourselves in matters of ,faith1 and 
need no other guide1--this is the       
principle of philosophies and heresies1 
which is very weakness4   #b4  ,two     

opinions encounter2 each may be         
abstractedly true2 or again1 each may be
 a subtle1 comprehensive doctrine1      
vigorous1 elastic1 expansive1 various2  
one is held as a matter of indifference1
 the other as a matter of life and      
death2 one is held by the intellect     
only1 the other also by the heart3 it is
 plain which of the two must succumb to 
the other4 ,such was the conflict of    
,christianity with the old established  
,paganism1 which was almost dead before 
,christianity appeared2 with the        
,oriental ,mysteries1 flitting wildly to
 and fro like spectres2 with the        
,gnostics1 who made ,knowledge all in   
all1 despised the many1 and called      
,catholics mere children in the ,truth2 
with the ,neo-platonists1 men of        
literature1 pedants1 visionaries1 or    
courtiers2 with the ,manichees1 who     
professed to seek ,truth by ,reason1 not
 by ,faith2 with the fluctuating        
teachers of the school of ,antioch1 the 
time-serving ,eusebians1 and the        

reckless versatile ,arians2 with the    
fanatic ,montanists and harsh           
,novatians1 who shrank from the         
,catholic doctrine1 without power to    
propagate their own4 ,these sects had no
 stay or consistence1 yet they contained
 elements of truth amid their error1 and
 had ,christianity been as they1 it     
might have resolved into them2 but it   
had that hold of the truth which gave   
its teaching a gravity1 a directness1 a 
consistency1 a sternness1 and a force1  
to which its rivals for the most part   
were strangers4 ,it could not call evil 
good1 or good evil1 because it discerned
 the difference between them2 it could  
not make light of what was so solemn1 or
 desert what was so solid4 ,hence1 in   
the collision1 it broke in pieces its   
antagonists1 and divided the spoils4    
#c4  ,this was but another form of the  
spirit that made martyrs4 ,dogmatism was
 in teaching1 what confession was in    
act4 ,each was the same strong principle
 of life in a different aspect1         

distinguishing the faith which was      
displayed in it from the world's        
philosophies on the one side1 and the   
world's religions on the other4 ,the    
heathen sects and the heresies of       
,christian history were dissolved by the
 breath of opinion which made them2     
paganism shuddered and died at the very 
sight of the sword of persecution1 which
 it had itself unsheathed4 ,intellect   
and force were applied as tests both    
upon the divine and upon the human work2
 they prevailed with the human1 they did
 but become instruments of the ,divine4 
,no one1 says ,st4 ,justin1 has so      
believed ,socrates as to die for the    
doctrine which he taught4 ,no one was   
ever found undergoing death for faith in
 the sun4#cei3a ,thus ,christianity grew
 in its proportions1 gaining aliment and
 medicine from all that it came near1   
yet preserving its original type1 from  
its perception and its love of what had 
been revealed once for all and was no   
private imagination4   #d4  ,there are  

writers who refer to the first centuries
 of the ,church as a time when opinion  
was free1 and the conscience exempt from
 the obligation or temptation to take on
 trust what it had not proved2 and that1
 apparently on the mere ground that the 
series of great theological decisions   
did not commence till the fourth4 ,this 
seems to be ,m4 ,guizot's meaning when  
he says that ,christianity in the early 
ages was a belief1 a sentiment1 an      
individual conviction2#cfj3a that the   
,christian society appears as a pure    
association of men animated by the same 
sentiments and professing the same      
creed4 ,the first ,christians1 he       
continues1 assembled to enjoy together  
the same emotions1 the same religious   
convictions4 ,we do not find any        
doctrinal system established1 any form  
of discipline or of laws1 or any body of
 magistrates4#cfj3b ,what can be meant  
by saying that ,christianity had no     
magistrates in the earliest ages8--but1 
any how1 in statements such as these the

 distinction is not properly recognized 
between a principle and its exhibitions 
and instances1 even if the fact were as 
is represented4 ,the principle indeed of
 ,dogmatism developes into ,councils in 
the course of time2 but it was active1  
nay sovereign from the first1 in every  
part of ,christendom4 ,a conviction that
 truth was one2 that it was a gift from 
without1 a sacred trust1 an inestimable 
blessing2 that it was to be reverenced1 
guarded1 defended1 transmitted2 that its
 absence was a grievous want1 and its   
loss an unutterable calamity2 and again1
 the stern words and acts of ,st4 ,john1
 of ,polycarp1 ,ignatius1 ,irenus1      
,clement1 ,tertullian1 and ,origen2--all
 this is quite consistent with          
perplexity or mistake as to what was    
truth in particular cases1 in what way  
doubtful questions were to be decided1  
or what were the limits of the          
,revelation4 ,councils and ,popes are   
the guardians and instruments of the    
dogmatic principle3 they are not that   

principle themselves2 they presuppose   
the principle2 they are summoned into   
action at the call of the principle1 and
 the principle might act even before    
they had their legitimate place1 and    
exercised a recognized power1 in the    
movements of the ,christian body4   #e4 
,the instance of ,conscience1 which has 
already served us in illustration1 may  
assist us here4 ,what ,conscience is in 
the history of an individual mind1 such 
was the dogmatic principle in the       
history of ,christianity4 ,both in the  
one case and the other1 there is the    
gradual formation of a directing power  
out of a principle4 ,the natural voice  
of ,conscience is far more imperative in
 testifying and enforcing a rule of     
duty1 than successful in determining    
that duty in particular cases4 ,it acts 
as a messenger from above1 and says that
 there is a right and a wrong1 and that 
the right must be followed2 but it is   
variously1 and therefore erroneously1   
trained in the instance of various      

persons4 ,it mistakes error for truth2  
and yet we believe that on the whole1   
and even in those cases where it is     
ill-instructed1 if its voice be         
diligently obeyed1 it will gradually be 
cleared1 simplified1 and perfected1 so  
that minds1 starting differently will1  
if honest1 in course of time converge to
 one and the same truth4 ,i do not      
hereby imply that there is              
indistinctness so great as this in the  
theology of the first centuries2 but so 
far is plain1 that the early ,church and
 ,fathers exercised far more a ruler's  
than a doctor's office3 it was the age  
of ,martyrs1 of acting not of thinking4 
,doctors succeeded ,martyrs1 as light   
and peace of conscience follow upon     
obedience to it2 yet1 even before the   
,church had grown into the full measure 
of its doctrines1 it was rooted in its  
principles4   #f4  ,so far1 however1 may
 be granted to ,m4 ,guizot1 that even   
principles were not so well understood  
and so carefully handled at first1 as   

they were afterwards4 ,in the early     
period1 we see traces of a conflict1 as 
well as of a variety1 in theological    
elements1 which were in course of       
combination1 but which required         
adjustment and management before they   
could be used with precision as one4 ,in
 a thousand instances of a minor        
character1 the statements of the early  
,fathers are but tokens of the          
multiplicity of openings which the mind 
of the ,church was making into the      
treasure-house of ,truth2 real openings1
 but incomplete or irregular4 ,nay1 the 
doctrines even of the heretical bodies  
are indices and anticipations of the    
mind of the ,church4 ,as the first step 
in settling a question of doctrine is to
 raise and debate it1 so heresies in    
every age may be taken as the measure of
 the existing state of thought in the   
,church1 and of the movement of her     
theology2 they determine in what way the
 current is setting1 and the rate at    
which it flows4   #g4  ,thus1 ,st4      

,clement may be called the              
representative of the eclectic element1 
and ,tertullian of the dogmatic1 neither
 element as yet being fully understood  
by ,catholics2 and ,clement perhaps went
 too far in his accommodation to        
philosophy1 and ,tertullian asserted    
with exaggeration the immutability of   
the ,creed4 ,nay1 the two antagonist    
principles of dogmatism and assimilation
 are found in ,tertullian alone1 though 
with some deficiency of amalgamation1   
and with a greater leaning towards the  
dogmatic4 ,though the ,montanists       
professed to pass over the subject of   
doctrine1 it is chiefly in ,tertullian's
 ,montanistic works that his strong     
statements occur of the unalterableness 
of the ,creed2 and extravagance on the  
subject is not only in keeping with the 
stern and vehement temper of that       
,father1 but with the general severity  
and harshness of his sect4 ,on the other
 hand the very foundation of ,montanism 
is development1 though not of doctrine1 

yet of discipline and conduct4 ,it is   
said that its founder professed himself 
the promised ,comforter1 through whom   
the ,church was to be perfected2 he     
provided prophets as organs of the new  
revelation1 and called ,catholics       
,psychici or animal4 ,tertullian        
distinctly recognizes even the process  
of development in one of his            
,montanistic works4 ,after speaking of  
an innovation upon usage1 which his     
newly revealed truth required1 he       
proceeds1 ,therefore hath the ,lord sent
 the ,paraclete1 that1 since human      
infirmity could not take all things in  
at once1 discipline might be gradually  
directed1 regulated and brought to      
perfection by the ,lord's ,vicar1 the   
,holy ,ghost4 ',i have yet many things  
to say to you1' ,he saith1 c4 ,what is  
this dispensation of the ,paraclete but 
this1 that discipline is directed1      
,scriptures opened1 intellect reformed1 
improvements effected8 ,nothing can take
 place without age1 and all things wait 

their time4 ,in short1 the ,preacher    
says ',there is a time for all things4' 
,behold the creature itself gradually   
advancing to fruit4 ,at first there is a
 seed1 and a stalk springs out of the   
seed1 and from the stalk bursts out a   
shrub1 and then its branches and foliage
 grow vigorous1 and all that we mean by 
a tree is unfolded2 then there is the   
swelling of the bud1 and the bud is     
resolved into a blossom1 and the blossom
 is opened into a fruit1 and is for a   
while rudimental and unformed1 till1 by 
degrees following out its life1 it is   
matured into mellowness of flavour4 ,so 
too righteousness1 7for there is the    
same ,god both of righteousness and of  
the creation17 was at first in its      
rudiments1 a nature fearing ,god2       
thence1 by means of ,law and ,prophets1 
it advanced into infancy2 thence1 by the
 gospel1 it burst forth into its youth2 
and now by the ,paraclete1 it is        
fashioned into maturity4#cfc3a   #h4    
,not in one principle or doctrine only1 

but in its whole system1 ,montanism is a
 remarkable anticipation or presage of  
developments which soon began to show   
themselves in the ,church1 though they  
were not perfected for centuries after4 
,its rigid maintenance of the original  
,creed1 yet its admission of a          
development1 at least in the ritual1 has
 just been instanced in the person of   
,tertullian4 ,equally ,catholic in their
 principle1 whether in fact or          
anticipation1 were most of the other    
peculiarities of ,montanism3 its        
rigorous fasts1 its visions1 its        
commendation of celibacy and martyrdom1 
its contempt of temporal goods1 its     
penitential discipline1 and its         
maintenance of a centre of unity4 ,the  
doctrinal determinations and the        
ecclesiastical usages of the middle ages
 are the true fulfilment of its         
self-willed and abortive attempts at    
precipitating the growth of the ,church4
 ,the favour shown to it for a while by 
,pope ,victor is an evidence of its     

external resemblance to orthodoxy2 and  
the celebrated ,martyrs and ,saints in  
,africa1 in the beginning of the third  
century1 ,perpetua and ,felicitas1 or at
 least their ,acts1 betoken that same   
peculiar temper of religion1 which1 when
 cut off from the ,church a few years   
afterwards1 quickly degenerated into a  
heresy4 ,a parallel instance occurs in  
the case of the ,donatists4 ,they held a
 doctrine on the subject of ,baptism    
similar to that of ,st4 ,cyprian3       
,vincentius ,lirinensis1 says ,gibbon1  
referring to ,tillemont's remarks on    
that resemblance1 has explained why the 
,donatists are eternally burning with   
the devil1 while ,st4 ,cyprian reigns in
 heaven with ,jesus ,christ4#cfd3a ,and 
his reason is intelligible3 it is1 says 
,tillemont1 as ,st4 ,augustine often    
says1 because the ,donatists had broken 
the bond of peace and charity with the  
other ,churches1 which ,st4 ,cyprian had
 preserved so carefully4#cfd3b   #i4    
,these are specimens of the raw         

material1 as it may be called1 which1   
whether as found in individual ,fathers 
within the pale of the ,church1 or in   
heretics external to it1 she had the    
power1 by means of the continuity and   
firmness of her principles1 to convert  
to her own uses4 ,she alone has         
succeeded in thus rejecting evil without
 sacrificing the good1 and in holding   
together in one things which in all     
other schools are incompatible4 ,gnostic
 or ,platonic words are found in the    
inspired theology of ,st4 ,john2 to the 
,platonists ,unitarian writers trace the
 doctrine of our ,lord's divinity2      
,gibbon the idea of the ,incarnation to 
the ,gnostics4 ,the ,gnostics too seem  
first to have systematically thrown the 
intellect upon matters of faith2 and the
 very term ,gnostic has been taken by   
,clement to express his perfect         
,christian4 ,and1 though ascetics       
existed from the beginning1 the notion  
of a religion higher than the           
,christianity of the many1 was first    

prominently brought forward by the      
,gnostics1 ,montanists1 ,novatians1 and 
,manichees4 ,and while the prophets of  
the ,montanists prefigure the ,church's 
,doctors1 and their professed           
inspiration her infallibility1 and their
 revelations her developments1 and the  
heresiarch himself is the unsightly     
anticipation of ,st4 ,francis1 in       
,novatian again we discern the          
aspiration of nature after such         
creations of grace as ,st4 ,benedict or 
,st4 ,bruno4 ,and so the effort of      
,sabellius to complete the enunciation  
of the mystery of the ,ever-blessed     
,trinity failed3 it became a heresy2    
grace would not be constrained2 the     
course of thought could not be          
forced2--at length it was realized in   
the true ,unitarianism of ,st4          
,augustine4   #aj4  ,doctrine too is    
percolated1 as it were1 through         
different minds1 beginning with writers 
of inferior authority in the ,church1   
and issuing at length in the enunciation

 of her ,doctors4 ,origen1 ,tertullian1 
nay ,eusebius and the ,antiochenes1     
supply the materials1 from which the    
,fathers have wrought out comments or   
treatises4 ,st4 ,gregory ,nazianzen and 
,st4 ,basil digested into form the      
theological principles of ,origen2 ,st4 
,hilary and ,st4 ,ambrose are both      
indebted to the same great writer in    
their interpretations of ,scripture2    
,st4 ,ambrose again has taken his       
comment on ,st4 ,luke from ,eusebius1   
and certain of his ,tracts from ,philo2 
,st4 ,cyprian called ,tertullian his    
,master2 and traces of ,tertullian1 in  
his almost heretical treatises1 may be  
detected in the most finished sentences 
of ,st4 ,leo4 ,the school of ,antioch1  
in spite of the heretical taint of      
various of its ,masters1 formed the     
genius of ,st4 ,chrysostom4 ,and the    
,apocryphal gospels have contributed    
many things for the devotion and        
edification of ,catholic                
believers4#cff3a  ,the deep meditation  

which seems to have been exercised by   
the ,fathers on points of doctrine1 the 
disputes and turbulence yet lucid       
determination which characterize the    
,councils1 the indecision of ,popes1 are
 all in different ways1 at least when   
viewed together1 portions and           
indications of the same process4 ,the   
theology of the ,church is no random    
combination of various opinions1 but a  
diligent1 patient working out of one    
doctrine from many materials4 ,the      
conduct of ,popes1 ,councils1 ,fathers1 
betokens the slow1 painful1 anxious     
taking up of new truths into an existing
 body of belief4 ,st4 ,athanasius1 ,st4 
,augustine1 ,st4 ,leo are conspicuous   
for the repetition in terminis of their 
own theological statements2 on the      
contrary1 it has been observed of the   
heterodox ,tertullian1 that his works   
indicate no ordinary fertility of mind  
in that he so little repeats himself or 
recurs to favourite thoughts1 as is     
frequently the case even with the great 

,st4 ,augustine4#cff3b   #aa4  ,here we 
see the difference between originality  
of mind and the gift and calling of a   
,doctor in the ,church2 the holy        
,fathers just mentioned were intently   
fixing their minds on what they taught1 
grasping it more and more closely1      
viewing it on various sides1 trying its 
consistency1 weighing their own separate
 expressions4 ,and thus if in some cases
 they were even left in ignorance1 the  
next generation of teachers completed   
their work1 for the same unwearied      
anxious process of thought went on4 ,st4
 ,gregory ,nyssen finishes the          
investigations of ,st4 ,athanasius2 ,st4
 ,leo guards the polemical statements of
 ,st4 ,cyril4 ,clement may hold a       
purgatory1 yet tend to consider all     
punishment purgatorial2 ,st4 ,cyprian   
may hold the unsanctified state of      
heretics1 but include in his doctrine a 
denial of their baptism2 ,st4           
,hippolytus may believe in the personal 
existence of the ,word from eternity1   

yet speak confusedly on the eternity of 
,his ,sonship2 the ,council of ,antioch 
might put aside the ,homosion1 and the  
,council of ,nica impose it2 ,st4       
,hilary may believe in a purgatory1 yet 
confine it to the day of judgment2 ,st4 
,athanasius and other ,fathers may treat
 with almost supernatural exactness the 
doctrine of our ,lord's incarnation1 yet
 imply1 as far as words go1 that ,he was
 ignorant viewed in ,his human nature2  
the ,athanasian ,creed may admit the    
illustration of soul and body1 and later
 ,fathers may discountenance it2 ,st4   
,augustine might first be opposed to the
 employment of force in religion1 and   
then acquiesce in it4 ,prayers for the  
faithful departed may be found in the   
early liturgies1 yet with an            
indistinctness which included the       
,blessed ,virgin and the ,martyrs in the
 same rank with the imperfect ,christian
 whose sins were as yet unexpiated2 and 
succeeding times might keep what was    
exact1 and supply what was deficient4   

,aristotle might be reprobated by       
certain early ,fathers1 yet furnish the 
phraseology for theological definitions 
afterwards4 ,and in a different         
subject-matter1 ,st4 ,isidore and others
 might be suspicious of the decoration  
of ,churches2 ,st4 ,paulinus and ,st4   
,helena advance it4 ,and thus we are    
brought on to dwell upon the office of  
grace1 as well as of truth1 in enabling 
the ,church's creed to develope and to  
absorb without the risk of corruption4  
#b4 ,the ,assimilating ,power of        
,sacramental ,grace4  ,there is in truth
 a certain virtue or grace in the       
,gospel which changes the quality of    
doctrines1 opinions1 usages1 actions1   
and personal characters when            
incorporated with it1 and makes them    
right and acceptable to its ,divine     
,author1 whereas before they were either
 infected with evil1 or at best but     
shadows of the truth4 ,this is the      
principle1 above spoken of1 which ,i    
have called the ,sacramental4 ,we know  

that we are of ,god1 and the whole world
 lieth in wickedness1 is an enunciation 
of the principle2--or1 the declaration  
of the ,apostle of the ,gentiles1 ,if   
any man be in ,christ1 he is a new      
creature2 old things are passed away1   
behold all things are become new4 ,thus 
it is that outward rites1 which are but 
worthless in themselves1 lose their     
earthly character and become ,sacraments
 under the ,gospel2 circumcision1 as    
,st4 ,paul says1 is carnal and has come 
to an end1 yet ,baptism is a perpetual  
ordinance1 as being grafted upon a      
system which is grace and truth4        
,elsewhere1 he parallels1 while he      
contrasts1 the cup of the ,lord and the 
cup of devils1 in this respect1 that to 
partake of either is to hold communion  
with the source from which it comes2 and
 he adds presently1 that we have been   
all made to drink into one spirit4 ,so  
again he says1 no one is justified by   
the works of the old ,law2 while both he
 implies1 and ,st4 ,james declares1 that

