,freedom ,pamphlet4 ,,price ,,one ,,penny4 ,,the ,,right ,,to ,,ignore ,,the ,,state4 ,,by ,,herbert ,,spencer4 7,reprinted from ,social ,statics1 #ahej ,edition47 ,,london4 ,,freedom ,,press1 #abg ,,ossulston ,,street1 ,n4 ,w4 #aiac4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it is only fair to the memory of ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer that we should warn the reader of the following chapter from the original edition of ,mr4 ,spencer's ,social ,statics1 written in #ahej1 that it was omitted by the author from the revised edition1 published in #ahib4 ,we may legitimately infer that this omission indicates a change of view4 ,but to repudiate is not to answer1 and ,mr4 ,spencer never answered his arguments for the right to ignore the ,state4 ,it is the belief of the ,anarchists that these arguments are unanswerable4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,right to ,ignore the ,state4 s4 #a4 ,as a corollary to the proposition that all institutions must be subordinated to the law of equal freedom1 we cannot choose but admit the right of the citizen to adopt a condition of voluntary outlawry4 ,if every man has freedom to do all that he wills1 provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man1 then he is free to drop connection with the ,state1--to relinquish its protection and to refuse paying towards its support4 ,it is self-evident that in so behaving he in no way trenches upon the liberty of others2 for his position is a passive one1 and1 whilst passive1 he cannot become an aggressor4 ,it is equally self-evident that he cannot be compelled to continue one of a political corporation without a breach of the moral law1 seeing that citizenship involves payment of taxes2 and the taking away of a man's property against his will is an infringement of his rights4 ,government being simply an agent employed in common by a number of individuals to secure to them certain advantages1 the very nature of the connection implies that it is for each to say whether he will employ such an agent or not4 ,if any one of them determines to ignore this mutual-safety confederation1 nothing can be said1 except that he loses all claim to its good offices1 and exposes himself to the danger of maltreatment1--a thing he is quite at liberty to do if he likes4 ,he cannot be coerced into political combination without a breach of the law of equal freedom2 he can withdraw from it without committing any such breach2 and he has therefore a right so to withdraw4 s4 #b4 ,no human laws are of any validity if contrary to the law of nature3 and such of them as are valid derive all their force and all their authority mediately or immediately from this original4 ,thus writes ,blackstone1 to whom let all honour be given for having so far outseen the ideas of his time1--and1 indeed1 we may say of our time4 ,a good antidote1 this1 for those political superstitions which so widely prevail4 ,a good check upon that sentiment of power-worship which still misleads us by magnifying the prerogatives of constitutional governments as it once did those of monarchs4 ,let men learn that a legislature is not our ,god upon earth1 though1 by the authority they ascribe to it and the things they expect from it1 they would seem to think it is4 ,let them learn rather that it is an institution serving a purely temporary purpose1 whose power1 when not stolen1 is1 at the best1 borrowed4 ,nay1 indeed1 have we not seen that government is essentially immoral8 ,is it not the offspring of evil1 bearing about it all the marks of its parentage8 ,does it not exist because crime exists8 ,is it not strong1 or1 as we say1 despotic1 when crime is great8 ,is there not more liberty--that is1 less government--as crime diminishes8 ,and must not government cease when crime ceases1 for very lack of objects on which to perform its function8 ,not only does magisterial power exist because of evil1 but it exists by evil4 ,violence is employed to maintain it2 and all violence involves criminality4 ,soldiers1 policemen1 and gaolers2 swords1 batons1 and fetters1--are instruments for inflicting pain2 and all infliction of pain is1 in the abstract1 wrong4 ,the ,state employs evil weapons to subjugate evil1 and is alike contaminated by the objects with which it deals and the means by which it works4 ,morality cannot recognise it2 for morality1 being simply a statement of the perfect law1 can give no countenance to anything growing out of1 and living by1 breaches of that law4 ,wherefore legislative authority can never be ethical--must always be conventional merely4 ,hence there is a certain inconsistency in the attempt to determine the right position1 structure1 and conduct of a government by appeal to the first principles of rectitude4 ,for1 as just pointed out1 the acts of an institution which is1 in both nature and origin1 imperfect cannot be made to square with the perfect law4 ,all that we can do is to ascertain1 firstly1 in what attitude a legislature must stand to the community to avoid being by its mere existence an embodied wrong2 secondly1 in what manner it must be constituted so as to exhibit the least incongruity with the moral law2 and1 thirdly1 to what sphere its actions must be limited to prevent it from multiplying those breaches of equity it is set up to prevent4 ,the first condition to be conformed to before a legislature can be established without violating the law of equal freedom is the acknowledgment of the right now under discussion--the right to ignore the ,state4 s4 #c4 ,upholders of pure despotism may fitly believe ,state-control to be unlimited and unconditional4 ,they who assert that men are made for governments and not governments for men may consistently hold that no one can remove himself beyond the pale of political organisation4 ,but they who maintain that the people are the only legitimate source of power--that legislative authority is not original1 but deputed--cannot deny the right to ignore the ,state without entangling themselves in an absurdity4 ,for1 if legislative authority is deputed1 it follows that those from whom it proceeds are the masters of those on whom it is conferred3 it follows further that as masters they confer the said authority voluntarily3 and this implies that they may give or withhold it as they please4 ,to call that deputed which is wrenched from men whether they will or not is nonsense4 ,but what is here true of all collectively is equally true of each separately4 ,as a government can rightly act for the people only when empowered by them1 so also can it rightly act for the individual only when empowered by him4 ,if ,a1 ,b1 and ,c debate whether they shall employ an agent to perform for them a certain service1 and if1 whilst ,a and ,b agree to do so1 ,c dissents1 ,c cannot equitably be made a party to the agreement in spite of himself4 ,and this must be equally true of thirty as of three3 and1 if of thirty1 why not of three hundred1 or three thousand1 or three millions8 s4 #d4 ,of the political superstitions lately alluded to1 none is so universally diffused as the notion that majorities are omnipotent4 ,under the impression that the preservation of order will ever require power to be wielded by some party1 the moral sense of our time feels that such power cannot rightly be conferred on any but the largest moiety of society4 ,it interprets literally the saying that the voice of the people is the voice of ,god1 and1 transferring to the one the sacredness attached to the other1 it concludes that from the will of the people--that is1 of the majority--there can be no appeal4 ,yet is this belief entirely erroneous4 ,suppose1 for the sake of argument1 that1 struck by some ,malthusian panic1 a legislature duly representing public opinion were to enact that all children born during the next ten years should be drowned4 ,does any one think such an enactment would be warrantable8 ,if not1 there is evidently a limit to the power of a majority4 ,suppose1 again1 that of two races living together--,celts and ,saxons1 for example--the most numerous determined to make the others their slaves4 ,would the authority of the greatest number be in such case valid8 ,if not1 there is something to which its authority must be subordinate4 ,suppose1 once more1 that all men having incomes under ,l#ej a year were to resolve upon reducing every income above that amount to their own standard1 and appropriating the excess for public purposes4 ,could their resolution be justified8 ,if not1 it must be a third time confessed that there is a law to which the popular voice must defer4 ,what1 then1 is that law1 if not the law of pure equity--the law of equal freedom8 ,these restraints1 which all would put to the will of the majority1 are exactly the restraints set up by that law4 ,we deny the right of a majority to murder1 to enslave1 or to rob1 simply because murder1 enslaving1 and robbery are violations of that law--violations too gross to be overlooked4 ,but1 if great violations of it are wrong1 so also are smaller ones4 ,if the will of the many cannot supersede the first principle of morality in these cases1 neither can it in any4 ,so that1 however insignificant the minority1 and however trifling the proposed trespass against their rights1 no such trespass is permissible4 ,when we have made our constitution purely democratic1 thinks to himself the earnest reformer1 we shall have brought government into harmony with absolute justice4 ,such a faith1 though perhaps needful for the age1 is a very erroneous one4 ,by no process can coercion be made equitable4 ,the freest form of government is only the least objectionable form4 ,the rule of the many by the few we call tyranny3 the rule of the