 ,christians are justified by works of  
the ,new ,law4 ,again he contrasts the  
exercises of the intellect as exhibited 
by heathen and ,christian4 ,howbeit1 he 
says1 after condemning heathen wisdom1  
we speak wisdom among them that are     
perfect1 yet not the wisdom of this     
world2 and it is plain that nowhere need
 we look for more glowing eloquence1    
more distinct profession of reasoning1  
more careful assertion of doctrine1 than
 is to be found in the ,apostle's       
writings4   #b4  ,in like manner when   
the ,jewish exorcists attempted to call 
over them which had evil spirits the    
,name of the ,lord ,jesus1 the evil     
spirit professed not to know them1 and  
inflicted on them a bodily injury2 on   
the other hand1 the occasion of this    
attempt of theirs was a stupendous      
instance or type1 in the person of ,st4 
,paul1 of the very principle ,i am      
illustrating4 ,god wrought special      
miracles by the hands of ,paul1 so that 
from his body were brought unto the sick

 handkerchiefs and aprons1 and the      
diseases departed from them1 and the    
evil spirits went out of them4 ,the     
grace given him was communicable1       
diffusive2 an influence passing from him
 to others1 and making what it touched  
spiritual1 as enthusiasm may be or      
tastes or panics4  ,parallel instances  
occur of the operation of this principle
 in the history of the ,church1 from the
 time that the ,apostles were taken from
 it4 ,st4 ,paul denounces distinctions  
in meat and drink1 the observance of    
,sabbaths and holydays1 and of          
ordinances1 and the worship of ,angels2 
yet ,christians1 from the first1 were   
rigid in their stated fastings1         
venerated1 as ,st4 ,justin tells us1 the
 ,angelic intelligences1#cfi3a and      
established the observance of the       
,lord's day as soon as persecution      
ceased4   #c4  ,in like manner ,celsus  
objects that ,christians did not endure 
the sight of temples1 altars1 and       
statues2 ,porphyry1 that they blame the 

rites of worship1 victims1 and          
frankincense2 the heathen disputant in  
,minucius asks1 ,why have ,christians no
 altars1 no temples1 no conspicuous     
images8 and no sacrifices2 and yet it is
 plain from ,tertullian that ,christians
 had altars of their own1 and sacrifices
 and priests4 ,and that they had        
churches is again and again proved by   
,eusebius who had seen the houses of    
prayer levelled in the ,dioclesian      
persecution2 from the history too of    
,st4 ,gregory ,thaumaturgus1 nay from   
,clement4#cgj3a ,again1 ,st4 ,justin and
 ,minucius speak of the form of the     
,cross in terms of reverence1 quite     
inconsistent with the doctrine that     
external emblems of religion may not be 
venerated4 ,tertullian speaks of        
,christians signing themselves with it  
whatever they set about1 whether they   
walk1 eat1 or lie down to sleep4 ,in    
,eusebius's life of ,constantine1 the   
figure of the ,cross holds a most       
conspicuous place2 the ,emperor sees it 

in the sky and is converted2 he places  
it upon his standards2 he inserts it    
into his own hand when he puts up his   
statue2 wherever the ,cross is displayed
 in his battles1 he conquers2 he        
appoints fifty men to carry it2 he      
engraves it on his soldiers' arms2 and  
,licinius dreads its power4 ,shortly    
after1 ,julian plainly accuses          
,christians of worshipping the wood of  
the ,cross1 though they refused to      
worship the ancile4 ,in a later age the 
worship of images was introduced4#cgj3b 
#d4  ,the principle of the distinction1 
by which these observances were pious in
 ,christianity and superstitious in     
paganism1 is implied in such passages of
 ,tertullian1 ,lactantius1 and others1  
as speak of evil spirits lurking under  
the pagan statues4 ,it is intimated also
 by ,origen1 who1 after saying that     
,scripture so strongly forbids temples1 
altars1 and images1 that ,christians are
 ready to go to death1 if necessary1    
rather than pollute their notion of the 

,god of all by any such transgression1  
assigns as a reason that1 as far as     
possible1 they might not fall into the  
notion that images were gods4 ,st4      
,augustine1 in replying to ,porphyry1 is
 more express2 ,those1 he says1 who are 
acquainted with ,old and ,new ,testament
 do not blame in the pagan religion the 
erection of temples or institution of   
priesthoods1 but that these are done to 
idols and devils4 4 4 ,true religion    
blames in their superstitions1 not so   
much their sacrificing1 for the ancient 
saints sacrificed to the ,true ,god1 as 
their sacrificing to false gods4#cga3a  
,to ,faustus the ,manichee he answers1  
,we have some things in common with the 
gentiles1 but our purpose is            
different4#cga3b ,and ,st4 ,jerome asks 
,vigilantius1 who made objections to    
lights and oil1 ,because we once        
worshipped idols1 is that a reason why  
we should not worship ,god1 for fear of 
seeming to address him with an honour   
like that which was paid to idols and   

then was detestable1 whereas this is    
paid to ,martyrs and therefore to be    
received8#cga3c   #e4  ,confiding then  
in the power of ,christianity to resist 
the infection of evil1 and to transmute 
the very instruments and appendages of  
demon-worship to an evangelical use1 and
 feeling also that these usages had     
originally come from primitive          
revelations and from the instinct of    
nature1 though they had been corrupted2 
and that they must invent what they     
needed1 if they did not use what they   
found2 and that they were moreover      
possessed of the very archetypes1 of    
which paganism attempted the shadows2   
the rulers of the ,church from early    
times were prepared1 should the occasion
 arise1 to adopt1 or imitate1 or        
sanction the existing rites and customs 
of the populace1 as well as the         
philosophy of the educated class4  ,st4 
,gregory ,thaumaturgus supplies the     
first instance on record of this        
economy4 ,he was the ,apostle of        

,pontus1 and one of his methods for     
governing an untoward population is thus
 related by ,st4 ,gregory of ,nyssa4 ,on
 returning1 he says1 to the city1 after 
revisiting the country round about1 he  
increased the devotion of the people    
everywhere by instituting festive       
meetings in honour of those who had     
fought for the faith4 ,the bodies of the
 ,martyrs were distributed in different 
places1 and the people assembled and    
made merry1 as the year came round1     
holding festival in their honour4 ,this 
indeed was a proof of his great wisdom 4
 4 4 for1 perceiving that the childish  
and untrained populace were retained in 
their idolatrous error by creature      
comforts1 in order that what was of     
first importance should at any rate be  
secured to them1 viz4 that they should  
look to ,god in place of their vain     
rites1 he allowed them to be merry1     
jovial1 and gay at the monuments of the 
holy ,martyrs1 as if their behaviour    
would in time undergo a spontaneous     

change into greater seriousness and     
strictness1 since faith would lead them 
to it2 which has actually been the happy
 issue in that population1 all carnal   
gratification having turned into a      
spiritual form of rejoicing4#cgb3a      
,there is no reason to suppose that the 
licence here spoken of passed the limits
 of harmless though rude festivity2 for 
it is observable that the same reason1  
the need of holydays for the multitude1 
is assigned by ,origen1 ,st4 ,gregory's 
master1 to explain the establishment of 
the ,lord's ,day also1 and the ,paschal 
and the ,pentecostal festivals1 which   
have never been viewed as unlawful      
compliances2 and1 moreover1 the people  
were in fact eventually reclaimed from  
their gross habits by his indulgent     
policy1 a successful issue which could  
not have followed an accommodation to   
what was sinful4   #f4  ,the example set
 by ,st4 ,gregory in an age of          
persecution was impetuously followed    
when a time of peace succeeded4 ,in the 

course of the fourth century two        
movements or developments spread over   
the face of ,christendom1 with a        
rapidity characteristic of the ,church2 
the one ascetic1 the other ritual or    
ceremonial4 ,we are told in various ways
 by ,eusebius1#cgc3a that ,constantine1 
in order to recommend the new religion  
to the heathen1 transferred into it the 
outward ornaments to which they had been
 accustomed in their own4 ,it is not    
necessary to go into a subject which the
 diligence of ,protestant writers has   
made familiar to most of us4 ,the use of
 temples1 and these dedicated to        
particular saints1 and ornamented on    
occasions with branches of trees2       
incense1 lamps1 and candles2 votive     
offerings on recovery from illness2 holy
 water2 asylums2 holydays and seasons1  
use of calendars1 processions1 blessings
 on the fields2 sacerdotal vestments1   
the tonsure1 the ring in marriage1      
turning to the ,east1 images at a later 
date1 perhaps the ecclesiastical chant1 

and the ,kyrie ,eleison1#cgc3b are all  
of pagan origin1 and sanctified by their
 adoption into the ,church4   #g4  ,the 
eighth book of ,theodoret's work        
,adversus ,gentiles1 which is ,on the   
,martyrs1 treats so largely on the      
subject1 that we must content ourselves 
with only a specimen of the             
illustrations which it affords1 of the  
principle acted on by ,st4 ,gregory     
,thaumaturgus4 ,time1 which makes all   
things decay1 he says1 speaking of the  
,martyrs1 has preserved their glory     
incorruptible4 ,for as the noble souls  
of those conquerors traverse the        
heavens1 and take part in the spiritual 
choirs1 so their bodies are not         
consigned to separate tombs1 but cities 
and towns divide them among them2 and   
call them saviours of souls and bodies1 
and physicians1 and honour them as the  
protectors and guardians of cities1 and1
 using their intervention with the ,lord
 of all1 obtain through them divine     
gifts4 ,and though each body be divided1

 the grace remains indivisible2 and that
 small1 that tiny particle is equal in  
power with the ,martyr that hath never  
been dispersed about4 ,for the grace    
which is ever blossoming distributes the
 gifts1 measuring the bounty according  
to the faith of those who come for it4  
,yet not even this persuades you to     
celebrate their ,god1 but ye laugh and  
mock at the honour which is paid them by
 all1 and consider it a pollution to    
approach their tombs4 ,but though all   
men made a jest of them1 yet at least   
the ,greeks could not decently complain1
 to whom belonged libations and         
expiations1 and heroes and demi-gods and
 deified men4 ,to ,hercules1 though a   
man 4 4 4 and compelled to serve        
,eurystheus1 they built temples1 and    
constructed altars1 and offered         
sacrifices in honour1 and allotted      
feasts2 and that1 not ,spartans only and
 ,athenians1 but the whole of ,greece   
and the greater part of ,europe4   #h4  
,then1 after going through the history  

of many heathen deities1 and referring  
to the doctrine of the philosophers     
about great men1 and to the monuments of
 kings and emperors1 all of which at    
once are witnesses and are inferior1 to 
the greatness of the ,martyrs1 he       
continues3 ,to their shrines we come1   
not once or twice a year or five times1 
but often do we hold celebrations2      
often1 nay daily1 do we present hymns to
 their ,lord4 ,and the sound in health  
ask for its preservation1 and those who 
struggle with any disease for a release 
from their sufferings2 the childless for
 children1 the barren to become mothers1
 and those who enjoy the blessing for   
its safe keeping4 ,those too who are    
setting out for a foreign land beg that 
the ,martyrs may be their               
fellow-travellers and guides of the     
journey2 those who have come safe back  
acknowledge the grace1 not coming to    
them as to gods1 but beseeching them as 
divine men1 and asking their            
intercession4 ,and that they obtain what

 they ask in faith1 their dedications   
openly witness1 in token of their cure4 
,for some bring likenesses of eyes1     
others of feet1 others of hands2 some of
 gold1 others of silver2 and their ,lord
 accepts even the small and cheap1      
measuring the gift by the offerer's     
ability4 4 4 4 4 ,philosophers and      
,orators are consigned to oblivion1 and 
kings and captains are not known even by
 name to the many2 but the names of the 
,martyrs are better known to all than   
the names of those dearest to them4 ,and
 they make a point of giving them to    
their children1 with a view of gaining  
for them thereby safety and protection4 
4 4 4 ,nay1 of the so-called gods1 so   
utterly have the sacred places been     
destroyed1 that not even their outline  
remains1 nor the shape of their altars  
is known to men of this generation1     
while their materials have been         
dedicated to the shrines of the         
,martyrs4 ,for the ,lord has introduced 
,his own dead in place of your gods2 of 

the one ,he hath made a riddance1 on the
 other ,he hath conferred their honours4
 ,for the ,pandian festival1 the        
,diasia1 and the ,dionysia1 and your    
other such1 we have the feasts of       
,peter1 of ,paul1 of ,thomas1 of        
,sergius1 of ,marcellus1 of ,leontius1  
of ,pantelemon1 of ,antony1 of ,maurice1
 and of the other ,martyrs2 and for that
 old-world procession1 and indecency of 
work and word1 are held modest          
festivities1 without intemperance1 or   
revel1 or laughter1 but with divine     
hymns1 and attendance on holy discourses
 and prayers1 adorned with laudable     
tears4 ,this was the view of the        
,evidences of ,christianity which a     
,bishop of the fifth century offered for
 the conversion of unbelievers4   #i4   
,the introduction of ,images was still  
later1 and met with more opposition in  
the ,west than in the ,east4 ,it is     
grounded on the same great principle    
which ,i am illustrating2 and as ,i have
 given extracts from ,theodoret for the 

developments of the fourth and fifth    
centuries1 so will ,i now cite ,st4     
,john ,damascene in defence of the      
further developments of the eighth4  ,as
 to the passages you adduce1 he says to 
his opponents1 they abominate not the   
worship paid to our ,images1 but that of
 the ,greeks1 who made them gods4 ,it   
needs not therefore1 because of the     
absurd use of the ,greeks1 to abolish   
our use which is so pious4 ,enchanters  
and wizards use adjurations1 so does the
 ,church over its ,catechumens2 but they
 invoke devils1 and she invokes ,god    
against devils4 ,greeks dedicate images 
to devils1 and call them gods2 but we to
 ,true ,god ,incarnate1 and to ,god's   
servants and friends1 who drive away the
 troops of devils4#cgf3a ,again1 ,as the
 holy ,fathers overthrew the temples and
 shrines of the devils1 and raised in   
their places shrines in the names of    
,saints and we worship them1 so also    
they overthrew the images of the devils1
 and in their stead raised images of    

,christ1 and ,god's ,mother1 and the    
,saints4 ,and under the ,old ,covenant1 
,israel neither raised temples in the   
name of men1 nor was memory of man made 
a festival2 for1 as yet1 man's nature   
was under a curse1 and death was        
condemnation1 and therefore was         
lamented1 and a corpse was reckoned     
unclean and he who touched it2 but now  
that the ,godhead has been combined with
 our nature1 as some life-giving and    
saving medicine1 our nature has been    
glorified and is trans-elemented into   
incorruption4 ,wherefore the death of   
,saints is made a feast1 and temples are
 raised to them1 and ,images are        
painted4 4 4 ,for the ,image is a       
triumph1 and a manifestation1 and a     
monument in memory of the victory of    
those who have done nobly and excelled1 
and of the shame of the devils defeated 
and overthrown4 ,once more1 ,if because 
of the ,law thou dost forbid ,images1   
you will soon have to sabbatize and be  
circumcised1 for these ordinances the   

,law commands as indispensable2 nay1 to 
observe the whole law1 and not to keep  
the festival of the ,lord's ,pascha out 
of ,jerusalem3 but know that if you keep
 the ,law1 ,christ hath profited you    
nothing4 4 4 4 4 ,but away with this1   
for whoever of you are justified in the 
,law have fallen from grace4#cgg3a      
#aj4  ,it is quite consistent with the  
tenor of these remarks to observe1 or to
 allow1 that real superstitions have    
sometimes obtained in parts of          
,christendom from its intercourse with  
the heathen2 or have even been admitted1
 or all but admitted1 though commonly   
resisted strenuously1 by authorities in 
the ,church1 in consequence of the      
resemblance which exists between the    
heathen rites and certain portions of   
her ritual4 ,as philosophy has at times 
corrupted her divines1 so has paganism  
corrupted her worshippers2 and as the   
more intellectual have been involved in 
heresy1 so have the ignorant been       
corrupted by superstition4 ,thus ,st4   

,chrysostom is vehement against the     
superstitious usages which ,jews and    
,gentiles were introducing among        
,christians at ,antioch and             
,constantinople4 ,what shall we say1 he 
asks in one place1 about the amulets and
 bells which are hung upon the hands1   
and the scarlet woof1 and other things  
full of such extreme folly2 when they   
ought to invest the child with nothing  
else save the protection of the ,cross8 
,but now that is despised which hath    
converted the whole world1 and given the
 sore wound to the devil1 and overthrown
 all his power2 while the thread1 and   
the woof1 and the other amulets of that 
kind1 are entrusted with the child's    
safety4 ,after mentioning further       
superstitions1 he proceeds1 ,now that   
among ,greeks such things should be     
done1 is no wonder2 but among the       
worshippers of the ,cross1 and partakers
 in unspeakable mysteries1 and          
professors of such morality1 that such  
unseemliness should prevail1 this is    

especially to be deplored again and     
again4#cgh3a  ,and in like manner ,st4  
,augustine suppressed the feasts called 
,agap1 which had been allowed the       
,african ,christians on their first     
conversion4 ,it is time1 he says1 for   
men who dare not deny that they are     
,christians1 to begin to live according 
to the will of ,christ1 and1 now being  
,christians1 to reject what was only    
allowed that they might become          
,christians4 ,the people objected the   
example of the ,vatican ,church at      
,rome1 where such feasts were observed  
every day2 ,st4 ,augustine answered1 ,i 
have heard that it has been often       
prohibited1 but the place is far off    
from the ,bishop's abode 7the ,lateran71
 and in so large a city there is a      
multitude of carnal persons1 especially 
of strangers who resort daily           
thither4#cgh3b ,and in like manner it   
certainly is possible that the          
consciousness of the sanctifying power  
in ,christianity may have acted as a    

temptation to sins1 whether of deceit or
 of violence2 as if the habit or state  
of grace destroyed the sinfulness of    
certain acts1 or as if the end justified
 the means4   #aa4  ,it is but          
enunciating in other words the principle
 we are tracing1 to say that the ,church
 has been entrusted with the            
dispensation of grace4 ,for if she can  
convert heathen appointments into       
spiritual rites and usages1 what is this
 but to be in possession of a treasure1 
and to exercise a discretionary power in
 its application8 ,hence there has been 
from the first much variety and change1 
in the ,sacramental acts and instruments
 which she has used4 ,while the ,eastern
 and ,african ,churches baptized        
heretics on their reconciliation1 the   
,church of ,rome1 as the ,catholic      
,church since1 maintained that          
imposition of hands was sufficient1 if  
their prior baptism had been formally   
correct4 ,the ceremony of imposition of 
hands was used on various occasions with

 a distinct meaning2 at the rite of     
,catechumens1 on admitting heretics1 in 
,confirmation1 in ,ordination1 in       
,benediction4 ,baptism was sometimes    
administered by immersion1 sometimes by 
infusion4 ,infant ,baptism was not at   
first enforced as afterwards4 ,children 
or even infants were admitted to the    
,eucharist in the ,african ,church and  
the rest of the ,west1 as now in the    
,greek4 ,oil had various uses1 as for   
healing the sick1 or as in the rite of  
extreme unction4 ,indulgences in works  
or in periods of penance1 had a         
different meaning1 according to         
circumstances4 ,in like manner the ,sign
 of the ,cross was one of the earliest  
means of grace2 then holy seasons1 and  
holy places1 and pilgrimage to them2    
holy water2 prescribed prayers1 or other
 observances2 garments1 as the scapular1
 and sacred vestments2 the rosary2 the  
crucifix4 ,and for some wise purpose    
doubtless1 such as that of showing the  
power of the ,church in the dispensation

 of divine grace1 as well as the        
perfection and spirituality of the      
,eucharistic ,presence1 the ,chalice is 
in the ,west withheld from all but the  
celebrant in the ,holy ,eucharist4      
#ab4  ,since it has been represented as 
if the power of assimilation1 spoken of 
in this ,chapter1 is in my meaning      
nothing more than a mere accretion of   
doctrines or rites from without1 ,i am  
led to quote the following passage in   
further illustration of it from my      
,essays1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bca3--       ,the 
phenomenon1 admitted on all hands1 is   
this3--,that great      portion of what 
is generally received as ,christian     
truth is1      in its rudiments or in   
its separate parts1 to be found in      
heathen philosophies and religions4 ,for
 instance1 the doctrine      of a       
,trinity is found both in the ,east and 
in the ,west2 so is      the ceremony of
 washing2 so is the rite of sacrifice4  
,the      doctrine of the ,divine ,word 
is ,platonic2 the doctrine of the       

,incarnation is ,indian2 of a divine    
kingdom is ,judaic2 of      ,angels and 
demons is ,magian2 the connexion of sin 
with the      body is ,gnostic2 celibacy
 is known to ,bonze and ,talapoin2 a    
sacerdotal order is ,egyptian2 the idea 
of a new birth is      ,chinese and     
,eleusinian2 belief in sacramental      
virtue is      ,pythagorean2 and honours
 to the dead are a polytheism4 ,such is 
the general nature of the fact before   
us2 ,mr4 ,milman argues      from       
it1--',these things are in heathenism1  
therefore they are      not ,christian3'
 we1 on the contrary1 prefer to say1    
'these      things are in ,christianity1
 therefore they are not heathen4'       
,that is1 we prefer to say1 and we think
 that ,scripture bears      us out in   
saying1 that from the beginning the     
,moral ,governor      of the world has  
scattered the seeds of truth far and    
wide      over its extent2 that these   
have variously taken root1 and          
grown up as in the wilderness1 wild     

plants indeed but living2      and hence
 that1 as the inferior animals have     
tokens of an      immaterial principle  
in them1 yet have not souls1 so the     
philosophies and religions of men have  
their life in certain      true ideas1  
though they are not directly divine4    
,what man is      amid the brute        
creation1 such is the ,church among the 
schools      of the world2 and as ,adam 
gave names to the animals about him1    
so has the ,church from the first looked
 round upon the earth1      noting and  
visiting the doctrines she found there4 
,she began      in ,chaldea1 and then   
sojourned among the ,canaanites1 and    
went      down into ,egypt1 and thence  
passed into ,arabia1 till she           
rested in her own land4 ,next she       
encountered the merchants of      ,tyre1
 and the wisdom of the ,east country1   
and the luxury of      ,sheba4 ,then she
 was carried away to ,babylon1 and      
wandered to      the schools of ,greece4
 ,and wherever she went1 in trouble or  

in      triumph1 still she was a living 
spirit1 the mind and voice of      the  
,most ,high2 'sitting in the midst of   
the doctors1 both      hearing them and 
asking them questions2' claiming to     
herself      what they said rightly1    
correcting their errors1 supplying      
their defects1 completing their         
beginnings1 expanding their             
surmises1 and thus gradually by means of
 them enlarging the      range and      
refining the sense of her own teaching4 
,so far then      from her creed being  
of doubtful credit because it resembles 
foreign theologies1 we even hold that   
one special way in which                
,providence has imparted divine         
knowledge to us has been by             
enabling her to draw and collect it     
together out of the world1      and1 in 
this sense1 as in others1 to 'suck the  
milk of the      ,gentiles and to suck  
the breast of kings4'       ,how far in 
fact this process has gone1 is a        
question of      history2 and we believe

 it has before now been grossly         
exaggerated and misrepresented by those 
who1 like ,mr4 ,milman1      have       
thought that its existence told against 
,catholic      doctrine2 but so little  
antecedent difficulty have we in the    
matter1 that we could readily grant1    
unless it were a question      of fact  
not of theory1 that ,balaam was an      
,eastern sage1 or a      ,sibyl was     
inspired1 or ,solomon learnt of the sons
 of ,mahol1 or      ,moses was a scholar
 of the ,egyptian hierophants4 ,we are  
not      distressed to be told that the 
doctrine of the angelic host      came  
from ,babylon1 while we know that they  
did sing at the      ,nativity2 nor that
 the vision of a ,mediator is in ,philo1
 if in      very deed ,he died for us on
 ,calvary4 ,nor are we afraid to        
allow1 that1 even after ,his coming1 the
 ,church has been a      treasure-house1
 giving forth things old and new1       
casting the      gold of fresh          
tributaries into her refiner's fire1 or 

stamping      upon her own1 as time     
required it1 a deeper impress of her    
,master's image4       ,the distinction 
between these two theories is broad and 
obvious4 ,the advocates of the one imply
 that ,revelation was a      single1    
entire1 solitary act1 or nearly so1     
introducing a      certain message2     
whereas we1 who maintain the other1     
consider      that ,divine teaching has 
been in fact1 what the analogy of       
nature would lead us to expect1 'at     
sundry times and in divers              
manners1' various1 complex1 progressive1
 and supplemental of      itself4 ,we   
consider the ,christian doctrine1 when  
analyzed1 to      appear1 like the human
 frame1 'fearfully and wonderfully      
made2' but they think it some one tenet 
or certain principles      given out at 
one time in their fulness1 without      
gradual      enlargement before         
,christ's coming or elucidation         
afterwards4      ,they cast off all that
 they also find in ,pharisee or heathen2

      we conceive that the ,church1 like
 ,aaron's rod1 devours the      serpents
 of the magicians4 ,they are ever       
hunting for a      fabulous primitive   
simplicity2 we repose in ,catholic      
fulness4      ,they seek what never has 
been found2 we accept and use what      
even they acknowledge to be a substance4
 ,they are driven to      maintain1 on  
their part1 that the ,church's doctrine 
was never      pure2 we say that it can 
never be corrupt4 ,we consider that a   
divine promise keeps the ,church        
,catholic from doctrinal                
corruption2 but on what promise1 or on  
what encouragement1      they are       
seeking for their visionary purity does 
not appear4   ,,footnotes3  #cei3a      
,justin1 ,apol4 ii4 #aj1 ,tryph4 #aba4  
#cfj3a ,europ4 ,civ4 p4 #ef1 tr4  #cfj3b
 p4 #eh4  #cfc3a ,de ,virg4 ,vol4 #a4   
#cfd3a ,hist4 t4 #c1 p4 #cab4  #cfd3b   
,mem4 ,eccl4 t4 #f1 p4 #hc4  #cff3a     
,galland4 t4 #c1 p4 #fgc1 note #c4      
#cff3b ,vid4 ,preface to ,oxford        

,transl4 of ,tertullian1 where the      
character of his mind is admirably drawn
 out4  #cfi3a ,infra1 pp4 #daa-dae1 c4  
#cgj3a ,orig4 c4 ,cels4 vii4 #fc1 viii4 
#ag 7vid4 not4 ,bened4 in loc471        
,august4 ,ep4 #ajb1 #af2 ,minuc4 ,f4    
#aj1 and #cb2 ,tertull4 de ,orat4 fin4  
ad ,uxor4 i4 fin4 ,euseb4 ,hist4 viii4  
#b2 ,clem4 ,strom4 vii4 #f1 p4 #hdf4    
#cgj3b ,tertull4 de ,cor4 #c2 ,just4    
,apol4 i4 #fe2 ,minuc4 ,f4 #bj2 ,julian 
ap4 ,cyr4 vi4 p4 #aid1 ,spanh4  #cga3a  
,epp4 #ajb1 #ah4  #cga3b ,contr4 ,faust4
 #bj1 #bc4  #cga3c ,lact4 ii4 #ae1 #af2 
,tertull4 ,spect4 #ab2 ,origen1 c4      
,cels4 vii4 #fd-ff1 ,august4 ,ep4 #ajb1 
#ah2 ,contr4 ,faust4 xx4 #bc2 ,hieron4  
c4 ,vigil4 #h4  #cgb3a ,vit4 ,thaum4 p4 
#ajjf4  #cgc3a ,v4 ,const4 iii4 #a1 iv4 
#bc1 c4  #cgc3b ,according to ,dr4 ,e4  
,d4 ,clarke1 ,travels1 vol4 i4 p4 #ceb4 
#cgf3a ,de ,imag4 i4 #bd4  #cgg3a ,ibid4
 ii4 #aa4 #ad4  #cgh3a ,hom4 xii4 in    
,cor4 #a1 ,oxf4 ,tr4  #cgh3b ,fleury1   
,hist4 xx4 #aa1 ,oxf4 ,tr4     ,,chapter

 ,,ix4  ,,application ,,of ,,the        
,,fourth ,,note ,,of ,a ,,true          
,,development4   ,,logical ,,sequence4  
,logical ,sequence has been set down    
above as a fourth test of fidelity in   
development1 and shall now be briefly   
illustrated in the history of ,christian
 doctrine4 ,that is1 ,i mean to give    
instances of one doctrine leading to    
another2 so that1 if the former be      
admitted1 the latter can hardly be      
denied1 and the latter can hardly be    
called a corruption without taking      
exception to the former4 ,and ,i use    
logical sequence in contrast both to    
that process of incorporation and       
assimilation which was last under       
review1 and also to that principle of   
science1 which has put into order and   
defended the developments after they    
have been made4 ,accordingly it will    
include any progress of the mind from   
one judgment to another1 as1 for        
instance1 by way of moral fitness1 which
 may not admit of analysis into premiss 

and conclusion4 ,thus ,st4 ,peter argued
 in the case of ,cornelius and his      
friends1 ,can any man forbid water that 
these should not be baptized1 which have
 received the ,holy ,ghost as well as   
we8  ,such is the series of doctrinal   
truths1 which start from the dogma of   
our ,lord's ,divinity1 and again from   
such texts of ,scripture as ,thou art   
,peter1 and which ,i should have        
introduced here1 had ,i not already used
 them for a previous purpose in the     
,fourth ,chapter4 ,i shall confine      
myself then for an example to the       
instance of the developments which      
follow on the consideration of sin after
 ,baptism1 a subject which was touched  
upon in the same ,chapter4    #a4       
,pardons4  ,it is not necessary here to 
enlarge on the benefits which the       
primitive ,church held to be conveyed to
 the soul by means of the ,sacrament of 
,baptism4 ,its distinguishing gift1     
which is in point to mention1 was the   
plenary forgiveness of sins past4 ,it   

was also held that the ,sacrament could 
not be repeated4 ,the question          
immediately followed1 how1 since there  
was but one ,baptism for the remission  
of sins1 the guilt of such sin was to be
 removed as was incurred after its      
administration4 ,there must be some     
provision in the revealed system for so 
obvious a need4 ,what could be done for 
those who had received the one remission
 of sins1 and had sinned since8 ,some   
who thought upon the subject appear to  
have conceived that the ,church was     
empowered to grant one1 and one only1   
reconciliation after grievous offences4 
,three sins seemed to many1 at least in 
the ,west1 to be irremissible1 idolatry1
 murder1 and adultery4 ,but such a      
system of ,church discipline1 however   
suited to a small community1 and even   
expedient in a time of persecution1     
could not exist in ,christianity1 as it 
spread into the orbis terrarum1 and     
gathered like a net of every kind4 ,a   
more indulgent rule gradually gained    

ground2 yet the ,spanish ,church adhered
 to the ancient even in the fourth      
century1 and a portion of the ,african  
in the third1 and in the remaining      
portion there was a relaxation only as  
regards the crime of incontinence4   #b4
  ,meanwhile a protest was made against 
the growing innovation3 at the beginning
 of the third century ,montanus1 who was
 a zealot for the more primitive rule1  
shrank from the laxity1 as he considered
 it1 of the ,asian ,churches2#che3a as1 
in a different subject-matter1 ,jovinian
 and ,vigilantius were offended at the  
developments in divine worship in the   
century which followed4 ,the ,montanists
 had recourse to the ,see of ,rome1 and 
at first with some appearance of        
success4 ,again1 in ,africa1 where there
 had been in the first instance a schism
 headed by ,felicissimus in favour of a 
milder discipline than ,st4 ,cyprian    
approved1 a far more formidable stand   
was soon made in favour of ,antiquity1  
headed by ,novatus1 who originally had  

been of the party of ,felicissimus4     
,this was taken up at ,rome by          
,novatian1 who professed to adhere to   
the original1 or at least the primitive 
rule of the ,church1 viz4 that those who
 had once fallen from the faith could in
 no case be received again4#che3b ,the  
controversy seems to have found the     
following issue1--whether the ,church   
had the means of pardoning sins         
committed after ,baptism1 which the     
,novatians1 at least practically1       
denied4 ,it is fitting1 says the        
,novatian ,acesius1 to exhort those who 
have sinned after ,baptism to           
repentance1 but to expect hope of       
remission1 not from the priests1 but    
from ,god1 who hath power to forgive    
sins4#che3c ,the schism spread into the 
,east1 and led to the appointment of a  
penitentiary priest in the ,catholic    
,churches4 ,by the end of the third     
century as many as four degrees of      
penance were appointed1 through which   
offenders had to pass in order to a     

reconciliation4    #b4 ,penances4  ,the 
length and severity of the penance      
varied with times and places4           
,sometimes1 as we have seen1 it lasted1 
in the case of grave offences1 through  
life and on to death1 without any       
reconciliation2 at other times it ended 
only in the viaticum2 and if1 after     
reconciliation they did not die1 their  
ordinary penance was still binding on   
them either for life or for a certain   
time4 ,in other cases it lasted ten1    
fifteen1 or twenty years4 ,but in all   
cases1 from the first1 the ,bishop had  
the power of shortening it1 and of      
altering the nature and quality of the  
punishment4 ,thus in the instance of the
 ,emperor ,theodosius1 whom ,st4        
,ambrose shut out from communion for the
 massacre at ,thessalonica1 according to
 the mildest rules of ecclesiastical    
discipline1 which were established in   
the fourth century1 says ,gibbon1 the   
crime of homicide was expiated by the   
penitence of twenty years2 and as it was

 impossible1 in the period of human     
life1 to purge the accumulated guilt of 
the massacre 4 4 4 the murderer should  
have been excluded from the holy        
communion till the hour of his death4   
,he goes on to say that the public      
edification which resulted from the     
humiliation of so illustrious a penitent
 was a reason for abridging the         
punishment4 ,it was sufficient that the 
,emperor of the ,romans1 stripped of the
 ensigns of royalty1 should appear in a 
mournful and suppliant posture1 and     
that1 in the midst of the ,church of    
,milan1 he should humbly solicit with   
sighs and tears the pardon of his sins4 
,his penance was shortened to an        
interval of about eight months4 ,hence  
arose the phrase of a poenitentia       
legitima1 plena1 et justa2 which        
signifies a penance sufficient1 perhaps 
in length of time1 perhaps in intensity 
of punishment4    #c4 ,satisfactions4   
,here a serious question presented      
itself to the minds of ,christians1     

which was now to be wrought out3--,were 
these punishments merely signs of       
contrition1 or in any sense             
satisfactions for sin8 ,if the former1  
they might be absolutely remitted at the
 discretion of the ,church1 as soon as  
true repentance was discovered2 the end 
had then been attained1 and nothing more
 was necessary4 ,thus ,st4 ,chrysostom  
says in one of his ,homilies1#chg3a ,i  
require not continuance of time1 but the
 correction of the soul4 ,show your     
contrition1 show your reformation1 and  
all is done4 ,yet1 though there might be
 a reason of the moment for shortening  
the penance imposed by the ,church1 this
 does not at all decide the question    
whether that ecclesiastical penance be  
not part of an expiation made to the    
,almighty ,judge for the sin2 and       
supposing this really to be the case1   
the question follows1 ,how is the       
complement of that satisfaction to be   
wrought out1 which on just grounds of   
present expedience has been suspended by

 the ,church now8  ,as to this question1
 it cannot be doubted that the ,fathers 
considered penance as not a mere        
expression of contrition1 but as an act 
done directly towards ,god and a means  
of averting ,his anger4 ,if the sinner  
spare not himself1 he will be spared by 
,god1 says the writer who goes under the
 name of ,st4 ,ambrose4 ,let him lie in 
sackcloth1 and by the austerity of his  
life make amends for the offence of his 
past pleasures1 says ,st4 ,jerome4 ,as  
we have sinned greatly1 says ,st4       
,cyprian1 let us weep greatly2 for a    
deep wound diligent and long tending    
must not be wanting1 the repentance must
 not fall short of the offence4 ,take   
heed to thyself1 says ,st4 ,basil1 that1
 in proportion to the fault1 thou admit 
also the restoration from the           
remedy4#chg3b ,if so1 the question      
follows which was above                 
contemplated1--if in consequence of     
death1 or in the exercise of the        
,church's discretion1 the plena         

poenitentia is not accomplished in its  
ecclesiastical shape1 how and when will 
the residue be exacted8    #d4          
,purgatory4  ,clement of ,alexandria    
answers this particular question very   
distinctly1 according to ,bishop ,kaye1 
though not in some other points         
expressing himself conformably to the   
doctrine afterwards received4 ,clement1 
says that author1 distinguishes between 
sins committed before and after baptism3
 the former are remitted at baptism2 the
 latter are purged by discipline4 4 4 4 
,the necessity of this purifying        
discipline is such1 that if it does not 
take place in this life1 it must after  
death1 and is then to be effected by    
fire1 not by a destructive1 but a       
discriminating fire1 pervading the soul 
which passes through it4#chh3a  ,there  
is a celebrated passage in ,st4         
,cyprian1 on the subject of the         
punishment of lapsed ,christians1 which 
certainly seems to express the same     
doctrine4 ,st4 ,cyprian is arguing in   

favour of readmitting the lapsed1 when  
penitent2 and his argument seems to be  
that it does not follow that we absolve 
them simply because we simply restore   
them to the ,church4 ,he writes thus to 
,antonian3 ',it is one thing to stand   
for pardon1 another to arrive at glory2 
one to be sent to prison 7missum in     
carcerem7 and not to go out till the    
last farthing be paid1 another to       
receive at once the reward of faith and 
virtue2 one thing to be tormented for   
sin in long pain1 and so to be cleansed 
and purged a long while by fire 7purgari
 diu igne71 another to be washed from   
all sin in martyrdom2 one thing1 in     
short1 to wait for the ,lord's sentence 
in the ,day of ,judgment1 another at    
once to be crowned by ,him4' ,some      
understand this passage to refer to the 
penitential discipline of the ,church   
which was imposed on the penitent2 and1 
as far as the context goes1 certainly no
 sense could be more apposite4 ,yet 4 4 
4 the words in themselves seem to go    

beyond any mere ecclesiastical1 though  
virtually divine censure2 especially    
'missum in carcerem' and 'purgari diu   
igne4'#chi3a   #b4  ,the ,acts of the   
,martyrs ,st4 ,perpetua and ,st4        
,felicitas1 which are prior to ,st4     
,cyprian1 confirm this interpretation4  
,in the course of the narrative1 ,st4   
,perpetua prays for her brother         
,dinocrates1 who had died at the age of 
seven2 and has a vision of a dark place1
 and next of a pool of water1 which he  
was not tall enough to reach4 ,she goes 
on praying2 and in a second vision the  
water descended to him1 and he was able 
to drink1 and went to play as children  
use4 ,then ,i knew1 she says1 that he   
was translated from his place of        
punishment4#chi3b  ,the prayers in the  
,eucharistic ,service for the faithful  
departed1 inculcate1 at least according 
to the belief of the fourth century1 the
 same doctrine1 that the sins of        
accepted and elect souls1 which were not
 expiated here1 would receive punishment

 hereafter4 ,certainly such was ,st4    
,cyril's belief3 ,i know that many say1 
he observes1 what is a soul profited1   
which departs from this world either    
with sins or without sins1 if it be     
commemorated in the ,eucharistic        
,prayer8 ,now1 surely1 if when a king   
had banished certain who had given him  
offence1 their connexions should weave a
 crown and offer it to him on behalf of 
those under his vengeance1 would he not 
grant a respite to their punishments8   
,in the same way we1 when we offer to   
,him our supplications for those who    
have fallen asleep1 though they be      
sinners1 weave no crown1 but offer up   
,christ1 sacrificed for our sins1       
propitiating our merciful ,god1 both for
 them and for ourselves4#cij3a   #c4    
,thus we see how1 as time went on1 the  
doctrine of ,purgatory was brought home 
to the minds of the faithful as a       
portion or form of ,penance due for     
post-baptismal sin4 ,and thus the       
apprehension of this doctrine and the   

practice of ,infant ,baptism would grow 
into general reception together4        
,cardinal ,fisher gives another reason  
for ,purgatory being then developed out 
of earlier points of faith4 ,he says1   
,faith1 whether in ,purgatory or in     
,indulgences1 was not so necessary in   
the ,primitive ,church as now4 ,for then
 love so burned1 that every one was     
ready to meet death for ,christ4 ,crimes
 were rare1 and such as occurred were   
avenged by the great severity of the    
,canons4#cij3b   #d4  ,an author1 who   
quotes this passage1 analyzes the       
circumstances and the reflections which 
prepared the ,christian mind for the    
doctrine1 when it was first insisted on1
 and his remarks with a few corrections 
may be accepted here4 ,most men1 he     
says1 to our apprehensions1 are too     
little formed in religious habits either
 for heaven or for hell1 yet there is no
 middle state when ,christ comes in     
judgment4 ,in consequence it is obvious 
to have recourse to the interval before 