few by the many is tyranny also1 only of a less intense kind4 ,you shall do as we will1 and not as you will1 is in either case the declaration2 and1 if the hundred make it to ninety-nine1 instead of the ninety-nine to the hundred1 it is only a fraction less immoral4 ,of two such parties1 whichever fulfils this declaration necessarily breaks the law of equal freedom3 the only difference being that by the one it is broken in the persons of ninety-nine1 whilst by the other it is broken in the persons of a hundred4 ,and the merit of the democratic form of government consists solely in this1--that it trespasses against the smallest number4 ,the very existence of majorities and minorities is indicative of an immoral state4 ,the man whose character harmonises with the moral law1 we found to be one who can obtain complete happiness without diminishing the happiness of his fellows4 ,but the enactment of public arrangements by vote implies a society consisting of men otherwise constituted--implies that the desires of some cannot be satisfied without sacrificing the desires of others--implies that in the pursuit of their happiness the majority inflict a certain amount of unhappiness on the minority--implies1 therefore1 organic immorality4 ,thus1 from another point of view1 we again perceive that even in its most equitable form it is impossible for government to dissociate itself from evil2 and further1 that1 unless the right to ignore the ,state is recognised1 its acts must be essentially criminal4 s4 #e4 ,that a man is free to abandon the benefits and throw off the burdens of citizenship1 may indeed be inferred from the admissions of existing authorities and of current opinion4 ,unprepared as they probably are for so extreme a doctrine as the one here maintained1 the ,radicals of our day yet unwittingly profess their belief in a maxim which obviously embodies this doctrine4 ,do we not continually hear them quote ,blackstone's assertion that no subject of ,england can be constrained to pay any aids or taxes even for the defence of the realm or the support of government1 but such as are imposed by his own consent1 or that of his representative in ,parliament8 ,and what does this mean8 ,it means1 say they1 that every man should have a vote4 ,true3 but it means much more4 ,if there is any sense in words1 it is a distinct enunciation of the very right now contended for4 ,in affirming that a man may not be taxed unless he has directly or indirectly given his consent1 it affirms that he may refuse to be so taxed2 and to refuse to be taxed is to cut all connection with the ,state4 ,perhaps it will be said that this consent is not a specific1 but a general1 one1 and that the citizen is understood to have assented to every thing his representative may do1 when he voted for him4 ,but suppose he did not vote for him2 and on the contrary did all in his power to get elected some one holding opposite views--what then8 ,the reply will probably be that by taking part in such an election1 he tacitly agreed to abide by the decision of the majority4 ,and how if he did not vote at all8 ,why then he cannot justly complain of any tax1 seeing that he made no protest against its imposition4 ,so1 curiously enough1 it seems that he gave his consent in whatever way he acted--whether he said ,yes1 whether he said ,no1 or whether he remained neuter6 ,a rather awkward doctrine1 this4 ,here stands an unfortunate citizen who is asked if he will pay money for a certain proffered advantage2 and1 whether he employs the only means of expressing his refusal or does not employ it1 we are told that he practically agrees1 if only the number of others who agree is greater than the number of those who dissent4 ,and thus we are introduced to the novel principle that ,a's consent to a thing is not determined by what ,a says1 but by what ,b may happen to say6 ,it is for those who quote ,blackstone to choose between this absurdity and the doctrine above set forth4 ,either his maxim implies the right to ignore the ,state1 or it is sheer nonsense4 s4 #f4 ,there is a strange heterogeneity in our political faiths4 ,systems that have had their day1 and are beginning here and there to let the daylight through1 are patched with modern notions utterly unlike in quality and colour2 and men gravely display these systems1 wear them1 and walk about in them1 quite unconscious of their grotesqueness4 ,this transition state of ours1 partaking as it does equally of the past and the future1 breeds hybrid theories exhibiting the oddest union of bygone despotism and coming freedom4 ,here are types of the old organisation curiously disguised by germs of the new--peculiarities showing adaptation to a preceding state modified by rudiments that prophesy of something to come--making altogether so chaotic a mixture of relationships that there is no saying to what class these births of the age should be referred4 ,as ideas must of necessity bear the stamp of the time1 it is useless to lament the contentment with which these incongruous beliefs are held4 ,otherwise it would seem unfortunate that men do not pursue to the end the trains of reasoning which have led to these partial modifications4 ,in the present case1 for example1 consistency would force them to admit that1 on other points besides the one just noticed1 they hold opinions and use arguments in which the right to ignore the ,state is involved4 ,for what is the meaning of ,dissent8 ,the time was when a man's faith and his mode of worship were as much determinable by law as his secular acts2 and1 according to provisions extant in our statute-book1 are so still4 ,thanks to the growth of a ,protestant spirit1 however1 we have ignored the ,state in this matter--wholly in theory1 and partly in practice4 ,but how have we done so8 ,by assuming an attitude which1 if consistently maintained1 implies a right to ignore the ,state entirely4 ,observe the positions of the two parties4 ,this is your creed1 says the legislator2 you must believe and openly profess what is here set down for you4 ,i shall not do anything of the kind1 answers the ,nonconformist2 ,i will go to prison rather4 ,your religious ordinances1 pursues the legislator1 shall be such as we have prescribed4 ,you shall attend the churches we have endowed1 and adopt the ceremonies used in them4 ,nothing shall induce me to do so1 is the reply2 ,i altogether deny your power to dictate to me in such matters1 and mean to resist to the uttermost4 ,lastly1 adds the legislator1 we shall require you to pay such sums of money toward the support of these religious institutions as we may see fit to ask4 ,not a farthing will you have from me1 exclaims our sturdy ,independent2 even did ,i believe in the doctrines of your church 7which ,i do not71 ,i should still rebel against your interference2 and1 if you take my property1 it shall be by force and under protest4 ,what now does this proceeding amount to when regarded in the abstract8 ,it amounts to an assertion by the individual of the right to exercise one of his faculties--the religious sentiment--without let or hindrance1 and with no limit save that set up by the equal claims of others4 ,and what is meant by ignoring the ,state8 ,simply an assertion of the right similarly to exercise all the faculties4 ,the one is just an expansion of the other--rests on the same footing with the other--must stand or fall with the other4 ,men do indeed speak of civil and religious liberty as different things3 but the distinction is quite arbitrary4 ,they are parts of the same whole1 and cannot philosophically be separated4 ,yes they can1 interposes an objector2 assertion of the one is imperative as being a religious duty4 ,the liberty to worship ,god in the way that seems to him right1 is a liberty without which a man cannot fulfil what he believes to be divine commands1 and therefore conscience requires him to maintain it4 ,true enough2 but how if the same can be asserted of all other liberty8 ,how if maintenance of this also turns out to be a matter of conscience8 ,have we not seen that human happiness is the divine will--that only by exercising our faculties is this happiness obtainable--and that it is impossible to exercise them without freedom8 ,and1 if this freedom for the exercise of faculties is a condition without which the divine will cannot be fulfilled1 the preservation of it is1 by our objector's own showing1 a duty4 ,or1 in other words1 it appears not only that the maintenance of liberty of action may be a point of conscience1 but that it ought to be one4 ,and thus we are clearly shown that the claims to ignore the ,state in religious and in secular matters are in essence identical4 ,the other reason commonly assigned for nonconformity admits of similar treatment4 ,besides resisting ,state dictation in the abstract1 the ,dissenter resists it from disapprobation of the doctrines taught4 ,no legislative injunction will make him adopt what he considers an erroneous belief2 and1 bearing in mind his duty toward his fellow-men1 he refuses to help through the medium of his purse in disseminating this erroneous belief4 ,the position is perfectly intelligible4 ,but it is one which either commits its adherents to civil nonconformity also1 or leaves them in a dilemma4 ,for why do they refuse to be instrumental in spreading error8 ,because error is adverse to human happiness4 ,and on what ground is any piece of secular legislation disapproved8 ,for the same reason--because thought adverse to human happiness4 ,how then can it be shown that the ,state ought to be resisted in the one case and not in the other8 ,will any one deliberately assert that1 if a government demands money from us to aid in teaching what we think