,his coming1 as a time during which this
 incompleteness may be remedied2 as a   
season1 not of changing the spiritual   
bent and character of the soul departed1
 whatever that be1 for probation ends   
with mortal life1 but of developing it  
in a more determinate form1 whether of  
good or of evil4 ,again1 when the mind  
once allows itself to speculate1 it will
 discern in such a provision a means1   
whereby those1 who1 not without true    
faith at bottom1 yet have committed     
great crimes1 or those who have been    
carried off in youth while still        
undecided1 or who die after a barren    
though not an immoral or scandalous     
life1 may receive such chastisement as  
may prepare them for heaven1 and render 
it consistent with ,god's justice to    
admit them thither4 ,again1 the         
inequality of the sufferings of         
,christians in this life1 compared one  
with another1 leads the mind to the same
 speculations2 the intense suffering1   
for instance1 which some men undergo on 

their death-bed1 seeming as if but an   
anticipation in their case of what comes
 after death upon others1 who1 without  
greater claim on ,god's forbearance1    
live without chastisement1 and die      
easily4 ,the mind will inevitably dwell 
upon such thoughts1 unless it has been  
taught to subdue them by education or by
 the fear or the experience of their    
dangerousness4   #e4  ,various          
suppositions have1 accordingly1 been    
made1 as pure suppositions1 as mere     
specimens of the capabilities 7if one   
may so speak7 of the ,divine            
,dispensation1 as efforts of the mind   
reaching forward and venturing beyond   
its depth into the abyss of the ,divine 
,counsels4 ,if one supposition could be 
hazarded1 sufficient to solve the       
problem1 the existence of ten thousand  
others is conceivable1 unless indeed the
 resources of ,god's ,providence are    
exactly commensurate with man's         
discernment of them4 ,religious men1    
amid these searchings of heart1 have    

naturally gone to ,scripture for relief2
 to see if the inspired word anywhere   
gave them any clue for their inquiries4 
,and from what was there found1 and from
 the speculations of reason upon it1    
various notions have been hazarded at   
different times2 for instance1 that     
there is a certain momentary ordeal to  
be undergone by all men after this life1
 more or less severe according to their 
spiritual state2 or that certain gross  
sins in good men will be thus visited1  
or their lighter failings and habitual  
imperfections2 or that the very sight of
 ,divine ,perfection in the invisible   
world will be in itself a pain1 while it
 constitutes the purification of the    
imperfect but believing soul2 or that1  
happiness admitting of various degrees  
of intensity1 penitents late in life may
 sink for ever into a state1 blissful as
 far as it goes1 but more or less       
approaching to unconsciousness2 and     
infants dying after baptism may be as   
gems paving the courts of heaven1 or as 

the living wheels of the ,prophet's     
vision2 while matured ,saints may excel 
in capacity of bliss1 as well as in     
dignity1 the highest ,archangels4   #f4 
,now1 as to the punishments and         
satisfactions for sin1 the texts to     
which the minds of the early ,christians
 seem to have been principally drawn1   
and from which they ventured to argue in
 behalf of these vague notions1 were    
these two3 ',the fire shall try every   
man's work1' c41 and ',he shall baptize 
you with the ,holy ,ghost and with      
fire4' ,these passages1 with which many 
more were found to accord1 directed     
their thoughts one way1 as making       
mention of 'fire1' whatever was meant by
 the word1 as the instrument of trial   
and purification2 and that1 at some time
 between the present time and the       
,judgment1 or at the ,judgment4  ,as the
 doctrine1 thus suggested by certain    
striking texts1 grew in popularity and  
definiteness1 and verged towards its    
present ,roman form1 it seemed a key to 

many others4 ,great portions of the     
books of ,psalms1 ,job1 and the         
,lamentations1 which express the        
feelings of religious men under         
suffering1 would powerfully recommend it
 by the forcible and most affecting and 
awful meaning which they received from  
it4 ,when this was once suggested1 all  
other meanings would seem tame and      
inadequate4  ,to these may be added     
various passages from the ,prophets1 as 
that in the beginning of the third      
chapter of ,malachi1 which speaks of    
fire as the instrument of judgment and  
purification1 when ,christ comes to     
visit ,his ,church4  ,moreover1 there   
were other texts of obscure and         
indeterminate bearing1 which seemed on  
this hypothesis to receive a profitable 
meaning2 such as our ,lord's words in   
the ,sermon on the ,mount1 ',verily1 ,i 
say unto thee1 thou shalt by no means   
come out thence till thou hast paid the 
uttermost farthing2' and ,st4 ,john's   
expression in the ,apocalypse1 that 'no 

man in heaven1 nor in earth1 neither    
under the earth1 was able to open the   
book4'#cic3a   #g4  ,when then an answer
 had to be made to the question1 how is 
post-baptismal sin to be remitted1 there
 was an abundance of passages in        
,scripture to make easy to the faith of 
the inquirer the definitive decision of 
the ,church4    #e4 ,meritorious ,works4
  ,the doctrine of post-baptismal sin1  
especially when realized in the doctrine
 of ,purgatory1 leads the inquirer to   
fresh developments beyond itself4 ,its  
effect is to convert a ,scripture       
statement1 which might seem only of     
temporary application1 into a universal 
and perpetual truth4 ,when ,st4 ,paul   
and ,st4 ,barnabas would confirm the    
souls of the disciples1 they taught them
 that we must through much tribulation  
enter into the kingdom of ,god4 ,it is  
obvious what very practical results     
would follow on such an announcement1 in
 the instance of those who simply       
accepted the ,apostolic decision2 and in

 like manner a conviction that sin must 
have its punishment1 here or hereafter1 
and that we all must suffer1 how        
overpowering will be its effect1 what a 
new light does it cast on the history of
 the soul1 what a change does it make in
 our judgment of the external world1    
what a reversal of our natural wishes   
and aims for the future6 ,is a doctrine 
conceivable which would so elevate the  
mind above this present state1 and teach
 it so successfully to dare difficult   
things1 and to be reckless of danger and
 pain8 ,he who believes that suffer he  
must1 and that delayed punishment may be
 the greater1 will be above the world1  
will admire nothing1 fear nothing1      
desire nothing4 ,he has within his      
breast a source of greatness1           
self-denial1 heroism4 ,this is the      
secret spring of strenuous efforts and  
persevering toil1 of the sacrifice of   
fortune1 friends1 ease1 reputation1     
happiness4 ,there is1 it is true1 a     
higher class of motives which will be   

felt by the ,saint2 who will do from    
love what all ,christians1 who act      
acceptably1 do from faith4 ,and1        
moreover1 the ordinary measures of      
charity which ,christians possess1      
suffice for securing such respectable   
attention to religious duties as the    
routine necessities of the ,church      
require4 ,but if we would raise an army 
of devoted men to resist the world1 to  
oppose sin and error1 to relieve misery1
 or to propagate the truth1 we must be  
provided with motives which keenly      
affect the many4 ,christian love is too 
rare a gift1 philanthropy is too weak a 
material1 for the occasion4 ,nor is     
there an influence to be found to suit  
our purpose1 besides this solemn        
conviction1 which arises out of the very
 rudiments of ,christian theology1 and  
is taught by its most ancient           
masters1--this sense of the awfulness of
 post-baptismal sin4 ,it is in vain to  
look out for missionaries for ,china or 
,africa1 or evangelists for our great   

towns1 or ,christian attendants on the  
sick1 or teachers of the ignorant1 on   
such a scale of numbers as the need     
requires1 without the doctrine of       
,purgatory4 ,for thus the sins of youth 
are turned to account by the profitable 
penance of manhood2 and terrors1 which  
the philosopher scorns in the           
individual1 become the benefactors and  
earn the gratitude of nations4    #f4   
,the ,monastic ,rule4  ,but there is one
 form of ,penance which has been more   
prevalent and uniform than any other1   
out of which the forms just noticed have
 grown1 or on which they have been      
engrafted1--the ,monastic ,rule4 ,in the
 first ages1 the doctrine of the        
punishments of sin1 whether in this     
world or in the next1 was little called 
for4 ,the rigid discipline of the infant
 ,church was the preventive of greater  
offences1 and its persecutions the      
penance of their commission2 but when   
the ,canons were relaxed and            
confessorship ceased1 then some         

substitute was needed1 and such was     
,monachism1 being at once a sort of     
continuation of primeval innocence1 and 
a school of self-chastisement4 ,and1 as 
it is a great principle in economical   
and political science that everything   
should be turned to account1 and there  
should be no waste1 so1 in the instance 
of ,christianity1 the penitential       
observances of individuals1 which were  
necessarily on a large scale as its     
professors increased1 took the form of  
works1 whether for the defence of the   
,church1 or the spiritual and temporal  
good of mankind4   #b4  ,in no aspect of
 the ,divine system do we see more      
striking developments than in the       
successive fortunes of ,monachism4      
,little did the youth ,antony foresee1  
when he set off to fight the evil one in
 the wilderness1 what a sublime and     
various history he was opening1 a       
history which had its first developments
 even in his own lifetime4 ,he was      
himself a hermit in the desert2 but when

 others followed his example1 he was    
obliged to give them guidance1 and thus 
he found himself1 by degrees1 at the    
head of a large family of solitaries1   
five thousand of whom were scattered in 
the district of ,nitria alone4 ,he lived
 to see a second stage in the           
development2 the huts in which they     
lived were brought together1 sometimes  
round a church1 and a sort of           
subordinate community1 or college1      
formed among certain individuals of     
their number4 ,st4 ,pachomius was the   
first who imposed a general rule of     
discipline upon the brethren1 gave them 
a common dress1 and set before them the 
objects to which the religious life was 
dedicated4 ,manual labour1 study1       
devotion1 bodily mortification1 were now
 their peculiarities2 and the           
institution1 thus defined1 spread and   
established itself through ,eastern and 
,western ,christendom4  ,the penitential
 character of ,monachism is not         
prominent in ,st4 ,antony1 though it is 

distinctly noticed by ,pliny in his     
description of the ,essenes of the ,dead
 ,sea1 who anticipated the monastic life
 at the rise of ,christianity4 ,in ,st4 
,basil1 however1 it becomes a           
distinguishing feature2--so much so that
 the monastic profession was made a     
disqualification for the pastoral       
office1#cif3a and in theory involved an 
absolute separation from mankind2 though
 in ,st4 ,basil's1 as well as ,st4      
,antony's disciples1 it performed the   
office of resisting heresy4  ,next1 the 
monasteries1 which in their             
ecclesiastical capacity had been at     
first separate churches under a         
,presbyter or ,abbot1 became schools for
 the education of the clergy4#cif3b     
#c4  ,centuries passed1 and after many  
extravagant shapes of the institution1  
and much wildness and insubordination in
 its members1 a new development took    
place under ,st4 ,benedict4 ,revising   
and digesting the provisions of ,st4    
,antony1 ,st4 ,pachomius1 and ,st4      

,basil1 he bound together his monks by a
 perpetual vow1 brought them into the   
cloister1 united the separate convents  
into one ,order1#cig3a and added objects
 of an ecclesiastical and civil nature  
to that of personal edification4 ,of    
these objects1 agriculture seemed to    
,st4 ,benedict himself of first         
importance2 but in a very short time it 
was superseded by study and education1  
and the monasteries of the following    
centuries became the schools and        
libraries1 and the monks the chroniclers
 and copyists1 of a dark period4        
,centuries later1 the ,benedictine      
,order was divided into separate        
,congregations1 and propagated in       
separate monastic bodies4 ,the          
,congregation of ,cluni was the most    
celebrated of the former2 and of the    
latter1 the hermit order of the         
,camaldoli and the agricultural         
,cistercians4   #d4  ,both a unity and  
an originality are observable in the    
successive phases under which ,monachism

 has shown itself2 and while its        
developments bring it more and more into
 the ecclesiastical system1 and         
subordinate it to the governing power1  
they are true to their first idea1 and  
spring fresh and fresh from the parent  
stock1 which from time immemorial had   
thriven in ,syria and ,egypt4 ,the      
sheepskin and desert of ,st4 ,antony did
 but revive the mantle#cig3b and the    
mountain of the first ,carmelite1 and   
,st4 ,basil's penitential exercises had 
already been practised by the           
,therapeut4 ,in like manner the         
,congregational principle1 which is     
ascribed to ,st4 ,benedict1 had been    
anticipated by ,st4 ,antony and ,st4    
,pachomius2 and after centuries of      
disorder1 another function of early     
,monachism1 for which there had been    
little call for centuries1 the defence  
of ,catholic truth1 was exercised with  
singular success by the rival orders of 
,dominicans and ,franciscans4  ,st4     
,benedict had come as if to preserve a  

principle of civilization1 and a refuge 
for learning1 at a time when the old    
framework of society was falling1 and   
new political creations were taking     
their place4 ,and when the young        
intellect within them began to stir1 and
 a change of another kind discovered    
itself1 then appeared ,st4 ,francis and 
,st4 ,dominic to teach and chastise it2 
and in proportion as ,monachism assumed 
this public office1 so did the principle
 of penance1 which had been the chief   
characteristic of its earlier forms1    
hold a less prominent place4 ,the       
,tertiaries indeed1 or members of the   
third order of ,st4 ,francis and ,st4   
,dominic1 were penitents2 but the friar 
himself1 instead of a penitent1 was made
 a priest1 and was allowed to quit      
cloister4 ,nay1 they assumed the        
character of what may be called an      
,ecumenical ,order1 as being supported  
by begging1 not by endowments1 and being
 under the jurisdiction1 not of the     
local ,bishop1 but of the ,holy ,see4   

,the ,dominicans too came forward       
especially as a learned body1 and as    
entrusted with the office of preaching1 
at a time when the mind of ,europe      
seemed to be developing into infidelity4
 ,they filled the chairs at the         
,universities1 while the strength of the
 ,franciscans lay among the lower       
orders4   #e4  ,at length1 in the last  
era of ecclesiastical revolution1       
another principle of early ,monachism1  
which had been but partially developed1 
was brought out into singular prominence
 in the history of the ,jesuits4        
,obedience1 said an ancient abbot1 is a 
monk's service1 with which he shall be  
heard in prayer1 and shall stand with   
confidence by the ,crucified1 for so the
 ,lord came to the cross1 being made    
obedient even unto death2#cii3a but it  
was reserved for modern times to furnish
 the perfect illustration of this       
virtue1 and to receive the full blessing
 which follows it4 ,the great ,society1 
which bears no earthly name1 still more 

secular in its organization1 and still  
more simply dependent on the ,see of    
,st4 ,peter1 has been still more        
distinguished than any ,order before it 
for the rule of obedience1 while it has 
compensated the danger of its free      
intercourse with the world by its       
scientific adherence to devotional      
exercises4 ,the hermitage1 the cloister1
 the inquisitor1 and the friar were     
suited to other states of society2 with 
the ,jesuits1 as well as with the       
religious ,communities1 which are their 
juniors1 usefulness1 secular and        
religious1 literature1 education1 the   
confessional1 preaching1 the oversight  
of the poor1 missions1 the care of the  
sick1 have been chief objects of        
attention2 great cities have been the   
scene of operation3 bodily austerities  
and the ceremonial of devotion have been
 made of but secondary importance4 ,yet 
it may fairly be questioned1 whether1 in
 an intellectual age1 when freedom both 
of thought and of action is so dearly   

prized1 a greater penance can be devised
 for the soldier of ,christ than the    
absolute surrender of judgment and will 
to the command of another4              
,,footnotes3  #che3a ,gieseler1         
,text-book1 vol4 i4 p4 #ajh4  #che3b    
,gieseler1 ibid4 p4 #afd4  #che3c ,socr4
 ,hist4 i4 #aj4  #chg3a ,hom4 #ad1 in #b
 ,cor4 fin4  #chg3b ,vid4 ,tertull4     
,oxf4 tr4 pp4 #cgd1 #e4  #chh3a ,clem4  
ch4 #ab4 ,vid4 also ,tertull4 de ,anim4 
fin4  #chi3a ,tracts for the ,times1    
,no4 #gi1 p4 #ch4  #chi3b ,ruinart1     
,mart4 p4 #if4  #cij3a ,mystagog4 #e4   
#cij3b ,vid4 ,via ,media1 vol4 i4 p #gb4
  #cic3a ,via ,media1 vol4 i4 pp4       
#agd-agg4  #cif3a ,gieseler1 vol4 ii4 p4
 #bhh4  #cif3b ,ibid4 p4 #bgi4  #cig3a  
,or rather his successors1 as ,st4      
,benedict of ,anian1 were the founders  
of the ,order2 but minute accuracy on   
these points is unnecessary in a mere   
sketch of the history4  #cig3b mlts1 #b 
,kings ii4 ,sept4 ,vid4 also1 ,they     
wandered about in sheepskins and        

goatskins 7,heb4 xi4 #cg74  #cii3a      
,rosweyde1 ,v4 ,p4 p4 #fah4             
,,chapter ,x4  ,,application ,,of ,,the 
,,fifth ,,note ,,of ,a ,,true           
,,development4   ,,anticipation ,,of    
,,its ,,future4  ,it has been set down  
above as a fifth argument in favour of  
the fidelity of developments1 ethical or
 political1 if the doctrine from which  
they have proceeded has1 in any early   
stage of its history1 given indications 
of those opinions and practices in which
 it has ended4 ,supposing then the      
so-called ,catholic doctrines and       
practices are true and legitimate       
developments1 and not corruptions1 we   
may expect from the force of logic to   
find instances of them in the first     
centuries4 ,and this ,i conceive to be  
the case3 the records indeed of those   
times are scanty1 and we have little    
means of determining what daily         
,christian life then was3 we know little
 of the thoughts1 and the prayers1 and  
the meditations1 and the discourses of  

the early disciples of ,christ1 at a    
time when these professed developments  
were not recognized and duly located in 
the theological system2 yet it appears1 
even from what remains1 that the        
atmosphere of the ,church was1 as it    
were1 charged with them from the first1 
and delivered itself of them from time  
to time1 in this way or that1 in various
 places and persons1 as occasion        
elicited them1 testifying the presence  
of a vast body of thought within it1    
which one day would take shape and      
position4    #a4 ,resurrection and      
,relics4  ,as a chief specimen of what  
,i am pointing out1 ,i will direct      
attention to a characteristic principle 
of ,christianity1 whether in the ,east  
or in the ,west1 which is at present    
both a special stumbling-block and a    
subject of scoffing with ,protestants   
and free-thinkers of every shade and    
colour3 ,i mean the devotions which both
 ,greeks and ,latins show towards bones1
 blood1 the heart1 the hair1 bits of    

clothes1 scapulars1 cords1 medals1      
beads1 and the like1 and the miraculous 
powers which they often ascribe to them4
 ,now1 the principle from which these   
beliefs and usages proceed is the       
doctrine that ,matter is susceptible of 
grace1 or capable of a union with a     
,divine ,presence and influence4 ,this  
principle1 as we shall see1 was in the  
first age both energetically manifested 
and variously developed2 and that       
chiefly in consequence of the           
diametrically opposite doctrine of the  
schools and the religions of the day4   
,and thus its exhibition in that        
primitive age becomes also an instance  
of a statement often made in            
controversy1 that the profession and the
 developments of a doctrine are         
according to the emergency of the time1 
and that silence at a certain period    
implies1 not that it was not then held1 
but that it was not questioned4   #b4   
,christianity began by considering      
,matter as a creature of ,god1 and in   

itself very good4 ,it taught that       
,matter1 as well as ,spirit1 had become 
corrupt1 in the instance of ,adam2 and  
it contemplated its recovery4 ,it taught
 that the ,highest had taken a portion  
of that corrupt mass upon ,himself1 in  
order to the sanctification of the      
whole2 that1 as a firstfruits of ,his   
purpose1 ,he had purified from all sin  
that very portion of it which ,he took  
into ,his ,eternal ,person1 and         
thereunto had taken it from a ,virgin   
,womb1 which ,he had filled with the    
abundance of ,his ,spirit4 ,moreover1 it
 taught that during ,his earthly sojourn
 ,he had been subject to the natural    
infirmities of man1 and had suffered    
from those ills to which flesh is heir4 
,it taught that the ,highest had in that
 flesh died on the ,cross1 and that ,his
 blood had an expiatory power2 moreover1
 that ,he had risen again in that flesh1
 and had carried that flesh with ,him   
into heaven1 and that from that flesh1  
glorified and deified in ,him1 ,he never

 would be divided4 ,as a first          
consequence of these awful doctrines    
comes that of the resurrection of the   
bodies of ,his ,saints1 and of their    
future glorification with ,him2 next1   
that of the sanctity of their relics2   
further1 that of the merit of           
,virginity2 and1 lastly1 that of the    
prerogatives of ,mary1 ,mother of ,god4 
,all these doctrines are more or less   
developed in the ,ante-nicene period1   
though in very various degrees1 from the
 nature of the case4   #c4  ,and they   
were all objects of offence or of scorn 
to philosophers1 priests1 or populace of
 the day4 ,with varieties of opinions   
which need not be mentioned1 it was a   
fundamental doctrine in the schools1    
whether ,greek or ,oriental1 that       
,matter was essentially evil4 ,it had   
not been created by the ,supreme ,god2  
it was in eternal enmity with ,him2 it  
was the source of all pollution2 and it 
was irreclaimable4 ,such was the        
doctrine of ,platonist1 ,gnostic1 and   

,manichee3--whereas then ,st4 ,john had 
laid it down that every spirit that     
confesseth not that ,jesus ,christ is   
come in the flesh is the spirit of      
,antichrist3 the ,gnostics obstinately  
denied the ,incarnation1 and held that  
,christ was but a phantom1 or had come  
on the man ,jesus at his baptism1 and   
left him at his passion4 ,the one great 
topic of preaching with ,apostles and   
,evangelists was the ,resurrection of   
,christ and of all mankind after ,him2  
but when the philosophers of ,athens    
heard ,st4 ,paul1 some mocked1 and      
others contemptuously put aside the     
doctrine4 ,the birth from a ,virgin     
implied1 not only that the body was not 
intrinsically evil1 but that one state  
of it was holier than another1 and ,st4 
,paul explained that1 while marriage was
 good1 celibacy was better2 but the     
,gnostics1 holding the utter malignity  
of ,matter1 one and all condemned       
marriage as sinful1 and1 whether they   
observed continence or not1 or abstained

 from eating flesh or not1 maintained   
that all functions of our animal nature 
were evil and abominable4   #d4  ,perish
 the thought1 says ,manes1 that our     
,lord ,jesus ,christ should have        
descended through the womb of a woman4  
,he descended1 says ,marcion1 but       
without touching her or taking aught    
from her4 ,through her1 not of her1 said
 another4 ,it is absurd to assert1 says 
a disciple of ,bardesanes1 that this    
flesh in which we are imprisoned shall  
rise again1 for it is well called a     
burden1 a tomb1 and a chain4 ,they      
execrate the funeral-pile1 says         
,ccilius1 speaking of ,christians1 as if
 bodies1 though withdrawn from the      
flames1 did not all resolve into dust by
 years1 whether beasts tear1 or sea     
swallows1 or earth covers1 or flame     
wastes4 ,according to the old ,paganism1
 both the educated and vulgar held      
corpses and sepulchres in aversion4     
,they quickly rid themselves of the     
remains even of their friends1 thinking 

their presence a pollution1 and felt the
 same terror even of burying-places     
which assails the ignorant and          
superstitious now4 ,it is recorded of   
,hannibal that1 on his return to the    
,african coast from ,italy1 he changed  
his landing-place to avoid a ruined     
sepulchre4 ,may the god who passes      
between heaven and hell1 says ,apuleius 
in his ,apology1 present to thy eyes1 ,o
 ,emilian1 all that haunts the night1   
all that alarms in burying-places1 all  
that terrifies in tombs4 ,george of     
,cappadocia could not direct a more     
bitter taunt against the ,alexandrian   
,pagans than to call the temple of      
,serapis a sepulchre4 ,the case had been
 the same even among the ,jews2 the     
,rabbins taught1 that even the corpses  
of holy men did but serve to diffuse    
infection and defilement4 ,when deaths  
were ,judaical1 says the writer who goes
 under the name of ,st4 ,basil1 corpses 
were an abomination2 when death is for  
,christ1 the relics of ,saints are      

precious4 ,it was anciently said to the 
,priests and the ,nazarites1 ',if any   
one shall touch a corpse1 he shall be   
unclean till evening1 and he shall wash 
his garment2' now1 on the contrary1 if  
any one shall touch a ,martyr's bones1  
by reason of the grace dwelling in the  
body1 he receives some participation of 
his sanctity4#djd3a ,nay1 ,christianity 
taught a reverence for the bodies even  
of heathen4 ,the care of the dead is one
 of the praises which1 as we have seen  
above1 is extorted in their favour from 
the ,emperor ,julian2 and it was        
exemplified during the mortality which  
spread through the ,roman world in the  
time of ,st4 ,cyprian4 ,they did good1  
says ,pontius of the ,christians of     
,carthage1 in the profusion of exuberant
 works to all1 and not only to the      
household of faith4 ,they did somewhat  
more than is recorded of the            
incomparable benevolence of ,tobias4    
,the slain of the king and the outcasts1
 whom ,tobias gathered together1 were of

 his own kin only4#djd3b   #e4  ,far    
more of course than such general        
reverence was the honour that they      
showed to the bodies of the ,saints4    
,they ascribed virtue to their martyred 
tabernacles1 and treasured1 as something
 supernatural1 their blood1 their ashes1
 and their bones4 ,when ,st4 ,cyprian   
was beheaded1 his brethren brought      
napkins to soak up his blood4 ,only the 
harder portion of the holy relics       
remained1 say the ,acts of ,st4         
,ignatius1 who was exposed to the beasts
 in the amphitheatre1 which were        
conveyed to ,antioch1 and deposited in  
linen1 bequeathed1 by the grace that was
 in the ,martyr1 to that holy ,church as
 a priceless treasure4 ,the ,jews       
attempted to deprive the brethren of    
,st4 ,polycarp's body1 lest1 leaving the
 ,crucified1 they begin to worship him1 
say his ,acts2 ignorant1 they continue1 
that we can never leave ,christ2 and    
they add1 ,we1 having taken up his bones
 which were more costly than precious   

stones1 and refined more than gold1     
deposited them where was fitting2 and   
there when we meet together1 as we can1 
the ,lord will grant us to celebrate    
with joy and gladness the birthday of   
his martyrdom4 ,on one occasion in      
,palestine1 the ,imperial authorities   
disinterred the bodies and cast them    
into the sea1 lest as their opinion     
went1 says ,eusebius1 there should be   
those who in their sepulchres and       
monuments might think them gods1 and    
treat them with divine worship4         
,julian1 who had been a ,christian1 and 
knew the ,christian history more        
intimately than a mere infidel would    
know it1 traces the superstition1 as he 
considers it1 to the very lifetime of   
,st4 ,john1 that is1 as early as there  
were ,martyrs to honour2 makes the      
honour paid them contemporaneous with   
the worship paid to our ,lord1 and      
equally distinct and formal2 and1       
moreover1 declares that first it was    
secret1 which for various reasons it was

 likely to have been4 ,neither ,paul1 he
 says1 nor ,matthew1 nor ,luke1 nor     
,mark1 dared to call ,jesus ,god2 but   
honest ,john1 having perceived that a   
great multitude had been caught by this 
disease in many of the ,greek and       
,italian cities1 and hearing1 ,i        
suppose1 that the monuments of ,peter   
and ,paul were1 secretly indeed1 but    
still hearing that they were honoured1  
first dared to say it4 ,who can feel    
fitting abomination8 he says elsewhere2 
you have filled all places with tombs   
and monuments1 though it has been       
nowhere told you to tumble down at tombs
 or to honour them4 4 4 4 4 ,if ,jesus  
said that they were full of uncleanness1
 why do ye invoke ,god at them8 ,the    
tone of ,faustus the ,manichan is the   
same4 ,ye have turned1 he says to ,st4  
,augustine1 the idols of the heathen    
into your ,martyrs1 whom ye honour      
7colitis7 with similar prayers          
7votis74#djf3a   #f4  ,it is remarkable 
that the attention of both ,christians  

and their opponents turned from the     
relics of the ,martyrs to their persons4
 ,basilides at least1 who was founder of
 one of the most impious ,gnostic sects1
 spoke of them with disrespect2 he      
considered that their sufferings were   
the penalty of secret sins or evil      
desires1 or transgressions committed in 
another body1 and a sign of divine      
favour only because they were allowed to
 connect them with the cause of         
,christ4#djf3b ,on the other hand1 it   
was the doctrine of the ,church that    
,martyrdom was meritorious1 that it had 
a certain supernatural efficacy in it1  
and that the blood of the ,saints       
received from the grace of the ,one     
,redeemer a certain expiatory power4    
,martyrdom stood in the place of        
,baptism1 where the ,sacrament had not  
been administered4 ,it exempted the soul
 from all preparatory waiting1 and      
gained its immediate admittance into    
glory4 ,all crimes are pardoned for the 
sake of this work1 says ,tertullian4    

,and in proportion to the near approach 
of the martyrs to their ,almighty       
,judge1 was their high dignity and      
power4 ,st4 ,dionysius speaks of their  
reigning with ,christ2 ,origen even     
conjectures that as we are redeemed by  
the precious blood of ,jesus1 so some   
are redeemed by the precious blood of   
the ,martyrs4 ,st4 ,cyprian seems to    
explain his meaning when he says1 ,we   
believe that the merits of ,martyrs and 
the works of the just avail much with   
the ,judge1 that is1 for those who were 
lapsed1 when1 after the end of this age 
and the world1 ,christ's people shall   
stand before ,his judgment-seat4        
,accordingly they were considered to    
intercede for the ,church militant in   
their state of glory1 and for           
individuals whom they had known4 ,st4   
,potamina of ,alexandria1 in the first  
years of the third century1 when taken  
out for execution1 promised to obtain   
after her departure the salvation of the
 officer who led her out2 and did appear

 to him1 according to ,eusebius1 on the 
third day1 and prophesied his own speedy
 martyrdom4 ,and ,st4 ,theodosia in     
,palestine came to certain confessors   
who were in bonds1 to request them1 as  
,eusebius tells us1 to remember her when
 they came to the ,lord's ,presence4    
,tertullian1 when a ,montanist1 betrays 
the existence of the doctrine in the    
,catholic body by protesting against    
it4#djg3a    #b4 ,the ,virgin ,life4    
,next to the prerogatives of bodily     
suffering or ,martyrdom came1 in the    
estimation of the early ,church1 the    
prerogatives of bodily1 as well as      
moral1 purity or ,virginity2 another    
form of the general principle which ,i  
am here illustrating4 ,the first reward1
 says ,st4 ,cyprian to the ,virgins1 is 
for the ,martyrs an hundredfold2 the    
second1 sixtyfold1 is for               
yourselves4#djg3b ,their state and its  
merit is recognized by a consensus of   
the ,ante-nicene writers2 of whom       
,athenagoras distinctly connects        

,virginity with the privilege of divine 
communion3 ,you will find many of our   
people1 he says to the ,emperor ,marcus1
 both men and women1 grown old in their 
single state1 in hope thereby of a      
closer union with ,god4#djh3a   #b4     
,among the numerous authorities which   
might be cited1 ,i will confine myself  
to a work1 elaborate in itself1 and     
important from its author4 ,st4         
,methodius was a ,bishop and ,martyr of 
the latter years of the ,ante-nicene    
period1 and is celebrated as the most   
variously endowed divine of his day4    
,his learning1 elegance in composition1 
and eloquence1 are all                  
commemorated4#djh3b ,the work in        
question1 the ,convivium ,virginum1 is a
 conference in which ten ,virgins       
successively take part1 in praise of the
 state of life to which they have       
themselves been specially called4 ,i do 
not wish to deny that there are portions
 of it which strangely grate upon the   
feelings of an age1 which is formed on  

principles of which marriage is the     
centre4 ,but here we are concerned with 
its doctrine4 ,of the speakers in this  
,colloquy1 three at least are real      
persons prior to ,st4 ,methodius's time2
 of these ,thecla1 whom tradition       
associates with ,st4 ,paul1 is one1 and 
,marcella1 who in the ,roman ,breviary  
is considered to be ,st4 ,martha's      
servant1 and who is said to have been   
the woman who exclaimed1 ,blessed is the
 womb that bare ,thee1 c41 is described 
as a still older servant of ,christ4    
,the latter opens the discourse1 and her
 subject is the gradual development of  
the doctrine of ,virginity in the       
,divine ,dispensations2 ,theophila1 who 
follows1 enlarges on the sanctity of    
,matrimony1 with which the special glory
 of the higher state does not interfere2
 ,thalia discourses on the mystical     
union which exists between ,christ and  
,his ,church1 and on the seventh chapter
 of the first ,epistle to the           
,corinthians2 ,theopatra on the merit of

 ,virginity2 ,thallusa exhorts to a     
watchful guardianship of the gift2      
,agatha shows the necessity of other    
virtues and good works1 in order to the 
real praise of their peculiar           
profession2 ,procilla extols ,virginity 
as the special instrument of becoming a 
spouse of ,christ2 ,thecla treats of it 
as the great combatant in the warfare   
between heaven and hell1 good and evil2 
,tysiana with reference to the          
,resurrection2 and ,domnina allegorizes 
,jothan's parable in ,judges ix4        
,virtue1 who has been introduced as the 
principal personage in the              
representation from the first1 closes   
the discussion with an exhortation to   
inward purity1 and they answer her by an
 hymn to our ,lord as the ,spouse of    
,his ,saints4   #c4  ,it is observable  
that ,st4 ,methodius plainly speaks of  
the profession of ,virginity as a vow4  
,i will explain1 says one of his        
speakers1 how we are dedicated to the   
,lord4 ,what is enacted in the ,book of 

,numbers1 'to vow a vow mightily1' shows
 what ,i am insisting on at great       
length1 that ,chastity is a mighty vow  
beyond all vows4#dji3a ,this language is
 not peculiar to ,st4 ,methodius among  
the ,ante-nicene ,fathers4 ,let such as 
promise ,virginity and break their      
profession be ranked among digamists1   
says the ,council of ,ancyra in the     
beginning of the fourth century4        
,tertullian speaks of being married to  
,christ1 and marriage implies a vow2 he 
proceeds1 to ,him thou hast pledged     
7sponsasti7 thy ripeness of age2 and    
before he had expressly spoken of the   
continenti votum4 ,origen speaks of     
devoting one's body to ,god in chastity2
 and ,st4 ,cyprian of ,christ's ,virgin1
 dedicated to ,him and destined for ,his
 sanctity1 and elsewhere of members     
dedicated to ,christ1 and for ever      
devoted by virtuous chastity to the     
praise of continence2 and ,eusebius of  
those who had consecrated themselves    
body and soul to a pure and all-holy    

life4#daj3a    #c4 ,cultus of ,saints   
and ,angels4  ,the ,spanish ,church     
supplies us with an anticipation of the 
later devotions to ,saints and ,angels4 
,the ,canons are extant of a ,council of
 ,illiberis1 held shortly before the    
,council of ,nica1 and representative of
 course of the doctrine of the third    
century4 ,among these occurs the        
following3 ,it is decreed1 that pictures
 ought not to be in church1 lest what is
 worshipped or adored be painted on the 
walls4#daj3b ,now these words are       
commonly taken to be decisive against   
the use of pictures in the ,spanish     
,church at that era4 ,let us grant it2  
let us grant that the use of all        
pictures is forbidden1 pictures not only
 of our ,lord1 and sacred emblems1 as of
 the ,lamb and the ,dove1 but pictures  
of ,angels and ,saints also4 ,it is not 
fair to restrict the words1 nor are     
controversialists found desirous of     
doing so2 they take them to include the 
images of the ,saints4 ,for keeping of  

pictures out of the ,church1 the ,canon 
of the ,eliberine or ,illiberitine      
,council1 held in ,spain1 about the time
 of ,constantine the ,great1 is most    
plain1#daj3c says ,ussher3 he is        
speaking of the representations of ,god 
and of ,christ1 and of ,angels and of   
,saints4#daj3d ,the ,council of         
,eliberis is very ancient1 and of great 
fame1 says ,taylor1 in which it is      
expressly forbidden that what is        
worshipped should be depicted on the    
walls1 and that therefore pictures ought
 not to be in churches4#daa3a ,he too is
 speaking of the ,saints4 ,i repeat1 let
 us grant this freely4 ,this inference  
then seems to be undeniable1 that the   
,spanish ,church considered the ,saints 
to be in the number of objects either of
 worship or adoration2 for it is of such
 objects that the representations are   
forbidden4 ,the very drift of the       
prohibition is this1--lest what is in   
itself an object of worship 7quod       
colitur7 should be worshipped in        

painting2 unless then ,saints and       
,angels were objects of worship1 their  
pictures would have been allowed4   #b4 
,this mention of ,angels leads me to a  
memorable passage about the honour due  
to them in ,justin ,martyr4  ,st4       
,justin1 after answering the charge of  
,atheism1 as ,dr4 ,burton says1 which   
was brought against ,christians of his  
day1 and observing that they were       
punished for not worshipping evil demons
 which were not really gods1 continues1 
,but ,him1 7,god17 and the ,son who came
 from ,him1 and taught us these things1 
and the host of the other good ,angels  
who follow and resemble ,him1 and the   
prophetic ,spirit1 we worship and adore1
 paying them a reasonable and true      
honour1 and not grudging to deliver to  
any one1 who wishes to learn1 as we     
ourselves have been taught4#daa3b  ,a   
more express testimony to the cultus    
,angelorum cannot be required2 nor is it
 unnatural in the connexion in which it 
occurs1 considering ,st4 ,justin has    

been speaking of the heathen worship of 
demons1 and therefore would be led      
without effort to mention1 not only the 
incommunicable adoration paid to the    
,one ,god1 who will not give ,his glory 
to another1 but such inferior honour as 
may be paid to creatures1 without sin on
 the side whether of giver or receiver4 
,nor is the construction of the original
 ,greek harsher than is found in other  
authors2 nor need it surprise us in one 
whose style is not accurate1 that two   
words should be used in combination to  
express worship1 and that one should    
include ,angels1 and that the other     
should not4   #c4  ,the following is    
,dr4 ,burton's account of the passage3  
,scultetus1 a ,protestant divine of     
,heidelberg1 in his ,medulla ,theologi  
,patrum1 which appeared in #afje1 gave a
 totally different meaning to the       
passage2 and instead of connecting 'the 
host' with 'we worship1' connected it   
with 'taught us4' ,the words would then 
be rendered thus3 ',but ,him1 and the   

,son who came from ,him1 who also gave  
us instructions concerning these things1
 and concerning the host of the other   
good angels we worship1' c4 ,this       
interpretation is adopted and defended  
at some length by ,bishop ,bull1 and by 
,stephen ,le ,moyne2 and even the       
,benedictine ,le ,nourry supposed       
,justin to mean that ,christ had taught 
us not to worship the bad angels1 as    
well as the existence of good angels4   
,grabe1 in his edition of ',justin's    
,apology1' which was printed in #agjc1  
adopted another interpretation1 which   
had been before proposed by ,le ,moyne  
and by ,cave4 ,this also connects 'the  
host' with 'taught1' and would require  
us to render the passage thus3 '4 4 4   
and the ,son who came from ,him1 who    
also taught these things to us1 and to  
the host of the other ,angels1' c4 ,it  
might be thought that ,langus1 who      
published a ,latin translation of       
,justin in #aefe1 meant to adopt one of 
these interpretations1 or at least to   

connect 'host' with 'taught these       
things4' ,both of them certainly are    
ingenious1 and are not perhaps opposed  
to the literal construction of the      
,greek words2 but ,i cannot say that    
they are satisfactory1 or that ,i am    
surprised at ,roman ,catholic writers   
describing them as forced and violent   
attempts to evade a difficulty4 ,if the 
words enclosed in brackets were removed1
 the whole passage would certainly      
contain a strong argument in favour of  
the ,trinity2 but as they now stand1    
,roman ,catholic writers will naturally 
quote them as supporting the worship of 
,angels4  ,there is1 however1 this      
difficulty in such a construction of the
 passage3 it proves too much4 ,by       
coupling the ,angels with the three     
persons of the ,trinity1 as objects of  
religious adoration1 it seems to go     
beyond even what ,roman ,catholics      
themselves would maintain concerning the
 worship of ,angels4 ,their well-known  
distinction between latria and dulia    

would be entirely confounded2 and the   
difficulty felt by the ,benedictine     
editor appears to have been as great1 as
 his attempt to explain it is           
unsuccessful1 when he wrote as follows3 
',our adversaries in vain object the    
twofold expression1 we worship and      
adore4 ,for the former is applied to    
,angels themselves1 regard being had to 
the distinction between the creature and
 the ,creator2 the latter by no means   
necessarily includes the ,angels4' ,this
 sentence requires concessions1 which no
 opponent could be expected to make2 and
 if one of the two terms1 we worship and
 adore1 may be applied to ,angels1 it is
 unreasonable to contend that the other 
must not also4 ,perhaps1 however1 the   
passage may be explained so as to admit 
a distinction of this kind4 ,the        
interpretations of ,scultetus and ,grabe
 have not found many advocates2 and upon
 the whole ,i should be inclined to     
conclude1 that the clause1 which relates
 to the ,angels1 is connected           

particularly with the words1 'paying    
them a reasonable and true              
honour4'#dad3a  ,two violent alterations
 of the text have also been proposed3   
one to transfer the clause which creates
 the difficulty1 after the words paying 
them honour2 the other to substitute    
stratgon 7commander7 for straton 7host74
   #d4  ,presently ,dr4 ,burton         
continues3--,justin1 as ,i observed1 is 
defending the ,christians from the      
charge of ,atheism2 and after saying    
that the gods1 whom they refused to     
worship1 were no gods1 but evil demons1 
he points out what were the ,beings who 
were worshipped by the ,christians4 ,he 
names the true ,god1 who is the source  
of all virtue2 the ,son1 who proceeded  
from ,him2 the good and ministering     
spirits2 and the ,holy ,ghost4 ,to these
 ,beings1 he says1 we pay all the       
worship1 adoration1 and honour1 which is
 due to each of them2 i4 e4 worship     
where worship is due1 honour where      
honour is due4 ,the ,christians were    

accused of worshipping no gods1 that is1
 of acknowledging no superior beings at 
all4 ,justin shows that so far was this 
from being true1 that they acknowledged 
more than one order of spiritual        
,beings2 they offered divine worship to 
the true ,god1 and they also believed in
 the existence of good spirits1 which   
were entitled to honour and respect4 ,if
 the reader will view the passage as a  
whole1 he will perhaps see that there is
 nothing violent in thus restricting the
 words worship and adore1 and honouring1
 to certain parts of it respectively4   
,it may seem strange that ,justin should
 mention the ministering spirits before 
the ,holy ,ghost3 but this is a         
difficulty which presses upon the ,roman
 ,catholics as much as upon ourselves2  
and we may perhaps adopt the explanation
 of the ,bishop of ,lincoln1#dad3b who  
says1 ',i have sometimes thought that in
 this passage1 and the host1 is         
equivalent to with the host1 and that   
,justin had in his mind the glorified   

state of ,christ1 when ,he should come  
to judge the world1 surrounded by the   
host of heaven4' ,the bishop then brings
 several passages from ,justin1 where   
the ,son of ,god is spoken of as        
attended by a company of ,angels2 and if
 this idea was then in ,justin's mind1  
it might account for his naming the     
ministering spirits immediately after   
the ,son of ,god1 rather than after the 
,holy ,ghost1 which would have been the 
natural and proper order4#dae3a  ,this  
passage of ,st4 ,justin is the more     
remarkable1 because it cannot be denied 
that there was a worship of the ,angels 
at that day1 of which ,st4 ,paul speaks1
 which was ,jewish and ,gnostic1 and    
utterly reprobated by the ,church4      
#d4 ,office of the ,blessed ,virgin4    
,the special prerogatives of ,st4 ,mary1
 the ,virgo ,virginum1 are intimately   
involved in the doctrine of the         
,incarnation itself1 with which these   
remarks began1 and have already been    
dwelt upon above4 ,as is well known1    

they were not fully recognized in the   
,catholic ritual till a late date1 but  
they were not a new thing in the        
,church1 or strange to her earlier      
teachers4 ,st4 ,justin1 ,st4 ,irenus1   
and others1 had distinctly laid it down1
 that she not only had an office1 but   
bore a part1 and was a voluntary agent1 
in the actual process of redemption1 as 
,eve had been instrumental and          
responsible in ,adam's fall4 ,they      
taught that1 as the first woman might   
have foiled the ,tempter and did not1   
so1 if ,mary had been disobedient or    
unbelieving on ,gabriel's message1 the  
,divine ,economy would have been        
frustrated4 ,and certainly the parallel 
between the ,mother of all living and   
the ,mother of the ,redeemer may be     
gathered from a comparison of the first 
chapters of ,scripture with the last4   
,it was noticed in a former place1 that 
the only passage where the serpent is   
directly identified with the evil spirit
 occurs in the twelfth chapter of the   