will produce evil1 we ought to refuse it1 but that1 if the money is for the purpose of doing what we think will produce evil1 we ought not to refuse it8 ,yet such is the hopeful proposition which those have to maintain who recognise the right to ignore the ,state in religious matters1 but deny it in civil matters4 s4 #g4 ,the substance of this chapter once more reminds us of the incongruity between a perfect law and an imperfect ,state4 ,the practicability of the principle here laid down varies directly as social morality4 ,in a thoroughly vicious community its admission would be productive of anarchy4#a ,in a completely virtuous one its admission will be both innocuous and inevitable4 ,progress toward a condition of social health--a condition1 that is1 in which the remedial measures of legislation will no longer be needed--is progress toward a condition in which those remedial measures will be cast aside1 and the authority prescribing them disregarded4 ,the two changes are of necessity co-ordinate4 ,that moral sense whose supremacy will make society harmonious and government unnecessary is the same moral sense which will then make each man assert his freedom even to the extent of ignoring the ,state--is the same moral sense which1 by deterring the majority from coercing the minority1 will eventually render government impossible4 ,and1 as what are merely different manifestations of the same sentiment must bear a constant ratio to each other1 the tendency to repudiate governments will increase only at the same rate that governments become needless4 ,let not any be alarmed1 therefore1 at the promulgation of the foregoing doctrine4 ,there are many changes yet to be passed through before it can begin to exercise much influence4 ,probably a long time will elapse before the right to ignore the ,state will be generally admitted1 even in theory4 ,it will be still longer before it receives legislative recognition4 ,and even then there will be plenty of checks upon the premature exercise of it4 ,a sharp experience will sufficiently instruct those who may too soon abandon legal protection4 ,whilst1 in the majority of men1 there is such a love of tried arrangements1 and so great a dread of experiments1 that they will probably not act upon this right until long after it is safe to do so4 99 99 99 99 99 ,anarchist ,communism4#b ,,its ,,aims ,,and ,,principles4 ,anarchism may be briefly defined as the negation of all government and all authority of man over man2 ,communism as the recognition of the just claim of each to the fullest satisfaction of all his needs--physical1 moral1 and intellectual4 ,the ,anarchist1 therefore1 whilst resisting as far as possible all forms of coercion and authority1 repudiates just as firmly even the suggestion that he should impose himself upon others1 realising as he does that this fatal propensity in the majority of mankind has been the cause of nearly all the misery and bloodshed in the world4 ,he understands just as clearly that to satisfy his needs without contributing1 to the best of his ability1 his share of labour in maintaining the general well-being1 would be to live at the expense of others--to become an exploiter and live as the rich drones live to-day4 ,obviously1 then1 government on the one hand and private ownership of the means of production on the other1 complete the vicious circle--the present social system--which keeps mankind degraded and enslaved4 ,there will be no need to justify the ,anarchist's attack upon all forms of government3 history teaches the lesson he has learned on every page4 ,but that lesson being concealed from the mass of the people by interested advocates of law and order1 and even by many ,social ,democrats1 the ,anarchist deals his hardest blows at the sophisms that uphold the ,state1 and urges workers in striving for their emancipation to confine their efforts to the economic field4 ,it follows1 therefore1 that politically and economically his attitude is purely revolutionary2 and hence arises the vilification and misrepresentation that ,anarchism1 which denounces all forms of social injustice1 meets with in the press and from public speakers4 ,rightly conceived1 ,anarchism is no mere abstract ideal theory of human society4 ,it views life and social relations with eyes disillusioned4 ,making an end of all superstitions1 prejudices1 and false sentiments1 it tries to see things as they really are2 and without building castles in the air1 it finds by the simple correlation of established facts that the grandest possibilities of a full and free life can be placed within the reach of all1 once that monstrous bulwark of all our social iniquities--the ,state--has been destroyed1 and common property declared4 ,by education1 by free organisation1 by individual and associated resistance to political and economic tyranny1 the ,anarchist hopes