,revelation2 now it is observable that  
the recognition1 when made1 is found in 
the course of a vision of a woman       
clothed with the sun and the moon under 
her feet3 thus two women are brought    
into contrast with each other4          
,moreover1 as it is said in the         
,apocalypse1 ,the dragon was wroth with 
the woman1 and went about to make war   
with the remnant of her seed1 so is it  
prophesied in ,genesis1 ,i will put     
enmity between thee and the woman1 and  
between thy seed and her ,seed4 ,he     
shall bruise thy head1 and thou shalt   
bruise ,his heel4 ,also the enmity was  
to exist1 not only between the ,serpent 
and the ,seed of the woman1 but between 
the serpent and the woman herself2 and  
here too there is a correspondence in   
the ,apocalyptic vision4 ,if then there 
is reason for thinking that this mystery
 at the close of the ,scripture record  
answers to the mystery in the beginning 
of it1 and that the ,woman mentioned in 
both passages is one and the same1 then 

she can be none other than ,st4 ,mary1  
thus introduced prophetically to our    
notice immediately on the transgression 
of ,eve4   #b4  ,here1 however1 we are  
not so much concerned to interpret      
,scripture as to examine the ,fathers4  
,thus ,st4 ,justin says1 ,eve1 being a  
virgin and incorrupt1 having conceived  
the word from the ,serpent1 bore        
disobedience and death2 but ,mary the   
,virgin1 receiving faith and joy1 when  
,gabriel the ,angel evangelized her1    
answered1 ',be it unto me according to  
thy word4'#daf3a ,and ,tertullian says  
that1 whereas ,eve believed the         
,serpent1 and ,mary believed ,gabriel1  
the fault of ,eve in believing1 ,mary by
 believing hath blotted out4#daf3b ,st4 
,irenus speaks more explicitly3 ,as     
,eve1 he says 4 4 4 becoming            
disobedient1 became the cause of death  
to herself and to all mankind1 so ,mary 
too1 having the predestined ,man1 and   
yet a ,virgin1 being obedient1 became   
cause of salvation both to herself and  

to all mankind4#dag3a ,this becomes the 
received doctrine in the ,post-nicene   
,church4  ,one well-known instance      
occurs in the history of the third      
century of ,st4 ,mary's interposition1  
and it is remarkable from the names of  
the two persons1 who were1 one the      
subject1 the other the historian of it4 
,st4 ,gregory ,nyssen1 a native of      
,cappadocia in the fourth century1      
relates that his name-sake ,bishop of   
,neo-csarea1 surnamed ,thaumaturgus1 in 
the preceding century1 shortly before he
 was called to the priesthood1 received 
in a vision a ,creed1 which is still    
extant1 from the ,blessed ,virgin at the
 hands of ,st4 ,john4 ,the account runs 
thus3 ,he was deeply pondering          
theological doctrine1 which the heretics
 of the day depraved4 ,in such thoughts1
 says his name-sake of ,nyssa1 he was   
passing the night1 when one appeared1 as
 if in human form1 aged in appearance1  
saintly in the fashion of his garments1 
and very venerable both in grace of     

countenance and general mien4 4 4 4     
,following with his eyes his extended   
hand1 he saw another appearance opposite
 to the former1 in shape of a woman1 but
 more than human4 4 4 4 ,when his eyes  
could not bear the apparition1 he heard 
them conversing together on the subject 
of his doubts2 and thereby not only     
gained a true knowledge of the faith1   
but learned their names1 as they        
addressed each other by their respective
 appellations4 ,and thus he is said to  
have heard the person in woman's shape  
bid ',john the ,evangelist' disclose to 
the young man the mystery of godliness2 
and he answered that he was ready to    
comply in this matter with the wish of  
'the ,mother of the ,lord1' and         
enunciated a formulary1 well-turned and 
complete1 and so vanished4  ,gregory    
proceeds to rehearse the ,creed thus    
given1 ,there is ,one ,god1 ,father of a
 ,living ,word1 c4#dah3a ,bull1 after   
quoting it in his work upon the ,nicene 
,faith1 refers to this history of its   

origin1 and adds1 ,no one should think  
it incredible that such a providence    
should befall a man whose whole life was
 conspicuous for revelations and        
miracles1 as all ecclesiastical writers 
who have mentioned him 7and who has     
not87 witness with one voice4#dah3b     
#c4  ,it is remarkable that ,st4        
,gregory ,nazianzen relates an instance1
 even more pointed1 of ,st4 ,mary's     
intercession1 contemporaneous with this 
appearance to ,thaumaturgus2 but it is  
attended with mistake in the narrative1 
which weakens its cogency as an evidence
 of the belief1 not indeed of the fourth
 century1 in which ,st4 ,gregory lived1 
but of the third4 ,he speaks of a       
,christian woman having recourse to the 
protection of ,st4 ,mary1 and obtaining 
the conversion of a heathen who had     
attempted to practise on her by magical 
arts4 ,they were both martyred4  ,in    
both these instances the ,blessed       
,virgin appears especially in that      
character of ,patroness or ,paraclete1  

which ,st4 ,irenus and other ,fathers   
describe1 and which the ,medieval       
,church exhibits1--a loving ,mother with
 clients4   ,,footnotes3  #djd3a ,act4  
,arch4 p4 #he4 ,athan4 c4 ,apoll4 ii4   
#c4--;,adam4 ,dial4 iii4 init4 ,minuc4  
,dial4 #aa4 ,apul4 ,apol4 p4 #ece4      
,kortholt4 ,cal4 p4 #fc4 ,calmet1 ,dict4
 t4 #b1 p4 #gcf4 ,basil in ,ps4 #aae1   
#d4  #djd3b ,vit4 ,s4 ,cypr4 #aj4       
#djf3a ,act4 ,procons4 #e4 ,ruinart1    
,act4 ,mart4 pp4 #bb1 #dd4 ,euseb4      
,hist4 viii4 #f4 ,julian1 ap4 ,cyr4 pp4 
#cbg1 #cce4 ,august4 c4 ,faust4 xx4 #d4 
#djf3b ,clem4 ,strom4 iv4 #ab4  #djg3a  
,tertull4 ,apol4 fin4 ,euseb4 ,hist4 vi4
 #db4 ,orig4 ad ,martyr4 #ej4 ,ruinart1 
,act4 ,mart4 pp4 #abb1 #cbc4  #djg3b ,de
 ,hab4 ,virg4 #ab4  #djh3a ,athenag4    
,leg4 #cc4  #djh3b ,lumper1 ,hist4 t4   
#ac1 p4 #dci4  #dji3a ,galland4 t4 #c1  
p4 #fgj4  #daj3a ,routh1 ,reliqu4 t4 #c1
 p4 #dad4 ,tertull4 de ,virg4 ,vel4 #af 
and #aa4 ,orig4 in ,num4 ,hom4 #bd1 #b4 
,cyprian4 ,ep4 #d1 p4 #h1 ed4 ,fell4    

,ep4 #fb1 p4 #adg4 ,euseb4 ,v4 ,const4  
iv4 #bf4  #daj3b ,placuit picturas in   
ecclesi esse non debere1 ne quod colitur
 aut adoratur1 in parietibus depingatur4
 ,can4 #cf4  #daj3c ,answ4 to a ,jes4   
#aj1 p4 #dcg4  #daj3d ,p4 #dcj4 ,the    
colitur aut adoratur marks a difference 
of worship4  #daa3a ,dissuasive1 i4 #a1 
#h4  #daa3b ,ekeinon te1 kai ton par'   
autou hyion elthonta kai didaxanta hmas 
tauta1 kai ton tn alln hepomenn kai     
exomoioumenn agathn angeln straton1     
pneuma te to prophtikon sebometha kai   
proskynoumen1 log kai altheia timntes   
kai panti boulomen mathein1 hs          
edidachthmen1 aphthons                  
paradidontes4--,apol4 i4 #f4 ,the       
passage is parallel to the ,prayer in   
the ,breviary3 ,sacrosanct et individu  
,trinitati1 ,crucifixi ,domini nostri   
,jesu ,christi humanitati1 beatissim et 
gloriosissim semperque ,virginis ,mari  
foecund integritati1 et omnium          
,sanctorum universitati1 sit sempiterna 
laus1 honor1 virtus1 et gloria ab omni  

creatur1 c4  #dad3a ,test4 ,trin4 pp4   
#af1 #ag1 #ah4  #dad3b ,dr4 ,kaye4      
#dae3a ,pp4 #ai-ba4  #daf3a ,tryph4     
#ajj4  #daf3b ,carn4 ,christ4 #ag4      
#dag3a ,hr4 iii4 #bb1  #d4  #dah3a      
,nyss4 ,opp4 t4 ii4 p4 #igg4  #dah3b    
,def4 ,f4 ,n4 ii4 #ab4     ,,chapter    
,,xi4  ,,application ,,of ,,the ,,sixth 
,,note ,,of ,a ,,true ,,development4    
,,conservative ,,action ,,on ,,its      
,,past4  ,it is the general pretext of  
heretics that they are but serving and  
protecting ,christianity by their       
innovations2 and it is their charge     
against what by this time we may surely 
call the ,catholic ,church1 that her    
successive definitions of doctrine have 
but overlaid and obscured it4 ,that is1 
they assume1 what we have no wish to    
deny1 that a true development is that   
which is conservative of its original1  
and a corruption is that which tends to 
its destruction4 ,this has already been 
set down as a ,sixth ,test1             
discriminative of a development from a  

corruption1 and must now be applied to  
the ,catholic doctrines2 though this    
,essay has so far exceeded its proposed 
limits1 that both reader and writer may 
well be weary1 and may content          
themselves with a brief consideration of
 the portions of the subject which      
remain4  ,it has been observed already  
that a strict correspondence between the
 various members of a development1 and  
those of the doctrine from which it is  
derived1 is more than we have any right 
to expect4 ,the bodily structure of a   
grown man is not merely that of a       
magnified boy2 he differs from what he  
was in his make and proportions2 still  
manhood is the perfection of boyhood1   
adding something of its own1 yet keeping
 what it finds4 ,ut nihil novum1 says   
,vincentius1 proferatur in senibus1 quod
 non in pueris jam antea latitaverit4   
,this character of addition1--that is1  
of a change which is in one sense real  
and perceptible1 yet without loss or    
reversal of what was before1 but1 on the

 contrary1 protective and confirmative  
of it1--in many respects and in a       
special way belongs to ,christianity4   
,,section ,i4  ,,various ,,instances4   
,if we take the simplest and most       
general view of its history1 as existing
 in an individual mind1 or in the       
,church at large1 we shall see in it an 
instance of this peculiarity4 ,it is the
 birth of something virtually new1      
because latent in what was before4 ,thus
 we know that no temper of mind is      
acceptable in the ,divine ,presence     
without love2 it is love which makes    
,christian fear differ from servile     
dread1 and true faith differ from the   
faith of devils2 yet in the beginning of
 the religious life1 fear is the        
prominent evangelical grace1 and love is
 but latent in fear1 and has in course  
of time to be developed out of what     
seems its contradictory4 ,then1 when it 
is developed1 it takes that prominent   
place which fear held before1 yet       
protecting not superseding it4 ,love is 

added1 not fear removed1 and the mind is
 but perfected in grace by what seems a 
revolution4 ,they that sow in tears1    
reap in joy2 yet afterwards still they  
are sorrowful1 though alway rejoicing4  
,and so was it with the ,church at      
large4 ,she started with suffering1     
which turned to victory2 but when she   
was set free from the house of her      
prison1 she did not quit it so much as  
turn it into a cell4 ,meekness inherited
 the earth2 strength came forth from    
weakness2 the poor made many rich2 yet  
meekness and poverty remained4 ,the     
rulers of the world were ,monks1 when   
they could not be ,martyrs4   #b4       
,immediately on the overthrow of the    
heathen power1 two movements            
simultaneously ran through the world    
from ,east to ,west1 as quickly as the  
lightning in the prophecy1 a development
 of worship and of asceticism4 ,hence1  
while the world's first reproach in     
heathen times had been that             
,christianity was a dark malevolent     

magic1 its second has been that it is a 
joyous carnal paganism2--according to   
that saying1 ,we have piped unto you1   
and ye have not danced2 we have mourned 
unto you1 and ye have not lamented4 ,for
 ,john came neither eating nor drinking1
 and they say1 ,he hath a devil4 ,the   
,son of man came eating and drinking1   
and they say1 ,behold a man gluttonous  
and a winebibber1 a friend of publicans 
and sinners4 ,yet our ,lord too was a   
man of sorrows all the while1 but       
softened ,his austerity by ,his gracious
 gentleness4   #c4  ,the like           
characteristic attends also on the      
mystery of ,his ,incarnation4 ,he was   
first ,god and ,he became man2 but      
,eutyches and heretics of his school    
refused to admit that ,he was man1 lest 
they should deny that ,he was ,god4 ,in 
consequence the ,catholic ,fathers are  
frequent and unanimous in their         
asseverations1 that the ,word had become
 flesh1 not to ,his loss1 but by an     
addition4 ,each ,nature is distinct1 but

 the created ,nature lives in and by the
 ,eternal4 ,non amittendo quod erat1 sed
 sumendo quod non erat1 is the ,church's
 principle4 ,and hence1 though the      
course of development1 as was observed  
in a former ,chapter1 has been to bring 
into prominence the divine aspect of our
 ,lord's mediation1 this has been       
attended by even a more open            
manifestation of the doctrine of ,his   
atoning sufferings4 ,the passion of our 
,lord is one of the most imperative and 
engrossing subjects of ,catholic        
teaching4 ,it is the great topic of     
meditations and prayers2 it is brought  
into continual remembrance by the sign  
of the ,cross2 it is preached to the    
world in the ,crucifix2 it is variously 
honoured by the many houses of prayer1  
and associations of religious men1 and  
pious institutions and undertakings1    
which in some way or other are placed   
under the name and the shadow of ,jesus1
 or the ,saviour1 or the ,redeemer1 or  
,his ,cross1 or ,his ,passion1 or ,his  

sacred ,heart4   #d4  ,here a singular  
development may be mentioned of the     
doctrine of the ,cross1 which some have 
thought so contrary to its original     
meaning1#dbb3a as to be a manifest      
corruption2 ,i mean the introduction of 
the ,sign of the meek ,jesus into the   
armies of men1 and the use of an emblem 
of peace as a protection in battle4 ,if 
light has no communion with darkness1 or
 ,christ with ,belial1 what has ,he to  
do with ,moloch1 who would not call down
 fire on ,his enemies1 and came not to  
destroy but to save8 ,yet this seeming  
anomaly is but one instance of a great  
law which is seen in developments       
generally1 that changes which appear at 
first sight to contradict that out of   
which they grew1 are really its         
protection or illustration4 ,our ,lord  
,himself is represented in the ,prophets
 as a combatant inflicting wounds while 
,he received them1 as coming from       
,bozrah with dyed garments1 sprinkled   
and red in ,his apparel with the blood  

of ,his enemies2 and1 whereas no war is 
lawful but what is just1 it surely      
beseems that they who are engaged in so 
dreadful a commission as that of taking 
away life at the price of their own1    
should at least have the support of ,his
 ,presence1 and fight under the mystical
 influence of ,his ,name1 who redeemed  
,his elect as a combatant by the ,blood 
of ,atonement1 with the slaughter of    
,his foes1 the sudden overthrow of the  
,jews1 and the slow and awful fall of   
the ,pagan ,empire4 ,and if the wars of 
,christian nations have often been      
unjust1 this is a reason against much   
more than the use of religious symbols  
by the parties who engage in them1      
though the pretence of religion may     
increase the sin4   #e4  ,the same rule 
of development has been observed in     
respect of the doctrine of the ,blessed 
,trinity4 ,it is the objection of the   
,school of ,socinus1 that belief in the 
,trinity is destructive of any true     
maintenance of the ,divine ,unity1      

however strongly the latter may be      
professed2 but ,petavius1 as we have    
seen1#dbc3a sets it down as one especial
 recommendation of the ,catholic        
doctrine1 that it subserves that        
original truth which at first sight it  
does but obscure and compromise4   #f4  
,this representation of the consistency 
of the ,catholic system will be found to
 be true1 even in respect of those      
peculiarities of it1 which have been    
considered by ,protestants most open to 
the charge of corruption and innovation4
 ,it is maintained1 for instance1 that  
the veneration paid to ,images in the   
,catholic ,church directly contradicts  
the command of ,scripture1 and the usage
 of the primitive ages4 ,as to primitive
 usage1 that part of the subject has    
been incidentally observed upon already2
 here ,i will make one remark on the    
argument from ,scripture4  ,it may be   
reasonably questioned1 then1 whether the
 ,commandment which stands second in the
 ,protestant ,decalogue1 on which the   

prohibition of ,images is grounded1 was 
intended in its letter for more than    
temporary observance4 ,so far is        
certain1 that1 though none could surpass
 the later ,jews in its literal         
observance1 nevertheless this did not   
save them from the punishments attached 
to the violation of it4 ,if this be so1 
the literal observance is not its true  
and evangelical import4   #g4  ,when the
 generation to come of your children    
shall rise up after you1 says their     
inspired lawgiver1 and the stranger that
 shall come from a far land shall say1  
when they see the plagues of that land1 
and its sicknesses which the ,lord hath 
laid upon it2 and that the whole land   
thereof is brimstone1 and salt1 and     
burning1 that it is not sown1 nor       
beareth1 nor any grass groweth therein1 
4 4 4 even all nations shall say1       
,wherefore hath the ,lord done thus unto
 this land8 ,what meaneth the heat of   
this great anger8 ,then men shall say1  
,because they have forsaken the         

covenants of the ,lord ,god of their    
fathers1 which ,he made with them when  
,he brought them forth out of the land  
of ,egypt2 for they went and served     
other gods1 and worshipped them1 gods   
whom they knew not1 and whom ,he had not
 given them4 ,now the ,jews of our      
,lord's day did not keep this covenant1 
for they incurred the penalty2 yet they 
kept the letter of the ,commandment     
rigidly1 and were known among the       
heathen far and wide for their devotion 
to the ,lord ,god of their fathers who  
brought them out of the land of ,egypt1 
and for their abhorrence of the gods    
whom ,he had not given them4 ,if then   
adherence to the letter was no          
protection to the ,jews1 departure from 
the letter may be no guilt in           
,christians4  ,it should be observed1   
moreover1 that there certainly is a     
difference between the two covenants in 
their respective view of symbols of the 
,almighty4 ,in the ,old1 it was         
blasphemy to represent ,him under the   

similitude of a calf that eateth hay2 in
 the ,new1 the ,third ,person of the    
,holy ,trinity has signified ,his       
,presence by the appearance of a ,dove1 
and the ,second ,person has presented   
,his sacred ,humanity for worship under 
the name of the ,lamb4   #h4  ,it       
follows that1 if the letter of the      
,decalogue is but partially binding on  
,christians1 it is as justifiable1 in   
setting it before persons under         
instruction1 to omit such parts as do   
not apply to them1 as1 when we quote    
passages from the ,pentateuch in        
,sermons or ,lectures generally1 to pass
 over verses which refer simply to the  
temporal promises or the ceremonial law1
 a practice which we allow without any  
intention or appearance of dealing      
irreverently with the sacred text4      
,,section ,,ii4  ,,devotion ,,to ,,the  
,,blessed ,,virgin4  ,it has been       
anxiously asked1 whether the honours    
paid to ,st4 ,mary1 which have grown out
 of devotion to her ,almighty ,lord and 

,son1 do not1 in fact1 tend to weaken   
that devotion2 and whether1 from the    
nature of the case1 it is possible so to
 exalt a creature without withdrawing   
the heart from the ,creator4  ,in       
addition to what has been said on this  
subject in foregoing ,chapters1 ,i would
 here observe that the question is one  
of fact1 not of presumption or          
conjecture4 ,the abstract lawfulness of 
the honours paid to ,st4 ,mary1 and     
their distinction in theory from the    
incommunicable worship paid to ,god1 are
 points which have already been dwelt   
upon2 but here the question turns upon  
their practicability or expedience1     
which must be determined by the fact    
whether they are practicable1 and       
whether they have been found to be      
expedient4   #a4  ,here ,i observe1     
first1 that1 to those who admit the     
authority of the ,fathers of ,ephesus1  
the question is in no slight degree     
answered by their sanction of the       
theotokos1 or ,mother of ,god1 as a     

title of ,st4 ,mary1 and as given in    
order to protect the doctrine of the    
,incarnation1 and to preserve the faith 
of ,catholics from a specious           
,humanitarianism4 ,and if we take a     
survey at least of ,europe1 we shall    
find that it is not those religious     
communions which are characterized by   
devotion towards the ,blessed ,virgin   
that have ceased to adore her ,eternal  
,son1 but those very bodies1 7when      
allowed by the law17 which have         
renounced devotion to her4 ,the regard  
for ,his glory1 which was professed in  
that keen jealousy of her exaltation1   
has not been supported by the event4    
,they who were accused of worshipping a 
creature in ,his stead1 still worship   
,him2 their accusers1 who hoped to      
worship ,him so purely1 they1 wherever  
obstacles to the development of their   
principles have been removed1 have      
ceased to worship ,him altogether4   #b4
  ,next1 it must be observed1 that the  
tone of the devotion paid to the        

,blessed ,mary is altogether distinct   
from that which is paid to her ,eternal 
,son1 and to the ,holy ,trinity1 as we  
must certainly allow on inspection of   
the ,catholic services4 ,the supreme and
 true worship paid to the ,almighty is  
severe1 profound1 awful1 as well as     
tender1 confiding1 and dutiful4 ,christ 
is addressed as true ,god1 while ,he is 
true ,man2 as our ,creator and ,judge1  
while ,he is most loving1 gentle1 and   
gracious4 ,on the other hand1 towards   
,st4 ,mary the language employed is     
affectionate and ardent1 as towards a   
mere child of ,adam2 though subdued1 as 
coming from her sinful kindred4 ,how    
different1 for instance1 is the tone of 
the ,dies ,ir from that of the ,stabat  
,mater4 ,in the ,tristis et afflicta    
,mater ,unigeniti1 in the ,virgo        
virginum prclara ,mihi jam non sis      
amara1 ,poenas mecum divide1 in the ,fac
 me vere tecum flere1 we have an        
expression of the feelings with which we
 regard one who is a creature and a mere

 human being2 but in the ,rex tremend   
majestatis qui salvandos salvas gratis1 
salva me ,fons pietatis1 the ,ne me     
perdas ill die1 the ,juste judex        
ultionis1 donum fac remissionis1 the    
,oro supplex et acclinis1 cor contritum 
quasi cinis1 the ,pie ,jesu ,domine1    
dona eis requiem1 we hear the voice of  
the creature raised in hope and love1   
yet in deep awe to his ,creator1        
,infinite ,benefactor1 and ,judge4  ,or 
again1 how distinct is the language of  
the ,breviary ,services on the ,festival
 of ,pentecost1 or of the ,holy         
,trinity1 from the language of the      
,services for the ,assumption6 ,how     
indescribably majestic1 solemn1 and     
soothing is the ,veni ,creator          
,spiritus1 the ,altissimi donum ,dei1   
,fons vivus1 ignis1 charitas1 or the    
,vera et una ,trinitas1 una et summa    
,deitas1 sancta et una ,unitas1 the     
,spes nostra1 salus nostra1 honor       
noster1 ,o beata ,trinitas1 the         
,charitas ,pater1 gratia ,filius1       

communicatio ,spiritus ,sanctus1 ,o     
beata ,trinitas2 ,libera nos1 salva nos1
 vivifica nos1 ,o beata ,trinitas6 ,how 
fond1 on the contrary1 how full of      
sympathy and affection1 how stirring and
 animating1 in the ,office for the      
,assumption1 is the ,virgo              
prudentissima1 quo progrederis1 quasi   
aurora valde rutilans8 filia ,sion1 tota
 formosa et suavis es1 pulcra ut luna1  
electa ut sol2 the ,sicut dies verni    
circumdabant eam flores rosarum1 et     
lilia convallium2 the ,maria ,virgo     
assumpta est ad thereum thalamum in quo 
,rex regum stellato sedet solio2 and the
 ,gaudent ,angeli1 laudantes benedicunt 
,dominum4 ,and so again1 the ,antiphon1 
the ,ad te clamamus exules filii ,hev1  
ad te suspiramus gementes et flentes in 
hac lacrymarum valle1 and ,eia ergo1    
advocata nostra1 illos tuos misericordes
 oculos ad nos converte1 and ,o clemens1
 ,o pia1 ,o dulcis ,virgo ,maria4 ,or   
the ,hymn1 ,ave ,maris stella1 ,dei     
,mater alma1 and ,virgo singularis1     

inter omnes mitis1 nos culpis solutos1  
mites fac et castos4   #c4  ,nor does it
 avail to object that1 in this contrast 
of devotional exercises1 the human will 
supplant the ,divine1 from the infirmity
 of our nature2 for1 ,i repeat1 the     
question is one of fact1 whether it has 
done so4 ,and next it must be asked1    
whether the character of much of the    
,protestant devotion towards our ,lord  
has been that of adoration at all2 and  
not rather such as we pay to an         
excellent human being1 that is1 no      
higher devotion than that which         
,catholics pay to ,st4 ,mary1 differing 
from it1 however1 in often being        
familiar1 rude1 and earthly4 ,carnal    
minds will ever create a carnal worship 
for themselves2 and to forbid them the  
service of the ,saints will have no     
tendency to teach them the worship of   
,god4  ,moreover1 it must be observed1  
what is very important1 that great and  
constant as is the devotion which the   
,catholic pays to the ,blessed ,mary1 it

 has a special province1 and has far    
more connexion with the public services 
and the festive aspect of ,christianity1
 and with certain extraordinary offices 
which she holds1 than with what is      
strictly personal and primary in        
religion4  ,two instances will serve in 
illustration of this1 and they are but  
samples of many others4#dbh3a   #d4     
7#a47 ,for example1 ,st4 ,ignatius'     
,spiritual ,exercises are among the most
 approved methods of devotion in the    
modern ,catholic ,church2 they proceed  
from one of the most celebrated of her  
,saints1 and have the praise of ,popes1 
and of the most eminent masters of the  
spiritual life4 ,a ,bull of ,paul the   
,third's approves1 praises1 and         
sanctions all and everything contained  
in them2 indulgences are granted to the 
performance of them by the same ,pope1  
by ,alexander the ,seventh1 and by      
,benedict the ,fourteenth4 ,st4 ,carlo  
,borromeo declared that he learned more 
from them than from all other books     

together2 ,st4 ,francis de ,sales calls 
them a holy method of reformation1 and  
they are the model on which all the     
extraordinary devotions of religious men
 or bodies1 and the course of missions1 
are conducted4 ,if there is a document  
which is the authoritative exponent of  
the inward communion of the members of  
the modern ,catholic ,church with their 
,god and ,saviour1 it is this work4     
,the ,exercises are directed to the     
removal of obstacles in the way of the  
soul's receiving and profiting by the   
gifts of ,god4 ,they undertake to effect
 this in three ways2 by removing all    
objects of this world1 and1 as it were1 
bringing the soul into the solitude     
where ,god may speak to its heart2 next1
 by setting before it the ultimate end  
of man1 and its own deviations from it1 
the beauty of holiness1 and the pattern 
of ,christ2 and1 lastly1 by giving rules
 for its correction4 ,they consist of a 
course of prayers1 meditations1         
self-examinations1 and the like1 which  

in its complete extent lasts thirty     
days2 and these are divided into three  
stages1--the ,via ,purgativa1 in which  
sin is the main subject of              
consideration2 the ,via ,illuminativa1  
which is devoted to the contemplation of
 our ,lord's passion1 involving the     
process of the determination of our     
calling2 and the ,via ,unitiva1 in which
 we proceed to the contemplation of our 
,lord's resurrection and ascension4     
#e4  ,no more need be added in order to 
introduce the remark for which ,i have  
referred to these ,exercises2 viz4 that 
in a work so highly sanctioned1 so      
widely received1 so intimately bearing  
upon the most sacred points of personal 
religion1 very slight mention occurs of 
devotion to the ,blessed ,virgin1       
,mother of ,god4 ,there is one mention  
of her in the rule given for the first  
,prelude or preparation1 in which the   
person meditating is directed to        
consider as before him a church1 or     
other place with ,christ in it1 ,st4    

,mary1 and whatever else is suitable to 
the subject of meditation4 ,another is  
in the third ,exercise1 in which one of 
the three addresses is made to our      
,lady1 ,christ's ,mother1 requesting    
earnestly her intercession with her     
,son2 to which is to be added the ,ave  
,mary4 ,in the beginning of the ,second 
,week there is a form of offering       
ourselves to ,god in the presence of    
,his infinite goodness1 and with the    
witness of ,his glorious ,virgin ,mother
 ,mary1 and the whole host of heaven4   
,at the end of the ,meditation upon the 
,angel ,gabriel's mission to ,st4 ,mary1
 there is an address to each ,divine    
,person1 to the ,word ,incarnate and to 
,his ,mother4 ,in the ,meditation upon  
the ,two ,standards1 there is an address
 prescribed to ,st4 ,mary to implore    
grace from her ,son through her1 with an
 ,ave ,mary after it4  ,in the beginning
 of the ,third ,week one address is     
prescribed to ,christ2 or three1 if     
devotion incites1 to ,mother1 ,son1 and 

,father4 ,in the description given of   
three different modes of prayer we are  
told1 if we would imitate the ,blessed  
,mary1 we must recommend ourselves to   
her1 as having power with her ,son1 and 
presently the ,ave ,mary1 ,salve        
,regina1 and other forms are prescribed1
 as is usual after all prayers4 ,and    
this is pretty much the whole of the    
devotion1 if it may so be called1 which 
is recommended towards ,st4 ,mary in the
 course of so many apparently as a      
hundred and fifty ,meditations1 and     
those chiefly on the events in our      
,lord's earthly history as recorded in  
,scripture4 ,it would seem then that    
whatever be the influence of the        
doctrines connected with the ,blessed   
,virgin and the ,saints in the ,catholic
 ,church1 at least they do not impede or
 obscure the freest exercise and the    
fullest manifestation of the devotional 
feelings towards ,god and ,christ4   #f4
  7#b47 ,the other instance which ,i    
give in illustration is of a different  

kind1 but is suitable to mention4 ,about
 forty little books have come into my   
possession which are in circulation     
among the laity at ,rome1 and answer to 
the smaller publications of the         
,christian ,knowledge ,society among    
ourselves4 ,they have been taken almost 
at hazard from a number of such works1  
and are of various lengths2 some running
 to as many as two or three hundred     
pages1 others consisting of scarce a    
dozen4 ,they may be divided into three  
classes3--a third part consists of books
 on practical subjects2 another third is
 upon the ,incarnation and ,passion2 and
 of the rest1 a portion is upon the     
,sacraments1 especially the ,holy       
,eucharist1 with two or three for the   
use of ,missions1 but the greater part  
is about the ,blessed ,virgin4  ,as to  
the class on practical subjects1 they   
are on such as the following3 ,la       
,consolazione degl' ,infermi2 ,pensieri 
di una donna sul vestire moderno2       
,l',inferno ,aperto2 ,il ,purgatorio    

,aperto2 ,st4 ,alphonso ,liguori's      
,massime eterne2 other ,maxims by ,st4  
,francis de ,sales for every day in the 
year2 ,pratica per ben confessarsi e    
communicarsi2 and the like4  ,the titles
 of the second class on the ,incarnation
 and ,passion are such as ,gesu dalla   
,croce al cuore del peccatore2 ,novena  
del ,ss4 ,natale di ,g4 ,c42            
,associazione pel culto perpetuo del    
divin cuore2 ,compendio della ,passione4
  ,in the third are ,il ,mese           
,eucaristico1 ,il divoto di ,maria1     
,feasts of the ,blessed ,virgin1 c4     
#g4  ,these books in all three divisions
 are1 as even the titles of some of them
 show1 in great measure made up of      
,meditations2 such are the ,breve e pie 
,meditazioni of ,p4 ,crasset2 the       
,meditazioni per ciascun giorno del mese
 sulla ,passione2 the ,meditazioni per  
l'ora ,eucaristica4 ,now of these it may
 be said generally1 that in the body of 
the ,meditation ,st4 ,mary is hardly    
mentioned at all4 ,for instance1 in the 

,meditations on the ,passion1 a book    
used for distribution1 through two      
hundred and seventy-seven pages ,st4    
,mary is not once named4 ,in the        
,prayers for ,mass which are added1 she 
is introduced1 at the ,confiteor1 thus1 
,i pray the ,virgin1 the ,angels1 the   
,apostles1 and all the ,saints of heaven
 to intercede1 c42 and in the           
,preparation for ,penance1 she is once  
addressed1 after our ,lord1 as the      
,refuge of sinners1 with the ,saints and
 ,guardian ,angel2 and at the end of the
 ,exercise there is a similar prayer of 
four lines for the intercession of ,st4 
,mary1 ,angels and ,saints of heaven4   
,in the ,exercise for ,communion1 in a  
prayer to our ,lord1 my only and        
infinite good1 my treasure1 my life1 my 
paradise1 my all1 the merits of the     
,saints are mentioned1 especially of    
,st4 ,mary4 ,she is also mentioned with 
,angels and ,saints at the termination4 
,in a collection of ,spiritual ,lauds   
for ,missions1 of thirty-six ,hymns1 we 

find as many as eleven addressed to ,st4
 ,mary1 or relating to her1 among which 
are translations of the ,ave ,maris     
,stella1 and the ,stabat ,mater1 and the
 ,salve ,regina2 and one is on the      
sinner's reliance on ,mary4 ,five1      
however1 which are upon ,repentance1 are
 entirely engaged upon the subjects of  
our ,lord and sin1 with the exception of
 an address to ,st4 ,mary at the end of 
two of them4 ,seven others1 upon sin1   
the ,crucifixion1 and the ,four ,last   
,things1 do not mention the ,blessed    
,virgin's name4  ,to the ,manual for the
 ,perpetual ,adoration of the ,divine   
,heart of ,jesus there is appended one  
chapter on the ,immaculate ,conception4 
#h4  ,one of the most important of these
 books is the ,french ,pensez-y bien1   
which seems a favourite1 since there are
 two translations of it1 one of them    
being the fifteenth edition2 and it is  
used for distribution in ,missions4 ,in 
these reflections there is scarcely a   
word said of ,st4 ,mary4 ,at the end    

there is a ,method of reciting the      
,crown of the ,seven ,dolours of the    
,virgin ,mary1 which contains seven     
prayers to her1 and the ,stabat ,mater4 
,one of the longest in the whole        
collection is a tract consisting        
principally of ,meditations on the ,holy
 ,communion2 under the title of the     
,eucharistic ,month1 as already         
mentioned4 ,in these ,preparations1     
,aspirations1 c41 ,st4 ,mary is but once
 mentioned1 and that in a prayer        
addressed to our ,lord4 ,o my sweetest  
,brother1 it says with an allusion to   
the ,canticles1 who1 being made ,man for
 my salvation1 hast sucked the milk from
 the virginal breast of her1 who is my  
,mother by grace1 c4 ,in a small        
,instruction given to children on their 
first ,communion1 there are the         
following questions and answers3 ,is our
 ,lady in the ,host8 ,no4 ,are the      
,angels and the ,saints8 ,no4 ,why not8 
,because they have no place there4   #i4
  ,now coming to those in the third     

class1 which directly relate to the     
,blessed ,mary1 such as ,esercizio ad   
,onore dell' addolorato cuore di ,maria1
 ,novena di ,preparazione alla festa    
dell' ,assunzione1 ,li ,quindici        
,misteri del ,santo ,rosario1 the       
principal is ,father ,segneri's ,il     
divoto di ,maria1 which requires a      
distinct notice4 ,it is far from the    
intention of these remarks to deny the  
high place which the ,holy ,virgin holds
 in the devotion of ,catholics2 ,i am   
but bringing evidence of its not        
interfering with that incommunicable and
 awful relation which exists between the
 creature and the ,creator2 and1 if the 
foregoing instances show1 as far as they
 go1 that that relation is preserved    
inviolate in such honours as are paid to
 ,st4 ,mary1 so will this treatise throw
 light upon the rationale by which the  
distinction is preserved between the    
worship of ,god and the honour of an    
exalted creature1 and that in singular  
accordance with the remarks made in the 

foregoing ,section4   #aj4  ,this work  
of ,segneri is written against persons  
who continue in sins under pretence of  
their devotion to ,st4 ,mary1 and in    
consequence he is led to draw out the   
idea which good ,catholics have of her4 
,the idea is this1 that she is          
absolutely the first of created beings4 
,thus the treatise says1 that ,god might
 have easily made a more beautiful      
firmament1 and a greener earth1 but it  
was not possible to make a higher       
,mother than the ,virgin ,mary2 and in  
her formation there has been conferred  
on mere creatures all the glory of which
 they are capable1 remaining mere       
creatures1 p4 #cd4 ,and as containing   
all created perfection1 she has all     
those attributes1 which1 as was noticed 
above1 the ,arians and other heretics   
applied to our ,lord1 and which the     
,church denied of ,him as infinitely    
below ,his ,supreme ,majesty4 ,thus she 
is the created ,idea in the making of   
the world1 p4 #bj2 which1 as being a    

more exact copy of the ,incarnate ,idea 
than was elsewhere to be found1 was used
 as the original of the rest of the     
creation1 p4 #ba4 ,to her are applied   
the words1 ,ego primogenita prodivi ex  
ore ,altissimi1 because she was         
predestinated in the ,eternal ,mind     
coevally with the ,incarnation of her   
,divine ,son4 ,but to ,him alone the    
title of ,wisdom ,incarnate is reserved1
 p4 #be4 ,again1 ,christ is the         
,first-born by nature2 the ,virgin in a 
less sublime order1 viz4 that of        
adoption4 ,again1 if omnipotence is     
ascribed to her1 it is a participated   
omnipotence 7as she and all ,saints have
 a participated sonship1 divinity1      
glory1 holiness1 and worship71 and is   
explained by the words1 ,quod ,deus     
imperio1 tu prece1 ,virgo1 potes4   #aa4
  ,again1 a special office is assigned  
to the ,blessed ,virgin1 that is1       
special as compared with all other      
,saints2 but it is marked off with the  
utmost precision from that assigned to  

our ,lord4 ,thus she is said to have    
been made the arbitress of every effect 
coming from ,god's mercy4 ,because she  
is the ,mother of ,god1 the salvation of
 mankind is said to be given to her     
prayers de congruo1 but de condigno it  
is due only to the blood of the         
,redeemer1 p4 #aac4 ,merit is ascribed  
to ,christ1 and prayer to ,st4 ,mary1 p4
 #afb4 ,the whole may be expressed in   
the words1 ,unica spes mea ,jesus1 et   
post ,jesum ,virgo ,maria4 ,amen4       
,again1 a distinct cultus is assigned to
 ,mary1 but the reason of it is said to 
be the transcendent dignity of her ,son4
 ,a particular cultus is due to the     
,virgin beyond comparison greater than  
that given to any other ,saint1 because 
her dignity belongs to another order1   
namely to one which in some sense       
belongs to the order of the ,hypostatic 
,union itself1 and is necessarily       
connected with it1 p4 #da4 ,and ,her    
being the ,mother of ,god is the source 
of all the extraordinary honours due to 