to achieve his aim4 ,the task may seem impossible to many1 but it should be remembered that in science1 in literature1 in art1 the highest minds are with the ,anarchists or are imbued with distinct ,anarchist tendencies4 ,even our bitterest opponents admit the beauty of our dream1 and reluctantly confess that it would be well for humanity if it were possible4 ,anarchist ,communist propaganda is the intelligent1 organised1 determined effort to realise the dream1 and to ensure that freedom and well-being for all shall be possible4 99 99 99 99 99 ,modern ,science and ,anarchism4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 ,a ,new and ,revised ,translation1 with three additional chapters1 and a useful and interesting ,glossary4 #aab pages2 ,paper ,covers1 #f;d4 net2 also in ,art ,cambric1 #as4 #f;d4 net4 ,postage1 paper #a-a_/b;d41 cloth #c;d4 ,as a survey of modern science in relation to society 444 this book would be hard to beat4444 ,the glossary of about #af crowded pages is alone worth the price of the volume4--,maoriland ,worker4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ,conquest of ,bread4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 ,a ,new and ,cheaper ,edition4 ,cloth1 #as4 net2 postage #b-a_/b;d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,god and the ,state4 ,by ,,michael ,,bakunin4 ,a new edition1 revised from the original ,manuscript4 ,with a new ,portrait4 ,paper cover1 #f;d4 net2 cloth1 #as4 net4 ,postage #a;d4 and #b;d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,liberty ,,and ,,the ,,great ,,libertarians4 ,an ,anthology on ,liberty4 ,edited and ,compiled1 with ,preface1 ,introduction1 and ,index1 by ,,charles ,t4 ,,sprading4 ,presenting quickly and succinctly the best utterances of the greatest thinkers on every phase of human freedom4 ,many valuable quotations from suppressed1 ignored1 and hitherto inaccessible sources4 ,price #fs4 #f;d4 net1 postage #d;d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,freedom ,,press1 #abg ,,ossulston ,,street1 ,,london1 ,n4,w4 99 99 99 99 99 ,transcriber's note3 on the image used for this edition1 this page was partly obscured by binding tape4 ,unrealisable sections are marked 444 ,,freedom4 ,a ,,journal ,,of ,,anarchist ,,communism4 7,established #ahhf47 ,monthly1 #a;d4 ,annual ,subscription1 #as4 #f;d4 post free 99 99 99 99 99 ,,pamphlet ,,and ,,book ,,list4 ,,anarchist ,,communism4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,,anarchism4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,,anarchist ,,morality4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,,the ,,wage ,,system4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,a ,,talk ,,about ,,anarchist ,,communism ,,between ,,two ,,workers4 ,by ,e4 ,,malatesta4 #a;d4 ,,the ,,state3 ,,its ,,historic ,,role4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 444 ,,expropriation4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,,law ,,and ,,authority4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #b;d4 ,,the ,,pyramid ,,of ,,tyranny4 ,by ,d4 ,,nieuwenhuis4 444 ,,the ,,place ,,of ,,anarchism ,,in ,,socialistic ,,evolution4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #a;d4 ,,an ,,appeal ,,to ,,the ,,young4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin 444 ,,the ,,commune ,,of ,,paris4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin 444 ,,evolution ,,and ,,revolution4 ,,by ,,elisee ,,reclus 444 ,,the ,,social ,,general ,,strike4 ,by ,a4 ,,roller 444 ,,the ,,chicago ,,martyrs4 ,with ,portraits4 #a;d4 ,,direct ,,action v4 ,,legislation4 ,by ,j4 ,,blair ,,smith4 444 ,,wars ,,and ,,capitalism4 ,by ,p4 ,,kropotkin4 #a;d 99 99 99 99 99 ,,the ,,great ,,french ,,revolution1 #aghi-agic ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #fs4 net2 postage #d;d4 ,,mutual ,,aid4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 #cs4 #f;d4 postage 444 ,,fields1 ,,factories1 ,,and ,,workshops4 ,by ,,peter ,,kropotkin4 ,cloth1 #as4 net1 postage #c;d4 ,,anarchism4 ,by ,dr4 ,,paul ,,eltzbacher4 ,with 444 #fs4 #f;d4 net1 postage #d;d4 ,,news ,,from ,,nowhere4 ,by ,,wm4 ,,morris4 ,cloth 444 paper #as42 postage #b;d4 ,,famous ,,speeches ,,of ,,the ,,eight ,,chicago ,,anarchists4 #as4 #c;d41 postage #b;d4 99 99 99 99 99 ,orders1 with cash 7postage #a_/b;d4 each pamphlet71 to ,,freedom ,,press1 #abg ,,ossulston ,,street1 ,,london1 ,n4,w4 99 99 99 99 99 ,notes #a ,mr4 ,spencer here uses the word anarchy in the sense of disorder4 #b ,it would be only fair to state that the ,individualist school of ,anarchism1 which includes many eminent writers and thinkers1 differs from us mainly on the question of ,communism--i4e41 on the holding of property1 the remuneration of labour1 etc4 ,anarchism1 however1 affords the opportunity for experiment in all these matters1 and in that sense there is no dispute between us4