,mary1 p4 #ce4  ,it is remarkable that  
the ,monstra te esse ,matrem is         
explained1 p4 #aeh1 as ,show thyself to 
be our ,mother2 an interpretation which 
,i think ,i have found elsewhere in     
these ,tracts1 and also in a book       
commonly used in religious houses1      
called the ,journal of ,meditations1 and
 elsewhere4#dcf3a  ,it must be kept in  
mind that my object here is not to prove
 the dogmatic accuracy of what these    
popular publications teach concerning   
the prerogatives of the ,blessed        
,virgin1 but to show that that teaching 
is not such as to obscure the divine    
glory of her ,son4 ,we must ask for     
clearer evidence before we are able to  
admit so grave a charge2 and so much may
 suffice on the ,sixth ,test of fidelity
 in the development of an idea1 as      
applied to the ,catholic system4        
,,footnotes3  #dbb3a ,supr4 p4 #agc4    
#dbc3a ,supr4 p4 #agd4  #dbh3a ,e4 g4   
the ,de ,imitatione1 the ,introduction  
la ,vie ,dvote1 the ,spiritual ,combat1 

the ,anima ,divota1 the ,paradisus      
,anim1 the ,regula ,cleri1 the ,garden  
of the ,soul1 c4 c4 ,also1 the ,roman   
,catechism1 drawn up expressly for      
,parish instruction1 a book in which1   
out of nearly #fjj pages1 scarcely      
half-a-dozen make mention of the        
,blessed ,virgin1 though without any    
disparagement thereby1 or thought of    
disparagement1 of her special           
prerogatives4  #dcf3a ,vid4 ,via ,media1
 vol4 ii4 pp4 #aba-b4     ,,chapter     
,,xii4  ,,application ,,of ,,the        
,,seventh ,,note ,,of ,a ,,true         
,,development4   ,,chronic ,,vigour4    
,we have arrived at length at the       
seventh and last test1 which was laid   
down when we started1 for distinguishing
 the true development of an idea from   
its corruptions and perversions3 it is  
this4 ,a corruption1 if vigorous1 is of 
brief duration1 runs itself out quickly1
 and ends in death2 on the other hand1  
if it lasts1 it fails in vigour and     
passes into a decay4 ,this general law  

gives us additional assistance in       
determining the character of the        
developments of ,christianity commonly  
called ,catholic4   #b4  ,when we       
consider the succession of ages during  
which the ,catholic system has endured1 
the severity of the trials it has       
undergone1 the sudden and wonderful     
changes without and within which have   
befallen it1 the incessant mental       
activity and the intellectual gifts of  
its maintainers1 the enthusiasm which it
 has kindled1 the fury of the           
controversies which have been carried on
 among its professors1 the impetuosity  
of the assaults made upon it1 the       
ever-increasing responsibilities to     
which it has been committed by the      
continuous development of its dogmas1 it
 is quite inconceivable that it should  
not have been broken up and lost1 were  
it a corruption of ,christianity4 ,yet  
it is still living1 if there be a living
 religion or philosophy in the world2   
vigorous1 energetic1 persuasive1        

progressive2 vires acquirit eundo2 it   
grows and is not overgrown2 it spreads  
out1 yet is not enfeebled2 it is ever   
germinating1 yet ever consistent with   
itself4 ,corruptions indeed are to be   
found which sleep and are suspended2 and
 these1 as ,i have said1 are usually    
called decays3 such is not the case with
 ,catholicity2 it does not sleep1 it is 
not stationary even now2 and that its   
long series of developments should be   
corruptions would be an instance of     
sustained error1 so novel1 so           
unaccountable1 so preternatural1 as to  
be little short of a miracle1 and to    
rival those manifestations of ,divine   
,power which constitute the evidence of 
,christianity4 ,we sometimes view with  
surprise and awe the degree of pain and 
disarrangement which the human frame can
 undergo without succumbing2 yet at     
length there comes an end4 ,fevers have 
their crisis1 fatal or favourable2 but  
this corruption of a thousand years1 if 
corruption it be1 has ever been growing 

nearer death1 yet never reaching it1 and
 has been strengthened1 not debilitated1
 by its excesses4   #c4  ,for instance3 
when the ,empire was converted1         
multitudes1 as is very plain1 came into 
the ,church on but partially religious  
motives1 and with habits and opinions   
infected with the false worships which  
they had professedly abandoned4 ,history
 shows us what anxiety and effort it    
cost her rulers to keep ,paganism out of
 her pale4 ,to this tendency must be    
added the hazard which attended on the  
development of the ,catholic ritual1    
such as the honours publicly assigned to
 ,saints and ,martyrs1 the formal       
veneration of their relics1 and the     
usages and observances which followed4  
,what was to hinder the rise of a sort  
of refined ,pantheism1 and the overthrow
 of dogmatism pari passu with the       
multiplication of heavenly intercessors 
and patrons8 ,if what is called in      
reproach ,saint-worship resembled the   
polytheism which it supplanted1 or was a

 corruption1 how did ,dogmatism survive8
 ,dogmatism is a religion's profession  
of its own reality as contrasted with   
other systems2 but polytheists are      
liberals1 and hold that one religion is 
as good as another4 ,yet the theological
 system was developing and              
strengthening1 as well as the monastic  
rule1 which is intensely                
anti-pantheistic1 all the while the     
ritual was assimilating itself1 as      
,protestants say1 to the ,paganism of   
former ages4   #d4  ,nor was the        
development of dogmatic theology1 which 
was then taking place1 a silent and     
spontaneous process4 ,it was wrought out
 and carried through under the fiercest 
controversies1 and amid the most fearful
 risks4 ,the ,catholic faith was placed 
in a succession of perils1 and rocked to
 and fro like a vessel at sea4 ,large   
portions of ,christendom were1 one after
 another1 in heresy or in schism2 the   
leading ,churches and the most          
authoritative schools fell from time to 

time into serious error2 three ,popes1  
,liberius1 ,vigilius1 ,honorius1 have   
left to posterity the burden of their   
defence3 but these disorders were no    
interruption to the sustained and steady
 march of the sacred science from       
implicit belief to formal statement4    
,the series of ecclesiastical decisions1
 in which its progress was ever and anon
 signified1 alternate between the one   
and the other side of the theological   
dogma especially in question1 as if     
fashioning it into shape by opposite    
strokes4 ,the controversy began in      
,apollinaris1 who confused or denied the
 ,two ,natures in ,christ1 and was      
condemned by ,pope ,damasus4 ,a reaction
 followed1 and ,theodore of ,mopsuestia 
suggested by his teaching the doctrine  
of ,two ,persons4 ,after ,nestorius had 
brought that heresy into public view1   
and had incurred in consequence the     
anathema of the ,third ,ecumenical      
,council1 the current of controversy    
again shifted its direction2 for        

,eutyches appeared1 maintained the ,one 
,nature1 and was condemned at           
,chalcedon4 ,something however was still
 wanting to the overthrow of the        
,nestorian doctrine of ,two ,persons1   
and the ,fifth ,council was formally    
directed against the writings of        
,theodore and his party4 ,then followed 
the ,monothelite heresy1 which was a    
revival of the ,eutychian or            
,monophysite1 and was condemned in the  
,sixth4 ,lastly1 ,nestorianism once more
 showed itself in the ,adoptionists of  
,spain1 and gave occasion to the great  
,council of ,frankfort4 ,any one false  
step would have thrown the whole theory 
of the doctrine into irretrievable      
confusion2 but it was as if some one    
individual and perspicacious intellect1 
to speak humanly1 ruled the theological 
discussion from first to last4 ,that in 
the long course of centuries1 and in    
spite of the failure1 in points of      
detail1 of the most gifted ,fathers and 
,saints1 the ,church thus wrought out   

the one and only consistent theory which
 can be taken on the great doctrine in  
dispute1 proves how clear1 simple1 and  
exact her vision of that doctrine was4  
,but it proves more than this4 ,is it   
not utterly incredible1 that with this  
thorough comprehension of so great a    
mystery1 as far as the human mind can   
know it1 she should be at that very time
 in the commission of the grossest      
errors in religious worship1 and should 
be hiding the ,god and ,mediator1 whose 
,incarnation she contemplated with so   
clear an intellect1 behind a crowd of   
idols8   #e4  ,the integrity of the     
,catholic developments is still more    
evident when they are viewed in contrast
 with the history of other doctrinal    
systems4 ,philosophies and religions of 
the world have each its day1 and are    
parts of a succession4 ,they supplant   
and are in turn supplanted4 ,but the    
,catholic religion alone has had no     
limits2 it alone has ever been greater  
than the emergence1 and can do what     

others cannot do4 ,if it were a         
falsehood1 or a corruption1 like the    
systems of men1 it would be weak as they
 are2 whereas it is able even to impart 
to them a strength which they have not1 
and it uses them for its own purposes1  
and locates them in its own territory4  
,the ,church can extract good from evil1
 or at least gets no harm from it4 ,she 
inherits the promise made to the        
disciples1 that they should take up     
serpents1 and1 if they drank any deadly 
thing1 it should not hurt them4 ,when   
evil has clung to her1 and the barbarian
 people have looked on with curiosity or
 in malice1 till she should have swollen
 or fallen down suddenly1 she has shaken
 the venomous beast into the fire1 and  
felt no harm4   #f4  ,eusebius has set  
before us this attribute of ,catholicism
 in a passage in his history4 ,these    
attempts1 he says1 speaking of the acts 
of the enemy1 did not long avail him1   
,truth ever consolidating itself1 and1  
as time goes on1 shining into broader   

day4 ,for1 while the devices of         
adversaries were extinguished at once1  
undone by their very impetuosity1--one  
heresy after another presenting its own 
novelty1 the former specimens ever      
dissolving and wasting variously in     
manifold and multiform shapes1--the     
brightness of the ,catholic and only    
true ,church went forward increasing and
 enlarging1 yet ever in the same things1
 and in the same way1 beaming on the    
whole race of ,greeks and barbarians    
with the awfulness1 and simplicity1 and 
nobleness1 and sobriety1 and purity of  
its divine polity and philosophy4 ,thus 
the calumny against our whole creed died
 with its day1 and there continued alone
 our ,discipline1 sovereign among all1  
and acknowledged to be pre-eminent in   
awfulness1 sobriety1 and divine and     
philosophical doctrines2 so that no one 
of this day dares to cast any base      
reproach upon our faith1 nor any        
calumny1 such as it was once usual for  
our enemies to use4#ddb3a   #g4  ,the   

,psalmist says1 ,we went through fire   
and water2 nor is it possible to imagine
 trials fiercer or more various than    
those from which ,catholicism has come  
forth uninjured1 as out of the ,egyptian
 sea or the ,babylonian furnace4 ,first 
of all were the bitter persecutions of  
the ,pagan ,empire in the early         
centuries2 then its sudden conversion1  
the liberty of ,christian worship1 the  
development of the cultus sanctorum1 and
 the reception of ,monachism into the   
ecclesiastical system4 ,then came the   
irruption of the barbarians1 and the    
occupation by them of the orbis terrarum
 from the ,north1 and by the ,saracens  
from the ,south4 ,meanwhile the anxious 
and protracted controversy concerning   
the ,incarnation hung like some terrible
 disease upon the faith of the ,church4 
,then came the time of thick darkness2  
and afterwards two great struggles1 one 
with the material power1 the other with 
the intellect1 of the world1 terminating
 in the ecclesiastical monarchy1 and in 

the theology of the schools4 ,and lastly
 came the great changes consequent upon 
the controversies of the sixteenth      
century4 ,is it conceivable that any one
 of those heresies1 with which          
ecclesiastical history abounds1 should  
have gone through a hundredth part of   
these trials1 yet have come out of them 
so nearly what it was before1 as        
,catholicism has done8 ,could such a    
theology as ,arianism have lasted       
through the scholastic contest8 or      
,montanism have endured to possess the  
world1 without coming to a crisis1 and  
failing8 or could the imbecility of the 
,manichean system1 as a religion1 have  
escaped exposure1 had it been brought   
into conflict with the barbarians of the
 ,empire1 or the feudal system8   #h4   
,a similar contrast discovers itself in 
the respective effects and fortunes of  
certain influential principles or       
usages1 which have both been introduced 
into the ,catholic system1 and are seen 
in operation elsewhere4 ,when a system  

really is corrupt1 powerful agents1 when
 applied to it1 do but develope that    
corruption1 and bring it the more       
speedily to an end4 ,they stimulate it  
preternaturally2 it puts forth its      
strength1 and dies in some memorable    
act4 ,very different has been the       
history of ,catholicism1 when it has    
committed itself to such formidable     
influences4 ,it has borne1 and can bear1
 principles or doctrines1 which in other
 systems of religion quickly degenerate 
into fanaticism or infidelity4 ,this    
might be shown at great length in the   
history of the ,aristotelic philosophy  
within and without the ,church2 or in   
the history of ,monachism1 or of        
,mysticism2--not that there has not been
 at first a conflict between these      
powerful and unruly elements and the    
,divine ,system into which they were    
entering1 but that it ended in the      
victory of ,catholicism4 ,the theology  
of ,st4 ,thomas1 nay of the ,church of  
his period1 is built on that very       

,aristotelism1 which the early ,fathers 
denounce as the source of all misbelief1
 and in particular of the ,arian and    
,monophysite heresies4 ,the exercises of
 asceticism1 which are so graceful in   
,st4 ,antony1 so touching in ,st4       
,basil1 and so awful in ,st4 ,germanus1 
do but become a melancholy and gloomy   
superstition even in the most pious     
persons who are cut off from ,catholic  
communion4 ,and while the highest       
devotion in the ,church is the mystical1
 and contemplation has been the token of
 the most singularly favoured ,saints1  
we need not look deeply into the history
 of modern sects1 for evidence of the   
excesses in conduct1 or the errors in   
doctrine1 to which mystics have been    
commonly led1 who have boasted of their 
possession of reformed truth1 and have  
rejected what they called the           
corruptions of ,catholicism4   #i4  ,it 
is true1 there have been seasons when1  
from the operation of external or       
internal causes1 the ,church has been   

thrown into what was almost a state of  
deliquium2 but her wonderful revivals1  
while the world was triumphing over her1
 is a further evidence of the absence of
 corruption in the system of doctrine   
and worship into which she has          
developed4 ,if corruption be an         
incipient disorganization1 surely an    
abrupt and absolute recurrence to the   
former state of vigour1 after an        
interval1 is even less conceivable than 
a corruption that is permanent4 ,now    
this is the case with the revivals ,i   
speak of4 ,after violent exertion men   
are exhausted and fall asleep2 they     
awake the same as before1 refreshed by  
the temporary cessation of their        
activity2 and such has been the slumber 
and such the restoration of the ,church4
 ,she pauses in her course1 and almost  
suspends her functions2 she rises again1
 and she is herself once more2 all      
things are in their place and ready for 
action4 ,doctrine is where it was1 and  
usage1 and precedence1 and principle1   

and policy2 there may be changes1 but   
they are consolidations or adaptations2 
all is unequivocal and determinate1 with
 an identity which there is no          
disputing4 ,indeed it is one of the most
 popular charges against the ,catholic  
,church at this very time1 that she is  
incorrigible2--change she cannot1 if we 
listen to ,st4 ,athanasius or ,st4 ,leo2
 change she never will1 if we believe   
the controversialist or alarmist of the 
present day4         99       99        
99       99       99  ,such were the    
thoughts concerning the ,blessed ,vision
 of ,peace1 of one whose long-continued 
petition had been that the ,most        
,merciful would not despise the work of 
,his own ,hands1 nor leave him to       
himself2--while yet his eyes were dim1  
and his breast laden1 and he could but  
employ ,reason in the things of ,faith4 
,and now1 dear ,reader1 time is short1  
eternity is long4 ,put not from you what
 you have here found2 regard it not as  
mere matter of present controversy2 set 

not out resolved to refute it1 and      
looking about for the best way of doing 
so2 seduce not yourself with the        
imagination that it comes of            
disappointment1 or disgust1 or          
restlessness1 or wounded feeling1 or    
undue sensibility1 or other weakness4   
,wrap not yourself round in the         
associations of years past2 nor         
determine that to be truth which you    
wish to be so1 nor make an idol of      
cherished anticipations4 ,time is short1
 eternity is long4         ,,nunc       
,,dimittis ,,servum ,,tuum1 ,,domine1   
,,secundum ,,verbum ,,tuum ,,in ,,pace3 
,,quia ,,viderunt ,,oculi ,,mei         
,,salutare ,,tuum4   ,,footnotes3       
#ddb3a ,euseb4 ,hist4 iv4 #g1 ap4       
,church of the ,fathers ,historical     
,sketches1 vol4 i4 p4 #djh4   ,,the     
,,end4     ,,transcriber',s ,,notes3    
,the abbreviations i4 e4 and e4 g4 have 
been spaced throughout the text for     
consistency4  ,the following words use  
an oe ligature in the original3         

,beroea          ,moesia      coelis    
,moesian      coelistibus               
,moesogoths      coelum                 
,phoenicia      coena           ,poenas 
,euboea          poenitentia            
foecund  ,the following corrections have
 been made to the text3       ,page #e3 
or the vicissitudesoriginal has         
vicissisudes of      human affairs      
,page #bj3 ,st4 ,justin was ready to    
concede to creatures4period      missing
 in original       ,page #ci3 but is    
modified1 ororiginal has or or at least 
influenced       ,page #ajj3 professes  
to accept1original has period and which1
      do what he will       ,page #ajb3 
and more explicit than the text4period  
missing in      original       ,page    
#aah3 which is unsuitable to the        
,ante-niceneoriginal has                
,antenicene period       ,page #acc3    
almost universality in the primitive    
,church4#acc3a      footnote anchor     
missing in original--position verified  
in an      earlier edition       ,page  

#agb3 whether fairly or not does not    
interfereoriginal      has interefere   
,page #bbg3 a good-humoured             
superstitionoriginal has                
supersition       ,page #bhh3 ,he       
explained ,st4 ,thomas'soriginal has    
extraneous      comma       ,page #cjf3 
of ,himeria in ,osrhoeneoriginal has    
,orshone       ,page #cji3 ,during the  
interval1 ,dioscorusoriginal has        
,discorus was tried       ,page #cbj3 to
 contain scarcelyoriginal has scarely a 
single      inhabitant       ,page #ccf3
 derive its efficacy from human         
faith4quotation      mark missing in    
original       ,page #cdd3 orthodoxy    
will stand or fall together4period      
missing in original       ,page #cfe3   
true ,unitarianism of ,st4period missing
 in original      ,augustine4           
,page #daf3 as it is said in the        
,apocalypse1original has      extraneous
 quotation mark ,the dragon       #ac3b 
,british ,critic1 ,july1 #ahcf1 p4      
#aic4period missing in      original    

#ah3c ,basil1original has period ed4    
,ben4period missing in      original    
vol4 #c1;comma missing in original p4   
xcvi4       #ha3b ,essay on ,assent1 ch4
 vii4 sect4 #b4period missing in        
original       #adh3a ,in ,psalm #aah1  
v4 #c1original has period de ,instit4   
,virg4 #ej4       #afb3a ,serm4period   
missing in original ,de ,natal4 iii4 #c4
       #bac3a p4 #bif1 t4 #e1 mem4 p4   
#fc1 t4 #af1;comma missing in           
original mem4 p4 #bfg       #baf3a      
,sueton4 ,tiber4period missing in       
original #cf       #bcd3c footnote      
number missing in original ,acad4       
,inscr4 ibid4       #bce3a ,gibbon1     
,hist4 ch4period missing in original    
#af1 note      #ad4       #bcg3b ,in    
hon4 ,rom4 #fb4original has comma ,in   
,act4 ,s4 ,cypr4      #d       #bei3a   
,hr4 #db1original has period p4 #cff4   
#bhj3a ,de ,gub4period missing in       
original ,d4 iv4 p4 #gc4       #bhh3a   
,lengerke1 de ,ephremoriginal has       
extraneous period      ,syr4 pp4 #gc-ge4

       #cjb3b overthrow of all heresy1  
especially the      ,arian1original has 
period       #cca3b ,vid4 also          
supr4period missing in original p4      
#bef4       #cfi3a ,infra1original has  
period pp4 #daa-dae1 c4       #cga3a    
,epp4period missing in original #ajb1   
#ah4       #cga3b ,contr4               
,faust4original has comma #bj1 #bc4     
#cga3c ,august4letter s not printed in  
original ,ep4 #ajb1      #ah            
#cii3a ,rosweyde1original has period ,v4
 ,p4 p4 #fah4       #ddb3a ,euseb4period
 missing in original ,hist4 iv4 #g